Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

The role of trade unions in social welfare: an exploratory study of the attitudes of trade union members… Pennington, Edward James 1962

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1962_A5 P3 R6.pdf [ 7.57MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0105829.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0105829-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0105829-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0105829-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0105829-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0105829-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0105829-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0105829-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0105829.ris

Full Text

THE ROLE OF TRADE UNIONS IN SOCIAL WELFARE; An Exploratory Study of the Attitudes of Trade Union Members Towards Health and Welfare Services by EDWARD JAMES PENNINGTON and IAN WALKER Thesis Submitted in Part ia l Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK i n the School of Social Work Accepted as conforming to the standard required for the degree of Master of Social Work School of Social Work 1962 The University of Br i t i sh Columbia In presenting this thesis in p a r t i a l fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date O n W \7JL - H i ? In presenting t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree that permission f o r extensive copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Dcpapfoicht o f SocXecQ (AJ&A{ The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date ftAo^ f 1363.  i v Abstract Both the development and the effective operation of health and welfare services, public and voluntary a l ike , depend heavily upon public understanding and approval. Yet welfare services have changed so radical ly i n recent decades that much misunderstanding and "cultural lag" exists . "Public opinion" comprises the expressions of interest and viewpoint of many different groups: there are many "publics" rather than one homogeneous c i t izenry. Trade unions are an important segment, not only as representing the increasing industr ia l sections of the working-force, but because of growing numbers and influence i n public affairs . Accordingly, the present study i s directed part i-cularly to the attitudes, views, and information about health and -welfare services among members in a large and representa-tive trade union (International Woodworkers of America, Local 1-217). An original questionnaire was formulated and revised after some preliminary testing. After striking a random sample from membership l i s t s , forty rank-and-file unionists and a group of o f f i c ia l s were then interviewed i n their homes or offices. Some of the most best-substantiated findings are as follows. (1) There i s a high degree of unanimity concerning the assignment of welfare responsibi l i t ies to government, and i n particular, the federal government, though there i s doubt as to the best divis ion between provincial and loca l . (2) The rank-and-file reveal favourable feelings towards the Community Chest, whereas o f f i c i a l s ' views question the need for i t s existence. (3) The Community Chest i s identif ied almost wholly, by both rank-and-file and o f f i c ia l s as a fund-raising organization. (k) There i s singularly l i t t l e recognition of the need for c i t i zen participation in welfare planning. (5) Trade union members in general looked upon social workers with some respect, but ascribed low status to their professional ro le . Both the kinds of tabulations i n this rather neglected area of opinion measurement, and the views brought to l ight in this p i lo t study, suggest there could be considerable value in continued research. i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1. Organized Labour and Modern Social Welfare Social welfare today. Community Organization for social welfare. Public understanding as a component: through public relat ions, education, and interpretation. Organized labour's interest i n social welfare. Attitudes of trade union members: their importance. Rationale for conducting the survey Page Chapter 2. Changing Social Role of the Trade Unions In the United Kingdom: uncertain beginnings; changes i n legal and p o l i t i c a l status; acceptance. In the United States: slow growth; the right to organizeJ current legis la t ion and reactions. Trade union development i n Canada. The present status and problems of trade unions: re lat ion to social welfare • 23 Chapter 3. The Attitudes of Labour to Social Welfare Survey procedure and method of sampling. Rationale of the questions. Analysis of the survey. Personal informa-tion. Levels of information and knowledgeability. Attitudes of trade union members. Responsibility for health and welfare services. Importance of social problems. Perceptions of social workers • • • • • 51 Chapter 4-. Appraisal and Perspective An evaluation of the survey. Implications for further research. The Canadian point of view: government responsibi l i ty . Role of the Community Chest. Union part icipation: service levels ; policy levels ; voluntary and public health and welfare. Public opinion: what do others think about social welfare? 104-Appendices: A. Pre-test Questionnaire Used in Survey. B. Questionnaire Used in Survey. C. Basic Welfare Principles Adopted by the AFL-CIO Executive Council. D. Resolution on Welfare Services (Canadian Labour Congress). E . Bibliography. i i i TABLES AND CHARTS IN THE TEXT (a) Tables Page Table 1. Suggested sources of service: ch i ld problem . . . . . . . 67 Table 2. Suggested sources of service: marriage problem . . . . 70 (b) Charts Figure 1. Assignment of Responsibility—Belative Proportions • 86a Figure 2. Importance of Social Problems 91a Figure 3. Topics of Concern 93a V Ac knowledg ement We should l ike to express our sincere appreciation to a l l those who have helped us to carry out this study. We are indebted f i r s t to the Institute of Industrial Relations of the University of Br i t i sh Columbia for making i t possible for us to participate i n this research project. To the members and o f f i c i a l s of the International Woodworkers of America, Local 1-217, who kindly consented to our presence in their homes and offices, we are most grateful. Their willingness to contri-bute time and energy to our requests was invaluable. Mr. S. M. Hodgson, Financial Secretary, International Woodworkers of America, Local 1-217, and Mr. Charles E . Lamarche, Labour Staff Representative, Community Chest and Councils of Greater Vancouver, advised and aided us throughout the study. We wish to thank them very much for their generous co-operation. Our thanks are due also to Dr. L. C. Marsh of the School of Social Work at the University of Br i t i sh Columbia for his wise counsel. We owe an exceptional debt of gratitude to our thesis advisor Mr. Adrian Marriage of the School of Social Work; his interest and assistance have been the sustaining and encouraging forces behind our work. THE ROLE OF TRADE UNIONS IN SOCIAL WELFARE; An Exploratory Study of the Attitudes of Trade Union Members Towards Health and Welfare Services CHAPTER 1 ORGANIZED LABOUR AND MODERN SOCIAL WELFARE A » The Community and Social Welfare Since the last quarter of the nineteenth century -when the Charity Organization Societies began i n England, social workers have been concerned not only with the giving of effective and adequate personal service to families and individuals who needed i t but also with a co-operative approach to the social welfare problems of the community at large. In 1908, i n Pittsburgh, the f i r s t council of social agencies was formed and i n 1913, in Cleveland, the f i r s t modern community chest was established. The term "community organiza-t ion" came into use about the time of the F i r s t World War although the 'fact* of community organization i n the sense of the development of social welfare services and programmes to meet needs, must go back as far or almost as far as organized social service efforts. Important changes have occurred both in the nature of communities themselves and i n our understanding of the principles underlying their operation, since the f i r s t two decades of the twentieth century. These changes began to be manifest, h i s t o r i c a l l y , between 1920 and 1930: improved communication, rapid transportation, increased mobility, and expanding urbanization ran counter to the "community movement" 2 of the f i r s t decade of the century with i t s fervent f a i t h i n the neighbourhood and the small community as the foundation of democracy and the medium f o r the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l . S o c i o l o g i s t s became more interested i n larger areas and began to t a l k i n terms of c i t y , suburban, and regional planning rather than of "community organization". Over recent years i n the western world the t r a d i t i o n a l autonomous " v i l l a g e type" community based on primary group contacts, r u r a l culture patterns, and r e s i d e n t i a l propinquity has l a r g e l y disappeared into the modern metropolis, and i s r a p i d l y declining even i n non-urban areas. This change, however, i s r e f l e c t e d i n the pure and applied s o c i a l sciences primarily i n orientation, focus, and technique rather than i n basic values and objectives. Interest continues to center i n the l o c a l area but i t i s concentrated l e s s on the immediate s t r u c t u r a l type and more on r e l a t i o n a l systems, "contact c l u s t e r s " , and occupational and other i n t e r e s t groupings which are city-wide i n t h e i r scope. S o c i a l control, planning, and s o c i a l organization are now seen as e f f e c t i v e only on t h i s broader stage and as related to larger groupings, wider i n t e r e s t s , and i n t e r l o c k i n g associations. Neighbourhood improvements, f o r example, cannot be attained i n i s o l a t i o n since at every point they are i n e x t r i c a b l y intertwined with municipal government, regional planning, p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l resources and controls. S i m i l a r l y , changes i n the modalities of s o c i a l welfare planning as such are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the 3 changes that have occurred in the planning, organization, and action i n other areas of public concern. What i s needed i s a def init ion that combines the ear l ier conception of the community i n geographical terms with the current emphasis on wider interest groupings—what one writer has loosely termed "functional communities". 1 In the meantime, "community welfare organization" has apparently come to be accepted as the term to designate one of the major processes employed i n social work, and i f i t i s interpreted i n the broader context indicated above, i t s l imitations are perhaps no more serious than those associated with the terms "social casework", or "social group work", or "social work" i t s e l f . Community organization for social welfare, therefore, i s d is t inct from other types of community ac t iv i t ie s such as water works and public u t i l i t i e s , transportation, housing, parks, sanitation, schools and churches, because i t i s d irect ly related to social welfare. But at the same time participants i n community organization for social welfare are well aware of other essential needs of organizing the community and attempt to achieve close co-operation with other organizations which are active in related f i e ld s , such as the c i ty council , education boards, labour unions and p o l i t i c a l parties. "^Ross, Murray G . , Community Organization; Theory and  Principles T Harper and Brothers, New York, 1955> PP» 23, 4-0-4-1, 102. A recent and definite revival of interest i n the community as thus understood has occurred. This renewed concern results from current sociological and anthropological research, experiments in group dynamics, community adult education and similar movements i n North America, as well as from the pheno-menal expansion of "community development" i n the technically less-developed countries i n the world. The last definitely involves national planning and organization together with technical assistance, as well as loca l co-operation and self-help i n the solution of the problem of how to prevent the destruction of the community sp i r i t in the face of economic a id , industr ia l izat ion, and increasing urbanization. The loca l neighbourhood or community i s now seen more clearly than ever before as the locus or "setting" i n which the process of intergroup planning, co-operation, and action operates, and as the front l ine of community organization i n social welfare as i n other f i e lds . B. Community Organization L i t t l e has been written about the history of community organization. The history of social work and social welfare as a whole i s a surprisingly neglected f i e l d of study, and community organization has been even less explored than some other areas of the subject. Even i n the textbooks aiming at being def in i t ive , the history of community organization has usually been dealt with i n a sketchy fashion. The chief 5 exceptions are Campbell G. Murphy's h i s t o r i c a l chapters, which relate community organization to a broad social and economic background, and Wayne McMillen's hi s t o r i c a l presentations under specific topics. 1 The history of community organization since 1870 may be thought of as f a l l i n g into three broad periods: the f i r s t , centered about the charity organization movement, from the 1870's to about 1917; the second, characterized by the rise of federation—chests and councils—and extending from World War I to the end of the depression of the 1930*s; the third, the period since 1939, marked by the broadened recognition of the process of community organization, greater leadership by public welfare agencies, and an increased emphasis upon the professional p elements of community organization practice. Both practitioners and those who have taught the subject have found d i f f i c u l t y in defining community organization. Harper and Dunham, for example, present no less than thirteen definitions, which range i n time of origin from 1921 to 1955. They are f a i r l y typical, and probably include the definitions "'"Murphy, Campbell G., Community Organization Practice, Houghton M i f f l i n Company, Boston, 1954;McMillen, Wayne, O p t m q n y y i t y Organization for Social Welfare, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1945. p Dunham, Arthur, Community Welfare Organization. Thomas Y. Crowell, New York, 1958, pp. 69-89; Friedlander, Walter A., Introduction to Social Welfare, Prentice-Hall, Engle-wood C l i f f s , New Jersey, 1957, PP. 591-594. 6 i that have been most widely used. The most recent of these def init ions , by Murray G. Ross, combines the two prevalent ideas of meeting needs and achieving co-operation. Ross sees community organization as " . . . a process by which a community identi f ies i t s needs or objectives, orders (or ranks) these needs or objectives, develops the confidence and w i l l to work at these needs or objectives, finds the resources (internal and/or external) to deal with these needs or objectives, takes action i n respect to them, and i n so doing extends and develops co-operative p and collaborative attitudes and practices i n the community." The process of community organization i n social welfare i s applied through certain gradually evolved and widely used methods, such as fact f inding, planning, conference and committees, fund-raising, social action, recording, and education, interpretation, and public relat ions . It i s these la t ter aspects of community organization method that we are primarily concerned with i n the present study. C Public Understanding: through Public Relations. Education. and Interpretation It i s an unfortunate but apparently well-founded observation that the profession of social work has a poor press and suffers from unsatisfactory public relations. Indeed, harper ,Ernest B . , and Arthur Dunham, Community  Organization i n Action. Association Press, New York, 1959, PP. 55-59. p Ross, op. c i t . , p. 39. 7 social workers are often accused, of not being community-minded, and of concentrating too exclusively on service to individual cl ients with a consequent disregard of their responsibil i ty to the public at large and fai lure to assume the duties of broad social leadership. Yet any programmes involving the numbers of people served direct ly by social welfare and the amount of money regularly spent must carry a heavy load of public accountability, whether this i s conceived i n formal, constitutional terms or i n a looser, more figurative sense. Only an informed and alert public can provide both the support and the cr i t ic i sm that welfare agencies need. "In a l l times, in a l l lands, public opinion has had control at the last word . . . It i s not only the right but the obligation of a l l individuals or aggregations of individuals who come before the public to see that the public has f u l l and complete information." Thus, as a matter both of p o l i t i c a l obligation and of practical effectiveness one can argue the necessity of understanding the public, of informing i t , of winning i t over. The ab i l i ty to do so i s a test of leadership. This need for public understanding has been affirmed at many points in the l i terature of social work. In 1952, at the National Conference on Social Welfare, the president, ^Morse, Sherman, "An Awakening i n Wall Street", The  American Magazine, September, 1906, p. H-63. 8 Lester Granger, said that " . . . after nearly a century of organized effort to promote community welfare the American public s t i l l does not grasp the f u l l concept of community welfare, nor understand what i t i s that agencies and practitioners are rea l ly trying to d o . " 1 He challenged social workers to accept the responsibil i ty for correcting the situation. Robert H. MacRae has claimed that the utterances of certain conservative c r i t i c s of social welfare " . . . w i l l have served one useful end i f they wake up social work to one great truth: that the future development and growth of health and welfare services, public and voluntary a l ike , depends p upon public understanding and approval." Not only i s an adequate flow of information from any organization to i t s publics something owing to them, but i t i s important to the welfare and security of the organization i t s e l f to learn what others know and say of i t . "Do we rea l ly know how people feel about welfare?" Wayne Vasey asks.^ "Are we actually aware of their attitudes to welfare programmes?" •^Granger, Lester, "Social Work's Response to Demo-cracy's Challenge," The Social Welfare Forum. 1952, Columbia University Press, New York, 1952, pp. 3-18. M a c R a e , Robert H . , "The Public: Friend or C r i t i c ? " Community, V o l . 27, No. 7, (March, 1952), pp. 123-125. -*Vasey,Wayne, "Public Relations—An Inescapable Obliga-tion i n Social Welfare," Social Service Review. V o l . 27, No. 4-, (Dec , 1953), PP. 394-398. 9 Not only i s the development of an informed public understanding an important part of administration i n the case of individual social agencies, including the welfare counci l , but i t i s even more important, perhaps, i n connection with interagency relations and the overall pattern of community welfare services. It i s a major objective of community organization i n improving existing resources as well as i n the promotion of new services and programmes, and hence i s a strategical ly significant part of welfare planning. Public information can also be considered as a condition of the "use" of services i n social welfare agencies. Most communities, for example, maintain a central information bureau or service which i s designed to provide information for the public and i n some cases to make referrals for service. Such public information may contribute ultimately to improving social efficiency as well as individual human welfare. In order that any person with a problem may come to an agency and obtain help a number of conditions other than the existence of a service have to be operative: the individual must be aware that something i s disturbing his well-being, that he i s uncomfortable and needs to have help; existing services must be known and acceptable to the person with the problem; and they must be given at a time, place, and i n a manner which w i l l make i t possible for him to use them. These conditions often do not exist . When this i s the case, services f a i l to reach potential c l ients . 10 Understanding and knowledgeability about the proper use of community health and welfare services may also be considered as a contributing factor to the avoidance of dependency and parasitism, on the part of the people who are accustomed to using welfare services. Assumptions about public attitudes may well affect the actual administration of welfare services. For example, Arthur J. Willcocks has conducted a small survey of public reactions to the concept of 'the means test ' and i t s application to the social services i n England. He found no evidence of strong emotional reactions; in fact , most people viewed the idea of the means test as something rather unreal—contrary to what Willcocks ca l l s "the fabric of po l i t i c ians 1 thought . . . that the means test i s an indignity no one should be asked to submit to when i n a position of need." Certainly knowledge of public attitudes i s essential to the improvement of services, the formulation of sound pol ic ie s , the betterment of personal relationships, the over-coming of c r i t i c i sm, and the gaining of public good-will and understanding. Ski l led service i n social work, therefore, i s not enough—it i s also necessary to promulgate the objectives and ideals of social work. And, since public support for social welfare programmes i s necessary, i t i s a corollary that public understanding i s equally essential . •htfillcocks, Arthur J . , "'The Means Tes t ' " . The  Sociological Review. V o l . 5 , No. 2, (December, 1957), pp. 265-286. 11 In approaching this problem of public understanding, i t i s important "the publ ic" , as a convenient but often vacuous abstraction, should be seen i n a l l i t s l i v ing variety, and the specific publics with which particular organizations have their dealings should be identi f ied and purposefully educated. "The more one can divide the people one wants to reach into specific groups and then individualize the approach to them, the more effective understanding they w i l l get of the ideas one i s trying to get across.""'" Baker and Routzahn sp l i t the composite public into a number of smaller, more specif ic , and concrete audiences, or publics, and suggest that these more or less separate and identif iable groups be approached on a differentiated basis. They describe eight such publics, which are depicted diagram-matically i n the form of concentric c i rc le s surrounding the p typical social agency. Other analyses have been suggested: Wayne Vasey, for example, l i s t s five groups which are c lass i f ied i n terms of their attitudes toward the organization.^ decker , Virg inia R. , "Blueprinting Your Public Relations", Public Welfare. V o l . . 7 , No. k, (October, 195^), pp. 120-122. p Baker, Helen Cody, and Mary Swain Routzahn, How to  Interpret Social Welfare: A Study Course in Public Relations. Russell Sage Foundation, New York, 19^7, PP. 10-13. •^Vasey, op. c i t . , pp. 391+-398. 12 D. Organized Labour and Social Welfare Organized labour i s the 'publ ic ' whose attitudes and levels of understanding and knowledgeability about social welfare questions are being examined in this study. It i s well known that labour unions have had a long history of concern for the social welfare of their members and their communities. Even the earl iest labour associations brought people together to consider common problems and to devise ways and means for their solution. Assistance to members i n times of distress , public education, chi ld labour, and working conditions are areas of col lect ive action i n which labour h i s tor i ca l ly has demonstrated a deep and abiding interest. ' Original ly , however, labour unions manifested a marked suspicion of and notably l i t t l e sympathy for social work, whether public or private. Even when industr ia l workers during World War I contributed to Community Chest drives, they manifested a dist inct indifference to the aims and methods of charitable agencies and the programmes that the drives supported. However, by the early 1 9 3 0 ' s various points of contact began to emerge between labour and social work. Some of these were: (a) the election of more labour representatives to boards of social service agencies, planning bodies, public "'"Beyer,Clara M . , "Labor Standards", Social Work Year  Book, 1954T American Association of Social Workers, New York, 1954-, pp. 3 0 8 - 3 2 0 . 13 welfare boards, and community chests; (b) the organization of social agency workers into labour unions; and (c) growing recognition of the importance of better labour participation i n social work, as expressed typical ly i n the conferences of social workers and labour union members. World War II and the organization of the National War Fund i n the U. S. A. plus labour's concern to alleviate the suffering i n the war-torn countries, shed new l ight on the basic need for closer co-operation between labour and social work. Organized labour co-operated i n the National War Fund through special war r e l i e f committees of the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organizations. Representatives of labour groups were employed i n community chests, and labour began to play a more significant role i n social work. 1 The unions' new interest extended beyond money raising and spread f i r s t to the interpretation of the services of loca l agencies to their members, as a part of their fundamental pur-poses as mutual aid organizations, and then to a concern for the planning of community welfare services. In short, instead of having mere "representation", labour moved into rea l participation f e e l e r , Howard,, "Unions i n Social Work", Social Work  Year Book. 1951. National Association of Social Workers, New York, 1951, PP. 518-519; Taylor, Brent, "Labor Becomes a Big Giver , " Survey Graphic. February, 19^3, PP. k-7-k8. A s ignificant picture of labour's contribution i s presented by Arthur Hillman, "Labour Joins the Chicago Council : Social Work and Labour Explore Their Common Ground," Cntnmnnity, V o l . 22, No. 3, November, 19k6, pp. **8ff. 14-i n the fact-f inding, planning, fund-raising, and allocations of funds for social welfare. In taking over the labour participa-tion programme of the National War Fund, Community Chests and Councils of America created what i s known as i t s Labour Participation Department. The Department has a small staff recommended and approved by both the A. F . L . and the C. I. 0 . and stands i n the position of a service centre for chests and councils and other welfare organizations and labour groups i n the development of good relationships between labour and social welfare throughout the U. S. A. and Canada. To lend i t s f u l l weight to improving community health and welfare services, the founding convention of the A. F. L. - C. I. 0 . i n 1955 established a Community Services Committee. This committee was set up to stimulate the active participation by members and a f f i l i a ted unions i n the affairs of their communities, and the development of sound relationships with social agencies i n such communities. A statement of principles which explains clearly the union philosophy on community services was adopted by the A. F. L. - C. I. 0 . Executive Council i n 1956; i t i s presented i n Appendix C. The Canadian Labour Congress established a Welfare Services Committee with similar purposes to those of the Community Services Committee of the A. F . L . - C. I. 0 . A Resolution on Welfare Services, adopted by the C. L. C. i n Convention and therefore constituting a Statement of Pol icy, 15 i s provided in Appendix D. In effect, the C. L. C. has tended to take a pragmatic view of health and welfare services. It has been actively involved i n the work of private agencies. At the same time, the C. L. C. i s i n favour of a comprehensive system of social leg i s la t ion which, i f carried out, would at the least reduce the role of private agencies. E . Attitudes of Trade Union Members: Their Importance Some of the reasons for studying the attitudes of trade union members to health and welfare matters have been impl ic i t i n the foregoing discussion of the community, community organization for social welfare, the need for public understanding of social work, and the brief h i s tor i ca l review of co-operation between organized labour and social service organizations, both public and private. There are, however, further, pract ical reasons for conducting research within this area which i t would be well to mention before proceeding further. To begin with, labour union membership represents an important source of income, (which may be i n any given case either actual or potential) , for those private agencies which re ly heavily on voluntary contributions for their financing. In Vancouver, today, for example, the Community Chest i s i n a period of c r i s i s because of i t s fa i lure to raise the funds necessary for the maintenance and improvement of services, and because of the erosion of public good w i l l and confidence 16 towards the Chest and i t s fund-raising efforts. The Chest i s presently concerned with putting new emphasis on campaign efficiency and organization, with stressing the need for a re-shaping of the voluntary health and welfare f i e l d of service in Vancouver, and with a heavy concentration on year-'round interpretation of ac t iv i t i e s . The picture of the Community Chest i n Vancouver i s a continuously changing one; from an organization of 34* agencies i n 1931 the Chest has grown to encompass 65 different organiza-tions today. Over the years 66 new agencies have joined; 28 have merged, have had their functions assumed by government, have gone out of existence, or have withdrawn. The 1961 Annual Report of the Community Chests and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area states that "A large number of men and women s t i l l have to be convinced of the importance of United giving. Stat i s t ics from the 1961 report show that just half the employee force in Greater Vancouver gives at the place of work. The growth potential of the United Appeal i s high and i s of v i t a l importance as services continue to report increasing social problems and a need for more adequate f i n a n c i n g . n l One of the Chest's prime functions i s to create an awareness among cit izens of what services should properly receive Community Chests and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, Annual Report. 1961. The Chest and Councils, Vancouver, 1961. 17 voluntary financing and what services should be tax-supported. To be successful a United Appeal must encompass a major share of a community's voluntary health and welfare services. "Future gains i n scope and achievement," i t i s stated i n the Beport, " w i l l be made by convincing citizens in key groups to give wider support to the Chest's work with their gifts . . . These groups include men and women i n executive and management ranks, i n the professions and i n large employee groups. Individual backing as well as the backing of corpora-tions and labour i s v i t a l to the Chest's fu ture . " 1 It i s important, therefore, for the private agencies to know whether labour union members have beliefs or feelings about welfare questions which are l i k e l y to affect their level of giving. Gaining information of this kind would enable the private agencies to take remedial action by changing their ac t iv i t ie s i n the direction indicated by public sentiment, by attempting to correct misinformation, by attempting to soften unreasonable prejudices, or reconciling themselves to the loss of income by frankly recognizing that there i s a conf l ict of opinion which admits of no easy solution, or no solution at a l l . (Nor, i n this connection, should we forget that trade union members represent a potential population of recipients of the services provided by private health and welfare organizations).. Loc. c i t 18 Organized labour also maintains a considerable f inancia l stake in public welfare, both as a recipient of public welfare benefits and as a contributor to government revenues. For example, union members or their dependents can be expected to receive their proportionate share of veterans 1 pensions and allowances, assistance to the blind and the disabled, old age pensions and old age assistance, mothers' allowances, widows' pensions, family allowances, public health, and hospital expenditures. 1 Closely connected with the labour unions' active help i n rais ing and contributing the necessary funds for voluntary health and welfare agencies i s the participation of trade union members i n a variety of volunteer ac t iv i t i e s . Not only do labour members volunteer their time to provide such services as v i s i t ing the patients of mental hospitals or the inmates of prisons, and working with youth organizations, but they also participate as labour representatives i n community welfare councils and other social agencies. As we have observed above, i t i s axiomatic i n the traditions of North American private social work that the private social agencies are instruments, as i t were, of the popular w i l l in the sphere of charity. Accordingly, their government must be fundamentally representative i n character. Forsey, Eugene, "Labor's Stake in Welfare," Canadian  Conference on Social WorkT 1956, Ottawa, pp. 30-35. 19 The public 's rights and responsibi l i t ies do not cease with making donations but extend i n the f ie lds of policy making. For this reason, among others, v i r tua l ly a l l private agencies have a variety of constitutional devices for encouraging lay participation i n the creation of policy. The chief and best known of these devices i s the elected board of directors. In so far as representatives of labour on these boards bring to office recurrent and consequential attitudes about social wel-fare questions which w i l l influence the part they play i n the making of pol icy, i t i s again of considerable importance that these attitudes be known and be made exp l i c i t . There i s always the poss ib i l i ty that the attitudes of union members to social welfare questions w i l l colour and influence the attitudes of people who are not union members. The obvious f i e l d of application for this hypothesis would be the family c i rc le of union members. Too l i t t l e i s known of the ways i n which opinion i s originated and disseminated, but evidence does exist to suggest that the individual ' s voting behaviour (to take a re la t ive ly familiar example) i s strongly influenced by the p o l i t i c a l sentiments prevailing i n his own household. Thus a study of the attitudes of union members to social welfare questions might acquire an additional importance i n as much as the union members could serve as a source of opinion determination for wider sections of the public. 20 Two other related considerations bearing on the importance of determining the attitudes of trade union members to socia l welfare questions are the fact that unions frequently organize their own welfare services, and the fact that unions often have agreements with their employers providing for certain welfare services. In assessing the range and structure of any community's welfare resources, and the extent to which the fact of having organized their own services-either indepen-dently or i n co-operation with employers—colours the members1 views of the des i rabi l i ty of providing services under alter-native auspices, these two considerations would certainly need to be taken into account. Of course, i t i s important to be aware that i t has yet to be proved that the opinions of union members are in any systematic way different from those of the 'general pub l i c ' . For example, labour union members, considered as donors to private agencies, may i n fact be no more than representative members of the public as a whole, some of whom w i l l contribute to the agencies and some of whom w i l l not. For this reason i t may be objected that union membership i s an irrelevant frame of reference in the determination of public attitudes to social welfare questions, and we must confess immediately that this objection cannot be dismissed unt i l evidence i s speci f ica l ly available to show that i t i s false. 21 But on the other hand i t may also be said that: (1) the organizational apparatus of the unions constitutes a useful and ready-made social structure which can be employed, and, indeed, i s employed by the private agencies for public education and fund-raising purposes; and (2) labour union attitudes to social welfare questions may not be by and of themselves typical ly different from other possible attitudes to social welfare questions but they may be different by virtue of the fact that a majority of labour union members are also members of some other specific group, for example "the working classes", or those with a commitment (formal or merely tradit ional) to certain courses of social policy which have a bearing on social welfare questions. In any event, i t i s only by undertaking studies l ike the present one that a controversy such as this can be resolved one way or the other. Indeed, i t may i n the last analysis be the chief just i f icat ion of this type of inquiry that i t serves to show just what the significant structural co-variables of public opinion rea l ly are. F . The Immediate Circumstances of the Study This study of the attitudes of members of labour unions i n the City of Vancouver toward social welfare services has been sponsored by The Institute of Industrial Relations of the University of Br i t i sh Columbia. The Institute was created i n i960 by the Board of Governors of the University to engage i n an interdiscipl inary programme of research and education at the university and i n the community. 22 This exploratory study was prompted principal ly by the important role of labour organizations i n the financing and administration of social welfare agencies. The pract ical reasons for such a study have been outlined i n this f i r s t chapter. The main area of investigation involves a descriptive assessment of the attitudes of labour union members to a variety of social welfare questions. Chapter 2 contains a brief review of the history, present status, and probable outlook of labour unions. An analysis of the survey i s presented i n Chapter 3 preceded by a description of the methodology used i n the study. The f i n a l chapter involves an evaluation of the results of the survey followed by a discussion of possible areas for future research. CHAPTER 2 CHANGING SOCIAL BOLE OF THE TRADE UNIONS "A Trade Union, as we understand the term, i s a continuous association of wage-earners for the purpose of maintaining or improving the conditions of their working lives",*'" This def init ion seems to be as appropriate today as i t was i n 1919, as long as we add the words "salary-earners" to "wage-earners". It has generally been possible to identify three stages i n the evolution of trade unions i n North America and the United Kingdom. The f i r s t stage refers to the early origins of trade unions. In this stage, the workers seek to protect themselves against adverse working conditions and i n -adequate f inancial rewards. The second stage of trade union development i s marked by general recognition and acceptance of unions as legitimate inst itutions i n a free economy. The agreements between unions and management are not just products of the combined powers and vulnerabi l i t ies of the two sides. They have become formalized i n contracts negotiated on a basis of legal parity, and are maintained by attitudes of mutual respect. "htfebb, Sidney and Beatrice, The History of Trade  Unionism, 1666-1920, Printed by the authors for the Trade Unionists of the United Kingdom, 1919, p. 1. 2k In the third stage of union development, the position of the unions has become so well-established and secure that they have what one might term a quasi-constitutional status. They have a definite and legitimate policy-making role i n their own r ight . They participate i n decision-making processes i n many social spheres, including serving on boards of nationalized industries and advising governments of the methods to be used for war-time industr ia l and military mobilization. Of course, the three stages of development cannot always be distinguished. The stages merge into each other. There are times when unions appear to be regressing to an ear l ier stage of development. But the stages, as outlined above, do reveal a convenient framework within which we can analyze the particular development of the three countries with which we are concerned. A. Trade Union Development i n the United Kingdom The "Industrial Revolution" usually refers to the period i n Br i t i sh history, from about 1760 to 1820, during which B r i t a i n , as an economic unit, developed rapidly from a mainly r u r a l , agricultural status to that of a complex, industr ia l community. The rapidity of these changes was en-hanced hy the application of power to industry, the opening up of new trade areas with their promise of high profits on i n -vested capital and the increased use of machinery i n the production of goods. Together with this was the enclosing of the 25 common lands, forcing the labourers from their rural homes to the factories i n the new towns. Before the Industrial Revolution, wages had been fixed normally by the justices of the peace or other public authority. One result of the tremendous social changes taking place was that the new owners and employers set their own levels of pay. Thus arose the modern wage-earning class, who sold their labour for wages. Members of this group gradually developed a sense of sol idarity because of their common status vis-a-vis the new system. Out of this sol idarity was to grow the trade union movement as we know i t today, as both a reaction to and a protest against unbridled capitalism. The f i r s t type of reaction to capitalism and industrialism was one of sporadic, short-lived uprisings of labour i n a hopeless effort to change the economic system back to i t s stable, agricultural ways. The Luddite Movement was a skilfully-organized protest i n the Midland Counties against the inhuman machines that were competing with human labour. The "Luddites", in 1811, began breaking the machines, which were in the framework-knitters' homes, but were owned by the employers. From the Midlands, "Luddism" spread to Lanca-shire and Yorkshire, and the name was applied to a l l organized attacks on machinery for some time after the original movement had died down. In the vi l lage of Tolpuddle in Dorset, a group of agricultural workers formed a lodge of a Friendly Society of 26 Agricultural Labourers. They were promptly arrested and sentenced to seven years' transportation. These instances, and many others, were perhaps no more than isolated protests, but there were a growing number of working men combining together, despite persecution and the repressive Combination Acts of 1799 and 1 8 0 0 , which had, once and for a l l , made trade combinations unlawful. The Combination Acts were repealed, together with other acts against combinations i n particular trades, i n 182M-. Then came the Chartist movement, a radical economic movement which had the platform of reform of Parliament as a necessary means to economic changes. Following the collapse of Chartism in 184-8, the workers began to accept industrialism as a fact; they sought, then, to ameliorate their conditions by moderate reforms. This new era of trade unionism saw the emergence of the sk i l l ed craftsmen of the new industrialism. These groups of workers depended on mutual benefits and control of the supply of workers to enforce their demands. The Amalgamated Society of Engineers was formed i n 1 8 5 0 - 5 1 , the f i r s t big amalgamation of trade unions of a variety of sk i l l ed trades and a model for other unions. This was followed by the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners in l 8 6 l and from then on, trades councils were formed i n the larger towns to unite a l l the loca l unions i n the d i s t r i c t . 27 In 1868, the f i r s t Trades Union Congress met. It became strengthened further, i n 1871, when the Trade Union Act was passed, giving the unions legal status and protection for their funds. This new legal position of the unions brought about the second stage i n trade union development i n Br i t a in . The late l880's saw the development of large industr ia l unions of unskilled workers among the miners, dockers and general labourers who, i n contrast to the older craft union members, paid low dues and received few i f any friendly benefits. The new unions established their position beside the old , which began to adopt less exclusive policies under the influence of the new ideas. The new unionists l a i d great stress on agitation for a legal minimum wage, an eight hour day, and on the r ight to work—that i s , the obligation of the government to provide work, or some form of income maintenance for the unemployed. These demands converged in an aspiration toward independent p o l i t i c a l action by labour. This was i n contrast to the older, sk i l l ed , craft unions who had tended to seek p o l i t i c a l representation through the bourgeois Liberal Party in the hope that i t would act on behalf of the unions i n return for electoral support. The 'new* unionists formed the Independent Labour Party i n 1893, led by Keir Hardie. They set to work to capture the T. U. C. or to urge the trade unions themselves to form an independent working-class party. In I899, Keir Hardie was able 28 to influence the T. U. C. to abandon i t s policy of supporting Liberal candidates. F i n a l l y , i n 1906, the Labour Party came into being, created and dominated by the trade unions. In the same year i t gained 30 Parliamentary seats i n an election that returned the Liberal Party to power. This new unionism was socia l i s t i n i t s p o l i t i c s , although influenced more by Fabian reformism than by revolutionary Marxism. The Fabian Society, led by such people as Sidney and Beatrice Webb and Bernard Shaw, was d i s t inct ly non-Marxist in i t s p o l i t i c a l orientations. "In effect, i t rooted i t s e l f firmly i n established Br i t i sh ways of thought, and visualized Socialism as arising rather by a natural and gradual development of Br i t i sh inst i tutions and tendencies than by any process of revolutionary upheaval." 1 Thus, Fabian Socialism gave to the Independent Labour Party the thing they needed—an idea l i s t i c and pract ical programme of social reform. This second stage of union development, i n which the unions are legal ly recognized and p o l i t i c a l l y in f luent i a l , i s not a stage of continual growth and unchallenged involvement i n the p o l i t i c a l , economic and social l i f e of the country. There were wars, depressions and periods of acute industr ia l unrest. In addition, the law came into confl ict with the unions again. •"•Cole, G. D. H . , A Short History of the Br i t i sh  Working-Class:iMovementT 1789-1947T George Allen and Unwin L t d . , London, 1952, p. 289. 29 In the case of the Taff Vale Railway Company vs. The Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants (1901), i t was decided that a union could be sued for damages caused by i t s agents1 actions during a s tr ike. This decision, which threatened the right to s tr ike , was reversed by the Trade Disputes Act of 1906—the Labour Party's f i r s t important legis lat ive success. Again, i n 1909, W. V. Osborne, a branch secretary for the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants, sought to restrain the union from spending money to finance the Labour Party i n particular , and to restrain the union from any form of p o l i t i c a l ac t iv i ty . The House of Lords gave judgement i n the p l a i n t i f f ' s favour. This decision was reversed by the Trade Union Act of 1913, which allowed p o l i t i c a l action by unions, as long as the individual members who objected to p o l i t i c a l use of funds were allowed to "contract out". These decisions, and the fact that trade conditions were such as to slow down advances i n union ac t iv i ty , led to unrest among the members. A new idea sprang up, and won wide acceptance, of using Trade Unionism not merely as a means of defending wages and conditions, but as an offensive weapon in a war upon capi ta l i s t society . . . . Syndicalism and Industrial Unionism, and later Guild Socialism, became the gospels of the day among the younger Trade Unionists and S o c i a l i s t s . ! Ib id . . p. 321. 30 Syndicalism grew out of the disillusionment of the workers. They realised that democracy and capitalism were not improving working-class standards of l i f e . Syndicalism developed mainly i n France, but spread to England i n this period of unrest, As Alexander Gray says: "Syndicalism i s almost exclusively a theory of the class struggle,..and of the place of the strike (and ultimately of the General Strike) as a weapon of class warfare". 1 At the same time, another doctrine was permeating English thought. In the United States, and " . . . active chiefly among the low-paid immigrant workers, and i n strong h o s t i l i t y to the moderate policy of the main body of American Trade Unionists, the Industrial Workers of the World had from 1905 been preaching the doctrine of mass organization in f0ne Big Union" based on the direct antagonism of the working and p employing classes." Both these ideas influenced Br i t i sh thought and there began a trend to amalgamation of unions, to provide powerful weapons for achieving soc ia l i s t aims. At the same time Guild Socialism developed, possibly as a combination of Syndicalism and Industrial Unionism, but adapted more to Br i t i sh conditions. As Gray says:". . . they k i l l e d , and k i l l e d rather effectively, "'"Gray, Alexander, The Socia l i s t Tradit ion, Moses to  Lenin, Longmans, Green and Co . , London, 194-7 > p. 4-27. 2 Cole , op. c i t . . p. 323. 31 the old idea of State socialism, meaning thereby straightforward nationalization; and they showed that i t was rather a poor and unimaginative idea l . But having destroyed the old fa i th of socialism, they have provided no new abiding fa i th to take i t s p l ace . " 1 These new movements were cut short by the outbreak of the F i r s t World War i n 19lk. The end of the war in 1918 was followed by a further period of widespread strike action, interrupted by the defeat of the miners i n 1921, but revised in the general strike called i n 1926 in support of the miners. The defeat of the movement for a time seriously weakened the trade unions, but they recovered after the end of the depression in 1933> without resorting again to policies of mass action. The third stage of union act iv i ty can thus be described as the time in which the unions became securely entrenched i n the structure and fabric of society. Their membership becomes extensive, not only i n terms of numbers but also i n terms of their social range, i n that they begin to reach into the ranks of the 'white-collar 1 worker and of the service trades and industries.^ At the same time, however, they have achieved, i n large measure, the original aim for which the trade unions were established in the f i r s t place. That i s , they have secured, through economic and p o l i t i c a l action, such things as minimum wages and government assistance for the Gray, op. c i t . , p. 458 32 unemployed. Collective bargaining has become an accepted procedure, i n both the legal and social sense, for the securing of better working conditions. B. Trade Union Development i n the United States In the United States, the f i r s t stage of union development can be said to extend right through unt i l the New Deal of the 1930's, when for the f i r s t time government showed a consistently positive approach to the establishment of union organizations. In the eighteenth century, the United States had essentially a rura l , agricultural economy. This factor, together with the rapidly-expanding land frontiers , the high mobility of workers and the excellent individual opportunities for advancement, created a situation where doctrines of class-confl ict were unlikely to take root with the American people. Thus, there was sometimes l i t t l e need, and often l i t t l e opportunity for any major types of union organization. Other factors that influenced the slow growth of trade unions were the se l f -re l iant individualism of the people, the continual influx of immigrants, (which tended to create differences and confl icts between the wage-earners themselves), and the divis ion of State and Federal authority. The f i r s t organizations of labour came into being during the 1790's. The Philadelphia shoemakers founded a worker's organization i n 1792. It only lasted a year, but was 33 formed again i n 179*+ and continued unt i l l806. The f i r s t American trade unions were loca l craft unions concerned primarily with loca l craft problems. Often, the loca l craft unions became federated and were called 'Trades1 Unions'. They were or iginal ly formed to provide common support during str ikes , frequently maintaining a common strike fund. The •Trades' Unions' were also concerned with drives for the ten-hour day, free public schools and abolit ion of imprisonment for debt. During the l820 's , immigration was increasing, and labour became p lent i fu l . As a result , pay was small, hours long and working conditions poor. In addition, as the factories developed and overseas markets expanded, a great need for capital developed. To f i l l this gap came the Merchant Capita l i s t s . These men were importing merchants who possessed ample capita l . They " . . . bought raw materials, found a producer to manu-facture them into finished goods, and secured the markets for their sale.""** For the shop owner, this increased the pressure to maintain high profits and the only way to do this was to lower wages, hire women and children, and work long hours. As a resul t , recognition of the need for unions was again stimulated among the wage-earning class. However, they had to f ight the early anti-labour court actions and the prohibition of combina-tions. Many workers l e f t the c i t i e s and moved westward, "•"Foner, Ph i l ip S. , History of the Labour Movement i n  the United States, V o l . I , International Publishers, New York, 19^7, P. 68. 3k leaving the craftsmen as the only male adult employees of significant strength and influence. A l l labour organizations were slowed i n their develop-ment by the depression which began i n 1857. After the C i v i l War, however, numerous loca l unions were established throughout the industr ia l areas. The Knights of St. Cr i spin , a shoe workers1 union, was founded i n 1869, but i t collapsed i n the face'of wage cuts and the introduction of new machines. Two general trends of union formation were evident at this time. F i r s t , the centralizing of a l l loca l unions and, second, the forming of national bodies of a l l locals of the same craft . In 1866 the National Labor Union was formed, composed of national trade unions, loca l unions and reform organizations. Eventually, i t turned more and more to p o l i t i c a l action. The trade unions withdrew, and the National Labor Union f i n a l l y disbanded after an unsuccessful attempt to form a National Labor and Reform party. To circumvent employers' lockouts and blackl i s t s , many workers were led to meet secretly. The Noble Order of the Knights of Labor was established i n 1869 i n Philadelphia. It was made up of t a i lo r s , shoemakers, carpenters, miners, rai lroad and other organized and unorganized workers. During the l880's i t abandoned i t s practice of secrecy and i t s member-ship increased to more than a mi l l ion members. "The general and far-reaching aim of the Order was the substitution of a 35 co-operative society for the existing wage system, which i t hoped could be attained through education and legislation. 1 1""" In Chicago, on May 3rd, 1886, however, the Knights of Labor fa i led to support a general strike for the eight-hour day. The following day, i n Haymarket Square i n Chicago, violence erupted at a general public meeting called to protest the violence and police brutal i ty the day before. The outcome of this meeting, including the k i l l i n g of a policeman, swayed public opinion 2 against the unions. The Knights of Labor gradually lost i t s influence. During this period of s t r i fe and industr ia l growth and expansion, the American Federation of Labor came into being. The national craft unions had been attracted by the high idealism of the Knights of Labor, but they soon became dissatisf ied with i t s a l l - inc lus ive membership, notably because i t s actions and pol icies were often at odds with particular craft interests . The American Federation of Labor was formed i n 1886. Samuel Gompers, of the Cigarmakers1 Union was chosen the f i r s t president, continuing i n that of f ice , with the exception of one year, unt i l his death i n 1924. """Peterson, Florence, American Labor Unions, Harper and Brothers,New York, 19^5, P. 4. p An interesting and illuminating description of the Haymarket affair and the factors leading up to i t , including the part played by the large employers, i s given i n Foner, Phi l ip S. , History of the Labour Movement i n the United States, V o l . II , International Publishers, New York, 1955• 36 In contrast to the mixed assemblies of the Knights of Labor, complete autonomy was retained by each organised craft i n the American Federation of Labor. Each National union (International i f i t included Canadian locals) had i t s own constitution, i t s own rules for internal government, and i t s own procedures for dealing with employers.1 Sompers favoured centralization of authority i n the hands of union off icers , payment of dues large enough to permit the accumulation of large funds, and the adoption of a system of benefits to ensure union loyalty. The A. F. L. had as i t s aim the improving of working conditions, wages and hours, and not p o l i t i c a l and social reforms. From this base developed the philosophy of 'business unionism', which had the object of securing benefits for workers, enforced by trade agreements. To support their aims, the use of strikes, boycotts and picketing were to be employed. Growth was retarded, however, by the use, on the part of employers, of the lockout, b lackl i s t s , and jud ic ia l injunctions. For many years, the unions continued their fight against both the employers and repressive leg i s la t ion. The United Mine Workers of America was chartered by the A. F. L. i n I89O. The Industrial Workers of the World was formed i n 1905. It existed for many years with the avowed intention of advancing labor interests by direct p o l i t i c a l and economic action through 'revolutionary social ism'. However, being at odds with deep-rooted ideological trends in American l i f e , i t Peterson, op. c i t . , p. 6 37 was opposed by organized labour as well as by the employers, and soon disappeared as an effective force. World War I set i n motion forces that added great impetus to union growth. Because union leaders had served on war councils they had achieved greater prestige and influence for the unions, thus making i t easier for the lat ter to increase their membership. However, in the United States, the public acceptance of labour unions was delayed unt i l the period follow-ing the prolonged depression of 1929-1933* Another main reason for the absence of trade union growth during the twenties was the fa i lure to organize the expanding mass production industries. During this time also, industries were paying high wages, providing welfare schemes, pension plans, medical services, and so on. Employee stock ownership was encouraged, and i n many industries company unions were formed, to improve efficiency by encouraging automation, subdivision of processes and so on, as well as to fores ta l l the development of unions of a more independent stance. The second stage i n union development occurred during and after the depression. In 1932, " . . . organized labour received i t s f i r s t substantial protection and encouragement from federal leg i s la t ion. The Norris-LaGuardia Act . . . declared the workers' right to self-organization and col lect ive bargaining to be the public policy of the United States" . 1 In 1933, the Peterson, op. c i t . , p. 22 38 United States Industrial Recovery Act declared that employees had the right to organize and.bargain col lect ively through representatives of their own choosing, free from interference or coercion by employers. With this statutory charter of l i be r ty , the workers flocked into unions. In 1935, the National Labour Relations Act (the Wagner Act) was passed, providing a firmer constitutional basis for union ac t iv i t i e s , including col lect ive bargaining and self-organization. Mass production methods had given r ise to a vast number of unskilled and semi-skilled workers who had no effective voice i n the A. F. L. The A. F . L. had consistently tr ied to prohibit these men from joining, although some industr ia l unions were in fact a f f i l i a ted to the A. F . L. In 1935, the Committee for Industrial Organisations was formed, for the purpose of encouraging the unorganized workers i n mass production to organize on an industr ia l basis. The A. F. L. interpreted this as a threat to i t s e l f and accused the Committee for Industrial Organisations of setting up dual unions. By 1938, this committee had extended i t s power and influence and gained government sympathy and support. As a result., the Congress of Industrial Organisations was set up, including among i t s most important union members the United Steel Workers and the United Automobile Workers. Industrial workers thus acquired their own powerful, mil i tant , and dynamic voice. 39 In this New Deal period, labour entered the p o l i t i c a l f i e l d . The unions supported Boosevelt and his policies of l i b e r a l support to labour. During the war emergency the unions, with few exceptions, supported the government i n i t s efforts to enforce peaceful settlements of labour disputes. The National War Labor Board, formed i n 194-2, was a t r ipar t i te board composed of labour, industry and public members appointed by the president. It was charged with the responsibil i ty for ensuring the peaceful settlement of a l l labour disputes for the duration of the war and controlling the granting of wage and salary increases i n essential and war industries. After the war, unions again became mil i tant , with a consequent increase i n the number of strikes, part icularly i n industries unionized by the C. I. 0. There were growing demands for curbs on the power of labour. These demands originated primarily from three sources: the general public, who were concerned about the increasing number of strikes; the conserva-tive middle class groups with their long-standing suspicion of unionism; and the employers. As a consequence, Congress passed, in 1947, the Labor-Management Relations Act, commonly called the Taft-Hartley Act. This act provided protection and greater freedom of action for management, while restraining some union act iv i t ies including the power to c a l l nation-wide strikes that threatened the public health and interest . The union policy of permitting only union members to be hired by employers i . e . the closed shop, was 4-0 prohibited. Union shop policies were permitted i . e . non-union-i s t s could be hired, but they were required to join the union after a t r i a l period. The Taft-Hartley Act further provided that union shop agreements could not be entered into i n states i n which they were prohibited by state law. This provision touched off a series of bitter fights over the enactment of such measures in a large number of states. By 1956 "r ight-to-work" laws, as they became known, had been enacted i n 18 states, most of them i n predominantly agricultural areas that were seeking to attract industry. Neither p o l i t i c a l party i n the United States has made any attempt to repeal or amend the closed shop regulation up to this time and while holding a majority in the Congress. C. Trade Union Development i n Canada In Canada, because of the predominance of agriculture i n the national economy, the trade union movement has been comparatively limited i n scope unt i l recently. Trade unions were i n fact comparatively slow to develop i n Canada unt i l the middle of the nineteenth century. Up unt i l then, unionism was mainly confined to small trade unions set up by sk i l led handi-craft workers. However, i n the two decades after 1850, unionism expanded rapidly because of the influence of the expanding trade union movement i n Great Br i ta in and the United States. k-1 Canadian loca l unions during this period tended to a f f i l i a t e with the larger American organizations i n their respective industries and trades. At the same time, attempts were made to federate them into loca l councils. The Toronto Trades Assembly was formed in I871, representing 15 loca l unions. In 1872, the Assembly was tested when the printers i n Toronto went on strike for a nine-hour day. Soon after the walk-out began, a number of union leaders were ja i led for 'conspiracy 1 . Widespread agitation from unions and their supporters induced the Canadian government to pass new legis-l a t ion , modelled on that of Br i t a in ' s , freeing unions from l i a b i l i t y under the common law for conspiracy i n restraint of trade. This provision of legal sanction led to attempts to form one national body of unions. In I 8 7 3 the Canadian Labour Union was formed, but only lasted unt i l I 8 7 7 . At this time the Knights of Labor came into prominence i n i t s attempt to organize sk i l led and unskilled alike into loca l general labour unions. It lasted for more than a decade after i t had died out in the United States. A new Canada-wide federation was formed i n 1886. Arising from a convention of trade unions and the Knights of Labor, i t was called the Dominion Trades and Labour Congress, known from 1892 as the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada. Eventually, i n 1902, and under the influence of the A. F . L . , the k2 Knights of Labor were expelled. Thus did the T. L. C. become committed to a policy of working i n conjunction with inter-national unions. The Knights of Labor and a number of Canadian unions immediately formed the National Trades and Labour Congress, known from 1908 as the Canadian Federation of Labour. Despite their losses, the T. L. C. enjoyed rapid growth unt i l the 1920's. "In Canada, as i n the United States, maladjustments arising out of the war and culminating in the boom and collapse of 1920-1921 created widespread labour unrest and conf l ic t . Strikes and lock-outs reached an all-time high i n s ize, frequency and numbers involved during 1919"*"*" But the problems faced by the T. L. C. resulted in further defections. In Western Canada, in 1919, dissident T. L. C. a f f i l i a te s met to consider their future course of action. As a result of this meeting the One Big Union was organised i n opposition to the T. L. C. It proclaimed a policy of revolu-tionary unionism similar to that of the I. W. W., and launched a programme to organize workers by industries rather than by trades. Owing to i t s revolutionary appearance and i t s part i n the general strike i n the City of Winnipeg, repressive legis-lat ive action was taken. In addition, the T. L. C. strongly opposed the 0. B. U. and i t went into a long decline. Jamieson, Stuart, Industrial Relations i n Canada« Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New York, 1957, p. 38. *3 The enactment of the Wagner Act i n the United States i n 1935—which provided a constitutional basis for trade union act iv i t ie s such as col lect ive bargaining--resulted in agitation for similar legis lat ion in Canada. A more immediate effect, however, came from the C. I. 0. expulsion from the A. F. L. In 1938, the Canadian branches of C. I. 0. international unions were expelled from the T. L. C. They joined the All-Canadian Congress of Labour i n 19^0, when i t became known as the Canadian Congress of Labour. The outstanding development since the end of World War II has been the merger, in 1956, of Canada's major labour Federations to form the new Canadian Labour Congress. The preliminary agreement and f i n a l merger of the A. F . L. and C. I. 0. i n the United States in 1955 made a similar merger in Canada a foregone conclusion. The divisions between the two major labour congresses i n Canada had not been as deep, intense and pervading as i n the United States, in any case . l In 1956 also, the Canadian and Catholic Federation of Labour voted overwhelmingly i n favour of seeking means for a f f i l i a t ing with the new Canadian Labour Congress. D. The Present Status and Problems of Trade Unions Today there i s growing concern i n many western countries about the position and role of the trade unions in the social structure. Only a decade or so ago, the general public evinced 1 I b i d . , p. 53 kk great sympathy and support for the trade unions. People recognized that there was a need for labour to be organized, so as to bring the standards and conditions of l iv ing and working up to acceptable standards of decency, safety and comfort. Yet there are now. serious signs that many people are becoming hosti le to and angry about trade union ac t iv i ty . In the United States, certain sections of the popula-tion are becoming more and more concerned about the danger— whether real or imagined—of the unions acquiring monopolistic and irresponsible power. The Taft-Hartley Act, already referred to, i s perhaps an example of this change i n public opinion. In Canada, the public, or some sections of the public, i s more fearful , possibly, of the dangers, even i f unfounded, of the direct l ink between the trade unions and the former C. C. F . , formalized i n the New Democratic Party. In Great Br i t a in , the middle class public i s expressing a similar resentment and fear. In the three countries we have discussed, representa-tives of a l l major p o l i t i c a l parties, i n principle at least , uphold unionism and col lect ive bargaining as the fairest and most ef f ic ient means for regulating relations between workers and employers. What i s of concern to us at this time, however, i s not so much where the unions presently stand as where they w i l l go i n the future. In the U. K . , representatives of the unions s i t on the boards of nationalized industries and are consulted by the government and the employers. »+5 The unions had become i n a very rea l sense a part of •the establishment 1. Their association with the Government and employers on scores of committees of a l l kinds and their accepted right to be consulted on any subject affecting their members direct ly or indirect ly made them an important influence i n the nation*s councils and also, many people f e l t , imposed a respon-s i b i l i t y on them. They had become a part of the body of the State i n many of i t s intr icate ramifications, instead of being, as they once were, something outside the State and i n some senses a r i v a l power.1 The key words i n the above statement are " . . . imposed a responsibi l i ty oh them". With reference to the U. S. and Canada, Professor Jamieson writes: The survival and growth of a vigorous labour movement i s v i t a l for the preservation of democracy i n modern industr ia l society . . . . In the context of an industr ia l system dominated to an increasing degree by large and powerful aggregations of capi ta l , unions are necessary as a •countervailing force 12 to protect workers from exploitation and to ensure them a f a i r share of the proceeds from industry. Ful ly as important i s their role of protecting and enhancing the individual worker's sense of identity and self-respect against the arbitrary exercise of authority by management, and en-couraging their greater participation i n decision-making processes.3 "htfigham. E r i c , What's Wrong with the Unions?, Penguin Books, London, 1961, pp. 11-12. "^Galbraith, John Kenneth, American Capitalism, Houghton M i f f l i n Company, Boston, 1956. Professor Galbraith suggests that, i n a stable economy, the function of the Federal government should be to support the 'countervailing power* of the consumers. In other words, the buyers can and do exercise a controlling i n -fluence on the unlimited power of private industry. He goes on to say that strong unions develop as a 'countervailing power' to strong corporations. 3Jamieson, Stuart, "Labour Unionism and Collective Bargaining", Social Purpose for Canada, ed. Michael Oliver , University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 196l, p. 342. 4-6 Again, the key words i n this statement are " . . . encouraging their greater participation i n decision-making processes" and, we are tempted to add, the consequent need for a determinate and particularized sense of responsibi l i ty. Possibly because the U. K. has had the framework of a 'Welfare State' and also because the unions have had a p o l i t i c a l voice for over half a century, that country has already seen the participation of unions i n the policy-making ac t iv i t ie s of Parliament and i n various branches of government outside the legis lat ive chamber. In North America, on the other hand, the unions have had no specific and consistent voice i n Congress or Parliament. However, i n both the U. K. and North America, there has been a growing recognition of the need for and the log ica l i ty of trade union participation i n the affairs of the country. In North America, we have a growing mass of evidence to show that 'Big Business' contains an inherent trend towards the danger of monopolistic practice; that 'private enter-prise ' in i t s pure form i s unable to meet the public demand for f u l l employment and a high standard of l i v i n g ; that i t i s possible to control the seasonal and c y c l i c a l fluctuations i n employment; that inf la t ion and deflation are no longer necessary ev i l s ; and that interference with the free play of supply and demand does not result i n economic chaos. Can we s t i l l profess a belief i n pure or ideal private enterprise? Is i t not true to say that, in North America, we already have the beginnings of a planned economy, h7 indeed, even of a corporate society? Every day, various levels of government take a step further into the area of planning and control of the private sector of the economy. The 'conventional wisdom' i s being severely challenged i n a l l sectors of the economy. The question of concern to us, then, i s how the unions perceive their role i n the present economic and social system, and what characteristic perspective they have on their future a c t i v i t i e s . 1 "Most union leaders and members on this continent have been and are essentially pragmatic i n viewpoint and policy, and merely ref lect the more widely accepted values of North p American society, with a l l i t s strengths and weaknesses". Professor Jamieson goes on to say that, as a kind of mirror response to the business ethics of their employers, unions also have adopted a policy of free-enterprise and "business" unionism, i n pursuit of their private group interests. This often results i n a situation of scarcely more than "aim-inhibited" economic confl ict and competition. Thus, i f we were to ask the labour unions i n North America to 'hold the l i n e ' on wages for a certain period of time and for a stated purpose, what would their 1Baum, R. C. R. , The Social and P o l i t i c a l Philosophy  of Trade Unions, Unpublished Master's Thesis, Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 19b2. This thesis, under the sponsorship of the Institute of Industrial Relations, attempts to relate the p o l i t i c a l ac t iv i t ie s of trade unions to the social values of the society in which unions operate. 2 Jamieson, OP. c i t . , p. 35*+. if8 reaction be? The implication of the passing of acts l ike the Taft-Hartley Act i s that Congress and business, at least , believe that unions would put higher benefits for their members ahead of co-operation with their tradit ional opponents. At the same time, we have implied earl ier that increased union participation and influence i n the affairs of the State require a 'sense of responsibi l i ty ' from the unions. Can we ask them to act 'responsibly' when the free and morally arbitrary play of the market i s s t i l l permitted and governments have refrained from instigating any definite and clear methods for meeting human needs through government and enabling the unions to predict, with some degree of accuracy, the future status of their members? But here we can go one step further. In the U. K. the 'welfare state* has progressed beyond the North American stage of development. There, where planning i s more acceptable as a function of government, do the unions honour the ' responsibi l i ty ' we ascribe to them i n a planned or semi-planned economy? The answer, according to Michael Shanks, 1 i s a resounding negative. He states that the T. U. C . , for example, has been both unable (owing to lack of adequate power over i t s member unions) and unwilling to commit the labour movement to a wage.policy related to increased productivity. He attributes this fa i lure to many factors, including the 'working-class* "''Shanks, Michael, The Stagnant Society. Penguin Books, London, 1961. Shanks discusses the problems related to the en-couragement of economic expansion while maintaining stable prices^ **9 fear that, at any moment, they could f ind themselves 'on the dole' once again and thus at the mercy of the employers. These were the fears present and va l id i n the earl iest stage of union development, but Shanks contends that this fear remains even today,—in circumstances far less l i k e l y to justify i t . We have suggested that unions and union members do, or should in the future, participate more i n the implementing of social policies for the benefit of the tota l population. We can now go on to ask whether these same unions should participate i n the health and welfare arrangements of society, whether governmental or private. It should hardly be necessary to say that unions have participated in health and welfare plans for a number of years. In the U. S. and Canada, the union members have recognized the fai lure (or inappropriateness) of government i n the provision of comprehensive health and welfare programmes i n the past. Accordingly, they have attempted, through their unions, to compensate for these gaps i n security by demanding large wage increases and fringe benefits from private industry. Because of th i s , however, the benefits have mainly been obtained for members only, and have not been related to the needs of the tota l community. In the U. K . , on the other hand, the unions have, through p o l i t i c a l action, been inf luent ia l in the development of health and welfare programmes for the tota l population. hie says a drastic reform i s needed, f i r s t of the trade unions, and also of the whole system of industr ia l and class relat ions. He proposes a united, dynamic society, i n which trade unions should take their place, with government and business, i n the management of the economy. 50 We must now turn to the question of whether the North American unions fee l that they have any responsibi l i ty for the provision of tota l c i t izen services. Should they co-operate with the community chest and other private welfare agencies? Should they demand representation i n the shaping of the increasingly comprehensive and social ly strategic public health and welfare programmes? What do the members think? What are the union pol ic ies i n this matter? We shall now attempt to answer some of these questions. CHAPTER 3 THE ATTITUDES OF LABOUR TO SOCIAL WELFARE 1. Survey Procedure and Method of Sampling This chapter contains a description of the procedure and methods used i n this study. This i s followed by an explana-tion of the rationale for the questions, together with an analysis of the survey results . Our major methodological consideration i n this project was the problem of deciding which union or unions should be our objects of study. To help c lar i fy this problem a discussion was held with the Labour Representative of the Community Chest 1 i n Vancouver. It was recognised, at this time, that with the l ikel ihood of a maximum of 50 individual respondents (given the circumstances under which the study was being carried out) i t would not be possible to obtain any type of representative-ness of the trade union population as a whole. In addition, with the large number of trade unions, both craft and industr ia l (and completely ignoring the 'white-collar 1 and professional groups), i t would not have been possible to contact representatives of them a l l , even i n the most nominal fashion. Charles E . Lamarche, Labour Staff Representative, Community Chest and Councils of Greater Vancouver, Vancouver, B. C. 52 The largest union in western Canada i s the Inter-national Woodworkers of America, Western Canadian Regional Council Number 1. We therefore decided to contact this union, at least i n order to obtain a more detailed notion of what our procedural and methodological problems were l ike ly to be. We 1 met with the Financial Secretary of Local 1-217. We were offered the fu l les t co-operation possible regarding the pro-vis ion of membership l i s t s and other f a c i l i t i e s , and given total freedom to select any number or type of individuals without hindrance. At this point we decided to l imi t our consideration to the International Woodworkers of America, partly on the basis, mentioned above, that we could not hope to survey a truly representative selection of unions, and partly because this study i s a p i lo t survey of the opinion of trade union members toward public and private welfare services. It i s hoped that further studies, whether under the sponsorship of the Institute of Industrial Relations or other auspices should deal with other aspects of this important and significant area of research. In view of these various considerations, there-fore, we decided to aim for a representative sample of the one loca l union. S. M. Hodgson, Financial Secretary, International Woodworkers of America, Local 1-217, Vancouver, B.C. 53 The union records were examined to ascertain the method of recording the names of members. The 'rank-and-file 1 names, tota l l ing approximately 5,500 members, were recorded in two ways: f i r s t , by plant, and second, on index cards, i n alphabetical order on three large revolving drums. This latter system was the master system and most appropriate for our purposes. We decided to take a sample of 100 from this master index. We used a series of random sampling numbers,1 actually getting only 99 names, as one number turned up twice. From this number we excluded those members; l i v ing outside the City of Vancouver leaving us with 57 names. The shop stewards' names were l i s ted in a separate index. There were about 450 of these names and we used the same tables, although different numbers, to take off a sample of 4-0. Of these, 21 members actually l ived i n the City of Vancouver. We therefore had'the names and addresses of 78 union members, excluding the 8 o f f ic ia l s of this l oca l . A letter was sent to these members, introducing the two interviewers, outlining brief ly the general purpose of the survey and requesting their co-operation. The let ter was on the letterhead of the International Woodworkers of America and signed hy the Financial Secretary. "^Department of S ta t i s t ic s , University of London, University College. Tracts for Computers, ed. by E . S. Pearson, D. Sc. No. 15. Random Sampling Numbers. Arranged by L. H. C. Tippett, M. Sc . , Cambridge University Press, 19§0. 9* Shortly thereafter, four pre-test interviews were carried out with two rank-and-file members and two shop stewards respectively. The questionnaire was revised i n some respects before the main interviewing was carried out. The four pre-test interviews were not used i n the f i n a l compilation of data. It had been hoped or ig ina l ly , that interviews could be carried out on the employers' premises. This plan could not be followed, however, owing to the d i f f i cu l ty of arranging meeting times and the problem of taking the men off the job when r e l i e f men could not always be available. We therefore contacted the men, by telephone or personally at home, to arrange convenient times for the interviews. The circumstances under which the study was being carried out seemed to indicate that i t would be possible to interview some 30 rank-and-file members and 15 shop stewards. We had no way of knowing whether the opinions of the shop stewards would show any significant differences from those of the rank-and-file. It was anticipated, however, that the shop stewards, owing to their greater participation and (possibly) greater interest i n the union, would be more aware of, concerned with and informed about the subject which we were studying. Of the 57 rank-and-file members with whom contacts were attempted interviews were actually completed with 22; 5 members had moved from their l i s ted addresses and could not be 55 contacted within the time period al lotted for the inter-viewing; 6 members could not speak English suff iciently well to understand the questions; 10 members were not contacted at a l l because no reply was received at their home after two attempts, on different dates, to contact them had been made. The other 12 members refused to be interviewed, giving a variety of reasons for their refusal , such as—"I don't know enough about the subject 0 ; "I think you are trying to s e l l something"; "I am too busy". We should have l iked to see more of the members who were not properly contacted, but l imitations of time became an important factor. Of the 19 shop stewards contacted, 18 were actually interviewed, and 1 member had moved and was not located. We realised that the resultant sample would be heavily weighted in favour of the shop stewards ( i f they were to show significant differences), but we wished to have as large a number of interviews as possible. We ended up with 22 rank-and-file and 18 shop stewards, for a total of 4-0 members interviewed. The data from the 4-0 interviews were combined for purposes of analysis, although a separate analysis of the shop stewards was carried out, and significant differences were noted. An obvious example of a major difference was that a l l the shop stewards who were contacted agreed to be interviewed. This raises the question of whether the opinions of the rank-and-file members who were not contacted, for whatever reason, would have 56 affected the f i n a l results . On the other hand, however, the rank-and-file members who were contacted had both positive and negative opinions, and there does not appear to be any reason to suppose that those who refused would necessarily have tended to be either more or less positive, though i t remained a poss ib i l i ty that this was in fact so. We should l ike at this time to report that in fact there were very few significant differences between the rank-and-file and shop stewards. We used as our basis of differentiation the fact of 10 percentage points variation i n the responses of the two groups. To our surprise, there was only one question which revealed a degree of difference i n excess of 10 percentage points. This difference w i l l be recorded i n the analysis. The only other significant difference i s that a much higher percentage of 'don't know' or 'no opinion' responses was obtained from the rank-and-file members. This would tend to support the contention, above, that the rank-and-file members who refused to be interviewed may only have added a higher percentage of 'don't know's', rather than tending to be necessarily more or less positive. 2. Rationale of the Questions The questionnaire used for the pre-test i s shown i n Appendix A. Following the pre-test, changes were made i n several questions and the questionnaire i s shown i n i t s f i n a l form i n Appendix B. 57 The tota l questionnaire was designed to obtain the opinions and attitudes of trade union members toward public and private welfare services. Out of the multitude of questions that are theoretically possible for the purpose of assessing attitudes, we have selected six main areas. A. Personal Information Although the personal questions numbered 6 to 13 inclusive, were considered necessary, they were located in the questionnaire following several introductory questions concerning health and welfare services in relat ion to union sponsorship. The personal questions covered such things as age, occupation, education, length of union membership and offices held i n trade unions. The names of the members were known, of course, but anonymity was assured for a l l respondents. It could not be known, prior to the analysis of the data, whether the personal information could be used as a basis for establishing significant differences i n response. B. Levels of Information and Knowledgeability Questions Ik and 15, and 17 to 21 inclusive, were designed to determine the levels of information and knowledge-a b i l i t y of the union members. This i s an area of primary concern because no meaningful study can be made of attitudes unt i l i t can be determined that the subjects of the study have some minimum awareness of the matters to which i t i s supposed they possess attitudes. 58 Questions Ik and 15 asked for the kind of referra l the respondents would make i f friends who were experiencing chi ld problems or marital conflicts asked the members for advice. From the replies to these two questions we hoped to obtain a statement of the members' knowledge, or lack of knowledge of community services. In addition, we wanted to know i f the members saw problems of chi ld behaviour and marital discord as suitable concerns for community health and welfare services. Questions 17 to 21 covered the area of the members' awareness of the relationship between the Trade Unions and the Community Chest. C. Attitudes of Trade Union Members Questions 1 to k, 16, and 22 to 26 inclusive were designed to determine the attitudes of unionists to certain health and welfare matters. Questions 1, 2 and 3 asked whether unions should be concerned with health and welfare matters and, i f not, whether this concern should be for members only or the whole community. Questions >+, 16 and 25 asked whether unions should operate their own health and welfare programmes; i f not, should this be i n spite of, or instead of, similar community services. These latter questions were located at separate parts of the questionnaire to enable us to test the consistency of the opinions of the members, without the members havifgthe aid of the alternatives before them at the time the question was asked. 59 Questions 22, 23 , 24- and 26 were opinion questions, i n which an attempt was made to ascertain the views of the members concerning the Community Chest and fund-raising. It i s well known that the Community Chest, or United Fund, i n most areas of North America, i s faced with the problem of necessary expansion of services. At the same time, this requires steadily-increasing f inancial support. I f trade union membership i s a meaningful reference group for the members, i t follows that the opinions of the members concerning the Community Chest are important, for three reasons. 1. If the members are generally i n sympathy with the aims of the Community Chest, the trade unions then become a large present or potential source of funds. 2. If the members are opposed to the Community Chest, we must either accept the fact that one major population group i n the community i s not a source of funds, or different and more appropriate efforts must be made to enl i s t their support. 3. Whatever may be the members' opinions, do these same opinions bear any relationship to the opinions of the o f f i c i a l s of the particular union? In addition, how do these opinions compare with the o f f i c i a l policy statements of this union; also because this union i s a f f i l i a ted with the A. F. L . - C. I. 0. and the C. L. C , what are the o f f i c i a l policies of the national organizing bodies? D» Responsibility for Health and Welfare Services Question 5 was designed to f ind out to whom the union members would assign the responsibil i ty for a variety of health and welfare services. The respondents were given a l i s t of health and welfare services and asked to state who 60 should be assigned the responsibil i ty for providing these services: federal, provincial or municipal government, private agencies, union, or management. Some of the health and welfare services i n this l i s t are provided by Community Chest agencies. Others were recognized government services and two services, health insurance and retirement pension, referred to programmes that were not available to .the tota l population. The answers to this question could be contrasted with the views of the union o f f i c ia l s and, again, with the policy statements of the national union bodies. E . Importance of Social Problems Questions 27 and 2 8 were designed to discover trade union members' opinions of the importance of certain social problems. In question 2 7 ? the respondents were given a l i s t of ' soc ia l problems' with which welfare services are designed to deal. This l i s t was restr icted, therefore, to the specific area of health and welfare. The members were asked to select from this l i s t the three problems that they considered the most important, i n their order of importance. In question 28 , the respondents were given a l i s t of what were termed 'topics of concern to Canadians', and they were asked anew to rate these topics. However, the l i s t for this question included the three choices that the respondents had selected from question 27 , i n addition to such topics as 61 •abolit ion of capital punishment1. The purpose of these two questions was, therefore: f i r s t , to obtain the opinions of the members about pr ior i t i e s in health and welfare; secondly, to ascertain their views about the pr ior i t i e s of these same health and welfare problems i n relation to general topics other than health and welfare. We hoped therefore to ascertain the level or degree of concern that union members may possess about health and welfare matters in their normal day-to-day ac t iv i t ie s when they are exposed to numerous problems of a varied nature. F » Perception of Social Workers Questions 29 to 3k inclusive were constructed i n order to obtain some idea about the unionists" perception of social workers. Questions 29 and 30 asked for general information about any contacts the respondents may have had, direct ly or ind i rec t ly , with social workers or social work agencies. From these questions, we hoped to obtain facts about two areas of concern: (1) i f the respondents had had contacts, we should expect that they would be more knowledgeable when answering further questions about social workers; (2) we wanted to know i f the sampled persons were members of the social class generally believed to be in receipt of a large part of many of the community social services. Question 31 asked whether the respondents believed that social workers needed special formal education and, i f so, 62 at what academic l eve l . In other words, do the trade union members perceive social workers as members of a profession in possession of, or requiring, specialized knowledge and sk i l l s to f u l f i l their responsibi l i t ies to the community in an adequate way? Question 32 was aimed at e l i c i t i n g opinions about the appropriateness of the salaries paid to social workers, in terms of whether they are overpaid or underpaid. Question 33 required the members to be more specific about what they thought social workers received as annual incomes. These latter two questions, again, were aimed at the respondents' perception of social workers as a specific occupational group. Question 3*f asked the members to compare social workers, on a basis of income, with seven other occupational and professional groups. This question was more specific i n attempting to obtain the respondents' views about the relat ive importance or status of social workers in the community. 3» Analysis of the Survey 1 A. Personal Information There were eight questions, from 6 to 13, designed to obtain information about the individuals being interviewed. For the remainder of Chapter 3 when referring to both the rank-and-file and shop stewards we shal l use the term 'rank-and-file ' . 63 (Question 6t In what age group are you? The age distr ibution of the rank-and-file unionists i s as follows: Under 30 4-0 - 3 9 9 0 - 4 9 17 50 or over 10 40 As well as the rank-and-file members, f ive union o f f i c i a l s were also interviewed. Two o f f i c i a l s were between 30 - 39 years of age, two between 4-0 - 49, and one under 30 years of age. (Question 7: Country of Birth? Of the 45 trade unionists interviewed, 33 were born i n Canada. A l l but one of the shop stewards were born i n Canada. A l l the o f f i c i a l s were born i n Canada. The following i s a l i s t of the countries other than Canada where the unionists were born (with the number of respondents born there, i n brackets): Russia (3), Poland (3), Germany (2), United Kingdom (2), Hungary (1), and China (1). Question 8: How long have you l ived i n Canada? The average length of residence i n Canada of the trade union members not born i n Canada was 22 1/2 years, ranging from 6 to 50 years. Question 9: Present occupation? There were 5 sk i l led tradesmen interviewed during the survey—one e lectr ic ian , one steam engineer, one welder, and two carpenters, along with 20 sk i l l ed labourers, 9 labourers, and 6 maintenance men. The o f f i c i a l s interviewed were the president, the f i r s t vice-president, the second vice-president, the third vice-president, and the 6*t f inancial secretary of the loca l union. Except for the third vice-president, who i s an unpaid o f f i c i a l and i s employed as a sk i l l ed labourer i n a plant, the o f f i c ia l s hold full-time paid positions. Question 10: Length of membership in (a) trade unions, (b) I. W. A.? The length of membership i n trade unions of the men and women interviewed ranged from 7 months to hh years with an average of 15 years. Within the I. W. A. i t s e l f , the length of membership ranged from 6 months to 21 years with an average of 11 1/2 years. There were 20 out of the kO rank-and-file members who had belonged only to the I. W. A. i n their union membership. The o f f i c ia l s had belonged to trade unions for an average of 20 years; they had belonged to the I. W. A. for an average of 15 years. Question 11: Offices held i n the I. W. A. (a) at the  present time (b) i n the past? There were 18 members of the survey group presently serving as shop stewards along with one member who served on a welfare committee, and one member who served on a credit union committee. Of the individuals who stated that they had held offices in the past, 5 had been shop stewards, 2 had been on plant committee's, 2 on safety committees, and 2 on welfare committees. In other words, 23 out of kO of the survey group had at one time or another served as shop stewards. 65 The present o f f i c ia l s had held a variety of offices i n the past including the positions of shop steward, plant chairman, education committee chairman, grievance committee chairman, third vice-president, vice-president of the Regional Council Number One, international board member, and executive board member of the Canadian Labour Congress. The o f f i c i a l s , therefore, had a great deal of experience i n union affairs before being elected to their present positions. Question 12: Offices held i n other unions? Only 2 rank-and-file members reported that they had held offices i n other unions, both as shop stewards; one of these men was now a shop steward i n the I. W. A . , the other was not. None of the present o f f i c ia l s had held offices i n other unions. Question 13: Grade of school finished? Results to this question were as follows, (with the number of respondents completing the grade, in brackets): Grade 3 ( l ) j Grade 1 (3); Grade 8 (17); Grade 9 (4); Grade 10 (6); Grade 11 (3); and Grade 12 (6). The following training levels had been achieved, each by separate individuals : a 4-year apprenticeship as a steam engineer; a 3-year apprenticeship as an e lectr ic ian ; and a 3-year teaching cert i f icate in a European country. Two men had completed 4-year night school courses i n e lec t r i ca l main-tenance . The o f f ic ia l s had reached the following levels of education, (with the number of men completing the grade, i n 66 brackets): Grade 7 (1), Grade 10 (1); Grade 11 (2); and Grade 12 (1). One man had also completed a 2-year business course. B. Levels of Information and Knowledgeability There were seven questions, 14- and 15, 17 to 21, designed to determine the levels of information and knowledge-ab i l i ty of the trade union members. Question iki Let us suppose some friends of vours  have a serious problem concerning their ch i ld ' s destructiveness  i n the home and they ask where they can go for help. What  would you t e l l them? A l i s t of the sources of service suggested by the rank-and-file unionists i s shown i n Table 1. A considerable awareness of public and private agencies was shown by the trade union rank-and-file members. The variety of answers indicated in Table 1 shows not only that trade union members have some famil iar i ty with the existence of health and welfare resources but also that they accept the existing services as resources to be used for diagnosis and treatment. It can be seen from Table 1 that 55 per cent, of the unionists were oriented to community health and welfare services, whether i t be a professional person, a private agency, or a public department. Ten per cent, of the men and women interviewed were oriented to the church. It was f e l t by the interviewers that the 5 per cent, who mentioned the police or •private agency and lawyer' conceived the answer i n terms of d i sc ip l ine . 67 Table 1. Suggested Sources of Service: Child Problem Source No. Per Cent. Total Driented to health and welfare services Welfare Chi ld Welfare Metropolitan Health Unit Psychiatrist Children's Aid Health Inspector Doctor Children's Doctor 5 2 1 7 3 1 2 1 12.5 5.0 2.5 17.5 7.5 2.5 5.0 2.5 55.0 Oriented to the church Church k 10.0 10.0 Oriented to •self-help » Friends Deal with at home 3 7 7.5 17.5 25.0 Other s Police Private Agency and lawyer 1 1 2.5 2.5 5.0 Don't Know 2 5.0 5.0 Total ko 100.0 100.0 Twenty-five per cent, of the unionists stated that .the problem of the ch i ld ' s destructiveness should be settled within the family or with the help of friends or neighbours. This concept of ' se l f-help ' may be the consequence of a number 68 of factors. To begin with, these persons may not be aware of existing services. Even i f the individuals know of the exis-tence of certain community resources, their attitude toward the services may be a possible deterrent. Although no one person said as much, to some individuals the whole idea of using a welfare service i s distasteful because i t clashes with their concept of self-rel iance. Also connected to the idea of self-reliance may be the notion that the use of welfare services i s degrading and humiliating. Some of the trade union members wanted to know the degree of seriousness associated with the word "destructiveness 1; i t was suggested to them that the ch i ld ' s behaviour was beyond the control of the parents for reasons of which they were unaware. Only 2 individuals were unwilling to state a reply. Answers to question Ik, therefore, ranged from the concepts of self-help and discipl ine (police) to the awareness of treatment available from professionally qualified practitioners. "The psychiatrist would know whether a chi ld i s mentally i l l or just plain bad" was the reasoning of one person. Another said: "A psychiatrist i s good at handling children and we must remember that the parents are to blame." Certainly very few, i f any, of the men and women interviewed were able to draw upon first-hand experience to answer this question. Nevertheless, recognition and acceptance of available community health and welfare services i s very evident. 69 The answers of the o f f ic ia l s to question 14- showed a considerable orientation to community health and welfare services. The sources of service and information mentioned by the o f f i c i a l s were a physician, the Children's Aid Society, the City Social Service Department, the Information Service of the Community Chest, and the permanent labour representative at the Chest. These latter two replies show a specific knowledge of referra l sources which no rank-and-file members were able to state. Question 15: Let us suppose some friends of yours have  a serious marriage problem and they ask you where they can go  for help. What would you t e l l them? The l i s t of the answers to this question i s shown i n Table 2. It can be seen that 50 per cent, of the trade union rank-and-file members selected 'the pastor' as the primary source of assistance with a marriage problem. Twelve and one-half per cent, of the members suggested a marriage counsellor as their f i r s t choice of re ferra l . One individual referred to a general welfare agency. It i s interesting, to go further, that three persons mentioned 'the pastor 1 as a second choice and four persons referred to a marriage counsellor as the alternative—in each case, to the pastor. The role of the clergy i n marriage counselling i s clearly recognized in the answers to this question. The recognition of a marriage counsellor as a separate entity from 70 Table 2. Suggested Sources of Service: Marriage Problem Source No. Per Cent. Total Oriented to health and welfare services Marriage Counsellor Welfare 5 l 12.5 2.5 15.0 Oriented to the church Church 20 50.0 50.0 Oriented .to 1 self-help 1 The couple themselves The friend himself If 1 10.0 2.5 12.5 Others Private agency and lawyer Divorce lawyer Community 'board' Health Inspector 2 1 1 1 5.0 2.5 2.5 2.5 12.5 Don't Know k 10.0 10.0 Total ko 100.0 100.0 the church was also clearly indicated although no one stated under whose auspices a marriage counsellor works. One person's reasoning was reflected i n his comment that the problem would be handled with more privacy by the church than by any other community agency. 71 General awareness and acceptability of community services are indicated i n the following repl ies : a private agency and a lawyer (combined as one resource by two people); a divorce lawyer; and a health inspector. The individual who referred to a 'board' of responsible community individuals showed l i t t l e awareness of existing services. Ten per cent, admitted that they did not know what to do i n such a situation. The concept of ' se l f-help ' was suggested by 12.5 per cent . , 7*5 per cent, who f e l t the problem could be most adequately dealt with by the married couple themselves, and 2.5 per cent, who thought that they themselves might try to help the couple with their problem without any further outside assistance. The pride i n self-reliance i s inherent i n these repl ies , along with the possible feeling that using other services i s distasteful and perhaps humiliating. The answers of the o f f ic ia l s to question 15 were as follows: a physician, a marriage counsellor, the Information Service of the Community Chest, the permanent labour representa-tive at the Chest, and the concept of ' se l f -he lp ' . The o f f i c i a l s , therefore, showed a considerable orientation to health and welfare services, although one man maintained that 'to help onesel f i s the best policy to follow in the handling of a marriage problem. References to the Information Service and the labour representative at the Community Chest i l lus t ra te an awareness of two specific resources for information which the rank-and-file did not show. 72 In the replies to questions 14- and 15, therefore, i t i s c learly demonstrated that trade union members are aware of existing health and welfare services. At the same time, many individuals maintain fa i th i n the concept of self-help. Question 17: So social welfare agencies render their  services to a l l income groups? No. Per Cent. Yes 20 50 No 13 32.5 No Opinion 7 17.5 40 100.0 The replies to this question—the f i r s t in a series of f i v e , designed to determine further the levels of under-standing and knowledgeability of trade union members—illustrate a variety of opinions. F i f ty per cent, of the rank-and-file stated that social welfare agencies render their services to a l l income groups. There were only two individuals who showed exceptional awareness by pointing out that while social welfare agencies are available for people of a l l incomes i t i s most unlikely that such community services are used by a l l income groups. It can be said that many union members are most familiar with the concept of social assistance and f ee l , there-fore, that social welfare agencies do not render their services to a l l income groups. The fact that one-half of the men and women interviewed answered either 'no 1 or 'no opinion* shows that their understanding of private agencies i s not clear. 73 Eighty per cent, of the o f f ic ia l s gave "yes1 as the answer to this question. One o f f i c i a l dissented: he did not think that social welfare agencies provided service to a l l income groups; he thought, however, that wealthy people were able to ' p u l l strings' and receive the service to which he (the o f f i c i a l ) believed that they were not entitled. 1 The certainty of the 80 per cent, in replying to the question was considerably more emphatic than the answers of the rank-and-file. The of f ic ia l s quickly recognized that people i n the higher income brackets were less l i k e l y to use community welfare services than people of low incomes. They were familiar with the concept of 'the means test ' and i t s use in some facets of loca l services. Question 18: How many organizations dd.es the Community  Chest support? Ho. Per Cent. k2 9 22.5 65 20 50.0 87 3 7.5 101 2 5.0 Don't Know 6 15.0 kO 100.0 Fi f ty per cent, of the rank-and-file correctly stated that there were 65 agencies supported by the Community Chest i n Vancouver. A few individuals admitted guesswork but many re-cal led the correct number from the recent fund-raising campaign. Three or four members referred to news stories about agencies withdrawing from the common fund; they were not certain whether 7h such withdrawals had occurred and they thought that 66 or 67 might be the correct answer. Again, as i n question 17, f i f t y per cent, gave an incorrect answer or did not want to make a guess. 'Don't Know1 was the reply of 15 per cent, of the unionists interviewed although this was one of the few questions i n which 'Don't Know' or 'No opinion 1 was not provided as an alternative. The interviewers were surprised to find that only two o f f i c i a l s knew the correct answer to this question. Two o f f i c i a l s said there were 101 agencies i n the Community Chest. One o f f i c i a l said that he did not know. It might well be said that i f the majority of o f f i c ia l s are not aware of the answer to this straightforward question then i t i s not surprising i f a majority of the rank-and-file do not know the correct answer. Question 19: Do you believe that organized labour  and community chest agencies should work together? No. Per Cent. Yes 29 72.5 No 7 17.5 No Opinion 4- 10.0 ko 100.0 Question 20: Do you think that most labour leaders in Vancouver want their unions to co-operate i n the Community Chest? No. Per Cent. Yes 28 70.0 No 6 15.0 Don't Know 6 15.0 *f0 100.0 75 (Question 211 Do you think that most Community Chest  leaders are interested in gaining the co-operation of organized labour? No. Per Cent. Yes 27 67.5 No 6 15.0 Don't Know _7 17.5 •+0 100.0 Results from questions 19, 20 and 21 indicate that trade union members def initely favour organized labour and community chest agencies working together and that they think the leaders of both groups want to co-operate with each other. The leaders, meanwhile, showed no such unanimity i n answering the same questions. The o f f ic ia l s answered question 19 differently both in content and emotion from the union rank-and-file. Sixty per cent, of the o f f ic ia l s said that organized labour and the Community Chest should not work together; this reply was based on the fact that they do not believe in the Community Chest. The o f f i c i a l s made their feelings known i n no uncertain terms. They f e l t that health and welfare services should be a government responsibi l i ty and that union membership i n the Community Chest could only serve to prolong the responsibi l i t ies of private welfare, a state of affairs to which they were very much opposed. It i s surprising to find such a variance of opinion between the majority of the rank-and-file and the majority of the o f f i c i a l s . The opinions of the o f f i c ia l s in particular could have serious implications for the community's private agencies. 76 The of f ic ia l s themselves found i t d i f f i c u l t to answer question 20; and there was a surprising diversity in their conclusions. Forty per cent, replied 'yes 1 , *+0 per cent, had •no opinion' , and 20 per cent, answered 'no ' . It would seem that the o f f i c ia l s are uncertain of their role as union leaders i n relationship to the community's private health and welfare resources. Eighty per cent, of the o f f i c i a l s recognized i n question 21 that Community Chest leaders are interested i n gaining labour's co-operation—primarily for f inancial reasons, they said. The of f ic ia l s made no mention of union participation i n welfare planning or on agency boards and committees. It was clear to the interviewers—as a result of comments added to the unionists' answers—that the f inancial purposes of the Community Chest were most frequently i n the minds of the men and women interviewed. There were no references to union participation i n welfare planning or on agency boards and committees. Several trade union members referred specif ical ly to the Chest and unions co-operating for f inancial advantages and suggested that 'contribute' might well have been substituted for 'co-operate' in these questions. They seemed desirous of emphasizing the difference between contributing to and of co-operating with the Community Chest. Certainly the results to these questions i l lus t ra te the awareness of trade unionists of the need for both groups to co-operate—at least for fund-raising purposes. 77 C. Attitudes of Trade Union Members There were ten questions, 1, 2, and 3, 4, 16, and 25, 22 and 23, 24 and 26, that were specific att i tudinal questions. The f i r s t series of questions i n the questionnaire was designed to determine the attitudes of trade union members towards the union's role i n what was generally phrased as 'health and welfare matters'. To supplement these general questions were others about the union's operation of i t s own health and welfare programmes. Question 1: In your opinion, should a union be concerned with health and welfare matters? No. Per Cent. Yes kO 100.0 No — No Opinion - -*f6 100.0 Question 2: In your opinion, should a union be concerned with the health and welfare of union members only? No. Per Cent. Yes 21 52.5 No 19 47.5 No Opinion — 4"0 100.0 Question 1: In your opinion, should a union be concerned with the health and welfare of the whole community? No. Per Cent. Yes 19 4-7.5 No 21 52.5 No Opinion — 78 It can be seen from question 1 that the rank-and-file trade union members unanimously agreed that a union should be concerned with health and welfare matters. Questions 2 and 3, however, registered a clear difference of opinion, with 52.5 per cent, of the members indicating that a union should think of i t s members' health and welfare as a solitary venture, something apart from the rest of the community. This disturbing s tat i s t ic i l lus trates that a great many trade unionists do not yet perceive the union as a co-operating unit in a larger society, but rather as a self-suff icient working-man's group. The o f f i c ia l s also showed 100 per cent, agreement i n question 1 that a union should be concerned with health and welfare matters. In question 2 the o f f i c ia l s were again un-animous, this time that a union should be concerned with more than the health and welfare of union members only. The majority of the answers of the rank-and-file, as we have seen, were opposed to this point of view. A l l the o f f ic ia l s recognized in question 3 that a union should be concerned with the health and welfare of the whole community. Question kt In your opinion, should unions operate  their own health and welfare programmes? No. Per Cent. Yes 25 62.5 No 12 30.0 No Opinion 3 7.5 »+0 100.0 79 Two other questions, 16 and 25, designed to complement question h, were introduced at separate places in the question-naire. Answers to these questions indicated less certainty about the union's provision of services than i n question 4-. Question 16: In your opinion, should unions operate  their own health and welfare programmes only when other agencies  cannot supply needed services? No. Per Cent. Yes 25 62.5 No 15 37.5 No Opinion - -40 100.0 Question 25: In your opinion, should unions operate  their own health and welfare programmes even i f other agencies  already supply them? No. Per Cent. Yes 16 1+0.0 No 22 55.0 No Opinion 2 5.0 ho 100.0 Although the replies to questions 16 and 25 are certainly not unanimous i t i s possible to say that approximately 60 per cent, of the rank-and-file trade union members see the need for organized labour to work within the existing structure of health and welfare organizations wherever these are satis-factory, rather than create i t s own duplicating network of f a c i l i t i e s and services. 80 Although 62.5 Per cent, of the rank-and-file approved the idea that unions; should operate their own health and welfare programmes none of them volunteered to explain their reasons. The o f f i c i a l s , 80 per cent, of whom said 'yes 1 to question qualif ied their statements by explaining that unions have to operate their own programmes because present government provisions are completely inadequate. One o f f i c i a l pointed out that the chief programme areas for the union i n health and welfare matters involve counselling and representation on workmen's compensation disputes and on unemployment insurance problems, and providing informa-tion for union members on social assistance, i n the medical services plan (M. S. A . ) 1 , and on loans. Again, i n question 16, the o f f i c i a l s were more specific i n providing their answers. Sixty per cent, said 'yes ' , 40 per cent, said 'no 1 . The interviewers were reminded that some of the o f f i c ia l s believe that government should be responsible for a l l services. One o f f i c i a l f e l t , however, that there are some counselling duties which the union i s more appropriately equipped to handle than a government department. Question 16 was the only place where the answers of the shop stewards were s ignif icantly different from the members' M. S. A. (Medical Services Association) i s a service organization operating a medical service plan on a non-profit, prepayment and voluntary basis for and by i t s members—employers, employees and doctors, and underwritten by the doctors of Br i t i sh Columbia. 81 who.Ldid not hold any offices. Sixty-seven per cent, of the shop stewards answered 'no' whereas a similar majority of the non-office holders had answered 'yes' to this question. The o f f i c i a l s 1 replies to question 25 were kO per cent, •no ' , kO per cent. !no opinion 1 , and 20 per cent. 'yes 1 . One o f f i c i a l qualif ied his remarks by pointing out that i f "other agencies" meant private agencies, his answer would be 'yes ' , but i f "other agencies" meant government, then his answer would be 'no ' . A. considerable variety of opinion, therefore, i l lus tra ted the trade unionists' feelings about question 1, 2, 3, kf 16 and 25. For example, i t was stated that: "Only big unions can provide health and welfare services for their members;" "the worker must be protected—a fund for cases of dire need i s essential" ; "the men need health and welfare services because i f they are not healthy they don't work, and don't pay union dues, therefore the union suffers"; "the union should handle services because the government would le t men shirk." Opinions were also expressed volubly against health and welfare programmes within union ac t iv i t i e s : "the union should be devoted to proper business matters such as wages and hours of work, not health and welfare"; "wages and hours of work must be neglected i f health and welfare are thought about part of the time"; "unions exist to get more money for the workers—that1 s all". :" 82 The variety of attitudes i s a ref lect ion of the lack of any well defined majority in the complexity of answers to the problem of the union's concern for , and provision of, health and welfare services. The attitudes of trade union members were further probed i n a number of questions about the Community Chest. Question 22 i Do you believe that the Community Chest  should be maintained i n times of f u l l employment and general  prosperity? No. Per Cent. Yes 35 87.5 No 1 2.5 No Opinion _k 10.0 kO 100.0 Question 2^: Do you believe that the Community Chest  should be maintained i n times of low employment and general  depression? No. Per Cent. Yes 35 87.5 No 1 2.5 No Opinion k 10.0 "T+O 100.0 The answers of the rank-and-file to questions 22 and 23 very much support the inst i tut ional concept of social welfare services which pictures them as ' f i r s t - l i n e ' functions of modern industr ia l society. Several individuals added their feelings that although they recognized the Chest as a valuable community organization they believed that the government should be more properly i n charge of health and welfare services. 83 Comments such as " i n the good years the Community Chest should build up a surplus, and i n d i f f i c u l t times the government should support i t " , "some people always need help— there are always problems", and "the Chest supports too many agencies" provide further indication of the trade union members' awareness of the need for adequate social services. The one individual who objected to the existence of the Community Chest f e l t that he should be able to support the agency or agencies of his own choice rather than contribute to a common fund. He also f e l t that Chest o f f ic ia l s received 1 fabulous salaries'J In replying to questions 22 and 23 the o f f i c ia l s found i t d i f f i c u l t to be specific because of their over-riding philosophy that the government should be responsible for a l l health and welfare services. In question 22, 20 per cent, said 'yes 1 , 4-0 per cent, said ' n o 1 , and 4-0 per cent, said 'no opinion' ; the same percentages were recorded in question 23. On the whole, the union o f f i c ia l s were less wi l l ing to accept the existence of the Community Chest than the rank-and-file union members. Question 24-1 Do you think that door-to-door canvassing i s a good way in which to raise funds for charitable purposes? No. Per Cent. Yes 15 3 7 . 5 No 23 5 7 . 5 No Opinion _2 5 . 0 kO 1 0 0 . 0 8k A small majority of the rank-and-file trade unionists were opposed to door-to-door canvassing. "It i s better to give at work" and "there i s too much overlap between home and office col lections" seemed to be the most frequent objections to home canvassing. "There i s no harm done" and "the only way to get the message across i s to talk to individuals at their front doors" were often voiced as favourable opinions to the idea of door-to-door canvassing. The o f f ic ia l s answered 80 per cent, 'no' and 20 per cent, 'yes ' ; they were very much against door-to-door canvassing as a way of raising funds for charitable purposes. This feeling i s connected with the o f f i c i a l s 1 bel ief i n the primacy of government responsibil i ty for welfare services. Question 26: (a) Do you think that most workers give to the Community Chest because they feel pressured? No. Per Cent. Yes 11 27.5 No 29 72.5 kO 100.0 (b) Do you think too much pressure i s put upon working men for giving to the Chest? Yes 6 No 5 i i (c) Where does this pressure come from? Union k Management 9 Community Chest k 85 A minority of the rank-and-file—27.5 per cent .-- fe l t that most workers give to the Chest because they feel pressured. Of that 27.5 Per cent. , only 54.5 per cent. , however, f e l t that too much pressure i s put upon working men to give to the Chest. The figures in (c) include some members' opinions that pressures are f e l t from more than one source. Many of the men and women who did not feel that workers give to the Chest because they feel pressured favoured the method of deducting charitable donations from the payrol l . The o f f i c i a l s ' response to question 26 was consider-ably more emphatic than the rank-and-file members; 80 per cent, of the o f f i c ia l s f e l t that most workers give to the Community Chest because they feel pressured. Of that 80 per cent. , 75 per cent, f e l t that too much pressure i s put on working men. The o f f i c ia l s f e l t that most of the pressure came from the Chest and from management, with the union least guilty of putting pressure on the unionists to give to the Chest. They suggested that management often puts workers i n the position where they are unable to refuse. The questions designed to determine the attitudes of trade union members along with their levels of understanding and knowledgeability of certain health and welfare matters have been analyzed and assessed up to this point i n the chapter. The rest of the chapter w i l l include an assessment of the results of the questions dealing with the responsibil i ty for social 86 services, the importance of social problems, and the perception of social workers. A further evaluation of the total question-naire w i l l be presented i n the f i n a l chapter. D. Responsibility for Health and Welfare Services. Question 5: Who do you think should be responsible  for providing the following welfare services? A l i s t of services was presented to the union members along with a number of choices to one of which they could assign responsibi l i ty for each service. The answers of the rank-and-file are shown i n Figure 1. The answers of the o f f i c ia l s are not included i n Figure 1, but are added to the description in each section. (a) adoption of children: Eighty-five per cent, of the respondents indicated that some level of government should be responsible for this important service. Although there was some recognition that co-operation among the three levels of government i s appropriate—that one level of government does not provide the most satisfactory administration, there was no specific indication that the trade union members know what the present arrangements are for the adoption of children. Of the o f f i c i a l s , 80 per cent, f e l t that the adoption of children was most properly a government responsibi l i ty; kO per cent, said the federal l e v e l , 20 per cent, the provincial level and 20 per cent, the municipal l eve l . One o f f i c i a l f e l t that physicians should handle adoptions. 86a 4»Adoption of Children 1^ 0 I ' M ' ! i i m n ) a ™ * i B.Marriage Counselling . J L Ll] LI .it I.TTTTT1 ) Govt.. VJJIO// ) 60.0^  XXXT H-t-n-i C.Health Insurance ,1 III Mil I J l HI M i l l I II Govt. /////>/A ) 82.5% LEGEND Federal Govt. II I I I I I I I I ffl  D.Recreation Facilities for,Children Provincial Govt. ZZZZZZZZ1 W $ « < < < < < < < / > > l . § & Municipal Govt. K W W V ^ l Private Agencies l I Union E.Recreation Facilities for Adults Management gl ' I * I I I I I I I I • I I 11 I I III !•• • I I L I I II II1—T-T-l ) Govt. F 2 2 3 ) 90.0* F.Retirement Pensions I G.Mentally 111  H.Social Assistance I I" I I I I I I I I I I I II ) Govt. ^ ) 95.0% I.Chronically 111  FIG.l. Assignment of Responsibility for Service-Relative Proportions 87 (b) marriage counselling; The widest diversity of opinion in question 5 was found in this section. A total of 60 per cent, selected government. The church was selected by 10 per cent, although this alternative was not presented on the questionnaire. Trade union members chose 'private agencies' as most properly responsible for marriage counselling more often (15 per cent.) than for any other section of question 5* Another 15 per cent, stated 'don't know', also a larger number than in any other section of question 5» The answers of the o f f ic ia l s were identical to their replies in section (a)—in other words, 80 per cent, selected government and one individual suggested referral to a physician. The answers showed very l i t t l e recognition of the specific resources available i n the community. (c) health insurance; Government was assigned the responsibil ity for this social service by 82.5 per cent, of the respondents, including 60 per cent, who favoured the federal level of responsibil i ty. A l l the o f f ic ia l s said that the federal government should be responsible for this social service. Every person interviewed stated an opinion to this question; there i s no doubt that this i s one problem about which a l l unionists are concerned. The union was assigned the responsibil ity for health insurance by 12.5 per cent, of the unionists; this was the largest assignment of responsibil i ty 88 given to the union i n any part of question 5« There was some confusion over the term 'health insurance 1 ; some members expressed.satisfaction with the coverage received under the current M. S. A. plans although they admitted that they were not entirely clear about the sponsorship of such arrangements. (d) recreation f a c i l i t i e s for children: The responsibil ity for this service for children was designated to government:by 97.5 per cent, of the trade union members, with the provincial and municipal levels of government being selected most often. One individual believed that the private agencies should be responsible. The government was chosen unanimously by the off ic ials— k-0 per cent, said federal , 1*0 per cent, provincial., and 20 per cent, municipal. (e) recreation f a c i l i t i e s for adults: S imilar ly , in this section, a vast majority (82.5 per cent.) of the unionists selected government, with the provincial and municipal levels once again chosen by the greater percentage (72.5 per cent.) . There were few queries about the meaning of 'recreation f a c i l i t i e s for adults ' . One individual said that "adults should make their own fun." Of the o f f i c i a l s , 80 per cent, selected the government, 60 per cent, said federal, 20 per cent, said provincial . One o f f i c i a l said that adults should be responsible for their own recreation. 89 (f) retirement pensions: Ninety per cent, of the trade unionists assigned this responsibil i ty to government, 75 per cent, specif ical ly to the federal government--a greater number than any other section i n question 5. Some of the people interviewed needed c l a r i f i ca t ion that they were being asked whom they thought 'should' be responsible, not whom they thought ' i s ' responsible for retirement pensions which were defined as "any pension granted at the end of a man's working l i f e " . One individual suggested that e l i g i b i l i t y for the provincial old age pension i n Br i t i sh Columbia should be reduced from 65 to 60 years of age. There was no doubt that this area, along with health insurance, was of the utmost concern to the trade union members. The federal government was assigned responsibil ity for these services by a large majority of the unionists, including 100 per cent, of the o f f i c ia l s who were interviewed. Reactions to sections (g), (h), and ( i ) , i n question 5 were quite similar, as can be seen in Figure 1. Some level of government was chosen almost unanimously as most adequately responsible for the mentally i l l , social assistance, and the chronically i l l . The latter was defined for the members as a 'long-term physical d i sab i l i ty preventing the individual from working for a l i v i n g " . The o f f ic ia l s provided identical answers to sections (g), (h), and ( i ) also. Eighty per cent, of the o f f i c ia l s stated 90 that they thought the federal government should be responsible for these services; 20 per cent, selected the provincial government. The results to question 5 leave no doubt that trade union members believe that government should have the respon-s i b i l i t y for providing a variety of health and welfare services. Over 85 per cent, of the possible selections were cast in favour of government responsibi l i ty. Consequently, very l i t t l e res-ponsibi l i ty was assigned to private agencies, the union, or management. The federal l eve l of government was recognized as the appropriate level for responsibil i ty of a l l the welfare services except recreation f a c i l i t i e s for children and adults where the provincial and municipal levels were assigned most of the responsibi l i ty . It i s significant to compare the results of question h where 62.5 Per cent, of the unionists f e l t that unions should operate their own health and welfare programmes, with the results of this question 5 where government i s selected over-whelmingly to provide a variety of services—to the v i r tua l exclusion of any union responsibi l i ty . This would seem to indicate that union members see health and welfare services within a broad community perspective; at the same time there i s considerable confusion i n unionists' perception of the trade union's responsibi l i t ies to the members themselves within the community. 91 The o f f ic ia l s answered the eight sections of question 5 with an overwhelming vote in favour of government responsibi l i ty for health and welfare services. The o f f i c ia l s showed no hesitation i n answering these questions as they re-affirmed the beliefs about government responsibil i ty recorded i n their answers to questions previously described in this chapter. E . Importance of Social Problems Questions 27 and 28 were designed to discover trade union members' opinions of the importance of certain social problems, f i r s t , within the context of health and welfare alone, and secondly within the general context of problems of concern to government. 'Question 27: The following i s a l i s t of the social  problems with which welfare services are designed to deal. Please rate them i n what you consider i s their order of importance. The l i s t included the chronically i l l , retarded children, unemployment, alcoholism, poverty, drug addiction, juvenile delinquency, and mental i l lne s s . Figure 2 i l lus trates (a) the f i r s t choice percentages, (b) the second choice percen-tages, and (c) the third choice percentages of the ratings given i n question 27 hy the rank-and-file unionists. Figure 2 also i l lus tra tes the tota l weighted percentages"*" of the ratings, "*"In questions 27 and 28, the f i r s t choices were given a weighting of 3 points, the second choices a weighting of 2 points, and the third choices a weighting of 1 point. These were added together to give the tota l weighted percentages. 91a 2 1 20% 0% 20% 111 i?fM°riTi Hi 11111111 Retarded Children i i i i i m i i i i i i i i m m i i Drug Addiction 111111 ri 11111111111 , Chronically 111 i i i i m i i i m i i m Juvenile Delinquency l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l Mental Illness l l l l l l l l l l Poverty l l l l l l l l l l Alcoholism 111111111 i i f f l l f f l i M i i i i i i i i i i i i M i i i i i i i i i Retarded Children l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l Drue Addiction i m i m i i i i i i m i m i i i i m i i Chronically 111 l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l . i l iifiiTffltif Delint*iency Mental Illness 11IIIIII , Poverty 111111111 Alcoholism n m A.TOTAL WEIGHTED PERCENTAGES B^First Choice Percentages 0% 20% i i i i i t i i i h r i i i ^ l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l Addiction III l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l Drug 11111 iTf I ...».T l l y 1 1 1 i..imifmliif.imWrnC7 Mental Illness I l l I Poverty ii i III 111 iri i m i n i miJfflWHP 0% 20% oyment i i n i i i i i i i n i i i i i i i Retarded Children l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l Drug Addiction m i i i m i i i i i i i Chronically 111 11111111111 Juvenile Delinquency 11111111111111111111II11111 Mental Illness i i i i i i i i i i i i m m m i i i i i i i i i m i i i m m k n Alcoholism 11111111 C.Second Choice Percentages D.Third Choice Percentages FIG.2. IMPORTANCE OF SOCIAL PROBLEMS 92 including f i r s t , second, and third choices. The trade union members selected unemployment as the social problem which they considered most important. There was no widespread agreement, however, that any one problem was outstanding in i t s importance; the f i n a l percentages were well divided. There i s no doubt that unemployment i s the problem closest to the hearts of union members, although i t might be considered surprising that i t did not receive a higher total i n the weighted percentages. The second overall choice—retarded children—is indicative not only of the high emotional appeal of children, but also of the fact the unionists have been influenced and swayed by the way popular opinion has been excited by recent campaigns i n Br i t i sh Columbia on behalf of retarded children. Juvenile delinquency and drug addiction received considerable notice, a l i k e l y result of the barrage of publicity given to these problems in a l l the news media in the last several years. The large amount of attention given to these areas of concern perhaps f a l s i f i e s the real extent of the problems. Of the problems which received a small amount of recognition from the unionists, poverty was frequently connected with unemployment and therefore considered a minor problem. The fact that mental i l lness received only sl ight attention i s an indicat ion, perhaps, of the continuing low social v i s i b i l i t y of mental i l lne s s , and i s a ref lect ion of tradit ional avoidance 93 reactions to this problem. Alcoholism was considered the least of the problems perhaps because of confusion about the serious-ness of the term used. There was no recognition of alcoholism as a disease. The of f ic ia l s considered unemployment a greater problem than did the rank-and-file unionists. This area of concern received 33 per cent, of the tota l weighted percentages of the o f f i c i a l s 1 ratings, followed by juvenile delinquency and the chronically i l l , each with 12.5 per cent. On the whole, the o f f i c i a l s ' ratings were very similar to the rank-and-file members. Question 28: Please rate these topics of concern to  Canadians i n what you consider i s their order of importance. For each individual his three top choices i n question 27 were added to the following l i s t : abolit ion of capital punishment, European Common Market, need for more schools, nuclear arms i n Canada, Canadian membership in Nato, and national health scheme. Figure 3 i l lus t ra tes (a) the f i r s t choice percentages, (b) the second choice percentages, and (c) the third choice percentages. Figure 3 also i l lus trates the total weighted percentages of the ratings, including f i r s t , second, and third choices. The most significant result of this question i s the high overall rating given to health and welfare problems. From Figure 3 i t can be seen that the top five choices i n terms of 93a o% 20% 0% 20% National Health Scheme ••••••mn • • •• i • 11 • 111 i i» [Nt km I Unemployment Need for more Schools l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l Retarded Children ••••••llllllllll Juvenile Delinquency l l l l l l l l l l l l l Drue Addiction i i m n m Chronically 111 l l l l l l l l Abolition of Capital Punishment m i n i Poverty n u n Mental Illness mi Nuclear Arms in Canada mi Alcoholism WI . National Health Scheme IIIIIIllllllllllllllllllflf , Unemployment i i i m m i r i i m i i i m i i i i i m i i m Need for more Schools m m i i i i i i m i Retarded Children l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l Juvenile Delinquency nm Drug Addiction 1111IIIllllllll Chronically 111 l l l l l l l l Abolition of Capital Punishment • l l l l l l l l l l Nuclear Arms in Canada l l l l l l l l Alcoholism WJ A.TOTAL WEIGHTED PERCENTAGES B.First Choice Percentages 0% 20% National Health Scheme l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l • Unemployment i i i i i i i i i i n m i Need for more Schools l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l „ Retarded Children l l l l l l l l I Juvenile Delinquency i m m m m m i m m i i i r .Chronically 111 K i i i i m i m I Mental Illness Alcoholism 0% 20% National Health Scheme l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l Unemployment l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l Need for more Schools i i i i m i i i i i i i i i m Retarded Children III1111 Juvenile Delinquency l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l Drue Addiction i ii ii rti i m i ii Chronically 111 mi Abolition of Capital Punishment 11111111111 Mental Illness l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l Nuclear Arms in Canada n i l Alcoholism WJ C,Second Choice Percentages D.Third Choice Percentages FIGJ. TOPICS OF CONCERN 94 total weighted percentages are a national health scheme (17*9 per cent . ) , unemployment (16.3 per cent . ) , need for more schools (12.0 per cent . ) , retarded children (10.0 per cent . ) , and juvenile delinquency (8.8 per cent. ) . Three of these selections are carried over from the earl ier question and certainly the additions—'national health scheme1 and 'need for more schools'—are within the scope of health and welfare. No particular attention i s paid to other problems of concern to government i n the company of health and welfare problems, by the rank-and-file trade union members. The top three choices in tota l weighted percentages of the o f f i c i a l s ' ratings were unemployment (30 per cent . ) , nuclear arms i n Canada (23 per cent . ) , and a national health scheme (13 per cent . ) . Although unemployment and a national health scheme were also of great concern to the rank-and-file, the o f f i c i a l s ' concern for the problem of nuclear arms was vastly different from the rank-and-file. The interviewers believe this choice to be a result of the o f f i c i a l s ' interest i n the p o l i t i c a l platform of the New Democratic Party constituted in 1961. F. Perception of Social Workers The f i n a l section of the questionnaire was constructed in order to obtain some idea about the trade union members' perception of social workers. Questions 29 through 34 deal with unionists' contacts with social workers, and what they think a social worker's education and income ought to be. 95 Question 29: Do you know of anyone who has had  contact with anv social workers or social work agencies? No. Per Cent. Yes 15 37.5 No 2k 60.0 No Opinion 1 2.5 4-0 100.0 If YES, in what ways? This second part to the question provided a variety of repl ies . Some individuals referred to more than one contact. The receiving of social assistance was the most frequent contact; i t was mentioned 9 times. Two replies referred to the adoption of children, and two to the plant welfare committee. Contacts that were mentioned once were related to an i l legit imate c h i l d , large families without a wage-earner, a retarded c h i l d , ' ch i ld welfare 1 , a minister who did social work, and a social worker who was a friend of the family. Question 30: Have you had any personal contact with  any social workers or social work agencies? No. Per Cent. Yes 8 20.0 No 31 77.5 No Opinion 1 2.5 ko 100.0 If YES, i n what ways? The few people who have had contact mentioned the following circumstances: adoption of children (2); canvassing (3); friends (2); social assistance (1); ward and foster chi ld of the Children's Aid Society (1). 96 From the largely negative response to this question one might infer that the trade union members did not want to talk about the subject, or that they have always had secure employment without recourse to social assistance, or that they are not sure who a social worker i s when they are i n contact with one. Certainly questions 29 and 30 i l lus t ra te that the rank-and-file trade union members have had l i t t l e contact with social workers or social work agencies and that they have l i t t l e awareness of the role of social workers in the community. Each of the o f f i c i a l s , however, was able to affirm that he knew of persons who had had contact with social workers or social work agencies and that he himself had had such contact. The o f f i c i a l s showed no reluctance i n answering questions 29 and 30, an indication perhaps that in their o f f i c i a l status they have more opportunity for such contact and therefore more awareness of the social worker as a trained practitioner i n the community. The o f f i c ia l s mentioned social assistance, the adoption of children, and the Community Chest staff as the most frequent contacts they have had. Question 31: Do you believe that social workers need  special formal education? No. Per Cent. Yes 85.0 No k . 10.0 No Opinion 2 5.0 ko 100.0 97 If YES, at what academic level? No. Per Cent. (a) Complete high school education (b) Complete college education (c) Additional college graduate 14 12 41.0 35.0 education 8 24.0 34 100.0 Eighty-five per cent, of the trade union members agreed that social workers need special formal education. There was a considerable divers i ty , however, i n their replies to the qualifying part of the question: of the 85 per cent, who recommended special formal education, 59 per cent, saw a college education as a prerequisite for practising social work. Three individuals in the group who thought high school education was sufficient added that they f e l t practical experience was the most valuable education along with a certain innate s k i l l to practise social work. addition to question 31? "Social workers need lots of training l ike teachers do"; " socia l workers don't need education—they need maturity and love of people"; " a l l people need somebody to talk to some times and social workers need to be very well educated so that people w i l l respect them and l i s ten to their advice"; "everybody needs education today i f they want to earn a decent l i v i n g " . Although results to questions 29 and 30 showed that union people have had l i t t l e contact with social workers, The unionists' further comments provide a significant 98 question 31 i l lus t ra ted that the rank-and-file trade union members have some respect for the social worker and their own conception of a social worker's responsibi l i t ies . The o f f ic ia l s agreed 100 per cent, that social workers need special formal education; 80 per cent, said that social workers should have additional college graduate education and that this should largely involve practical training. The o f f i c i a l s , therefore, showed considerable recognition of the need for adequate training of professional practitioners. Only one o f f i c i a l thought that high school education was satisfactory for a social worker. •question 32: Do you think social workers are (a)  overpaid, (b) underpaid, or (c) don't know? No. Per Cent. 5 12.5 9 22.5 26 65.0 hO 100.0 The results to this question show that a majority of the rank-and-file trade union members were unwilling to make a guess. A small majority of those who did answer the question thought that social workers were underpaid. Eighty per cent. of the o f f i c i a l s believed that social workers were underpaid. One o f f i c i a l said that he did not know. It i s perhaps not unreasonable to say that the o f f ic ia l s showed more awareness than the rank-and-file unionists of the social workers' f inancia l situation. (a) overpaid (b) underpaid (c) don't know 99 Question 3^: What do you consider i s the approximate  annual income of a social worker (with at least 5 years Per Cent. 2.5 65.0 20.0 12.5 100.0 The majority of unionists were at f i r s t unwilling to answer this question; they admitted that they did not know. They were asked to make a guess; f ive refused. Sixty-five per cent, placed social workers i n the $3,000-4,999 income bracket—which might well be considered the same income bracket as the men and women interviewed. Sixty per cent, of the o f f ic ia l s agreed with the majority of the rank-and-file that social workers earn $3,000-4,999 annual income. One o f f i c i a l suggested $5,000-6,999; one o f f i c i a l suggested $7,000-9,999. The o f f i c ia l s answered this question more readily than the rank-and-file unionists. Although the of f ic ia l s f e l t that salaries were low for social workers, the majority were quite vehement i n asserting that salaries paid to social workers should be considerably higher. It i s important to realize that the members were asked "what i s ' rather than 'what should be' a social worker's salary. The latter dis t inct ion was the core of the next question. experience)? — No. (a) Under $3,000 1 (b) 3,000 to if,999 26 (c) 5,000 to 6,999 8 (d) 7,000 to 9,999 (e) 10,000 or over Don't Know 5 kO 100 Question 3M-1 Do you think a social worker should  earn as much as a . . . ? (a) schoolteacher No. Per Cent. Yes 31 77.5 No 6 15.0 No Opinion 3 7-5 (b) plumber Yes 19 4-7.5 No 10 25.0 No Opinion 11 27.5 (c) personnel manager Yes 16 4-0.0 No 16 4-0.0 No Opinion 8 20.0 (d) trade union business agent Yes 23 57.5 No 10 25.0 No Opinion 7 17.5 (e) lawyer Yes 5 12.5 No 27 67.5 No Opinion 8 20.0 (f) radio disc .jockey Yes 20 50.0 No 5 12.5 (g) engineer No Opinion 15 37-5 Yes 7 17.5 No 22 55.0 No Opinion 11 27.5 There i s no doubt that trade union members found i t most easy to compare the position of social worker with that of 101 schoolteacher. Not only did the largest percentage (77 •5 per cent.) of unionists vote 'yes' to section (a) but also the smallest (7.5 per cent.) number of "no opinion's 1 was registered i n this f i r s t section. To section (a) the o f f i c ia l s answered 80 per cent, 'yes 1 , 20 per cent, "no*, so that they also found this comparison adequate. A majority of trade union members, however, did not feel that a social worker should earn as much as a lawyer or an engineer. They immediately recognized that a considerable amount of training i s necessary for an individual to become a member of these professions. They attached more status to these positions than to social work positions. The of f ic ia l s answered hO per cent, 'yes 1 , 60 per cent. 'no* to section (e) and kO per cent, 'yes 1 , hO per cent, ' n o 1 , and 20 per cent. fno opinion' to section (g). The o f f i c i a l s , therefore, agreed with the rank-and-file about the status of a lawyer, but gave more recognition to a social worker in comparison with an engineer. There were added comments about the legal profession which showed some famil iar i ty with lawyers; many trade unionists recognized that there was a great variety of positions that could be held by a lawyer. There was some consistency i n the remarks of 5 unionists who said that they knew lawyers earned more than social workers but they thought that social workers should earn as much as lawyers. 102 The job of personnel manager was another position which the unionists recognized as one of great var i ab i l i ty of income—usually depending on the size of the company. The replies to this question showed an equal sp l i t of kO per cent, each, with 20 per cent, who found i t too d i f f i cu l t to compare. A majority (60 per cent.) of the o f f i c i a l s suggested that a social worker's salary should be as much as a personnel manager; 20 per cent, said 'no* ; 20 per cent, had fno opinion' . A sizeable majority of unionists f e l t that a social worker should earn as much as a plumber, a trade union business agent, and a radio disc jockey—sections (b), (d), and (f) respectively. These occupations also brought forth a large number of 'no opinion's ' which showed an understandable un-willingness, on the unionists' part, to make any poorly-based judgements. The answers of the o f f i c ia l s were similar to the rank-and-file: section (b), 60 per cent, said 'yes ' , 4-0 per cent, had no opinion; section (d), 80 per cent, said 'yes ' , 20 per cent, had no opinion; section ( f ) , 60 per cent, said 'yes ' , 4-0 per cent, had no opinion. There were two comments made i n connection with question 34- that would turn the head of any social worker: "Salaries for social workers cannot be settled because social workers are priceless i f they are dedicated" and "social workers should be paid as much as physicians because they are just as valuable; they are dealing with human beings". 103 On the whole, questions 29 to 3k i l lus trated that the rank-and-file trade union members" perception of social workers i s extremely l imited. They do not have a great deal of know-ledge or understanding of what the role of a social worker represents. Less than kO per cent, had any contacts with or knew of anyone else having contacts with social workers or social work agencies. A great many of the unionists admitted to having d i f f i cu l ty in answering this group of questions; they were understandably unwilling to make guesses. The unionists showed a l imited awareness of social workers—their education, their income, their actual professional status, and their types of work. Several trade union members said that they had always considered that social workers worked on a voluntary basis and that money was of no concern to them. The o f f i c i a l s , on the whole, showed more recognition and awareness of social workers; they had a greater appreciation of the social worker's role in the community. It would no doubt be possible to discern more implications of the data which have been collected; we are conscious of the fact that our attention has been confined to the obvious and gross implications. The f i n a l chapter w i l l set forth an evaluation of the results along with speculations about future research arising from this study. CHAPTER 4-APPRAISAL AND PERSPECTIVE A. An Evaluation of the Survey The questionnaire used i n the survey was designed to determine the levels of knowledgeability of the trade union members on social welfare questions, their attitudes to certain health and welfare topics, their views of the relative importance or severity of the social problems with which welfare services are designed to deal, their opinions on the proper location of responsibi l i ty for the provision of social services, and f i n a l l y , their perception of social workers. The attitudes of the trade union members revealed i n answer to the survey questions showed that a majority of both rank-and-file members and o f f i c ia l s had considerable awareness of health and welfare services. When confronted with hypo-thetical problems of a personal nature ( i . e . , i n questions 14-and 15) the labour people generally saw a need for service from community resources whether i t was a "free" professional person, a private social agency, or a government department. They recognized the existence of services and accepted the need for such resources. At the same time, however, there were very few references to specific community agencies. A minority of the trade unionists clearly revealed their bel ief in the principle of self-help, a feeling which 105 may be the consequence of a number of factors. The union members may have been unaware of certain community services, they might have a poor regard for present resources, or they might feel that the use of such services i s distasteful or humiliating—a sentiment which reflects the philosophy of rugged individualism and free enterprise characteristic of the "North American way of l i f e " . A significant difference between the o f f i c ia l s and the rank-and-file was the fact that the o f f ic ia l s were aware of specific referral units such as the Information Service of the Community Chest and the permanent labour representative at the Chest. It was surprising to f ind that none of the rank-and-f i l e members showed any famil iar i ty with these basic resources. The Community Chest was recognized as a v i t a l health and welfare service i n the community by a majority of the trade union rank-and-file members. Their acceptance of the Chest, however, was based almost entirely on i t s role as a fund-raising body. The rank-and-file gave no indication that they were aware of the Chest's role in welfare planning. They made no references to the importance of c i t i zen participation i n social welfare, whether in social planning or on agency boards and committees. In contrast to the rank-and-file unionists the o f f i c i a l s expressed their whole-hearted disapproval of the Community Chest as a community health and welfare organization. 106 In their opinion, some level of government should assume the entire responsibil i ty for the provision of welfare services. The o f f i c i a l s were considerably more vehement both in the content and the expression of their answers to questions about the Community Chest. The unionists' opinions leave l i t t l e doubt of the need for increasing efforts on the part of the Community Chest to develop public understanding through education and interpreta-t ion. The fund-raising purposes of the Chest seem to be clearly recognized by the trade union members. The importance of i t s role i n social planning and c i t izen participation seems to be unacknowledged. The rank-and-file union members agreed unanimously that unions should be 'concerned' with health and welfare matters. A l l the o f f i c i a l s , hut only a small majority of the rank-and-file, however, saw the need for the union to work within the existing structure of community health and welfare services rather than create i t s own para l le l network of services. In other words, a considerable number of rank-and-file unionists saw the union as something apart from the rest of the community and were unable to see the broader implications of union participation i n the health and welfare services of the community. Their primary orientation was to a view of the union as a kind of mutual benefit society rather than as an organiza-t ion whose role could only be discharged effectively and 107 appropriately through the planned integration of i t s ac t iv i t ie s with those of complementary social structures. The difference between the feelings of the rank-and-f i l e and those of the o f f i c ia l s about the Community Chest can be seen clearly in their opinions on 'the pressure to give*. Most of the rank-and-file did not think they were pressured unduly to give to the Chest whereas the o f f i c ia l s were of the firm opinion that there was too much pressure for the working man to give. The of f ic ia l s * feelings are perhaps a ref lect ion of the responsibi l i t ies which they hold in the union's o f f i c i a l contacts with Community Chest representatives, but may also very well be indicative of their views as to the legitimacy of the Chest's fund-raising ac t iv i t i e s . There i s no doubt that the trade union members firmly believe that government should have the responsibil i ty for providing a considerable variety of health and welfare services. The federal level of government was recognized as the appropriate level for most social services. The union members revealed a wide divergence of opinion about the relat ive importance of a variety of social problems. Although there was no doubt about their choice of unemployment as the most important social problem, there was l i t t l e clear differentiation among their other choices. The unionists showed considerable interest in rating the l i s t of social problems which was provided them in the questionnaire 108 ( i . e . , Questions 27, 28), but at the same time i t might be said that they showed a low level of thoughtful awareness i n their consideration of these problems. We do not suggest, however, that a representative group of social workers would have shown a higher level of knowledgeability or understanding about the problems of union organization, the economic pros-pects of Canada's forest industries, or the arguments for or against the "closed shop." Health and welfare problems dominated the union members' choices, i n comparison with other general topics of concern, i n Question 28. They showed particular concern over the need for a national health scheme and for a solution to the problem of unemployment. Social workers may well feel that this fact reveals the existence of an untapped capital of public interest i n and good w i l l towards the objects of their professional concern. But i f we are right in arguing that other aspects of our data indicate a re la t ive ly low level of knowledgeability and "involvement" among our respondents, i t i s plain that this capital has yet to be put to inte l l igent ly chosen and productive uses. The trade union members' perception of social workers (Questions 29-3*+) was what we might perhaps term benevolent but narrow. The unionists had had very l i t t l e contact with social workers or social work agencies and consequently did not show much awareness of the education, income, status, and types of work connected with social work. The members seemed to 109 be confused about the status of social work as an occupation or treatment profession i n the community: they did not see the role of social work and social work agencies as something unique and non-transferable to other organizations or professions. While the questions about social workers were themselves l imited i n scope they did at least i l lus t ra te the need for greater public understanding of social work and the role i t can play i n the community. But lest we be (rightly) accused of professional parochialism and vanity, i t should be said that neither do we believe that investigation would reveal a particularly high level of public understanding of the social ro le , the requisite s k i l l s or the usual rewards of schoolteachers, research scientists , public health nurses or hard-rock miners."*" B. Implications for Further Study To point out the poss ib i l i t ie s for future research i s an important function of this exploratory study into the attitudes of trade union members towards social welfare, as i t would be, of course, of any piece of exploratory research. This project has been sponsored by an inst i tute which was "'"The general significance of this fact should not be overlooked. It could be convincingly argued that i f the many centrifugal and. disintegrative tendencies of contemporary social l i f e are to be controlled, we a l l need to have a far more detailed and extensive understanding of the way i n which our social system actually works than we presently do; and one central feature of such an understanding i s an adequate conception of the social role of different occupational groupings. The implications of this observation for our educational arrangements are far-reaching and profound. 110 created to stimulate and subsidize an interdiscipl inary programme of research, and we therefore regard i t as not the least part of our obligation to the unwritten terms of that sponsorship to make what suggestions we reasonably and appropriately can for the composition of an agenda for subsequent investigation. Although this study has been limited and modest i n i t s scope, i t i s at the same time more ambitious i n i t s aims and i t s recognition of the importance of certain broad social issues than many of the more usual types of research project, in the f i e l d of social work, concerned as they often are with re la t ive ly restr icted c l i n i c a l and administrative problems. We f e e l , therefore, that i t i s important not only to identify further areas for research, but also to give some indication of the important issues on which they are based. Although the propositions that are set forth i n the following discussion may go beyond the limited results of our study, i t i s s t i l l possible that these hypotheses w i l l serve to discriminate genuine and spurious problems, false and val id assumptions, and that other researchers w i l l accordingly find i t worthwhile to examine them thoroughly. In Chapter 2 , we have suggested that the development of the trade unions has revealed certain dist inctive patterns. In the U. S. A. the unions have been essentially pragmatic i n their ac t iv i t i e s . This means that they have h i s tor ica l ly identi f ied themselves with the la i ssez-fa ire , private enterprise I l l doctrines of industry i t s e l f and have sought to improve their economic standards by the use of f u l l co-operation with management. As a natural corollary to th i s , they have avoided establishing close and abiding a f f i l i a t i o n with any p o l i t i c a l parties. In the U. K . , on the other hand, labour has tradit ion-a l ly adopted the policy of attempting at the same time to ensure the greatest possible p o l i t i c a l and legis lat ive effectiveness. (This has been so much i n evidence that the word 'unionist 1 has almost implied p o l i t i c a l l y left-wing leanings and a f f i l i a t ions ) . Undoubtedly, therefore, union membership has in the past stimulated awareness of human needs in areas other than the purely industr ia l . The ' p o l i t i c a l voice' of labour in the U. K. has accordingly reflected a policy of government-sponsored social services, primarily for the benefit of trade unions, but i n practice for the ultimate benefit of the total community. This ideological celebration and p o l i t i c a l implementa-tion of the social services has resulted in the acceptance over the greater range of the spectrum of public opinion of the appropriateness of and necessity for certain minimum levels of social planning. This trend has been evident in Western Europe most recently with the formation of the European Common Market, this being the latest and most consequential development of the trend to the embodiment of col lect ive purpose at progressively higher levels of social organization. 112 In North America, and particularly i n the U. S. A . , this trend has been viewed with alarm and scarcely-veiled abhorrence by business and industry. The p o l i t i c a l voice of the people, at least unt i l recently, has tended outwardly to be a support to and a ref lect ion of the private enterprise system. Only this month, however, events i n the steel industry i n the U. S. A. have revealed the insecurity of this system."*" Indeed the question now appears to be whether the U. S. govern-ment does i n fact offer succour to the private enterprise system. The President has responded to the announcement by the steel companies of an increase in steel prices ( tradit ional ly a morally acceptable decision by any private company) with a fervent and outraged denunciation of such a bald expression of power and self-interest . It can f a i r l y be said that this situation reveals the dilemma faced by the proponents of the la i ssez-fa ire , entreprenurial system. In Canada the influence of the social and p o l i t i c a l o traditions of both the old world and the new are i n evidence. Labour has tradit ional ly adopted a pragmatic approach to i t s """See, for example, the ar t ic le "Big Business Gets Lesson From Steel 's Price-Grab," by Thomas M. Franck in The Sunday  Sun, Vancouver, A p r i l 21, 1962, p. 6. The author comments on the spectacular b l i t z by President Kennedy on the steel companies who tr ied to raise their prices and also on the decision to cancel government contracts with companies who allegedly w i l l not hire or promote Negroes. Baum, op. c i t 113 problems. At the same time, however, i t has lent i t s support to a limited p o l i t i c a l approach i n the past. More recently, with the advent of the New Democratic Party on the p o l i t i c a l scene, i t has seemingly come to the conclusion that p o l i t i c a l power (or at least a p o l i t i c a l voice) i s necessary i n this new era of rapidly-changing and far-reaching developments i n the social and economic spheres. In answering a question on the assignment of responsibil i ty for the provision of health and welfare services i t could be anticipated that trade unionists would be at least i n some degree influenced by this dilemma. Certainly the A. F. L. - C. I. 0. statements in regard to health and welfare reveal a pragmatic approach. 1 The C. L. C . , however, has made recommendations concerning broad legis lat ive measures in the f i e l d of health and welfare. Unt i l these measures are implemented they w i l l continue to support the existing voluntary health and welfare services. The union members that we have interviewed revealed a surprising level of agreement concerning the role of government in the provision of health and welfare services. Of the nine services l i s t e d , only marriage counselling "scored" less than 80 per cent, assignment of responsibil ity to govern-ment. This reflects a high degree of agreement between the See Appendix C. 114 members, the o f f ic ia l s and the statements of policy of the C • I i * C « Such facts are diametrically opposed to the apparent views and orientations of the A. F . L. - C. I. 0. and i t s leaders. We are not in a position to know what American unionists think about these matters, but we should l ike to offer the suggestion that i t i s by no means certain that they would not have views on these matters that were similar to those of the Canadian unionists we have interviewed. This would mean that we could ask two major and significant questions and provide tentative answers that would justify (and indeed would require) close analysis. F i r s t , does the A. F . L. - C. I. 0. speak for and ref lect the views of the rank-and-file unionists i n the U. S. i n this particular matter? The answer could be that i t does not. Second, does the stand taken by the President of the U. S. , i n which he has placed the government as a counter-vai l ing power between and over industry and labour, ref lect the views of labour? The answer, again, might very well be that i t does. Because of the overwhelming assignment of responsibil i ty to one or other level of government, i t i s interesting to note that a large majority of the members interviewed saw the Community Chest as a necessary and v i t a l community service. The query that comes to mind concerns the possible role of the Chest. If i t i s not to provide or sponsor health, adoption, 115 marriage counselling and recreation f a c i l i t i e s , what i s i t s function i n the community? It could be suggested that in fact the union members (l ike a large number of cit izens i n the community) do not understand and appreciate the function of the Chest. At the same time they conform to "conventional wisdom" and offer f inancial support to an organization that appears to be "here to stay" and social ly acceptable. The solution to this problem appears to f a l l into two broad areas of consideration. F i r s t , we wonder whether the Chest i s guilty of presenting i t s e l f as a fund-raising organiza-tion to the exclusion of i t s other functions. If i t i s , we must ask why this should be. It could be that the Chest has established an order of public pr ior i ty in which finances must be considered the basic need to be met. On the other hand perhaps the Chest believes that because of i t s quasi-constitu-t ional status i t should not be accountable to the public for actions other than i n the area of fund-rais ing. 1 The second area of consideration i s the degree of participation and involvement of the trade union members i n the l H Chest News i s Good News", The Sun. Vancouver, August 31, i 9 6 0 , p. k. This i s an edi tor ia l referring to the Citizens Survey Committee of the Community Chest and Councils of Greater Vancouver, which recommended that representatives of the press should be able to attend and report the proceedings of Directors 1 meetings of the Chest. This recommendation caused considerable controversy before i t was approved. 116 Chest. Obviously, the responsibil i ty for recruitment does not f a l l solely on the Chest. The unions need to exercise more influence on their members in relat ion to participation in the advisory and service functions of the Chest. Indeed we would suggest that a l l cit izens i n a democratic society have a duty to the voluntary (and public) health and welfare services. This means not merely participation as a volunteer at the service level (which service can be used as a pal l iat ive for a troubled social conscience) but personal involvement-at the policy-making and decision-making levels . The Welfare Services Committee of the C. L. C. i s an expression of the recognition by the C. L. C. and i t s a f f i l i a tes of the need for this participation, but we suggest that much more needs to be done i f we wish to develop services to meet identi f ied social needs and achieve an enlightened and morally objective cit izenry. It should be noted that this study has been concerned solely with health and welfare matters which are commonly re-cognized as social welfare services. Richard Titmuss 1 has argued that i n any discussion of welfare services we should take cognizance of the fact that there are f i s c a l welfare benefits (e .g . , insurance premiums paid to a registered pension plan are deductible for income tax purposes) and occupational Titmuss, Richard M . , Essays on 'The Welfare State", Al len and Unwin, London, 1958. 117 welfare benefits (e .g . , many benefits are provided by employers, such as sickness benefits, which aid i n rais ing the standard of l i v ing of the employees) i n addition to the conventional social welfare benefits. A l l three types of welfare benefits provide substantial r e l i e f from undue economic hardship on the part of a l l c i t izens . In our study we have focussed attention on the health and welfare services generally considered acceptable or necessary for the "disadvantaged1 in our society. It should be remembered however, that this i s a l imited approach to a proper assessment of opinion about health and welfare services. Again, i t would be interesting to know what the '"white-co l l a r " and professional groups think of these services and whether the usual stereotyped judgements about self-sufficiency and rugged individualism would reveal themselves. What, for that matter, do the very people who might be expected to be the most ardent advocates of laissez-faire and self-reliance— namely our business leaders and captains of industry—think of these problems? It would be as rash to suppose that their responses could be confidently predicted as to assume that no conservative government could come to power in a country in which the working classes constituted a majority of the electorate. 1 Yet the refusal of the different levels of govern-ment in Canada to assume greater responsibil ity for the financing and administration of welfare services i s often explained and sometimes just i f ied by claiming that the business community would be opposed to such a move. We should perhaps remind 118 ourselves that the e l i te of the business world includes Paul Hoffmann as well as Charles Wilson, just as American military-leadership has included both George Marshall and Douglas MacArthur. Appendix A Pre-test Questionnaire Used in Survey of Trade Union Members 1. In your opinion, how far should a union's role extend in the area of health and welfare? A union should not be concerned with health and welfare matters at a l l A union should be concerned with the health and welfare of union members only A union should be concerned with the health and welfare of the whole community 2. Which of the following statements comes closest to your own point of view? Unions should never operate their own health and welfare programmes Unions should operate their own health and welfare programmes but only when other agencies cannot supply needed services Unions should operate their own health and welfare programmes even i f other agencies already supply them 3. Who do you think should be responsible for providing the following welfare services? Govt. Private Manage- Don't (Fed., Agencies Union ment Know Prov.. Mun.) Adoption Marital counselling Health i n -surance Recreation-Gym. f a c i l i t i e s Retirement pension 120 Govt. Private Manage- Don't (Fed., Agencies Union ment Know Prov.. Mun.; Mentally 111 Social Assist-ance Chronically 111 h. How old are you? 5. Country of birth? 6. How long have you l ived i n Canada? 7. Occupation? 8. (a) Length of membership in trade unions? (b) Length of membership in the I. W. A.? 9. Offices held i n the I. W. A. (a) In the past? (b) At the present time? 10. Offices held i n other unions? 11. Check the last grade of school that you have finished. Grades . .1 . .2 . .3 . .4 . .5 . .6 . .7 . .8. .9 . .10. . 11.. 12.. 13.. University . . 1 . .2 . .3 . .4 . .5 . .6 . . Business . . 1 . .2 . .3 . . Trade . .1 . .2. .3. .4. .5-• Other (specify) 12. (a) Let us suppose some friends of yours have a serious problem concerning their ch i ld ' s diestructiveness in the home and they ask' where they can go for help. What would you t e l l them? 121 13. (a) Let us suppose some friends of yours have a serious marital problem and they ask you where they can go for help. What would you t e l l them? (b) Why? 14-. Do social welfare agencies render their services to a l l income groups? Yes No No opinion 15. How many organizations does the Community Chest support? 4-2 65 87 101 16. Do you believe organized labour and community chest agencies should work together? Yes No No Opinion 17. Do you think most labour leaders i n Vancouver want their unions to co-operate in the community chest? Yes No No Opinion 18. Do you think most Community Chest leaders are interested i n gaining the co-operation of organized labour? Yes No No Opinion 19. Under what conditions do you believe that the Community Chest should be maintained? (a) In times of f u l l employment and general prosperity. (b) In times of low employment and general depression. 122 20. Do you think that door-to-door canvassing i s a good way in which to raise funds for charitable purposes? Yes No No Opinion 21. Do you think that most workers give to the community chest only because they feel pressured? Yes No (a) IF YES: Do you think too much pressure i s put upon working men for giving to the Fund? Yes No (b) IF YES: Where does this pressure come from? Union Management Both 22. The following i s a l i s t of the social problems with which welfare services are designed to deal. Please rate them i n what you consider i s their order of importance: (a) chronically i l l (b) retarded children (c ) unemployment (d) alcoholism (e) po ver ty (f) drug addiction (g) juvenile delinquency (h) mental i l lness 23. Below i s a l i s t of topics of general importance to Canadians. Please indicate what you think should be their level of concern to Canadians, using the accompanying scale. utmost some no concern concern concern (a) abolition of capital punishment (b) European Common Market (c) need for more schools 123 utmost some no concern concern concern (d) drug addiction (e) nuclear arms i n Canada (f ) national health scheme (g) Canadian membership in NATO (h) unemployment ( i ) mental i l lness ( j) conscription 2k. Have you had rather frequent personal contact with any social workers or social work agencies? Yes No If Yes, in what ways? (Please check) (a) You are a member of a social work agency board. (b) You have done volunteer work for a social work agency. (c) You have a family member or close friend who i s a social worker. (d) You have a family member or close friend who i s a volunteer worker or leader in a social work agency. (e) You have been supplied with social work informa-tion by an agency executive, board member, or public relations representative. (f) You in i t i a ted the efforts of learning more about your loca l social work agencies. (g) You received direct service from a social work agency at some time i n your l i f e . (h) Other. 25» Do you believe that social workers need special formal education? Yes No If you have answered Yes, at what academic level? (check one) (a) Complete high school education (b) Complete college education (c) Additional college graduate education 26. Do you think social workers are (a) overpaid (b) underpaid 27. What do you consider i s the approximate annual income of a social worker (with at least 5 years experience)? (a) Under $3,000. (b) 3,000 to 4,999 (c) 5,000-6,999 12k (d) 7,000-9,999 (e) 10,000 or over 28. Do you think a social worker should earn as much as a (a) schoolteacher Yes No Don't Know (b) plumber Yes No Don't Know (c) personnel manager Yes No Don't Know (d) trade union business agent Yes No Don't Know (e) lawyer Yes No Don't Know (f) radio disc jockey Yes No Don't Know (g) engineer Yes No Don't Know Ask "Why?" i n each of the above. Appendix B Questionnaire Used i n Survey  of Trade Union Members 1. In your opinion, should a union be concerned with health and welfare matters? Yes No No opinion 2. In your opinion, should a union be concerned with the health and welfare of union members only? Yes _ _ _ _ _ No No opinion 3. In your opinion, should a union be concerned with the health and welfare of the whole community? Yes No No opinion k. In your opinion, should unions operate their own health and welfare programmes? Yes No No opinion 5. Who do you think should be responsible for providing the following welfare services? Fed. Prov./ Private Union Management Don't Gov't. Mun. Agencies Know Gov't. (a) adoption of ch i ld-ren (b) marriage counselling (c) health i n -surance (d) recreation f a c i l i t i e s for children (e) recreation f a c i l i t i e s for adults (f) retirement pensions 126 Fed. Prov./ Private Union Manage- Don't Gov't. Mun. Agencies ment Know Gov't.  (g) mentally-i l l (h) social assist-ance ( i ) chroni-ca l ly i l l 6. In what age group are you? Under 30 30-39 40-49 50 or over 7. Country of birth? 8. How long have you l ived i n Canada? 9. Present occupation? 10. (a) Length of membership i n trade unions? (b) Length of membership i n the I. ¥ . A.? 11. Offices held i n the I. ¥ . A. (a) At the present time? (b) In the past? 12. Offices held in other unions? 13. Check the last grade of school that you have finished. Grades 5..6..7..8..9..10..11..12. .13.. University 1. .2. .3. .4. .5..6. . Business College 1..2..3-. Trade or Technical School 1 . . 2 . . 3 . A . • 5 . • Other (specify) 127 14. Let us suppose some friends of yours have a serious problem concerning their ch i ld ' s destructiveness i n the home and they ask where they can go for help. What would you t e l l them? : 15. Let us suppose some friends of yours have a serious marriage problem and they ask you where they can go for help. What would you t e l l them? 16. In your opinion, should unions operate their own health and welfare programmes only when other agencies cannot supply needed services? Yes No No opinion 17. Do social welfare agencies render their services to a l l income groups? Yes No No opinion 18. How many organizations<doesthe Community Chest support? 42 65 87 101 19. Do you believe organized labour and community chest agencies should work together? Yes No No opinion 20. Do you think most labour leaders i n Vancouver want their unions to co-operate in the Community Chest? Yes No No opinion 21. Do you think most Community Chest leaders are interested in gaining the co-operation of organized labour? Yes No Don't Know 22. Do you believe that the Community Chest should be maintained i n times of f u l l employment and general prosperity? Yes No No opinion 23. Do you believe that the Community Chest should be maintained i n times of low employment and general depression? Yes No -No opinion 128 24-. Do you think that door-to-door canvassing i s a good way in which to raise funds for charitable purposes? Yes No No opinion 25. In your opinion, should unions operate their own health and welfare programmes even i f other agencies already supply them? Yes No No opinion 26. (a) Do you think that most workers give to the Community Chest because they feel pressured? Yes No (b) Do you think too much pressure i s put upon working men for giving to the Chest? Yes No (c) Where does this pressure come from? Union Management Community Chest 27. The following i s a l i s t of the social problems with which welfare services are designed to deal. Please rate them i n what you consider i s their order of importance: (a) chronically i l l (b) retarded children (c ) unemployment (d) alcoholism (e) poverty (f) drug addiction (g) juvenile delinquency (h) mental i l lnes s 28. Please rate these topics of concern to Canadians i n what you consider i s their order of importance: 129 (a) abolition of capital punishment (b) (c) European Common Market (d) need for more schools (e) (f) nuclear arms i n Canada (g) Canadian membership i n NATO (h) ( i ) national health scheme (Note: the 3 top choices in No. 27 are to be inserted i n (b), (e), and (h).) 29. Do you know of anyone who has had contact with any social workers or social work agencies? Yes No If YES, in what ways? 30. Have you had any personal contact with any social workers or social work agencies? Yes No If YES, i n what ways? 31. Do you believe that social workers need special formal education? Yes No If you have answered Yes, at what academic level? (Check one.) (a) Complete high school education > (b) Complete college education (c) Additional college graduate education 130 32. Bo you think social workers are (a) overpaid (b) underpaid (c) don rt know 33. What do you consider i s the approximate annual income of a social worker (with at least 5 years experience)? (a) Under $3,000 (b) 3,000 to 4,999 (c) 5,000 to 6,999 (d) 7,000 to 9,999 (e) 10,000 or over 34. Do you think a social worker should earn as much as a: (a) schoolteacher Yes No . Don't know (b) plumber Yes No Don't know (c) personnel manager Yes No Don't know (d) trade union business agent Yes No Don't know (e) lawyer Yes No Don't know (f) radio disc jockey Yes No Don't know (g) engineer Yes No Don't know Appendix C Basic Welfare Principles Adopted bv the AFL-CIO Executive Council , February, 19561 1. The union member i s f i r s t and foremost a c i t izen of his community. 2. The union member has a responsibil i ty to his community. He must co-operate with his fellow-citizens i n making his community a good place i n which to l i v e , to work, to raise children. He must be concerned about the ava i l ab i l i ty of adequate health, welfare and recreational services for the whole community. 3. Unions have a responsibi l i ty for the health and welfare of their members and their families which extends beyond the place of employment. This responsibil i ty includes not only the emergency caused by s tr ike , unemployment or disaster, but extends to helping the employed member meet his personal or family problem. k. The community has a responsibi l i ty to i t s c i t izens . It must be prepared to meet those social needs which individuals or families cannot meet or meet adequately with their own resources. 5. Unions have elected to finance, support and participate i n existing community social service agencies rather than to establish direct social services of their own. To the degree that the personnel and f a c i l i t i e s of social agencies serve a l l the people, they serve the men and women of organized labor, and unions shall be encouraged to continue this pol icy. 6. Government has the basic responsibi l i ty for meeting the broad health and welfare needs of the people. x AFL-CI0 Community Service , Ac t iv i t i e s , AFL-CIO Guide  to Community Services, 9 East 4-Oth Street, New York, 1956. We are well aware that a substantial and independent piece of research could result from compiling and col lat ing a variety of union statements of policy on welfare services i n both Canada and the United States. Unfortunately, this analysis could not be carried out within the l imits of time provided for this study. 132 7. Voluntary or privately-sponsored social agencies and f a c i l i t i e s occupy an important position i n meeting the social welfare needs of the community. Major responsi-b i l i t i e s f a l l ing within the scope of voluntary social work are the f ie lds of character formation, chi ld guidance, family counselling and youth ac t iv i t i e s , as well as i n the area of experimentation and pioneering research. 8. It i s the responsibi l i ty of organized labor to co-operate with other community groups in improving the quantity and quality of social services, while at the same time educating union members about available health and welfare services and how to use them. 9 . Assistance in whatever form should be given on the basis of need, regardless of the cause of the need and without regard to race, colour or national or ig in . 10. Prevention of social problems i s preferred to the best treatment of social i l l s . ( Appendix D Resolution on Welfare Services (Canadian Labour Congress)! WHEREAS workers need the services welfare agencies can provide, and WHEREAS they often do not know what services are available or how to use them, and WHEREAS the necessary information can best be provided by union Welfare Services Committees, properly organized and informed, and WHEREAS such Committees can also help to secure Labour representa-tion on the Boards of the Welfare agencies, and to inform union members on the gaps i n services and the best way to f i l l them, by private efforts or by leg i s l a t ion : BE IT RESOLVED that this Convention c a l l upon the incoming Executive to set up a Congress Standing Committee on Welfare Services, to: 1. Encourage equitable labour representation on agency boards and Committees. 2. Stimulate labour participation i n formulating agency policies and programmes. 3. Develop techniques and methods to interpret for union members agency programmes and practices. k. Assist union members, their families and other cit izens in time of need. 5 . Plan for union participation in c i v i l defense and disaster r e l i e f programmes and operations. 6. Help in the development of health and welfare services such as blood banks and multiple screening. This Resolution on Welfare Services was sent to us by Mr. A. Andras, Director of Legislat ion, Canadian Labour Congress, 100 Argyle Avenue, Ottawa, Canada. 134 7. Co-ordinate fund-raising drives, through voluntary federation wherever possible, for voluntary health and welfare services. 8. Co-operate with other agencies i n dealing with and in solving social and health problems. 9. Participate i n a l l genuine efforts designed to improve social work standards and practices. 10. Arrange (with the Congress Education Department) for classes for union counsellors at Institutes and Seminars and the Summer School; and BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED that the Canadian Labour Congress urge: 1. A l l national and international a f f i l i a tes to establish Welfare Services Departments with full-time staff wherever possible. 2. A l l provincial Federations of Labour and Labour Councils to establish Welfare Services Committees, with full-time staff wherever possible. 3. A l l loca l unions to establish Welfare Services Committees. 4. A l l a f f i l i a tes to extend f u l l co-operation to the National Committee in the development of i t s policies and programmes. Appendix E Bibliography (a) Books; AFL-CIO Community Service Act iv i t i e s , AFL-CIO Guide to Community  Services. 9 East 40th Street, New York, 1956. Baker, Helen Cody, and Mary Swain Routzahn, How to Interpret  Social Welfare: A Study Course i n Public Relations, Russell Sage Foundation, New York, 19^7 • Cole, G. D. H . , A Short History of the Br i t i sh Working-Class  Movement. 1789-1947, George Allen and Unwin L t d . . London. 1952. Dunham, Arthur, Community Welfare Organization: Principles and  Practice. Thomas Y. Crowell Co . , New York, 1958. Foner, Phi l ip S. , History of the Labour Movement i n the United  States. International Publishers, New York, 1947> (Vol. 1), 1955 (Vol. 2). Friedlander, Walter A . , Introduction to Social Welfare, Prentice-H a l l , Inc . , Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey, 1957* Galbraith, John Kenneth, American Capitalism, Houghton Mi f f l in Co . , Boston, 1956. Gray, Alexander, The Socia l i s t Tradition: Moses to Lenin, Long-mans, Green and Co . , London, 19^7. Harper, Ernest B . , and Arthur Dunham, eds., Community Organization  i n Action, Association Press, New York, 1959-Jamieson, Stuart, Industrial Relations i n Canada, Cornell Univer-sity Press, Ithaca, New York, 1957. McMillen, Wayne, Community Organization for Social Welfare, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1945. Murphy, Campbell G . , Community Organization Practice, Houghton M i f f l i n Co . , Boston, 1954. Oliver , Michael, ed . , Social Purpose for Canada, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 196l. 136 Peterson, Florence, American Labour Unions. Harper and Brothers, New York, 1 9 4 5 . Ross, Murray G . , Community Organizationt Theory and Principles . Harper and Brothers, New York, 1 9 5 5 . Shanks, Michael, The Stagnant Society. Penguin Books, London, 1 9 6 1 . Titmuss, Richard M . , Essays on 'The Welfare State". George Allen and Unwin L t d . , London, 1 9 5 8 . Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, The History of Trade Unionism, 1 6 6 6 -1920, Printed by the Authors for the Trade Unionists of The United Kingdom, 1 9 1 9 . Wigham, E r i c , What's Wrong with the Unions?, Penguin Books, London, 196~l7 Wilensky, Harold L . , and Charles N. Lebeaux, Industrial Society  and Social Welfare. Russell Sage Foundation, 1 9 5 8 . (b) Ar t i c l e s ; Becker, Virg inia R., "Blueprinting Your Public Relations", Public Welfare. V o l . 1 2 , No. 4 , October, 1 9 5 4 . Beyer, Clara M . , "Labor Standards", Social Work Year Book. 1954. American Association of Social Workers, New York, 1 9 5 4 . Beirne, Joseph A . , "Labor and Social Welfare", The Social Welfare  Forum. 1956. Columbia University Press, New York, 1957 . "Chest News i s Good News", an ed i to r i a l , The Sun, Vancouver, August 3 1 , I 9 6 0 . Community Chests and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, Annual Report, 196l, The Chest and Councils, Vancouver, _____ Department of S ta t i s t i c s , University of London, University College, Tracts for Computers, E . S. Pearson, ed . , No. XV, Random Sampling Numbers, arranged by L. H. C. Tippett, Cambridge University Press, 1 9 5 0 . Forsey, Eugene, "Labor's Stake i n Welfare", Canadian Conference  on Social Work, 1 9 5 6 , Ottawa. 137 Franck, Thomas M . , "Big Business Gets Lesson From Steel ' s Price-Grab", The Sunday Sun. Vancouver, A p r i l 21, 1962. Granger, Lester, "Social Work's Response to Democracy's Challenge", The Social Welfare Forum. 1952. Columbia University Press, New York, 1952. Hillman, Arthur, "Labor Joins the Chicago Council : Social Work and Labor Explore Their Common Ground", Community, V o l . 22, No. 3, November, 1946. Jamieson, Stuart, "Labour Unionism and Collective Bargaining", Social Purpose for Canada, ed . , Michael Oliver , University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 196l. Keeler, Howard, "Unions i n Social Work", Social Work Year Book, 19?1* National Association of Social Workers, New York, 1951. MacRae, Robert H . , "The Public: Friend or C r i t i c ? " Community, V o l . 27, No. 7,.March, 1952. Morse, Sherman, "An Awakening i n Wall Street", The American  Magazine, September, 1906. Sanders, Marion K. , "Social Work: A Profession Chasing Its Tail'} Harper's Magazine, March, 1957. Taylor, Brent, "Labor Becomes A Big Giver" , Survey Graphic, February, 1943. Vasey, Wayne, "Public Relations—An Inescapable Obligation i n Social Welfare", Social Service Review. Vo l . 27, No. 4, December, 1953* Willcocks, Arthur J . , "'The Means Tes t ' " , The Sociological  Review, V o l . 5, No. 2, December, 1957. (c) Theses: Baum, R. C. R., The Social and P o l i t i c a l Philosophy of Trade Unions, Unpublished Master's Thesis, Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of Br i t i sh Columbia, 1962. Damiano, A. J . , Community Organization Process in New Hampshire, Master of Social Work Thesis, Syracuse University, i960. Smith, I. W., A Study of the Understanding of Social Work of 66  Editors Associated with Daily Newspapers in New York State, Master of Social Work Thesis, Syracuse University, 1957* 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0105829/manifest

Comment

Related Items