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UBC Theses and Dissertations

The male institutional juvenile delinquent Goodlad, John I. 1946

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L£h (If Il*t> ft* 6* fit-  THE MALE INSTITUTIONAL JUVENILE DELINQUENT  by John Inkster Goodlad  A Thesis submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements . for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of EDUCATION  !Ehe University of British Columbia SEPTEMBER,  1946.  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Index of Tables.  ii  Index of Figures.  iv  Chapter I .  Introduction  Page  1  Chapter II.  A Review of Previous Inve st igat i ons.  Page  11  Chapter III.  Offences, Courts and Social Agencies.  Page  28  Chapter IV.  Home and Family  Page  36  Chapter V .  School and Church  Page  55  Chapter V I .  Clubs, Leisure and Work.  Page  75  Chapter VII.  Physical, Mental and Emotional Development.  Chapter VIII.  Conclusions and Recommendations.  Page  99  Appendix A.  Copies of Forms and Lists Used in the Compilation of Thesis Data.  Page  121  Appendix B.  Some Illustrative Case Histories.  Page  129  Appendix C.  Some Boys' Statements Regarding Truancy. .  Page  136  Appendix D.  Sample Institutional  Page  138  Page  142  Bibliography.  i  Time-tables.  36  INDEX OF TABLES Table I .  Table II.  New Male Cases, Age 7-18, Appearing Before The Vancouver Juvenile Court, 1936-1943 (Adapted From 43:Table l ) .  Page  6  Charges Resulting In Commitment Of Page  29  Page  32  Page  34  Page  39  Boys.  Page  43  Table VII.  Normal Occupation Of Father or StepFather Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys.  Page  45  Table VIII.  Education Of Parents Of Fifty Biscoq. Page  47  Boys.  Page  48  Table X .  Families Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys.  Page  49  Table XI.  l i v i n g Quarters Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys.  Page  51  Table XII.  Age And Grade Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys  Table XIII.  (Sept. 1, 1945). School Retardation In Years Of Fifty  Fifty Biscoq. Boys. Table III.  Court Appearance And Court Repeaters For Canada, 1934 to 1943.  Table IV.  Previous Contact Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys "With Social Service Agencies.  Table V.  Parental Relationships For Fifty Biscoq. Boys.  Table V I .  Health Of The Parents Of Fifty Biscoq..  Boys. Table IX.  Family Organization For Fifty Biscoq.  Table "XVI.  5° 57  Page  59  Fifty Biscoq. Boys.  Page  63  School Attitude Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys.  Page  65  Number Of Schools Attended By Fifty Biscoq. Boys (In Elementary Grades).  Table XV.  ge  Page  Biscoq. Boys Table XIV.  Pa  Truancy Distribution By Grades Of  ii  iii Table XVII.  Some Reasons For Dated Dislike Of Page  66  Page  6?  Page  68  Page  70  Page  72  In Organized. Clubs.  Page  77  Frequency Of Attendance At Movies Of Eighty-Five Burnaby Boys Between The Ages Of Eleven And Fourteen  Page  81  Employment - Fifty Biscoq. Boys.  Page  83  Comparison Of Physical Defects Of One Hundred Biscoq. Boys With Those Of School Children In Nine Cities Of The United States.  Page  90  Comparison Of The Intelligence Quotients Of Wright's Delinquent Group With Those Of The Fifty Biscoq. Boys. Page  92  Arithmetic Mean Intelligence Quotients Of Eight Groups Of Juvenile Delinquents.  Page  92  Distribution By Grades Of The Intelligence Quotients Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys.  Page  93  Distribution By Grades Retarded Of The Intelligence Quotients Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys  Page  94  School By Biscoq. Boys. Table XVIII.  Some Reasons For Protracted Dislike Of School By Biscoq. Boys.  Table XIX. Table XX.  Table XXI.  School And Home Punishment Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys For Truancy. Attendance Of Parents And Children At Church Or Sunday School (Fifty Biscoq. Bases). Religious Affiliations Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys.  Table XXII. Table XXIII.  Table XXIV. Table XXV.  Table XXVI.  Table XXVII.  Table XXVIII.  Table XXLX.  Membership Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys  Age Of Securing After-School  iv Table XXX  Special Personality Characteristics Page  95  Page  2  Biscoq.. Boys.  Page  31  Previous Court Contact And Industrial School Commitment Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys.  Page  33  Page  38  Page  42  Fifty Biscoq. Boys.  Page  57  Per Cent Retardation Reported By The Gluecks Compared With That Found In This Survey (Biscoq.).  Page  58  Delinquent (Biscoq.) Letter-Grades.  Page  60  Truancy Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys During The Year Previous To Commitment.  Page  62  Percentage Of Cases In Each Grade Absent For Truancy More Than Once Monthly During The School Year Previous To Commitment.  Page  64  Attendance Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys At Church Or Sunday School.  Page  69  Reported By Healy and Bronner  INDEX OF FIGURES Figure 1.  Figure 2. Figure 3.  Figure 4.  Number Of Persons Found Guilty Of Indictable Offences (England) 1937 and 1938. Previous Known Offences Of Fifty  Birthplace Of Parents Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys.  Figure 5.  Habits Of The Parents Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys.  Figure 6. Figure 7.  Figure 8. Figure 9.  Figure 10.  Figure 11  Years Of Sdhool Retardation Of  Comparison Of Recommended And  V  Figure 12. Figure 13.  Figure 14.  Attendance Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys At Movies.  Page  80  Median Scores Of Fifty Biscoq. Boys Compared With Norms On The California Test Of Personality.  Page  96  Desirable Inter-Relationships Of Community Institutions To Prevent Juvenile Delinquency.  Page  108  CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION THE EXTENT OP JUVENILE DELINQUENCY In the year 1941> about sixteen boys per thousand of the population between the ages of seven and fifteen years appeared before the Vancouver Juvenile Court (43: Table 13).  Similar sets of figures  for other comparatively large Canadian cities show Calgary to have the highest and Winnipeg the lowest incidence with 55.8 and 11.6 per thousand, respectively (43: Table 13)*  In the whole of Canada,  for the same year and age groups, 10.4 boys per thousand appeared before the courts  (43:5)•  On this question of the extent of juvenile  delinquent behaviour, the White House report makes the following statement regarding the situation i n the United States as i t pertains to a l l children of juvenile court age: On the basis of the best available statistics i t i s f a i r to say that i n 1928 about 200,000 different delinquent children were dealt with by the courts. In the area for which statistics are available about 1 . per cent of the children of juvenile court age came before the courts as delinquents i n one year. This figure takes no cognizance of an undoubtedly much larger group dealt with by the police without recourse to the court (44:23). Since the rates for g i r l s tend to be considerably lower, i t i s likely that their removal from the above statistics would reveal a somewhat higher incidence for boys alone i n the United States. Looking even farther afield, to England, i t i s seen from Figure 1 that during the year 1938, beginning with 220 cases per  1  100,000 of eight-year olds, the number of male persons found guilty of indictable offences increased steadily by age groups to a high of 1,315 per 100,000 at age thirteen and then declined to 740 cases per 100,000 at age eighteen (6:52).  I t would appear from the above, then, that inasmuch as about one per cent of boys i n Canada, the United States and England appear before the courts each year, the problem of delinquency among juveniles i s such as t o warrant earnest study and research to determine i t s nature. DEFINITIONS OF DELINQUENCY During the years of the recently-terminated World War, juvenile ' delinquency became so publicized that the expression established i t s e l f f i r m l y i n the vocabularies of many persons not o r d i n a r i l y concerned with the problem.  The radio, newspapers, magazines,  motion pictures, forum discussions, and community meetings evidenced, i f not proof of increasing delinquent behaviour, the presence of intense p u b l i c concern.  Even the delinquents became conscious of  themselves, a condition i l l u s t r a t e d again and again by the d a i l y 1 conversation and l e t t e r s of Biscoq. boys. In view of the p u b l i c i t y given the term, then, one w e l l might ask:  What i s delinquency? What are i t s manifestations? Who are  delinquent?  But, unfortunately, i t i s not possible to provide  answers i n the form of simple arithmetical computations; problem i s one of gradation and comparison.  the e n t i r e  Undoubtedly, our  system of laws does attempt t o decide at what point behaviour becomes delinquent; i f i t d i d not, there would be neither p e n i t e n t i a r i e s  1 "Biscoq.", c o l l o q u i a l f o r Boys* I n d u s t r i a l School a t Coquitlam, w i l l be used from time t o time throughout t h i s t h e s i s i n place of the longer t i t l e .  4 nor industrial schools.  However, were this system applied to another  people or to another period of social development, i t would be found to be quite out of focus with established custom and the actions of our so-called delinquent would be in harmony with the dictates of his society.  In spite of the presence of many variables and the very  intangibility of the subject, i t must be defined.  According to Burt,  "A child i s to be regarded as technically a delinquent when his antisocial tendencies appear so grave that he becomes, or ought to become, the subject of o f f i c i a l action" (7:15)*  The following i s the  definition given i n the Juvenile Delinquents Act of the Federal Criminal Code: Juvenile delinquent means any child who violates any provision of the Criminal Code or of any Dominion or Provincial statute, or of any by-law or ordinance of any municipality, or who i s guilty of sexual immorality or any similar form of vice, or who i s liable by reason of any other act to be committed to an industrial school or juvenile reformatory under the provisions of any Dominion or Provincial statute (43:2). In British Columbia, the word "child" i s defined to mean any boy or g i r l apparently or actually under the age of eighteen;but according to Section 7 of the Criminal Code i t i s presumed that a child i s incapable of committing crime i f he i s under seven years  1  of age.  1 In this regard, i t i s interesting to note the case of the seven-year-old Welsh youngster who, on being apprehended for a series of flagrant misdemeanours, blandly reminded the police officer of the fact that Welsh law prohibits oastigation or incarceration until the age of eight.  For practical purposes, we may designate three groups of juvenile delinquents*  The f i r s t , probably the largest, i s made up of an  indeterminate number of children who, for a variety of reasons, never appear before the courts.  In some of these cases, financial  restitution for damage done i s proferred the maligned person by the parents; i n others, i t i s quite possible that the undesirable acts were committed i n a manner sufficiently clever to defy apprehension; then, too, there are times when the delinquent tendencies do not warrant conviction or do not mature u n t i l later when the offenders are classed as adults.  The second category consists of a l l those  who appear before the courts but are merely warned or receive suspended sentence with or without probationary surveillance. The third and smallest grouping comprises those actually committed to the industrial schools. Only seventeen of 496 male cases (3*4 P  e r  appearing before the Vancouver Juvenile Court i n 1943 were disposed of i n this way (43:  Table 1).  It i s with the last group that this  thesis i s concerned. We might say, then, that delinquency i s behaviour displayed by a few which i s contrary to the laws of the many and which i s likely to be prejudicial to the best interests of the many. There i s , however, no sharp line of cleavage by which the delinquent may be marked off from the non-delinquent. Between them no deep gulf exists to separate the sinner from the saint, the white sheep from the black. It i s a l l a problem of degree, of a brighter or a darker grey (7:14)•  cent)  6 TBI! PRESENT PRORTPPM Why was i t that during the eight years commencing January 1, and ending December  31, 1943* 4,137  1936  boys between the ages of seven 189  and eighteen appeared before the Vancouver Juvenile Court and were sentenced to the Industrial School? (See Tablel) TABLE I NEW MALE CASES. AGE 7-18.  APPEARING BEFORE THE VANCOUVER JUVENILE COURT?  1936-1943 (ADAPTED FROM 43: Year  Number Appearing Before the  Per 1,000 of population i n same age group  uOUXu  1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943  Totals  380 440 453 691 589 614 474 496 4,137  TABLE 1). Committed to Boys* Industrial School. NUMBER  14.1 20.0 20.5  32.3  28.3  30.3* 26.6 27.2 24.9  29 48 28  15 14 17 21 17 189  PER CENT  7.6 10.9 6.2 2.2 2.4 2.8 4.4 3.4 4.6  v  * On page one, i t was mentioned that only sixteen boys per thousand of the male population between the ages of seven and fifteen were dealt with by the Vancouver Juvenile Court. The much higher rate shown i n the table i s probably due to the inclusion of the fifteen-to eighteen-year olds i n the total picture.  7 Was i t an unhappy stroke of fate which approximately  l60000 f  other  children and adolescents of the. same age group were fortunate enought to avoid?  Or, rather, was i t some fundamental difference in family  background, social environment, education, religious instruction, recreational f a c i l i t i e s , physical development, emotional stability or intelligence (or the combination of a l l these) that caused one boy to confine his transgressions to cherry-stealing while another went joy-riding i n a "borrowed * automobile? 1  Scientific investigation has progressed too far to tolerate any suggestion that fate i s the deciding factor in determining who shall and who shall not run counter to the law.  In keeping with  the principles of scientific research, therefore, i t would appear logical to examine carefully a group of those boys whose actions have incurred the disapproval of the courts. From the information obtained, i t should be possible to determine the causes of d i f f i c u l t y and, subsequently, to prescribe remedial treatment for these individuals, and a preventive programme for those whose delinquent tendencies have not yet manifested themselves. It i s likely, however, that juveniles who have been sentenced to the industrials schools being, for the most part, the more serious offenders, w i l l represent a large number of the conditions found to be relative to delinquency. Furthermore, the fact that those committed to corrective institutions are maintained under close observation for an extended period facilitates the conduction of research projects.  It i s partly for these reasons and partly  because of personal experience that the writer has elected to study  8 the third type of juvenile delinquents previously mentioned, that i s , those sentenced to the industrial schools. The purpose of this thesis i s to examine the environmental conditions and social, mental, emotional and physical characteristics of juvenile delinquents committed to the Provincial Industrial School for Boys*  This information w i l l then be used as a basis for prescribing  programmes of delinquency prevention, institutional treatment, and parole. The study w i l l involve a preliminary review of previous investigations and outstanding literature in the f i e l d i n order to present the conditions and causes found to be most prevalent and, i n addition, to summarize the recommendations and conclusions of these authorities.  Chapter two, therefore, w i l l be a review of the causes  of delinquency and of the characteristics of delinquents.  In chapters  three, four, five, six and seven, the data upon which this investigation i s based w i l l be introduced and examined. In March, 1946,  the writer  selected the sixty-one boys then residing i n Biscoq. who had been taught by himself or a member of his staff during the year and conducted, through the channels available to him, a study of each boy.  Some of these channels were commitment papers, case study f i l e s ,  progress cards, medical cards, questionnaires to principals, teachers  1 and the boys themselves, personal contact and individual interviews. By the time that a l l information sought had been gathered, only  1  Copies of forms used w i l l be found i n Appendix A.  fifty-three of the original sixty-one boys remained. Three of these were then eliminated because of the paucity of available information concerning them. The data on the remaining fifty hare been grouped into chapters as follows: 1. Offences, Courts and Social Agencies (Chapter 3 ) .  Here, the  information pertaining to pre-institutional commitment i s assembled to show the nature of the crime that brought the boy before the court and, subsequently, to the Industrial School. Previous to and during the time of the boy's sentence, many social agencies maintained a direct contact. 2. Home and Family (Chapter 4 ) .  This portrays conditions  pertaining directly to the parents and homes of the offenders. 3. School and Church (Chapter 5 ) .  This chapter i s concerned  only with the boy's school and church relationships previous to commitment • 4. Clubs, Leisure, and Work (Chapter 6 ) .  The writer i s concerned  here with what the offender did i n his out-of-school hours. -5. Physical, Mental, and Emotional Development (Chapter 7 ) . A l l tests given were of the group type. Part of the section on physical development i s based on a previous study conducted by the writer. Wherever possible, the results w i l l be compared with those of similar studies for the purpose of comparing, contrasting, or criticizing.  Finally, i n the concluding chapter, these data w i l l  be analyzed for evidence likely to be of assistance i n planning programmes of delinquency prevention, institutional treatment and parole.  10. It cannot be over-emphasized that many discrepancies found to exist between the findings of this thesis and those of other surveys may be due, in part at least, to the difference between the types of study groups used. Whereas most of the literature reviewed i s concerned with the general court group, the writer deals with f i f t y boys sentenced by British Columbia courts to the Provincial Industrial School for Boys and attending academic school classes i n that institution. SUMMARY About one per cent of children of juvenile court age appear each year before the courts of Canada, the United States, and England. Actually, there are three types of juvenile delinquents: (a) Those whose activities are not brought to the attention of the authorities. (b) Those who are brought before the court but are dealt with other than by commitment to industrial schools. (c) Those sentenced to industrial schools. This thesis i s concerned with the characteristics of the third group.  CHAPTER II A REVIEW OF PREVIOUS INVESTIGATIONS  THE CAUSES OF DELINQUENCY The purpose of this chapter i s to summarize the major theories of the causes and characteristics of juvenile delinquency, and to describe, i n a general way, other investigations similar to this one. In succeeding chapters, the findings of this investigation w i l l be compared in detail with those of other studies. Many people have advanced theories on the causes of juvenile delinquency.  Some have centred their arguments around the effects  of heredity or of environment; others have stressed that delinquent behaviour i s displayed to counterbalance a sense of physical or intellectual, inferiority; and s t i l l others place the blame upon radio t h r i l l e r s , gangster movies and cheap "comic" magazines. During the last year, in particular, public opinion has expressed i t s e l f i n a controversy over the respective contributions of home and school as causative, corrective or preventive institutions. However, present-day psychiatrists, psychologists, educators and social service workers are in general agreement that juvenile delinquency i s the result of a multiplicity of factors. On an average, each delinquent child i s the product of nine or ten subversive circumstances, one as a rule preponderating, and a l l conspiring to draw him into crime.... Among personal conditions, the most significant are, f i r s t , the mental dullness which i s not severe enough to be called deficiency, and, secondly, the temperamental instability which i s not abnormal enough  11  12 to be considered pathological. Among social conditions, by far the most potent i s the family l i f e ; and, next to i t , the friendships formed outside the home.... Between them, as main determining factors, they account for more than 50 per cent of juvenile delinquencies and crimes (7:602, 607-608). Even c r i t i c s of Burt's theory of causation, as expressed above, are i n general agreement that "nine or ten subversive.circumstances" conspire to draw the child into crime, provided i t i s recognized that a child may be exposed to a l l these circumstances and yet be non-delinquent.  It i s when he states that family l i f e and friendships  formed outside the home together account for more than f i f t y per cent of delinquencies and crimes that serious criticism i s raised. Some opponents refuse to accept any theory that i s more specific than that of "multiple factors", while others claim preponderance for factors other than those stressed by Burt.  To say that adverse  family conditions and undesirable companions account for f i f t y per cent of crime and that these circumstances are found to be present among f i f t y per cent of delinquents are two entirely different statements.  Although the writer i s inclined to agree with the latter,  he does not accept the former. Some writers put forward a more psychological theory to explain the cause of delinquency. While admitting that certain influences are destructive, they claim that delinquent acts are the outward manifestation of inner disturbances that have arisen from frustration, the failure to satisfy a given urge.  Healy and Bronner put i t  this way: .... the desires for human relationships which are satisfying as they afford affactional acceptance and security, recognition  13 of the individual as a personality, realization of social adequacy, opportunity for satisfactory accomplishment, for independence, new experiences, and for outlets and possessions have somehow been thwarted. The individual has found himself blocked i n any one or more of these urges or wishes (19:132). According to this explanation, the offender i s ill—perhaps every bit as i l l as the consumptive or the diabetic.  Like those suffering  from organic or physical maladies, he needs sympathy, special care, and protection until such time as he i s ready to compete on equal terms with his associates. Any acceptance of this' theory must be qualified by at least two observations. First, failure to achieve satisfying human relationships does not mean, necessarily, that delinquency w i l l result.  The child  may react i n any one or more of a number of ways acceptable or not acceptable to society, or he may withdraw to the extent that confinement in a mental hospital i s required.  Then, the degree to which undesirable  behaviour i s exhibited may depend, at least i n part, upon the prevalence of destructive environmental circumstances. Although some students may prefer Healy and Bronner's theory to Burt's, i t seems unreasonable to divorce the two. At about the same time that Healy and Brenner were formulating their theories regarding causes, August Aichhom, i n Austria, published his Wayward Youth.  The observations and conclusions expressed are  the result of his personal experiences as head of a Viennese home for wayward children.  In view of the fact that both his publication  and that of Healy and Bronner appeared at almost the same time, the similarity of their explanations of cause i s remarkable.  Aichhom*s  14 account, however, appears to be the more penetrating. He says, i n effect, that in delinquents there i s not only frustration but also a pre-disposition towards non-adjustment to environmental conditions. In other words, the offender f a i l s to become a social being but this fact does not become evident u n t i l the obstructing force of a given obstacle i s such that i t produces undesirable activity* Aichhorn sums i t up as follows: Every child i s at f i r s t an asocial being i n that he demands direct primitive instinctual satisfaction without regard for the world around him. The task of upbringing is to lead the child from this asocial to a social state. But this training cannot be successful unless the l i b i d i n a l development of the child pursues a normal course. Given certain disturbances i n the libido organization, the child remains asocial or else behaves as i f he had become social without having made an actual adjustment to the demands of society. This means that he has not repudiated completely his instinctual wishes but has suppressed them so that they lurk i n the background awaiting an opportunity to break through to satisfaction. This state we c a l l "latent delinquency"; i t oan become "manifest" on provocation. The change from latent.to manifest delinquency usually occurs gradually duringaa period in which no definite symptoms are to be seen, but in which "susceptibility" can already be perceived (1:4). A theory such as t h i s emphasizes individuality.  No two case  studies would present identical.histories of susceptibility; manifestations of delinquency would result from a multitude of differing contributory factors or combinations thereof. As with a l l other types of behaviour d i f f i c u l t i e s , we cannot speak of a cause, or even a necessary constellation of causes, of juvenile delinquency. The reasons fbr ezactly the same delinquent behaviour i n two children w i l l probably be quite different. One child steals because he i s hungry, another because he has been taught to do so, another because a companion suggests i t or dares him to, s t i l l another because the thing stolen  15 or the very act of stealing gives him a feeling of strength that i s otherwise lacking (24:386-387). However, the writer does not agree with Aichhorn s suggestion f  that human beings are born with certain instinctual wishes and that these must be suppressed whenever contrary to the dictates of h i s society. Rather, he i s inclined to side with those psychologists who claim that behaviour patterns are learned or acquired. Therefore, the d i f f i c u l t i e s faced by the child i n his development would arise, not from suppressing undesirable instincts, but from deciding between what i s right and what i s wrong i n his environment.  His delinquency  would result, then, from placing satisfaction of personal desires before conformation to known mores or from ignorance of accepted standards of conduct. By integrating the theories of Burt, Healy and Bronner, and Aichhorn, the writer concludes that symptoms of juvenile delinquency are most l i k e l y to appear i n a child when the following conditions exist i n combination: (a) a number of destructive environmental influences; (b) obstructions which impede the satisfaction of personal desires; (c) a developmental history of previous unsatisfying human relationships.  It must be kept i n mind that the nature of  these influences, obstructions, personal desires, and previous relationships w i l l vary according to the child, the place, and the time.  16 THE CHARACTERISTICS OF DELINQUENTS One of the tasks undertaken by some investigators i s to determine the characteristics of the majority of juvenile offenders so that this information may be utilized by social workers, probation officers, institutional administrators and others in planning prevention and treatment.  Many students in this f i e l d have stressed the significance  of one or two specific aspects.  As mentioned previously, the results  of their investigations w i l l be used in succeeding chapters for purposes of comparison.  F i r s t , however, i t is necessary to present  a summary of the more important studies i n order to discover just what these characteristics appear to be and to lay a foundation for the present study. No review of literature in the f i e l d of juvenile delinquency could be complete without including the name of Cyril Burt.  It is  of particular significance to note that although his book.,The Young Delinquent,  was published for the f i r s t time twenty-one years ago,  i t has been revised on three occasions, the last being in 1944* Such close contact with the f i e l d for more than twenty years has placed Burt as the leading authority on the problem of juvenile delinquency in Great Britain.  As a result of an intensive study  which compared two hundred delinquents with controls, he listed, in order of importance, the following specific conditions which he found to be associated most commonly with delinquent tendencies:. 1. Defective discipline 2. Specific instincts 3. General emotional instability  17 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14*  Morbid emotional conditions A family history of vice or crime Intellectual disabilities Detrimental interests Developmental conditions (such as adolescence) Family history of intellectual weakness Defective family relationships Influences operating outside the home (such as bad companions) A family history of temperamental disorder A family history of physical weakness Poverty and i t s concomitants  15.  Physical weakness i n the child himself  (7:606-607).  Criticism of such a l i s t i s directed against order rather than content.  "To say, for example, that defective discipline i s a more  potent cause of delinquency than defective family relationships i s to assume a degree of refinement i n measurement that does not exist.< (45*20). r  Furthermore, as mentioned previously, the writer cannot accept, with any degree of equanimity, the influence of specific instincts which, according to Burt, are "supposed to rest upon some inherited physiological mechanism or structure, common to a l l the members of the race, and originally formed to meet those primitive conditions of existence under which the race was evolved"  (7:421).  In a recent book, Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas, Clifford R. Shaw and Henry D. McKay continue their study (begun i n Delinquency Areas) to illustrate the high incidence of juvenile delinquency occurring in the industrial, commercial, and older, more disorganized sections of the average city.  In a geographic study of twenty-one  cities across the United States and including Vancouver, British Columbia, these men found an overwhelming array of evidence to support their contention that the highest delinquency rates are found in the innermost zone, declining as one progresses from the centre  18  outward to the city fringes.  They conclude that  . . . . t h e high degree of consistency i n the association between delinquency and other characteristics of the community not only sustains the conclusion that delinquent behaviour is related dynamically to the community but also appears to establish that a l l community characteristics, including delinquency, are the products of the operation of general processes more or less common to American c i t i e s . Moreover, the fact that in Chicago the rates of delinquents for many years have remained relatively constant in the areas adjacent to centers of commerce and heavy industry, despite successive changes in the nativity and nationality composition of the population, supports emphatically the conclusion that the delinquency-producing factors are inherent in the community (37:435)» This close association between delinquency and industrial areas must be regarded as a characteristic rather than a cause of delinquency.  It must be remembered that not a l l residents of  industrial areas are criminals and that down-town districts naturally attract a number of undesirable characters—the ne'er-do-well who finds congested city conditions well suited to his desire for anonymity and the lazy factory worker who prefers the proximity of his work to the provision of wholesome living conditions for his family.  Furthermore, i f i t is true that poverty and delinquency  run hand in hand, then it would follow that many delinquents would be numbered among people of the type attracted by the prevailing low rents.  The question then arises, are industrial and commercial  sectors of the city conducive to delinquency or do such areas merely attract a type of people among whom delinquency i s prevalent? T. Earl Sullenger sought to determine the characteristics of juvenile delinquency through a study of the social environment.  19 He places special significance upon what he terms the "primary groups of social determinants"—the family, the playgroups, the neighbourhood, and the school (38:13-123).  Speaking of the delinquent's home,  he l i s t s four major factors generally found to be present: poor personal relations among various members of the child's family, physical, mental or emotional disabilities, moral or marital maladjustments, and economic pressures (38:34-35).  In the playgroup,  he found an appreciable lack of properly directed recreation (38:70). Next, he reveals the following destructive neighbourhood conditions: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.  clash between neighbourhood cultures; conflicts between cultures of the young and old generations; lack of proper recreational f a c i l i t i e s ; poor housing and physical environmental conditions; traditional crime codes; breakdown of spiritual and social institutions; poverty and i t s accompanying destructive forces;  8. instability and unrest of the population (38:90). Finally, the school association produces situations of retardation, physical inadequacy, ignorance of social and moral codes, and chronic truancy (38:95-119). We cannot leave the subject of this chapter without mentioning the considerable contribution of Healy and Bronner.  The following  is a general summary of characteristics which they found to be relative to 153 delinquents studied: 1. Sixty-three per cent of the cases had older and younger siblings. 2. Forty-Eight per cent committed their f i r s t known delinquency at 8 years of age or earlier. 3. Petty pilfering constituted 71 per cent of the offenses. 4. Twenty-three per cent were more than 3 inches short for age norms. 5. Eighty per cent had an I-. Q. between 80 and 110.  20. 6. Sixty-five per cent displayed normal emotional balance. 7. Fifty per cent were very gregarious. 8. Seventy-five per cent were normal in expression of ethical conceptions concerning conduct. 9. Thirty-three per cent expressed conscious inferiority feelings. 10. Fifty-five per cent attended the movies more than twice weekly. 11. Seventy per cent associated with delinquent companions. 12. Seventy-five per cent indicated marked dislike either of school or of father or mother (19:50-52). In an effort to analyze the work of present-day penal and correctional institutions as agents in preventing criminals from repeating their escapades and in protecting the body p o l i t i c against aggressions from within, Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck conducted a study published under the t i t l e of One Thousand Juvenile Delinquents. The f i r s t volume of the Survey of Crime and Criminal Justice in Boston carried out under the auspices of the Harvard Law School, i t is an attempt to gauge the significance of the combined efforts of the Boston Juvenile Court and the Judge Baker Foundation, a children's c l i n i c .  In chapters five and six, the Gluecks present,  f i r s t , the family background and then the characteristics of one thousand male cases referred for c l i n i c a l examination between the years 1917 and 1922.  The average age of the boys at the time of  their examination was fourteen years, five months.  Here are some  of the general findings which appear to ba most pertinent to the present study: 1. There is a considerable incidence of foreign-born parentage, only one f i f t h of the fathers having been born in America. 2. The education of the parents was "far from adequate".  21 3* The economic conditions of the families of the youthful delinquents was very poor. 4. In two f i f t h s of the families, parental relations were unfavourable to a healthful home environment. 5. More than nine tenths of juvenile delinquents come from broken or poorly supervised homes. 6. A l l but fourteen per cent of the families concerned contained one or more members (including blood relatives) psychiatrically classifiable as mentally diseased, defective, or with significant peculiarities of personality. 7.  The moral standards and conduct of the families from which  the delinquents came were found to be very poor. 8.  The group showed an appreciably higher incidence of native-  born sons of foreign-born parents than i s found i n the general population. 9.  The average time intervening between the noting of serious  danger-signals of misbehaviour and the c l i n i c a l examination of the boys was three and a quarter years. 10.  The degree of educational achievement was far below that  of Boston school children. 11.  Over nine tenths had spent their spare time harmfully,  only thirty-eight boys having neither undesirable companions nor vicious habits. 12.  A l l but five per cent had engaged in various forms of  misbehaviour preceding the offence for which they were arrested and referred for c l i n i c a l examination.  22 13. Comparison of the intelligence level of the delinquents with that of Massachusetts school boys disclosed the marked inferiority of the delinquent group. 14. Three f i f t h s of the delinquents had marked emotional and personality defects (14:80-82,  106-109).  Advancing the thesis that "....the customs of the diverse nationality and cultural groups, no matter where they live, greatly affect the proportions of juvenile delinquents i n these different groups who w i l l become known to the courts and to institutions for the care of delinquents",  Mrs. S. M. Robison set out to establish  a method of indicating the extent of juvenile delinquent behaviour in a large city  (31:4).  The data which she gathered were obtained  not only from the children's courts but also from a number of agencies, both o f f i c i a l and unofficial, such as f i e l d ageneies, institutions, mental hygiene clinics and so on.  The conclusions summarized  below relate chiefly to factors not already stressed in this review. 1. There i s a considerable excess of delinquent children of Catholic a f f i l i a t i o n and a small proportion of white delinquents of Protestant a f f i l i a t i o n .  "No implication of the adequacy or  inadequacy of the ethical content of any one of the religions should be inferred from this statement"  (31:77).  2. The registering of children as delinquent for certain types of behaviour is increased by such factors as: (a) the presence of exposed railroad yards; (b) heightened police activity; (c) new agency provision; (d) laws which conflict with cultural  23 group attitudes. 3.The following conditions relating to truancy are l i s t e d : (a) a rate of 3.8 per thousand in the general elementary school population of New.York city (truancy being defined i n terms of threeday unexcused absences); (b) the retarded child appears two and one-half times as frequently i n the truant series as he does i n the elementary public school register  (31:76-79, 98-99, 154-155).  In every discussion group, lecture meeting, or forum dealing with the problem of juvenile delinquency at which the writer has been present during the past four years, stress has been laid upon the magnitude of the home as a contributing factor.  One of  the most comprehensive studies of delinquency as related to home and family l i f e i s that of Breckinridge and Abbott*  By approaching  the topic by means of a problem method, they deal with the problems of adjustment as faced by the child of the immigrant; of misfortune arising out of poverty and parental decease; of degeneracy emerging from the degraded home; of confusion from the crowded home; and of unmanageability from both comfortable and poverty-stricken homes having defective discipline.  Among their conclusions they l i s t  the following: 1* Delinquent children appearing before the courts to a large extent belong to families in which the struggle to make both ends meet i s more or less acute. 2. In a large proportion of cases, the child who i s brought into the court i s the eldest i n a large family of children*  24 3. The orphan children of the court come, for the most part, from families in which the misfortune of death i s accompanied by extreme poverty.  In many cases this impoverishment i s directly  traceable to condition of "cice, crime or degradation i n the home. 4* If the family i s large, i f the home i s crowded, i f the mother is distracted by the presence of many children and can give l i t t l e attention to any one of them; i f the burden of custody and discipline during her absence f a l l s upon the eldest or upon the eldest at home; i f there are relatives or lodgers lending complexity to an already confused situation; i f there i s an unsympathetic step-parent and a mixed family of children, there i s l i t t l e hope that the nervous system of the child, started unfavorably on i t s career, w i l l have i t s proper chance to mature into self-control, or the character to develop into dignified manhood or womanhood (5:115). 5. In the great majority of cases, the delinquent child i s also an ignorant child, and in a large, number of cases, an i l l i t e r a t e child  (5:88-89, 115).  In chapter two of his Concerning Juvenile Delinquency, Henry W. Thurston u t i l i z e s a forum discussion method of disclosing some of the characteristic factors of juvenile delinquency. i s a summary of statements gleaned from this chapter  Here  (41:25-63):  1. In 114 neighbourhoods in New York city, delinquents who had been brought into the juvenile courts were foundtto suffer from more physical defects than the child population i n general. 2. There i s an increase i n certain offences, particularly property crimes and vagrancy, during periods of economic stress. 3. On tests for emotional adjustments, delinquents were found to be well adjusted less frequently than were other children.  25 4* The mentality of most criminals, compares favourably with that of the law-abiding population. 5. Of the parents, the mother contributes the more tm the delinquency of children (although the father i s an accomplice i n this situation by giving the mother a free reign i n the care of the child, thereby allowing overprotection to go unchecked). 6. The emotional attitude of the parents, the school and other social agencies has a tremendous effect upon child behaviour. 7* Rupture of the normal structure of the home i s less Important than are other psychological factors in family relationships. 8. Seven out of every ten juvenile delinquents are native-born sons of foreign-born parents, a far higher proportion than, i s found in the general population. 9. A large proportion of delinquency i s the product of imaginary gun-play, the influence of unsuitable movies and the sensationalism of modern press. 10. There i s no single cause for delinquency. 11. Only to the degree that we understand the total personality in the total situation of each delinquent youth can we hope intelligently to help him give up his delinquent behaviour and begin to satisfy his need for self-expression i n some legal way that 1 w i l l not be harmful to others (41:62-63).  1  The ten statements preceding this quotation are not necessarily the opinion of Henry W. Thurston who presents them rather as indications of certain accepted or debated theories than as conclusive evidence.  26 This review of literature i n the f i e l d of juvenile delinquencyi s brought to a close with the examination of a recent English study, Young Offenders, by Carr-Saunders, Mannheim and Rhodes. Because of the resemblance between the pattern of their study and that of this thesis and because, after a l l , Young Offenders surveys the delinquency problem as experienced i n English c i t i e s , attention w i l l be paid more to method than to actual findings and conclusions. The book commences with an exhaustive summary of a l l those investigations which can be regarded as having increased the amount of factual knowledge on the subject of juvenile delinquency i n England from 1816  to 1938.  The purpose of the particular investigation  which i t undertook was to accumulate information relating to the social and environmental conditions of male juvenile delinquents. A total of 1,953  eases brought before the Juvenile Courts i n London,  Manchester, Leeds, Sheffield, Hull, Nottingham and Cardiff after October 1,  1938,  were matched with an equal number of 'mates*  of about the same age selected by the head teachers of the schools attended by the offenders. The information sought included the nature of the offence; age, legitimacy, church a f f i l i a t i o n , leisure interests, school attainment and conduct, and family relationships of the offender; marital condition, health, habits, attitudes, occupation, and employment of household heads; number and description of other children; others living with the offender; description, type and condition of the home and neighbourhood; and any special information pertaining to the particular situation examined.  No  attempt was made to apply the information obtained; rather, the  27 results were laid out as concisely as possible to present a sort of delinquency-rate check l i s t that might be used by those planning preventive and remedial programmes or as a basis for further research into the nature of this social problem. SUMMARY This chapter has indicated that there seems to be no single cause of juvenile delinquency.  It can be said only that there are  a large number of contributing factors, seldom identical for any two cases and never a l l present i n any one case.  There are certain  conditions, however, that appear frequently enough to be considered characteristic of delinquent behaviour.  The next five chapters  w i l l be devoted to an examination of some of these conditions as they apply to the institutional type of delinquent.  CHAPTER III OFFENCES, COURTS AND SOCIAL AGENCIES As mentioned in Chapter One, this chapter and the four succeeding ones w i l l be devoted to a presentation of data gathered from a study of f i f t y delinquent boys.  Of the sixty-one originally chosen from  current academic classes at Biscoq., eleven were eliminated because of comparatively l i t t l e available information concerning them. The factual material of this chapter was gathered from actual Biscoq. files. THE\OFFENCE There is considerable variation in seriousness among the types of offences that result in commitment to industrial schools.  This  situation may be due to varying opportunities for undesirable behaviour, the degree of police efficiency, the diverse opinions of magistrates or a host of other factors.  It i s evident that the question of  standards enters into any differentiation of wrong from right and of the serious or major from the non-serious or minor.  These standards  may vary from period to period, from place to place and from person to person.  For example, a magistrate who regarded the exploration  of a vacant house as a youthful prank probably would take an entirely different view of a romp through an occupied residence next door.  Similarly, he might dismiss with a warning a boy of  good standing charged with destruction of property, whereas he might sentence to a detention home a boy similarly charged but appearing for the third time.  Each case presents a set of circumstances  that must be judged on i t s own merits.  28  29 Table II shews the charges which resulted i n commitment to the Boys' Industrial School of the f i f t y boys being studied. TABLE II CHARGES RESULTING IN COMMITMENT OF FIFTY BISCOQ. BOYS Nature of the Charge  Number  36  18  Theft Breaking, entering and Stealing Incorrigibility Forgery Attempted theft Retaining Buggery Attempted breaking, entering and stealing Murder Breaking parole Breaking and entering >  Per Cent  14 7 2  28  1  2 2  14 4 4 4  2 2 1  1 1 1 50  Totals  2 2 2 100  It i s obvious that offences against property occur with greatest frequency, thirty-six per cent having been committed for theft and twenty-eight for breaking, entering and stealing*  Adding  together a l l items that have to do with actual or attempted theft, breaking, entering and stealing and with retaining, disposes of seventy-six per cent of the total number of cases.  Wright's study  of 1,173 commitments revealed that seventy-five per cent of charges f e l l into the above categories.(45:121)*  Similarly, the Welfare  Council of Greater Vancouver reported that, out of the total charges resulting i n commitment from 1936 to 1943, nearly seventysix per cent were offences against property (43*Table 2).  It seems  safe to conclude, then, that about three quarters of those sentenced  30 to the Provincial Industrial School for Boys at Coquitlam are committed on charges involving the property rights of others* PREVIOUS KNOWN OFFENCES Any investigation to disclose the incidence of previous known offences, as with one to determine the types of offences, i s complicated by a number of variables.  Since the offenders themselves are not  likely to disclose voluntarily any previous indiscretions, i t i s l e f t to adults, in o f f i c i a l or unofficial capacities, to ferret out the desired information. The results w i l l depend largely upon the industry, ingenuity and personality of the investigator.  Furthermore,  the fact that careful study of a given individual reveals the complete absence of previous delinquent behaviour does not necessarily mean that he has never committed an offence warranting conviction. In segregating those with previous offences from those without, i t must be kept constantly in mind that the differentiation i s possible only when "offences" i s prefixed by the qualifying word "known". In addition, i t must be remembered that even this distinction i s suspect because of the vagaries in human forces causing an offence to become known or to remain in obscurity. Figure 2 shows that seventy-eight per cent of the f i f t y delinquents had committed known offences previous to the one that brought about commitment to Biscoq.  This information was obtained from an  examination of a l l Biscoq. records pertaining to each boy.  Some  of the previous offences were merely noted by a principal, teacher, social worker or parent; some resulted in court appearance and some  31  1  PREV. KNOWN OFFENCES  1  MO.  H  NO  2.2. 7?  YES TOTALS  io Nurtibir  F i g . Z. —PREVIOUS  KNOWN  5Q  *,a  of  ^ " J  5  IQQ  •  OFFLNCES  &ISCOQ. in institutional commitment.  20  OF  FIFTY  BOYS.  At any rate, i t must be recognized  that the majority of Biscoq. boys present a history, be i t scant or impressive, of undesirable behaviour and should receive treatment on the basis of such rather than on the assumption that they just "made a mistake". PREVIOUS COURT CONTACT The question of previous court contact, while subject to the same variables that applied to "previous known offences", nevertheless lends i t s e l f to greater objectivity*  However, i n attempting to  make adequate comparisons with other studies, two major difficulties become apparent.  On one hand, court statistics do not differentiate  repeaters sentenced to industrial schools from thoss disposed of i n other ways.  On the other, surveys of industrial school delinquents  do not distinguish clearly between court and institutional recidivists. Part of a table prepared by the Vancouver Welfare Council has been reproduced as Table III of this thesis (43: Table 8)*  32 . TABLE III COURT APPEARANCES AND COURT REPEATERS FOR CAKBDA, 1934 to 1943. Yr.  1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943  Total no. of First Second Third Fourtt F i f t h Total Percentage delinquencies repeat- repeaters i n or more ers total delinquents  5, 353 5, 514 4, 970 5, 224 5, 055 5, 018 5, 208 6, 204 6, 920 6, 494  3,907 617 4,053 674 3,446 721 3,637 787 3,537 767 3,588 709 3,711 8I3 4,306 994 5,577 669 3,891 3,706  357 397 353 359 357 306 357 396 348 461  177 185 203 197 144 192  199  199 144 207  295 205 247 244 250 223 227 259 182 229  27.01 26.50 30.66 . 30.38 30.03 28.50 29.95 29.79 19.41 40.08  1,446 1,461 1,524 1,587 . 1,518 1,430 1,587 1,848 1,343 2,603  Unfortunately, i t segregates neither boys from g i r l s nor industrial  1 school commitments from those disposed of i n other ways.  However,  in Table III i t may be seen that, in 1943, *k© high year i n ten for Canadian court recidivism, about forty per cent of a l l those boys and g i r l s arraigned i n court had appeared at least once previously.  Since  juveniles rarely are sent to industrial schools on their f i r s t court appearance, i t i s natural to expect a greater incidence of court repeaters among institutional delinquents than i n the general court group. Figure 3 shows both court and industrial school recidivism for the f i f t y Biscoq. boys. It may be seen that twentysix cases (fifty-two per cent) had appeared i n court at least once  1  In 1943, 319 of the 6,494 delinquents brought before the courts were g i r l s .  f  j  1  I No  1  Previou.%  1 Previou&  r \  m  m  m  5.—  Court.  Court m  m  1  1  MO.  £4-  4-8  2.6  5  50  IOO  Contact  k.  Contact  *  TOTALS 1 5  Fig.  1  .33.  1  to  Number  PREVIOUS  1  of  COURT  INDUSTRIAL. FIFTY  t  1 is  Zo CONTACT  SCHOOL. BISCOQ.  Z6  AND  COMMITMENT  OF  BOYS.  previous to their commitment and that eight (sixteen per cent) had been sentenced to an industrial school on one or more previous cases. One boy had served four previous industrial school terms!  Wright  reported that, on the average, one in every five of the boys i n Biscoq. between 1920  and 1941  had been sentenced before but he does not  specify the nature of the sentence  (45:131).  It may be concluded for the f i f t y Biscoq. boys in question, however, that about f i f t y per cent had appeared before the court at least once previously and that about one i n six had received at least one previous commitment to an industrial school. SOCIAL SERVICE AGENCIES Usually, Biscoq. commitments present a history of previous contact with social agencies.  Of course, each case sentenced  automatically comes under the surveillance of the superintendent of child welfare and her signature must appear on the parole papers before the child i s released.  The reports of the various agencies  concerned provide a guidance f i l e for the institutional workers.  34 Table IV reveals that only four of the f i f t y eases had experienced no previous contact with social service agencies.  1  TABLE IV PREVIOUS CONTACT OF FIFTY BISCOQ,-BOYS WITH SOCIAL SERVICE AGENCIES Number of Agencies None 1 agency 2 agencies 3 agencies 4 agencies 5 agencies 6 agencies 7 agencies 8 agencies 9 agencies 10 agencies 11. agencies Totals  Number  Per Cent  4 8 7 8 8 4 3 3 1 1 2 1 50  8 16 14 16 16 8 6 6 2 2 4 2 100  The remaining forty-six boys represented 189 different contacts » averaging more than four each.  One boy had been handled by no less  2 than eleven separate agencies! It is evident, then, that the large majority of industrial school commitments i n British Columbia are known to social workers.  Thus, there has been some opportunity for developmental  observation and for. the assembly of a body of record material. However, the volume of delinquents handled by any one agency is very  1  See Appendix A for l i s t of social service agencies.  2  See Appendix B for case history.  35 small and so the average worker has very l i t t l e opportunity to develop s k i l l in handling delinquency cases*  The report of the  delinquency committee set up by the Montreal Council of Social Agencies states that out of  8,000 individuals  with whom the Family  Welfare Association was dealing, only seventy-nine had at some time made court appearances  (27:7)*  Furthermore, each worker usually  carries such a large case load that individual attention of the type needed i s practically impossible. The Superintendent of Child Welfare in British Columbia reported that in March,  1944, 373 f i l e s , on  the average, were brought to the desk of each worker i n her department for the purpose of dealing with mail alone (39:1)•  Frequently,  however, the report of the social service agency provides the only readily accessible source of case history material. SUMMARY This chapter has revealed the following information pertaining to the f i f t y delinquent boys being studied: 1. Three quarters of the commitments represent offences against property. 2. Seventy-eight per cent had committed "known" offences previous to the one resulting i n commitment. 3. About half had appeared before the court at least onee previously. 4. About one in six was a recidivist to an industrial school. 5. Over ninety per cent had experienced previous contact with social service agencies.  CHAPTER IV HOME AND FAMILY The child's earliest environment i s that of his home. For the f i r s t few years of his l i f e he knows no other. At the time when he i s most impressionable and most lacking i n powers of discrimination, he is under the complete influence of a situation over which he has l i t t l e or no control.  Obviously, then, his behaviour pattern i s  going to be affected considerably by this parent-made environment. The purpose of this chapter i s to indicate some of the characteristics pertaining to the home and family of the f i f t y cases undersstudy. THE PARENTS Place of Birth In America, considerable blame has been placed upon foreign elements of the population as contributors to crime.  In this  regard, Healy and Bronner conclude that: Neither concerning the incidence nor the continuance in delinquency i s there any better record for the children from native-born families than for those coming from foreign-born families, the latter taken as a total group. Among the foreign nationalities there are great differences-the incidence of delinquency among them i s very much greater for certain national groups. Taking nationalities separately, some do much worse than the native-born stock, some do better (18:113). Selecting at random 108 families from the Los Angeles Molokan colony, Young discovered a tremendous incidence of delinquent  1 The Molokans represent one of several Russian peasant groups which dissented from the Greek-Orthodox church of Russia over two hundred and f i f t y years ago.  36  1  37 behaviour.  Of 198 boys between the ages of nine and nineteen, 155  had appeared in the Los Angeles Juvenile Court within the period from November  1, 1927 to  October  31, 1929 (47:203).  Two Vancouver surveys, one by Isobel Harvey and the other by Margaret Smith, approach this question of parental birthplace , each using a different type of delinquent. Harvey, studying 102 Biscoq. boys committed from the Vancouver Court from 1935 to 1939, reported that only three of the forty-seven recidivists and eight of • the fifty-seven non-recidivists i n her group had both parents bora in Canada  (16:23).  She presents several reasons to explain her  theory that f i r s t generation Canadians are apt to get into trouble: One i s the parents' lack of knowledge of the new land: another their effort to maintain the culture of the old land within their own home, while the child, who must attend public school and become inoculated with new ideas and new ways of living, fights against the foreign culture and looks down on his parents for their faith in i t (16:23). Smith, dealing with five hundred cases appearing before the Vancouver Juvenile Court from 1925 to 1929,  found a different  situation from that presented by Harvey. Miss Smith found that 82.47 per cent of the 500 cases were native-born, of Canadian or British parentage, so that i t was clearly not foreign-born children or children of foreign-born parents who were the main contributors to delinquency i n Vancouver (30:15)• The writer, dealing with the f i f t y Biscoq. boys, found the condition illustrated i n Figure 4*  It nay be seen from the graph  that by far the largest number of parents in the present study were  J  38 Canadian-born.  l&otK  paraiat-&  born  parftnt  born,  iirv  i rv  ZZ  4-4-  IO  ZO  \Z  z*  Corvo.cia.  C.arV*l<ftc4  6> feor-rv  irk.  C a r v a d t i —.  iTOTfthft Numbtr Fi^.  4-. —  bIRTHPLACE.  of OF  Orx<£  15 B o  5  \z  UT\Uf\OCJr\  s  -  2o  PARtNTJS  OF  FIFTY  E>OY3 . To be able to blame immigrants in general or any group of immigrants i n particular for a disproportionate amount of crime, one would need to carry out a continuous, comparative survey.  That  i s , i t would be necessary to know the exact volume of immigration for any given period and for any given race. Then, by using the incidence of juvenile delinquency as the numerator, a fractional index could be worked out. However, even this scheme would be open to criticism from the standpoint of the specific Canadian locality used. So far as this survey i s concerned, the writer i s able to conclude only that there i s no convincing evidence to show that an undue proportion of commitments to the Provincial Industrial  1 A l l of the f i f t y delinquents were born i n Canada, thirty of them having spent their entire lives i n British Columbia.  39 Sohool for Boys is composed of f i r s t generation Canadians. However, this statement does not deny that such might have been the case some years ago. Parental Relationships Most studies in the f i e l d of juvenile delinquency mention the high incidence of unsatisfactory parental relationships.  Table V  shows that only half of the delinquents in this study came from homes in which their natural parents were living together. TABLE V PARENTAL RELATIONSHIPS FOR FIFTY BISCOQ. BOYS  With With With With With With With With With With With  both parents l i v i n g and together . father living and mother dead mother living and father dead both parents living but separated foster parents (parents dead or unknown) father living and stepmother mother living and stepfather parents separated and father married again parents separated and mother married again father dead and mother married again parents separated and both married again  Totals  Number  Per Cent  25  50 4 4 18  2 2  9  2 1 1 1  4 2 2 2 8  4 2 1  4 2  50  100  It is impossible to estimate the extent of compatibility existing between the twenty-five pairs of parents who were together.  However,  i t is safe to say that over half of the f i f t y boys failed to receive the type of recognition normally associated with good parenthood.  Healy and Bronner, studying 4,000 cases in Chicago  and Boston,  found both parents to be alive and living at home  40 in a l i t t l e over naif of the cases  (18:122).  Sullenger states that  this situation appears more prominently in institutional children than i n ordinary court cases, forty-eight per cent of the former l i v i n g with both parents  (38:22).  Table V reveals a high percentage of separations and low incidence of parental loss through death as compared with the findings of Healy and Bronner. per cent of  The latter found one -parent to be dead i n twenty-seven  4*000 cases  and both parents dead i n four per cent while  Table V shows twelve and four per cent respectively.  On the other hand,  although the writer found parental separation i n thirty per cent of the f i f t y cases studied Healy and Bronner report only fifteen per cent  (18:122). Habits The mere fact that parents are living together does not guarantee a wholesome home environment but the chances are probably greater than they are when the parents are separated.  Breckinridge and Abbott  deplore the prevalence of delinquency among children who "....come i n many instances from homes in which they have been accustomed from their earliest infancy to drunkenness, immorality, obscene and vulgar language, f i l t h y and degraded conditions of l i v i n g "  (5:105).  It i s  d i f f i c u l t to classify home conditions as being either good or bad; however, by using a somewhat negative approach and so condemning as detrimental to the child any form of undesirable behaviour, several broad, arbitrary categories may be arrived at. Such a method was used by the Gluecks in their study of a thousand juvenile delinquents.  41 It was possible to obtain and tabulate this information regarding 908 of the thousand families involved. Of this number, 97 (10.7$) had lived in homes with high moral standards; 172 (18.9%) in homes with fair standards; and 639 (70.4$) i n homes with low standards (14:79). Healy and Bronner present an even more serious situation, reporting that among  2,000 young  offenders, only  7.6  per cent were  living under reasonably good conditions for the upbringing of a child  (18:129).  Carr-Saunders, Mannheim, and Rhodes, dealing only  with homes in which the parents were together, state that "....the chance of a delinquent coming from a home with a disturbed home atmoshhere i s three or four times as great as the chance of a delinquent coming from a home with a normal atmosphere" (8:72). A l l case f i l e s pertaining to the f i f t y delinquents were perused carefully for information concerning parents' habits. The writer then organized the material obtained into the divisions shown in Figure 5.  The "normal" classification refers to cases in  which no evidence of undesirable conduct was discernible.  Parents  were placed in the "questionable" groups i f i t generally was believed that one parent was drunken or otherwise immoral. such a  syBtem  On the whole,  of classification tends to give the parent the benefit  of any possible doubt. In Figure 5, i t may be seen that in only fourteen cases (31.1 per cent of those for whom information was available) might i t be said that the parents behaved in exemplary or normal fashion. The remaining 69.9 per cent were either questionable or known to be deserving of condemnation.  of HABITS \i.  --  -  OF  FIFTY  THE. BISCOQ-  PARENTS  OF  BOYS.  Health Table V I indicates, to as great an extent as could be ascertained the health of the parents of the f i f t y delinquents.  Unfortunately,  t h i s information i s not only d i f f i c u l t t o obtain but a l s o , through i t s s u b j e c t i v i t y , i s d i f f i c u l t to c l a s s i f y .  Furthermore, although  chronic i l l n e s s i s l i k e l y to have considerable e f f e c t upon the r e l a t i o n s h i p existing between parent and boy and upon the amount of parental control exercised, a temporary i l l n e s s reported by the case worker a t the time of her v i s i t i s l i k e l y t o have l e s s bearing upon delinquent behaviour.  However, i t must be remembered that a  short period of freedom obtained during the i l l n e s s of a household head could provide the opportunity f o r b r i e f conduct lapses and i n i t i a t i o n into malpractices.  Table VI reveals that 70.6  per cent  43  TABLE VI HEALTH OF THE PARENTS OF FIFTY BISCOQ. BOYS Normal ,,.,24 . . 19  Temporary Illness ..5 Chronic Illness  ,7 6  No Report 16  100  of the mothers and 63*3 per cent of the fathers 'enjoyed normal health while 20.6 per cent of the mothers and 20.0 per cent of the fathers suffered chronic i l l n e s s .  Since those classed as temporarily  i l l ordinarily would be normal, they may be added to the normal group, giving 79.4 per cent and 80.0 per cent normality for mothers and fathers, respectively.  Carr-Saunders, Mannheim and Rhodes,  dealing with 701 families in six English provincial towns, report 84.4 per cent normality for mothers, 82.9 per cent for fathers, and  44 chronic illness, 5.3 per cent i n the case of mothers and 11*7 per cent i n the case of fathers (8:63),  In comparing delinquents with  controls, using only families i n which both parents were alive and' together, they found normality for both parents i n 71*7 per cent of the former and 83*4 per cent of the latter (8:64).  They  conclude: In the aggregate i t appears to be true that the incidence of ill-health of the parents i s greater for the delinquents than for the controls. At the same time i t should be emphasized that the majority of cases are from homes where the parents apparently enjoy normal health. The number of cases with chronic ill-health i s not very large i n the aggregate, but i t i s true that relatively there are more cases of chronic ill-health of one parent or both parents amongst the delinquent group than amongst the control group. Our data support the conclusion that ill-health of the parent i s not without importance as a factor which may contribute towards delinquency (8:64). Employment Table VII indicates the normal employment of the father or, i n cases where re-marriage had occurred, the step-father, and shows, also, the number of cases i n which the wives of the men indicated were working at the time of interview. From the table, i t seems l i k e l y that over ninety per cent of the fathers or step-fathers who were neither pensioners nor i n the armed forces were engaged i n employment requiring unskilled or semiskilled labour. By combining a number of classifications tabulated by the Gluecks, Cole was able to state that " i n 43 per cent of the homes the father was a day laborer, i n 39 per cent he was a semiskilled artisan, i n 12 per cent he was a small shopkeeper or  TABLE VII NORMAL OCCUPATION OF FATHER OR STEP-FATHER OF FIFTY BISCOQ. BOYS Occupation  Steady  Aimed Forces Bar-tender Cabinet-maker Carpenter Clerk Farmer Fisherman Labourer Logger Mechanic Painter Pensioner Truck-driver No Report  8 1 1 3 1 2 5 1 2 2 5 1 32  Totals  Irregular  Unemployed  1 3 5 2  1  1  12  1  Totals  8 1 1 3 2 2 3 11 3 2 3 5 1 5 50  Wives Working  2 1 1 7  l  1 3 16  clerk, and i n only 6 per cent was he a semiprofessional or professional individual"  (10:263).  From Table VII i t may be seen that thirty-two per cent of the wives concerned were working.  It i s significant to note that nearly  half of these cases were married to men classified i n the least skilled occupational group where supplemental earnings would be most required. It seems logical to conclude that, since both parents are most l i k e l y to be employed when the father i s an unskilled labourer, their children, lacking parental control throughout 1:the day, w i l l have the greatest opportunity for delinquent behaviour. The Gluecks discovered that, in contrast to the 9*9  per cent of  a l l married women reported to be working by the United States census of 1920,  41.5  per cent of the mothers of 937 delinquents  46 supplemented the family income i n one way or another  (14:71)*  Economic Status Healy and Bronner specify five economic levels or divisions, . the lowest two of which are the following: Destitution; that i s , there was often real want, for example, insufficient food and clothes; the meeting of barest needs sometimes was impossible without aid. Poverty; that i s , there was a constant struggle "to make ends meet"; not going hungry or without adequate clothing,.but not having enough to l i v e on without serious scrimping and denial and having no margin for anything outside actual needs (18:119). They found destitution or poverty, as defined above, i n twenty-eight per cent and twenty-four per cent of two Chicago groups each of 1,000  cases (18:118).  Following the above classification as closely  as possible, the writer found twenty-four per cent of his f i f t y cases to be living under home economic conditions which might be described as destitution or poverty.  This fact becomes even more  significant when i t i s remembered that, at the time the data for this survey were collected,  (194$-'46),  work was available for  anyone who desired i t and that, because of excess of demand over supply, wages for even the simplest labour were unusually high. Education The education of the natural parents i s given i n Table T i l l . In only thirty per cent of the eighty cases known had one parent gone beyond grade eight. Of the parents of 823 delinquents i n Boston, the Gluecks found only 409 cases who had same formal education. Of these, one parent had attended grammar-school i n 50.1 per cent of the cases while both had attended i n 38.7 per cent;  47 TABLE T i l l EDUCATION OF PARENTS OF FIFTY BISCOQ, BOYS Education  Father  Mother  Totals  Under Gr. 6  12  15  27  Gr. 6 to 8  15  14  29  In H. S.  8  9  17  E . S. Complete  2  2 2  Normal S.  2  In College College Complete  2 2  1  1  No Report  11  9  20  Totals  50  50  100  one parent had attended high school in 8.8 per cent of the instances while both in attendance represented only 1.2 per cent.  One parent  had attended college in five cases—1.2 per cent (14:68). THE FAMILY Organization The normal family group consists of children and their natural parents.  Any deviation from this organization, except in the case  of childless marriages, may be considered abnormal and, usually, i s undesirable.  For example, the addition of a friend, relative or  boarder to the family for any considerable time may produce conflicting behaviour patterns that confuse the child.  Similarly, strain and  resentment often result when one head of the household i s a step-parent.  48 Then, the removal of one household head means that the child i s deprived of the influence usually exercised by mother or father and that there i s only one person instead of two to whom he must account for his actions* Table IX shews that the family organization of the f i f t y boys studied could be described as normal i n only forty-two per cent of the cases.  Healy and Bronner found fifty-one per cent of  420  homes to be normally constituted i n the sense that the family consisted of both parents and children living at home (18:263). TABLE IX FAMILY ORGANIZATION FOR FIFTY BISCOQ. BOYS  Natural Parents Natural plus others Unnatural: Mother Father One Head: Mother Father Ward of Social Service Agency Totals  Number  Per cent  21 4  42  2 5  4 10  10 4 4 50  20  8  8 8  100  Illegitimacy The high percentage of illegitimacy indicated by Table X i s not confirmed by other studies. Whereas the writer reports sixteen per cent, Healy-and Bronner report only a l i t t l e over two per cent i n one study (18:122) and five per cent i n another (19s35)« In England, Carr-Saunders, Mannheim and Rhodes found 5*1 per cent for delinquents as compared with 2.5 per cent for controls i n six  49 TABLE X FAMILIES OF FIFTY BISCOQ. BOYS Size of Family  No. of Fam.  One Child Two Children Three Children Four Children Five Children Six Children Seven Children Eight Children Nine Children Ten Children Totals  2 11 10 2 10 4 5 2 2 2 50  provincial towns  (8:97).  Position of offender in family z * s 7 r  Other deling, in fam.  2 6 3 0 4 0 0 0 0 1  0 2 3 ' 0 4 0 2 0 0 0 11  'L  5 16 101 2202 0310 1112 0010 0000 0000  0 e0 010 0011 00001  /0  o  /  /  /  Illegitimacy Offenders Others  2 3 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 8  2 1 1  4  The discrepancy between the last two  sets of figures and those of the writer probably i s due, i n part at least, to the fact that the former deal with a l l those cases classed by the court as being delinquent whereas the latter i s concerned only with industrial school commitments.  Therefore, although there  may be very l i t t l e difference between the rates of court appearances for legitimate and illegitimate children, the fact that the latter are less likely to have home support would be a determinant i n deciding upon industrial school commitment. Concerned with the ramifications of illegitimacy, Sullenger says of the child bora out of wed-lock: The nature of his birth places him i n a social stratum, ostracized by society. His chances of having been born of mentally normal parents are few. He i s a misfit, unadjusted individual. Frequently conditions in the family in which he lives are antagonistic (38:29).  50 Order of Birth Biologists, psychologists and others-, from time to time, have made reference to the effect of order of birth upon a child's attitudes and behaviour. found  241 (24*6 per  Of 981 cases of delinquents, the G-luecks  cent) were first-born;  248 (25.3 per  cent) were  second-born; 307 (31.3 per cent) were either third-or fourth-born; while 185 (18.8 per cent) were f i f t h or later i n order of birth. In only 38 cases (3*8 per cent) was the juvenile delinquent an only child  (14:86).  Table X shows  32 per  cent,  20 per  cent,  32 per  cent and  16 per cent of the present sample respectively, for the four classificat ions above. In two cases (4*0 per cent) the delinquent was an only child.  There i s no evidence from these figures that the order ofLbirth  of the delinquent i s , in i t s e l f , a determinant of his delinquency. I t i s interesting to note, however, that i n the six families composed of eight or more children, four of the six delinquents were the youngest or second youngest of the family and that there were no other delinquent in the family group. (Table X). THE HOME Table XI gives three sets of information regarding l i v i n g quarters.  Division A shows the number of delinquents coming from  a private house, a self-contained apartment i n a block of suites, or from a room or roams in a sub-divided house. Division B designates the quality of each of the three types of living quarters as good, f a i r or poor. Finally, set C shows the condition i n which the place of accommodation i s kept by the occupants.  Unfortunately, no check  l i s t i s available for determining the quality or condition of a home;  51 the only criterion i s the opinion of the f i e l d worker making the v i s i t and, since i t i s l i k e l y that a different worker visited each home, each would be judged on a different basis. TABLE XI LIVING QUARTERS OF FIFTY BISCOQ,. BOYS Number Per cent  A. Type  22* 9 13 6 50  House Apartment Rooms No Report Totals B. Quality House Apartment Rooms . No Report Totals Per Cent C. Condition House Apartment Rooms No 'Report Totals Per Cent  Good  Fair  Poor  5 3 3  6 4 3  10 2 7  11 22  13 26  19 38  Good  Fair  Poor  6 4 3  4 3 2  11 2 5  13 26  9  18  18  36  No Report  1 00 6 7 14 No Report  1 0 3 6 10 20  44 1826 12  100  Number Per cent  22 9 13 50 100  44 18  26 12 100  Number Per cent  22 9 13 6 50 100  44 18  26 12 100  *4 of these were shared. It may be seen from Table XI, then, that about half of the delinquents lived in houses, about twenty- per cent in apartments and the remaining thirty per- cent i n rooms. Although no comparative figures  52 are available, i t would, be difficult to believe that thirty per cent of the child population of British Columbia live in rooms.  Dealing  with court cases only in London, Carr-Saunders, Mannheim and Rhodes report 21.1 per cent l i v i n g in tenements and another 13.1 per cent in flats as compared with 16.1 and 16.0 per cent, respectively for the control group ( 8 : 7 8 ) .  However, i t is difficult to say how many  of those which they classify under "Houses-Shared" (28.0 per cent) would live under conditions comparable to the writer's "Roams" classification. The condition in which a home i s kept depends upon the occupants, whereas the quality of the structure well might be beyond their control.  However, the quality does determine to a considerable  degree the ease with which a residence may be kept clean and neat. Table XI shows that, among those cases for which information was available, about a quarter were classed as good for quality and a third for condition, whereas about forty-five per cent were poor in each group.  Speaking of physical  conditions in the home, the  Gluecks say: More light i s shed on the economic status of the families of our juvenile delinquents by consideration of the physical aspects of their homes. Dividing these into "wholesome", "fair", and "unwholesome", i t was found that of the homes.of 743.families in which this factor was determinable, 97 (13%) were classifiable as wholesome; I84 (24.8%) were f a i r ; and 462 (62.2%) were unwholesome. "Wholesome" i s applied to the home, in which there is.adequate space, light, ventilation, and cleanliness; "fair", applies to the home having more than one of the above advantages and one of the factors which characterize the "unwholesome" home, one in which there is overcrowding, lack of ventilation, and lack of cleanliness (14:71).  53 Although, onoe again, no figures for the general population are available, i t would be a sad reflection on our society i f half the homes were maintained i n a condition of disorderliness.  SUMMARY The following information has been disclosed concerning the parents, families and homes of the delinquents i n this survey: A. The Parents. 1. In forty-four per cent of the cases, both parents were born i n Canada* 2. Only half of the delinquents came from homes i n which the parents were alive and together. 3. Thirty per cent of the parents had separated for reasons other than death. 4. The habits of nearly half of the parents were known to be deserving of condemnation while those of almost a quarter were questionable. 5* About seventy per cent of the mothers and over sixty per cent of the fathers were enjoying normal health at the time of the case worker's v i s i t * 6. Over ninety per cent of the fathers, excluding pensioners and those i n the armed services, were unskilled or semi-skilled labourers. 7. Over thirty per cent of the wives were known to be engaged i n gainful employment. 8. About one quarter of the families were living under conditions of destitution or poverty.  54 9. Seventy per cent of the parents for whom reports were available had gone no further than the elementary grades i n schooling B. The Family. 1. The family organization could be described as normal in forty-two per eent of the cases. 2. Sixteen per cent of the delinquents were illegitimate. 3. There was nothing to indicate.that order of birth was a determining factor in delinquency although, i n families of eight or more children.,, the last-born tended to be the delinquents. C. The Home. 1. About half of the group lived i n houses. 2. About one quarter of the places of accommodation were of good quality. 3. About one third of the homes were kept i n good condition  CHAPTER V SCHOOL AND CHURCH According to Sullenger, the primary groups are the family, the playgroup, the neighbourhood (which includes the church) and the school (38:3-119)*  Of these, the family i s the basic primary group but  a l l are characterized by face-to-face relationships*  The school, which  w i l l be dealt with f i r s t and more extensively, because i t handles practically a l l youngsters between the ages of six and fifteen probably is more influential i n the lives of modern children than i s the church (23:395). THE SCHOOL The basis for selecting the f i f t y delinquents of this survey was that a l l were attending the academic division of the Biscoq* educational programme*  Since none had completed his education, then,  progress can be measured only in terms of retardation and comparison with peers previous to commitment. Age and Grade Table XLT i s an age-grade classification of the f i f t y Biscoq* boys as at September 1, 1945*  Eighty-eight per cent f a l l between  the ages of twelve and fifteen, only six per cent being above and six per cent below these ages. The grades from five to eight include a l l but twelve per cent below and fourteen per cent above these levels.  55  56 TABLE XII AGE AND GRADE OF FIFTY BISCOQ. BOYS ( SEPT.l, 1945) Grade Age 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16  years years years years years years years years  Totals  3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 l  1  1  1 1 2 5 1 4 1 1 1 2 1 2  1 3 3 5  1 1 2 1 2 4 1 l  2 4 ]1 8 12 6 5 2  Number  Per cent  1 2 0 11 10 8 15 3  2 4 0 22 20 16 30 6  50  100  Retardation Retardation figures were computed by comparison with a normal  "1 school progress rate of one grade for each year of attendance* example, a boy who commenced grade one in September, 1940, in grade six in September, 1945;  For  should be  therefore, i f he were only i n grade  five at the latter date, he would be considered as one year or one grade retarded.  In preparing Table XIII, the actual age at which  each boy started school was checked carefully.  From the table i t is  clear that the least retardation occurs, i n the highest grades represented by the group, that i s , grades eight, nine and ten* in which only one boy was retarded as much as the average of two years. 1  Vancouver computes statistics of retardation and acceleration on a half-yearly basis. Figures released by the Bureau of Measurements, then, l i s t 36.2 per cent of Vancouver school children as being over age one half-year or more (1943-1944)'  57  4  TABLE XEII SOHOOL RETARDATION IN YEARS OF FIFTY BISCOQ,. BOYS Number of Years Retarded  0 +1 +2 +3 + 4 +5 *-6 +7 l 1 Gr. 3 l Gr. 4 1 1 1 Gr. 5 1 1 2 6 1 l Gr. 6 2 5 Gr. 7 2 2 4 4 Gr. 8 1 4 1 Gr. 9 1 4 Gr. 10 1 1 Totals 1 6 13 13 11 4 0 1 1 Per Cent 2 12 26 26 22 8 0 2 2 Grade - 1  Totals  2 4 11 8 12 6 5 2 50 100  In Figure 6, which presents the over-all picture i n graphical form i t may be seen that seventy-four per cent are retarded from one to three years.  5 Numbir  Fig 6. — YEARS  OF FIFTY  io of  bo^s.  SCHOOL RETARDATION BISCOQ. BOYS ;  OF  58 In Figure 7, tne figures given i n Figure 6 are transposed into percentages and compared with the findings of the Glueeks (14: 87). The writer found that eighty-six per cent of the f i f t y hoys were at least one year behind in grade i n their school work.  Official  studies report retardation of twelve per cent among Massachusetts  1927 (14:88).  elementary school boys in  PERCLNTAGt  YEARS  EACH  °P  -EL.  Hg.TAHOA.TION  1-8  IB +1 f A  u  fA  +2  +5 f  A  MOKE. I &  2.o  15.5  /////////////;  /////////////////////////A/ 27S  IIIIUIIIIKIIMMIUnHHi  Z.(..Q  24.4-  y///////////////////#///////////#/i  34.0  TOTALS  to  to  Per  ••A. —  PER THE.  C«at  TKis  CENT  Suw j t  (b'i»co<0-  RETARDATION  GLUECKS FOUND  IN  tOO.Q  SO  <jlu««. k  T t u  EZZZZIfc. Fig. 7.  REPORTED  BY  WITH  THAT  COMPARED THIS  SURVEY  C&lSCOt^).  *" The balance of these was classified as ungraded.  \  OF  ttROUP  59 Number of Elementary Schools Attended It takes a considerable length of time to establish roots and to. gain satisfying recognition i n a new community.  But to move,  once these roots become firmly embedded, often means a breaking-off of friendships; to the sensitive child the world seems at an end. Some indication of the moves and new adjustments made by our delinquents i s revealed by Table XIV which tabulates the number of schools attended by each pupil previous to enrolment i n a junior or senior high school. TABLE XIV NUMBER OF SCHOOLS ATTENDED BY FIFTY BISCOQ. BOYS (IN ELEMENTARY GRADES) Per Cent  Total  50  16 24 20 24 4 10 2 100  Average number of schools attended per pupil—3.14 The above figures, which do not include school attendance at Biscoq. or the Vancouver Detention Home, evidence that the average number of schools attended per pupil was  3»14»  l a many cases,  parole from the Industrial School w i l l mean attendance at s t i l l another school and, since many of the boys are s t i l l in the lower grades, i t is l i k e l y that some of them w i l l make more moves during  60 their adolescent years. Standard of Achievement The permanent progress record cards used in the Province of British Columbia specify the following percentages of letter grades to be given: "A"-five per cent; "B"-twenty per cent; "0+"-fifteen per cent; "C"-twenty per cent; "C-"-fifteen per cent; ^"-twenty per cent; "E"-five per cent. According to this scheme, a normal group of f i f t y pupils would give the distribution shown by the striped bars of Figure 8; the actual distribution of the f i f t y delinquents i s shown by the solid bars.  The data for the latter  LETTtR-  T O T A L cP.E . L I N -  RtCOM-  * It  2ZZZ2  O.o  mimnmmmmm  10-0  ###///////////////,  75  c f y////#//////////////////A  io-o  I*  iiiiiMHiiiiiiiin  9  U  75  li/ilillltlHItltilMIIMMMl  100  mini  zs  T O T A L S  5  of  NurAbtr  \fI/(/1I.R«COM»ICNO».O  F«<j. 3.  COMPARISON DELINQUENT".-  QtsTAieurioH  OF (BISCOQ)  IO  12-0  7.0 I4-.0  K-O  5QQ  fl.fl^.0e.i.iN4utNT  REC0MME.NDE0 L E T T ER- GRADES .  Dt»T*«et>Tiai<<  AND  61 were obtained by averaging the letter grades obtained during the two years immediately previous to commitment. From the graph, i t may be seen that over half of the f i f t y delinquents f a l l below the  1 f i r s t quartile of the general school population i n achievement. Unless children whose achievement was so inadequate were deriving some other form of satisfaction from their school experience, i t i s not likely that the humdrum routine of daily attendance would have much attraction for them. The child who i s not satisfied i n his home l i f e may run away, either to escape from the situation or to draw upon himself the type of recognition he craves.  Similarly,  intense school dissatisfaction or thorough boredom leads to truancy, "the kindergarten of crime"  (17:779)..  Figure 9) presents the truancy picture for the f i f t y delinquents during the year immediately previous to institutional commitmemt. For the purpose of classification, those voluntarily missing more than an average of one day monthly might be described as "serious" and those missing more than forty days during the year as "chronic". When i t i s remembered that those i n the latter group missed two or more f u l l months of schooling during the year, i t i s easy to reconcile chronic truancy with retardation and low standards of achievement.  1  See Chapter VII for comparison of school achievement with intelligence rating.  62  TRUANCY OF THE. YEAR  F i . 9. 3  L  "  ".r~ "•" r  . DURING  BISCOQ. PREVIOUS  T O  COMMITMENT.  •-,«.£-.;««....-••  - -•>. '  The above figure, then, shows that sixty-four per cent are i n the serious and chronic classifications, the latter division representing thirty per cent of the entire group. Healy and Bronner found truancy, counting only those cases i n which non-attendance had been "more than slight", to exist among forty per cent of delinquent boys  (18:171).  In England, Burt listed persistent truancy i n seventeen  per cent of his male cases  (7:l6).  In New York, the Bureau of  Attendance reported a rate of. 1.6 per thousand of the general school population  (31:136).  Here in Vancouver the Bureau of Measurements gave  a truancy rate of 2.2 per thousand in the elementary and 2*4 per thousand i n the junior high school grades for the school year 1943 to 1944 (43:  Table  16).  j  63 Table XV gives the extent of truancy by grades.  The record  for the grade nine and ten pupils i s shown to be a l i t t l e better TABLE XV TRUANCY DISTRIBUTION BY GRADES OF FIFTY BISCOQ. BOYS Days of Truancy During Year Grade  11-20  0 . l-io  Gr. 3 Gr. k Gr. 5 Gr. 6 Gr. 7 Gr. 8 Gr. 9 Gr. 10 Totals  1 1 4 34  2  Per Cent  8  28  8  l l  1 1  2 2 4 2 2  21-40  1 1 4  than that for the lower grades.  Over 40  1 2 2 5 2  1 1 5 4 2 2  1 13 26  15 30  Totals  2 4 11 8  12 6 5 2 50 100  Two of the former were among the four  non-truants for the year and none of them was a chronic offender by the preceding classification.  Figure I© gives the percentage in  each grade absent without legitimate reason more than once monthly during the school year. record, closely followed  The grade six pupils hold the worst by those in grades seven and eight.  The  highest truancy rate seems to appear after the child has been five or six years in school, long enough to become quite familiar with the elementary programme and to become thoroughly dissatisfied i f the adjustment were a poor one. 1  1  The slight decrease of truancy  See Appendix C for boys statements regarding why they committed truancy and what they did with their "borrowed'' time. 1  64  Fig. lO. —  PERCENTAGE.  ABSCNT  FOR  MONTHLY  DURING TO  OF  CASES  TRUANCY THE  IN  EACH  MORE. SCHOOL.  GRADE  THAN YEAR  ONCE PREVIOUS  COMM t T M E M T "  in grades-seven and eight may be due i n part to the dropping out of a fraction of the malcontents and partly to the holding power exercised by grade eight standing as an end in view.  By grade nine,  most of the dissentients would have departed and the interest of the remainder would be held, for a time at least, by the new situation. Liking for School  1 The above analysis seems to be borne out by Table XVT  in  1 The information for this table was obtained by mean'sof a questionnaire, a copy of which i s given in Appendix A, and by private interview.  65 which the boys' own feelings regarding school are expressed.  1  TABLE XVI SCHOOL ATTITUDE OF FIFTY BISCOQ. BOYS Grade Liked school . Indifferent Dated dislike Protracted dislike Totals  3 4 5 6 7 8 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 5 1 2 3  9 10 T 2 l 11 1 l 4 2 13  2 3 5 6 6 2 4 11 8 12 6 5  22 2 50  Not one of the boys in grades eight, nine and ten i s listed in the group expressing protracted dislike.  It may be recalled that the  least retardation and the least truancy occurred i n these same three grades. (See Tables XIII and XV).  It would appear, then, that  liking for school, normal progress, and the lack of truancy are closely associated. In a l l , seventy per cent of the cases expressed a dislike for school.  Thirteen boys could r e c a l l a definite point at which  this dislike commenced; their reasons far dissatisfaction are listed in Table XVII.  It i s of interest to note that seven trace  their dislike to poor adjustment to a new situation, five being  1  Because school attitudes may have been influenced by attendance at Biscoq. classes, i t was explained carefully to the boys that they were to express only the opinion held previous to commitment.  66 TABLE X \ n i SOME REASONS FOR DATED DISLIKE OF SCHOOL BY BISCOQ,. BOYS  F e l l behind in work  5 3 2 1  Work became too difficult in grade 4  1  Lost interest i n last few months  1  Poor adjustment to new school Work became too d i f f i c u l t in grade 5 Couldn't get along with new teacher  13  Total  1 to a new school and two to a new teacher.  Five of the remaining  six cases began to dislike school when the tide of work swept over their heads.  Eight of the twenty-two boys expressing protracted  dislike attributed their discontent to inability to do the work and another six to lack of interest. (Table XVTIl). Before the school can be blamed for this situation, a great deal more psychological information must be known. For instance, to what extent i s persistence a determinant of school success? tence a characteristic of delinquency?  1  See case number 2 , Appendix B.  Is lack of persis-  To what degree  is  67 TABLE XVIII SOME REASONS FOR PROTRACTED DISLIKE OF SCHOOL BY BISCOQ,. BOYS  School work failed to appeal  8 6  Hated school and teachers  3  Too far to travel  1  Couldn't do work  1 "Picked on" by teachers  1  Objected to general restraint and lack of freedom Total  22  persistence innate and to what extent learned or acquired?  The  answers to some of these questions most certainly would f a c i l i t a t e a more comprehensive evaluation of the school programme* Co-operation Between Parents and Sohool If the boys' statements may be regarded as being reasonably accurate, i t would appear that most delinquent truants are found out and punished, both at home and at school. Furthermore, as revealed i n Table XIX, both school and home appear to favour corporal punishment as a means of persuading against the advisability of truancy. However, were there complete synthesis of action, one agency would pass along i t s information to the other and there would  1  For description of this boy, see case number 1 , Appendix B.  6a be no discrepancy between the two columns regarding those i ... "not found out".  However, that there i s not close co-operation TABLE XIX  SCHOOL AND HOME PUNISHMENT OF FIFTY BISCOQ,. BOYS FOR TRUANCY Nature of Punishment Strap Loss of privileges Kept i n Ears "boxed" "Beat Up" Write lines Put early to bed Promise of strap Expelled Make up time Not found out No punishment No truancy Totals  Home  19 10 3 2 2 1 1 0 0 0 4 4 4 50  School  30 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 •1 6 6 4 50  between parents of the delinquents and the school, i s evidenced by the answers to the questionnaire distributed to the teachers or  1  principals concerned.  Record of family co-operation i n school  affairs was stated to be unsatisfactory in twenty-two (51.2  per cent)  of the forty-three cases for which, information was available. When parents are in close contact with the school situation and interested in the progress of their children, they are in a position to influence attitudes and behaviour patterns. Since the school conduct, as reported  1  See Appendix A for copy of this questionnaire.  69 by the teachers concerned, was very unsatisfactory for fifty-eight per cent of the f i f t y delinquents, a larger degree of parental interest no doubt would be welcomed. THE CHURCH Attendance of Delinquents In the course of conversations, discussion groups and newspaper readings during the last few years, the writer has encountered the theory that children who attend Sunday school do not become delinquent.  This rather unqualified statement most certainly i s i  not borne out by the findings shown in Figure IX.  5 r  i<}. U . — ATTENDANCE. AT  Thirty-four.  . 10  Number  OF  EIFTt • >. ftlSCO^- I eoYS  CHURCH  OK  SUNDAY  SCHOOL..  per cent had attended regularly, that i s at least twice monthly, since early childhood; twenty-six per cent had, at some time, attended regularly for a continuous period of more than one year; another twenty-four per cent attended occasionally; and only sixteen  70 per cent had never attended either church or Sunday .school. Landis reports a study i n which i t was found that approximately forty per cent of a l l young people i n Wood County, Wis., were church members (23:192).  It might be argued that, since the survey mentioned by  Landis includes a large number of older youths who would be likely to have more diversified interests, one might expect a decreased church membership. However, this possibility i s balanced by the fact that many adolescents are drawn into the church through social activities that f a i l to appeal at the younger age. Attendance of Parents It i s interesting to note that of the thirty boys who had attended church or Sunday /School regularly for a continuous period of more than one year, twenty-two cases had one or both parents attending regularly.  (Table XX). In only five eases were the parents  TABLE XX ATTENDANCE OF PARENTS AND CHILDREN AT CHURCH OR SUNDAY SCHOOL (FIFTY BISCOQ. CASES) Children's Attendance  Parents* Attendance Reg. Occ. None  T  Per Cent  Regular Occasional None  22 2  3 7  5 3 8  30 12 8  60 24 16  Totals  24  10  16  50  100  Per Cent  48  20  32  100  reported as never attending.  Of the eight cases who never attended^;,  not one parent ever put i n an appearance at church.  71 Although there may be some justification for saying that juvenile delinquents tend less frequently to be Sunday School pupils, i t would be Incorrect to say that delinquency i s absent among church members. On the contrary, even the more serious offenders are msmbered among Sunday 'school classes. It i s safe to state only that non-attendance of the child frequently i s paralleled by church absence on the part of the parent. Voluntary Attendance and Recreation The boys were divided about equally regarding the amount of compulsion influencing their ehurch a f f i l i a t i o n , twenty-two cases reporting voluntary and twenty cases compulsory attendance. A number of them spoke enthusiastically about participation i n recreational evenings, hikes and summer camps, made possible through the church connection.  In a l l , twenty-five boys reported having  taken part in some form of church recreation and many of those who did not regretted having been unable to do so.  This contemporary  trend of the churches to provide f a c i l i t i e s for wholesome social participation among their younger members i s very commendable. Religious Denominations The various religious denominations represented by the f i f t y cases are given in Table XXI.  The largest single groups represented  are Church of England and Roman Catholic with twenty-six and twentytwo per cent, respectively. In other studies, considerable mention has been made of the high proportion of Roman Catholics among delinquents. Wright, studying 873 Biscoq. boys, reported the  72 TABTJ5 XXI  RELIGIOUS AFFILIATIONS OF FIFTY BISCOQ,. BOYS  3 13 1 1 5 11 1 7 8 50  Baptist Church of England Lutheran Pentecostal Presbyterian Roman Catholic Russian Orthodox United Church Non-denominational Total  greatest number of cases among Roman Catholic, Presbyterian and Church of England groups with that order  (45:131)*  25*8, 18*6  and 18*3 per cent, i n  As he says:  It must be realized, however, that while many branches of the protestent faith are listed, the Roman Catholics are classified under one heading only* The religious statistics are included, not to suggest that any one denomination produces more juvenile delinquents than any other but, to point out that no one religion has a monopoly (45:132)* Isobel Harvey's survey of the Boy's Industrial School revealed that among Vancouver commitments,  1935  to 1939,  37«7 per  cent of  the recidivists and 23.2 per cent of the non-recidivists were of the Roman Catholic faith (16:  after page 28).  The Gluecks  reported that 73.7 per cent of 926 Boston delinquent boys were  66*4 per cent Catholics among the general population (14:67). Robison revealed that although  Catholic as compared to Massachusetts  34*1 per cent of the New York city population i s made up of Roman Catholics,  56.5 per  the Catholic church  cent of 10,374 delinquents were a f f i l i a t e d with  (31:67-68).  73 Regardless of whether or not a child frequents the local church and regardless of the religious a f f i l i a t i o n he may profess, the very fact that he i s delinquent indicates that he has not been guided by those ethical concepts which are the very p i l l a r s of church existence. However, such indication must not be taken to imply that the church as i t exists i s incapable of adequate moral guidance nor that i t i s not contributing to the control of delinquent behaviour. It does indicate, however, the c r i t i c a l need among a l l social institutions, of which the church i s one, for a moving forward and a broadening so as to encompass a l l manner of individuals of every colour, race and creed. SUMMARY This chapter has been concerned with discovering characteristics of the f i f t y delinquents related to education and religion. The information obtained may be summarized as follows: A. The School. 1. Seventy per cent of this group l i e between the ages of twelve and fifteen and grades five and eight. 2.  The average retardation i s two grades per pupil,  only fourteen per cent not being retarded at least one year. 3. Only one of the thirteen pupils i n or above grade eight was retarded as much as the average. 4. During the elementary years, each boy attended an average of 3.14  schools. 5. Fifty-six per cent had a letter-grade average of  74 «D" or E ,r  n  during the two years previous to commitment, 6. Sixty-four per cent played truant more than once  monthly during the year previous to commitment; only four cases were guiltless of this offence. 7. The grade nine pupils held the best record i n regard to truancy and those i n grade six the worst. 8.  There seems to be a close association among dislike  of school, retardation and truancy. 9* According to the teachers and principals concerned, family co-operation i n school affairs was lacking i n over half the cases. 10. Fifty-eight per cent of the cases were reported as displaying unsatisfactory school oonduct. B. The Church. 1. Sixty per cent of the cases had attended church or Sunday School regularly for a continuous period ranging from one year to l i f e . 2>-  Only sixteen per cent had never attended. There was a close association between attendance of the  boys and attendance of their parents. 3. Half of those who attended did so voluntarily. 4*  Nearly sixty per cent of those who attended took advan-  tage of church recreational f a c i l i t i e s . 5. The largest single affiliations were with the Anglican and Roman Catholic denominations.  CHAPTER VI CLUBS, LEISURE AND WORK During recent years, community organization has tended towards the provision of greater f a c i l i t i e s for children, adolescents and youths to participate i n group activities.  It has featured the  appearance of community centres, such as Gordon and Alexandra Houses here in Vancouver, and the mushroom-like rise of "teen canteens". It was hoped that, among other beneficial returns, these new recreational institutions would contribute to delinquency control. However, the movement i s not without i t s c r i t i c s .  Some maintain that  the anti-social individual resists and, frequently, resents this further attempt to organize his spare time, thus missing the socializing experience he so needs.  On the other hand, his more gregarious brother,  already carrying a f u l l social programme, through this additional opportunity for participation may f a i l to develop what Landis terms an "integrated philosophy". He may even lose his power to discriminate and choose. Casual participation in many groups without deep loyalty to any one group does not necessarily broaden personality; i t may make i t shallow, superficial, and ineffective. ....Personality integration can be achieved i n a complex society only as the person establishes goals i n his own mind, selects activities, and limits social participation in the light of these goals (23:396-397). Considerable criticism i s directed against evening activities which tend to draw a l l or part of the family from the home, thus not only breaking up the most important primary group but also providing opportunity for undesirable behaviour on the way to and from the meeting place.  However, considerable time must elapse before the  results may be evaluated adequately.  75  76 In this chapter, an attempt w i l l be made to determine the extent of membership in organized clubs of the f i f t y delinquents being studied.  The seetion on other leisure activities w i l l include library  membership, attendance at movies, radio listening, and unsatisfactory companions. Since a l l of these boys attended school, the description of work activities w i l l include only periods of out-of-school employment, some of which may have been "borrowed" from time ordinarily devoted to schooling* CLUB MEMBERSHIP Throughout this section on club membership, the findings regarding the f i f t y delinquents w i l l be compared only with those of the survey undertaken in 1938 by the Vancouver Council of Social Agencies through i t s Committee on Spare Time Activities (42)* reason for this i s twofold.  The  F i r s t , although the Vancouver Survey  does not investigate the specific geographic areas represented by the f i f t y delinquents, i t corresponds more closely i n this respect than does any other extensive survey known to the writer. Secondly, the survey questionnaire form used by the Vancouver Council of Social Agencies listed the actual group work organizations upon which conclusions were based. The only changes made by the writer i n using this questionnaire, were to remove those items which applied only to g i r l s and to leave a space for including the names of clubs which have become firmly established in other parts of the province or have appeared in Vancouver since 1938.  1  Copies of both forms are included in Appendix A.  77 Table XXII gives the a f f i l i a t i o n of the f i f t y delinquents with organized clubs, by length of membership and number of group  1  agencies attended.  In regard to length of membership, boys who  had attended mare than one club were classified according to the one with which they had been affiliated far the longest time.  For  example, a lad who had been a member of one organization f o r four years and of several others for periods of a few months would be grouped in the "2-5  years'* column. It may be seen from the TABLE XXII  MEMBERSHIP OF FIFTY BISCOQ,. BOYS IN ORGANIZED GLOBS Number of Clubs Less than Attended 1 year  1-2  yrs.  2-5  None One Two Three Four Five  9 2 2  5 6 4  3 1  Total  13  15  4  yrs., Over 5 years  0 2 2 1 1 6  Total Per Cem  12 17 11 8 1 1 50  24 34 22 16 2 2 100  the table that f i f t y per cent had been regular members of at least one club for a continuous period of one year or more; twenty-six per cent had attended for a period or periods of less than one year; twenty-four per cent had never belonged to an organized club. Of the thirty-eight cases who, at some time, had attended a club,  1 Because of varying library f a c i l i t i e s throughout the province, this item was not included i n the table. However, library membership w i l l be dealt with i n the next section of this chapter.  78 7^.3  per cent professed having experienced considerable enjoyment  in the activities of at least one; 18*4 per cent expressed dislike for a l l group agencies attended.  It i s of interest to note that not  one of the latter group had been attached to a club for as long as one year. The Survey of the Vancouver Council of Social Agencies reported the following club membership for boys:  thirty-seven per cent i n  elementary school, thirty per cent i n junior high and twenty-four per cent i n high school  (42:6,8).  Since the figures for the  elementary and the 'junior high schools covered grades three to nine, they would be most comparable to those for the delinquent group. The Vancouver results covered a total of  14,709 boys.  No statistics  were given to show length of membership; a boy was listed as affiliated i f attending a club at the time the survey was taken. From the foregoing data i t may be concluded that, i n regard to membership i n organized clubs, the group of f i f t y delinquents compares favourably with the group of  14*709 school  boys studied by the  Vancouver Council of Social Agencies. OTHER LEISURE ACTIVITIES A l l information pertaining to leisure activities, except membership i n libraries and i n organized clubs, was obtained entirely through personal interviews. The data revealed were so diverse that any sort of classification was possible only i n a few instances. However, i t would appear that most spare time was taken up by club activities, attendance at movies, listening to the radio, and playing with "the kids" or with "the gang". Almost without exception, the  79 boys belonged to a somewhat loosely organized group usually composed of others residing in the same general neighbourhood.  One Vancouver  boy, convicted of malicious damage to public property adjacent to his own home, regularly travelled half-way across the city i n order to engage i n the gang activities of the neighbourhood i n which he had resided three years previously.  "Gang warfare" was not uncommon,  the most outstanding example being that of two Vancouver groups of from ten to twenty boys each which opposed each other every Saturday afternoon on the False Creek f l a t s , engaging i n sling and air r i f l e fights.  Many of the f i f t y boys admitted that their  group activities frequently included various forms of mischief and a considerable amount of petty thieving.  Usually, the latter  involved only three or four boys at any one time. Library Membership Without actually contacting each British Columbia town represented by the f i f t y delinquents, the availability of library f a c i l i t i e s could not be ascertained.  Sixteen cases, or thirty-two per cent claimed  that they obtained books from a library.  Cole reports a Survey  of the American Youth Commission crediting between thirty and thirtyfive per cent of male adolescents with use of the library  (10:426).  On the whole, this study would involve an older age group, but i t would appear that about an equal percentage of delinquents and of adolescents in general use the library. Attendance at Movies Figure 12 gives the frequency of attendance at movies of the f i f t y delinquent boys.  It may be seen that ninety-two per cent  80  Fig. 12. — ATTENDANCE  OF FIFTY BlSCOq. AT MOVIES.  BOYS  attended once or more each week. One boy stated that, using money designated by his mother for the purpose, he attended the movies from six to ten times each week,, frequently playing truant from school i n order to do so. Sanderson reported on the movie attendance of 381 Burnaby school children between the ages of ten and nineteen. His findings for the group of eighty-five boys between age eleven and age fourteen are expressed i n Table XXIII. in this table, i t i s evident that 70.4  From the figures  per cent of his group  attended from twice monthly to once weekly and that  49*6 per cent  attended one or more times each week. By using the figures for his entire group of 178 boys between eleven and nineteen years of age, i t i s found that  43.2  per cent attended onoe or more weekly  (34:3)*  81 TABLE XXIII FREQUENCY OP ATTENDANCE AT MOVIES OF EIGHTY-FtETE BURNABY BOYS BETWEEN THE AGES OF ELEVEN AND FOURTEEN Frequency of Attendance Not at a l l Two or three times per year Once per month Twice per month Three times per month Once per week More than once per week Totals  Cole, reporting a study involving  1  Number Per Cent  2 4 8.2 17.6 17.6 35.2 14.4 100.  2 4 7 15 15 30 12 85  20,000 individuals,  stated  that from fifty-five to eighty-three per cent of the boys at various ages went at least once to the movies during the week of the investigation  (10:493)*  At ages twelve, thirteen, fourteen, and  fifteen, about seventy per cent ef the male cases attended once or more during this sample week (10: Figure 91: 494).  Comparing  the delinquent group with those reported on by Sanderson and by Cole, i t would appear that the f i f t y boys attended the movies considerably more often than average. Radio Listening Since the writer gathered very l i t t l e information concerning radio interests, no comparisons w i l l be made.  1  Adapted from 34: Table II.  The f i f t y delinquents  82 were asked to report their daily use of the radio.  In reply, f i f t y -  two per cent indicated daily listening; thirty-four per cent stated that they usually listened during the day; and fourteen per cent said that they seldom listened. Unsatisfactory Companions A careful search of records, a questionnaire to principals and teachers, and personal interviews with the hoys, revealed only seven cases or fourteen per cent i n which evidence of undesirable companionship was lacking.  Thirty-two boys (sixty-four per cent) had associated  with former Biscoq. commitments and eleven (twenty-two per cent) with undesirable companions other than industrial school material. The Grluecks found that, of 972 male delinquent youngsters, less than four per cent had neither bad companions nor bad habits one study of 130  (14:93).  In  boys and fifty-three g i r l s , Healy and Bronner found  that seventy per cent associated with delinquent companions  (19:52).  In another study, they conclude: A large share of a l l delinquency among juveniles i s a companionship affair....It i s important in planning effective preventive work with delinquents to know that in 62% of 3000 cases companionship could f a i r l y be regarded as a causative factor i n the delinquency, a figure that varies very l i t t l e for the sexes....(18:179). WORK ACTIVITIES This section on work activities concerns only after-school or Saturday employment and does not include any jobs held during vacation periods. Furthermore, since comparable material appears to be lacking, the information w i l l be presented to round out this picture of spare-time- activities rather than to draw comparisons with  83 normal youngsters or with other delinquents.  It may be noted, however,  that whereas thirty-eight per cent of the f i f t y delinquents held some sort of spare-time job at the time of commitment, a Vancouver survey made in 1938 reported that 22.5 per cent of the elementary and 40.0 per cent of the junior high school boys held spare-time jobs at the time the study was conducted  (42:10).  Table XXIV shows that ten boys had not held any form of employment and that, of the remaining forty, nineteen or  47*5 par  cent  obtained their f i r s t after-school job at age.eleven or twelve. TABLE XXIV AGE OF SECURING AFTER-SCHOOL EMPLOYMENT - FIFTY BISCOQ. BOYS Number Per Cent  Age  1 6 8 11 5 8 1 10 50  9 years 10 11 12 13 14 15 No  years years years years years years employment  Totals  2 12 16 22 10 16 2 20 100  The writer obtained the following additional information concerning the forty boys who had engaged in out-of-school employment: 1. Only nine of them (22.5  per cent) had stayed with  any one job more than one year. 2. Twenty-five (62.5 jobs.  per cent) had held only one or two  84 3. Twenty-two (fifty-five per cent) had put i n more than ten hours per week on at least one job. 4* Sixteen (forty per cent) had never earned more than three dollars per week and another forty per cent had never earned more than six dollars per week. One boy had made more than ten dollars per week during non-vacation employment• About twenty-seven per cent of the total number of jobs  r-Eeported  to have been held involved the distribution of newspapers. About sixteen per cent involved the handling of wood and fourteen per cent the eare of lawns. The remaining forty-three per cent were taken care of by eighteen different types of employment. Twenty-one (fifty-five per cent) of the forty boys reporting out-of-school work activities stated that they used at least part of their earnings to assist around the home or i n purchasing necessary articles of clothing. SUMMARY This chapter has disclosed the following information concerning the f i f t y delinquents: A. Club Membership 1. Half of the group had been affiliated with at least one club for a continuous period of a year or more. 2. About three-quarters of those who had ever belonged to organized groups enjoyed the activities of at least one. 3. Of the 18.4 per cent of club members who expressed dislike for group activities, not one had held continuous membership for a period of more than one year.  85 B. Other Leisure Activities 1. About a third made use of library f a c i l i t i e s . 2. Over ninety per cent attended the movies at least once weekly. 3. About half listened daily to the radio. 4. About eighty-five per cent revealed evidence of undesirable companionship. C. Work Activities 1. Thirty-eight per cent held out-of-school employment at the time of commitment. 2. Eighty per cent had, at some time, held an afterschool or Saturday job.  t  CHAPTER VII PHYSICAL, MENTAL AND EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT Of physical, mental, and emotional development, the f i r s t i s the. easiest to measure.  By taking enough representative children in any  given geographic area, norms for height and weight and deviations from those norms may be computed with considerable r e l i a b i l i t y .  Similarly,  by establishing common standards of normality for organic functioning, such abnormalities as nose, eye, ear and throat defects may be noted. However, mental and emotional development are of a much more abstract nature and attempts to measure them are s t i l l in the experimental stage.  A number of "intelligence" tests (which appear to estimate  scholastic aptitude quite accurately) are now available and attempts to assemble comparative data concerning the emotions are being made through the use of personality tests. Physical growth may be measured over a period of time.  For  example, the results of a programme designed to increase the weight of an under-nourished boy may be ascertained at the conclusion of the period stated.  For this reason, the writer has decided to base  his presentation of physical data upon a study of forty Biscoq. boys conducted by him i n  1943*  A l l cases in the group studied at that  time had been i n the Industrial School for at least six months and thus long enough to show the results of institutional care.  1  1  An  The effects of six months of institutional care upon the physical development of these forty boys are described in the concluding chapter.  86  87 insufficient number of the f i f t y boys studied throughout the rest of this thesis had been long enough in Biscoq. to make possible a similar study with them. Although the record cards of a considerable number of the f i f t y Biscoq. boys showed the results of several intelligence tests, one group test—the National—was used with the entire group for the purpose of securing uniformity.  Similarly, one test—-the California  Test of Personality—was used with a l l f i f t y boys to measure aspects of emotional development. PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT In making any study of the physical development of a selected group, the main difficulty l i e s i n the inadequacy of reliable comparative data concerning the characteristics of the general population.  Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck, in their report on boys in  the Clinic of the Judge Baker Foundation, draw attention to the fact that clear-cut physical comparisons are impossible u n t i l medical authorities prepare suitable national standards  (13:14)*  Fairly satisfactory norms for height and weight have been established, but any attempts to standardize percentage figures for physical defects, and abnormalities have been hampered by the very difficulty in ascertaining the point where any particular form of development ceases to be normal. A certain amount of unreliability i s engendered by the economic conditions prevailing at the time of a given survey as contrasted with those of the period chosen for comparison.  For example, the  physical growth of children at the present time might be superior  88 to that of children during depression years.  In this regard, both the  matron and doctor in charge of the physical examination of boys committed to Biscoq. remarked upon the superiority of recent cases over those of depression days, although no survey to prove their surmise has been made. One f i n a l difficulty i n securing comparative data i s that of geographic location.  Norms for Florida, for instance, might not  prove satisfactory in a report of selected British Columbia children. Factors such as climate, economic instability, urban or rural population, and so on, contribute to clouding the significance of any report that attempts to compare the physical development of a selected group with that of the general population. Height and Weight Height, and weight characteristcs lend themselves most readily as bases for comparison but are governed, in part, by the limitations outlinedabove.  Using the forty boys previously described, the  writer found them to be, on the average, .15 pounds overweight and  .92 inches  under normal height  (15:4)•  Segregating the twenty-two  cases whose intelligence quotients were over eighty-five, the writer found them to be 2.77 pounds over and .83 inches under normal. The remaining eighteen with intelligence quotients under eighty-five were underweight as well as underheight, being down  1.06 inches  on the average  3*06 pounds and  (15:6).  Burt found industrial school boys to be nine pounds lighter and nearly four inches shorter than normal at age thirteen and went on to say that "If we compare industrial school children, not with  89 the general average, but with the average of neglected children or of those i n poor law institutions, the delinquents s t i l l show to disadvantage"  (7:209).  Healy and Bronner, studying a group made up of 130 boys and twentythree g i r l s , reported twenty-three per cent to be more than three inches short for age norms  (19:51)*  The writer found only four cases  or ten per cent of the forty Biscoq. boys to have a minus deviation of more than three inches from normal height. Whereas Healy and Bronner found nine per cent of their group to be more than ten per cent underweight for age-height norms  (19:51),  per cent i n this category (15: Figure 1).  the writer found  12*5  From a perusal of his  statistics, the writer noticed that the average of .92 inches underheight seemed to be made up by a very few boys who deviated quite markedly from normal height, while, although two or three cases were considerably underweight, the majority of the boys were close to the curve of normal distribution for weight (15: Figure l ) . Other Physical Characteristics In the same survey that included the height-weight development of forty Biscoq. boys, the writer compared the physical defects of one hundred such boys with those of a group of school children examined in nine eastern United States cities by Oulick and Ayres between  1910  and 1912  (15:4-6).  The results are reproduced in Table XXV.  In neither report are eyes included, since Biscoq. records indicate only those boys whose defects were sufficiently serious to warrant the f i t t i n g of glasses. A glance at the statistics of Table XXV  90 TABLE X£ff COMPARISON OF PHYSICAL DEFECTS OF ONE HUNDRED BISCOQ. BOYS WITH THOSE OF SCHOOL CHILDREN IN NINE CITIES OF THE UNITED STATES Location of Survey  No.of Cases  Number of Children Having defects of:  Total of Defects Teeth Throat Nose Ears Others  9 U.S.Cities  100  42  20  11  Biscoq..  100  63  25  18  3 20  9 48  Children Having Defects  85  50  174  85  shows the pronounced inferiority of the Industrial School boys i n a l l items.  Application of the difficulties previously mentioned  concerning such comparisons, however, obscures the significance of the figures considerably. classed as a defect?  How serious must an ailment be to become  What criteria are to be used in determining  defects? Do doctors always come to the same conclusions i n their diagnoses?  These and many other questions are just criticisms  of any such comparisons.  The heading, "others", i s particularly  open to attack; items here might vary, in the opinion of some, from a sore throat to chronic asthma.  Possibly the most valid criticism  arises from the fact that a registered nurse i s i n residence at the Industrial School, resulting in the immediate notice of any defect that may be present.  A more complete and intimate knowledge is going  to be obtained in this instance than from a survey of thousands of school children. In spite of a l l these criticisms, the high percentage of physical defects among these Biscoq. boys is rather alarming. For eighty-five per cent of a group of boys between the ages of ten and seventeen to be suffering from ailments, however slight, does not  91  seem to be a normal condition (15:6). MENTAL DEVELOPMENT In Chapter One, the writer suggested that there are three types of juvenile delinquents: those who are not caught, those who appear before the courts, and those committed to industrial schools. It seems probable that those in the f i r s t of these groups would tend to be of the highest intelligence.  It must be remembered, then, that  no general statement may be made to the effect that juvenile delinquents are of low, normal, or high intelligence; such may be said only of a given group of delinquents.  As previously stressed, this thesis  i s concerned with the characteristics of industrial school delinquents. To secure intelligence quotients for the f i f t y Biscoq. boys, National Intelligence Tests were used.  Wright secured the I . Q,. of  five hundred twenty-seven Biscoq. boys from results of the l ° l 6 Revision of the Stanford-Binet and from National Intelligence Tests (45:125-128).  His findings are compared with those of the writer  in Table XXVI.  Wright reported a range of from thirty-five to  128, a median of 83.7, 4*3 per cent above an I . Q,. of 109 and about thirteen per cent below seventy (45:126pl27)•  The writer found a  range from forty-three to 127, & median of 87.5» twelve per cent above 109 and twelve per cent below seventy.  This slightly higher  distribution found by the writer may be due to the fact that he studied only Biscoq. boys attending academic school, whereas Wright surveyed the general industrial school population.  1  See case number 3, Appendix B, for an example of pronounced physical defects.  92 TABLE XXVI COMPARISON OF THE INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS OF WRIGHT'S DELINQUENT GROUP WITH THOSE OF THE FIFTY BISCOQ, BOYS I . Q. Above 140  120-139 110-119 90-109 80-89 70-79 50-69 20-49  Below 20 Total  This Survey No. Per Cent  Wright's Survey No. . Per Cent  Class Gifted Very Superior Superior Normal Dull Normal Borderline Moron Imbecile Idiot  0 6 17 213 139 82 55 15 0 527  0.0 1.1 3.2 40.4 26.4 15.6 10.4 2.9 0.0 100.0  0 2 1 20 16 5 5 1 0 50  0 4 2 40 32 10 10 2 0 100  A table prepared by Wright to show the. arithmetic mean intelligence quotients of his own and seven other groups has been reproduced below (45:126). TABLE XXVII ARITHMETIC MEAN INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS OF EIGHT GROUPS OF JUVENILE DELINQUENTS Investigator Burt Healy and Bronner Merrill Armstrong Fenton Livingston Lane and Witty Wright Total Cases  Place  Year No.Investigated  1925 1926 1926 1927  197 4000 236 553  1935 1935 1935 1941  400 407 700 527 7020  London Chicago J.D.Court Cases New York House of Refuge Whittier State School Indianna Boys'School St.Charles (111.) Boys' School. Biscoq.  Average* I.Q.  89 90 82 78  92 89 87.9 86.5 88.4  "*The writer understands Wright to be using average in reference to "arithmetic mean" • fl  n  93 The arithmetic mean of 86.4 discovered by the writer compares very closely with that of 86.5 reported by Wright and i s only slightly lower than that for the  7020 cases  shown i n the table.  Table XXVIII gives the distribution by grades of the intelligence quotients of the f i f t y delinquents.  It may be remembered from  Chapter Five that those boys i n and above grade eight were least retarded, guilty of least truancy, and expressed the least dislike for school of the entire group. TABLE XXVIII DISTRIBUTION BY GRADES OF THE INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS OF FIFTY BISCOQ. BOYS Grade I. Q.  3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10  Above 140  120-139 110-119 90-109 80-89  70-79 50-69 20-49  Below 20 Number Per Cent  1  1  2 2 5 2 1 1 2 1  1  1 2 5 5 4 1 3 5 1 2 1 1  2 4 1 8 12 6 5 2 4 8 22 16 24 12 2D 4  Number  0 2 1 20 16 5 5 1 0 50  Per  Cent  0 •4 2 40 32 10 10 2 0 loo  The above table reveals that only one of the thirteen boys in or above grade eight was below the "normal" classification of intelligence.  In addition, i t i s not u n t i l grade eight is reached  that at least half of those i n each grade have an I . Q . above ninety. Table XXTX gives the distribution by grades retarded of the intelligence quotients of the f i f t y delinquents.  It may be seen  that there is a steady lowering of the intelligence quotients with  94 TABLE XXIX DISTRIBUTION BY GRADES RETARDED OF THE INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS OF FIFTY BISCOQ,. BOYS Years or Grades Retarded  -1 .0  I.Q,. Above 146  120-139 110-119 90-109 80-89 70-79 50-69 . 20-49  1 2  2 1 1 2 9 1 4  3 4  6  7  7 •1 4 6 1 2 3 1 3 1  1 1 6 13 13 21 4 1 1 2 12 as 26 22 . . . . 2 2  Below 20 Number Per Cent  NO.  Per Cent  0 2 1 20 16 5 5 1 0 50  0 4 2 40 32 10 10 2 0 100  8  an increasing amount of retardation, only one of the seventeen boys retarded three or more years being in the "normal" classification for test-intelligence.  As is to be expected, low intelligence and  school retardation go hand-in-hand. EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT A number of studies in juvenile delinquency have made reference to the high incidence of abnormal mental t r a i t s that are non-intellectual in nature. factor among  Burt found general emotional instability to be a  48.1  per cent of boy and girl* delinquents  (7:514).  Gluecks reported as follows: Judged from a psychiatric viewpoint, three-fifths of the delinquent boys had marked emotional and personality defects ranging from a high incidence of conditions not definitely classifiable as psychotic, "psychopathic ', "peculiar", or neurotic, to a small percentage of , definitely psychotic syndromes (14:109). 1  The  95 Healy and Bronner reported the special personality characteristics shown in Table XXX to exist among 130 boy and twenty-three g i r l delinquents  (19:52). TABLE XXX  SPECIAL PERSONALITY" CHARACTERISTICS REPORTED BY HEALY AMD .BRONNER Per Cent  Characteristic  34 50 15 65 7  Overrestless, overactive Very gregarious Tending to be solitary Normal emotional balance Stolid in expression of emotions Temper outbursts, marked i r r i t a b i l i t y , etc. Normal in expression of ethical conceptions concerning conduct Obtuse i n ethical conceptions Conscious inferiority feelings Marked extravert tendencies Marked intravert tendencies Notably day-dreamers  28  75 25 33 15 15 30  Eaeh of the f i f t y Biscoq. boys wrote the California Test of Personality—Elementary, Form A, "a profile of personal and social adjustment".  This test is designed for grades four to nine; a l l  but four of the group were in these grades.  In a l l , the test  includes twelve sub-tests, six for self adjustment and six for social adjustment, as shown i n Figure 13.  The percentile norm given  for each of the twelve divisions i s f i f t y .  In Figure 13, the  median scores for the f i f t y delinquents are compared with these norms.  It may be seen that the delinquent group l i e s above the  norm on seven of the twelve sub-tests and on the totals for adjustment, social adjustment and over-all adjustment.  self  In the f i r s t  96  CK<xro.ck«ri a k i c  Scar« for  FKE.SU L T S  TE.ST  T««k«.d —  I  IO  So  ZO  Percentile . 4 0  ttO  SO  to  TO  "?o  90  ivl^-l—I—I—I— I—I-  A. Self-»-cliar\.c.e_  3e«\»e  74.17  • 1 — r — i -  of  56-67  ^...,...,...,...|..  5857  -l-l-vl-l-^ 0.  realin^  o f  65-35  Bclon^i**^  -l-l-  £ . Withdraw,n.a TindMwies CFi*ecdo«n from )  F. N f c r V O U S  4o.oo  SjnftpkOiW-S  IFreedom  /£. Social  55.35  I -I-  Fro.*)  Aoljustmenk  A. S o c i a l  Standards  B. Social  Skills  Hf-j—|—|-l —  I  Relatione.  E, . S c k o o l  Relabiorvi  F.ComnuLnikj  4S-8J  41.43  -I—  C-Anki-socio.1 Terwi«r«*ies D. Fnnv'it^  I --I-  6040  . |...|....|.  55-0O  I.- I - I I 55-33  ftelakVons  1 1  TOTAL ADJUSTMENT I  -I—IIO  - * - l — I—i—I—I-  * 0  J o  + 0 SO  Percentile (Norm- — LE.GE.NO»  (&is«ocj.  FKJ. 1 3 . —  ME.PI A N  SCORES  COMPARED  WITH  CALIFORNIA  T E S T  O F  FIFTY  NORMS O F  TO  »o  10  55.00  SS  —  ^  &ISCOQ.. O N T H E .  PERSONALITY  1  BOYS  97 set Of sub-tests, the high score on "Self-reliance" and low score on "Nervous Symptoms" are to be expected from such a group. However, in view of the characteristics already revealed i n this thesis, the high median on "Feeling of Belonging" i s quite surprising. In the second set, one would expect lower scores on practically a l l sub-tests; the median for "School Relations" seems to approximate most closely an expected mode. Fifty per cent of the group lay between 40.19 self adjustment, and  69.27 for  33.25 and 76.75 for  total adjustment.  and 73.15  for  social adjustment, and 40.73  A general sliding down on the  scale, particularly for social adjustment, would provide a distribution more in keeping with expectations.  It is possible  that this discrepancy between the expected and the actual i s due to a tendency on the part of the students to select the answer believed to be desired rather than the one known to be the truth. Whatever the reason, there is no indication from this test of general personal and social maladjustment on the part of this delinquent group. SUMMARY The following information concerning the characteristics of Biscoq. boys has been disclosed: 1. The forty boys studied for physical characteristics were of normal weight but were, on the average, .92 inches under normal height.  The group with intelligence test scores under  eighty-five tended to be inferior to those of over eighty-five I . Q.. in both height and weight.  98  2. Eighty-five of one hundred Biscoq.. boys studied by the writer showed evidence of minor or major physical defects. 3 . The median intelligence quotient for the fifty Biscoq. boys was 8 7 . 5 * 4.  A l l but one of the thirteen boys in or above grade  eight were of normal scholastic aptitude. 5» A l l but one of the seventeen boys retarded three or more years were less than normal for test-intelligence. 6. Results of the California Test of Personality gave a normal or slightly above normal distribution for the f i f t y Biscoq. boys.  Only on "Nervous Symptoms" and "School Relations" might the  deviation below the norm be described as significant.  CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSIONS AMD RECOMMENDATIONS The purpose of this thesis, as outlined in Chapter One, was to examine carefully a number of characteristics of the industrial school male delinquent.  Accordingly, the writer devoted five  chapters to a study of the nature of the crime committed, court appearances, the role of social work agencies, factors in the home and family, school and church relationships, clubs and other sparetime activities, and the physical, mental and emotional development of the offenders.  It was hoped that the information disclosed would  serve to guide those engaged in delinquency prevention, the directors of industrial school programmes, and those concerned with adequate parole policies.  In addition, the writer planned to synthesize his  factual conclusions with elements of his own experience for the purpose of formulating certain recommendations for delinquency prevention, institutional treatment, and parole. The investigation was based upon a sample composed of f i f t y boys currently attending academic school classes at the Boys' Industrial School, Coquitlam.  Each boy i n the group had been taught  by the writer or a member of his staff for a period ranging from months to years.  The smallness of the sample was offset, at least  in part, by the intimacy made possible through close daily association with each member of the group.  It was thus possible to weigh each  piece of evidence in the light of actual experience with the boy concerned. The chief sources of information were Biscoq. f i l e s and personal  99  100. Interviews with each of the f i f t y boys. The latter included not only at least one planned interview to seek certain specific facts but also a number of casual, quite informal meetings and discussions.  The  data so obtained were supplemented by questionnaires to principals, teachers, and to the boys themselves, and by school progress and medical cards. The results have been summarized into a number of major conclusions outlined below. CONCLUSIONS Before any meaningful recommendations may be formulated, i t i s necessary to recapitulate some of the more significant findings. These are arranged according to the order i n which they appeared throughout the body of the thesis and pertain directly to the boys studied by the writer at the Provincial Industrial School. A. Offences, Courts and Social Agencies. 1. The majority of the delinquencies were directed against property, three quarters of the f i f t y boys having been committed for offences such as theft, breaking, entering and stealing. 2.  Those sentenced appear to be comparatively experienced  offenders, seventy-eight per cent having committed previous "known" offences and about half having appeared i n court at least once previously. About one in every six of the f i f t y boys was a recidivist to an industrial school. 3. For the most part, social workers were familiar with at least a part of the social histories of these Biscoq. boys, over ninety per cent of the f i f t y having experienced previous  101 contact with social service agencies. B. Home and Family. 1. The majority of the natural parents failed to provide a desirable home atmosphere. Only half of the delinquent group came from homes in which both parents were alive and together. Thirty per cent of the parents had separated for reasons other than death; half of the total parent group were known to possess undesirable habits; and a quarter were questionable i n regard to their personal habits. 2. Data concerning the economic status of the families indicated l i t t l e likelihood of providing for more than the necessities of l i f e .  Skilled and professional persons were lacking among  the parent group; ninety per cent of the fathers (excluding pensioners and those serving i n the armed forces) were unskilled or semi-skilled workers.  Over thirty per cent of the  mothers were known to be engaged i n gainful employment. In a l l , about one quarter of the families were living under conditions of destitution or poverty. 3. Since sixteen per cent of the delinquents were illegitimate, i t i s obvious that an appreciable number of the group came into the world under unfavourable social conditions. 4. Many of the delinquents failed to enjoy the type of living quarters usually deemed desirable for the upbringing of a family. Only about one half came from private houses; about one quarter from residences of good quality; and one third from well-kept places of accommodation.  102 Even after deducting duplications, i t i s evident that the chances for a normal proportion of the f i f t y boys to have come from wholesome home environments were slim indeed. C. School and Church. 1. The majority of the boys f e l l within an age-grade range of four years, seventy per cent lying between ages twelve and fifteen and grades five and eight. 2. Most of the f i f t y boys failed to keep pace with their age peers i n school achievement, a l l but fourteen per cent being one or more years retarded. Even though these boys were, on the average, two grades below normal, they failed even to keep pace with this younger group, securing more than twice their share of D's" and "E's" during the year previous to M  commitment. 3. The fact that these boys attended, on the average,  3.14  schools each during the elementary years was clear indication of the need for continual readjustment to school situations. That many of these adjustments were unsatisfactory was evidenced by at least some resort to truancy on the part of ninety-two per cent and the display of other unsatisfactory conduct on the part of fifty-eight per cent. Apparently over half of the parents failed to assist i n securing adequate adjustment through co-operation i n school affairs.  Dislike of  school, retardation and truancy appeared to be closely associated. 4. The majority of the boys had experienced contact with the church, only sixteen per cent never having attended either  church or Sunday school. 5. The fact that not one parent of the eight boys who were non-attenders was a church-goer would appear to indicate close association between non-attendance of the c h i l d and non-attendance of the parent. D. Clubs, Leisure and Work. 1.  There was no i n d i c a t i o n that the delinquents had f a i l e d , on  the average, to take normal advantage of available club facilities.  Half of the group had been a f f i l i a t e d with at  l e a s t one club f o r a continuous period of a year or more and about three quarters of those who had ever attended expressed l i k i n g f o r the a c t i v i t i e s of at least  one.  2. Most of the boys spent too much of t h e i r spare-time at the movies and with undesirable companions; f i f t y - s i x per cent attended twice or $ore weekly and eighty-five per cent evidenced undesirable companionship. 3.  Out-of-school employment had held a place i n the l i v e s  of most of the f i f t y delinquents, eighty per cent having held an after-school or Saturday job.  Thirty-eight per cent,  a higher percentage than f o r Vancouver school children, held part-time employment at the time of commitment. On the whole, the spare-time a c t i v i t i e s of the delinquent group appeared t o be very l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t from those of other boys. E . P h y s i c a l , Mental and Emotional Development. 1. Among f o r t y boys studied f o r p h y s i c a l development, there was not nearly the amount of deviation below normal f o r height  104 and weight that was reported of delinquents by many other writers.  However, these Biscoq. boys were nearly an inch  under normal height.  A comparison of one hundred Biscoq. boys  with children in nine cities of the United States revealed twice as many reported physical defects among the former as among the l a t t e r . 2. The median and academic mean intelligence quotients of the f i f t y boys were slightly below the normal classification of general test-intelligence. 3. The California Test of Personality revealed no evidence of general emotional instability. By way of a general observation, the writer wishes to point out that the greatest discrepancies between the f i f t y Biscoq. boys and their peers among the general population appear to exist i n regard to the home and school situations.  Failing to obtain  adequate parental training and guidance sad failing to make a satisfying school adjustment, a large proportion of these boys, apparently, found insufficient seeurity outside these two great primary institutions.  Any worthwhile prevention and treatment  programme, therefore, should be directed towards the provision of the environmental home and school conditions most suited to f u l l , wholesome child development. RECOMMENDATIONS It must be clearly understood that the writer has ma, intention of preparing an extensive l i s t of specific recommendations pertaining to the many ramifications of the delinquency problem. Excellent  105 l i s t s of this nature may be found in many of the volumes included in the bibliography of this thesis; in this regard, the writer would recommend as most applicable to the local situation the summary prepared in the Report of the Advisory Committee on Juvenile Delinquency,  1936, most  items of which s t i l l apply  (30:7-8).  The research data  have been prepared to be used by those interested in juvenile delinquency as they best see f i t .  However, the writer does intend to make certain  general comments and suggestions regarding prevention, to suggest an industrial school programme, and to comment on parole procedures. Because of space limitations and personal experience, most emphasis w i l l be placed upon the institutional aspects. Preventing Juvenile Delinquency The conclusion of Shaw and McKay (quoted on page eighteen) "that the delinquency-producing factors are inherent i n the community", because of i t s significance i n regard to delinquency prevention, demands reiteration at this time  (37:435)*  Recognition of an  integral relationship existing between delinquent behaviour and various aspects of the community indicates the need for a preventive approach that emphasizes influencing the total social environment rather than the individual. educative process.  The word, "influencing", implies an  The writer i s convinced that the greatest present  educational need among social agencies is a clearer insight on the part of each one into what each of the others is attempting to do. It follows, then, that since the school is more completely a community affair than any other social institution and sincd the school already has been assigned the "schooling" phase of  106 education, i t must take the lead in integrating a l l the agencies participating i n this educating process. Besides the school, these agencies include the home, the church, public health services, agencies of social welfare, and a large number and variety of clubs sponsored by group work organizations. The home is of tremendous importance because, usually, the i n i t i a l six years of a child's l i f e are spent within i t and because, unlike the school which has no control over week ends or holiday periods, . i t i s the one institution that normally maintains a continuous contact with the child.  However, our delinquent group i s illustrative  of the unhappy fact that not a l l homes are equipped with the prerequisites for the wholesome rearing of children.  To-day, many  homes no longer consider as their responsibility some of the duties shouldered without question by practically a l l homes only half a century ago.  Similarly, the church has yielded much of what was  i t s recognized f i e l d only a few decades ago, even i t s prerogative in matters of birth, marriage and death.  Comparatively recently,  public health services grew out of recognition of the fact that the home i s not the place for the birth of children and the care of the c r i t i c a l l y i l l .  Tae present century has witnessed the appearance  of welfare agencies to deal with a number of problems—broken homes, malnutrition, illegitimacy, juvenile delinquency, etc—which have proved to be beyond the control of certain homes and yet which seem to l i e just beyond the fringe of school and medical jurisdiction. Finally, the rise of organized group work organizations to assist young people in their spare-time activities culminated i n the  107  war-time product known, as 'teen canteens. Unfortunately, much of the above-described development has been so recent that, oftentimes, those dealing with children through one agency neither know of nor understand the work of those dealing with the same children through another agency. For example, i t i s not rare to find a delinquent boy being handled by both the school and court probationary f a c i l i t i e s with no line of communication being established between teacher and probation officer.  Similarly,  the fact that many teachers express dissatisfaction with the co-operation of some welfare agencies i n providing desired case information, and that some social workers report their unfavourable reception by certain schools indicates a failure on both sides to grasp the significance of their mutual problems.  The time i s come, therefore, for the creation  of an office equivalent to a ministry of youth affairs to interpret and to integrate the functions and purposes of a l l social agencies engaged with the affairs of young people. How this office would carry out i t s task i s beyond the concern of this thesis.  However, the need for the formation of an advisory  committee composed of representatives selected from a l l institutions may be assumed. The important consideration i n the entire scheme i s the potentialities for each agency to work through the child to one another and through one another to the child. inter-relationships are suggested by Figure 14.  The possible It may be seen  that each organization i s linked both with each of the others and with the child.  By being guided away from duplicate activities  that dissipate time, energy, and funds, each agency would be  108  Fi<j .14.—  DESIRABLE COMMUNITY  (  ,  .1NTER-RELATIONSHIPS INSTITUTIONS  JUVENILE  TO  O F PREVENT  D E L I N Q U E N C Y ...  be contributing maximum service, for the ultimate benefit of the child.  Thus, instead of permitting a group of interested citizens  to construct a very inadequate community h a l l , the Minister of Youth Affairs might arrange to open the school gymnasium i n the evenings and suggest that the group direct i t s fundstto the purchase of suitable athletic equipment for the use of a l l .  The end product  would be greater coverage of children, resulting i n far greater possibilities for the early recognition and treatment of child problems, including juvenile delinquency.  Thus by influencing the  total environment through an integrated educative process, the f a c i l i t i e s for prevention would be increased and the need for treatment reduced*  109 Institutional Treatment No matter how humanly efficient a programme of delinquency prevention may be, there w i l l be always a number of non-fenflformists requiring treatment techniques.  Since, i n spite of the encouraging  treatment potentialities of probationary services,  sympathetic  juvenile courts, fbster-home placement, v i s i t i n g teachers and so forth, the need for some form of correctional institution probably always w i l l exist, the writer w i l l confine his recommendations to the industrial school programme.  It must be remembered that, whereas  the success of programmes of delinquency prevention may be measured by the rate of incidence, the reputation of an institution rests upon the percentage of children who do well after leaving i t * The industrial school programme outlined in succeeding pages i s designed, primarily, for the "cottage-type" institution; however, i t could be applied, with certain reservations arising  1  through accommodation facilities, to the "conglomerate" structure* .  1 The financial circumstances compelling the recent decision of the Provincial Government to suspend proceedings for the construction of a cottage-type institution for male juvenile delinquents are to be regretted* Practices at present considered most desirable, together with the recommendations submitted by the present Superintendents of Child Welfare and the Boys Industrial School following their tour of training schools in.the United States, those of the Advisory Committee on Juvenile Delinquency (1936), and those of the Research Consultant of the Provincial Secretary's Department, proclaim the need for such an institution in this province. 1  110 In agreement with the conclusions of this thesis, the writer i s keeping uppermost in his mind the need for providing a desirable substitute for proper home care and for making possible a satisfying school experience. The primary consideration i n planning a programme i s to establish clearly the general purpose of training.  It must be remembered that  the purpose would be best achieved through the cultivation of interest in the programme prepared.  Obviously, then, i t may be necessary to  introduce activities which, having l i t t l e transfer value i n themselves, nevertheless contribute to interest in the whole programme, parts of which would be introduced because of their transfer value in adjusting to normal school or vocational l i f e . Normally, a staff should consist, f i r s t , of a closely integrated group of deparibment heads who could be assembled readily on short notice.  These would be the superintendent, assistant-superintendent,  programme or educational director, social worker, murse-matron, and secretary. The balance of the staff would consist of the following: stenographer, teachers, recreational or group leaders, groundsmenS; cottage parents, engineer; and a person to care for the administrative building and staff quarters. Since boys in the industrial school f a l l into two broad categories—those who w i l l return to school and those who w i l l return to or enter upon vocational l i f e — t h e programme must be directed accordingly.  The writer wishes to stress the need for  general rather than for specific vocational training.  As stated  Ill by Hopkirk, Institutions caring for children i n their teens are too incline!to cling to the outworn concept...of handwork as the chief factor in vocational training....Their policies seem rooted in the old institutional pattern, in which "schooling" meant a minimum of elementary classroom instruction and a maximum of drudgery, frequently embellished with the lables of domestic, industrial, or agricultural training  (20:16).  General rather than specific vocational training i s advocated for at least three reasons: (1) i t i s virtually impossible to provide for a l l the vocational interests of students in the large high school plant, let alone within the limited f a c i l i t i e s of the industrial school; (2) the average stay i n the institution i s of insufficient length to do justice to preparation for specific l i f e vocations; (3) the conditions surrounding parole frequently necessitate a home placement that does not permit practice of the chosen vocation. Another caution pertains to the completion of the necessary work routine.  The performance of daily chores must be regarded as  incidental to a constructive educational programme and be moulded to that programme i n such a way that i t s smooth functioning i s i n no way impaired. Work training in institutions can possess important values; a l l children need enough of i t go give them habits of regularity and thoroughness, and to develop some of the dexterity and precision needed by any good workman. But there should be no delusions as to the educational value of prolonged hours at hoeing, weeding gardens, washing pots and pans, ironing, scrubbing or polishing floors, or even embroidering (20:16).  112  The writer i s i n complete agreement with the conclusion of the Delinquency Committee of the Montreal Council of Social Agencies "that institutions for delinquent children should be conducted as educational institutions" ( 2 7 : 6 ) .  The school day lends i t s e l f to  division into two parts, nine to twelve (or 6:45 a fifteen minute recess, and one to three.  to 11:45)  with  The week, then, may be  divided into ten half-days, each of which could be further divided into convenient-length periods.  For schooling purposes, a l l the  boys in the institution would then be divided into five groups, three attending academic school and two made up of the non-attenders. Each of these five groups would be able to attend the vocational department twice weekly. This would be done as follows:  on four  mornings, four groups would be sent from their cottages to school, three to attend academic classes and one vocational, leaving one group each morning for ground, cottage and building duties. On the f i f t h morning, only the three academic groups would be sent to school, leaving two groups to carry out the work programme. Of this former group of three, one, that of the educational director, would attend the industrial arts classes, leaving him free for other duties. With the arrival of the recreational staff at one o'clock, the afternoon programme would become a l i t t l e more complicated but no more so than for the properly organized regular school. For the Sake of clarity, disregard, for a moment, the two groups of nonacademic boys. The remaining three, then, after completing the requirements of two half-days' vocational training would have three  113 afternoons or six hours remaining.  These six hours would be divided  into nine forty minute periods to be utilized as follows: physical education—3, health—1, guidance—1, interest groups—2, library—2.  Twice xveekly at three o'clock, these boys would leave  the school building to relieve the other two groups i n grounds and buildings duties but on the other three, they would remain for physical recreational activities i n which, a l l , except a few delegated to meal preparations, would participate until approximately four-thirty. Meanwhile, the non-school boys would be carrying on a schedule of activities.  They would attend school from one to four-thirty  twice weekly having six forty minute periods for health, guidance, interest groups, library and letter-writing and two eighty-minute periods for physical education activities suited to such older boys. Naturally, this last would be divided into two sections, one for d r i l l and one for games. On the other three afternoons from three to four-thirty, these boys would join the school boys for recreational activities such as group games, tumbling, practising for track meets, chalk talks, inter-house contests and so forth.  1  1. It i s obvious that should i t be found advisable to use every afternoon for such activities, i t would be a simple matter for the educational director to classify the non-academic boys according to ability and subsequently, to include them with the regular school boys for their instruction i n physical education, health, guidance, interest groups, and library. Similarly, at the discretion of the administration, the recreational groups could be used, when occasion warranted, i n the upkeep of grounds and buildings.  114 From the foregoing discussion i t i s clear that five periods of guidance would be taught weekly—one to each of the five groups. It i s the writer's contention i n this regard that the social worker should handle the subject because, by so doing, he would meet every boy at least once weekly ( a condition which would be virtually impossible under a system of individual guidance only) and would be able to judge him i n a situation far more natural than that of the office.  He would then be in a better position to advise the  educational director in matters pertaining to provision for individual differences. The use of interest groups suggests many valuable p o s s i b i l i t i e s . If the staff i s to be utilized to the utmost, i t should be given the opportunity to direct boys i n some activity of speial interest. Each member of the teaching and recreational personnel would be expected to sponsor a group in stamp-collecting, model-building, stone-polishing, the publishing of a school paper, weight-lifting, pyramid-building, photography, nature study, games' refereeing, popular science, radio, drama, music or any worthwhile activity but there i s absolutely no reason why the superintendent, assistant superintendent or other staff members who so desired should not make use of this opportunity to become better acquainted with the boys while giving them the benefit of special training or a b i l i t y .  Furthermore, a variety of interests  might be aroused by permitting a complete shuffle of groups two or three times yearly. It i s important that allowances be made for  115  1  special interest groups on the training school programme. Finally, a few words must be directed towards the evening programme which would be handled by the recreational staff under the guidance of the programme director. At about six-thirty, the cottage parents would send their youngsters to their respective groups, a number going to each of the leaders. (All boys would f i r s t go into a beginners  1  club before "graduating" to one of the other clubs.  While there are several excellent methods for organizing the group or club system, there i s no need to discuss the advantages and disadvantages of them at this time.) Each of these staff leaders would organize his club along democratic lines, training his boys to choose officers wisely and to follow the.desires of the Majority in conducting activities.  The energy and leadership a b i l i t i e s of  these staff members should be such that these clubs are hives of activity, u t i l i z i n g every moment i n building and repairing the club house, pursuing hobbies, planning concerts, playing games, enjoying moving pictures (screened from the school's own machine), having 2 weiner roasts and discussing v i t a l problems. The need for placing the evening as well as the day programme under one director i s three-fold.  1  It must be made clear at this point that the services of the recreational men would not be confined to the school programme. In fact, except for t h e p b y i education specialist, most of their afternoon time would be spent in supervising the work of non-school boys i n the other buildings and on the grounds. p  2  First, since the dub leaders  s i c a  Sample weekly time-tables for the operation of the programme suggested may be found in Appendix D.  116 would naturally require the use of the gymnasium, projection room, classrooms and perhaps, even the library and industrial arts shop, they should have to answer to the educational director for their proper use.  Any school principal would be very foolish to accept  a position involving the responsibility for buildings and equipment that are to be used by persons other than those under his jurisdiction. Every room and every piece of equipment in a room necessary to the continuation of a worthwhile programme must be available to every participant in that programme. This i s possible only when there i s one person responsible for the management of available f a c i l i t i e s . Any other condition leads to discord, no matter how congenial each individual staff member may be.  The programme director, then,  should be as much responsible for a chisel broken at eight o'clock in the wvening as for one broken at two o'clock in the afternoon. But he cannot accept the responsibility for either unless he possesses authority over the persons using the tool on both occasions.  Secondly,  as previously stated, the purpose of training i s to prepare the boy for normal living and i t i s towards this end that a l l activity must be directed. Such i s possible only when the programme is sufficiently flexible to be adapted to the individual and this i s feasible only when immediate revision can be made. This i s impracticable when three or four people must f i r s t discuss i t and when a change i n one part of the programme w i l l upset another part. A programme director i s able to view the whole machine as well as the individual parts. Finally, i f record-keeping i s to eliminate over-lapping and unnecessary  117 clerical work, i t should be the duty of the educational director and the social worker (both of whom must take courses in the keeping of records during their training) to co-operate in preparing concise, meaningful records and i n interpreting them to those responsible for their upkeep. Only a few words concerning the hours after eight o'clock need be said here.  On returning to their cottages, the boys would have  their shower and spend the evening as in a normal household, doing homework, working on correspondence courses, writing letters, reading, mending and talking u n t i l "lights-out".  The hour from eight to nine  would be the time for the recreational staff to make up their records, to discuss d i f f i c u l t problems and to suggest a c t i v i t i e s .  At least  once weekly, the director of education should meet with them, and the whole staff should get together once or twice monthly.  Of  course, the core group of six previously mentioned could be dalled together at almost any time.  In addition, congregating for social  purposes several times yearly goes a long way towards engendering a co-operative s p i r i t . The foregoing discussion is merely a general outline which seeks to lay down a basis for a programme integrated so as to u t i l i z e a l l staff members to the best of their ability i n satisfying the needs of these boys. Undoubtedly, operation of the plan would disclose the necessity of revisions but a programme lives only when i t s supervisors realize the necessity of change and act to bring about that change. The writer believes that the integration suggested would provide the incentive to purposeful activity on the part of the staff and boys alike.  118 Planned programmes of proper diet, plenty of sleep and healthful recreation can contribute greatly to the physical development of youth. The group of forty boys studied by the writer for physical characteristics (Chapter Seven), gained on the average 4*2  pounds  more than normal during a six month's period of institutional confinement  (15:8).  Mental and emotional growth are not so readily  measured but i t is the writer's belief that an institutional programme based on sound educational principles can go a long way towards preparing children, adolescents and youths for proper adjustments to the demands of community l i v i n g . Parole No matter how excellent the training of an institution may  be,  the results of that training may be negligible i f the child i s returned to the identical environmental conditions that fostered his delinquency.  It i s in the important function of securing  adequate placement that the social worker may play an important role. It i s essential that a child be removed from the institution as soon  1 as possible after attaining maximum benefit.  Sometimes, the  unwillingness of magistrates or child-care agencies to accept the programme and date of parole recommended by the institution renders the securing of parole a highly complicated procedure involving  1 The period from commitment to the culmination of benefit varies in length for each boy. In the opinion of most workers at the Boys' Industrial School, some boys reach a point where continued detention i s of l i t t l e , i f any, benefit to them.  119 the utmost diplomacy. Of greater significance than the actual mechanics of parole i s the need for proper home-placement and adjustment to school or vocational l i f e . Good foster homes are rase. Extreme care must be taken to see that foster parents are interested in the child rather than i n the money allowance that comes with him.  However, an increase in the  present rates probably would open many more excellent but humble homes  1 to needful youngsters.  Because of the lack of proper home-care  among the delinquent group, the significance of the role played by the foster homes in parole proceedings i s obvious. It i s a comparatively easy matter for the institutional social worker to place the child i n a regular school following treatment. It i s not so easy to see that he stays there.  The writer has known  industrial school recidivists who, after attending school for several weeks following the treatment period, played truant for months at a time.  If there were v i s i t i n g teachers i n each school district who  could be reached by the institution, these unfortunate occurences could be reduced greatly. Similarly, securing work-placement i s only part of the services  1  At present (1946), two systems of allowances to foster mothers are in effect; scheme A, by which the foster parent supplies clothing, and scheme B, by which the agency provides clothing. The rates for the former are as follows: $4*30 per child up to age six, #4.55 from age six to ten, $4.80. from ten to fourteen and $5.20 from fourteen to eighteen (weekly rates). Scheme B pays #4.00, #4.20, $4.40, and #4.45 for each of the age groups l i s t e d . Exceptions occasionally are made for special circumstances.  120 that should be provided i n a parole programme. Sometimes, a poor adjustment i s not realized until the boy's misuse of idle time leads him to court where i t i s learned that he l e f t or was forced to leave his job months before.  It i s in this type of follow-up work  that the probation officer can perform a v i t a l function. Unfortunately, probationary services lack sufficient personnel; many of the present workers are forced to devote a large part of their time to typing their own reports. By way of conclusion, the writer proposes the following general recommendations for the prevention and treatment of juvenile delinquency: 1. The creation of the equivalent to a ministry of youth affairs to integrate and to interpret one to the other the services of a l l social agencies. 2. The maintenance of a cottage-type correctional institution based on a programme involving sound educational principles. 3. The organization of parole techniques to include: (a) An extension of present foster-home f a c i l i t i e s ; (b) The creation of a system of visiting teachers; (c) More probation officers and clerical assistants.  121 APPENDIX A COPIES OF FORMS AND LISTS USED IN THE COMPILATION OF THESIS DATA  1.  The following i s a copy of the letter sent to the principals  of schools formerly attended by the fifty Biscoq. boys studied in this thesis.  PROVINCIAL INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL FOR BOYS Port Coquitlam, B. C. The Principal,  Dear Sir or Madam: We are anxious to receive certain information about who, we believe, was formerly a pupil of your school. We would appreciate your supplying i n the space provided whatever you know about this boy in the following respects: 1.  Incidence of truancy. •  2. Enrolment in any type of special class. 3.  School conduct.  4.  Unsatisfactory companions.  5. Failure of family to co-operate in school affairs. 6.  Record of school contact with social service agency concerning this boy.  122  We urge you to comply with our request at your earliest possible convenience. A stamped, addressed envelope i s enclosed for your use i n returning the form. Sincerely yours,  2.  The following questionnaire was completed by a l l boys. The  replies were checked, as carefully as circumstances permitted, previous to and during the personal interviews.  Questionnaire for Students 1.  Name  2.  Age last birthday  3.  Date of birth  4.  Place of birth  5.  Age of starting school  6.  Present grade  7.  Name a l l schools attended, the trown i n which each i s located and reasons for moving  8.  Give details of absences due to illness (length and nature of illness)  9.  Did you ever "play hookey"?  10.  How often  Yes  No  123 11.  Did your parent or guardian know of this?  12.  Did your parent object to this?  13.  Did your parent punish you for playing hookey?  Always  Much a l i t t l e  sometimes never*  not at a l l . Often  sometimes  never. 14.  What did the punishment consist of?  15.  In your opinion, this punishment was too severe  about right  not severe enough. 16.  Did your teacher or principal know of your hookey playing? Always  sometimes  never.  17.  Did he (she) punish you for this?  18.  What did the punishment consist of?  19.  In your opinion, this punishment was  Often  occasionally  too severe  never.  about right  not severe enough. 20.  L i s t some of the reasons you had for playing hookey.  21.  What did you do when you played hookey?  3.  This form was prepared Scorn that of the Vancouver Council of Social Agencies which i s reproduced immediately afterwards. Boys* Industrial School. Name Name of last school attended Age of leaving that school Last grade attended  124  Check any of the following of which you were a member: Y. M. C. A.  Boy Scouts and Cubs  Tuxis and Trail Hangers  Salvation Army Guards  Junior Red Cross  Vancouver Library  Boys' Brigade  Catholic Big Brothers  Knights of Columbus  Prov. Recreation Centre  Junior Humane Society  Kiwanis Boys' Club  Kiwanis Big Brothers  Junior G-Men.  Did you attend a Sunday school?_ If so, which one? If so, how often?_ Name any other Church organization you may have belonged to_  Name any other organization you belonged to_ Did your parents or guardians belong to a church?_ If so, how often did they attend? Did you have a job out of school hours?_ If so, give the hours worked each week__ Vancouver Council of Social Agencies Survey of Group Agency Membership Name of School Name of student  Age_  Address of student  Grade_  How long have you been at that address?  125  Please put a  opposite the name of any of the following organizations  of which you are a member and state place of meeting: Y.M.C.A.  Place of meeting i f any  Y.W.C.A.  Place of meeting i f any  Boy Scouts and Cubs  G i r l Guides and Brownies_  fuxis and Trail Rangers_  C.G.I.T.  Salvation Army Guards  Knights of Columbus  Junior Red Cross  Prov.Recreation Centre_  Vancouver Library_  Junior Humane Society_  Boys* Brigade  Kiwanis Boys* Club  Catholic Big Brothers^  Kiwanis Big Brothers_  Junior G-Men What Sunday school do you attend, i f any?_ What other Church Young People's organization do you belong to? Church  Name of organization  What non-Church or social organizations, not mentioned above do you belong to?  _______________________  If you attended a summer camp this year, please state name of camp below: Length of stay at camp Have you a job out of school hours?_  126 4. The Welfare Council of Greater Vancouver l i s t s the following agencies as registered with the Social Service Exchange  (1945).  The code letters frequently appear in social histories and inter-agency correspondence. AGENCY  CODE  Alexandra Children's Home  ACH  Alexandra Cottage  AC  Alexandra Fresh Air Camp  AFAC  Alexandra House  AH  B. C. Cancer Institute  BCCI  B. C. Canteen Fund  BCCanFd  Boys* Industrial School  BIS  Can. Nat. mst.  CNIB  for the Blind  Catholic Children's Aid Society  CCAS  Catholic Family & Child Welfare  CFCW  Child Guidance Clinic  CGC  Child Welfare Division  CWD  Children's Aid Society  CAS  City Social Service Department  CSSD  Crippled Children's Hospital  CCH  Dept. of Pensions & National Health  DPNH  Essondale Provincial Hospital  EPH  Family Service  FS  Family Welfare Bureau  FWB  First United Church Fresh Air Camp  FDFAC  G i r l s ' Industrial School  GIS  127 AGENCY  CODE  Jewish Family Welfare Bureau  JFWB  John Howard Society  JHS  Kiwanis Boys' Work Committee  KBW  Men's Service Bureau  MSB  Metropolitan Health Committee  MHC  Mothers' Allowances  MA  Office of Inspector of Hospitals  OTH  Old Age Pensions  OAP  Provincial infirmary  PI  Social Allowances  SA  Social Service Dept., Va. Gen. Hospital  SSVGH  Strathcona Day Nursery  SDN  T. B. Social Service Dept.  TBSS  Temporary War Services  TWS  U.S. Penitentiary, McNeil Island, Washington  USPMIW  U.S. Penitentiary, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas  USPFLK  Vancouver Day Nursery Association  VDNA  Vancouver Preventorium  VP  Victorian Order of Nurses  VON  War Veterans* Allowances  WVA  Welfare Institutions Licensing Act Y.M.C.A.  WILA YMCA  Y.W.C.A  YWCA  Y.W.C.A., Travellers' Aid Society  YWCA (TA)  128 AGENCY  CODE  NORTH VANCOUVER AGENCIES Canadian Red Cross Society  GRCS (NV)  Social Assistance Branch' Victorian Order of Nurses  VON (NV)  WEST VANCOUVER AGENCIES Victorian Order of Nurses  VON (WV)  West Vancouver Relief Office  WVRO  West Vancouver Welfare Association  WVWA '  129 APPENDIX B SOME ILLUSTRATIVE CASE HISTORIES ' None of the following case histories i s by any means complete. They merely consist of brief excerpts from Biscoq. f i l e s and the observations of the writer, brought together to illustrate certain characteristics discussed in the body of the thesis*  The names  used are entirely f i c t i t i o u s . Case 1 - Percy Percy i s the boy mentioned on page thirty-four i n connection with eleven social agency contacts and on page sixty-seven (Table XVIII) as being "picked on" by teachers. Percy, the youngest of a family of four, was committed in 1945 on a charge of theft*  His demand, during the f i r s t intake  interview, to be allowed to consult "his social worker", much as an adult might demand to see his lawyer, was indicative of the previous pattern.  Percy's experience included the attention of  eleven social agencies, four foster home placements, and several child guidance c l i n i c examinations. commitment as,  He interpreted his Biscoq*  "The 'Aid' is mad at me".  It i s not strange  that Percy was familiar with social work phraseology and with many of the relationships existing between various welfare agencies. Apparently, he enjoyed being the cause of o f f i c i a l proceedings and watching the machinery in motion. his f i l e serve as illustrations:  Three quotations from  130 Miss feels that "Percy" now has the idea that as soon as anything i n a foster home annoys him, he can give a plausible story to the worker about i l l treatment and a move w i l l be arranged for him immediately.. His foster mother said that he had created quite a scene over the matter of his bruised hand. She herself had treated his hand and realized that nothing was seriously the matter with i t . "Percy", however, had gone to school and had apparently gained the sympathy of the school principal who advised him that he should see a doctor about his hand. He seems to have a lot of information in reference to his mother and her plans....He has established a pattern and apparently feels that a move w i l l be made in this case whenever he wishes. Percy made himself extremely unpopular with the other boys soon after his arrival at the Industrial School.  He did everything  possible to ingratiate himself with staff members and to bring unwarranted punishment upon other boys.  The climax to Percy's  running-for-help whenever adverse circumstances presented themselves was brought on suddenly^ by several almost simultaneous occurrences. On being admonished in the classroom for having once more disobeyed orders, Percy suddenly slammed down his book and demanded to see the writer.  The wish was granted but the consequences were far  from what Percy had expected.  On succeeding days, he was refused  a walk in the grounds with his mother and a\visit home because of unsatisfactory behaviour.  At about the same time, Percy's mother,  who always catered to her son's every desire, was informed that unless she showed greater respect for School regulations her v i s i t s would have to be curtailed. Although Percy was sullenly resentful for some days, he commenced to show signs of definite general  131 improvement. The following brief excerpt from a guidance c l i n i c report bears out the actual picture: The psychologist described him as friendly and cooperative; very interested in the tests and showed considerable i n i t i a t i v e . Poor in abstract and social thinking. The test pattern was that associated with an immature personality...poor sense of personal freedom, lacking in the feeling of belonging, antisocial tendencies, lack of social s k i l l . Had Percy received the security of long-term placement with a kind but firm foster parent many years earlier, i t is likely that he would, never have appeared in the industrial school. Case 2 - Sammy Sammy's case was indicated on page sixty-six in reference to poor adjustment to a new school.  However, his social history is  interesting for several other reasons. Sammy, the youngest in a family of three, was committed in 1945  on a charge of attempted breaking and entering.  His f i l e  shows amazing defiance of authority and absolute fearlessness. Sammy frequently toddled away from home before he was two years of age and ran away from many homes up until the time of his commitment. For example, he ran away from one foster home seven times between January and March, 1945, of the same year.  and from another five times in two weeks  He was expelled from school in grade one but  s t i l l refused to accept school routine upon his return a year later. Sammy displays as l i t t l e fear of the law as he does Sf the dark. For example, a policeman who was chasing him called, "Stop, or I ' l l  132 shoot! " Sammy paused only long enough to answer, "You have no gun",  and continued down the street. Sammy's interests are of a solitary nature.  reading and playing by himself.  He enjoys  He usually ran away by himself  but sometimes allowed others to accompany him so long as they were willing to follow him. continued alone.  However, he frequently left them and  Although he was i n considerable trouble at school,  he did very we&l on his own during the period of expulsion, covering grades one and two in one year by correspondence. (Sammy is the only case of school acceleration among the f i f t y Biscoq. boys)• Sammy expressed a liking for a small country school which he at one time attended but he bitterly resented his transfer to a comparatively large plant in a nearby town.  His industrial  school commitment followed soon after the change of schools. Case 3 - Tom Tom's case, illustrating pronounced physical defects, was referred from page ninety-one.  In view of Tom's complete lack  of home attention, i t is unlikely that he would be alive to-day were i t not for the medical attention afforded by the Industrial School.  The following synoptical presentation t e l l s the story:  Born November 27, 1928.  Five brothers and one sister.  Committed August 27, 1940 on a charge of theft. CAS, November 1, 1941; CAS, November 11, 1941; July 9, 1943;  Paroled to  returned November 8, 1941. returned November 18, 1941.  returned March 20, 1944.  Paroled to Paroled home,  Paroled March 23,  1944;  133 returned December  14, 1944*  22, 1946*  Paroled, April  September, 1940—surgical treatment for hernia. January, 1941—sinus operation. August, 1941—"fracture of oleoranon process". Mardh, 1943—appendectomy. February, 1945—operation for inguinal hernia and varicocele. June, 1945—operation for sinus; removal of testicle. February, 1945—-weight, 139; height, 5' September, 1945—weight,  5".  151; height, 5' 7 . W  Excerpt from a letter written by the Superintendent of the Boys* Industrial School,  April 22,  1946:  "Tom" l e f t for Victoria this morning and joins the crew of the survey ship on the morning of April 23, 1946. He w i l l be met upon arrival by Mr. who secured the #ob for him. His duties w i l l include that of cook's assistant and cabin boy and his wages w i l l be $4.00 per day while i n port and $70.00 per month while at sea, plus room and board. Case 4 - Algie No specific reference to this case was made i n the body of the thesis.  However, i t i s presented because i t i s one of  the most interesting cases i n the writer's experience at the Boys* Industrial School. Some notations from case f i l e s w i l l be supplemented by a few observations of the writer. Born November 1, Committed August April 28, 1938,  1932.  31, 1944.on a charge  of incorrigibility.  psychiatrist*s report:  The child i s badly spoiled and punished too much...  134  shows temper tantrums, i s destructive and unable to play with other children." October 27, 1939s medical doctor's report: In the superior group of general intelligence. He i s showing marked evidence of over-emotional stimulation." October 5, 1940,  psychiatrist's report:  He i s quick to comprehend and respond and i s outspoken. He i s friendly, talkative, answers questions, and continues on in his own thoughts ...is quite aggressive. August 31,  1944*  social history:  Frequently mother has noticed that i f "Algie" must get to something he w i l l go through whatever i s in front of him no matter whether i t i s a window or blackberries , regardless of what happens to himself. When his l i t t l e brother was nineteen days old he (Algie) dumped him out of his bassinette to see what would happen although he had been told not to t i p the bassinette. Letter from the Judge of the Juvenile Court: There i s a long history of irresponsible and possibly sadistic conduct on the part of this boy since he was four. Algie's institutional confinement has been most interesting. From the f i r s t day, his institutional l i f e has been one long series of getting into mischief.  And yet this boy i s extremely  likeable, frank and, apparently, completely honest. Although he has an I.Q. of 127,  the highest for the group, he does not,  as a rule, excel in his school work. However, he always, by the merest shade, manages to rank f i r s t , regardless of whether the mark average required i s sixty-two or seventy-five.  Possibly^,  with s t i f f competition, he would reveal what he can really do.  135  He uses his a b i l i t i e s for a short period of intensity, u n t i l he satisfies himself that the project is within his capabilities; he then devotes his attention to something else. Although Algie shows only moderate interest i n athletics, he is one of the best swimmers i n the institution and, when he wishes, can play any game proficiently.  However, he i s not interested  i n "making a team" and, during league games, i s most likely to be seen swinging from the topmost branch of the nearest tree. When called upon to use physical exertion, he suddenly becomes interested in a "comic" magazine. Algie ruined'the f i r s t few hours of a recent picnic by continually asking when, the treasure hunt was to commence. At the signal, he was off like a shot, unearthed the f i r s t two clues within one minute, claimed his chocolate bars, and went tree climbing while the others continued the hunt. The only activity to interest him for any length of time is art work but he loses  interest quickly in any task of this  nature demanding continued concentration. 'The story i s the same in everything he attempts*—a short period of b r i l l i a n t performance, followed by an almost complete collapse of interest and subsequent!•/ poor pefformance. As stated in the doctor's report, above, there i s evidence, of extreme emotional stimulation.  1  136 APPENDIX C SOME BOYS' STATEMENTS REGARDING TRUANCY A. The following were some of the replies given by the f i f t y Biscoq. boys when asked why they played truant: 1. "Didn't like school." 2. "School was too monotonous." 3. "I wasn't allowed to go away from home on Saturdays and.so I ran away from school during the week." 4. "I was afraid to write tests." 5. "Had a lot of money to spend." 6. "Was neglected by the teacher." (Answer given by "Percy", Appendix  J3).  7. "Wanted to go to the show." 8. "The teacher was 'gruesome'." 9. "I had to help around the house." 10. "Didn't like the teacher or the school." 11. "Didn't feel like going to school." 12. "Just for the fun of i t . " 13. "I wanted to quit school but Dad wouldn't let me." 14. "Knew I would be sent to the office for not doing my homework." 15. "Didn't want to get expelled for always being late." B. The following were some of the replies given by the f i f t y Biscoq. boys when asked what they did with their time when they played truant:  137 1. "Went to the show." 2. "Went stealing." 3. Swimming, fishing and hiking." 4. "Helped on coal truck." 5. "Went to v i s i t Mother in the hospital." (Tercy's" reply, Appendix B). 6. "Just played around home." 7. "Went up the h i l l and went to sleep." 8. "Rolled dice, flipped coins, played poker." 9. "Built forts in the bush." 10. "Went shooting gophers." 11. "Stole gas. Fixed parts in our care. Hung around cannery or cafes." 12. "Kept out of sight until i t was time to go home." 13. "Worked in a bowling alley." 14. "Made the rounds of the backs of stores, stealing things." 15. "Fooled around the freight yards."  138 APPENDIX D On succeeding pages are two sample time-tables, the f i r s t for a boy regularly attending school and the second for a boy in the same cottage not regularly attending school. To operate the programme suggested i n Chapter Eight, i t would be"necessary to make enough such time-tables to cover the activities of a l l boys. A careful examination of these schedules would reveal the following essentials: 1. There are boys available ataall times throughout the day for necessary upkeep duties. 2. Every boy i s alike in receiving at least the following schooling fundamentals:  3 periods weekly of physical education or  i t s equivalent, 1 period of guidance, 1 period of health, 2 periods for interest groups. 3» A l l boys are given the opportunity of participating i n activities leading to cottage beautification. 4. A l l boys are brought together.in assembly at least once weekly (providing a good opportunity of becoming better acquainted with the superintendent). 5. A l l boys receive the benefits of close daily contacts with cottage parents. 6. Use i s made of gymnasium and shop apart from school hours. 7. The afternoon recreational periods, Saturday afternoons, and weekly picture shows lend themselves well to the loss-ofprivilege form of punishment i f policy so decreed.  139 8. Staff members are allowed a few "breathers" during the week for specially d i f f i c u l t individual problems. 9. Because each boy i s a member of the school, of a club, and of a cottage and because the personnel of each unit i s never exactly identical, there i s l i t t l e danger of too intense rivalry. Hence i t is possible to have wholesome competition among cottages and among clubs without one faction becoming too dominant, because boys pulling together in the former would quite l i k e l y be opposing one another in the l a t t e r .  By having interests in a l l sections,  the boys would be fused through co-operative enterprises leading to progressive development of the institution and the benefit of a l l i t s members.  SAMPLE TIME-TABLE OF A BOY REGULARLY ATTENDING SCHOOL TIME  9:00 12:00 1:00 - 1:40 1:40 - 2:20 2:20 - 3:00 3:00 4:30 6:30 8:00  8:00 9:30  MONDAY  TUESDAY  WEDNESDAY  ACADEMIC  Club ToyMaking in Shop  ClubGroup Games in Gym.  FRIDAY  SCHOOL  Interest Health Groups Industrial Physical Ed Physical Ed Arts Library Guidance Physical Work in Recreational Buildings Activities and on Grounds  THURSDAY  Arts  Interest groups Physical Ed Library  Physical Recreational Activities  Work in Buildings and on Grounds  Physical Recreational Activities Gen.Assembly  ClubMotion Picture Films  ClubInterClub Volley Ball Hburnament  C O T T A G E  Industrial  SATURDAY  SUNDAY  Seed lawn for Cottage  Church Activities  BerryPicking expedition with whole Cottage "Family"  ClubToyMaking in Shop .  A C T I V I T I E S  ClubBun Feed  Receive Vi s&or s or go on Hike  ClubBusiness Mtng. Discuss Problems and Plan Week's Programme. Entertainment by members  SAMPLE TIME-TABLE OF A BOY WOT REGULARLY ATTENDING SCHOOL TIME  MONDAY  TUESDAY  WEDNESDAY  THURSDAY  FRIDAY  SATURDAY  SUNDAY  Seed Lawn flor Cottage  Church Activities  9:00 12:00  Industrial Arts  Work in Buildings and on Grounds  Industrial Arts  Work in Buildings and on Grounds  Work in Buildings and on Grounds  1:00-1:40 1:40-2:20  Garden and Building Activities  Library Interest Groups Guidance  Garden and Building Activities  Library Interest Groups Health  Garden and Building Activities  Physical Recreation  Physical Education  Physical Recreation  Physical Education  Physical Recreational Activities Gen.Assembly  ClubPractise for Oxcart  ClubBuilding Models in Shop  ClubMotion Picture Films  Club— InterClub Volley Ball Tournament  ClubPractise for Concert  2:20-3:00 3:00 4:30 6:30 8:00  8:00 9:30  C O T T A G E  A C T I V I T I E S  BerryPicking Expedition With Whole Cottage "Family"  Receive Visitors or go on Hike  Club— Weiner Roast  ClubBusiness Meeting Discuss Problems and Plan Week's Programme. Debate for Entertainment.  14B BIBLIOGRAPHY  1.  Mchhorn, A. Wayward Youth. New York: The Viking Press,  1935«  2.  Alexandra Community Activities. . Annual Report. Vancouver, B . C . ,  1944. 3.  Belden, E . Courts in the United States Hearing Children's Cases.  4.  Washington: Government Printing Office,  1920.  Bentley, J . E . Problem Children. New York: W. W. Norton and Co.,  1936. 5.  Breckinridge, S. P . , and Abbott, E . The Delinquent Child and the Home. New York: Charities Publication Committee,  1912. 6.  B r i l l , J . , and Payne, E . G. The Adolescent Court and Crime Prevention.  New York: Pitman Publishing Corporation,  1938. 7.  Burt, C. The Young Delinquent. Press, Revised Edition,  8.  London: University of London  1944*  Carr-Saunders, A.M., Mannheim, H . , and Rhodes, E . C . Young Offenders. Cambridge: University Press,  1944*  9.  Children's Aid Society. Annual Report, Vancouver, B . C . ,  10.  Cole, L. Psychology of Adolescence. New York: Parrar and Rinehart, Revised Edition,  11.  1945*  1942.  Division for Delinquency Prevention. Delinquency Prevention. The Big Brothers and Sisters Association of I l l i n o i s ,  1941.  143 12.  Gaddes, W. H. A Study of Adolescents' Interests In Radio Programmes. Unpublished Term Essay. Vancouver: The University of British Columbia,  13.  Glueck, S., and E . Juvenile Delinquents Grown Up. New York: The Commonwealth Fund,  14.  1940.  Glueck, S., and E . One Thousand Juvenile Delinquents. Cambridge: Harvard University Press,  15.  1941.  1934*  Goodlad, J . I . Physical Development of Juvenile Delinquents in the Boys' Industrial School at Coquitlam. Unpublished Term Essay. Vancouver: The University of British Columbia,  16.  1943.  Harvey, I . Survey of the Boys' Industrial School, Unpublished Document,  17.  1946.  Healy, W. The Individual Delinquent. Boston: L i t t l e Brown and Company,  18.  1922.  Healy, W., and Bronner, A . F . Delinquents and Criminals, Their Making and Unmaking. New York:  19.  1935^1939•  The MacMillan Co.,1928.  Healy, W., and Bronner, A . F . New Light on Delinquency and Its Treatment. New Haven: Yale University Press,  20.  Hopkirk, H. W. Institutions Serving Children. New York: Russell Sage Foundation,  21.  1944*  Juvenile Court and Detention Home. B. C ,  22.  1936.  Annual Report, Vancouver,  1943.  Lander, B. The Prevention of Delinquency. Baltimore: Baltimore Youth Commission,  1943*  144 23.  Landis, P. H. Adolescence and Youth. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc.,  24.  Louttit, C M . C l i n i c a l Psychology. New York: Harper and Brothers,  25.  1945•  1936.  MacGill, H. G. The Work of the Juvenile Court and How to Secure Such a Court in a Canadian Community. Vancouver, B . C . : 1943.  26.  McKay, R. Report on Training Schools and Other Agencies Visited in the Eastern States, Victoria, B . C . , 1944.  27.  Montreal Council of Social Agencies. Report of the Delinquency Committee, Montreal,  28.  Morrison, W. D. Juvenile Offenders. New York: D. Appleton and Company,  29.  1900.  Provincial Industrial School for Boys. Annual Report, Victoria, B. C ,  30.  1944-1945.  Report of the Advisory Committee on Juvenile Delinquency, Victoria, B. C ,  31.  1945*  1936.  Robison, S. M. Can Delinquency be Measured? New York: Columbia University Press,  32.  1936.  Rogers, C. R. The Clinical Treatment of the Problem Child. Cambridge: Houghton Mifflin Co.,  33.  1939.  Roucek, J . S., and Associates. Sociological Foundations of Education. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co.,  34.  1942.  Sanderson, T. J . The Movie Habits and Attitudes of Adolescents. Unpublished Term Essay. Vancouver: The University of British Columbia,  1941.  35.  Shaw, C. R. Delinquency Areas* Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,  36.  1929.  Shaw, C. R. The Natural History of a Delinquent Career. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,  37."  Shaw, C. R., and McKay, H. D. Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas.  38.  Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,  1942.  Sullenger, T. E . Social Determinants i n Juvenile Delinquency. New York: John Wiley and Sons,  39.  1931*  1936.  Superintendent of Child Welfare. Annual Report, Victoria, B . C . ,  1944. 40.  Thrasher, F.M. The Gang. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,  41.  1927.  Thurston, H. W. Concerning Juvenile Delinquency. New York: Columbia University Press,  42.  1942.  Vancouver Council of Social Agencies. Survey of Group Work Activities and Other Out of School Activities of Students in the' City Schools of Vancouver,  43.  Welfare Council of Greater Vancouver. Report of the Committee on Juvenile Delinquency,  44.  1945*  Whitehouse Conference on Child Health and Protection, Section IV C-A.  The Delinquent Child.  Century Co., 45.  1938.  New York: The  1932.  Wright, K.W.T. A Survey of Male Juvenile Delinquency in British Columbia Prom 1920 to 1941.  Unpublished Master's Thesis.  Vancouver: The University of British Columbia,  1941.  Young, P. V. Social Treatment in Probation and Delinquency. New York: McGraw H i l l Book Co.,  1937.  Young, P. V. The Pilgrims of Russian-Town. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,  1932.  


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