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The social and political philosophy of trade unions Baum, Rainer Carl Robert 1962

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THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF TRADE UNIONS by RAINER CARL ROBERT BAUM B.S.F., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I960 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN THE REQUIREMENTS MASTER PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF FOR THE DEGREE OF OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1962 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis f o r scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It i s understood that copying or.publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of A n t h r o p o l o g y & S o c i o l o g y The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver S, Canada. Date A p r i l 19, 1962  Abstract This paper attempts to examine some major correlates of union p o l i t i c a l p o l i c i e s . It seeks to develop more f u l l y and test a hypothesis advanced by S. M. Lipset'- that the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of trade unions are related to the s o c i a l values of the society i n which unions operate. A b r i e f exposition of the values dominant i n American society suggests that they may be related to the p o l i t i c a l neutralism so c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of American unions. S i m i l a r l y , the deep and continuing i n -volvement i n party p o l i t i c s so c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of European unions appears to be related to values dominant i n European countries. In Canada where both American and European values serve as models p o l i t i c a l p o l i c i e s of unions have been f a r less uniform than those of American or European labour or-ganizations. Convention records show that Canadian c r a f t unions u n t i l recently followed the example set by most Ameri-can unions and stayed aloof from party p o l i t i c s . Instead they attempted to influence p o l i t i c a l authority through pressure group a c t i v i t i e s . I n d u s t r i a l unions, however, followed the example set by European labour organizations and supported • the programme of a S o c i a l i s t party. D.B.S. records indicate that from 1 9 4 6 to 1 9 5 7 c r a f t unions experienced f a r less un-employment than i n d u s t r i a l unions. When, after 1 9 5 7 , unem-ployment i n Canada increasingly affected c r a f t organizations many of these also joined the ranks of t h e i r i n d u s t r i a l c o l -leagues i n supporting a S o c i a l i s t party. Such findings suggest that unionists, l i k e Canadians generally, are ex-posed to two sets of d i f f e r e n t value standards. Whether they f i n d the European or the American model more appealing appears to be related to th e i r economic well being. The lack of concern with the state and the emphasis on i n d i v i -dual achievement and competition inherent i n American values need a climate of r e l a t i v e l y high economic security i n order to survive among Canadian unionists. In the absence of such security most Canadian workers give up the 'American dream'. Instead they tend to r e a l i z e their common interest and voice demands for 'a change of the system*. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE • I SOCIAL VALUES, ECONOMIC FACTORS, AND UNIONS 1 Union Theories 2 The 'Business 1 and the 'Movement' Model of Unions^ '. ' 6 Values and the Nature of Unions 19 Method and Hypothesis 36 I I ECONOMIC FACTORS AND UNION TYPES 40 Unemployment and Movement Unionism 40 The Influence of Market E l a s t i c i t y : The B.C. Building Trades: An Example.. 63 III THE NATURE OF VALUES EXPRESSED BY • MOVEMENT AND BUSINESS UNIONISTS 77 IV SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS.. 95 Summary 95 Conclusions 98 APPENDIX . .'• 101 BIBLIOGRAPHY 113 i v LIST OF TABLES TABLE I Industries i n which the Majority of Workers i s Represented by Unions O r i g i n a l l y A f f i l i a t e d with the C.C.L. or T.L.C. V LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE 1. Average Yearly Employment By Industries i n which G.C.L. or T.L.C. Unions Pre-dominate 42 2. Average Yearly Employment i n the B. C. Construction Industry 71 vi Acknowledgement s The writer wishes to. thank Dr. E. D. Naegele, Dr. S.. Jamieson, Professor M. Meissner, and Dr. N.. A. Hall for their patient supervision and advice. The writer is very much indebted to the Institute of Industrial Relations of the University of British Columbia for the generous grant which made this pro-ject possible. Gratefully acknowledged also is the aid and co-operation the writer received from Messrs. J. Morris, President, Regional Council I, International Woodworkers of America, J, Miyazawa, Director, Department of Research and Education, Regional Council I, Internation-al Woodworkers of America, G. McNeil, Director of Public Relations, Regional Council I., International Woodworkers of America, A. O'Keefe, Business Manager-Financial Secretary, Local 213, International Brother-hood of Electrical Workers, and P. O'Neal, Secretary-Treasurer, B. C. Federation of Labour. CHAPTER I SOCIAL VALUES, ECONOMIC FACTORS, AND UNIONS It i s a common observation that unions are phenomena occurring i n a l l i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s . In the i n d u s t r i a l nations of the Old World they have been more cl o s e l y asso-ciated with the labour p a r t i e s of various kinds. This as-sociation of unions with a p o l i t i c a l party, however, has not occurred so far i n the New World, at least not to any compar-able degree. The question then arises: are North American unions n o n - p o l i t i c a l or are they p o l i t i c a l i n different ways? Ever since unions became firmly established i n North American society they have been subject to study by various d i s c i p l i n e s of the s o c i a l sciences. They are studied by economists, psychologists, and s o c i o l o g i s t s . More recently, the recognition that "unions are here to stay", has undoubt-edly contributed to the development of a new s p e c i a l i t y , "Industrial Relations". Each of these d i s c i p l i n e s studies unions from a p a r t i c u l a r point of view. Yet, without running the r i s k of committing serious error, none can afford to com-pl e t e l y ignore the findings of the others. American unions have been studied extensively, yet their p o l i t i c a l aspects have so f a r l a r g e l y remained a puzzle. By " p o l i t i c a l aspects" we refer to the extent to which unions seek to influence go-vernment p o l i c i e s , and also the ways i n which t h i s interest i s pursued. One of the many ways i n which unions may be studied 2 " s o c i o l o g i c a l l y i s to view them as parts of, and embedded i n , a wider s o c i a l structure. This i s a way of saying that they share certain c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s with other i n s t i t u t i o n s and are also at the same time d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from them. This frame of reference, rather than many other possibles, seems s u i t -able where one's interest l i e s i n the p o l i t i c a l aspects of unions. Since this problem i s , however, an i n t r i c a t e part of the general nature of unions as quasi-voluntary associa-tions i t may be i n order to indicate b r i e f l y some of the major labour union theories developed so f a r . Union Theories Mark Perlman has probably gone further than any other v/riter i n systematizing the different. labour union theories published i n America."'" He describes f i v e major t h e o r e t i c a l constructs. Each of these proposes to explain union conduct. These propositions could be b r i e f l y summarized as follows: 1. The Moral-Conditioning Theory: (a) According to t h i s theory the union i s considered an educational i n s t i t u t i o n . The workers are taught propriety, s e l f - r e s t r a i n t and decent self-expression, (h) As individual workers progress i n t h e i r education they can be gradually admitted to have a c o n t r o l l i n g voice i n i n d u s t r i a l decision making, (c) Ultimately f a c t o r i e s w i l l enjoy f u l l representative "''Mark Perlman, Labour. Union Theories i n America, Row Peterson, 1958, p. 80 f f . government through the complete and harmonious co-operation of a l l producers i n a given firm. (d) The i n d i v i d u a l i s attracted to the union on the basis of his need for s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n . As an educational system, the union functions to help the worker develop a l l his personal p o t e n t i a l i t i e s i n the factory just as church and school a s s i s t him i n developing his capacities for r e l i g i o u s or p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . The Social Revolutionary Theory: (a) In t h i s theory unions ari s e as an expression of class c o n f l i c t which i t s e l f results from bourgeois exp l o i t a t i o n of the working class. This exploita-t i o n i s caused by technological changes i n produc-tion techniques. (b) Unions are a useful device i n the workers' inevitable class war against the bourgeoisie. (c) As a r e s u l t of the l i q u i d a t i o n of private property unions w i l l acquire new functions i n the c l a s s l e s s society, assuming these functions w i l l tend to hinge on an increase of productivity and on p o l i t i c a l and ... s o c i a l education. The Psychological-Environment Theory: (a) This proposal views unionism as r e s u l t i n g from the interaction of three factors: i ) the c u l t u r a l lag associated with technological change; i i ) the e f f e c t s of economic insecurity on the attitude of the work-ers; i i i ) manifestations of human i n s t i n c t s which vary by sub-culture and e t h n i c i t y . (b) Whether union demands are more r a d i c a l or moderate results from the in t e r a c t i o n of these three factors. A union w i l l tend towards radicalism where i ) old-fashioned work habits are valued, i i ) unemployment causes o r i g i n a l l y independent individuals to acquire a "class conscious" outlook, and i i i ) ethnic and lower c l a s s values permit a more free expression of aggressive tendencies. A union w i l l be more moderate where i ) the membership values technical progress, i i ) unemployment i s no problem, and i i i ) members are predominantly "full-blooded" Americans and "middle-c l a s s " in outlook. But whatever form a combination of these factors w i l l take, a union's demands are ultimately always r e f l e c t i o n s of'the attempts of i n -dividuals to adjust to technological and s o c i a l changes. (c) An implication of th i s theory would be: experienced psychologists can so "readjust" workers that through "right" education they become anti-union rather than pro-union. The Economic-Welfare Theory: (a) This theory assumes that the sole aim of the workers i s the search for greater job security, higher wages and improved working c o n d i t i o n s . (b) R a t i o n a l l y o r i e n t a t e d towards maximization of r e -turns i n the above three f a c t o r s , workers s e i z e upon unions as a l e a s t cost means. (c) Should other means turn out to be more e f f i c i e n t , unions w i l l disappear. The S o c i a l - I n s t i t u t i o n Theory: (a) Representatives of t h i s p o s i t i o n derive both the n e c e s s i t y and d e s i r a b i l i t y of unions from the n e c e s s i t y and d e s i r a b i l i t y of democracy. (b) S o c i a l - i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s t s assume the existence of s o c i a l p l u r a l i s m . (c) From t h i s they derive a d e f i n i t i o n of democratic government as that government which r e s u l t s from the i n t e r a c t i o n of d i f f e r e n t groups and f a c t i o n s . (d) Unions and employer a s s o c i a t i o n s are seen as necessary p r e r e q u i s i t e s f o r the extension of democratic government to the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r of s o c i e t y , (e) Unions f o l l o w p o l i c i e s , "intended to give to job possession the type of property r i g h t s already guaranteed to r e a l - e s t a t e and c h a t t e l ownership". ( f ) 'Just as the s t a t e , through the i n t e r a c t i o n of p a r t i e s and d i f f e r e n t pressure groups, e x e r c i s e s c o n t r o l over c i v i l r i g h t s , so unions and employer groups e x e r c i s e hegemony over job r i g h t s . 6 One outstanding c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of these f i v e theories l i e s i n their differences. The sole common denominator ap-pears to be the fact that they discuss unions. There the common.features end. But t h i s one common element also ap-pears to reveal one common weakness. Unions were viewed as e s s e n t i a l l y homogeneous phenomena. None attempted to take into account differences between unions. According to Perlman, the f i r s t three theories have not survived the 2 • • Great Depression. While there are scattered pieces of l e g i s l a t i o n which can be accounted for i n terms 'of parts of these three theories, most events on the post-depression American labour scene appear to be explainable i n terms of theories 4. and 5« With these we have "bread-and-butter realism" on the one hand, and "democratic idealism" on the other. "Business" and "Movement" Unionism American unions are declared to be " n o n - p o l i t i c a l " , though i t i s admitted that Gompers' " p o l i t i c a l voluntarism" does not preclude engaging i n p o l i t i c s altogether. Accord-ing to Taft, the worker i s not an 'idealogue 1 and usually wishes to improve his standard of l i v i n g through his union.' He i s only' m i l d l y , i f at a l l , interested i n revolutionary change. This view i s shared by Barbash, Kerr, and 2 I b i d . , p. 221. 3 P h i l i p Taft, "Ideologies and Ind u s t r i a l C o n f l i c t " i n Ross, Dubin and Kornhauser (Eds.), I n d u s t r i a l C o n f l i c t , New York, McGraw H i l l Book Co., 1954, pp. 257-265-7 4 Dunlop. In h i s economic a n a l y s i s of the f a c t o r s determin-ing a given wage l e v e l , Dunlop found i t u s e f u l to t r e a t the union l i k e a f i r m , i . e . , r a t i o n a l l y o r i e n t e d towards maxi-m i z a t i o n of economic gain. Ross, studying the same problem, comes to the opposite c o n c l u s i o n : "A trade union i s a po-l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and cannot be expected to address i t s e l f 5 p r i n c i p a l l y to the attainment of economic o b j e c t i v e s . " Barbash describes these opposite views as two popular stereotypes of unions p r e v a i l i n g among students of i n d u s t r i a l r e l a t i o n s . ^ F i r s t , there i s the "con s e r v a t i v e " union, an o r g a n i z a t i o n being very s i m i l a r to business e n t e r p r i s e s . The "lea d e r s " are those who possess good salesmanship, i . e . , are able to secure the highest p o s s i b l e p r i c e f o r the s e r v i c e s o f f e r e d by the members i n a market s i t u a t i o n . The recent trends i n business towards p r o f e s s i o n a l i z a t i o n a l s o tend to have t h e i r counterpart i n business unions. This becomes r e -f l e c t e d i n the image of the union leader as the " p r o f e s s i o n a l n e g o t i a t o r " committed to a career that promises "success", ^ J . Barbash, "Ideologies and the Unions", Am. Econ. Rev. 33, D e c , 1943, pp. 250-275; C. Kerr, I n d u s t r i a l i s m and  I n d u s t r i a l Man, Boston, Harvard Univ. P r e s s , I960; J . T. Dunlop, Wage Determination under Trade Unions, New York, K e l l y Inc., 1950, p. 95 f f -5 ^A. M. Ross, "What Is Responsible Wage P o l i c y ? " , Southern Econ. J o u r n a l , January, 1948, p. 275-g Barbash, p_p_. c i t . , p. 2 5 3 -8 i . e . , upward s o c i a l mobility.'' For our purposes i t i s im-portant to recognize that t h i s type of union leader accepts the high value placed on achievement by North American so-ci e t y . Such an orientation permits commitment to a career and allows him to accept a "better opportunity" i n another union or even "on the other side of the fence", i . e . , as company o f f i c i a l . The "bread-and-butter-realist" i s usually found in c r a f t unions. His aim i s to s e l l a specialized service (an i n t r i c a t e s k i l l ) at the highest possible price. The craftsman regards the lower wage l e v e l of un s k i l l e d l a -bour as being j u s t i f i e d . For him i t i s "natural" that "those who haven't learned anything" receive less pay. He thus views with some dis t r u s t the S o c i a l i s t s who want to make everybody equal. On the other hand, the craftsman i s usually aware that technological change i s , of course, always a po-t e n t i a l threat since i t might make his s k i l l obsolete. Therefore, technological innovation generates an- inherent tension between c r a f t and labour unions wherever semi- and un s k i l l e d machine operators encroach upon the job j u r i s -d i c t i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l c r a f t s . This tension frequently takes the form of competition for scarce jobs. The c r a f t s -man uses his union for the defense of opportunities for i n -d i v i d u a l achievement by claiming that the job requires s k i l l s only he commands. As a consequence, cr a f t unions seem to 7 This does not imply that there are no differences between businessman and business unionist. experience a high incidence of j u r i s d i c t i o n a l disputes. Where the employer i s highly dependent on available s k i l l s as he i s , for example, i n building construction, there also tends to be a. r e l a t i v e l y high degree of labour-management co-operation. Such co-operation i s supported by.the s i m i -l a r i t y i n outlook of "business unionist" and "businessman". Secondly, there i s the "progressive" union. Here the trade union o f f i c e i s a c a l l i n g . One works for " p r i n c i p l e s " and for "humanity". In b r i e f , the "super-personal" i s an Q important element of t h i s orientation. These union norms are i n contradiction to the c u l t u r a l emphasis on " i n d i v i d u a l achievement". They imply instead a concern for the "common people". This type of union i s usually found among the " i n -d u s t r i a l " organizations where no s k i l l can be offered at the highest p r i c e , because what i s available i s an undifferen-tiated service, i . e . labour power. In contrast to the busi-ness union, the i n d u s t r i a l union i s said to be characterized by c e r t a i n reformist attitudes of i t s members and leaders. These range from the advocacy of New Deal reform to S o c i a l i s t and Communist ideologies. Industrial unions also have a stronger i n c l i n a t i o n to engage in independent p o l i t i c a l action. This i s presumably based on a s o l i d a r i t y of interest and out-look of a l l those equally disadvantaged. Since there i s l i t -t l e , i f any, d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n in the services offered there o A. W. Gouldner, "Attitudes of 'Progressive' Trade Union Leaders", i n Wilson and Kolb (Eds.), S o c i o l o g i c a l Analysis, New York, Harcourt Brace, 1949, pp. 575-578. 1G are r e l a t i v e l y few j u r i s d i c t i o n a l d i s p u t e s . The d i f f e r e n c e between these two types of unions i s u s u a l l y d e s c r i b e d i n terms of "class-consciousness" where the union resembles 9 more a s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l movement as c h a r a c t e r i z e d by Blumer, and " c r a f t - c o n s c i o u s n e s s " where the union resembles more a business e n t e r p r i s e . Craft-consciousness may under c e r t a i n c o n d i t i o n s encompass a whole i n d u s t r y . Where t h i s i s the case i t may be appropriate to speak of " i n d u s t r y -consciousness". The forms of industry-consciousness may be as v a r i a b l e as the c o n d i t i o n s l e a d i n g to i t . I t may i n -volve one union, s e v e r a l unions, or unions and employers. The o p p o s i t i o n of the United Mine Workers to power develop-ment on the St. Lawrence Seaway may be given as an example i n v o l v i n g one union. The advocacy of p r o t e c t i v e t a r i f f s against Japanese c l o t h i n g imports by t e x t i l e , men's and wo-men's c l o t h i n g unions and employers e x e m p l i f i e s the i n v o l v e -ment of s e v e r a l unions and employers. Barbash's c e n t r a l ob-j e c t i v e i s to destroy the notion that a given i d e o l o g i c a l c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of a union or i t s l e a d e r s h i p i m p l i e s a more or l e s s f i x e d " p a t t e r n of behaviour". "The use of 9 C f . H. Blumer, " S o c i a l Movements", i n Lee, M.A. (Ed.) P r i n c i p l e s of Sociology, New York, Barnes & Noble,.1946, p. 199, who c h a r a c t e r i z e s s o c i a l movements as c o l l e c t i v e e n t e r -p r i s e s to e s t a b l i s h a new order of l i f e . • Their o r i g i n s l i e i n c o n d i t i o n s of unrest and d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h "the current form of l i f e and wishes and hopes f o r a new system of l i v i n g . They develop i n stages t y p i c a l l y i n c l u d i n g the f o l l o w i n g : ( l ) a g i t a t i o n , (2) development of e s p r i t de corps, (3) f o r -mation of an ideology, 11 i d e o l o g i c a l designations t e l l s us nothing about the way i n which unions function i n their day-to-day a c t i v i t i e s as unions." However, some evidence supporting the usefulness of a c l a s s i f i c a t o r y scheme d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between business and progressive unionists has been gathered by H a l l . " ^ On the basis of his study, the business unionist may be found more frequently i n unions where o f f i c e r s are appointed or at least have a decisive influence on t h e i r periodic re-election. The "progressive" union leader develops i n unions where such job security is absent. Hall further points out that from the point of view of management the l e s s democratically ap-pointed union o f f i c i a l may be a more "responsible" agent to deal with in c o l l e c t i v e bargaining. This may be due to the fact that in his p o s i t i o n he appears to be less dependent upon membership approval than the elected o f f i c i a l . Whereas Barbash r e j e c t s the d i s t i n c t i o n between class and craft-consciousness as merely stereotypic, i t may he argued that i t provides u s e f u l models for the kind of ana-l y s i s here attempted. In other words, an understanding of :'a union's p o l i t i c a l ideology cannot be excluded from an ana-l y s i s of union behaviour. While i t may be quite true that ideology i s a r e l a t i v e l y useless variable for the explanation "^N.A. H a l l , The Significance of Environment to the  Role of the Business Agent, unpublished doctoral d i s s e r t a -t i o n , Graduate School of Business Administration, Harvard University, 1961. 12 of the d a i l y a d m i n i s t r a t i v e tasks of a union, t h i s does not preclude the p o s s i b i l i t y that i t i s very s i g n i f i c a n t l y r e -l a t e d to major p o l i c i e s . As a matter of f a c t , "the Canadian Congress of Labour (C.C.L.), i n contrast to the Trades and Labour Congress (T.L.C.), endorsed the s o c i a l i s t pro-gramme of an opposition party". 1"'' More r e c e n t l y the Canadian Labour Congress (C.L.C., the f e d e r a t i o n of a l l unions i n Canada) fo l l o w e d s u i t and endorsed the programme of the New 12 Democratic P a r t y . The f a c t that i t was the f e d e r a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l unions i n Canada (CCL) who s t a r t e d t h i s move towards alignment with and support f o r a t h i r d ' party i n Ca-nada represents evidence of the r o l e of ideology i n union behaviour which can hardly be overlooked. • M i l l s maintains that there i s l i t t l e q u estion that at one point or another i n the h i s t o r y of almost any union, 15 e i t h e r the "business" or the "movement" s p i r i t was dominant. These two are mutually incompatible. Movement unionism r e -presents a leverage f o r the change of the current framework of p o l i t i c a l economy, whereas business unions act as "^Stuart Jamieson, I n d u s t r i a l R e l a t i o n s i n Canada, Cor-n e l l U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1957,.pp. 92-98. 12 Canadian Labour Congress, Proceedings of the Third  C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Convention of Montreal, P.Q., A p r i l 25-29, 1960. 1 5 C . W. M i l l s , "The Labour Leaders and the Power E l i t e " , i n Kornhauser, Dubin & Ross (Eds.), I n d u s t r i a l C o n f l i c t , New York, McGraw H i l l Book Co., 1954, pp. 144-152. 13 instruments for more advantageous integration with i t . Kerr suggests' a relationship between types of unions 14 and corresponding types of i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g e l i t e s . • Under-l y i n g this relationship appears to be the assumption of a high degree of consensus on the major values i n society. Thus the worker "responds appropriately" to a middle class e l i t e approaching him within the framework of a r r i v i n g at a "deal". He also behaves i n a business-like manner. Under a dynastic e l i t e , on the other hand, which r e s t r i c t s the scope of legitimate action of workers' organizations severely, • workers respond to p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s bent on challenging the. dynastic e l i t e . The union tends to be a movement. In th i s case, the dynastic e l i t e i s no longer the relevant e l i t e . As a h i s t o r i c a l anachronism, i t represents an era gone by. Major consensus ex i s t s on those values represented by the new po-l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . S e l i g Perlman relates the psychology of economic groups to the actual economic opportunities with which they are con-15 fronted. This i s an interesting variant of the psycho-l o g i c a l environment theory. Indeed, the author unwittingly introduces Marx' concept of "objective interests". The manualists' philosophy i s one of " s c a r c i t y of opportunity". "^C. Kerr, o_p_. c i t . 15 S e l i g Perlman, A Theory of the Labour Movement, New York, Kell y Inc., 1949, p. 125 f f . 14 This stands i n contrast to the dominant creed of equal op-portunity and i n d i v i d u a l achievement. While the labour movement, subject to these values, f i r s t played a reactionary r o l e , clamoring for free competition, being "anti-monopoly" and against "big business", i t l a t e r reversed i t s stand, accepting big business as inevitable and envisaging union-ism as a counterforce. Thus labour i s oriented towards mas-tery over job opportunities and wage l e v e l s leaving the ownership of the business to the employers or shareholders. A more sophisticated typology of unions based on a scale of i d e o l o g i c a l and psychological attitudes and general per-16 sonality t r a i t s of union leaders has been proposed by Hoxie-. With regard to the p o l i t i c a l role of labour, the form po- . l i t i c a l action can take i s being related to the " p o l i t i c a l culture". Labour movements w i l l be d i f f e r e n t from each other when the p o l i t i c a l cultures i n which the unions function are d i f f e r e n t . Hoxie's f i v e "pure" types,of unions are 'based on various combinations of the following variables: value, i n -fluence and power. "Value" refers mainly to the extent to which union membership shares the major values prevalent i n society at a given time. The question i s : whether and to what degree has a union developed i t s own sub-culture. Suf-f i c e i t to say, that according to his typology, our "business union" i s a value-sharing, influence competing union. "^R. F. Hoxie, Trade Unionism i n the United States, New York, Appleton Co., 1947, p. 27 f f . 15 Movement unions, on the other hand, are value creating, power-sharing labour movements. Galenson l i n k s business unionism with 1') high average labour income; 2) a f a i r degree of employment s t a b i l i t y ; and 17 3) s u f f i c i e n t l y strong and independent union organization. According to Andras the alleged p o l i t i c a l d i s i n t e r e s t of American labour turns out to be but'a refusal to consistently 18 a l i g n themselves with one of the. two major p a r t i e s . Apart from that, p o l i t i c s i s played according to the p r i n c i p l e of "support your friends and punish your enemies". Labour sup-ports individual Congress men rather than p a r t i e s . The reason for t h i s policy rests on two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the American system of government, viz. the separation of the executive from the legislature, and the system of. primary e l e c t i o n . The f i r s t means that a Congress-man can afford to vote against hi s party. Since.there i s a f i x e d term of o f f i c e the party w i l l never be forced to go to the country for votes before the term expires. The second means that whoever wins the primaries writes the party p o l i c i e s , hut the candidates appear on the b a l l o t s as candidates, of a party. In some states, furthermore, a p a r t i c u l a r party i s so strongly entrenched that i t w i l l 17 W. Galenson, Labour, and Economic Development, N. Y., Wiley &. Sons,. 1959, p. 256 f f . 18 A. Andras, Labour Unions i n Canada, CCL Publication, Woodsworth House, Ottawa, 1958, p. 8 f f . 16 carry the m a j o r i t y vote r e g a r d l e s s of who won the nomination. Given these c o n d i t i o n s p l u s a p r e v a i l i n g a t t i t u d e that a t h i r d party i s a l i e n to "the American Way of L i f e " , labour has found i t , so f a r , more expedient to exercise i n f l u e n c e through i n -d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n the e s t a b l i s h e d p a r t i e s r a t h e r than seek a co n s i s t e n t alignment with one of the t r a d i t i o n a l p a r t i e s or form a t h i r d one. Thus according to Lipset'.; a s e l f -p erpetuating p o l i t i c a l c y c l e develops i n which "community d e f i n i t i o n of a c e r t a i n avenue of p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n as the only l e g i t i m a t e one a l s o l i m i t s the frame of reference w i t h i n which p o l i t i c s may be represented. The elde r Senator La F o l l e t t e pointed t h i s out, when e x p l a i n i n g why he d i d not break w i t h the Re-p u b l i c a n party, by saying: 'People w i l l -,Q l i s t e n to me because I am a Republican'." I t may be mentioned i n t h i s connection that the p r i n c i p l e of "support your f r i e n d s and. punish your enemies", which i s u s u a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to Gompers, was f e l t by the president of a Canadian i n d u s t r i a l union to be a m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of Gom-• 20 pers' views. • As evidence to t h i s c l a i m i t was s a i d t h a t , a) "Gompers supported La F o l l e t t e " , and b) "that American unions have always supported the Democratic p a r t y " , ( s i c ) In the Canadian parliamentary system, on the other hand, the r u l i n g p a r t y cannot r i s k l o s i n g a vote of confidence since by custom i t i s then required to c a l l a nev; e l e c t i o n . 1 9 S . M. L i p s e t i , P o l i t i c a l Man, N. Y., Doubleday, I960, p. 274. 20 Joe M o r r i s , P r e s i d e n t , D i s t r i c t 1, I.W.A., personal i n t e r v i e w . 17 .  21 As a r e s u l t the M. P. has to toe the p a r t y l i n e . The ab-sence of pri m a r i e s and the very infrequent party conventions place c o n t r o l i n the hands of a few, both i n Tory and L i b e r a l p a r t i e s . This, according to Andras, makes i t more d i f f i c u l t to i n f l u e n c e i n d i v i d u a l s i n the p a r t i e s than i n the American 2L case. Hence labour, i f i t seeks p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n , must t u r n to a t h i r d party such as the CCP. This i n i t s e l f would tend to make p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n of the Canadian labour unions more v i s i b l e and prominent than the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y of t h e i r American counterparts. However, there are other f a c t o r s which appear at l e a s t e q u a l l y important to an understanding of the tendency of Cana-dian labour to support a t h i r d p a rty. According to Jamieson the f a i l u r e of the o l d p a r t i e s to enact a "New Deal" comparable to that of the United States u n t i l the c l o s i n g years of the Second World War, "more than any other s i n g l e f a c t o r , under-22 l a y the r i s e of the new o p p o s i t i o n p a r t i e s i n Canada". This delay was more than a mere chance event; i t suggests important d i f f e r e n c e s i n s o c i a l values between Canada and the United States. In the U. S. the "New Deal" was a response to the high value based on equality.. I f i n d i v i d u a l achievement ranks high i n the scale of v a l u e s , then a system that does not at l e a s t provide f o r e q u a l i t y of opportunity cannot be perceived as j u s t . Canada s t r e s s e s e q u a l i t y and i n d i v i d u a l achievement __ Andras, op_. c i t . . p. 16. 22 Jamieson, op_. c i t «t p. 31. 18 l e s s and d o e s so i n t h e a b s e n c e o f an e l i t e o f a r i s t o c r a t i c 23 c h a r a c t e r . I f s t a n d a r d s o f ' n o b l e s s e o b l i g e ' w e r e p r e s e n t , one m i g h t a r g u e , a h i g h e r p r o p o r t i o n o f g o v e r n m e n t e x p e n d i t u r e w o u l d be a l l o c a t e d t o p r o v i d e s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . I n o t h e r w o r d s i t may w e l l be t h e a b s e n c e o f a r i s t o c r a t i c v a l u e s i n C a n a d a t h a t f o r c e s u n i o n s t o s e e k a w i d e r a n g e o f s o c i a l s e r v i c e s p r o v i d e d i n o t h e r c o u n t r i e s , n o t a b l y c o n t i n e n t a l E u r o p e and Sweden, t h r o u g h l e g i s l a t i o n . On t h i s p o i n t t h e r e i s l i t t l e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n C a n a d a and t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . I n b o t h c o u n t r i e s s o c i a l s e c u r i t y m e a s u r e s p l a y a more p r o m i n e n t r o l e i n c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g t h a n i s t h e c a s e i n E u r o p e . S i n c e , h o w e v e r , i n d i v i d u a l a c h i e v e m e n t seems l e s s e m p h a s i z e d i n C a -n a d a t h e c o l l e c t i v e p u r s u i t o f common i n t e r e s t s a t t a i n s , i t a p p e a r s , a h i g h e r d e g r e e o f l e g i t i m a c y t h a n i n t h e U. S. T h e r e f o r e , c o l l a b o r a t i o n b e t w e e n u n i o n s and a t h i r d p a r t y may be a l e s s t a b o o e d u n d e r t a k i n g f o r C a n a d i a n s t h a n f o r A m e r i c a n s S u p e r i m p o s e d on t h i s p a t t e r n t h e r e a r e t h e deep e t h n i c d i v i -s i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e F r e n c h - E n g l i s h d i v i s i o n , on t h e C a n a -d i a n s c e n e . E t h n i c i t y , a g e , and p e r s o n a l i t y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f u n i o n l e a d e r s a r e v a r i a b l e s , h o w e v e r , w h i c h we w i l l l a r g e l y i g n o r e . W h i l e t h e s e may be i m p o r t a n t i n i n d i v i d u a l c a s e s , i t seems h i g h l y d u b i o u s w h e t h e r c h a n c e a l o n e c o u l d o p e r a t e t o s e l e c t i v e l y p l a c e c e r t a i n t y p e s — a s f o r i n s t a n c e t h e f i r s t g e n e r a t i o n 2 3 •^S. M. U p s e t ; . , T r a d e U n i o n s and S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e ( u n p u b l i s h e d ) . 19 sons of European s o c i a l i s t f a t h e r s , the younger, or the i d e a l i s t s — o n the s t a f f of i n d u s t r i a l unions. S i m i l a r l y , i t may be qu i t e true that to some extent the membership of a •union i s always "brainwashed" by i t s l e a d e r s h i p . That i s to say, the leaders impose t h e i r w i l l on the membership. Again, however, even a high degree of brainwashing would hardly ex-p l a i n the apparently c o n s i s t e n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n p o l i t i c a l o r i -e n t a t i o n between c r a f t and i n d u s t r i a l unions. From the foregoing i t becomes apparent that there are many c o n t r a d i c t i o n s i n the v a r i o u s t h e o r i e s designed to ac-count f o r union conduct. The nature of these' t h e o r e t i c a l e v a l u a t i o n s i s furthermore such that i t s e e m s • d i f f i c u l t — a n d i n the opinion of Mark Perlman, i m p o s s i b l e — t o c o n s t r u c t one general theory out of the many. However, given the -idea of the dual aspects of unions-, i . e . that e i t h e r the "movement" or the "business" c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s can predominate, .an attempt • w i l l now be made to r e l a t e t h i s d u a l i t y to opposed values i n Canadian s o c i e t y . • - .. . Values and- the Nature of Unions Much i n Canada seems a p e c u l i a r blend of New and Old 24- 2*5 World i n f l u e n c e s . L i p s e t ' , and Naegele, commented on these " i n between" c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . "At the moment", wri t e s 2 4 i M d -25 ^K. D. Naegele, "Canadian S o c i e t y : Some R e f l e c t i o n s " , i n B l i s h e n , Johns, Naegele, P o r t e r (Eds.),- Canadian Society, Toronto.," McMillan, 1961, pp. 1-53. 20 Naegele, " i t i s the 'intermediate' character of the Canadian consensus that i s of concern. Both the English and the American models are regarded with p o s i t i v e and negative emo-tions and judgments. Both are pa r t l y envied and imitated, admitted,, used,, opposed, and c r i t i c i z e d . " We may now b r i e f l y turn our attention to these opposed value influences i n so far as they appear relevant to our problem. According to Parsons the predominant value-orientation of 2 6 American Society i s the universalistic-achievement complex. Since u n i v e r s a l i s t i c and achievement values as well as t h e i r opposites, v i s . particularism and a s c r i p t i o n , form an essen-t i a l part of the argument to follow, i t may be useful to b r i e f l y define these terms i n a manner compatible with our purpose. Values assign d i f f e r e n t i a l importance to general stan-dards of performance or q u a l i t i e s . By value-orientation we simply mean a more or less consistent preference of certain general norms rather than others. These general norms or stan dards define and guide 'appropriate' behaviour i n varying s i t u ations. U n i v e r s a l i s t i c values assign greater importance to generalized standards i n terms of the way i n which ends are ' attained. E f f i c i e n c y , effectiveness, economy, and competence are such standards. Their universalism l i e s i n th e i r a p p l i -c a b i l i t y to a l l instrumental behaviour, i . e . conduct engaged i n for an u l t e r i o r end. Since universalism excludes concern Talcott Parsons, The So c i a l System, Glencoe, Free Press 1951, pp. 59-112. 21 w i t h any p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n s i t s t a n d s i n d i r e c t o p p o s i t i o n t o ' p e r s o n a l c o n n e c t i o n s ' , a n d c o n s i d e r a t i o n s f o r k i n s h i p a n d c o m m u n i t y r e l a t i o n s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c v a l u e s c a n be d e f i n e d a s a s s i g n i n g g r e a t e r i m p o r t a n c e t o g e n e r a l i z e d s t a n d a r d s i n t e r m s o f m e m b e r s h i p i n g r o u p s . A c h i e v e m e n t a nd a s c r i p t i v e v a l u e s c a n be d e f i n e d i n . s i m i l a r ways. A c h i e v e m e n t v a l u e s a s s i g n g r e a t e r i m p o r t a n c e t o g e n e r a l i z e d s t a n d a r d s i n t e r m s o f p o s i t i o n s a t t a i n e d t h r o u g h e f f o r t . A s c r i p t i v e v a l u e s , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , a s s i g n g r e a t e r i m p o r t a n c e t o g e n e r a l i z e d s t a n d a r d s i n t e r m s o f p o s i t i o n s a s -s i g n e d by o t h e r s r e g a r d l e s s o f e f f o r t . P o s i t i o n s , a s u s e d h e r e , do i n c l u d e s u c h r e l a t i v e l y l o o s e l y s p e c i f i e d ' i d e a s ' a s t h e A m e r i c a n ' s e l f - m a d e man', o r t h e c o n c e p t o f man a s t h e b e a r e r o f 'human r i g h t s ' t h a t was b o r n i n t h e F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n . I t seems e v i d e n t l y c l e a r t h a t t h e s e l f - m a d e man r e p r e s e n t s a c h i e v e m e n t o r i e n t a t i o n s . Gn t h e o t h e r h a n d , t o h a v e human r i g h t s i t s u f f i c e s t o be b o r n human. Human r i g h t s a r e a s c r i b e d t o t h e i n d i v i d u a l a s p a r t o f t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f human b e i n g , a l -t h o u g h i t i s a l w a y s p o s s i b l e , i n a s e n s e , t o 'undo' t h e s e a s -c r i p t i o n s . Man c a n by c e r t a i n a c t s p l a c e h i m s e l f o u t s i d e t h e r e a l m o f s o c i e t y . V/hether s u c h a s c r i p t i v e q u a l i t i e s a r e human r i g h t s , o r a g e , r a c e , o r s o c i a l c l a s s , t h e y a r e o n l y 'overcome' i n e x c e p t i o n a l c a s e s . P r i n c i p a l l y , t h e y a r e i n d e p e n d e n t o f e f f o r t . I n A m e r i c a n s o c i e t y t h e c o m b i n a t i o n o f u n i v e r s a l i s m w i t h a c h i e v e m e n t l e a d s t o a h i g h v a l u a t i o n o f g o a l s and i n s t r u m e n t a l 22 27 conduct furthering these. The goals themselves must be i n accord with u n i v e r s a l i s t i c values. This means that the goals must be attainable independently of 'personal* or k i n -ship connections. Two important conclusions can be derived from t h i s statement. F i r s t l y , "promotion of the welfare of 28 a c o l l e c t i v i t y as such tends to be ruled out". The group i s hardly ever an end i n i t s e l f . For the predominance of universalistic-achievement orientation attributes to almost any kind of groups instrumental significance. One joins i n order to get ahead, i . e . to further one's own i n t e r e s t s . This fact seems to•form the basis of 'individualism' i n American society. Secondly, u n i v e r s a l i s t i c a l l y defined goals f o r achievement could hardly be absolute. For an at-tainment once and for a l l would make achievement value mean-ingless. According to Parsons American society values i n -d i v i d u a l achievement i n i t s e l f . This i s defined as a continuous process rather than the attainment of f i x e d d e f i n i t e goals. Such openness can perhaps best be charac-t e r i z e d by the word 'more'. One s t r i v e s for more, be i t more knowledge, more power or more wealth. The high value placed on equality i s also of significance for our problem. The importance l i e s i n i t s transformation into a b e l i e f i n 'equal opportunity'. By b e l i e f we mean that equal opportunity 2 7 I b i d . , pp. 182-191. 2 8 I b i d . , p. 183-23 i s n o t o n l y r e g a r d e d a s g o o d b u t t h a t i t i s a l s o b e l i e v e d t o e x i s t i n f a c t . A f u r t h e r c o n c o m i t a n t o f i n d i v i d u a l a c h i e v e -ment and e q u a l i t y o f o p p o r t u n i t y i s t h e h i g h v a l u e p l a c e d on c o m p e t i t i o n . C o m p e t i t i o n i s b o t h a v e h i c l e t o w a r d s ' s u c c e s s ' , and a n a g e n t f o r t h e j u s t d i s t r i b u t i o n o f r e w a r d s . F o r i t i n s u r e s t h a t a l l t h o s e 'who have g o t i t ' a n d who t r y h a r d e n o u g h w i l l s u c c e e d , w h e r e a s t h e o t h e r s must f a i l . A b e l i e f i n e q u a l o p p o r t u n i t y f o r c e s t h o s e 'who do n o t make i t ' t o blame o n l y t h e m s e l v e s . C o m p e t i t i o n may be b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s o r g r o u p s . I n t h e l a t t e r c a s e t h e v a l u e p l a c e d on i n d i v i d u a l a c h i e v e m e n t a s s u r e s t h a t one c o m p e t e s ' t h r o u g h ' a g r o u p b u t h a r d l y e v e r ' f o r ' a g r o u p . That i s t o s a y , g r o u p p o w e r may be u s e d a s a weapon i n t h e p r o c e s s o f i n d i v i d u a l , c o m p e t i t i o n ; b u t t h e g r o u p i t s e l f h a s m e r e l y i n s t r u m e n t a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . The c u r r e n t h e r o o f A m e r i c a n s o c i e t y , t h e c o r p o r a t i o n e x e c u -t i v e , e x e m p l i f i e s t h i s p a t t e r n . He i s h i g h l y m o b i l e . P e r -p e t u a l l y on t h e l o o k o u t f o r ' b e t t e r o p p o r t u n i t i e s ' he s h i f t s h i s a l l e g i a n c e f r o m 'one b i g happy f a m i l y ' ( t h e company) t o a n o t h e r , a s he p r o p e l s - h i m s e l f u p w a r d on t h e o c c u p a t i o n a l l a d d e r . T h e r e i s one o t h e r c o n c o m i t a n t o f t h e h i g h v a l u e p l a c e d on i n s t r u m e n t a l c o n d u c t w h i c h i s i m p o r t a n t i n t h i s d i s c u s s i o n . T h i s p r e d o m i n a t i n g u t i l i t a r i a n - o u t l o o k l e a d s t o a s t r o n g em-29 p h a s i s o n ' s p e c i f i c i t y ' . F o l l o w i n g P a r s o n s we d e f i n e ^ I b i d . , pp. 65-66. 24 s p e c i f i c i t y a s r e f e r r i n g t o a d i s p o s i t i o n w h i c h c l e a r l y c i r c u m s c r i b e s t h e s c o p e o f i n t e r e s t one h a s i n o n e ' s r e l a -t i o n s t o o t h e r p e r s o n s , g r o u p s , o r i n s t i t u t i o n s . One e x -a mple o f s u c h i n t e r a c t i o n c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y s p e c i f i c i t y may s u f f i c e . A a p p r o a c h e s B w i t h a demand. B r e s p o n d s w i t h a s u r p r i s e d l o o k and s u g g e s t s t o A t h a t h i s demands go b e y o n d B's o b l i g a t i o n t o A. Then A ha s t o j u s t i f y h i s demands, i . e . he i s f o r c e d t o j u s t i f y t h e i n c l u s i o n o f a demand. The r e -l a t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , i s s p e c i f i c . I t s o b l i g a t i o n s o n b o t h s i d e s a r e b o t h d e l i m i t e d a n d s p e c i f i e d f r o m t h e o u t s e t . On t h e o t h e r h a n d , where B h a s t o e x p l a i n and j u s t i f y why t h e demand i s t o be e x c l u d e d , s u c h a r e l a t i o n i s ' d i f f u s e ' . I n s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s , by t h e i r v e r y n a t u r e , one i s ' p r o d u c t * r a t h e r t h a n ' p e r s o n ' o r i e n t e d , and o n l y a s m a l l s e c -t o r o f t h e o t h e r , h i s s p e c i f i e d r o l e o b l i g a t i o n s , i s r e l e v a n t . S p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s , t h e r e f o r e , work a g a i n s t i m p u t i n g g e n e r a l - , i z e d s u p e r i o r i t y t o i n d i v i d u a l s , g r o u p s o r s o c i a l c l a s s e s . T h i s s u g g e s t s t h a t where t h e e m p h a s i s on s p e c i f i c i t y . i s s t r o n g l e a d e r s h i p r o l e s a r e a l w a y s open t o c h a l l e n g e . S u c h c h a l l e n g e i s c o n s i d e r e d l e g i t i m a t e . I n a way, t h e r e i s a c o n s t a n t d e -mand on t h e l e a d e r t o d e m o n s t r a t e h i s c o m p e t e n c e . E s p e c i a l l y w here s p e c i f i c i t y o c c u r s i n c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h u n i v e r s a l i s m and a c h i e v e m e n t a s . i n t h e A m e r i c a n c a s e , t h e r e a r e s t r o n g p r e s -s u r e s on t h e l e a d e r . The r e l e v a n t q u e s t i o n i s a l w a y s : how w e l l d o e s he p e r f o r m ? He must ' d e l i v e r t h e g o o d s ' . S h o u l d he f a i l t o do s o , o r someone e l s e come a l o n g who ' c a n do 25 better', the leader has to go. The extent to which Canada i s more e l i t i s t and more par-•50 t i c u l a r i s t i c than the U. S. can be related to the European influence of particularism and a s c r i p t i o n on the one hand, and the combination of universalism with ascription on the other. P a r t i c u l a r i s t i c orientations place l i m i t a t i o n s on the choice of goals to which achievement values may be legitimate-l y applied. A r e l a t i v e emphasis on obligations one has v i s -a-vis groups and fellow members- predominates throughout the value system. The accent i s on c o l l e c t i v e rather than i n -d i v i d u a l achievement. This leads to a more diffuse d e f i n i -t i o n of leadership r o l e s . In combination with a s c r i p t i o n diffuseness works for the a t t r i b u t i o n of general s u p e r i o r i t y to the leader. Here the leadership p o s i t i o n w i l l be f i l l e d 31 by him who best symbolizes a l l - the values of the group. V/here particularism occurs i n combination with a s c r i p t i o n i t leads to an acceptance of the s o c i a l conditions as they are. These two components of the value system may well be the noted influence of B r i t i s h 'conservatism' in-the upper st r a t a • 32 of Canadian society. Where, however, ascription i s combined with universalism, as appears to be the case i n some parts of 3G S. M. Lipset, op_. c i t . , p. 2 4 . 31 Cf. Homans'•concept of leadership, G. Homans, The  Human Group, N. Y., Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1950, pp. 180-188. 32 K. D. Naegele, op_. c i t . , p. 2 2 . 26 E u r o p e a l s o , c o n c e p t i o n s o f a n i d e a l s t a t e o f a f f a i r s t e n d t o p r e v a i l . We must r e f e r h e r e t o a p h i l o s o p h y t h a t e m b o d i e s an i d e a l d e s i g n f o r s o c i e t y i n w h i c h e v e r y b o d y r e c e i v e s more j u s -t i c e . S u c h a c o n c e p t i o n o f t h e ' i d e a l o r d e r ' c a n l e a d t o b o t h c o n s e r v a t i s m a s w e l l a s r a d i c a l i s m . C o n s e r v a t i v e t e n d t o be t h o s e who r e g a r d t h e c u r r e n t s y s t e m a s t h e i d e a l . R a d i c a l i s m r e s u l t s where an i d e a l s t a t e i s s e t o v e r a g a i n s t a n e x i s t i n g o n e . The l a t t e r i s t h e n d e f i n e d ' a s c o r r u p t and u n j u s t . W h e reas t h e i d e a l p i c t u r e o f a New O r d e r t e n d s t o be f o r m u l a t e d i n t e r m s o f u n i v e r s a l i s t i c and a s c r i p t i v e v a l u e s — t h a t i s e q u a l s t a t u s i s i n c u m b e n t u p on a l l members o f t h e s y s t e m — t h e r e t e n d s i n f a c t t o be a n a r r o w i n g o f t h i s h o r i z o n , so t h a t b o u n d a r i e s a r e d r a w n b e t w e e n t h o s e who b e l i e v e and t h o s e who do n o t b e l i e v e i n i t s p o s s i b i l i t y . F o r p u r p o s e s o f o r -g a n i z a t i o n , t h a t i s , p a r t i c u l a r i s m r a t h e r t h a n u n i v e r s a l i s m comes t o be t h e p r e v a i l i n g mode o f o r i e n t a t i o n . One i s e i t h e r ' f o r i t ' and ' b e l o n g s ' o r ' a g a i n s t i t ' and d o e s n o t ' b e l o n g ' . . F r o m t h e f o r e g o i n g i t becomes e v i d e n t t h a t t h e " b u s i n e s s u n i o n " a s an i d e a l t y p e i s most c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e m a j o r v a l u e s o f a c h i e v e m e n t and u n i v e r s a l i s m . As f a r a s t h e l e a d e r i s c o n c e r n e d h i s a c h i e v e m e n t i s i n some s e n s e , o f c o u r s e , b o und up w i t h f u r t h e r i n g t h e w e l f a r e o f t h e u n i o n s . B u t i t i s t h e e m p h a s i s on s p e c i f i c i t y t h a t makes h i m a c a r e e r n e g o -t i a t o r and p e r m i t s h i m t o move i n t o o t h e r u n i o n s o r e v e n b u s i -n e s s b u r e a u c r a c i e s . As a t e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i n t h e f i e l d o f c o l l e c t i v e - b a r g a i n i n g , who commands a h i g h s a l a r y , he i s 27 g e n e r a l l y a l o o f f r o m t h e i g n o r a n t a n d o f t e n a p a t h e t i c mem-b e r s h i p . I n one s e n s e , t e c h n i c a l c o m p e t e n c y makes h i m i n -d i s p e n s a b l e and t h u s w o r k s a g a i n s t t h e i n h e r e n t i n s t a b i l i t y o f s p e c i f i c l e a d e r s h i p r o l e s . B u t t h i s s t a b i l i t y seems o n l y g u a r a n t e e d so l o n g a s he c a n a t l e a s t m a i n t a i n t h e u n i o n ' s p o s i t i o n i n a c o n s t a n t l y c h a n g i n g wage s t r u c t u r e . A t w o - f o l d demand on h i s j o b c a n be d e r i v e d f r o m t h e h i g h v a l u e p l a c e d o n a c h i e v e m e n t a nd c o m p e t i t i o n a s a means t o w a r d s t h a t e n d . H i s j o b i s n o t o n l y t o i n c r e a s e r e m u n e r a t i o n b u t a l s o t o m a i n t a i n t h e i n e q u a l i t i e s i n c o m p e n s a t i o n p a i d f o r d i f f e r e n t k i n d o f w o r k . F o r a n o r g a n i z a t i o n t h a t s e e k s more a d v a n t a g e o u s i n t e g r a t i o n w i t h t h e c u r r e n t s y s t e m t h e ' n a t u r a l ' f o r m o f p o -•54 l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i s t h e l o b b y and t h e p r e s s u r e g r o u p . I n b o t h c a s e s i t s s o l e c o n c e r n l i e s w i t h t h e a d v a n c e m e n t o f i t s own s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t s . A c c o r d i n g l y , t h e CIO-PAC " d e f i n e d p o l i t i c s a s " t h e s c i e n c e o f how, who g e t s w h a t , when and 35 - • why". C a r r i e d t o i t s l o g i c a l c o n c l u s i o n s u c h o r i e n t a t i o n •would " c h a r a c t e r i z e modern g o v e r n m e n t and s t a t e a s a 5 5 S . M. Upset;.. P o l i t i c a l Man, N . Y., Doubleday, I960, pp. 389-391. ^ C f . M. E. D i l l i o n , "Pressure Groups", Am. P o l . Sc. Rev. 36, 1942, p. 471, who d i f f e r e n t i a t e s between lobby and pressure groups on the b a s i s of the former working with undercover techniques whereas the l a t t e r seeks to i n f l u e n c e p u b l i c o p i n i o n . 35 V. 0. Key, J r . , P o l i t i c s , P a r t i e s , and Pressure Groups N. Y., Thomas Y. Crowell, 1948, p. 1. 28 36 neo-feudalism of mighty interest groups". 'Movement-unionism1 on the other hand seems most com-patible with particularism and a s c r i p t i o n and a philosophy claiming universal v a l i d i t y . Leaders who do not work for money or success but have a ' c a l l i n g ' form an e l i t e . They are oriented towards improving the 'fate of the working classes', through working toward the establishment of an or-der that brings j u s t i c e to a l l . The s t a b i l i t y of such more diffuse leadership roles depends very much on membership con-sensus regarding the various goals. Where such consensus i s lacking, especially as regards the compatibility of economic and p o l i t i c a l , short and long run goals, there i s the con-stant threat of factionalism. This i s mitigated only by the emphasis on s o l i d a r i t y which derives from p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c orientations. The "natural" form of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y for an organization that i s an instrument for the change of the system i s the party. There are inherent tensions i n the ideal-t y p i c a l party which correspond cl o s e l y to those d r i v i n g forces that are at the core of s o c i a l movements. These tensions, i t seems, derive from the clash of p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c orientations with the conception of a u n i v e r s a l l y v a l i d i d e a l order. For on the one hand, 'party' means always to be partisan, i . e . pay allegiance to one p a r t i c u l a r group and to be against 36 S. Neumann, "Zum Studium des Modernen Parteiwesens", i n Schriften des Institutes fitr P o l i t i s c h e Wissenschaft, Band 6, "Parteien i n der Bundes Republik", Dusseldorfi Ring Ver-l a g , 1955, pp. XVII-XXXI. 29 a n o t h e r . Y e t on t h e o t h e r h a n d , e v e r y p a r t y a d d r e s s e s i t -s e l f t o a l l v o t e r s . F o r t h e ' t y p i c a l ' p a r t y t h i s i s n e v e r m e r e l y a m a t t e r o f e x p e d i e n c y . The p a r t y programme i s a d e -s i g n f o r t h e whole s o c i e t y i n c l u d i n g a l l i t s d i v e r s e g r o u p s . The programme o f t h e Communist P a r t y , p e r h a p s t h e ' p u r e s t ' o f t h e s o - c a l l e d ' c l a s s p a r t i e s ' , may s e r v e a s an e x a m p l e . I n t h e Communist M a n i f e s t o a l l p r e s c r i p t i o n s f o r p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n a r e b a s e d on a u n i v e r s a l i s t i c a l l y d e f i n e d g o a l . Once t h e d i c t a t o r s h i p o f t h e p r o l e t a r i a t h a s f u l f i l l e d i t s m i s -s i o n , t h e r e w i l l f o l l o w t h e t o t a l l i b e r a t i o n o f s o c i e t y and t h e t o t a l d i s a p p e a r a n c e o f " c l a s s e s " . T h u s , t h e p a r t y a l -ways r e p r e s e n t s p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s a s w e l l a s t h e i n t e r e s t s o f a l l . T h i s t e n s i o n a r i s i n g f r o m t h e s i m u l t a n e o u s r e p r e -s e n t a t i o n o f p a r t i c u l a r and u n i v e r s a l i n t e r e s t s p r o v i d e t h e p a r t y w i t h i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c d i a l e c t i c t h a t s e t s i t a p a r t 37 f r o m t h e p r e s s u r e g r o u p and t h e l o b b y . To s p e a k o f t h e " r e l a t i v e p r e d o m i n a n c e " o f a c h i e v e m e n t a n d u n i v e r s a l i s m i n A m e r i c a n s o c i e t y i s a way o f i n d i c a t i n g t h e p r e s e n c e o f o p p o s e d v a l u e s . Y e t t h e p r e s e n t s t a t e o f k n o w l e d g e r e g a r d i n g t h e v a r i a t i o n o f v a l u e s i s r a t h e r f r a g -m e n t a r y . K a h l , a f t e r e x a m i n i n g t h e r e l e v a n t l i t e r a t u r e on ' s o c i a l c l a s s a n d v a l u e s ' , c a n o n l y s u g g e s t t h a t o r i e n t a t i o n s o f p a r t i c u l a r i s m and a s c r i p t i o n a p p e a r t o p l a y a more p r e -v a l e n t r o l e i n t h e u p p e r and t h e l o w e r c l a s s e s o f t h i s most I b i d . 30 s t u d i e d s o c i e t y of the world. For the upper c l a s s , i . e . those who have a r r i v e d , achievement i s no longer r e l e v a n t ; f o r the a p a t h e t i c lower c l a s s i t never even becomes r e l e v a n t . As f a r as p a r t i c u l a r i s m i s concerned, the parvenue i s never accepted among the s e l e c t few f o r he does not know how to l i v e g r a c i o u s l y . The lower c l a s s member can d e r i v e s a t i s -f a c t i o n s from h e l p i n g those of h i s k i n d . He i s not so s e l f -i s h as 'those up there'. For Canada even such suggestive knowledge regarding the v a r i a t i o n of values i s not a v a i l a b l e . A l l we assume i s the presence of both the American and European model. From the American case, however, we w i l l d e r i v e what appears to be a r e l a t i v e l y safe assumption, v i z . that economic f a c t o r s are r e l a t e d to the kinds of values which are s t r e s s e d . In our problem 'economic f a c t o r s ' r e f e r simply to the supply and de-mands of the s e r v i c e s o f f e r e d by the unions i n the labour mar-ket. Among s e r v i c e s we d i s t i n g u i s h between s k i l l and 'time*. For each i n t u r n demand may vary. To command a s k i l l i s a l -ready an achievement i n i t s e l f . Furthermore, s k i l l , other f a c t o r s being equal, receives a b e t t e r p r i c e than mere 'time'. For him who can s e l l h i s s k i l l , an achievement o r i e n t a -t i o n provides standards to j u s t i f y h i s b e t t e r income v i s - a -v i s that of the ' s e l l e r of t i m e 1 . Furthermore, while he may not be able to l i v e e x t r a v a g a n t l y , he can l i v e comfortably, 38 J . A. K a h l , The American Class S t r u c t u r e , N. Y., Rinehart & Co., I960, pp. 184-217-31 a n d e x p e c t i n h i s home s l o w l y t o add one g a d g e t t o a n o t h e r . T h ese g a d g e t s a r e t h e s y m b o l s o f h i s a c h i e v e m e n t . Of c o u r s e , one w a n t s more. F o r t h a t p u r p o s e one p a y s o n e ' s d u e s and i n -v e s t s i n a s k i l l e d n e g o t i a t o r . I n s u c h a s i t u a t i o n b r e a d - a n d -b u t t e r r e a l i s m makes s e n s e f o r i t b r i n g s v i s i b l e r e t u r n s . F o r t h e u n s k i l l e d a c h i e v e m e n t - o r i e n t a t i o n s a r e a l m o s t m e a n i n g l e s s . H i s p r i m a r y c o n c e r n i s n o t w i t h more b u t w i t h s o m e t h i n g r a t h e r t h a n n o t h i n g . He i s c o n c e r n e d t o s t a y a l i v e , n o t t o e x c e l . He i s above a l l s e c u r i t y c o n s c i o u s , t h a t i s t o 39 s a y , employment s e c u r i t y i s h i s f o r e m o s t g o a l . As f a r a s t h e u n i o n l e a d e r i s c o n c e r n e d , he i s f a c e d w i t h t h e u n a l t e r -a b l e f a c t t h a t t h e s u p p l y o f t h o s e ' w i t h t i m e ' i s b e y o n d c o n -t r o l . He i s t h e r e f o r e f o r c e d t o c o n c e r n h i m s e l f w i t h p r o b l e m s c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e demand f o r ' t i m e ' . Where i t i s an i n h e r e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f a s y s t e m o f e c o n o m i c a r r a n g e m e n t s t h a t t h i s demand i s i n t e r m i t t e n t s u c h s y s t e m w i l l be v i e w e d a s c o n s t a n t -l y w o r k i n g t o t h e d i s a d v a n t a g e o f a l l o t h e r s e l l e r s o f t i m e . J On the other hand, for those 'at the very bottom' of the class structure, i . e . people who have the lowest paid jobs, work i r r e g u l a r l y , especially i n had times, and l i v e i n slums, even security s t r i v i n g has become meaningless. For any degree of permanent security i s beyond attainment. The t y p i c a l response to economic pressure tends to be helping one another rather than saving or hard work. There i s never enough to save anything and work i s often not available. Once accustomed to t h i s s i t u a t i o n , workers tend to regard a steady job as unimportant even when one i s available. They have learned that they w i l l be; the f i r s t to be f i r e d anyway and have given up. Cf. A l l i s o n Davis, "The Motivation of the Underprivileged Worker", i n W. F. Whyte (Ed.), Industry and  Society, N. Y., McGraw-Hill, 1946, p. 86. 3 2 I f t h i s f e e l i n g o f a l l o f u s b e i n g i n one b o a t c o m b i n e s w i t h t h e s e a r c h f o r a l t e r n a t i v e a n d more j u s t e c o n o m i c a r r a n g e -ments t h e s e e d s o f a p a r t y a r e p r e s e n t . W h e t h e r t h e s e s e e d s g e r m i n a t e may v e r y w e l l d e p e n d on t h e r e l a t i v e s t r e n g t h o f i n d i v i d u a l a c h i e v e m e n t v a l u e s . Where t h e s e a r e h i g h i n d e -p e n d e n t p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n may l a c k t h e s u p p o r t o f v a l u e s l e g i -t i m i z i n g s u c h c o n d u c t . A p a t h y o r o r g a n i z e d c r i m e may be t h e o n l y p o s s i b l e r e s p o n s e s o f t h o s e who c a n n o t s e l l t i m e . Where, on t h e o t h e r h a n d , p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c v a l u e s l e g i t i m i z e ' t h e s o l i d a r i t y o f t h e w o r k i n g men' a l a b o u r p a r t y becomes a p o s -s i b i l i t y . Whether s u c h a p a r t y g a i n s s u f f i c i e n t momentum t o o b t a i n a m a j o r i t y o f s e a t s i n a p a r l i a m e n t o r a l e g i s l a t i v e a s s e m b l y may depend i n t u r n on t h e r e l a t i v e s t r e n g t h o f u n i -v e r s a l i s t i c a s c r i p t i v e v a l u e s . F o r t h e s e v a l u e s a l o n e l e g i -t i m i z e l o o k i n g f o r w a r d and w o r k i n g t o w a r d s a new a n d b e t t e r o r d e r . U n i v e r s a l i s t i c - a c h i e v e m e n t o r i e n t a t i o n s , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , t e n d t o d e f i n e s u c h c o n d u c t a s U t o p i a n n o n s e n s e . A t t h e m o m e n t - p r e c i o u s l i t t l e i s known a b o u t t h e r e l a t i v e p r e -d o m i n a n c e o f t h e s e d i v e r s e v a l u e s i n C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y . N e v e r -t h e l e s s , by s i m p l y a s s u m i n g t h e i r e x i s t e n c e we c a n d e r i v e c e r -t a i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s f r o m t h e s e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . I n d i s c u s s i n g e c o n o m i c f a c t o r s so f a r o n l y s k i l l a n d em-p l o y m e n t s t a b i l i t y , i . e . f l u c t u a t i o n i n l a b o u r demand, h a v e b e e n c o n s i d e r e d . A t h i r d f a c t o r w h i c h a l s o a p p e a r s i m p o r t a n t i s p r o d u c t m a r k e t e l a s t i c i t y . I n a n i n e l a s t i c m a r k e t a c o n -s i d e r a b l e change i n p r i c e c a u s e s l i t t l e c h ange i n t h e demand 33 f o r t h e c o m m o d i t y . F o r o u r p u r p o s e s t h i s means e s s e n t i a l l y t h a t i n c r e a s e d l a b o u r c o s t c a n he p a s s e d on r e a d i l y t o t h e c o n s u m e r w i t h o u t c a u s i n g a d r o p i n s a l e s and t h e r e f o r e unem-p l o y m e n t c a u s e d by t h e b a n k r u p t c y o r t e m p o r a r y c l o s i n g o f m a r g i n a l f i r m s . The o b v e r s e h o l d s t r u e i n a n e l a s t i c m a r k e t . I n a d d i t i o n , a u n i o n ' s b a r g a i n i n g power seems a l s o r e l a t e d t o t h e r e l a t i v e e l a s t i c i t y o f t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t b o t h f r o m a s u p p l y and f r o m a demand p o i n t o f v i e w . Where i n t r i c a t e . s k i l l s a r e r e q u i r e d l a b o u r s u p p l y t e n d s t o be i n e l a s t i c s i n c e a r e a d y p o o l o f u n e m p l o y e d s k i l l e d w o r k e r s seems t o be an e x -c e p t i o n r a t h e r t h a n t h e r u l e . The s u p p l y o f s e l l e r s o f t i m e , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , a p p e a r s r e l a t i v e l y e l a s t i c . The l a t t e r i s p a r t i c u l a r l y n o t i c e a b l e f o r u n s k i l l e d f e m a l e l a b o u r i n t h e s e r v i c e i n d u s t r i e s . V/here l a b o u r s u p p l y i s i n e l a s t i c u n i o n s c a n p r e s s f o r h i g h e r wages s i n c e t h e e m p l o y e r i s d e p e n d e n t o n s c a r c e s k i l l s . The s i t u a t i o n i s s i m i l a r i n t h e c a s e o f an i n -e l a s t i c demand f o r l a b o u r . Demand i n e l a s t i c i t y means t h a t a n e m p l o y e r w i l l h i r e a d e f i n i t e number o f v i t a l l y n e e d e d s k i l l e d , w o r k e r s more o r l e s s r e g a r d l e s s o f t h e i r c o s t , a n d he w i l l n o t h i r e more e v e n a t v e r y l o w wages. I n t h i s c a s e a u n i o n c a n a s k f o r h i g h wages e v e n i f a c o n s i d e r a b l e number o f i t s mem-b e r s h i p i s u n e m p l o y e d f o r a l o w e r wage w o u l d n o t r e d u c e unem-p l o y m e n t . One m i g h t c o n c l u d e , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t r e l a t i v e e l a s -t i c i t y i n b o t h p r o d u c t and l a b o u r m a r k e t s h a v e s i m i l a r e f f e c t s on a u n i o n ' s b a r g a i n i n g p o w e r . S i n c e no d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s o f t h e i n f l u e n c e o f m a r k e t 34 e l a s t i c i t y on u n i o n p o l i c y w i l l be o f f e r e d i n t h i s s t u d y i t a p p e a r s u n n e c e s s a r y t o work o u t t h e many p o s s i b l e c o m b i n a -t i o n s o f d i f f e r e n t d e g r e e s o f s u p p l y and demand e l a s t i c i t y i n t h e two m a r k e t s . S u f f i c e - i t t o s a y , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t i n a s i t u a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y s t a b l e employment and a n i n -e l a s t i c p r o d u c t and l a b o u r m a r k e t , b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s m , i . e . t h e p u r s u i t o f e v e r i n c r e a s i n g h o u r l y e a r n i n g s , w o u l d l i k e l y be s u c c e s s f u l . T h i s seems o b v i o u s f o r two r e a s o n s . Em-p l o y e r r e s i s t a n c e t o h i g h e r wage demands t e n d s t o be r e l a -t i v e l y weak f o r he c a n p a s s on t h e c o s t . S e c o n d l y , most w o r k e r s w i t h h i g h s k i l l t e n d t o be i n t h e l a b o u r f o r c e so t h a t r e l a t i v e l y few u n o r g a n i z e d w o r k e r s w o u l d t e n d t o com-p e t e f o r h i g h e r wages and weaken t h e i n e l a s t i c l a b o u r s u p p l y . I n a s i t u a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i z e d by u n s t a b l e employment and a n e l a s t i c p r o d u c t a n d l a b o u r m a r k e t , movement u n i o n i s m , i . e . some a t t e m p t s a t g a i n i n g s e c u r i t y t h r o u g h c o n t r o l l i n g t h e economy, w o u l d seem a l i k e l y d e v e l o p m e n t . ^ To sum up, t h e p r e c e d i n g s e c t i o n d e a l t w i t h r e l a t i o n -s h i p s b e t w e e n t h e n a t u r e o f u n i o n s , s o c i a l v a l u e s , a n d e c o -n o m i c f a c t o r s . I t was s u g g e s t e d t h a t b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s m seems most c o n s i s t e n t w i t h u n i v e r s a l i s t i c a c h i e v e m e n t v a l u e s d o m i -n a n t i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . Movement u n i o n i s m , on t h e o t h e r ^ L a b o u r c o s t a s % o f t o t a l c o s t i s , o f c o u r s e , a n o t h e r i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r . The e x p e c t e d p a t t e r n , h o w e v e r , w o u l d be s i m i l a r as i n t h e o t h e r c a s e s , i . e . o t h e r f a c t o r s b e i n g e q u a l , where l a b o u r c o s t a s % o f t o t a l c o s t i s l o w , b u s i n e s s u n i o n -i s m i s more l i k e l y t o o c c u r t h a n w here i t i s h i g h . 35 h a n d , a p p e a r s t o be a n e x p r e s s i o n o f i n t e r - g r o u p r e l a t i o n s d e f i n e d i n t e r m s o f p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c a s c r i p t i v e v a l u e s a nd c o n c e p t i o n s o f a New O r d e r d e f i n e d i n u n i v e r s a l i s t i c a s c r i p -t i v e v a l u e s . B o t h o f t h e l a t t e r a p p e a r t o be p r e d o m i n a n t i n some p a r t s o f E u r o p e . C a n a d i a n u n i o n s a r e s u b j e c t t o b o t h t h e E u r o p e a n a nd t h e A m e r i c a n v a l u e i n f l u e n c e s . Whether t h e y t e n d t o d i s p l a y more b u s i n e s s o r more movement c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s may be r e l a t e d t o t h e i r e c o n o m i c p o s i t i o n , i . e . demand f o r l a b o u r , d e g r e e o f s k i l l o f f e r e d , and m a r k e t e l a s t i c i t y . Employment s t a b i l i t y , h i g h s k i l l , and m a r k e t i n e l a s t i c i t y seem t o be r e l a t e d t o b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s m , b e c a u s e t h e i r e f f e c t s t e n d t o ' p r o v e ' and s u s t a i n A m e r i c a n v a l u e s . Employment i n -s t a b i l i t y , l o w s k i l l , and m a r k e t e l a s t i c i t y a p p e a r t o be r e -l a t e d t o movement u n i o n i s m , b e c a u s e t h e i r e f f e c t s f r u s t r a t e t h e r e a l i z a t i o n o f a c h i e v e m e n t . They ' p r o v e ' and s u s t a i n E u r o p e a n v a l u e s i n s t e a d . F o r e a s y r e f e r e n c e t h e r e l a t i o n -s h i p s h y p o t h e s i z e d c a n be p r e s e n t e d a s f o l l o w s : A c h i e v e m e n t U n i v e r s a l i s m P a r t i c u l a r i s m A s c r i p t i o n B u s i n e s s u n i o n i s m P a r t y programme (New O r d e r ) Movement ^ P a r t y u n i o n i s m a f f i l i a t i o n 36 Labour & Product Market Elastic Inelastic Employment Stability Employment Instability New Order defined in terms of universalis-tic ascriptive values Organization on the basis of particular-istic ascriptive values Universalism Achievement Method and Hypothesis The factors which are of concern here can be briefly outlined as follows: 1. Employment fluctuation 2. Skill 3. Market elasticity 4. Nature of union: business vs. movement 5« Nature of social values: American model vs. European model With the exception of the first and the third, a l l these variables are not unitary but rather complex, composite variables. What appear to be the most relevant components of the business-movement and the European-American value-model eontinua have been considered above. In the time available 37 f o r t h i s s t u d y one c a n n o t d e v e l o p t o o l s t o measure a d e q u a t e l y t h e s e component v a r i a b l e s . I t w i l l be n e c e s s a r y , t h e r e f o r e , t o w o r k w i t h t h e e x t r e m e s o f t h e s e c o n t i n u a . As f a r a s s k i l l i s c o n c e r n e d , no o b j e c t i v e m e a sure i n d i c a t i n g t h e e x t r e m e s c a n be o f f e r e d i n t h i s s t u d y . S u c h a n a t t e m p t w o u l d r e q u i r e a n o t h e r s t u d y . One r e l e v a n t q u e s t i o n w i t h r e g a r d t o u n i o n p o l i c y , h o w e v e r , seems t o b e j w h e t h e r t h e u n i o n p e r c e i v e s i t -s e l f a s c r a f t o r i n d u s t r i a l . T h i s c a n be d e c i d e d on t h e b a -s i s o f o r i g i n a l a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h t h e A.F. o f L. ( T . L . C . ) o r C.I.O. ( C . C . L . ) A c t u a l o r a t t e m p t e d u n i o n a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h a s o c i a l i s t p a r t y and i n t e r e s t i n c h a n g i n g ' t h e s y s t e m ' , s u c h a s , e .g., f r o m a ' p r o f i t ' t o a 'need-economy', w i l l s e r v e a s a measure o f movement u n i o n i s m . C o n s p i c u o u s l a c k o f c o n c e r n i n t h i s a r e a w i l l s e r v e a s a m e a s u r e o f b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s m . M a r k e t e l a s t i c i t y w i l l o n l y be u s e d t o d e s c r i b e a 'mixed c a s e ' : t h e B. C. B u i l d i n g T r a d e U n i o n s . T h e s e u n i o n s e n j o y m a r k e t i n e l a s t i c i t y w h i c h j u s t i f i e s b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s m ; t h e y s u f f e r , h o w e v e r , f r o m e x t r e m e employment f l u c t u a t i o n , w h i c h . b r i n g s them u n d e r t h e s p e l l o f movement p r e s s u r e s . The p r e s e n c e o r a b s e n c e o f t h e A m e r i c a n o r E u r o p e a n m o d e l o r p a r t s o f b o t h c a n be d e t e r m i n e d b y t h e k i n d s o f v a l u e s em-bedded i n u n i o n p o l i c i e s a s l a i d down i n u n i o n p u b l i c a t i o n s . I n s u g g e s t i n g a r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n e c o n o m i c f a c t o r s , v a l u e s , and u n i o n c o n d u c t ( s u c h a s i n d e p e n d e n t p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n ) no s i m p l e e c o n o m i c d e t e r m i n i s m i s i m p l i e d . I t i s o f c o u r s e r e c o g n i z e d t h a t b e h a v i o u r i s h a r d l y e v e r a d i r e c t 38 consequence of b e l i e f s and values. On the other hand, be-l i e f s and values are not expressed at random either. Ac-41 cording to Sutton they function to make possible and j u s t i f y the kinds of solutions individuals f i n d i n re s o l v -ing r o l e - c o n f l i c t s . In an analogous way we suggest economic factors function i n the d i f f e r e n t i a l emphasis placed on cer-t a i n sets of values rather than others. The mechanisms at work probably involve a "vicious c i r c l e " pattern. Values have an influence on the kind of p o s i t i o n groups occupy i n the structure of the labour force. This position i n turn re-inforces the values. But these problems are not our im-mediate concern. In t h i s investigation the interest l i e s i n the co-variation of economic factors and certain value-orientations. According to the theoretical considerations outlined i n previous sections, demand and s k i l l should vary d i r e c t l y with the movement-business unionism continuum. From t h i s proposition the following hypotheses can be derived: 1. a. Members of A.F.L. (T.L.C.) unions perceive themselves as craft unionists* b. Business unionism implies dominance of u n i v e r s a l i s t i e achievement values. c. I f s k i l l s can be marketed as expected by the i r s e l l e r s , then A.F.L. (T.L.C.) unions are more l i k e l y to be of the business union kind than of the movement union kind. F* X. Sutton, The American Business Creed, Harvard University Press, 1956, p. 110 f f . 39 Where A . F . L . ( T . L . C . ) u n i o n s a r e t h r e a t e n e d by t e c h -n o l o g i c a l d i s p l a c e m e n t o r s e v e r e t e m p o r a r y unemployment t h e y w i l l t e n d t o become more movement l i k e . a. Members o f C.I.O. ( C . C . L . ) u n i o n s p e r c e i v e t h e m s e l v e s a s s e l l e r s o f t i m e . b. Movement u n i o n i s m i m p l i e s d o m i n a n c e o f p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c a s c r i p t i v e - v a l u e s w i t h t h e i r e m p h a s i s on t h e s o l i d a r i t y o f t h e w o r k e r s and a hope f o r a b e t t e r s o c i e t y d e f i n e d i n u n i v e r s a l i s t i c a s c r i p t i v e v a l u e s . c. V/here t i m e c a n n o t be m a r k e t e d as e x p e c t e d by i t s s e l -l e r s , t h e n C.I.O. ( C . C . L . ) u n i o n s a r e more l i k e l y t o be o f movement u n i o n k i n d t h a n o f t h e b u s i n e s s u n i o n k i n d . 40 CHAPTER I I ECONOMIC FACTORS AND UNION TYPES Unemployment and Movement Unionism An attempt to test the aforementioned hypotheses can be conveniently divided into three tasks. The f i r s t concerns the relationship between unemployment and movement unionism. The second deals with the influence of market e l a s t i c i t y . With regard to t h i s problem i t w i l l be necessary to confine the discussion to one example, namely the relationship be-tween a highly i n e l a s t i c labour market, employment insecurity and union type. This problem w i l l be discussed i n r e l a t i o n to the B. C. Building Trades Unions. The t h i r d problem con-cerns .the re l a t i o n s h i p between union types and values. The question whether partisan and non-partisan p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i -t i e s are i n fact related to di f f e r e n t s o c i a l values w i l l be the subject of the t h i r d chapter of t h i s study. According to our set of hypotheses movement unionism r e -sul t s where C.C.L. unions experience unemployment and business unionism where T.L.C. unions have l i t t l e or no unemployment problems. Therefore, the f i r s t task i s to obtain a measure of employment fluctuations to which C.C.L. and T.L.C. union members are subject. Unfortunately many unions do not keep any records as to the number of their unemployed members. Some unions even f a i l to record accurately the size of t h e i r constantly changing membership. As a substitute measure one 41 c a n , h o w e v e r , make u s e o f g o v e r n m e n t employment s t a t i s t i c s . The r e l e v a n t d a t a c l a s s i f i e d b y i n d u s t r y a r e p u b l i s h e d by 41 D.B.S. I t was n e c e s s a r y , t h e r e f o r e , t o d i v i d e i n d u s t r i e s i n t o two g r o u p s on t h e b a s i s o f m a j o r u n i o n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . The f i r s t g r o u p i s c o m p r i s e d o f i n d u s t r i e s i n w h i c h t h e ma-j o r i t y o f w o r k e r s i s r e p r e s e n t e d by u n i o n s o r i g i n a l l y a f -f i l i a t e d w i t h t h e C.C.L. I n t h e s e c o n d g r o u p u n i o n s o r i g i n a l -l y a f f i l i a t e d w i t h t h e T.L.C. p r e d o m i n a t e . T a b l e I shows i n d u s t r i e s c l a s s i f i e d by a p r e d o m i n a n c e o f C.C.L. o r T.L.C. u n i o n s . TABLE I INDUSTRIES I N WHICH THE MAJORITY OF WORKERS IS REPRESENTED BY UNIONS ORIGINALLY A F F I L I A T E D WITH THE C.C.L. T.L.C. F o r e s t r y ( c h i e f l y l o g g i n g ) M i n i n g D i s t i l l e d and M a l t L i q u o r P r o d u c t s R u b b e r P r o d u c t s T e x t i l e P r o d u c t s C l o t h i n g (men) Saw and P l a n i n g M i l l s I r o n and S t e e l A i r c r a f t and P a r t s M o t o r V e h i c l e s a nd P a r t s E l e c t r i c a l A p p a r a t u s N o n - f e r r o u s M e t a l s B r e a d and B a k e r y P r o d u c t s D a i r y P r o d u c t s P u l p and P a p e r M i l l s P r i n t i n g S h i p b u i l d i n g C o n s t r u c t i o n P u b l i c U t i l i t i e s A i r T r a n s p o r t C l o t h i n g (women) T r u c k T r a n s p o r t S e r v i c e Employment I n d i c e s (1949 = 100) f o r t h e s e i n d u s t r i e s c a n be f o u n d i n T a b l e s I and I I i n t h e a p p e n d i x . I n o r d e r t o o b t a i n 41 D.B.S. Employment and P a y r o l l s , I960. 42 a general employment picture for these two industry groups yearly weighted averages were computed for the period 1946-1960. The relevant computations and r e s u l t s obtained are recorded i n Tables I I I and IV of the appendix. To f a c i l i -tate a more immediate grasp of the difference i n employment fluctuations experienced by members of C.C.L. and T.L.C. unions annual weighted average employment indices are gra-p h i c a l l y presented i n Figure 1. An examination of the graph reveals immediately that unemployment has been a far greater problem i n C.C.L. unions than i n T.L.C. unions. Furthermore, employment fluctuations, i . e . both increases and decreases i n employment, are much more severe for members of C.C.L. unions than for those of T.L.C. a f f i l i a t e s . This means that during periods of rapid expansion such as those of 1940-48 and 1950-51 expectations of r i s i n g l e v e l s of prosperity b u i l d up only to be extremely frustrated when employment contracts again. It may be noteworthy i n t h i s connection, that i n 1950 and 1954 when employment among C.C.L. unions dropped dras-t i c a l l y i t took more than two years for employment to reach i t s previous l e v e l i n both cases. T.L.C. unions never ex-perienced comparable d i f f i c u l t i e s i n the period covered here. Since 1956 employment among workers represented by C.C.L. a f f i l i a t e s has d r a s t i c a l l y declined, while, among T.L.C. unions i t has a l l but l e v e l l e d o f f . This difference may well be due to the fact that C.C.L. unions represent most of the workers i n industries based on the mass production of FIGURE 1 AVERAGE ANNUAL EMPLOYMENT BY INDUSTRIES IN WHICH C.C.L. OR T.L.C. UNIONS PREDOMINATE (BASED ON DATA FROM DOMINION BUREAU OF STATISTICS,EMPLOYMENT AND PAYROLLS,I960) 43 d u r a b l e consumer g o o d s , s u c h a s f o r e x a m p l e e l e c t r i c a l a p -p l i a n c e s and a u t o m o b i l e s . These i n d u s t r i e s were most s u b -j e c t t o i n c r e a s e d m e c h a n i z a t i o n a nd a u t o m a t i o n . C o n s e q u e n t l y , many s e m i - and u n s k i l l e d w o r k e r s were d i s p l a c e d . F r o m 1946 t o 1958 o v e r a l l employment among T.L.C. a f f i l i a t e s c o n -t i n u o u s l y e x p a n d e d w i t h one s i n g l e e x c e p t i o n . The one d r o p i n employment o c c u r r e d i n 1954 i n r e s p o n s e t o t h e e c o n o m i c r e c e s s i o n o f t h e same y e a r . E v e n t h e n t h e a v e r a g e e m p l o y -ment i n d e x d i d not d r o p by more t h a n 1.6. From t h e e v i d e n c e p r e s e n t e d one,may c o n c l u d e t h a t members o f C.C.L. u n i o n s e x -p e r i e n c e d c o n s i d e r a b l e unemployment p r o b l e m s w h i c h w o r k e r s o f T.L.C. a f f i l i a t e s d i d n o t s h a r e . I n v i e w o f t h e s e f i n d i n g s one w o u l d e x p e c t movement u n i o n i s m , t h a t i s p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , t o o c c u r among C.C.L. u n i o n s and n o n - p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n o r b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s m among T.L.C. a f f i l i a t e s . E x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e r e l e v a n t c o n v e n t i o n r e s o l u t i o n s seems t o b e a r o u t t h e s e e x p e c t a t i o n s . The C.C.F. was f i r s t e n d o r s e d a s t h e p o l i t i c a l arm o f A? t h e C.C.L. a t t h e M o n t r e a l C o n v e n t i o n i n 1943. The C o n -g r e s s a s a w h o l e d i d n o t a f f i l i a t e w i t h t h e C.C.F. B u t f r o m 1943 up t o i t s m e r g e r i n t o t h e C.L.C. i n 1956 i t h a s c o n -s i s t e n t l y u r g e d i t s l o c a l u n i o n s t o a f f i l i a t e w i t h t h e C.C.F. A t t h e 1946 C o n v e n t i o n i n T o r o n t o P r e s i d e n t M o s h e r l a i d down what was t o become t h e p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y o f t h e C.C.L. 42 C a n a d i a n C o n g r e s s o f L a b o u r , P r o c e e d i n g s o f t h e T e n t h  A n n u a l C o n v e n t i o n , S e p t . 25-29, I960, W i n n i p e g , M a n i t o b a , p. 5. 44 throughout i t s existence. The p r i n c i p a l idea of t h i s p o l i c y was s i m i l a r to that of the B r i t i s h Labour Movement, v i z . that labour was to act through a p o l i t i c a l party but never wholly become a party i t s e l f . President Mosher ex-pressed t h i s point as follows: ...the labour movement i s not to be dominated by any party, not even i t s own. But i t must elect to the le g i s l a t u r e i t s own representa-tiv e s . The C.C.F. i s supported by the C.C.L. though the C.C.L. i s not a f f i l i a t e d with i t . P o l i t i c a l democracy rests on equal represen-tation. Labour has never been represented and i t can only be represented by a party founded upon the p r i n c i p l e s of the labour movement, which i s the C.C.F.43 This refusal to be dominated i s balanced by a re f u s a l to dominate a party. "Labour does not want to .dominate (the C.C.F.) but to co-operate."^ Such opposition to both out-side and inside domination seems to represent clear evidence of the t y p i c a l dilemma of any party which derives i t s i n -ception from the representation of part i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s yet at the same time s t r i v e s towards universal acceptance. The union cannot permit i t s e l f to be completely dominated by a party, for i t s f i r s t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s the welfare of a par-t i c u l a r group, v i z . the workers. Party domination, i t i s feared, might interfere with the tasks entailed i n t h i s Canadian Congress of Labour, Proceedings of the Sixth  Annual Convention, Sept. 25-29, 1946, Toronto, Ontario, p. 16. Canadian Congress of Labour, Proceedings of the Eighth  Annual Convention, Oct. 11-15, 1948, Toronto, Ontario; Address of the President. 45 r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The a l t e r n a t i v e , labour's domination of the p a r t y , on the other hand, must be r u l e d out a l s o . For the pa r t y i s to be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a l l groups i n s o c i e t y and not an instrument of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s . I t must encompass "labour, farmers, p r o f e s s i o n a l s , and other l i b e r a l minded 45 persons or groups". This statement embodied i n the famous Winnipeg R e s o l u t i o n i s i n i t s s p i r i t almost synonymous with one textbook d e f i n i t i o n of the p a r t y that reads: "A party i s a body of men, un i t e d f o r promoting by t h e i r j o i n t endeavours the n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t , upon some p a r t i c u l a r p r i n c i p l e i n 46 which they are a l l agreed." While the C.C.L. c l e a r l y wanted to work with a p a r t y , unanimity as to which party was to be supported was l a c k i n g i n the beginning. Even as l a t e as 1946 there were s e v e r a l delegates favouring support of the L.P.P. (Labour P r o g r e s s i v e 47 P a r t y ) . Since the p u b l i c i n c r e a s i n g l y i d e n t i f i e d Communism w i t h t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m the advocated support of the L.P.P. q u i c k l y waned and was replaced by a motion denouncing the AO Communist movement as undemocratic and v i o l a t i n g human r i g h t s . 45 T, Canadian Labour Congress, Proceedings of the Second Convention, A p r i l 21-25, 1958, Winnipeg, Manitoba, p. 45* 46 T. Cole, ed., European P o l i t i c a l Systems, New York, Knopf, 1959, p. 33' (emphasis s u p p l i e d ) 47 Canadian Congress of Labour, Proceedings of the S i x t h  Annual Convention, Sept. 23-29, 1946, Toronto, O n t a r i o , p. 81. AO Canadian Congress of Labour, Proceedings of the Seventh Annual Convention, Oct. 6-15, 1947, Toronto, Ontario, p. 78. 46 However,, t h i s did not give r i s e to unanimous support of the C.C.F. either. There has always been a feeli n g among some labour leaders that the C.C.F. p o l i t i c i a n s were too far re-moved from the r e a l i s t i c grass root problems of the labour movement. This f e e l i n g was f i r s t voiced on a C.C.L. con-vention fl o o r by an I.W.A. delegate from B. C. who called for a new p o l i t i c a l party "embracing the whole trade union 49 movement and farmers as well". He further advocated .ad-mission of union leaders selected by referendum or conven-t i o n vote to C.C.F. candidacy i n elections. While this dele-gate belonged to a union which was Communist dominated at the time, the nature of his appeal c l e a r l y indicated that he wished, to support and strengthen.the C.C.F. Since t h i s par-t y was to be the representative of the 'small man', he argued, i t ought to have room for a l l small people i n Canada. There-fore, the c a l l for a new party i n Canada came as early as 1947- Since then the vast majority of the small but growing number of C.C.L. delegates who opposed support of the C.C.F. consistently c a l l e d for the formation of a new party instead. Whatever the s p e c i f i c party chosen, for our purposes the im-portant finding i s that C.C.L. union.leaders have consistent-l y pursued partisan p o l i t i c a l action. In sharp contrast to the C.C.L. partisan p o l i t i c s stands the T.L.C. pol i c y of non-partisan p o l i t i c a l action, to which the Congress adhered throughout i t s entire existence. The 4 9 I b i d . , p. 85. 47 h i s t o r y of t h i s p o l i c y can perhaps he summed up i n two q u o t a t i o n s . The r e l e v a n t convention r e s o l u t i o n i n 1942 reads as f o l l o w s : ~ ...be i t r e s o l v e d that labour p o l i t i c a l autonomy be l e f t i n the hands of the e s t a b -l i s h e d labour p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . . . a n d . . . • • that t h i s Congress continue to act as the l e g i s l a t i v e mouthpiece of organized l a b o u r i n Canada independent of any p o l i t i c a l o r -g a n i z a t i o n engaged i n the e f f o r t to send r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the people to P a r l i a m e n t , the P r o v i n c i a l L e g i s l a t u r e s or other c o l -l e c t i v e bodies of t h i s country.50 The committee po i n t e d out to the d e l e g a t e s that t h i s p o l i c y had been reconfirmed and adopted by each of the f o l l o w i n g conr v e n t i o n s of the Congress: Vancouver, 1923; London, 1924; S t . John, 1929; Regina, 1930; Vancouver, 1931; Hamilton, 1932; H a l i f a x , 1935; Montreal, 1936; Ottawa, 1937;' Niagara F a l l s , ' 51 1938; and London, 1939* T h i s p o l i c y was reconfirmed i n a l l subsequent conventions. At the l a s t convention i n 1955 the delegates r e c o g n i z e d t h e i r p o l i t i c a l i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s again and expressed t h e i r thoughts i n a s i m i l a r r e s o l u t i o n : Whereas the F e d e r a l Government has i g n o r e d the p l e a s o f organized l a b o u r f o r f u l l employment And whereas pressure should be o r g a n i z e d to induce the government to enact f a i r l a b o u r laws There f o r e be i t r e s o l v e d — t h a t the Trades and Labour Congress continue to encourage and o r g a n i z e n o n - p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n and e d u c a t i o n ( c o n s i s t e n t with the p r i n c i p l e of The Trades and Labour Congress of Canada, Proceedings  of the F i f t y - E i g h t h Annual Convention, Aug. 24-28. 1942. Winnipeg, Manitoba, p. 229. 5 1 I b i d . 48 e l e c t i n g o u r f r i e n d s and d e f e a t i n g o u r ^ e n e m i e s ) t o f u r t h e r t h e c a u s e o f l a b o u r . I t becomes t h e r e f o r e e v i d e n t t h a t n o n - p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n h a s b e e n a t r a d i t i o n ' among T.L.C. a f f i l i a t e s . A n o t h e r f a c t , h o w e v e r , a l s o s t a n d s o u t r a t h e r g l a r i n g l y . Our p r o p o s i t i o n t h a t p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s seems a s s o c i a t e d w i t h unemployment and n o n - p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s w i t h r e l a t i v e l y f u l l employment d o e s n o t seem t o h o l d b e f o r e 1946. W h i l e t h e p r e s e n t s t u d y d o e s n o t c o n c e r n i t s e l f w i t h ' h i s t o r y 1 , t h e r e a l w a y s r e m a i n s t h e u n c o m f o r t a b l e p u z z l e a s t o w h e n " s o m e t h i n g becomes h i s t o r y . A t any r a t e , t h e f a c t t h a t t h e T.L.C. r e -m a i n e d f a i t h f u l t o i t s p o l i c y o f n o n - p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s d u r i n g t h e d e p r e s s i o n seems t o c o n t r a d i c t o u r h y p o t h e s i s s u f f i c i e n t -l y so t h a t i t c a n n o t b e . l e f t w i t h o u t comment. A s i m i l a r ' d i s t u r b i n g f a c t ' r e p r e s e n t s i t s e l f o f c o u r s e i n t h e C.C.L. s u p p o r t o f t h e C.C.F. and i t s s o c i a l i s t programme d u r i n g t h e war, a p e r i o d o f f u l l e m p l o y m e n t . W i t h r e g a r d t o t h e T.L.C. n o n - p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s d u r i n g t h e d e p r e s s i o n , i t s e e m s . i m p o r t a n t t o r e c a l l t h a t p o v e r t y a n d m i s e r y h a d s e i z e d a l m o s t t h e w h o l e n a t i o n , n o t o n l y p a r t i c u -l a r s e g m e n t s o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n . S e c o n d l y , t h e t r a d i t i o n a l c r a f t s were s t i l l i n t a c t a n d f o r m e d t h e d o m i n a n t f o r c e i n t h e T.L.C. I n k e e p i n g w i t h t h e i r a r t i s a n t r a d i t i o n t h e s e c r a f t s m e n p e r c e i v e d t h e m s e l v e s more as ' s o l i d b u r g h e r s ' t h a n 52 " • The T r a d e s and L a b o u r C o n g r e s s o f C a n a d a , P r o c e e d i n g s o f t h e S e v e n t i e t h A n n u a l C o n v e n t i o n , May 3 0 - J u n e 4, 1955, W i n d s o r , O n t a r i o , p. 205. 49 • w o r k e r s ' . They t e n d e d t h e r e f o r e t o i d e n t i f y w i t h o t h e r s o f t h e m i d d l e c l a s s e q u a l l y h i t by p o v e r t y and l e a v e o r g a n i z e d p r o t e s t and d e m o n s t r a t i o n s t o t h e w o r k e r s . S i n c e f r o m t h e v i e w p o i n t o f t h e m i d d l e c l a s s more o r l e s s a l l s u f f e r e d t h e r e were h a r d l y any who v i s i b l y g a i n e d f r o m t h e d e p r e s s i o n and h e n c e c o u l d be b l a m e d f o r e n g i n e e r i n g t h e economy f o r t h e i r own p r o f i t i n c o m p l e t e d i s r e g a r d o f t h e w e l f a r e o f t h e w o r k -i n g man. I f one a c c e p t s M a r x ' h y p o t h e s i s t h a t t h e f o r m a t i o n o f c o n f l i c t g r o u p s r e s t s on t h e s e p a r a t i o n o f modes o f l i f e , 53 i n t e r e s t s , a nd c u l t u r e o f one g r o u p f r o m t h o s e o f a n o t h e r i t b ecomes c l e a r t h a t t h e p r e v a i l i n g c o n d i t i o n s were n o t c o n -d u c i v e f o r t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f an a l t e r n a t i v e p o l i t i c a l f o r c e among c r a f t s m e n . A s r e g a r d s t h e s t a u n c h C.C.L. s u p p o r t o f a s o c i a l i s t programme d u r i n g a p e r i o d o f f u l l e m p l o y m e n t i n t h e e a r l y 1940's one c a n o n l y s u g g e s t t h a t i n d u s t r i a l u n i o n i s t s a d -v o c a t e d a change o f t h e s y s t e m b e c a u s e t h e y e x p e c t e d t h a t t h e end o f t h e war w o u l d b r i n g t h e e l i m i n a t i o n o f t h e w a r - p l a n n e d economy and w i t h i t e c o n o m i c s l u m p . S i m i l a r c o n s i d e r a t i o n s were e x p r e s s e d by P r e s i d e n t Mosher r i g h t a f t e r t h e w a r . I n h i s o p i n i o n t h e s y s t e m o f a p l a n n e d economy d u r i n g t h e war r e -s u l t e d i n a h i g h e r s t a n d a r d o f l i v i n g t h a n was e v e r a c h i e v e d i n p e a c e t i m e . T h e r e f o r e , he a r g u e d , t h e p r i m a r y o b j e c t i v e o f a new s y s t e m o f e c o n o m i c p l a n n i n g must be t h a t on w h i c h 53 L. S. P e u e r , e d . , M a r x and E n g e l s , New Y o r k , D o u b l e d a y and Co., 1959, p. 338. 50 t h e r e was u n i v e r s a l a p p r o v a l d u r i n g t h e w a r t i m e e m e r g e n c y , v i z . t o s e r v e t h e p u b l i c i n t e r e s t and n o t t h e m a k i n g o f p r o -f i t by t h o s e who h a v e i n v e s t e d c a p i t a l i n i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r -54 p r i s e s . W h i l e a n o n - p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y had b e e n t h e t r a -d i t i o n i n t h e T . L . C , u n a n i m o u s a g r e e m e n t on t h i s p o i n t was u s u a l l y l a c k i n g . T h i s l a c k o f a g r e e m e n t p o s s i b l y o f f e r s a n o p p o r t u n i t y t o e x a m i n e t h e v a r i a b l e s k i l l i n i t s e f f e c t s i n p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n . I n t h e p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r i t was a r g u e d t h a t u n i v e r s a l i s t i c a c h i e v e m e n t v a l u e s and c o m p e t i t i o n make 'more s e n s e ' f o r t h e s e l l e r o f s k i l l s t h a n t h e s e l l e r o f t i m e . I t was f u r t h e r p o i n t e d o u t t h a t s u c h v a l u e s t e n d t o l e a d t o p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y c a r r i e d on by means o f a p r e s s u r e g r o u p o r l o b b y r a t h e r t h a n a p a r t y . One w o u l d t h e r e f o r e e x p e c t t h a t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l c r a f t s f o r m e d t h e m a j o r i t y among t h o s e u p h o l d i n g t h e n o n - p a r t i s a n p o l i c y o f t h e T.L.G. Among t h o s e d i s s e n t i n g f r o m t h a t p o l i c y , i . e . t h e a d v o c a t e s o f p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , one w o u l d e x p e c t a p r e d o m i n a n c e o f r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h o s e w o r k e r s w i t h l e s s c l e a r l y d e f i n e d o r l i t t l e s k i l l . T h i s a t t e m p t t o i s o l a t e t h e f a c t o r o f s k i l l r e s t s on t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t t h e e f f e c t s o f l o c a l t e m p o r a r y u n e m p l o y m e n t , t o w h i c h d e l e g a t e s m i g h t r e s p o n d by c h a l l e n g i n g t h e t r a d i t i o n a l n o n - p a r t i s a n p o l i c y , w o u l d n o t assume s i g n i f i c a n c e due t o t h e f a c t t h a t • ^ C a n a d i a n C o n g r e s s o f L a b o u r , P r o c e e d i n g s o f t h e S i x t h  A n n u a l C o n v e n t i o n , S e p t . 25-29, 1946, T o r o n t o , O n t a r i o , p.17. 51 opinions expressed on the convention f l o o r ought to be a f a i r l y representative sample of a l l the various groups across.the nation. It i s further assumed that delegates would speak as representatives of their organizationa and not as private persons. In t h i s attempt to distinguish between highly a r t i c u -late and less developed s k i l l s an established apprentice-ship system i s used as the d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g c r i t e r i a . This allows us only to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the presence or ab-sence of - s k i l l s recognized by the wider community. But apprenticeship as a d i f f e r e n t i a s p e c i f i c a t e l l s us nothing, about differences i n s k i l l s actually exercised on d i f f e r e n t jobs. It i s evidently clear that a journeyman carpenter who spends his time assembling prefabricated steel frames for concrete pouring on a construction job does.not neces-s a r i l y exercise more s k i l l than a worker i n a pulp m i l l who may run semi-automatic machinery. Such lack of methodologi c a l sophistication as i s embodied i n the above mentioned as sumption must be kept i n mind i n considering the r e s u l t s ob tained. The convention proceedings of the T.L.C. from 1942 to 1955 inclusive were examined with p a r t i c u l a r reference to those sections dealing with the p o l i t i c a l action 52 93 r e s o l u t i o n s . Delegates p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the d i s c u s s i o n on these r e s o l u t i o n s were d i v i d e d i n t o two groups. The f i r s t , or P a r t i s a n s , challenged the non-partisan p o l i c y of the con-gress and t r i e d to' convince t h e i r f e l l o w delegates to support a p a r t i c u l a r p arty, e i t h e r the L.P.P., the C.C.F., or a new genuine labour party which was to be formed. The second group, or Non-Partisans, i s comprised of those who rose to support the r e s o l u t i o n c a l l i n g f o r non-partisan p o l i t i c s . Any delegate whose o p i n i o n could not be c l e a r l y c l a s s i f i e d as e i t h e r P a r t i s a n or Non-Partisan was d e l e t e d from the f i n a l enumeration. Delegates were then i d e n t i f i e d as to the union they represented. I n t e r n a t i o n a l and labour c o u n c i l represen-t a t i v e s were not included i n the l i s t . They might o b v i o u s l y express f o r e i g n opinions or, i n the second case, opinions of an intermediate body composed of many d i f f e r e n t unions. A table of unions favouring a P a r t i s a n or a Non-Partisan The Trades and Labour Congress of Canada, Proceedings  of the F i f t y - E i g h t h Annual Convention, Aug. 24-28, 1942,  Winnipeg, Manitoba, p. 299 f f • ; I b i d . , Proceedings of the F i f t y - N i n t h Annual Convention, Aug. 23-27, 1945. Quebec, Quebec, p. 226 f f . ; I b i d . , Proceedings of the S i x t i e t h An-nual Convention, Oct. 25-50, 1944, Toronto, Ontario, p. 335 f f . ; I b i d . , Proceedings of the S i x t y - F i r s t Annual Convention, Sept. 18-26, 1946, Windsor, O n t a r i o , p. 403 f f . ; I b i d . , Pro-ceedings of the S i x t y - T h i r d Annual Convention, Oct. 11-16, 1948, V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 310 f f . ; I b i d . , Proceed-ings of the S i x t y - F o u r t h Annual Convention, Sept. 15-23, 1949, Calgary, Alberta,; p. 401 f f . ; I b i d . , Proceedings of the  S i x t y - E i g h t h Annual Convention, Aug. 10-15, 1953, Ottawa, Ontario, p. 361 f f . ; I b i d . , Proceedings of the S i x t y - N i n t h  Annual Convention, Aug. 25-27, 1954, Regina, Saskatchewan, p. 501 f f . ; I b i d . , Proceedings of the Seventieth Annual Con-ven t i o n , May 30-June 4, 1955, Windsor, Ontario, p. 205 f f . 53 a p p r o a c h d e t e r m i n e d on t h e b a s i s o f t h e o p i n i o n s e x p r e s s e d by t h e i r d e l e g a t e s a t T.L.C. c o n v e n t i o n s c a n be f o u n d i n t h e a p p e n d i x ( T a b l e V ) . The r e s u l t s o b t a i n e d c o n t r a d i c t o u r h y p o t h e s i s . The s k i l l m i x among t h e P a r t i s a n s i s a l m o s t e q u a l t o t h a t among t h e N o n - P a r t i s a n s . F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e l a c k o f a g r e e m e n t on t h e c o n g r e s s ' n o n - p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l a p p r o a c h seems r a t h e r h i g h . O f . a l l t h e d e l e g a t e s h e r e c o n s i d e r e d , i . e . r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f u n i o n s and l o c a l s who commented on p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n r e s o l u -t i o n s , t h e number f a v o u r i n g p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s i s b r o a d l y e q u a l t o t h a t d e f e n d i n g t h e n o n - p a r t i s a n s t a n d . T h e r e a r e , h o w e v e r , a few p e c u l i a r i t i e s i n t h i s t a b l e w h i c h d e s e r v e b r i e f comment. I n v i e w o f t h e l e n g t h o f t h e p e r i o d c o v e r e d i t may seem odd a t f i r s t g l a n c e t h a t so few c o n s i d e r e d t h e p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n r e s o l u t i o n s w o r t h e n o u g h t o m e r i t d i s c u s s i o n . At t h e c o n v e n t i o n s o f 1947, '50, '51, '52 and '54, f o r e x a m p l e , no d i s c u s s i o n w h a t s o e v e r i s r e c o r d e d i n t h e p r o c e e d i n g s . T h i s s i l e n c e on m a t t e r s p o l i t i c a l i n i t s e l f seems s i g n i f i c a n t . I t a p p e a r s t o r e f l e c t an a t t i t u d e o f c o n s e r v a t i v e c o n t e n t - w i t h a f f a i r s a s t h e y a r e . The v a l i d i t y o f n o n - p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s was more a t t a c k e d d u r i n g t h e e a r l y y e a r s o f t h e war t h a n d u r -i n g i t s c l o s i n g y e a r s and a f t e r . T h i s p e r h a p s r e p r e s e n t s a n u n e a s i n e s s a b o u t t h e e x p e c t e d e f f e c t s o f c h a n g i n g f r o m a p l a n n e d t o a more l i b e r a l economy s i m i l a r t o t h a t f e l t b y C.C.L. a f f i l i a t e s . Y e t i n 1946 when t h e C.C.L,. demanded t h e e x t e n s i o n o f a p l a n n e d economy i n t o p e a c e t i m e , and a ch a n g e 54 of government to e s t a b l i s h a 'new system', the T.L.C. went on record to support the wartime government i n order to give 56 them a chance to f u l f i l t h e i r promises. The apparent l a c k of any genuine and deep concern with p o l i t i c s i s also i n d i -cated by the f a c t that the 1954 convention passed.two opposed p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n r e s o l u t i o n s without any d i s c u s s i o n . Since t h i s seems a r a t h e r unique event i t may be u s e f u l to present the relevant part of these r e s o l u t i o n s . , The f i r s t r e s o l u t i o n brought to the f l o o r by the Fort W i l l i a m Trades and Labour Council reads: Since the Trades and Labour Congress, Trades and Labour C o u n c i l s , and unions have been mostly un-s u c c e s s f u l i n g e t t i n g a c t i o n on l e g i s l a t i o n necessary f o r the welfare of the working man and the country as a whole the p o l i c y of t h i s Con-gress regarding p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n must be changed. Therefore be i t r e s o l v e d , — that t h i s Congress should now consider the f e a s i b i l i t y of e n t e r i n g d i r e c t l y i n t o Federal P o l i t i c s by the formation of a Labour Party, or by an a l l i a n c e w i t h a party which w i l l provide the i d e a l s and a s p i r a t i o n s of t h i s congress.5' The second r e s o l u t i o n sponsored by the Journeymen Barbers, H a i r d r e s s e r s , Cosmetologists and P r o p r i e t o r s I n t e r n a t i o n a l Union of America, on the other hand, r e i t e r a t e s the t r a d i - ; t i o n a l non-partisan stand and reads i n pa r t : The Trades and Labour Congress of Canada, Proceedings  of the S i x t y - F i r s t Annual Convention, Sept. 18-26, 1946, Windsor, Ontario, p. 74. The Trades and Labour Congress of Canada, Proceedings  of the S i x t y - N i n t h Annual Convention, Aug-. 23-27, 1954, Regina, Saskatchewan, p. 501. 5 5 Whereas t h e p r i n c i p l e g o v e r n i n g t h e a p p r o a c h t o p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n o f t h e T r a d e s and L a b o u r C o n g r e s s o f . C a n a d a i s t h a t o f e l e c t i n g o u r f r i e n d s a n d d e f e a t i n g o u r e n e m i e s ; T h e r e f o r e be i t r e s o l v e d , — T h a t t h e d e l e g a t e s o f t h i s c o n v e n t i o n i n s t r u c t t h e E x e c u t i v e t o c o m p i l e . . . a b r i e f s e t t i n g down t h e v o t i n g h a b i t s o f Members o f P a r l i a m e n t a n d p r e s e n t t o t h e d e l e -g a t e s . . . a l i s t o f t h o s e who h a v e c o n s i s t e n t l y v o t e d f a v o u r a b l y t o w a r d s . . . m a t t e r s e n d o r s e d b y t h i s C o n g r e s s ; and f u r t h e r u r g e t h e r e - e l e c t i o n j-g o f o u r f r i e n d s w h e n e v e r a n e l e c t i o n i s e n h a n c e d . The R e s o l u t i o n C o m m i t t e e p r e s e n t e d b o t h r e s o l u t i o n s t o g e t h e r w i t h a s e r i e s o f o t h e r s d e a l i n g w i t h d i f f e r e n t t o p i c s and u r g e d c o n c u r r e n c e i n a l l o f them. The c o n v e n t i o n p a s s e d t h e s e w i t h o u t a s i n g l e comment b e i n g r e c o r d e d . T a b l e V o f t h e a p p e n d i x a l s o shows t h a t l a c k o f a g r e e -ment r e g a r d i n g p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n o c c u r s a l s o w i t h i n a g i v e n u n i o n . W h i l e some u n i o n s a p p e a r t o s w i t c h t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e f r o m one p o l i c y t o a n o t h e r b e t w e e n c o n v e n t i o n s t h e I n t e r -n a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n o f M a c h i n i s t s s t a n d s o u t b y d i s a g r e e i n g o p e n l y on t h e c o n v e n t i o n f l o o r . I n 1 9 5 5 r e i t e r a t i o n o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l n o n - p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n r e s o l u t i o n was p r o -p o s e d by t h e A e r o n a u t i c a l L o d g e , t h e c a r p e n t e r s and t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n o f M a c h i n i s t s . Y e t t h e r e were n o t l e s s t h a n f i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f v a r i o u s e a s t e r n l o c a l s o f t h e m a c h i n i s t s who a d v o c a t e d a change t o p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s . T h i s may w e l l be due t o t h e f a c t t h a t many members o f t h i s u n i o n a r e e m p l o y e d i n s e r v i c i n g m a c h i n e r y i n t h e f i n i s h e d 5 8 I b i d . 56 goods and mass p r o d u c t i o n i n d u s t r y where employment had c o n s i d e r a b l y f a l l e n i n the previous year and most o f the other workers were o r g a n i z e d by C.C.L. a f f i l i a t e s . I f f o r t h i s reason one excludes the f i v e P a r t i s a n m a c h i n i s t s there remain but seven t r a d i t i o n a l c r a f t s o r g a n i z a t i o n s who at v a r i o u s times supported a p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y . T h i s , however, does not d r a s t i c a l l y a l t e r the negative r e -s u l t s s i n c e non-craft o r g a n i z a t i o n s are evenly s p l i t on the i s s u e . The negative r e s u l t s obtained may w e l l be due to the f a c t t h a t n a t i o n a l conventions of the T.L.C. are not, as was assumed, f r e e of r e g i o n a l o v e r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . The long d i s t a n c e s and r e s u l t i n g high c o s t s simply p r e -vent the s m a l l e r o r g a n i z a t i o n s from sending a delegate a l l the way a c r o s s Canada to represent them at the conven-t i o n . While t h i s small survey of d e l e g a t e s ' expressed p o l i -t i c a l p r e f e r e n c e s d i d not succeed i n i s o l a t i n g the e f f e c t s of s k i l l , i t d i d show that at v a r i o u s times a c o n s i d e r -able number of union l e a d e r s questioned the v a l i d i t y of the T.L.C.'s n o n - p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l programme. For com-p a r a t i v e purposes a s i m i l a r survey was conducted on C.C.L.. d e l e g a t e s ' p o l i t i c a l p r e f e r e n c e s . The examination of con-v e n t i o n r e c o r d s had to be r e s t r i c t e d to those c o v e r i n g 57 59 the conventions from 194-6 to 1955 since no records of e a r l i e r conventions are a v a i l a b l e i n Vancouver. To g a i n a comparable p i c t u r e the opinions expressed by Labour C o u n c i l and I n t e r n a t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , as w e l l as Congress o f -f i c e r s were omitted as was done i n the case of the T.L.C. delegates. The opinions expressed on the Canadian Labour Congress' p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n programme were c l a s s i f i e d as P a r t i s a n or Non-Partisan, employing the same c r i t e r i a as o u t l i n e d before. Table VI of the appendix shows unions f a -vouring a p a r t i s a n or a non-partisan p o l i t i c a l approach as determined on the b a s i s of opinions expressed by t h e i r d e l e -gates at C.C.L. conventions* A comparison of Tables V and VI shows that C.C.L. d e l e -gates were more agreed on t h e i r congress p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y than was the case among T.L.C. delegates. For the p e r i o d covered a t o t a l of 32 C.C.L. delegates supported the p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n r e s o l u t i o n and 12 opposed i t . For the same period 14 T.L.C. delegates spoke i n support of t h e i r congress' The Canadian Congress of Labour, Proceedings of the  S i x t h Annual Convention. Sept. 23-29, 19T&," Toronto, Ontario, pp. 70-73; I b i d . , Proceedings of the Seventh Annual Conven-t i o n . Oct. 6-15. 1947. pp. 88-93; I b i d . , Proceedings of the  Eighth Annual Convention. Oct. 11-15. 1948. Toronto. O n t a r i o , pp. 75-78; I b i d . , Proceedings of the N i n t h Annual Convention, Oct. 5-7. 1949. Ottawa. Ontario, pp. 101-104; I b i d . , Proceed-ings of- the Twelfth Annual Convention. Sept. 22-26. 1952, Toronto, Ontario, pp. 88-90; I b i d . , Proceedings of the Thir-' teenth Annual Convention, Sept. 14—18, 1953, Montreal. P. Que-bec, pp. 55-60; I b i d . , Proceedings of the Fourteenth Annual  Convention, Sept. 27-0ct. 1, 1954, Toronto, Ontario, pp. 13-16, 18-20; I b i d . , Proceedings of the F i f t e e n t h Annual Convention, Oct. 10-14. 1955. Toronto. Ontario, p. 39 f f . 58 non-partisan p o l i c y while 16 opposed i t . Apart from t h i s higher degree of agreement on t h e i r congress' p o l i t i c a l pro-gramme, however, the behaviour of C.C.L. delegates i n d i s -c u s s i n g p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n does not seem to d i f f e r to any im-portant extent from that of t h e i r T.L.C. colleagues. Oc-c a s i o n a l l y a C.C.L. union s h i f t e d i t s support of a non-p a r t i s a n approach to a p a r t i s a n p o l i c y ; and sometimes r e p r e -s e n t a t i v e s of one o r g a n i z a t i o n would b a t t l e each other on the convention f l o o r though not as o f t e n as occurred among T.L.C. r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . Generally, C.C.L. delegates devoted much more time and e f f o r t e v a l u a t i n g t h e i r p o l i t i c a l pro-gramme. This i s not s u r p r i s i n g inasmuch as the pledged sup-port of the C.C.F. never became very e f f e c t i v e . Despite the f a c t that the congress has c o n s i s t e n t l y urged a f f i l i a t e s to support the C.C.F. no important e l e c t o r a l v i c t o r i e s were r e a l i z e d by t h i s party. As a consequence the f o r c e s c a l l i n g f o r formation of a new party i n which the labour movement could p a r t i c i p a t e more d i r e c t l y gained momentum. U l t i m a t e l y , t h i s view was to gain acceptance by most unions i n Canada. In 1956 when the two congresses merged to form the Cana-dian Labour Congress, however, most T.L.C. a f f i l i a t e s s t i l l i n s i s t e d on t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l r e f u s a l to a l i g n themselves w i t h one p a r t y . As a consequence, the p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n r e s o l u t i o n of the Founding Convention was a compromise p e r m i t t i n g a f f i l i a t e s to conduct t h e i r p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s i n the 5 9 manner they saw f i t . ^ By 1958, however, the advocates of a p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l approach a t t a i n e d a v i c t o r y i n the j o i n t congress as evidenced i n the now famous Winnipeg r e s o l u t i o n : There i s the need f o r a broadly based peoples' p o l i t i c a l movement which embraces the C.C.F., the Labour movement, farm o r g a n i z a t i o n s , pro-f e s s i o n a l people and other l i b e r a l l y - m i n d e d persons, i n t e r e s t e d i n basic s o c i a l reform and r e c o n s t r u c t i o n through our Parliamentary sys-tem of government.... This convention, t h e r e f o r e , i n s t r u c t s the Executive Council to give urgent and immediate a t t e n t i o n to t h i s matter by i n i t i a t i n g d i s -cussions with the C.C.F., i n t e r e s t e d farm o r g a n i z a t i o n s and other likeminded i n d i v i d u a l s and groups, to formulate a c o n s t i t u t i o n and a programme f o r such a p o l i t i c a l instrument of the Canadian people; ...61-Pending t h i s development, the convention r e a f f i r m e d the com-promise r e s o l u t i o n passed i n 1956. In I960, the Canadian L a -bour movement cast aside the l a s t remainders of Gompers' p o l i t i c a l n e u tralism. The C.L.C. convention urged a l l i t s a f f i l i a t e d unions to a f f i l i a t e with the New Par t y "when such 6 2 party i s founded". The p a r t i s a n forces of Canadian labour scored t h e i r v i c -t o r y at a time when employment had d r a s t i c a l l y f a l l e n among 60 The Canadian Labour Congress, Proceedings of the F i r s t  Convention, A p r i l 25-27, 1956, Toronto, Ontario, p. 49• 61 The Canadian Labour Congress, Proceedings of the Second  Convention, A p r i l 21-25, 1958, Winnipeg, Manitoba, p. 45* 6 2 The Canadian Labour Congress, Proceedings of the T h i r d  C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Convention, A p r i l 25-29, I960, Montreal, P. Quebec, p. 44* 60 the o r i g i n a l C.C.L. a f f i l i a t e s . From 1956 to 1958 the em-ployment index for C.C.L. unionists dropped by more than 11 points. It also appears s i g n i f i c a n t that 1958 was the year i n which T.L.C. unionists experienced t h e i r f i r s t important loss i n employment. The index for industries i n which T.L.C. unions predominate f e l l by approximately 3 points from 1957 to 1958. Unemployment during this time was p a r t i c u l a r l y severe among the bu i l d i n g trades. In the same period the Canadian Economy remained v i r t u a l l y stagnant as measured by the size of the Net National Income. Yet more jobs were lo s t i n these industries than was the case i n the recession year of 1954 when the National Income a c t u a l l y declined. Further-more, t o t a l real labour income increased by 35% from 1954 to I960. Real labour income per capita of the labour force, however, increased by only 16% during the same period. This c l e a r l y indicates the effects of r i s i n g unemployment. By I960 seven per cent of the c i v i l i a n labour force was unem-63 ployed. It appears, therefore, that the Canadian labour movement was responding to adverse economic conditions when i t endorsed the New Party as i t s p o l i t i c a l aim in I960. Undoubtedly there may have been other contributing fac-tors. Most prominent among these i s probably labour l e g i s -l a t i o n which unions considered as 'unfriendly*. Newfound-land's labour act and the B. C. Trade Union Act of 1959 may 63 ^Bank of Canada, S t a t i s t i c a l Summary Supplement, I960 — c f . Tables VII, VIII and IX of the appendix. 61 be mentioned as examples. Yet labour and a l s o the T.L.C. have voiced discontent before p a r t i c u l a r l y about some r e -s t r i c t i v e r e g u l a t i o n s passed by the Federal Government dur-64 i n g the war. At no time, however,' had the T.L.C. considered co-operating with one p a r t i c u l a r p a r t y to make t h e i r l e g i s -l a t i v e demands heard more e f f e c t i v e l y . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between economic c o n d i t i o n s and the type of labour's p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y appears to be evident to some extent even i n American s o c i e t y where the major values tend to define the advocacy of a 'new system' as U t o p i a n . Labour i n the United States has only leaned towards p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n during periods of i n d u s t r i a l depression when purely economic a c t i o n had l a r g e l y f a i l e d , en, how-ever, p r o s p e r i t y returned economic a c t i o n became e f f e c t i v e again. At the same time labour's i n t e r e s t i n independent p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n waned. For "when economic a c t i o n promises the attainment o f immediate g a i n s , the p o l i t i c a l l y minded w i t h h i s v i s i o n of f u t u r e b e n e f i t s could no longer w i e l d any 65 i n f l u e n c e " . While many of the American labour l e a d e r s , however, seem to r e q u i r e the experience of severe economic-depression before they are l i k e l y to consider p a r t i s a n The Trades and Labour Congress of Canada, Proceedings  of the S i x t i e t h Annual Convention, Oct. 23-50, 1944, Toronto, Ontario, p. 58 f f . ^ J . B . S. Hardman, American Labour Dynamics, New York, Harcourt Brace, 1928, p. 256. p o l i t i c s , r e l a t i v e l y m i l d r e c e s s i o n s appear to be s u f f i c i e n t f o r most- Canadian unions to embark upon such a p o l i c y . ? o r i t seems obvious that the r e c e s s i o n a r y period of 1 9 5 3 - 5 4 and the stagnation of the Canadian economy a f t e r 1 9 5 7 are ,.not • compar-able at a l l i n t h e i r e f f e c t s . o n the labour f o r c e to the deva-s t a t i n g impact of the Great Depression.. Canadians, i t seems, are more i n c l i n e d t O ' cast aside the 'American Dream' whenever the r e a l i t i e s of the day do not f u l l y support those values f o r which i t i s a symbol, v i z . i n d i v i d u a l achievement and u n i -v e r s a l i s m . Instead, they combine to work toward a change-.of the economy by f i g h t i n g c o l l e c t i v e l y those f o r c e s that uphold the system. This i n i t s e l f appears to betray the presence of a l t e r n a t i v e v a l u e s , v i z . p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c - a s c r i p t i v e o r i e n t a -t i o n s which form the basis of the forces u n i f y i n g the diverse unions of the Canadian Labour Congress and a philosophy com-posed of u n i v e r s a l i s t i c - a s c r i p t i v e values that gives the move-ment i t s d i r e c t i o n . The s o c i a l and economic arrangement's union leaders have i n mind when they speak about the new sys-tem and the .values they use i n d e f i n i n g i t s d e s i r a b i l i t y and j u s t i f y i n g i t s n e c e s s i t y w i l l be the subject of Chapter I I I . Before t h i s t o p i c i s taken up, however, an attempt w i l l be made to examine - the e f f e c t of another economic f a c t o r , v i z . market e l a s t i c i t y . 63 The Influence of Market E l a s t i c i t y on Union P o l i t i c a l A c t i v i t y : The B. C. B u i l d i n g Trades: A S p e c i a l Case B u i l d i n g Trades unions i n general are perhaps the best example of business unions. Under c e r t a i n c o n d i t i o n s they dis-p lay almost a l l of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i m p l i e d i n t h i s i d e a l type. F i r s t l y , the b u i l d i n g trades represent the t r a d i -t i o n a l c r a f t s ; that i s to say, they are s e l l e r s of i n t r i c a t e s k i l l s . Secondly, they operate i n a h i g h l y competitive mar-ket, although t h i s holds true only f o r work on smaller con-s t r u c t i o n p r o j e c t s , i . e . r e s i d e n t i a l housing. In t h i s f i e l d they also face short run p r i c e e l a s t i c i t y f o r the s e r v i c e s they o f f e r . This i s to say a small change i n the p r i c e of labour w i l l e f f e c t a r e l a t i v e l y large change i n the demand fo r i t . In the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the average home labour cost does represent a s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n of t o t a l cost, as evidenced by the ' d o - i t - y o u r s e l f fad' that covers not only maintenance and r e p a i r work but also a l t e r a t i o n s and indeed even new c o n s t r u c t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the case of very small houses. The common occurrence of the ' d o - i t - y o u r s e l f e r ' t e s t i f i e s to the fa c t that unions have indeed 'priced them-selves out of t h i s market' to a very considerable extent. The f o l l o w i n g observations are based mainly on S. Jamie-son, B u i l d i n g and Co n s t r u c t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia: A Spe-c i a l ~Ca.se (unpublished), and G. Strauss, "Unions i n the B u i l d -i n g Trades: A Case Study", The U n i v e r s i t y of B u f f a l o Studies, . V o l . 24, No. 2, 1958 ( U n i v e r s i t y of B u f f a l o , 1958). 64 W h i l e t h e e c o n o m i c s i g n i f i c a n c e o f s m a l l home c o n s t r u c t i o n may he d e c l i n i n g t o d a y some o f t h e i m p o r t a n t v a l u e s t h a t g u i d e p r e s e n t day u n i o n p o l i c y were p a r t i a l l y d e v e l o p e d and c o n s t a n t -l y r e i n f o r c e d by t h e s p e c i a l u nion-management r e l a t i o n s h i p s so c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n t h i s b r a n c h o f t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r y . One may do w e l l , t h e r e f o r e , n o t t o d i s r e g a r d what a t f i r s t g l a n c e p o s s i b l y seems 'mere h i s t o r y ' . F o r t h e s m a l l c o n t r a c t o r e a c h s e p a r a t e j o b c o n s t i t u t e s a c e r t a i n g a m b l e , b e c a u s e t h e n a t u r e o f t h e s e j o b s i s e x t r e m e -l y r i s k y . U n e x p e c t e d d i f f i c u l t i e s c a n a l w a y s a r i s e . S i n c e s m a l l c o n t r a c t o r s w o r k u n d e r e x t r e m e l y c o m p e t i t i v e c o n d i t i o n s , t h e y o f t e n o p e r a t e w i t h a r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l p r o f i t m a r g i n . I f a n y s i z a b l e d i f f i c u l t i e s a r i s e u n d e r s u c h c o n d i t i o n s , t h e y u s u a l l y s p e l l b a n k r u p t c y . The c o n t r a c t o r , t h e r e f o r e , who s e e s b a n k r u p t c y l u r k i n g b e h i n d e v e r y c o r n e r , i s u n d e r e x t r e m e p r e s -s u r e s t o ' c h i s e l ' , i . e . t o do c h e a p work o r u s e s u b s t a n d a r d m a t e r i a l s where t h e y do n o t show. On t h e o t h e r h a n d , where t h e q u a l i t y o f work i s o b s e r v a b l e , he h a s t o d e l i v e r i n a c -c o r d a n c e w i t h c o n t r a c t e d s p e c i f i c a t i o n s . T h i s means t h a t t h e s m a l l c o n t r a c t o r i s d e p e n d e n t on c o m p e t e n t c r a f t s m a n s h i p and a l s o on t h e g o o d w i l l and ' u n d e r s t a n d i n g ' o f t h e w o r k e r s t o do ' d i r t y ' w o r k when t h e s i t u a t i o n c a l l s f o r i t . Where c o n -s t r u c t i o n w o r k e r s a r e i n t e n s e l y p r o u d o f t h e i r c r a f t t h e y a r e 68 o f c o u r s e r e l u c t a n t t o engage i n ' c h i s e l i n g ' - . On t h e o t h e r ^ S t r a u s s , op_. c i t . , p. 6 5 . 65 hand, the solvency of the business and with it their jobs ' may well hinge on their willingness to 'co-operate1. These considerations a l l point to one conclusion, viz. that the contractor's success depends to an important degree on a spirit of employer-employee co-operation hardly necessary for mutual survival in other industries* This brings us to the question, are there other factors ' supporting this pattern?• In answering this problem two things may be mentioned. These are the size of the firm and the duration of the job. The small contractor does not re-quire a large investment to enter business or to maintain himself in i t . Frequently he can rent equipment after he has obtained a contract or he can subcontract those phases of the job that require the use of heavy equipment. As a consequence, many contractors are in business only intermit-tently. They.may switch back and forth between employer and employee status, and many employers are union members. Se-condly, most jobs are of short duration, and many employees have a history of long association with one employer. There-fore, frequently whole crews will move from one job to another, 69 taking their foreman with them. Such conditions are hardly conducive to the development of worker solidarity. They are more likely to lead to a de-velopment of craft solidarity which can and does include the 69 Strauss, op_. cit., p. 64. 66 t h e e m p l o y e r e x c e p t u n d e r c o n d i t i o n s where b o t h g r o u p s p u r -sue o p p o s e d i n t e r e s t s , a s f o r e x a m p l e i n c o l l e c t i v e , b a r g a i n -i n g . T h e i r common i n t e r e s t s on t h e o t h e r h and a r e many, an d c a n t a k e v a r i e d f o r m s w h i c h i n t u r n a r e r e l a t e d t o t h e compo-s i t i o n o f t h e i n t e r e s t g r o u p . U n i o n r a n k and f i l e members, o f f i c e r s and e m p l o y e r s o f t e n c o m b i n e t h e i r i n f l u e n c e i n l o b -b y i n g f o r b u i l d i n g c o d e s and r e l a t e d b y - l a w s e n a c t e d b y m u n i -c i p a l g o v e r n m e n t s . One o f t h e most n o t e d r e s u l t s o f s u c h c o m b i n a t i o n s was t h e f a i l u r e o f t h e a l u m i n u m h o u s e p r o j e c t o f t h e F a i r c h i l d A i r c r a f t Company. The company, i n c h a n g i n g o v e r t o a p e a c e t i m e economy had p l a n s f o r t h e mass p r o d u c t i o n o f p r e f a b r i c a t e d a l u m i n u m h o u s e s t h a t n e e d e d o n l y s i m p l e o n -s i t e a s s e m b l y . O b v i o u s l y , many b u i l d i n g t r a d e s m e n and c o n -t r a c t o r s w o u l d have b e e n d i s p l a c e d . B u t t h e d e v e l o p m e n t f a i l e d due t o b u i l d i n g c o d e r e s t r i c t i o n s w h i c h t h e company e n c o u n t e r e d i n most m a j o r c i t i e s a c r o s s t h e c o u n t r y . The p o s t war h o u s i n g s h o r t a g e n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g , t h e company's i n -f l u e n c e was i n s u f f i c i e n t t o o vercome t h e c o m b i n e d l o b b y s t r e n g t h o f c o n s t r u c t i o n u n i o n s and c o n t r a c t o r s . T h i s may be an e x a m p l e o f l a b o u r - m a n a g e m e n t j o i n t c o m p e t i t i o n a g a i n s t an o u t s i d e i n d u s t r y . U n i o n - e m p l o y e r c o - o p e r a t i o n t o e n h a n c e t h e i r common com-p e t i t i v e p o s i t i o n i s n o t o n l y d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t ' o u t s i d e r s ' . U n i o n s h a v e o f t e n s u c c e s s f u l l y p r e v e n t e d t h e u s e o f n o n - u n i o n l a b o u r on c o n s t r u c t i o n p r o j e c t s by s e t t i n g up a p i c k e t a r o u n d t h e ' o p e r a t i o n . They d i d t h i s f r e q u e n t l y a t t h e s u g g e s t i o n o f 67 e m p l o y e r s who t h e r e b y e l i m i n a t e d one r i v a l . C o m p e t i t i o n a l s o o c c u r s b e t w e e n c o n s t r u c t i o n u n i o n s . When t e c h n o l o g i c a l c h a n g e d e v a l u e s t r a d i t i o n a l s k i l l s , t h e u n i o n must t r y t o e x t e n d i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n o r f a c e e x t i n c t i o n . One o f t h e most w i d e l y known e x a m p l e s i s t h e c a r p e n t e r s who now c l a i m j u r i s d i c t i o n o v e r e v e r y t h i n g 'once made o f wood'. B u t some o f t h e most i n t e n s e f o r m s o f i n t e r - u n i o n c o m p e t i t i o n o c c u r s - d u r i n g wage n e g o t i a t i o n s . B u i l d i n g t r a d e s u n i o n s do compete a g a i n s t e a c h o t h e r f o r wages, i . e. t h e y do n o t h e s i -t a t e t o u s e s k i l f u l t i m i n g o f t h e i r demands t o a d v a n c e t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s e v e n a t t h e c o s t o f e x p l o i t i n g t h e w e a k n e s s o f o t h e r f e l l o w u n i o n i s t s . I n t e r - u n i o n wage c o m p e t i t i o n may w e l l be t h e most i m p o r t a n t s i n g l e f a c t o r c h a r a c t e r i z i n g t h e b u i l d -i n g t r a d e s a s b u s i n e s s u n i o n s . W i t h r e g a r d t o t h e t e c h n i q u e s u s e d i n i n t e r - u n i o n wage c o m p e t i t i o n S t r a u s s f o u n d b a s i c a l l y two, v i z . a h e s i t a n c y t o 70 s e t t l e wage c o n t r a c t s t o o e a r l y , and ' b l u f f . H i s b u s i n e s s a g e n t s g e n e r a l l y a t t e m p t e d t o p r o l o n g n e g o t i a t i o n s u n t i l i t became known what o t h e r u n i o n s h a d b e e n a b l e t o g e t . , T h e y b a s e d t h i s p o l i c y o f w a i t i n g o n t h e e x p e r i e n c e t h a t he who s e t t l e s f i r s t g a i n s t h e l e a s t . The l a s t t o c o m p l e t e wage n e g o t i a t i o n s , - on t h e o t h e r h a n d , was u s u a l l y a b l e t o g a i n t h e most r e l a t i v e t o t h o s e p r e c e d i n g h i m . B u s i n e s s a g e n t s f r e q u e n t l y t r i e d t o ' b l u f f t h e i r c o l l e a g u e s i n t o an e a r l i e r 70 S t r a u s s , p_p_. c i t . , p. 76 f f . 68 settlement by exaggerating t h e i r own d i f f i c u l t i e s i n nego- • t i a t i o n s . While they thus sometimes pr e j u d i c e d t h e i r own p o s i t i o n by the f a c t that a r e l a t i v e l y low increase might •set a p a t t e r n ' they d i d g a i n the advantage of 'coming a f t e r ' . The often s p e c t a c u l a r successes achieved by t h i s method are due to the tremendously increased bargaining power of the union that i s the l a s t to s e t t l e the wage c o n t r a c t . For t h i s union can stop a l l p r o d u c t i o n work i f i t s p i c k e t l i n e s are honoured by the others. At t h i s stage the employer hav-in g s e t t l e d the thorny issue of compensations f o r most trades i s l i k e l y to y i e l d even to d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e wage demands; since paying high wages to a small number of employees tends to be l e s s c o s t l y than h o l d i n g o f f c o n s t r u c t i o n . The l a s t union,then, i n e f f e c t enjoys the advantage of short run i n -71 e l a s t i c i t y i n the labour market. By e x p l o i t i n g such ad-vantageous power p o s i t i o n s some c o n s t r u c t i o n unions i n B.C. have been able to upset the whole i n t e r - o c c u p a t i o n a l wage s t r u c t u r e which craftsmen are normally prone to guard j'ealous-l y . Jamieson r e l a t e d t h i s 'leapfrogging' of wage r a t e s to "the c h a o t i c c o n d i t i o n s " and i n d u s t r i a l s t r i f e prevalent i n 72 the B r i t i s h Columbia c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r y during the 1950's. 71 Gf. S. Jamieson, op_. c i t . , p. 39, who describes a s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n i n B. C. where l e s s s k i l l e d workers g a i n r e l a t i v e l y high wage increases by ' r i d i n g on the backs' of the more s k i l l e d groups. 72 I b i d . , p. 36. 69 A s a n economy becomes i n c r e a s i n g l y i n d u s t r i a l i z e d , how-e v e r , t h e r e l a t i v e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f s m a l l home c o n s t r u c t i o n t e n d s t o d e c l i n e . As a c o n s e q u e n c e , c o n s t r u c t i o n u n i o n s f o r -m u l a t e t h e i r wage p o l i c y w i t h a v i e w t o l a r g e p r o j e c t s where t h e y know t h a t t h e i r b a r g a i n i n g power i s h i g h e r . T h e r e a r e two o b v i o u s r e a s o n s f o r t h e i n c r e a s e d b a r g a i n i n g p o w e r o f b u i l d i n g t r a d e s u n i o n s on ' b i g j o b s ' . F i r s t l y , l a b o u r c o s t i s a v e r y s m a l l f r a c t i o n o f t o t a l c o s t . S e c o n d l y , t h e c o s t o f h i g h e r wages c a n be p a s s e d on r e a d i l y t o t h e c o n s u m e r . C o n s u m e r s i n t h i s c a s e a r e f r e q u e n t l y t h e p u b l i c t h r o u g h i t s a g e n t t h e g o v e r n m e n t , o r l a r g e r c o r p o r a t i o n s . The c o n s t r u c -t i o n o f h i g h w a y s , p o w e r dams o r p u l p m i l l s e n t a i l s t h e p l a n -n i n g o f l a r g e s c a l e c a p i t a l e x p e n d i t u r e s . The m a j o r c o n s i d e r a -t i o n s i n s u c h p l a n n i n g i n v o l v e t h e l o n g r u n p r o f i t a b i l i t y o f t h e v e n t u r e . Once l o n g r u n p r o f i t a b i l i t y seems r e a s o n a b l y , a s s u r e d t h e n e c e s s a r y a p p r o p r i a t i o n s a r e made l a r g e l y i n d i s -r e g a r d o f p r e v a i l i n g wage r a t e s . T h e r e f o r e u n i o n s e n j o y a h e i g h t e n e d b a r g a i n i n g p o w e r by v i r t u e o f s h o r t r u n i n e l a s t i -c i t y o f l a b o u r demand. S i n c e b u i l d i n g t r a d e s r e p r e s e n t r e l a -t i v e l y s c a r c e s k i l l s t h e y a r e a b l e t o r e a l i z e t h e a d d i t i o n a l a d v a n t a g e o f s h o r t r u n i n e l a s t i c i t y o f l a b o u r s u p p l y p a r t i c u -l a r l y i f s e v e r a l l a r g e s c a l e p r o j e c t s a r e s t a r t e d a t t h e same t i m e . U n d e r s u c h c o n d i t i o n s e m p l o y e r s w i l l n o t h e s i t a t e t o b i d up wages i n o r d e r t o s e c u r e v i t a l l y n e e d e d s k i l l s . I t a p p e a r s o b v i o u s t h a t t h i s i s a c l i m a t e most c o n d u c i v e t o t h e g r o w t h o f b u s i n e s s u n i o n s . 70 The spectacular expansion of the B. C. c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r y during the l a t e 1940 !s and e a r l y 1950 !s d i d create such a s i t u a t i o n of short run i n e l a s t i c i t y of labour demand and f o r the most h i g h l y s k i l l e d groups a l s o i n e l a s t i c i t y of 73 ' supply. The new c o n s t r u c t i o n boom c a r r i e d out by l a r g e general c o n s t r u c t i o n f i r m s consisted c h i e f l y of new resource development p r o j e c t s and was f e l t d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y over the whole province. As a consequence the main b u i l d i n g trades unions a l s o expanded g r e a t l y and became organized on a * province-wide s c a l e . Due to t h e i r very favourable economic p o s i t i o n t h e i r 'cry f o r more' was very s u c c e s s f u l , indeed. They replaced the powerful D i s t r i c t I of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Woodworkers of America as 'wage leader' and 'pattern s e t t e r ' f o r organized labour i n B r i t i s h Columbia. However, the expansion of the c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r y i n B. C. has not occurred g r a d u a l l y but experienced a marked uneven rate of growth over the l a s t twenty years. According to Jamieson the accentuated c y c l e s of the B. C. economy are a r e s u l t of two f a c t o r s . The p r o v i n c i a l economy as a whole r e s t s p r i m a r i l y on basic resource development and i t i s also 74 dependent on f o r e i g n markets. As a r e s u l t B r i t i s h Columbia experienced pronounced f l u c t u a t i o n s i n investment. As can be 7 5 I b i d . , p. 16 f f . 7 4 T b i d . , p. 38 f f . 71 seen from Table X i n the appendix, since 1953 the percentage change i n c a p i t a l expenditure i n B. C. has been double that of Canada as a whole. As a result employment i n the B r i t i s h Columbia construction industry has been very e r r a t i c . Table XI i n the appendix shows average yearly employment. For an easy grasp of the rather extreme employment fluctuations average yearly employment i s graphically shown i n Figure 2. While i t may be d i f f i c u l t to separate seasonal from c y c l i c a l factors contributing to these f l u c t u a t i o n s , the important fact for our purposes i s the drastic decline i n average year-l y employment since 1957. However, even during the peak season of 'boom' yea r s — a s for instance August, 1957—there was a sizable portion of unemployed, though i t tended to 75 occur among the less s k i l l e d groups. One might conclude, therefore, that as f a r as economic factors are concerned, the B. C. building trades unions re-present a mixed case. These T.L.C. a f f i l i a t e s are d e f i n i t e l y s e l l e r s of s k i l l s and enjoy the advantages of short run i n -e l a s t i c i t y of labour demand. In addition, they could and did make ef f e c t i v e use of i n e l a s t i c i t y of labour supply. This resulted either 'naturally' through an actual shortage among the most highly s k i l l e d c r a f t s , or ' a r t i f i c i a l l y ' through the high degree of organization among the less s k i l l e d groups. They enjoyed a l l these advantages, that i s , when 7 5 I b i d . , p. 12. AVERAGE ANNUAL EMPLOYMENT IN THE CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY OP B.C. 1949-1959 (BASED ON DATA PROM S. JAMIESON, pp.cit.) there was work. Throughout the l a s t ten years, and more p a r t i c u l a r l y during the l a s t f i v e years, however, construc-t i o n unions i n B. C. were faced with an ever mounting problem of unemployment. For these reasons the case of the B. C. b u i l d i n g trades unions o f f e r s an opportunity to t e s t — a t l e a s t i n p a r t — t h e second hypothesis proposed i n the previous chapter. Since only a p a r t i a l t e s t i n g seems p o s s i b l e i n t h i s study, the hypothesis may merit restatement at t h i s p o i n t : V/here A.F.L. (T.L.C.) unions are threatened by t e c h n o l o g i c a l displacement or severe temporary unemployment they w i l l tend to become more movement-like. Contrary to much popular o p i n i o n t e c h n o l o g i c a l change has oc-curred i n the b u i l d i n g trades both i n the techniques as w e l l as i n m a t e r i a l s used. 7^ In some cases, as f o r example the carpenters and the b r i c k l a y e r s , the impact of technology i s immediately observable. B r i c k s are used l e s s i n b u i l d i n g s today and carpenters spend much of t h e i r time "slapping t o -gether' concrete forms, as p r e v i o u s l y noted. The determina-t i o n of the o v e r a l l e f f e c t of t e c h n o l o g i c a l change, however, would r e q u i r e a d e t a i l e d survey which i s beyond the scope of t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n . But a v a i l a b l e s t a t i s t i c s covering a l l b u i l d i n g trades do i n d i c a t e that temporary unemployment and more r e c e n t l y a steady d e c l i n e i n employment has been a featu r e of t h i s i n d u s t r y . One would t h e r e f o r e expect a change from the t r a d i t i o n a l search f o r more money to a search Strauss, op_. c i t . , p. 64* 73 f o r more s e c u r i t y . As Jamieson puts i t : I t i s a safe hypothesis that the problem of seasonal and c y c l i c a l unemployment i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r y i n B. C., ...has accen-tuated f e e l i n g s of i n s e c u r i t y among e s t a b l i s h e d workers i n an already insecure industry....77 The search f o r more s e c u r i t y , i n t h i s case, can hardly l i e i n better organized economic a c t i o n . The h i g h r a t e of seasonal unemployment would seem to f r u s t r a t e the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of more economic a c t i o n even i f yet higher wages could be achieved. I t would seem that the only e f f e c t i v e economic a c t i o n could come from above, and t h e r e f o r e needs to be preceded by p o l i -t i c a l a c t i o n . T h e o r e t i c a l l y , one way to even out the !boom and bust' nature of the B. C. c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r y would be to c o n t r o l the rate of flow of c a p i t a l investment i n the province. This i s p r e c i s e l y what the C.C.F. has promised to do. With the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of f u r t h e r economic a c t i o n on the part of unions blocked, p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n would seem a l o g i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e . Since p o l i t i c a l e f f e c t i v e n e s s l a r g e l y r e s t s on s t r e n g t h i n numbers, and since the 'booms' of the m i d - f i f t i e s have swelled union membership, one might expect union l e a d e r s to use the p r i n c i p l e expounded by C. V/. M i l l s : . . . i f the democratic power of numbers i s to be used against the concentrated power of money, i t must i n some way create i t s own p o l i t i c a l f o r c e . 7 8 In 1957 the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour 77 Jamieson, op_. c i t . , p. 13* 7 8 C . W. M i l l s , The New Men of Power, New York, Harcourt Brace & Co., 1948, p. 103. 74 established a programme of co-operation between labour and the C.C.F. By 1959 the Federation urged i t s a f f i l i a t e s to support the Canadian Labour Congress' programme of e s t a b l i s h -ing a new party and pending th i s development to give f i n a n c i a l 79 support to the C.C.F. An i d e n t i c a l policy was endorsed by 80 the Federation i n I960. Out of 400 delegates 36 voted against partisan p o l i t i c a l action i n 1959. One year l a t e r 81 that number had decreased to eleven. In 1959, a consider-able number of delegates from the building trades opposed the Federation's partisan p o l i t i c s openly on the convention floor. Among these.were representatives of the E l e c t r i c a l Workers, Carpenters, Operating Engineers, Painters, Plumbers, and 8 2 Boilermakers. One year l a t e r there remained but one con-struction union, the E l e c t r i c a l Workers, who were s t i l l i n • 83 open opposition to the Federation's support of the C.C.F. In I960 the Vancouver Building and Trades Council, spokes-man of the major construction unions i n the province, urged 79 B. C. Federation of Labour, Proceedings of the Fourth  Convention, Oct. 5-9, 1959, Vancouver, B. C., p. 91. O Q B. C. Federation of Labour, Proceedings of the F i f t h  Convention, Oct. 24-28, I960, Vancouver, B. C, p. 135. E. P. O'Neil, Secretary-Treasurer, B. C. Federation of Labour, personal interview. o p B. C. Federation of Labour, Proceedings of the Fourth  Convention, op. c i t . , p. 69 f f . 83 • B. C. Federation of Labour, Proceedings of the F i f t h  Convention, op. c i t . , p. 69. 75 OA i t s a f f i l i a t e s t o s u p p o r t C.C.F* c a n d i d a t e s i n t h e e l e c t i o n . The same y e a r saw a l s o t h e f o r m a t i o n o f t h e B. C. F e d e r a t i o n o f t h e U n e m p l o y e d , t h e p u r p o s e o f w h i c h i s " t o p r o v i d e a n e f -f e c t i v e v o i c e a n d f u n c t i o n i n g body f o r t h o s e who d i r e c t l y b e a r t h e b u r d e n o f t h i s i n c r e a s i n g e c o n o m i c and s o c i a l b u r d e n ( u n e m p l o y m e n t ) , and t o e s t a b l i s h t h e g r e a t e s t p o s s i b l e c o -o p e r a t i o n b e t w e e n a l l u n e m p l o y e d c i t i z e n s a n d t h e T r a d e U n i o n 85 Movement". However, t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n unemployment and p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n o f t h e B. C. c o n s t r u c t i o n u n i o n s i s n o t a s c l e a r as i t m i g h t a p p e a r a t f i r s t g l a n c e . The s h i f t t o w a r d s movement u n i o n i s m was a t l e a s t , i f n o t more, i n f l u e n c e d by t h e B. C. T r a d e U n i o n A c t o f 1959 e n a c t e d by t h e S o c i a l C r e d i t g o v e r n m e n t o f t h e p r o v i n c e . T h i s A c t e s t a b l i s h e d u n i o n s a s l e g a l e n t i t i e s f o r t h e p u r p o s e o f damage s u i t s a n d r e s t r i c t e d p i c k e t i n g t o l e g a l s t r i k e s . I n t h e p a s t , b u i l d i n g t r a d e s u n i o n s f r e q u e n t l y r e l i e d on p i c k e t -i n g f o r o r g a n i z a t i o n a l p u r p o s e s as w e l l a s t o f o r c e t h e em-p l o y e r t o c o m p l y w i t h t h e d u e s c h e e k o f f r e g u l a t i o n o f t h e L a b o u r R e l a t i o n s A c t . Many and p a r t i c u l a r l y s m a l l e r c o n -s t r u c t i o n j o b s a r e o f s u c h s h o r t d u r a t i o n t h a t u n i o n s c o u l d n o t a f f o r d t o w a i t f o r t h e r e s u l t s o f t h e r e l a t i v e l y l e n g t h y p / The O p e r a t i n g E n g i n e e r , O f f i c i a l M o n t h l y P u b l i c a t i o n o f t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l U n i o n s o f O p e r a t i n g E n g i n e e r s , L o c a l 115, V a n c o u v e r , B. C , S e p t e m b e r , I960. 85 B. C. F e d e r a t i o n o f L a b o u r , P r o c e e d i n g s o f t h e F i f t h  C o n v e n t i o n , op. c i t . , A t t a c h m e n t No. 11. 76 c e r t i f i c a t i o n p r o c e d u r e . On t h e s e s m a l l p r o j e c t s , p i c k e t i n g was t h e i r o n l y means o f e f f e c t i n g e m p l o y e r r e c o g n i t i o n . F o r t h i s r e a s o n U n i t e d S t a t e s l e g i s l a t i o n s p e c i f i c a l l y e x e m p t s b u i l d i n g t r a d e s u n i o n s f r o m t h e p r o h i b i t i o n o f o r g a n i z a t i o n a l p i c k e t i n g . I t a p p e a r s t h e r e f o r e u n d e r s t a n d a b l e when t h e b u i l d i n g t r a d e s i n B. C. r e a c t e d w i t h p a r t i c u l a r h o s t i l i t y a g a i n s t an a c t w h i c h t h e y p e r c e i v e a s a d e s i g n t o c r u s h t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n s . One c a n o n l y c o n c l u d e , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t b o t h a d v e r s e l a -b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n a n d unemployment were c o n t r i b u t i n g f a c t o r s t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f a p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y among t h e B. C. c o n s t r u c t i o n u n i o n s . W h i c h o f t h e two was t h e more i m p o r t a n t i n f l u e n c e must r e m a i n a moot p o i n t . 77 CHAPTER I I I THE NATURE OF VALUES EXPRESSED BY MOVEMENT AND BUSINESS UNIONISTS I n t h e p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r t h e a t t e m p t was made t o r e l a t e t h e u n i o n ' s e c o n o m i c s t r e n g t h t o t h e f o r m o f i t s p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n programme. We p o i n t e d o u t t h a t a p a r t f r o m ' a d v e r s e l a b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n ' unemployment may w e l l be t h e s i n g l e most i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r a c c o u n t i n g f o r t h e a d o p t i o n o f a p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l a p p r o a c h b y most C a n a d i a n u n i o n s . B u s i n e s s u n i o n -i s m , t h e n , a p p e a r s t o h a v e d r a s t i c a l l y d e c l i n e d i n C a n a d a . The one r e m a i n i n g q u e s t i o n o f t h i s s t u d y c o n c e r n s t h e r e l a -t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n s o c i a l v a l u e s and u n i o n t y p e s . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o u t l i n e d i n t h e f i r s t c h a p t e r , movement u n i o n i s m i m p l i e s d o m i n a n c e o f p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c a s c r i p t i v e v a l u e s a s r e g a r d s t h e w o r k e r s ' o r i e n t a t i o n s t o w a r d s e a c h o t h e r as w e l l a s t o o t h e r s o c i a l g r o u p s . W i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f a 'new s y s t e m ' , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , movement u n i o n i s m i m p l i e s t h e d o m i n a n c e o f u n i v e r s a l i s t i c a s c r i p t i v e v a l u e s . I n c o n t r a s t , b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s m i m p l i e s d o m i n a n c e o f u n i v e r s a l i s t i c a c h i e v e m e n t v a l u e s . T h i s b r i n g s u s t o t h e q u e s t i o n , do movement and b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s t s r e a l l y d i f f e r i n t h e k i n d s o f v a l u e s t o w h i c h t h e y s u b s c r i b e , and i f s o , a r e t h e s e d i f f e r e n c e s i n v a l u e s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h o u r t h e o r e t i c a l p r e d i c t i o n s ? S o c i a l v a l u e s c a n be f o u n d i n what p e o p l e s a y ; t h e y 78 c a n a l s o be i n f e r r e d f r o m what p e o p l e d o . M e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y t h e s e c o n d p r o c e d u r e a p p e a r s r a t h e r h a z a r d o u s . We w i l l t h e r e f o r e m a i n l y c o n f i n e o u r s e a r c h f o r v a l u e s t o p u b l i c s t a t e m e n t s made by u n i o n l e a d e r s . Movement u n i o n i s t s who a d v o c a t e p o l i t i c a l and e c o n o m i c change a r e by t h e i r v e r y n a -t u r e a more v o c a l g r o u p t h a n t h e i r ' b u s i n e s s ' c o l l e a g u e s . I n a l i m i t e d s e n s e i t may t h e r e f o r e be n e c e s s a r y t o s u p p l e -ment, t h e c o m p a r a t i v e l y s c a r c e m a t e r i a l a v a i l a b l e f o r b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s t s b y i n f e r e n c e s f r o m t h e i r b e h a v i o u r . I n o r d e r t o r e d u c e t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f b i a s e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n h e r e n t i n t h i s a p p r o a c h , we w i l l r e s t r i c t o u r s e l v e s t o c i t i n g some f i n d i n g s o f o t h e r i n v e s t i g a t o r s . F i n a l l y , a t r u l y o b j e c t i v e . s u r v e y o f t h e v a l u e s e x p r e s s e d by u n i o n l e a d e r s c a n n o t be u n d e r t a k e n i n t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n . S u c h a t a s k w o u l d i n v o l v e t h e d e v e l o p m e n t and a p p l i c a t i o n o f a s c a l e m e a s u r i n g t h e a f o r e m e n t i o n e d v a l u e d i m e n s i o n s . T h i s w o u l d e x c e e d by f a r t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f t i m e i m p o s e d upon t h e p r e s e n t s t u d y . T h e r e f o r e we c a n n o t hope t o g i v e more t h a n a d e s c r i p t i v e p i c -t u r e o f t h e k i n d s o f v a l u e s most f r e q u e n t l y e x p r e s s e d b y movement a n d b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s t s . T u r n i n g t o v a l u e s i n h e r e n t i n movement u n i o n i s m t h e f i r s t t a s k c o n c e r n s t h e d e s c r i p t i o n o f what we c h a r a c t e r i z e d a s u n i v e r s a l i s t i c a s c r i p t i v e v a l u e s . . T h e s e v a l u e s c a n be f o u n d w h e r e v e r movement u n i o n i s t s demand a new s y s t e m d e -s i g n e d t o p r o v i d e a g r e a t e r d e g r e e o f s o c i a l j u s t i c e f o r a l l . The new o r d e r may be d e s c r i b e d i n v e r y g e n e r a l t e r m s 79 as for example i n the following excerpt from an address by President Mosher: Let us f i r s t of a l l t r y to gain some clear conception of the kind of world we would l i k e to l i v e i n — a state of society i n which there s h a l l be peace and economic security and ample oppor-tunity for human service and human happiness. Let us admit frankly that we propose to abolish every e v i l which stands i n the way of that ob-j e c t i v e , through the use of our economic and p o l i t i c a l strength as organized workers and i n co-operation with a l l who are w i l l i n g to work with us.8" Sometimes more s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the new system are given. Typically, these tend to be formulated i n terms of i n -alienable rights ascribed to man regardless of what he has done or neglected to do. That i s to say, these ri g h t s are his as a human being. Reference to such r i g h t s i s most frequently made when movement unionists urge support of the. New Democra-t i c Party. This, i t i s claimed, i s the only party, pledged to est a b l i s h a system i n which everyone has as soci a l r i g h t s : a job, adequate health care, and old age security. Less f r e -quently, though also mentioned, i s the right of every youth to 87 an education limited only by his a b i l i t y to learn. The European influence on such a s c r i p t i v e themes i s c l e a r l y indicated i n the labour press i t s e l f . One recent The Canadian Congress of Labour, Proceedings of the  Tenth Annual Convention, Sept. 25-29, 1950, Winnipeg, Mani-toba, p. 7. 'The B. C. Lumberworker, O f f i c i a l Organ of the I.W.A., Regional Council No. 1, 1st Issue, A p r i l , 1961, E d i t o r i a l . 8 0 e d i t o r i a l of the B. C. Lumberworker, f o r example, was e n t i r e l y devoted to high p r a i s e of Pope John's e n c y c l i c a l MATER ET 88 MAGISTRA. "Labour everywhere w i l l h a i l the e n c y c l i c a l ' s pleas f o r s o c i a l j u s t i c e , " the e d i t o r wrote. The a r t i c l e emphasized p a r t i c u l a r l y the f o l l o w i n g statements by the pon-t i f f : "that s o c i a l i z a t i o n growing i n extent and depth i s not only necessary but d e s i r a b l e , and that i t i s a f a l s e assump-t i o n e n t e r t a i n e d i n c e r t a i n quarters, that s o c i a l i z a t i o n n e c e s s a r i l y reduces men to'automatons;" and f u r t h e r "that p r i -vate e n t e r p r i s e must c o n t r i b u t e to e f f e c t a more eq u i t a b l e economic and s o c i a l balance among the d i f f e r e n t zones of the 89 same country". The e d i t o r f e l t i m pelled to amend the demand f o r higher e q u a l i z a t i o n w i t h i n c o u n t r i e s to include the whole world. As he expressed i t : "We- are a l l r e s p o n s i b l e too f o r 9 0 the undernourished of the world-." For the movement u n i o n i s t such r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s not confined to present day c o n d i t i o n s , i t extends to the future as w e l l : But we ought to be t h i n k i n g not only of ourselves, but of our f a m i l i e s and the great number of e x p l o i t e d people throughout the country. We ought to be t h i n k -ing of generations yet to come, who w i l l f i n d i t hard to f o r g i v e us f o r our s t u p i d i t y i n c o n t i n u i n g to sup-port economic and p o l i t i c a l systems which r e s u l t e d i n wealth f o r a few people and comparative poverty f o r o p The .B. C. Lumberworker, O f f i c i a l Organ of the I.W.A., Regional C o u n c i l No. 1, 2nd Issue, J u l y 1961.-8 9 I b i d . 9 0 I b i d . ' 81 91 the great mass of the population. The u n i v e r s a l i s t i c elements of such a philosophy make for a certain .dualism of attitudes. So f a r , only one aspect has been mentioned, v i z . the refusal to r e l a t i v i z e s o c i a l rights on the basis of group' membership. Beyond that, however, the emphasis of universalism makes i t s e l f f e l t i n a preoccupation with means and organization. Labour leaders, or the S o c i a l i s t p o l i t i c i a n s of the i r choice, wherever they speak stress the need for planning and elimination of human and economic waste. They tend to go to great lengths t r y i n g to explain just how the better system i s to be achieved. "What then i s a planned economy? When the New Democratic Party becomes the government of t h i s country we w i l l set up f i r s t of a l l a planning agency charged with the task to solve these questions: F i r s t , what do we need? Second, what resources do we have for our needs? What are our manpower resources, what t r a i n i n g f a c i l i t i e s exist today, and what f a c i l i t i e s do we have to develop to supply the de-mand of future s k i l l s and knowledge? What are our c a p i t a l resources, private as well as public? We w i l l also create a development fund from which c a p i t a l can be directed to where i t i s needed and so that i t ensures f u l l employment. P r i o r i t y w i l l be given to the development of s o c i a l c a p i t a l , the construction of houses, schools, hospitals, roads, and 91 The Canadian Congress of Labour, Proceedings of the  Tenth Annual Convention, Sept. 25-29, 1950, Winnipeg, Mani-toba, p. 7 (emphasis supplied). 82 92 parks, etc." E f f i c i e n t planning and organization, however, are never seen as ends i n themselves. They are hut of i n -strumental significance and always related to the expected r e s u l t s . These r e s u l t s are formulated i n terms of the r e a l i -zation of some of the s o c i a l rights. Douglas backed his argu ment for a planned economy by warning that by 1970 automation w i l l have wiped out one job,in every seven in Canada. With economic planning, on the other hand, labour need not fear automation. A l l men l a i d o f f w i l l be taken care of, he pro-mised, and w i l l be retrained at government cost. Under such conditions labour w i l l be able to welcome automation for i t 93 w i l l share i n the benefits of technological advancement. "Without planning, however,.automation w i l l maintain and contribute to the already e x i s t i n g d i s p a r i t i e s between the wealthy few and the many suffering from economic dislocation.' I t would thus v i o l a t e the very p r i n c i p l e of s o c i a l organiza-t i o n , for movement unionists recognize but one legitimate ob-jective of the s o c i a l order; v i z . the promotion of human 95 welfare. In these and s i m i l a r terms the i d e a l state tends 92 J T. C. Douglas, National Leader of the New Democratic Party, addressing a public meeting i n Vancouver, March 23, 1962. 9^The Vancouver Sun. March 24, 1962. 94 Douglas, loc• c i t . 95 The Canadian Congress of Labour, Proceedings of the  Eleventh Annual Convention, Sept. 17-21, 1951, Vancouver, B. C, p. 14. 83 to be defined as one enjoyed by a l l as well as something that has to be achieved c o l l e c t i v e l y . This emphasis on c o l l e c t i v -ism leads sometimes to a t r a n s i t i o n from an ideal state to be achieved to the a s c r i p t i o n of ideal q u a l i t i e s to those who are 'for i t ' . "The labour movement i s best suited to promote progress i n that d i r e c t i o n [the i d e a l state] for labour i s not organized for the sake of p r o f i t , but for service, and i n 96 t h i s respect i t sets an example to other i n s t i t u t i o n s . " Where labour emphasizes the ideals of selflessness and ser-vice i t also demands the subordination of individual interests to the welfare of the c o l l e c t i v i t y . " I f only a f f i l i a t e s can look beyond their own special i n t e r e s t s , we w i l l be e f f e c -97 t i v e . . . . " Such demands and the a s c r i p t i o n of a higher morality to a group, however, brings us into the domain of p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c values. The p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c ascriptive elements come to the fore when the c a l l goes out for the producers of t h i s nation to unite. They are to unite against the 'corporate e l i t e ' , or the 'wealthy few' who control the Canadian economy. As long as t h i s corporate e l i t e 'runs the country', unemployment w i l l increase, for "they insure that i t i s run for t h e i r own 98 long-term benefit." The gulf between the few who benefit 9 The Canadian Congress of Labour, Proceedings of the'  Eleventh Annual Convention, Sept. 17-21, 1951, Vancouver, -B. C., p. 14-9^The Canadian Congress of Labour, Proceedings of the  Twelfth Annual Convention, Sept. 22-26, 1952, Toronto, Ont.,pR9• 98Douglas, l o c . c i t . 84 a n d t h e many who a r e d i s a d v a n t a g e d i s d e f i n e d i n t e r m s o f g r o u p m e m b e r s h i p . I n t h i s way a d e f i n i t e i n - g r o u p -o u t - g r o u p d i m e n s i o n i s i n t r o d u c e d t h a t p e r m i t s t h e e x p r e s -s i o n o f h o s t i l i t y t o w a r d t h o s e who 'do n o t b e l o n g ' . The we-g r o u p c o m p r i s e s a l l t h o s e who p r o d u c e , t h e ' o t h e r s ' a r e t h e o w n e r s and c o n t r o l l e r s . When i t i s f u r t h e r p o i n t e d o u t t h a t t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e c o r p o r a t e e l i t e l i v e s i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s t h e a d d i t i o n a l e l e m e n t o f n a t i o n a l i s m i s b r o u g h t i n w h i c h c l e a r l y f u n c t i o n s t o i n c r e a s e t h e d i s t a n c e b e t w e e n t h e 'we' and ' o t h e r ' g r o u p s . I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e s e r v i c e i d e a l s p r o f e s s e d b y move-ment u n i o n i s t s management i s d e s c r i b e d i n e x a c t l y o p p o s i t e t e r m s . 'Management', ' o w n e r s ' , and t h o s e who ' c o n t r o l ' a r e - go ' s e l f i s h ' and ' g r e e d y ' . C h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y , h o w e v e r , s u c h a t t a c k s a r e r a t h e r muted i n C a n a d a . T h e y t e n d t o be f o r m u l a t e d i n a n a t m o s p h e r e o f s e m i - s e r i o u s n e s s t h a t b o r -d e r s on t h e f u n n y . L o c a l ' t y c o o n s ' , f o r e x a m p l e , s u c h a s J . V. C l y n e , B o a r d C h a i r m a n o f t h e t i m b e r g i a n t M c M i l l a n -B l o e d e l and P o w e l l R i v e r , a r e d e p i c t e d as somewhat, g r o t e s q u e f i g u r e s . L i k e l i t t l e c h i l d r e n who h a v e b e e n d e p r i v e d o f a n e x t r a c o o k i e t h e y a r e s a i d t o c r y and c o m p l a i n when t h e i r m i l l i o n d o l l a r p r o f i t s do n o t i n c r e a s e a s r a p i d l y a s t h e y h o p e d . S u c h c o n s t r a i n t c a n a l s o be f o u n d i n t h e t u r n o f 9 9 E m i l e B j a r n a s o n , The Case o f t h e T e a r f u l T y c o o n , T r a d e U n i o n R e s e a r c h B u r e a u , V a n c o u v e r , B. C , 1962. 1 0 0 C f . N a e g e l e , o_p_. c i t . . , p. 21. 85 speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of movement unionists i n Canada. Very rarely do they use the phrase 'worker e x p l o i t a t i o n ' . . Only one-delegate at the 1961 B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of La-bour Convention used the language of the c l a s s i c a l revolution-ary p r o l e t a r i a t . But when he spoke of the 'international c a p i t a l i s t conspiracy bent on exploiting the workers of a l l countries' the response of most delegates was barely concealed impatience and embarrassment. This lack of f i e r y fanaticism appears c h a r a c t e r i s t i c also of Tommy Douglas, Leader of the New Party. While he c e r t a i n l y attacks the old l i n e parties he does so by the use of canny proverbs or by t e l l i n g fables'. In one of his favourite s t o r i e s he likens the changing Tory-Liber a l rule over the Canadian people to a nation of mice who are governed by cats. In t h i s tale he himself plays the role of the f i r s t mouse to propose a fundamental change, v i z . the election of mice rather than c a t s . 1 ^ Or i n describing a key issue i n the next federal election^ Mr. Douglas may say: "The.choice w i l l be between a planned economy designed to provide f u l l employment and a higher standard of l i v i n g or an unplanned economy on the philosophy of every man for him-s e l f — a s the elephant said when he was dancing among the chickens." 1^ 2 The p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c values that s p e l l out the unearned riches and greed of the wealthy are most c l e a r l y expressed -^-^Douglas, l o c . c i t , 1 1 0 2The B. C. Lumberworker, O f f i c i a l Organ of the I.W.A., Regional Council No. 1, 1st Issue, August 1961. 86 i n labour songs, designed to u n i t e the workers i n the s p i r i t of s t r u g g l e : They have taken untold m i l l i o n s that they never t o i l e d to earn, But without our b r a i n and muscle' not a s i n g l e wheel could t u r n ; We can break t h e i r haughty power, gai n our freedom when we l e a r n -That the Union makes us s t r o n g . In our hands i s placed a power greater than t h e i r hoarded g o l d , Greater than the might of armies magnified a thousand f o l d , We can b r i n g to b i r t h a new world from the ashes of the o l d , For the Union makes us st r o n g . S o l i d a r i t y f o r e v e r ! S o l i d a r i t y f o r e v e r i S o l i d a r i t y f o r e v e r i ,Q. For the Union makes us strong. While movement u n i o n i s t s may a d v e r t i s e f o r 'the o l d songs of l a b o u r w h e n i t comes to s i n g i n g them not much enthusiasm i s generated. Although the labour press reported that "dele-gates were t h r i l l e d by the s t i r r i n g Joe Glazer r e n d i t i o n s of 105 some of the most famous labour songs", t h i s appears a gross overstatement. In f a c t , on one occasion, h a l f the delegates l e f t the h a l l and the remainder seemed bored and 103 -\B. C. Federation of Labour, Convention Records, S i x t h Annual Convention, Oct. 23-26, 1961, Vancouver, B. C. (Sung by delegates at commencement and c l o s i n g sessions of the convention.) 1 0 4 T h e B. C. Lumberworker, O f f i c i a l Organ of the I.W.A., Regional C o u n c i l No. 1, J u l y 1961. •\B. C. Labour, O f f i c i a l Organ of the B. C. Federation of Labour, C.L.C., November 1961. 87 p e r h a p s s l i g h t l y amused b u t d e f i n i t e l y n o t ' t h r i l l e d 1 . T h e r e i n l i e s t h e d i l e m m a o f movement u n i o n i s t s i n C a n a d a . I n a d v o c a t i n g p o l i t i c a l and e c o n o m i c change t h e y n e e d and s e e k t h a t i n t e n s e s e n s e o f u n i t y w h i c h c a n o n l y be b o r n o u t o f s t r o n g h o s t i l i t y . I n C a n a d a , h o w e v e r , w i t h h e r p e c u l i a r ' i n b e t w e e n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ' , i t seems t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h a t d e g r e e o f r a d i c a l i s m and w o r k e r s o l i d a r i t y n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e e l e c t o r a l v i c t o r y o f a l a b o u r p a r t y o n t h e n a t i o n a l s c e n e h a s b e e n i n h i b i t e d so f a r . I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e movement u n i o n i s t ' s s e r v i c e i d e a l and e m p h a s i s on a b r o a d l a b o u r s o l i d a r i t y t h a t i n c l u d e s ' a l l p r o -d u c e r s ' s t a n d s t h e r e l a t i v e l y n a r r o w s e l f - c o n c e r n and t h e s p i r i t o f c o m p e t i t i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s t s . S i n c e t h e p a t t e r n o f c o m p e t i t i o n and t h e use o f ' b l u f f h a s b e e n m e n t i o n e d i n t h e p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r r e m a r k s h e r e c a n be c o n f i n e d t o a f e w e x a m p l e s o f t h e way i n w h i c h u n i v e r s a l i s t i c a c h i e v e m e n t v a l u e s a r e most c l e a r l y e x p r e s s e d . As m e n t i o n e d b e f o r e , one o f t h e l a s t s t a l w a r t s o f b u s i -n e s s u n i o n i s m i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i s t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l B r o -t h e r h o o d o f E l e c t r i c a l W o r k e r s ( I B E W ) . W h i l e most u n i o n s i n B. C. welcomed t h e B. C. E l e c t r i c t a k e - o v e r by t h e p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n m e n t t h e IBEW" was t h e o n l y u n i o n t o v o i c e o p e n p r o t e s t a g a i n s t t h i s f o r m o f ' n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n ' . T h i s p r o t e s t was b a s e d on t h e u n i o n ' s e x p e r i e n c e t h a t i t ' c o u l d g e t a b e t t e r d e a l ' w i t h p r i v a t e f i r m s . As t h e B u s i n e s s M a n a g e r s t a t e d : "We d o n ' t want t o be r e l e g a t e d t o C i v i l S e r v i c e s t a t u s . We 88 expect a l o t of d i f f i c u l t i e s with respect to the bargaining positions of our members employed by the B. C. E l e c t r i c . "^"^ When the writer l a t e r queried some of his assistants about the reluctance of t h i s union to support the New Democratic Party he received t h i s c l a s s i c a l answer: P o l i t i c s - well, our president i s an old CCF-er, but that's got nothing to do with me or with the union. The members' p o l i t i c s i s t h e i r own private business, the union has got nothing to do with that. That's the way the members want i t . They passed a motion on the meeting to that effect. You see, we are i n the business of s e l l i n g our  s k i l l s as best as we can. The i n d u s t r i a l unions, w e l l , for them i t ' s l o g i c a l . They haven't got anything else. I f they want something they must get into p o l i t i c s . But for us, i t i s di f f e r e n t . (Emphasis supplied.) ' 107 The " i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c trend" so ch a r a c t e r i s t i c of the u n i v e r s a l i s t i c achievement complex was recently expressed by Sandy Bevis, the I.T.U.'s second vice-president. Speaking to a P a c i f i c Northwest I.T.U. regional seminar, he welcomed automation because new machines are creating new jobs f or I.T.U. members. "Naturally we have a s e l f i s h i n t e r e s t . So we are embracing the changes and s t r i v i n g to achieve new bene-f i t s from them." He admitted that the I.T.U. has encountered some d i f f i c u l t y with other unions that do not favour automa-ti o n . There are j u r i s d i c t i o n a l disputes, "but", he said, A. O'Keefe, Business Manager - Financial Secretary, International Brotherhood of E l e c t r i c a l Workers, Local 213, personal interview. ] 07 ' Parsons, op_. c i t . , p. 183» 89 108 "things are working out well for us". Such acknowledge-ment and almost pride i n the pursuit of ' s e l f i s h gain' which r e s u l t s from the tremendous emphasis on 'success' and the r e l a t i v e neglect of means c l e a r l y demonstrates the r e a l d i f -ferences i n the values held by business and movement union-i s t s . While the business unionist, s e l l i n g his s k i l l , can take pride i n 'getting ahead' even at the cost of having to fight h i s fellow unionists for access to scarce jobs the movement unionist views.such conduct as the blackest of • • - w i -4- 109 sins a union man can possibly commit. The morality of ' s e l f - i n t e r e s t ' which derives from achievement values apparently also motivates a union that concentrates on wage gains rather than job security even i n the face of growing unemployment among i t s own members. The Painters i n B r i t i s h Columbia may be an example of th i s behaviour pattern. Chiefly by " r i d i n g on the back of more powerful unions" they have gained wage increases of con-siderable magnitude by concentrating t h e i r negotiations on 1 OR The Vancouver Sun, A p r i l 9, 1962 (Emphasis supplied) 109 Cf. the Newfoundland Federation of Labour's con-demnation of the Carpenters for raiding I.W.A. locals.: "Be i t resolved that t h i s federation goes on record as con-demning the officials...who are responsible for t h i s un-pri n c i p l e d and contemptible attack on a brother union, and for t h e i r v i o l a t i o n of the fundamental ethics of trade unionism for s e l f i s h personal gains...." The B. C. Lumber-worker, O f f i c i a l Organ of the I.W.A. Regional Council No. 1, 1st Issue, Oct., 1961. 90 l a r g e c o n s t r u c t i o n p r o j e c t s . 1 " ' " ^ The members who a r e o u t o f work a r e l a r g e l y l e f t t o t h e i r own d e v i c e s . They c a n w o r k ' u n d e r t h e h a t ' , i . e . f o r l e s s t h a n u n i o n r a t e s , i n t h e r e s i -d e n t i a l m a r k e t w h i c h t h e u n i o n a l m o s t d e l i b e r a t e l y s a c r i f i c e d , o r t h e y c a n f i n d w o r k somewhere e l s e . S t r a u s s r e p o r t i n g o n B u s i n e s s A g e n t s ( B . A . ' s ) i n t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r y g i v e s an e x a m p l e o f a l m o s t ' p u r e ' b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s m . M o st f o r e m e n i n t h e i n d u s t r y were a l s o u n i o n members. They were a l s o u n d e r t h e c o n t r o l o f B.A.'s who e x p e c t e d them t o be ' p u s h e r s ' . " W i t h some e x a g g e r a t i o n , " S t r a u s s r e c o u n t s , "one m i g h t s a y t h a t t h e u n i o n s ' f u n c t i o n was t o s e l l l a b o u r a n d t h e f o r e m a n ' s j o b was t o make s u r e t h a t t h e e m p l o y e r g o t h i s money worth.""''"'"1 T h i s p a t t e r n a p -s p e a r s t o be r e l a t e d b o t h t o t h e i n t e n s e c r a f t p r i d e o f S t r a u s s ' r e s p o n d e n t s a s w e l l a s t h e m u t u a l d e p e n d e n c y f o r s u r v i v a l t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e s e m p l o y e r - u n i o n r e l a t i o n s i n t h e s m a l l c o n -s t r u c t i o n f i e l d . The d o m i n a n c e o f u n i v e r s a l i s t i c a c h i e v e m e n t v a l u e s e x -p r e s s e s i t s e l f f u r t h e r i n a p h i l o s o p h y o f ' e v e r y man f o r h i m -s e l f and ' a n y t h i n g g o e s , p r o v i d e d i t b r i n g s r e s u l t s ' . S u c h p h i l o s o p h y was c l e a r l y e v i d e n t among S t r a u s s ' B.A.'s who e n -g a g e d i n i n t e n s e c o m p e t i t i o n f o r s c a r c e j o b o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r t h e i r members. Most B . A . J s i n t h e s t u d y a d m i t t e d : " I g e t 1''' <~ >Jamieson, p_p_. c i t . , p. 21. " ^ ^ S . t r a u s s , op_. c i t . , p. 98. 91 what I can get. I know other B.A.'s do exactly the same: ferent to possible 'bad feelings about i t ' appears to i n d i -cate the scarcely repressed p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c c r i t e r i a that forbid the use of means detrimental to other fellow union-i s t s . Nevertheless, these c r i t e r i a are i n e f f e c t i v e among business unionists as also indicated i n patterns of employer-union collusion. The refusal to consider any other standards than e f f i c i e n c y , effectiveness, etc., appears i n stark re-l i e f where re l a t i o n s between employer and the B.A. were too good. As Strauss reports, here "the temptation was strong to enter into a conspiracy to reduce competition". In such cases the employer secured the B.A.'s po s i t i o n i n the union through punishing the BvA.'s p o l i t i c a l r i v a l s by giving them d i r t y jobs or subjecting them to frequent l a y - o f f s . The B.A. i n turn kept down the number of contractors entering the f i e l d through the use of picketing. "Together they kept the men from causing 'trouble'. • The employer gained lush p r o f i t s ; the B.A. won firm control over his union and perhaps a l i t t l e 'protection money' on the side. The customer paid the b i l l . " This drive for more, be i t more money or more power, was once most c l e a r l y expressed by the American labour leader S. that's why I don't f e e l too bad about i t . " 112 The last re 112 I b i d . , p. 122. 113 Ibid p. 154-92 Gompers: "What l a b o u r w a n t s i s s i m p l y m o r e . " 1 1 4 I n c o n t r a s t , t h e a s c r i p t i v e e l e m e n t s i n h e r e n t i n t h e p h i l o s o p h y o f move-ment u n i o n i s t s c o m p e l l s them t o s e e k ' j u s t i c e ' r a t h e r t h a n s i m p l y m o r e. W h i l e t h e s e - l a b o u r l e a d e r s may be h e s i t a n t t o d e f i n e t h e ' j u s t s h a r e due t o l a b o u r ' , l a b o u r p o l i t i c i a n s a r e n o t a f r a i d t o r e f e r f o r e x a m p l e t o Sweden where " a f t e r a d e -c e n t s t a n d a r d o f l i v i n g was a c h i e v e d f o r a l l , wages a u t o m a -115 t i c a l l y r i s e i n p r o p o r t i o n t o r i s i n g p r o d u c t i v i t y . " Though t h e p r o p o r t i o n a t e i n c r e a s e may n o t be f i x e d s u c h a r -r a n g e m e n t s a t l e a s t e s t a b l i s h t h e p r i n c i p l e o f t h e w o r k e r s ' r i g h t t o a ' f a i r s h a r e i n t h e n a t i o n ' s p r o s p e r i t y ' . F i n a l l y , t h e s c o p e o f l e g i t i m a t e u n i o n f u n c t i o n s t e n d s t o be much b r o a d e r i n t h e c a s e o f movement u n i o n i s m where t h e l e a d e r s f o r m an e l i t e t h a n i n t h e c a s e o f b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s m where t h e l e a d e r s t e n d t o be e x e c u t i v e s . More p r e -c i s e l y , movement u n i o n l e a d e r s t e n d t o p e r c e i v e o f t h e i r p o -s i t i o n , a s i n v o l v i n g r a t h e r d i f f u s e r o l e o b l i g a t i o n s . B u s i n e s s m a n a g e r s , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , d e f i n e t h e i r r o l e more s p e c i f i -c a l l y . To g i v e a n e x a m p l e o f t h e s e d i f f e r e n t v i e w s one m i g h t compare t h e s t a t e m e n t o f t h e b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s t who d e f i n e d h i m s e l f a s a s a l e s m a n o f s k i l l s w i t h t h e f o l l o w i n g 1 4N.W. C h a m b e r l a i n , L a b o r , McGraw H i l l Book Co., 1958, p. 41; c f . a l s o J o h n L. L e w i s s p e a k i n g i n s u p p o r t o f t h e c l a s s i c l a i s s e z - f a i r e p h i l o s o p h y d u r i n g h e a r i n g s b e f o r e t h e S e n a t e C o m m i t t e e on L a b o r and P u b l i c W e l f a r e , i n N.W. Cham-b e r l a i n , S o u r c e b o o k on L a b o r , McGraw H i l l Book Co., 1958, pp. 532-533-115 ^D o u g l a s , l o c . c i _ t . 93 pronouncement of a movement union l e a d e r : Not only must labour undertake to act i n the realm of both economics and p o l i t i c s . ' In my o p i n i o n the labour movement must extend the scope of i t s a c t i v i t i e s and i n t e r e s t s to em-brace a s t i l l wider f i e l d . Economic s e c u r i t y i s a h i g h l y d e s i r a b l e o b j e c t i v e , and p o l i t i c a l democracy i s equally important, i n v o l v i n g b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s of freedom and s e l f - r e s p e c t , but these alone are i n s u f f i c i e n t to meet human needs to the f u l l e s t extent. I t i s e s s e n t i a l f o r example, that labour i n t e r e s t s i t s e l f i n educa-t i o n , i n h e a l t h , i n the development of human p e r s o n a l i t y to the highest l e v e l ; that i t seek to e r a d i c a t e the e v i l s of hate, f e a r , of race p r e j u d i c e , of e x p l o i t a t i o n of the weak by the strong, and a l l the other e v i l s which have plagued mankind since the beginning of time. The i n t e r e s t s of the labour movement must be as wide as human l i f e itself. u° In t h i s v,iew the l e g i t i m a t e f u n c t i o n s of a union simply cover everything from "adequate care f o r the mentally, i l l " , to "ex-tending c o n s t r u c t i v e a i d i n the establishment of a working 117 c l a s s government", eve r y t h i n g , that i s , considered e s s e n t i a l f o r human welfare by union l e a d e r s . However, such opposed views as to the r o l e of union leader express d i f f e r e n c e s of values or p r i n c i p l e s . They may not n e c e s s a r i l y be r e f l e c t e d i n the day-to-day a c t i v i t i e s of union l e a d e r s . In e f f e c t i v e -l y democratic l o c a l s where the leade r s h i p changes p e r i o d i c a l l y even a business u n i o n i s t may have to "carry out the numerous other d u t i e s of a p o l i t i c a l ward leader or a p a r i s h p r i e s t " 11 fi The Canadian Congress of Labour, Proceedings of the S i x t h Annual Convention, Sept. 23-29, 1946, Toronto, Ontario, p. 17. x x'The B. C. Lumber Worker, O f f i c i a l Organ of the I.W.A., Regional C o u n c i l No. 1, 1st Issue, June, 1961. 94 118 i n o r d e r t o i n s u r e h i s r e - e l e c t i o n . B u t i n t h e c a s e o f t h e b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s t s u c h d i f f u s e f u n c t i o n s h a v e i n s t r u m e n t a l s i g n i f i c a n c e r e l a t i v e t o i n d i v i d u a l a c h i e v e m e n t . He assumes t h e s e d u t i e s t o k e e p h i s j o b o r t o a d v a n c e h i m s e l f . F o r t h e movement u n i o n i s t 'who w o r k s f o r h u m a n i t y ' , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , s u c h d i f f u s e f u n c t i o n s a r e a n end i n t h e m s e l v e s . As he s e e s i t , h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y l i e s w i t h t h e t o t a l w e l f a r e o f h i s m e m b e r s h i p and e v e n o f s o c i e t y i n g e n e r a l . S t r a u s s , 6p_. c i t . , p. 130. 95 CHAPTER I V SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Summary T h i s p a p e r p r o p o s e d a r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n s o c i a l v a l u e s , e c o n o m i c f a c t o r s , and t h e n a t u r e o f p o l i t i c a l p r o grammes among C a n a d i a n l a b o u r u n i o n s . I t was p o i n t e d o u t t h a t p a t -t e r n s o f p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n among C a n a d i a n u n i o n s p o s e a p r o b -l e m i n a s much a s d i f f e r e n t u n i o n s h a v e u n t i l r e c e n t l y p u r -s u e d a l m o s t d i a m e t r i c a l l y ' o p p o s e d p o l i c i e s . O n l y o f l a t e h a v e most u n i o n s b e e n a b l e t o a g r e e a t l e a s t i n p r i n c i p l e on a g e n e r a l p o l i c y , v i z . s u p p o r t o f t h e New D e m o c r a t i c P a r t y . A b r i e f r esume o f some m a j o r u n i o n t h e o r i e s showed t h a t t h i s p r o b l e m g e n e r a l l y d i d n o t e x i s t i n t h e c a s e o f A m e r i c a n u n i o n s . W i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f a f e w i s o l a t e d i n s t a n c e s t h a t o c c u r r e d i n t h e wake o f t h e G r e a t D e p r e s s i o n , most A m e r i c a n u n i o n s have c o n s i s t e n t l y f o l l o w e d a n o n - p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y . By c o n t r a s t t h e E u r o p e a n l a b o u r movement h a s a l o n g and c o n t i n u i n g h i s t o r y o f c o - o p e r a t i o n w i t h v a r i o u s k i n d s o f S o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s . A b r i e f c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f some o f t h e m a j o r v a l u e s o f ' A m e r i c a n s o c i e t y , v i z . t h e u n i v e r s a l i s t i c - a c h i e v e m e n t c o m p l e x , showed t h a t t h e s e v a l u e s a p p e a r most c o m p a t i b l e w i t h p o l i t i c s c a r r i e d on t h r o u g h p r e s s u r e g r o u p a nd l o b b y a c t i v i t i e s r a t h e r t h a n t h r o u g h g e n u i n e p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . I t was t h e r e f o r e 9 6 .. •„•.. proposed that the non-partisan p o l i t i c a l p o l i c i e s so charac-t e r i s t i c of American unions may well be related to the i n -fluence of the American value system. The partisan p o l i t i c a l approach so c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of European unions was related i n ' a similar manner to some value dimensions dominant i n Western Europe. For Europeans the u n i v e r s a l i s t i c - a s c r i p t i v e value complex defines what proper s o c i a l arrangements ought to be l i k e . These values appear therefore c l o s e l y connected with the v i s i o n of a better society toward which the labour move-ment aspires. P a r t i c u l a r i s t i c - a s c r i p t i v e values on the other hand, provide European unionists with a r e l a t i v e l y strong sense of s o l i d a r i t y . . This permitted them to act i n unison to a much higher degree than was possible for American unions. Canadians appear to be influenced by both the American and the European value systems. Unionists i n Canada therefore are exposed, as i t were, to opposed value standards. The question whether the American or the European model appeals more to Canadian unionists may well hinge on economic fac t o r s . It was argued that the possession of s k i l l s and employment security would, tend to make the American model more appealing. Unskilled workers i f subjected to periodic or prolonged unem-ployment, on the other hand, are l i k e l y to f i n d the European model more acceptable. Movement unionism, i . e. the adoption of a partisan p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y , would therefore tend to de-velop among i n d u s t r i a l unions who experience unemployment. Business unionism, i . e . the adoption of a non-partisan 97 p o l i t i c a l policy, on the other hand, becomes a more l i k e l y de-velopment among c r a f t unions not subjected to unemployment. Under conditions of severe unemployment, however, craftsmen cannot harvest that crop of high earnings the seeds of which they invested i n apprenticeship. In a sense, they may well f e e l that the system has cheated them, and, as a consequence, become more movement l i k e . In the past unions who perceived themselves as belonging to the s k i l l e d c r a f t s a f f i l i a t e d with the T.L.C; those per-ceiving themselves as i n d u s t r i a l unions, on the other hand, a f f i l i a t e d with the C.C.L. A survey of average yearly em-ployment covering the period 1946-1960 was undertaken for two industry groups. In the f i r s t group of industries C.C.L. a f f i l i a t e s had organized the majority of employees. In the second, o r i g i n a l T.L.C a f f i l i a t e s predominated. The survey showed that for the period covered the less s k i l l e d C.C.L. unionists had experienced more unemployment than t h e i r s k i l l e d T.L.C colleagues. This difference i n employment security narrowed, however, after 1956 when increasing unemployment be-came a serious problem i n the Canadian economy. A survey of the relevant convention record showed that the T.L.C. had consistently pursued a non-partisan p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y . The opposite was found i n the case of the C.C.L. who had with equal consistency pursued a partisan p o l i t i c a l policy. Only when unemployment became a serious problem and made i t -s e l f f e l t among the ranks of o r i g i n a l T.L.C. a f f i l i a t e s did 98 t h e two g r o u p s i n t h e j o i n t c o n g r e s s u n i t e t h e i r o p p o s e d p o l i -t i c a l v i e w s . I n 1958 t h e C . L . G . a d o p t e d a p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y . A s e p a r a t e s u r v e y o f employment among t h e B. C. B u i l d i n g T r a d e u n i o n s showed s i m i l a r r e s u l t s . U n d e r t h e i m -p a c t o f s e v e r e unemployment e v e n t h e s e s k i l l e d c r a f t s j o i n e d t h e r a n k s o f New P a r t y s u p p o r t e r s . T h e s e e v e n t s , t h e r e f o r e , a p p e a r t o s u p p o r t o u r h y p o t h e s e s o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n e c o n o m i c f a c t o r s and t h e n a t u r e o f p o l i t i c a l p o l i c i e s . F i n a l l y , t h e s t a t e m e n t s made by u n i o n l e a d e r s a s w e l l a s t h e i r c o n d u c t a p p e a r t o r e v e a l t h a t movement and b u s i n e s s u n i o n i s t s do i n f a c t s u b s c r i b e t o d i f f e r e n t v a l u e s . B u s i n e s s u n i o n i s m t e n d s t o be c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y a r e l a t i v e l y n a r r o w s e l f c o n c e r n , c o m p e t i t i o n , and s u c c e s s o r i e n t a t i o n i n h e r e n t i n t h e m a j o r A m e r i c a n v a l u e s , i . e . t h e u n i v e r s a l i s m - a c h i e v e m e n t com-p l e x . Movement u n i o n i s m , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , t e n d s t o be c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a b r o a d e r c o n c e r n w i t h human w e l f a r e i n g e n e r a l a n d t h e means b y w h i c h i t c a n be a c h i e v e d . These c o n c e r n s a r e i n h e r e n t i n u n i v e r s a l i s t i c - a s c r i p t i v e v a l u e o r i -e n t a t i o n s more h i g h l y d e v e l o p e d i n E u r o p e . The s t a t e m e n t s b y movement u n i o n i s t s a l s o r e v e a l t h a t t h e y a r e p o s s e s s e d b y a s e n s e o f i n t e r n a l s o l i d a r i t y t h a t s p r i n g s f r o m p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c o r i e n t a t i o n s . I n t h e c a s e o f C a n a d i a n s , h o w e v e r , t h i s s o l i -d a r i t y a n d i t s a t t e n d a n t h o s t i l i t y t o w a r d s t h e m a n a g e r i a l e l i t e a p p e a r s l e s s d e v e l o p e d t h a n i t i s among E u r o p e a n u n i o n -i s t s . C o n c l u s i o n I t a p p e a r s , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t t h e s e f i n d i n g s p r o v i d e some . 99 m e a s u r e o f v a l i d i t y t o t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n s o c i a l v a l u e s , e c o n o m i c f a c t o r s , a n d t h e n a t u r e o f u n i o n p o l i t i c a l programmes p r o p o s e d i n t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n . The l a c k o f a d e q u a t e s c a l e s t o measure t h e v a r i o u s v a l u e d i m e n s i o n s , h o w e v e r , n e c e s s a r i l y l e a d t o a r a t h e r s u b j e c t i v e a p p r o a c h i n t h e d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e v a l u e s h e l d b y d i f f e r e n t k i n d s o f u n i o n l e a d e r s . A f u r -t h e r s e r i o u s ' m e t h o d o l o g i c a l p r o b l e m e n c o u n t e r e d i n t h i s s t u d y c o n c e r n s t h e d i f f i c u l t y o f c o n t r o l l i n g a l l t h e r e l e v a n t v a r i -a b l e s i n v o l v e d i n t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p h y p o t h e s i z e d . The I.B.E.W., a h i g h l y s k i l l e d c r a f t u n i o n , w h i c h t o d a y i s a t y p i c a l ' b u s i -n e s s u n i o n , f o r e x a m p l e , was f o r a l o n g t i m e d o m i n a t e d by Communist l e a d e r s h i p . The C o m m u n i s t s , f u r t h e r m o r e , d i d n o t become e s t a b l i s h e d i n r e s p o n s e t o e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y h i g h unem-p l o y m e n t . W h i l e t h e c a r p e n t e r s i n N e w f o u n d l a n d may a c t i n a manner more c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f b u s i n e s s u n i o n s , t h e y a r e i n o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y v e r y a c t i v e i n t h e New D e m o c r a t i c P a r t y . T h e r e a r e N.D.P. c l u b s e n t i r e l y composed o f c a r p e n -t e r s b o t h i n B. C. and O n t a r i o . T h e s e e x a m p l e s c l e a r l y d e -m o n s t r a t e t h a t a p a r t f r o m s k i l l a n d unemployment o t h e r v a r i -a b l e s n o t e x a m i n e d i n t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n a r e a l s o r e l a t e d t o t h e n a t u r e o f p o l i t i c a l p r o grammes o f C a n a d i a n u n i o n s . I n a b r o a d s u r v e y o f t h i s k i n d , h o w e v e r , i t seems i m p o s s i b l e t o d e v e l o p more t h a n p l a u s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n s . I n v i e w o f t h e s e f a c t s a p p a r e n t l y o n l y one v a l i d c o n c l u s i o n c a n be d r a w n f r o m t h e f i n d i n g s o f f e r e d i n t h i s s t u d y : O t h e r f a c t o r s b e i n g e q u a l , C a n a d i a n c r a f t u n i o n s n o t s u b j e c t t o s e v e r e u n e mployment w i l l 100 t e n d t o a d o p t t h e m a j o r A m e r i c a n v a l u e s a s a m o d e l and t h e r e f o r e a c t i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h Gompers' p o l i t i c a l n e u t r a l -i s m . I n d u s t r i a l u n i o n s i n C a n a d a when s u b j e c t t o u n e m p l o y -ment w i l l t e n d t o a d o p t t h e m a j o r E u r o p e a n v a l u e s a s a m o d e l a n d t h e r e f o r e a c t i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h E u r o p e a n u n i o n p r a c -t i c e , v i z . s u p p o r t o f a S o c i a l i s t p a r t y : . I A P P E N D I X TABLE I Average Yearly Employment (1949 = 100) * Industries in which C.C.L. (CIO) Unions Predominate 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1955 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 I960 Forestry (logging) 129.9 149.6 138.4 100.0 100.8 138.6 123.9 100.0 95.1 101.8 113.2 99.3 75-9 78.9 84.0 Mining 86.9 88.6 9 7 . 2 100.0 105.5 110.6 116.8 111.7 109.8 113-4 122.7 127.2 l?3-5 123.4 120.1 D i s t i l l e d & Malt Liquors 90.8 95.8 140.3 100.0 99.2 100.7 100.7 104.2 106.4 105.4 108.9 106.8 105.8 106.0 101.9 Rubber Products 95.8 117.2 108.7 100.0 103.0 109.0 102.1 109.2 102.2 108.8 114.3 110.4 99-5 106.2 101.0 Textile 88.7 94.8 99-9 100.0 101.6 105.2 93.1 9 4 . 5 80.6 84.8 86.8 84.4 77.5 78.8 77.1 Clothing Men 88.3 91-9 95.1 100.0 99.0 101.4 104.1 106.8 95.8 95-7 100.8 100.2 93-1 93.0 90.3 Sawmills & Planing Mills 80.7 9 5 . 3 101.6 100.0 106.6 112.7 103.6 106.7 102.3 110.4 112.4 105.0 103.5 103.6 104.4 Iron & Steel Products 89.2 9 6 . 4 101.5 100.0 98.4 110.5 113.0 111.8 100.5 102.0 112.4 113.4 102.6 109.7- 106.1 Aircraft & Parts 112.5 97.1 80.2 100.0 97.6 168.2 282.2 386.2 357.2 328.5 352.0 391.2. 366.0 263.6 243.4 Motor Vehicles 76.6 88.8 92.8 100.0 108.6 116.5 113.3 119.7 105.8 119.2 134.4 124.9 102.0 106.0 104.3 E l e c t r i c a l Apparatus & Supplies 7 9 . 3 96.1 9 9 . 9 100.0 107.4 120.7 120.8 135.4 133.7 136.4 152.2 150.4 135.7 135.8 133.1 Non-ferrous Metal Products 84.0 95-1 100.9 100.0 98 .0 109.5 110.0 118.1 117.1 124.6 132.5 128.2 122.3 126.3 129.2 D.B.S. Employment 8c Payrolls TABLE II Average Yearly Employment (1949 = 100) Industries in which T.L.C. (A.F. of L.) Unions Predominate 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 < Bread & Bakery 91.5 94.6 97.1 100.0 101.7 104.6 104.7 106.0 103.6 107.0 108.8 109.2 109.4 109-9 111.2 Dairy Products 91.4 92.4 96.8 100.0 98.9 101.4 102.4 103.6 107.4 106.9 109.2 114.3 121.9 125.4 124.2 Pulp & Paper Mills 92.9 102.5 105-8 100.0 99j3 108.9 111.5 111.3 117.5 121.1 126.1 124.4 120.9 124.2 125.3 Printing 86.7 92.3 97.7 100.0 104.1 105.4 104.3 106.8 109.7 111.7 115.3 119.6 119.1 121.3 123-8 Ship Building 172.8 161.8 143-5 100.0 91.5 113.4 150.8 173-5 161.2 138.6 147.8 154.9 136.9 128.3 126.1 Construct ion 69.5 85-6 95.4 100.0 102.4 110.2 122.5 118.6 110.7 114.9 131.8 135.7 126.2 130.3 125.7 Public U t i l i t y 71.1 76.7 89.0 100.0 101.3 103.4 107.5 112.1 115.7 118.9 126.3 133.6 137.6 138.7 137.8 Air Transport 80.1 90.0 93.4 100.0 98.6 107.2 126.1 138.9 153-9 169.4 184.8 190.7 187.3 192.9 211.4 Clothing Women 80.8 81.1 86.7 100.0 102.7 105.3 105.4 100.5 94.8 92.4 92.6 94.6 95.8 97.2 96.4 Truck Transport 82.9 90.7 95.0 100.0 111.1 126.3 133.5 136.8 142.5 155.5 175.2 189.1 191.5 211.6 216.9 Service 88.3 94.6 99.1 100.0 101.0 103.1 106.6 108.7 111.4 114.5 125.1 131.9 135.1 139-3 143.2 D.B.S. Employment & Payrolls TABLE TIT P r o d u c t s (Employment Index [1949=1001 X No. Employees T1949]) and Y e a r l y Weighted Average Employment I n d i c e s f o r ' I n d u s t r i e s i n W h i c h C. C. L. (CIO) Unions P r e d o m i n a t e 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1949 thousands employees Forestry 9 , , 0 4 2 . 3 4 10 , 4 1 3 . 6 6 9 , 6 3 4 . 0 2 6, , 9 6 1 . 0 0 7, , 0 1 6 . 6 8 9, , 6 4 7 . 9 5 8 , 6 2 4 . 6 7 6, , 9 6 1 . 0 0 6 , 6 1 9 . 9 1 7, , 0 8 6 . 3 0 7 . 8 7 9 . 8 5 6 , 0 1 2 . 2 7 5 , 2 8 3 . 3 9 5 , 4 9 2 . 2 3 5,847.24 69.61 Mining 7, , 7 4 1 . 0 5 7, , 8 9 2 . 4 8 8 , 6 5 8 . 5 8 8, , 9 0 8 . 0 0 9 , 3 9 7 . 9 4 9 , , 8 5 2 . 2 5 10 , 4 0 4 . 5 4 9 , 9 5 0 . 2 4 9 , 7 8 0 . 9 8 10, , 1 0 1 . 6 7 1 0 , 9 3 2 . 1 2 1 1 , 3 3 0 . 9 7 1 1 , 0 0 1 . 3 8 1 0 , 9 9 2 . 4 7 10,698.51 89.08 Distilled & Malt Liquors 1 , 2 8 8 . 9 1 1, , 3 5 4 . 6 1 1 , 9 8 3 . 8 4 1, , 4 1 4 . 0 0 1 , 4 0 2 . 6 8 1, , 4 2 3 . 9 0 1, 4 2 3 . 9 0 1 , 4 7 3 . 3 8 1 , 5 0 4 . 4 9 1, , 4 9 0 . 3 5 1 , 5 3 9 . 8 4 1 , 5 1 0 . 1 5 1, 4 9 6 . 0 1 1 , 498 .84 1,440.87 14.14 ,—) b Rubber 1 . 8 6 0 . 4 4 2, , 2 7 6 . 0 2 2 , 1 1 0 . 9 5 1, , 9 4 2 . 0 0 2 , 0 0 0 . 2 6 2, , 1 1 6 . 7 8 1, 9 8 2 . 7 8 2 , 1 2 0 . 6 6 1 , 9 8 4 . 7 2 2, , 1 1 2 . 9 0 2 , 2 1 9 . 7 1 2 , 1 4 3 - 9 7 1, , 9 3 2 . 2 9 2,062.40 1,961.42 19.42 Textile 6 , 5 5 0 . 4 9 7, , 0 0 0 . 9 8 7 , 3 7 7 . 6 1 7, , 3 8 5 . 0 0 7, , 5 0 3 . 1 6 7, , 7 6 9 . 0 2 6 , , 8 7 5 . 4 3 6 , 9 7 8 . 8 2 5 , 9 5 2 . 3 1 6. , 2 6 2 . 4 8 6 , 4 1 0 . 1 8 6 , 2 3 2 . 9 4 5, , 723 .37 5,819.38 5,693.83 73.85 Clothing 2 , 8 9 9 . 9 9 2 , 0 1 8 . 0 0 3 , 1 2 3 . 0 8 3, , 2 8 4 . 0 0 3, , 2 5 1 . 1 6 3, , 3 2 9 . 9 8 3 , , 4 1 8 . 6 4 3 , 5 0 7 . 3 1 3 , 1 4 6 . 0 7 3, , 1 4 2 . 7 8 3,310.27 3 , 2 9 0 . 5 7 3, ,057.40 3,054.12 2,965.45 32,84 Sawmill 4, , 2 9 3 . 2 4 5 , 0 6 9 . 9 6 5 , 4 0 5 . 1 2 5, , 3 2 0 . 0 0 5, , 6 7 1 . 1 2 5, , 9 9 5 . 6 4 5 , 5 1 1 . 5 2 5 , 6 7 6 . 4 4 5 , 4 4 2 . 3 6 5 , , 8 7 3 . 2 8 5 , 9 7 9 . 6 8 5 , 5 8 6 . 0 0 5, ,506.20 5,511.52 5,554.02 53.20 Iron A Steel 1 4 , 0 4 6 . 6 3 1 5 , 1 8 0 . 1 1 1 5 , 9 8 3 . 2 0 15 , , 7 4 7 . 0 0 1 5 , 4 9 5 . 0 5 17, , 4 0 0 . 4 3 1 7 , . 7 9 4 . 1 1 1 7 , 6 0 5 . 1 5 1 5 , 8 2 5 . 7 3 16 , , 0 6 1 . 9 4 1 7 , 6 9 9 . 6 3 1 7 , 8 5 7 . 1 0 16, , 1 5 6 . 4 2 17,274.46 16,707.57 157.47 Aircraft 1 , , 2 9 3 . 7 5 1, 1 1 6 . 6 5 9 2 2 . 2 3 1, , 1 5 0 . 0 0 1, , 1 2 2 . 4 0 1 , 9 3 4 . 3 0 3 , , 2 4 5 . 3 0 4 , 4 4 1 . 3 0 4 , 1 0 7 . 8 0 3, , 7 7 7 . 7 5 4 , 0 4 8 . 0 0 4,498.80 4, ,209.00 3,031.40 2,799.10 11.50 Motor Vehicles 2 , , 0 8 0 . 4 6 2 , 4 1 1 . 8 1 2 , 5 2 0 . 4 5 2, , 7 1 6 . 0 0 2, , 9 4 9 . 5 8 3, , 1 6 4 . 1 4 3 , 0 7 7 . 2 3 3 , 2 5 1 . 0 5 2 . B 7 3 . 5 3 3, , 2 3 7 . 4 7 3 , 6 5 0 . 3 0 3,392.28 2,770.32 2,878.96 2,832.79 27.16 Electrical Apparatus 4 , 4 0 2 . 7 4 5 , 3 3 5 . 4 7 5,546.45 5, , 5 5 2 . 0 0 3, , 9 6 2 . 8 5 6 ,701.26 6, 7 0 6 . 8 2 7 , 5 1 7 . 4 1 7 , 4 2 3 . 0 2 7 , 5 7 2 . 9 3 8,450.14 8,450.14 7, ,534.06 7,539.62 7,389.71 55.52 Non-ferrous Metals 3,658.20 4 , 1 4 1 . 6 0 4,394.19 4, ,355.00 4, , 2 6 7 . 9 0 4, , 7 6 8 . 7 2 4 , 7 9 0 . 5 0 5 , 1 4 3 . 2 5 5 , 0 9 9 . 7 0 5, , 4 2 6 . 3 3 5 , 7 7 0 . 3 7 5,587.46 5, ,326.16 5,500.36 5,626.66 43.55 5 9 , 153.02 6 5 , 2 1 1 . 3 5 6 7 , 6 5 9 . 7 2 64 , , 7 3 4 . 0 0 64, , 0 4 0 . 8 7 74, , 1 0 4 . 3 7 7 3 , 8 5 5 . 4 4 7 4 , 6 2 6 . 0 1 6 9 , 7 6 0 . 6 2 72, , 2 1 6 . 1 8 7 7 , 8 8 8 . 0 9 76,692.72 70 ,096.00 70,655.76 69,517.23 647.34 Weighted Average 9 1 . 4 1 0 0 . 7 1 0 4 . 5 1 0 0 . 0 9 8 . 9 114.5 1 1 4 . 1 115.3 107.8 1 1 1 . 6 120.3 1 1 8 . 5 108.3 109.1 107.4 Source: D. B. S., Employment & Payrolls, I960. is TABLE IV Products (Lmployment Index (1949) X No. Employees, 1949) and Yearly Weighted Average Employment Indices for Industries in which T. L. C. (A. F. of L.) Unions Predominate) 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 195? 195? 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1960 1949 thousands employees Bread A Bakery Dairy Products Pulp & Paper Mill; Printing Ship Building Construction Public Utility Air Transport Clothing (Women) Truck Transport Service 1547.26 837.22 i 4862.39 3834.74 2595.46 13979.23 2971.98 541.48 2032.93 1041.22 8208.37 1599.69 846.38 5364.85 4082.43 2430.24 17217.52 3206.06 608.40 2040.48 1139.19 B794.02 1641.69 903.18 5537.57 4321.27 2155.37 19188.76 3720.20 631.38 2181.37 1193.20 9212.34 1691.00 916.00 5234.00 4423.00 1502.00 20114.00 4180.00 676.00 25i6.00 1256.00 9296.00 1719.74 905.92 5197.36 4604.34 1374.33 20596.74 4234.34 666.54 2583.93 1395.42 9388.96 1768.79 928.82 5699.83 4661.B4 1703.27 22165.63 4322.12 724.67 2649.35 1586.33 9584.18 1770.48 937.98 5835.91 4613.19 2265.02 24639.65 4493.50 852.44 2651.86 1676.76 9909.54 1792.46 948.98 5825.44 4723.76 2605.97 23855-30 4685.78 938.96 2528.58 1718.21 10104.75 1751.87 983.78 6149.95 4852.03 2421.22 22266.20 4836.26 1040.36 2385.17 1789.80 10355.74 1809.37 979.20 6338.37 4940.49 2081.77 23110.99 4970.02 1145.14 2324.78 1953.08 10643.92 1839.81 1000.27 6600.07 5099.71 2219.96 26510.25 •5279.34 1249.25 2329.82 2200.51 11629.30 1846.57 1046.99 6511.10 5289.91 2326.60 27294.70 5584.48 1289.13 2380.14 2375.10 12261.42 Weighted Average Source: D. B. S. 42*152.28 81.9 47,329.32 91.4 50686.60 97.8 52667.62 101.7 55,794.83 107.7 59*46.33 115.1 59728.19 115.2 58832.38 113.6 60^ 97.13 116.3 65858.29 127.3 68206.14 131.7 1849.95 1116.60 6327.91 5267.79 2056.24 25383.87 5751.68 1266.15 2410.33 2405.24 12558.90 1858.41 1148.66 6500.63 5365.09 1927.06 26208.54 5797.66 1304.00 2445.55 2657.70 12949.33 1880.39 1137.67 6558.20 5475.67 1894.02 25283.30 5760.04 1429.06 2425.42 2724.26 13311.87 66,394.66 128.2 6Q162.63 131.6 67*79.90 131.0 16.91 9.16 52.34 44.23 15.02 201.14 41.80 6.76 25.16 12.56 92.96 518.04 I—1 O Employment 4 Payrolls, 1960. I 105 TABLE V T.L.C. UNIONS WHOSE DELEGATES SUPPORTED PARTISAN OR NON-PARTISAN P O L I T I C A L P O L I C I E S AT CONVENTIONS PARTISAN NON-PARTISAN 1942 F u r w o r k e r s * R a i l w a y c a r m e n * * S t r e e t and e l e c t r i c r a i l w a y e m p l o y e e s * * S t r e e t and e l e c t r i c r a i l w a y e m p l o y e e s * * 1943 S t r e e t and e l e c t r i c r a i l w a y e m p l o y e e s * * 1944 P l u m b e r s and s t e a m f i t t e r s * P r i n t e r s * F u r w o r k e r s * P h o t o e n g r a v e r s * M a c h i n i s t s * B o i l e r m a k e r s and s h i p b u i l d e r s M a c h i n i s t s * 1946 J e w e l l e r y w o r k e r s * 1947 No d i s c u s s i o n 1948 T e x t i l e w o r k e r s * * M a c h i n i s t s * T e x t i l e w o r k e r s * * T e x t i l e w o r k e r s * * Seamen* R a i l w a y c a r m e n * * C a r p e n t e r s * R a i l w a y c a r m e n * * C a r p e n t e r s * H o t e l e m p l o y e e s a nd b a r t e n d e r Seamen* C h e m i c a l w o r k e r s * * L a d i e s g a r m e n t w o r k e r s * * No d i s c u s s i o n 1949 P u l p and s u l p h i t e w o r k e r s * * No d i s c u s s i o n 1950) 1951) No d i s c u s s i o n 1952) 1953 4 d e l e g a t e s u n i o n unknown 1954 1955 M a c h i n i s t s * R a i l w a y c a r m e n * * B o o k b i n d e r s * O p e r a t i n g e n g i n e e r s * * M a c h i n i s t s * B a r b e r s and h a i r d r e s s e r s * P l u m b e r s a nd p i p e f i t t e r s * R a i l w a y s t e a m s h i p c l e r k s * * S t r e e t and e l e c t r i c r a i l w a y e m p l o y e e s * * P l u m b e r s * C a r p e n t e r s * 106 TABLE V ( c o n t i n u e d ) P ARTISAN 1955 M a c h i n i s t s * C h e m i c a l w o r k e r s * * M a c h i n i s t s * M a c h i n i s t s * NON-PARTISAN R a i l w a y s t e a m s h i p c l e r k A i r l i n e p i l o t s * M a c h i n i s t s * C a r p e n t e r s * * U n i o n w i t h f u l l y d e v e l o p e d a p p r e n t i c e s h i p s y s t e m . ** U n i o n w i t h o u t f u l l y d e v e l o p e d a p p r e n t i c e s h i p s y s t e m 107 TABLE V I C.C.L. UNIONS WHOSE DELEGATES SUPPORTED PARTISAN OR NON-PARTISAN P O L I T I C A L P O L I C I E S AT CONVENTIONS PARTISAN NON-PARTISAN 1946 S t e e l w o r k e r s M i n e w o r k e r s M ine w o r k e r s ACWA ( ? ) A u t o w o r k e r s C i v i l u t i l i t y a n d e l e c t r i c a l P a c k i n g h o u s e w o r k e r s Woodworkers E l e c t r i c a l r a d i o and m a c h i n e w o r k e r s 1947 W o o d w o r k e r s R a i l w a y e n g i n e e r s S t e e l w o r k e r s E l e c t r i c a l r a d i o and.;-Mine w o r k e r s m a c h i n e w o r k e r s : A u t o w o r k e r s P a c k i n g h o u s e w o r k e r s S t e e l w o r k e r s 1948 S t e e l w o r k e r s M i n e w o r k e r s 1949 M i n e w o r k e r s 1950) 1951) No d i s c u s s i o n F u r a n d l e a t h e r w o r k e r s E l e c t r i c a l r a d i o a n d m a c h i n e w o r k e r s F u r a n d l e a t h e r w o r k e r s No d i s c u s s i o n 1952 UCSC ( ? ) Min e w o r k e r s 1953 Woodworkers S t e e l w o r k e r s . S t e e l w o r k e r s A u t o w o r k e r s S t e e l w o r k e r s A u t o w o r k e r s MWBIU ( ? ) S h i p y a r d a n d g e n e r a l w o r k e r s M a r i t i m e m a r i n e w o r k e r s 1954 M i n e w o r k e r s W o o d w o r k e r s S t e e l w o r k e r s A u t o w o r k e r s S t e e l w o r k e r s S t e e l w o r k e r s S t e e l w o r k e r s T e x t i l e w o r k e r s T e x t i l e w o r k e r s P a c k i n g h o u s e w o r k e r s 1955 No d i s c u s s i o n No d i s c u s s i o n 108 TABLE VII LEVEL OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY AS INDICATED-BY NATIONAL INCOME Year Net National Income at Factor Cost 'Millions of Dollars Consumer Price Index Real Net National Income at Factor Cost M i l l i o n s of Dollars 1949 12,905 100 12,905 1950 14,161 102.9 13,762 1951 16,588 113.7 14,589 1952 18,654 116.5 16,012 1953 19,294 115.5 16,705 1954 19,032 116.2 16,379 1955 20,737 116.4 17,815 19 56:1 23,166 118.1 19,616 1957 24,011 121.9 19,697 1958 24,944 125.1 19,939 1959 26,676 126.5 21,088 1960 27,375 128.0 21,387 Source:. D.B.S. National Accounts, Income & Expenditure, 1926-56, I960. T a b l e V I I I G r o s s L a b o u r Income R e a l L a b o u r Income (1949 D o l l a r s ) T o t a l C i v i l i a n L a b o u r F o r c e A v e . R e a l I n c o m e / C a p i t a o f L a b . F o r c e P r i c e I n d e x T o t a l C P I M i l l i o n s o f D o l l a r s T h o u s a n d s o f p e r s o n s 1949 D o l l a r s 1949=100 1949 8,000 8,000 5,092 1,571 100 1950 8,629 8,386 5,162 1,625 102.9 1951 10,104 8,936 5,223 1,711 113.7 1952 11,218 9,629 5,324 1,809 116.5 1953 12,125 10,498 5,397 1,945 115.5 1954 12,452 10,716 5,493 1,950 116.2 1955 13,223 11,360 5,610 2,025 116.4 1956 14,890 12,608 5,782 2,180 118.1 1957 16,018 13,140 6,003 2,189 121.9 1958 16,524 13,209 6,127 2,156 125.1 1959 17,760 14,039 6,228 ... 2,254 126.5 I960 18,514 14,464 6,403 2,259 128.0 S o u r c e : Bank o f C a n a d a , S t a t i s t i c a l Summary S u p p l e m e n t , I960. 110 TABLE I X UNEMPLOYMENT IN CANADA A n n u a l A v e . P e r c e n t a g e o f L a b o u r F o r c e U n e m p l o y e d 1949 2.9 1950 3.6 1951 2.4 1952 2.9 1953 3.0 1954 4.6 1955 4.4 1956 3.4 1957 4.6 1958 7.1 1959 6.0 1960 7.0 S o u r c e : Bank o f C a n a d a , S t a t i s t i c a l Summary  S u p p l e m e n t , I960, p. 135. I l l TABLE X -PERCENTAGE CHANGES IN TOTAL CAPITAL EXPENDITURE PROM YEAR TO YEAR, CANADA AND BRITISH COLUMBIA 1951 - 1958 Year Canada B r i t i s h Columbia % % 1951-52 +12.4 +11.5 1952-53 + 6.0 + 8.0 1953-54 - 5.9 -14.5 1954-55 +10.7 +28.1 1955-56 +24.4 +45.1 1956-5? + 8.8 +18.6 (estimated) 1957-58 . - 2.3 -25.2 T o t a l 1951-57: new c o n s t r u c t i o n - Canada +116.4% B. C. +170% a l l c o n s t r u c t i o n - Canada + 92% B. C. +137% Source: P r i v a t e and P u b l i c Investment i n Canada, Regional Estimates, s e r i e s from 1951 to .1958, Department of Trade and. Commerce, Ottawa. 112 ( TABLE XI AVERAGE ANNUAL EMPLOYMENT IN THE CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY OF B. C. 1949-1959 Year Average y Average x e a r Employment I e a r Employment 1949 23,300 1955 24,500 1950 21,200 1956 32,400 1951 21,800 1957 36,200 1952 . 26,600 1958 26,000 1953 29,700 1959 28,200 1954 24,900 Source: S. Jamieson, B u i l d i n g and Con s t r u c t i o n i n B r i t i s h  Columbia: A S p e c i a l Case 113 BIBLIOGRAPHY A. BOOKS Andras, A. Labour Unions i n Canada. Ottawa: Woodsworth House, 1958. Chamberlain, N.W. Labor. New York: McGraw H i l l Book Co., 1958. Sourcebook on Labor. New York: McGraw H i l l Book Co., 1958. Cole, T. (ed.). European P o l i t i c a l Systems. New York: A.Knopf, 1959. Dunlop, J . T. Wage Determination under Trade Unions. New York: Kelley Inc., 1950. Peuer, L. S. (ed.). Marx and Engels. New York: Doubleday & Co., 1959-Galenson, W. Labour and Economic Development. New York: Wiley & Sons, 1959-Hardman, J . B. S. American Labour Dynamics. New York: Harcourt Brace & Co., 1928. Homans, G. The Human Group. New York: Harcourt Brace & Co., 1950. Hoxie, R. F. Trade Unionism i n the United States. New York: AppletonCo., 1947. i. Jamieson, S. Industrial Relations in Canada. Cornell University Press, 1957. Kahl, J . A. The American Class Structure. New York: Rinehart & Co., I960. Kerr, C. Industrialism and In d u s t r i a l Man. Boston: Harvard University Press, I960. Key, V. 0. J r . P o l i t i c s , P a r t i e s , and Pressure Groups. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1948. 114 Lipset, S. M. P o l i t i c a l Man. New York: Doubleday & Co., I960. M i l l s , C. W. The New Men of Power. New York: Harcourt Brace & Co., 1948. Parsons, T. The Social System. Glencoe: Free Press, 1951. Perlman, M.. Labour Union Theories i n America. Row Peterson, 1958. Perlman, S. A Theory of the Labour Movement. New York: Kelly Inc., 1949. Sutton, F. X. The American Business Creed. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1956. B. PUBLICATIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT AND OTHER ORGANIZATIONS Bank of Canada. S t a t i s t i c a l Summary Supplement. I960. Bjarnason, E. The Case of the Tearful Tycoon. Report of the Trade Union Research Bureau. Vancouver, B. C, 1962. B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour, C.L.C. Proceedings  of the Fourth Convention of Vancouver, October 5 to  October 9, 1959. Proceedings of the F i f t h Convention of Vancouver, October 24 to October 28, I960. Convention Records of the Sixth Convention of Van-couver, October 23 to October 26,. 1961. Canadian Congress of Labour. Proceedings of the Sixth Annual  Convention of Toronto, Ontario, September 23 to Septem-ber 29, 1946. Proceedings of the Seventh Annual Convention of Toronto, Ontario, October 6 to October 15, 1947* Proceedings of "the Eighth Annual Convention of Toronto, Ontario, October 11 to October 15, 1948. 115 Proceedings of the Ninth Annual Convention of Ottawa, Ontario, October 5 to October 7, 1949. Proceedings of the Tenth Annual Convention of • Winnipeg, Manitoba, September 25 to September 29, 1950* Proceedings of the Eleventh Annual Convention of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, September 17 to September  21, 1951. Proceedings of the Twelfth Annual Convention of Toronto, Ontario, September 22 to September 26, 1952. Proceedings of the Thirteenth Annual Convention of Montreal, Province Quebec, September 14 to September 18, 1955. Proceedings of the Fourteenth Annual Convention of Toronto, Ontario, September 27 to October 1, 1954. Proceedings of the Fi f t e e n t h Annual Convention of Toronto, Ontario, October 10 to October 14, 1955. Canadian Labour Congress. Proceedings of the F i r s t Con-vention of Toronto, Ontario, A p r i l 23 to A p r i l 27, 1956. Proceedings of the Second Convention of Winnipeg, Manitoba, A p r i l 21 to A p r i l 25, 1958. Proceedings of the Third Constitutional Convention ' of Montreal, Province Quebec, A p r i l 25 to A p r i l 29, I960. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . Employment and P a y r o l l s , I960. The Queen's Print e r and Controller of Stationery, Ottawa, I960. National Accounts, Income and Expenditure, 1926-1956. The Queen's P r i n t e r and Controller of Stationery, Ottawa, 1956. National Accounts, Income and Expenditure, I960. The Queen's P r i n t e r and Controller of Stationery, Ottawa, I960. Trades'and Labour Congress of Canada. Proceedings of the  F i f t y - E i g h t h Annual Convention of Winnipeg., Manitoba, August 24 to August 28, 1942. Proceedings of the F i f t y - N i n t h Annual Convention of Quebec, Province Quebec, August 23 to August 27, 1945» 116 Proceedings of the S i x t i e t h Annual Convention of Toronto. Ontario, October 23 to October 50, 1944. Proceedings of the S i x t y - F i r s t Annual Convention of Windsor, Ontario, September 18 to September 26, 1946. Proceedings of the Sixty-Third Annual Convention of V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia, October 11 to October 16,1948-Proceedings of the Sixty-Fourth Annual Convention of Calgary, Alberta, September 15 to September 23, 1949. ._ Proceedings of the Sixty-Eighth Annual Convention of Ottawa, Ontario, August 10 to August 15, 1955* Proceedings of the Sixty-Ninth Annual Convention of Regina, Saskatchewan, August 23 to August 27, 1954. Proceedings of the Seventieth Annual Convention of Windsor, Ontario, May 50 to June 4, 1955. C. PERIODICALS Barbash, J . "Ideologies and the Unions", American Economic  Review, 33, December, 1943, pp. 250-275. D i l l i o n , M. E. "Pressure Groups", American P o l i t i c a l Science  Review, 36, December, 1942, pp. 471-474. Ross, A. M. "What Is Responsible Wage Poli c y ? " , Southern  Economic Journal, 3» January, 1948, pp. 275-278. Strauss, G. "Unions i n the Building Trades: A Case Study", The University of Buffalo Studies, 24, No.. 2, 1958. 1 1 7 D. ESSAYS AND ARTICLES IN COLLECTIONS Blumber, H. "Social Movements", P r i n c i p l e s of Sociology^ Lee, M. A.,.editor. New.York: Barnes & Noble, 1 9 4 6 . Pp. 1 9 9 - 2 2 0 . Davis, A. "The.Motivation of the Underprivileged Worker", Industries and Society, Whyte, W. F.-, editor. New York: McGraw H i l l Book Co., 1 9 4 6 . Pp.- 8 6 - 9 8 . Gouldner, A. W. "Attitudes of 'Progressive' Trade Union Leaders", Soc i o l o g i c a l Analysis, Wilson, L. and Kolb, L. W., editors. New York: Harcourt Brace & Co., 1949. Pp. 5 7 5 - 5 7 8 . M i l l s , C. W. "The Labour Leaders and the'Power E l i t e " , I n d u s t r i a l C o n f l i c t , Kornhauser, A., Dubin, R., and Ross, A.M., editors. New York: McGraw H i l l Book Co., 1 9 5 4 . Pp. 1 4 4 - 1 5 2 . Naegele, K. D. "Canadian Society: Some Reflections", Canadian Society, Blishen, R. B., Jones, F. E., Naegele, • K. D., and Porter, J . , edi t o r s . Toronto: The McMillan Co. of Canada Limited, 1 9 6 1 . Pp. 1 - 5 3 -Neumann, S. "Zum Studium des Modernen Parteiwesens", Schriften des Institutes fur P o l i t i s c h e Wissenschaft, Band 6 , "Parteien i n der Bundes Republik", Dusseldorf: Ring Verlag, 1 9 5 5 - Pp. XVII-XXXI. Taft, P. "Ideologies and I n d u s t r i a l C o n f l i c t " , I n d u s t r i a l C o n f l i c t , Kornhauser, A., Dubin, R., and Ross, A. M., editors. New York: McGraw H i l l Book Co., 1 9 5 4 . Pp. 2 5 7 - 2 6 5 -E. UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS H a l l , N. A. "The Significance of Environment to the Role of the Business Agent". Unpublished doctoral disser-tat i o n , Graduate School of Business Administration, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1 9 6 1 . 118 Jamieson, S. "Building and Construction i n B r i t i s h Colum-bia: A Special Case". (Unpublished manuscript.) Lips e t , S. M. "Trade Unions and Soc i a l Structure". (Unpublished manuscript.) F. NEWSPAPERS B. C. Labour, O f f i c i a l Organ of the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour, C.L.C., November, 1961. B. C. Lumber Worker, O f f i c i a l Organ, of the International Woodworkers of America, Regional Council No. 1, 1st Issue, A p r i l , 1961. B. C. Lumber Worker, 1st Issue, June, 1961. B. C. Lumber Worker, 1st Issue, July, 1961. B. C. Lumber Worker, 2nd Issue, July, 1961. B. C. Lumber Worker, 1st Issue, August, 1961. Operating Engineer, O f f i c i a l Monthly P u b l i c a t i o n of the International Unions of Operating Engineers, Local 115, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, September, I960. Vancouver Sun, March 24, 1962. Vancouver Sun, A p r i l 9, 1962. 

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