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Child mothers; social circumstances and treatment problems of unmarried mothers of school age Kaufmann, Theresa 1962

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CHILD MOTHERS Social Circumstances and Treatment Problems of Unmarried Mothers of School Age by THERESA KAUFMANN Thesis Submitted i n Pa r t i a l Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK in the School of Social Work Accepted as conforming to the standard required for the degree of Master of Social Work School of Social Work 1962 The University of B r i t i s h Columbia In presenting this thesis in p a r t i a l fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be alloived without my written permission. Department of'^^jfehool o f Social Work. The University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date i v ABSTRACT Illegitimacy i s an old problem, but illegitimacy among school aged children (thirteen to sixteen) appears to have new features, at least i n North America, and per-haps increased incidence. The present study i s an explor-atory one on two points: (a) what can be regarded from contemporary research and writing on the subject, on the causes; (b) what are the appropriate services and treatment principles: both are of particular concern for social workers, who are called on i n various circumstances to deal with the g i r l s , their children and their parents. Current literature, particularly from social science sources, i s reviewed; and this suggests a number of inferences and insights: of contemporary adolescent society and teenage subculture; of gang influences and status co n f l i c t s ; of the role of young g i r l s i n relation to gang and sexual experimentation encouraged by them. Community attitudes towards the unmarried mother and her specific problems, are i l l u s t r a t e d by Jamaica. The Manchester study i s a two year project produced by the Department of Psychiatry of the University of Manchester. P i f t y unwed g i r l s are discussed; their personality typologies, and their degree of normality. The second part of the study reviews a group of actual case histories drawn from the Children's Aid Society of Vancouver's I960 records, and these are analyzed with special reference to their social contacts and family relationships. Three particular documented cases exemplify the gang influences, the chil d from the broken home, and the child reacting to family stress. From both sources (general literature and specific cases) there i s most evidence of two forces at work, (a) young people are today exposed to numerous unfavorable community influences including inconsistent or confusing social attitudes which can lead to i l l i c i t sex relations; (b) g i r l s from disrupted families may become "sensitized", and vulnerable risks, because the internal pressures reinforce the external or group pressures on them i n their daily l i f e . i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Chapter 1, New Concern with the Young Unwed Mother I l l e g i t i m a c y as a s o c i a l problem. An i l l e g i -timate pregnancy can he a traumatic experience, and motherhood s e l f - d e f e a t i n g . The welfare of the c h i l d . Promiscuity as a possible consequence. S o c i a l workers concern with providing appropriate s e r v i c e s . Hypo-theses; "vulnerable r i s k s " , external s o c i a l pressures; i n t e r n a l family problems and stresses 1 Chapter 2. The Adolescent Dilemma: A Review  of Theories Changing t h e o r e t i c a l perspectives. Socio-l o g i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l events leading to present-day youth c u l t u r e . The Jamaican story. The American c l a s s system and youth. Hedonistic philosophy and values. Steady dating and "Petting-with-affection". The youth culture of Elmstown. Newspaper a r t i c l e s . P a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p s . School i n f l u e n c e s . The Manchester study 23 Chapter 3* Some Factual Examples: Case Analysis Method of study: type of data. Ages, i n t e l l i g e n c e r a t i n g ; p a r e n t - c h i l d and s i b l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Peer group and cla s s status. D i s c i p l i n e and peer group associations. Church attendance and c l a s s status. Relationships with alleged f a t h e r s , and plan f o r i n f a n t s . T y p i c a l case h i s t o r i e s 66 Chapter 4. What are the Treatment Goals R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of so c i e t y . Youth c u l t u r e . Communication between parents and c h i l d r e n . The matter of d i s c i p l i n e . About p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n -ships. P r a c t i c a l issues to be dealt with. Resource programs and problems f o r research. Desirable objectives 9 8 Appendix: A. Bibliography i i i TABLES IN THE TEXT Page Table 1. Ages of g i r l s and alleged fathers 68 Table 2. Intelligence ratings and school grades .... 72 Table 3« Spouse and paternal-child relationships ... 75 Table 4. Spouse and maternal-child relationships ... 76 Table 5« Spouse relationships and children's feelings of rejection 79 Table 6. Family status and sibli n g relationships ... 80 Table 7» Family status and peer group relationships 81 Table 8. Social class and gang associations 83 Table 9» Discipline and supervision and peer group relationships 84 Table 10. Church a f f i l i a t i o n s and social class status 87 Table 11. Relationships with alleged fathers and plans for the child 91 V ACKNOWLED GEMEMJS I wish to acknowledge the patient assistance and direction of Mr. Adrian Marriage and of Dr. Leonard C. Marsh of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, School of Social Work. I wish also to thank the Vancouver Children's Aid Society for making available to me the case histories and records of the young unwed mothers during the year I960, from which most of the information of Chapter III was derived. I wish also to thank Dr. David Aron Claman for permitting me to use some of the data from his survey i n my discussion of the possible health problems of the adolescent unwed mothers. Fi n a l l y I wish to thank Mrs. Anne Campbell for her kind assistance i n editing some of the material that required considerable correction. CHILD MOTHERS Social Circumstances and Treatment Problems of Unmarried Mothers of School Age CHAPTER I NEW CONCERN WITH THE YOUNG UNWED MOTHER When thirteen, fourteen and f i f teen year old g i r l s become unwed mothers, the public conscience should either be aroused to action against a threat to t rad i t iona l moral values, or a l ternat ively be prepared to meet this soc ia l condition with honest realism, and acceptance. This i s a s ignif icant dilemma of our day i n North American Society. We propose to explore some aspects of th i s problem, i n the hope that further extensive research might be undertaken towards the resolution of exist ing conf l i c t s . Young people today are being challenged by the changing cul tura l mores. I l legit imacy as a phase of family disorganization i s as old as human history i t s e l f . Quoting Clark E . Vincent, he remarks that "I l legit imacy i s a growing soc ia l problem that affects a l l ages, a l l soc ia l classes and a l l races. The incidence of extramarital relat ions i s widespread i n most of the countries of the world with a very few excep-tions where t rad i t iona l customs are s t i l l strong and re l ig ious influences all-pervading. Countries, for example, 1 Vincent, Clark E . , Unmarried Mothers (Cover), The Free Pressof Glencoe Inc . , New York 19, N. Y. 2 l ike India where ch i ld marriages are s t i l l being contracted despite the laws or i n Israel where old tradit ions and strong soc ia l inst i tut ions control and minimize the pro-blem, might be excluded. Permissiveness and freedom of sex i s prevalent i n many European and Eastern Countries as well as i n North American and Southern Nations. In the United States the v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s of 1958 and succeeding years indicate that over 208,000 i l leg i t imate births were registered yearly, approximately 5 per cent of a l l the l i v e births i n that country. Of these 4,400 were infants born to g i r l s f i f teen years of age and younger. In Canada, i n 1958 the Canada Year Book reports 19,027 i l leg i t imate b i r ths , 4 per cent of the to ta l l i ve births i n this country. Of these 204 were infants born to g i r l s under f i f teen years of age. The Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, which has the th i rd highest i l leg i t imate b i r th rate i n Canada, records i n the v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s for the twelve month period ending March I960, a to t a l of 2,472 i l leg i t imate births of which 460 were of Indian r ac i a l o r i g in . This represents a l l age groups i n the d i s t r i c t s of B r i t i s h Columbia. The Protestant and Catholic Children's Aid Societies of Vancouver and V i c t o r i a reported for the same period 1,419 unmarried mothers who received service by these agencies. The Vancouver Children's Aid Society recorded 36 g i r l s among these who 3 were f i f teen years of age and younger. S ta t i s t i c s indicate that from March 1948 u n t i l March 1957, 375 i l leg i t imate infants i n this Province were horn to children from twelve years of age to sixteen years of age. Ninety-six of this number were of Indian r a c i a l o r i g i n . In 1957 i n England and Wales the number of i l l e g i -timate births were 34,562, 4.5 per cent of a l l l i v e births i n these countries. Western Germany records for the same period 7«7 per cent of a l l l i ve births as i l l eg i t imate . Similar figures might be quoted for other European countries, Sweden having one of the highest rates with 10.1 per cent of a l l l i v e b i r ths . G i r l s and women who have become i l l eg i t imate ly pregnant have i n most instances i n the past come from the lower socio-economic levels of society. That i s to say that they were those who earned poor wages and were employed as domestics, waitresses and factory workers; many of whom l ived away from their own homes or had poor family relationships and sought out men for attention and attach-ment. The trend to-day i s shi f t ing to include other cate-gories of the middle and upper class strata of society. Office workers, teachers, and the more educated participate i n this socia l problem. Easy mobil i ty , indus t r i a l i za t ion , and urbanization contribute towards the movement of people from rura l areas to urban centers, or from c i t y to c i t y . 4 This has r e s u l t e d i n many d i s l o c a t e d and uprooted i n d i v i -duals who have no close family t i e s and d r i f t i n t o casual r e l a t i o n s h i p s with men, thus c o n s t i t u t i n g a major face t of t h i s problem of i l l e g i t i m a c y . There appear to be changing patterns i n the mores of Western Society which permit increased freedom i n sexual r e l a t i o n s . There i s greater sympathy extended to the unwed mother than to the i l l e g i t i -mately pregnant married woman, however. The at t i t u d e s of the community have a l t e r e d towards the unmarried mother since the e a r l y part of the 19th century. The rendering of humanitarian services on her behalf has replaced the harsh condemnation of her condition. Good health care and com-plet e acceptance of her as an i n d i v i d u a l of worth are considered e s s e n t i a l to her r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . The pr o t e c t i o n and welfare of the in f a n t born out-of-wedlock has also become a matter of prime importance. Many deplore the increase i n i l l e g i t i m a c y and the prevalence of extramarital sexual r e l a t i o n s . Marvin B. Sussman states that "there i s an American pre-occupation about sex; and deceit i n American Society i s n o t i c e a b l e — a s i n f u l cast to sex s t i l l places a high value on v i r g i n i t y ; but despite these t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l a t t i t u d e s , there i s the c o n f l i c t of the modern r o l e i n which women are s t r i v i n g f o r e q u a l i t y with men. One may add that intimate r e l a t i o n s with men are accepted as long as no c h i l d i s born of the 5 r e l a t i o n s h i p . " W o m e n " Sussman continues, "are thus caught i n the process of socia l change; the cul tura l con-f iguration restrains them to t rad i t iona l ro les , while new ones are proffered hy the economic and socia l forces, women respond to this state of conf l ic t neurotical ly and suffer i n the re-alignment of ro les . The stresses of the American way of l i f e with socia l class internal migration and the r icher ind iv idua l i s t i c personality development sought i n family l i v i n g with the breakdown of the unity of the family group—all these factors press hard against the p f r a i l she l l of the family system." L i t t l e wonder, therefore, that there i s much cause for concern which i s expressed i n the need for s tab i l i za t ion of women's role i n North American Society and the influences upon youth; likewise caught i n the same web of confusion. In September 1961 a paragraph appeared i n the New York Board News stating that "From Washington D. C. the United States public health service reports that 221,000 i l leg i t imate births out of every thousand l i v e births during that year. The i l leg i t imacy ra t io was highest for teenagers under f i f teen years of age."^ 1 Sussman, Marvin B . , Source Book on Marriage and Family. Houghton M i f f l i n Company, The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., p . 6 . 2 I b i d . . p. 7. 3 Youth Board News, New York, v o l . 13, No. 2, p . 2. 6 Implications For Health It has been established that from a health point of view the ages of sixteen and seventeen are the best years b io log i ca l ly for bearing chi ldren. Labor i s generally easy and short, though occasionally too prolonged. A wel l -known Vancouver obstetr ic ian, Dr. David Aron Claman, recently reported that as a result of a survey he had just completed, i t was learned that adolescent maternities are de f in i te ly on the increase and that b io log i ca l ly a g i r l just under seventeen produced healthy and well-developed infants . He cautioned however, that the younger the age of the g i r l the greater the r i sk towards overweight and result ing toxemia. This he attributed only i n part to the " j i t terbug" diet of teenagers which consists of such items as "hot dogs", peanuts, potato chips and "pop". It i s his be l i e f that even when correct diet i s consumed by the early adolescent, rapid gains i n weight are very l i k e l y to occur and medical men are concerned with close pre-natal care, to prevent toxemia developing. According to the study made hy Dr. Claman, i t appears that over the past decade the physical maturation of g i r l s i s occurring at a younger age. In his opinion, should this trend continue, one can expect a further decrease i n the age of physical maturity. He added, nevertheless, that a few years of the menarche pr ior to ch i ld bearing may have an influence on the readiness for ch i ld b i r t h . 7 Il legitimate Pregnancy Can Be a Traumatic Experience Although b io log ica l ly capable of producing a c h i l d , the f i f teen year old g i r l i s confronted with the middle class cul tura l demands of North American Society. The expectations of youth for education, for economic security, for maturity of judgment, compatible with the standards of l i v i n g i n democratic societies are compelling forces and deterrents i n bearing children before sanction can be given to the most challenging task of a l l , of motherhood. Infants born out-of-wedlock to the very young adolescent group, ages thirteen, fourteen, and f i f teen , give cause for alarm and create a f lur ry of anxiety among the adults responsible for the ir care. Crit icisms are poured upon the parents who are considered to be f a i l i n g i n their duty to protect their children from such experiences. Social workers are a l l too aware of the adverse influences upon the teenager who has dared to express her b io log ica l urges i n deviant behaviour, result ing i n unwed motherhood. It i s not surprising that the young g i r l frequently develops a state of anxiety hysteria or otherwise adopts an "I don't care" attitude of denial on discovering her condition. Possible psychic damage to her emotional equilibrium might well have serious consequences unless the adults surroudning her display compassion and understanding for her s i tuat ion. The overly sensitized g i r l who has known too l i t t l e human tenderness or affection, confronted hy the r e a l i t y of her 8 condition, par t i cu lar ly when deserted hy the alleged father, as so often i s the case, may indeed suffer a traumatic experience hy the too early and unwelcome pregnancy. I f she i s i solated from her peer group and her family t i e s , because she may be compelled to leave the community i n which she l ives for the duration of her pregnancy, she sometimes pre-sents a very lonely and pathetic figure to those who befriend her. In view of the emotional upheaval at a period i n her l i f e when she i s struggling with her growth processes and facing the problems of emancipation as a minor, the long range effects upon the g i r l ' s personality adjustment are a matter for concern. How well she may emerge from this episode i n her l i f e depends much on how well prepared she i s to meet her s i tuat ion subsequent to her confinement. How welcome she may be into her family group when she has returned to her home either with the infant or having relinquished the c h i l d for adoption, w i l l also be an i n f l u -ence. The part icular meaning of the experience to the part icular g i r l w i l l moreover help determine her attitudes towards sex i n marriage and the p o s s i b i l i t y of a good adjustment to a marital partner i n adulthood. The hope of a mature love relationship can only be real ized i f one can be certain that no psychological scars remain from the i l l i c i t sexual experience i n girlhood that might threaten a g i r l ' s future happiness. The fear i s that her husband w i l l not be accepting of the mistakes i n her ear l i e r years or 9 what i s perhaps more v i t a l that the g i r l herself w i l l not forgive her own misdemeanors and trust herself i n her relationships with the opposite sex i n womanhood and mar-riage. The question raised i n many instances i s , can she emotionally survive without harshness or skepticism towards others or towards herself? Motherhood Can Be a Self-Defeating Experience Granted that a g i r l may have given "birth to an i l leg i t imate ch i ld i n her ear l i e r years without serious consequences, or condemnation by her family, one cannot as eas i ly destroy the experience of motherhood, whatever pre-tense may be made to do so. The g i r l of f i f teen or fourteen and younger i s bewildered at being a child-mother and for the f i r s t time learns what the meaning of motherhood i s . She i s faced with a rea l sense of loss when she must of necessity re l inquish the c h i l d . This i s a self-defeating emotional experience that can be f e l t for many years despite a l l efforts to erase i t . Some say that the problem i s solved by the g i r l not seeing the baby, but those who have worked with unmarried mothers of a l l ages have discovered that those who do not see their infants are forever longing for the image of the c h i l d and sometimes even request the return of the infant to them. The g i r l who has seen her ch i ld and cared for him even for a br ie f period of time, often i s better able to plan more sa t i s f ac tor i ly for him; 10 "but even then she must experience gr ie f i n the loss she sustains. Most g i r l s i n this age group real ize that they are unable to provide for an infant and cannot r e a l i s t i -c a l l y contemplate an alternative solution other than r e l i n -quishment. This trauma cannot he spared the young g i r l , unless Western Society creates more favorable conditions for adolescent maternities. Ordinari ly the adolescent g i r l i s i l l -equipped to care for an infant, economically and emotionally i n Western culture, and an independent l i f e plan for him apart from herself must be made. The Welfare of the Chi ld This brings one to the consideration of the infant born out-of-wedlock and his fate i n th i s human story. Psychoanalytical writers stress the importance of a c h i l d having two parents, a father and a mother i n order to develop a well-adjusted personality. Dr. Nathan W. Ackerman comments that "It i s the interact ion, merging, and redi f ferent iat ion of the ind iv idua l i t i e s of the partners of the marital pa ir that molds the ident i ty of the new family. Just as a c h i l d ' s personality internal izes some-thing of each parent and also evolves something new."**" The i l leg i t imate c h i l d begins l i f e with a serious handicap, i f he i s unwanted. True, good adoption homes are found for 1 Ackerman, Nathan W., D r . , The Psychodynamics of Family  L i f e . Basic Books Inc . , New York, p. 21. 11 many of these children and the ch i ld i s fortunate indeed i f he i s f i n a l l y well-placed i n a secure home with two loving parents. But what of the many children who are either not immediately adoptahle or whose unwed mothers may he so deeply confl icted about future planning for them, that they f ind great d i f f i c u l t y i n reaching an appropriate decision concerning the ir future? Legal or re l ig ious entanglements might hold a c h i l d ' s fate i n the balance, i f physical or other handicaps do not do so. A foster home can be provided, but a ch i ld without rea l status and "belongingness" always begins l i f e at a disadvantage. Shifts from home to home may threaten his security when he i s hard to place, perhaps because he i s a poorly developed c h i l d , or of mixed r a c i a l or ig in and thus a new cycle of problems i s created. The infant ' s heritage and endowment physical ly and mentally may contribute to these problems and add sorrow to his already sad p l i gh t . Social agencies are constantly endeavoring to minimize the dangers of re ject ion and neglect of these children and attempts to plan for them sa t i s fac tor i ly are made, but success i n these instances cannot always be assured. Promiscuity, a Possible Problem Whether promiscuity i s becoming a prevalent danger among very young g i r l s i s another matter that gives cause for serious concern. Exploration into the extent of 12 th i s problem and systematic research into i t s effects upon the l ives of young g i r l s are both needed. With opportun-i t i e s abounding for promiscuous sexual behaviour, the pre-delinquent or poorly adjusted g i r l may f a l l v ic t im to this way of l i f e . Needless to say the enture future of a young g i r l can thus be jeopardized i n terms of her socia l func-tioning and personality development. The current trend toward changing moral values may be indicative of these young people's neurotic conf l i c t s . Albert K. Cohen refers to delinquent g i r l s as differentiated i n the ir behaviour from hoys, because of the " . . . highly ego-involved region for the g i r l i s that of her relationships with the opposite sex."^" He further states that the female's status i n society i s dependent upon the " . . . admiration, respect and property that she commands, and to a much greater degree than i s the boy upon the kinds of relationships she esta-blishes with members of the opposite sex. These are central i n importance to her. Dating, popularity with boys, pulchritude, charm, clothes and dancing are pre-occupations so central and so obvious that i t would he useless to attempt to document them." Thus i n seeking solutions to the i r problems, the g i r l s adopt behaviour which i s char-a c t e r i s t i c a l l y feminine and for the g i r l with problems, deviant sexual behaviour i s her mode of expression against 1 Cohen, Albert K . , Delinquent Bovs. The Free Press Corporation, Glencoe, I l l i n o i s , p . 142. 13 society, or those i n authority whom she may wish to defy. The numbers of young juvenile female delinquents who appear weekly before the juvenile authorities i s not determined for the purposes of this study, but i t i s to be noted that "sexual immorality" as i t i s l ega l ly defined appears f re-quently on the roster of cases to be heard by the Juvenile Court Judges, and these cases invariably concern teenage g i r l s . This i s not to say that many or even the majority of the young g i r l s i n the age grouping under review are sexually immoral, but rather that the conditions created by current changing and conf l ic t ing moral values contribute to this problem where pathologically disturbed young g i r l s are potent ia l ly delinquent. Ganging up against what i s con-sidered good or moral i n a negat ivis t ic way i s the role played by teenage delinquents who are at odds with the ir family and their environment. The Social Worker's Concern The young pregnant g i r l i s oftentimes brought by her mother or both parents or a re lat ive or a fr iend to the soc ia l agency. This i s usually a c h i l d welfare society, because of the necessity to plan for the expected baby, and to seek prac t ica l services such as a place to l i v e and free medical care, i n addition to pre-natal attention which i s most essential to her. Social workers are well-acquainted with the basic needs of the young unwed expectant mother. 1 4 Her greatest fear i n i t i a l l y i s that of censure and exposure to the unkind remarks of her own peer group and she seeks an abode where she can feel safe and secure from the l i k e l y observations of her friends and associates. Despite the fact that her peers may have participated i n encouraging sexual experimentation, the fact of conception comes as a shock and the young ref lect the attitudes of the adults when faced with this r e a l i t y . Social workers are concerned with administering the most appropriate services that meet the needs and the special problems of a part icular unmarried mother. G i r l s from a l l strata of society are today seeking these services, many because they have come to recognize that careful plans must be made for the expected infant and that soc ia l agencies provide s k i l l e d practi t ioners who can assist i n making the most suitable adoption placements. Social agencies give services of an auxi l iary nature also, such as making available shelter and free medical care through re ferra l to the outpatients department of the General Hospi ta l . They provide help with emotional d i f -f i c u l t i e s at a time when this i s most needed. For these several reasons, one can ju s t i f i ab ly say that the g i r l s who seek the agency services are f a i r l y representative of a cross-section of the population of the country, from what-ever d i s t r i c t they may come. A social agency becomes known as the most dependable resource for help that can be offered to the unmarried mother, of whatever age she may be, 15 or whatever the posit ion and status i n l i f e she may hold . Social workers, therefore, are desirous of gathering what data can he made available concerning a g i r l and thereby be prepared to offer therapeutic help i n what-ever d irect ion this may be indicated. They must be alert to the soc ia l s i tuat ion and changing conditions within which young people grow and develop; the ir concern consists of ascertaining a) the young person's physical health, b) her psychic development and adjustment within herself including the specif ic defences she may employ; and c) her pos i t ion or ident i ty i n the socia l environment and her way of meeting her d i f f i c u l t i e s as they ar ise ; which factors determine her part icular kind of behaviour, be this quite normal or obviously deviant i n character. Social workers must also be concerned with the appropriate kind of help required under certain circumstances by the individual g i r l . Their interest includes the forces i n the environment beyond the g i r l ' s control and the part ic ipat ion i n what soc ia l action may be possible on behalf of the well-being of these young people i n trouble. One must f i r s t know the specif ic meaning and purpose of a g i r l ' s actions i n order to determine whether her behaviour i s constructive or harmful to her. A l l these matters are the concern of socia l workers i n helping young unwed mothers. Their efforts must be directed towards mitigating damaging effects from shock or psychological trauma or perhaps more simply i n re l iev ing 16 anxiety-producing stresses and strains that immobilize the young person i n trouble. The process requires knowledge and s k i l l i n handling the problems facing the young unwed mother. More spec i f i ca l ly , socia l workers are concerned with the unmarried mother's relationships with her family group. What do the various members of the family mean to her and how supportive w i l l her family be i n her time of distress? There are many manifestations of d i f f i c u l t i e s i n this area. The g i r l may he hosti le towards her mother or overdependent upon her and arrested i n her emotional development. She may feel openly rejected by either her mother or her father. On the other hand she may prefer the company of her father and be i n r i v a l r y with her mother, while marital s t r i fe i s rampant i n the home. Then too, there may be s ib l ing r i v a l r y that has created feelings of being unloved or being less preferred by the parents creating feelings of inadequacy on the part of the g i r l . She may have been thus led to seek gra t i f i ca t ion elsewhere for her starved need for affection. Social workers strive to understand a l l these matters and many g i r l s w i l l them-selves indicate the areas of their stress and seek help i n dealing with them. Then there i s the whole constel lat ion of the peer group which i n our present day society constitutes a very 17 important facet i n a young g i r l ' s l i f e . (The composition of her peer group, the interests and ac t iv i t i e s i n which they engage have a strong influence upon a g i r l ' s behaviour. Are they a gang of "corner store" g i r l s who smoke and hang around looking for "corner store" boys to charm or are they a constrained group of youngsters who act out mostly i n secret when parents least suspect? Or they might be school pals of the middle and upper class who drive i n cars and hold petting parties and otherwise engage i n sex experi-mentation. Then there are the g i r l s who belong to no group, fee l i solated and lacking i n ident i f i ca t ion and may become involved with older men, either married or s ingle . Most parents and socia l workers are concerned with the fact that a premature pregnancy can interrupt schooling and hinder a young g i r l ' s progress, par t i cu lar ly when she might be a bright student with aspirations for a future education. Many obstacles are encountered when school work i s curta i led by the necessity for the g i r l to leave home to enter perhaps a maternity shelter. It i s true that many g i r l s attempt to continue their schooling through corres-pondence courses that are arranged for them, but the learning under these circumstances i s d i f f i c u l t and time i s lost i n achieving grades. Some lose courage and do not fee l they can again face the i r classmates by returning to school and learning altogether. Some have by this time lost any incentive for further education and are only too 18 anxious to obtain employment, which they discover to their chagrin, i s very l imited for the r e l a t i v e l y poorly educated g i r l . Social workers are here active i n attempting to encourage the g i r l to resume her studies or to get suitable t ra ining courses that w i l l enable her to make a better l ive l ihood when she has completed her period i n retirement. The effort towards emancipation and mature adult-hood i s frequently arrested by the interference of the usual steps i n growth and development of the early adolescent i n this period of her l i f e . She can no longer comfortably be a ch i ld when she i s forced to be a mother; nor can she be a satisfactory mother, when she i s s t i l l i n the stage of being a c h i l d , bat t l ing with her impulses to grow and mature and take her normal place among her peers. It seems more appropriate for a teenager to many i n this society, for her to participate i n high jumps, basketball , and other athlet ic a c t iv i t i e s than i t i s to be confined with the adult responsi-b i l i t y of bearing a c h i l d . It seems moreover, to many, that i t i s more appropriate for another kind of teenager to enjoy romantic movies and girlhood stories at the age of thirteen, fourteen and f i f teen; to romanticize about love and l i f e , than to be faced with the stark realism of providing for the care of an infant, which has been born out-of-wedlock. Gi r l s i n th i s age grouping usually enjoy sweets, go to dances, want to be admired by boyfriends, attend parties and are gay and carefree one moment, and moody and solemn 19 the next. The young teenager i s often philosophical at one time, looking to Dad for counsel and for affection, or turning the next moment i n a frivolous mood to mother for help with a new frock or a new "hairdo". These are con-sidered the usual occupations of the early adolescent who does not wish to he compelled to hide herself away because of her unshapely f igure, isolated from normal friendships and fun. There i s nothing glamorous i n a very young g i r l becoming an expectant mother, when thi s i s not t ru ly sanctioned, and without the preparation for this task that i s usual for the married woman. These are the views of many of the g i r l ' s adult relat ives and their contemporaries i n respect to such a condition. The socia l worker must ascertain the societal mil ieu from which the young unwed mother comes. Her future adjustment w i l l depend upon the expectations of the socia l class structure to which her family i s attached. Her reactions w i l l be determined by the neighborhood and com-munity influences of her part icular class associations. The special mores, values or folkways of the socio-economic grouping undoubtedly have an important influence on the g i r l ' s reactions as expressed i n her behaviour. More w i l l he said about the community aspects i n the next, chapter; be i t suffice to say that within a community of influences there are the subcultures to which the adolescent g i r l adheres and a l l of these, combine to effect the l i f e 20 of the young person i n d i f f i c u l t y . The socia l worker has an interest too i n knowing the quality of relationship between the unwed adolescent mother and the hoy i n question. What are his specif ic needs and problems? Is he w i l l i n g to assist i n helping the g i r l i n whom he has become involved or i s i t a casual i r r e -sponsible relationship from which he desires to escape? Enabling the child-mother to deepen her understanding of her own problems w i l l be f a c i l i t a t e d by the knowledge of the young man's share i n the g i r l ' s emotional experience. The Plan of Study It i s proposed to examine the research data made available by various socia l sc ient i s t s . Their independent views on the sociological and dynamic implications of unwed adolescent maternities w i l l be discussed i n this thesis . In so intangible a subject as human re la t ions , One cannot hope to prove an hypothesis, conclusively, i n the present state of our methodology. It i s the wri ter ' s intention to indicate the high probabi l i ty that there i s a relationship between the interaction of the socia l environment and family t ie s that influence behaviour i n young people. This ' behaviour may take the form of unwed parenthood result ing from i l l i c i t sexual re la t ions . Some g i r l s , i t i s proposed may be vulnerable r i sks because of their personality pro-blems. 21 The age group of g i r l s selected for study and review are f i f teen years of age and younger. Thir ty-six of these were known to the Vancouver Children's Aid Society during the year I960, from January to December inc lus ive ly . Thir ty-s ix case his tor ies i n which personal detailed interviews are recorded, w i l l he discussed f u l l y i n Chapter Three. It i s recognized that there i s a danger of stereotyping the unwed mother of a l l ages, and i t i s proposed to give due weight and credence to the psychological and psychoanalytical aspects, but i n the main, to soeiocultural factors that hear important i n f l u -ence upon the problem of i l l eg i t imacy . Unwed mothers constitute a formidable socia l problem i n modern Western society, and neither cause, nor effect , nor solutions can be considered simply, i n view of the complexities of modern l i v i n g . Services have been established i n various B r i t i s h Columbian Welfare Agencies and i t i s proposed to comment on the ir effectiveness and adaptation to present day require-ments i n meeting the needs of the young g i r l i n d i f f i c u l t y . Observations w i l l be made on appropriate treatment pro-cesses and some suggested recommendations i n dealing with the prac t ica l and psychological implications of helping a young unwed mother. Comments w i l l be made on the value systems currently adhered to and the dilemma that i s created for adolescents i n a world of confused ideas. 22 Some areas of possible research, w i l l be suggested for future efforts i n attempting to come to grips with, this widespread soc ia l problem. CHAPTER II THE ADOLESCENT DILEMMA: A REYIEW OF THEORIES The Topic Reviewed Robert Lynd noted "that our society has no one set of harmonious and consensual attitudes and socia l practices concerning sexual or any other kind of behaviour." In his observation " . . . i t i s precisely i n th i s matter of trying to l i ve by contrasting rules of the game that one of the most characterist ic aspects of our American culture i s to be seen."^" "American attitudes towards sex are frequently amazing to travel lers from other countries", say Judson T. and Mary G . Landis. "We are accused of being excessively inhibi ted or aggressively vocal on the subject and cer-ta in ly we are i n the midst of a change i n attitudes about sex . " 2 The above quotations i n br ie f summarize many of 1 Lynd, Robert, Knowledge for What. University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1 9 4 0 , p . 5 9 . 2 Landis, Judson T. and Mary G . , Readings i n Marriage  and Family. Prentice-Hall Inc . , New York, 1 9 5 2 , p . 4 1 9 . 24 the attitudes and ideas prevalent i n present day culture that affect the socia l problem of i l l eg i t imacy . The com-munity attitudes towards this problem of the unmarried mother and her c h i l d , have i n the past been re lent less ly disapproving. With the beginning of the 19th century the humanitarian approach towards protecting the welfare of the unwed mother and the i l leg i t imate ch i ld was adopted by most countries i n the world, and the stigma of i l leg i t imacy began to be much less a socia l problem i n Europe. In America, however, there are contrasting attitudes towards sex; t ac i t condoning of premarital and extramarital sexual re lat ions , but condemnation for i l leg i t imate pregnancies. While humanitarian efforts are promoted to give health care to the unwed mother and protection to the infant horn-out-of-wedlock, the fact of i l leg i t imacy i s s t i l l frowned upon. Moreover there are contradictory interpretations of the causal factors giving r i se to this socia l problem. In the past decade, the psycho-analytical emphasis on pathology i n human relat ions and individual personality disturbances was seen as the a l l embracing cause for the unwed mother's behaviour. Theoretical perspectives have altered. The normally well-adjusted g i r l l i v i n g "next door" whose parents have t r i ed to meet her emotional needs i n her growing years, has also become i l l eg i t imate ly pregnant. She cannot he considered pathologically disturbed nor can the f u l l blame be l a i d at the door of her well-respected 25 parents. The answer for her s i tuat ion i s mystifying and one must look to the socio-cultural influences i n modern society for the factors that have a hearing on hers and many other s imilar instances. Certainly there i s no single answer to the problem of unwed motherhood. Adolescent maternities also have become more prevalent. One has only to observe the cul tura l configurations that have developed i n the world of adolescence to real ize the complexities of modern l i v i n g that have evolved during the past century. A br ie f sociological review of events that have shaped the pattern of changing mores and values before and after two world wars, may provide a deeper understanding of the influences affecting this soc ia l problem today. Sociological Review of Hi s tor i ca l Events Looking into, the mid-Victorian era, one may observe a society i n which early marriages were encouraged. Families were then large and often economically burdened and par t i cu la r ly among the working classes, young boys and g i r l s were expected to establish their independence as early as possible. Within this culture pattern definite rules of courtship had to be acknowledged. No self-respecting g i r l would go out with a young man unchaperoned or without her parents' permission. Furthermore, courtship i t s e l f had to he approved hy the parents and the young couple were kept under the close and watchful eye of parents and 26 re la t ives . G i r l s i n this socia l class system, that i s , the middle class , and the lower socio-economic groups, married at much younger ages and soon carried on with adult re spons ib i l i t i e s , guided by their elders . Seldom did a ch i ld born out-of-wedlock become known, as this was considered beyond the pale of moral and decent society, and the g i r l i n this predicament was severely punished. The fact of early and approved marriages under the con-stand supervision of adults made these incidences less l i k e l y to occur. In the late 1870's and early 1880's, free edu-cation was introduced and new opportunities were created for young people to improve the i r s i tuation i n l i f e . G i r l s could become teachers or nurses, or prepare to work i n off ices , thus decreasing the necessity to marry very young. In Br i t a in at the beginning of the f i r s t world war, i t was usual for young men and women not to marry before they were t h i r t y years of age. More recently the average marrying age has been established as twenty. New jobs were created and the emancipation of women saw them taking their place i n industry and i n professional careers. Their independence from a pa terna l i s t i ca l ly controlled society had become evident hy the end of World War I. Following the war, the years i n between brought the world depression of the 1930's. At th i s time young 27 people were los ing their moral f ibre and the i r ambition for further education. No jobs, the f u t i l i t y of learning and the d r i f t ing with poverty, resulted i n an increased i n s t a b i l i t y for a despairing population which had i t s influence on the youth of the day. Despite these condi-tions the problem of unwed parenthood, along with de l in-quency did not become serious matters u n t i l prosperity, returned with the onset of the second world war. From a starved society came an insatiable need for many of the worldly things, of which people were previously deprived. Automation and other new inventions made possible an abun-dance of purchasable material goods. With the men away at war, teenage boys and g i r l s became adults overnight i n the economic sense. Teenagers assumed many of the privi leges of adulthood, without i t s maturity. Boys and g i r l s l e f t school young to work i n the war industries and earned money as adults, spending i t freely on cars and the new luxuries of l i f e . Again, parents were eager for the ir children to grow up rapidly and early marriages were encouraged. G i r l s and hoys mingled now more freely than they had ever done pr ior to the two world wars and they scoffed at the old t rad i t ion of chaperoning youth. The new status of women by now was more f u l l y accepted and the old restraints of their parents and grandparents were discarded as outworn customs usually are. 28 There arose instead the newly sophisticated class of young people. At the end of world war II a d i f -f i c u l t period of re-adjustment followed. The men returned from the service overseas and hoys as well as g i r l s had to re l inquish the ir temporarily acquired adult status and revert to boyhood and girlhood again, a fact that was most disturbing to many teenagers of the time. Jobs then were more d i f f i c u l t to obtain and they were expected to return to school. The competition between youth and their elders, emotionally and economically intensi f ied the d i f f i c u l t i e s between them; accentuated by this period of t rans i t ion from war to peace time conditions. The whole question during the war years of extramarital sexual relat ions among adults developed into a socia l problem, which has continued to increase since the war years. The lack also i n c l a r i f i c a t i o n of peace aims and the unrest i n subsequent years with continued threats of further war has i n turn threatened the security or f a i th i n the future for youth. "The disillusionments of adults have become incorporated into the attitudes of the young. By 1950 , modern society with i t s ever changing concepts of socia l values resulted i n a state of ambivalence that proved to be confusing and disturbing to both young and 1 Slawson, John, The Adolescent i n a World of War. Jewish Board of Guardians, New York, p. J . 29 old . The pace of l i f e had immeasurably quickened, and mobil i ty had become the keynote. Adolescent boys and g i r l s looked for release of tension i n excitement and became the "hot rod r iders " and joined gangs which increased their vulnerabi l i ty towards sex experimentation. Sophistication hy this time had reached down to a much ear l i e r age group, and the adults encouraged youth to become independent as soom as possible, i n which pursuit they succeeded only too well.**" Recreational centers were developed i n a determined effort to f ind new ways to win over the confidence and respect of the "sceptical teen-ager" who, i n his confusion, often threw normal controls overboard. Changing Community and Youth Attitudes: Social Influences What the adolescent does today i s dependent upon the world i n which he i s l i v i n g ; where he i s located and what demands adolescent subcultures and the community make upon him. The physical setting within which he operates— his supply of energy, above a l l his habits , his expectations of himself—and i n br ie f the demands of the socia l class system about him, a l l determine his actions. This i s the base upon which he derives his sense of ident i ty and the character into which he i s molded. Albert K. Cohen more 1 Abramovitz, Moses, "Growing up i n an Affluent Society," The Nations Children. Report prepared for the White House .. Conference on Youth and Children, I 960 , v o l . I, p. 177* 30 simply expresses i t : "the knowledge, habits and s k i l l s that the ch i ld receives i n the home, w i l l help to determine the kinds of people and situations he w i l l encounter out-side."^" And then he must meet the world on i t s own terms. . There i s a "quickening and intens i f ica t ion of family l i f e " i n our day. With changing attitudes on the part of the community towards soc ia l values, the adolescent i s bound to be affected. "Children are sensitive to a surprising degree to shifts i n the winds of doctrine about them." "Tendencies speak to them compellingly." Behaviour patterns on the part of youth that become deviant or "delinquent" are an effort to communicate something impor-tant to the adult world. James S. Coleman speaks of " . . . the simple fact that adolescents are looking to each other rather than to the adult community for the i r socia l rewards and thi s has a number of s ignif icant implications for educational theory and practice."- ' He proceeds to explain that while the parental desires are of great importance to children i n a long range sense, i t i s the i r peers whose approval, admiration, and respect they attempt 1 Hechscher, August, "The New Leisure , " The Nations  Children. Report prepared for the White House Conference on Youth and Children, I 9 6 0 , v o l . I, p. 230 and 231. 2 Loc. c i t . 3 Coleman, James S., The Adolescent Society. The Free Press of Glencoe, New York, p. 11. 31 to win in their every day a c t i v i t i e s , i n school and out. Many people state that parents have lost the character of the ir parental role and that their authority has been undermined and weakened hy the new adolescent culture that has supplanted the ir s . In the adolescent society described by James S. Coleman, " . . . boys frequently are concerned (more) with becoming outstanding athletes than they are with scholastic achievements." 1 They desire to atta in status by owing cars at the ear l ies t possible age. G i r l s , on the other hand have an interest either i n becoming outstanding "cheerleaders" and otherwise devoting their attentions to the boys and having "dates". There are two facts that make the task of edu-cation and soc ia l iza t ion of children more complex. F i r s t , i s the fact of change i t s e l f , occurring at an ever increasing rate; adults cannot afford to shape their children i n the i r own image. Parents are often obsolescent i n their s k i l l s , trained for jobs that are passing out of existence, out of touch with the times and they are unable to understand, much less inculcate the standards of a soc ia l order that has changed since they were young. The family has become less and less an economic uni t ; the extended family are farther away from reach and children 1 Coleman, op. c i t . . p . 11. 32 are more frequently ensconced i n ins t i tu t ions , from nursery school to college, and they remain so much longer i n school and begin so much ear l i e r to attend school. In early adolescence; i n the period of growth, i t i s no longer strange that parents seem to have los t i n many instances, parental controls . That they are often fearful of d i s -c i p l i n i n g the i r sons and daughters because of their own insecure sense of values and state of ambivalence, i s not at a l l surpris ing. Nevertheless at this age, parents are s t i l l the most important people i n the i r chi ldren's l i v e s , next to the adolescent peers, who come f i r s t i n consider-at ion. Coleman?" further states that separate subcultures with languages of the ir own, and with their own value systems, exist r ight under the very eyes of the adults. They speak loudly to be heard, hut few adults can under-stand the ir language which i s symbolically expressed. Moreover, popular music, movies, te lev i s ion have taken away the adult audience and have moved more and more towards becoming a special medium for expression i n the adolescent culture. Dr. Coleman makes the point that adolescents today are generally cut off more and more than ever before from the adult society. Consequently within i t s midst, a set of small teenage societies exist which focus on 1 Coleman, op. c i t . . p . 11. 33 teenage interests and attitudes; on things far removed from adult respons ib i l i t ie s and which may lead them from the goals established by the larger society. Adolescents as a whole are not delinquents, although sometimes i r r e -sponsible. Many teenagers feel strongly about this as they see many adults refer to them as "delinquent" or "ant i -s o c i a l " . The mass media stress the ant i soc ia l ac t iv i t i e s of a minority group, according to Dr. Coleman. Many adults have l i t t l e contact with teenagers except through the news-papers, which play up the rock-and-roll addicts and the delinquent gangs. Adolescent g i r l s , i l l eg i t imate ly preg-nant, have also made the news and while these are i n fact i n the minority, they have created cause for concern. It i s important to view this problem objectively i n the l ight of the to ta l population trend of unwed parenthood. Margaret Mead writes that " . . . the shift since the war i n attitudes towards sex and short term goals.and immediate economic gra t i f i ca t ion , provided the basis for permissiveness and has brought about a change i n standards concerning sex . " 1 And this shift i n value judgments con-cerning i l l i c i t sex relations has already been indicated as developing before and during the past two world wars. The age of marriage today has been deferred from 1 Mead, Margaret, Survey Paper prepared for the White House Conference on Youth and Children, I 9 6 0 . 34 the sixteen year old marriages of the Victor ian era to the average marriage age of twenty years. Therefore, "While society says to i t s potential Romeos and Ju l ie t s , wait u n t i l your apprenticeship i s f inished and you have a secure job, those i n charge of mass-produced entertainment, ad-vert i s ing and the popular press keep up a ceaseless sex bombardment. Even shoe po l i sh , apparently, w i l l s e l l better i f backed up by sex-appeal. Books and periodicals emphasize the romantic and erotic i n captions and i l l u s t r a -t ions . In fact , a mass-observer from some simple society might note what would appear to him the strange form of torture prevalent i n a society which decrees that the young sha l l postpone a l l expression of sex u n t i l economic security i s attained, and at the same time by i t s adver-t i s i n g provide mass incitement to break the l aw . " 1 Other factors too have changed the attitude of many young people towards the t rad i t iona l morality. The development of contraceptives has taken away much of the r i sk (but not entirely) of having an unwanted c h i l d . Many people i n a l l honesty fee l that the old morality i s there-fore out of date. "Why shouldn't we?" they ask, "It i s 2 our private concern; i t doesn't hurt anyone e l se . " 1 Jordan, G. S. and Eisher, E . M . , Self Portra i t of Youth. William Heinemann L t d . , London, 1955, p . 108. 2 Wimperis, V i r g i n i a , The Unmarried Mother and Her Chi ld . George Al len and Unwin Publishers, New York, p. 8 7 . 3 5 Religious values carry less weight since society has become increasingly secular. Geoffrey Gorer also found, i n his large sample of a l l ages, that only 63 per cent of the women and 52 per cent of the men questioned pos i t ive ly disapproved of pre-marital experience. 1 The Jamaican Story To digress a l i t t l e , i t may be of value to review the customs and habits of a different culture for the sake of comparisons. What, for example, can one learn about the problem of i l leg i t imacy among teenagers i n a country l ike Jamaica? It i s said that in this country the v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s of 1924 to 1928 revealed the highest rates of i l leg i t imacy i n the world. In this simple society, physical maturity would be immediately recognized by granting adult r ights and re spons ib i l i t i e s . It i s the be l ie f of this people that the new found sexual power of youth should be given freedom of expression. This i s true for at least the largest proportion of the population which represents a lower class socio-economic society. The people of Jamaica are mostly poor, as they depend upon the sugar plantations for the ir l i ve l ihood . This means unski l led labor and poor wages. There i s considerable 1 Gorer, Geoffrey, Exploring English Character. Cressett and Press, New York, p. 94. 36 unemployment i n this land and much underemployment as we l l . In th i s context marriage i s associated with a higher economic status and achievement. Marriage ceremonies, t r ad i t iona l ly carried out to include three day feasting, are expensive and poverty to a great extent accounts for the practice of concubinage. The married woman, moreover, i n Jamaica looks upon herself as a "lady" ent i t led to have servants whereas a concubine cannot aspire to this kind of pr iv i l ege . She feels , however, more free to leave her husband should he mistreat her. S t a b i l i t y of the union depends, as i n a l l cultures, on a number of factors— usually the economic a b i l i t y and moral a b i l i t y to maintain faithfulness which varies from area to area. Small children i n Jamaica are much loved. No stigma i s attached to the i l leg i t imate c h i l d . Nevertheless a l l human l i f e i n Jamaica must be considered as economic assets or l i a b i l i t i e s . The pregnant f i f teen year old g i r l i s usually chastised i n the f i r s t instance, by her mother for her deviant behaviour (for even i n Jamaica her act i n producing a c h i l d would be looked upon as undesirable) hut her period of disgrace i s of short duration and she i s generally forgiven. Parents accept the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of the s i tuat ion, par t i cu lar ly i f the g i r l i s able to convince the hoy or some other lad that he should take respons ib i l i ty for her and her ch i ld ' s support. In our own culture, there 37 i s a s imilar tendency to consider a l l i s not lo s t , provided the young man responds to his obligations i n the s i tuat ion. In Jamaica the pregnant g i r l i s expected to jo in the family of the boy. After the f i r s t pregnancy concubinage becomes a necessity. Female labor i n Jamaica i s very poorly paid and i s extremely scarce and the g i r l or woman becomes unavoidable a dependent. The man i s the head of the house-hold and i s held responsible for the upkeep of the family. Children of a previous union are generally accepted by him and the ir presence i s scarcely questioned. What, however, i s the fate of these many children born i n this culture so frequently out-of-wedlock? There appears to be a pattern of disorganization i n re la t ion to a l l chi ldren. Of 1,661 children i n a small v i l l a g e , for example, 25.8 per cent were l i v i n g with both the ir parents while 74.2 per cent l i ved with either one parent alone or one parent and a new mate. There i s then l i t t l e s t a b i l i t y or security for the children i n this culture, since they never can be sure how long they w i l l remain with both their parents together. These children have intensely d i f f i c u l t problems i n identi fying parental figures and roles . The boys have no consistent pattern of male behaviour by which to model the i r own. Frequently they are t i ed emotionally and f inanc ia l ly to the mother and the world must then look after them. For these reasons Jamaican children are sent 38 to work at as early an age as eight years. There i s l i t t l e time l e f t for the poor Jamaican ch i ld to play. He must do family chores and, as he grows older, other time-consuming johs immediately after school. School l i f e i s overcrowded and the education of Jamaican children i s hy mass methods only. The history of Jamaican welfare shows that at different stages of development, socia l agencies have i n i t i a t e d soc ia l action and the thinking of leaders has had some considerable influence i n shaping welfare po l ic ie s affecting loca l conditions and problems. The s p i r i t of self-help by community and cooperative efforts by the pea-sants themselves have made possible land settlement plans. The Young Men's Christ ian Association has influenced recreat ional , social and educational movements. There has been a "strong accent on Christ ian doctrine and rel ig ious l i fe—the respons ib i l i t ie s of c i t izenship and tasks of personal s e r v i c e . " 1 The middleclass and upper classes have benefitted most from these socia l gains. The Jamaican class system i s c lear ly defined. The upper and middle class people follow Westernized con-cepts to a large extent. They have made earnest efforts 1 Henriques, F. M . , Family and Color i n Jamaica. Eyre and Spottiswoode, London. 39 at becoming Westernized and i n this context they consider the in s t i tu t ion of marriage more important. They associate marriage with the ir higher economic status and achievement. Marriage i s decided upon between the young couple as well as between the ir famil ies . While the practice of con-cubinage i s also held to by some, i n this class i t i s more often frowned upon, and an attempt at lowering the incidence of i l leg i t imacy i s made. Some of the families are associ-ated with strong rel ig ious bel iefs and are less concerned with economic status. Church leadership becomes strong where the population i s more stable economically and better sett led. These are i n contrast to the lower class tran-sient population which dr i f t s to wherever employment can be found. What i n this comparative review are the impl i -cations for American society regarding the sexual problems of youth? Possibly much i s to be learned from the r e a l i s t i c and accepted attitudes of this simple people concerning the physical maturity of youth, of their r ights and responsi-b i l i t i e s i n re la t ion to sex. Neither are young people goaded i n the same sense as i n America to having sexual relat ions nor are i l legi t imate children stigmatized. There i s an honesty about the s i tuat ion of the adolescent, and hi s sexual drives are acknowledged and permitted expression. On the other hand, because of poverty and the many other soc ia l problems and conditions of a poor nation, inadequate provisions are frequently made for a l l chi ldren. In 40 America, the normative ambiguities of youth are existent i n a land of abundance, and amidst confused attitudes of the adult world. Inconsistencies concerning sexual relat ions i n America are promoting permissive behaviour i n the young without facing the issues r e a l i s t i c a l l y , as i n Jamaica. While sexual experience i s considered right and natural for everyone i n Jamaica, this does not preclude the expectancy of faithfulness i n concubinage or marriage i n that country. Nor do the middle and upper classes i n Jamaica impose their standards upon the lower sociocultural classes as i n America. Albert K. Cohen points out that the American family i s a unit i n a class system. Children are judged according to the middle class measuring rod. The middle class ethic i s one of individual respons ib i l i ty : one has to save money and to learn and to plan for the future and he has a minimum obligation to give what he has. On the other hand the working class give what they have, they do not save and do not worry over the future to improve them-selves, their job levels are determined by their parents' occupations and those of the ir parents' parents. There i s no need for future thought of ultimate ambitions. Growing up i n the lower class system creates for the working class 1 Cohen, Albert K. , Delinquent Boys. (The Culture of the Gang), The Free Press of Glencoe, I l l i n o i s , p. 65« 41 "boy a status con f l i c t . He achieves status by physical prowess and fights for recognition hy the "middle class college boys". He i s faced with the problem of status frustrat ion and he w i l l often jo in i n the delinquent sub-culture group i n order to legitimize his h o s t i l i t y and hi s aggressions towards the middle class opponents. Gir l s do not often form gangs i n th i s class but become the "steady dates" of the working class boy who i s ident i f ied with a gang. Albert K. Cohen explains how the working class boy faces a characterist ic problem of adjustment, and meets this problem through deviant behaviour. "The working class boy i s often handicapped for achievement i n the middleclass system" and "he i s poorly motivated and i s so judged by the middle class standards." 1 The Adolescent Cultures "Industrial society has made of high school a socia l system of adolescents. It includes i n the United States almost a l l adolescents and more and more ac t iv i t i e s of the adolescent himself . " "Cars, freedom i n dating, continual contact with the opposite sex, money and entertainment, l ike popular music and movies designed especial ly for them. The international spread of "Rock 1 Ki lsuse, J . I . and Dietr ick , D. C , "Book Review and Cri t ique" Albert K. Cohen's Book Delinquent Boys. American Sociological Review, v o l . 24, 1959, P« 209. 4 2 and R o l l " and so ca l led American pattern of adolescent behaviour i s a consequence, I would suggest, of these economic changes which have set adolescents off i n a world of the ir own." 1 states James S. Coleman i n discussing the present day posi t ion and the socia l l i f e of the adolescent culture. Often adolescent free time i s spent aimlessly and without focus or purpose. In many instances, when g i r l s and boys congregate they lack suitable leadership and resort to mischief, which leads to sex experimentation. When they go somewhere the i r major destination i s often Wnot to do something" but i t i s to do "nothing", as they p themselves so well express i t . " - Recreational centers lack adequately trained staff and those who are available are too few i n numbers to meet the needs of the p a r t i c i -pating teenagers. The adults and the children seem to l ive i n two separate worlds, i t i s said, yet children behave not unlike their elders i n many ways. Often neither has learned to u t i l i z e leisure time wel l . There i s less expenditure of effort than formerly on the part of both, and energies are not devoted to the pursuit of the ir own 1 Coleman, James S., "Adolescent Subcultures and Academic Achievement," American Journal of Sociology, v o l . II (January I 9 6 0 ) , pp. 337-338. 2 Hechscher, "The New Leisure , " The Nations Children v o l . I, p. 2 3 9 . . 43 self-betterment or rea l pleasure on a constructive plane. The Hedonistic Philosophy and Values The philosophy of "fun morality" described by Clark E . Vincent i s reflected i n the idea that a c h i l d w i l l learn more and faster when he i s "having fun" and enjoying l i f e . The learning process i s presumed to he f ac i l i t a t ed when the ch i ld i s happy and enjoying himself. This idea has permeated the whole chi ld-rearing process since the 1940's. The wants of the c h i l d came to be regarded as needs and many homes became child-dominated as a resul t . In the stage of adolescence this pattern i s predisposed to the be l ie f also that anything which i s fun and wanted i s needed and good. This age of over-permissiveness, that Clark Vincent refers to as the age of "fun morality" , reverses the so-called Puritan concept that when one i s enjoying oneself one must be engaging i n e v i l . Stated i n posit ive terms, fun morality implies that i f one enjoys what one i s doing, then what one i s doing must be a l l r i gh t . Hence this ref lects many at t i tudinal changes about i l l i c i t sexual re lat ions , " . . . making i t possible for such attitudes to co-exist unnoticed with censorous attitudes towards i l l i c i t pregnancies. 1 , 1 It i l lu s t ra te s how extremely complex are the socia l practices and values that impinge 1 Vincent, Clark E . , Unmarried Mothers. The Free Press of Glencoe, New York, pp. 10-11. 4 4 d i rec t ly or ind i rec t ly on the soc ia l problem of i l l e g i t i -macy. And since parents along with their children p a r t i c i -pate i n this same kind of philosophy, i t i s believable that they are fearful of setting l imi t s or of d i s c ip l in ing the i r offspring i n matters concerning sex and necessary standards of conduct. It i s inevitable that the peer group w i l l outweigh and replace the opinions and interest of parents. There are groups that w i l l band together just to defy and protest i n the ir own way the many frustrations they experience. It i s more satisfying to belong to a group that w i l l accept one; and not to be considered a "square" i s an a l l impor-tant consideration. To he closely ident i f ied with a peer group or gang has become an obsession among many teenagers of the lower sociocultural and middle class groups i n North American Society. Parents, too, are obsessed with the fear that the i r daughters or sons w i l l not be popular or accepted among their fr iends, and often encourage too much freedom of dating and late hours, without the commensurate guidance. Often the leaders of these groups set the ir own standards for the group; seldom i s the young person able to be a so l i t a ry thinker since thinking for oneself might not be approved by the group. The standards they set are fre-quently inconsistent with the process of maturing and of assuming respons ib i l i ty for their actions. H. H. Eemmers 45 asserts "that childhood has been cut short hy pressures to he an adolescent quickly, hy the garishly glamorous role adults have given the teenager, hy the intrusion of the adults into some of the areas that used to belong to the c h i l d , and hy the abdicating of other areas that used to he t h e i r s . " 1 Adolescent Subcultures: Steady Dating and "Petting-with- Affeetion p David Riesman has made reference to the custom of "steady dating" among very young g i r l s and hoys. This dating pattern i s related to the success standards of the high school, and the be l ie f that "going steady" i s socia l insurance against f a i l u r e . Young g i r l s and boys spend much of their time i n cars "pett ing" . The easy access i n modern days to cars and the spread of family l i f e into suburbia gives r i se to drives into the country and secluded spots. "The petting-with-affection" sex code among g i r l s probably grew along with the going-steady custom; they both i l lu s t r a te , 1 Remmers, H. H . , "Perdue Opinion Panel , " The American  Teenager. Babbs-Merril l , New York, Chapter 14, pp. 86-102. 2 Riesman, David, Constraints and "Variety i n American  Education. Report 1958, Yale University Press, New Haven, p. 129. 46 adaptations of our dating in s t i tu t ion to the newer uncha-peroned dating circumstances." 1 G i r l s i n their early teens more often indulge i n this kind of sex play than i n pre-marital intercourse. There appears, however, to he i n their eyes, more ju s t i f i ca t ion for sexual relat ions when one i s fond of a hoy and i s going "steady" and may possibly marry him. In European countries, th i s i s frequently the accepted practice among so-called engaged couples. In countries l ike Sweden, Austr ia , Finland, a g i r l bearing a c h i l d pr ior to her marriage to her lover, proves the f e r t i l i t y of both and their planned marriage i s deemed to have better chances of happiness and adjustment as marital partners. In America this practice i s frowned upon as immoral, despite the inconsistencies i n adult attitudes and the a l l compelling forces i n society that stimulate sexual interest i n the very young. Youth of Elmstown The youth of Elmstown, a small American community studied by August B. Holl ingshead 1 are raised i n a s t r i c t class society and have strongly ins t i tu t iona l ized cliques and dating patterns. These cliques are formed according to 1 Reiss, Ira L . , "Sexual Codes i n Teenage Culture , " The  Annals. American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and Social Sciences, p. 53.. 2 Hollingshead, August B . , Elmstown Youth. Science Editions Inc . , 1961. 47 class and consist of from three to f ive hoys and their steady g i r l f r i ends . The dating relationships are kept within the cliques and within their part icular class structure, of which there are f ive separate classes i n Elmstown. Student g i r l s often go steady dating with non-student and older hoys. The sex taboo i s v iolated hy many of the young people hut the numbers could not be ascertained because to ta lk about sex openly i s also taboo. The Elmstowners w i l l not tolerate the discussion of this sub-ject among teenagers. But the pleasures of Elmstown's youth are the t h r i l l s they derive from the tabooed pleasures of smoking, gambling, alcohol, and sex, and because these are denied they have a special value for them. The lower class boy and g i r l participate more freely i n public taverns and at public dances whereas the higher class boy and g i r l cliques attend private parties and drink only pr ivate ly . In the lower class groups, they come usually from larger families and crowded l i v i n g quarters and privacy i s almost non-existent. Promiscuity i s also more eas i ly detected i n the lower classes as they go to parks to "pet" and spend less time as do the higher class i n automobiles. Moreover, they are more prone to ta lk about i t . Class rules are different up the scale, but they are s imilar insofar as they have one objective to release sex tensions pr ivate ly while the ideal of chastity i s upheld pub l i c ly . The sex mores are violated par t i cu lar ly by the 48 adolescents who leave school early, hut the knowledge of this fact i s not communitywide. "The strongest moral judgments i n the culture are applied to the v io l a t ion of the sex mores. Perhaps the clandestine complex has developed as a reaction to the severity of these judgments. By following the commonly understood hut seldom voiced rules which hind the participants into a conspiracy of s i lence, persons who violate them protect one another from the prying eyes of the a d u l t s . " 1 Newspaper Pub l i c i ty Newspapers, both i n Br i t a in and i n Canada have given considerable pub l i c i ty to the teen unwed mother. The Vancouver Sun reported on January 5» 1961 that i n England " . . . Victor Wyeth, a writer who studied court cases during the past year, said he was forced to conclude that most 14 year old g i r l s i n England today, know more about sex than do the ir mothers. Wyeth urged Parliament, to take another look at the law on offences against g i r l s . It was passed 75 years ago when i t might have been true that 16 year old g i r l s were too young to t e l l r ight from wrong." "Time and again i t has been obvious to court proceedings that i t was the hoy who needed protection from 1 Hollingshead, op. c i t . . p . 418 49 the g i r l , " Wyeth said. Frequently, they, and not the hoys, are the seducers. Wyeth's newspaper a r t i c l e found a strong opponent i n Dr. Eustace Chesser, a widely known authority on sex problems. He said he would f ight any attempt to modify the age of consent laws. "We need them now more than ever," Chesser said, "It i s quite true that young g i r l s are sometimes the aggressors. What has happened i s that the physical maturity of g i r l s of today has outstripped the ir mental preparation for womanhood. They are i n fact women before they are ready. And they must be protected against themselves. Chesser said that modern man would have to condition himself to the fact that g i r l s are becoming more provocative at a younger age. The law i s designed to help men remember the i r r e spons ib i l i t i e s , " he added. 1 In B r i t i s h Columbia also, pub l i c i ty and alarm have been i n evidence concerning the i l leg i t imate rate of births to very young g i r l s . The Vancouver Sun reported on May 26, I960: "Experts see p e r i l i n Going-steady." "Cars, l iquor , careless parents, contribute to youth problems." The report added that questionnaires and interviews of school g i r l s across the c i t y and of pregnant teenagers revealed that many began going steady or dating at the age 1 Munsel, Robert, The Vancouver Sun. January 5, 1961, p. 1. 50 of 12. Several started at 11. Only 6 per cent were opposed to going steady. Sixty-six per cent said they had steadies and the rest wished they had a steady. Several hoys interviewed i n the ir group had sex relationships after going together from four to s ix months. The g i r l s claimed that without a steady they missed out on the part ies . Several of the hoys and g i r l s used the same words i n describing the ir parents i n connection with the ir base-ment exits : "Our parents are so naive!" They say they are going to study or go to bed and they s l i p out to meet their boyfriends i n the ir cars. Regarding the 12 year old entering the junior-senior high school, ch i ld welfare workers and school o f f i c i a l s said that sending them into the high school atmosphere forces them to change into adults long before they are emotionally or physical ly ready. It i s par t icu lar ly bad i n the case of the g i r l s who are facing a c r i t i c a l and most sensitive period i n their l i v e s . Several pr incipals commented on the damage that could be done to many of the top f l i gh t students by pushing them into the older w o r l d . " 1 what i s the meaning to the adolescent herself of being an unmarried mother? And what i s the meaning of this s i tuation to her family? One must understand not only the 1 Holt , Simma, The Vancouver Sun. May 26, I960, p. 2. 51 socia l mil ieu i n which the young g i r l has l ived and grown, hut also her relations with her family, her own bio-psychic development, a l l of which contribute to her personality p r o f i l e . At adolescence, moreover, there are the added factors of body growth and changes charged with emotional drives . She i s pr imari ly a ch i ld s t r iv ing towards maturity and not a mature mother of a c h i l d . The f i f teen year old g i r l ' s attitude towards sex i s generally in i t i a t ed or motivated hy cur ios i ty , rather than a need for sex. Usually the adolescent who does succumb to sexual relat ions i s not promiscuous. Her desires are healthy and normal and are a surge towards independence. The very f l e x i b i l i t y or p l a s t i c i t y of her drives may lead a g i r l to permit sexual intimacy i n a moment of stress but, by the same token, she i s amenable to help and change towards growth and a "sett led personality" when adequately supported. Her sex problem i s not necessarily an established pattern of behaviour as i t may become with an older unmarried mother. "The usual adolescent personality i s not s o l i d i f i e d and the p l a s t i c i t y of youth i s a protection against a poor habit formation as well as a danger towards i t . " 1 Parent-Child Relationships Kingsley Davis, speaking of the adolescent and 1 Jocelyn, Irene M . , The Adolescent and His World. Family Service Association of America, New York, p . 114. 52 his relationships with parents, states: "Confl ict between the old and the young i s normal i n human groups; what i s s ignif icant i n American society i s i t s increased tempo and intens i ty . In part , rapid socia l change i s the cause of this marked d iv i s ion between the old and the young. The latter-growing up i n a dynamic society, are l i k e l y to accept innovation, whereas their elders, who have matured i n an ea r l i e r one, wish to perpetuate the values and behaviour patterns with which they are f ami l i a r . " .And then he goes on to say: "Ours i s s t i l l a youth culture; youth i s aware of this and acts accordingly. Universal factors and variables of modern society create f r i c t i o n between parents and youth. 1) the rate of socia l change, 2) the extent of complexity i n socia l structure and 5) the degree of integration i n the culture. 4) the veloc i ty of movement within the structure and i t s re la t ion to the cul tura l values." 1 'Our rapid socia l change, for example has crowded h i s t o r i c a l meaning into the family time-span, has thereby given the offspring a different socia l content from that which the parent acquired and consequently has added to the already existent i n t r i n s i c difference between parent and youth a set of extr insic ones which double the chance of a l ienat ion. The important 1 Davis, Kingsley, "The Sociology of Parent-Youth C o n f l i c t , " Marvin Sussman's Source Book on Marriage and  Family L i v i n g . Houghton M i f f l i n Co. , Cambridge, Mass., pp. 238-239. 53 re la t ion of parental authority has been disorganized by confusing the goals of ch i ld control , setting up competing authorit ies , creating a small family system, making neces-sary certain s ignif icant choices at the time of adoles-cence, and leading to an absence of definite in s t i tu t iona l mechanisms to symbolize and enforce the progressively changing stages of parental power." 1 So often the adolescent i s scant i n guidance and direct ion from understanding adults. Parents themselves are too frequently engrossed i n pleasure seeking and i n material gains to he aware of what i s happening to the ir young sons and daughters. When they are needed, they either r e ly too heavily upon the boy or g i r l ' s maturity to indicate the ir concern for them, or are not available to help stem the tide of uncontrolled impulses. Parents often expect too much adult behaviour from their chi ldren. The children themselves express the opinion that they f ind i t hard to confide i n the i r parents; there i s too l i t t l e communication between them. Working mothers and soc ia l ly engaged mothers f ind l i t t l e time to discuss socia l problems and personal worries with the ir chi ldren. Fathers too, seemed to have l e f t a l l the respons ib i l i ty of the growing up process somewhat to nature and to chance. True the 1 Davis, on. c i t . . p . 247. 54 parents are themselves too confused, or distracted to give suff icient attention to the thoughts, feelings and ideas of their young. In the matter of d i s c ip l ine , middle class parents appeal to the gui l t and shame of the c h i l d and to the threat of loss of love, which tends to make young people neurotic. "We are putting a greater weight of responsi-b i l i t y on young g i r l s today than they ever had to hear i n the past for the ir own sexual conduct; and at the same time we demand that they preserve the chastity which ea r l i e r generations of older people guarded so watchfully. This i s unreal i s t ic i f we value v i r g i n i t y so highly, we should construct soc ia l inst i tut ions to protect i t ; i f we think independence a higher value than chastity, then we must expect heterosexual experimentation. 1 , 1 This statement i s a re f lec t ion of the intolerable and inconsistent behaviour of adults i n respect to their young people whom they do not appear to be able to help or understand. School Influences The schools further confuse, rather than c l a r i f y the standards for youth. Dr. David Riesman reviews Edgar 1 "Teenage Morals," E d i t o r i a l , The Canadian Medical Association Journal, v o l . 85, No. 17 (October 1961), p . 954 55 Z. Friedenberg's book The Vanishing Adolescent i n the following l i g h t . Friedenberg maintains that "the develop-mental task of adolescence i s the acquis i t ion of a clear and a stable self-image." He speaks of the school as destroying the young person's se l f respect. There i s no practice i n autonomy. He claims that a society that lacks respect for individual autonomy cannot develop i t i n i t s young. Friedenberg feels that adults today are frequently afraid of and host i le towards adolescents. They envy youth i n a society which g lor i f i e s youth for fear of the ir loss of control and he alludes to these as "homosexual anxiet ies"—all of which contribute to destructive feel ings. The current norms of non-violence and "palship" result i n covert manipulation and are more damaging to the young than was the occasionally brutal authoritarianism of the past. Hollingshead and Cohen interpret the delinquency of the lower class boy as a response to the unbearable humi-l i a t i o n suffered in the middle class environment. The Manchester Study of Adolescent Unwed Mothers A study of extra-marital conceptions i n adoles-p cence which began i n 1957 is. Manchester, England of 62 1 Riesman, David, "The Vanishing Adolescent," hy Edgar Z. Friedenberg, Book Review, American Journal of Sociology, v o l . I I , 1959, p . 419. 2 Anderson, E . W., Kenna, J . C , Hamilton, M. W., A Study  of Extra-Marital Conceptions in Adolescence, Psychiatr ia et Neurologica (Basel) I 9 6 0 , v o l . 159, pp. 313-363. 56 g i r l s , of whom 50 were reported upon. Since this study has received considerable mention in medical and psychiatric journals as an up-to-date sociological and c l i n i c a l study of some consequence, i t i s herewith given i n some d e t a i l . Eleven of these g i r l s were 16 years of age and younger. The group was a northern working class to lower middle class group. In addition to prenatal and postnatal care, they were given psychiatric interviews, psychological and rorshchach tests . Home v i s i t s were also made hy the psychiatric socia l worker. Among these g i r l s there was r e l a t ive ly free expression of personal -reactions and a t t i -tudes. This study took two and one half years to complete. Ante-natal investigations were conducted on hospital premises. Many of the g i r l s f e l t that they would carry on a pattern of homemaking, the quality of which would be better than the i r parents had done. They also f e l t that there was general confusion of standards and ambivalence among the adults as a whole. Eew of the l a t te r appeared ready for the ir daughters' sexual maturity and the preg-nancy. They however mobilized action r e a l i s t i c a l l y on behalf of the c h i l d . There was much unexpressed anxiety by the g i r l and very l i t t l e teamwork between the parents and the putative fathers. The study reveals an emphasis on the normality of 57 these young people. Few of them came to socia l agencies and their problems were apart from the pregnancy, of mild degree i n nature. The g i r l s indicated a sense of lone-l iness at this point of c r i s i s and were i n i t i a l l y sensitive to soc ia l exposure. But there was a good response i n 43 cases. Five were ch i ld i sh and of low inte l l igence . Negativist ic attitudes were noted with one interviewee only. The rel ig ious persuasion of the group was 32 per cent Roman Catholic and 68 per cent Protestant, hut none seemed to be ardent churchgoers; their gu i l t was socia l rather than of a re l ig ious quality. Ten of the g i r l s were from poor l eve l homes, from slum homes and four from better type res ident ia l homes. The remaining were middle class homes were s tructural ly intact , and 16 families suffered some family disruption through death, hospi ta l izat ion, imprisonment, separation or divorce. Nine presented fr iendly responsive and r e a l i s t i c rapport, they were good, warm and f r iendly g i r l s , essenti-a l l y normal, active and decent, competent young people. Five others displayed good rapport hut were immature and of low inte l l igence . With 7 g i r l s , the rapport was d i f -f i c u l t . Four g i r l s were act ively resentful and sul len and defiant. Eight of the g i r l s were below the competent average. Only two admitted previous intercourse. Thir ty-six of the g i r l s had had steady personal association with 58 tlie fathers of their infants. Fourteen were involved i n casual impulsive or experimental contacts. Five were said to have been assaulted. The idea of promiscuity to a l l of them was frowned upon as lowering to the i r self-esteem; most thought i n terms of sophistication and the d u l l ones did not think ahead at a l l . Twenty-six of the g i r l s admitted intercourse took place away from the i r parental home and 19 instances occurred i n their own homes or i n that of their re la t ives ; f ive said i t happened i n the park or a l ley at night . Eight of the g i r l s retained the sense of having been overpersuaded or excited against the ir w i l l at the time of conception and they entered pregnancies with harsh feel ings. None however appeared to fee l this way after confinement. There seemed to he a lack of internal ized sanction i n the g i r l s which could weigh against the simple sexual mandate to accommodate the male. Only two of the g i r l s learned about sexual matters from their mothers; the others read hooks, or discussed sex with their schoolmates. Six of the g i r l s believed that they were too young to become pregnant. Only one g i r l appeared to have a frank and proper under-standing obtained from her mother and the others had patchi ly f i l l e d i n information. The relationship with the boy and the cLesire to do what he wanted took precedence i n most instances. Most 59 had the i n i t i a l anxiety of how to t e l l the ir parents and a l l of them intended to carry the ch i ld to f u l l term. Only two did not intend to keep the baby under parental pressure. There were three kinds of feelings displayed: a) a feel ing of personal re ject ion apt to lead to panic; h) a denial of the r e a l i t y of the ir condition; c) acceptance of the s i tuat ion, and almost a l l of the group were of this type with the exception of three g i r l s of the type two. The interdepartmental committee estimated that 16 per cent to 20 per cent of a l l pregnancies end i n abortion and that about 25 per cent of these are cr iminal . None of these g i r l s even thought of th i s idea. In respect to sexual intercourse, 12 g i r l s acknowledged that the experience was pleasurable and the balance had mixed feelings of g u i l t , pain and fear. This was balanced by posit ive emotions of affection for the partner—others expressed a sense of sat is fact ion i n achieving d i s t inc t ion i n their interest in the pregnancy i t s e l f and the pleasure i n the c h i l d when he was born. Over half came to the c l i n i c without the family support and few came with other g i r l s , s isters and on occasion with the putative father. Under one-third came 60 with the i r mothers, who ins is ted on coming with them. Usually the mothers were the mediators i n t e l l i n g the father of their daughter's pregnancy. Sometimes the fathers \«/ere more understanding than their mothers. The s ibl ings were a l l i e s sometimes and aides and abetters. Inwardly, the majority welcomed the c h i l d . The parents suffered emotional shock and a sense of affection loss at the sudden achieving of mature status hy the ir offspring. Several weeks of emotional turmoil ensued. The expected socia l r id i cu le and blame was lessened i f the couple cared for each other and the s i tuation was then considered fundamentally a l l r i ght . There was a very mixed parental response. Some g i r l s met with deep h o s t i l i t y and recipro-cated i n kind; four of the g i r l s l ived i n common law because of overcrowding i n their home. The g i r l s them-selves were more contained at f i r s t interview than the adults usually were. In a few vulnerable personalit ies inart iculate anxiety was very great and most needed individual handling. The putative fathers were either tradesmen, semi-skilled workers and unski l led laborers. There was one architect student and one medical student. There was no great d i s -crepancy i n work status between the g i r l and the boy. Thirteen associations did not lead to marriage, one led to co-habitation and the rest had no further contact with the 61 putative father as they were just casual dancing partners. The dynamic impact of the l i v i n g baby i s worth stressing. Confl ict came out i n transient phobias and i n occasional dreams, some aggressively toned and some fear ful , some gui l t- laden. More vulnerable personalit ies developed compulsions to t idy up and became hypersensitive to gossip or noise, claustrophobic, or phobic of heights, bridges, t r a f f i c , and suspicious. There was morbid preoccupation with death of themselves or their re lat ives or the baby. A l l were buoyed up by their own progress and well-supported by their famil ies . The larger number wanted g i r l s to dress up n ice ly and had d i f f i c u l t y i n rea l i z ing the baby as a separate existence. The f i r s t mother-infant contact i s of c ruc ia l importance for personality development; love comes for the baby and they fee l grown up holding the infant. There was specif ic evidence i n only four cases of psychiatric disorder i n the family, such as epilepsy, senile dementia, depressive psychosis and hospita l izat ion for unidentif ied "nerves." The majority were psychiatr i -c a l l y sound. Parents saw their daughters as school chi ldren. Sexual topics were taboo between generations. After puberty, mother and daughter lost touch u n t i l pregnancy 62 gave them a j o l t . It i s d i f f i c u l t to assess degree of psychopathology i n their homes. Adverse emotional and psychological factors were found combined with much family feel ing and realism. Gir l s accepted them as the irksome unavoidable business of l i v i n g . Four g i r l s experienced maternal deprivation due to death, desertion or i l lne s s of mother—6 others where the soc ia l history indicated there had been a continuous degree of maternal re ject ion, 7 bad been hospital ized under 5 years of age and reacted adversely at the time. One-fifth of the group suffered early psychic stress and were vulnerable personal i t ies . Their present adaptation was not at a l l inadequate. There was warmth and family feel ing i n 43 homes. Overt c r i t i c i sm and emotional clash was evident with 4 of these cases. Seven had very pronounced attachments to fathers and 6 very strong r e c o i l s . Four g i r l s had low opinions of their mothers. Relations with mothers were highly ambi-valent and stress and overt h o s t i l i t y i n 10 cases but needed s t i l l to keep the bond. Only three were i n a to ta l i so la t ion of maternal support. In the Rorschach tests there was a lack of deviancy i n these young mothers; 4 g i r l s were judged to he mild psychiatric r i sk s . Post-natal Rorschach for 24 63 out of the 50 cases reported a few of low inte l l igence , hut none showed gross disturbance. In these adolescent mothers, once the ir conf i-dence was gained, the responses were natural and frank. Premarital intercourse and maternity was not a problem to them although they were aware others considered this a problem, i f not an offence. Also , they did not fee l the term "promiscuity" applied to them. "Our society lacks any uniform patterns of courtship or helpful form of induction into adulthood for adolescents; this may make for maximum individual choice hut seems a counsel of confusion, when considering the primitive force of sexual impulses. Pre-conceptions about psychopathology and socia l deviancy may well preclude getting to the heart of things—that i s the rea l attitude of young people . " 1 Society segregates and disapproves by implicat ion. Il legitimacy should be con-sidered an effect, not a cause. It may be the result of poor constitutional equipment i n either or both of the parents or poor personality development which lead to fa i lure to manage the experience of procreation satis-f ac tor i ly as well as the business of chi ld-rear ing . The need of a father i s acknowledged and other male figures may give support and the ch i ld need not he a vict im of acute socia l stress. Selected samples of soc ia l f a i l u r e , 1 Anderson, Kenna and Hamilton, A Study of Extra-Marital  Conceptions i n Adolescence, pp. 3 1 3 - 3 6 3 . 64 inadequate management of sexual l i f e , represents only one aspect and hence there i s a need for further studies to he made. Psychical ly strong g i r l s can count on social and f ami l i a l support to handle the challenge of extra-marital conception r e a l i s t i c a l l y and with affection for the c h i l d . Ignorant attitudes i n society can play a destructive part. Social attitudes are important i n the development of respons ib i l i ty i n individual members of s o c i e t y . " 1 It i s important to note that neither the hoy nor g i r l seemed to get useful leadership from the i r society on the matter of sexual behaviour and i t s resul t s , nor any acceptable patterns of courtship which could give definite form to the ir maturing sexual interest . There i s a need for mass education for both sexes. The Manchester study along with many of the other reference studies discussed, have highlighted socio-cultural factors effecting the socia l problem of the i l l eg i t imate ly pregnant g i r l . Attention is also directed to some of the underlying factors concerning the dynamic interaction of family and personality d i f f i c u l t i e s that influence socia l functioning of the individual g i r l or boy. There are the group of g i r l s who have greater vulnerabi l i ty to the r i sk 1 Anderson, Kenna and Hamilton, op. c i t . . p . 357. 6 5 of unmarried motherhood because of the i r poor f ami l i a l relationships due to family discord. In Chapter III an analysis i s undertaken of 3 6 case his tor ies of young unwed mothers. These teenage g i r l s received service from the Vancouver Children's Aid Society i n the year I 9 6 0 . Considerable data gathered concerning their situations and specif ic problems corre-lates with much of the information presented by the Manchester series . A major emphasis i s placed again on the socio-cultural factors, as well as on the internal and external stresses that affect the behaviour of many young people today. CHAPTER III SOME FACTUAL EXAMPLES: CASE ANALYSIS Of the 600 unmarried mothers interviewed during the year I960 at the Vancouver Children's Aid Society, 36 or 6 per cent, f e l l within the range of 15 years of age and younger. Case record analysis of these 36 g i r l s , who gave their views of their individual s i tuations, suggests possible factors influencing the ir l ives and their behaviour. These factors appear to contribute to the problem of unmarried motherhood. Some indications of the socio-cultural trends may be observed i n th i s study and some conclusions may be drawn based on what these young people have sa id . Their feel ings, the ir thoughts, and opinions are not to be considered l i g h t l y . They believed and they f e l t that their parents either loved them or rejected them. Some thought they were " i n love" and believed i n the boys with whom they went steady; others acknowledged they had no such experience and could not account for the i r actions except that they joined i n the ac t iv i t i e s of their friends for "k icks . " Tabulating what happened as seen through the eyes of the adolescent i n his world, may bring forth 67 s ignif icant assertions based on his or her experiences. Whether these experiences constitute adolescent fantasy or r e a l i t y ; either one may represent i n essence the powerful influences of the adolescent subculture. Within these hounds and measures, l i e s the value and the purpose of this study based on the stories that the young unwed mothers have to ld . Because of their personal involvement, these may therefore he somewhat biased i n the t e l l i n g . Notwithstanding this fact , there i s much to he learned from the "why" and the "how" these young g i r l s see their problems. A look at the specific ages of these g i r l s , and of the young men or hoys with whom they became involved sexually, i s of interest from the point of view of the teenage choice i n the ir pair ing together. Table One shows the numbers and the ages of the g i r l s in th i s group as well as the number and ages of the alleged fathers of the i l l e -gitimate infants horn to them. Nine or 25 per cent of the alleged fathers are from 14 to 18 years of age and can be considered school-aged adolescent hoys. These presumably met the g i r l s at school and were possibly caught up i n the minor standards of the teenage culture to which Ira L . Reiss 1 alludes. 1 Reiss, Ira L . , "Sexual Codes i n Teenage Culture , " The  Annals. American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and Social Sciences, Philadelphia, p. 57 • 68 Table I. Ages of Unwed Mothers and Alleged Fathers Ages Gi r l s Alleged Fathers 20 to 24 10 16 to 19 19 15 24 2 14 10 1 13 2 Not known 4 Total 36 36 Thirteen of the boys or a l i t t l e over one-third belong to an older teenage group; some of whom were s t i l l i n high school or hap dropped out early for various reasons. It has been said by some school authorities that the proximity of the junior high school g i r l s and boys with the senior high school groups involve them a l l i n the same teenage subcultures. This mingling together of a young group with an older group provides opportunities for the associations of the very young g i r l the older teenage boy. Some edu-cat ional i s t s advocate the separation of the grade seven students from the higher grade students. This group might be attached to lower grades, because of i t s immaturity. Becoming involved so early i n the socia l l i f e of the 69 students i n the higher grades appears to lessen the a b i l i t y of these younger g i r l s to concentrate on the ir studies. In discussing with the g i r l s the ir reasons for selecting older boys and young men, some gave the explanation that they f e l t grown up and f lattered by the attentions of the older hoy; they wanted to he considered more adult and said they gained prestige with the ir peer groups hy the attentions of these older boys. Ten of the alleged fathers were 20 years of age and older and i t seems signif icant that the young g i r l s of 14 and 15 associated with this age group of young men. The explanation given may well suffice from the socio-cultural point of view. From a psycho-analyt ica l standpoint, there may be an unconscious searching for the oedipal adjustment and fulf i lment, lacking i n their family experiences. In any case the older boy may repre-sent to the young g i r l an adolescent fantasy hero, whom she can worship i n a t o t a l l y unreal i s t ic world of fantasy. Irene Jocelyn 1 speaks of a g i r l ' s fantasies i n her early teens which can lead her into self-destructive impulses. This can be a result of a blinded need for a love object to emulate and by whom to be loved. The wrong hero can misguide her and lead her into misconduct. Generally a teenage g i r l hero-worships her father i n the f i r s t instance, 1 Jocelyn, Irene, The Adolescent and His World, Family Service of America, New York, p. 24. 70 and i f hers i s a father worthy of her adoration, she w i l l choose a male companion i n his image. If the ideal father f a l l s far short of her expectations of him, she may very eas i ly reach out for a false fantasy person, who can hetray her trust . At the same time the searching for the attentions of older hoys may well he status seeking, par t i cu la r ly with the peer group. Peer group part ic ipat ion i s a major developmental task for the early adolescent. For the g i r l who i s neither pretty, nor popular or who i s i n herself unhappy, she w i l l sometimes seek what recog-n i t ion she can acquire at whatever price i t costs. It i s of interest to note that a l l hut 2 of the g i r l s were horn i n Canada; 23 i n the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia. A l i t t l e over a th i rd came from other l o c a l i t i e s than the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia. One was horn i n Scotland, one i n Ca l i forn ia , the remaining eleven came from the various provinces of Canada, together with their famil ies . Of those born and raised i n B r i t i s h Columbia, approximately hal f came from the rura l or small town areas and the other hal f from the City of Vancouver. The fact of the g i r l s growing up i n either the c i t y or the country does not appear to have any significance. Obviously, i n the small l o c a l i t i e s i t i s more d i f f i c u l t to keep the s i tuat ion secret and for this reason most of the g i r l s from the in ter ior d i s t r i c t s of B r i t i s h Columbia come to 71 the City of Vancouver. Here they f ind a protected, shelter. The Salvation Army maternity home and the United Church maternity home are the preferred l i v i n g arrangements for the g i r l s i n th i s predicament. Close to two-thirds of the g i r l s are of Anglo-Saxon or ig in and approximately one-third are of European extraction. Among the l a t t e r , are Pol i sh , German, Austrian, I t a l i an , Swedish, Norwegian and French. One g i r l i s of Indian or ig in . Only two families can he said to he immigrant famil ies , one from Scotland and one from the United States. A l l 36 g i r l s were i n school. Their education had to he interrupted because of the ir pregnancy. Most of them attempted to continue with correspondence courses. The 13 and 14 year old g i r l s found this d i f f i c u l t as the i r a b i l i t y to concentrate and to work without school class instruct ion was minimal. Table II , page 72, describes the school grades achieved hy these g i r l s and their i n t e l -ligence rat ings . Grades Nine and Ten are the usual grades reached hy the g i r l s i n this age group. Fifteen of these were of at least average inte l l igence , and did average work; with 2 being outstandingly superior. Two were slow learners and 6 did better than average work. Seven of the g i r l s were considered of average intel l igence but were quite 72 Table I I . Grades Attained and Intelligence Ratings of 36 Unmarried Mothers, Vancouver C . A . S . , I960 Grades Superior Average Better than Average Slow Totals VI - 2 - - 2 VII - 2 1 1 4 VIII - 3 - - 3 IX 2 10 2 1 15 X 2 5 3 - 10 XI 1 - - - 1 XII 1 - - - 1 Total 6 22 6 2 36 behind i n the ir school work. There were no mentally retarded g i r l s i n this group. The majority of the g i r l s did want to t ry to continue their schooling by corres-pondence hut some became quickly discouraged and f e l t they would not want to face their classmates again or struggle further to learn. These refused to return to school after the ir confinement. Some said they would consider going hack to school i f i t were possible to transfer schools but as many of the g i r l s came from small towns, th i s was not feasible for them. Several of the g i r l s f e l t they had lost too much time out of school and said they would l ike to seek employment instead of attempting to get further 73 education. These appeared to he quite indifferent towards schooling. Werner W. Boehm, has stated that "biopsyehic and sociocultural factors i n interaction with each other are responsible for the phenomenon of unmarried motherhood among adolescents" 1 especial ly among middle and lower class groups. To examine the p o s s i b i l i t y of val idat ing this proposition i s one of the aims of th i s t reat i se . For this reason Tables III to IX inclusive are set down for the purpose of exploring the family and the parent-child relat ionships , their socia l class standing, the peer group associations, church interests , and methods of d i sc ip l ine and supervision; a l l matters affecting the behaviour of the adolescent. It i s important to note how the variables interrelate i n influencing the l i f e of the young people in this age group. The f i n a l Table, Number X, deals spec i f i -ca l ly with the g i r l s ' attachments to the alleged fathers and the ultimate plans made for the i l leg i t imate c h i l d . The conclusions drawn from these i l lu s t ra t ions w i l l be d i s-cussed and are of necessity confined to the 36 g i r l s whose case his tor ies have been reviewed. Table III and Table IV together i l lu s t r a te that 1 Boehm, Werner W., "Sociocultural Factors i n Adolescent Unmarried Motherhood," Casework Papers. National Conference on Social Welfare, F . S . A . A . , New York, 1961, p. 93-74 out of 12 families whose parents are harmoniously united, 2 of the g i r l s are fond of the ir fathers only and one g i r l of her mother only, while 3 g i r l s said they were fond of both parents. One expressed h o s t i l i t y towards her father only, i n this group and 2 admitted that they f e l t resentful towards their mother only. However 6 g i r l s claimed that they resented both their parents, while 3 were fond of both their parents. Two of the g i r l s resented their mother hut were fond of their father, while one of the g i r l s was host i le towards the father and fond of her mother. This makes a to ta l of 12 g i r l s whose parents got along well together but the g i r l s were at variance with them. It i s important to determine i f the peer group influences or changing cul tura l community values have among the middle and lower class families caused f r i c t i o n between parents and their growing teenage daughters. It i s s ignif icant to observe that these part icular g i r l s have become unmarried mothers despite apparently so l id family backgrounds, from a community point of view. This may he evidence of a breakdown i n satisfactory communication between parents and the ir growing chi ldren. A much broader scope of study would be necessary to def in i te ly establish these facts , but these few number of cases may indicate an important trend. The number of g i r l s i n conf l ic t with the ir parents increases among the group of parents who have been either separated or divorced. There i s evidence of more anger directed 75 Table III . Spouse and Paternal-Child Relationship Along with Chi ld ' s Relationship with Both Parents Together Paternal Chi ld-Relation-ship -Marriage Status United Har-moniously United hut Quarrelling Separated or Divorced Totals 1. Pond of father only 2. Hostile towards father 5. Pond of both parents 4. Hostile towards both parents 16 No information 3 Totals 12 14 36 against the fathers than the mothers i n these instances. In Table IV there appears to be a closer ident i -f i ca t ion of the daughters with their divorced mothers. This complements the information on Table III where the h o s t i l i t y or resentment i n these cases i s directed towards the fathers. This i s to he expected since usually i t i s the father who leaves the home and v i r t u a l l y deserts the family. There i s also increased evidence of resentment 76 Table IV. Spouse and Maternal-Child Relationship Along with Chi ld ' s Relationship with Both Parents Together Maternal Chi ld-Relation-ship Marriage Status United Har-moniously United but Quarrelling Separated or Divorced Totals 1. Fond of mother only 2. Hostile towards mother 8 3. Fond of both parents 4. Hostile towards both parents 16 No information 3 Totals 12 14 36 towards both parents i n separated or divorced famil ies . In the families where the parents are united harmoniously there i s almost as much resentment towards both parents. The important matter to determine i s the degree and the meaning of the h o s t i l i t y i n these instances as compared with that which i s displayed i n the broken family home. Dr. Nathan Ackerman, has said that "the contemporary adolescent has a 1 Ackerman, Dr. Nathan W., The Psychodynamics of family L i f e , Basic Books Inc . , New York, p. 211. 7 7 shaken f a i th i n the older generation. He feels that he has been le t down, that the adult offers a poor example." As a consequence he often becomes rebell ious and his socia l conduct i s most t rying. Ackerman continues with "It i s common knowledge that parents often f a i l to understand such behaviour—when actually the ch i ld i s experiencing a tem-porary adolescent storm from which he w i l l emerge intact . Adolescence i s a c r i t i c a l phase of growth. During this phase the personality undergoes a deep transformation. There i s a basic shift i n equilibrium, characterized by simultaneous tendencies towards emotional disorganization and reorganization. Confl ict emerges at a l l levels of emotional experience." 1 How much more confused and disturbed i s the adolescent whose parents themselves are unstable and dis-organized? While he i s upset by the demands and expect-ations of an unpredictable and threatening society, he i s usually s t i l l able to emerge into adulthood with a reason-able degree of maturity, when his parents at least are united and stable. But the ch i ld faced with internal family problems i s struggling for his ident i f i ca t ion and for his security within his family group. He cannot as well overcome the many deeply entrenched obstacles to 1 Ackerman, oo. c i t . . pp. 207-208. 78 growth that hamper his development and make him inwardly h i t t e r and host i le towards his parents. In Table V the young g i r l s have expressed their feelings towards their parents i n terms of being either loved or rejected and i t i s with considerable emotion these feelings are expressed. It must again he observed that this feel ing of being unwanted i s prominent i n both the families of harmoniously united parents and those of separated and divorced parents. It again appears to he acute with the children who feel they can identi fy closely with only one parent and a l l the ir resentment i s focussed upon the other. The differences i n meaning of the rebel-l i o n between these two categories must be understood. The adolescent i s generally better able to face a storm when he feels supported by his peer group. The question i s , can he successfully meet the struggle d i s -rupting his l i f e as an indiv idua l , i f , in addition, he must face family problems that are to him insoluble? It would appear that h i s chances for survival as an emotionally healthy adult are slimmer i n these instances. He i s more l i k e l y to attach himself to a rebell ious gang group i n order to ventilate his confused and host i le feel ings . There are two kinds of situations that can give r i se to feelings of re ject ion. On the one hand they are 79 Table V. Spouse Relationship and Children's Feelings of Rejection Parent-Child Relation-ship United Har-moniously United but Quarrelling Separated or Divorced Totals 1. Peels re ject-ed by one parent 2 . Peels re ject-ed by both parents 3. Does not feel re ject-ed by either parent No information 17 Totals 14 13 I 36 reactions to unreasonable demands of society towards which the peer group rebel . On the other hand, these can result from family disintegration creating a sense of insecurity and lack of self-worth i n the c h i l d . Over 50 per cent of the g i r l s belonged to this l a t ter group as described by Table V. Tables VI and VII enlarge upon this theme and further indicate family relat ionships . 80 Table VI . Family Status and S ib l ing Relationships Type of Family S ib l ing Relationships Totals Hostile towards Siblings Get Along Well with Siblings 1. United, harmoni-ously 4 7 11 2. United hut quarrel-l i n g 2 2 4 3. Separated or divorced 7 5 12 4. No infor-mation 3 5. No Siblings 6 6 Totals 19 14 36 Some r i v a l r y can be said to exist i n many families among s ib l ings , hut Table VI does indicate that this i s greater among these g i r l s where the parents are separated or divorced. In 6 of the families the g i r l was the only c h i l d and only children are frequently indulged and over-protected. This sometimes results i n open rebe l l ion and extreme behaviour on the part of the ch i ld who i s s t r iv ing 81 for independence. Table VIII i l lu s t ra te s the peer group a f f i l i a t i o n s and item three supports this thinking. It i s of interest to note that of the families i n which the parents are happily united the larger number of children do get along well with their s ib l ings . Table VII describes the peer group associations and relates these to the family unity or lack of i t . Table VII . Family Status and Peer Group Relationships Type of Family Peer Group Relationships Usually Alone Acceptable School Group Gang Totals 1. United harmoni-ously 2 7 5 14 2. United but quarrel-l i n g 3 3 6 3 . Separated or divorced 1 6 6 13 4. No infor-mation 3 Totals 6 13 14 36 8 2 In the families that are harmoniously united, 7 of the g i r l s got along well with the i r s ibl ings and the same g i r l s associated with wholesome peer school groups who enjoyed sports ac t iv i t i e s and competitive games. However 5 of the g i r l s from these so l id families joined gang groups, which suggests that other influences than family unity may have had greater effect upon their l i v e s . The reasons must then he sought within the community or class structure i n which they l i v e . The indications are that these g i r l s are mostly from the lower socia l class groupings who are i n conf l ic t with middle class standards. Table VIII reveals that four of the g i r l s associating with gangs came from parents united harmoniously, but l ived i n a lower class environment and mingled with "fast crowds!'. The one g i r l whose family may be said to belong to the white co l l a r group, was host i le towards both her parents, and par t i cu lar ly towards her young bother. She belonged to a group of drinking and joyriding delinquent gang members and was known to be promiscuous. In this instance other factors contributed to extreme h o s t i l i t y and rebel-l i o n . The g i r l ' s parents, though they got along together reasonably wel l , continually disagreed over the ir daughter. Her d i sc ip l ine was inconsistently s t r i c t and permissive. She f e l t that her parents preferred her brother to her and as she was a strong se l f -wi l led g i r l , she soon became closely ident i f ied with a par t i cu lar ly ant i - soc ia l gang 83 i n her community. Table VIII . Social Class and Gang Associations Social Parents Parents Separated Gang Totals Class United United hut of Divorced Associ-Harmoni- Quarrel- ations ously l i n g 1. Professional Technical 2. White Col lar 1 2 3 3 3. Sk i l l ed Manual 4. Unskil led and Low Sk i l l ed Unemplo yed 4 1 6 11 11 Totals 5 3 6 14 14 In Table VIII , 11 out of the 14 g i r l s who belonged to the gang groups or delinquent subcultures, are also a part of the lower socia l class culture. Six of these furthermore come from families of divorced or separated parents. Other factors also enter into the influences i n ' their l ives as i s suggested by the one g i r l from the har-moniously united couple who has already been described and who belongs to the white co l l a r middle c lass . The united, hut quarrel l ing parents frequently have the ir disagreements 84 over d i sc ip l ine and supervision of the chi ldren. This may he an added factor i n the ch i ld ' s behaviour. Three of the g i r l s i n the gang groups have been before the juvenile authorities on charges of sexual immorality. Table IX. Discipl ine and Supervision by Parents Peer Group Relationships Discipl ine Demonstrated Usually Alone Acceptable School Group Associations With Gangs Total 1. Inconsistent d i sc ip l ine (both s t r i c t and overpermis-s ive; 1 2 4 7 2. Believed overpermis-sive 1 8 6 15 3. Over-protective and r i g i d 2 3 4 9 4. Harsh d i sc ip l ine 2 - - 2 5 . Not known - - - 3 Total 6 13 14 36 Clark E . Vincent quotes Sue, a young unmarried mother who said, that " i f she had been her parents, she would have made the following changes; more d i s c ip l in ing of me, more attention to re l ig ious matters and not so much 85 freedom." In Vincent's study of l j unwed mothers, they indicate that i f they could have taken their parents' places, they would have d i sc ip l ined their children more and emphasized r e l i g i o n . 1 In Tables IX and X these factors are reviewed. Fifteen of the g i r l s believed that their parents were overly permissive and le f t too many decisions for them to make along with too much freedom. Despite the fact that 8 of the g i r l s associated with the regular school group of chi ldren, they became pregnant. Vincent points out that the popular and attractive young g i r l s have a great many opportunities to become involved i n sexual intercourse, par t i cu lar ly when there are insuf-f i c i ent controls to inh ib i t their impulses. Six of this group of g i r l s became involved with gang groups and have greater problems to overcome from the point of view of their future than do the group of eight associating with more normal school groups. With these l a t te r there i s less personality disorganization than the former group. Nine of the r i g i d l y protected g i r l s or one-quarter of the tota l group became i l l eg i t imate ly pregnant; possibly rebe l l ing against too r i g i d and unwise controls . Seven reported that their parents were inconsistent i n handling d i sc ip l inary matters and 4 of these also became involved 1 Vincent, Clark E . , Unmarried Mothers. The Free Press of Glencoe, New York, p. 126. 86 with a delinquent group. Judicious use of d i sc ip l ine and appropriate l imi t s were said to he important hy most of the g i r l s who mingled with the acceptable school groups. Children do become concerned when the i r parents show l i t t l e interest in their ac t iv i t i e s and are themselves too involved i n the pursuit of their own socia l or other goals to he su f f i c ient ly aware of what i s happening to them. "Teenagers often refer to the dilemma of parents" a l s o . 1 In contrast to the overly permissive and casual parents, there are those who, they say, do not give them a chance to make any decisions for themselves, or to have any kind of opportunity to become mature i n making these, with the resul t , that they sometimes are driven into defiant behaviour. The young must struggle for independence and emancipation and do so hy whatever means l i e s open to them. Oftentimes parents unwittingly permit the i r children to he led astray because of the lack of appropriate guidance and support. Going to church i s another form of social ized control and many of these g i r l s , par t i cu lar ly i n the lower socio-economic class never attend any church. Table X i l lu s t r a te s that those i n the upper middle and middle socia l classes attended church more often than did the 1 Remmers, H. H. and Radler, D. H . , "Perdue Opinion Panel , " The American Teenager. Bahbs-Merril l , New York, Ch. 4, pp. 86-102. 87 s k i l l e d manual and lower s k i l l e d classes. Sixteen of the g i r l s i n the lower socio-economic grouping said they never attended church, whereas only two i n the middle and upper Table X. Church A f f i l i a t i o n and Social Class Structure Social Class Attend Regularly Attends Occasio-na l ly or Seldom Never Attends Totals 1. Professional Technical 2. White Col lar 3. Sk i l l ed Manual 4. Unskil led and Low-Ski l l ed Unemployed 1 2 3 5 5 11 5 10 14 No information Totals 11 18 36 classes were i n this category. Referring again to the study made by Clark Vincent, when popular and attractive fr iendly g i r l s "receive minimal parental d i sc ip l ine and have been given considerable freedom to make their own decisions at an early age, and when they get only minimum exposure to church teachings on t rad i t iona l mores and conventional values concerning sexual behaviour, they tend 88 to have few internal ized (as well as few external) i n h i -1 2 hit ions against premarital sexual re l a t ions . " Remmers i n speaking of the American teenager repeats one junior high school g i r l ' s comments "the reason most kids don't attend church as they used to i s because they don't know what to bel ieve. They go to one church and they w i l l t e l l you what i s r ight or wrong, and then go to another and hear something ent i re ly d i f ferent . " Remmers points out that children without a satisfactory home l i f e and l i t t l e oppor-tunity to experience harmony and peace frequently become skeptical about their r e l i g i o n , and consequently may never develop a sense of moral values. At this age the con-science i s not f u l l y developed and, therefore, not wholly dependable. Parents can s t i l l reinforce a c h i l d ' s con-science, but i t i s late to start i n s t i l l i n g one. When society i s stressing changing values concerning morals, nowhere does this show up more c lear ly than i n the behaviour of pre-adolescent and adolescent chi ldren. Many parents no longer fee l sure of their own set of values, and many others hesitate to assert them. The behaviour patterns of the young ref lect the insecure attitudes of the adults. The custom of unchaperoned steady dating began 1 Vincent, op. c i t . . p . 131 . 2 Remmers and Radler, op. c i t . . p. 154. 8 9 i n the early part of this century. A high school g i r l ' s popularity i s rated today hy her a b i l i t y to have steady dates among the most desired boys. Ira L . Reiss states that i n the teenage culture, steady dating took root after World War II and today " s l i gh t ly more than half of the high school students have some going steady experience. Even among the early teenagers, possibly one quarter go steady."' She continues with the statement that "Western society has for centuries been developing an association of sexual behaviour with mutual affection, hut i n steady dating, sex and affection can be combined, and i n this way a potential s t ra in in the socia l system i s reduced. Another area of s tra in which i s lessened by going steady i s the conf l ic t a g i r l may feel between her desire for sexual experience and her desire to maintain her reputation. For many, sexual behaviour i s made respectable by going p steady." In Table XI the relationships with the alleged fathers i s i l l u s t r a t ed along with the f i n a l plans made for the infants born to this group of g i r l s . It i s further-more to he noted that 24 of the 36 g i r l s went steady with 1 Reiss, Ira L . , "Sexual Codes i n Teenage Culture , " The Annals. American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and Social Sciences, Philadelphia (November 1961), pp. 54-55« 2 Loc. c i t . 90 boys from periods of three months up to two years, sometimes with other "steadies" i n between. Four of the g i r l s said they went steady with boys since they were 12 years of age and two claimed they had boyfriends to go out with when they were 11 years of age. The g i r l s start going steady usually at any age from 13 years on, for varying periods of time. There are a number of subtypes i n the going-steady groups. Those from upper middle class standards who plan to go on for higher education do not usually con-tinue to go steady i n their later teens with the same hoys. Those from the lower socio-economic levels are more l i k e l y to eventually marry their "steadies". In fact they reach adult status more quickly, since they are expected to leave school ea r l i e r , and to go to work, thus assuming adult re spons ib i l i t i e s . However only one g i r l i n the group of unwed mothers described i n the table actually married the father of the c h i l d . In the age groups of 15 years and younger, neither the parents, nor the children believe they are ready for marriage, i n most instances. There are the occasional parents and g i r l s who w i l l entertain the idea of marriage. Their to ta l lack of appropriate planning results often i n disaster for a l l who are concerned. One g i r l i n the promiscuous group attempted to keep her c h i l d . This c h i l d had to he apprehended hy the Children's Aid Society as a ch i ld i n need of protection. 91 Table XI. Relationship with Alleged Fathers and F ina l Plan for the Chi ld Degree of Planning or Lack of Plan A. Steady Dating B. Casual Relation-ship C. Promiscuous Relationship Total a) Paternity-acknowledged 18 1 - 19 h) Paternity not acknowledged 6 3 14 a) Marriage culminated 1 - - 1 h) Marriage discussed 7 - - 7 c) Marriage not considered 17 4 5 26 a) Child adopted 19 4 4 27 b) Kept ch i ld 4 - 1 5 c) Chi ld died 1 - - 1 Nc » information 3 Totals 24 4 5 36 Among the l i s t of casual relat ionships , the 6 g i r l s who also had steady boyfriends, became sexually involved with the casual relationships which led to the i r pregnancy. Since they are already counted into the to ta l 92 group of "steady dating" they are not added into the casual relationship t o t a l . Paternity was not acknowledged i n these 6 cases. Marriage between the couples was discussed i n 7 of the cases, hut only one culminated i n marriage and gained the agreement of the ir parents to this plan. This couple kept their ch i ld and received f u l l support from their parents. Twenty-seven of the infants horn to these g i r l s were placed for adoption; a l l hut two through the Children's Aid Society. Five g i r l s kept the ir infants and one baby died. In summarizing the data as set down i n the eleven tables i n this chapter, i t may he said, that there i s a tendency towards the young g i r l to become involved with an older boy. The g i r l believes that this involvement creates for her status with the peer group. It may also f u l f i l an unmet need for a person to whom she can turn as a love object. Most of these g i r l s are of at least average inte l l igence , two being superior and two of the group i n the slow learner category. Their parents are two-thirds Anglo-Saxon, the remaining th i rd originating from other European countries. The g i r l s , themselves, are mostly born i n Canada hut approximately a th i rd come from other Provinces than B r i t i s h Columbia. While family relationships play an important part i n the personality development of the 93 g i r l and her soc ia l adjustment, there appears also to he a broader community influence. Confl ict between the two generations exists i n varying degrees. The influences of the peer group and the adolescent culture are important factors i n the harriers raised between the parents and their adolescent chi ldren. However poor family re la t ion-ships can make the g i r l s more vulnerable to the stresses created by society. The insecurity of the adolescent stems from the conf l ic t s apparent i n the adult world. Associ-ations with gangs are indications of open h o s t i l i t y towards parents and disturbed social relat ions generally. The expression of ant i - soc ia l behaviour ref lects negative influences from both internal and external factors. And the lower socio-economic members appear to be more vulner-able to some of the gang influences i n the neighborhood environment• In the area of d i sc ip l ine and socia l controls those who have been given too l i t t l e d i rect ion , too much freedom with l i t t l e care and attention to their well-being are more vulnerable r i sks to i l l i c i t sexual behaviour. Lack of moral influences and socia l controls of the sort usually derived from attending church, constitutes another unmet need i n the l ives of the g i r l s who have resorted to deviant behaviour. The middle and upper middle class seem to go to church more often. 94 F i n a l l y "going steady" oftentimes leads to sex experimentation and unwed motherhood. This custom has become prevalent in this century and needs to he taken into consideration i n this to ta l problem of i l leg i t imate pregnancies. More so when family l i f e i s unstable and when the pressures become too great, can the problem become a serious one. The influences of family l i v i n g , the peer group culture and the community a l l contain pressures that contribute to this as yet unsolved problem of unwed parentage. Today the problem has reached down to a very young age group. Three Case Examples: Linda. Joan and Patty Linda i s a pretty g i r l of 1 5 years of age. She i s well-developed as are many of these young unwed mothers. Her father who works i n a large office makes a modest l i v i n g and maintains what might he described as lower middle class standards. Linda's parents are warm people, they get along well together and both of them are fond of their daughter. When Linda was a ch i ld they both gave her a lo t of attention and affection. Linda, however, feels that as she grew older they became less demonstrative and that her father became very s t r i c t . She has a tremendous feel ing of gu i l t over her s i tuat ion and i s most anxious to get some understanding. Being an only ch i ld she was much overprotected and Linda i n many ways behaves immaturely. 95 when s t i l l very young she always wanted to associate with an older group of g i r l s and hoys. Linda met an I ta l i an hoy, 19 years of age, who had himself had many family problems. His father died when he was young and he had to work at the age of 15 to help support his mother, young brother and s i s ter . He poured his troubles out to Linda and she was sympathetic and a good l i s tener . Linda was pleased that an older boy paid so much attention to her, and that she could be his confidante. She had sexual relations with him three times. Linda boasted to her friends that this was the oldest boyfriend she had ever gone out with steady. Her mother deplored the habit of young teenagers having boyfriends. She to ld the socia l worker that "the sex problem i s quite the thing. It goes on i n schools a l l the time and most parents are quite alarmed about i t . " Linda's parents had f e l t sorry for the hoy who had such an unfortunate background and permitted Linda to go out with him. Linda i s r e a l l y a fine g i r l hut l ike many she was caught up i n the adolescent culture of steady dating and petting which led to sexual re la t ions . Joan1s story on the other hand i s somewhat di f ferent . Joan has been before the Juvenile authorities on a charge of "sexual immorality" and Joan has been known to be promiscuous. Joan's parents were separated although they t r i ed several times to come together again. 96 -Joan was frequently the center of conf l ic t between them. She was indulged and favored at times hy her mother which was rewarded hy intense h o s t i l i t y on the part of Joan. Joan became very hard to d i sc ip l ine and i n her 8th grade she was expelled from school. Joan's father whose income was i n the lower middle economic range was i n many ways inconsistent and unrel iable . Both Joan's parents were unpredictable i n their attitudes towards one another and towards her, so that her l i f e was one state of confusion. Joan knew nothing other than insecuri ty . She attached herself to a "fast crowd" that drank and did considerable " joyr id ing" . She associated with a number of boys whose moral standards were questionable. She ident i f ied with the "underdog" and expressed her h o s t i l i t y towards her parents and society by her deviant behaviour. Joan obviously was more vulnerable to any negative pressures i n her environment, such as the gang neighborhood that wel-comed her into the f o l d . Sometimes i t i s purely s i tuat ional as i n Patty's case. Patty i s a 13 year old I r i sh g i r l whose parents were responsible people but had many misfortunes through i l l n e s s . Patty's father was a war veteran and an extremely nervous man. He had to he hospital ized per iodica l ly when he would become very depressed. Patty's mother, had contracted pol io and was paralyzed from the waist and l ived most of the time i n a wheel chair . These circumstances 97 necessitated Patty being cared for by different re la t ives . She was shifted around a good deal . For a while she would remain with her parents who needed a lo t of help from Patty which at f i r s t she w i l l i n g l y gave. But as time went on Patty resented the household chores and started going out with school groups more. At 13 she was going steady with Jim. Her parents did not l ike to res t ra in Patty's ac t iv i t i e s and she was permitted considerable freedom. She kept late hours and went partying a good deal . Patty became involved sexually with Jim and became i l l eg i t imate ly pregnant. Her parents were deeply concerned. Since her confinement i t has been arranged that she l ive with a favored aunt and uncle who are very fond of Patty. Her baby was placed i n an adoption home and Patty has displayed a growing maturity since this experience. CHAPTER IV, TREATMENT GOALS: RESEARCH OBJECTIVES S o c i e t y h a s a R e s p o n s i b l e S t a k e i n t h i s P r o b l e m I n t h e p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r s , i t h a s b e e n i n d i c a t e d t h a t t h e i m p a c t o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , o f r a p i d s o c i a l c h a n g e , o f s u b u r b a n l i v i n g , a n d v a r i o u s o t h e r f e a t u r e s o f modern s o c i e t y , h a v e u n d o u b t e d l y h e l p e d t o m o u l d t h e c h a r -a c t e r o f p r e s e n t d a y y o u t h . The l i f e o f y o u n g p e o p l e i n a w o r l d o f t u r m o i l , r e m a i n s u n s t a b l e a n d i n s e c u r e . As l o n g a s community v a l u e s r e m a i n i n c o n s i s t e n t a n d l o w e r c l a s s s y s t e m s a r e j u d g e d b y m i d d l e c l a s s s t a n d a r d s , c o n f l i c t r e s u l t i n g f r o m s t a t u s f r u s t r a t i o n s w i l l p l a g u e y o u t h . More s p e c i f i c a l l y , a s l o n g a s t h e d o u b l e s t a n d a r d c o n c e r n i n g s e x i s u p h e l d , i . e . p r e - m a r i t a l s e x u a l p e r m i s s i v e n e s s a l o n g w i t h c o n d e m n a t i o n o f i l l e g i t i m a t e b i r t h , g r o w i n g g i r l s a n d b o y s i n t h i s s o c i e t y c a n h a v e no s t a b i l i z e d p a t t e r n s t o l i v e b y . T h e i r i d e a s c o n c e r n i n g s e x a r e c o n f u s e d . A d d e d t o t h i s i s t h e i n f l u e n c e s o f t h e mass m e d i a . G l o r i f i e d s e x on t e l e v i s i o n a n d m o v i e s ; a c c e s s i b i l i t y o f c a r s f o r p e t t i n g p a r t i e s ; e x c i t i n g e s c a p a d e s o f d e l i n q u e n t s a s d e p i c t e d i n t h e p r e s s ; a s l o n g a s t h e s e a r e d r a m a t i z e d i n t h i s f a s h i o n , t h e v e r y y o u n g w i l l he v u l n e r a b l e . No y o u n g 99 person ent ire ly escapes the numerous sources of sex stimu-la t ion that give r ise to the p o s s i b i l i t y of becoming involved i n sexual misconduct. It i s the respons ib i l i ty of the adult world to campaign against some of the more serious elements that create a suggestible atmosphere for young impressionable minds. Many of these might not be so serious i f i t were not for the fact that youth i s expected to postpone a l l expression of sex u n t i l marriage, when marriage under present conditions for the middle class hoy or g i r l i s deferred u n t i l past 20 years of age. Young people are expected to he responsible for the i r actions, even at the age of 14- and 15, without adequate support of the adult world in the face of the d i f f i c u l t i e s con-fronting them. The profession of soc ia l work has as a charge to give leadership to the educational processes that are necessary to influence adults towards more con-structive goals concerning their own values around sex. This would include their attitudes affecting young people. Youth Culture has an Important Role to F i l l i n Solving  this Problem Adults need to he more tolerant of a youth culture that i s now firmly established. There need to he more understanding and sympathy for the problems facing youth. That the peer group wields an influence on adolescent behaviour has already been acknowledged. Most young people hope for marriage and children horn of a compatible 100 marriage and they need greater moral support from adults i n attempting to achieve their desired goals. Most young g i r l s re f ra in from sexual relations and indulge more often i n the "petting-with-affection" described hy Ira L . R e i s s , 1 which i n some instances leads to sexual experi-mentation. This popular sexual code of "petting-with-affection" i s a subtype of the former code of complete abstinence. There are also minor teenage standards which are more permissive than "petting-with-affection" or the double standard w i l l allow. This l a t ter has been carried out hy the 36 g i r l s studied i n the teenage group. Youth needs to be encouraged to examine these practices and to determine the wisdom of their actions and f ind possible means of lessening their vulnerabi l i ty towards sexual experimentation. Towards this end, adults must share i n their respons ib i l i ty i n influencing sexual controls . If adults permit i l l i c i t sex relations and become alarmed over pregnancies and stigmatize the i l leg i t imate infant, then the use of contraceptives must he honestly discussed, along with the p o s s i b i l i t y of safe and legal abortions. No c h i l d , moreover, horn out-of-wedlock, should be s t ig-matized. This attitude has long been abandoned i n many European and Eastern countries. 1 Reiss, Ira L . , "Sexual Codes i n Teenage Culture , " The Annals. The American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and Social Science, pp. 55-57* 101 It i s desirable that se l f -control he exercised, not for the sake of prudishness, but because of the fact that i n this society many s t i l l hold to the be l ie f that monogamous marriage with children horn within wedlock i s the most satisfactory medium i n which to raise a family. Sex out of marriage, therefore must he cautiously con-sidered, and among the very young, discouraged. Adults w i l l have to set the standards hy which young people can pattern their l i v e s . There i s too l i t t l e f a i th i n the older gener-ation on the part of the young. Faith on a more so l id basis must he restored. This means a f a i th i n the honesty and s t a b i l i t y of parents who have settled their own set of values s a t i s f ac tor i ly . There must also be acceptance of the needs of youth and restraint of stimulation that adversely disturbs young g i r l s and hoys. Sex, as displayed hy the young i s frequently status-seeking with the ir peers, and i n defiance of the adult chaotic world about them. These experiences can he lessened; i f status and attention are provided through more wholesome channels. Adults must learn to holster the morale of youth hy the courage of their own convictions, which need to he c l a r i f i e d . The professional socia l worker must use his s k i l l s to f ac i l i t a t e the process of closing the gap between the young and their elders that has divided them. 102 The Matter of Communication It has been noted that there i s too l i t t l e com-munication between the young people and their parents, that they have lost the habit of confiding i n the ir elders. Parents need to get close to their children again, not as i n the past, when they were subject to their authority only and to r i g i d controls , hut rather to create a new kind of relationship with their children that w i l l meet them half-way. The children claim that because there has been too l i t t l e getting together with their parents, they have been compelled to set up their own subcultures and, as a re su l t , the gulf between adults and youth has widened. Parents with marital problems should be encouraged to seek the aid of counselling services. In any event, young people need to emancipate themselves and mature. Nor do they wish to rel inquish their own cherished youth culture. But this culture must be enriched so as to he more bene-f i c i a l to youth and to future generations. This implies greater understanding on the part of adults, with whom youth must learn to l i ve side by side. Ultimate goals i n l i f e must he c l a r i f i e d . The young person essential ly desires the approval of the adults, provided the appro-bation i s offered i n the s p i r i t of genuine interest i n the welfare of youth and with a sympathetic rea l iza t ion of the problems confronting them. 103 The competence of the professional socia l worker i s to give support and leadership towards the goal of improved communication between children and the ir parents. Tables III , p. 75 and IV, p. 76 i l lu s t r a te that of the families of the 36 g i r l s who became i l l eg i t imate ly preg-nant, whose parents were harmoniously united, one-third resented either one or both of their parents. They ident i f ied more closely with peer groups. This fact i s important, insofar as communication between the ir parents and themselves has broken down, result ing i n aloofness and discontent. Strong peer group influences or a general lack of stable values, as already explained, i n the com-munity of values, created anxieties and mistrust among them. The Matter of Discipl ine In the matter of d i s c ip l ine , Table IX, p. 84, i l lu s t ra te s the problem of overpermissiveness, which out-weighs problems created by other kinds of d i s c i p l i n e . Six per cent of these g i r l s associated with gangs and 41.66 per cent of the tota l group of g i r l s complained that they were given too much freedom and too l i t t l e concern or interest in their problems. They expressed the idea that had their parents been more s t r i c t they might not have become involved i n the way they did with their sex partners. Disc ipl ine must he wisely and thoughtfully administered, not harsh treatment extended the young g i r l or boy, hut 104-inte l l i gent and firm controls which must he adhered, to and understood both hy the ch i ld and the parent,—not over-protection at one time and permissiveness at another time so as to confuse the issues. Definite and agreed terms of d i sc ip l ine should he formulated. Rules should he based on realism and facts, not for the ir own sake, nor to punish nor to express re ject ion of a c h i l d . The parent-child relationship wields a tremendous influence i n this area of d i sc ip l ine and takes on serious meaning i n accordance with the goals and aims that both adults and the ir children desire to achieve. Clark E . Vincent discusses the problem of lack of d i sc ip l ine i n his study of 13 unwed mothers. 1 The g i r l s themselves reported that they f e l t this a serious omission on the part of the ir parents. Parent-Child Relationships (Continued) It i s self-evident that with the breakdown of communication,—of the fa i lure of parents to get close to their children,—tensions are l i k e l y to mount. In addition to this fact , i n homes where there i s f r i c t i o n and i n some instances actual breakdown of the marital relat ionships , the children are apt to suffer. Personality development of the ch i ld consequently also suffers. In Table V, p . 7 9 , 1 Vincent, Clark E . , Unmarried Mothers. The Eree Press of Glencoe, New York, p. 126. 105 i t i s recorded that a l i t t l e over 50 per cent of the g i r l s studied f e l t unwanted or rejected hy either one or both parents i n families where there was s t r i f e . Also 25 per cent of these associated with gang members and 11 per cent were isolated and withdrawn. Over half of the g i r l s came from broken homes or homes i n which there was considerable quarrel l ing. The behaviour of a g i r l ref lects the anger and the hurt experienced between the members of a family and the loss of a sense of security that follows. There i s also the loss of the affectional t i e and ident i f i ca t ion with the parent figures, a l l contributing to a disturbed personality pattern. These g i r l s undoubtedly are vulnerable to becoming unwed mothers as they are searching for both affection and attention from their male companions. The question of personality disorganization i s a matter, of course, of degree related to the specif ic experiences that the g i r l has endured and the quality of her relationships with either of her parents. The oedipal adjustment i s seldom satisfactory i n these instances, and the g i r l often may be thought to be seeking to remedy this problem through her i l l i c i t a f f a i r . She may i n addition he acting out her defiance of the parents* wishes because of the ir fa i lures to meet her needs. She may wish to sever her too close t i e with her mother hy becoming an unwed mother. She may inwardly desire to win her mother's affections hy pre-senting her c h i l d to her or defy her by ins i s t ing that she, 106 her mother, care for the c h i l d . There are a variety of p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n this area of parent-child conf l i c t s , which w i l l not he dealt with here. Suffice i t to say that th i s i s an important area of motivation i n a young g i r l becoming an unmarried mother, one which requires the s k i l l e d services of the socia l worker, being i n the area of emotional conf l ic t s and problems. External pressures react upon the internal pressures i n the l ives of these g i r l s , making them more sensitized and susceptible to becoming unwed mothers. Their feelings of emotional deprivation and of re ject ion increase their vu lnerab i l i ty . Prac t i ca l Issues: Treatment Aims The professional social worker operating i n a socia l agency has the objective of providing appropriate services to meet the individual needs of the unwed mother. Pract ica l issues must he f i r s t met. Arranging for a maternity home shelter that serves as a protective environ-ment i s often necessary. Al ternat ive ly , a carefully selected placement can be found with a private family that w i l l give remunerative l ight work for the g i r l during this period of her pregnancy. The adolescent frequently i s interested i n correspondence courses, while spending her time away from school and from home. The socia l worker w i l l arrange for these, so as to prevent too much loss of time from school work. 107 Medical attention for the prenatal period, confinement and postnatal care are also arranged, p a r t i -cular ly for the g i r l who has few or no f inancia l resources to draw upon. The next major concern i s the plan for the expected c h i l d , which requires to he thoughtfully considered. The pr inciple of self-determination i s observed i n helping the g i r l to reach a decision about the baby's future. Because of her youth, the parents of the g i r l are also consulted i n this part icular matter. In determining the emotional needs of the c h i l d -mother, the socia l worker i s aware of the fact that at 13, 14 and 15 the g i r l i s as yet the unemancipated minor, whose attachment and legal dependency upon her parents make i t important that they be included i n some of the discussions concerning the g i r l and her c h i l d . The competence of the caseworker implies that he must be able to l i s t e n to what the c l i ent has to say and that he i s prepared to c l a r i f y and modify the issues causing distress to the g i r l or her parents. Ego support i s given when anxiety around shame and gui l t overwhelm them and when feelings of inadequacy and condemnation trouble them. Neighbourhood and peer associations as well as relat ives can create considerable stress for the g i r l and her family under these conditions; at least , these are the feelings 108 that are expressed. Role expectations need to be c l a r i f i e d for the g i r l and for her parents when these have become confused and distorted. F a c i l i t a t i n g an improved adjust-ment and the g i r l ' s normal return to the community are the objectives of the professional person i n the helping process. Involving the adolescent unwed mother's parents i n this treatment plan i s especial ly important, since they represent to the g i r l the strongest influence i n her growing years, at a time, when she cannot turn to her peer group for support. The bond that holds her to her family, can make a l l the difference between achieving the maturity for which she struggles, or hindering her growth altogether at this c ruc ia l time of her l i f e . The g i r l must gain her parents' support and the ir approval despite her deviant actions which have disturbed them. Furthermore the l i f e plan for the infant born out-of-wedlock must be sanctioned by the parents who are s t i l l responsible for the i r daughters' actions. This i s not only because lega l ly she i s s t i l l a minor and the Supreme Court requires the parents statement i n this regard, when adoption i s involved; but also because i t i s her great need to have the ir support i n whatever plan she may choose to make. Should the family display too l i t t l e awareness of the rea l needs of the infant, i t l i e s within the ju r i sd ic t ion of the socia l worker to guide their 109 decisions towards the interests of the c h i l d , so that his r ights to a satisfactory home may he protected. This may mean an adoption plan rather than the mother attempting to keep the c h i l d . Parents need to he given support to assist the ir daughter i n arr iv ing at sound decisions; they need also to he guided into permitting her to make a decision and to express her opinions and feelings concerning hers and the ch i ld ' s future. The adolescent pregnant g i r l i s emotionally, economically and lega l ly dependent upon her parents. "Frequently i t i s not g u i l t , shame or anxiety over their role i n what has occurred that brings the parents to the agency; i t i s the pract ica l problems with which they are faced by reason of what has happened." 1 says Mary E . R a i l . Parents experience painful feel ings, ar i s ing from their own psychic problems under these circumstances, to which the socia l worker must be a ler t . Verbalization of these feelings of gu i l t and of fear can a l lay the discomfort they produce. The g i r l ' s problems that are presented frequently s t i r up parents' own problems and externalize these, just as old deprivations are expressed hy the g i r l 1 R a i l , Mary E . , Casework with Parents of Adolescent  Unmarried Mothers, Child Welfare League of America, New York, p. 4. 110 through, her i l leg i t imate pregnancy. In some cases one of the clearest manifestations of th i s i s to leave a l l of the respons ib i l i ty to the socia l agency for helping the g i r l plan her future. 'The g i r l i n these instances seldom has an easy relationship with her parents since there i s a lack of understanding between them. Confl icts underlie requests for help and the g i r l i s often beset hy many conf l i c t s . Resource Programs Resource programs that w i l l assist in s t a b i l i z i n g the young person emotionally and help her personality adjustment are frequently lacking. Recreational centers f a i l to provide a suff icient number of s k i l l e d leaders and planned programs for young people. An educational series that would include honest and frank discussions concerning the facts of l i f e needs to he ins t i tuted . Appropriate patterns of courtship i s a topic that could also he d i s-cussed. The whole question of "steady-dating" by very young g i r l s might well he reviewed and would interest both adults and adolescents. Social workers i n community centers and i n neighborhood houses welcome the opportunity to offer youth educational programs along with social a c t i v i t i e s . These could he expanded to include parents' night at which time both parents and children might discuss I l l common interest problems concerning a l l of them. The parents* part ic ipat ion i n these group discussions should prove benefic ia l to them and to their chi ldren. The emancipation of youth, i t has been pointed out, must take place within the youth culture. It i s desirable that the adolescent grow up and mature and adults must permit this process to take place i n as sane a way as possible. This means the recognition of the right of youth to make decisions, to make errors and to learn hy their errors. The t rad i t iona l ideas of s i lent reserve, of sex taboos and r i g i d l y controlled parental t i e s , must be revalued i n terms more appropriate to present day conditions. At what age i s i t reasonable to expect g i r l s and boys to go with "steadies"? and what i s the meaning of this relationship to the adolescent? This appears to he a short l ived friendship i n most instances la s t ing from 4-to 6 months although some continue for even a year or two. These attachments mean that the g i r l must not go with another boy during the period of going steady with one boy only. They can go car r id ing together, go to parties together and to the cinema. Most of them do a considerable amount of pett ing. Thirteen, 14- and 15 year old g i r l s are usually emotionally unstable; the strong sex drives overwhelm them and they have love "crushes" that amount to 112 hero worship. The adolescent frequently i s lacking i n judgment in the face of her dilemma and i f she has l i t t l e security i n her own family group, she becomes a vict im of her own unhappy emotional state. If the sexual codes of the young were res t r ic ted , "steady dating" might not be permitted hy them before the age of 16 when some maturity i s attained, physica l ly and emotionally. There might he less psychological upheaval i n the early adolescent emotional l i f e . According to the statements made hy the g i r l s studied in the Children's Aid Society, two-thirds of these acknowledged having steady dates since they were 11, 12 and 13 years of age. Coleman reports that possibly one-quarter among the early teenagers go steady and he gives as his reference Maureen Daly, who made a p i l o t study to test the hypothesis that the advent of the junior high school has spread heterosexual knowledge and behaviour to the younger age groups and thus encouraged ear l i e r da t ing . 1 In the group described in Table I, p. 68, 80.55 per cent of the g i r l s went with boys from ages 16 to 25, 1 Daly, Maureen, Prof i le of Youth. Philadelphia, p. 30. In support of this one may cite Dr. J . B. Connat's be l ie f that the junior high imitates the high school i n . i t s socia l character i s t ics . In addition, the anticipatory s o c i a l i -zation of sex games l ike "spin the bot t le " , "post off ice" and " f la shl ight" begin today pr ior to junior.high levels , and thus prepare students for dating i n junior high. 113 only one of whom was actually 16 years of age. The desire of the young g i r l to he noticed hy older hoys with whom they became sexually involved, i s based on the need for prestige seeking and for attention. The young g i r l looks up to the older hoy and feels important and herself grown up because of his attentions towards her. She i s l i k e l y to fantasy about his qualities and his interest i n her, because he i s older than she by a few years. To adoles-cents those few years stretch to twice their difference and take on an exaggerated meaning. Social workers are often concerned about this fact and try to convey to young people that their sex codes should r e s t r i c t the age of p a r t i c i -pation i n the "going steady" pattern. Possibly the mingling of the very young age groups i n the high schools should he reconsidered, since Grade 7 children are not su f f i c i e n t l y mature to be able to handle their emotions and behaviour well where hoys are concerned. Table X, p. 87, shows that 30.6 per cent of the gi r l s seldom went to church and 50 per cent never attended church. Spiritual leadership i s lacking i n these cases. This i s indicative of the d r i f t i n g away on the part of the parents, as well as the children, from an important source of socialized l i v i n g and morale building. Church groups also need to examine their youth programs to see i f these are geared to encourage young people to come to church and 114 to bring them hack to a source of help that can prevent a breakdown i n sense of values, i f not morals. It remains the respons ib i l i ty of the ins t i tu t ion of the church, as well as the parents, that youth he given an opportunity to participate i n character building programs. To whom can a g i r l turn, i f parents f a i l , i n her time of trouble, i f she has not any connection or f a i th i n her church? Social workers are aware of this problem also and need to work more closely with the clergy i n remedying this problem. Schools represent an important source of i n f l u -ence to the young person. The population at schools, broadly speaking, comes from three different classes, and the middle class appear to have more soc ia l graces and know better how to get along with the opposite sex. 1 The task of the school administration appears to he simplest when the population f a l l s into the middle region. Family background appears to make a s ignif icant difference. Lower class students are more rebel l ious , par t icu lar ly i n the smaller centres, than middle class bred chi ldren. However i n the larger schools i n the urban centres, there i s evidence of middle class rebe l l ion , par t i cu lar ly against parents' authority and likewise towards school authorit ies . The curr icula of the school system tend not 1 Coleman, James S., The Adolescent Society. The Free Press of Glencoe, New York, pp. 281-291. 115 to induce children to learn how to think, hut rather to he obedient and to learn what to think. This i s not conducive towards mature development and needs to he given consider-able thought by those who set standards for adolescent g i r l s and boys at school. As previously mentioned, grade 7 children devote less time to their studies because of the socia l l i f e of the older age groups i n which they become involved. Wilensky and Lebeaux, i n discussing the youth culture, explain how, " . . . i t s rebelliousness, i t s studied i r re spons ib i l i ty , i t s capriciousness, i t s compulsive re ject ion of adult standards and conformity to peer group standards—can he seen as an attempt to ease the passage from heightened emotions i n dependency in childhood, to necessary emancipation as young adults. The problem of emancipation from parents i s made more d i f f i c u l t because i t occurs at a time of intensi f ied sexual desire—this i n a culture that prescribed both premarital chastity and post-i poned marriage." Moreover competing authorities on ch i ld rearing and family l i f e further confuse the parent. A less complete acceptance by the ch i ld of parental authority i s a consequence of these conf l ic t ing decrees of different authorit ies . 1 Wilensky, H. L. and Lebeaux, C. N., The Industrial  Society and Social Welfare. Russell Sage Foundation, New York, p. 76. 116 Bringing the adolescent hack into the family c i r c l e again w i l l restore the old custom of family gatherings, of closer t ies and interests ; w i l l give adults an opportunity to he the adolescent's fr iend again. How-ever this might he done only at some sacr i f i ce . As already stated one cannot turn backwards to the old system of family-dominated culture and a compromise must he reached. The in s t i tu t ion of school and other centers have supplanted home l i f e and these must contribute to the increased s t a b i l i t y of the young person, offering counselling and support that i s desired and needed hy them. Social workers must r a l l y to this challenge also and enable the better use of resources, such as educational and recreational programs. Leadership i s required, as are also suitable physical out-lets for the expressions of youth. Problems for Research Reverting to the Manchester study discussed i n Chapter II , pp. 55 - 64, i t i s to he noted that these g i r l s were considered i n the normal range of adolescence. Some admittedly had family problems but these were not con-sidered too severe. Only four g i r l s were said to require some psychiatric help. While this was so, there i s some question of the effect of the experience of the i l legi t imate pregnancy on the future adjustment of the g i r l . A follow up study on a research level might he undertaken, and 117 produce valuable information. During the period of con-finement, before and immediately after, most of the g i r l s described, received excellent care and attention; their dependency needs were being met f u l l y and they were pos-s ib ly happier during this time than many had been pre-viously, or might possibly he much l a te r . From the writer ' s own experience with these g i r l s , she has observed that frequently the past and the future are for the pregnant g i r l blocked out, and only the all-consuming present concern for the i r own welfare and the forthcoming baby matter. The holding of the infant made many of the g i r l s fee l quite grown up. The ch i ld was an extension of themselves, their own possession, something to love. Some of the g i r l s took their infants home with them and their mothers w i l l i n g l y undertook to care for the infant with the plan that the g i r l would go out to work to support him. From the wri ter ' s own experi-ence she has observed that the young g i r l , though she loves her c h i l d , cannot always sustain her interest i n the respons ib i l i ty of ra i s ing the c h i l d . The demands the growing infant makes upon the energies and the attentions of the adult become usually too overwhelming for her and interfere with her way of l i f e . It i s normal to expect that the g i r l who was adolescent yesterday, i s the young adult of today seeking a future for hersel f . Whether her 118 new male friends w i l l accept the idea of an infant or young c h i l d , not the i r s , i s usually problematical. More-over the g i r l has l i t t l e time to devote to her ch i ld and the maternal grandmother may by now have become weary of the task and the responsibi l i ty as well as the expense thrust upon her. The ch i ld too may be torn i n his loya l t ies between mother and grandmother, a s i tuation which frequently creates further stress and tension i n the home. The young g i r l , moreover, no longer the naive c h i l d , i s seeking more adult outlets and dates and some-times feels h i t t e r or resentful that she must he held responsible for the care of a ch i ld as wel l . Further research studies on this aspect of the g i r l ' s l i f e would prove valuable i n guiding g i r l s towards their decisions to plan for the ir future and the future of the infant horn to them, out-of-wedlock. Desirable Objectives The basic question concerning socia l workers i n the f i e l d of ch i ld welfare i s , how does society produce maturity i n i t s young people? Actually the things that give people a be l ie f i n themselves, that afford dignity and the development of one's potent ia l , that produce genuine satisfactions, are the things that would help to 119 prevent i l l i c i t sex relations and out-of-wedlock preg-nancies. Ruth Butcher and Marion 0. Rohinson state that "Good housing, a good job for fathers, with adequate leisure time to devote some attention to their growing adolescent chi ldren; and good health of parents, a l l contribute to a more s tabi l ized home l i f e . " 1 These ensure a more favorable climate for youth to grow up i n . It i s the job of parents, teachers and a l l adults to help young people learn by experience, and socia l workers are inter-ested i n f a c i l i t a t i n g that task. Youth has to feel that adults w i l l trust them, and that when they f a i l i n that trust , they w i l l show their trust again. They must he permitted to bu i ld up their own controls and to be able to discuss frankly the ir problems causing them stress. Parents must themselves he clear on their own aims i n l i f e . Appropriate guidance and pro-tect ion must be given the young without being judgemental and moralizing concerning sex, dating and so on. The task of ra i s ing teenagers ca l l s for parental balance and f l e x i -b i l i t y i n the face of pressures. Parents' own persona-l i t i e s and l i f e adjustment work against desirable family relat ions at times. Problems of divorce, separation and 1 Butcher, R. L . and Robinson, M. 0 . , "The Unmarried Mother," Public Affairs Pamphlet No. 282. New York. 120 desertion, death and. i l l n e s s , create emotional insecurity i n the early adolescent who becomes engulfed, i n the troubles of his parents and. who therefore needs the added support of the community i n which he l i v e s . Social workers must stay aware of these p i t f a l l s and stand ready to help when the ir services are requested. APPENDIX A BIBLIOGRAPHY A. General References Bernard, Jessie. Social Problem i n Mid-Century. The Dryden Press, New York, 1957. Clothier , Florence. "The Unmarried Mother of School Age as seen hy a Psychia t r i s t . " Readings i n Abnormal  Psychology. L i t t l e f i e l d Adams and Co . , Paterson, N. J . The Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. V o l . VII on " I l leg i t imacy, " p. 579. Gebhard, Paul H . , Pomeroy, Wardell B . , Martin, Clyde E . and Christienson, C. V. Pregnancy, Birth and  Abortion. Harper Bros. , New York. Vimperis, V i r g i n i a . The Unmarried Mother and Her Chi ld . George Al len and Unwin Publishers, New York. Young, Leontine. Out-of-Wedlock. McGraw-Hill Book Co. Inc . , New York, 1954. B. Specific References Ahramovitz, Moses. "Growing up i n an Affluent Society." The Nations Children. Report prepared for the White House Conference on Youth and Children, I960. Ackerman, Nathan W. The Psychodynamics of Family L i f e . Basic Books Inc . , New York, 1958. Anderson, E . W., Kenna, J . C. and Hamilton, M. W. "A Study of Extra-Marital Conceptions i n Adolescence." Psychiatria et Neurologica (Basel), I960, v o l . 159, PP. 313-363 and p. 357. Boehm, Werner W. "Sociocultural Factors i n Adolescent Unmarried Motherhood." Casework Papers. National Conference on Social Welfare, F . S . A . A . , New York, 1961. 122 Butcher, R. L . and Robinson, M. 0. "The Unmarried Mother." Public Affa irs Pamphlet No. 282. New York. The Canadian Medical Association Journal. "Teenage Morals ," E d i t o r i a l , v o l . 85, No. 17 (1961), p. 954. Cohen, Albert K. Delinquent Boys. The Free Press Corporation, Glencoe, I l l i n o i s . Coleman, James S. The Adolescent Society. The Free Press of Glencoe, New York. Coleman, James S. "Adolescent Subcultures and Academic Achievement." American Journal of Sociology, v o l . II (January I960), pp. 357-538. Daly, Maureen. Prof i le of Youth. Philadelphia, 1951. Davis, Kingsley. "The Sociology of Parent-Youth C o n f l i c t , " i n Marvin Sussman*s Source Book on  Marriage and Family L i v i n g . Houghton M i f f l i n Co . , The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass. Gorer, Geoffrey. Exploring English Character. Cresset Press, London, 1955* Hechscher, August. "The New Leisure . " The Nations  Children. Report prepared for the White House Conference on Youth and Children, I960. Henriques, F. M. Family and Color i n Jamaica. Eyre and Spottiswoode, London, 1953* Hollingshead, August B. Elmstown Youth. Science Editions Inc . , New York. Holt , Simma. The Vancouver Sun. May 26, i960, p. 2. Jocelyn, Irene M. The Adolescent and His World. Family Service Association of America, New York. Jordan, G. S. and Fisher, E . M. Self Portra i t of Youth. William Heinemann L t d . , London, 1955* Kilause, J . I. and Dietr ick , D. C. "Book Review and Cr i t ique , " i n Albert K. Cohen's hook, Delinquent  Boys, published i n American Sociological Review. 1959, v o l . 24, p . 209. Landis, Judson T. and Mary G. Readings i n Marriage and  Family. Prentice-Hall Inc . , New York, 1952. 123 Lynd, Robert. Knowledge for what. University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 194-0. Mead, Margaret. The Nations Children. Report prepared for the White House Conference on Youth and Children, I960. Munsel, Robert. The Vancouver Sun. January 5, 1961, p. R a i l , Mary E . Casework with Parents and Adolescent Unmarried Mothers and Potential Unmarried Mothers. Riesman, David. Constraints and Variety i n American  Education. Yale University Press, New Haven, 1958. Riesman, David. "The Vanishing Adolescent." American Journal of Sociology, 1959, v o l . II , p. 4-19. Reiss, Ira L . "Sexual Codes i n Teenage Culture . " The Annals. American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and Social Sciences, Philadelphia, 1961. Remmers, H. H. and Radler, D. H. "Perdue Opinion Panel. The American Teenager, Babbs-Merrill Publishers, New York. Slawson, John. The Adolescent i n a World of War. Jewish Board of Guardians, New York. Sussman, Marvin B. Source Book on Marriage and Family. Houghton M i f f l i n Co. , The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass. Vincent, Clark E . Unmarried Mothers -4£over)» The Free Press of Glencoe Inc . , New York, 1961. Wilensky, H. L. and LeBeaux, C. N. The Industrial  Society and Social Welfare. Russell Sage Foundation, New York, 1958. Youth Board News. New York City Youth Board, New York, v o l . 13, No. 2. 


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