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The country-city "alliance" of cromwelliar England, 1658-1660 Farthing, Gilbert 1962

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THE  COUNTRY-CITY  "ALLIANCE"  OF CROMWELLIAN ENGLAND 1 6 5 8  -  1 6 6 0  by Gilbert Farthing B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f London,  1950.  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n t h e Department of HISTORY We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d .  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April  1962  s  In presenting  t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of  the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. f o r extensive  I f u r t h e r agree that permission  copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may  granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s  be  representatives.  I t i s understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission.  ABSTRACT  i i  T h i s t h e s i s o r i g i n a t e d i n an attempt t o e x p l a i n t h e R e s t o r a t i o n o f C h a r l e s I I . I f t h e P u r i t a n R e v o l u t i o n h a d been, as i t was p o r t r a y e d i n s c h o o l h i s t o r y l e s s o n s , a s u c c e s s f u l r e v o l t o f "the people" a g a i n s t a t y r a n t , why was t h e i y y a n t ' s l i b i d i n o u s s o n j o y f u l l y welcomed-.; l e s s t h a n twenty y e a r s a f t e r t h e r e v o l t ? From r e a d i n g t h e two major works o f the p a s t c e n t u r y w h i c h had specifically dealt with this period —  G u i z o t and D a v i e s —  i t emerged  t h a t " t h e p e o p l e " h a d v e r y l i t t l e t o do w i t h t h e R e v o l u t i o n , and s t i l l l e s s w i t h the R e s t o r a t i o n .  G u i z o t ' s emphasis on t h e p a r t p l a y e d by  G e n e r a l Monk o b v i o u s l y arose f r o m the a u t h o r ' s tendency t o n a r r a t e e v e n t s r a t h e r t h a n probe f o r c a u s e s . ies  Davies, completing the long s e r -  o f works begun by G a r d i n e r and c o n t i n u e d by F i r t h , was a l s o l a r g e l y  concerned w i t h n a r r a t i o n . From h i s work, however, i t became r e a s o n a b l y c l e a r t h a t t h e s t r i n g s w h i c h c o n t r o l l e d Monk's a c t i o n s were p u l l e d by a c o m p a r a t i v e l y s m a l l group o f men.  I n t e r e s t i n g l y , almost a l l t h e s e  men ( a s Monk h i m s e l f r e a l i s e d ) h a d a t one time o r another been b i t t e r l y opposed t o t h e regime o f C h a r l e s I . Most h a d p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h e C i v i l War on P a r l i a m e n t ' s s i d e , a n d one a t l e a s t h a d s i g n e d t h e w a r r a n t f o r Charles s execution. 1  F u r t h e r reading confirmed t h e idea t h a t t h e engineers of the R e s t o r a t i o n were a s m a l l e l i t e .  They appeared t o i n c l u d e t h r e e i n t e r -  woven b u t r e a s o n a b l y d i s t i n c t groups:  c o u n t r y landowners, C i t y  c i e r s a n d merchants, and a group o f p r o f e s s i o n a l men ( m o s t l y who f u n c t i o n e d as a k i n d o f l i n k .  finan-  lawyers)  Subsequent r e s e a r c h was d i r e c t e d t o  t h e t a s k o f i d e n t i f y i n g t h e s e groups, examining  t h e i r procedures, and  iii s e e k i n g t o e x p l a i n t h e i r a c t i o n s and a i m s , w i t h p a r t i c u l a r to the years  reference  1658-1660. The m a t e r i a l s u s e d were n e c e s s a r i l y c o n f i n e d  t o p r i n t e d books, a n d ( o n a c c o u n t o f c o s t ) l a r g e l y t o t h o s e s o u r c e s a v a i l a b l e i n the L i b r a r y a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia.  With-  i n t h o s e l i m i t s t h e i n v e s t i g a t i o n has been as t h o r o u g h as p o s s i b l e . The p l a n o f t h e t h e s i s i s i n p a r t c h r o n o l o g i c a l , b u t t h e main emphasis i s on more g e n e r a l f a c t o r s . i v ) gives a reasonably  The Table o f Contents (on page  c l e a r p i c t u r e o f the l i n e f o l l o w e d .  Since the  i n v e s t i g a t i o n was concerned l a r g e l y w i t h t h e aims and p r o c e d u r e s o f t h e e l i t e , t h e r e a r e few c o n c l u s i o n s i n t h e s y l l o g i s t i c o r a l l e g e d l y s c i e n t i f i c sense.  One g e n e r a l c o n c l u s i o n i s t h a t aims were p r i m a r i l y  b a s e d on t h e s u p p o s i t i o n t h a t the s t a t u s o f an e l i t e depends on an o s t e n t a t i o u s d i s p l a y o f m a t e r i a l w e a l t h , and hence on g r e a t d i f f e r e n c e s i n material possessions.  T h i s , more t h a n i n t r i n s i c u n k i n d n e s s o r  s t u p i d i t y , made i t n e c e s s a r y t o ensure t h a t t h e l o w e r c l a s s e s were k e p t i g n o r a n t a n d p o o r ; and t h e p r o c e d u r e s o f t h e e l i t e were t h e r e f o r e d i r e c t e d m a i n l y t o t h i s end. A n o t h e r g e n e r a l c o n c l u s i o n i s t h a t t h e s e p r o c e d u r e s were e m i n e n t l y  successful.  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Chapter 1.  Introduction.  page 1 .  C h a p t e r 2.  The Second S e s s i o n o f Cromwell's Second P a r l i a m e n t .  page 23.  C h a p t e r 3.  Land.  page 39.  Chapter 4.  Money.  page 54.  Chapter 5.  London.  Page 7 0 .  Chapter 6.  Richard's  Chapter 7.  P r o f e s s i o n s and t h e Law.  page 107.  Chapter 8.  C o n t r o l o f t h e Lower C l a s s e s .  page 122.  Chapter 9.  G e n e r a l Monk.  page 136.  Chapter 1 0 .  •Strange I n t e r l u d e .  page 144.  Chapter 1 1 .  Convention Parliament.  page 1 6 3 .  Chapter 1 2 .  Conclusion.  page 182.  Members o f P a r l i a m e n t , 1658-1660.  page 193.  A p p e n d i x 2.  Wages and P r i c e s .  page 237.  A p p e n d i x 3.  Personnel o f the Country-City Alliance.  page 239.  Appendix 1,  Bibliography.  Parliament.  page 90.  page 249.  CHAPTER I  1  INTRODUCTION For a great many Englishmen and Scotsmen the spring of 1660 was a time of wild celebration over the return to England of the Stuart monarch, Charles I I . Most of the witnesses who at the time set down their impressions stressed the sense of r e l i e f experienced i n a l most a l l sections of a population which had seen maypoles and theatres destroyed by zealots, and had even been forbidden to celebrate ChristmasI  Astute observers such as Pepys noticed i n passing that a good  deal of the jubilation was adroitly assisted by an open-handed d i s t r i Z bution of liquor. Archibald Johnston of Wariston, a Republican 3  doomed to execution, was one among the few who deplored the turn of events.  "At the tyme of the bonfyres their was great ryot, excesse,  extravagancy, superfluity, vanity, naughtinesse, profanetye, drinking of healths; the Lord be merciful to us." On Charles's birthday, 29 May, there was a great procession through the City of London. The wealthy merchant and speculator, Richard Brown, rode in front.  Hundreds of gentlemen i n rich clothes  and members of the city companies wearing gold chains followed him to Whitehall, "where Monk was invested with the garter and sworn of the privy-council, and s i r Anthony Ashley Cooper was also made a privyS  councillor." Brown and Cooper and Monk had a l l fought on the Parliamentary side during the C i v i l Wars, though apparently none had ceased to give general support to the idea of monarchy. More remarkable s t i l l , the machinery for Charles's restoration had been set i n motion by the last  6 actions of the Long Parliament,  a body of men described by Monk as  Y "the same that brought the King to the block." Writing of this period from the comparative vantage point of the 1720's, John Oldmixon probably underestimated the underlying effects of Royalist irreconcilability; but he was justified in ascribing to the "Loyal Party" a minor share i n the actual work of restoration, "after Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, Mr. Annesly, Admiral Montague, General Monk, and other Presbyterians had done the Business.  The  Loyal Party had not a Town, a Castle, nor Fort, nor Ship to deliver him, nor Troop of Horse nor Company of Foot."  It was true also that  the colonels of the Parliamentary army, a3 l i s t e d by Oldmixon, included many from "the most noble and opulent Families in England"; and that those who survived the Interregnum almost a l l supported the return of the Stuart monarch. Subsequent historians showed l i t t l e interest in this apparent volte-face of the victorious Parliamentarians.  Where they recognised  i t at a l l , they commonly ascribed i t to anarchy following the death of Oliver Cromwell, and/or reaction against the severe moral code of the Puritans.  Of course, both anarchy and reaction played some part  in bringing about the restoration of Charles I I . The implication that economic or p o l i t i c a l affairs were so far beyond the control of the Parliamentarians as to constitute genuine anarchy i s , however, misleading.  So i s the implication that between 1640 and 1660 there was  any serious change of view among the Parliamentarians. The desire of the wealthy for an obigarchy cloaked by constitutional  3 monarchy remained constant.  The p o l i t i c a l experimentation of the  Interregnum, which in spite of difficulties was almost always i n practice directly or indirectly controlled by the wealthy, encouraged the emergence of many ideas which ultimately contributed to the system of responsible Parlaimentary government.'  This period witnessed the  development, in the absence of the king, of a cadre of paid agents owing their allegiance primarily to ministers or to Parliament i t s e l f the beginnings of a permanent C i v i l Service.  It showed too the need  for an instrument of coercion permanently at the disposal of the oligarchy, and pointed to a solution i n the.form of a regular army officered by professionals drawn from the less affluent branches of wealthy families. The anarchy of 1658 - 1660 was carefully controlled so as to encourage reaction among the lower classes, many of whom continued to harbour dangerous ideas about individual rights and privileges. The Restoration was tangible evidence of the p o l i t i c a l failure of groups seeking to improve the status of the poorer classes. It meant a firm assumption of p o l i t i c a l control by the rich, which went far towards completing the oligarchic aims of the original Parliamentary  party.  Recent studies of such groups as Levellers, Diggers and Saints show that democratic and libertarian theories had a powerful i n fluence during the years 1647 to 1654, with particular strength i n the armed forces.  The establishment of oligarchic government i n  England, rather than military dictatorship or theocracy or even democracy, did not in those years seem a foregone conclusion. However,  4 t h i s period of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y by the lower classes was contemporaneous with a period of vigorous economic a c t i v i t y by the landowners, financiers and professional men who had engineered the C i v i l War. The democrats were vocal, but the oligarchs were picking up the prof i t s ; and i t seems clear i n retrospect that verbal opposition was at any rate preferable to economic competition.  When the period of easy  gains ended the wealthy had l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y i n asserting their p o l i t i c a l superiority. Another commonly-expressed opinion i s that which ascribes the r e establishment of the Stuart monarchy to the weakness of Richard Cromwell, combined with an alleged monarchical t r a d i t i o n among the 13  people.  Trevelyan suggested that Englishmen were v i t a l l y interested  i n the whole feudal-style hierarchy, that the monarchy was a l o g i c a l outcome of "the Englishman's proverbial 'love of a lord'."  These  views are j u s t i f i e d by the evidence, though with the proviso that both the monarchical tradition and the weak character of Richard Cromwell were largely creations of the propaganda machinery established after 1654.  There has been and w i l l be much speculation as to whether  Oliver Cromwell, had he l i v e d longer, would have established a new. dynasty; and i t i s reasonable to suppose that had he done so, the h i s t o r i c a l picture of Richard would have been different.  From the  point of view of this thesis the most.important element i n the situation i s the recognition that from 1654 Oliver Cromwell was increasingly at the economic mercy of the Parliamentarians.  He could not  have changed the p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l triumph of the wealthy.  5 The period from 1658 to 1660 witnessed the publication of numerous —  Workf  printed works on almost a l l aspects of government\w©*>k8- by John Evelyn, William Prynne, George Wither, Thomas Hobbes, James Harrington, John Milton, and many others.  It.saw the phenomenal rise and  f a l l of the Rota Club, possibly the most famous debating society of a l l time.  The period has, however, attracted comparatively l i t t l e  attention from later historians - much less than the struggle leading to the C i v i l Wars, the wars themselves, or the Cromwell era. The most recent general work on the period - "The Restoration of Charles II" by Godfrey Davies - i s a more or less chronological narrative, with an interlude discussing the relative importance of affairs outside England.  The work of the historian Guizot, published i n 1856,  follows a similar plan, though naturally i t i s less voluminously documented. The present thesis subordinates the chronological relation of events to an examination of the groups, and a few of the individuals, concerned with the development of constitutional monarchism during the confused period from January 1658 to May 1660. Much recent scholarship has been devoted to discussion about the economic status of the landowning gentry, before and during the Interregnum; and one book has examined the schemes and attitudes of London capitalists i n relation to the outbreak of the C i v i l Wars. Other works have examined the sub-groups which were represented i n the Long Parliament. A competent analysis of this literature appears in H i l l ' s "Puritanism and Revolution", a collection of essays which gives many pages to discussion of the land question.  6 Land was almost certainly the main basis of wealth i n the British Isles throughout the seventeenth century, though other possessions were increasingly recognised. Francis Cradocke published i n 1661 his "Wealth Discovered", one of many contemporary pamphlets urging the establishment of banks.  In i t he argued that "the security of Lands  may pass and be held value or credit with any other species whatso18  ever."  The eagerness of many commercial and financial magnates to  buy land was a subject for approving comment as late as 1681; when Philopatris claimed that trading merchants, shopkeepers, artificers, clothiers and other manufacturers are too "intent upon what makes for their peculiar Gain or Loss  , u n t i l they leave off their Trades,  and being Rich, by the purchase of Lands, become of the same common Interest with most of their Country-men." The comparatively new but v i t a l element i n seventeenth-century landowning was the practice of improvement, which usually implied the division and enclosure of lands once worked i n common. The process was complicated by developments i n the legal interpretation of leases, conveyances, fines and rents. Many of the old feudal nobility had adapted themselves more or less to the spirit of the times, but by 1640 the characteristic landowner i n the Commons was likely to be connected with a family advanced f a i r l y recently to the ranks of the wealthy, often as a result of shrewd speculation by a merchant or a Zo  professional lawyer. Men like S i r George Booth, though they might be rather rustic, knew what they wanted. They were cunning and persevering in the  7 achievement of t h e i r wants.  Their aims included the avoidance of  r e s t r i c t i o n s on enclosure; the maintenance of high rents and  low  wages; and freedom from feudal dues, high taxation, a r b i t r a r y c o n f i s cations or s i m i l a r d i s t r e s s . I t was  customary f o r members of the landed gentry to increase  t h e i r wealth through trade and speculation, and to assess t h e i r possessions i n terms of money.  Some idea as to what constituted  wealth among them may be gathered from information as to the t o t a l value of various estates, to the rentals received from others, and to the amounts of money borrowed or invested by members of the landed interest.  Dring's "Catalogue of the Lords, Knights and Gentlemen  that have compounded f o r t h e i r Estates", published i n 1655, that compositions of more than £ 1000  shows  were quite common. zi  Dring's Catalogue - "but an Index to a greater volume"contains about 140  pages of names l i s t e d opposite amounts of money.  I t i s not clear whether the amounts shown represent t o t a l values or composition f i n e s ; but even i f the former be the case, i t i s clear that there were many estates worth thousands of pounds at a time 4  when an a g r i c u l t u r a l labourer's weekly wage was about eight s h i l l i n g s —  twenty-one pounds a year i f he worked a l l f i f t y - t w o weeks.  estate worth  An  ^5000 was equivalent to a workman's wages over a period  of nearly two-hundred-and-fifty  years.  Translated into  present-day  terms, and using a conservative estimate of eighty dollars as a workman's weekly wage, S i r Henry Bellingham would be a m i l l i o n a i r e . A f a i r number of the men  i n Dring's catalogue are assessed at  8 amounts of less than ^ 3 , and some at ^ 1 or less^*  This strongly  suggests that the figures given refer to actual fines rather than estate values; i n which case they might represent anything from two years purchase to more than half the estate.  In most cases an estate  would be worth at least four times as much as the assessed composition fine, i f one may judge from the Parliamentary order of 4 September, 1648:  "That the Persons that have been i n the late Insurrections i n  Kent, Surrey, Sussex, and Essex, whose Fines and Compositions are not already disposed of, be admitted to Composition at Goldsmiths Hall, at a f u l l Fourth Part of their Estates, unless any of them be is already under some higher Qualifications."  If the rental of  Bellingham's estate was worth more than ^1000 a year, his wealth would s t i l l rank far below that of Anthony Ashley Cooper, whose renta l was over ^£7000 a year. ZY  Some of the opulent Parliamentary colonels l i s t e d by Oldmixon , provide further evidence as to what constituted wealth, by the amounts which they subscribed i n the grab for Irish lands. Denzil Holies ( ^1000?), John Hampden (^1000), Sir Mathew Boynton (^=1000), S i r William Brereton (^3250), Alexander Popham ( ^1000, including inheritance from his father), were but a few of the gentry who had Zi' large amounts of capital available for investment." Money interests presented a less simple front than the landowners. There were many merchants, including members of the great trading and livery companies. There were others, also including members of the great companies, whose interests and schemes went deeper -— men such  9  to  as Thomas Violet and Martin Noel.  By the nature of their invest-  ments the moneymen were likely to be periodically, even i n some cases chronically, i n competition with one another. Their outlook was directly and indirectly affected by the rise and f a l l of similar interests abroad. It i s therefore necessary to qualify any statement of their aims by emphasising the likelihood of f l e x i b i l i t y and deviation i n individual cases.  With this proviso i t may be said that they  were generally opposed to measures which hampered the taking of prof i t and in favour of measures which seemed to encourage i t .  They  wanted low wages, freedom from regulations involving the fixing of prices or the movement of bullion, and government protection against unfair competition from the Dutch or from interlopers.  They bitterly  opposed royal patents of monopoly awarded to court favourites. On the question of customs and excise taxes their outlook was delicately balanced between the disadvantages which might accrue from interference with trade and the advantages to be derived from farming the taxes. Reasonable impositions could be allowed for i n the prices charged to customers, a most acceptable solution when the ultimate consumers were members of the indigenous lower classes; but even i n the domestic market sudden and prohibitive increases i n price might 3o damage trade or provoke destructive r i o t s . Socially the moneymen were probably inferior to landowners, but about their wealth and influence there i s no doubt. Among the City magnates who subscribed for Irish lands were Gregory Clement ( ^5000), the Royalist S i r Nicholas Crisp ( ^3700?), Isaac Penning-  10 ton (at least ^1000), and Richard Brown ( ^600) f  And these  amounts are quite small i n comparison with the ^65,260 which Alderman Edward Baekwell lent the government between August 1658 and March 1659J  or with the ;£ 130,000 which Baekwell and Thomas Viner paid  for the loot captured i n S i r Richard Stayner's attack on the Spanish 33 West India fleet, 8 September I656. When, i n 1672, Charles II's government suspended cash payments to bankers by the Exchequer of Receipt —  the "Stop" of the Exchequer  —  Baekwell's interest was more than ^200,000} yet i t was exceeded by the claim of S i r Robert Viner (Thomas's nephew).  Of course, much of  this money had been deposited with Baekwell and Viner by merchants and landowners who had excess capital,  but the amounts handled  prove that trade as well as agriculture might be the basis of a large personal fortune.  Further evidence of the wealth enjoyed by money-  men may be found i n the l i s t of Parliamentary obligations reported to the Convention Parliament by Colonel Birch, 29 December 1660. Among the creditors were: Alderman Thomas Atkins ( ^1489), Alderman John Langham ( ^5310), Alderman Thomas Foot ( ^1437), Alderman Thomas Cullum ( ^1354), and Sir Richard Brown ( ^ 2 0 6 3 ) . ^ The worldly possessions of merchants, brokers, scriveners and goldsmiths might include land, cash, houses, ships and cargoes. Money lent at interest might o f f i c i a l l y yield from six to eight percent, unofficially much more.  A large coasting vessel, which might  be owned by one man or by several i n partnership, was worth two or three thousand pounds,  and a bulk cargo of wool or coal might have  11 had an average value of two to four-hundred pounds/^ A single shipper i n Newcastle-on-Tyne might export almost 20,000 tons of coal a year, with a r e t a i l value i n London varying from about ten shillings to as much as four pounds a ton. ^750  In 1657 Gabriel Keate bequeathed  to the Grocers' Company; and in 1661 William Robinson l e f t to  the same company, "after his wife's decease ... a l l his lands, tenements, and hereditaments, with the appurtenances, situate in Grubstreet, London."  The income from this property raised ^55 per annum,  increasing to ^ 7 5 i n the early nineteenth century.  Many similar  bequests testify to the charity of dead liverymen and (by implication) the wealth of living ones. Land and money were the two main divisions of interest within the wealthy minority which triumphed at the Restoration; but almost equally important was a third interest, which may be called power. Representatives of this interest were usually also interested i n land and/or money. They were distinguished from their colleagues by a clear desire to engage directly i n the business of government, some in the enforcement of law, and some i n the most secret offices of the executive.  Among those who were not qualified lawyers, many were  members of other emergent professions such as accountancy and medicine.  Their common interest lay i n the actual exercise of p o l i t i c a l  power, mainly through the manipulation of the legislature.  Because  they needed the machinery of Parliament, even those who were not themselves rich found i t expedient to support the welfare of the wealthy and to suppress as effectively as possible the aspirations of  12 the poorer classes. Most of these wielders of power were comparatively wealthy, some (such as Anthony Ashley Cooper) extremely so.  Those who were not  rich almost invariably made strong efforts to improve their financ i a l status. John Thurloe, with an annual salary of ^600  and numer-  ous opportunities for making something extra, became a wealthy landowner.  George Downing certainly profited by his labours as ambassador  at the Hague;  and Sir William Lockhart's salary, as ambassador to  France, was one hundred pounds a week. often earned salaries of  ^1000  Judges and commissioners  a year, plus expenses;  and Bulstrode  Whitelock claimed "that the benefit of my practice was more than the salary of this office."  He should perhaps have followed the example  of his fellow lawyer, Sir Thomas Widdrington, who strikingly succeeded in combining profit with honour:  "...as speaker of the house, thirty-  five pounds a week, which i s one-thousand, eight-hundred, and twentynine pounds per annum; as commissioner of the treasury, one-thousand pounds per annum; i n a l l , two-thousand, eight-hundred, and twentynine pounds per annum; and hath besides, for every private act, five pounds, and for every stranger that i s naturalised, or made a free denison; and hath gotten for that already, as i s supposed, near onethousand five hundred pounds; he i s recorder of York." Before the Puritan Revolution there were obvious differences of outlook between the country rich and the City r i c h .  The gulf was not  so wide as to prevent many crossings, as i s clear from the patterns of intermarriage and of speculation, but i t was nevertheless real.  Landowners objected to the centralisation of trade and law in London, and asked why a mass of money should be "drawn from the veins into the ulcers of the kingdom."  When the Civil.War broke out many land-  owners joined the Royalist party even against their own apparent interests and inclinations.  Very few of the City magnates were pre-  pared to place their affection for monarchy before their desire to remain at the economic centre of the kingdom. After the Restoration the gap between country and City again widened, though not sufficiently to cause another c i v i l war.  Parlia-  ment squared up as Court and Country parties, Tories and Whigs; and landowners shed few tears over the discomfiture of some moneymen in the Stop of the Exchequer and in the government's Quo Warranto proceedings against the City of London, January 1682 to October 1683 During the Interregnum spokesmen.for the ambitious lower classes attacked the privileges of landowners, moneymen and lawyers.  Small  farmers and agricultural workers attacked enclosures, while townsmen demanded the repeal of restrictive work-laws and sought a more equitable share in the profits of trade.  A pamphleteer, possibly William  Walwyn, argued that King and Parliament had only one quarrel — So "namely, whose slaves the people shall be."  In the Putney Debates,  29 October 1647, Colonel Thomas Rainborow said: "I doe thinke that the poorest man i n England i s nott att a l l bound i n a stricte sence to that Governement that hee hath not had a voice to putt himself under...",  a clear demand for p o l i t i c a l democracy. John Lilburne  and John Wildman, Gerrard Winstanley, Thomas Harrison, and Thomas  14  Venner were a few of the many spokesman who were demanding every kind of freedom for the lower classes: abolition of t i t h e s , simplification of the law, honesty i n collection of taxes, publication of a national balance sheet, investigation of p l u r a l i t i e s and exorbitant salaries, and of course the just payment of the common soldiers who fought the Parliament's battles.  Agitators i n the armed forces, fanatics i n the  Barebones Assembly, and anonymous mob-leaders i n the City fanned the flames of discontent, and struck fear into the hearts of the wealthy. I t was i n the face of this dangerous agitation that the need f o r a working alliance among a l l sections of the r i c h became c r y s t a l l i s e d . There was a gradual closing of the ranks during the period of Commonwealth and Protectorate, when some notable successes were achieved. For even between 1648 and 1658, i n spite of the powerful demands of the militant lower classes, and i n spite of efforts by Cromwell and others to improve however s l i g h t l y the l i v e s and l i b e r t i e s of small tradesmen, tenant farmers and soldiers, i n practice the privileges of the wealthy were extended rather than curtailed. During I656 and 1657 a number of significant events showed clearly the direction which the Revolution was taking. On 19 December I656 Whalley's " B i l l f o r Improvement of Waste-Grounds, and Regulating of Commons and Commonable Lands, and preventing Depopulations" received S3  i t s f i r s t reading; and was rejected without a division.  I t was the  l a s t comprehensive attempt by government to check enclosure.  Two  months l a t e r the London alderman, Christopher Pack, presented i n parliament a remonstrance asking Cromwell to accept the t i t l e of  15 ss king;  and i n April 1657 one of the Lord Chief Justices —  either  Oliver St. John or John Glynne — asserted i n committee that monarchy was the best and the legal form of government. "The name of KING i s si a Name known by the Law." In May the Lord Protector assented to the sr Humble Petition and Advice,  which i n i t s second article set up Parl-  iaments consisting of two Houses. The year 1657 witnessed also a settlement of the problems of the East India Company. After three years of officially-condoned interloping, the Company threatened to s e l l i t s forts and stations i n India, and was granted a new monopoly-charter.  In a compromise which  admitted some wealthy ex-competitors to office i n the Company, Maurice Thomson became Governor and Martin Noel (among others) was appointed SS a "committee." Another important victory for the wealthy was the swift and effective action by which Cromwell silenced John Lambert, who had Sq once been widely regarded as the Protector's likely successor. Lambert's pedigree placed him among the wealthier Yorkshire gentry, but i n the interest of p o l i t i c a l ambition he had shown great sympathy and magnanimity towards the lower classes.  He had built up a great  personal popularity among the ranks and inferior officers i n the army. Had the lower classes succeeded i n a new rebellion, Lambert might well have been set forth as their champion.  On 13 July 1657, after Lam-  bert had opposed the Humble Petition, Cromwell wrote: "Sir, I have sent this bearer, Mr. Wm. Jessop, to you for your commission as majorgeneral, as also your other commissions, to whom I desire you to  16 deliver them enclosed and sealed up i n a paper.  Your loving friend,  Oliver, P." During 1657 much of the burden of taxation was shifted from land to consumer goods. The Humble Petition, i n article 7> offered Cromwell a regular annual revenue of 4^1,300,000, "and no part thereof to be raised by a land tax."  After an unsuccessful attempt by some  members to abolish altogether the assessment on land, i t was reduced from ,^80,000 to ^50,000 per annum. At the same time as the Protector assented to this reduction, he also gave his consent to "an additional Act for the better Improvement and Advancing the Receipts of the Excise, and new Impost."  Many of the gentlemen who i n Par l i a r  ment helped to impose the excise were able to improve their popularity at the local level by encouraging those who refused to pay. By the end of 1657 the rich in both country and City had gained most of the objectives for which, i n the 1640 s, they had fought. f  At  the second session of Cromwell's Second Parliament, which met i n January 1658 complete with a newly-appointed House of Lords, the countryCity alliance made a brief appearance as the major economic and p o l i t i c a l force in the state.  Cromwell, s t i l l able to rely on his military  prestige (at any rate up to a point), refused to be browbeaten and dissolved Parliament; but achieved l i t t l e beyond proving his inability to rule alone. It i s against this historical and bibliographical ground that "The Country-City Alliance, 1658 - 1660" has been considered i n the preparation of this thesis.  Starting from Oldmixon's observation  17 6s about Cooper, Annesley, Montagu, Monk "and other Presbyterians", an attempt has been made to consider the actions and understand the motives of a l l the Parliamentary groups who contributed to the Restoration, with particular emphasis on landowners and City financiers.  The main  conclusion reached i s that the motives which prompted the Restoration were primarily social, though the methods used involved economics and politics.  The form of government was a renewal of the old form i n -  volving King, Lords and Commons, not because the landowners and financiers had suddenly developed a nostalgic feeling for customary law, but because hereditary monarchy f i t t e d best into a general pattern of hereditary privilege.  The king was polished on the buffer of ceremony,  and took on a lustre resembling divinity, at any rate to those who  1  stood far enough away. The Commons continued i n i t s 1640 role, to represent the wealthy i n government and to ensure the perpetuation of wealth and privilege through appropriate legislation.  The Lords con-  tributed directly to the establishment of a hierarchical social order, and also acted as a buffer against the possibility of the lower classes gaining actual control of the Commons or the king. Economically the Restoration was, in spite of H i l l ' s offhand dismissal of the cliche, an assertion of "liberty for wicked capitalists to grind the faces of the poor."  There i s hardly any basis for dis-  puting the fact that the ruling class after 1660 consisted essentially of capitalists, or that by the standards l a i d down i n the New Testament most members of the ruling class were rather obviously wicked. Face-grinding rarely has reached greater heights of efficiency than i n  18 the century following the Restoration.  It i s , however, maintained i n  this thesis that the motives underlying the assertion of face-grinding liberties were primarily social, and even to a great extent feudal, rather than purely economic. The Restoration maintained and increased the p o l i t i c a l , economic and social status of "the squire and his relations",  most of whom  were not Presbyterians, and some of whom were usually Anglican parsons. In view of Oldmixon's reference to Presbyterians, i t might be assumed that the Parliamentary group suffered an important defeat in the battle of religions.  A careful appraisal of the religious convictions of the  four mentioned by Oldmixon suggests, however, that this defeat caused them l i t t l e i f any discomfort.  Annesley had built up. a fortune in  Irish lands, and was a fully-qualified lawyer.  He was also connected  with the East India trade through association with the financier S i r Paul Pindar.  In 1667 he was involved i n a mysterious deal with S i r  ye George Carteret, from which he emerged as Treasurer of the Navy. His Presbyterianism did not prevent him from enjoying the fruits of economic and social victory, which also included promotion to the Lords as  y/ Earl of Anglesey.  Cooper and Montagu both received similar promotions  (to Shaftesbury and Sandwich). Both became important figures in the various councils and committees for Plantations, and were interested in (among other ventures) the Cardigan Mines, the Guinea Company, and the Company of Merchant Adventurers.  Monk became Duke of Albemarle,  and suitable promotions were arranged for many of his relations, i n Y3  eluding a bishopric for his brother Nicholas.  These examples illustrate  19 the general attitude of the makers of the Restoration towards religion, that i t could serve a useful social purpose but was otherwise comparatively unimportant.  The Catholicism of the Duke of York and the  suspected Catholicism of Charles II were therefore not a serious obstaclej and the attitude of Charles, who at various times cheerfully embraced the Covenant and the Prayer Book as well as Father Huddlestone,  was a recommendation rather than a disqualification. The  Restoration was a victory not only for wealth and privilege, but also for cynicism. NOTES 1. 2. 3. 4.  Commons Journals, v i , 5l6-(27 Dec. 1650). Pepys, i , 51. (11 Feb. 1660). Buchanan, "History of Scotland" (1827), i v , 511-512. Johnston of Wariston, i i i , 183. (14 May 1660). (and see Ludlow, i i , 2?5i Burnet (1883), p. 60) 5. Whitelock (1853), i v , 415-416. 6. Commons Journals,-vii, 867-880. Thurloe, v i i , 826 and 867. 7. Ludlow, i i , 237i 8. 01dmixoh (1727), p. xxvii. 9. Oldmixon, p. 114-115• The names he l i s t e d were: the Earl of Essex; Lord Fielding, the Earl of Stamford, Lord Hastings, Lord Roberts, Lord Wharton, Lord Kimbolton, Lord Brook, Lord St. John, the Earl of Peterborough; the Earl of Bedford, Lord Willoughby, Lord Rochford, Colonel Hbllis', Colonel Hampden, Colonel Goodwin, S i r Henry Cholmley, Lord Fairfax, Sir Philip Stapylton, S i r Mathew Boynton, S i r Thomas Middleton, Sir William Brereton, Colonel Ludlow, Colonel Popham,Sir Edward Harley, S i r Ed. Huhgerford, etc. 10. See (for example) Montague, "The P o l i t i c a l History of England", v i i , 483 et seq,.; where the chapter dealing with the period 1658-1660 i s headed "Anarchy and Reaction". 11. Yule, "Independents in the English C i v i l War", p. 78. Hexter, "Reign of King Pym", p. 204. :  12. In Bibliography, see works"by Bernstein, Haller, Frank, Sabine, Solt,Petegorsky. 13. In Bibliography, see works by Buchan, Green, Hallam, Davies, Bryant. 14. Trevelyari, "English Social History", p. 252. 15. See Gerould, "Sources of English History, 1603-1689", esp. pp. 306-344. 16. Blitzer, "An Immortal Commonwealth", i s a recent work which contains information about the Rota and its founder, Sir James Harrington. 17. H i l l , "Puritanism and Revolution", pp. 3-31. 18. Richards, "Early History of Banking", pp. 99-100. 19. Somers Tracts (1748), iv, 34-35. 20. Brunton and Pennington, pp. 3,90 (and note). 21. Dring, i n the dedication to "those Noble persons that are concerned." In the f i r s t eight pages, which contain about two-hundred names altogether, there are included: Sir Henry Audley ( ^1600), Henry Ashford ( J^llpO), John Ackland ( 1 7 7 7 ) . S i r Francis Anderson id 1200), Sir Henry Anderson ( ^1730), Edw. Algmer ( j£1900), Edward Ashton ( ^2000), S i r Benjamin Aaloff ( j £ l 2 4 2 ) , Sir Edward A l f o r d i £ 1503), Robert Arden ( . £ 1 6 7 6 ) , John Arundell ( ^2002). S i r Thomas Bendish ( ^1000), Sir John Baker ( ;^3000), S i r John Butler ( -£2000), Sir John Burlace ( ^3500), Robert Boles ( ^1500), Thomas Broughton ( ^ 3 2 0 0 ) , John Beilet ( -=1005), John Bellasis ( ^2019). S i r Thomas Bludder ( ^ 1 5 3 7 ) , S i r Thomas Bridges (,£1000), S i r William Botteler ( ^3011), Sir Peter Ball (.2^1250), S i r Henry Berkley ( j ^ L 2 7 5 ) , Sir Maurice Berckly ( £ 1372), S i r William Button ( ^2380), John Banks ( ^ 1 9 7 4 ) , and Sir Henry Bellingham ( ^ 5 5 2 6 ) .  1  22. Rogers,, v, 827. 23. Henry Barlow, of Webs, Somerset (15th page of Dring's l i s t ) , was assessed at only six shillings and eightpence. 24. H i l l , "Puritanism and Revolution", p. I64. 25. Commons Journals; v i ; 5 . ( 4 Sept. I 6 4 8 ) . 26. D.N.B. (1937-38), iv, 1036. The source of the information is given as the Shaftesbury Papers in the Public Record Office. 27. See note 9 . 28. MacCormack; Irish Historical Studies, x, 39-58. 29. For Violet, see D.N.B., xx, 3 7 4 . For Noel; see Appendix 3 of this thesis. 30. Gardiner, "Commonwealth and Protectorate", i i , 246-248. Nef, "Rise of British Coal Industry", i i , 295-296. 31. ScCormack, as note 28.  32« Richards, "Early History of Banking", p.32.  33. D.N.B (1937-38), i , 794.  . 34. 35. 36. 37. . 38. 39. 40.  41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47* 48. 49* 50. 51. 52. 53. 54.  Clowes, "Royal Navy", i i , 213-214. Richards, as note 32, pp. 65-78. Richards, pp. 83-84. Commons Journals, v i i i , 237-244,(29 Dec. 1660). Commons Journals, v, 146-147. Richards, as note 32, p. 20 (note 2) and p. 13. Willan, "English Coasting Trade", pp. 36-37. Willan, pp. 7 and 56-57. Willan, pp. 35 and 57. Gardamer, "Comm. and Prot.", i i , 248. (A London chaldron, was about 26 cwt., according to Willan, p. x i i i ) . Herbert, "History of Twelve Great Livery Companies", i , 362 and 358. Hobman, "Cromwell's Master Spy", pp. 14, 23, 183. Thurloe, v i i , 121 and 380. It was not paid regularly. Thurloe, v i i , 681. Inderwick, "Interregnum", pp. 158, 207. Whitelock, "Memorials", i i , 524. " Narrative of the Late Parliament, etc.", Harleian Miscellany (1810), v i , 461. Trevor-Roper, article in "Encounter" No. 77, P.5. Sharpe, "London and the Kingdom", i i , 476-505. "The Bloody Project", quoted in Haller, "Leveller Tracts", p. 15. Clarke Papers, i , 301. See Chapter 8 of this thesis. Commons Journals, v i i , 470. James, "Social Policy During Puritan Revolution", A  pp. 120-121.  55. C.H. Firth, article in Eng. Hist. Review, x v i i (1902), p. 429 et seq. Conmons Journals, v i i , 496,(23 Feb. 1657). 56. "Monarchy Asserted to be etc.", Somers Tracts (1750), v i i (second series i i i ) , p. 123 (and pp. 113-174). 57* Gardiner, "Constitutional Documents of Puritan Revolution"  (1899), pp. 447-459.  58. Mukherjee, "Rise and F a l l of East India Company", p. 74. Court Minutes of East India Company, v, 197. (Dec. 1657). 59. Ludlow, i , 400. 60. D.N.B. (1937-38), x i , 452-459. Ashley, "Cromwell's Generals", p. 99 et seq. 61. H.M.C. 3rd Report (Ffolkes MSS), p.247. 62. Gardiner, as note 57, p. 453. 63. Commons Journals, v i i , 577. Firth, "Last Years of Protectorate", i i , 260-262. 64. Firth, as note 63, i i , 263 quotes many examples taken from the Calendar of State Papers, Domestic. See also Thurloe, v i i , 240-242 and 662.  65. See n o t e 8. 66. H i l l , as n o t e 17, p . 5. 67. T r e v e l y a n , " E n g l i s h S o c i a l H i s t o r y " , p . 252. 68. D.N.B., i , 473-475. ' 69. F e i l i n g , " B r i t i s h F o r e i g n P o l i c y " , p . 109. 70. P e p y s , v i , 370 e t s e q (June 1667). 71. D.N.B., a s n o t e 68. 72.' H a r r i s , " L i f e o f Edward Montagu", i i , 205-236. L.F. Brown, " F i r s t E a r l o f S h a f t e s b u r y " , pp. 128-149. 73. Warner, "Hero o f t h e R e s t o r a t i o n " , p . 233. ' 74. B u r n e t , " H i s t o r y o f H i s Own Time", p p . 38, 61, 392. ' S c o t t , " T r a v e l s o f t h e K i n g " , p . 475. P e p y s , ''Diary", 1, 150 (25 May 1660).  CHAPTER 2  23  THE SECOND SESSION OF CROMWELL'S SECOND PARLIAMENT The meeting of Parliament on 20 January, 1658 marked the inception, after many years of restless experimentation, of a system of government which approached the form of limited monarchy envisaged in the Nineteen Propositions of 1642.  These propositions, which were  largely the work of John Pym, assumed the continuation of hereditary kingship and a bicameral Parliament; but made i t quite clear that ultimate sovereignty was to reside i n Parliament, and particularly in the elected House. They implied that the king must grow less because Parliament must grow greater.^ Many of the Nineteen Propositions were occasioned by matters of temporary importance.  The items having permanent validity demanded 3 Parliamentary control of appointments to high p o l i t i c a l office; unrestricted freedom of Parliamentary A£ debate;  Parliamentary acqui6  escence in foreign policy, and in the education of royal children; s t r i c t execution of laws against Catholic recusants;  and Parliamen-  tary participation i n the control and disposition of the armed forces/ The propositions were sent to the king at York in June 1642, and their 8 rejection  made c i v i l war inevitable.  By giving his consent to the Humble Petition and Advice Cromwell specifically agreed to three of the five major demands made by parlia9 ment in 1642. He partially agreed to Parliamentary participation i n 10  control of the armed forces.  Foreign policy was not specifically  mentioned i n the Humble Petition, but the Protector assented to a general clause: "That the ancient and undoubted liberties and p r i v i -  24  leges of Parliament (which are the birthright and inheritance of the people, and wherein every man i s interested) be preserved and main// tained." 12,  After a b r i e f and t a c t f u l speech from Cromwell, the session of 1658 listened to a long address delivered by Commissioner Fiennes. The commissioner's speech opened with a significant reference to the "signal and remarkable Providence, That we see this Day, i n t h i s Place, /3  a chief Magistrate, and Two Houses of Parliament."  Later, after many  references to the supernatural, Fiennes appealed for moderation and co-operation i n a sustained metaphor admirably calculated to appeal to the beneficiaries of enclosure.  H  e  compared the work ahead with  the planting of a new hedge to fence-in 3aws and l i b e r t i e s ; suggested the incorporation of a l l plants, both o l d and new, that would take to the fresh ground; and included some slighting references to beasts who tread fences down. During the next two weeks there seemed some likelihood that a constitutional settlement would be reached along lines acceptable both to the Parliamentarians and to the personal followers whom Cromwell had attracted.  That i t was not reached was largely due to Cromwell's  suspicion that many members of the Commons favoured the l e g a l l y defensible claim of Charles Stuart to the throne.  In his angry speech  of dissolution he accused members of " l i s t i n g of persons, by commission of Charles Stuart, to j o i n with any Insurrection that may be 16  made."  In a l e t t e r addressed to one of his captains of m i l i t i a he  referred to "such men as are not s a t i s f i e d with the foundation we  stand upon." Before  considering the apparent goals and actual discussions  which were brought forth by this brief but important session, something should be said about the origins and development of Cromwell's Second Parliament. According to the Instrument of G o v e r n m e n t t h e  constitution  which governed procedure when this Parliament was summoned i n the summer of I656 —  this was an extraordinary Parliament, called because  the "necessities of the State"  required i t .  The main reasons for  Cromwell's haste were the impending breakdown of the domestic economy and the urgent need of supplies for the Spanish war.  The military  dictatorship of the major-generals had failed to produce the revenue needed to support a large army, a large navy, and anaaggressive foreign policy; and had further alienated the sympathies of many landowners and moneymen. The provisions of the Instrument of Government allowed for a Parliament of 460 members, of whom 400 were elected i n England, 30 i n Scotland, and 30 in Ireland.  The Scottish and Irish members were  virtually chosen by the army commanders i n the areas concerned, and were in effect almost a l l government nominees.  In England the number  of borough members had been sharply reduced, and borough elections were confined to the larger cities and towns.  The only boroughs per-  mitted to return two members were: Exeter, Plymouth, Colchester, Gloucester, Canterbury, Leicester, Norwich, King's Lynn, Great Yarmouth, Nottingham, Shrewsbury, Bristol, Taunton, Ipswich, Bury St.  26 Edmunds, Coventry, New Sarum, Worcester, York, Westminster, and South-  Zo wark.  The preponderance of commercial ports and centres of the  clothing industry is obvious. Most small boroughs were either abolished or reduced to one ber.  mem-  The number of county seats was increased threefold, and part-  i a l l y offset the loss of decayed boroughs.  The general effect of the  new system was to increase the influence of the government over elections, to increase the relative importance of rich landowners in the counties, and to increase the relative importance of the wealthier towns. I t i s clear that the government hoped to exercise some control over county elections through the power of the major-generals, and 22,  equally clear that the hope was often dashed.  "Here i s a new Major  Generall come downe, his name i s Bridges, & I heere, labours to have a great influence upon elections  Its thought he w i l l misse of his  ayme however. There i s like to be strong & stout canvassinge.  The  sheriff & justices at the last sessions pitched on 4, to which they w i l l unanimously adhere. S i r Wm.  Brereton he stands on his owne leggs 23  & labours might and maine......"  Honours in this particular contest  seem to have been shared. Brereton was not elected, but his nephew Sir George Booth was. Article 21 of the Instrument of Government made i t necessary for an elected member to receive the approval of the Protector's Council before taking his seat; and i n 1656 a large number of members were kept out.  The names of ninety-eight who were allegedly victims of  zs  exclusion were l i s t e d by the diarist Bulstrode Whitelock.  They  2? included John Birch, Alexander Popham, Anthony Ashley Cooper, Richard Brown, Harbottle Grimstone, Edward Harley, Henry Hungerford, William Morrice, and apparently Richard Grenville (who i s almost certainly the Greenhill of Whitelock's l i s t ) . A few of the names given by Whitelock are probably erroneously included, since they also figure i n the l i s t of 120 "kinglings" printzt, ed in "A Narrative of the Late Parliament."  This latter group of 120  included many place-men and seventeen of the men whom Cromwell subsezy quently promoted to the Lords. Those who were kept out i n I656 were far from contrite.  They  arranged for the publication of a remonstrance, i n which they asserted that Cromwell was openly assuming a "power to pack an assembly of his confidents, parasites, and confederates, and to c a l l them a parliament." They accused him of having "assumed an absolute, arbitrary sovereignty, (as i f he came down for the throne of God)."  They spoke of "the most  evident danger of the utter subversion of religion, liberty, right, and Zf property". The last phrase best sums up the nature of their struggle i n general and their quarrel with Cromwell i n particular.  However half-  heartedly, he had always retained some sympathy for the aspirations of the lower middle classes, and had fairly consistently tried to extend to them a fuller enjoyment of freedom in religion, liberty, right, and property. Under his dictatorship religious toleration had flourished Zq  as never before.  There is evidence to show that the wages of labour-  ing men, reckoned in terms of purchasing power, reached a peak about  28  1655J  and the attempt to de-monopolise the East India trade has 31  already been mentioned.  Though his p o l i t i c a l understanding showed  him the indispensability of support from the wealthy, he continued to betray signs of sympathy f o r the less well-to-do.  When i n 1657  he  refused the t i t l e of king, he remembered the rank-and-file. " I cannot think that God would bless me i n the undertaking of anything  that  3z>  would j u s t l y and with cause, grieve them." In 1654, when a number of elected members had refused to subscribe to the Instrument of Government, Cromwell had said "that he was not angry, that so few men went into the parliament; f o r I had rather they would stay without: one, that i s within, may do more harm, than ten that 33  are without." 1657,  I t i s indicative of the course taken by events that i n  i n spite of his emotional attachment to the russet-coated Iron-  sides, he thought i t more important to conciliate the opposition. Perhaps h i s opinion was influenced by the fact that even i n the screened House there were constant demands, supported by a substantial minority, f o r admission of the excluded members.  By accepting A r t i c l e  3 of the Humble Petition he bound himself to admit, i n any subsequent session, any elected member who was w i l l i n g to swear an oath of l o y a l ty to himself. The House of Commons whose members heard Fiennes *s speech on 20 January 1658 was therefore l i k e no House which had sat during the nine years since Pride's Purge.  I t was f a r different, i n i t s temper and i n  i t s actual personnel, from the House which had made an accommodation with Cromwell i n the session of 1656-57.  29 Most of the members whose names were associated, with the remon3S strance subscribed, to the oath of loyalty.  Some did so with much  mental reservation — the republican Sir Arthur Haselrig said: "I w i l l be f a i t h f u l to my Lord Protector s person.  I w i l l murder no Man."  The strength of the opposition was thus potentially some 90 members more than i t had been i n the f i r s t session; whereas the strength.of the government had decreased by 33 because of promotions to the new House of Lords.  These 33 were, moreover, among the staunchest supporters of  the government. Reckoned numerically, the change in, the Commons since 16$6 was most significant.  In the f i r s t session, with some 90 members excluded,  the total of admitted members had been about  360j and of these 60  had  been virtually appointed by the government i n Scotland and Ireland, while 125 of the English members had been place-men. The government had thus been assured of 185 votes out of 360 possible; not a great majority but a reasonably safe one. The Commons i n 1658 had about 415 admitted members, among whom only 150 or so were definite government supporters.  The issue of writs to f i l l the vacancies created by  appointments to the Lords needed Parliamentary approval, as the law 3/  apparently then stood;  but could i n any case increase the number of  members by only 40. The House i n 1658 contained representatives of every p o l i t i c a l platform except malignant Royalism.  Cromwell's supporters were to a  great extent his confederates and camp-followers, but there were a number of magnates who appeared to regard the Protector as the man most  30 l i k e l y t o s e c u r e t h e i r p r i v i l e g e s on f i r m c o n s t i t u t i o n a l g r o u n d .  3f Among such men s t i l l i n t h e Commons were a few l a n d o w n e r s , a good many commercial f i g u r e s ( i n c l u d i n g Alderman Thomas F o o t ) , and a comparat i v e l y l a r g e number o f l a w y e r s ( i n c l u d i n g Edmund P r i d e a u x , S i r Thomas W i d d r i n g t o n , and t h e B r o t h e r s B a c o n ) . The  o p p o s i t i o n was d i v i d e d .  S i r A r t h u r H a s e l r i g a n d Thomas S c o t  l e d a s m a l l b u t h i g h l y v o c i f e r o u s group o f r e p u b l i c a n s .  W i e l d i n g more  permanent i n f l u e n c e were some o f t h e u n r e p e n t a n t v i c t i m s o f P r i d e ' s Purge —  such men as John B i r c h , J o h n B u l k l e y , H a r b o t t l e  Grimstone,  Edward H a r l e y , Henry H u n g e r f o r d , W i l l i a m M o r r i c e , S i r J o h n N o r t h c o t e , and S i r J o h n Young.  Altogether  t h e Commons i n 1658  members who h a d s a t i n t h e Long P a r l i a m e n t , t h e Rump.  contained  100  o f whom 58 h a d a l s o s a t i n  Of t h e 392 E n g l i s h members e l e c t e d i n 1656,  w h i c h a l s o appear i n t h e r o l l o f t h e Long P a r l i a m e n t ;  214 h a d surnames a f a c t which  s t r o n g l y s u g g e s t s , though i t does n o t p r o v e , a h i g h degree o f , f a m i l y relationship.  I t can h a r d l y be doubted t h a t f o r many o f t h e members  t h e s e s s i o n o f 1658  represented a f i r m opportunity  f o r h a r k i n g back t o  t h e days o f w e a l t h t r i u m p h a n t i n 1647. The  r e s o l u t i o n s made by t h i s House o f Commons, as r e c o r d e d i n t h e  Journal,  do n o t s u g g e s t t h a t i t was f u n d a m e n t a l l y opposed t o t h e i d e a  of a constitutional.Cromwellian  monarchy, though i t s most i n f l u e n t i a l  members a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y p r e f e r r e d t h e b e t t e r l e g a l c l a i m o f C h a r l e s Stuart.  Much t i m e was d e v o t e d t o h a r m l e s s l o c a l i s s u e s , t o m a i n t e n -  ance o f m i n i s t e r s , u n i v e r s i t y n o n - r e s i d e n c e , t h e r e p a i r o f highways, t h e f i s h t r a d e , a n d t h e r e g i s t r a t i o n o f b i r t h s , deaths and m a r r i a g e s .  31 A p e t i t i o n f r o m L o r d Craven was h e a r d , and arrangements were made t o g i v e him a f u r t h e r h e a r i n g i n t h e presence o f t h e p u r c h a s e r s o f h i s confiscated estate.  T h i s m i g h t have been c o n s t r u e d as a c h a l l e n g e t o  t h e government, b u t Craven's c o u n s e l o f f e r e d some c o n v i n c i n g e v i d e n c e to support h i s c l i e n t ' s a l l e g a t i o n of mistreatment. The most i m p o r t a n t i s s u e s , i f t h e aims o f t h e P a r l i a m e n t a r y p a r t y were t o be a c h i e v e d , were t h e s u b j u g a t i o n o f t h e army as an  indepen-  dent p o l i t i c a l f o r c e , and f u l l p r a c t i c a l c o n t r o l o f t h e f u n c t i o n s o f b o t h Houses o f P a r l i a m e n t .  B o t h t h e s e purposes w o u l d be s e r v e d by  d e l a y i n g s u p p l y , so t h a t t h e armed f o r c e s c o u l d n o t be p a i d , and by q u e s t i o n i n g t h e c o m p o s i t i o n and t h e s t a t u s o f t h e new House o f L o r d s . B o t h t a c t i c s were  adopted.  M a j o r spokesman f o r t h e m i l i t a n t P a r l i a m e n t a r y group was t h e r e p u b l i c a n H a s e l r i g , a somewhat s u r p r i s i n g f a c t when i t i s c o n s i d e r e d t h a t t h e most i m p o r t a n t members o f t h e group were i n f l e x i b l e monarchi s t s and enemies o f H a s e l r i g . who  T r u e , H a s e l r i g was t h e o n l y man  had been one o f t h e famous F i v e Members i n 1642.  S t r o u d were dead; H o l i e s was  sequestered).  (Pym,  present  Hampden and  T r u e , a l s o , t h a t by  1658  H a s e l r i g was e x t r e m e l y r i c h and a g r e a t landowner; b u t h i s w e a l t h l a r g e l y a p r o d u c t o f s e l f i s h n e s s d u r i n g t h e Interregnum,  and he  p e r s o n a non g r a t a among t h e m o r e - e s t a b l i s h e d f a m i l i e s .  Clarendon  d e s c r i b e d him as h a v i n g been i n 1642 esteem."  a p e r s o n o f low "account  was  was  and  However, H a s e l r i g spoke f o r a l l when he demanded t h e  ascend-  ancy o f t h e c i v i l v o i c e o v e r t h e m i l i t a r y , and a s s e r t e d t h e u l t i m a t e r i g h t o f t h e Commons (when f a i r l y c l o s e t o u n a n i m i t y ) t o d e c i d e ment p o l i c y .  govern-  32 The a t t a c k on Cromwell's L o r d s was d e l i v e r e d , t h r o u g h t h r e e s u p e r ficially-unimportant resolutions. »  On 22 J a n u a r y , a f t e r r e c e i v i n g a  r e q u e s t f r o m t h e L o r d s t o j o i n i n "an humble Address t o h i s H i g h n e s s " , t h e Commons r e s o l v e d ( b y 75 v o t e s t o 51) "That t h i s House w i l l send an  44 Answer by Messengers o f t h e i r own".  On 29 J a n u a r y t h e Commons ( b y 84  v o t e s t o 78) r e s o l v e d t o c o n s i d e r i n Grand Committee, " I h a t Answer t h e y w i l l r e t u r n t o t h e Message b r o u g h t f r o m t h e O t h e r House".  And  on 3 F e b r u a r y ( b y 93 v o t e s t o 87) i t was r e s o l v e d t o go i n t o Grand Committee i n o r d e r t o debate "the A p p e l l a t i o n o f t h e O t h e r House". Though i t may be t r u e t h a t a r o s e by any o t h e r name w i l l s m e l l a s sweet, t h i s argument about s t a t u s h a d c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . The P a r l i a m e n t a r y p a r t y wanted a House o f L o r d s , b u t one which s h o u l d s t a n d a s a b u l w a r k a g a i n s t government i n t e r f e r e n c e i n b e h a l f o f d i s p o s s e s s e d c o p y h o l d e r s o r i l l - p a i d workmen.  Such a House would n e c e s s -  a r i l y be r e c r u i t e d f r o m w e a l t h y l a n d o w n e r s , w i t h a s p r i n k l i n g o f p r o f e s s i o n a l men a n d a few r u s t i c a t e d f i n a n c i e r s ; a n d i n s p i t e o f Cromw e l l ' s e f f o r t s t o p l e a s e , h i s Other House was n o t i n t h e main t h u s recruited. The new House o f L o r d s was n o t r i c h .  Some o f t h e w e a l t h i e s t  nominees r e f u s e d t o s i t , i n c l u d i n g f i v e f o r m e r p e e r s who a p p a r e n t l y f e a r e d t o j e o p a r d i s e t h e i r h e r e d i t a r y c l a i m s by a c c e p t i n g n o m i n a t i o n for l i f e .  Some who a c c e p t e d n o m i n a t i o n were i m p e c c a b l e c a n d i d a t e s f r o m  t h e p o i n t o f v i e w o f t h e e s t a b l i s h e d w e a l t h y c l a s s e s —- among them b e i n g C h a r l e s V i s c o u n t Howard, P h i l i p L i s l e , Edward Montagu, S i r F r a n c i s R u s s e l l , John G l y n n e , S i r C h a r l e s W o l s e l e y , and S i r R i c h a r d Onslow.  33 Many of the new Lords, however, were comparatively poor and of humble birth.  Commentators were concerned about the reliance of many Lords  upon their o f f i c i a l salaries, which would make i t p o l i t i c a l l y dangerous for them to have any veto over legislation passed in the Commons. A general view was expressed in words recorded by Thomas Burton: "They  ¥7 have not interest, not the forty-thousandth part of England." About one-third of the Cromwellian Lords were closely related to the Protector, a matter which was tactfully skimmed over in the Commons, but vehemently attacked outside.  John Claypole, Cromwell's son-  in-law, was mocked in an effectively-written pamphlet.  Having, i t was  said, "so long time had a negative voice over his wife, Spring-Garden, the ducks, deer, horses, and asses i n James's Park, i s the better skilled how to exercise i t again i n the other house, over the good people of these nations, without any gainsaying or dispute."  The  same writer called Charles Fleetwood, another of Cromwell's sons-inlaw, "one of good principles, had he kept them." Of the greatest immediate importance to critics of the Other House was the fact that about half the men who accepted their appointments were directly connected with the armed forces.  As Major Beake  tactlessly said, "He that has a regiment of foot to command i n the army,  So he i s as good a balance as any I know, and can do more." The last major stronghold of the Independents was i n the army, particularly among the inferior officers and the long-service members of the rank and f i l e .  The actions of senior officers, even Pride and  Hewson, suggest that they would have welcomed an opportunity of join-  s/ ing the landowners and moneymen. But they were never given the  34  chance. Even Charles Fleetwood, whose politics were so moderate that sz he refused to have any part i n the t r i a l of Charles I, and advised  , S3  Cromwell against dissolution i n 1658,  could not win the respect of  the Parliamentary party. His religious sympathies were derided, and he was described by Clarendon as "a weak man, but very popular with a l l the praying part of the army".  To complete the p o l i t i c a l domi-  nance of the rich the Independents had to be brought under control, and i n 1658 i t was clear that this involved the submission of the military to the c i v i l authority. So long as the new Lords represented primarily the interest of the armed forces, i t would be possible for a military leader (such as Cromwell or John Lambert) to block measures ss aimed at reducing by legislation the power of the Chief Officer. Such a House was bound to remain unacceptable to supporters of Parliamentary sovereignty. Though the new Lords, and through them the armed forces, bore the brunt of Haselrig's attack, the Commons i n this short session passed one other important resolution which brought home to the Protector his state of dependence on Parliament.  On 28 January i t was voted (by 92  votes to 84) "That no private Business be taken into Consideration by SC this House for One Month." In i t s context this decision meant that the discussion of public issues — the "grievances of the people" — s/ would take precedence over any vote of supply.  The government, des-  perate for money, would have to cool i t s heels for at least a month. The embittered Haselrig saw, apparently more clearly than most members,  35 the probability of forceful action by Cromwell.  "It may be questioned  whether we shall s i t a fortnight." It could be argued that Cromwell's hasty dissolution of Parliament was unwise. The government must have expected that any Commons which represented the major taxpayers would certainly seek to reduce the armed forces and destroy the power of the army grandees.  It must have  been reasonably obvious that a delay i n supply would illustrate Parliament's ability and determination to exercise control of the government through control of expenditurej and would almost certainly be used as a tactical weapon. In spite of the government's financial plight, and i n spite of a Royalist rebellion brewing i n some parts of the country, i t should have been clear that dissolution would solve no problems. The enemies who (three years later) applauded Scot's execution and allowed Haselrig to rot in the Tower, could hardly have maintained for long their dubious p o l i t i c a l situation. the Commons already on i t s side,  With almost half  and with the new Lords to prevent  disastrous legislation from being passed, the government could have afforded to wait a while and buy a l i t t l e more-support by making io  further concessions to wealth. On the other hand, i t could be argued that Cromwell's military success and his continuing role of Chief Officer made i t impossible for the Parliamentarians to trust him.  But i f this was the case a l l  attempts to re-establish Parliamentary institutions by peaceful means were doomed to failure.  He should have made major concessions to the  lower classes and used the weight of numbers to complete, in a new  war,  the establishment of democracy. By his actual course of action Cromwell failed to get the money which his government so desperately needed, and emphasised the Tightness of the opposition policy (from their own point of view) of attacking the grandees.  At the same time,  by resorting to what was in effect a forcible dissolution, he demonstrated his control of the army and his fundamental unsuitability to the role of constitutional monarch. He compelled the non-republicans to give serious consideration to alternative possibilities, among whom the most obvious was Charles Stuart. NOTES 1. Gardiner, "Constitutional Documents of Puritan Revolution"  (1899), PP. 249-254. 2. See Gardiner, "History of England, 1603-1642" (1884), x,  196-197.  3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.  Hexter, "Reign of King Pym", pp. 203-204. Articles 1 and 3. Article 2. Articles 4 and 5. Articles 6 and 7. Articles 9, 15 and 16. See Wingfield-Stratford, "King Charles and King Pym, p.  294.  See Articles 8,9, Last paragraph of Article 3. Commons Journals, ibid., v i i , 582. ibid., v i i , 585. Carlyle, "Letters  192.  and 11 of the Humble Petition. Article 8. v i i , 579-580. and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell", i i i ,  16. Ashley, "Greatness of Cromwell", pp. 350-351. 17. Gardiner, "Constitutional Documents of Puritan Revolution" (1899), PP. 405-417. 18. Instrument of Govt., Article 23. 19. Ashley, "Cromwell's Generals", pp. 162-165. 20. Instrument of Govt., Article 10.  37 21. In Devon and Cornwall, e.g., 21 boroughs were wiped out: Bodmin, Bossinney, Callington, Camelford, Fowey, Grampound, Helston, Liskeard, Lostwithiel, Mitchell, Newport, St. Germans, St. Ives, St. Mawes, Saltash, Tregony, Ashburton, Berealston, Okehampton, Plympton Earl, and Tavistock. Information derived from a comparison between the Instrument of Govt. (Article 10) and the l i s t given by Brunton and Pennington, "Members of the Long Parliament", pp. 200-224. 22. Thurloe, v, 296-297. 23. Letter from Dr. Wm. Denton, dated 15 August 1659, printed i n Verney Memoirs, i i i , 283. The four members actually chosen for Cheshire were Sir George Booth, Thomas Marbury, Richard Legh, and Maj. Peter Brooke. (Parliamentary History, xxi, 4 (edition of 1763)). 24. D.N.B., i i , 1179-1180. Unlike Booth, Brereton had sat'in the Rump. (Brunton and Pennington, pp. 227-228). 25. Whitelock, i v , 280. See Appendix 1 of this thesis, where a W i s added beside the names l i s t e d by Whitelock. A slightly shorter l i s t (7 omissions) i s printed i n "A Narrative of the Late Parliament", see note 26. 26. Harleian Miscellany, v i , 473-475. 27. Whitelock, Ingoldsby, Russell, Howard, Montagu, Roberts, Pack, Lenthall, Fiennes, Wolseley, Lis"$e, Onslow, Philip Jones, Claypole, Glynne, Lockhart, and Broghil. 28. Whitelock, i v , 274-280. 29. See R.S. Paul, "The Lord Protector", pp. 254-257 and 324328. Abbott, "Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell", i i i , 586. 30. See Appendix 2 of this thesis. 31. Chapter 1, page Sggfc'^. 32. Carlyle, as note 15, i i i , 67. 33. Thurloe, i i , 715. 34. Firth, "Last Years of Protectorate", i , 13-20. Among the sponsors of such demands were S i r John Hobart, Colonel William Purefoy, Thomas Bampfield, Major Peter Brooke, Lambert Godfrey, Alexander Thistlethwaite, and S i r George Booth. 35. Ranke, "History of England", i i i , 194. Commons Journals, v i i , pp. 578 - 592 mentions about 30 who were appointed to committeesj and others are mentioned by Burton i n his Diary. 36. Burton, i i , 346. 37. Because the qualifications of any new members would, be decided by a commission to be set up by Act of Parliament, as indicated in Article 4 of the Humble Petition. 38. e.g."Edmund Dunch, Richard Carter, Sir Francis Norris. 39. See Appendix 1 of this thesis, where "kinglings" are indicated.  38  40. Comparison between Brunton and Pennington's l i s t (pp. 226245) and the Old Parliamentary History (xxi, 3-24). 41. See Appendix 1 of this thesis. 42. Commons Journals, v i i , 578-592. 43. Clarendon, History, Bk. i v , para. 192. (Macry edn., i , , 44. 45. 46. 47. 48.  506).  Commons Journals, v i i , 581. ibid., v i i , 589. ibid., v i i , 591. Burton, i i , 390. "A Second Narrative of the Late Parliament, etc.", i n Harleian Miscellany, v i , 495 (482-508). 49. ibid., v i , 490. 50. Burton, i i , 416. 51. Army officers grabbed land wherever they could. (See article by Chesney i n "Transactions of Royal Historical Society", 4th series, xv (1932), esp. pp. 193-194). Pride became a member of the Common Council i n the City, and served on various committees. (See Sharpe, "London and the Kingdom", i i , 319). 52. Ashley, "Cromwell's Generals", p. 182. 53. Ludlow, i i , 33. 54. Clarendon, History, BK. XVI, para. 80 (Macray edn., v i ,  144). 55. A term apparently used by Cromwell in reference to himself. (See Carlyle. "Letters and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell", i i i , 109). 56. Commons Journals, v i i , 589. 57. See R.S. Paul, "The Lord Protector", p. 377 and note. 58. Burton, i i , 375. 59. N.b. the votes mentioned on pp. 32 and 34 of this thesis. 60. E.g. stricter enforcement of wage statutes, overtures for peace with Spain (or war against the Netherlands), reorganisation of the m i l i t i a , s a c r i f i c i a l victimisation of unpopular major-generals, increased persecution of religious sects. 61. i . e . an angry speech concluding with an immediate dissolution, 4 February 1658. (Commons Journals, v i i , 592j Carlyle, as note 55, i i i , 187-192).  CHAPTER 3  39  LAND Questions connected with the ownership and the use of land were of major importance in the Parliamentary revolution of the seventeenth century.  During the previous two-hundred years a number of new /  landowning families had been founded, often by merchants and lawyers. Some of the older families had adapted to changing conditions; there had been a fusion of new practices with old principles. f i e l d system  and The open-  had become outmoded, and feudal ideas about service had  given place to new ideas rooted in the profit motive; but profitable behaviour was often justified by hazy notions derived from feudalism. Enclosure grew out of the idea of caste and the consequent practice of separating the lord of the manor's land from that of his inferiors r- enclosure of the demesne. As the economic advantages of enclosure gradually became obvious the expropriation of common lands was under3 4taken. In some cases former serfs seem to have improved their status, and numbers of merchants and .lawyers bought into the landowning class• The great majority of serfs suffered distress or displacement, and became part of an advancing tide of pauperism. But "as touchyng the multytude of beggarys, hyt arguth no poverty, but rather much idulnes and y l pollycy; for hyt ys theyr owne cause and neclygence that they so begge." The maintenance of high rents and low wages was also connected with this idea of allegedly inbred superiority and inferiority. gentleman was a natural leader.  A  At the time of the C i v i l Wars i t was  s t i l l possible to emphasise one's higher status by leading an army  40 into battle; and some great landowners did. Advances i n military science, however, made war almost as dangerous for the leaders as for the led; and i t became customary for generals to lead from the rear. Clement Walker accused Lord Fairfax of driving the foot soldiers into battle with his cavalry, an accusation which George Wither rejected as a "barbarous falsehood," It was characteristic only of the Royalist gentry, said Wither, "to run away being well horst, and leave them (the common soldiers) to the fury of our Soldier."  A safer way of  emphasising superior status was to possess p o l i t i c a l power and great material wealth, and this became relatively more important than prowess i n battle.  High rent's and low wages helped to impress a  proper sense of inferiority on the lower classes. In matters of buying and selling land an important principle of chivalry was invoked, namely that i t is not honourable to steal from a gentleman (though of course i t is permissible to threaten and cheat and i f necessary take by force when dealing with the lower classes). This principle helped to preserve the estates of most Royalists during the Interregnum, when Parliamentary landowners showed much reticence  7 about buying the estates of proclaimed delinquents. Eighteen months passed between the execution of the king and the Rump's decision to s e l l forfeited estates.  When the f i r s t Act was  passed, 16 July 1651, i t was at the demand of moneymen who refused to lend any more money without adequate security.  The Act contained a  specific statement that "the Parliament do finde i t necessary to raise a considerable sum of Money", and borrowed  ^250,000 "upon the  a Security of the Lands of the said Tray tors."  2  Two subsequent similar  Acts, dated 4 August 1652 and 18 November 1652, l i s t e d many more victims, and aimed to raise ^200,000 and  ^600,000 respectively.  The Act of November, l i s t i n g several hundred names, permitted the persons concerned to compound "after the Rate of two Sixths", to be paid half within sixty days and the remainder within six months after o f f i c i a l survey.^  Under the circumstances i t is not surprising that,  when delinquents' lands changed hands, the new owners were often  10  Londoners and officers.  In many cases, however, the Land was bought  in by i t s original owner, assisted by agents and sometimes by the II  commissioners acting for the government.  K  Though there were certainly some exceptions, as a general rule Parliamentary landowners refrained from embarrassing their Royalist neighbours and relatives. Crown and Church lands  IZ.  They largely confined their speculations to  and to drainage projects which distressed only  13  low-class fen dwellers.  The record of John Evelyn's travels during  the Interregnum contains no reference to the ruin of Royalist proprietors nor to any changes of ownership,  though he does mention the IS  demolition of Pontefract Castle by "the Rebels."  Of 106 Royalist  members of the Long Parliament who survived the Restoration, 48 returned to the Commons and U  sat as Peers.  Others were prevented from  sitting either by extreme old age or by promotion to lucrative legal posts. Some Royalists did suffer great hardship as a result of the struggle. A few who had been heavily in debt before the C i v i l Wars  42 were caught short by sudden demands for repayment, but they would almost certainly have become bankrupt i n any case.  Others, like John  Wenlock, were comparatively poor or lacking in influence; and apparently underwent such extreme hardships as having to work i n order to keep from starving.  Some men borrowed heavily i n order to pay fines, and  were compelled to s e l l parts of their estates after the Restoration in order to pay off their debts. Parliamentarian families often improved their power and prestige. Their continued and increased prosperity is largely embodied i n the history of the later seventeenth andthe eighteenth centuries.  The  hierarchy i n Parliament, the Church, the army and the professions i s heavily studded with such names as Booth, Boscawen, Burgoyne, Courtenay, Darcy, E l i o t , Newdigate, and Wyvill (to mention only a few).  On  the other hand, the upstarts failed almost to a man to found families of gentry;  and the few exceptions to this rule were wealthy repre-  sentatives of other groups, such as the merchant-financier Thomas Cullum.  The p o l i t i c a l and economic aspirations of the lower classes  were virtually annihilated. Another feudal principle which carried over into the new economy was that of primogeniture. No great family would long enjoy i t s privileges unless the estate could pass from father to eldest son at least as rich as i t had been, and preferably richer. This need j u s t i fied opposition to high taxation, as also resistance to the payment of such dues as ship money and wardship fees.  Questions connected with  the careersiofiyounger sons also arose from the continued application  43 of this principle.  The resulting problems had. much to do with the  development among landed proprietors of new attitudes towards trade, colonies, the armed forces, the Church, and the professions. This persistence of an underlying acceptance of at any rate some feudal ideas helps to account for the inconsistent behaviour of many landowners during the struggle with the Crown. It explains why men like Lord Falkland and Sir Edmund Verney fought for the king, choosing "rather to lose my Life (which I am sure I shall do) to preserve and defend those Things, which are against my Conscience to preserve and Zi defend."  It largely accounts for the attitude of the Earl of  Manchester and the members excluded at Pride's Purge.  "If we beat the  King^ninety and nine times, yet he i s king s t i l l , and so w i l l his ZZ  posterity be after him."  It provides one reason for the contempt and  horror of the lower classes which was characteristic of the wealthy — the fear that the poor might "set up for themselves, to the utter ruin of a l l the nobility and gentry of the kingdome." The perseveration of feudal principles did not extend to those aspects of feudalism which involved obligation or duty on the part of great landowners. Feudal demands by the Crown, wards/hip and purveyance were abolished early i n the struggle, and their abolition was confirmed at the Restoration.  The demands of lesser tenants for  abolition of arbitrary fines, heriots and the like were not, however, successful.  Lesser tenures remained subject to what Lord Keeper 25  Guilford termed "grievous abuses".  Obligations to tenants, which  (particularly i n the remoter areas) had often stressed low rents i n  44 return for expectations of military support, went by the board. "Let no man's love, friendship or favour compel thee or draw thee to forgo thy profits", advised S i r John Oglander.  And the heavy demands of  assessments and compositions provided ample excuse for Royalist gentlemen to emulate more enterprising landlords by putting the -2/  squeeze on tenants.. ' Undoubtedly the development of a cash-minded landowning class had been i n progress long before the C i v i l Wars. A continuing battle of articles between R.H. Tawney and H.R. Trevor-Roper i s concerned with the question as to which groups were rising and which declining. Whatever the ultimate outcome of this contest, i t i s clear t h a t money was coming to have an increasing importance for a l l landowners.  The  disposal of great quantities of Church and Crown land, at prices commensurate with the risk of eventually having to hand i t back, emphasised the value of ready money. Speculations in Ireland, 'and i n such ventures as buying soldiers' debentures at ridiculously low 3o  rates,  were as profitable for landowners as for merchants or army  officers.  Such opportunities, reinforced by unusual demands for taxes,  helped landowners to recognise the importance of men like Martin Noel and Thomas Cullum. For their part, many of the moneymen (including Cullum, and possibly Noel) came to appreciate the economic and social importance of land-ownership. This mutual recognition of interdependence, accelerated by the events of 1640 - 1660, was the mainspring of the oligarchy which grew out of the country-City alliance. The war and the Parliamentary victory created some conditions  45 which helped to bring landowners and moneymen closer together. As often i n war, there were improvements i n transportation both by land and sea, as may be inferred from the rapid movements of armies and the large numbers of travellers who made sea journeys. In the Worcester campaign of 1651 a large Scots army moved from Stirling to the Mersey between 31 July and 16 August, a distance of some two-hundred miles by 31 the most direct route through the Lake District. In 1659, to defeat Booth's rising, Lambert moved from London to Nantwich (about 150  3Z  miles) in ten days, collecting troops on the way.  Booth, after his  defeat, reached Newport Pagnell in eight days (about 100 miles from 33 the scene of battle, Northwich).  Monk's march to the south i n  January 1660, a comparatively leisurely movement with many receptions en route, covered the 160 miles between York and St. Albans i n twelve days.  The previous November his commissioners had gone from Edin-  burgh to London, nearly four-hundred miles, in eight days; and had 3S used part of one day for a conference with Lambert at York. War and the practice of privateering brought some hazards to seatravel, but the seaworthiness of ships was apparently good, since few drownings are reported among the many government o f f i c i a l s  36  and  7  3  Royalist gentlemen who made frequent trips to and from Europe.  Even  the Atlantic Ocean became less hazardous, as increasing numbers of men undertook trips both to and from the West Indies, the New England 3f 3f colonies, and Newfoundland. The growth of coffee-houses and the ¥<>  Bade use of tobacco trade.  are evidence of increasing horizons i n world  In Europe groups of English and Scottish merchants maintained  continuous contact with the home country.^' Domestic travel was also reasonably easy, i n spite of some difficulties over passes.  The wanderings of Charles Stuart after his  defeat at Worcester suggest that regulations were.not very s t r i c t l y  4Z applied to well-dressed travellers attended by servants.  Many  contemporary diaries, including Evelyn's, include accounts of considerable journeys completed; and George Fox, i n his long pilgrimage, seems to have encountered difficulties of every possible kind except  43 in the matter of getting from one place to another. . Though i n bad weather the condition of roads l e f t much room for improvement, some travellers praised "the pleasantesse of the waies and the weather, and  44 the good humour of our coachman and his horses."  Though government  was never able to satisfy the demand for better highways, many Acts and Ordinances testify to i t s attempts, including the comprehensive  4s Ordinance of 31 March 1654•  Every improved road or 3hip brought  country and City closer together, and compelled even the most rustic landowners to recognise the growing importance of trade and money i n their efforts to keep up with the pack socially.  . .  Before the C i v i l Wars began many landowners had taken houses i n  4*> or near London.  An increasing interest i n exotic luxury goods, and  difficulties i n paying assessments and fines, led many more to investigate the possibilities of a younger son i n the City.  And of course  the need for scriveners' and goldsmiths' services continued and in-»  4# creased.  Many factors thus operated to bring countrymen i n closer  contact with the City, and even Royalist gentlemen flocked to London,  whence they were from time to time banished by order of the government. ' The dismantling of castles and strongpoints influenced building procedures and furnishings, i n the direction of comfort and convenience; so that i t was a l l but impossible for landed proprietors to avoid becoming more sophisticated.  It could plausibly be argued  that the most important revolution i n the seventeenth century was i n the way of l i f e of the landed gentry. The events of the Revolution induced landowners, both Royalist and Parliamentarian, to recognise that status i n the changed condition of the world could best be emphasised by the manifestations of wealth. They were interested i n making money because i t had become the major means, i n some cases the only means, of getting those luxuries  —  great houses, exotic foods, racing stables, wines, silks and velvets, So  plate, theatre boxes, sessions at spas, yachts,  seats i n Parliament,  and the like — which after 1660 became the distinguishing marks of a gentleman.  They were not misers interested i n money for i t s own sake,  and they continued to look askance at scriveners and brokers whose Si  interest i n money was simply acquisitive.  Men such as Haselitig  and i)  Sz.  John Ireton>  who seemed to grab merely for the sake of grabbing,dis-  gusted them; and were regarded as l i t t l e or no better than the lower classes.  Army officers were generally regarded with distaste on the  basis of allegations as to their cupidity, i t being advanced as a telling point i n favour of General Monk "that most of his officers are post-nati to the spoyles both of the church and crown; for there the S3  shoe pincheth most."  During the Interregnum closer contact with  48 moneymen, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e C i t y , b r o u g h t home t o gentlemen o f a l l p o l i t i c a l c o l o u r s t h e r e a l i s a t i o n t h a t t h e o r g a n i s a t i o n o f t h e great.. companies had r e t a i n e d much o f t h e t r a p p i n g s o f f e u d a l i s m . men  t o o had a h i e r a r c h y w h i c h was  The money-  i n t e r e s t e d more i n s t a t u s t h a n i n  mere p o s s e s s i o n , and members o f t h i s group were p r e p a r e d t o meet l a n d owners more t h a n h a l f - w a y  i n t h e m a t t e r o f p o l i t i c a l arrangements f o r  t h e p r o l o n g a t i o n o f t h e f e u d a l myth t h a t s u p e r i o r i t y i s i n b o r n . S e l e c t i v e s u r v i v a l s o f f e u d a l i s m were common t o a l m o s t a l l l a n d owning g e n t r y , whether t h e y b e l o n g e d t o a n c i e n t f a m i l i e s o r t o compara t i v e l y new The  ones, and whether t h e y were P a r l i a m e n t a r i a n s o r R o y a l i s t s .  l o g i c a l outcome o f t h e i r a t t i t u d e , f r o m t h e p o l i t i c a l p o i n t o f  v i e w , was  monarchy c o n t r o l l e d by i t s o b l i g a t i o n s t o themselves.-  With  a h a n d f u l o f e x c e p t i o n s , among whom Edmund Ludlow and S i r Henry Vane, were p r o b a b l y t h e most o u t s t a n d i n g , t h e c o u n t r y members o f t h e mentary p a r t y were c o n v i n c e d m o n a r c h i s t s .  Parlia-  When t h e R e v o l u t i o n seemed  t o t h r e a t e n monarchy as an i n s t i t u t i o n t h e g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f them w i t h S#  drew t h e i r s u p p o r t , even i n some cases j e o p a r d i s i n g t h e i r e s t a t e s . Extreme o p p o s i t i o n , i n v o l v i n g l o s s o f e s t a t e s , was,  however, r a r e .  Some o f t h e P a r l i a m e n t a r y gentlemen, though n o t e x p e l l e d i n P r i d e ' s P u r g e , a b s e n t e d t h e m s e l v e s f r o m t h e Rump.  Thomas, L o r d F a i r f a x , a f t e r  c o n s i d e r a b l e h e s i t a t i o n r e s i g n e d h i s o f f i c e as commander-in-chief and r e t i r e d t o Nunappleton. his  There he o c c u p i e d h i m s e l f w i t h h i s l i b r a r y ,  garden and h i s s t u d , and e n j o y e d t h e s o c i a l r o u n d i n t h e company SS  o f h i s f r i e n d s and r e l a t i o n s .  G e n e r a l l y speaking, the p r a c t i c a l con-  c e r n o f landowners f o r t h e maintenance and improvement o f t h e i r e s t a t e s  49 remained constant throughout the Interregnum.  They accepted the Pro-  tectorate with.varying degrees of reservation beeause Cromwell did protect their estates.  They defeated persistent efforts by copy-  holders, small yeomen and tenants to combat rack-renting and the spread of enclosures; in Parliament by a voting majority, and in the f i e l d by police action. A few of the representatives i n Parliament of the great landowning families were related to Cromwell, as were many of the not-  7  s  quite-so great.  Others were "kinglings". Among the supporters of a  Cromwellian monarchy were S i r Edward Herbert, Charles Viscount Howard, Sir Richard Onslow, and S i r Francis Russell. It i s likely that most of them resembled Onslow, outwardly a Cromwellian, but one who (as Cromwell himself once asserted in an angry"'outburst) "had Charles Stuart in his belly".  Even i f Cromwell had accepted the t i t l e of  king, and had browbeaten the army into submission, he could hardly have f u l f i l l e d the requirements of the landowners. His success as a general, his active participation i n government, and the lingering suspicion that he had some sympathy towards the religious, economic and p o l i t i c a l aspirations of the lower classes a l l acted against him. Neither the Barebones assembly nor the major-generals could easily be forgotten or wholly forgiven. The Interregnum strengthened and confirmed the p o l i t i c a l ideal of the gentry, and led to a much wider recognition of the need for co-operation with those who could assist in attainment of that ideal, but there was no fundamental change. They s t i l l wanted practical control  o f t h e government t h r o u g h c o n t r o l o f P a r l i a m e n t and t h e l a w , and  they  s t i l l wanted t o p r e s e r v e t h e f e u d a l outward t r a p p i n g s o f monarchy. George W i t h e r was b i t t e r b u t c l o s e t o t h e mark when h e s a i d t h a t t h e y wanted a k i n g " s e t u p t o hawk, h u n t , b o w l e , and p l a y a t T e n n i s , w h i l s t t h e P a r l i a m e n t managed t h e g r e a t and p u b l i k e a f f a i r s . "  Charles I had  n o t f i t t e d t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n , n o r d i d Cromwell; b u t r e p o r t s f r o m B r u s s e l s gave encouragement t o t h e v i e w t h a t C h a r l e s I I m i g h t .  NOTES  1 . F o r examples see B r u n t o n a n d P e n n i n g t o n , "Members of t h e Long P a r l i a m e n t " , p p . 58 (Soame), 92 ( N o r t h ) , 100-102 ( H o b a r t ) , 119 (Leman), 126 ( C l o t w o r t h y ) , and 156-158 (Holies). 2. See i b i d . , pp. 72-73 ( B a r n a r d i s t o n ) , 89-90 ( B e d i n g f i e l d ) , 149-150 ( B u t t o n ) , 155-156 ( D i g b y ) . F o r D i g b y ' s p e d i g r e e see R.T. P e t e r s s o n , " S i r Kenelm D i g b y " , p p . 17 and 328. 3. See L i p s o n , "Economic H i s t o r y of E n g l a n d " (1929), i , 119-  120.  4. S a v i n e , a r t i c l e i n Eng. H i s t . Rev., x v i i , 781. ( c a s e s of Y. Hamond and W. B l a c c h e ) . 5. S t a r k e y , " D i a l o g u e " (about 1538) between C a r d i n a l P o l e and Thomas L u p s e t , ( E a r l y E n g l i s h Text S o c i e t y e d n . ) ,  pp. 89-90.  6. W i t h e r , " R e s p u b l i c a A n g l i c a n a " (1883 e d n . ) , p. 8. 7. H i l l , " P u r i t a n i s m and R e v o l u t i o n " , pp. 180-181. 8. The s a i d t r a i t o r s were: s i r J o h n S t o w e l f George Duke of Buckingham, John E a r l of B r i s t o l , George Lord D i g b y * W i l l i a m E a r l of N e w c a s t l e , s i r W i l l i a m W i d d r i n g t o n f s i r P h i l i p Musgrave, s i r Marmaduke L a n g d a l e , s i r R i c h a r d G r e e n v i l e , s i r F r a n c i s Doddington, s i r J o h n C u l p e p p e r f s i r John B y r o n , Edward E a r l of W o r c e s t e r , s i r J o h n W i n t e r , Matthew B o y n t o n , s i r L e w i s D i v e s , Thomas L e y i s o n , James E a r l of Derby, J o h n Marquess of W i n c h e s t e r , s i r R a l p h H o p t o n f s i r George R a t c l i f f , F r a n c i s L o r d C o t t i n g t p n , s i r Edward H a r b e r t * s i r Edward H i d e f R i c h a r d Lane, R o b e r t Long, Thomas T i l s l e y , James E a r l of C a s t l e h a v e n , R  51 P h i l i p C a r t a r e t , John B o d v i l e , P e t e r Pudsey, James Bunch, s i r Edward N i c h o l a s , s i r Marmaduke Roydon, John S t o w e l , Edward S t o w e l , Marmaduke L a n g d a l e , Thomas E a r l of C l e v e l a n d , Thomas L o r d W e n t w o r t h ^ C h a r l e s Townley, s i r P e r c y H a r b e r t , s i r George B e n i o n , s i r Henry S l i n g s by,* s i r F r a n c i s Howard, W i l l i a m K a i n s , s i r Thomas Haggerston, s i r Andrew Coggan, J o h n R o b i n s o n , s i r R i c h a r d Tempest, s i r Thomas R i d d l e , s i r John Marlow, Edward Grey, D a v i d J e n k i n , Henry L o r d W i l m o t f P h i l i p E a r l o f C h e s t e r f i e l d , John Denham, s i r Robert H a t t o n ^ s i r Thomas R i d d l e t h e younger, s i r John Somerset, Roger Bodenham, s i r . H e n r y B e d d i n g f i e l d , Thomas B e c k w i t h , Henry P e r c y f C h r i s t o p h e r L e w k e n o r ^ Rowland A i r e , John G i f f o r d , James Duke o f H a m i l t o n , W i l l i a m H a m i l t o n , John E a r l o f L a u d e r d a l e , s i r A r t h u r A s t o n , and C u t b e r t M o r l e y . ("Acts and Ordinances o f t h e Interregnum", i i , 520-521). I t i s c l e a r t h a t t h i s f i r s t l i s t dealt mainly w i t h r e a l " m a l i g n a n t s . " The 15 marked had been R o y a l i s t M.P.'s., i n c l u d i n g e i g h t county members. 9. F i r t h and R a i t , " A c t s and O r d i n a n c e s o f t h e Interregnum", i i , 520-545 (16 J u l y 1651), 591-598 (4 August 1652), and 623-652 (18 November 1652). F o r an i l l u m i n a t i n g e x p l a n a t i o n o f " d o u b l i n g " , s e e Commons J o u r n a l s , v , 146-147* 10. H i l l , as n o t e 7, p . 180, c i t e s t a b l e s c o m p i l e d by S . I . A r k h a n g e l s k y i n "Agrarnoye Z a k o n o d a t e l s t v o V e l i k o y A n g l i y s k o y R e v o l y u t s i i " , (Moscow-Leningrad, 1935 a n d  1940).  11. T h i r s k , " S a l e s o f R o y a l i s t L a n d D u r i n g t h e Interregnum", Economic H i s t o r y Review, 2nd s e r i e s , v , 192-195. Hardatre, " R o y a l i s t s During the P u r i t a n R e v o l u t i o n " , pp. 63 and 66 ( c i t e s C.S.P. Domestic 1648-1649, p.48). 12. H i l l , as note 7, pp. 180-181. Tatham, " S a l e o f E p i s c o p a l Lands, e t c . " , E n g l i s h H i s t o r i c a l Review, x x i i i ( 1 9 0 8 ) , 101-102. 13. G a r d i n e r , "Commonwealth and P r o t e c t o r a t e " , i i , 64-65. A s h l e y , "John Wildman", pp. 79-81. 14. T r e v e l y a n , " E n g l i s h S o c i a l H i s t o r y " , p . 244. 15,. John E v e l y n , D i a r y , 17 August 1654. 16. B r u n t o n and P e n n i n g t o n , p . 16. 17. F i r t h , " R o y a l i s t s Under t h e P r o t e c t o r a t e " , E n g l i s h H i s t o r i c a l Review, I i i (1937), 639-640. ( F i r t h ' s r e f e r ence t o James Wenlock i s a p p a r e n t l y an e r r o r , u n l e s s two Wenlocks p r e s e n t e d Humble D e c l a r a t i o n s t o C h a r l e s I I . See Hardajfcre, as n o t e 11, pp. 33, 65, 83, 106, 152). 18. T h i r s k , a s n o t e 11, p. 205. See a l s o Chesney, "Transf e r e n c e o f Lands, e t c . " , T r a n s a c t i o n s R o y a l H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y , 4th s e r i e s , x v (1932), 209-210.  52Brunton and Pennington, p. 184. See Appendix 3 o f t h i s t h e s i s . C l a r e n d o n , L i f e (edn. o f 1759), i . 135-136. G a r d i n e r , " H i s t o r y o f G r e a t C i v i l War", i i , 59. ( c i t e s . S.P.Dom., d i i i , 56, i x ) . 2 3 . H.M.C., 13th R e p o r t , A p p e n d i x , P a r t 1 ( P o r t l a n d MSS),p.87. 24. F i r t h and R a i t , a s n o t e 9 , i i , 1043 and 1057. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i , 209 a n d 2 2 5 . 25. N o r t h , " L i v e s o f t h e N o r t h s " , ( 6 d . J e s s o p ) , i , 31. 26. e d . F. Bamford, "A R o y a l i s t ' s Notebook", p . 2 4 7 . ( q u o t e d by H i l l , as n o t e 7, pp. 168-169). 2 7 . H.M.C., 1 5 t h R e p o r t , Appendix, P a r t 7 (Somerset MSS.), p. 8 7 . The i n h a b i t a n t s o f Maiden B r a d l e y , W i l t s . , c o m p l a i n e d t h a t Edward Seymour was s q u e e z i n g them " f o r s a t i s f a c t i o n o f t h e f i r s t payment o f h i s c o m p o s i t i o n with the Parliament." 28. See "Economic H i s t o r y Review", x i (1941) and 2nd s e r i e s v i i (1954) f o r Tawneyj supplement t o E c . H. R. (1953) and "Encounter", n o . 77 ( I 9 6 0 ) f o r T r e v o r - R b p e r . 29. See Chapter 1 o f t h i s t h e s i s . 30. F i r t h "Last Tears o f the P r o t e c t o r a t e " , i i , 141. G a r d i n e r , "Commonwealth and P r o t e c t o r a t e " , , i , 8 5 . 3 1 . G a r d i n e r , "Commonwealth and P r o t e c t o r a t e " , i i , 34-36. 32. Clarke Papers, i v , 38. Davies, "Restoration o f Charles I I " , p l 3 9 . 33. »Davies, a s n o t e 32,-p. 140. C l a r k e P a p e r s , i v , 47. 34. C o r b e t t , "Monk", pp. 154-157. 3 5 . C l a r k e P a p e r s , i v , 96-99 and 109-110. . W h i t e l o c k , " M e m o r i a l s " , i v , 374. 36. e.g. B u i s t r o d e I V h i t e l o c k , George Downing, W i l l i a m Jephson. 37. e.g. S i r R a l p h Verney, John Mordaunt, t h e Duke o f Ormonde. 3 8 . Clowes, " R o y a l Navy", i i . 203. • • Gorges, " S t o r y o f a F a m i l y , e t c . " , p. 1 3 1 . 39. E l l i s , "Penny U n i v e r s i t i e s " , p p . 18-42. 40. E v e l y n ' s D i a r y , 22 October 1658. 4 1 . . " S c o t s i n - P o l a n d " ( S c o t t i s h H i s t o r i c a l S o c , 1915), pp. 1 2 - 1 9 . - W h i t e l o c k , i v . 119. The T h u r l o e P a p e r s c o n t a i n many l e t t e r s f r o m o v e r s e a s merchants and a g e n t s . 4 2 . . ed. Hughes, " B o s c o b e l T r a c t s " , pp. 160 e t s e q . , a n d 2 6 1 . 4 3 . . P a r k e s , " T r a v e l i n E n g l a n d i n t h e 1 7 t h C e n t u r y " , pp. 27219. 20. 21. 22.  275.  4 4 . Verney, Memoirs, i i i , 5 6 . (June 1 6 5 3 ) . 4 5 . F i r t h and R a i t , as n o t e 9 , i i , 8 6 I - 8 6 9 . See a l s o i b i d , i i i , 24 and 65. 4 6 . Some examples a r e g i v e n by P e a r l , "London and t h e Outbreak o f t h e P u r i t a n R e v o l u t i o n " , pp. 41-42. 47. Verney, Memoirs, i i i , 366. . C l a r e n d o n , H i s t o r y , XV, 8 8 . (Macray, v i , 57).  48. R i c h a r d s , " E a r l y H i s t o r y o f B a n k i n g , e t c . " , pp.  and 37-39.  15-18  49. F i r t h a n d R a i t , as n o t e 9, i i , 349-354, 503 and 1304-1305. 50. W i l l i a m s o n , "The E n g l i s h Channel", pp. 248-249.  51. "an a b s u r d , b o l d man, b r o u g h t up by Mr. Pimm": C l a r e n d o n , H i s t o r y , I I I , 128.(Macray, i , 300). 52. "one o f t h e i r ( t h e army's) c o n f i d e n t s " : Ludlow, i i , 121. 53. J o h n Barwick t o S i r Edward Hyde: T h u r l o e , v i i , 861.  (19. March 1659).  54. D e n z i l H o l i e s , f o r example, was, impeached and h i s e s t a t e s were s e q u e s t e r e d . (D.N.B., i x , 1058). 55. Markham, " L i f e o f t h e G r e a t L o r d F a i r f a x " , pp. 353-368. 56. James/ " S o c i a l P o l i c y , e t c " , pp. 117-128. A s h l e y , "John Wildman", pp. 79-81. F i r t h and R a i t , " A c t s and O r d i n a n c e s , e t c . " , i i , 899-902. Musgrave, "A True R e p r e s e n t a t i o n , e t c . " , c i t e d by D a v i e s , " E a r l y S t u a r t s , 1603-1660", p. 281. 57. See Weyman, " O l i v e r Cromwell's K i n s f o l k " , i n E n g l i s h  H i s t . Rev. v i (1891), 48-60.  58. V u l l i a m y , "The Onslow F a m i l y , 1528-1874", p. 18. 59. W i t h e r , " R e s p u b l i c a A n g l i c a n a " , p. 42.  54 CHAPTER 4 MONEY Each s u c c e s s i v e government d u r i n g t h e Interregnum t o t t e r e d t o d e s t r u c t i o n as i t f a i l e d t o s e t t l e i t s money p r o b l e m s , w h i c h always i n c l u d e d the a r r e a r s o f pay o f t h e armed f o r c e s . Commonwealth was k e p t f a i r l y  T i l l about 1654  s o l v e n t by such d e v i c e s as d o u b l i n g  the and /  the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f debentures a g a i n s t conquered and c o n f i s c a t e d l a n d s . A f t e r 1654  t h e s u p p l y o f l a n d was n e v e r s u f f i c i e n t t o come n e a r m e e t i n g  t h e demand.  R e v o l t s and c o n s p i r a c i e s o c c a s i o n a l l y made i t p o s s i b l e t o  add a few names t o l i s t s o f d e l i n q u e n t s and m a l i g n a n t s , b u t t h e p r o ceeds were s e v e r e l y l i m i t e d by t h e f a c t t h a t "men to  get s e r i o u s l y i n v o l v e d .  of condition" refused  A f t e r f / o r c e s t e r o n l y two p l o t s r e a c h e d  the  stage of.armed r e s i s t a n c e i n E n g l a n d , and o n l y one d u r i n g Cromwell's l i f e t i m e ; and t h i s one, Penruddock's r i s i n g , was  a pathetic farce  fought m a i n l y bjf drunks and s m a l l f a r m e r s . The f i n a n c i a l p l i g h t o f government became e v e r more s e r i o u s . W i t h i n two weeks o f t h e d i s s o l u t i o n o f Cromwell's second P a r l i a m e n t , Henry Cromwell w r o t e f r o m I r e l a n d t o S e c r e t a r y T h u r l o e : " I b e l i e v e y o u r s t r e i g h t s a r e g r e a t , and w i l l be g r e a t e r , u n l e s s t h e L o r d h e l p ;  Ifbut r e a l l y ours a r e not t o l l e r a b l e . . . . "  H i s l e t t e r was  one o f many  c o n t a i n e d i n t h e T h u r l o e P a p e r s w h i c h i n d i c a t e t h a t the s i t u a t i o n i n a l l t h r e e kingdoms was  d e s p e r a t e , and becoming more s o .  A s a t i s f a c t o r y s o l u t i o n t o t h e c o m p l i c a t e d p r o b l e m depended on two f a c t o r s , b o t h o f w h i c h were known i n 1658.  One was  the r e d u c t i o n  o f e x p e n d i t u r e by t h e c e n t r a l government, t h e o t h e r an e x t e n s i o n o f  55 credit.  The f i r s t was incompatible with the continued existence of a  large armyj the other could hardly be effectively used unless and u n t i l i t had the firm support of investors.  Gnceethe central government had  begun to build up,debts (for whatever reasons), i t could solve i t s problems only by the use of force or by convincing major taxpayers that i t s interests were theirs. The period of the Interregnum did not produce a satisfactory solution to the financial problems of government, mainly because the rich in both country and City resisted paying for an army which (at any rate while Cromwell was i n command) seemed to provide a constant threat of military dictatorship i n the interest of the lower classes. I t now seems obvious that Cromwell's concern for the welfare of the lower classes was almost entirely confined to words, yet i t i s also not hard to understand how many of his contemporaries were misled as to his i n tentions.  From time to time he had favoured men like Harrison and  5 Lambert,  who were evidently prepared to countenance a redistribution  of wealth, supported by the power of the army. While Cromwell prevented revolutionary change in the number and quality of direct taxpayers, and while many actual taxpayers resisted payment except on terms which Cromwell would not accept, a condition of stalemate existed.  There could be no satisfactory solution to the  government's financial problems. There were, however, significant developments i n general economic theory and practice, in the attitude of the privileged classes towards money, and in their understanding of i t s use.  In spite of.evidence proving some use of credit notes and b i l l s of exchange, i t is clear that in the l640 s men commonly identified f  money with specie or bullion.  Many examples of this are given i n  Ruding's "Annals of the Coinage", an interesting work by a writer whose economic viewpoint was much closer to the seventeenth century than i s  6  a.  that of post-industrilisation authors.  It is clear that individuals  and corporations stored plate not so much for i t s beauty (except in a few instances) as with a view to i t s ultimate conversion into corn. Samuel Butler ascribed the military successes of the "saints" to the fact that they coined "piss-pots, bowls and flaggons / Int officers 1  of horse and dragoons."  7  When the Scottish treaty was paid off i n g  1647 actual coin had to be carried to the north in thirty-six carts. When Henry Ireton compared land and money during the Putney Debates, he apparently thought of money as precious metal. He also put i n succinct form one of the main grounds for landowners distrust of 1  moneymen:  "If (aiman) hath mony, his monie i s as good in another  place as heerej hee hath nothing that doth locally fixe him to this  Q Kingedome."  The ownership of land might be concealed, and often wasj  but land i t s e l f could not, like bullion, be hidden or sent abroad. By 1658 there had been a revolutionary change of outlook which had begun to permeate the body of magnates throughout the country, though the process was not yet complete.  William Potter, in his "Key  of Wealth" (1650) advocated quickening "the revolution of money and to  credit" by the proliferation of promissory notes.  Henry Robinson,  in "Certain Proposals" (1652), wrote: "...above a l l other Engines or  57: Instruments, the greatest pre-eminence is due unto a Banck....it is //  the E l i x i r or Philosophers Stone...."  Among other theorists who /Z  contributed to the l i v e l y discussion were John Benbrigge, Sir ; a '¥ Balthazar Gerber, and. Samuel Lambe. The last referred, specifically to "imaginary money." Many goldsmiths i n London founded, banks where they took deposits, made loans, and arranged investments. Backwell,  Following the lead of Edward  they issued goldsmiths' notes which were in effect&paper  currency, and so inaugurated the deliberate inflation which later was to draw out the s a t i r i c a l criticism of Alexander Pope: "Blest paper-creditI last and best supply 1 That lends Corruption lighter wings to fly. I .. •»•  Pregnant with thousands f l i t s the Scrap unseen, And silent sells a King, or buys a Queen." '7 Though a high proportion of the depositors i n such banks were City men, there were also some important provincial customers. When S i r Robert Viner was embarrassed by the Stop of the Exchequer i n 1672,  two  of his most important creditors were the Rt. Hon. Henry Sidney and Dr. Samuel Parker (Archdeacon of Canterbury). During the Interregnum conditions favoured the settlement of divergent interests as between moneylenders and merchants. Some idea of the gulf that once divided these groups may be gathered from characters created by Thomas Dekker, whose sympathetic treatment of the merchant Lord Mayor, Simon Eyre, ^ c o n t r a s t s v i v i d l y with his scathing  zo condemnation of brokers and moneymongers.  Even before the C i v i l Wars,  however, the commonly-accepted definition of usury had been modified so  as to include only the lending of money at extortionate rates of Zl  interest;  and ideas about what was permissible became very elastic 22,  in the grab for debentures and government contracts.  Though penny-  pinching continued out of favour among the longer-established rich, the criterion for social acceptance was modified to include even moneylenders, so long as they emulated Simon Eyre in splashing rather Z3 than hoarding.  Men like Baekwell and Thomas Cullum successfully  combined moneylending with commercial operations, and ultimately with landed proprietorship. Moneymen of a l l kinds drew together in such 24 zs ventures as tax-farming and the hawking of tokens, which painlessly removed from the pockets of the poor such few pence as might have reached there. The growth of permanent joint-stock companies in connection with long-haul trade helped to close the gap between adventuring and usury which, because of the persistence of medieval tradition, lingered in z£> the merchant mind. Better s t i l l , for country-City relations, the companies brought in landowners and gave them a permanent and direct 27 interest in the well-being of trade. the Barnardistons  Families like the Herberts ' and  were early sponsors of the East India trade, and  paved the way for such men as Arthur Annesley, Denzil Holies, Anthony zo Ashley Cooper, and William Morrice.  The companies involved in  American colonisation were particularly attractive to Parliamentarian landowners, whose plans were based partly upon economic grounds and  3o . partly upon religious scruples. economic grounds came f i r s t .  (In cases of serious conflict,  Tobacco was a major crop, though some  59 adventurers expressed strong opposition to "the noxious weed,"). London's importance as a financial entrepot increased greatly as a result of the increasing influence of money, as the established magnates s k i l f u l l y adapted to a changing commercial pattern. As the relative importance of long-haul trade was stimulated by colonisation and an increasing demand for exotic luxuries, the western outports increased their relative status as centres of trade, while the eastern outports declined. There was, however, a considerable increase in the 32>  actual volume of coastal trade between London and the eastern outports, 33  which was based largely on coal and corn.  At the same time London 34  trade with southern and western ports also increased^  and the City  financiers retained control of the long-haul trade by retaining administrative and financial control of the trading and colonising 35  companies. Ships and colonists might leave from Plymouth or Bristol. 3t> 37 Tobacco and sugar might pour into Bristol and Liverpool,' and i n time of trouble (as in 1665) "several ingenious men" might emigrate from London to Liverpool.  The headquarters of the great companies  remained in London, or (as in the case of the Merchant Adventurers) 3<? effective control was exercised from London. ' The outports and inland boroughs had local moneymen who traded in goods, allowed credit, and in many cases lent money at interest. In places at great distances from London their function as local bankers and financiers was of particularly great importance.  A provincial  magnate who as early as the sixteenth century profitably combined banking with a law practice was George Hutcheson of Glasgow;  and  60 after the Restoration i t was s t i l l possible for the Smiths of Nottingham to become bankers.  Generally, however, moneymen in the smaller  centres were entrepreneurs, providing goods for the export trades and helping to maintain the circulation of money between London and the provinces. Many of them dealt mainly or entirely i n cloth, and were dependent on London financiers for supplies of cash.  The moneymen  who aspired to high importance in their f i e l d migrated to the City, as #3 #4. did Thomas Atkins from Norwich and Edward Colston from Bristol. The great moneymen of the City had numerous business connections through whom they exercised influence i n the larger provincial boroughs. One feature of the lower-class bid for power, during, the Interregnum, was a more or less concerted attack on these local magnates. At Newcaatle-on-Tyne, for example, small colliery operators tried persistently to limit the influence of the hostmen.  On the Welsh border  similar efforts were made against the Shrewsbury Drapers' Company. In the commercial and financial struggle, as in the agricultural, the lower classes were defeated; but not without having come so close to victory as to scare their superiors into solidarity. Landowners dreaded democracy because i t threatened their p r i v i leged status by the probable redistribution of their estates. Merchants and financiers had the same fear, and for reasons which were basically the same. The establishment of limited Parliamentary government was essential to landowners, for whom a selective Parliament *as the.traditional instrument for asserting and maintaining their superiority.  It was just as essential to moneymen, many of whom had  61  invested heavily i n a Parliamentary victory,  /  and would lose both  status and money i f Parliament should be overthrown or controlled by the poor. From the Leveller agitation in 1647 Government i n late 1653  to the Instrument of  the threat of democracy intermittently  reached heights of severity.  During these dangerous times moneymen  were the f i r s t to recognise Cromwell's importance and potential value. The philosopher Hobbes characterised the nature of Cromwell's relationship with the City rich in a famous dictum: "The Obligation of Subjects to the Soveraign, i s understood to last as long, and no  St longer, than the power lasteth, by which he i s able to protect them." The power which Cromwell wielded was his control of the armed forces, a rather precarious control based partly on his success as a general, partly on his emotional insight into the minds of common soldiers, partly (and increasingly) on the promotion to high rank of his numerous relations.  A l l three bases were assuredly distasteful to the  establishment,' but so -long as his power was used to protect property and advance trade the situation was bearable.  In the City Cromwell  was periodically wined and dined by groups of moneymen, who provided Sg,  S/  him with gifts of plate ..and financed his military adventures  m.  return for the organisation of convoys at sea and the prevention of pillage on land.  The demand for protection was by no means confined to  the City, though there i s evidence that those who paid most promptly S3  usually got the best service. This accommodation between Cromwell and some of the most influent i a l groups of moneymen was far from a love-match.  The more  62  recalcitrant rich (including Richard. Brown) refused, him any cooperation at a l l .  Only Robert Tichborne and. John Ireton became s u f f i -  ciently involved with him to suffer severe penalties at the Restoration. Both had committed the same crime as Haselrig, that of grabbing too greedily and too openly.  Cromwell on his part interfered unduly with  the organization of the Common Council, and achieved a temporary  SUC-  KS'  cess i n limiting the power of the Court of Aldermen.  He had, how-  ever, made some important friends — Edward Backwell, Thomas Viner, Martin Noel were three outstanding examples —  and had shown by his  re-establishment of communications with Sir Thomas Adams and S i r John Langham  that a permanent understanding might be possible.  Merchants and financiers sat in the Long Parliament and in a l l Parliaments of the Interregnum. They frequently represented seaports and market-towns.  London had from four to s*x members, and always  had some of i t s citizens elected for other constituencies.  In the  Long Parliament Rowland Wilson, Francis Allen, Thomas Atkins, Richard Brown, and Gregory Clement were among the Londoners thus elected; and in I656 Martin Noel, Thomas Clarges and John Fowke were elected i n provincial or Scottish/Irish constituencies. ^ The l i s t of members for I656, as printed i n the Old Parliamentary History, specifically mentions Cambridge, Plymouth, Totnes, Durham, Nottingham, and York as  60 having elected aldermen or merchants;  and other members (including  Robert Aldworth of Bristol) were also moneymen. Members for the City in I656 were Thomas Foot, Christopher Pack, Thomas Adams, Richard 6/  Brown, Theophilus Biddulph, and a John Jones.  63  By the middle of the seventeenth century, moreover, some at least of the country families had become so immersed in commerce that estate management was for them a secondary (though s t i l l important) consider-  6Z ation.  Some City aldermen had obtained a footing in the country by  generous marriage contracts. According to Sir James Harrington:  "An  alderman makes not his daughter a countess t i l l he has given her 20,000."  Even when such conversions and alliances are taken into  account, however, i t i s clear that in Parliaments of this period the moneyed magnates were under-represented i n relation to their wealth and to the numbers of the lower classes whom they exploited. Their representatives were spokesmen who exerted much influence, but could never command a voting majority for any proposition which offended most of the landowners. By 1658 the moneymen had achieved many of the aims which had underpinned their strong support of the Parliamentary party. movement of bullion was comparatively easy.  The  The royal patents of  monopoly had been effectively destroyed, and interlopers much weakened. The government had provided vigorous, i f not always well-directed, protection against foreign competition.  An aggressive naval 6£  policy had helped to open up new trades and territories.  The inter-  ests of the moneymen had even forced a war against the Dutch, i n spite  66 of Cromwell's ideas about a Protestant alliance.  In concert with the  landowners, moneymen had largely won the struggle to keep wages down and prices up. On the other hand the unreasonable weight of customs and excise  64 taxes had borne heavily on trade, had caused some dangerous rioting, and had i n the end made i t d i f f i c u l t or impossible to extract a prof i t from farming the taxes.  7  The government's increasing burden of  debt made each successive venture more risky.  The failure of Crom-  well's conquests to inaugurate an immediate era of commercial prosperity, exemplified by the costly adventure in Jamaica, brought home to landowners the connection between trade and their own prosperity.  One  of Anthony Ashley Cooper's most important tasks after the Restoration was to induce settlers to go to the Indies in spite of the terrible 57 mortality rate for which the islands had become notorious.  In 1659  petitions from the City against the deadness of trade were supported by similar complaints from Norfolk, Suffolk, Lincoln, Shropshire,  rz Yorkshire, Staffordshire, Devon, Kent, Warwickshire, and Cheshire. The Interregnum had shown that moneymen had important contributions to offer in the basic problems of restraining arbitrary acts by the government, and of keeping the lower classes subservient.  By with-  holding or concealing supplies of specie they could control any government which adhered to conventional methods of taxation and expenditure, and could at the same time exercise an influence over prices which brought profit to themselves and depression to the poor. 73 of deliberate hoarding were made in 1639 and 1667,  Accusations  and could doubt-  less have been substantiated in the period 1658-1660, had there been less understanding between country and City groups. For, in spite of assertions that bankruptcies were rampant and ready money almost unobtainable,  large sums could be raised for approved purposes  —  65 ^ 1 4 , 0 0 0 t o pay Lambert's t r o o p s i n August 1659, and o v e r ^ 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 t o welcome C h a r l e s ' s r e t u r n i n 1660.  I f t h e r e had been a r e a l s c a r c i t y  o f money, i t would s u r e l y have been r e f l e c t e d i n low wages and p r i c e s , b u t i n f a c t b o t h wages and p r i c e s remained h i g h .  The  low years  1658 t o 1662 were d i s a s t r o u s f o r wage-earners n o t because a c t u a l wages  yy f e l l , b u t because p r i c e s ( e s p e c i a l l y o f wheat) r o s e s t e e p l y . The p o s s i b i l i t y o f a S t u a r t r e s t o r a t i o n was l e s s a t t r a c t i v e t o moneymen t h a n t o landowners  because t h e i r p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n was,  t h e whole, h a r d e r t o d e f e n d . who  on  They c o u l d p o i n t t o few o f t h e i r number  had f o u g h t on b e h a l f o f C h a r l e s I .  They had i n v e s t e d l a r g e sums  yr i n public lands,  as w e l l as t h r o u g h p r i v a t e p u r c h a s e s .  An  influential  C i t y group, i n c l u d i n g S i r Thomas V i n e r and S i r C h r i s t o p h e r Pack, had g i v e n s t r o n g s u p p o r t t o Cromwell j and some were d e e p l y i n v o l v e d i n h i s p o l i c y of aggression overseas.  On t h e o t h e r hand, many o f them a l s o  io had a s u b s t a n t i a l i n v e s t m e n t i n P a r l i a m e n t ,  and c o u l d n o t v i e w w i t h  e q u a n i m i t y any s e r i o u s b r e a c h i n t h e c o n t i n u i t y o f t h a t i n s t i t u t i o n . A C r o m w e l l i a n monarchy, s e v e r e l y l i m i t e d by P a r l i a m e n t , might have saved b o t h l a n d s and l o a n s f o r t h e P a c k - V i n e r group i n t h e C i t y  and  tl f o r s i m i l a r investors i n the provinces.  For p r o s p e r i t y to continue,  however, t h e c o s t o f government w o u l d need t o be d r a s t i c a l l y and t h i s meant, i n e f f e c t , aniadvantagedus and d e m o b i l i s a t i o n o f t h e army.  reduced;  settlement w i t h the Spanish  A R o y a l i s t i n v a s i o n , s u p p o r t e d by  S p a n i s h t r o o p s , was t o be a v o i d e d a t a l l c o s t s , s i n c e i t w o u l d r u l e out b o t h s e t t l e m e n t and d e m o b i l i s a t i o n . coup might  A carefully-managed  domestic  have been more e f f e c t i v e , b u t might i f mismanaged l e t l o o s e  66 the ambitions o f the lower c l a s s e s .  I n an e x t r e m e l y d e l i c a t e a n d com-  p l i c a t e d s i t u a t i o n most o f t h e moneyed magnates a g r e e d w i t h on a t l e a s t one p o i n t —  "misrule  Cromwell  i s b e t t e r t h a n no r u l e ; and a n i l l  fl Government, a bad one, was  i s b e t t e r t h a n none!"  u n f o r t u n a t e but not y e t d i s a s t r o u s .  l a r d e r s and,  i n s p i t e o f depression,  could a f f o r d to  The d i s s o l u t i o n o f 1658  Moneymen had  well-stocked  well-"larded" stockings.  They  wait. NOTES  1. Chesney, " T r a n s f e r e n c e o f Lands, e t c . " , i n T r a n s a c t i o n s o f R o y a l H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y , 4th s e r i e s , x v , 206-207. 2. Underdown, " R o y a l i s t C o n s p i r a c y i n E n g l a n d " , p . 157 (and passim). 3. Underdown, op. c i t . , pp. 127-158. 4. T h u r l o e , v i , 810. 5. Thomas H a r r i s o n , a F i f t h M o n a r c h i s t , p l a y e d a prominent r o l e i n t h e army and i n t h e Barebones P a r l i a m e n t . John Lambert was l o n g r e g a r d e d a s Cromwell's "understudy." (See D.N.B., i x , 41-44 and x i , 452-459, a l s o G a r d i n e r ' s "Commonwealth and P r o t e c t o r a t e " , i n d e x , i v , 309 and 317318). 6. R u d i n g , "Annals o f t h e Coinage o f B r i t a i n " (2nd edn., 1819) i i i , 156-311. F o r a s p e c i f i c example, see p. 209. 7. B u t l e r , " H u d i b r a s " , p a r t 1, c a n t o 2, l i n e s 561-576. 8. B e l l o c , " C h a r l e s the F i r s t " , p . 312. 9. F i r t h and R a i t , " A c t s and O r d i n a n c e s , e t c . " , i , 412, 430  and 44Sj i i , 895 and  10.  1178.  P o t t e r , "Key o f W e a l t h " , a s c i t e d by R i c h a r d s , " E a r l y H i s t o r y o f B a n k i n g " , pp. 96-97. See a l s o H o r s e f i e l d , " B r i t i s h Monetary E x p e r i m e n t s " , p. 94. 11. R o b i n s o n , " C e r t a i n P r o p o s a l s , e t c . " , e x t r a c t s p r i n t e d i n Shaw's " W r i t e r s on E n g l i s h Monetary H i s t o r y , 1626-1730", pp. 75-82. 12. H o r s e f i e l d , as note 10,.p. 279. R i c h a r d s , as note 10, p . 95. 13. H o r s e f i e l d , as n o t e 10, p . 279. R i c h a r d s , as n o t e 10, pp. 95-96. 14. H o r s e f i e l d , as n o t e 10, p. 279. R i c h a r d s , as n o t e 10, pp. 98-99* 15. R i c h a r d s , as n o t e 10, p . 24 e t seq.  16. D.N.B., i , 793-795. See also Appendix 3 of this thesis. 17. '.*Pope, Epistle to Allen Lord Bathurst, lines 39-48. (in "Moral Essays"). 18. Richards, as note 1G, pp. 83-84. Henry Sidney was the brother (and p o l i t i c a l enemy) of Algernon Sidney. See Ewald, "Life and Times of Algernon Sidney", i i , 139-140. Dr. Samuel Parker's "History of his own Time" i s mentioned in Chapter 8 of this thesis. A note i n the 1883.edition of Burnet's History says that Parker "was a despicable man ... he would not l e t probity or conscience be i n the way of worldly preferment." (op. c i t . p. 176). 19. Dekker, "Shoemakers* Holiday", passim. 20. Dekker, "Gull's Hornbook", (1904 edn.), p. 21. Dekker, "English Villanies", as cited by Richards (as note 10), pp. 17-18. 21. Cunningham, "Growth of English Industry and Commerce i n Modern Times", ( 1 9 1 2 ) , Part 1, p. 154. Cunningham cites the Act of 1624. 22. Rushworth, v i (vol. 4, pt. 1), 5 6 9 . ("Seventhly, etc.'!). Milton, "Character of the Long Parliament", i n "Works", (Columbia edn., 1938), x v i i i , 248-250. 23. See Appendix.3 of this.thesis. 24. Firth and Rait, as note 9, i i , 1268-1269. Commons Journals, v i i , 577. I t i s interesting to note that members of the Parliamentary Committee were forbidden to become farmers or partners, "directly or indirectly"; but the question "That a Proviso, touching the East-India Company, shall be read", was defeated without a division. 25. Thornbury, "Old and New London", i , 514. 26. See Chapter 5 of this thesis. 2 7 . Court Minutes, East India Co., i v , 2 7 . Brunton and Pennington, p. 26 etc. 28. Court Minutes, East India Co., iv, 91 and 340 etc. Brunton and Pennington, pp. 69-74. 29. Court Minutes, East India Co., v i , 169 etc. 3Q.^Newton, "Colonising Activities of English Puritans", p. I 4 7 . (See i b i d . p. 59 for names of shareholders in the Providence Co.). 31. Newton, op. c i t . , p. 147 (citing "Archaeologia Americana", 111,82). 3 2 . Willan, "English Coasting Trade", pp. 203-207. 33. ibid., pp. l i l - 1 4 5 . 34. ibid., pp. 203-207 and 146-188. 35. ed. McGrath, "Merchants and Merchandise i n Seventeenth Century Bristol", pp. 280-281. and xx. 36. Edwards, "Bristol", p. 25. McGrath, op. c i t . , p. x x i . 3 7 . Baines, "History of Liverpool", p.. 3 2 7 . 38. ibid., p. 323.  68 39• Heaton, "Yorkshire Woollen and Worsted Industries" pp.  165-167.  40. Eyre-Todd, "History of Glasgow", i i , 236-237 and frontispiece. 41. Richards, as note 10, p. 41 (and footnote). 42. Lipson, "Woollen and Worsted Industries", p. 53. 43. Brunton and Pennington, p. 60 . Pearl , London, 44. McGrath, as note 35, PP. x x i i and 131. 45. Nef, "Rise of British Coal Industry", i i , 130-133. 46. Mendenhall, "Shrewsbury Drapers, etc.", pp. 207^-209 and 11  221.  47. For striking evidence as to how heavy this investment was, see Commons Journals, v i i i , 237-244. 48. "The Case of the Annie Truly Stated, etc." was published 15 October 1647. It i s printed in Haller, "Leveller Tracts, 1647-1653", pp. 64-87. 49. Gardiner, "Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution", pp..405-417. 50. Hobbes, "Leviathan", Chapter 21. 51. Sharpe, "London and the Kingdom", i i , 312-313 and 347-348. 52. Richards, as note 10, pp. 38 and 210. 53. Willan, as note 32, pp. 26-27 (and sources there cited). Heaton, as note 39, p. 16?, quotes from the correspondence of Adam Baines, M.P. for Leeds. (See Appendix 1). 54. Yule, "Independents i n the C i v i l War", p. 121. Ramsey, "Henry Ireton", pp. 47 and 206. 55. Sharpe, as note 51, i i , 303-309, 334-338 and 350-352.  56. Pearl, as note 43* pp. 292-293 and 321-323.  57. e.g. Robert Ellison, member for Newcastle-on-Tyne in the Long Parliament and in 1660, was Sheriff i n 1644. (Bourne, "History of Newcastle, etc." (1736), p. 232.). Bristol throughout the seventeenth century always elected at least one merchant, and sometimes two. (McGrath, as note 35, p. xxvi;. 58. Brunton and Pennington, pp. 59-60. 59. Old Parliamentary History, xxi, 14,20 and 21. 60. O.P.H., xxi, 3-23. 61. O.P.H., xxi, 10. The John Jones elected apparently was not the Protector's brother-in-law — he was returned for the county of Merioneth. 62. Brunton and Pennington offer as examples Sir John Melton, of Newcastle-onTyne; the Barnardistons, of Suffolk; and the Moores, of Liverpool. ("Members of the Long Parliament", p. 5). 63. Harrington, "Oceana" (edn. 1901), p. 271. 64. The export of bullion was prohibited by Act of Parliament, 23 Sept. 1648. Thereafter government policy concentrated on the encouragement of import. (See Firth and Rait, as note 9, i i i , 21). The schemes of Thomas Violet, would-be controller of exports of bullion, had no success. (Shaw, as note 11, pp. 83-85j and D.N.B., xx_,  65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75* 76.  77. 78. 79.  80. 81.  82.  Clowes, "Royal Navy", i i , 94-116. Buchan, '.'Oliver Cromwell", pp. 413-414. See Chapter 8 of this thesis. Thurloe, v i i , 240-242. Burton, iv, 394-397 and 416-420. Carlyle, "Letters and. Speeches, etc", i i , 475-47B. L.F. Brown, "First Earl of Shaftesbury", pp. 133-134. James, "Social Policy, etc.", pp. 75-76. Pearl, as note 43, p. 96 (cites B.M. Add MSS.) Brown, as note 71, p. 144 (sources given on p. 321). Burton, i v , 365 and 385-386. Commons Journals, v i i , 764. ibid., v i i i , 10. Rogers, "History of Agruculture and Prices, etc.", v, 272-273, 402-403, 474, 563, 668-669, 827 etc. . Beveridge, "Prices and Wages i n England", i , 708-709. (The commodity which suffered an outstanding drop i n price was hops; and this might have been connected with brewers* refusal to brew because of the excise on beer). Rogers, op. c i t . , v, 212-216. Chesney, as note 1, pp. 194-207. "Mystery of the Good Old Cause", printed i n Hansard's . Parliamentary History (1808), i i i , 1591-1612. Martin Noel, for example, was one of many who had interests i n the Tfest Indies. Others, including Edward Backwell, were victualling military and naval forces. (See Appendix 3 of this thesis). See note 47. As for example, S i r William Brereton and Sir William Allanson. (See Brunton and Pennington, pp. 63aand 66; "Mystery of the Good Old Cause", as note 78, pp. 15921594). Carlyle, as note 70, i i i , 175.  CHAPTER 5  70  LONDON "The city of London", said..Clarendon, "had too great a hand in driving the King from thence not to appear equally zealous for his return thither."  Without putting i t too bluntly, he clearly inferred  that the City's demonstration of joy at the Restoration was based on expediency rather than on the triumph of a principle.  In fact the  citizens of London, rich and poor, played a major role i n the actual work of restoration Z cheers.  the rich with money and the poor with alcoholic  The influence of the City was, however, much more profound  than Clarendon's bald statement would imply.  The apparent change of  heart to which he drew attention had much to do with the outcome of a ferocious struggle for power within the City i t s e l f .  The success of  the established rich in that contest set the stage for their success throughout the nation. London's geographical and historical background enhanced i t s importance as an entrepot of both trade and finance.  It was about  equidistant from the outports of Newcastle i n the north-east and Plymouth in the south-west.  It was on deep t i d a l water, but many miles  inland, and therefore better protected than most seaports against surprise attack by enemy naval forces.  By seventeenth-century standards  i t was easily accessible by land from the main cloth-producing areas of Wessex and East Anglia.  It was at the doorstep of Parliament. It  was the site of the Mint and of the major law-courts, and i t was the home of the Goldsmith' Company. The traditional situation of the Mint i n London became a matter of  71 g r e a t importance i n t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y .  W i t h t h e growth o f l o n g -  h a u l t r a d e s t o t h e E a s t I n d i e s , A f r i c a a n d t h e p l a n t a t i o n s , t h e r e had.  3 t o be a s h i f t o f emphasis t o t h e w e s t - c o a s t p o r t s .  The i m p o r t a n d  d i s t r i b u t i o n o f wines, s p i c e s , e x o t i c beverages, f i n e f a b r i c s , sugar, and t o b a c c o gave new importance t o B r i s t o l a n d L i v e r p o o l ; y e t London companies v i r t u a l l y c o n t r o l l e d t h e s e t r a d e s .  Not o n l y t h e g r e a t l i v e r y  companies, b u t a l s o t h e most i m p o r t a n t o f the j o i n t - s t o c k companies s e t up t h e i r h e a d q u a r t e r s i n t h e C i t y a n d o b t a i n e d much o f t h e i r t a l there.  The Guinea Company,  v a r i o u s c o l o n i s a t i o n groups  the E a s t I n d i a Company,  capi-  and t h e  were i n c r e a s e d ( o r r e p l a c e d ) a f t e r t h e  2  7 R e s t o r a t i o n by t h e R o y a l A f r i c a Company  and the Hudson's Bay Company*  One o f t h e r e a s o n s why t h e C i t y was a b l e t o p r o f i t so g r e a t l y from a t u r n o f events w h i c h appeared t o f a v o u r t h e w e s t e r n o u t p o r t s was i t s r e t e n t i o n o f f i n a n c i a l c o n t r o l t h r o u g h the M i n t and t h e g o l d s m i t h s . C r e d i t schemes such as g o l d s m i t h s ' notes depended on a r e s e r v e o f t r e a s u r e , w h i c h meant i n e f f e c t a s t o c k o f b u l l i o n .  This i n turn,  e x c e p t i n t i m e s when a war a g a i n s t S p a i n l e d t o t h e c a p t u r e o f b o o t y , had t o be m a i n t a i n e d and i n c r e a s e d almost e n t i r e l y as a r e s u l t o f overseas t r a d e .  There was a d i r e c t c o n n e c t i o n w h i c h e n a b l e d d e a l e r s  i n money t o e x e r t a s t r o n g i n f l u e n c e o v e r p a t t e r n s o f t r a d e . as Cromwell k e p t o r d e r and h a d harmonious  So l o n g  r e l a t i o n s w i t h C i t y magnates,  London c o u l d hope t o r e t a i n i t s supremacy as a f i n a n c i a l and commerc i a l e n t r e p o t , though t h e r e were many problems t o be f a c e d . One such p r o b l e m was t h e r i v a l r y o f merchants particularly Bristol.  i n the outports,  The s o l u t i o n a t t e m p t e d i n t h i s case was a l l i a n c e ,  72 occasionally varied by attempts at monopoly. During the reign of Charles I , tobacco and soap monopolies strucK directly at B r i s t o l ; yet about the same time two prominent B r i s t o l merchants, James Oliver and Richard Wickham were described i n their w i l l s as servants of the. East India Company.^ In 1650 the Company offered shares i n i t s j o i n t stock to thirteen seaport towns, including B r i s t o l , but apparently r e ceived no subscriptions.  London merchants made private arrangements  IZ  with B r i s t o l men,  /3  and sometimes entered into partnership with them.  The East India Company arranged with B r i s t o l men to meet and escort the homecoming f l e e t i n 1652;  and i n 1657 i t was agreed that B r i s t o l ,  Plymouth, Dartmouth and Hull should be recognised as "ports f o r enter/s ing and shipping of foreign coin and b u l l i o n . "  Between 1600 and  1630  s i x merchant apprentices (out of a t o t a l of 377 entered i n the B r i s t o l Apprentice Books) were l i s t e d as having fathers resident i n London, or Westminster.  B r i s t o l magnates who became prominent City men included  Edward Colston and Jonathan Blackwell.  Long after the Restoration,  pany,slave-trading there were occasional about Bril«ft& interlopers; when was o f f i c icomplaints a l l y monopolised by the Royal A f r i c a but ComEdward Colston,was a member of the Company.  OA " The problem of the west-  ern outports was thus largely solved by the City retaining monopoly control of long-haul trade, while admitting i n f l u e n t i a l western merchants to a share of the p r o f i t s . The eastern outports were less dangerous as potential r i v a l s . •  T  Some overseas trade continued out of Newcastle, H u l l , and other ports. In 1671 the corporation of Yarmouth elegantly entertained Charles I I  Zo  and the Duke of York at a cost of one thousand pounds.  "They present-  ed the king with four golden herrings and a chain, value two hundred and f i f t y pounds."  Zl  At that time, however, the town was apparently  heavily i n debt and unable to raise money for the repair of i t s haven  22  and piers.  The decline of the Cinque Ports 24  Lowestoft and King's  25  and of such places as  Lynn was hastened i f not caused by the develop-  ment of long-haul trade. Such foreign trade as continued was largely under the jurisdiction of such companies as the Eastland Merchants and  zs Merchant Adventurers, which were in practice controlled by City magnates.  For many eastern outports the coastal trade became of major 26 importance, and much of this too was with London. Another problem concerned interlopers i n the City i t s e l f , among 27  them such men as Thomas Andrews  ZT  and Maurice Thompson.  The story of  Thompson's relations with the East India Company i s a complicated one, and reveals the tensions within the company. In 1654, after having been concerned with both the company and i t s rivals — Porter-William Courteen group —  the Endymion  Thompson led a revolt of merchants  who wanted to trade individually on their own accounts.^ For almost 3o three years the trade was more or less open, but the problem was solved in 1657 by making Maurice Thompson Governor of the newly-chartered 31 company. It is possibly significant that at the same time Martin Noel was f i r s t elected a "committee." Another of Thompson's support3z ers was Moses Goodyear, who had close business connections with the 33  Bristol merchant John Stone.  This example of intercommunication sug-  gests the complexity of the City's financial empire.  The solution of  74 the interloper problem by admitting the strongest to partnership gave rise to an interesting aftermath in 1660, when Thomas Skinner's case proved that interloping was not always thus rewarded. There was some inter-company s t r i f e .  The great livery companies,  with their feudal traditions, lagged behind the overseas trading ccm3S  panies in opposition to such impositions as tonnage and poundage.  Members of the older companies often opposed the commercial ambitions 3*>  of men like the Earl of Warwick and Lord Saye and Sele.  The East  India Company was often criticised because i t exported bullion and because i t s ships in eastern waters did not contribute much to naval defence; also because the East India trade used capital that might have been used in developing domestic resourcesj while exercising l i t t l e beneficial effect as a direct outlet for English industrial products. Some alleged that the amounts of bullion exported were i n excess of 3f  those o f f i c i a l l y sanctioned, spect  and the company i t s e l f was in this re-  apparently cheated by some of i t s employees.  "Much dispute  arises concerning Mr. Knipe....and information is given that he took © out a great sum of gold as private trade and that the trade in coral on the Malabar Coast, which he was sent out chiefly to prosecute, has  3CJ  since lessened." Strife among individual livery companies may be sensed i n an assertion made by a member of the grand committee on excise in January 1657:  "The merchants have been oppressed , the vintners have got the lf-o  riches."  A l i s t of Lord Mayors between 1647 —  was elected under duress —  when Sir John Warner  to 1661 shows five Grocers,  two Skinners,  43 44 one Mercer, one Draper, one Goldsmith,  #4>  however, disqualified),  75 one Merchant Tailor (who  47  one Haberdasher,  42  one Clothworker,  was,  and two  44 members of minor companies.  The Draper, the Goldsmith and the Cloth-  worker, and perhaps the Haberdasher, were supporters of the Cromwell regime. The Grocers and possibly the Skinners were over-represented in relation to their comparative status; and i t i s interesting to note So  that they were leaders i n the grab for Irish lands.  They also hast-  ened to get right with the new regime at the Restoration, when the Grocers extended membership to Charles II, General Monk, the Duke of Si  York, and Heneage Finch. The Skinners, on 4 April 1660, "nobly enterSZ. .53 tained" General Monk (as did most of the other great companies; and set up the king's arms in their Hall i n place of the arms of fj&rliaS4  ment.  SS  They admitted Anthony Ashley Cooper to membership;  and he be-  came a close friend of the magnate S i r Thomas Pilkington, a Skinner who subsequently played an important part i n the strife prece^ding the Quo Warranto of 1682. Though disagreements among the various companies and within them were not uncommon, much of the action i n such disputes was in the nature of sparring. The contests sometimes had an appearance of roughness, but rarely was there any intention to deliver a knock-out blow. Even the East India Company, beset from many sides, always included prominent liverymen among i t s "committees";  and one historian of the  company has pointed out that the Cromwell era, with a l l i t s v i c i s s i tudes, nevertheless paved the way f o r the company's extensive trade throughout the Orient.  In the City mutual interests were more  76 important to the magnates than r i v a l r i e s . The truly fierce battle i n the City, as i n the country, was between the established rich and the ambitious poor, with effective con-. t r o l of the famed London mob as one the major prizes fought for. During the period leading up to the C i v i l Wars petitions from the City often came so conveniently for John Pym, Parliamentary leader, that So  collusion may be suspected. ' One such petition, presented i n the Commons on 11 December 1641, had "some 15000 names sett to i t soe i t was about three quarters of a yard in breadth and 2 4 yards in length and then the said Mr. Fouke proceeded and further shewed that they had gott many thousand hands more to i t but that they founde many obstruc-  60  tions and much opposition from the Lord Maior and others." Some idea of the continuing solidarity of the London mob may be gathered from Rushworth's account of the closing of a l l shops i n 1643 " t i l l Glocester 61 be reileved"; from Whitelock's detailed description of the funeral  62, of the mutineer Lockier in 1653J  and indirectly from Cromwell's de-  nunciation of "a despicable, contemptible generation of men as they  63 are."  6¥  A few magnates, including Isaac Pennington, 66  67  6T  Robert Tichborne,  is  John Ireton, Thomas Andrews,' and John Fowke, were prepared to come >  to terms with lower-class agitation and seek to use i t i n their own interests.  Other characters, even less reputable in social status,  used the mob as something like a personal army; as did John Lilburne in 1649 and 1 6 5 3 T h e popular assembly, Common Hall, sought to extend i t s influence as against the Common Council and the Court of  77 7o  Yi  Aldermen.  The latter body, most exclusive of City councils, lost some rz of i t s influence in Common Council, but re-asserted its strength as a 73  result of Honk's actions i n February 1660.  In the meantime the  governments of the Interregnum had oftenainterfered with the freedom of the Court of Aldermen, deposing and disabling some men (such as Richard Brown and Abraham Reynardson)  and influencing the promotion  rs to office of others.  Such unwanted figures as Thomas Pride and John  Lilburne had managed to get elected to Common Council, though Lilburne's election was declared invalid by statute i n the Commons.  The City  had even been compelled to submit to the regime of major-general P h i l l i p Skippon and his zealous deputy, John Barkstead, who endeavoured to suppress bear-baiting, cock-fighting and wrestling.^ For the wealthy, whether in finance or commerce, the d i f f i c u l t i e s of the Interregnum were offset by some notable gains. Edward Baekwell and Sir Thomas Viner were outstanding beneficiaries of the rise of capitalism; and a special report dated 1652, addressed from Amsterdam to Sir Robert Stone in London, strongly suggested that other goldsmiths 7g  were thriving.  Rich merchants gained at the expense of small men,  particularly through the application of the Navigation Act of 1651, which aimed at "the increase of the shipping and encouragement of the navigation of this nation."  Ln practice the Act, when enforced,  favoured merchants who were also shipowners; and struck hardest at those men engaged in the exchange of bulky commodities with ports i n northern and eastern Europe. Many of these shippers of bulk goods So depended on the cheapness of Dutch vessels; and Yarmouth men must  78 have been among the heaviest losers, since their export trade i n fish (specifically mentioned in the Act) obviously depended on the use of fl  "strangers bottoms."  In seeking, at the behest of London mercantile  interests, to harass the Dutch, the makers of the Navigation Acts struck a shrewd blow at small men, especially those i n the eastern outports.  At the Restoration the Act of 1651 was re-written i n terms  even more advantageous to shipowners, changing "welfare and safety" in the preamble to "wealth, safety and strength", and making the ban on foreign bottoms applicable to a l l exports instead of specifically to salt f i s h .  In strengthened form i t became an enduring memento  of the Interregnum. The City further contributed to the decline of many small outports through i t s control of Trinity House, which asserted strong influence after the breats-up of the Cromwell regime. General Monk was made an "elder brother" on 24 March 1659, and became Master i n 1660.  A list  of subsequent Masters, up to 1672, includes such interested men as the Earl of Sandwich (Edward Montagu), Sir William Batten, S i r George Carteret, Captain Edward Crisp, Sir William Perm, Colonel Thomas  S3 Middleton, and S i r Thomas Allen. A l l these struggles and gains of the C i v i l Wars and the Interregnum were, i n the City as i n the country, overshadowed by the mighty and successful efforts of groups with established wealth and status to retain their privileged position against a tremendous upsurge of ambition among the lower classes. Nowhere was the spirit of the common people more persistently turbulent than i n London; so the taming  of the London mob was ah essential prerequisite to stable oligarchy. The fierce and passionate fury of the lower classes in the City and i t s immediate suburbs was almost unbelievable.  The splendid per-  formance of the London Trained Bands at Turnham Green (where there was no battle) and at the f i r s t battle of Newbury may have been somewhat coloured by romance, ^though there is l i t t l e doubt that on each occasion the Londoners were largely responsible for Royalist withLater, in July 1644, many deserted: others mutictnously  drawal.  attacked Richard Brown, wounding him in the <face, and informed S i r William Waller that they would not s t i r "one foot further, except i t fS . be home."  During the years that followed London was in constant  turmoil.  In I646 there were mass demonstrations against the arrest  of John Lilburne and Richard Overton.  Lilburne's release was  de-  manded in April 1649 by hundreds of scolding women,^and his subsequent acquittal was almost certainly influenced by a menacing mob which "made the Judges for fear turne pale, and hange down their ft  heads." IShitelock' s "Memorials" contain many references to the s p i r i t of unrest which seemed always to be just beneath the surface calm of the City, always ready to erupt.  In. October 1653 there was a riot of  tumultuous seamen which lasted for two days, in which one man  was  ft  k i l l e d and "divers were wounded."  About a month later came the ex-  traordinary affair of the Portugal ambassador's brother.  In January  1655 a Quaker "being examined by a committee why he drew his sword, and hurt divers at the Parliament door, answered that he was inspired  80 by the Holy S p i r i t to k i l l every man that sat i n the house."  In A p r i l  q2,  1657 there was a F i f t h Monarchy plot, and i n June I658 S i r Henry Slingsby and Dr. Hewitt were beheaded at Tower H i l l following yet another London-centred plot. attorney|.  w a s  On 11 February 1659 "Mr. Fussel, an  shot i n the head with a brace of bullets from the other  side of the street, as he sat i n his chamber, and died presently; who 93  did i t was not known." Other incidents reported by other writers confirm Whitelock's portrayal of seething turbulence. On 8 February 1654, after Cromwell had dined with liverymen at Grocers' H a l l , his coach was the target of a large stone hurled from a window. The stone missed, and the tju.  culprit was not caught.  In 1659 the French ambassador, Bordeaux,  wrote to Cardinal Mazarin about an incident which took place on 7 October, when Quakers had the impudence to interrupt a sermon preached at the Guildhall to members of Parliament and of the army. "Le maire de Londres f u t oblige de l e s faire chasser."  After the Restoration  there was a l a s t f l i c k e r of wildness i n January 1661, when Thomas Venner and a comparatively small band of F i f t h Monarchists brought death and terror to the City for three or four days. This persistent atmosphere of actual or impending violence was not confined to London, but was most pronounced there.  I t was not  always directed at the established ruling class, but i t s tendency up to 1653 was undoubtedly i n that direction.  I t reached a high point  about the time of John Lilburne's l a s t t r i a l , when three regiments of foot and one of horse were sent to overawe "6000 men at least, who,  81 i t i s t h o u g h t , w o u l d n e v e r have s u f f e r e d h i s condemnation t o have  97 p a s s e d w i t h o u t t h e l o s s o f some o f t h e i r l i v e s . " force d i d not deter " s i x  The d i s p l a y o f  o r seven hundred men a t h i s t r i a l w i t h swords,  p i s t o l l s , b i l l s , d a g g e r s , and o t h e r i n s t r u m e n t s , t h a t i n case t h e y h a d  9* not  c l e a r e d him, t h e y w o u l d have employed i n h i s d e f e n c e . "  a c q u i t t a l was a g a i n t h e s i g n a l f o r a hugfe which ( s i g n i f i c a n t l y ) the s o l d i e r s j o i n e d . of the  His  outburst o f r e j o i c i n g i n The supreme achievement  t h e C i t y magnates was t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f L i l b u r n e ' s mob i n t o m o n a r c h i s t r a b b l e o f 1659. The q u e s t i o n as t o how t h i s change was b r o u g h t about i s i n t r i g u i n g .  A g r e a t amount o f r e l e v a n t e v i d e n c e must s u r e l y be h i d d e n i n t h e a r c h i v e s a t G u i l d h a l l , p a r t i c u l a r l y as t o t h e s e c r e t a c t i v i t i e s o f s u c h men as R i c h a r d Brown and Thomas B l u d w o r t h .  I n t h e absence o f d e t a i l e d  i n f o r m a t i o n about i n d i v i d u a l s , i t i s s t i l l p o s s i b l e t o f i n d e v i d e n c e w h i c h shows o r s t r o n g l y s u g g e s t s some o f t h e t a c t i c s u s e d .  One method  c e r t a i n l y e f f e c t i v e was i n f i l t r a t i o n o f t h e r a n k s o f t h e a p p r e n t i c e s too  by younger sons o f g r e a t l a n d o w n e r s . " I doe know Icrds sones which must be a p p r i n t i c e s " , wrote J a c k Verney i n June 1657, "and t h e i r e e l d e r b r o t h e r i s w o r t h 5 t h o u s a n d pounds a y e a r e j as f o r example my /oi  Lord Cossellton."  T h i s k i n d o f a p p r e n t i c e s h i p may o f t e n have come  about as a r e s u l t o f f i n a n c i a l embarrassment;-but, whatever t h e c a u s e , i t u n d o u b t e d l y i n f l u e n c e d a group o f young men who c u s t o m a r i l y t o o k the  l e a d i n mob a c t i v i t i e s . Another method was t h e s p r e a d i n g o f rumours, u s i n g t a v e r n s and t h e  newly p o p u l a r i s e d c o f f e e - h o u s e s .  One pamphleteer d e s c r i b e d t h e new  82 d r i n k as: "Syrop o f Soot and Essence o f o l d shoes  loz. Dashed w i t h D i u r n a l s and t h e Booke o f News." Though t h e r e seems t o be no d e f i n i t e p r o o f t h a t t h e m o n a r c h i s t group made use o f p r o f e s s i o n a l rumour-mongers, t h e known c a r e e r s o f s u c h /OS men  as John Wildman  and Samuel M o r l a n d  suggest a s t r o n g  possibility.  Sometimes t h e rumours were so n e a r l y p r o p h e t i c as t o i n d i c a t e the  like-  l i h o o d o f o r g a n i s e d b a i t - c a s t i n g , as f o r i n s t a n c e t h a t w h i c h r e a c h e d George Downing i n t h e N e t h e r l a n d s as e a r l y as 27 " . . . t h a t h i s now  hyghness was  September  1658:  poysoned, and the l o r d Henry and  gen.  /OS Moncke s t o o d upon t h e i r own t e r m e s . " S h o r t a g e s and h i g h p r i c e s were s h r e w d l y e x p l o i t e d i n g o s s i p  and  /o6 i n w r i t t e n m a t e r i a l p a s s e d f r o m hand t o hand.  The more  senseless  ">7 aspects of bureaucratic interference propaganda b o t h i n speech and p r i n t —  provided u s e f u l material f o r f o r , i n s p i t e of  censorship,  a l l k i n d s o f a n t i - g o v e r n m e n t pamphlets and b r o a d s i d e s were p u b l i s h e d . W i l l i a m Prynne was  almost p e r p e t u a l l y occupied i n h i s  self-appointed  r o l e as pamphleteer:  J o h n E v e l y n c o n t r i b u t e d t o R o y a l i s t pamphlet IO(j l i t e r a t u r e as w e l l as w r i t i n g a d i a r y : and i n 1657 an a u t h o r whose i d e n t i t y i s s t i l l u n c e r t a i n p u b l i s h e d " K i l l i n g No Murder", a p l e a f o r  no Cromwell's a s s a s s i n a t i o n w i t t i l y d e d i c a t e d t o Cromwell h i m s e l f . was  n o t e d by Thomas M a b b o t t , i n a n e w s l e t t e r  the overthrow of Richard  It  composed s h o r t l y a f t e r  Cromwell, t h a t W e s t m i n s t e r H a l l was  "filled  ///  w i t h p a p e r s " demanding t h e r e c a l l o f t h e Long I t may  Parliament.  be t h a t t h e most s u c c e s s f u l t a c t i c o f . a l l i n t h e  t o keep t h e poor subdued was  :  struggle  the re-organization of c h a r i t y , i n  ::::-f  i  83 112. c o n n e c t i o n w i t h a n a t i o n a l p o l i c y o f s u s t a i n e d underemployment. There were a p p a r e n t l y o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r combining p e r s o n a l p r o f i t w i t h //3  a condescending show o f g e n e r o s i t y ;  which probably helps t o e x p l a i n  J o h n Fowke's i n t e r e s t i n C h r i s t ' s H o s p i t a l  and t h e r e s i s t a n c e t o  schemes w h i c h would have u s e d t h e proceeds f r o m c o n f i s c a t e d e s t a t e s t o f o s t e r i n d u s t r i a l employment.  The d e l i b e r a t e d e g r a d a t i o n o f t h e p o o r  r e a c h e d i t s z e n i t h i n t h e days o f t h e Whig O l i g a r c h y , when ( f o r example) t h o s e i n r e c e i p t o f r e l i e f h a d t o wear a badge;  and a t l a s t  culmin-  //7 a t e d i n t h e n o t o r i o u s Speenhamland system. ' I t i s n o t p o s s i b l e , on such e v i d e n c e as i s a v a i l a b l e , t o a s s e r t c a t e g o r i c a l l y t h a t t h e i d e a o f such d e g r a d a t i o n was c o n s c i o u s l y worked o u t by C i t y magnates i n t h e 1650's; b u t a c o n d i t i o n o f l o w e r - c l a s s i n t r a c t a b i l i t y must have h e l p e d t o show t h e v a l u e o f t h e i d e a , w h i l e f i n a n c i a l i n s t a b i l i t y and d e p r e s s e d tl re a dr en e made e ahlet poor h i e s t r ac ti et i by z e n ls i vailnsgo i n d t h e i ptr aac pt ri ac ac lt i ci am lp o pr ot sa sn ic be i loift ya .v o i dThe ing wt suburbs  o r by "unequal l a y i n g o f t h e assessment, sessn t h e r i c h men b e i n g  u n d e r r a t e d and t h e p o o r e r men. o v e r r a t e d . '«."9 The l a t e r y e a r s o f t h e I n t e r r e g n u m were f i l l e d w i t h  complaints  tzo  about shortages extreamly  a n d the decay o f t r a d e .  " I am f r o m day t o day most  p e r p l e x e d and t r o u b l e d w i t h the c r i e s o f p o o r E n g l i s h p e o p l e  seamen, whose s h i p s a r e t a k e n and b r o u g h t i n t o t h e h a r b o u r s o f t h i s s t a t e , and t h e r e t h e goods u n l a d e n and s o l d " , wrote George Downing f r o m  tzi t h e Hague i n O c t o b e r 1658.  About t e n y e a r s l a t e r , d u r i n g t h e s e r i o u s  d e p r e s s i o n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e Second Dutch War, a pamphleteer named Cromwell as "the o r i g i n a l cause o f t h e l o w c o n d i t i o n t h a t we a r e now  IZZ (in relation to trade) reduced into."j  and specifically blamed his  "indiscreet neglecting of trade, and choosing war, when he was i n peace." The scarcity of reliable trade figures for this period makes i t d i f f i c u l t to assess the actual situation, which was probably exaggerated by Royalists and soon-to-be- Royalists.  Specific information  given by J.U. Nef shows that exports of coal from Newcastle and Sunderland between 1658 and 1660 were higher than ever before, and very much izy  higher than during the Second Butch War.  Complaints were probably  aggravated because of unusually cold weather, and perhaps through the deliberate machinations of men such as Richard Brown. The historian of the Shrewsbury Drapers concluded that "the trade seems to have entered an era of modest prosperity" during the later years of the Interregnum. Whether the c r i s i s was primarily manufactured or was mainly the fault of the Spanish War, there i s no doubt that most of the lower classes i n the City accepted the version which blamed the anti-Stuart groups who supported the war.  After presentation of the Humble Peti-  tion and Advice a l l complaints were aired against the background of demands for free elections and a free Parliament. Men like Thomas Viner, Thomas Allen, John Langham, John Robinson, and Thomas Bludworth regained control of the London mob at the same time as they unobtrusively cemented bonds between the liveries and the joint-stock companies. The struggle of the aldermen —  a status group with i t s origins  85 deeply b u r i e d i n f e u d a l n o t i o n s o f p r i v i l e g e —  p a r a l l e l e d the struggle  o f t h e c o u n t r y l a n d o w n e r s , a n d emphasised t h e l i k e n e s s e s between t h e two g r o u p s .  The r i c h i n c o u n t r y and C i t y c o u l d a f f o r d t o s m i l e i n  t h e i r s l e e v e s a t t h e d e s p a i r i n g c r y o f J o h n M i l t o n as he r e a l i s e d t h a t the  masses were p r e p a r i n g " b a s e l y a n d b e s o t t e d l y t o r u n t h e i r necks  a g a i n i n t o t h e yoke which t h e y have b r o k e n , and p r o s t r a t e a a l l t h e f r u i t s o f t h i r v<t>ctorie f o r naught a t t h e f e e t o f t h e v a n q u i s h d . "  NOTES 1. C l a r e n d o n , H i s t o r y , X V I , 240 (Macray e d . v i , 230). 2. E v e l y n ' s D i a r y , 29 May 1660. ^WW, //, JZ7S. 3. e d . M c G r a t h , "Merchants a n d M e r c h a n d i s e , e t c . " , p p . 236 e t s e q . Pepys, D i a r y , 10 December 1664 (Wheatley e d n . , i v , 283). Baine§ " H i s t o r y of L i v e r p o o l " , p p . 332-335. 4. e d . Donnan, "Documents I l l u s t r a t i v e o f t h e H i s t o r y o f t h e S l a v e Trade t o A m e r i c a " , i , 126-133. 5. e d . S a i n s b u r y , "Court M i n u t e s , e t c . " , i v and v , p a s s i m . 6. Newton, " C o l o n i s i n g A c t i v i t i e s o f E n g l i s h P u r i t a n s " , passim. 7. Donnan, as n o t e 4, i , 156 e t s e q . 8. B r y c e , "Remarkable H i s t o r y o f t h e Hudson's Bay Company", pp. 1-19. 9. Edwards, " B r i s t o l " , p . 25. 10. McGrath, as n o t e 3, p p . 51 and 104. 11. S a i n s b u r y , as n o t e 5, i v , 30. 12. W i l l a n , " E n g l i s h C o a s t i n g T r a d e , 1600-1750", p . 50. McGrath, as n o t e 3, p . 242., 13. McGrath, as n o t e 3, p p . 218-219. 14. S a i n s b u r y , as n o t e 5, i v , 179. 15. i b i d . , v , 148. 16. McGrath, as n o t e 3, p p . 275-276. 17. i b i d . , p p . 131 a n d 119. 18. Donnan, a s n o t e 4> i , 267 f o o t n o t e . 19. McGrath, as note 3, p . 131. 20. Heaton, " Y o r k s h i r e W o o l l e n and Worsted I n d u s t r i e s " , p . 249. 21. P a r k i n , " H i s t o r y o f N o r f o l k " , x i , 398. 22. i b i d , x i , 273-274. 23. B a i n e s , " H i s t o r i c H a s t i n g s " , p p . 203-204. Rouse, " O l d Towns o f E n g l a n d " , p p . 80-85.  24. Victoria County History of Suffolk, i i , 238. Trevelyan, "English Social History", p. 287. 25. Heaton; as note 2Q, pp. 162-165. 26. Willan, as note 12, pp. 111-145. 27. Pearl, "London and the Outbreak, etc.", pp. 309-311. 28. Sainsbury, as note 5, many references in vols, i i i - v i i . 29. Willson, "Ledger and Sword", i , 263-264. (Also references as note 28.). 30. Mukherjee, "Rise and F a l l of East India Company", p. 74. 31. See Chapter 1 of this thesis, note 58. 32. Sainsbury, as note 5, iv, 340. 33. McGrath, as note 3, pp. 242 and 114 footnote. 34. Willson, as note 29, i , 275-276. 35. Pearl, as note 27, pp. 77-78. 36. Pearl, as note 27, p. 92. 37.. Cunningham, "Growth of English Industry and Commerce i n Modem Times", Part 1, pp. 258-264. 38. Thomas Violet's "Proposition, etc.", from S.P.D. (Interregnum) ,xvi, no. 97, printed In Shaw, "Writers on English Monetary History", pp. 83-85. 39. Sainsbury, as note 5, i i i , 76. 40. Skeel, "The Canary Company", i n Eng. Hist. Rev., xxxi . (1916), 531. 41. John Warner (1647), Thomas Foot (1649),. John Kendrick (1651), Thomas Allen (1659), and Johri Frederick (1661). Frederick had been "translated" from the Barber-Surgeons. 42. Robert Tichborne (1656), Richard-Chiverton (1657). 43. John Dethick (1655). 44. Christopher Pack (1654). 45. Thomas Viner (1653). 46. Abraham Reynardson (1648). 47. John Fowke (1652). 48. John Ireton (1658). 49. Thomas Andrews (Leatherseller, 1650); Richard Brown (Woodmonger, 1660). 50. Herbert, "Twelve Great Livery Companies", i , 224 footnote. 51. Herbert, as note 50, i , 331. 52. Hazlitt, "Livery Companies of the City of London", p. 262. 53. Rugge's Duirnalj as quoted in Pepys, Diary (Wheatley edn.) i , 102 footnote. 54. Pepys, Diary, 11 April-1660. (Wheatley edn. i , 102). 55. Brown, "First Earl of Shaftesbury", p. 292. 56. Ogg, "England i n the Reign of Charles II", i i , 636-637. (and see Chapter 1 of this thesis, note 49). 57. See results of elections, as.(for example) Sainsbury, as note 5, i i i , 31-32, 91, 153, 210, 276 and 332. 58. Wilbur, "East India Company", p. 128. 59. Hexter, "Reign of King Pym", pp. 17 and 95. (The value of Hexter's work i s somewhat clouded by a glaring i n accuracy. He says, on p. 6, that Haselrig died "a traitor's death on the block"; and repeats the error on p. 78). v  %  60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69.  D'Ewes, Journal, (ed. Coates), p. 271. Rushworth, v (vol. 3, pt. 2), 291-292. Whitelock, i i i , 24. Abbott, "Letters and. Speeches of Oliver Cromwell", i i , 41-42. Pearl, as note 27> pp. 176-184 etc. Yule, "Independents i n the C i v i l War", p. 121. ibid., p. 104 Pearl, as note 27, pp. 309-3H. ibid., pp. 316-320. Gardiner, "Commonwealth and Protectorate", i , 165-169 and  i i , 295-300.  70. Pearl, as note 27, pp. 50-53 et seq. 71. ibid., pp. 59-62. 72. Sharpe, "London and the Kingdom", i i , 304-305 and 333-336.  73. ibid., i i , 366-371.  74. ibid., i i , 308 and 319. 75. See notes 42, 44, 45, 48. Sharpe, as note 72, i i , 354. 76. Sharpe, as note 72, i i , 319. Commons Journals, v i , 337-338. 77. Ashley, "Cromwell's Generals", pp. 157-159. 78. Richards, "Early History of Banking", pp. 209-210 and 37. 79. Firth and Rait, "Acts and Ordinances, etc.", i i , 559-562. 80. Barbour, "Dutch and English Merchant Shipping, etc.", i n Economic Hist. Rev., i i (1929-1930), 261-290. 81. H.M.C. 8th Report, Appendix (Trinity House MSS), pp. 246-  247.  82. For Act of 1651, see note 79 above. For Act of 1660 see "English Historical Documents", v i i i (1660-1714), 533537. The increased control of exports, i n article 6 of the new Act, included "fish, victual, wares, goods, commodities or things of what kind or nature soever the same shall be." Both Acts specifically excluded bullion. 83. H.M.C. 8th Report, as note 81, pp. 248-255. (In 1672 a Sir Richard Brown became Master, but he was not connected with the man of the same name who has been frequently mentioned i n this thesis). 84. Burne and Young, "The Great C i v i l War", pp. 32-33, 105,  240.  85. Sharpe, as note 72, i i , 207. 86. Petegorsky, "Left-Wing Democracy i n the English C i v i l War", p. 89. 87. Inderwick, "Interregnum", pp. 275-276. 88. Frank, "Levellers", p. 221 (cites Walker's " T r i a l l of, etc."). 89. Whitelock, i v , 44-45. 90. ibid., i v , 49-50, 114-115 and 120. 91. ibid, i v , 163.  88 92. 93. 94. 95.  i b i d . ; , i v ; 302.. i b i d . , i v , 340. G a r d i n e r , "Commonwealth a n d P r o t e c t o r a t e " , i i i , 12. Document p r i n t e d by G u i z o t i n " H i s t o i r e du P r o t e c t o r a t de R i c h a r d C r o m w e l l " , ii,492. 96. H u t c h i n g s , "London Town", i , 136. (The s t o r y i s b r i e f l y t o l d i n many o t h e r books. There i s - a p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t t h e . r i s i n g was f o s t e r e d by p r o v o c a t e u r s a t t h e i n s t i g a t i o n o f a group i n c l u d i n g Monk and R i c h a r d Brown. I f t h i s was s o , i t s f u r y was presumably u n e x p e c t e d . More t h a n f o r t y p e r s o n s were k i l l e d , a n d Venner w i t h some c f h i s f o l l o w e r s was e x e c u t e d ) • 97. T h u r l o e , i , 435 and 441. 98. i b i d . , i , 442. 99. F r a n k , . a s note 88, p . 239 ( c i t e s C a l . C I . S t . P a p e r s a n d . Mercurius P o l i t i c u s ) . 100. S h a r p e , as n o t e 72, i i , 352. . C l a r e n d o n , H i s t o r y , XV, 88 (Macray edn., v i , 57). 101. Verny, Memoirs, i i i , 366. 102. E l l i s , : " P e n n y U n i v e r s i t i e s " , p . 51. 103. A s h l e y , "John Wildman", p a s s i m . D.N.B.. (1937-38), x x i , 232-236. 104. D.N.B., x i i i , 965-970. 105. T h u r l o e , v i i , 390. 106. James, " S o c i a l P o l i c y , e t c . " , p . 74. H.M.C. 5th R e p o r t , Appendix (Duke o f S u t h e r l a n d ' s MSS.),  pp. 164-166. 107. A s h l e y , "Cromwell's  G e n e r a l s " , p p . 163-164. 108. K i r b y , - " W i l l i a m , P r y n n e " , passim,, esp. pp. 194-206. 109. E v e l y n , D i a r y , 7 November 1659 a n d 17 Feb. - 5 A p r i l 1660.110. F i r t h , " K i l l i n g No Murder", i n Eng. H i s t . Rev., x v i i (1902), pp. 308-311. H a r l e i a n M i s c e l l a n y , i x , 284-307. 111. C l a r k e P a p e r s , i v , 3. • 112. James, as n o t e 106, p p . 249, 254, 255, 272, 279-282,  and 295-302.  " Coleman, "Labour i n E n g l i s h Economy, e t c . " , i n Econ. H i s t . Rev., 2nd s e r i e s , v i i i , 280-295* B r e t t - J a m e s , "Growth o f S t u a r t London", p . 212. 113. R i c h a r d s , as note-78; pp. 106-107. 114. P e a r l , a s n o t e 27, p . 320. 115. James, as n o t e 106, p . 279. 116. e d . Webb, "Records o f S t . Bartholomew's, S m i t h f i e l d " , i i , 401. 117. T r e v e l y a n , " E n g l i s h S o c i a l H i s t o r y " , p . 469. 118. P e a r l , as n o t e 27, p . 42. 119. W h i t e l o c k , i i i , 12. 120. B u r t o n , i v , 363-365. S c o t t , - " J o i n t - S t o c k Companies", i , 259-262. D a v i e s , " R e s t o r a t i o n " , 94. 121. T h u r l o e , v i i , 429.  122. "The World's Mistake i n Oliver Cromwell", i n Harleian Miscellany, v i , 348. 123. ibid., v i , 352. It i s not without interest, that this pamphlet was written to counter "the undeserved appro. bation, and applause, that Cromwell's memory seems to have with his adherents." 124. Nef, "Rise of the British Coal Industry", table opposite i i , 380. 125. Mendenhall, "Shrewsbury Drapers, etc.", p.. 209. 126. Milton,"Readie and Easie Way", i n "Works" (Columbia edn.,  1932), v i , 123.  90 CHAPTER 6 RICHARD'S PARLIAMENT The dissolution of Cromwell's Second. Parliament was followed, by a period of organised passive resistance during which the wealthy took the lead i n a countrywide campaign to harass and hinder the government. City men resisted the tax imposed under the New Buildings Act/  apparently by simply not paying i t , so that the y i e l d was only Z  40,000 pounds instead of an estimated 300,000.  In the country there  was widespread opposition to the excise, and the farmers claimed that 3  a l l possible means were used to dispute the laws.  A group of London  moneymen including Martin Noel, Alderman Dethwieke  and Alderman Fred-  as'  ricke,  drew back from an offer to purchase farm of the customs, ap-  parently because the rates were too h i g h /  When the government t r i e d  to collect the high rates through commissioners merchants apparently 7 stopped trading to avoid paying the impost. Cromwell's a^ressive foreign policy began to crumble as he was unable to pay the subsidies demanded by the king of Sweden. S i r P h i l i p Meadowe wrote to Thurloe i n June 1658: "...concerning a promised suptie ply of money to be advanced to his maj ...very necessary i n this 8 conjuncture and without which my negociation w i l a v a i l nothing." At a  home Prynne's pamphlets, including "King Richard the Third Revived",  7  were passed around. One of the Protector's supporters wished "there was an end of plots, which spoil trade and make men f e a r f u l of dealing ....I have observed this three years each spring we have had one or more of these plots."  Even the weather seemed to be against the gov-  ernment as the long hard winter of 1657-1658 raised prices and held  I  9 1  back spring planting.*  In June Evelyn reported "an extraordinary IZ  storme of haile and raine, cold season as winter";  and a 58-foot  13  whale was k i l l e d at Greenwich.  In September Captain Langley wrote  from Leith, telling of "constant grat raines, which makes sad times and sights to in the feilds."  The consequent shortages did much to  increase disaffection among the lower classes. By the end of April I658 Cromwell was telling the Swedish ambassadors that he had definitely decided on the calling of a new Parlia15 ment. Instead of doing so, he retreated to Hampton Court in splendid isolation. "He w i l l take his owne resolutions", wrote Thurloe to Henry It, lj Cromwell on 13 July.  Then, suddenly, he was dead;  and financial  chaos was aggravated by a p o l i t i c a l crisis over the succession. According to the terms of the Instrument of Government the Protector's Council, "being thirteen at least present", should have IS  elected a successor;  but the Humble Petition and Advice had required 19  Cromwell, during his lifetime, "to appoint and declare the person." At the time of his fatal illness Cromwell had apparently appointed a successor, but had not named him. Thurloe, was never found.  The paper, addressed to Secretary  Largely on Thurloe's authority the Council  accepted a nomination allegedly made by the dying man by word of mouth ZO  — Cromwell's elder son, Richard. Nineteen officers and only ten civilians signed the proclamation of the new Lord Protector, the army being thus assigned a place in government which seemed almost to create Zl  a fourth estate.  Among the nineteen officers, however, there were a  few who sided with the party in favour of c i v i l supremacy, so i n  92 practice the de facto government was almost exactly divided into two equal and opposite factions.  Out of their heated deliberations came  the decision to c a l l a Parliament of 27 January 1659.  "Some debate  there was, wheither Ireland and Scotland should send members unto i t j and with much to do that question was resolved i n the affirmative I must needs say, I l i k e not the aspect of things, and my feares are greater than my hopes", wrote Thurloe to Henry Cromwell, 30 November zz  1658. According to the terms of the Humble Petition and Advice the proposed Parliament had to be called i n such a way that "the Laws and 23  Statutes of the Land be observed."  The hasty dissolution of February  1658 had not allowed time for further definition, and the changes of the previous twenty years made i t impossible to be specific as to which laws and statutes were meant. In the event, Scotland and Ireland each returned t h i r t y members i n accordance with the Instrument of Government, whereas i n England writs were sent out to the counties and boroughs as for the election of the Long Parliament i n 1640. So far as the country-City alliance was concerned, the question was largely an academic one.  Richard's government desperately needed  money, and was unlikely to f i n d any source of supply other than a Parliament consisting largely of magnates. Thurloe's influence i n the elections had to be directed mainly against Republican extremists such as Robert Wallop and S i r Henry Vane, both of whom were elected i n spite of great endeavours by the Court.  Some success attended the  government's efforts, however, i f one may judge from the fact that  93 only 34 of those who had signed the remonstrance of 1656 were returned 25  as members.  The Parliamentary old guard were as anti-republican as  the Cromwellians, but their leaders viewed with some approval the return of a few trouble-makers.  Richard Brown and his cabal of City  Parliament-men met Charles II*s agent, Edward Massey, and told him • their main hope was to "accoumpt with the Republick Party and pres Zb  them on to interrupt Mr. 824 in his course."  If Richard was s u f f i -  ciently harassed he might abdicate, handing over the reins of government to a Parliament consisting largely of monarchists, including 50 "kinglings" who had been re-elected (as well as those now promoted to the Lords).  On the other hand he might, with the support of such men  as Thurloe, Monk and Montagu, destroy the Republicans and overcome opposition in the army; i n which case the Parliamentarians would not be irrevocably committed to opposing a Cromwellian monarchy. Because Scotland and Ireland again returned 30 members each, while England returned to the old allotment of 460, Richard's House of Commons was large according to contemporary standards.  Of about 415  members who had been admitted in 1658, just a half (207) were reelected in 1659.  Among the members —  about 310 in a l l —  who had not  had a place in Cromwell's Second Parliament, 55 had been members of the Long Parliament, including even (apparently) three Royalists. Thomas Burton, the most important contemporary authority for this ZQ  Parliament, reported speeches by 229 different members. Among them were Arthur Annesley, S i r George Booth, Richard Brown, Serjeant Wild, 30  Francis Gerrard, and 5 6 other members of the Long Parliament.  This  94 proportion of more than one in four bears a close resemblance to the proportion of Long Parliament men elected to Cromwell's Second. Parliament, Allowing for the thinning of the ranks by death, disability and promotion, i t again represents quite a high degree of continuity; and confirms the general idea of continuity drawn from a comparison between 1659 and 1658.  It i s significant also that new members showed  a marked tendency to belong to the proper families, maiden speeches having come from (among others) a Baldwin, a Bampfield, a Barnham, a 31  Boscawen, and a Buller. A contemporary effort to enumerate the results of the election i n party terms was that made by the Royalist Allan Broderick; "47 true patriots of liberty, 23 of them highly exasperated at the present government, 24 of milder s p i r i t s .  Counterfeit, commonwealth-men and such  neuters as usually occur, from 100 to 140 (as the House f i l l s ) , court lawyers 72 certain, with many contingent officers of state and army 100 and odd; many double elections not supplied, many absent from de-. 3Z  sign, many on their necessary occasions." Another Royalist, John Barwick, remar&sd that the new House of Commons contained 150 lawyers; and that this could effectively block the normal arrangements for hold33  ing assizes. As i n 1658, the most important issueswwere the subjugation of the army as an independent p o l i t i c a l force, and f u l l practical control of the functions of both Houses of Parliament.  As in 1658, both these  purposes would be served by delaying supply and questioning the status 3lf-  and composition of the Lords.  Cromwell's death had, however,  95 materially altered the situation with regard to the army. Because Richard was not effectively i n command the problem had become more urgent, but i t had also become less formidable.  The attacfr no longer  needed to be veiled, but could be brutally direct. It culminated in the removal of Major-General Boteler out of the Commission of the Peace, and the appointment of a committee "to draw up an Impeachment against Major-General Boteler; and to consider of a Course, how to proceed judicially against him, and against other Delin35  quents."  The committee consisted of three Parliamentary legal officers  and fifty-three members. Thirty of the fifty-three subsequently sat in the Convention Parliament, as against 149 of the other 450 or so 31 members; which seems to suggest that the committee was heavily weighted in favour of the orthodox Parliamentary view, though i t should be added that some of i t s anti-militarists were strong Republicans.  It  is reasonably certain that the emphasis on judicial proceedings owed something to the presence of so many lawyers. Politically, the choice of BottLer as a potential victim was a master-stroke.  Boteler was not only most unpopular among the Royalists,  but had taken a leading part i n crushing the Levellers at Burford i n May 1649.  37 This and his zealous campaigns against drinking, profanity 38  and the like made him particularly objectionable to the lower classes. The army leaders, on the other hand, could not afford to desert Boteler. By naming him as a delinquent, and indicating that here were others to follow, the House had thrown down a challenge which compelled John Desborough and his colleagues either to submit or to fight for a highly  96 unpopular cause. Two days later a Council of Officers at Wallingford House "agreed to declare against Charles Stewart and his interests, and for the Protectors and the Parliaments to protect a l l such as have been ingaged 3q  in his death." ' This effort to protect the regicides shows clearly enough that the officers had l i t t l e doubt about which way the constitutional wind was blowing, since the one event which regicides had to fear was a Stuart r e s t o r a t i o n .  They may well have feared, some kind, of  agreement between Parliament and the Protector, by which Richard would voluntarily resign in favour of Charles. Such a fear would not be unreasonable in view of the sentiments popularly ascribed to Richard — "this man having never had any hand in the war (but supposed to be for the King)." ^ ° The Commons replied with two resolutions which virtually compelled Richard to choose his masters: f i r s t , "That, during the Sitting of the Parliament, there shall be no General Council or Meeting of the Officers of the Army, without the Direction, Leave, and Authority of his Highness the Lord Protector, and both Houses of Parliament"; and secondly, "That no Person shall have or continue any Command or Trust i n any of the Armies or Navies of England, Scotland, or Ireland, or any of the Dominions or Territories thereto belonging, who shall refuse to subscribe, That he w i l l not disturb nor interrupt the free Meetings i n Parliament of any of the Members of either House of Parliament, or their Freedom in their Debates and Counsels."  Accompanied by a pro-  mise to consider the next morning — after nearly three months delay 1  97 —  "How the Arrears of the Armies and Navies may be speedily satisfied"f  the two resolutions were nevertheless a demand for the unconditional submission to Parliament of the army leaders.  They were so regarded  by the latter when on the same afternoon (18 April 1659) Richard ordered them to return to their respective commands. There is evidence that the Commons passed these resolutions with a f u l l understanding of the opposition which they were likely to provoke in the Lords and in the army. They sent John Stephens to desire the concurrence of the Other House, and set up a committee to recommend some effectual way of securing the nation against "dangerous Persons, resorting of late to the City of London, and Parts adjacent."  That  they also expected to win their point may be conjectured from the fact that they proceeded next morning to discuss the fish trade and the Countess of Worcester. The contemptuous attitude of this House of Commons towards the military i s well illustrated by an incident involving Major-General Packer.  The House was informed that Packer, one of i t s members, had  been in some way insulted by Sir Henry Wroth. Packer himself was most conciliatory and eager to "pass by" the whole affair, but the House insisted on an explanation from Sir Henry  f  When the latter appeared  at the Bar of the House he cheerfully confessed to having been i n volved i n a brawl with Packer and a Captain. Gladman. He had alone disarmed both these gallant officers, though himself admittedly " i n drink."  He was discharged on bond, but the diarist Burton f e l t sure  that the matter would " f a l l asleep in the chair."  The matter was  z  98 almost certainly pressed to i t s absurd conclusion i n order to deride Packer, who was subsequently turned out of the House on the ground that his election was invalid.  The House could hardly have found a  better way of demonstrating the landed gentry's contempt for upstart officers, unless i t was to harp continually on "their dependence upon the single person and the public purse." Richard's order of 18 April resulted in a desperate last-ditch coup by the army leaders, in which they won the support of the rankand-file by pointing out what was likely to happen i f Parliament managed to reorganise the m i l i t i a and trained bands "as in former times." After a lengthy meeting with Fleetwood and Desborough, Richard signed  so a commission to dissolve both Houses.  The Lords and the Protectorate  party in the Commons accepted the order for dissolution, leaving a handful of Republicans to dispute i t .  While other members walked out,  the diehards refused admission to Black Rod and adjourned the House 5/ "until Monday Morning next, at Eight of the Clock." When Richard under duress dissolved his Parliament i t had sat for three months without completing the passage of a single Act.  It had  done much, however, to clarify the p o l i t i c a l position of a House of Commons comparatively freely elected.  In particular i t had defeated  the Republicans on every issue that came to a vote. Sir Arthur Hasel r i g acted as a t e l l e r ten times, and was ten times on the losing side; Henry Nevil, seven times a t e l l e r , was a seven-time loser; Thomas Scott (once), Sir Henry Vane (twice), and John Lambert (five times) suffered similar defeats, in spite of occasional support from such unlikely  99  S3  SZ  allies as Lord. Falkland and S i r George Booth.  Apparently the crypto-  Royalists were mainly concerned with trying to hurt the government without increasing the power of the Republicans^ Just once, on an issue of shelving debate about recognition of the Other House, Lambert came within two votes of victory, losing by 186 to 185 in a very crowded House. " " 5  5  Though a great amount of time was wasted i n fruitless argument, this Parliament served a useful purpose in bringing to light the terms upon which the gentry were prepared to settle.  The temper of the Com-  mons i s often seen in remarks noted by Burton during debate.  Colonel  John Birch, once a victim of Pride's Purge, announced: "I ventured as far as any man: 1. To bring delinquents to punishment. 2. To have the military in the hands that we approved of. 3. The Council to be by us approved of.  4. Our estates not to be taken, nor persons imprisoned,  without our consents; but the negative voice was never our case.  Thus  56  far I went, and no farther." 57 , \ Birch, a merchant turned landowner, was supported by (among others; Anthony Ashley Cooper, a landowner turned merchant.  Cooper must have  struck numerous chords when on 7 March he said: "I have sat sixteen years here ^ventured my l i f e , and bought lands, and my friends and interest have done so.  I always hoped, whenever you came to settle-  ment, you would confirm a l l those sales."  The emphasis was no long-  er on the technical sovereignty of Parliament — the monarch might retain a negative voice/' What was now of paramount importance was a satisfactory land settlement, supported by actual control of  100  legislation and of the power to enforce i t . Cromwell's death had removed the main obstacle in the way of this last objective, and. had. made i t possible to attack the upstart officers with a good, chance of success, particularly i f a suitable general could be found.  The pro-  posed impeachment of Major-General Boteler was a bold i n i t i a l step i n a well-marked direction. The importance attached to this line of attack is confirmed by the way in which this Commons confined, i t s contempt and. i l l - w i l l almost exclusively to the army. Apart from a few unkind references to monopolisers and excise-farmers i t did nothing to disturb the confidence of those whose profits came mainly from commerce or finance. Some of its members looked askance at Martin Noel's dealing i n prisoners, sending them to Barbados and there selling them "for one thousand five hundred and.fifty pound weight of sugar a-piece, more or less, according to their working faculties."  But the House accepted Noel's expla-  nation that the work was "not so hard as is represented to you", and Barbados was "a place as grateful to you for trade as any part of the world."  It also appointed a committee to consider a long-standing  debt of more than 9000 pounds owed to Richard Brown, "to report their 63  Opinion to the House, how the same may be speedily satisfied." In one interesting resolution this House of Commons accepted the constitutional validity of the Other House, with the proviso that " i t is not hereby intended to exclude such Peers, as have been f a i t h f u l to the Parliament, from their Privilege of being duly summoned to be bers of that House."  6&  Mem-  Had they continued their sittings, and had they  managed t o push t h i s r e s o l u t i o n t h r o u g h the Other House and have i t embodied i n an A c t , i t would have e n s u r e d the mastery o f t h e L o r d s v by men o f s u i t a b l e w e a l t h and i n f l u e n c e .  I t would have p r o v i d e d a  guarantee a g a i n s t any f u t u r e monarch u s i n g t h e L o r d s t o b l o c k import a n t l e g i s l a t i o n ; and i t would have a s s u r e d them o f a permanent cons t i t u t i o n a l s a f e g u a r d a g a i n s t any m i s g u i d e d attempt i n a f u t u r e House o f Commons t o a l l e v i a t e the l o t o f the l o w e r c l a s s e s .  Incidentally,  t h i s House must have r e g a r d e d w i t h a p p r o v a l the a d v i c e o f f e r e d t o R i c h a r d by G e n e r a l Monk, t h a t " i t may be f i t t t o summon t h e most p r u dent o f t h e o l d l o r d s " and t o promote W i l l i a m P i e r r e p o n t , S i r George B o o t h , S i r John H o b a r t , R i c h a r d Hampden, Edward Baynton, A l e x a n d e r Popham, and R o b e r t R o l l e . Even the r e - i n s t a l l a t i o n of B i s h o p s i n the L o r d s may  have been  foreshadowed i n t h e v i g o r w i t h w h i c h t h i s House a t t a c k e d t h e s e c t s , 66  e s p e c i a l l y the Quakers.  The d i v i n e s now i n t h e ascendant were such  men as Edward R e y n o l d s ( l a t e r B i s h o p o f N o r w i c h ) and Edmund Calamy, 67  who l a t e r r e f u s e d the B i s h o p r i c of Coventry and L i c h f i e l d . ' I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t the R e p u b l i c a n s themselves were, a t l e a s t i n some c a s e s , p r e p a r e d t o a c c e p t as i n e v i t a b l e a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l mona r c h y and a House o f L o r d s .  H a s e l r i g , f o r example, spoke t o t h i s  68 e f f e c t on 9 March;  and S c o t t t h o u g h t t h a t i f t h e r e had t o be a  a r c h , R i c h a r d was the b e s t c h o i c e .  6q  mon-  C o l o n e l H u t c h i n s o n was a d v i s e d  t h a t " t h e r e was n o t h i n g d e s i r a b l e i n a p r i n c e w h i c h might n o t have been hoped f o r i n him, b u t a g r e a t s p i r i t and a j u s t t i t l e ; t h e f i r s t o f w h i c h sometimes d o t h more h u r t t h a n good i n a s o v e r e i g n ; the l a t t e r  102 would have been supplied by the people's deserved approbation." ^° Surely whatever hopes Richard may have had for a long and prosperous reign were entirely dependent on his maintaining friendly relations with Parliament and the City magnates. By signing the order for a dissolution, at the dictate of army officers, he staked his p o l i t i c a l future on a military dictatorship. If Richard had conclusively shown support for Parliamentary gov* ernment he might perhaps have retained his nominal status. The great majority of the Commons recognised the need for a figurehead to hallow with authority their claims to social and economic privilege; to give a nationalistic flavour to their search for power and profits i n military and nav.al adventures; and to provide an emotional rallying-point (in time of trouble) for the lower classes who actually endured most of the *distress occasioned by wars and unsuccessful gambling in trade and finance. With a well-conceived and ably-executed propaganda campaign the magnates might easily have created the illusion that Richard had a touch of the divinity that is supposed to hedge a king.  There  might have been certain advantages i n having a monarch whose very t i t l e was a Parliamentary creation. Under the circumstances i t is hardly surprising that Richard made 57  a poor choice. He had a reputation for backing losers.  More i n -  triguing i s the question as to why the members i n Parliament allowed him to act in this way.  Edward Montagu later wrote: "...that Parlia-  ment had much of the interest of the Nation i n i t , and though the Rump should have got into the saddle, yet that Parliament's interest would  103 72,  have p r o c u r e d i t t o meet a g a i n i n d e s p i t e o f a l l o p p o s i t i o n . . . . "  In  t h e l i g h t o f subsequent events i t seems l i k e l y t h a t P a r l i a m e n t ' s p a s s i v i t y was  i n t e n d e d t o d i v i d e t h e army, o f f e r i n g R i c h a r d a chance t o  c a l l on t h e s e r v i c e s o f Monk and perhaps o f Henry Cromwell a g a i n s t t h e W a l l i n g f o r d House f a c t i o n .  Members may  a l s o have been i n f l u e n c e d by  t h e impending t r e a t y between F r a n c e and S p a i n , w h i c h w o u l d work t o the p o l i t i c a l advantage of C h a r l e s S t u a r t and t o t h e d i s a d v a n t a g e  o f the  Protectorate. The s u p p o r t w h i c h F l e e t w o o d  and Desborough were a b l e t o w i n f r o m  t h e r a n k - a n d - f i l e was n o t l i k e l y t o l a s t l o n g u n l e s s t h e y c o u l d r a i s e money t o pay t h e t r o o p s ; and t h i s c o u l d be done o n l y by f o r c e o r w i t h the assistance of Parliament.  S i n c e t h e l a t t e r appeared t o be out o f  t h e q u e s t i o n t h e magnates' most u r g e n t t a s k was  to prevent a s e i z u r e  o f power by t h e i n f e r i o r o f f i c e r s ; and i n t h e s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s t h e  man  t o beat o r buy was n e i t h e r F l e e t w o o d n o r Desborough, but John Lambert. T h i s i s an i m p o r t a n t p o i n t t o remember i n a t t e m p t i n g an e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e events o f t h e f o l l o w i n g months.  So l o n g as Lambert c o u l d be r e -  s t r a i n e d , t h e g e n e r a l c o n f u s i o n would i n c r e a s e t h e g e n e r a l d e s i r e f o r peace a t any p r i c e .  On 2 May  John Barwick  summarised t h e s i t u a t i o n i n  a l e t t e r t o Hyde: " H e r e t o f o r e t h e i n t r u d e r e n t e r e d a l l w a y s upon a f u l l t r e a s u r y ; now t h e i r own now  t h e p u b l i c k debts a r e above two m i l l i o n s s t e r l i n g , b e s i d e s  d i v i s i o n s and t h e g e n e r a l l d i s c o n t e n t s , b o t h i n t h e c i t y ,  c a r r y e d a l l o v e r E n g l a n d by t h e d i s s o l v e d parliament-men.  The  and pro-  t e c t o r ' s s e r v a n t s a t W h i t e h a l l remove t h e i r goods i n t o t h e c i t y , f o r f e a r o f p l u n d e r ; and b o t h t h e y and t h e g e n e r a l i t y o f t h e c i t y b e g i n t o  w i s h h i s m a j e s t y were i n E n g l a n d . " NOTES 1. F i r t h and R a i t , " A c t s and O r d i n a n c e s , e t c . " , i i , 12231234. 2. F i r t h , " L a s t Y e a r s o f t h e P r o t e c t o r a t e " , i i , 261-262. Other e v i d e n c e ( q u o t e d i n B r e t t - J a m e s , "Growth o f S t u a r t London", p. 124) i n d i c a t e s t h a t ^ 2 0 , 0 0 0 was c o l l e c t e d out o f j g 75,000 l e v i e d .  3 . D a v i e s , "Restoration", p. 71.  4 . J o h n D e t h i c k , M e r c e r , was L o r d Mayor i n 1655. 5. John F r e d e r i c k , B a r b e r - S u r g e o n and ( l a t e r ) G r o c e r , was L o r d Mayor i n 1661. 6. F i r t h , as n o t e 2, i i , 262-263. C l a r k e P a p e r s ; i i i , 114. 7. C l a r k e P a p e r s , i i i , 175 and 178. 8. p r i n t e d i n Eng. H i s t . Rev., v i i ( 1 8 9 2 ) , 737. 9 . K i r b y , " W i l l i a m P r y n n e " , p.-117. 10. H.M.C. 6 t h R e p o r t , Appendix, p. 443 ( f f a r i n g t o n MSS). 1 1 . T h u r l o e , v i i , 2. 12. E v e l y n ' s D i a r y , 2 June 1658. 13. E v e l y n ' s D i a r y , 3 June 1658. 14. T h u r l o e , v i i , 404. 15. F i r t h , as n o t e 2, i i , 2 3 2 . 16: T h u r l o e , v i i , 269. 17. 3 September I658. 18. G a r d i n e r , " C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Documents, e t c . " p. 415. 19. i b i d ; , pp. 448-449. 20. F i r t h , as note 2, i i ; 302-307, T h u r l o e , v i i , 3 7 2 . 2 1 . F l e e t w o o d ; Sydenham, Montagu, Desborough, J o n e s , S k i p p o n , W h a l l e y , G o f f e , and e l e v e n o t h e r s . (See D a v i e s , as note 3, pp. 4-5JL 22. T h u r l o e , ' v i i , 541. 2 3 . G a r d i n e r , as n o t e 18, p. 452. 24. Ludlow, i i , 5 0 - 5 2 . 2 5 . See n o t e 25, C h a p t e r 2. 2 6 . N i c h o l a s Papers ( e d . Warner), i v , 75. 27. See n o t e 39, Chapter 2. 28. See A p p e n d i x 1 o f t h i s t h e s i s . The t h r e e apparent R o y a l i s t s were J o h n G l a n v i l l e , J o h n G r i f f i t h and R o b e r t Hunt. 2 9 . B u r t o n , iv £lnde*). 30. B r u n t o n and P e n n i n g t o n , pp. 225-245. 3 1 . "Members o f P a r l i a m e n t " (Hansard, 1 8 7 8 ) , I n d e x t o P a r t 1, pp. 19,22,48 and 67. D.N.B. (1937-1938); i , 950-960, 1021-1023, 1183-1184; i i , 876-882; i i i , 246-250.  105 3 2 . Davies, "Election'of Richard Cromwell's Parliament", in Eng. Hist. Rev., I x i i i (1948), 500. 33. Thurloe, v i i , 616. 34. See Chapter 2 of-this-thesis, pp. 30-31. 35. Commons Journals, v i i , 636-637. 36. See Appendix 1 of this thesis. 37. Hardacre, "William Boteler", i n Huntington Library Quarterly; x i (1947), 1-11. 38. Ashley, "Cromwell's Generals", p. I63. 39. Clarke Papers, i i i , 189-190. 40. "Reliquiae Baxterianae" (ed. I696), p. 100 cited i n footnote by Davies, "Restoration", pp. 15-16. 41. Commons Journals, v i i , 641. The f i r s t resolution was contested, and the motion "That this Question be now put" passed easily by 163 votes to 87. The actual resolutions were then passed without a division. 42. ibid., v i i , 641. ' 43. Ramsey, "Richard-Cromwell", p. 85. 44. Commons Journals, v i i , 641-642. 45. ibid., v i i , 642. > 46. Commons Journals, v i i , 6o6.and 610. Burton, i v ; 2-7. 47. Burton, i v , 249 and 299. 48. Burton, i v , 31. ' 49. "Fast and Loose", a pamphlet cited in Davies, "Restoration", p. 83 note.50. Clarke Papers, i i i , 192-193. 51. Commons Journals; v i i ; 644. 52. Commons Journals; v i i ; 639. 53. Commons Journals, v i i , 621. 54. Hardacre, "Royalists During the Puritan Revolution", pp. —  .  132-133.  , Underdown, "Royalist Conspiracy, etc.", p. 240. 55. Commons Journals, v i i , 611. For other votes see ibid., v i i , 593-644. 56. Burton; iv; 61-62. 57. D.N.B., i i , 524-526. 58. See Appendix 3 of this thesis. 59. This was a politician's interpretation. See Brunton and Pennington, p. 22. 60. Burton, i v , 52. 61. This technical point was of importance to the Republicans. See Ludlow, i i , 54-55. 62. Burton,, iv, 256-259. 63. Commons Journals; v i i , 621. 64. Commons Journals, v i i , 621. 65. See Brunton and Pennington, pp. 9-10, 100-103, 48-49, 133135. According to Whitelock (Memorials, iv, 313-314), Pierrepont, Hobart and Popham had been summoned as Lords in 1658.- Noble's l i s t (Memoirs of ... Protectorate-House, etc.", i , 370-371), includes Richard Hampden too.  106 66. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i , 640. T h u r l o e ^ v i i , 527. • L.F. Brown, " B a p t i s t s a n d F i f t h Monarchy Men", pp. 171-175. B r a i t h w a i t e , " B e g i n n i n g s o f Quakerism", p p . 452-456. 67. B a x t e r ' s A u t o b i o g r a p h y (Everyman edn. a b r i d g e d f r o m " R e l i q u i a e B a x t e r i a n a e " ) , pp. 155-157. 68. B u r t o n , i v , 309-310. (and see i b i d . , i v , 77). 69. Ramsey, " R i c h a r d C r o m w e l l " , p p . 76-77. 70* H u t c h i n s o n , Memoirs, p p . 377-378. 71. A b b o t t , " W r i t i n g s and Speeches o f O l i v e r C r o m w e l l " , i i ,  425.  •  72. J o u r n a l o f the E a r l - o f Sandwich, p . 70. 73. Bordeaux t o Mazarin,-7 March 1659. ( G u i z o t , " H i s t o j t i e du P r o t e c t o r a t , e t c . " , i , 324). 74. T h u r l o e , v i i , 667.  107  CHAPTER 7 PROFESSIONS-AMD THE  LAW  An i n t e r e s t i n g f e a t u r e o f t h e c o u n t r y - C i t y a l l i a n c e was emergence i n t o p o s i t i o n s o f i m p o r t a n c e o f men s i o n a l group.  the  f r o m a growing p r o f e s -  The l a w had l o n g a c t e d i n c o o p e r a t i o n w i t h t h e  wealthy,  and ( i n s p i t e o f L a a d and t h e f a n a t i c s ) a f a i r number o f clergymen i n the seventeenth  c e n t u r y a d o p t e d a p r o f e s s i o n a l a t t i t u d e whereby e c o -  nomic s e c u r i t y and t h e p r o s p e c t o f p r e f e r m e n t t o o k precedence o v e r points of d o c t r i n e .  W i l l i a m M o r r i c e was  the son o f a w e l l - p a i d Doc-  tor  o f D i v i n i t y , ' and Monk's b r o t h e r N i c h o l a s was an A n g l i c a n m i n i s t e r  who  enjoyed the r e c t o r y of Kilkhampton  through the i n f l u e n c e of h i s  Z  c o u s i n S i r John G r e n v i l l e .  There were many A n g l i c a n s who,  like  Mr.  Tanner o f S w a i n s w i c k , t o o k the Covenant and N e g a t i v e Oath and gave 3  s e c u r i t y f o r good b e h a v i o u r .  Two-thirds  of the o l d beneficed c l e r g y  4  remained i n t h e i r c u r e s , Among the m e d i c a l men  and the V i c a r o f B r a y became a who  legend.  became prominent a t t h i s time were S i r S  John F r e d e r i c k , the Barber-Surgeon;  6  Dr. Thomas C l a r g e s  and  Dr.  / William Petty,  two v i t a l l y - i m p o r t a n t u n d e r c o v e r men  i n the  alliance;  9  and Thomas Sydenham, 1653  t h e b r o t h e r of C o l o n e l W i l l i a m Sydenham.  appeared the f i r s t E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n o f W i l l i a m Harvey's  t o m i e a l e x e r c i s e s . . . c o n c e r n i n g the m o t i o n o f t h e h e a r t and Harvey d i e d i n 1657,  and h i s f u n e r a l was  In "Ana-  blood."  a t t e n d e d by a l a r g e number o f  F e l l o w s o f t h e C o l l e g e o f P h y s i c i a n s , i n s p i t e o f the f a c t t h a t i t t o o k p l a c e on t h e same day as Cromwell's s e c o n d i n a u g u r a t i o n as Protector.  10  ,  E l e c t e d t o R i c h a r d s P a r l i a m e n t were a t l e a s t f o u r  Lord Doctors  108 of M e d i c i n e : J o h n B a t h u r s t (Richmond), Roger Bosworth  (Hereford C i t y ) ,  Thomas S l a t e r (Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y ) , and W i l l i a m Stene  (Thetford)  The p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e o f J o h n Locke a t a somewhat l a t e r date i s w i d e /Z  l y known.  The r e l a t i o n s h i p among o r g a n i s e d r e l i g i o n , m e d i c i n e , l a w ,  and p o l i t i c s a t t h i s t i m e seemsto m e r i t f u r t h e r studyj a n d so does t h e i m p l i c a t i o n t h a t science would j o i n r e l i g i o n and l a w t o serve t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e wealthy. S t i l l , t h e most i m p o r t a n t group were t h e l a w y e r s , whose m i g h t y number i n Richard;': s P a r l i a m e n t was a s i g n i f i c a n t t o k e n o f t h e d e f e a t of t h o s e f o r c e s w h i c h h a d once championed t h e cause o f t h e a m b i t i o u s poor.  F o r t h r o u g h o u t t h e p e r i o d Of war a n d i n s t a b i l i t y t h e l o w e r  classes had c o n s i s t e n t l y a t t a c k e d lawyers and the l a w . I n 1645 a b i t t e r pamphlet c a s t i g a t e d t h e men o f t h e Long Robe as "crumenae-mulcta n a t i o , l o q u a c u l a t u r b a " , a n d complained t h a t t h e y " w i l l i n t r u d e themselves i n t o t h e C h a i r s o f a l l Committees, where ( b e i n g accustomed t o t a k e f e e s ) t h e y w i l l underhand p r o t e c t D e l i n quents, and t h e i r c a n c e l l e d e s t a t e s w i t h T r i c k s and Devices."  IV Heads o f t h e P r o p o s a l s i n 1647,  The 1 5  t h e army's p e t i t i o n i n 1652,  p e t i t i o n s p r e s e n t e d t o t h e Rump i n 1659  and  a l l demanded l e g a l r e f o r m s ,  p a r t i c u l a r l y t h a t l e g a l p r o c e s s e s s h o u l d be made s i m p l e r and cheaper. Some o f t h e p o l i t i c a l l y - m i n d e d landowners t h e s e demands, n o t a b l y Anthony A s h l e y Cooper.  gave l i p - s e r v i c e t o Only one s e r i o u s attempt  was made t o implement reforms,•srahd t h a t was by t h e Barebones f a n a t i c s i n 1653.  The m a t t e r was t a l k e d o u t i n committee by t h e C r o m w e l l i a n  ie group;  a n d judges who h a d watched i n e x a s p e r a t i o n were i n s t r u m e n t a l  109 in  s e t t i n g up a "supreme a u t h o r i t y not l i a b l e t o the changes and  f l u c t u a t i o n s o f a P a r l i a m e n t , f r o m whom t h e y c o u l d r e c e i v e t h e i r  com14  m i s s i o n s as j u d g e s , i n whose name w r i t s , and p r o c e s s e s m i g h t r u n . " The Barebones P a r l i a m e n t , p o l i t i c a l h i g h p o i n t i n t h e s t r u g g l e o f the 2o  lower c l a s s e s , contained not a s i n g l e p r a c t i s i n g lawyer — c o n t r a s t t o t h e 150  who  a striking  s a t i n Richard',s P a r l i a m e n t .  So f a r as the l o w e r c l a s s e s were concerned, the law was  connected  2/  w i t h f e u d a l i s m and t h e Norman Y o k e .  J o h n Hare, i n  I648, wrote  of "that  g e n e r a l and i n b r e d h a t r e d w h i c h s t i l l d w e l l s i n o u r common p e o p l e a g a i n s t b o t h our l a w s and l a w y e r s "  Norman i n n o v a t i o n s s h o u l d be r e -  t r a c t e d ; "so f a r a r e t h e s a i d i n n o v a t i o n s f r o m b e i n g any p a r t o f our l e g i t i m a t e l a w s , though our w i l d l a w y e r s so r e p u t e them spurn a t E n g l i s h p r o c l a m a t i o n s , we  while  we  submit t o Norman l a w s ; and...not-  w i t h s t a n d i n g a l l our g r e a t v i c t o r i e s and t r i u m p h s , we do s t i l l  remain,  as much as e v e r , under t h e t i t l e and i n the q u a l i t y o f a conquered nation."'  Though s y m p a t h e t i c  j u r i e s p e r s i s t e n t l y a c q u i t t e d John  Lil-  zy burne, he was a l m o s t e q u a l l y p e r s i s t e n t l y k e p t i n p r i s o n . l a w somehow worked t o t h e d i s a d v a n t a g e  o f the p o o r was  That t h e  generally rec-  o g n i s e d , and many a g i t a t o r s b e l i e v e d t h a t g r e a t changes i n t h e and economic f a b r i c c o u l d be a c h i e v e d t h r o u g h l e g i s l a t i o n . . "The and o p p r e s s e d pay f o r a l l " ,  social poor  wrote J o h n Warr, and demanded t h a t t h e  c h a n n e l o f t h e l a w s h o u l d be c l e a r e d so as t o compensate t h e  people  zs "for  a l l t h e i r s u f f e r i n g s , l o s s e s , and blood." One  law was  p r o p a g a n d i s t , the D i g g e r G e r a r d W i n s t a n l e y , saw c l e a r l y t h a t a r e f l e c t i o n o f s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y r a t h e r t h a n a cause; and h i s  110 group made some effort to organise social and. economic reforms within the compass of the existing law.  ("For the Parliament promised, i f we  would pay taxes, and give free quarter, and. adventure our lives against Charles and his party, whom they called the common enemy, they would. make us a free people.  These three things being a l l done by us, as  well as by themselves, we claim this our bargain by the Law of Contract from them").  Diggers, however, in opposing the enclosure of  commons and i n advocating communal ownership, struck at the roots of the social system which the law was designed to protect. They did not 27  last long. ' Supremacy of the Common Law, as against the royal prerogative, was largely achieved before the outbreak of war i n 1642 and was con>  firmed by the victory of Parliament.  Ignoring the significance of Sir  Edward Coke and his supporters, pamphleteers such as Hare and Warr exaggerated the association between law and feudalism.  In fact many  feudal survivals and revivals were swept away in Parliament's triumph, and something close to equality before the law was established. The lower classes' continued distrust of lawyers and the law was, however, justified insofar as the changes which had taken place had been made at the instigation of lawyers and in the interest of privilege. For the wealthy equality before the law had a definitely limited meaning. Statute law was made i n Parliament by themselves, or at least with their consent, and was administered at the local level by Commissions of the Peace consisting of themselves.  Professional judges  dealt with serious criminal cases at periodic intervals, travelling on  Ill circuit and receiving salaries from the central government as well as local fees and perquisites. During the Interregnum there was a marked increase in the relative importance of salaries paid to judges, which IS the latter repaid in the quality of service given to the Commonwealth. While i t may be straining a point to suggest that Parliament at this timei.yinstituted the practice of buying the services of judges, i t can hardly be doubted that the cash nexus did begin to play ant.important role in the administration of justice. Zq  The salaries and commissions Jo  paid to such men as Edmund Prideaux 'and Sir Thomas Widdrington are evidence of the importance attached to contentment among leaders of the legal profession. Lawyers derived considerable benefit from the sales of land occasioned by the wars, through speculative buying and through acting as 3/  agents for landowners' and merchants' purchases.  Some lawyers acted  for Royalists who re-bought confiscated estates.  Commerce also had  3Z  mutual interests with the lawyers, notably in the interpretation of regulations introduced by statute, custom, or royal prerogative.  Anal-  ysis of relevant cases in Coke's "Reports" and "Institutes" has led to the conclusion that "the rise of economic liberalism depended not only on the survival of the common law but also (judging by what appears i n 33  Coke) on the peculiar way in which the courts interpreted that law." The main effect of legal changes i n the seventeenth century was i n line with the social changes which made i t necessary to assert status 3?  through material possessions rather than prowess in battle. Registrars and Recorders made an excellent living from fees, fines,  112 36 and the sale of minor offices and licences. Establishment of a system of district registries for wills and deeds, and of a general .  36  ,  registry of marriages, births and burials, increased the duties (and fees) of lawyers besides helping to protect estates and other property. As much as or even more than landowners and moneymen, lawyers had to avoid anarchy in order to remain prosperous.  They saw, as their lower-  class critics saw, that their prestige depended not only on the maintenance of a rich body of potential clients, but also on the superiority myths associated with the Norman Conquest and feudalism.  There  7  3  were very few republican lawyers, even the""stern democrat"  St. John  opining "that the government of this nation, without something of monarchical power, w i l l be very d i f f i c u l t to be so settled as not to 3?  shake the foundation of our laws." Clearly and articulately the great majority of lawyers on the Parliamentary side limited their opposition to embrace only the allegedly unconstitutional and i l l e g a l nature of Charles I's prerogative courts and taxation devices.  They pointedly refrained from attacking  the monarchy- i t s e l f , and the plans made for Charles's t r i a l dispensed with legality as they understood i t .  The t r i a l aroused the active  opposition of many lawyers and legally-trained politicians, including (for example) Nathaniel Fiennesf^ John Selden,^"john Glynne,'*' Harbot7  Vz tie Grimstone,  43 John Maynard, and William Prynne.  The politician  Sir William Waller spoke for many when he called for "the re-establishment of a monarchy circumscribed and entrenched, and as I may say, f o r t i f i e d with good laws."  VS  Even those l a w y e r s , such as B u l s t r o d e W h i t e l o c k  113  and O l i v e r S t . J o h n ,  who c o n t i n u e d t o s i t i n t h e Rump a f t e r t h e e x e c u t i o n o f t h e k i n g / rerf u s e d t o countenance t h e H i g h C o u r t o f J u s t i c e w h i c h was s e t up f o r  ¥7 the t r i a l . '  A f t e r r e f u s a l s by S t . J o h n , C h i e f J u s t i c e Henry R o l l e ,  and L o r d C h i e f Baron John filylde,  t h e o b s c u r e John Bradshaw was ap-  p o i n t e d t o preside over the c o u r t .  Bradshaw made a c o n s i d e r a b l e show  o f r e l u c t a n c e t o a c c e p t t h e honour, b e i n g ( i t was a l l e g e d ) " a f r a i d o f some t u m u l t . . . ;  and t h e r e f o r e , b e s i d e s o t h e r d e f e n c e , he had a t h i c k So  b i g - c r o w n e d b e a v e r h a t , l i n e d w i t h p l a t e d s t e e l , t o ward o f f b l o w s . " A p p a r e n t l y Bradshaw a c c e p t e d i n t h e c o n v i c t i o n t h a t t h e Rump was a l e g a l l y - c o n s t i t u t e d P a r l i a m e n t w i t h s t a t u t o r y power t o s e t up such a c o u r t ; f o r i n 1653, when t h e Rump was e x p e l l e d , he i s r e p o r t e d t o have Si  s a i d : " I f t h i s be no P a r l i a m e n t , t h e n am I t h e k i n g ' s murderer." Acts I p a s s e d by t h e Rump i n 1649 and 1650 i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e r e was w i d e s p r e a d  I  Sz,  i n d i g n a t i o n among j u s t i c e s and l a w y e r s t h r o u g h o u t t h e c o u n t r y . Many o f t h e g r e a t e s t a t e s o f t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y had been  J  S3  founded ( o r r e s c u e d ) t h r o u g h p r o f i t s made i n t h e l e g a l p r o f e s s i o n . Many p r a c t i s i n g l a w y e r s a l s o owned e s t a t e s o f c o n s i d e r a b l e v a l u e , and most were t o a g r e a t e r o r l e s s e x t e n t "men o f independent f o r t u n e . " * * ^ The g r e a t m a j o r i t y were n e v e r t h e l e s s i n b u s i n e s s r a t h e r f o r t h e cash !  r e t u r n s t h a n f r o m ah a b s t r a c t i n t e r e s t i n j u r i s p r u d e n c e ; and t h e s e r e t u r n s came f r o m two main sources —• o f f i c i a l s a l a r i e s and p e r q u i s i t e s , and payment f o r s e r v i c e s r e n d e r e d t o p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s .  The c o n t i n -  ued p r o s p e r i t y o f l a w y e r s t h e r e f o r e depended on s t a b l e government and t h e e x i s t e n c e o f l i t i g i o u s magnates. Almost a l l members o f t h e l e g a l p r o f e s s i o n , i n common w i t h g r e a t  114 landowners and s u p p o r t e r s o f p r i v i l e g e i n commerce, v i e w e d monarchy as a v a l u a b l e instrument f o r the p r e s e r v a t i o n of s t a b i l i t y .  Their pre-  o c c u p a t i o n w i t h the o f f i c e o f a k i n g , and even w i t h t h e t i t l e ,  was  made s t r i k i n g l y c l e a r i n t h e meeting between Cromwell and t h e P a r l i a mentary Committee w h i c h o f f e r e d him t h e crown, 11 A p r i l 1657.  S i x of  t h e e i g h t speakers were p r o m i n e n t l a w y e r s , and a l l spoke a l o n g  similar  lines.  L o r d ..Commissioner W h i t e l o c k s a i d : " I t was t h o u g h t , t h a t t h e  T i t l e w h i c h i s known by t h e Law  o f E n g l a n d f o r many Ages, many hun-  dreds o f Years t o g e t h e r r e c e i v e d , and t h e Laws f i t t e d t o i t , and t h a t t o t h e Law,  t h a t i t m i g h t be o f more C e r t a i n t y and c l e a r E s t a b l i s h m e n t ,  and more conformable  t o t h e Laws o f t h e N a t i o n ; t h a t t h a t T i t l e  should  SS  be t h a t o f K i n g , r a t h e r t h a n t h a t o t h e r o f P r o t e c t o r . "  For a s i m i l a r  r e a s o n , s a i d the M a s t e r o f the R o l l s , i t had e a r l i e r been d e c i d e d n o t t o re-name P a r l i a m e n t , c a l l i n g i t t h e R e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f t h e P e o p l e  — S6  " i t might change t h e v e r y C o u r s e , Ground and Reason o f P a r l i a m e n t . " There was, v a l i d r e a s o n why  f r o m a p u r e l y l o g i c a l ( o r mercenary) p o i n t of v i e w ,  no  a P a r l i a m e n t a r y R e p u b l i c , o r a P r o t e c t o r a t e , o r even  a s e l f - p e r p e t u a t i n g assembly s h o u l d not be a b l e t o p r e s e r v e and  extend  p o l i t i c a l and economic p r i v i l e g e s .  con-  The concern o f l a w y e r s w i t h  cepts d e r i v e d from the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e of f e u d a l i s m p a r a l l e l e d s i m i l a r  s/ concern among landowners St? o f t h e C i t y companies.  and (though t o a l e s s e x t e n t ) among members  B o t h i n t h e i r c a p a c i t y as l a w y e r s and i n t h e i r  c a p a c i t y as agents and spokesmen f o r l a n d e d and moneyed magnates, memb e r s o f t h e l e g a l p r o f e s s i o n v i e w e d economic and p o l i t i c a l power as means t o t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f s o c i a l s t a t u s .  They c h e e r f u l l y j o i n e d i n  115  r e p r e s s i n g and e x p l o i t i n g t h e l o w e r c l a s s e s , n o t because t h e y were m i s ers,  b u t because t h e y were (beneath t h e s k i n ) f e u d a l r e t a i n e r s . Because they were unable o r u n w i l l i n g ( i n almost a l l c a s e s ) t o  embrace t h e i d e a o f s t a b l e government i n t h e r e p u b l i c i a n and/or democ r a t i c form, l a w y e r s were m o n a r c h i s t s .  (,o  sq Heneage F i n c h ,  A few, such as Edward Hyde,  a n d George P a r r y ,  were S t u a r t R o y a l i s t s .  Most were  more concerned w i t h monarchy as an i n s t i t u t i o n t h a n w i t h any p a r t i c u l a r f a m i l y ' s c l a i m , though undoubtedly t h e y p r e f e r r e d l e g i t i m a c y i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l sense.  When t h e u n l o o k e d - f o r b o l d n e s s o f t h e l o w e r  p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e army, seemed t o t h r e a t e n p r i v i l e g e i t s e l f ,  classes, lawyers  were among t h e f i r s t t o t u r n t h e i r a t t e n t i o n t o Cromwell as a p o t e n t i a l monarch.  I n a conference a f t e r the b a t t l e of Worcester, monarchical  arguments were advanced by B u l s t r o d e W h i t e l o c k and S i r Thomas W i d d r i n g -  61 ton  as w e l l as O l i v e r S t . John;  and W h i t e l o c k r e p o r t e d t h a t "the l a w -  y e r s were g e n e r a l l y f o r a mixed m o n a r c h i c a l government, and many were for  t h e duke o f G l o u c e s t e r t o be made k i n g . "  The c o n t r i b u t i o n o f j u d -  63 ges t o w a r d s e t t i n g up t h e P r o t e c t o r a t e has a l r e a d y been mentioned; and yet  f u r t h e r e v i d e n c e o f t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c l e g a l a t t i t u d e i s t o be f o u n d  i n t h e s u p p o r t w h i c h Cromwell r e c e i v e d a f t e r 1657 f r o m prominent  lawyers  69  who h a d been i n o p p o s i t i o n , n o t a b l y Glynne and Maynard. ' The l o n g l i f e o f Maynard, a d m i r a b l y summarised by I n d e r w i c k , i l l u s t r a t e s t h e d e v o t i o n of  a t y p i c a l l a w y e r ;to t h e cause o f o r d e r and t h e s e r v i c e o f t h e r u l i n g  class.  "He was b o r n under Queen E l i z a b e t h i n 1602.  degree under K i n g James i n 1620. C h a r l e s I i n 1625.  He t o o k h i s O x f o r d  He was c a l l e d t o t h e b a r under K i n g  He was made a S e r j e a n t - a t - L a w  by Cromwell i n 1654,  and P r o t e c t o r ' s S e r j e a n t i n May 1658, S o l i c i t o r - G e n e r a l by R i c h a r d i n September 1658, was k n i g h t e d by K i n g C h a r l e s I I i n 1660, was a p p o i n t e d  116 ' K i n g ' s A n c i e n t S e r j e a n t by K i n g James I I i n 1685, and L o r d Commissioner o f t h e G r e a t S e a l by K i n g W i l l i a m I I I i n 1689.  He was  P a r l i a m e n t t h a t s a t f r o m 1625, when he was M.P.  f o r Chippenham, t o  when he was M.P.  i n n e a r l y every 1690,  f o r Plymouth, and he was r e t a i n e d on one s i d e o r t h e  other i n every important case.  He was a s t a u n c h P r e s b y t e r i a n by  con-  v i c t i o n and by p a r t y t i e s , and, h a v i n g n e v e r swerved f r o m h i s r e l i g i o n or h i s p a r t y , he earned a w e l l - d e s e r v e d r e s p e c t .  He l i v e d t i l l  9th  October 1690, a n d ' l e f t b e h i n d ham a l a r g e f o r t u n e and a g r e a t r e p u t a t i o n . " Cromwell r e c o g n i s e d t h e p o l i t i c a l  importance o f p r o f e s s i o n a l l a w y e r s  as agents and spokesmen f o r t h e landed, and moneyed i n t e r e s t s .  His a t -  tempts t o w i n t h e i r s u p p o r t , on t h e whole r e a s o n a b l y s u c c e s s f u l , i n c l u d e d p r o m o t i o n t o t h e Other House f o r W h i t e l o c k , S t . John, G l y n n e , W i l l i a m  & Lenthal,  67  6?  Henry L a w r e n c e / and W i l l i a m S t e e l e .  to Yifiddrington and P r i d e a u x r /  a c c e p t e d r i c h l e g a l p o s t s , and Maynard p r o s e c u t e d i n t h e t r i a l s o f S i r  To Henry S l i n g s b y and Dr. H e w i t t .  T h i s a s s o c i a t i o n between t h e P r o -  t e c t o r a t e and t h e l a w was, however, s t r i c t l y a m a r r i a g e o f  convenience.  I t meant t h a t almost a l l l a w y e r s were p r e p a r e d t o s u p p o r t a regime p r o t e c t e d them and t h e i r c l i e n t s a g a i n s t t h r e a t s t o p r o p e r t y and vilege.  which  pri-  I t d i d not mean t h a t they had a v e s t e d i n t e r e s t i n t h e  P r o t e c t o r a t e as an i n s t i t u t i o n o r i n a C r o m w e l l i a n d y n a s t y , though i t suggested t h a t t h e b u i l d i n g o f such an i n t e r e s t would be The p r o t e c t i o n o f p r o p e r t y and p r i v i l e g e was p r o t e c t i o n o f Common Law, landowners  possible.  closely t i e d to the  which'had a r i s e n from t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f  and merchants t o d i s s o c i a t e " p o t e s t a s " ( t h e r o y a l power)  117 from " p r o p r i e t a s " ( o w n e r s h i p ) ^  As s t a t u s came t o depend more on  economic s t r e n g t h t h a n on m i l i t a r y prowess, Common Law became an i n c r e a s i n g l y p o t e n t weapon a g a i n s t c o m m e r c i a l i n t e r l o p e r s , u s u r e r s  and  t h e l i k e , but above a l l a g a i n s t t h e u n f a i r t a x a t i o n o f l a n d and a g a i n s t c l a i m s a s s e r t e d by members o f the l o w e r c l a s s e s . Common Law  The c o m p l e x i t y o f  o f t e n made i t p o s s i b l e f o r a m a n o r i a l l o r d t o d i s p u t e t h e  customary r i g h t s o f t e n a n t s and c o p y h o l d e r s , and t o p r e s s h i s a r g u ment i n t h e c o u r t s t o a p o i n t where h i s a d v e r s a r i e s c o u l d no l o n g e r a f f o r d t o oppose him.  Lawyers p r o f i t e d g r e a t l y f r o m t h e s e r v i c e s  w h i c h t h e y r e n d e r e d i n such d i s p u t e s .  " I t i s a miserable t h i n g " , s a i d  one o f them i n a moment o f u n u s u a l sympathy, " t o observe how t h a t now fees.  sharpers  a r e commonly c o u r t - k e e p e r s p i n c h t h e poor c o p y h o l d e r s i n t h e i r  S m a l l tenements and p i e c e s o f l a n d t h a t have been men's i n h e r -  i t a n c e s f o r d i v e r s g e n e r a t i o n s , t o say n o t h i n g o f t h e f i n e s , a r e  de-  voured by f e e s . " C h a r l e s I had t h r e a t e n e d t h e o p e r a t i o n o f t h e Common Law  through  such d e v i c e s as ship-money and t h r o u g h p a c k i n g the p r e r o g a t i v e c o u r t s . One  o f t h e . e a r l i e s t r e s o l u t i o n s o f t h e Long P a r l i a m e n t was  : "That t h e  C o u r t o f Star-chamber ( w h i l e i t s t o o d as a C o u r t ) had no power t o e x 73 amine F r e e h o l d o r I n h e r i t a n c e . "  E v e n t s a f t e r t h a t date showed, how-  e v e r , t h a t danger might t h r e a t e n f r o m o t h e r d i r e c t i o n s , even f r o m P a r liament i t s e l f .  A supreme House of Commons, chosen o r packed by  a  m i s g u i d e d de f a c t o government, m i g h t d e f e a t t h e p u r p o s e ^ o f t h e Common Law by e n a c t i n g and e n f o r c i n g S t a t u t e Law.  When the Rump, a f t e r  t h e e x e c u t i o n o f t h e k i n g , r a i s e d t h e assessment on l a n d t o 90,000  118  yji pounds a month,  7s and l a t e r t o 120,000 pounds,  ways o f d e l a y i n g o r e v a d i n g payment.  lawyers devised l e g a l  I n A p r i l 1652,  C o l o n e l Downes  r e p o r t i n g on the army a c c o u n t s spoke o f 100,000 pounds "which cannot be r e l i e d upon t o be r e c e i v e d w i t h i n t h e 13 Months, i f a t a l l . "  It  i s p r o b a b l y s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t a l e a d i n g r o l e i n r e s i s t a n c e t o t h e Rump was  t a k e n by W i l l i a m E r y n n e , who s t e a d f a s t l y r e f u s e d t o s u p p o r t t h e rr  Protectorate. The  l a r g e number o f l a w y e r s i n R i c h a r d ' s  Parliament  was p a r t l y  c o i n c i d e n t a l a n d p a r t l y due t o t h e l a r g e t o t a l number o f members ( i n c l u d i n g a f u l l complement f r o m E n g l a n d a n d Wales as w e l l as the t i s h and I r i s h members).  Scot-  I n comparison w i t h the Long P a r l i a m e n t , how-  re e v e r , t h e percentage o f l a w y e r s d o u b l e d ; h a r d l y be a s c r i b e d t o c o i n c i d e n c e  and such an i n c r e a s e  o r chance.  could  I t meant r a t h e r t h a t  e l e c t o r s were d e t e r m i n e d t o a v o i d a c l a s h between Common Law a n d S t a t u t e Law. I n one sense i t was a t r i u m p h f o r t h e l e g a l p r o f e s s i o n —  a  k i n d o f e x p r e s s i o n o f f a i t h by landowners and moneymen; and a v i r t u a l a d m i s s i o n t h a t , i n s p i t e o f g r u m b l i n g about t h e i r l e g a l expenses, recognised  t h e v a l u e o f t h e s e r v i c e s w h i c h t h e y bought.  they  Above a l l ,  however, i t p r o v i d e d t h e w e a l t h y w i t h p o l i t i c a l i n s u r a n c e .  F o r i n 1659  the p r e s e n c e o f Maynard a n d about 150 o t h e r s o f s i m i l a r mould made i t v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n t h a t t h e r e w o u l d be no a t t e m p t s i n t h a t t o a l t e r t h e l a w i n f a v o u r o f the u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d . NOTES 1. D.N.B., x i i i , 944. 2. Warner, "Hero o f t h e R e s t o r a t i o n " , pp. 130-131  Parliament  3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30.  31. 32; 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38.  119  Harda&re, " R o y a l i s t s D u r i n g t h e P u r i t a n R e v o l u t i o n " , p. 48. Bo'sher, "Making o f t h e R e s t f r a t i o n S e t t l e m e n t " , p. 27. See Chapter 5 o f t h i s t h e s i s , note 41. Aubrey, B r i e f L i v e s ( e d . C l a r k ) , i i 76. Aubrey, as n o t e 6, i i , 139-150. Thomas was t h e a u t h o r o f a number o f m e d i c a l works, i n c l u d i n g "Thomae Sydenham Methodus C u r a n d i F e b r e s , e t c . " . See Payne, "Thomas Sydenham", p. 116-and p a s s i m . Royal- C o l l e g e o f P h y s i c i a n s , " W i l l i a m Harvey", p. 2 3 . P o w e r , " W i l l i a m Harvey", p. 168. O l d P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , x x i , 258, 251, 247 and 253. L.F. Brown, " F i r s t E a r l o f S h a f t e s b u r y " , see i n d e x p. 3 4 5 . "Some A d v e r t i s e m e n t s , e t c . " , Somers Tracts!., i , 3 2 - 3 8 . G a r d i n e r , " C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Documents, e t c . " , pp. 3 2 4 - 3 2 5 . I n d e r w i c k , "Interregnum", p. 211. D a v i e s , " R e s t o r a t i o n " , pp. 92-93. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i , 284 and 304. L.F. Brown, as note 12, p. 55. I n d e r w i c k , as note 15, pp. 212-213. G a r d i n e r , "Commonwealth and P r o t e c t o r a t e " , pp. 291 and 302. H i l l , " P u r i t a n i s m and R e v o l u t i o n " , pp. 50-122. Hare, "England's P r o p e r and o n l y way ... o r The Norman Yoke Once More Uncased", i n H a r l e i a n M i s c e l l a n y , v i , 178. i b i d . , v i . 176. D.N.B., x i , 1122-1129. Frank, " L e v e l l e r s " , pp. 16, 6 0 , 85, 152-153, 229, and 240. Warr, " C o r r u p t i o n and D e f i c i e n c y o f the Laws, e t c . " , i n H a r l e i a n - M i s c e l l a n y , v i , 212-225. W i n s t a n l e y , "A D e c l a r a t i o n f r o m t h e P o o r Oppressed P e o p l e o f E n g l a n d " , i n Works ( e d . S a b i n e ) , p. 276. P e t e g o r s k y , " L e f t - W i n g Democracy i n t h e E n g l i s h C i v i l War", pp. 234-235 and p a s s i m . I n d e r w i c k , as note 15, pp. 206-207 and 2 3 3 - 2 3 4 . i b i d . , 235-237. I n d e r w i c k , as note 15, pp. 229 and 207. "A N a r r a t i v e o f t h e L a t e P a r l i a m e n t , e t c . " , i n H a r l e i a n Miscellany, v i , 46I. Chesney, " T r a n s f e r e n c e o f L a n d s , e t c . " , i n T r a n s . R. H i s t . S o c , 4 t h s e r i e s xv ( 1 9 5 2 ) , 193-194. A s h l e y , "John Wildman", pp. 7 2 - 7 3 . T h i r s k , " S a l e s o f R o y a l i s t Land, e t c . " , i n Econ. H i s t . Rev.; 2nd s e r i e s , jfcv, 196. Wagner, "Coke and t h e R i s e o f Economic L i b e r a l i s m " , i n Econ. H i s t . Rev., v i ( 1 9 3 5 - 1 9 3 6 ) , 3 0 - 4 4 . See Chapter 3, note 6. Campbell, " L i v e s o f t h e C h i e f J u s t i c e s " , i i , 66-67 and 113. I n d e r w i c k , as note 15, pp. 182-183. Campbell, as note 3 5 , i i , H 2 . W h i t e l o c k , i i i , 373 (10 December 1 6 5 1 ) . See a l s o Somers T r a c t s , 2, i i i ( v o l . v i i i n complete s e r i e s ) , 123, where m o n a r c h i c a l arguments are advanced (1657) by t h e  120  39. 40. 41. 42. 43• 44. 45. 46. 47. 48.  49.  50.  51. 52.  L o r d C h i e f J u s t i c e , e i t h e r O l i v e r S t . John o r John G l y n n e . T h i s pamphlet, "Monarchy A s s e r t e d , e t c . " s h o u l d n o t be c o n f u s e d w i t h a pamphlet o f t h e same t i t l e w r i t t e n by Matthew Wren. ( B l i t z e r , "An Immortal Commonwealth", p.52. G a r d i n e r , " H i s t o r y o f t h e G r e a t C i v i l War", i v , 265,. S t r a t f o r d , " K i n g C h a r l e s t h e M a r t y r " , p. 249. P a u l , " L o r d P r o t e c t o r " , p. 101, n o t e 4. G a r d i n e r , as n o t e 3 9 , i v , 217. As note 41. K i r b y , " W i l l i a m P r y n n e " , pp. 95~96. W a l l e r , " V i n d i c a t i o n , e t c . " , p. 301, as c i t e d by Underdown, " R o y a l i s t C o n s p i r a c y , e t c . " , p. 4. B r u n t o n and P e n n i n g t o n , p p . 241 a n d 245. 31?. W h i t e l o c k , i i y 487. ' S t r a t f o r d , as n o t e 40, pp. 3H and 3tg.. G a r d i n e r , as n o t e 39,•iv, 288. Campbell, as n o t e 35, i i , 121-122. K e n n e t t , as c i t e d by C a m p b e l l , as n o t e 3 5 , i i , 122-123. Buchan, " O l i v e r Cromwell", p . 309. F i r t h and R a i t ( e d s . ) , " A c t s and. O r d i n a n c e s , e t c . " , i i ,  6, 241, and 357-358.  53. B r u n t o n and P e n n i n g t o n , p. 180. 54. I n d e r w i c k , a s note 15, p. 245 (and l i s t on pp. 246-248). 55* "Monarchy A s s e r t e d , e t c . " , i n Somers T r a c t s , as n o t e 38, 2, i i i , . 113-130.-(Whitelock's argument, pp. 119-120). 56. "Monarchy A s s e r t e d , e t c . " , as n o t e 38, 121-122. 57. See Chapter 3 o f t h i s t h e s i s . 58. See Chapter-5 o f t h i s t h e s i s . 59. .D.N.B., v i i , 8-11. '60. O l d P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , i x , 22. P a r r y , e l e c t e d f o r S t . Mawes ( C o r n w a l l ) i n 1646, was d i s a b l e d i n 1643j a s , at v a r i o u s t i m e s , were 32 o t h e r l a w y e r s . (See B r u n t o n and P e n n i n g t o n , p. 5). I n v i e w o f t h e a t t e n t i o n drawn e a r l y i n t h i s c h a p t e r t o the m e d i c a l p r o f e s s i o n , some i n t e r e s t a t t a c h e s to-Samuel T u r n e r , M.D., member f o r S h a f t e s b u r y ( D o r s e t ) , who was a l s o d i s a b l e d i n 1643. 61. See n o t e 38. 62. W h i t e l o c k , i i i , 37463. See n o t e 19. 6 4 . See n o t e s 41'and 43. ' D.N.B., v i i i , 15-18j a n d ' x i i i , 157-161. 65.Inderwick, as n o t e 15, pp. 239-240. 66. D.N.B., x i , 934-939. 67. D.N.B., x i , 697-699. 68. D.N.B., x v i i i , 1025-1026. 69. See n o t e s 30 and 29. 70. F i r t h , " L a s t Y e a r s o f t h e P r o t e c t o r a t e " , i i , 76-80. 71. P l u c k n e t t , " C o n c i s e H i s t o r y o f t h e Common Law", p . 37. 72. N o r t h , " L i v e s o f t h e N o r t h s " , ( e d . J e s s o p p ) , i , 31. 73. Commons J o u r n a l s , i i , 272. (26 August 1641). 74. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i , 176.  75. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i , 564. 76. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i , 128. 77. Prynne,."A S e a s o n a b l e , L e g a l ! and H i s t o r i c a l ! V i n d i c a t i o n , e t c . " , c i t e d i n K i r b y , " W i l l i a m P r y n n e " , p p . 104-105. 78. From U+% t o 29%. See Chapter 6, n o t e 33; a n d B r u n t o n and P e n n i n g t o n , p p . 2-5 a n d 25-26. 79. N e w c a s t l e , " l i f e o f W i l l i a m C a v e n d i s h , e t c . " ( e d . F i r t h ) , p. 81.  CHAPTER 8  122  CONTROL OF THE LOWER CLASSES Fear and horror of lower-class rebellion were never far from the thoughts of landowners, moneymen or lawyers.  S i r John Hotham's  opinion^was widely supported among members of the ruling class, and was frequently expressed i n contemporary literature.  The lawyer White-  lock described how i n 1653 "the servants rose against their masters.... most ingratefully and disingeniously, as well as rashly and imprudently...; and now they took what they designed, a l l power into their  2 own hands."  The Presbyterian minister Xachary Crofton, a vigorous  propagandist for a free parliament, published a collection of sermons in 1659, i n which he spoke of "treason, rebellion, regicide, perfidy, perjury, pride, hyprocisy and violence...sad and sinful revolutions... violation of laws, invasion of interests, destruction of liberties... and unparalleled wickedness and confusion i n church and state: . . . a l l 3 this declared as a mark of God's favour."  The  landowner-theologian-  politician William Morrice, accepting his seals of office i n 1660, s t i l l feared that "the i l l humours i n the army and nation...are not  if  purged out."  He was partly correct in his judgement, though at that  time there was no chance of a successful revolution by the ill-humoured. The lower classes had, on the whole, supported Parliament during the C i v i l Wars; yet, until the formation of the New Model, mutiny, des5  ertion, and indiscipline had dogged every step of the local levies. There was probably a good deal of truth i n Hobbes's assertion that " i f the King had had money, he might have had soldiers enough in England. For there were very few of the common people that cared much for either  123 of the causes, but would have taken any side for pay or plunder."^  The  whole truth, however, about the motives which influenced the lower classes would include many other considerations beyond pay and plunder. Particularly i t would embrace demands for personal freedom i n religion, for representative p o l i t i c a l institutions, for an equitable re-arrangement of the legal code, and for a f a i r share of the nation's material wealth.  During the Interregnum a l l these demands had, from time to  time, been within the grasp of the common people; and the whole social order had been threatened.  The years from 1649 to I656 had, from the  ruling-class point of view, been f u l l of danger; but landowners, moneymen and lawyers had together devised effective ways of overcoming their perils.  By 1658 the ambitions of the lower classes were largely under  control, and plans to complete their suppression were firmly under weigh. Politically the common people enjoyed major victories i n the execution of the king and in the summoning of the Barebones Parliament.  7 Both events produced a spate of denunciations,  and the slain king be-  came the subject of a masterly propaganda campaign which changed him from a tyrant to a saintly martyr. thirsty and deceitful men",  "0 deal not with them as blood-  he was reported to have said, "but overcome  their cruelty with Thy compassion and my charity. est  And when Thou mak-  inquisition for my blood, 0 sprinkle their polluted, yet penitent,  souls with the Blood of Thy Son, that Thy destroying angel may pass over them."  There i s no doubt that this kind of propaganda was high-  ly successful among the mob, particularly during the f i r s t optimistic  124 months of the.Restoration, when the most dangerous regicides were condemned and executed. The selected victims in 1660 were Thomas Harrison, John Carew, John Coke, Thomas Scott, Hugh Peters, Gregory Clements, John Jones, Daniel Axtell, Francis Hacker, and Adrian Scrope.  Seven were men of  obscure o r i g i n who had aspired to leadership in fields reserved to 7  the establishment —  politics, law, religion, the army. The worst of  a l l was Harrison, who had almost succeeded i n every one of these four areas.  For him the Lord Chief Baron (Sit* SsaSSew Bridgman) kept the  most exquisite penalty: "You shall be hanged by the neck, and being alive shall be cut down, and your privy members to be cut off, your ent r a i l s to be taken out of your body, and (you living) the same to be burnt before your eyes, and your head to be cut off, your body to be divided into four quarters, and head and quarters to be disposed of at the pleasure of the king's majesty, and the Lord have mercy upon your soul."  The victims who spoke on the execution ladder echoed on var-  ious ways the words of Hacker: "I have nothing lies upon my conscience 7/ as guilt whereof I am now condemned." Though probably spoken in jest, some words used during Harrison's t r i a l suggest that not far below the surface there s t i l l lurked considerable fear of sympathy among the masses.  "This man hath the plague a l l over himj i t is pity that any /&  should stand near him, for he w i l l infect them." After 1653 "the p o l i t i c a l gains of the lower classes — of the monarchy, the Lords and the bishops among them —  abolition  were gradually  but surely whittled away, partly by landowners who asserted their cus-  125  / 3  tomary p r i v i l e g e s a t a l o c a l l e v e l ;  p a r t l y by l a w y e r s who c o n v i n c e d  Cromwell and many o f h i s o f f i c e r s about t h e dangers o f a n a r c h y ;  and  p a r t l y by C i t y ' merchants and f i n a n c i e r s who m i n g l e d f l a t t e r y and v e i l e d t h r e a t s a t G r o c e r s ' H a l l banquets. Common people a l s o made i m p o r t a n t economic g a i n s d u r i n g t h e f i r s t y e a r s o f t h e 'Interregnum.  S o l d i e r s were o f t e n p a i d w i t h debentures  which appeared t o o f f e r them a chance o f becoming s m a l l l a n d o w n e r s . The Barebones P a r l i a m e n t sought t o a d j u s t t h e l a w i n f a v o u r o f s m a l l men, and even a t t a c k e d t h e q u e s t i o n o f t i t h e s .  Wage-labourers were  a c c u s e d o f t a k i n g advantage o f t h e s h o r t a g e o f s k i l l e d h e l p , " T h e i r wages b e i n g advanced/to such e x t r a o r d i n a r y h e i g h t s t h a t t h e y a r e l i k e l y ere  '  16  l o n g t o bee masters-and t h e i r masters s e r v a n t s . "  This assertion,  though e x a g g e r a t e d a l o n g t h e u s u a l l i n e s , i s t o some e x t e n t s u p p o r t e d by s t a t i s t i c s c o m p i l e d by J . T h o r o l d R o g e r s . Rogers c a l c u l a t e d t h e average p r i c e o f a q u a r t e r o f wheat and t h e average weekly wage o f an a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r . ' the  H i s f i g u r e s show  r e m a r k a b l e g a i n s i n p u r c h a s i n g power made between  f o l l o w e d by a s t e a d y d e t e r i o r a t i o n t o 1658, a s w i f t drop i n 1661.  I648  and  1654,  a s l i g h t r i s e t o 1660,  and  From a l a b o u r e r ' s p o i n t of v i e w , t h e b e s t t i m e  was t h e h a r v e s t y e a r 1654-1655, when t h e average weekly wage (7 s h i l l i n g s and 7 p e n c e - h a l f p e n n y ) was 35$ o f t h e average p r i c e o f a q u a r t e r of wheat 1662  (21  s h i l l i n g s and  8 pence).  t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p was o n l y 11$.  In  1648-1649  I n 1641  and a g a i n i n 1661-  Ralph J o s s e l i n h i r e d a  maid ( S a r a h Browne) f o r t h i r t y - e i g h t s h i l l i n g s p e r annum: i n I658 Susan Hadley r e c e i v e d • f o r t y s h i l l i n g s and "4 p a i r e o f shoesfl: i n 1660 Newton  was  to  have  fifty  shillings.According  to  Grace  126 Rogers's wheat prices, Sarah was best paid and Susan worst; and this confirms the expectation derived from Rogers's wage tables.  Unfortu-  nately Josselin does not mention the cost of a maid in 1654, though a diary entry for 1 September that year does suggest that he had servant problems ^ ° By 1658 the economic gains of the lower classes had suffered the same fate as their p o l i t i c a l gains.  With the help of Cromwell, the-  establishment had talked out the various schemes for legal reform, except in those aspects which were beneficial to themselves.  Tithes  continued to support a substantial ministry, most of the incumbents 2/  remaining in their livings in spite of d i f f i c u l t i e s .  The debentures  issued to soldiers rarely turned them into landowners, but proved a Z2j  successful device for cheating them of a good part of their pay. Moreover, much of the debentured land was bought by army officers, who found at the Restoration that they too had been cheated; for they had used their own pay to keep soldiers from penury, so that in the long run the upkeep of the army cost the establishment - l i t t l e or nothing. Though this policy may not have been deliberate in the beginning, i t s . beautiful simplicity was abundantly clear by 1659; and i t s operation could only have been upset by a successful army coup, an event rendered unlikely as a result of distrust which the debenture t r a f f i c had bred. It can hardly be doubted that the deadness of trade at this time, i f inconvenient to merchants, was an invaluable depressant of wages. Z3  t r o l of the lower orders through the organisation of charity became practical,  though not put on a firm statutory basis t i l l after the  Con-  127 Restoration. The new  f e a t u r e o f c h a r i t a b l e works was  but i n c r e a s e d e f f i c i e n c y i n o r g a n i s a t i o n .  not i n c r e a s e d c h a r i t y ,  The E l i z a b e t h a n Poor  Law"^  had been h a r s h enough, b u t had n o t a s s o c i a t e d r e l i e f o f t h e d e s t i t u t e w i t h a c a l c u l a t e d scheme t o keep them dependent.  Under i t s p r o v i s i o n s  i t had been p o s s i b l e f o r d e t e r m i n e d and knowledgeable poor men a s s i s t a n c e from s e v e r a l uncoordinated  sources.  t o draw  Poor p e o p l e might choose  t o l i v e i n p a r i s h e s M i e r e commons and wastes were s t i l l a v a i l a b l e o r zs  where t h e r e were "the most woods f o r them t o b u r n o r d e s t r o y . "  The  A c t o f 1662  lower  removed t h e s e " d e f e c t s i n t h e law'^by c o m p e l l i n g t h e  c l a s s e s t o r e m a i n i n t h e i r own be d e p r i v e d o f r e l i e f .  Any who  parishes (except at harvest t i m e ) , or t o sought alms w h i l e on the move were  c l a s s i f i e d as s t u r d y b e g g a r s , and were l i a b l e on c o n v i c t i o n t o  be  t r a n s p o r t e d t o t h e p l a n t a t i o n s , " t h e r e t o "be d i s p o s e d o f i n t h e way....  usual  As i n l a t e r c e n t u r i e s , c o n t r o l o f c h a r i t a b l e f u n d s was  without i t s p o t e n t i a l advantages.  By 1694  not  t h e London Orphans' Fund  had been so f a r mismanaged as t o reduce the c i v i c a u t h o r i t i e s t o a s t a t e approaching bankruptcy. Many members o f t h e l o w e r c l a s s e s earned r e p u t a t i o n s as m i l i t a r y and n a v a l o f f i c e r s d u r i n g t h e C i v i l Wars a n d the Popular conceptions  capable  Interregnum.  o f Cromwell's r u s s e t - c o a t e d c a p t a i n s , s i n g i n g  psalms as t h e y rode i n t o b a t t l e , need t o be b a l a n c e d by such c o n s i d e r a t i o n s as ( f o r example) the names o f men ments i n the New  Model*  who  a c t u a l l y commanded r e g i -  A' l i s t o f the c o l o n e l s o f f o o t , f o r i n s t a n c e ,  might almost be t a k e n as p a r t o f a s o c i a l r e g i s t e r : F a i r f a x , S k i p p o n ,  128 Waller, Hammond, Harley, Montagu, Lloyd, Pickering, Fortescue, Ingoldszq  by.  1  The exigencies of war, on the other hand, raised up such men as  Ashfield, Salmon, Pride, Kelsey, Hewson, and Cobbet; and the king's virtual refusal to compromise with gentlemen thrust upstarts into positions of prominence. A major reason for the failure of Cromwell's major-generals in.1656 was the fact that most of them were self-made men of comparatively humble origins.^ With such reservations as have 0  been suggested, i t may reasonably be asserted that lower-class ambitions were more nearly realised i n military matters than i n economics or p o l i t i c s .  From the point of view of the establishment the army (and  to a less extent the navy) constituted a serious problem. This point of view was not shared with the common people, among whom the popularity of the soldiers varied considerably. Though unpaid 31 troops living at free quarter caused much complaint, particularly 3Z  when they also carried out anti-sin measures, 33 were noted for their orderly behaviour.  the Commonwealth forces  When the men were properly  ' paid, " i t happens that everywhere the people welcome them with open 34  hands, and c a l l them protectors, liberators, good pleasant guests." Under the circumstances, deliberately to keep the pay of the armed forces in arrears was potentially dangerous to established order, but had obvious p o l i t i c a l advantages i f not carried too far.  Resultant  inconveniences among the c i v i l i a n population were aggravated through 3S  a masterly whispering campaign which was carried on against the common soldiers, claiming that they "were unwilling to return to an i n dustrious l i f e , into a compliance with any design, in order to get a  129 living."^ The problem of the army, s t i l l .unsolved i n 1659, was closely connected with, the problem, of religious sects.  There was a good deal of  psalm-singing i n the New Model/^ and the demand for p o l i t i c a l representation was supported by demands for freedom i n worship.  During the  Interregnum these latter demands were largely met, probably through a conscious policy of granting the least hazardous concessions when i t would have been p o l i t i c a l suicide to grant none at a l l .  Religious  ecstasy was safer than p o l i t i c a l agitation or claims to social equality. The noble theorist, S i r James Harrington, suggested that religious freedom might conveniently be granted to the lower classes on a permanent basis  They could then be compelled to send their children to  school, so that a. new generation of law-abiding second-class citizens would arise, conditioned to find a relish m  obedience  satisfaction i n ministers appointed by the universities.  and religious A certain  amount of toleration was ultimately assured by the Act of 1689, but the provisions of that Act point to some of the reasons why limited recognition of dissent was not seriously considered i n 1658-1660. In 1689 the Toleration Act provided "that nothing herein contained shall be construed to exempt any-rr-sper sons.. .from paying of tithes or 43 other parochial duties."  It demanded acceptance of the Thirty-nine  Articles, except for numbers 34,35,and 36, and a part of 20j which related to homilies, church traditions, consecration of bishops, and decreed ceremonies. Groups opposed to infant baptism were excused 44  also from the appropriate part of number 2?.  A l l dissenters were  130 r e q u i r e d t o d e c l a r e f i d e l i t y t o t h e monarch a n d b e l i e f i n t h e d i v i n e 45  i n s p i r a t i o n o f the B i b l e . of concessions,  By 1689 t h e s e p r o v i s i o n s were i n t h e n a t u r e  b u t i n 1659 t h e y would b a r e l y have r e c o g n i s e d  a l l the  freedoms which c o n g r e g a t i o n s a c t u a l l y p r a c t i s e d . I n 1659 t h e major i s s u e s were those two w h i c h the T o l e r a t i o n A c t s p e c i f i c a l l y r e f u s e d t o t o l e r a t e : freedom f r o m t i t h e s a n d freedom t o oppose any e a r t h l y mon46  arch.  Quakers i n 1659 p e t i t i o n e d a g a i n s t t i t h e s ,  a n d were s u p p o r t e d 47  by a l l c l a s s e s o f Independents, B a p t i s t s a n d F i f t h M o n a r c h i s t s .  The  l a s t - n a m e d group were p a r t i c u l a r l y m i l i t a n t , owning a l l e g i a n c e t o no 4?  monarch b u t K i n g J e s u s .  T h e i r b a t t l e - c r i e s were texts f r o m t h e more  violent p a r t s o f I s a i a h , J e r e m i a h a n d E z e k i e l j ^ a n d t h e y a t t e m p t e d armed r e v o l t s i n 1657 and 1661 under the l e a d e r s h i p o f Thomas Venner. D u r i n g the l a t e r y e a r s of the P r o t e c t o r a t e t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e extreme s e c t s i n t h e army h a d been u n o s t e n t a t i o u s l y r e d u c e d , p a r t i c S/  u l a r l y by Monk i n S c o t l a n d  and Henry Cromwell i n I r e l a n d .  Though  many e x t r e m i s t s remained among t h e r a n k s and the l o w e r o f f i c e r s , t h e q u e s t i o n o f pay became r e l a t i v e l y more i m p o r t a n t a s t i m e p a s s e d ; and l a t e i n 1659 Monk was a b l e t o d i s m i s s many a n a b a p t i s t s , a n d y e t (by p a y i n g h i s men) r e t a i n t h e a l l e g i a n c e o f t h e g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f h i s  S3 force.  I f t h i s t e s t o f s t r e n g t h . — pay a g a i n s t r e l i g i o u s i n d e p e n d -  ence —  was n o t p r e m e d i t a t e d by Thomas C l a r g e s a n d t h e C i t y magnates  who c o n s i s t e n t l y s u p p o r t e d Monk, i t was a t any r a t e p r o p h e t i c . p r o b l e m o f r e l i g i o u s f a n a t i c i s m w o u l d be s o l v e d by d i s b a n d i n g  The t h e army.  D e m o b i l i s e d s o l d i e r s would become c i v i l i a n p o o r , t o be t r e a t e d t h e same as a l l t h e o t h e r s .  131 As t h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f t h e S t u a r t monarchy became more and more c e r t a i n , i d e a s l i k e H a r r i n g t o n ' s became a l m o s t l u d i c r o u s .  The q u e s t i o n  w h i c h took shape was n o t p r i m a r i l y whether t h e government w o u l d o r g a n i s e r e l i g i o n as an i n s t r u m e n t  o f propaganda a n d c o n t r o l , b u t r a t h e r what  f o r m t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n would t a k e .  A s u p e r f i c i a l observer, n o t i c i n g the  apparent s t r e n g t h o f P r e s b y t e r i a n i s m i n London, i n S c o t l a n d , a n d among the P a r l i a m e n t a r i a n g e n t r y ; m i g h t have c o n c l u d e d l a n d would be P r e s b y t e r i a n .  One c o r r e s p o n d e n t ,  t h a t R e s t o r a t i o n Enghowever, i n f o r m e d Hyde S#  t h a t Monk's P r e s b y t e r i a n i s m was " t o s e r v e h i s own ends";  and i f t h e  main q u e s t i o n was t o be e f f e c t i v e c o n t r o l , t h e r e was much t o be s a i d f o r Anglicanism, w i t h i t s f e u d a l - s t y l e h i e r a r c h y and i t s a p p r o p r i a t e a t t i t u d e s on s o c i a l  questions.  I n t h e event o f the b i s h o p s r e t u r n i n g w i t h t h e k i n g i t would be e s s e n t i a l t o a v o i d t h e p r o m o t i o n o f men concerned p r i m a r i l y w i t h igion.  rel-  F o r t u n a t e l y t h e Interregnum had d i s c o v e r e d a number o f P r e s -  b y t e r i a n d i v i n e s who were more i n t e r e s t e d i n p r o m o t i o n f o r t h e m s e l v e s t h a n i n p r o m o t i o n o f t h e Covenant, men o f t h e w o r l d who r e c o g n i s e d t h e SS  f a i l u r e i n England of the Presbyterian c l a s s i s . The moderate P r e s b y t e r i a n shaded o f f i n t o t h e moderate E p i s c o p a l i a n as Edward Reynolds Sb  became B i s h o p o f N o r w i c h  a n d James Sharp was a p p o i n t e d A r c h b i s h o p  of  S t . A n d r e w s . " ^ On Sg a v i s i t t o London, made i n F e b r u a r y l660 . w i t h t h e connivance o f Monk, S h a r p f o u n d t h a t a r e a d i n e s s f o r "accommodation" ar was common among i n f l u e n t i a l E n g l i s h P r e s b y t e r i a n s , A  1  More i m p o r t a n t was t h e e v i d e n c e which h a d been a c c u m u l a t i n g ,  dur-  i n g h a r d t i m e s , o f a changed s p i r i t among i n f l u e n t i a l members o f t h e  132  Anglican clergy., The dangers of a new Land receded into the background with the emergence of such admirable characters (from the point of view of the wealthy) as Gilbert Sheldon. Before his elevation to the b i s hopric  of London, Sheldon "retrieved thevestate of the family (which  was i n a manner spent by his elder brother) i n behalf of the children of the deceas'd; after he was r a i s ' d to the Episcopal Throne, i n which he sate seventeen years, he spent seventy three thousand pounds i n works of Munificence and Charity; and yet was so wonderfully prudent in the conduct of his a f f a i r s , that after he l a i d out so much he l e f t 60  great possessions, and a large quantity of money to his heirs." To retrieve estates, to spend l a v i s h l y , and yet to leave a large fortune to one's heirs were the marks of a successful gentleman. Samuel Parker, who admired these qualities i n Sheldon, was himself another of the new-style ecclesia\sties; and was indeed so zealous as to arouse the antagonism of some of his r i v a l s i n the race for promotion.  Under  the influence of gentlemanly bishops the Church could become a retreat for younger sons and hard-up cousins, providing them with status and a regular income i n return for t h e i r services as propagandists and spies among the lower classes. Archbishop Tillotson  could establish  63  a "Gospel of Moral Rectitude", and the parson could help, the squire to keep the. lower classes subservient. As the great philanthropist 64  William Wilberforce  put i t : "Christianity reminds the lesser orders  that their more lowly path has been a l l o t t e d to them by the hand of God; that i t is their part f a i t h f u l l y to discharge i t s duties and con6s  tentedly to bear i t s inconveniences."  133 In 1659 and 1660 the eighteenth-century parson was unborn^ but the country-City alliance was (so to speak) i n an advanced state of pregnancy with this and other offspring.  When the lawyer Matthew Hale  suggested in the Convention Parliament that the Covenant should be made a condition of Charles's return, his motion was thrown out.  unceremoniously  The odds favouring the, re-establishment of the .Church of  England, under new management, rose sharply as Anglicans proved their ability to f i t snugly into the general scheme, and Presbyterians proved their ability to become Anglicans. The pattern of control began to assume a definite shape, with places for Parliament, the law, money, the press, the Church; but s t i l l no definite place for that v i t a l l y important instrument of government, the army. NOTES 1. See Chapter 2, note 23. 2. Whitelock, i v , 6. 3. Crofton, "Felix Scelus, Querela Piorum, etc.", cited i n Dodd "Troubles in a City Parish", Eng. Hist. Rev., x (1895), 50. (After the Restoration Crofton was committed on a charge of treason, and imprisoned for more than a year. He then worked as a cheese factor, and u l t i mately returned to the pulpit with the support of Sir Samuel Starling, Lord Mayor elected in 1669). 4. Clarendon MSS., l x x i i , 22, cited in Coate, "William Morrice and the Restoration, etc.", Eng. Hist. Rev., x x x i i i (1918), 372-373. 5. Forteseue, "History of the British Army", i , 207-208. 6. Hobbs, "Behemoth", in Works (ed. Molesworth, 1840), v i , 166. 7. Godwin, "History of the Commonwealth", i i i , 583-587. 8. "Eikon Basilike", allegedly written by Charles I, (ed. Phillimore, 1879), p. 258. 9. See accounts in D.N.B. The three exceptions were Carew (a Fifth Monarchist who persistently refused to escape); Hacker (whose body was not quartered, but given to his Royalist relations); and Scrope (of whom Bridgman said that he was "not such a person as some of the rest", but who was hanged on the evidence of Richard Brown). f  10. ed. H a r g r a v e s , " S t a t e T r i a l s " ( 1 7 7 6 ) , i i , 324. (The same sentence was pronounced, on H a r r i s o n ' s companions, b u t o n l y H a r r i s o n i s r e p o r t e d as h a v i n g endured t h e f u l l r i g o u r o f t h e sentence} 11. i b i d . , i i , 416. 12. i b i d . , i i , 322. The speaker was S i r Edward T u r n e r . 13. James, " S o c i a l P o l i c y , e t c " , pp. 95-97. 14. See Chapter 7 o f t h i s t h e s i s . 15. S h a r p e , "London a n d t h e Kingdom", i i , 347-354* 16. Pseudonismus, "A V i n d i c a t i o n , e t c . " , c i t e d i n James, as n o t e 1 3 , p. 177. 17. R o g e r s , " H i s t o r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e a n d P r i c e s i n E n g l a n d " , • v , 825-828. 18. S t a t i s t i c s and p e r c e n t a g e s f o r t h e y e a r s 1641 t o 1661 a r e shown i n A p p e n d i x 2 o f t h i s t h e s i s . 19. R a l p h J o s s e l i n ' s D i a r y , pp. 12, 126 a n d 136. 20. J o s s e l i n ' s D i a r y , p. 108.- ("God good i n p r e s e r v i n g An i n a m i l k e bowle, and J a n e f r o m swouning who l e t h e r f a l l in"). 21. See C h a p t e r 7, note4>22. Chesney, " T r a n s f e r e n c e o f Lands, e t c . " , i n T r a n s . R.H.S., 4th s e r i e s , x v , 193-194. W i n s t a n l e y , "A New-Years G i f t , e t c . " , i n Works ( e d . S a b i n e ) , pp. 363-364. 23. See C h a p t e r 5, n o t e IIZ. 24. Tawney and Power ( e d s . ) , "Tudor Economic Documents", i i ,  346-362, a n d i i i , 444-458.  25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31.  Poor Law Amendment A c t , 1662, p r i n t e d i n " E n g l i s h H i s t o r i c a l Documents", viii,.464. ibid., v i i i , 464. i b i d . , v i i i , 465. See a l s o Chapter 6, n o t e £.2R i c h a r d s , " E a r l y H i s t o r y o f B a n k i n g , e t c . " , p. 106. S p r i g g e , " A n g l i a R e d i v i v a " , pp* 327-329. A s h l e y , "Cromwell's G e n e r a l s " , p. 160. A b b o t t , . " W r i t i n g s and Speeches o f O l i v e r C r o m w e l l " , i i i ,  593.  32. A s h l e y , as n o t e 30, p. 163. 33. Ranke, " H i s t o r y o f E n g l a n d " , i i i , 145. F o r t e s e u e , " H i s t o r y o f t h e B r i t i s h Army", i , 282-287. 34. "An a c c o u n t , e t c . " (1655), i n Dresden A r c h i v e s ; c i t e d by Ranke, as n o t e 33, i i i , 145. 3 5 . See C h a p t e r 5, n o t e s 102-105. 36. Ludlow, i i , 138. 37. A t Dunbar t h e t r o o p s sang t h e 1 1 7 t h P s a l m b e f o r e b u t c h e r i n g t h e f l e e i n g S c o t s . (Buchan, " O l i v e r C r o m w e l l " ,  PP. 378-379). 38. P e t e g o r s k y , " L e f t - W i n g Democracy i n t h e E n g l i s h  War", pp. 229-240. 39. H a r r i n g t o n , "Oceana", p. 4 0 . i b i d . , pp. 345-347.  245.  Civil  41. ibid., pp. 243-245.  42. "English Historical Documents", v i i i , 400-403. 43. Toleration Act, Article 4. 44. ibid., Articles 6 and 7. 45.. ibid., Article,,.10. 46. Commons Journal, v i i , 683. 47. L.F. Brown, "Baptists and Fifth.Monarchy Men", p. 43. 48. Thornbury, "Old and New London", i , 370-371. 49* .g. Isaiah 61, v. 14-l6j Jeremiah 51, v. 20;,E«ekiel 9, v. 5-6. 50. Firth, "Last Years of the Protectorate",!, 207-219. Reresby, "Memoirs and Travels" (ed. Ivatt), p. 143. 51. See Chapter 9 of this thesis. 52. L.F. Brown, as note 47, PP. 136-170. 53. Warner, "Hero of the Restoration", pp. 139-141. Davies, "Restoration", pp. 162-164 and 176,, 54. John Barwick to Hyde, Clarendon State Papers, i i i , 698. 55. Tawney, "Religion and the Rise of Capitalism" (Pelican edn.,), p. 169. 56. See Chapter 6, note 67, 57. Trevelyan, "History of England", pp. 478 and 720, Willcock, "A Scots Earl", pp. 112-114. 58. ed. W. Stephen, "Consultations of the Ministers of Edine  burgh, etc.", i i , . (1657-1660), pp. 112-114.  59. ibid., i i , pp, x l - x l i . 60. Parker, "History of His Own Time" (trans. Newlin), pp.  53-54.  61. Burnet, "History of His Own Time", pp. 176, 445 and 468. 62. John Tillotson was appointed Dean of Canterbury i n 1672, Dean of St. Pauls i n 1689, and Archbishop of Canterbury in 1691. He died in 1694. 63. Trevelyan, "English Social History", p. 357. , 64. Father of Bishop Samuel Wilberforce.. (Ashwell, "Life of Bishop Wilberforce", i , 1-4). 65. William Wilberforce, "Practical View of the System of Christianity", p. 314; cited in Demant, "Religion and the Decline of Capitalism", p. 51. 66. Burnet, as note 61, p. 58 and note.  CHAPTER 9  136  GENERAL MONK By,1658 one major obstacle stood i n the way of the countryCity alliance -~ the army.  In the second session of Cromwell's Second  Parliament, when the Commons attacked the Lords they were concerned almost entirely with attempting to limit the power of the army.  In  Richard's Parliament the Commons made a direct attack against the army Z as an independent p o l i t i c a l force.  But i n April 1659 the obstacle  was s t i l l there. The problem was not merely organisational, in the sense that i t could not be solved by manipulation of the constitution and the law. The legal and constitutional position of the armed forces could easily be defined by Parliament, and was in the years immediately after the Restoration. Such a definition would, however, have had no practical meaning unless-the armed forces were effectively disposed according to the dictates of Parliament.  Oliver Cromwell, i n the capacity of Lord  Protector, showed i n I658 that he was not willing to acquiesce in an arrangement which would bring the armed forces completely under P a r l i amentary control.  Richard i n 1659  showed that he was either unwilling  or unable to effect the submission of the military to the c i v i l power. During these d i f f i c u l t months i t became increasingly clear that there were two possible courses of action which appeared to offer acceptable solutions. 0  One such course was the re-assumption of military command by the  Parliamentarian gentry.  This idea was at the root of S i r George Booth's  revolt in August 1659, a revolt which degenerated into something closely  137 3 resembling farce.  The other course, which solved the problem, was to  gain the allegiance of some influential military figure or group who could rely on the obedience of a large number of lower officers and other ranks. Assuming the services of such an agent the Commonwealth's standing army, suitably reduced in size and influence, might well remain as a permanent safeguard against lower-class turbulence. The obvious way of recruiting an agent was, in the spirit of times, by purchase; and the price would undoubtedly be high.  The right man  or group would probably want a good deal of money, and almost certainly an important share in the administration.  If such a man or group  could be found, the City was in a position to supply the money while the landowners in Parliament could offer p o l i t i c a l prestige. Men such as Samuel Pepys, Thomas Clarges, William Petty, George Downing, Andrew Marvell, John Wildman, and Henry Muddiman state was drifting.  saw which way the ship of  A l l of them were recruited during this period to  the service of the country-City alliance, and a l l played some part in the Restoration.  None among them could bring a large part of the army  into line; and among men who appeared highly influential in the army, few were candidates for the position of Parliamentary agent on terms acceptable to Parliament and the City. The two most likely recruits were John Lambert and George Monk, with the odds heavily in favour of the latter.  In the event Monk easily proved his superiority, and be-  came the supreme agent in the work of recalling Charles I I , Honours bestowed on George Monk for his contribution to the Restoration raised him to great public eminence and cast reflected lustre  138  upon an early career which might otherwise have been regarded as comparatively dull and unimportant.  So far as the English polity was  concerned. Monk was almost a nonentity until December 1657, when Cromwell was desperately searching for safe and suitable men to promote to the Other House. Monk coolly acknowledged, the honour, declined to,attend,  and politely  "...but truly I thinke the condition of this  country, and his highnesse's affaires heere are such, that I cannot well be spared." ^ In July 1658 he was approached, not for the f i r s t X  r  time, by Royalist agents.  He told Secretary Thurloe of the approach  and sent him a copy of the letter he had received, with an explanation as to why he had kept the original -—•"because I would trye, whether I could finde out the partie from whence i t t came, by comparing i t with other letters."-  In view of Thurloe's reputation as a master of i n -  telligence, the explanation seems rather suspicious. In September 1658 Monk sent his important letter of advice to 9 Richard, " i n the hand-writing of Dr. Tho; Clarges."  He pointed out  the advantages of relying on the old Parliamentarian families, made suggestions for retrenchment in the charges of the army and navy, and added a few well-chosen smears about men "of no estates, and as l i t t l e interest, that are captains of ships, whoe, I feare, i f his highnes 10  should have warr....they may be apt to betray or s e l l them." The letter, accompanied by a word-of-mouth message which Monk was too se//  cretive to commit to paper, arose from a mission carried out by Clarges at the request of the Council. To outward appearance Thomas Clarges was merely an apothecary, and  139 ( a c c o r d i n g t o A u b r e y ) t h e son o f a b l a c k s m i t h a n d "one o f the f i v e IZ  woemen b a r b e r s . "  B e s i d e s b e i n g Monk's b r o t h e r - i n - l a w , however, he  was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h Dr.. W i l l i a m P e t t y , and a p p a r e n t l y s h a r e d t h e i n 13  t e r e s t o f P e t t y and o t h e r C i t y men i n I r i s h l a n d s p e c u l a t i o n .  Mutual  i n t e r e s t i n I r e l a n d would be l i k e l y t o b r i n g him i n t o c o n t a c t w i t h R i c h a r d Brown and o t h e r , s p e c u l a t o r s j and h i s e l e c t i o n t o P a r l i a m e n t  l¥  IS  and f o r Southwark i n 1666  -  for  W e s t m i n s t e r i n 1660  his  close connection with f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t s i n general. Monk h i m s e l f h a d c o n n e c t i o n s i n t h e C i t y .  c a u t i o n i n correspondence  are evidence o f  Though h i s extreme  makes i t d i f f i c u l t t o t r a c e t h e s e  connections  i n d e t a i l , t h e r e i s a f a i r amount o f i n d i r e c t e v i d e n c e t o show t h e i r general nature.  That t h e y were h i g h l y u n a c c e p t a b l e  e v i d e n t f r o m l e t t e r s among the C l a r k e P a p e r s .  t o the s e c t s i s  M o n k s r e f e r e n c e on 29 1  November 1659 t o "the f a n a t i c a l l a n d s e l f e s e e k i n g p a r t y " ,  evoked t h e  l e t t e r o f 13 December s i g n e d by r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f the c o n g r e g a t i o n s i n London. , "Wee would be s o r r y on y o u r account t h a t t h e b l o u d o f the S a i n t s o f God, and o f a l l t h a t h a t h b i n i n g a g e d i n o u r common cause, s h o u l d w i t h soe much c o l l o r bee l a i d a t your doore, as i t w i l b e e i f  17 t h i n g s c o n t i n u e i n t h e p r e s e n t p o s t u r e a few dayes l o n g e r . "  ti I n v i e w o f Monk's c o n s t a n t communication w i t h T h u r l o e ,  i t can  h a r d l y be doubted .that t h e r e was a c o n n e c t i o n w i t h T h u r l o e ' s p a r t n e r '9 and b r o t h e r - i n - l a w , t h e f i n a n c i e r M a r t i n N o e l . A c c o r d i n g t o one a u t h o r i t y Monk's f r i e n d s i n t h e C i t y succeeded i n g e t t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n  Zo t o h i m b e f o r e t h e a r r i v a l o f o f f i c i a l messengers; '\  a n d i t seems r e a -  s o n a b l e t o assume t h a t T h u r l o e ' s i n t e r e s t i n t h e P o s t O f f i c e  Zl  was h e r e  140 made use of. There are some suggestions i n the Thurloe Papers, i n connection with alleged embezzlement by one Bilton, that the City was i n ZZ, strumental in supplying money for Monk and his troops; and there is one piece of direct evidence i n a letter sent to Hyde by John Barwick. "It i s thought he would shew himself more sensible than he does of Fleetwood's being placed over him, i f . i t were not for a great banck of 23  money he hath here, which they know of, and in whos hand i t i s , " In September 1658 Thomas Clarges found Monk "weary of the uncertain condition in which he found himself and the nation inthralled by 24 the overruling tyranny of the soldiers" — a strange attitude to have expressed so soon after Cromwell's death. Monk subsequently neglected ZS to supply reinforcements for Lambert's campaign against Booth;  dis-  sociated himself from the Derby Petition which followed Lambert's  2L victory;  and, in the quarrel which developed between the English  officers and the Rump, declared for Parliament.  "I am resolved", he  wrote, "by the grace and assistance of God, as a true Englishman, to stand to and assert the liberty and authority of Parliament."  The  French ambassador informed Cardinal Mazarin: "...sa derniere lettre parle bien de repandre jusqu' a lacerniere goutte de son sang pour l e /  /  *  /  Parlement, mais sans designer s i c'est celui qui a ete casse."  29  2Q  Monk was related to the Grenvi1J.es, ' and also to William Morrice, who at the Restoration was appointed one of the two Secretaries of 3o State. Morrice i n 1659 may have acted as go-between in the important discussions which Monk had with Anthony Ashley Cooper (himself an 32  associate of Martin Noel).  As the Recruiter member for Devon, Morrice  141 was probably i n league with William Prynne and other secluded members  33 of the Long Parliament. Monk's brother Nicholas was an Anglican clergyman and a Stuart 3iL  Royalist.  T  Within his immediate family circle Monk could thus point  to men with knowledge and experience of land, money, the medical profession, and the Church; and because of these connections he was acceptable i n a general way to almost a l l sub-groups in the country-City alliance.  The law was missing — a factor which may help to account 35  for the mutual suspicion that existed between Monk and the lawyer Hyde —  but this omission was insignificant beside the major qualification  which Monk possessed, command of an army. "Covenants without the sword are but words", wrote Hobbes. Events during the Interregnum had emphasised the point. The complete subjugation of the lower classes depended on the army's obedience  — the  men obeying their officers, and the officers obeying laws and orders stemming from Parliament.  The establishment had to find an agent who  would submit to the authority of Parliament, and had the power to make the lower ranks do so. Monk, or someone like him, was essential to their plans; and preferably Monk. "As soon as Cromwell was dead, he was generally looked upon as a man more inclined to the King than any other in authority.... He had no fumes of religion which turned his head, nor any credit with, or 37  dependence upon, any who were swayed by those trances." ' Also he was 3t  "a gentleman of a very good extraction",  and "had shewed more kindness  to, and used more familiarity with, such persons who were most  142 n o t o r i o u s f o r a f f e c t i o n t o the K i n g , as f i n d i n g them a more d i r e c t and 34 p u n c t u a l p e o p l e t h a n the r e s t . " was  ' Clarendon  might have added t h a t Monk  a p r o f e s s i o n a l s o l d i e r w i t h a s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d p r i c e ; t h a t he h a d  commanded and p r o p a g a n d i s e d h i s t r o o p s f o r a l o n g t i m e ; and t h a t t h e E n g l i s h s o l d i e r s i n S c o t l a n d were eager t o r e t u r n home. NOTES  1. See C h a p t e r 2  o f t h i s t h e s i s , n o t e s 42-50 a n d accompanyi n g t e x t . (pp. 30-33) 2. See Chapter 5, p p . 94-95 3. See Chapter 10, pp. lif-j -JSI. 4. A l l t h o s e m e n t i o n e d a r e i n D.N.B. except Muddiman, f o r whom see: Muddiman, " K i n g ' s J o u r n a l i s t " , p a s s i m esp.  pp. 1-122.  5. T h u r l o e , v i , 686. 6. T h u r l o e , v i , 741. 7. C o r b e t t , "Monk", pp. 108-111. 8. T h u r l o e , v i i , 232-233. 9. T h u r l o e , v i i , 387. 10. T h u r l o e , v i i , 387-388. 11.. The message c o n c e r n e d "some p e r t i c u l a r p e r s o n s . "  vii,388).  (Thurloe,  12. Aubrey, " B r i e f L i v e s " , i i , 173. 13. D.N.B., i v , 398. Aubrey, " B r i e f L i v e s " , i i , 142. . 14. O l d P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , x x i i , 216. 15. D.N.B., i v , 398. 16. C l a r k e P a p e r s j i v , 152. 17. i b i d . , i v , 185. 18. T h u r l o e P a p e r s , v i i , 579, 583, 584, 600, 607, 613, 614, and p a s s i m . 19. Y u l e , "Independents i n t h e C i v i l War", p . 111. 20. C l a r k e P a p e r s , i v , 127 f o o t n o t e . 21. F i r t h , " T h u r l o e a n d the P o s t O f f i c e " , i n Eng. H i s t . Rev., x i i i (1898), 527-533. 22. T h u r l o e P a p e r s , v i i , 194 and 224. 23. i b i d . , v i i , 687. 24. B a k e r ' s C h r o n i c l e , p. 654 c i t e d i n D a v i e s , " R e s t o r a t i o n " , p. 20. T h i s p a r t o f the C h r o n i c l e may have been w r i t t e n by C l a r g e s h i m s e l f ( s e e D.N.B., i v , 399). 25. Ludlow, i i , 112. (See Chapter 10 o f t h i s t h e s i s ) . 26. C l a r k e P a p e r s , i v , 58-59. 27. C l a r k e P a p e r s , i v , 66-67 f o o t n o t e .  28. Bordeaux Correspondence, i n G u i z o t , " H i s t o i r e du P r o t e c t o r a t e e t c . " , i i , 278. 29. G r i f f i t h - D a v i e s , "Honest George Monck", pp. 174 and 76. 30. See Chapter 8, n o t e 4. 31. L . F . Brown, " F i r s t E a r l o f S h a f t e s b u r y " , pp. 89-90. 32. i b i d . , p. 130. 33. O l d P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , x x i , 372-375. 34. See Chapter 7, n o t e 2. 35. C l a r e n d o n , " H i s t o r y " , X V I , 98-100 (Macray, v i , 154-156). 36. Hobbes, " L e v i a t h a n " , Chapter 17. ( W a l l e r edn.,. p . 115). 37. C l a r e n d o n , " H i s t o r y " , X V I , 98 (Macray, v i , 154). 38. i b i d . , X V I , 96 (Macray, v i , 152). 39. i b i d . , XVI, 103 (Macray, v i , 157).  144  CHAPTER 10 STRANGE INTERLUDE  I n A p r i l 1659 a l a r g e m a j o r i t y o f t h e members o f R i c h a r d ' s P a r l i a m e n t q u i e t l y a c c e p t e d a d i s s o l u t i o n w h i c h was q u i t e o b v i o u s l y s i g n e d under d u r e s s .  R i c h a r d was n o t p e r m i t t e d . t o be p r e s e n t a t t h e  r e a d i n g o f the d i s s o l u t i o n ;  a c o n t r a s t t o h i s f a t h e r , who i n v a r i a b l y  explained h i s a c t i o n i n person.  The P a r l i a m e n t a r i a n s need n o t have  3 acquiesced, Republicans  any more t h a n they h a d needed t o l e t H a s e l r i g a n d t h e do so much t a l k i n g d u r i n g t h e s e s s i o n .  Y e t such was t h e i r  r e s p e c t f o r t h e l a w t h a t they l e f t o n l y a few o f H a s e l r i g ' s s u p p o r t e r s l o c k e d i n the House t o d i s p u t e t h e o r d e r . t o anarchy and/or m i l i t a r y  They abandoned t h e n a t i o n s  rule.  The n e x t f e w months were p a c k e d w i t h i n c i d e n t . W i t h i n a f e w days t h e army l e a d e r s f o u n d t h e m s e l v e s o b l i g e d t o have some s o r t o f P a r l i a ment, a n d on 7 May t h e Rump was back i n o f f i c e . correspondent  By 27 May a R o y a l i s t  r e p o r t e d : "Tumble downe D i c k h a t h k i s s e d the t a y l e and  subscribed t o t h e i r e soueraignetyes.  Some r e p o r t s t h a t h i s b r o t h e r  Henry l i k e w i s e ^ bowed downe t o ye c a l f e a f t e r some r e l u c t a n c e s a n d e n deavors t o ye c o n t r a r y . "  R i c h a r d r e m a i n e d i n London t i l l J u l y , when  he r e t i r e d i n t o Hampshire, "having no money w i t h i n h i s p u r s e nor w i t h out i t a f r i e n d . "  I n August S i r George Booth's r i s i n g was e a s i l y de-  f e a t e d , b u t b y O c t o b e r "the l a t e p r i n c i p a l O f f i c e r s o f the Army, whose Commissions were v a c a t e d , drew up F o r c e s i n a n d about W e s t m i n s t e r . . .  Y i n t e r r u p t e d t h e Members from coming t o t h e House."  On 20 October  8  Monk r e s o l v e d t o a s s e r t t h e l i b e r t y and a u t h o r i t y o f P a r l i a m e n t , by 26 December t h e Rump was a g a i n s i t t i n g .  and  B u t t h r o u g h o u t the n a t i o n  145 the slogan was now "a free Parliament." There was certainly an element of anarchy in the situation — so much so that Bordeaux on one occasion informed Mazarin: "II n'y a point Q  encore de gouvernement en Angleterre."  This anarchy, however, was so  harmless to property and prestige as to arouse the thought that i t could have been deliberately engineered.  If this was so, i t would help  to explain the placid acceptance of dissolution.  In the circumstances  prevailing i n April 1659, no p o l i t i c a l move offered less possible dangers or more possible advantages. In the early days of May much depended on the behaviour of Charles Fleetwood, the o f f i c i a l leader of the army coup. The old Parliamentarian party gambled to some extent on his a b i l i t y to influence the decisions of the Council of Officers against any attempt to use naked force, a gamble which was heavily in their favour, since the officers would not expect Fleetwood to succeed where Cromwell had failed.  On 5 May  "the army had thoughts of raising money without a parliament, but upon 10  advice they durst not adventure upon i t . "  Fleetwood could hardly re-  c a l l Richard's Parliament without the certainty of losing his command, and probably his head; and his reputation could hardly have survived the ridicule i f he had pressured Richard into sending out writs for a new Parliament, a few days after forcing him to dissolve the previous one.  A nominated Parliament would have no more success than the army  i t s e l f in raising money. The Republican.party survivors of the Rump were busily canvassing their legality, Protectorate was i l l e g a l .  but i f they were legal the  Richard could not then be used as a figure-  146 head. An astute politician might easily have foreseen, in the April coup, the recall of the Rump and the deposition of the Protector. The height of Cromwell's popularity had been reached i n April 1653, when he put an end to the sittings of the Rump.'' Six years later the enemies of the Rump forced Fleetwood into a situation where recall of that maligned body seemed the least bad among several very poor possibilities.  There was l i t t l e or no chance that the Rump would be  able to solve the financial problems l e f t by-the Protectorate: there was every chance that the members would harass the army leaders and IZ demand their submission to the c i v i l authority.  The recall of the  Rump would again bring into prominence the question of the secluded members, and would enable diehards such as William Prynne to assume 13  the role of belligerent martyrs. suspense.  It would keep Charles and Hyde i n  It would give regicides like Thomas Scott and Edmund Ludlow  a fine opportunity for putting their heads into a noose, and would by contrast accentuate the monarchical sentiments of such men as Sir George Booth and Richard Brown. Those who were not regicides, but were against monarchy, would set themselves up as scapegoats i f and when i t became expedient to return at least some of the confiscated lands. Haselrig, who had purchased great tracts of Church property in Durham, was a perfect prospective sacrifice. In practice the recall of the Rump brought unforeseen advantages to the Parliamentarian monarchists.  The House proved unable or unwill-  ing to impose a censorship on pamphlets, and gave the supporters, of a free Parliament a magnificent opportunity to issue propaganda against  147 a l l e g e d s u b v e r s i o n , and i n f a v o u r o f a much-whitewashed C h a r l e s I I . I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o b e l i e v e t h a t J o h n E v e l y n h i m s e l f was sincere i n h i s character of Charles —  completely  " H i s p e r s o n so l o v e l y , so a m i -  a b l e and g r a c e f u l ! . . . s o meek, g e n t l e , and sweet o f B e h a v i o u r ; c o n s t a n t , and o b l i g i n g i n h i s F r i e n d s h i p s . . . . b u t above a l l , and i r r e m o v e a b l y igion."  so f i r m ,  so f i r m l y  f i x e d , t o the p r o f e s s i o n o f t h e t r u e P r o t e s t a n t R e l -  Many o t h e r e q u a l l y f i c t i t i o u s works appeared, and t h i s p e r i o d  i n g e n e r a l saw i m p o r t a n t  developments i n t h e a r t o f propaganda, p a r -  t i c u l a r l y i n the technique  of the. b i g l i e . .  A l a r g e m i n o r i t y o f Rumpers  were s o c i a l l y as p r e j u d i c e d as the s e c l u d e d members, and seem t o have worked w i t h t h e c o u n t r y - C i t y a l l i a n c e r a t h e r t h a n a g a i n s t i t i n c i r culating this kind of rubbish.  I n the c o n f u s e d p o l i t i c a l  situation  f a l s e b r o t h e r s were numerous —  as i s h i l a r i o u s l y e v i d e n c e d by  the  li adventures o f S i r R i c h a r d W i l l i s and Samuel M o r l a n d .  The p r e s e n c e o f  a c o u n t r y ^ G i t y c e l l w i t h i n t h e Rump i t s e l f w o u l d h e l p t o e x p l a i n t h e House's v a c i l l a t i n g p o l i c y on news and c e n s o r s h i p , w h i c h l e d t o the demotion o f Marchamont Nedham i n May  1659  and h i s r e i n s t a t e m e n t  in  '7 August.  Tne a s s u m p t i o n o f a s e c r e t c a b a l i s s u r e l y e s s e n t i a l t o  any  c o n v i n c i n g e x p l a n a t i o n o f the s t r a n g e s e r i e s o f i n c i d e n t s l e a d i n g t o S i r George Booth's r i s i n g i n August S i r George B o o t h was  1659.  an e x c l u d e d member o f t h e Long P a r l i a m e n t ,  and a f o r m e r s u p p o r t e r o f C r o m w e l l , one o f the men  who  t o ensure P a r l i a m e n t ' s v i c t o r y i n t h e f i r s t c i v i l war.  had done much As an a d h e r e n t  o f t h e group a s s o c i a t e d w i t h P r e s b y t e r i a n i s m and w e a l t h , Booth must have r e a l i s e d t h a t t h e one e v e n t u a l i t y w h i c h h i s p a r t y c o u l d l e a s t  148 welcome was an armed Royalist revolt.  If successful the diehard Cav-  aliers would seize a l l they could; i f unsuccessful, a lower-class revolution would again break out. landowners stood to lose. without another war.  Either way the great Parliamentarian  If the king was to return, he must do so  There i s no doubt that Booth and many other f!ariq  liamentary leaders had been in communication with Charles, ' but they had not become Cavaliers. Booth's sphere of influence was i n Cheshire and south Lancashire. He was county representative for one or other of these two counties in 21  Zo  the Long Parliament,  in Cromwell's Second Parliament,  za  i n Richard's  23  Parliament, and in the Convention Parliament. 2U  This area was the home  of a rapidly-growing cotton industry, which would necessarily have had economic ties with the City, particularly with the Levant Company ZS  and the plantations.  There can hardly be any doubt that Martin Noel  and his friends were vitally interested i n south Lancashire, and i t is known that Richard Brown was in some way connected with Booth's re-  Zl  bellion.  So were other City magnates, such as Alderman John Robinson,  who housed John Mordaunt after the collapse of the rising i n Kent and 27  Surrey;  and whom Edmund Ludlow later associated with Brown and Monk in  an accusation that they had acted as provacateurs i n a plot based on protests about the sale of Dunkirk in 1662. The south Lancashire area was the most powerful stronghold of the Presbyterian classis, virtually the only part of England where this 2q  institution achieved any great success.  At a time when the secluded  Presbyterians were i n the forefront of opposition to the Rump, strong  149 Presbyterian interest in any area must have made i t p o l i t i c a l l y suspect. When political and economic factors pointed in the same direction, and when rebellion was known to be brewing, i t would have been logical for the Rump to have taken the most severe precautions possible i n this area. Yet, at a time when the energy of the House was devoted almost entirely to the prevention of an insurrection, this was 3o  the one area i n which no special precautions were taken.  The obvious  conclusion i s that some at least of the Rumpers were prepared to l e t ;  Booth proceed, because they hoped to see him destroy Lambert and the resistance of the English army. The "moderate" Rumpers, i f this conclusion i s justified, connived at Booth's rising.  They permitted i t to take place, as an isolated  performance, in the hope that Lambert's unpaid and unenthusiastic • soldiery might silently steal away rather than fight Booth's dupes. This i s what actually happened in Lambert's subsequent contest with Monk. At Northwich, however, Booth's men broke f i r s t , having "suffered (as usual) the brunt of the wounds and f a t a l i t i e s .  Booth and his  gentlemen escaped, and though some were later captured, none suffered 31  anything worse than a token imprisonment, Lambert's swift and complete victory brought forth a supply of the specie which was alleged at this time to be so desperately short, 3Z  A further supply was hurried to Monk in Scotland, as i t became clear that control of the army rested between him and Lambert,  The latter,  upon receiving money from the Rump* paid his troops and gave them 1000 pounds of his own reward.  Purveyors of booze and other comforts for  150 the troops reaped a welcome harvest, and there was evidence of popular support for Lambert among men who were s t i l l not fully conditioned, Mr. Larke of Plymouth wrote on 23 August to the Council of State: "The good tydings of the routinge Sir Geo. Boothe glads.many heer, but most 33  great ones trobled att. i t . "  But the fact that Booth had been able to  raise a sizable force had .shown that at least some anti-Rump, and antimilitary propaganda was having the desired effect. Booth's rising also served as a vehicle for a comparatively new propaganda technique, the issue of separate manifestoes aimed at various potential support-groups.^  The main appeal in this instance was  to magnates, stressing i n rather obviously class-conscious terms the demand.for a free. Parliament, supporting the known laws, liberties, 3Jf  and. properties of the good people of the nation.  At the same time,  however, Booth addressed a particular appeal to the lower classes i n the City, not merely offering freedom and equality in vague general terms, but l i s t i n g such specific reforms as annual elections, a succession of Parliaments, abolition of the excise, and even protection 3S  and restitution of commons.  The "citizens and freemen" to whom this  manifesto was directed apparently realised that Booth had no intention of implementing such reforms, and did not flock to join his standard. Though subsequent experience proved the value of the big l i e , this occasion demonstrated the ineffectiveness of obvious specific l i e s , and helped to determine the nature of future propaganda — generalised slogans appealing to liberty, freedom, rights. 3k>  were masters i n this technique,  ,  Monk (or his writers) x  asserting (for example) "the freedome  151 and priviledges of the present parliament, the libertyes and rights.of our native country, the protection and priviledge of the people of God, 3/ and the government of these nations by a free state and Commonwealth." ' 32  The failure of Booth's "Cheshire lyes."  was followed by a masterly  stepping-up of the free-Parliament theme j one of the f i r s t examples of a truly modern p o l i t i c a l platform, combining a meaningless but emotionally-charged appeal to the underprivileged with a cynical determination to maintain' and extend the advantages of a small e l i t e . During this convenient interlude of controlled confusion, the work of completing the Parliamentary revolution was carried on in country and City.  In London the mob of apprentices was reported to be "very 3q  • apt for commotions", Dut important manoeuvres were also .taking place in Common Council and the Court of Aldermen.  Three brief entries in  Whitelock's diary during September t e l l a significant story: "2 Sept. 1659. Order for Ireton to continue Lord Mayor for another year.. 24 Sept. 1659» A petition from London, in some things not pleasing. 28 Sept. 1659. Left to the City of London to choose their mayor 40 fa and officers."  The victory of the liveries was not yet absolute, but  the implication of the Rump's resolution former Vote of this House" — of the Court of Aldermen.  —  "notwithstanding the  was acknowledgement of the privileges  The Mayor chosen was Thomas Allen, a Grocer  who had been a sheriff during the mayoralty of Christopher Pack i n 1654.  A certain rapport between the Grocers and Monk myjfbe suggested  in the light of subsequent events;  and the probability i s enhanced by  152 t h e clrcvimstance t h a t A l l e n , upon h i s e l e c t i o n , a t once e n t e r e d  into  4S  communication w i t h Honesty George.  I n November J o s i a h Bermers i n -  formed Mr. J o h n Hobart o f N o r w i c h t h a t "two s o l d y e r s , one i n Lumbers t r e e t e , t h e o t h e r i n Chancery Lane, were a l l m o s t k i l l e d f o r a s s i s t i n g t o l e a v y t a x e s , though l a y d by P a r l i a m e n t . " successful propagandisation  The c u l m i n a t i o n o f t h e  o f the London mob c a m e i n December, when !  apprentices ran i n the s t r e e t s c r y i n g out f o r a f r e e I n t h e c o u n t r y the P a r l i a m e n t a r i a n m o n a r c h i s t s c o n t r o l o v e r most l o c a l government,  Parliament.^' v i r t u a l l y seized  r e s i s t e d the Rump's attempt t o  ¥9  reorganise the l o c a l m i l i t i a ,  and " i n s e v e r a l ! c o u n t i e s a s s o c i a t e So  a g a i n s t t a x e s i f not appoynted by P a r l i a m e n t . "  When the Rump t r i e d  t o s e q u e s t e r the e s t a t e s o f some o f Booth's s u p p o r t e r s , t h e commission-  er/  e r s were everywhere r e s i s t e d .  One s e q u e s t r a t o r was f o r c i b l y removed,  sz and told:•"Now, y o u r o g u e , now Monck i s a-coming."  Landowners s u c h  S3 as Thomas F a i r f a x p r e p a r e d more o r l e s s o p e n l y t o s u p p o r t Monk, a n d i n e a r l y December t h e r e was'Va g r e a t m e e t i n g o f s e v e r a l gentlemen o f q u a l i t y a t York." . The Rump c o n t i n u e d t o s i t u n t i l the m i d d l e o f O c t o b e r , u n a b l e t o e x e r t any r e a l a u t h o r i t y e x c e p t w i t h the consent o f t h e landowning g e n t r y a n d the C i t y magnates.  As Monk's p i v o t a l p o s i t i o n became ever  c l e a r e r v a r i o u s groups h a s t e n e d t o e s t a b l i s h c o n t a c t w i t h him:  the  R o y a l i s t s f ^ h e g e n t r y ^ the C i t y f i n a n c i e r s f ^ the c o n g r e g a t i o n s ' ^ army l e a d e r s a n d  the  t h e Rump i t s e l f / " The R o y a l i s t agent B a r w i c k wrote  t o Hyde on 14 O c t o b e r : "My n e g o t i a t i o n f o r S c o t l a n d i s s t i l l on f o o t , and I hope may produce some good....j b u t I h a d r e a s o n t o f e a r t h e danger o f i n t e r f e r i n g , when a n o t h e r way was s e t on f o o t . . . . " A l l  153 p a r t i e s seem t o have r e a l i s e d t h a t the Rump must e i t h e r submit t o t h e army o r c a l l i n t h e a s s i s t a n c e o f ^onk.  The e v i d e n c e s u g g e s t s t h a t  t h e magnates were sure o f Monk's a l l e g i a n c e , a n d e q u a l l y sure t h a t t h e Rump would n o t submit t o t h e army.  By d o i n g n o t h i n g t h e y  compelled  t h e Rump t o a c t a g a i n s t Lambert; and t h u s i n the u n l i k e l y ( b u t n o t i m p o s s i b l e ) e v e n t o f Lambert p r o v i n g v i c t o r i o u s o v e r Monk t h e y w o u l d n o t c o m p l e t e l y have committed themselves a g a i n s t the w i n n e r . The  s i z e o f t h e m a j o r i t y makes i t seem l i k e l y  t h a t the moderate  group i n the Rump was i n a commanding p o s i t i o n on 12 O c t o b e r , when t h e House r e v o k e d the commissions o f J o h n Lambert, J o h n Desborough, James B e r r y , Thomas K e l s e y , R i c h a r d A s h f i e l d , R a l p h Cobbet, R i c h a r d C r e e d , W i l l i a m P a c k e r , a n d W i l l i a m Barrow. Republicans  I n s p i t e o f the f a c t t h a t some  r e c o g n i s e d t h e i r l a c k o f f r i e n d s o u t s i d e the army, o n l y 15  6Z v o t e s were c a s t a g a i n s t the m o t i o n .  The c o m p o s i t i o n  of the Council  o f S t a t e w h i c h was formed on 17 O c t o b e r suggests t h a t B u l s t r o d e W h i t e l o c k , S i r Henry Vane, S i r James H a r r i n g t o n , J o h n s t o n o f W a r i s t o n , and  63 R i c h a r d Salwey  h a d the c o n f i d e n c e o f t h e army l e a d e r s , b u t i t cannot  be assumed t h a t a l l o f them v o t e d f o r Lambert on 12 O c t o b e r .  White-  l o c k , t h e l a w y e r , was s u g g e s t i n g t o C h a r l e s F l e e t w o o d two months l a t e r 6#  t h a t s a f e t y l a y i n making terms w i t h the k i n g ;  and there xs evidence  is to  show t h a t Lambert h i m s e l f was i n communication w i t h t h e R o y a l i s t s .  As i n A p r i l , t h e s t r u g g l e t e n d e d t o r e s o l v e i t s e l f i n t o a l a s t - d i t c h e f f o r t by those who h a d most t o f e a r f r o m C h a r l e s ' s r e t u r n — r e g i c i d e s , and a h a n d f u l o f p o l i t i c i a n s who were i r r e v o c a b l y compromised b y t h e i r 66  p a s t words o r deeds.  •1-54 D u r i n g the n i g h t o f 12-13 i a n s drew up r e g i m e n t s  O c t o b e r H a s e l r i g and o t h e r P a r l i a m e n t a r -  commanded by t h e i r s u p p o r t e r s , and b a r r i c a d e d  t h e p a l a c e y a r d s a g a i n s t r e t a l i a t i o n by- Lambert.  L i k e Prynne's a t t e m p t  t o s i t i n t h e House, and l i k e S i r George Booth's r i s i n g , t h i s measure had an a i r o f u n r e a l i t y t o arms.  •—  more l i k e a r e h e a r s a l t h a n a genuine  call  The events o f t h e n e x t day p r o d u c e d no a c t i o n , b u t a p r o o f <  o f what many w i s e P a r l i a m e n t a r i a n s a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y  suspected.  "Both  p a r t y e s eshuned the t a l k i n g o f the f i r s t b l o o d , and t h e s o j o u r s  wer  68 unwilling  t o yoke one w i t h a n o t h e r . "  On 3 November a London c o r r e s -  pondent wrote t o a member o f Monk's s t a f f about the t r o o p s under Lamb e r t ' s command.  " I mett w i t h many o f them w i t h t h e i r k n a p s a c k s on  t h e i r b a c k s , and 6 o r 8 i n a company.  I s a i d a l o u d , 'These honnest  s o u l d j o u r s does not l o o k e as i f they w o u l d h u r t G e n e r a l l Monck.' stood s t i l l , a n d laughed,  ,.  and answered, 'Noe,  S i r , you may  They  sweare i t . '  6q They w i l l n e v e r bee got t o f i g h t , I am c o n f i d e n t . " On 29 November J o s i a h B e r n e r s w r o t e : "The s o l d y e r s g e n e r a l l y say t h e y w i l l n o t f i g h t , 7  7o  b u t w i l l make a r i n g f o r t h e i r o f f i c e r s t o f i g h t i n . " P a c i f i s m among t h e s o l d i e r s had i t s e f f e c t on Monk's f o r c e s t o o , and many o f h i s o f f i c e r s and non-commissioned o f f i c e r s d e s e r t e d o r were dismissed. who  T h i s p r o b a b l y m a t t e r e d l i t t l e t o the P a r l i a m e n t a r y group,  were s t i l l i n a p o s i t i o n  essary.  t o cheer Lambert i f t h a t s h o u l d prove n e c -  On 9 November Lady Humbie, who  on horseback,, t o l d Andrew Hay  t h a t "my  had come f r o m Y o r k t o Gradoun L. Lambert was  l i k e l i e t o cary 73  a n y t h i n g he p l e a s e d i n t h e army and so i n t h e S t a t e . "  About t h i s  t h e a s t u t e F a i r f a x p r o b a b l y v o i c e d a common a m b i g u i t y , when he  told  time  155 General Morgan: "If General Monk has any other design than to restore Parliaments to their ancient freedom, and settle the nation upon i t s ancient government, I w i l l oppose him; but otherwise I w i l l heartily join with him."  Since Lambert could easily claim that dissolution of  the single-chamber Rump was an i n i t i a l step towards a free Parliament, Fairfax was hardly burning his boats by making such a statement. Of course, by supplying Monk with funds and sedulously spreading  rs the word that Lambert had no money, the City magnates encouraged both troops and civilians to support Monk —  the troops for pay and the  civilians to avoid having to give free quarter.  This policy was suc-  cessful, but Lambert's personal popularity might have upset calculations based on the logic of greed.  It i s usually assumed that Monk's hesita-  tions were due to his own shrewdness, backed by advice from London; but some consideration should probably be given to the suggestion that he could do nothing else because he did not know who his a l l i e s were or what they had planned.  Their policy could become clear only when  the soldiers had chosen. Once that choice was made the machinery in country and City went into action with a precision that pointed to careful pre-arrangement. In London Thomas Clarges and his new-found assistant Henry Muddiman began publication of the Parliamentary Intelligencer and Mercurius  7(>  Publicus. "The scene of affairs here i s much Watered i n one week", Clarges wrote to Monk's chaplain Thomas Grumble, "...for I have been YY a great printer since I came hither."  In the country local magnates  openly organised a pseudo-militia, and greeted Monk at every town  156 between Coldstream and St. Albans with demands for a free Parliament. Monk, s t i l l uncertain about what was, happening, remained neutral i n public, but apparently encouraged his officers to make lavish promises.  7  When Monk's* army arrived in London, forcing the departure of the troops previously there, the restoration of monarchy was a virtual certainty. Yet even at this late hour the organisers of the movement kept Monk i n doubt, and Charles and Hyde on tenterhooks, wondering whether the new do  monarch might not be Richard Cromwell or even George Monk. By this time i t would probably have been d i f f i c u l t for the. countryCity alliance to pursue a policy not approved by Monk, but i t mightnot have been impossible. A letter dated 19 March 1660, written by . Colonel Robert Whitley, expressed the opinion: "...he hath not soe ye command of them but that they can make choice of another more proper tl for theire .purposes."  And Hyde, who admittedly did not like Monk,  later wrote that' "he was instrumental i n bringing those mighty things to pass, which he had neither wisdom to foresee,, nor courage to attempt, nor understanding to contrive." On 6 February, three days after his arrival i n the capital, Monk made a speech in the House, having f i r s t lined the route from Whitehall to Westminster with troops. -He- tactfully hinted that a free Parlaiment, or readmission of the secluded members, would be pleasing to the country magnatesj a settlement of the estates of adventurers in, Ireland would please the City (and some of the army)... , According to Whitelock, "part of his speech troubled and amused some of his masters of the parliament."  Apparently i t encouraged the Common Council of  157 t h e . C i t y , f o r two days l a t e r t h a t body e n t e r t a i n e d , a p e t i t i o n t h a t no more t a x e s s h o u l d be p a i d " u n t i l t h e a u t h o r i t y t h e r e o f may be derived.  SS from a f u l l and f r e e Parliament."  That t h e C i t y magnates, i n even  c o n s i d e r i n g such a p e t i t i o n , were i n c l o s e t o u c h w i t h groups o f l a n d owners e l s e w h e r e c a n h a r d l y be doubted, s i n c e t h e Y o r k s h i r e d e c l a r a t i o n o f 10 F e b r u a r y i n c l u d e d t h e same t h r e a t .  A leading signatory of the  Y o r k s h i r e document was Thomas L o r d F a i r f a x , who h a d c e r t a i n l y c o l l a b o r a t e d c l o s e l y w i t h Monk.  The  Council o f S t a t e s u s p e c t e d c o l l a b o r a t i o n  between t h e C i t y and the G e n e r a l —  "the C i t y w o u l d n o t have t h u s b o l d l y  l y r e m o n s t r a t e d , h a d not Monke g i v e n them some s e c r e t Encouragement." The  C o u n c i l o r d e r e d Monk t o a r r e s t e l e v e n C i t y men, among whom  t h e most i m p o r t a n t  were R i c h a r d F o r d and Thomas B l u d w o r t h ; and a l s o t o  t a k e away t h e p o s t s and c h a i n s o f t h e C i t y ' s d e f e n c e s , unhinge t h e g a t e s and wedge t h e p o r t c u l l i s e s . Monk c a r r i e d i t o u t .  The Rump c o n f i r m e d  the  orderand  S i g n i f i c a n t l y , h i s s e n i o r o f f i c e r s "ran  i n t o D i s c o n t e n t , and o f f e r e d up t h e i r .Commissions t o t h e  wholly  General"/  though t h e s o l d i e r s c a r r i e d o u t t h e i r t a s k i n a s p i r i t o f c y n i c a l qi  amusement.  Monk c o n v i n c e d  the C i t y t h a t he was. s t i l l i n e f f e c t i v e  command o f h i s t r o o p s , a n d w i t h n o t t o o much d e l i c a c y emphasised t h e o v e r r i d i n g a u t h o r i t y of Parliament t h i s important  i n matters of t a x a t i o n .  H a v i n g made  p o i n t , Monk t o l d the Rump t h a t e x e c u t i o n o f t h e o r d e r  had been "something g r i e v o u s t o u s " , a c c u s e d t h e members o f p l o t t i n g a g a i n w i t h n o t o r i o u s o f f e n d e r s such as Lambert, c o m p l a i n e d t h a t t h e y were condoning " t h a t Tenderness o f C o n s c i e n c e w h i c h w i l l n o t s c r u p l e a t T r e a c h e r y i t s e l f " , a n d demanded the immediate f i l l i n g - u p o f t h e  158 On 21 F e b r u a r y , w i t h Monk's a s s i s t a n c e , t h e s e c l u d e d members  House.  t o o k c o n t r o l o f t h e Commons. D u r i n g t h e s e c o m p l i c a t e d but w e l l - d i r e c t e d manoe'vres, members o f t h e a l l i a n c e m i s s e d few o p p o r t u n i t i e s o f a d v a n c i n g t h e i r cause Or arguments.  their  They u s e d t h e i r money w i s e l y t o buy s u p p o r t where i t was,  93  needed.  S i r G i l b e r t G e r r a r d sued C o l o n e l A l u r e d f o r h a v i n g  p r e v e n t e d him f r o m t a k i n g h i s s e a t i n P a r l i a m e n t ;  forcibly  and J o h n Hewson, •  a f t e r s u p p r e s s i n g an a p p r e n t i c e s ' r i o t i n December 1659, d i e t o f murder r e c o r d e d a g a i n s t him by a London j u r y /  found a v e r During  this  p e r i o d t h e a l l i a n c e a l s o s e c u r e d o r c o n f i r m e d t h e s e r v i c e s o f many q& ay «j» i m p o r t a n t a g e n t s : Andrew M a r v e l l , Samuel P e p y s / Samuel M o r l a n d , Henry Muddimanf^ and George D o w n i n g ^ as w e l l as Monk). They a p p a r e n t -  101 l y bought o f f S e c r e t a r y T h u r l o e , book w h i c h w o u l d hang many who K>3  r e s i s t a n c e groups. . /OtA ;  wages s t a b l e . —  who was  s a i d to possess a b l a c k  passed, as C a v a l i e r s .  They o r g a n i s e d  W h i l e s h o r t a g e s grew and p r i c e s r o s e , t h e y  kept  And everywhere and c o n t i n u a l l y they s h o u t e d t h e s l o g a n  a free Parliament.  The coup o f 21 F e b r u a r y was  almost an. a n t i -  c l i m a x , w i t h a t o u c h o f f a r c e added when S i r W i l l i a m W a l l e r f e l l Prynne's s w o r d .  over  , 0 S  On 22 F e b r u a r y arrangements were made f o r a n e w l y - e l e c t e d P a r l i a m e n t t o meet on 25 A p r i l .  The  same day, "the c i t y r e t u r n e d thanks 107  t o t h e house...and t h e house.sent t o b o r r o w money o f them" example o f t h e a l l i a n c e a t work.  .—  I n some t h r e e weeks o f s w i f t  a fine activity  t h e s e c l u d e d members expunged v a r i o u s votes, out o f t h e J o u r n a l s , i n c l u d i n g t h a t o f 5 December 1648,  w h i c h had preceded t h e t r i a l o f C h a r l e s  159  I.  They organised the m i l i t i a around themselves and their friends,  but mollified Monk with a high rank and twenty-thousand pounds.  7  These  and similar duties attended to, they passed an Act for their own dis///  solution.  *  "Now", wrote Pepys, "they begin to talk loud of the King." NOTES  1 . I t was read by Lord Keeper Fiennes. (Davies, "Restoration", p. 8 4 ) . 2 . Gardiner, "Commonwealth and Protectorate",, i i , 262-263 and i i i ,  3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.  249-252.  Firth, "Last Years of the Protectorate", i i , 3 6 - 4 1 . See Chapter 6 , note 7 2 . Commons Journals, v i i , . 6 4 4 . Nicholas Papers, i v , 148. Ramsey, "Richard Cromwell", p. 1 0 0 . Commons Journals, v i i , 7 9 7 . See Chapter 9 , notes 27 and 28. Bordeaux Correspondence, in Guizot, "Histoire du Protectorat, etc.", i i , 2 6 9 . Whitelock, i±, 3 4 3 - 3 4 4 . Gardiner, as note 2 , i i , .265. Buchan> "Oliver Cromwell", p. 4 2 3 . Commons Journals, v i i , 673-688. Kirby, "William Prynne", pp. 121-126i D.N.B., ix, 7 4 5 . Evelyn, "The Late News or Message, etc.", cited in Davies, "Restoration", p. 3 1 6 . Rollings, "Thomas Barret: A Study i n the Secret History of the Interregnum", i n Eng. Hist. Rev. x l i i i ( 1 9 2 8 ) , 33-65  Underdown, "Sir Richard Willys and Secretary Thurloe", in Eng. Hist. RevJ l x i x ( 1 9 5 4 ) , 3 7 3 - 3 8 7 .  17. Muddiman, "King's Journalist", pp. 45 and 6 6 . Commons Journals, v i i , 652 and 7 5 8 . 18. Markham, "Life of Fairfax", pp. 1 2 9 . r l 3 1 . Brunton and Pennington, p. 2 6 . 1 9 . Underdown, "Royalist Conspiracy, etc.", p. 2 3 6 . 2 0 . Brunton and Pennington, p. 2 2 7 . 2 1 . Old Parliamentary History, xxi, 4 . 2 2 . ibid., xxi, 2 5 1 . 2 3 . ibid., x x i i , 2 1 1 . 2 4 . Chapman, "Lancashire Cotton Industry", pp. 1 - 8 . Wadsworth.and Mann, "Cotton Trade and Industrial Lancashire ", pp. 14-53•  ,  160 25. As for note 24; and Davies, "Early Stuarts", pp. 288 and 338. 26. Underdown, as note 19, pp. 232 and 279-280. Davies, "Restoration", p. 128. 27. Davies, "Restoration",-pp. 138-139. 28. Ludlow, i i , 341 and 489-491. 29. Tawney. "Religion and the Rise of Capitalism" (Pelican edn.), p. 169. 30. Davies, "Restoration", p. 134. 31. Underdown, as note 19, p. 286. Davies, as note 30, p. 141 footnote 96, suggests that the Rump's leniency may have been due to a common dislike of Oliver Cromwell. It seems more likely that the politicoes on both sides would be more concerned with the live problem of Lambert. 32. Davies, as note 30, p. 176. Griffith-Davies, "Honest George Monck", .p. 187.-- ..• 33. Clarke Papers, iv, 291. 34. Davies, as note 30, pp. 135-136. 35* ibid., p. 136. 36. Clarke Papers, i v , 70 and 114. 37. "Declaration intended at Coldstream", in Clarke Papers, iv, 233. (Refers to an earlier declaration i n October 1659). 38. "The New Litany*!, cited i n Davies, "Restoration", p. 137, footnote 76. 39. William Rumbold to Hyde, cited i n Underdown, as note 1 9 , p. 280. 40. Whitelock, iv, 3l>0 a^cL 3(,Z,. 41. The Mayor had to be approved by Parliament. See Commons Journals> v i i * 647 and 788. 42. Commons Journals, v i i , 773 and 788. 43. Besant, "The City", pp. 458, 461 and 468. 44. See Chapter 5, note 5 1 . 45. Muddiman, as note 17, p. 67. In 1653 Colonel Rich, a. Rumper and *a supporter of Lambert, had displaced an Alderman Allen from the lucrative" post of treasury -:\ inspector; but this was Francis Allen, the Goldsmith • and financier who sat in the Long Parliament for^Go.ckermouth. (Clarke Papers, i i i , 6; Brunton and Pennington, pp." 59-60). It has not been possible to establish any connection between the two magnates, though Muddiman names Thomas Allen as one of the 1659 Rump's most intrepid opponents. 46. Clarke Papers, iv, 301. 47. Sharpe, "London-and the Kingdom", i i , 358. 48. Underdown, as note 19, p. 288. 49. Commons Journals, v i i , 728 and 772. Thurloe, v i i , 770. 50. Clarke Papers, i v , 301. 51. Underdown, as note 19, p. 288. ;  161 52. As n o t e 51j a n d H a r d a c r e , " R o y a l i s t s D u r i n g the. P u r i t a n R e v o l u t i o n " , p. 136. . 53. Markham, a s n o t e 1 8 , p . 375-380. ,- . 54. H.M.C.. 5th R e p o r t , A p p e n d i x , p . 193. ( S u t h e r l a n d MSS). 55. S c o t t , " T r a v e l s o f t h e K i n g " , p p . 448-450. 56.. See notes 52 a n d 53. 57. C l a r k e . P a p e r s , i v , 94. See a l s o note 45. 58. C l a r k e P a p e r s , i v , 121-124, 151-154, e t c . 59. C l a r k e . P a p e r s , i v , 57-58, 63-64, 67-68, 70-74 e t c . 60. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i , 680 a n d 799. 61. T h u r l o e , v i i , 764 and 685-686. 62. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i , 796. 63. W a r i s t o n ' s D i a r y , i i i , 146, W h i t e l o c k , i v , 366. 64. W h i t e l o c k i v , 3 8 1 . 65. "A D e c l a r a t i o n f r o m h i s M a j e s t y , e t c . " , d a t e d 14 October 1659, -in Somers T r a c t s , i , 160-164. 6 6 S e e C h a p t e r 6, note 39. 67. W a r i s t o n ' s D i a r y , i i i , . 144v 68. As n o t e 67. . 69. C l a r k e P a p e r s , i v , 92. 70. i b i d . , i v , 300. 71. C l a r k e P a p e r s , i v , 160-161. " 72. D a v i e s , " R e s t o r a t i o n " , p . I63. 73. Hay o f C r a i g n e t h a n s Diary,, p. 1 8 5 . 74. Markham, " L i f e o f F a i r f a x " , p . 3 7 7 . 75., The Committee o f S a f e t y took money f r o m t h e Navy o f f i c e . . t o pay Lambert's s o l d i e r s something b e f o r e they s e t o u t . T h i s was r o b b i n g P e t e r t o pay P a u l , a n d m e r e l y a l i e n a t e d the s a i l o r s . By December, Portsmouth a n d "10 o r 12 good f r i g o t t s " had,declared f o r Parliament. ( C l a r k e Papers, i v , 102 a n d 1 8 6 ) . 76. Muddiman, "The K i n g ' s J o u r n a l i s t " , p p . 86-87. 77. H.M.C. 1 5 t h R e p o r t , Appendix Pt.,48 (Leyborne^Popham MSS.), . P. 1 3 7 . 78,, C o r b e t t , "Monk", pp. 154-156. 79. i b i d . , pp. 156-157. 80. L i s t e r , " L i f e o f C l a r e n d o n " , p . 4 8 8 . D a v i e s , " R e s t o r a t i o n " , p . 295. 81. N i c h o l a s P a p e r s , i v , 196-197. ' 82. C l a r e n d o n , " H i s t o r y " , X V I , 115. (Macray, v i , I 6 4 ) . 83. O l d P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , x x i i , 88-90. 84. W h i t e l o c k , i v , 394. 85. C o r p o r a t i o n R e c o r d s , as c i t e d i n D a v i e s , " R e s t o r a t i o n " , : , p . 278. A c c o r d i n g t o t h e O l d P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , x x i i , 108, Common C o u n c i l " d e c l a r e d t h a t they w o u l d pay no .more.taxes"; b u t t h i s seems t o have been o n l y a rummour. (See P e p y s , i , 16 a n d 46). I n 1660 rumor may have been as e f f e c t i v e , as a n a c t u a l v o t e . 86. D a v i e s , " R e s t o r a t i o n " , p . 2 8 6 . W h i t e l o c k , i v , 396. . t  1  162 87. B r i a n F a i r f a x , " I t e r B o r e a l e " , i n F a i r f a x Memorials, ( e d . B e l l , 1849), i i , 151-171. 88. D r . P r i c e , c i t e d i n O l d P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , x x i i , 1 0 8 , 89. Commons J o u r n a l s , , v i i , 837.. 90. D r . P r i c e , as note 88, O.P.H., x x i i , 109., 91. i b i d . , x x i i , 109. . 92. Monk's l e t t e r o f 11 F e b r u a r y , p r i n t e d i n , O l d P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , x x i i , p p . 98-103. 93. Pepys, i , 5 1 . , .• . 94. K i r b y , " W i l l i a m Prynne", p . 1 3 0 . 95. D a v i e s , " R e s t o r a t i o n " , p.. 1 8 2 . f o o t n o t e 69. H.M.C. 1 5 t h R e p o r t , A p p e n d i x 48 (Leyborne-Popham MSS.), , 181. . 96. M a r v e l l h a d c o n n e c t i o n s i n t h e c o u n t r y ( F a i r f a x ) and i n the C i t y ( W i l l i a m P e t t y ) . See Markham, " L i f e o f F a i r f a x " , p p . 367-368; Muddiman, as note 76, p . 9 0 . 97. Pepy's c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h t h e Montagu f a m i l y a r e w e l l known, .. . He a l s o worked f o r Downing. See B r y a n t , "Pepys: t h e Man i n t h e M a k i n g " , pp. 31-48. 98. N i c h o l a s P a p e r s , i v , 257-261. 99. Muddiman, as note 76, pp. 1-122, e s p . p . 8 5 . 100. B r y a n t , " K i n g Charles I I " , pp. 4 8 a n d 3 1 6 . 101. T h u r l o e , v i i , .897-898. 102..Davies, " R e s t o r a t i o n " , p . 349. Hobman, "Cromwell's M a s t e r Spy", p p . 175-176. 1 0 3 . S e e n o t e s 48-54. 104. See Chapter 8 o f t h i s t h e s i s . 105. Aubrey, " B r i e f L i v e s " , i i , 1 7 5 . 106. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i , 848. 107. W h i t e l o c k , i v , 399. 108. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i , 848. 109. i b i d . , v i i , 850,856, 860, 862-863, 868, 869-871, and 873. 110. i b i d . , v i i , 879. 111. i b i d . , 880. 112. Pepys, i , 8 6 . ;  CHAPTER 11  163  CONVENTION PARLIAMENT In spite of the loud talk of the king the writs for the new Parliament were sent out in the name.of the Keepers of the Liberties / of England. Unrepentant Royalists were disqualified from membership Z  in the new House of Commons, but a resolution which would have dis,3 abled them from voting was defeated by. 93 votes to 56.  Before dis-  solution of the Long Parliament, on 16 March, a proviso was inserted into the B i l l specifically denying any intention to infringe upon the "ancient native right" of the Parliamentary Peers. Both among the Parliamentarians and among the Royalists there were diehards who did not want to make concessions, but i n the stream of advice which now poured across the sea to Hyde and Charles were some very broad hints.  "That your majestie. give commande to your  friends in England, that they should not vaunt, as i f a l l was theire owne, and that they w i l l c a l l a l l others to an account; and the same injunction l a i d upon your friends with you; for should they doe thus, i t would turne to your extreeme prejudice."  This advice was anony6  mous; but Monk, Barwick, Massey and others also advised caution. S i r William Killigrew noted the increasing number of requests prepared and presented by would-be courtiers for recognition, compensation or reward.  " 'Tis not your three kingedoms," he wrote, "that w i l l aford y  halfe enough places or imployments for them all. *' 1  Few doubted the general conclusions expressed in a letter dated 23 March.  "The m i l i t i a being put into new hands, and a new parliament  to be in April, invites me to t e l l you, that our just cause hath now a  164 far more chearful countenance than ev.er........1 find, that endeavours are using by the officers of the army, and others, to persuade the general to declare against admitting of his majesty, which yet i s pre8  vented by the care and persuasions of some prudent, vigilant persons.'' Monk saw the need for a suitable declaration by the king before the • elections, and suggested (by word of mouth through his cousin Gren—• v i l l e ) a general amnesty, the confirmation of land-titles, and support  9 for liberty of conscience. There i s l i t t l e doubt that Charles would have been willing to promise many concessions.  In October he had apparently offered to  compromise with Lambert, whose victory over Booth had made him seem to many the most considerable person in the army. Charles, or his advisers, then promised a general pardon (with seven exceptions), demobilisation after payment of arrears, abolition of the excise and all- i l l e g a l taxation, compensation to purchasers of Crown and Church lands, a free Parliament followed by triennial Parliaments, and liberty of conscience  10 to Protestants. In 1660 the p o l i t i c a l genius of Hyde formulated the Declaration of. Breda, which agreed to the restraints of a Parliamentary constitution, but placed the onus for settlement of economic and r e l i g i ous problems on Parliament.  *'  Hyde also made accurate estimates as to the importance of religion to Presbyterians both clerical and lay. "The King doth not look that the Presbyterians shall serve him for nothing," he told Barwick; suggesting assurances of preferment in the Church for flexible ministers. Of Sir William Waller he wrote: "Many think...that he more adheres to  165 the passion and rigour of the Presbyterians than he hath seemed to do  ll ....My Lord Mordaunt w i l l easily discover what place w i l l oblige him." In England Monk philosophically agreed to present numerous requests to Charles upon his return, and i n due course kept his word.;, assuring the 1  king (through William Morrice) that he had presented them "without any 13  Imaginations that the King would accept them."  While Monk compiled  his l i s t s of Parliamentarians, Arthur Annesley and others .persuaded him of the need to work i n harmony with constitutionalists among the  14-  returning exiles: Hyde, Ormonde and Nicholas in particular. The preliminaries attended to, elections took place i n counties IS  and boroughs almost exactly as for Richard's Parliament, Scotland and Ireland were not.represented.  but this time  This confirmation of a re-  turn to the old constituencies gave recognition to the p o l i t i c a l importance of many ports and clothing towns, but i t s main effect was to perpetuate the system of rotten boroughs, whereby some landed proprietors were able to secure the election of .relatives or agents. At the same time the virtual establishment of the old constituencies on a permanent basis put an end to the practice of packing the Commons by selecting the boroughs which received writs.  In 1661 the Pensionary  Parliament took i n almost exactly the same constituencies as the Conlt> vention, and during i t s long tenure of office a l l ideas of electoral  '7  reform were allowed to wither away.  The abolition of Scottish and  Irish representation ruled out the use of such constituencies as controlled places for royal nominees. The gentlemanly reminder to Charles that things had changed since  166 1640  precluded the e l e c t i o n o f diehard malignants,  a t any r a t e i n  .19  theory.  Presumably t h e most d i e h a r d o f a l l had f o l l o w e d C h a r l e s  e x i l e , which may  account f o r t h e r i g i d a p p l i c a t i o n a t home o f the  t e r of the law.  For only  tbte^Royalist  into let-  ex-members o f t h e Long P a r l i a -  ment managed t o g e t e l e c t e d ; and one e l e c t i o n , t h a t o f R i c h a r d Weston  tq a t Weobley, was  d e c l a r e d v o i d . • On t h e o t h e r hand the ban  e x c l u d e sons a n d n e a r r e l a t i v e s o f the m a l i g n a n t s ,  d i d not  and many were  20  elected.  Zl  A t t h e l o c a l l e v e l monarchism a l m o s t everywhere a s s e r t e d  itself.  On 25 F e b r u a r y a C a p t a i n R i c h a r d s o n humbly made b o l d t o a c q u a i n t Monk w i t h a passage w h i c h happened i n Durham.  "About seven o f t h e  clock  s e v e r a l b o n f i r e s were made and p e o p l e g a t h e r i n g v e r y f a s t t o g e t h e r i n t o the market p l a c e , and a t one t a v e r n , where s e v e r a l C a v a l i e r s were d r i n k i n g , sack and b e e r were s e n t f o r t h t o the m u l t i t u d e , and some o f my  s o l d i e r s were d e s i r e d by the gentlemen t o d r i n k the K i n g ' s h e a l t h .  A t l e n g t h some o f the r a b b l e began t o c r y f o r a K i n g and a f r e e P a r l i a m e n t , and i n t h a t humour were going- t o r i n g t h e i r b e l l s , w h i c h b e i n g i n t i m a t e d u n t o me by my o f f i c e r s and many o f my  s o l d i e r s , I went t o  the Mayor o f t h e town and d e s i r e d t o know what meant' t h a t concourse of people arid b o n f i r e s and r a n t i n g a t t h a t t i m e o f n i g h t i n t h e town. He t o l d me he knew n o t , n e i t h e r was  i t i n h i s power t o q u e l l them; t h e ZZ  t r u t h i s he i s an A n a b a p t i s t , Two  and t h e y do condemn him on t h a t zi  days l a t e r R o b e r t E l l i s o n , S h e r i f f o f N e w c a s t l e ,  score."  complained t o  Monk about t h e unhandsome b e h a v i o u r o f R i c h a r d s o n ' s s o l d i e r s ,  who  h a n d l e d some o f t h e crowd r o u g h l y ; and o n l y because "the p e o p l e c r i e d  167 out once or twice 'God save my Lord Monk and the Parliament'."  The  strategy of the country-City alliance may here be seen, as i t were, i n miniature — the circus technique, the propaganda slogan, the distribution of booze,.the smear against Anabaptists, the righteous indignation against rude soldiers, and the deliberate falsification of news. The Convention was, as might have been expected, Royalist. It is important to remember, however, that i t was also Parliamentarian. As in 1658 and 1659 there were many direct links with the Long Parliament. Among the members were many who had played a significant role in the original revolution and would continue to wield considerable p o l i t i c a l influence under the restored monarchy: Arthur Annesley, Richard Brown, George Booth, John Birch, Harbottle Grimstone, Denzil Holies, Richard Ingoldsby, William Morrice, William Prynne, Thomas Widdrington, and of course the indestructible John Maynard. Other members enjoyed the same Parliamentary longevity, but were content to exercise their influence through votes and decisions which brought them prosperity without notoriety. Such men rarely receive mention i n general histories, though many of them bore knightly t i t l e s : S i r Ralph Ashton (for example), S i r Francis Drake, Sir William Fenwick, Sir John Holland, S i r Anthony Irby, S i r Norton Knatchbull, Sir William Lewis, ZS  Sir John Northcote, and S i r John Barrington. ,,  Zh  ,  Of some 500 members returned in 1660,  265 bore the same surnames  as men who had sat in the Long Parliament.  More than 160 of these had  either personally sat in the Long Parliament or had a father or brother sitting for the same or a nearby constituency.  About 35 were Royalists  168 or close relations of Royalists.  In some of the other cases identity  of surname does not imply a family relationship, though usually i t does. Many relationships, on the other hand, are concealed through differences in surname. Monk's ties with Grenville, Morrice and Clarges It  provide one example of such relationships;  and another vast complex  included Cromwells, Hampdens, Knightleys, Trevors, Barringtons, Gerrards, Mashams, Bourchiers, Everards, Pyes, Hammonds, Wallers, Lukes, Salweys, Whalleys,. Bunches, and many others.^ The Knightleys in turn were connected by various marriages to Barnardistons, Armines, Cranes, Belasyses, Wodehouses, Montagus, Bacons, Bedingfields, Pottses, ParkJo  ers, and Gurdons. The sense of Parliamentary continuity i s even more outstanding, i f Cromwell's Second Parliament and Richard's Parliament are taken into account.  Only 115 of the members: elected to the Convention had sur-  names which appeared in none of the three previous Parliaments mentioned; and these 115 included many whose namesakes had appeared i n numerous earlier Parliaments: Ashburnham, Bernard, Bromley, Caesar, Calver3i  ley, Courtney, Darcy, E l l i o t , Newdigate, Paston, Wyvil, (among others). 3Z  They also included Lord Bruce, Viscount Buckley, Lancelot Leke, Lord. Mandevil, Lord Richardson of Cramond, William Penn, and George Monk. 33  The Convention was essentially a gathering of the e l i t e . Before Parliament assembled, i t was reasonably clear that the Commons would be strongly Royalist, but even more strongly Parliamentarian: the Lords would be Royalist\, and the degree to which i t would support the Commons was in some doubt. Hereditary privileges had  greater significance for Peers, not one of whom had condoned the execution of Charles I. Legally there was no barrier — unless the terms of recall so stipulated — to the sitting of Royalist Lords, whether their t i t l e s were old or recent.  In theory Charles could pack the  Lords. In practice the Commons had demonstrated again and again that they would work harmoniously with an upper chamber which represented great landed wealth.  During the tenure of the Convention a comprom-  ise would have to be achieved, whereby the most reactionary of the old Peers would get back their land and some of their influence; not because the Commons wanted to show generosity to malignants, but to stave off the use of force by the highly aggressive Cavaliers.  For a Cav-  alier reaction might easily afford the lower classes further opportuni t i e s of threatening the status quo.  In due course the resentment of  the old Lords would be diplomatically cjpided into a passionate (and harmless) defence of the Anglican Church. It would be advisable to act quickly i n recalling the king, because with the end of the Franco-Spanish war, intervention by one or other of the two powerful foreign governments was an ever-increasing possibility.  And such foolishness might easily enhance the status of  common soldiers and of men like'Lambert.  It would also be necessary  to look forward to a comparatively short existence for the Convention, a body not completely representative of a l l the privileged classes. The Parliament of 1660, more than most, would need to concentrate on essentials.  These considerations must be kept in mind in an assessment  170 o f i t s achievements. The f i r s t B i l l p r e s e n t e d i n t h e Commons, on 2 6 - A p r i l , was f o r t h e punishment o f v a g r a n t s "and wandering  i d l e d i s s o l u t e persons."  was a p r e l u d e t o t h e Poor Law Amendment A c t o f 1662,  It  w h i c h made i t im-  p o s s i b l e f o r a d e s t i t u t e p e r s o n t o g e t r e l i e f o u t s i d e h i s own  parish,  " p r o v i d e d always t h a t a l l such persons who t h i n k themselves aggrieved. may  a p p e a l t o t h e j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace o f t h e s a i d county a t 35  t h e i r next q u a r t e r - s e s s i o n s . "  The g e n e r a l f u n c t i o n o f c h a r i t y  v a g u e l y b u t e f f e c t i v e l y d e f i n e d i n a s e r i e s o f measures which  was  applied. 36  p a r t i c u l a r l y t o maimed, s o l d i e r s , e n j o i n i n g c o l l e c t i o n s on t h e i r b e h a l f , and i n s t r u c t i n g t h e Committee t o "take the b e s t Care they can, t h a t upon t h e P a r t i e s r e c e i v i n g t h e P r o p o r t i o n s a s s i g n e d them, ....be sent 3/  home t o t h e s e v e r a l P l a c e s where t h e y l a s t d w e l t . "  Ainint that char-  i t y may b e n e f i t t h e c o l l e c t o r s as w e l l as t h e r e c i p i e n t s appears i n t h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f Dr. Mathew N i c h o l a s , "a v e r y r e v e r e n d a n d  worthy 39  D i v i n e " , to the r e n t s and p r o f i t s of a h o s p i t a l near S a l i s b u r y .  W h i l e c r o c o d i l e t e a r s were shed over the " c o n t i n u a l i n c r e a s e o f 34  t h e p o o r " , t h e Commons e n s u r e d a g l u t o f l a b o u r by p e r m i t t i n g d i s c h a r g e d s o l d i e r s t o p r a c t i s e t r a d e s t o which t h e y had n o t been a p p r e n t iced.  T h i s measure o b v i o u s l y i n f r i n g e d customary r i g h t s o f c i t y c o r -  p o r a t i o n s ; b u t , l i k e the C o r p o r a t i o n A c t w h i c h f o l l o w e d i n  l£6l, i t  i n c r e a s e d .the r e l a t i v e importance o f such e x c l u s i v e b o d i e s as t h e L o n U-l  don C o u r t o f Aldermen.  Such measures were f i r m l y s u p p o r t e d by  men  l i k e S i r Thomas B l u d w o r t h , who gave a b r o a d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n t o C h a r l e s ' s promise o f " e x t r a o r d i n a r y k i n d n e s s f o r our n a t i v e c i t y i n p a r t i c u l a r ;  171 which we shall manifest on a l l occasions."  Many of the City magnates  were prepared, in any case, to make some concessions in the interest 4t3  of a peaceful Restoration, especially when (like Thomas Cullum) they had debtors among both Royalists and Parliamentarians.  They assumed  that Charles would not be able to ignore the interests of those who 44t paid his fare home and kept his most pressing creditors at bay. Sub4S  sequent deals, such as the sale of Dunkirk,  added to their prestige  and fortune. Even the Stop of the Exchequer and the Quo Warranto proceedings of later years did l i t t l e or no permanent damage, though admittedly a nuisance. The Convention placated commercial interests generally by efforts to improve internal communications, setting up a Post Office  and under-  47 taking the maintenance of roads and bridges.  Peace with Spain was  proclaimed.^ A Committee for Plantations was established,^and became a permanent feature of government. The Tobacco Act forbade the harvesting of tobacco i n England or Ireland. St  The Navigation Act of 1651 was  confirmed, even strengthened. Of course the landowners did not forget their own interests, though i t was obvious that the return of the king and of a national Church would mean some regurgitation of undigested estates.  Much of  the time of the Convention was occupied i n trying to reach a land settlement which would maintain the wealth and influence of the great Parliamentary landowners without goading the diehard Royalists into a reSZ  sumption of the C i v i l War.  Among the definite decisions reached was S3  the need to enforce the return of Crown and Church lands, at least  172 some o f w h i c h were i n t h e p o s s e s s i o n o f grandees, r e p u b l i c a n s , and s i m i l a r expendables.  Where P a r l i a m e n t a r i a n s i n the i n - g r o u p p o s s e s s e d  such e s t a t e s , as many d i d , t h e y gave them up w i t h v a r y i n g degrees o f cheerfulness.  S i r Thomas Wroth s e t a f i n e example o f p a t r i o t i c d u t y ,  s a y i n g t h a t "as t o h i s own c a s e , whatever he had bought, he d i d f r e e l y g i v e back a g a i n , though he had p a i d 18 y e a r s purchase f o r t h e m . " ^ T h e s t a l w a r t Prynne s a i d " t h a t no compensation  s h o u l d be made t o t h o s e  who  St.  SS had bought the K i n g ' s Lands"; and S i r Thomas Meres  (a neighbor of S i r  Anthony I r b y ) ^ " d e s i r e d the House n o t t o have a g r e a t e r c a r e o f the  se k i n g t h a n t h e y had o f the c h u r c h , " There i s some r e a s o n t o doubt the a u t h e n t i c i t y o f a t l e a s t a p a r t o f Wroth's s t a t e m e n t , s i n c e a l m o s t x o t h e r e v i d e n c e s u g g e s t s t h a t a more u s u a l f i g u r e was t e n y e a r s purchase f o r c a s h , o r t h i r t e e n f o r s a t i s f a c t i o n of debt.  The lowness o f many u n r a c k e d r e n t s , t h e s p e c u l a t i v e  b u y i n g o f d e b e n t u r e s , d o u b l i n g and s i m i l a r d e v i c e s , a l l c o n t r i b u t e d t o an a c t u a l r e d u c t i o n i n purchase p r i c e s ; and men who had h e l d p u b l i c  Sq l a n d s f o r a few y e a r s "had a l r e a d y p a i d t h e m s e l v e s , "  O f t e n t h e y had  s t r i p p e d the l a n d o f t i m b e r a n d any o t h e r a s s e t s w h i c h c o u l d be  quickly  60 realised.  Only where b u i l d i n g s had been e r e c t e d o r genuine  improve-  ments made d i d t h e p u r c h a s e r s s t a n d t o i n c u r heavy l o s s ; and i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t Prynne wanted t o make s p e c i a l a l l o w a n c e s i n such cases C h a r l e s and h i s government were o f t e n d i s p o s e d t o show l e n i e n c y understanding;  and  a n d h o l d e r s o f Crown l a n d s seem g e n e r a l l y t o have f a r e d 63  b e t t e r t h a n t h o s e who had bought Church l a n d s .  The most c o n s p i c u o u s  l o s e r s i n t h e whole c o m p l i c a t e d s h u f f l e were undoubtedly t e n a n t s and  173 (,ti men who had purchased small holdings. Confiscated private estates were returned to their owners; but the complexity of the situation made i t virtually impossible to legislate general principles for the settlement of disputes arising out of private sales. The problem was referred to rather vaguely in the Act of Indemnity and in the Act for Confirmation of Judicial Proceedings, which had the practical effect of confirming possessions acquired by private contract.  Some Royalists complained that they had been un-  f a i r l y treated, but some others had bought advantageously the hard times.  in spite of  S i r John Bramston had "lived without any imploye  more than mannageing that estate conferred on me by me father, and  i7 some small part acquired by my own I n d u s t r i e . "  The acquisitive habits  of the upper classes in general had developed, even before the C i v i l Wars, an uncompromising toughness in their attitude to disputes about ownership of land; and the Restoration did not alter the general principles of social and economic inequality.  The only way around the  law's delay was by Private B i l l , which few but the most powerful could achieve.^ Where no internal disputes were involved the Convention moved rapidly.  Numerous resolutions show that the profitable work of reclam-  ation in the.Fens went ahead.^ With some provisoes Parliament confirmed Yo  leases made by Colleges and Hospitals, which included investments so desirable that S i r Thomas Cotton (for example) offered considerable "satisfaction" in order to get "restored to his former Right."^ The significance of the landowning majority in Parliament was shown indir-  174 e c t l y b u t e f f e c t i v e l y by t h e methods u s e d f o r r a i s i n g t a x a t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r t h e t a x e s voted, i n p l a c e o f t h e k i n g ' s p r o f i t s f r o m wards and. l i v e r i e s .  Whereas the p r o f i t s had been derived, a l m o s t e x c l u s i v e l y  f r o m t h e r i c h , t h e compensatory t h e burden o v e r a l l consumers.  t a x was a permanent e x c i s e , s p r e a d i n g S i m i l a r l y the money f o r p a y i n g o f f  d e m o b i l i z e d s o l d i e r s and s a i l o r s was r a i s e d n o t by an assessment  on  Y3  p r o p e r t y , b u t by a p o l l t a x . I n s p i t e o f i t s R o y a l i s m , t h e C o n v e n t i o n emphasised t h e s o v e r e i g n t y o f P a r l i a m e n t i n a t l e a s t two o f i t s a c t i o n s : the A c t l e g a l i s i n g i t s own e x i s t e n c e ,  and t h e impeachment o f W i l l i a m D r a k e .  The o f f e n c e  w h i c h p r o v o k e d Drake's impeachment was s e d i t i o n , i n t h a t he was  alleged  t o have p u b l i s h e d "a c e r t a i n , f a l s e , w i c k e d , m a l i c i o u s and s e d i t i o u s Pamphlet" t o prove t h a t the Long P a r l i a m e n t had n o t been l e g a l l y d i s -  75 solved. The L o r d s apprehended Drake, had the impeachment r e a d , and h e a r d h i s c o n f e s s i o n . He was committed f o r t r i a l i n the K i n g ' s Bench,  76 "where what f u r t h e r was  done w i t h t h i s honest C i t i z e n we know n o t . "  Of g r e a t e s t immediate i m p o r t a n c e among the C o n v e n t i o n ' s a c h i e v e ments was a massive d e m o b i l i z a t i o n .  I t may be g a t h e r e d f r o m t h e L o r d  C h a n c e l l o r ' s r e q u i e m speech o f 12 September,  t h a t the demand f o r de77  m o b i l i z a t i o n was s t r o n g e r i n P a r l i a m e n t t h a n a t c o u r t . fulsome p r a i s e o f t h e i r prowess, C l a r e n d o n s a i d : "They.  A f t e r much who,  whilst  an army l i v e d l i k e good husbandmen i n t h e c o u n t r y , and good c i t i z e n s i n t h e c i t y , w i l l now become r e a l l y s u c h . "  And t o t h a t the c o u n t r y and  t h e C i t y magnates might w e l l have s a i d amen, w i t h r e s e r v a t i o n s .  The  C i t y and the l a w y e r s were p r o b a b l y more i n sympathy w i t h C l a r e n d o n ' s  175 expressions  o f r e g r e t t h a n were the l a n d o w n e r s , whose sense o f  s u p e r i o r i t y gave them c o n f i d e n c e h e r d i n the m i l i t i a .  personal  i n t h e i r a b i l i t y t o sway t h e common  R i c h a r d Brown and h i s a s s o c i a t e s i n t h e C i t y  almost c e r t a i n l y f e l t l e s s s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e . m u t i n i e s o f t h e t r a i n ^ i n ^ t h e 1640's.  They d i d not f o r g e t the  "Such men  are o n l y f i t f o r  Yq  a g a l l o w s here and h e l l h e r e a f t e r " , 'wrote S i r W i l l i a m W a l l e r . Brown had no i l l u s i o n s about h i s p o p u l a r i t y w i t h t h e masses, and k e p t j u d i c i o u s l y out o f t h e way  o f Venner's f a n a t i c s i n J a n u a r y  when the t r a i n bands a g a i n p r o v e d r a t h e r p a c i f i c . h i s f r i e n d s were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r p r o v o k i n g which m e r i t s f u r t h e r s t u d y .  How  1661,  f a r Brown  this rebellion is a  A t a l l events t h e outcome was  and  question  in line  with  i d e a s g e n e r a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the Monk-Clarges group: a s m a l l but permanent p r o f e s s i o n a l army, c o n s i s t i n g l a r g e l y o f Monk's own T h i s " c o i n c i d e n c e " , i n c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h the i m p o r t a n t  regiments.  governmental p o s t s  h e l d by Montagu, A s h l e y Cooper, and Monk h i m s e l f , e n s u r e d b a l a n c e i n the c o u n t r y - C i t y a l l i a n c e . a l i e r s m i g h t have t h r e a t e n e d passions  I n 1661  anS, o v e r - z e a l o u s  Parliament  t h e b a l a n c e and a r o u s e d the  of Cav-  disastrous  o f the l o w e r c l a s s e s .  W i t h minor e x c e p t i o n s , t h e l i s t o f t h e C o n v e n t i o n ' s p o s i t i v e achievements i s now  c o m p l e t e ; but something s h o u l d be s a i d about t h e  s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e t h i n g s t h a t t h e C o n v e n t i o n d i d n o t do. i f i c a n t i t i s that t h i s s h o r t - l i v e d Parliament  studiously placed r e -  l i g i o n and f o r e i g n a f f a i r s w e l l a f t e r s u c h m a t t e r s as l a n d t r a d e , and i r o n c o n t r o l o v e r the p o o r e r c l a s s e s . r e l i g i o n and f o r e i g n p o l i c y were c o m p a r a t i v e l y  For s i g n -  The  tenure,  conclusion that  u n i m p o r t a n t t o the  176 magnates a t t h i s t i m e i s p a r t l y j u s t i f i e d , b u t i s t o o s u p e r f i c i a l t o be advanced as a complete e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e i r n e g l e c t .  They u n -  doubtedly recognised t h e p l a c e of both r e l i g i o n and f o r e i g n p o l i c y i n the maintenance o f s o c i a l and economic p r i v i l e g e . S e r i o u s and p r o l o n g e d a t t e n t i o n t o f o r e i g n a f f a i r s was n o t a p r a c t i c a l p o s s i b i l i t y i n t h e c o n d i t i o n s p r e v a i l i n g i n 1660. i n t e r e s t continued t o point t o a vigorous the depression  (engineered  Economic  a n t i - D u t c h programme, b u t  t o s u i t t h e needs o f domestic p o l i c y ) made  immediate a c t i o n on such a programme u n p r o f i t a b l e .  There were e n c o u r -  a g i n g s i g n s t h a t t h e l o y a l t y o f l o w e r - d e c k s a i l o r s was easy t o buy  —  91 b e e r and s k i t t l e s was t h e p r i c e , p l u s payment o f a r r e a r s  —  but the  Commonwealth navy h a d t o be g i v e n a l i t t l e time t o s e t t l e t o i t s new masters.  The e n d o f t h e F r a n c o - S p a n i s h war, t h e d e l i c a t e p o s i t i o n o f  i n v e s t m e n t s i n D u n k i r k , a n d t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s now i n h e r e n t i n a d i p l o m a t i c r o y a l m a r r i a g e were o t h e r f a c t o r s s u p p o r t i n g ure Parliament  caution.  No f u t -  o f C a v a l i e r s c o u l d s e r i o u s l y a l t e r , the g e n e r a l b a s i s o f  f o r e i g n p o l i c y , s i n c e t h e p r o s p e r i t y and s t a t u s o f a l l p a r t i e s depended l a r g e l y on t h e f r u i t s o f commercial e x p l o i t a t i o n ^ There was wisdom, and l i t t l e danger, i n p u s h i n g t h e m a t t e r t e m p o r a r i l y i n t o t h e b a c k ground. The  case w i t h r e l i g i o n was s i m i l a r i n many r e s p e c t s .  There was  no s e r i o u s d i f f e r e n c e o f o p i n i o n among t h e magnates about t h e g e n e r a l f u n c t i o n o f t h e Church —  i t s purpose was t h e maintenance o f o r d e r and  obedience among t h e l o w e r c l a s s e s .  The C o n v e n t i o n , however, was w i s e  enough t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e dangers o f t r y i n g t o impose a r i g i d system so  177 l o n g as t h e army was s t i l l a p o t e n t i a l r e f u g e o f t h e s e c t s . 1660  During  t h e r e l i g i o u s e f f o r t s o f P a r l i a m e n t were c o n f i n e d almost e x c l u s -  i v e l y , t o s e t t l i n g m i n i s t e r s , t h a t i s , m a i n t a i n i n g incumbents i n t h e i r o f f i c e s pending tion.  a f i n a l settlement of the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l administra-  Care was t a k e n t o e x c l u d e P a p i s t s and r e c u s a n t s f r o m o f f i c i a l £3  toleration,  a n d a s p e c i a l o r d e r demanded a c t i o n by t h e L o r d Mayor  a g a i n s t s e d i t i o u s p r e a c h i n g i n London..  The e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a Church  o f E n g l a n d was assumed, t o be " f u r n i s h e d w i t h a r e l i g i o u s , l e a r n e d ,  fs s o b e r , modest, a n d prudent C l e r g y . "  Charles's Declaration i n favour  o f moderate t o l e r a t i o n was debated and r e j e c t e d on 28 November. Though t h e debate was warm, a t l e a s t one member p o i n t e d o u t " t h a t t h e c e r e monies o f t h e Church were n o t o f t h a t g r e a t w e i g h t , as t o e m b r o i l u s a g a i n i n a new war."  '  ,  Here was t h e c r u x o f t h e m a t t e r .  '  An e s t a b l i s h e d Church t h e r e  w o u l d be, and once t h e army was under c o n t r o l t o l e r a t i o n would go by the b o a r d . The  There would.be b i s h o p s , w i t h o r w i t h o u t P r e s b y t e r i a n i s m .  d e t a i l s c o u l d s a f e l y be l e f t t o occupy t h e windy a t t e n t i o n o f t h e  C a v a l i e r s i n the next Parliamentj and the great m a j o r i t y o f orthodox m i n i s t e r s c o u l d s a g e l y be r e l i e d upon t o p u t t h e i r l i v i n g s  before  abstruse questions of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The C o n v e n t i o n  r e - e s t a b l i s h e d t h e S t u a r t monarchy, a n d remained i n  o f f i c e l o n g enough t o pay o f f t h e army a n d e s t a b l i s h t h e u l t i m a t e s o v e reignty of Parliament.  When i t was d i s s o l v e d , i n December 1660,  Charles  o f f e r e d a q u i e t warning t o any d i e h a r d s who might hope t o r e - o p e n ©Id wounds.  " I do impute t h e good D i s p o s i t i o n and S e c u r i t y we a r e a l l i n ,  178 to  t h e happy A c t o f Indemnity and O b l i v i o n  You may be s u r e , I w i l l  hot only observe i t r e l i g i o u s l y and i n v i o l a b l y M y s e l f , but a l s o exact the O b s e r v a t i o n o f i t f r o m o t h e r s .  And, i f any P e r s o n s h o u l d ever have  t h e b o l d n e s s t o a t t e m p t t o persuade Me t o t h e c o n t r a r y , he w i l l  find  such an A c c e p t a t i o n f r o m Me, as He would have who s h o u l d persuade Me t o b u r n Magna C h a r t a , c a n c e l a l l t h e o l d Laws, and t o e r e c t a new Government a f t e r Mine own I n v e n t i o n a n d A p p e t i t e . "  NOTES 1. P a r l i a m e n t a r y I n t e l l i g e n c e r , March 12-19, 1660, ( c i t e d i n K i r b y , " W i l l i a m P r y n n e " , p . 136) 2. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i , 874. 3. i b i d . , v i i , 874. 4. i b i d . , v i i , 880. 5. T h u r l o e , v i i , 873. 6. T h u r l o e , v i i , many examples between pages 852 a n d 890. C o r b e t t , "Monk", pp. 181-183. 7. T h u r l o e , v i i , 889. 8. i b i d . , v i i , 867. 9. C o r b e t t , as n o t e 6, p.. 183. 10. Somers T r a c t s , i , 160-164. 11. The D e c l a r a t i o n o f B r e d a , d a t e d 14 A p r i l 1660, i s p r i n t e d i n C l a r e n d o n , " H i s t o r y " , X V I , 193-197 (Macray, v i , 206207); a l s o i n E n g l i s h H i s t o r i c a l Documents, v i i i , 57-58. The l a t t e r i s t a k e n f r o m the House o f L o r d s J o u r n a l s ( x i ,  7-8).  12. D a v i e s , " R e s t o r a t i o n " , p . 309 ( c i t e s C l a r e n d o n S t a t e Papers). 13. C l a r e n d o n , " L i f e " , i i , 11-12. 14. S c o t t , " T r a v e l s o f t h e K i n g " , p . 468. 15. The l i s t s i n t h e O l d P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , v o l s , x x i a n d x x i i , show t h r e e d i f f e r e n c e s . S a l t a s h a n d Wisbech a r e l i s t e d o n l y i n 1659, C l i t h e r o e o n l y i n 1660. The changes do n o t appear t o be s i g n i f i c a n t — S a l t a s h , e.g., was Edmund P r i d e a u x ' s c o n s t i t u e n c y (and John B u l l e r ' s ) , though Wisbech i n 1659 r e t u r n e d T h u r l o e . I n 1659 b o t h B u l l e r a n d T h u r l o e chose a l t e r n a t i v e s e a t s . 16. There were two o r t h r e e changes; e.g. S a l t a s h r e t u r n e d , Amersham d i s a p p e a r e d . Wycombe changed i t s name t o C h i p p i n g . ( C o b b e t t ' s P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , i v , 194-200).  179 17. C o b b e t t ' s P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , i v , 1079-1086 and 1298-  1303. 18. See note 2. 19. O l d P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , x x i i , 2 1 5 . B r u n t o n and P e n n i n g t o n , 244. T s & R o y a l i s t who a p p a r e n t l y evaded t h e ban was S i r J o h n Hotham (see O.P.H., x x i i , c  224;  B. and P., p. 234.) A*otkes uJas Sa.n*ue\ Sandys.  20. See Appendix 1 o f t h i s t h e s i s . L a n c e l o t L e k e , chosen f o r M i d d l e s e x w i t h S i r W i l l i a m W a l l e r , was a son o f t h e delinquent E a r l o f Scarsdale. (Davies, "Restoration", p. 322). 21. H a r d a c r e , " R o y a l i s t s D u r i n g t h e P u r i t a n R e v o l u t i o n " , p p .  139-140.  22. H.M.C. 1 5 t h R e p o r t , Appendix 4 8 (Leyborne-Popham MSS) P. 159. 23. -That i s , i f h i s e l e c t i o n i n 1644 was s t i l l v a l i d ! (See Bourne, " H i s t o r y o f N e w c a s t l e " , p p . 232 and 239). 24. Leyborhe-Popham MSS. as note 22, p p . 161-162. 25. A s h t o n and N o r t h c o t e a r e mentioned i n G a r d i n e r ' s " H i s t o r y o f t h e G r e a t C i v i l War" f o r t h e i r p a r t i n t h e a c t u a l f i g h t i n g . O t h e r w i s e G a r d i n e r ("Commonwealth and P r o t e c t o r a t e " ) , F i r t h ("Last Y e a r s o f t h e P r o t e c t o r a t e " ) , and D a v i e s ( " R e s t o r a t i o n " ) do n o t m e n t i o n any o f t h e men named. 26. I n c l u d i n g somei/who were d i s q u a l i f i e d f r o m s i t t i n g . See Appendix 1 o f t h i s t h e s i s . 27. Comparison: O l d P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , x x i i , 210-225, w i t h B r u n t o n and P e n n i n g t o n , p p . 200-245. 28. See C h a p t e r 9 o f t h i s t h e s i s . 29. Weyman, " O l i v e r Cromwell's K i n s f o l k " , i n Eng. H i s t . Rev., v i ( 1 8 9 1 ) , 48-60. 30. B r u n t o n and P e n n i n g t o n , pp. 69-70. 31. Hansard, ( p r i n t e r ) , "Members o f P a r l i a m e n t , 1213-1702", Index t o P a r t 1; compared w i t h A p p e n d i x 1 o f t h i s t h e s i s . 32. Son o f t h e d e l i n q u e n t E a r l o f S c a r s d a l e . ( D a v i e s , "Rest o r a t i o n " , pp. 321-322). Leke (among o t h e r s ) i s n o t i n c l u d e d i n t h e Hansard l i s t , p o s s i b l y because the o f f i c a l r e t u r n was l o s t o r damaged. 33. There were a l s o a few n o n e n t i t i e s , p o s s i b l y nominees i n R o y a l i s t boroughs ( ? ) . V e r y few f a m i l i e s s t a r t e d a P a r l i a m e n t a r y t r a d i t i o n t h r o u g h e l e c t i o n t o t h e Conv e n t i o n , though t h e Bramstons o f E s s e x a p p a r e n t l y d i d s u c c e e d i n d o i n g s o . But S i r J o h n Bramston had been " e l e c t e d " t o t h e Long P a r l i a m e n t i n 1640, f o r t h e b o r ough o f Bodmin; h i s f a t h e r was L o r d C h i e f J u s t i c e o f the K i n g ' s Bench ( 1 6 3 5 ) ; h i s mother was t h e daughter of S i r Thomas Moundeford, M.D., and grand-daughter o f the N o r f o l k gentleman S i r Edward Moundeford. (D.N.B., i i , 1116-1119; " A u t o b i o g r a p h y o f S i r John Bramston", pp. x v i i , 160, e t c . ) .  180 34. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i i , 2. 35. Poor Law Amendment A c t , 1662: A r t i c l e 2. There i s l i t t l e e v i d e n c e t h a t t h i s s i g n i f i c a n t l e g a l r i g h t was w i d e l y i n v o k e d by t h e d e s t i t u t e . 36. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i i , 16. 37. i b i d . , v i i i , 122. (See a l s o 46.48,66,147-148, and 204). 38. i b i d . , v i i i , 69. (See a l s o 141). 39. Poor Law Amendment A c t , 1662. ( E n g l i s h H i s t o r i c a l Documents, v i i i , 464). 40. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i i , 155 and 159. 41. Sharpe, "London and t h e Kingdom", i i , 394-398. 42. C h a r l e s R. t o t h e L o r d Mayor, e t c . , B r e d a , 14 A p r i l 1660. ( C l a r e n d o n , " H i s t o r y " , X V I , 203 — Macray, v i , 210). 43. See A p p e n d i x 3 o f t h i s t h e s i s . 44. P e p y s , i , 120. 45. C l a r k , "Edward B a e k w e l l As a R o y a l Agent", i n Economic H i s t . Rev., i x (1938), 45-55. 46. P o s t O f f i c e A c t , 1660. (Eng. H i s t . Docs., v i i i , 475-476). 47. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i i , 183. 48. F e l l i n g , " B r i t i s h F o r e i g n P o l i c y " , p. 36. 49. Brown, " F i r s t E a r l o f S h a f t e s b u r y " , pp. 128-149. 50. E n g l i s h H i s t o r i c a l Documents, v i i i , 537-538. 51. i b i d . , v i i i , 533-537. (See a l s o C h a p t e r 5 o f t h i s t h e s i s ) . 52. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i i , 11,25,86,112,152,168,178, e t c . 53. Ogg, "England i n t h e R e i g n o f C h a r l e s I I " , i , 162-163. 54. C o b b e t t ' s P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , i v , 80-81 55. i b i d . , i v , 8 1 . 56. Member f o r L i n c o l n C i t y i n 1660, a l s o i n 1659. 57. B r u n t o n and P e n n i n g t o n , p . 71, S i r Anthony's e n d u r i n g h o l d on t h e s e a t f o r B o s t o n might prompt a more f a c e t i o u s a u t h o r t o compare h i m w i t h Mr. John L. S u l l i v a n , 58. C o b b e t t , as note 54, i v , 8 1 . 59. S i r Thomas Meres, as f o r n o t e 58. 60. H i l l , " P u r i t a n i s m a n d R e v o l u t i o n " , p . 155. 61. As f o r n o t e 55. 62. See N i c h o l a s P a p e r s , i v , 207-208. 63. S t o u g h t o n , " E c c l e s i a s t i c a l H i s t o r y o f E n g l a n d " , i i i , ( i . e . " R e s t o r a t i o n " , v o l . i ) , 95-96. 64. H i l l , as n o t e 60, p . 1 8 8 . James, " S o c i a l P o l i c y , e t c . " , pp. 128-130.  65. Ogg, a s note 53, i , 161-163. 66. See C h a p t e r 3 o f t h i s t h e s i s . 67. Bramston, " A u t o b i o g r a p h y " , p . 2. 68. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i i , 138,157,159,161, e t c . 69. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i i , 149-150,157,163,164,186,195. 70. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i i , 218-219, 227 (and many o t h e r r e ferences). 71. i b i d . , v i i i , 219. 72. A c t a b o l i s h i n g f e u d a l t e n u r e s and i m p o s i n g h e r e d i t a r y E x c i s e , 1660. ( E n g l i s h H i s t o r i c a l Documents, v i i i , 300-  304).  181 73. A c t i m p o s i n g p o l l t a x , 1660.  313-316).  (English Hist. D o c , v i i i ,  74,. E n g l i s h H i s t o r i c a l Documents, v i i i , 153. 75. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i i , 1 9 8 . 76. O l d P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , x x i i i , 41. 77. O l d P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , x x i i , 485-487. 78. i b i d . , x x i i , 487. 79. Burne and Young, " T h e i G r e a t C i v i l War", p. 152. 80. B e s a n t , "London i n t h e Time o f the S t u a r t s " , pp. 77-80. 81. P e p y s , i , 108, 112 e t c . 82. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i i , 19,33,47,73,104,106,120,129,131, 83. 84. 85. 86.  87.  140,144,145,147,148,161-163, 164-165, e t c .  i b i d . , v i i i , 44 a n d 48. i b i d . , v i i i , 38. i b i d . , v i i i , 113. i b i d . , v i i i , 194. Old Parliamentary History, x x i i i ,  27-31.  CHAPTER 12  182  CONCLUSION No specific terms were imposed on Charles at his return, though there i s abundant evidence to suggest that he would have agreed, to very restrictive terms in order to regain the throne.  To some ob-  servers i t appeared as If Charles had won a triumph almost miraculous. "It was the Lords doing", wrote John Evelyn, "et mirabile i n oculis nostris."  At a later date, when he was writing his history, Clarendon  also.ascribed the event to "the merciful hand of God."  Even the de-  feated republicans and regicides often echoed the general sentiment of surprise.  "Indeed", said Lucy Hutchinson, " i t was a wonder on that  day to see the mutability of some, and the hypocrisy of others, and the servile flattery of a l l . " There was an element of personal victory for Charles in the Restoration, and also an element of surprise; but to view the event as a God-given triumph for monarchy, would be to ignore i t s most salient features. John Evelyn was either naive or a master of the Big Lie; for there were few among Charles's supporters who did not know that he was far from "firm, constant and obliging in his Friendships", and s t i l l farther from being "firmly and irremovably fixed to the profession of the true Protestant religion."  And Clarendon, while he  may have seen the hand of God i n 1660, had obviously during 1659 bad much more faith i n the hands of Clobery, Monk, Ashley Cooper, Montagu, Annesley, Brown, Booth, and their kind. He knew that the Restoration was the work of men, and of which men. On a number of grounds i t would have been inexpedient to impose a  183 written agreement on Charles, not the least of such grounds being the opposition to written constitutional documents which had arisen during the Interregnum. The whole idea of limiting powers of government by contractual obligation had an unpleasant lower-class flavour; and i t s introduction in 1660 would probably have had a most adverse effect on the caste myth.  This consideration also explains the various genu-  flections and similar contortions which Lucy Hutchinson branded as hypocrisy and servile flattery.  Of course they were hypocritical  few had any illusions about where Charles's divine potency was concentrated  but the situation demanded such hypocrisy.  The ruling  class, needing Charles as a popular figurehead, would not publicly treat him as a shiftless, lazy libertine and/or a convert to Catholicism.  The apparent servile flattery was (as i t s t i l l is) a circus  act for the benefit of the stupid masses, a part of the feudal trappings in which constitutional monarchy has ever since been dressed i n order to propagate the caste myth. Another consideration of expediency was the need for avoiding delay, though the actions of the alliance since 1658 had not been particularly hurried, nor particularly friendly to Charles.  The need  for despatch became greater as the successive elimination of Oliver and Richard ruled out any. possibility of a Cromwell dynasty.  As Charles  emerged as the only really practical figurehead i t became necessary to avoid precipitate action by the lunatic-fringe groups of the right, the Bourbons abroad or the malignants at home. For either eventuality could have led to but one result: the re-opening of armed hostilities  184 and,  i n consequence, t h e a w f u l t h r e a t o f r e - a r o u s e d  p a s s i o n among t h e  lower c l a s s e s . An attempt t o agree upon s p e c i f i c terms f o r t h e R e s t o r a t i o n would, p r o b a b l y have opened c r a c k s i n t h e c o u n t r y - C i t y a l l i a n c e i t s e l f , the s t a u n c h e r  with  P r e s b y t e r i a n s f o r c e d i n t o a p o s i t i o n not u n l i k e t h a t o f  t h e more moderate s e c t s .  They w o u l d have been d e f e n d i n g  the thesis'"  t h a t r e l i g i o n has i n t r i n s i c i m p o r t a n c e , above and beyond i t s f u n c t i o n o f a p p l y i n g m o r a l p r e s s u r e s and s p i r i t u a l promises t o t h e h e r d . t h e army remained i n e x i s t e n c e i t was  While  i n e x p e d i e n t t o r i s k even t h e r e -  mote p o s s i b i l i t y o f s p a r k i n g f u r t h e r r e l i g i o u s c o n t r o v e r s y ; and a l l groups condoned, i f they c o u l d n o t s u p p o r t , the c a v a l i e r d i s m i s s a l o f Matthew H a l e ' s a t t e m p t t o draw t h i s r e d - h e r r i n g t h r o u g h the  Convention.  Honk h i m s e l f e x p l a i n e d t h a t " t h e r e were many i n c e n d i a r i e s s t i l l on watch, t r y i n g where they c o u l d f i r s t r a i s e the  the  flame."  Terms were not o n l y i n e x p e d i e n t , but u n n e c e s s a r y .  Charles i n h i s  t r a v e l s had become s k i l f u l a t p r o j e c t i n g the myth o f h e r e d i t a r y  super-  i o r i t y , w h i l e l e a v i n g t h e d e t a i l s o f p o l i c y and i n t r i g u e i n t h e hands of his ministers.  He had l e a r n e d t o r e l y on the moderate c o n s t i t u t i o n -  a l i s t s r a t h e r t h a n t h e h a r d - d r i n k i n g , h a r d - s w e a r i n g r o w d i e s among h i s fellow-exiles. w i t h men  The P a r l i a m e n t a r i a n s c o u l d e a s i l y r e a c h  l i k e Clarendon,  who  understanding  up t o t h e t i m e of t h e Grand Remonstrance 6  had been one o f t h e m s e l v e s .  The  D e c l a r a t i o n of Breda, 7  d i s s o l u t i o n speech i n December 1660, t h i n g s t o say.  and  Charle's  showed t h a t he knew the. r i g h t  H i s a c t i o n s were founded on a shrewd and c y n i c a l d e t e r -  m i n a t i o n t o m a i n t a i n t h e rewards o f h i s p o s i t i o n , r e c k o n e d l a r g e l y i n  185 terms of pleasure and entertainment; and when rivalries within the establishment compelled him to show preferences he was found to have a remarkable f l a i r for choosing winners.  Though a s k i l f u l bargainer in  his own interest, he persistently clung to the principle that his i n terest could not ultimately be opposed to the interests of the elite as expressed in Parliament.  The events of his reign confirmed the  good judgment of those who i n 1660 saw that his character made the imposition of terms unnecessary. His sponsors did not restrict the aura of divine selection, holy suffering, and all-embracing love of the people which clever propaganda had pasted to the earthy figure of Charles. qualities,  They recognised his good  and paid him a good salary., retaining for themselves the  actual control of those commercial and financial operations which made his salary possible. It i s important to remember that even the Stop of the Exchequer and the Quo Warrants proceedings against the City g gave the government no added source of revenue.  The permanent rev-  enue which replaced old feudal dues was an excise, and like a l l consumer taxation was directly affected by the prevailing conditions of commercial prosperity.  And the bases of commercial and financial con-  t r o l , with which Charles made no attempt to interfere, were the Navigation Act and the establishment of a six percent rate of interest. The king was made nominal head of a l l the armed forces, with power to c a l l out the m i l i t i a .  However, the First M i l i t i a Act provided that  the forces should be exercised, ordered and managed "as the same now 9  is actually exercised, ordered and managed." ' The Second M i l i t i a Act  186 gave officers " f u l l power and authority to c a l l together a l l such persons....and in case of insurrection, rebellion or invasion them to lead, conduct and employ, or cause to-be led, conducted and employed."  to  Property qualifications ensured the appointment to positions of comll mand of men with superior social status.  The standing army, destined  to become more important than the m i l i t i a , was never completely disbanded. By the f i r s t week of January 1661 a l l the unreliable elements had gone, leaving only Monk's own foot regiment and some hand-picked troops of horse-guards.  The timely rising of F i f t h Monarchists in the  City now provided justification for keeping a small permanent force  ll "for the security of the King's person."  The next few weeks saw the  foundation of the Coldstream and Grenadier Guards, shortly followed by the Life-Guards, the Blues, the Royal Scots, and the Buffs. -Officered by sons of the gentry,.these regiments became instruments for the acquisition of territory abroad and the defence of property at home, as well as vehicles for ostentatious demonstrations of social superiority. The moneymen were not neglected i n this operation, which was financed through a paymaster-general's office, described by Forteseue as "a system of corruption and waste which is almost incredible."  Even the  linear tactics adopted in training the army were designed to rule out any exercise of thought or initiative by the common soldiers, who .were expected (in the words of Frederick the Great) to fear their officers more than they did the enemy.  Similar developments occurred i n the  navy, where officers chosen for their "integrity and general (but un15 practie'd) knowledge" gradually evolved methods based on formal tactics  187 and harsh discipline. The establishment retained absolute control of legal process, and law became ever more concerned with the preservation of privilege and less concerned with justice.  The lawyers themselves effected a series  of procedural reforms the primary object of which was not the r e l i e f of litigants but the attraction of business from one court to another.-• Complications were deliberately devised i n laws dealing with real projg  perty,  and the f i n a l result was to make legal process expensive for  the rich but virtually impossible for the poor.  At the same time a  harsh criminal code was directed against the lower classes, who might too easily find themselves without redress at the mercy of a Bloody  iq  Assize. ' Entry to the practice of law remained almost exclusively the prerogative of sons of the gentry — the main weakness of the English ZO  Bench, said Potter "might be a certain inbreeding."  The same class -  consolidated i t s hold on other professions such as medicine and banking, Zl  and even to a large extent on the practice of the fine arts. : The Church too was re-moulded to serve as a vehicle of propaganda and control, and also a source of income for impecunious younger sons. ZZ  Bishops were re-admitted, after long debate, to the House of Lords, but on the understanding that they would now be primarily career men, such as Sheldon and Parker. Ecclesiastical courts were re-established, but the Court of High Commission was specifically excluded from the 23  reeestablishment.  Actual control of ecclesiastical policy was vested  in a High Court of Delegates, which the lay members in practice dominZ#  ated.  Tithes were retained, and open nepotism in the distribution of  188 Z5  l i v i n g s soon l e d t o the e r a o f t h e h a r d - r i d i n g , h a r d - d r i n k i n g  parson.  The machinery o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n came i n t o t h e hands o f such men as Anthong A s h l e y Cooper, W i l l i a m M o r r i c e a n d Edward N i c h o l a s , p o r t e d by a team o f l o w e r - e c h e l o n e x e c u t i v e s sembled a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c i v i l s e r v a n t s .  sup-  who t o some e x t e n t r e -  Almost a l l o f t h e s e  executives  had g i v e n p r o o f o f t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s t o s e r v e t h e c o u n t r y - C i t y  alliance.  Some were d i r e c t l y bound t o e l i t e f a m i l i e s , as ( f o r example) Samuel Pepys was t o t h e Montagus  and Andrew M a r v e l l t o the F a i r f a x e s . ' O t h e r s  gave t h e i r s e r v i c e s p r i m a r i l y f o r pay and p l u n d e r , among them George 2%  ZQ  Dowming,  So  Samuel M o r l a n d 'and Henry Muddiman.  3/ William Petty  S t i l l others,  like  32  a n d Thomas C l a r g e s ,  performed t h e i r d u t i e s i n a k i n d  o f p o l i t i c a l t w i l i g h t , r e c e i v i n g t h e i r rewards o f t e n i n roundabout ways.  Among t h e most i m p o r t a n t among t h e a d m i n i s t r a t o r s were men l i k e  Muddiman and Roger L ' E s t r a n g e , who wrote t h e o f f i c i a l newsbooks and n e w s - l e t t e r s w h i c h a l o n e were p e r m i t t e d t o appear.  As Surveyor o f the  P r e s s e s L'Estrange was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e s u p p r e s s i o n  of seditious  33 pamphlets.  Under p r e s s u r e o f c e n s o r s h i p  a u t h o r s s u c h as J o h n M i l t o n  and John Bunyan were p e r s e c u t e d , w h i l e t h e c o u r t encouraged a new s t y l e o f drama c h a r a c t e r i s e d by t h e work o f W i l l i a m Wycherley a n d George Etherege• Trade, f i n a n c e , conquest, t h e army and t h e navy, law,- t h e p r o f e s s i o n s , the C h u r c h , p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d p u b l i c l i t e r a t u r e and the a r t s —  information,  a l l came under t h e c o n t r o l o f a s m a l l  elite  aJI founded on p o s s e s s i o n s i n goods a n d i n l a n d . sumed t i g h t c o n t r o l o v e r P a r l i a m e n t ,  And above^the e l i t e a s -  and t h r o u g h i t s u c c e s s f u l l y  189 maintained an overriding power over a l l the other instruments of control.  At the Restoration the House of Lords was virtually reconstituted  by new creations, some of them from the old Royalist gang, but includ1  ing also Monk, Cooper, Montagu, Annesley, Holies, and Booth.  In due  course ownership of great possessions.became a kind of stepping-stone to a barony or earldom* the Duttons and the Hobarts being among those translated.  Throughout the eighteenth century membership of the House  of Commons was effectively restricted to the upper classes and/or their nominees. The Restoration was a victory for the Stuart monarchy, and a triumph for both the bishops and the lawyers.  It was even more a.vic-  tory for the moneymen of the City, for land i t s e l f became a means of raising money. Landowners adopted almost universally the practice of extracting from their lands the highest possible economic return, by charging the highest possible economic rents to working farmers.  The  speculative purchase of lands became part of the system, aid involved landowners in finance whether they wanted to be so involved or not. • The revolution in their material demands — f o r e i g n wines and luxuries, v i s i t s to the spas, the London "season", and the gentlemanly pursuits of hunting and gambling —  compelled them to interest themselves in  other kinds of wealth, to acknowledge their dependence on trade and bankers, and so to increase the influence and even the status of men who manipulated the less concrete forms of wealth. Charles could hardly have returned to his father's throne without the realistic assistance of the City magnates, yet i t was the country  190 group in the alliance which took control of government at the Restor-, ation.  When in later years the interests of the two groups appeared  to diverge i t was almost invariably the City group which succumbed; and moneyed magnates in general acknowledged the superior status of the landowners by seeking to become squires.  In tlhe long run the poor-  er classes were kept in subjection by economic pressures, but the successful application of such pressures was made easy by the triumph of a feudal myth. The landowners gave the oligarchy i t s ultimate weapon, the effective dissemination of a belief that rulers are born. They were the dominant partners i n the alliance, and i t was for their purposes primarily that the monarchy was re-established. During the century which followed the Restoration no significant departure from the practice of constitutional monarchy was permitted by those who had won power. Not one of the parliamentary rights acknowledged by Charles I was again seriously disputed, and none of the advantages gained i n the C i v i l Wars was surrendered.  The lower classes  were kept firmly in their station, as Parliaments concerned themselves largely with refinement and improvement of the privileges of wealth. In those Parliaments the rich, and above a l l the landowning rich, asserted in both Upper and Lower Houses "a pretentious self-consciousness, such as had not been seen in England since the barons ment."  1  Parlia-  Well they might, for occasionally in name and always i n fact  they had made themselves the feudal barons of a new age; and they have ever since governed England in their own interest.  NOTES 1. 2. 3. 4.  E v e l y n ' s D i a r y , 29 May 1660. C l a r e n d o n , " H i s t o r y " , X V I , 247 (Macray, v i , 234). H u t c h i n s o n , "Memoirs o f C o l o n e l ' H u t c h i n s o n " , p . 402. E v e l y n , "The L a t e News o r Message f r o m B r u x e l s Unmasked", c i t e d i n D a v i e s , " R e s t o r a t i o n " , p . 316. 5. B u r n e t , " H i s t o r y o f H i s Own Time", p..58. 6. See C h a p t e r 11, n o t e 11. 7. See C h a p t e r 11, n o t e 88. 8. The S t o p o f the Exchequer suspended repayment o f p r i n c i p l e on l o a n s s u b s c r i b e d m a i n l y by c i t i z e n s o f London. ( R i c h a r d s , " E a r l y H i s t o r y o f B a n k i n g " , p p . 58-86). The Quo Warranto p r o c e e d i n g s a r o s e o u t of a q u a r r e l about e l e c t i o n s i n the C i t y , i n w h i c h t h e r e was a p p a r e n t l y some c o l l u s i o n between the government and t h e C o u r t o f A l d e r men a g a i n s t a r i v a l group i n Common H a l l . (Sharpe, "London and t h e Kingdom", i i , 473-505). 9. E n g l i s h H i s t o r i c a l Documents, v i i i , 793. 10. i b i d . , v i i i , 794. 11. i b i d . , v i i i , 787-795. 12. F o r t e s c u e , " H i s t o r y o f the B r i t i s h Army", i , 291-297. 13. i b i d . , i , 312. 14. P r e s t o n , Wise a n d Werner, "Men i n Arms", pp. 135-137. 15. Pepys, "Memoires o f the R o y a l Navy", c i t e d i n C h a t t e r t o n , " S t o r y o f the B r i t i s h Navy", p . 220. 16. C h a t t e r t o n , as n o t e 15, p p . 219-220. 17. E l u c k n e t t , " C o n c i s e H i s t o r y o f t h e Common Law", pp. 386-  " 387. 18. i b i d . , p. 398. 19. M a c a u l a y , " H i s t o r y o f E n g l a n d , i , 502-516. 20. K i r a l f y , " P o t t e r ' s H i s t o r i c a l I n t r o d u c t i o n t o E n g l i s h Law", p. 86. . " . •21. See Chapter 7 o f t h i s t h e s i s . P u r s u i t o f the f a m i l y h i s t o r i e s o f members o f the c o u n t r y - C i t y a l l i a n c e , i n the D i c t i o n a r y o f N a t i o n a l B i o g r a p h y , shows t h a t many became s o c i e t y p a i n t e r s . J o h n G r e e n h i l l i s one example. Reyn o l d s , Gainsborough and Romney a l l h a d t h e i r o r i g i n s among t h e l o w e r e c h e l o n s o f the e s t a b l i s h m e n t . Kneller m a r r i e d i n t o the Cawley f a m i l y , a n d L e l y ' s s o n i n t o t h e Knatchbulls. The F a i r f a x e s seemed t o f a v o u r p h y s i c i a n s and d i v i n e s , t h e Booths actors,, A n i n t e r e s t i n g modern p a r a l l e l may be seen i n the group o f s o c i e t y p h o t o graphers . 22. L o r d s ' J o u r n a l s , x i , 330-333. 23. S t o u g h t o n , " E c c l e s i a s t i c a l H i s t o r y , e t c . " , i v , 199. 24. i b i d . , i v , 200.  25. T u r b e r v i l l e , " E n g l i s h Men and Manners i n the E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y " , pp. 287-304. S c h l a t t e r , " S o c i a l Ideas o f R e l i g i o u s L e a d e r s , 1660-1688" pp. 106-157. 26. D i c t i o n a r y o f N a t i o n a l B i o g r a p h y , x v , 805-811. 27. D.N.B. (1909), x i i i , 1209-1217. 28. D.N.B., v , 1304-1306. 29. D.N.B., x i i i , 965-970. 30. Muddiman, "King's J o u r n a l i s t " , p a s s i m . 31. D.N.B., x v , 999-1004. 32i D.N.B., i v , 398-399. 33. Muddiman, as n o t e 30, pp. 150-151. D.N.B., x i , 997-1007. 34. G n e i s t , " C o n s t i t u t i o n a l H i s t o r y o f E n g l a n d " , p. 585.  APPENDIX 1  193  MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT, I658-I66O This i s an alphabetical l i s t of Members of Parliament, grouped under surnames. A similar surname usually, though not always, i n d i cates a close family relationship.  The l i s t includes members of Crom-  well's Second Parliament (Cr 2.), of Richard's Parliament (Rhd.), and of the Convention Parliament (Cnv.), as l i s t e d i n the Old Parliamentary History.  I t also includes, from Brunton and Pennington's l i s t  (see Bibliography), ONLY those members of the Long Parliament (Lng.) whose surnames appear i n one or more of the three later Parliaments. Brunton and Pennington's l i s t , also alphabetical, shows which men were Rumpers. A capital J before a name indicates a definite connection with the law or with jurisprudence, a capital C indicates a definite connection with commerce or finance.  (The absence of either l e t t e r does  not necessarily imply that the member had no such connection; further research would almost certainly disclose many more). In the columns indicating the four Parliaments a small x means that the person concerned was a member for an English or Welsh constituency. A capital W means that the person was elected for such a constituency, but was l i s t e d by Whitelock as having been excluded (see Chapter 2). A capital K means that the person concerned (sitting for an English or Welsh constituency) was l i s t e d as a "kingling", i.e. a supporter of the projected Cromwellian monarchy. A question mark (?) indicates that the member was on both l i s t s (In these cases one l i s t presumably erred).  194 A c a p i t a l S shows t h a t t h e member s a t f o r a S c o t t i s h c o n s t i t u e n c y , an I f o r an I r i s h c o n s t i t u e n c y . Such members l i s t e d as k i n g l i n g s have a K as w e l l . A c a p i t a l L stands f o r a Cromwellian L o r d . A c a p i t a l D i n d i c a t e s t h a t f o r some r e a s o n ( e . g . double r e t u r n , e x p u l s i o n , v o i d e l e c t i o n ) t h e member d i d n o t t a k e o r d i d n o t r e t a i n t h e S6cL"fc(»  A c a p i t a l R means t h a t the member was d i s q u a l i f i e d as a R o y a l i s t . Lng. ABBOT, D a n i e l George ( i ) George ( i i ) ACTON, Edward Walter C  ADAMS, Thomas  C  ALDWORTH, R i c h a r d Robert  Cr2.  Rhd.  I x x x x W x K  x  ALEBY, Roger C  C  J  x  x  x x  ANDREWS, P h i n e a s Robert Theophilus  x x x  ANLABY, J o h n  x  ANNESLEY, A r t h u r  x  ARCHER, Anthony John Thomas  x x  ALSOP, Timothy ALURED, J o h n Matthew  Cnv.  x ii  I  x x  x x  x  ARGYLE, M a r q u i s o f ARTHINGTON, Henry ASCOUGH, Edward ASH, James John Samuel ASHBURNHAM, Denny ASHTON, J o h n Ralph ( i ) Ralph ( i i ) William ATKINS, Edward Robert Thomas AUDLEY, Lewis AUNGIER, F r a n c i s L o r d BAB3UT0N, J a t h e w BACON, F r a n c i s Nathaniel Thomas BAGOT, Edward Hervey BAINES, Adam BAKER, James John BALDWIN, C h a r l e s John Samuel BAMPF3ELD, C o p l e s t o n e John Thomas  BANKS, J o h n Ralph William BARCLAY, D a v i d BARKER, A b e l John BARK3TEAD, J o h n BARNARD, J o h n BARNARDISTON, N a t h a n i e l Thomas BARNHAM, F r a n c i s Robert William BARRBJGTON, J o h n ( i ) John ( i i ) Robert Thomas BARTON, J o h n BATHURST, J o h n BAYLES, Thomas BAYNTON, Edward ( i ) Edward ( i i ) BEAKE, A l e x a n d e r John Richard Robert BEALE, R i c h a r d BEAUMONT, Thomas BECK, G a b r i e l BEDFORD,  Samuel  BEDINGFIELD, Anthony Henry  197 Lng. BENCE, A l e x a n d e r John Squire BENNET, Gervase John Robert Thomas  Cr2,  Rhd.  x  Cnv.  x  x x  x X  X  R  BENTLEY, Jeremy  W  BERESFORD,  IK  Tristram  x  BERKELEY, George BERNARD, J o h n  x  BERRY, James BETHEL, Henry Hugh Slingsby  x x  x  BIDDULPH, M i c h a e l Theophilus BIGG, W a l t e r BINDLOSS, R o b e r t BINGHAM, J o h n BIRCH, J o h n  X  x  X  K  X X  W ¥  X  X  X  Thomas BISCOE, J o h n  X  X  X  X  BISHE, Edward BLACKMORE, (Alderman)  X  BLACKWELL, J o h n BLAGRAVE, D a n i e l John  BLAKE, A l e x a n d e r Edward Robert  X  x x  X  X X  198 Lng. BLANEY, R i c h a r d  Cr2.  x  BLOYS, W i l l i a m  BODURDA, G r i f f i t h John  Cnv.  I  BLISSET, J o s e p h  BLUDWORTH, Thomas ( i ) Thomas ( i i )  Rhd.  W R x K  x  x  R  BOLD, A r t h u r  x  BOND, Dennis Elias John Samuel  x  BOON, Thomas  x  BOOTH, George  x  K x  x x x x  BOREMAN, Thomas BORLACE, J o h n William BOSCAWEN, C h a r l e s Edward Hugh  x  x  x x x  x  x  x x  x  x x x  x x  BOWERMAN, Thomas  K  BOWES, Thomas  W  BOWMAN, Seymour  x  R  BOTELER, Edward William ( i ) William ( i i )  BOURCHIER, John Barring  x x  B0S10RTH, Roger  BOUGHTON, R i c h a r d Thomas  x  x  BOWYER,- John ( i ) John ( i i ) Thomas William ( i ) William ( i i ) BOYS, J o h n BRADDEN, W i l l i a m BRADSHAIGH, Roger BRADSHAW, Edward John BRAMSTON, J o h n BRAND, J o s e p h BRAYMES, A r n o l d BRERETON, W i l l i a m ( i ) William ( i i ) BRETT, Henry John BRE?ffiR, Andrew BREWSTER, F r a n c i s Robert BRIDGE, T o b i a s BRIDGES, John BRISCOE, W i l l i a m BRISTOW, Thomas BRODERICK, A l l a n BROGHIL, Roger  Lord  BROMFIELD, Henry BROMLEY, Henry  BROOKE, J o h n Peter Robert BROUGHTON, Andrew BROWN, George John Richard ( i ) Richard ( i i ) Samuel ( i ) Samuel ( i i ) BRUCE, R o b e r t L o r d BRUNKER, W i l l i a m BUCKLAND, J o h n BUCKLEY, R o b e r t V i s c o u n t . BUCKLEY, J o h n BULL, Henry BULLER, Anthony Francis George John Richard BULSTRODE, J o h n BURGOYNE, J o h n Roger BURTON, Thomas William BUSBRIDGE, J o h n BUTTON, J o h n BUXTON, J o h n BYNE, J o h n BYSSE, J o h n  201 Lng.  Cr2.  X  CALMADY, Josias  X  CALVERLEY, William  X  CAPEL, Arthur Henry  R  CARENT, William  x  CAREW, Alexander James John Thomas  R x  x x  CAREY, Edward Henry Viscount Falkland  x  CARTER, John Richard  K K  x  R  CAWLEY, William ( i ) William ( i i )  x  x  CHADWICK, James CHALONER, James Thomas  X  x  x  D  x x x x  x D  x x x  CHAPLIN, Thomas CHARLTON, Job or John Robert  x  x  CAVENDISH, Charles Henry  C CEELEY, Christopher John . Peter Thomas  X  %  x  CASTLE, Robert  J  Cnv.  CAESAR, Henry  CARTWRIGHT, William  J  Rhd.  x x x  x  D x  202 Lngo  . Cr2.  Rhd.  x  CHASE, Thomas CHEEK, Edward Thomas  x  CHEYNE, C h a r l e s William  x  x  CHILD, J o h n Josiah CHOLMLEY, Henry Hugh Thomas  Cnv,  x  X X  x R x  CHOWN, Henry CHURCH, B e r n a r d  x  CHUTE, Chaloner ( i ) Chaloner ( i i )  W  x x  CLAPHAM, C h r i s t o p h e r C  CLARGES, Thomas  S  C  CLARK, J o h n  x  Samuel  x  .  X  X  S  x  x  W  CLAVERING, James CLAYPOLE, J o h n J  K  CLAYTON, J o h n Thomas CLIFFORD, Thomas CLIFTON, C l i f f o r d Edward L o r d Gervase  X  x x  X  x R  CLOBERY, J o h n CLUDD, Edward  x  COBB, R i c h a r d  x  COBINS, James  L  X  Lng. COCHRAN, W i l l i a m L o r d COKER, R o b e r t COLE, Thomas COLES, W i l l i a m COLLEFORD, R o b e r t COLLIN&S, J o h n William CONNOCK, J o h n CONYERS, T r i s t r a m COOKE o r COKE, C h a r l e s George Edward Henry R John x Robert x Thomas R William COOPER, Anthony A s h l e y George James Thomas  D  COOTE, C h a r l e s Thomas COPE, Anthony COPLESTONE, J o h n COPPING, Jeremy COROTALLIS,  Charles Frederick  R  COTTON, W i l l i a m COURTHOPE, George COURTNEY, W i l l i a m COVENTRY, John Thomas  R  204 Lng.  Cnv. D  CRAISTER, Thomas  x  CREW, J o h n Thomas  X X  x  CROKE, R i c h a r d Robert Unton  R  CROMPTON, Thomas  x  K  x x  CROMWELL, Henry ( o f Ramsey) Oliver Richard,  x  X  K  X  x  L  CROUCH, Thomas  X  CRYNES, E l i s h a  D  DACRES, Thomas ( i ) Thomas ( i i ) C  Rhd.  COX, A l b a n  CROFTS, HenryJohn J  Cr2.  x  X  X  DALTON, J o h n DANBY, James • Thomas  X  X  X  R  DANIEL, J e f f r e y X X  DARCY, Conyers James DARLEY,. Henry Richard  x  X  W W  DAVIES, J o h n J  X  DAVY, James  X  DAWDESWELL, R i c h a r d DAWKINS, R o l a n d DAWNAY, J o h n  x  205 Lng. DEERING, Edward ( i ) Edward ( i i )  Cr2.  Rhd.  R  Gnv.  x K  DE LA NOT, P e t e r DELAVALL, R a l p h Robert  x x  DELVES, N i c h o l a s  X  DENDY, Edward  X  x  DENN, V i n c e n t DENNIS, N i c h o l a s x S  L S  'DEWEY, James  x  x  DICKENSON, Thomas  X  X  DESBOROUGH, J o h n Samuel DEVEREUX, W a l t e r ( i ) Walter ( i i )  X  DILLINGTON, R o b e r t DIKE, Thomas DITTON, Humphrey  DIXWELL, John  x  X  DODDERIDGE, J o h n  X  W  DORMER, J o h n  X  X  DOUGLAS, A l e x a n d e r  SK  DOWNING, George  K  X  W  X  DOYLY, J o h n William  X  DRAKE, F r a n c i s ( i ) Francis ( i i ) John William  X X  K  X  X X X  206 Lng. C DRURY, W i l l i a m  Cr2.  Rhd.  x  DUCKENFIELD, John  I  DUCKET, W i l l i a m  X  DUNCH, Edmund Hungerford John  x  X  K  x K  DUNCOMBE, George John  X  K  x  DUNSTER, Henry  x  EARNELY, John  x  EDGAR, Thomas EDWARDS, Humphrey Richard William  Cnv.  x x x x  x  EGI0CKE, John  x  ELLIOT, John  x  J  ELLIS, W i l l i a m  x  C  ELLISON, Robert  x  x  x  X X  ENYS, Samuel ERLE, Thomas Walter  x x  EURE, George Lord Sampson  R  EVELYN, George Gilbert John ( i ) John ( i i ) EVERARD, Richard EVERLAND, Robert  D  X  x x  X  L  X  x x X X  X X  Lng, EVERSFIELD, Edward Thomas J  EYRE, G i l e s Henry William  x  FAGGE, J o h n  x  FAIRFAX, F e r d i n a n d o L o r d Thomas L o r d  x D  FALKLAND, ( s e e CAREY) FARRINGTON, J o h n FELTON, Henry FEN TON, M a u r i c e FENWICK, George John Robert  x x  William  x  FERRERS, J o h n FIELDER, J o h n FIENNES, F r a n c i s  J  J  x (alias CLIFTON)  James John Nathaniel ( i ) 'Nathaniel ( i i )  x x x  FINCH, Heneage John  x  FISHER, W i l l i a m FITCH, Thomas  C  FITZGERALD, Wentworth ( E a r l of Kildare) FITZ-JAMES, Henry John Thomas  208  FLEETWOOD, C h a r l e s George Miles ( i ) Miles ( i i )  Lng.  Cr2.  Rhd.  x x x  x  L  K  x x  FOLEY, Thomas C  FOOT, Thomas  C  FORTH, Hugh  K x  FOTHERGILL, John POWELL, Edmund o r Edward ( i ) Edmund o r Edward ( i i ) John C  Cnv.  x  D  X  X X X  X  FOWKE, F r a n c i s John  D x  IK  FOWLE, R o b e r t  X  FOX, John • Thomas  X X  x  FOXWIST, W i l l i a m  X  FREDERICK,  X X X  FREEMAN, Edward William GALLOP, Roger  X  GAPE, Thomas C  GELDART, John  x  GELL, John Thomas  W  GERRARD, F r a n c i s Gilbert ( i ) Gilbert ( i i ) , Thomas GIBBON, R o b e r t Thomas  X X X X  X X  x  X X X  X  209  Lng. GIBBS, W i l l i a m  Cr2.  W  GIBSON, A l e x a n d e r J  GILES, Edmund  x  GILL, Edward  x R*  J  GLYNN, J o h n William  x  .  J J  x x  R K  L x  GODDARD, Guybon  x  x  GODEREY, Lambert  x  x  G0D0LPHIN, F r a n c i s ( i ) Francis ( i i ) Sidney  Cnv.  s  GLANVLLLE, J o h n ( i ) John ( i i ) William  J  Rhd.  R x R  GOFFE, R o b e r t William  x  x  G00DRICK, F r a n c i s ( M a j . Gen.) GOODWIN, A r t h u r John Ralph  x x R  Robert  x  x x  ?  x L x x  x  x  x  x  GOOKIN, V i n c e n t  IK  I  GORE, J o h n GORGES, J o h n Theobald Thomas  W K  I  x  x  R  GORING, George Henry  R  GOTT, Samuel  x  GOULD, James Nicholas  x  x x  W  x x  ^•Expelled 1645.  x  210  Lng.  Cr2.  Cnv.  x  GREENWOOD, Hunt GRENVLLLE, Be v i i Richard  Rhd.  R  W  x  GRESHAM, Marmaduke GREY, Henry L o r d John Thomas L o r d  x  GRIFFITH, J o h n ( i ) John ( i i )  R R*  GRIMSTONE, H a r b o t t l e ( i ) Harbottle ( i i )  x x  GROSVENOR, Edward GROVE, Thomas  X  x  x  W K  x  x  x  GULSTON, R i c h a r d GURDQN, Brampton J ohn  x x x  X  GWYNN, George  x  HACKER, F r a n c i s  K  HALE, J o h n Matthew  W  HALES, Edward Robert  X  X  X  R X  HALL, C h a r l e s Thomas  W x  HALSEY, W i l l i a m  IK  HAMPDEN, J o h n Richard William  x  L X  W  HARE, R a l p h ^ E x p e l l e d 1642.  X X  211  Cr2.  Lng. HARLEY, Edward Robert ( i ) Robert ( i i )  x x x  HARRINGTON, James John  x x  HARRISON, J o h n Thomas  R x  HARVEY, D a n i e l Edmund o r Edward John ( i ) John ( i i )  x x  HASELRIG, A r t h u r  x  x x  x  x W  W  x X  x  x  x  x  x  x x  x  HAWKSWORTH, J o s .  x  x  HAXLEY, James  x  HAY, H e r b e r t  x  William  x  x  HAYES, James  x  x  x x R x  HEELEY, James  x  HELE, J o h n Thomas  x  HENLEY, Henry  x D  x  HAVKINS, J o h n  HAYNES, H e z e k i a h HEBLETHWAYT, Thomas ( i ) Thomas ( i i )  D '  HATSELL, Henry  J  Cnv. X  W  HASSEL, Samuel HATCHER, J o h n Thomas  Rhd.  x  x  x  x  R  212 Lng. HERBERT, Edward ( i ) Edward ( i i ) Henry ( i ) Henry ( i i ) L o r d James John P h i l i p ( i ) Lord P h i l i p ( i i ) Earl* . Richard William ( i ) William ( i i )  R  Cr2.  Rhd.  Cnv.  K  R X X X X X  X X  X X  R R R X X  HERLE, Edward Thomas X  HERVEY, F r a n c i s  W  HEWSON, John  X  X X  HEWLEY, John  X  D  L X  HICKMAN, W i l l i a m K  HIDE, W i l l i a m  X  HIGGONS, Thomas HIGHLAND, Samuel  X  HILDESLEY, J o h n  X  HILL, R i c h a r d Roger  X  HINSON, W i l l i a m  (alias  X  X X  .-•  X  P01ELL) HOBART, J o h n ( i ) John ( i i ) John ( i i i )  X  HOBY,  X  Peregrine  HOLLAND, C o r n e l i u s John Richard  X  X  W  X X  # E a r l o f Pembroke.  X X  X  X  X  HOLIES, D e n z i l Francis Gervase HOLMAN, P h i l i p HOLT, Thomas HONEYWOOD, R o b e r t Thomas HOOKE, Humphrey John HOOPER, Edward HOPKINS, Edward Richard HORNER, George HORSEMAN, Edward HOSKINS, Bennet Edmund HOTHAM, J o h n ( i ) John ( i i ) HOUGHTON, G i l b e r t L o r d Richard HOWARD, C h a r l e s Edward L o r d George Philip Robert Thomas William HOWE, George Grubham J o h n Grubham R i c h a r d Grubham HUGHES, Thomas William HULTON, W i l l i a m HUMPHRYS, J o h n  HUNGERFORD, Anthony Edward ( i ) Edward ( i i ) Giles Henry HUNT, R o b e r t Thomas HUSSEY, C h a r l e s Thomas ( i ) Thomas ( i i ) HUTCHINSON, J o h n Richard Thomas INGE, W i l l i a m BFGOLDSBY, F r a n c i s Henry Richard IRBY, Anthony IRELAND, G i l b e r t JACKSON, J o s e p h JAMES, Roger William JENNINGS, Edmund o r Edward John Jonathan Richard JENKLNSON, R o b e r t JENKYN, J o h n JEPHSON, W i l l i a m JESSOP, W i l l i a m JOHNSON, Abraham JOLLIFEE, J o h n  215. Lng.  J C  JONES, A r t h u r Edmund John ( i ) John ( i i ) Philip  Richard  J  Samuel. Theophilus Thomas William  Cr2.  R  x  x  Rhd.  Cnv.  x W x K W IK  X  L x I X  X  JUXON, Thomas  X  KEELING, Edward  X  KELSEY, Thomas  X  KENDALL, J o h n  X  KENRICK, W i l l i a m  X  x x  S  KER, Andrew William  S  KIFFEN, W i l l i a m  x  KILLIGREW, Henry Peter KING,.Edward Ralph Richard Robert Thomas  I X  I  KNATCHBULL, J o h n Norton  x x  KNIGHT, J o h n Ralph  x x  KNIGHTLEY, R i c h a r d KNOLLYS, F r a n c i s ( i ) Francis ( i i ) Thomas  X X  X  LAGOE, Walden  X  LAMBERT, J o h n  X  D  LAMPEN, J o h n LANGHAM, James John LASCELLES, F r a n c i s Thomas LAUNCE, James LAWLEY, F r a n c i s LAWRENCE, Henry ( i ) Henry ( i i ) William LAWSON, W i l f r i d ( i ) Wilfrid ( i i ) LECHMERE, N i c h o l a s LEE, Henry John Richard ( i ) Richard ( i i ) Thomas LEGH o r LEIGH, Edward George John Peter ( i ) Peter ( i i ) Richard LEKE, L a n c e l o t LE NEVE, Edward LENTHAL, J o h n William LEWIS, Evan James Lewis Richard William ( i ) William ( i i ) LLLBURN, R o b e r t Thomas  217 Lng, LISLE, John William LISTER,  Christopher Martin Thomas William ( i ) William ( i i )  LITTLETON, Edward Thomas Tim  Cr2.  Rhd.  Cnv.  K  L x  x  x x x x  W x  R R  x X  W  LITTON, Rowland William  x  LIVESEY, G a b r i e l Michael  w  LLOYD, Andrew Charles Francis Griffith John  X  R  X  LOBB, R i c h a r d LOCKHART, George John William LOFTUS, Dudley LONG, L i s l e b o n e Richard Robert Walter  SK SK  S S L  I  . x R  K  x  W  X X  LORT, Sampson LOVE, N i c h o l a s  x  X  LOWRIE, J o h n  X  X X X  LOWTHER, John William LUCKYN, C a p e l  X  218 Lng. LUCY, F o u l k Richard ( i ) Richard ( i i ) Thomas  x x  LUDLOW, Edmund Henry William  x x  LUKE, O l i v e r Samuel  x x  LUTTRELL, A l e x a n d e r Francis  x  MACKWORTH, Humphrey Thomas  Rhd.  Cnv.  x  MACDOWEL, James C C  Cr2.  x  K ?  X  x  x  x  D  X X  X  x  S  S  X X  X X  MALLER, M i c h a e l  X  MANDEVIL, R o b e r t L o r d  X X X  MANLEY, J o h n Thomas  X X  MANSEL, Bussey Edward  X  MANNERS, Thomas MANSFIELD, V i s c o u n t - see C h a r l e s and Henry CAVENDISH.  X  MANSHAM, J o h n  X  MANWAR3NG, Thomas MARBURY, Thomas  X  J MARGETS, Thomas  X  X  SK  I  MARKHAM, Henry ,  C  MARKLAND, R o b e r t  X  MARRIOT, R i c h a r d  X  MARSHAL, R o b e r t  X  MARTIN, C h r i s t o p h e r Gabriel Henry Nicholas MARVELL, Andrew MARWOOD, George MASKBLINE, N e v i l MASON, Benjamin MASSEY, Edward MASTER, Thomas J  MATTHEWS, J o a c h i m  C  MAYNARD, C h r i s t o p h e r John ( i ) John ( i i ) John ( i i i )  J  MEREDITH, N i c h o l a s Richard MERES, Thomas MERRICK, Edmund John MERRY, Thomas C  MIDDLETON, P e t e r Thomas ( i ) Thomas ( i i ) Thomas ( i i i ) MILBORN, W i l l i a m MILDMAY, Carew Henry  J  MILLS, J o h n MITCHELL, W i l l i a m  220 Lng.  Cr2.  Rhd.  MITFORD, R o b e r t  x  MONK, George  L  MONTAGU, Edward ( i ) Edward ( i i ) George Sidney  x x x R  MOODY, M i l e s Samuel  x  MOORE, J o h n Poynings Richard Samuel Thomas ( i ) Thomas ( i i )  x x x  J  K  L  W  x X  IK  William  x  MORLEY, H e r b e r t  x  MORRICE, W i l l i a m MOYLE, J o h n Walter  x x x  I x  X  X  W  x  x  W  x  x  W  x  x  MURRAY, A r c h i b a l d  S  MUSSENDEN, F r a n c i s  x  MY&8$,Thomas  W  NANFAN, J o h n  X  NEAST, W i l l i a m  X  NEWDIGATE, R i c h a r d  x x  x  x  x x  MORGAN, Anthony David  NEWBURGH, Thomas  x x  MONSON, John  NEVILLE, Edward Henry  Cnv.  X  x  X X  I X  221 Lng.  Cr2.  Rhd.  Cnv. x  NEWTON, J o h n NICHOLAS, J o h n Robert  x  NICHOLL, Anthony  x  NOEL, B a p t i s t Martin Thomas  R  x  x X  D (died)  K  x x  NORDEN, J o h n  K  NORRIS, F r a n c i s NORTH, Dudley Henry Roger  x  NCRTHCOTEi J o h n  X  NORTON, Gregory Henry Richard Simon  X  x x  W  x  W X  X X  X  NORWICH, J o h n  x  NOSWORTHY, Edward  x  NUTLEY, James  X  OAKELEY, W i l l i a m  X  X X  OGLANDER, W i l l i a m OKEY, J o h n  D  OLDFIELD, W i l l i a m ONSLOW, A r t h u r Henry Richard  K  X X  L  X X  ORME, Humphrey OWEN, A r t h u r Henry Hugh Lewid  X  X  X  IK  D X  222 Lng.  Cr2,  Cnv.  x  OXBURGH, L a u r e n c e OXENDEN, Henry  x  PACK, C h r i s t o p h e r  K  PACKER, R o b e r t William PALMER, G e o f f r e y John Roger ( i ) Roger ( i i )  Rhd.  D R x R  x  PARKE, R o b e r t PARKER, George John Philip Thomas  x  PARKHURST, R o b e r t  X  x X  x X  PARSONS, L a u r e n c e  X  PASTON, R o b e r t PAYLER, George PEART, O r i g e n  X  PECKHAM, Henry  W  X X  PEDLEY, N i c h o l a s PELHAM, Henry ( i ) Henry ( i i ) John Peregrine Thomas  X X X X  PENN, W i l l i a m PERROT, H e r b e r t  X  PETT o r PETIT, P e t e r  X  PETTI, Edmund William PEYTO, Edward  X X  P H I L I P S , Edward Erasmus James William PICKERING, G i l b e r t Henry PIERCE, Henry PIERPOINT,  Francis William  PIGGOT, Gervase Richard PITT, Edward George James PLEYDELL, John William POCHEN, Thomas POLE, German POOL, Edward Nevil William POPHAM, A l e x a n d e r ( i ) Alexander ( i i ) Edward Francis PORTER, Endymion Henry POTTS, J o h n POVEY, Thomas POWELL, Henry Richard (see a l s o W i l l i a m HINSON)  PRICE, C h a r l e s Herbert Hugh John ( i ) John ( i i ) William PRIDE, Thomas PRIDEAUX, Edmund ( i ) Edmund ( i i ) PROBY, Thomas PRYNNE, W i l l i a m PULLER o r PULTER, I s a a c PUREFOY, W i l l i a m PURSELL, J o h n PURY, Thomas ( i ) • Thomas ( i i ) PYE, R o b e r t PYM, A l e x a n d e r Charles John  N  QUARLES, W i l l i a m RADCLIFFE, R i c h a r d RAINSFORD, R i c h a r d RALEIGH, Carew RAMSAY, Andrew RAMSDEN, J o h n RANT, Thomas RATCLIFF,  John  RAVENSCROFT, H a l l  225 Lng.  Cr2.  RAWDEN, George  Rhd. I  RAYMOND, O l i v e r  W  REDDING, N a t h a n i e l  x  REDMAN, D a n i e l  I  I  REEVE, George  x  REYNELL, Thomas  x  REYNOLDS, J o h n Robert  IK x  RHODES, Edward Godfrey RICH, C h a r l e s Nathaniel Robert Lord Thomas  Cnv.  x  x  1  S SK x x R  D  S x  x  RICHARDSON (CRAMOND), Thomas RICHBELL, R o b e r t C  RIDGE, J o n a t h a n RIGBY, A l e x a n d e r RIVERS, James Nisei Thomas  x  x  x x  W  RIVET, F r a n c i s  x  ROBERTS, Henry William ROBINSON, J o h n ( i ) John ( i i ) Lulce Metcalf Thomas ROGERS, Hugh Nathan Richard Wroth  D  x x  K  x  x  L  D  x x R  x  x  x x D x x  226 Lng. ROLLE, F r a n c i s John ( i ) John ( i i ) Robert Samuel  Cr2. x  x x  ROSSITER, Edward  Cnv. xx x  x  ROUSE, Anthony Francis John Robert Thomas  x X  X X  K  RUSHWQRTH, John RUSSELL, F r a n c i s John William Lord William ( i i )  Rhd.  X  x R R  K  X  L  X  ST. AUBYN, John  X  ST. JOHN, Beauchamp Francis Hen. Oliver Walter  x.  D  X  L x  D  W  X  x  ST. NICHOLAS, Thomas  X  X  SADLER, John  I  Thomas  I  ?  SALISBURY, W i l l i a m E a r l o f SALMON, Edward. SALWAY, Edward Humphrey Richard  X X  x X  X  SANDERS, Thomas SANDYS, Samuel Thomas William  R x R  SANKEY, Jerome  x  SAUNDERS, Thomas  W  x X  227 Lng.  Cr2.  Rhd.  SAUNDERSON, George SAVILE, George William ( i ) William ( i i )  Cnv. •  x x  R  SCAWEN, R o b e r t ' SCILLY - see CEELEY SCOTT, Thomas ( i ) Thomas ( i i )  x X  x  3C0TT0M, Edward  x  SCROPE, A d r i a n  S  SEARLE, George Samuel  X  SEYMOUR, Edward Francis Henry John  D  x W  SELLIARD, J o h n  J  W  R R  SEYS, Evan  X  SHAFTOE, Mark  X  SHAPCOTE, R o b e r t  x  SHATTERDEN, D a n i e l  W  SHAW, J o h n  x  SHERARD, P h i l i p  X  SHERWIN, R i c h a r d  X  SHIELD, W i l l i a m  x  X  SHIRLEY, Anthony  X  X  SHUTTLEWCRTH, R i c h a r d ( i ) Richard ( i i )  x  X  228 Lng. SICKLEMORE, J o h n C  SINGLETON  3  Cr2.  Rhd.  W  x x  Laurence .  I  SKEFFLNGTON, J o h n Richard SKIPPON, P h i l i p  x x  x X  SKIFWITH, Thomas  X  SLATER, Thomas  0 J  SLEIGH, Samuel SMITH, Anthony George Henry Hugh John Philip Thomas ( i ) Thomas ( i i ) Thomas ( i i i ) Walter William  K S x R x R R K R R X  SMITHSON, George  x  SNEAD, W i l l i a m SOTHERTON, Thomas  W  SOUTHBY, John Richard.  W X  x  SPARK, A r t h u r SPELMAN, John SPENCER, C h a r l e s L o r d de l e Edward Robert  x  SPRY, A r t h u r  x X  x  Thomas SPRINGATE, H e r b e r t  Cnv.  X X X  x X  229 Lng. STANDISH, R i c h a r d Thomas STANHOPE, A r t h u r ' Ferdinand John William C  Cr2.  Rhd.  Cnv.  x  D  x R  W  R  I  STANLEY, Thomas William ( i ) William ( i i )  X  X  X X  STAPLES, A l e x a n d e r STAPLETON, B r i a n Henry John Philip Robert  x x  C  J  X X X  STAPLEY, Anthony John  J  X  X  STARKEY, George  X  STEDMAN, James  X  STENE, W i l l i a m  X  STEPHENS, Edward James John ' Nathaniel William  K X X X  X X  X X X  STEVENS, R o b e r t STEWARD, J o h n Robert STEWART, R o b e r t STOCKDALE,.Thomas William  C  STONE, John  X  K  230  Lng. ST0NEH0USE, George  Cr2.  Rhd.  R  John  x  STRANGFORD, P h i l i p L o r d STREET, Thomas STRICKLAND, R o b e r t Thomas Walter William  x x  x  R x x  STRODE, W i l l i a m ( i )  x  William ( i i )  x  x x  x L L  x  STURGES, Thomas  x  ' STYLE, Thomas  W  D  x  SWALE, Solomon  x  SWANTON, J o h n  x  SWINFEN, J o h n J  Gnv.  x  SWINTON, J o h n SYDENHAM, R a l p h William TALBOT, George John Thomas  R x  TERRICK, Samuel  S  S  x S  L  S  x  W x x x x x x x  x  x x  x  TERRILL, Thomas THELWALL, Simon  x  x  TEMPEST, Henry TEMPLE, Dudley James John ( i ) John ( i i ) Peter ( i ) Peter ( i i ) Richard Thomas  x  x x  K  THISTLETHWAITE, A l e x a n d e r THOMAS, Edmund Edward Esay John Mark William ( i ) William ( i i ) THOMPSON, George John G  William THORNTON, I s a a c TH0ROUGHGO0D, J o h n  J  THORP, F r a n c i s THROCKMORTON, Baynham Clement THURBARNE, James THUELAND, Edward THURLOE, J o h n THYNN, James .John Thomas TIGH, R i c h a r d  C  TIMBS, R i c h a r d TOLHURSF, Jeremy  C  TOLL, Thomas TOLSON, R i c h a r d TOOKER, Edward TOPHAM, C h r i s t o p h e r TOWNSHMD, H o r a t i o  2 3 2  Lng.  TRAYIE, James  Cr2.  Rhd.  Cnv.  x  x  I  TfiEDENHAM,¥illiam  x  TREGONIELL, J o h n  x  TRELAWNEY, J o h n Robert Samuel  R  TRENCHARD, J o h n Thomas  x x  x  x  TREVOR, J o h n ( i ) John ( i i ) Thomas  X X X  K K  x x  x  TROTT, J o h n TRWffiULL, W i l l i a m TUFTON, HumphreyJohn TULSE, Henry ( i ) Henry ( i i ) J J  TURNER, Edward Samuel William  W R  SK  X  x  S  TWTSDEN, Thomas  K  TWISTLETON, George J  x  X  TWEEDALE, E a r l o f J  X  TYRELL, Thomas  x  UPTON, A r t h u r John ( i ) John ( i i ) VANE, Henry ( i ) Henry ( i i ) VAUGHAN, C h a r l e s . Edward Henry John  K X X X X  R R  X  Lng. VERNON, Henry VLLLLERS, R o b e r t ( a l i a s DANVERS)  C  VINCENT, J o h n Walter William WAGSTAFFE, R i c h a r d WAKERING, D i o n y s i u s WALCOT, Humphrey WALL, D a n i e l  J  WALLER, Edmund Hardress Thomas Walter William  R  WALLOP, Henry Robert  x x  x x  WALPOLE, Edward WALTERS, George Robert C  WARING, Edmund o r Edward  C  WARNER, F r a n c i s WASTFALLBJG, H e r b e r t  C  WATERHOUSE, N a t h a n i e l WATSON, D a n i e l WEAVER, Edmund John Richard Robert WEDDERBURN, A l e x a n d e r WELBY, W i l l i a m  x x x  234  Lng.WEEDEN, R a l p h  Cr2.. .  Rhd...  x  WELTHAM, Henry  x  WEMYS, J o h n  SK  WENDY, Thomas  x  WENMAN, Thomas  x  WEST, Edmund Richard Robert William  x x  K  WESTBROOK, J o h n WESTLAKE, Thomas WESTON, Benjamin Henry Nicholas • Richard J  x  x  x  x  x x x R R  WHALLEY, Edward ' Henry John Peniston  x  D  x S  L x  W  WHARTON, Thomas WHEELER, W i l l i a m  x  x S  S  WHICHCOTE, C h r i s t o p h e r  x  WHITAKER, Henry Lawrence William  x  WHITE, F r a n c i s John ( i ) John ( i i ) Thomas William WHITEHEAD, Henry Richard  x  x  WHETHAM, N a t h a n i e l  C  Cnv..  x x x x R x  x  x x  x  x  235 Lng. WHITELOCK, B u l s t r o d e . James William  x  Cr2. K  WHITEWAY, John  x  WHITGRAVE, Thomas  K  WHITMORE, Thomas William WIDDRLNGTON, Thomas ( i ) Thomas ( i i ) William WIGHTWICK, Samuel  R  Rhd.  Cnv.  L x x x x x  x  x x x x  x  R "  x  WILD, W i l l i a m WILLIAMS, C h a r l e s Henry Robert Trevor WILLIS,. Thomas  x x x K  x x  x x  x  WLLLOUGHBY, F r a n c i s  x  x  William  x  WILTON, R o b e r t  K  WINCH, Humphrey  x  WLNGFIELD, F r a n c i s  x  WBITHORPE, Stephen WISE, Edward Thomas  S  WITTEWRONG, J o h n  W  WOLSELEY, C h a r l e s Robert  K SK  WOOD, R i c h a r d Robert WOODHOTSE, P h i l i p Thomas  x  x  L  x  x  x  x  K  D  W  x  236 Lng. YOOLLEY, W i l l i a m : x  WRAY, C h r i s t o p h e r John  x x x  WRIGHT, Henry WROTH, John Peter Thomas  x x  WYLDE, Edmund George John  x x x  WYNDHAM, Edward William  Rhd.  Cnv.  W  WORSLEY, Henry  William  Cr2.  x  x  x  x x  x  K  x  x  x  R x  x  x  WYVIL, C h r i s t o p h e r  x  x  YALDEN, W i l l i a m  x  YELVERTON, C h r i s t o p h e r Henry  x  YOUNG, John Philip Walter  x  x  x  W x  x x x  x  APPENDIX 2 WAGES AND PRICES  237  Year (harvest t o harvest).  Prices  Wages  as % o f P.  3 6 s . 2jgd.  6s.8^d.  18  1641 - 1642 1642  1643  35s.2id.  6 s . 9 d.  19  1643  1644  33s.8^d.  6 s . 9 d.  20  1644  1645  34s  llid.  6s,10gd.  20  1645  1646  34s  9|d.  7 s . 6 d.  22  1646  1647  51s  lOfcd.  7 s . 2 d.  14  1647  1648  62s  6 d.  6s.ll£d.  11  1648  1649  67s  10£d.  7 s . 4 d.  11  1649  1650  65s  6 d.  8s.5fd.  13  1650  1651  55s  4 d.  7s.ll£d.  14  1651  1652  48s  10 d.  7 s . 5 d.  ^  1652  1653  33s.l0|d.  7s.8id.  "23  1653  1654  25s.l0|d.  7 s . 6 d.  29  1654  1655  2 1 s . 8 d.  7s.7-|d.  35  1655  1656  33s.2£d.  8s . l ^ d .  24  I656  1657  3 7 s .l^-d.  8s.O$d.  22  1657  1658  46s.5jd.  7s.9^d.  17  1658  1659  57s .lo$Ti.  Ss.Ofd.  14  1659  1660  5 2 s . 1 d.  8s.3 d.  16  1660  1661  51s. 7$d.  8s.7gd.  17  1661  1662  70s.9^d.  8s.ofd.  11  -3.  The f i g u r e s shown i n columns 2 a n d 3 a r e t a k e n f r o m t a b l e s worked out by J . T h o r o l d R o g e r s , " H i s t o r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and P r i c e s i n E n g l a n d " , v , 826-827.  Column 2 shows t h e average p r i c e ( h a r v e s t t o  238 h a r v e s t ) o f a q u a r t e r o f wheat.  Column 3 shows t h e average  wage o f an a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r . t h i s Appendix)  weekly  Column 4 ( t h e o n l y o r i g i n a l work i n  shows t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p expressed, as a p e r c e n t a g e .  It  was worked o u t by c o n v e r t i n g a l l amounts t o f a r t h i n g s b e f o r e c a r r y i n g out t h e n e c e s s a r y c a l c u l a t i o n s . n e a r e s t whole number.  A l l percentages are expressed t o the  APPENDIX 3  239  PERSONNEL OF THE COUNTRY-CITY ALLIANCE Many o f t h e men who made up t h e c o u n t r y - C i t y a l l i a n c e have been mentioned i n t h e t e x t , some many t i m e s a n d a t c o n s i d e r a b l e l e n g t h . The g r e a t ones, a n d many o f t h e l e s s e r ones, a r e n o t i c e d i n t h e D i c t i o n a r y o f N a t i o n a l B i o g r a p h y ; a n d though t h e a c c o u n t s i n t h e D.N.B. are  g e n e r a l l y more concerned w i t h such t h i n g s as b a t t l e s and p o l i t i c a l  o f f i c e t h a n w i t h economic and s o c i a l a s p i r a t i o n s a n d i n f l u e n c e , a r e a s o n a b l y c l e a r p i c t u r e emerges o f such men as George B o o t h , Anthony A s h l e y Cooper, Thomas F a i r f a x , D e n z i l H o l i e s , W i l l i a m M o r r i c e , W i l l i a m P r y n n e , A r t h u r ^ A n n e s l e y , a n d Thomas W i d d r i n g t o n .  I n many cases t h e  D.N.B. a l s o n o t i c e s some o f t h e i r a n c e s t o r s and/or d e s c e n d a n t s ; and much i n t e r e s t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n may be d e r i v e d f r o m t h e s e a c c o u n t s , as for  i n s t a n c e t h e f a c t t h a t i t i s one o f Booth's d i r e c t descendants  whose name f i g u r e s p r o m i n e n t l y on some g i n - b o t t l e s . I n some cases b i o g r a p h i e s o f the b e t t e r - k n o w n f i g u r e s a r e a v a i l able.  Some o f t h o s e mentioned i n t h e t e x t a r e o f Cooper, F a i r f a x ,  P r y n n e ; and a l s o George Monk and Edward Montagu. The C i t y magnates a r e l e s s a d e q u a t e l y d e a l t w i t h i n t h e D.N.B., though r e a s o n a b l e p i c t u r e s a r e drawn o f Edward B a e k w e l l , R i c h a r d Brown, Thomas C u l l u m and Thomas V i n e r (among o t h e r s ) .  Even t h e s e men a r e ,  however, r a t h e r l e s s f u l l y d i s c u s s e d t h a n members o f t h e g r e a t c o u n t r y families• F i g u r e s n o t s o well-known a r e o f t e n d e s c r i b e d i n some d e t a i l i n s o u r c e s o t h e r t h a n the D.N.B.  The D u t t o n and Hobart f a m i l i e s , f o r  example, a r e d i s c u s s e d i n B r u n t o n a n d P e n n i n g t o n ' s "Members o f t h e Long  240 Parliament."  The s c r i v e n e r Humphrey S h a l c r o s s e  i s the s u b j e c t o f an  i n t e r e s t i n g a r t i c l e by Max B e l o f f i n the E n g l i s h H i s t o r i c a l Review, v o l . 54 (1939), PP. 19-33. Richards's  B a e k w e l l i s mentioned a t some l e n g t h i n  " E a r l y H i s t o r y o f B a n k i n g " , a n d i s a l s o t h e s u b j e c t o f an  a r t i c l e by D.N. C l a r k i n t h e Economic H i s t o r y R e v i e w , v o l . 9 (1938), pp. 45-55.  The Camden S o c i e t y p e r f o r m e d a most u s e f u l s e r v i c e i n r e -  p r i n t i n g t h e a u t o b i o g r a p h y o f t h e E s s e x magnate, S i r J o h n Bramston, (London, 1845). I n a few. cases i t seemed i m p o r t a n t t o i n c l u d e some b i o g r a p h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n about men who p l a y e d s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e s i n t h e a l l i a n c e , but who are i n a d e q u a t e l y dealt with at a l l .  country-City  d e a l t w i t h i n the D.N.B., o r n o t  To c o v e r a l l the men whose names appear i n t h e  t e x t o f t h i s t h e s i s would i n v o l v e w r i t i n g a n o t h e r l a r g e book; but t h e few b r i e f b i o g r a p h i e s  w h i c h f o l l o w are i n t e n d e d a s samples o f what i s  y e t t o be a c h i e v e d by l o o k i n g a t t h e c o u n t r y - C i t y a l l i a n c e t h r o u g h t h e i n d i v i d u a l s who composed i t . R i c h a r d Brown (see D.N.B.) l e d t h e parade t h r o u g h London on 29 May,  1660.  L a t e r the same y e a r he was e l e c t e d L o r d Mayor, a n u n u s u a l  honour f o r a Woodmonger. Brown was not p r i m a r i l y a landowner, though h i s i n t e r e s t i n P a r l i a m e n t was s p a r k e d a t l e a s t i n p a r t by an i n t e r e s t i n I r i s h He  lands.  i n v e s t e d a t l e a s t 600 pounds i n the C i t y ' s s p e c u l a t i o n around C o l -  e r a i n e and L o n d o n d e r r y ^  He must have s u f f e r e d heavy l o s s when the  C o u r t o f S t a r Chamber ( i n 1635) condemned t h e C i t y t o f o r f e i t i t s I r i s h e s t a t e s and pay  a heavy f i n e .  This l o s s d i d not prevent him from  241 l e n d i n g l a r g e sums t o P a r l i a m e n t f o r t h e p r o s e c u t i o n o f t h e C i v i l  War.  H i s P a r l i a m e n t a r y sympathies were a p p a r e n t l y s t i m u l a t e d e a r l y i n t h e war by R o y a l i s t e x p r o p r i a t i o n o f t h e Newcastle  c o a l mines, upon w h i c h 3  t h e f o r t u n e s o f Woodmongers were m a i n l y In 1644 to  built.  a s e r i o u s attempt was made by t h e R o y a l i s t s t o g e t Brown  d e s e r t t h e P a r l i a m e n t a r y cause.  He r e p l i e d t h a t he and  had "no o t h e r ends b u t the K i n g s and Kingdomes Good."  Parliament  L a t e r , as one  of  t h e P a r l i a m e n t a r y commissioners w i t h t h e k i n g a t Holmby, he made a t o k e n  ¥ r e s i s t a n c e a g a i n s t s e i z u r e o f t h e k i n g ' s person by Cornet J o y c e .  He  s t r o n g l y opposed Cromwell and t h e army, and s e r v e d f i v e years i n p r i s o n d u r i n g t h e Commonwealth p e r i o d . Brown's P a r l i a m e n t a r y c a r e e r may  have owed a good d e a l t o the  f a c t t h a t he was n o t a member o f one o f the Twelve G r e a t L i v e r y Companies.  But f o r t h e u n u s u a l c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e t i m e , he w o u l d have had  l i t t l e o r no chance o f a t t a i n i n g h i g h o f f i c e i n t h e C i t y . 1660  Even i n  he a c c e p t e d o f f i c e as L o r d Mayor a f t e r S i r Abraham Reynardson had  declined. '  He p o s s i b l y a c c e p t e d a s e a t i n P a r l i a m e n t as a n e x t - b e s t  5  when, i n 1645,  he was  f i r s t e l e c t e d as a R e c r u i t e r f o r Wycombe (Buck-  i n g h a m s h i r e ) , r e p l a c i n g S i r Edmund Verney.  L o c a l l y h i s f a m i l y was  a p p a r e n t l y w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d , a Thomas Brown h a v i n g s e r v e d a s for  bailiff  t h e borough o f C h i p p i n g Wycombe i n t h e r e i g n o f Henry V I , a t a 6  time when a John. Hampden was Mayor. In 1648,  d e r i v i n g some b e n e f i t f r o m the u n s e t t l e d n a t u r e o f p o l -  i t i c s i n t h e C i t y , as w e l l as i n t h e c o u n t r y , he s e r v e d as The C i t y ,  sheriff.  i n s p i t e of h i s imprisonment ( o r because of i t )  t u r n e d him as one o f i t s members i n 1656,  1659  and 1660.  re-  He r e c e i v e d  242 compensation f r o m Parliament f o r h i s m i s f o r t u n e s , Charles  I I . He  some men  1  who  and was  knighted  by.  s u r v i v e d t h e P l a g u e and t h e F i r e ^ w h e n he gave ^ 4  had r e s c u e d a t r i s k o f t h e i r l i v e s a c h e s t  to  containing  7  £10,000'.  H i s g e n e r a l u n p o p u l a r i t y w i t h t h e masses may  have stemmed  p a r t l y f r o m h i s meanness! That he was l y be doubted.  e x t r e m e l y u n p o p u l a r among the l o w e r c l a s s e s can I n 1644  some o f h i s t r o o p s wounded him i n the  hard-  face,  and i n 1661  he was  archists.  He seems t o have managed t o r e t r e a t a t l a s t i n t o compara-  tive obscurity.  a much-sought p o t e n t i a l v i c t i m of t h e F i f t h  The  Brown f a m i l y d i d n o t become one w i t h t h e  but h i s daughter E l i z a b e t h was  m a r r i e d i n 1677  Mon-  great,  t o Thomas L e i g h ,  Lord  io  Leigh of S t o n e l e i g h . Thomas C u l l u m (see D.N.B.) was comparatively  a London Draper who,  starting with  modest advantages, b u i l t up a f l o u r i s h i n g b u s i n e s s  d y e r , c l o t h merchant, moneylender, r e a l e s t a t e s p e c u l a t o r , e x c i s e mer,  and ( a t l a s t ) l a n d e d p r o p r i e t o r .  as far-  He showed c o n s i d e r a b l e t a l e n t  f o r i n v e s t i n g i n the r i g h t p e o p l e and the r i g h t e n t e r p r i s e s , m a r r y i n g //  i n t o a group w h i c h i n c l u d e d the C r i s p s and the Reynardsons. II  t u r e s i n c l u d e d s t o c k i n t h e E a s t I n d i a Company, li  His  and many houses  venand  warehouses i n t h e City»  IV I n 1656 C u l l u m bought Hawsted and Hardwick, two manors i n S u f f o l k , i n which county h i s f a m i l y had l o n g been e s t a b l i s h e d as r e a s o n a b l y  IS w e l l - t o - d o yeomen o r l e s s e r g e n t r y . H i s s e r v i c e s a t the R e s t o r a t i o n were rewarded w i t h a b a r o n e t c y , but about a y e a r l a t e r he p a i d a heavy " f i n e " ( i . e . b r i b e ) t o smooth o v e r some d i f f i c u l t i e s i n c o n n e c t i o n  16  the e x c i s e .  with  243 His children and grandchildren married well with his assistance, forming alliances with Throckmortons, Norths/^ and Berkeleys. descendants included clergymen and doctors.  Later  The Cullums continued to  enjoy a modest prosperity, and the baronetcy, t i l l 1831, when the eighth baronet died without an heir. Martin Noel was a London scrivener.  So widespread and varied  were his activities that i t may plausibly be suggested that for many years he was the most influential individual in England. Yet so selfeffacing was he that few histories give him more than a passing reference, and many (including the Dictionary of National Biography) do no mention him at a l l . In the Court Minutes of the East India Company Noel is frequently IQ  mentioned as a dealer in cotton goods and in munitions.  In 1657,  when Maurice Thompson became Govenor of the East India Company, Noel Zo was elected a "committee." A James Noell also mentioned in the Court Minutes, who was a factor in India, was apparently Martin Noel's brother er; and i t is not unreasonable to assume that the Matthew Noell who 2Z  was at Bombay in 1662 may also have been a relation.  Martin Noel was  a business associate of Maurice Thompson, and also of Thompson's part23 ner Samuel Moyer. Moyer was sufficiently important to be named to the Council of State in May 1653, and this i s one of the few links 24  connecting Noel with Cromwell.  ZS Noel was John Thurloe's brother-in-law,  and almost certainly had  a share in the profits of the Post Office. One of his duties was the provision of funds for ambassadorial and other services abroad. September 1658 George Downing charged a b i l l for ^500  In  "upon Mr. Noell"  244 and i n F e b r u a r y 1659  Samuel M o r l a n d borrowed money from t h e same s o u r c e . ^  D u r i n g R i c h a r d ' s b r i e f r e i g n N o e l ' s a c t i v i t i e s i n Barbados c a l l e d f o r t h some awkward q u e s t i o n s i n P a r l i a m e n t , b u t h i s e x p l a n a t i o n s were a c c e p t ed. As a r e s u l t o f N o e l ' s i n t e r e s t i n c o l o n i e s (and t h a t o f Thomas Povey) t h e S e l e c t Committee f o r Trade and F o r e i g n P l a n t a t i o n s was xq  formed i n 1657.  I n t h e domestic  sphere N o e l was a prominent t a x -  J  3o  f a r m e r , p a y i n g a t l e a s t ^ 8 7 , 0 0 0 f o r t h e p r i v i l e g e i n 1658.  He  was  a l s o r e f e r r e d t o as "ye g r e a t S a l t M a s t e r o f E n g l a n d " by R i c h a r d Crom3/  w e l l , who  c a l l e d him "our v e r y good f r i e n d M a r t i n N o e l l . "  T h u r l o e ' s s p i e s were l e s s complimentary, Nowell's  and complained  c r e a t u r e s " making a monopoly i n s a l t .  Some o f  about  "Mr.  "Be a s s u r e d , S i r , t h a t  3Z, farmers o f t h i s n a t u r e w i l l bee the r u i n e o f a l l t r a d e s but t h e i r , owne." R i c h a r d Cromwell's l e t t e r makes i t c l e a r t h a t N o e l was a l s o i n t e r e s t e d 33  i n I r i s h lands. I n 1656  N o e l was r e t u r n e d t o P a r l i a m e n t f o r S t a f f o r d , and  t h e r e f o r e on hand t o s u p p o r t the Humble P e t i t i o n and A d v i c e by h i s f e l l o w t a x - f a r m e r , C h r i s t o p h e r Pack. S t a f f o r d i n Richard's Parliament.  presented  He a g a i n r e p r e s e n t e d  His s e r v i c e s were a p p a r e n t l y as u s e -  f u l t o t h e r e s t o r e d k i n g as t h e y had been t o Cromwell, warded w i t h a k n i g h t h o o d .  was  and he was  He d i e d o f t h e Plague i n 1665,  re-  and h i s w i f e 35  (presumably  T h u r l o e ' s s i s t e r ) d i e d f r o m g r i e f a few days l a t e r .  Pepys  wrote: " I t seems nobody can make a n y t h i n g o f h i s e s t a t e , whether he  be  dead w o r t h a n y t h i n g o r no, he h a v i n g d e a l t i n so many t h i n g s , publ i q u e and p r i v a t e , as nobody can u n d e r s t a n d  whereabouts h i s e s t a t e i s ,  245 which i s the f a t e o f these g r e a t d e a l e r s a t e v e r y t h i n g . "  36  Edmund Thomas was one o f Cromwell's L o r d s , a n d t h a t appears t o be h i s major c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e h i s t o r y o f h i s t i m e , though he had. been 37  e l e c t e d t o s e r v e G l a m o r g a n s h i r e i n b o t h o f Cromwell's P a r l i a m e n t s . B o t h i n 1654 Jones.  a n d i n I656 he was a r a t h e r o b v i o u s s e c o n d - f i d d l e t o P h i l i p  He was n o t l i s t e d as a " k i n g l i n g . "  A l l t h a t Mark Noble h a d t o  say about h i m was r e c o r d e d i n f o u r s h o r t l i n e s : "...a gentleman o f a n c i e n t descent i n G l a m o r g a n s h i r e , where he p o s s e s s e d a good e s t a t e from h i s ancestors...."  Contemporary  d i a r i s t s mention h i s p r o m o t i o n ,  and W h i t e l o c k has two vague r e f e r e n c e s t o a Mr. Thomas ( a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y a d i f f e r e n t one).  Most o f Edmund Thomas's a c h i e v e m e n t s , how-  e v e r , l i e b u r i e d i n t h e l o c a l h i s t o r y o f Wenvoe, G l a m o r g a n s h i r e . The Thomases were an o l d Welsh f a m i l y , complete w i t h c a s t l e , who had i n t e r m a r r i e d w i t h E n g l i s h county f a m i l i e s .  Edmund was t h e g r e a t -  ly* grandson o f J e v a n Harpway o f H e r e f o r d s h i r e ; and E l i z a b e t h Thomas ( h i s  Uo  e v e n t u a l h e i r ) was m a r r i e d t o the r e g i c i d e Edmund Ludlow.  After  Lud-  low's death she gave p r o o f o f t h e land-hunger w h i c h was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of such f a m i l i e s . -  "There i s an e s t a t e o f between 2 and 3,000 l i . p e r  annum f a l l e n l a t e l y , b e s i d e s a g r e a t p e r s o n a l e s t a t e , t o t h e widow and r e l i c t o f M a j o r G e n e r a l Ludlow, who dyed i n S w i t z e r l a n d ; a n d t h e r e b e i n g one Mr. Thomas, a young man o f about 30 y e a r s o f age, a l e i f - ' t e n a n t i n t h e K i n g ' s army, who p r e t e n d e d clayme t o some p a r t o f t h e e s t a t e , she hath l a t e l y m a r r y e d him, shee b e i n g 62 y e a r e s o f age." Her p r e v i o u s m a r r i a g e h a d t a k e n p l a c e when she was about 18 a n d Ludlow was  47 •  246 The  estate apparently  came t o E l i z a b e t h and h e r husband, J o h n  Thomas, because Edmund's o n l y s o n h a d d i e d i n 1693 u n m a r r i e d and under age. ^ Edmund Thomas h i m s e l f d i e d i n 1677, a g e d 44,* w h i c h means t h a t he was o n l y 21 when e l e c t e d t o P a r l i a m e n t became a C r o m w e l l i a n L o r d .  i n 1654, a n d o n l y 25 when he  He h a d , however, done a f i n e j o b o f b u i l d -  i n g up h i s e s t a t e by e x t e n s i v e p u r c h a s e s o f l a n d i n Glamorgan a n d Monmouthshire.  A W i l l i a m Thomas, a p p a r e n t l y  an u n c l e o f J o h n Thomas  and p o s s i b l y Edmund's b r o t h e r o r c o u s i n , m a r r i e d i n 1673 Mary, t h e daughter o f L o r d Wharton. The  p o s t - R e s t o r a t i o n s u c c e s s o f t h e Whartons i s t o l d i n t h e D i c -  t i o n a r y o f N a t i o n a l B i o g r a p h y . ^ I n a q u i e t e r way t h e Thomases were j u s t as s u c c e s s f u l .  I n 1701 E l i z a b e t h Thomas —  December 1694, when J o h n was c r e a t e d a b a r o n e t —  Lady Thomas s i n c e l e f t j ^ 2 0 t o the p o o r  47 o f Wenvoe p a r i s h .  When J o h n d i e d i n 1704, w i t h o u t  i s s u e , the baronet-  cy p a s s e d t o h i s b r o t h e r Edmund; and t h i s S i r Edmund i n 1721 l e f t j£40  40 to the poor.  T h e r e a f t e r the Thomases d i d n o t l o o k backhand i n 1805 So  one o f them was p r e s e n t a t t h e B a t t l e o f T r a f a l g a r .  T h i s descendant, Si  F r e d e r i c k J e n n i n g s Thomas,attained the r a n k o f r e a r - a d m i r a l ,  and t h u s  a t l a s t became s u f f i c i e n t l y famous t o e n s u r e t h e presence o f a Wenvoe Thomas i n t h e D i c t i o n a r y o f N a t i o n a l B i o g r a p h y . NOTES 1. MacOormack " I r i s h a d v e n t u r e r s a n d t h e E n g l i s h C i v i l War", i n I r i s h H i s t o r i c a l S t u d i e s , x (1956-57), 21-58. 2. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i i , 237-244. 3. Bourne, " H i s t o r y o f N e w c a s t l e " , p . 231. 4. Rushworth, " H i s t o r i c a l C o l l e c t i o n s " , 3, i i , 808-816; a n d 4, i , 516.  5. Sharpe, "London and t h e Kingdom", i i , 3 8 4 . 6. H.M.C. 5 t h Repwrt, A p p e n d i x 1 (Borough o f High Wycombe MSS), p. 563. 7. B e l l , " G r e a t F i r e o f London", p . 104. 8. Burne and Young, "Great C i v i l War", p . 1 5 2 . 9. B e s a n t , "London i n t h e Time o f t h e S t u a r t s " , p . 80. 10. V i c t o r i a County H i s t o r y , B u c k i n g h a m s h i r e , i v , 3 7 4 . 11. Simpson, "Thomas C u l l u m , D r a p e r " , i n Economic H i s t . Rev., New S e r i e s x i (1058-59), 2 1 . 12. e d . S a i n s b u r y , " C o u r t M i n u t e s o f E a s t I n d i a Company", i i i , 229. 13. Simpson, a s n o t e 1 1 , p. 28. 14. i b i d . , p. 32. 15. i b i d . , p. 1 9 . 16. i b i d . , p . 26 and f o o t n o t e 8. Cullum's a c c o u n t book n o t e d : " p a i d i n t o t h e Exchequer t o buy my peace a n d ( C o l . John) B i r c h 2200." 17. Gentleman's Magazine L i b r a r y , E n g l i s h Topography, P a r t X I , pp. 270-271. 18. D i c t i o n a r y o f N a t i o n a l B i o g r a p h y , v , 282-284. 19. See i n d e x e s t o volumes i i i , i v , v , v i and v i i (1647-1664). 20. e d . . S a i n s b u r y , "Court M i n u t e s " ( a s n o t e 1 2 ) , v , 176. 21. i b i d . , v i , 129. 22. F o s t e r , " E n g l i s h F a c t o r i e s i n I n d i a , 1661-1664", p p . 106 and 132. 23. "Court M i n u t e s " , a s n o t e 1 2 , i v , 3 4 0 . 24. Godwin, " H i s t o r y o f t h e Commonwealth", i i i , 514. 25. Y u l e , "Independents i n t h e C i v i l War", p . 1 1 1 . 26. T h u r l o e , v i i , 3 8 0 . 27. T h u r l o e , v i i , 624. 28. See Chapter 6, n o t e 6 2 . 29. Newton, " C o l o n i s i n g A c t i v i t i e s , e t c " , p p . 325-326. 30. N e f , " R i s e o f t h e B r i t i s h C o a l I n d u s t r y " , i i , 299. Commons J o u r n a l s , v i i , 627-628. 3 1 . Ramsey, " R i c h a r d Cromwell", pp. 20-21 ( c i t e s Lansdowne MSS). 32. Timothy L a n g l e y t o S e c r e t a r y T h u r l o e , f r o m L e i t h . (Thurloe, v i i , 554). 33. As note 3 1 . See a l s o T h u r l o e , v i i , 630-631. 34. " C o u r t M i n u t e s " , a s note 1 2 , v i , 332. 35. Pepys, D i a r y , v , 9 1 and 102. 36. i b i d . , v , 102. F o r f u r t h e r f r a g m e n t a r y e v i d e n c e o f N o e l ' s e x t r a o r d i n a r y v e r s a t i l i t y see W h i t e l o c k , i i i , 106; a n d Thurloe, v i i , 681. 37. O l d P a r l i a m e n t a r y H i s t o r y , x x , 305 and x x i , 1 9 . 38. N o b l e , "Memoirs o f t h e P r o t e c t o r a t e House, e t c . " , i , 4 2 2 . 39. D i c t i o n a r y o f Welsh B i o g r a p h y , p. 936. 40. Ludlow, "Memoirs", i n t r o d u c t i o n p. x v i i . 41. H.M.C. 5 t h R e p o r t , Appendix p. 385 ( C o f f i n MSS).  248 42. 43. 44« 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52.  D. of-W.B., as n o t e 39, p . .936. i b i d . , p . 936. i b i d . , p . 936. D.N.B., x x , 1320. D.N.B., x x , 1312-1333. L e w i s , T o p o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y o f Wales, i i , 429. D. o f W.B., as n o t e 39, p . 936. L e w i s , as n o t e 47, i i , 429. 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MOTHER, George: " R e s p u b l i c a A n g l i c a n a " ; Manchester, 1833. -»-The World's M i s t a k e i n O l i v e r Cromwell: i n H a r l e i a n M i s c e l l a n y , Volume 7, pages 347-360.  269 1640-1660";  WORMALD, B.H.G.: " C l a r e n d o n . P o l i t i c s , H i s t o r y and R e l i g i o n , Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ; Cambridge, 1951. YOUNG, P e t e r .  (See BURNE).  YULE, George: "The Independents i n t h e E n g l i s h C i v i l War"; Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ; Cambridge, 1958.  About 70 other- works a r e r e f e r r e d t o i n t h e t e x t as h a v i n g been c i t e d , by secondary a u t h o r i t i e s .  They a r e n o t l i s t e d i n t h i s  - graphy because t h e y were n o t a v a i l a b l e f o r c r o s s - c h e c k i n g .  biblio-  Where such  works a r e r e f e r r e d , t o , t h e secondary o r i g i n o f each p a r t i c u l a r r e f erence i s g i v e n i n d e t a i l i n t h e a p p r o p r i a t e n o t e .  

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