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The social philosophy of Charles Kingsley: its sources and expression Charter, Harold Rennison 1942

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The S o c i a l Philosophy of Charles Kingsley: ' I t s Sources and Expression by Harold Rennison Charter A Thesis submitted i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r the Degree of Master of A r t s i n the Department of E n g l i s h The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 1942 C O N T E N T S Page Preface i P a r t I Chapter I B i o g r a p h i c a l Sketch 1 Part I I Background and Sources Chapter I I Background of Events 20 Chapter I I I Background of Reading 49 Pa r t I I I Expression of H i s Philosophy Chapter IV Rural Economy 69 Chapter V Hainan Economy 96 Chapter VI S a n i t a t i o n 121 Chapter V I I Education 130 Chapter ¥111 The Character of Kings l e y 142 Chapter IS Kin g s l e y • s Ideal of n a t i o n a l Character 148 Bi b l i e g r a p h y 1 156 P R E F A C E Charles Kingsley possessed q u a l i t i e s of mind and character that gave him a place among s o c i a l reformats of his day. By spreading a doctrine of s o c i a l reform he was more a c t i v e than the average parson of the time i n f i x i n g the "blame f o r conditions upon the responsible people. England was i n the middle of a long t r a n s i t i o n , t h a t , i n many respects, was transforming her l i f e . Problems e n t i r e l y new were added to the un s e t t l e d state of a f f a i r s — problems concerning the r e l a t i o n s of employer and employee, the outgrown system of c h a r i t y , C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s m , the home and the n a t i o n , the Anglo C a t h o l i c movement, and the harmony of r e l i g i o n and science. As c l e a r l y , perhaps, as any w r i t e r , Kingsley showed the r e l a t i o n s of these t o p i c s , and h i s f a i t h f u l n e s s to h i s own generation/has helped to i l l u m i n e the path of s o c i a l reformers ever since h i s day. This d i s c u s s i o n seeks to give an account of Kingsley*s w r i t i n g s so f a r as they r e l a t e to the s o c i a l l i f e of the times, and to bring'out h i s suggestions f o r a s o l u t i o n of the problems. A few b i o g r a p h i c a l f a c t s as w e l l as the development of s o c i a l trends of the p e r i o d w i l l be i n d i c a t e d . Such b e l i e f s as Ki n g s l e y held w i l l be seen more c l e a r l y against the background of mist-century events. 1 The S o c i a l Philosophy of Charles K i n g s l e y P A R T I Chapter I B i o g r a p h i c a l Sketch Though bora of a f a m i l y that f o r generations had been landowners and gentlemen, Charles K i n g s l e y was o b l i g e d from the beginning of h i s manhood to labour f o r h i s l i v i n g . H i s f a t h e r , a l s o named Charles, was described i n the words of h i s son: "...a magnificent man i n mind and body, LwhoJwas 1 said to possess every t a l e n t except that of using them." At the age of t h i r t y Charles K i n g s l e y Sr., through misfortune and h i s l a c k of business sense, had l o s t h i s e n t i r e h e r e d i t a r y income. In consequence, being forced to seek employment, he took holy orders at Cambridge, and was e v e n t u a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d as clergyman at Holne Vicarage, Devon. Here Charles K i n g s l e y was born on June IE, 1819. At a very e a r l y age the young Charles a t t r a c t e d a t t e n t i o n f o r h i s p r e c o c i t y . When he was four years o l d he preached h i s f i r s t sermon, which h i s mother, copying down, has l e f t i n p a r t , as f o l l o w s : 1. K i n g s l e y , Mrs. C., ed., Charles K i n g s l e y . h i s l e t t e r s and memories of h i s l i f e , London, C. Kegan P a u l & Co., 1878, vol.. 1, p. 4. Q-Iereinafter to be r e f e r r e d to as " L i f e , v o l . 1 or v o l , 2.'J 2 "Honesty has no chance against stealing....Nobody can t e l l how the d e v i l can be chained i n h e l l . . . . I f humanity, honesty, and good r e l i g i o n fade, we can c e r t a i n l y get them back by being good again. R e l i g i o n i s reading good books, doing good a c t i o n s , and not t e l l i n g l i e s and speaking e v i l , and not c a l l i n g h i s brother F o o l and Raca...." 2 C l e a r l y , he gave e a r l y promise of an a c t i v e i n t e l l i g e n c e . As may be expected, the parents were i n f l u e n t i a l i n imparting to the boy many of t h e i r own c h a r a c t e r i s t i c l i k e s and d i s l i k e s . The young Charles i m i t a t e d h i s f a t h e r i n courage, i n h i s t a s t e f o r a r t , and i n h i s i n t e r e s t i n hunting and f i s h i n g . I t i s maintained, a l s o , that he learned something of " a d m i n i s t r a t i v e power and p r a c t i c a l a b i l i t y " 3 from h i s mother. The daughter of a magistrate of the West Indies, she seems to have been impelled by a strong sense of duty to develop her son's mind as much as p o s s i b l e . She drew h i s a t t e n t i o n to the n a t u r a l o b j e c t s and creatures of outdoor l i f e . The fens of the east c o u n t i e s , and the moors of Devon l e f t t h e i r mark upon h i s s e n s i t i v e mind, and were to be mentioned everywhere i n h i s l i t e r a r y work. Of the gradual change which nature exerted upon him Kingsley s a i d i n l a t e r years.: Once the love of nature c o n s t i t u t e d my sole happiness.... I have shed strange t e a r s at the s i g h t of l u s c i o u s and sunny prospects. But "there has passed away a g l o r y from the e a r t h . " Though I f e e l the beauty more e x q u i s i t e l y than ever, I do not f e e l the emotions i t produced. I do not shun s o c i e t y as when a boy, because man and h i s coarseness and f o l l y seemed only to disarrange my mind.... 4 2. L i f e , v o l . 1, p.8. 3. Ibid,, p. 5. 4. I b i d . , p. 9. 3 The sense of s o c i a l values that Kingsley e a r l y a t t a i n e d was i n strong oontrast to suich an a t t i t u d e . "Let your mind f r e e l y 5 f o r t h " was an a t t i t u d e he wished to develop i n 1842; and a l i t t l e l a t e r he s a i d : -"The r e f i n e d man, to me, i s he who cannot r e s t i n peace with a c o a l mine or a f a c t o r y , or a Dorsetshire 6 peasant's house near him i n the state i n which they a r e . " From t h i s statement i t may be w e l l understood how K i n g s l e y , 7 f a r from t a k i n g any moral d i r e c t i o n from nature was i d e n t i -f y i n g himself with the moral and m a t e r i a l needs of h i s f e l l o w man. In 1830, when he was eleven, h i s f a m i l y moved to C l o v e l l y , and i n the same year he began attending school at C l i f t o n . Of Devon he would r e l a t e i n a f t e r years that a mere thought could b r i n g ug homesick longings and tears to h i s eyes. At C l o v e l l y h i s father earned love and respect seldom accorded to a p a r i s h p r i e s t . He joined with the f i s h e r - f o l k i n t h e i r sports and i n t h e i r t r o u b l e s . When di s a s t e r struck the v i l l a g e , and a storm had wrecked the h e r r i n g f l e e t , Y/idows and orphans were l e f t i n C l o v e l l y . A reminiscence of the scene comes i n l a t e r years when the son of the p a r i s h p r i e s t wrote h i s famous l i n e s ending: 5. L i f e , v o l . 1, p. 89. 6. I M d . ,p. 121. 7. Cf. I b i d . , p.486, and v o l . 2, p. 85. He s t a t e s that nature "can teach no moral theology,"and "Nature i s f i e r c e when she i s offended." For men must work, and women must weep, And there's l i t t l e to earn, and many to keep, Though the harbour bar be moaning. „ (The Three F i s h e r s , 1852) I t i s of i n t e r e s t to note how sympathies of t h i s kind remained strong through h i s mature years.. In 1849 he p l a i n l y sided with the poachers f o r the sake of drawing p u b l i c 9 a t t e n t i o n to the harsh laws that made poaching i n e v i t a b l e . He was not condoning the s i n s of the poachers, any more than he excused the debased l i v e s of f a c t o r y workers who were driven to v i c e . But he was a c t i n g i n genuine sympathy with the oppressed, i d e n t i f y i n g himself as t h e i r intimate f r i e n d 10 and c o u n s e l l o r . In 1863 he had not l o s t h i s vision... He f e l t that the i n d u s t r i a l i s t s of the Manchester school were "... t a k i n g t h e i r stand... * to i n s u l t a l l that f o u r - f i f t h s of England holds dear, - the monarchy, the government, the church, the army, the navy, the l a n d l o r d s , the sturdy 11 a g r i c u l t u r a l peasants>" This was being done through the f a u l t y p r i n c i p l e s of the i n d u s t r i a l i s t s i n seeking p r o f i t s without s o c i a l betterment f o r their''workers. They were s e t t i n g c l a s s against c l a s s , and not, l i k e K i n g s l e y , i n t e r f e r i n g "to see common j u s t i c e done to the B r i t i s h p u b l i c 12 and to the Lancashire workman." 8. Ki n g s l e y , C , "The Three F i s h e r s 8" Poems, 1899, p. 279. 9. Of. r,A Rough Rhyme on A Rough Matter," Yeast t p. 186. 10. L i f e , v o l . 1, p. 184, " I would shed the l a s t drop of my blood f o r the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l emancipation of the people of England," 11. L i f e , v o l . 2, p. 149. 12. Loc. c i t . Although Kingsley sympathized with the poor, i t must be observed that he would not go too f a r . In h i s sermons he preached that the poor as much as the r i c h were responsible 13 f o r s o c i a l improvement, — and should p r o s p e r i t y come suddenly to\ the labouring classes, there i s a great e v i l to be warded o f f : When any gentleman boasts to me that the earnings of h i s workpeople average 16 s. a week, man, woman, and c h i l d , I am i n c l i n e d to answer, so much the worse f o r them. I t i s a very great question whether such high wages are a b e n e f i t without a corresponding high education. 1* This, and the foregoing examples w i l l show how Kingsley*s a c t i v e concern f o r the hard l o t of la b o u r i n g people remained with him a f t e r h i s y o u t h f u l days at C l o v e l l y . K i n g s l e y 1 s p r e - u n i v e r s i t y education was gained at two p r i v a t e schools i n the country — one at C l i f t o n , near B r i s t o l , and the other -at Helston, Cornwall — and at a t h i r d school, King's College, i n London. His wife remarks that the r u r a l schools were of no assistance i n counteracting h i s e a r l y shyness and s e n s i t i v i t y ; f o r i t i s recorded by a sbhool-fellow that w i t h a l l h i s good q u a l i t i e s he was not popular as a schoolboy. "He knew too much, and h i s mind was 15 generally at a higher l e v e l " than h i s acquaintances'. Although he d i d not take part i n group games, he was, never-t h e l e s s , keen i n f e a t s of a g i l i t y , and kept h i s love f o r outdoor rambles. A temperament such as t h i s would have been 13. Of.. V i l l a g e , Town, and Country Sermons, p. 152. 14. L i f e , v o l . 2, p. 148. 15. P&wles, R.C..."Letter to Mrs. K i n g s l e y , Oct. 30, 1875," as c i t e d by K i n g s l e y , Mrs. C., o p ? c i t . , p. 25. ' broadened and developed i n schools l i k e Eton or Rugby, to both of which h i s father was i n v i t e d by h i s f r i e n d s to send 16 him. King's College, however, became the parent's choice. As K i n g s l e y grew to mat u r i t y , he outgrew much of hi s y o u t h f u l s e n s i t i v i t y , but he r e t a i n e d c e r t a i n p r e j u d i c e s 17 to which some reference w i l l be made below. For the most part he was a great enough man to ignore the i n s u l t s that accompanied h i s p u b l i c career, but he showed that he was pained at times by press a t t a c k s . C a r l y l e had warned him i n 1850 "to pay no a t t e n t i o n at a l l to the f o o l i s h clamour 18 of reviewers, whether laudatory or condemnatory." Probably, had he followed t h i s i n j u n c t i o n he would have r e t a i n e d greater calm, though one conjectures that the reviewers' c r i t i c i s m s had a s a l u t a r y e f f e c t i n modifying h i s l e s s p p r a c t i c a l views. An event that a f f e c t e d him as profoundly as anything i n h i s boyhood took place while he was attending school at C l i f t o n i n 1851. He was an eye-witness of the B r i s t o l r i o t s with a l l the horrors attendant. Tension was running high f • because of the a g i t a t i o n f o r the F i r s t Reform B i l l , though Kingsley at the time n e i t h e r understood nor eared about p o l i t i c a l disturbances. Ricks were burned by country mobs, and r i o t s occurred i n the towns. B r i s t o l was suddenly seized with confusion. K i n g s l e y , with f a s c i n a t e d and h o r r i f i e d eyes, saw "the b r u t a l , hideous mob of inhuman wretches, plundering, d e s t o y i n g , burning..." and the cowardly 16. Of. L i f e , v o l . 1, p. £2. 17. Of. pp. 7,8 of t h i s essay. 18. C a r l y l e , T., " L e t t e r to K i n g s l e y , " L i f e , v o l . 1, p. 245. mayor too t e r r i f i e d to give the order f o r the s o l d i e r s to 19 -i n t e r f e r e . Of course the causes f o r t h i s were not a l l p o l i t i c a l . I t was what Kingsley termed "my f i r s t l e s s o n . . . i n S o c i a l Science," and i t was " w r i t t e n f o r him (and f o r a l l England) 20 i n l e t t e r s of flame." Here was not only an exposure of p o l i t i c a l i n j u s t i c e , but of the inadequate systems of c h a r i t y , s a n i t a t i o n and working c o n d i t i o n s . Though i t was h i s f i r s t l e s son, he was too much e x c i t e d to l e a r n i t s meaning at once. What i t d i d f o r him was to d r i v e out some of h i s t i m i d i t y from that time f o r t h . "That s i g h t , " he s a i d i n l a t e r years, 21 "made me a r a d i c a l . " In 1836, while l i v i n g at h i s f a t h e r ' s r e c t o r y at Chelsea, and attending day-school at King's C o l l e g e , he f e l t h i s r e b e l l i o u s s p i r i t growing. Here i n London l i f e was drab. He missed h i s country rambles; and he grew impatient with the middle c l a s s p a r i s h i o n e r s whose constant t a l k about p a r o c h i a l a f f a i r s he c a l l e d "shoppy". In l a t e r years he never allowed " t a l k i n g shop" to i n t e r f e r e w i t h h i s l e i s u r e hours. In h i s 19. The B r i s t o l B l o t s have been termed "the most-atroci ous outbreak which disgraced the cause of reform." See Brodrick, G-.G., and •Fotherlngham, J ,K., The H i s t o r y of England, 1801-1837, Hun&, W., and Poole, R.L. ed., London, New York and Bombay, 1906, v o l . I X , p. 297. 20. Sanitary and S o c i a l Essays, p. 187. 21. Kingsley apparently does not mean he bacame a r a d i c a l at once. In 1857 he says, "...what I had seen made me for years the v e r i e s t a r i s t o c r a t , f u l l of hatred and contempt of the dangerous c l a s s e s whose existence I had f o r the f i r s t time discovered. I t r e q u i r e d many years7~yearsr,'too of personal i n t e r c o u r s e with the poor — to e x p l a i n to me the true meaning of what I saw...." (Sanitary and S o c i a l Essays, p. 190) Chelsea home, too, he developed a thorough-going d i s l i k e f o r " r e l i g i o u s " language which he c a l l e d "cant", and conceived a prejudice against young l a d i e s who prayed with the poor. Time did not do much to soft e n Kingsley on these matters. His d i s l i k e o f cant may be put down to the n a t u r a l r e v u l s i o n 22 of an emotional youth against hypocrisy. On such; ; ,matters he could not always judge c o r r e c t l y , f o r on some occasions 23 hi s emotions got the b e t t e r of him. He d i d , however, remain consistent to the end of h i s l i f e i n that "...he deplored p u t t i n g vrards i n t o the mouths of the general congregation which were u n r e a l to them— i n d i v i d u a l confessions of s i n too solemn to be sung, and ardent expressions of l o v e , almost amounting to passion, which, i f not f e l t , must therefore be an unconscious i n s u l t to Him to whom they were addressed." 2 4 : He was probably u n f a i r i n h i s charges of i n s i n c e r i t y against the young l a d i e s who prayed — or those who were " f a l l i n g i n love with the m i n i s t e r r a t h e r than the sermon." Kaufmann's 25 comment on t h i s was that "he was rather too hard upon them," f o r g e t t i n g that people of a l l ages were prone to the same f a u l t s . However t h i s may be, Kingsley d i d not scruple to expose the e r r o r s i n h i s novels, Yeast, A l t o n Locke, and 22. Cf. L i f e , v o l . 1, p.50. 23. Cf.e.g, K i n g s l e y , Mrs. C , ed., Op . c i t . , v o l . 1 , p.82: "Do not r e j e c t Wardlaw because he i s a P r e s b y t e r i a n . The poor man was born so ••— you know.. I t i s very d i f f e r e n t from a man's d i s s e n t i n g p e r s o n a l l y . " (I) and Cf. L i f e , v o l . 1, p. 305, Martineau's comment: "The very keenness of h i s sympathy...made i t impossible f o r him to maintain the calm, u n r u f f l e d judgment of ire n of l e s s f i e r y temperament." 24. I b i d . , v o l . 2, p. 386. 25. Kaufmann, M., Charles K i n g s l e y , C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t and S o c i a l Reformer, p. 17. .26 Two Years Ago* At the same moment that he was forming these y o u t h f u l prejudices many of the p u b l i c amusements common to o i t y l i f e were barred to- him as being contrary to the r e l i g i o u s Views of h i s f a m i l y . This had the e f f e c t of tu r n -ing him t o h i s only avenue of escape, the company of books. Poets claimed h i s c h i e f a t t e n t i o n . He enjoyed Percy's E e l i q u e s , Southey, S h e l l e y , Coleridge, and l a t e r , Yfordsworth; but h i s l i f e l o n g f a v o u r i t e among pieces of l i t e r a t u r e was The Faerie Q,ueen. One may conjecture that a background of t h i s k i n d — though'Kingsley remained only two years at Chelsea—was bound to a f f e c t h i s character to some extent. The f a c t that a lover of outdoor l i f e should be barred from common amusements of the c i t y and yet f i n d enjoyment i n the v i c a r i o u s exper-iences of books, i s , i t s e l f , i n d i c a t i v e of a c e r t a i n q u a l i t y i n the boy. At the most impressionable age of seventeen he had gained a vast stock of ideas that were l a t e r to influence h i s w r i t t e n s t y l e and l i t e r a r y h a b i t s . That these r e s u l t s were a t t a i n e d i n h i s s e l f - e x p r e s s i o n i s important i n a l i t e r a r y way, i f i n no other. But i t shows s t i l l more a beginning of that love f o r p o e t i c and c u l t u r a l values that he was concerned to b r i n g i n t o h i s s o c i a l and educative 27 programme of l a t e r years. 26. Of Yeast, Chap.10; A l t o n Locke, Chap.l; Two Years Ago, Chap. 24. • 27, Gf. h i s views on education and mental h e a l t h , pp.128 a n <3- 129. In 1839 Charles l e f t King's College f o r Cambridge and a new phase of l i f e . He d i s t i n g u i s h e d himself i n h i s f i r s t year by c a r r y i n g o f f the book p r i z e f o r c l a s s i c s and mathematics. His choice of a volume of P l a t o f o r the p r i z e shows h i s leanings toward Greek philosophy, though there i s 28 l a t e r no evidence of h i s having read very deeply. At a maturer age h i s w r i t i n g s show him to be a n e o - p l a t o n i s t , tak-ing the C h r i s t i a n viewpoint of admiration f o r Greek l o r e and philosophy, while considering that the Hebrews and the Old 29 Testament went deeper than the pagan w r i t e r s . This came with the years. At the u n i v e r s i t y he was not altogether s a t i s f i e d with h i s programme of s t u d i e s ; " I wish I were f r e e from t h i s u n i v e r s i t y system, and f r e e to f o l l o w such a course of educa-t i o n as Socrates, and Bacon, and More, and M i l t o n have sketched out..." 3o There i s evidence here that K i n g s l e y * s mind was then i n f l u x , and he could not decide f o r many years what u n i v e r s i t y course he would have p r e f e r r e d to take. On the other hand h i s ha'bits of study were not of the best 1'during h i s c o l l e g e days, and c e r t a i n f r i e n d s f e l t that he could have done much better. 28. Cf. L i f e , v o l . 1., p. 325. El confess myself a l l a t o n i s t , " he s a i d , and disowned Neo-Platonism and kindred b e l i e f s as "Pantheism" a n d " m a t e r i a l i s t atheism." However, h i s viewpoint i s e s s e n t i a l l y that of the n e o - p l a t o n i s t -see the next footnote. 29. Cf. Kingfley,0.., S e l e c t i o n s , p . 189. 30. L i f e , v o l . 1, p. 51. than he d i d . As i t was, by d i n t of some "cramming" along with-his l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s of f i s h i n g , hunting, boating, and boxing, he was content to edge through with a bare margin i n the f i r s t c l a s s standings. But " i t was nothing conroared to what might have been a t t a i n e d by a man of h i s 31 powers" says one of h i s i n s t r u c t o r s , — a remark strangely 32 s i m i l a r to that hurled by c r i t i c s i n a f t e r years at h i s novels. U n t i l the period of 1839-40 Kingsley had accepted h i s world almost as f r e e l y as Lancelot Smith does i n the opening chapters of Yeast. He now had to choose a vocat i o n . The settlement of t h i s d i f f i c u l t y , and the c l e a r i n g up of a period-of tremendous doubt that began to a s s a i l him about t h i s time, were l a r g e l y brought about by h i s f i a n c e e , Fanny G r e n f e l l . S h o r t l y a f t e r t h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l woman, the daughter of Paseoe G-renfell M.P., had begun to correspond with young King s l e y i n 1839, she sent him Coleridge's Aids to R e f l e c t i o n , and some of C a r l y l e * s w r i t i n g s i n c l u d i n g Sartor Reaartus, The French Rev o l u t i o n , and Past and Present. •Some of these books a r r i v e d i n 1841 at the p e r i o d of h i s greatest doubt. The Oxford Tracts were coming out, and although, because of complete d i f f e r e n c e of temperament, he could not f e e l concerned about the arguments of the P u s e y i t e s , he had ,33 a l l the fears of a l o y a l churchman. Then, i n a d d i t i o n to a l l other w o r r i e s , he could not escape the news of r i o t s and unrest — the C h a r t i s t s of 1840 and 1841 drawing 31. L i f e , v o l . 1, p.58. > 32. Cf. Greg,W*B., L i t e r a r y and S o c i a l Judgements, p. 142. 35. Cf. Kaufmann, M., Qp.cit., p. 19. a t t e n t i o n to the miserable conditions of labourers -- and these, added to h i s own doubts r e s p e c t i n g r e l i g i o u s questions, d e f i n i t e l y u n s e t t l e d , f o r a time, h i s f a i t h i n the e s t a b l i s h e d order of th i n g s . The problems r a i s e d by the T r a c t a r i a n s , being mainly r e l i g i o u s , do not here c a l l f o r an examination i n d e t a i l ; but t h e i r s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s are of greater import-ance to t h i s d i s c u s s i o n . Kingsley himself discussed the Tracts f o r the Times "from a merely human and not the 34 r e l i g i o u s point of view." Kaufmann sums up t h i s r e a c t i o n i n these words: • "His e x c i t a b l e nature was r e p e l l e d from t h e i r studious reserve and r e t i c e n c e , and t h e i r cautious, almost conscientious abstinence from emotional r e l i g i o n . . . . H i s inaccuracy i n matters of d e t a i l , h i s hastiness i n grasping at conclusions, h i s impulsive, and almost r e c k l e s s generosity -- these, and other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e p e l l e d him from the 35 men who were the opposite of a l l t h i s c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y . . . " He suspected the Tr a c t a r i a n s because they appeared to be 36 undermining "the two roots of the Church:" the family l i f e , and the n a t i o n a l l i f e . Family l i f e %as threatened by t h e i r self-imposed d i s c i p l i n e and a s c e t i c i s m which so much tended 37 to remove the joy of l i v i n g * And the n a t i o n a l l i f e was aff e c t e d because the trend toward Romish d o c t r i n e s was a blow against the E s t a b l i s h e d Church, which, i n K i n g s l e y ' s 38 mind, was d i v i n e l y ordained as a n a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n . I t w i l l be shown at a l a t e r point that the books 34. Kaufmann, M., Op.oit., p. 20, c i t i n g L i f e , v o l . 1 , p.45. 35. I b i d * , p. 19. 36. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p. 45. 37. Loo, o i t . 38. Cf. I b i d . , p. 253. 13 sent by Miss G r e n f e l l i n 1841 were of assistance i n a l l a y i n g some of h i s worst f e a r s * For the next s i x a- seven years he became more i n t e l l i g e n t l y aware of the whole chaotic state of the times. Through h i s reading, and by personal ex-perience he-came to formulate same general p r i n c i p l e s that show him to have conquered h i s e a r l y doubts almost completely. His f a i t h was based on a gospel of s o c i a l work which a l l r e l i g i o n s were sadly n e g l e c t i n g . To summarize what t h i s meant one may quote h i s words regarding the Church i n 1846: " I t s two mottoes should be Anti-Manichaeism — (and therefore A n t i - T r a c t a r i a n , and A n t i - E v a n g e l i c a l ) ' and Anti-Atheism. ( s i c ) To a t t a c k mnsparingly these two things i n every one, from the bishop to the peasant; and to t r y , on the p o s i t i v e s i d e , to show how a l l t h i s progress of s o c i e t y i n the present day i s r e a l l y of God, and God's work, and has p o t e n t i a l and l a t e n t s p i r i t u a l elements which i t i s the duty... of the c l e r g y to u n f o l d . " ^ These were views n a t u r a l l y developed a f t e r 1841 when he had experianced what appears to have been a conversi on from u n b e l i e f . During the s p r i n g of 1841 i t had been i n h i s mind to become a lawyer, but h i s deep r e l i g i o u s experience prompted him to the d e c i s i o n that, to quote h i s own words, " i n both 40 physique and. morale" he was intended f o r the m i n i s t r y . Once committed to t h i s task he l e t himself go, heart and s o u l , as i t became always h i s p o l i c y to do i n any engagement whiefc a t t r a c t e d h i s care. Whole-heartedness was o f t e n a mania with ••41 him. I t sometimes wore him out p h y s i c a l l y ; i t also made 39. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p. 144. 40. I b i d . , p. 53. 41. Cf. K i n g s l e y ' s remark i n 1851: " I returned the blow as hard as I could, my r u l e being to smash,, i f p o s s i b l e , a l l w i l f u l obstacles to anything I have i n ming."Life,vol.1,p.267 enemies f o r him, as, f o r i n s t a n c e , the C a l v i n i s ts and the Roman c a t h o l i c s . On J u l y 10, 1842, a few months a f t e r h i s graduation, Kingsley was ordained to the curacy of E v e r s l e y i n Hampshire, on the borders of the NewForest. He faced the d i f f i c u l t task of r e b u i l d i n g a much-neglected p a r i s h . Few attended church. Education was at a s t a n d s t i l l , the only f a c i l i t i e s being provided f o r a few v i l l a g e c h i l d r e n i n a b u i l d i n g ten f e e t square. Drunkenness was being f o s t e r e d i n the taverns, one to every f i f t y of the male population. Poaching was the r u l e rather than the exception. I t was K i n g s l e y ' s task to s u i t remedies to a l l these, and many more exacting problems. One of h i s most e f f e c t i v e remedies was preaching, but, as might be expected from what has been stated before, he used . f o r c e f u l c o l l o q u i a l language which he knew h i s congregation could understand. He followed up h i s preaching w i t h a programme of s o c i a l work that f a r exceeded the e f f o r t s of the average parson of the time. On week days he was teaching the c h i l d r e n , sponsoring s e l f - h e l p c l u b s , and v i s i t i n g the s i c k . He Mrald v i s i t the s i c k f i v e or s i x times d a i l y , or oftener, i f he could b r i n g them comfort. The s e l f - h e l p groups which he i n t e r e s t e d himself to form included "the shoe-club, the c o a l club, a maternal s o c i e t y , a loan fund, and a lending l i b r a r y . " From every angle he d i r e c t e d h i s attack so as to reach even the lowest stable boy, or the gypsy of the by-roads. I t was experience gained i n these e a r l y years that gave him the s o l i d background of information 15 on s o c i a l problems which i s found, e s p e c i a l l y i n Yeast and Alt o n Locke* In 1844 he married Fanny G r e n f e l l , and was content, a f t e r a promotion from curate to r e c t o r at Eversley, to 45 develop his* p a r i s h work, and to read "the book ocean" f o r ideas. He now came under the s p e l l of the Rev. F. D. Maurice, whose book, "The Kingdom of God", set a s o l i d basis f o r h i s 44 r e l i g i o u s f a i t h . With t h i s book he classed the w r i t i n g s of O a r l y l e and Coleridge as cornerstones i n h i s s o c i a l -45 philosophy. Maurice was a theologian of some note, and as a thinker could d i r e c t the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t movement, and the young i n t e l l e c t u a l s l i k e K i n g s l e y , Thomas Hughes, and J . M. Ludlow. King s l e y soon came to defer to Maurice as h i s "Master" i n t h e o l o g i c a l matters, but i t was through M s own e f f o r t s that Maurice became widely known to the world. The reading p u b l i c would eagerly read Yeast, about which Kingsley s a i d , " I th i n k t h i s w i l l e x p l a i n a good deal of 46 47 Maurice", and would consider " S o c i a l M o r a l i t y " a dry book. People would read with some r e l i s h Lancelot's d i a t r i b e against the s e l f i s h n e s s of s o c i e t y which ends: "Your B i b l e t a l k s of s o c i e t y not as a herd, but as a. l i v i n g t r e e , an organic i n d i v i d u a l body, a holy brotherhood and Kingdom of God." 4 8 43, Cf. L i f e , v o l . 1, p. 114. 44. Cf. i b i d . , p. 84. 45. Cf. l o o , c i t . 46. i b i d . , p. 305. 47. Maurice, F. D., S o c i a l M o r a l i t y . 48. Yeast, p. 247. They"would also hear the r i n g of Maurice i n those i r o n i c a l statements of Luke the T r a c t a r i a n who i s made to condemn himself out of h i s own mouth: "We of the True Church have some one to keep our consciences f o r us. The padre s e t t l e s a l l about what i s 49 r i g h t and wrong...." These and other examples from the beginning to the end of Yeast can be taken to show how much more v i v i d K ingsley made these ideas than Maurice who o r i g i n a t e d them. However, as these subjects p e r t a i n more to the background of influence a f f e c t i n g K ingsley they w i l l be l e f t f o r the next s e c t i o n . From 1848 u n t i l h i s deagh i n 1875 two changes came over the s o c i a l philosophy of Charles K i n g s l e y . The f i r s t of these was h i s development as a C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t through a period l a s t i n g from 1848 to 1854. He j o i n e d , and was i n many respects the l e a d i n g l i g h t , i n a group of churchmen 50 f o l l o w i n g the i d e a l s of Maurice. The p r a c t i c a l outworking of C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s m meant that i t encouraged and gave p u b l i c i t y to working-men's a s s o c i a t i o n s , co-operative s t o r e s , trade unions, and s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n . A f u r t h e r explanation of C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s m may conveniently be l e f t to a l a t e r part of t h i s essay. K i n g i e y was always sympathetic toward the l a b o u r i n g c l a s s e s . During t h i s , the most r e v o l u t i o n a r y part of h i s l i f e , he was f i r s t s t i r r e d to a c t i o n by the C h a r t i s t outbreak of 1848, and then followed up a p e r i o d of 49,. Yeast, p. £05. 50. K i n g s l e y , C , ••Prefatory Memoir," i n A l t o n Locke, p. 7. energetic pamphleteering with h i s two great s o c i a l novels Yeast and A l t o n Locke. How q u i c k l y the author began to change from the harsh a t t i t u d e of c r i t i c i s m that i s found i n these novels may be seen by an examination of h i s next two works, Hypatia (1853) and Westward Ho. In these he turns to deal with r e l i g i o u s questions and n a t i o n a l i s m , and shows a d i s -t i n c t veering away from the s o c i a l issues of h i s previous works. The second great development i n K i n g s l e y ' s s o c i a l philosophy a f t e r 1848 l a s t e d from 1854 to h i s death. For various reasons, which w i l l be touched upon again, h i s e a r l i e r outspoken a t t i t u d e gave way to one of moderation. He was no l e s s sympathetic toward the l a b o u r i n g c l a s s e s , but he wished them to l e a r n how to work out reforms under t h e i r own l e a d e r s h i p . The trade unions, f o r example, would progress, i n h i s e s t i m a t i o n , to the degree that they abandoned p o l i t i c s , and l e f t o f f t r y i n g to b r i n g about a Utopia by r e v o l u t i o n a r y changes. He himself set two, or p o s s i b l y three goals f o r hi s own future endeavours. In Two Years Ago, (1857), he emphasizes s a n i t a t i o n , education, and the formation of what one might c a l l "a n a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r . " To these same t o p i c s he devoted, a l s o , the bulk of the sermons, essays, and l e c t u r e s that c o n s t i t u t e the remainder of h i s l i t e r a r y e f f o r t . In these l i m i t e d objecticres he f e l t f a r more confident of 51 r e a l i z i n g t a n g i b l e r e s u l t s . The various m o d i f i c a t i o n s of K i n g s l e y ' s opinions 51. L i f e , v o l . 2, p.71. from h i s student days onward w i l l r e ceive f u r t h e r treatment i n the sec t i o n s which f o l l o w . Here, at t h i s p o i n t , one glances r a p i d l y over the w r i t e r ' s l a s t years to see h i s crowning achievements. The honours Kingsley r e c e i v e d from 1859 dnward make an imposing array. He was appointed professor of Modern H i s t o r y at Cambridge i n 1859, a post which he held f o r n e a r l y t e n years. Appointed c h a p l a i n to the Queen i n 1860, he was required to preach two sermons a year i n the Chapel Royal. In the matter of l i t e r a r y and s c i e n t i f i c honours he was honoured when he achieved a l i f e - l o n g ambition i n becoming, i n 1857, a Fellow of the Linnean S o c i e t y ; and In 1853 he was g r a t i f i e d by being made a Fellow of the Geological S o c i e t y . A D.G.L. would have been h i s i n 1862 had not h i s w r i t i n g of Yeast and Hypatia p r e j u d i c e d some of the High Church o f f i c i a l s against him. But i n the matter of preferments he was more g r e a t l y honoured. From 1869 to 1873 he was Canon of Chester, and i n 1874 h i s merit as a preacher, w r i t e r , poet, and reformer was recognized i n h i s appointment to be Dean of Westminster Abbey. He- had occupied t h i s post b a r e l y a year when he d i e d , at the age of f i f t y - f i v e , on January 23, 1875. The nervous energy with which K i n g s l e y always worked brought on sever a l periods of exhaustion during h i s busiest years. One followed h i s unfortunate controversy with Newman i n 1864, and ne c e s s i t a t e d a h o l i d a y t r i p to Spain another came i n 1869 when he concluded h i s professorship at Cambridge to take an excursion to the West Indie s . The f i n a l h oliday, taken i n 1874, with a view to r e s t o r i n g h i s h e a l t h , was to America. But i t only added to h i s f a t i g u e and hastened h i s end. Fame had preceded him, of course, and he lect u r e d to s e v e r a l mass meetings during h i s t r i p across the continent. He spoke on n a t u r a l h i s t o r y , on education and, very n a t u r a l l y , on h i s f a v o u r i t e t h e o l o g i c a l precepts. Wishing to see and explore widely, he reached, San Francisco i n a high tension created by h i s energetic tour. In t h i s exhausted c o n d i t i o n a damp climate e a s i l y made him susceptible to p l e u r i s y . He d i d not completely recover from t h i s during the long t r i p homeward, and he came back to England, i n August 1874, to face s i x months of gradual decline before h i s (death i n January. His f r i e n d s and h i s enemies gathered around h i s grave-side to pay t r i b u t e to h i s memory, f o r they r e a l i z e d t h a t , whatever e l s e might be s a i d about him, Kings l e y f a r exceeded the average parson,of h i s time, at l e a s t i n s o c i a l reform. What he preached he t r i e d to l i v e . A f t e r 1854, r e a l i z i n g that mere t a l k i n g and w r i t i n g would not guarantee reform, he set as h i s goal the t a n g i b l e reforms that he f e l t could be a t t a i n e d at once — the b l e s s i n g s of h e a l t h and education. I t was h i s books that c a r r i e d h i s message and made him f r i e n d s and f o e s . Thus i t w i l l be mainly the novels of s o c i a l purpose — Yeast, A l t o n Locke, Two Years Ago, and Hypatia which w i l l be used to r e v e a l h i s s o c i a l philosophy. P A R T I I ' BACKGROUND AND SOURCES . Chapter I I Background of Events Two generations before the appearance of Yeast, the Napoleonic Wars had accentuated i n j u s t i c e s and disrupted the s o c i a l order i n a way that l e f t many seeds of t r o u b l e f o r future years. A b r i e f summary of some of these c o n d i t i o n s , and of 'the w r i t e r s who i n t e r p r e t e d the times to Kingsley w i l l f u r n i s h a background f o r the s o c i a l w r i t i n g s to be discussed i n the next s e c t i o n . Burke's method of q u e l l i n g the r e v o l u t i o n a r y s p i r i t at the s t a r t of the century was a l l too e f f e c t i v e i n keeping down, f o r many years, the growth of democratic i d e a s . The French Revolution appeared to j u s t i f y the B r i t i s h Parliament i n i t s p o l i c y of tur n i n g a deaf ear to popular demands. But hard times descended and reforms were needed. In 1815 the a g r i c u l t u r a l p opulation was j u s t beginning to f e e l a gradual change that was to transform England from an a g r i c u l t u r a l to an i n d u s t r i a l economy. Ki n g s l e y was aware that such arproeess was going on, but i n 1858 he was c r i t i c a l of the progress .being made:. "Did.. .(the farmers] not know that A g r i c u l t u r a l 1. T r a i l l , H.D., and Mann, J.S., ed., S o c i a l England, London, 1904, Vol.VI, p. 1. 20 21 Science, though of s i x t y years steady growth has not yet penetrated into a t h i r d of the farms of England, and that hundreds of farmers s t i l l dawdle a f t e r the fashion..of t h e i r f o r e f a t h e r s , when, by looking over the next hedge i n t o t h e i r neighbour's f i e l d they might double t h e i r produce and t h e i r p r o f i t s ? " 2 Enclosures of common land had continued, and t h i s process was gradually reducing the number of landowners. I t i s to be wondered at that K i n g s l e y , a f t e r making the statements just quoted, could t u r n and advocate- i n 1871 a r e t u r n to the 4 old-fashioned methods of f e u d a l economy and "hand labour". The p r i n c i p l e of feudalism, he f e l t , made f o r b e t t e r under-standing between master and servant. I t i s l i k e l y that h i s f a m i l y - t r a d i t i o n s and h i s l i f e at Eve r s l e y predisposed him to such a b e l i e f ; though, to be sure, i t was i n p r i n c i p l e rather than i n a c t u a l i t y that he wished to see feudalism 5 return.. He could not forsee the machine age d i s p l a c i n g an a g r i c u l t u r a l economy a l t o g e t h e r . The years preceding the F i r s t Reform B i l l saw as much d i s t r e s s i n towns as i n the country d i s t r i c t s . P e t e r l o o r i o t s of 1817 had something to do with the l e g a l i z i n g of the Trade Unions i n 1824. The labourers had yet t o l e a r n how to use t h e i r new-found power. The r e l i g i o u s question was brought to a head i n the Test and Corporation Acts and the 2. Sanitary and S o c i a l Esaays, p. 281. 3. Cf. Slosson, The d e c l i n e of the C h a r t i s t movement, p.35 ; c i t i n g Report of the land enquiry committee, (London, 1913), v o l . 1. I n t r o , p. 83: "As l a t e as the great land survey of 1874-75.. .half of the a g r i c u l t u r a l land of the country was owned by a few more than two thousand persons." Cf. also the f a c t that E v e r s l e y Common was enclosed a f t e r 1863: L i f e , v o l . 2 , p.147. 4. L i f e , v o l . 2, p.558. 5. I b i d . , p. 357. Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829. But i t was not u n t i l 1852 that the passing of the Reform B i l l to r e d i s t r i b u t e the franchise made the f i r s t e f f e c t i v e move towards breaking the government's lo n g - e s t a b l i s h e d bureaucracy. Though an im-provement, the gain was s t i l l f a r short of manhood suf f r a g e ; and though the r o t t e n boroughs had become a t h i n g of the past, the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of re p r e s e n t a t i v e s favoured only the middle c l a s s e s , while the labourers were l e f t without a vote. Kingsley l i k e d to e x p l a i n the r i s e of the middle c l a s s i n h i s own way. The poor working classes were decimated by the wars, or by the r e s u l t i n g s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s , but "the middle c l a s s e s , being mostly engaged i n peaceful p u r s u i t s , s u f f e r e d l e s s of 6 t h i s decimation of t h e i r f i n e s t young men." He was p a r t l y r i g h t i n t h i s , but undoubtedly d i d not see the f u l l p o l i t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . Even i n M s own day the v o t i n g p r i v i l e g e s were m a n i f e s t l y u n f a i r . John B r i g h t could report i n 1858: "In Great B r i t a i n and I r e l a n d , f i v e out of- every 7 s i x men you meet have no vote," / and he added: "There are, i n the House of Commons at present 330 members, more than h a l f the House, whose whole number of c o n s t i t u e n t s do not number more than 180,000, and there are i n Parliament 24 members whose c o n s t i t u -ents are upwards of 200,000 i n number." 8 These f i g u r e s , however, d i d not cause concern to K i n g s l e y . I t must have been h i s respect f o r t r a d i t i o n a l authority that d i c t a t e d h i s conservative f e e l i n g s on t h i s matter. He u t t e r l y 6. Sanitary and S o c i a l Essays, p. 25. 7. Trevelyan, G.M., The L i f e of John B r i g h t , p. 272. 8. I b i d . , p. 273. 9 d i s t r u s t e d the "brute arithmocracy r t of numbers f o r he f e l t that u n p r i n c i p l e d demagogues always assumed c o n t r o l i n any popular movement, and c a r r i e d out t h e i r own, and not the 10 people's w i l l . Hence he was convinced that more r e a l beneficence remained with the m i n o r i t i e s , who were nearly always composed of i n t e l l e c t u a l s , or men of f a m i l y who had 11 the country's .welfare at h e a r t . K i n g s l e y u t t e r l y f a i l e d to understand the p r i n c i p l e s of modern democracy. I t was a serious f a i l i n g i n him. A f t e r the passage of the F i r s t Reform B i l l the country was s t i l l to pass through n e a r l y twenty years of unrest.' But i n the Reformed Parliament there was apparently enough democratic f e e l i n g to ensure the passage of many reforms, the Factory Acts, and the New Poor Law*,. Unfortunately, the b e n e f i t s of these laws were not f e l t f o r years, and the inexperience of the government and of the new trade unions 12 hampered concerted a c t i o n i n many p a r t s of the country. P o l i t i c a l f a c t i o n s now arose to make c a p i t a l of these abuses. C h a r t i s t s e s p e c i a l l y found, i n the g r i n d i n g poverty faced by workingmen everywhere, t h e i r c h i e f reason f o r r e v o l t . I t was the New Poor Law which roused the C h a r t i s t s to b i t t e r e s t complaint. K i n g s l e y i n h i s e a r l y years as parson at Eversley experienced some of the same f e e l i n g s . The new law required a man to swear himself an absolute 9. Cf. A l t o n Locke. Preface, p. 128. 10. Of. l o c . c i t . 11. Cf. I b i d . , p. 48. 12. Webb, Sidney and B e a t r i c e , The H i s t o r y of Trade Unionism. 1920, p. 179. ' — — 24 indigent before he could c l a i m a penny of r e l i e f . Formerly a good proportion of labourers had come to depend upon the pa r i s h dole as an a u x i l i a r y wage. The sudden s h i f t i n g of a l l but the neediest cases to an enforced independence would n a t u r a l l y work a hardship on many. Wages were not s u f f i c i e n t ; therefore the u n s a t i s f a c t o r y system of alms and c h a r i t y were needed again. Kingsley concludes the passage i n which he discusses the Poor Law i n A l t o n Locke with these words: "No, no; as long as you r e t a i n compulsory poor-laws, you confess that i t i s not merely humane, but j u s t , to pay the 13 labourer more than h i s wages.'* That Kingsley was to change h i s tone i n a f t e r years when times improved and showed the, j u s t i c e of the law, i s of i n t e r e s t to the reader: "Experience of the new .poor law, and experience of free trade, are helping him to show himself what he always 14 was at heart, an honest Englishman." While Parliament s t i l l remained Whig and Tory Oobden and B r i g h t were the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of that r a d i c a l wing which veered towards Free Trade and yet upheld middle-c l a s s i n t e r e s t s . These R a d i c a l s , o f t e n thought of as the 15 party representing the thought of the unrepresented masses, were at heart the organ of a large s e c t i o n of the middle-class manufacturers. Only the C h a r t i s t cause, with hardly a 13. A l t o n Locke» v o l . 2 , p. 149. 14. Yeast, Preface to f o u r t h Ed., p.x. W r i t t e n by K i n g s l e y i n 1859. 15. Cf. Slosson, P.IT., Op.cit., p. 18. 25 representative on the f l o o r of the House, was t r u l y the 16 p o l i t i c a l hope of working-class England. Kingsley sgrmpathized with the C h a r t i s t s when they asserted that the Coming of Free Trade would undermine wages. He sympathized with the Free ; Traders i n reducing the p r i c e of corn. Radicals and C h a r t i s t s could have joined hands on many i s s u e s . But K i n g s l e y was.no party man. He could not have sponsored the platform that the two p a r t i e s might e a s i l y have held i n common -- household s u f f r a g e , the m o d i f i c a t i o n of the c r i m i n a l law, a b o l i t i o n of s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s enjoyed by the E n g l i s h Church, and the repeal of the corn laws. Before a l l t h i s the C h a r t i s t s p r e f e r r e d to-advocate t h e i r famous " s i x p o i n t s " , t r y i n g to get the ear of the middle c l a s s before t h e i r opponents, the R a d i c a l s , could succeed i n abolish i n g the Corn Laws. As i t happened, the l a t t e r came f i r s t , and the C h a r t i s t s , a f t e r t h e i r unsuccessful r i o t i n g i n London s t r e e t s i n 1848, d i s s o l v e d as a movement. Strangely enough, without f u r t h e r a g i t a t i o n , most of t h e i r demands became law w i t h i n ten years. K i n g s l e y * s a c t i v i t i e s from h i s student days u n t i l 1848 show a gradual movement towards the vortex of p u b l i c l i f e . P r a c t i c a l l y speaking, h i s f i r s t s i x years at E v e r s l e y , added to the impressions gained as a student were the preparation f o r that d i r e c t plunge i n t o popular movements .16. gloason, P.W.,Op.cit., p. 20. Their famous " s i x p o i n t s " were: Equal r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e , annual parliaments, no property q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , vote by b a l l o t , and payment of members. which came i n 1848. I t w i l l be of i n t e r e s t to see how the movements of the times touched him p e r s o n a l l y during these years. P o l i t i c a l matters were,of no i n t e r e s t to him u n t i l 17 he entered u n i v e r s i t y . The B r i s t o l r i o t s , i t i s t r u e , had done something to arouse h i s i n t e r e s t i n s o c i a l matters, but the days at Cambridge broadened h i s i n t e r e s t s . He then read 18 Coleridge and C a r l y l e with s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n . Later on i n t h i s s e c t i o n some of the ideas which he gained from these w r i t e r s w i l l be considered i n greater d e t a i l . The student l i f e was so exacting that he could not b r i n g much a t t e n t i o n to bear'upon conditions as they were although h i s sympathies 18(a) already were being, exercised.. Upon h i s graduation, a f t e r a l i v i n g had been found f o r him : at Eversley;, he found more td-me to t e s t the f l o o d of ideas that presented themselves f o r t r i a l . No record shows that K i n g s l e y was severely a f f e c t e d e i t h e r by the depressions or by the years of p r o s p e r i t y from 19 f 1850 to 1845. Q a r l y l e r s Chartism made c e r t a i n things p l a i n to him r e s p e c t i n g the slump of 1837 to 1842. But he learned about g r i n d i n g poverty, cutthroat competition, and the piecework system only at second-hand. At Ever s l e y he gained a f i r s t - h a n d knowledge of the Poor Law. There i s no i n d i c a -t i o n that Kingsley took note of the mass meetings and the monster p e t i t i o n of the C h a r t i s t s i n 1842. He was e v i d e n t l y 17. Cf. S a n i t a r y and S o c i a l Essays, p. 190. 18. Cf. below, S o c i a l Background, pp.49 f f t 18(a). Cf. Sanitary and S o c i a l Essays, p. 190. 19. Cf. d i s c u s s i o n below, p.57. 27 too busy with parish work to note that the p e t i t i o n , s a i d to 20 contain three m i l l i o n s i gnatures, came to nothing. Land schemes were proposed and c a r r i e d on with some assurance by the C h a r t i s t s between 1846 and 1848. Though they came to nothing i n 1848 t h e i r bearing upon Kingsley's outlook on land settlement can be reckoned as an i n d i r e c t guidance f o r h i s own schemes of 1851.(See "Rural Economy", p p . ^ S f f . ) One conjectures.that he was i n f l u e n c e d by them even .though no w r i t t e n evidence comes to l i g h t r e s p e c t i n g t h e i r immediate power to i n t e r e s t him. The mere connection of Thomas Cooper with O'Connor, however, would lead one to 21 believe-that Couper i n h i s l a t e r intimacy w i t h K i n g s l e y would divulge some of the C h a r t i s t land schemes. O'Gonnor bel i e v e d that fspade husbandry" paid better than farming with the improved a g r i c u l t u r a l machinery 22 which was coming into use. He believed^ a l s o ; that with the allowance of only four or f i v e acres per f a m i l y he could s e t t l e 24,000 f a m i l i e s w i t h i n f i v e years. By t h i s scheme he hoped not only to r e l i e v e d i s t r e s s among the town popu-l a t i o n , but, by making the r u r a l settlements popular, cause a shortage i n f a c t o r y hands, and thereby compel c a p i t a l i s t s to r a i s e wages. When the scheme f e l l through i n 1848 i n 20. Slosson, P.W., o p . c i t . , p. 61, c i t i n g Hansard, 3rd series, v o l . l x i i i , p. 29. 21. C f . L i f e , v o l . 1, p. 183. ,22. Slosson, P.W., &p.oit. 9 p. 85. Much of the m a t e r i a l in the land scheme c i t e d herewith comes from Slosson's account• large measure because of poor judgement ra t h e r than through corrupt d e a l i n g , i t was maintained by the Government Committee that the N a t i o n a l Land Company, so c a l l e d by the C h a r t i s t s , was not l e g a l l y incorporated, and might become a l i a b i l i t y to the country* I t was e s p e c i a l l y weak i n the matter of sub-s c r i b i n g to the New Poor Law requirements, f o r "the 250 23 dwellings and four schoolhouses" that appeared a f t e r two years of e n t e r p r i s e were settlements that had nothing what-ever to depend upon for. a l i v i n g but "the produce of t h e i r allotments." K i n g s l e y e v i d e n t l y r e j e c t e d p a r t s of these plans, and t a c i t l y acknowledged the worth of other p a r t s of them. He favoured the small f i v e - a c r e p l o t which O'Connor used, and to the end of h i s days, h e l f l f a s t to, "spade husbandry" i n preference to machine conveniences. He b e l i e v e d that hard p h y s i c a l labour, c r e a t i n g the pride of ownership, muld be the labourer's s a l v a t i o n . But he could see, i n l a t e r years, some of the f a l l a c i e s of u n i v e r s a l "back to the l a n d " schemes. Land values would change out of a l l reckoning. There was no guarantee that the f a c t o r y hand, turned farmer, would take to the new l i f e , or that there would be markets f o r the goods, even supposing that these were s u c c e s s f u l l y produced. And K i n g s l e y e v i d e n t l y f e l t that no l e a d e r s h i p was given by O'Qonnor's scheme to t r a i n the r e s e t t l e d labourers i n ways of a g r i c u l t u r e . Such leaders as were needed would cmme from the ,23.. Slos'son, P.Ysf. , o p . c i t . , p. 90. 29 landed gentry or from p r o p r i e t o r s already experienced i n " • 24 land tenure Repercussions of the spreading unrest r e f l e c t e d by the land schemes came l i k e waves to the q u i e t , mid-country p a r i s h . Low wages, and high p r i c e s f o r bread were experienced i n Eversley i n 1846, while the i n d i r e c t e f f e c t of the I r i s h famine was to make p r i c e s of commodities dear i n the extreme. At one time K i n g s l e y , out of the genuine goodness of h i s heart, f e l t constrained to r e l i e v e the d i f f i c u l t l o t of £5 h i s p a r i s h i o n e r s by r e t u r n i n g a part of t h e i r p a r i s h dues* To make up f o r the l o s s of t h i s revenue he was compelled to earn fees by t u t o r i n g p u p i l s i n h i s own home, and by t u r n i n g , author. Kingsley prided himself on h i s p r i e s t l y .•qualities',-.. but he i s more f i t t i n g l y described as a "layman i n parson's 26 c l o t h e s . " What he could have achieved had he been a layman only, one can merely guess. Probably he would not have been so hampered i n moving among the workingmen, or i n sponsoring p o l i t i c a l moves. For there i s every reason to suppose that when K i n g s l e y believed the p o l i c y of h i s own church was democratic he -meant no such democracy as that proposed by John Stuart M i l l , In c l e a v i n g to the a u t h o r i t y of Church and State he was a c t u a l l y supporting a d o c t r i n e which denied the l i b e r t y of u n f e t t e r e d p o l i t i c s , and was supporting an a u t h o r i t a r i a n s o c i a l order. Probably, too, the d i s s e n t e r s and C a l v i n i s t s whom Ki n g s l e y so much d i s l i k e d showed more 24. Cf. Kingsley's land schemes, pp. 8 8 f f . 25. L i f e , v o l . 1, p. 233. 26. Kaufmann, M., o p , c i t . K i n g s l e y showed "clergymanliness." *30 q u a l i t i e s of true democracy when they elect e d t h e i r pastors, than the Anglican Church did i n the whole program of i t s e c c l e s i a s t i c a l arrangement. The gradual growth o f K i n g s l e y ' s concern about s o c i a l c o nditions i s revealed i n h i s l e t t e r s a f t e r 1844. At t h i s date h i s c h i e f concern was r e l i g i o u s dogma. He w r i t e s : "Two things are ve r y troublesome to me at present. The want of any p h i l o s o p h i c a l method of reading s c r i p t u r e ; and the great prevalence of the B a p t i s t form of dissent."27 Maurice, whose acquaintance he made by t h i s l e t t e r , advocated h i s own method of s c r i p t u r e study, and expressed, i n answer to the second question the b e l i e f that he should t o l e r a t e the dis s e n t e r "keeping e n t i r e and unhurt that ("faith") which 28 he has already." There i s more emphasis upon a s o c i a l outlook i n Kingsley * s l e t t e r s of 1845. He was co n s i d e r i n g the forming of a new p e r i o d i c a l to di s c u s s problems, but, he s a i d , " I s h a l l chew the cud and t r y to f i n d out my own way a l i t t l e longer before I begin t r y i n g to lead others.... "Nobody t r u s t s nobody. Everyone i s a f i a i d to speak ...but...my game i s gra d u a l l y opening before me and my ideas 29 getting developed and'fixed' as the Germans would say." A year l a t e r he r e a l i z e d that unrest was widespread and gave the reason: "The curse of our generation i s that so few of us r e a l l y b e l i e v e anything. My whole heart i s set not on r e t r o g r e s s i o n , outward, or inward, but on progression. The new element i s democracy i n Church and s t a t e . Waiving the question of good or e v i l we cannot stop i t . Let us C h r i s t i a n i z e i t i n s t e a d . — A c r i s i s p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l seems approaching, and r e l i g i o n , l i k e a 27. L i f e , v o l . 1, p. 127. 28* I b i d . , p . 131. 29 . I b i d . , p. 138. 31 r o o t l e s s p l a n t , may be brmshed away i n the s t r u g g l e . " 3 0 Again one notes how Church and state were emphasized i n Kingsley's mind. In t h i s instance they were running counter to each other, though K i n g s l e y could not see i t . Either the Anglican Church was to a l l o w a l l denominations a share i n the business of government (e*.g., i n d e c i d i n g p o l i c y of education), or i t was to go on to experience greater and greater o p p o s i t i o n from seoular movements. P o s s i b l y K i n g s l e y r e a l i z e d that C h r i s t i a n i z i n g was a very broad general term* but however impossible i t must have seemed to do t h i s amongst the growing .31 forces of materialism, he i s to be commended f o r a much more aggressive outlook than many men of h i s church, pessessed. The idea of " C h r i s t i a n i z i n g " i n s t e a d of adopting a l a i s s e z -f a i r e a t t i t u d e i s s i g n i f i c a n t inasmuch as i t i s the f i r s t mention of " C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s m " that one meets i n h i s career. Another p e r i o d i c a l suggested i t s e l f i n 1847 as a means to make h i s views known to the world. "Let us t a l k about what we understand—what we have f e l t , and we s h a l l f i n d l i s t e n e r s . Apes, apes, and p a r r o t s , wherever one t u r n s . " 3 * What l a y behind t h i s outburst? One f e e l s that here again Kingsley was developing power of expression, with no o u t l e t provided f o r such genius, or to express h i s sympathy f o r the .grievance's being endured on every hand. One must remember, 30. Life*, v o l . 1, p.143. 31. " M a t e r i a l i s m " to K i n g s l e y meant e i t h e r "healthy m a t e r i a l -ism", ( i . e . an i n t e r e s t i n the n a t u r a l world) or, as here, the f a i l u r e of Mammonites or i n d u s t r i a l i s t s to see that man has a s o u l . 32. L i f e , v o l . 1, p. 144. 32 too, that 1847 was a year of depression, and the upsurge of business a f t e r the passage of the Free Trade b i l l had not yet s t a r t e d . Probably the year 1847 with i t s unrest, i t s r i o t i n g , p o l i t i c a l , economic and r e l i g i o u s d i s q u i e t , was more u n s e t t l i n g to K i n g s l e y than any previous year of h i s l i f e . From t h i s point of view one may argue that the winter of 1847 was Kingsley's stepping-off place f o r a more a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c l i f e . " I have a l o n g i n g , " he. wrote'to Laidlaw, "to d_£ something — what, God only knows. You say:'he that b e l i e v e t h w i l l not make haste,* but I t h i n k he that b e l i e v e t h must make- haste or get damned with the r e s t . But I w i l l do anything that anybody l i k e s — I have no confidence i n anything but God." 3 3 Kingsley's dilemma was more apparent as viewed against h i s background. What could an orthodox parson i n a country p a r i s h miles from London do to a l l e v i a t e the d i s t r e s s ? Yet he f e l t i t was h i s duty to do something to combat the s t e a d i l y worsening c o n d i t i o n s . In h i s p a r i s h work Kingsley was a c t i v e during the e a r l y s p r i n g of 1848, but not too busy to note the disturbances. At that time he was conducting a night c l a s s f o r a d u l t s , a w r i t i n g c l a s s f o r g i r l s , and an i n f a n t school, besides g i v i n g a weekly l e c t u r e at Queen's College i n London. On Sundays the, unrest i n h i s mind was, reechoed i n h i s sermons. He preached vehemently upon emigration, poaching, and p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l e v i l s . H i s a r t i c l e i n Fraser's showed that he was f e a r l e s s i n a t t a c k i n g questions of r e l i g i o n . "Why Should 33. A l t o n Locke, P r e f a c e , p. 8. 33 we f e a r the Romish p r i e s t s " was h i s t o p i c . Meantime h i s novel Yeast was developing i n h i s mind. The C h a r t i s t s chose A p r i l for t h e i r supreme e f f o r t to coerce the government i n t o granting t h e i r demands. Revo-l u t i o n was rampant on the continent, P a r i s , Vienna and B e r l i n a l l having experienced unprecedented r i o t s . These disorders were r e f l e c t e d i n minor d i s o r d e r s i n many pa r t s of England at the same time. At once the B r i t i s h Government brought " 34 i n the "Crown and Government Security B i l l " or "Gagging Act" which passed the House on votes of 265 to 24 and 452 to 35. S p e c i a l c i v i l i a n constables to the number of 150,000 were sworn i n by warrant. London was f i l l e d with troops. S t r e e t s were barricaded, bridges were guarded. For months the C h a r t i s t scare kept the a u t h o r i t i e s on the a l e r t . But a f t e r June a l l serious danger passed away completely, and Chartism gradually became e x t i n c t as a movement. Kingsley had made a s p e c i a l tr>ip to London on A p r i l 10. There seemed nothing that he or Ludlow, watching the mob assembled i n the r a i n on Kennington Common, could do. They could not take sides f o r , or against the C h a r t i s t s . ?/hen the a g i t a t o r s found themselves g r e a t l y outnumbered by the army of 150,000 s p e c i a l c o n s t a b l e s , they l o s t heart, and the great p e t i t i o n , w i t h three m i l l i o n signatures, many of them f i c t i t i o u s , came to nothing. Thomas Hughes records that "Kingsley was very 34. A l t o n Locke, " P r e f a t o r y Memoir", p. 5. deeply impressed with the g r a v i t y and danger of the c r i s i s — 35 more so.*.than any of h i s f r i e n d s . " On the night of A p r i l 11 he stayed up u n t i l 4 A.M. w r i t i n g placards to be posted up i n the London s t r e e t s . "Shun p o l i t i c a l means," was the message; shun Chartism; be calm and know that C h a r t i s t sympathizers e x i s t even among the c l e r g y . The placard was 36 signed, "A Working Parson." This was the s t a r t o f K i n g s l e y ' s outspoken e f f o r t s toward, reform. Almost immediately the idea of p u b l i s h i n g a p e r i o d i c a l , a p r o j e c t which he had twice before dismissed as not f e a s i b l e , became a r e a l i t y when P o l i t i c s f o r the People appeared on May 6. K i n g s l e y , Archdeacon Hare, Ludlow, Maurice, and others were the co-authors during i t s shofit l i f e of seventeen weeks. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that the c o n t r i b u t o r s . were a l l , l i k e K i ngsley, u n i v e r s i t y men. Their a r t i c l e s , much resembled those of K i n g s l e y himself who c o n t r i b u t e d nine, that were a l l touched with a new p h i l o s o p h i c a l i d e a l which they l i k e d to c a l l " C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s m " . " L e t t e r s to the C h a r t i s t s " are e s p e c i a l l y noiteworthy as showing that Kingsley wanted to help the C h a r t i s t s to gain reforms, but not by f o r c e f u l means. The contents of these l e t t e r s 37 w i l l be d e a l t with i n due course. Before " P o l i t i c s " had come to an end through l a c k of support Kingsley was a l l o w i n g himself t o mix f r e e l y i n meetings of a l l types of workmen. There were e c c e n t r i c men who held a l l shades of opinion — communists, vegetarians, 35. A l t o n Locke, "P r e f a t o r y Memoir," v o l . 1, p.7. 36. L i f e , v o l . 1, p. 157. 37. Cf. below, pp.98f. 35 dissenters and a t h e i s t s , — men whom he f e l t he must t r y to understand. He was p a r t i c u l a r l y impressed by the "eloquence, b r i l l i a n c e , nervous, well-chosen language," of these men. "And these are the C h a r t i s t s , these are the men who are 38 c a l l e d fools-and knaves." ' The most i n t e r e s t i n g of a l l the workmen that Kingsley was to meet was Thomas Cooper. N a t u r a l l y b r i l l i a n t , t h i s workman had a t t a i n e d , by h i s own e f f o r t s , a c e r t a i n degree of refinement, had w r i t t e n poems which a t t r a c t e d 39 Kingsley's a t t e n t i o n , and was, moreover, an outstanding man among the C h a r t i s t l e a d e r s . H i s f r i e n d s h i p w i t h Kingsley operated- to the mutual b e n e f i t of both men. By h i s contact with the other, Cooper learned to forsake h i s atheism, and i n turn impacted to h i s f r i e n d K i n g s l e y an i n s i g h t i n t o the mind of workingmen. Cooper, to a l l i n t e n t s , served as an e x c e l l e n t model f o r A l t o n Locke. Along with other i n t e r e s t s K i n g s l e y c a r r i e d on h i s p a r i s h d u t i e s , and wrote Yeast by instalments, to send to Fraser's Magazine. In December, 1848, h i s h e a l t h broke down and he was o b l i g e d to remove to Devon f o r s e v e r a l months of r e s t . F o l l o w i n g the w r i t i n g of A l t o n Locke i n 1849 there came a new phase i n h i s work f o r the l a b o u r i n g c l a s s e s . This was the more a c t i v e programme which he helped h i s C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t f r i e n d s to sponsor. During the next two years, with f a r greater success than had attended " P o l i t i c s " , 38. A l t o n Locke . "Prefatory Memoir", v o l . 1., p.15. 39. i . e . "The Purgatory of S u i c i d e s " e s p e c i a l l y . 56 the set of t r a c t s c a l l e d The C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t appeared. I t had the aim of "touching the workingman at a l l p o i n t s of 40 i n t e r e s t : " i n a s s o c i a t i o n , p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s , the C h r i s t i a n i d e a l of the Church, h i s t o r i c f a c t s of the Anglo-Saxon race, education, s a n i t a t i o n , the f r e e s a l e of land , tod moral improvement. I t was through t h i s p e r i o d , 1850 to 1852, that Kingsley experienced the most intense press a t t a c k s , and an unusual t o r r e n t of c r i t i c i s m from a l l s i d e s . Conservative f r i e n d s t o l d him that he. was " u n s e t t l i n g the minds of the poor." The foremost C h a r t i s t s s a i d he attempted to j u s t i f y the God -of the Old Testament "who, they maintained, was unjust and c r u e l . P o l i t i c a l economists f e l l upon him f o r a n t i -Malthusian b e l i e f s •—• that he was d i s r e g a r d i n g the fundamental r u l e s which s a i d that population must not be increased beyond i t s capacity to produce food f o r i t s e l f . Newspapers l i k e the " D a i l y News™ denounced "the r e v o l u t i o n a r y nonsense which i s termed C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s m . " There was a l s o a biased a r t i c l e i n the Manchester Guardian which imputed to the author only the worst of motives f o r c r e a t i n g the character ..41; •  . . .. of Lancelot Smith i n Yeast. Regarding the justness of these claims, one may f e e l assured that the charges were, i n the main, u n f a i r . Kingsley was f a r keener f o r reform i n many matters than were the p u b l i c who heard him. In h i s own words he s a i d : '•I do not speak from hearsay... .From my c r a d l e , as 40. A l t o n Locke, "Prefatory Memoir," p.16. 41. For the complaints i n t h i s paragraph of. A l t o n Locke, "Prefatory Memoir,"' v o l . 1 , p.18. 37 the son of an a c t i v e clergyman, I have been brought up i n the most f a m i l i a r intercourse with the poor i n town and 42 country." He could t h e r e f o r e , one f e e l s , r e f u t e the charges of conservative f r i e n d s , C h a r t i s t s , and p o l i t i c a l economists who a l l tended to side-step the s o c i a l e v i l s even more than he. His . C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s m , f o r a l l i t s d e f e c t s , was more p o s i t i v e i n i t s help to s o c i e t y than the newspapers would admit,- Only on matters of personal p r e j u d i c e , r e l i g i o u s 43 dogma and the l i k e — t o p i c s discussed before — does Kingsl e y s e r i o u s l y i n v i t e c r i t i c i s m . One f e e l s that the c r i t i c i s m of the Manchester Guardian r e s p e c t i n g Lancelot Smith was merited. To the very end of the book Lancelot gives one the impression of anvequivocator who never ' 44 e s t a b l i s h e s any b a s i s of f a i t h . By the end of 1850 Kingsley began to r e a l i z e that mere words would not move people to reform. " I t i s a pity,"he w r i t e s to Ludlow, "that t e l l i n g people what's r i g h t 45 won't make them do i t . " He was s t i l l as eager as ever for reform, though l i t t l e by l i t t l e , a f t e r 1850, he began to f e e l h imself an outsider from the movement that, he had f i r s t undertaken w i t h such v i g o r . The causes f o r t h i s change of a t t i t u d e are understandable. Mixing among e c c e n t r i c s as he was doing, he was obliged at times to meet some embarrassing s i t u a t i o n s . At one of the workmen's meetings was "a bearded member of (Council 42. A l t o n Locke, "Prefatory Memoir," v o l . 1 , p. 29. 43. Of. pp. 7,8 above. 44. Cf.p.7_6 below. 45. A l t o n Locke. "Prefatory Memoir" - v o l . 1 , p.19. 38 . . . i n a straw hat and blue plush gloves. He [KingsleyJ d i d net " ' 46 recover from the depression caused by those gloves f o r days." Another reason f o r h i s reluctance to p a r t i c i p a t e came as a r e a c t i o n to c r i t i c i s m . "I dread being tempted to more and more b i t t e r -ness, harsh judgement and e v i l speaking. I dread i t . I am a f r a i d sometimes that I s h a l l end i n u n i -v e r s a l s n a r l i n g . " 47 But c r i t i c i s m s and embarrassing scenes — embarrassing because, no doubt, so l i t t l e i n keeping with h i s gentle up-b r i n g i n g — were not the sole reasons f o r h i s departure from the f i r s t enthusiasm f o r reform. I t w i l l be seen below how other events a l s o a f f e c t e d h i s a t t i t u d e . The year 1851 saw the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s p u t t i n g i n t o operation at l e a s t a dozen co-operative ventures. They were a l l i n trades of handicraftsmen, boot-makers, t a i l o r s , and the l i k e . With l i t t l e experience, yet with the encouragement that the scheme of co-operatives had been t r i e d w i t h some success i n Rochddale, and i n P a r i s , the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s went to work. Kingsley's famed d i a t r i b e against sweat shops, "Cheap Clothes and Nasty," was instrumental i n b r i n g i n g the London t a i l o r s together i n 1850. Their a s s o c i -a t i o n i n turn was an a i d i n the formation of the other a s s o c i a t i o n s mentioned above. But a l l these ventures came to nothing i n 1854, the hard work of the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s not being s u f f i c i e n t to counteract the inexperience and the j e a l o u s i e s of the workmen themselves. While disappointed 46. A l t o n Locke, "Prefatory Memoir", v o l . 1 , p.22. 47. I b i d . , p. 24. 59 i n the extreme, Kingsley ever held f i r m to the p r i n c i p l e underlying these a s s o c i a t i o n s . He explained the f a i l u r e on the grounds that the workmen were unprepared f o r such ad-vanced measures. One might add:"and i t was also Klngsley's 48 own inexperience of the r a p i d l y expanding machine age." Apparently he knew more about the i n d i v i d u a l wrongs of workers than about the means of applying a s s o c i a t i v e p r i n c i p l e s to the workers of large scale i n d u s t r i e s . Hence the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s were merely touching the borders of the problem l a t e r to be taken up by the trade unions themselves. The most that can be s a i d f o r the co-operative plans of the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s i s that the b a s i s of the whole co-operative movement was placed on a much higher >49 l e v e l than before. An unhappy occurrence f o r K i n g s l e y was the t r e a t -ment he r e c e i v e d as a v i s i t i n g preacher i n one of the London p u l p i t s . 0il May 18, 1853L, he spoke on "The Message of the Church to the Labouring Man". As w i l l be shown more f u l l y below, i t advocated the speaker's main ideas f o r s o c i a l reform, brotherhood, and co-operation. No one could be more shocked than K i n g s l e y to f i n d h i s host, the man who had i n v i t e d him to preaeh, g e t t i n g up and r e p u d i a t i n g nearly a l l that he had s a i d . In s i l e n c e Kingsley l e f t the church, and was l a t e r upheld by the bishop of the diocese who could f i n d nothing to condemn i n the sermon. This was not the end of the matter, E e e l i n g ran so strong among the workmen who 48. gf.« Woodworth,A.Y., C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s m i n England, p.32. 49. I b i d . , p.53. 40 had. heard and sympathized with the sermon that they c a l l e d on him at a mass meeting to lead them i n the formation of a new church. Such a p r o j e c t was, of course, out of the question f o r K i n g s l e y , and he d e c l i n e d , almost with horror that anyone- should suggest d i s l o y a l t y to the E s t a b l i s h e d Church. One observes that on t h i s occasion he was g i v i n g a t y p i c a l d i s p l a y of two strong q u a l i t i e s of h i s character: orthodoxy of b e l i e f , and s e l f c o n t r o l i n matters of personal f e e l i n g . The year 1852 i s important f o r Kingsley's r e a c t i o n to the s t r i k e brought on by the.Amalgamated Iron Trades, and a l s o f o r the passage of a b i l l l e g a l i z i n g the i n d u s t r i a l 50 a s s o c i a t i o n s . To the l a t t e r K i n g s l e y gave considerab Is support i n the way of canvassing the members of the House f o r I t s support. I t was one o f the enduring achievements of the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s that they thus secured l e g a l p r o t e c t i o n f o r t h e i r new-formed a s s o c i a t i o n s and f o r other benevolent i n s t i t u t i o n s . However, on the matter of the Iron Trades S t r i k e K i n g s l e y showed l e s s i n c l i n a t i o n to p a r t i c i p a t e . ' No doubt he was u n w i t t i n g l y deterred by the c r i t i c s who had s a i d , "These C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s are a set of medieval parsons who want to hinder the independence and 51 s e l f - h e l p of the men." These words must have h i t home because he v i r t u a l l y admits h i s i m p l i c a t i o n i n these words: But we can help them i n another way, by showing them the way to associate....Our business w i l l be to t e l l the t r u t h about them, and f i g h t manfully with our pens f o r them. 52 50. "The I n d u s t r i a l and Provident S o c i e t i e s A c t , " 1852. 51. A l t o n Locke,, "Prefatory Memoir, "vol.1,p.43. 52.Ibid . ,p.45 The r e s t of t h i s passage shows even more c l e a r l y the trend of h i s mind* " I f you are needy and enslaved we w i l l f i g h t f o r you from p i t y whether you be a s s o c i a t e d or eomr-p e t i t i v e ; but you are neither needy, nor, unless you choose, enslaved; and therefore we w i l l only 53 f i g h t f o r jyou i n proportion as you become assoc i a t e d . These words, one conjectures, were d i c t a t e d more from a d e s i r e to show benevolence and sympathy than from any deep-seated f e e l i n g f o r democratic a c t i o n . I t appears that Kingsley was d i s t r u s t f u l of himself i n guiding any movement with e n t i r e assurance, and f o r t h i s he m e r i t s no bcLame. He could not, as Hughes and Neale d i d then and ten years l a t e r , give the p r a c t i c a l l e g a l advice so much needed f o r the s o l u t i o n of d i f f i c u l t i e s between c a p i t a l and labour. In sprite of a l l that could be done, however, t h e . s t r i k e ended i n f a i l u r e . Eight years l a t e r the same Iron Trades Union s t r u c k , and won. Their suceess they a t t r i b u t e d i n some measure to the momentum given by the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s of 1851. The f a i l u r e of the s t r i k e of 1851, i n s p i t e of a l l Kingsley or h i s a s s o c i a t e s could do by way of p u b l i c i z i n g the grievances, was d i s h e a r t e n i n g . 'Various causes, some of which have been already mentioned, helped to wid®. the r i f t between himself and popular movements. The f a i l u r e of 52 (cont'd from l a s t page) Cf also Webb, S. and B., (@jS(Btifc., p.215, which says: "..the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s . . . r e n d e r e d e x c e l l e n t s e r v i c e , not only by l i b e r a l s u b s c r i p t i o n s , but also...by explana-t i o n s of the men's p o s i t i o n . " 53. L o c . c i t . 54. Cf. Woodworth, o p . c i t . , p.52; a l s o Webb,"History of Trade Unionism", pp.265,270, 282. a s s o c i a t i o n s j the l o s s of contact with workingmen's a f f a i r s through spending most of h i s time at E v e r s l e y , the various petty annoyances, and even the press attacks to which he t r i e d hard to remain i n d i f f e r e n t — a l l these were tending to slow up h i s f i r s t r a p i d momentum towards reform. Then, as i f to j u s t i f y h i s slackening pace, he argued that the times were improving, the p u b l i e conscience was being aroused, and many reforms were being c a r r i e d out through 55 the mere enlightenment of the times. This a t t i t u d e developed i n 1856. Of course he knew that much reform was yet needed. And he was i n no way turned/ although modified i n v i g o r , from h i s purpose of b r i n g i n g h e a l t h i e r and happier l i v i n g conditions f o r h i s times. His heart was s t i l l i n the good cause, f o r he says i n 1856: "And i f I'd had £100,000, I'd have ( s i c ) , and should have staked and l o s t i t a l l i n 1848-50. I should, Tom., f o r my heart was, and i s , i n i t , and y o u ' l l see i t 56 \ w i l l beat y et." There i s l i t t l e to record of Kingsley's p a r t i c i -p a t i o n i n workmen's meetings a f t e r 1854, I t i s true that i n that year he helped Maurice with suggestions regarding the Workman's College, a p r o j e c t that was to be a success from "the s t a r t . He never wholly l o s t h i s concern f o r the Workman. But though he expanded h i s views i n t o something l i k e a system of philosophy, the l i m i t a t i o n s of h i s views 55. Cf. Aftton Locke, "Preface", p. 105, 56, I b i d . , p. 61. 43 on democracy were to remain. P o l i t i c s , f o r example, he never completely understood. In 1852 he had become tho-roughly disgusted with a l l p a r t i e s i n the House. Then when Lord Palmerston took strong measures to augment the Criaean campaign he began to take a new i n t e r e s t i n government p o l i c y : " I am g e t t i n g more and more a government man every day," he wrote i n 1855. " I don't see how they could have done b e t t e r i n any matter because I don't see but that I should have done a thousand times worse i n t h e i r p l a c e , and that i s the only f a i r s tandard, 0 57 This, of course, was not a very c r i t i c a l standard to take, and i t appears that only i n matters of h e a l t h and education 58 he went any f u r t h e r towards an i n t e l l i g e n t grasp of p o l i t i c s . The mention of the Crimean War brings up the matter of war i t s e l f and i t s impact on K i n g s l e y . Profoundly shocked as most k i n d l y people are at the a t r o c i t i e s of war, he nevertheless saw something noble i n i t h i m s e l f : "A dying man, a man dying on the f i e l d of b a t t l e -that i s a small s i g h t ; he has taken h i s chance;...he i s doing h i s duty;...he has had His g l o r y , i f that w i l l be any c o n s o l a t i o n t o him.... But i t does shock me, i t does make me f e e l that the world i s indeed out of j o i n t , to see a c h i l d d i e . " He i s speaking here about improving standards of h e a l t h ; but the passage a l s o shows that h i s mind does not shrink from the n e c e s s i t y of war. During h i s mature years h i s a t t e n t i o n was f o r c i b l y drawn to the Crimean War, the Indian Mutiny, the American 57. I b i d . , p.61. 58. Cf. h i s p r a c t i c a l suggestions f o r s a n i t a r y reform i n L i f e , v o l . l . p.218, and h i s educational p i i c y i n 1870, L i f e , v o l . 2 , pp.299-303. 59. S a n i t a r y and S o c i a l Essays, p. 263, 44 C i v i l War, and the Franoo-Prussian War. The.Crimean War was a just war i n h i s eyes f o r i t upheld the i n t e g r i t y of B r i t i s h arms. He was at one with the s u f f e r i n g s and g l o r i e s cf the men. Most h i s t o r i a n s , according to Baldwin^, oonsider the 60 campaign a- "huge "blunder". Baldwin perhaps forgets that the same thing was said about the Boer War — and yet South A f r i c a unquestionably has progressed. What Ki n g s l e y f e l t about maintaining a r i g h t p r i n c i p l e at whatever the cost, has meant the shedding of much blood, but i t has a l s o meant a f a i r l y c onsistent adherence to t r e a t i e s , and maintained the nation*s word of honour. When the Indian Mutiny broke out, a l l the standards of B r i t i s h i n t e g r i t y were c a l l e d i n question. K i n g s l e y f e l t the blow as a personal setback. No doubt he had over-estimated the B r i t i s h judgment and capacity to r u l e i n I n d i a . He was p o s s i b l y r e l y i n g to a greater extent than he would admit upon m a t e r i a l matters to s e t t l e the cause i n B r i t a i n ' s favour. The period of gloom passed only with the r e t u r n of B r i t i s h supremacy i n I n d i a . An i n t e r e s t i n g s i d e l i g h t upon K i n g s l e y i s provided i n the Franco-Prussian War. He favoured the P r u s s i a n s , strangely enough, f o r the very reasons f o r which a democratic state would condemn them i n modern times - t h e i r e x c l u s i v e n a t i o n a l i s m . I t i s d i f f i c u l t , f o r t h i s reason, to appreciate Kingsley's judgment i n t h i s . One suspects that he was influenced by h i s i n t e r e s t i n German c u l t u r e , and by a concern 60. Baldwin, S.E., Charles K i n g s l e y , p. 114. 45 for the land which produced Luther and the B r i t i s h r o y a l f a m i l y . France, on the other hand, had l i t t l e to appeal to him. Her doctrines were a t h e i s t i c and f o r years he had heard of l i t t l e hut c o r r u p t i o n under Emperor JMapoleon and h i s govern-ment. Horeoyer: .'•" The French Kings have always t r i e d to keep (j|erman£) divided.-?.. I t i s not a dynastic war on the part of Germany. I t i s the r i s i n g , of a people from the highest to the lowest who mean to be a people i n a deeper sense than any republican democrat, French or E n g l i s h , ever understood that word." 2 Hence King s l e y was sympathetic to the n a t i o n a l i s m then be-ginning to a r i s e i n Germany under Bismarck. One wonders what h i s a t t i t u d e would be to-day. The a t t i t u d e he. b u i l t up w i t h regard to Germany's " j u s t " cause i s i n keeping with h i s p o l i c i e s elsewhere expressed i n novels and l e c t u r e s . Two Years Ago i s a novel that sends i t s . hero out ,to the Crimea f o r g l o r y and adventure. Hereward the Wake i s a t a l e of daring escapes, sieges, and conquests. Westward Ho was w r i t t e n w i t h the express purpose of promoting n a t i o n a l f e e l i n g so necessary f o r b o l s t e r i n g the Crimean compaign. His m a r t i a l f e e l i n g s i n general are c l o s e l y a l l i e d with h i s r e l i g i o u s f a i t h . As shown by h i s 63 .sermon "England's Strength" the reason f o r the i e l e a t of the Spanish Armada and the subsequent p r o s p e r i t y of England was s p i r i t u a l : "And i f you ask me why God has so b l e s t and favoured 61. L i f e , v o l . 2 , p.535. 62. I b i d . , p. 336. 63. ; Sermons f o r the. Times, "Eng 1 and' s Strength", p. 191. •this land I can only answer — I believe I t i s on account cf 64 the Church of England•" He adds a f u r t h e r word: ; "Some say., I t i s our freedom that makes us strong. .... No, my f r i e n d s , freedom i s of l i t t l e use without some-'•' • 65 t h i n g f u r t h e r — l o y a l t y . " Kingsley's own l o y a l t y was strongest toward a church and s t a t e autocracy defended as a righteous and enduring p r i n c i p l e through a l l h i s t o r y . With regard to the American C i v i l War .Kingsley earns both commendation and c r i t i c i s m f o r h i s a t t i t u d e . H i s love, of l i b e r t y placed him on the side of the Northern armies against slavery* But when a cotton famine occurred causing great d i s t r e s s i n Lancashire he was c r i t i c a l of the "Manchester School" of i n d u s t r i a l i s t s . ; He apparently d i d not approve of John Bright's. argument that the d i s t r e s s wa,s caused because the free people of Lancashire would not 66 manufacture slave-grown c o t t o n . K i n g s l e y ' s ansv/er to the i n d u s t r i a l i s t s was almost a r e f u t a t i o n . That I am cross with the Lancashire men I don t deny, and my reason i s that t h e i r leaders concealed c a r e f u l l y the broad f a c t that the.present d i s t r e s s , came not merely from the American War, but f r o m t h e over-production of the l a s t few years^ and must have happened, more or l e s s , i n any case. ° 7 The r e s u l t of the "famine" was that parishes i n southern England were v i r t u a l l y o b l i g e d to contribute towards the r e l i e f of the Lancashire w o r k e r s . ^ K i n g s l e y f e l t that t h i s 64. Sermons fs?r the Times, "England*s Strength," p. 191. 65. Loo, c i t . 66. Trevelyan, G.M., o p . P i t . , p. 308. 67. L i f e , vo 1.S, p.14$. 68. Cf. I b i d . ,p.!45, footnote: The school c h i l d r e n of Eversley, and many of the poor, as w e l l as the l i t t l e shopkeepers, brought t h e i r money weekly to the Bectory, to be forwarded to the North.", was u n f a i r inasmuch as the Lancashire mill-owners should have made more adequate p r o v i s i o n i n good times f o r t h e i r noor 69 law r a t e s i His argument f a l l s down, however, f o r he had not f u l l y comprehended the business d i s r u p t i o n caused by the war. Doubtless the f a c t that Kingsley l i v e d the l i f e of a gentleman i n an a g r i c u l t u r a l p a r i s h made him l e s s able to sympathize with-the m a t e r i a l i s t i c ' world of Lancashire. From h i s vantage poi n t he c e r t a i n l y was not able to see a l l the pro-blems met by h i s manufacturing f r i e n d s , and was hasty i n condemning 4 h e i r s t o l i d m a terialism. The period of 1860 to 1870 needs only a b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n , as by t h i s time K i n g s l e y had both expressed and t r i e d out many of h i s own s o c i a l views. There were s t i l l disturbances caused by the news of f o r e i g n wars, by s t r i k e s , by a growth i n the movement f o r s o c i a l reform, and by the 70 passage of the Second Reform B i l l i n 1865. The Trade Unions had, by t h i s clime, developed t h e i r leaders and t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n , and had obtained strong l e g a l r e c o g n i t i o n *' 71 of many of t h e i r demands upon c a p i t a l . Humanitarian s o c i e t i e s , and the w r i t i n g s of s o c i a l reformers, not the l e a s t of whom was Ki n g s l e y , were b r i n g i n g about an improved s i t u a t i o n i n h e a l t h , and i n conditions a f f e c t i n g a l l branches of i n d u s t r y . However, one i s not concerned so much with 69. Of. Loc. c i t . , the Lancashire d i s t r i c t s had been "paying poor r a t e s at l e s s than h a l f that r a t i o " at which.other counties were taxed. 70. The Second Reform B i l l gave "household f r a n c h i s e of the-boroughs....One d i s t i n c t part of the na t i o n had been l e f t out — the f i e l d l a bourer." Trevelyan, o p . c i t . , p.347. 71. Webb, Sidney and B e a t r i c e , op.cit.„ pp.235-255. these, c l o s i n g years as with the opening years of Kingsley«s l i f e — those years, e s p e c i a l l y , between 1830 and 1850 which determined the foundations f o r h i s w r i t i n g s i n the shape of concrete events and ideas. As i t was stated before, h i s t h i n k i n g was moulded as much by h i s reading, as by a c t u a l events. One may now examine the c o n t r i b u t i o n of c e r t a i n authors towards f u r n i s h i n g some of the c a r d i n a l p r i n c i p l e s of h i s future b e l i e f . Chapter I I I Background of Reading Kingsley's s o c i a l philosophy began to take form as he read the works of three important men during h i s Cambridge days. As may be gathered from h i s wife's words the impact of C o l e r i d g e s C a r l y l e and I. D. Maurice upon Kingsley's b e l i e f s was of the f i r s t importance; I t may seem strange that C a r l y l e ' s work should have l a i d the foundation f o r which Coleridge's Aids to R e f l e c t i o n and Maurice's; works were the supers-s t r u c t u r e , but so i t was. As the volume hf Coleridge reached him before the others i n 1839, i t may be examined f i r s t . ; 2 '. -Aids to R e f l e c t i o n was a book of r e f l e c t i o n s which Coleridge wrote or adapted from the E n g l i s h Church d i v i n e s of the ..preceding c e n t u r i e s . His "great seminal mind," [as J . S. M i l l describes i t i n h i s Essay on C o l e r i g g e l was, by 1825, when he,compiled the volume, a mind r e c o n c i l e d to the p o l i c y of the n a t i o n a l Church. His mind was described thus as tending to stimulate the b e l i e f s r a t h e r than to organize the thought of h i s readers, f o r there was apparently • 4 no method i n h i s w r i t i n g . In the i n t r o d u c t i o n to the book 1. L i f e , v o l , 1, p. 84. 2. Coleridge, S. T., Aids to. R e f l e c t i o n , 1825. 3. Murray, R..H., Studies in. E n g l i s h S o c i a l and P o l i t i c a l Thinkers, of the, 19th Century, p. 194, c i t i n g Essay on Coleridge, 1839. 49 he c a l l s upon the reader to r e f l e c t , and he makes the solemn promise, — a promise that may have caught Kingsley's a t t e n t i o n since he was at the time t r y i n g to decide upon 5 hi s d i r e c t i o n and purpose i n l i f e -- that such r e f l e c t i o n v/ would reward ;the reader with a "consistent scheme"6 of b e l i e f . The f o l l o w i n g are t y p i c a l of the sayings: " C h r i s t i a n i t y i s not a theory or a learned specu-7 1at i o n . . . ; but a l i f e . " ftHe who begins by l o v i n g C h r i s t i a n i t y b e t t e r than the Truth w i l l proceed by l o v i n g h i s own sect or chureh b e t t e r than C h r i s t i a n i t y , and end by l o v i n g himself better •8 than a l l . " These l i n e s suggest the well-known d i s l i k e which C a r l y l e d i s p l a y s toward anything r e l a t i n g to cant. Cant was, to K i n g s l e y , the bane of Calvinism, and yet one f i n d s i t hard,to understand why he,could say: "The i n f l u e n c e of Calvinism abroad seems to me to have been unif o r m l y T$k&mm+ d e s t r u c t i v e e q u a l l y of p o l i t i c a l and moral l i f e , a b l o t and a scandal on the Reformation; and now that ' i t has got the g upper hand i n England, can we say much more f o r i t ? " Probably the reason f o r making such a statement i s found i n the aphorisms j u s t quoted. K i n g s l e y saw only the austere side of C a l v i n i s m with which h i s Broad Church views had l i t t l e i n common. He a t t r i b u t e d t o Cal v i n i s m a l e s s e f f e c t i v e , l e s s comprehensive view of l i f e than he himself enjoyed. 5. Cf. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p.51."Every few minutes C l l stop myself f o r c i b l y , and r e c a l l my mind to a sense of where I am — where I am going and whither I ought to be tending." (Eeb.1841) 6. Aids to R e f l e c t i o n , I n t r o d u c t i o n . 7. Ibid.., p. 134. :8. I b i d . , p.66. 9. L i f e 8 v o l . l , p . 4 7 1 . lOvCf..Ibid ,ppaOQ, 151. The p o l i t y of God's universe i s apparently the 11 centre of the Coleridgean f a i t h . The d i v i n e system i s described as being revealed to man i n the n a t u r a l objects of nature, as w e l l as by s p i r i t u a l means. God's law and order, l i k e the t h e o r e t i c state of P l a t o , rested upon a s e t t l e d state with four classes of i n d i v i d u a l s : "the mercantile, the manufacturing, the d i s t r i b u t i v e and the p r o f e s s i o n a l 12 classes.'* . R e l i g i o n , as the basis of a l l m o r a l i t y , should 13 i n s p i r e the making of a l l laws. K i n g s l e y ' s own response to these views was remarkably sympathetic. He s t a t e s "...we w i l l a s s e r t our own old-fashijoned n o t i o n b o l d l y ; and more; we w i l l <say i n s p i t e of r i d i c u l e — that i f such a God e x i s t s , f i n a l causes ffxist a l s o . . . . That i f there be a Supreme Reason He must have reason, and that a good reason, f o r every p h y s i c a l 14 phenomenon." One; cannot i n f e r that these were Coleridge's views i n f l u e n c i n g K i n g s l e y T s thought d i r e c t l y , but the s i m i l a r i t y of viewpoint i s . s t r i k i n g . , Law and o r d e r , l i k e the design that man could d i s c e r n everywhere i n nature, was f i r s * and foremost an emanation of moral and s p i r i t u a l poweB 15-coming from the Supreme Being. I t was but a short step over from t h i s to the o r g a n i z a t i o n of s o c i e t y by c l a s s e s , 11. Cf.. C o l e r i d g e , SS. T*, Table Talk, p.274, "ProsSf of the Existence of God." 12. London and Westminster Review, vol.33 (1839-40), p.290. 13. Murray, o p . c i t . , p. 182. 14. Wes.tmlnster Sermons„ Preface, p.. x x i . 15. I b i d . , p. 103. But note that K i n g s l e y a t t r i b u t e d no moral teaching to the objects of nature ( c f . below, p. 56 and above p. 3) wtiloh K i n g s l e y , i n oommon with .Coleridge, believed to be more or l e s s f i x e d i n t h e i r groupings, and d i v i n e l y c o n s t i t u t e d . Coleridge f u r t h e r believed that i n t h i s state the opposing elements of s o c i e t y are kept i n order only.by a government representing, a l l p a r t s of the n a t i o n ; and are never at peace when only "a d e l e g a t i o n from the passions and 16 wishes of i n d i v i d u a l s themselves" can hold power, (e.g., a drunken, r i o t i n g mob was not "the people". "The people" meant '17 a l l ranks and everyone i n England.) This i s the p o l i t i c a l side of Coleridge's view. One can see, however, that i t was an almost e n t i r e l y , conservative view of government when i t i s remembered that he held the a r i s t o c r a c y to be f i t t e s t to 18 represent a l l p a r t s of the n a t i o n . Just how f a r K i n g s l e y followed Coleridge's l e a d . i t i s impossible to say, though • -. there i s a remarkable s i m i l a r i t y i n t h e i r t h i n k i n g . One ob-serves- that a f t e r 1852 K i n g s l e y formulated h i s i d e a l f o r government with the Church, the Q,ueen and the A r i s t o c r a c y as c o n t r o l l i n g f o r c e s . . / . • ' I t was i n keeping w i t h Coleridge's ntranseendental view" of p o l i t i c s that the reasoning he put forward excluded m a t e r i a l i s t i c panaceas whenever they were o f f e r e d . Benthamite and Gbdwiaian economists, he f e l t , gave no help to the s o l u t i o n of s o c i a l problems. Those "rough and ready schools of p o l i t i c s destroyed e t e r n a l v e r i t i e s to cure casual 16. Murray, R. ±L., o p . c i t . p. 199. Cf. s i m i l a r statements i n London and Westminster Review, v o l . 35, 1839, p. 273. 17. Cf. Murray, R.H. o p . c i t . , ' p . 199. 18. I b i d . , p. 290. Cf. also C o l e r i d g e , Church, and State,29-52. 53 d i s o r d e r s . " He had no f a i t h i n parliamentary reform; but he f e l t that the d u t i e s of the n a t i o n were two-fold: to provide, as Murray records i t , "the outward f u n c t i o n s ( c i v i l government) and to provide the inward work (education and 20 c i v i l i z a t i o n ) . . '-; How many of these ideas K i n g s l e y gained at f i r s t hand from Coleridge i t would be impossible to say. C e r t a i n l y Coleridge was i n f l u e n t i a l in-making many of these i d e a l s popular, and K i n g s l e y was sympathetic and i n tune with h i s a t t i t u d e . Like those of Coleridge h i s p o l i t i c a l views were, from the f i r s t , founded upon r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f . He b e l i e v e d , too,, i n an o p t i m i s t i c view of the world, convinced as was Coleridge, that the world was moving on, under d i v i n e 21 guidance, to order and progress. In h i s l e t t e r s of 1842, the p e r i o d at which, he was reading Aids to R e f l e c t i o n , i t i s p o s s i b l e that the l a t t e r book turned h i s a t t e n t i o n to the church d i v i n e s whom he began to read assiduously. He says: " I am l i k i n g more and more the experimental r e l i g i o n of the low church schools... But I want, l i k e such men as Leighton, Jewel, and Taylor, to combine both the dogmatic and the experimental.... The more I look, the more I see how superior the d i v i n e s of the seventeenth century were...." 22 19. Murray, R.H., o p . c i t . , p. 189. 20. I b i d . , p. 182. 21. Sf. A l t o n Locke,Preface, v o l . 1, p.4, "The world i s going r i g h t , and would-go r i g h t ( s i c ) somehow, 'not your way, or my way, but God's way.(^ And also c f . Coleridge's "permanence and progression," London and.Westminster -Review» vol.53, p»290. , 22. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p. 68. Cf. a l s o Notes on :- Robert Leighton,(1611-1684), (Arch-bishop of Glasgow): In h i s Rules and I n s t r u c t l o n g f o r a Holy L i f e we have an i d e a l which perhaps tends too much toward mysticism... (His w r i t i n g s ] have ever since had a Coleridge's views undoubtedly, as h i s wife has intimated, l e f t a profound impression upon Kingsley's mind. I t was, however from C a r l y l e , whom he read next, that he received h i s more s e t t l e d b e l i e f s . The gloomy s t y l e of C a r l y l e charmed rather than r e p e l l e d the young reader. wonderful charm f o r the l o v e r s of p i e t y and l e a r n i n g . ( D i c t i o n a r y of N a t i o n a l Biography).Kingsley no doubt admired him as a peacemaker between,Scotch and E n g l i s h communions. ~ Archbishop Jewel (or Jewell) (1522-1571) — was a s u c c e s s f u l champion of the E n g l i s h Church.in Elizabethan times. His Apologia pro E c o l e s i a Anglicana (1562) Is the f i f s t methodical statement of the p o s i t i o n of the - Church of England against the Church of Rome, and forms the groundwork f o r a l l subsequent controversy..", D i c t i o n a r y of N a t i o n a l Biography, "John Jewel". The great i n t e r e s t a t t a c h i n g to,Jewel's w r i t i n g s i s the i n s i g h t which they give i n t o the.process by which the A n g l i c a n system was e s t a b l i s h e d on a l o g i c a l b a s i s . j2)ne notes that, though at f i r s t C a l v i n i s t i e he l a t e r withstood the P u r i t a n i n f l u e n c e when i t wished to remove a l l trappings of popery — e.g., the s u r p l i c e i n the p r i e s t l y a t t i r e . \.,t K i n g s l e y i m i t a t e d some of Jewel's a n t i - C a l v i n i s t beliefs.!]' - B i s h o p Jeremy T a y l o r : - "Arnold w r i t e s (Nov. 1836)?I admire Taylor's genius, yet how l i t t l e was he capable.of handling w o r t h i l y any great,question...." "As a t h i n k e r he must be estimated by h i s " L i b e r t y of Prophesying" b e t t e r described? by i t s f i r s t t i t l e "Theologia E l e c t i c a , " important, not as being the f i r s t or f u l l e s t statement, of the p r i n c i p a l s of t o l e r a l i D n , but as the most f r u i t f u l i n i t s e f f e c t s upon the E n g l i s h mind. ".. ...In matters o f C h r i s t i a n i t y , reason i s the judge." ( D i c t i o n a r y of N a t i o n a l Biography). Kingsley a l s o l i k e d to r a t i o n a l i z e h i s C h r i s t i a n i t y , and must have followed Coleridge when the l a t t e r s a i d : "Jeremy Taylor i s an e x c e l l e n t author f o r a young man to study f o r the purpose of imbibing noble p r i n c i p l e s , and at the same time learning to exercise noble caution and thought i n d e t e c t i n g h i s numerous e r r o r s " — Coleridge, ,S.T., Table Talk, London, Be 11 and Sons, ,Ltd.., 1923, p. 56. 23. Of. p. 49. 55 "More and more," he s a i d i n 1844, " I f i n d that these w r i t i n g s do not lead to gloomy discontent that t h e i r s i s not a 24 dark hut a b r i g h t view of l i f e . " K i n g s l e y could say with Teufelsdroekh, when sorrows had passed by, "The universe i s 25 not dead and-demoniacal,, but my Father's." Much that Sartor Resartus may have imparted to Kingsley .as he read i t would be found again i n home influences that moulded h i s character. The soul c o n f l i c t , as recorded i n C a r l y l e ' s famous t r e a t i s e , was as c l e a r a d e s c r i p t i o n of his'own doubt and despair as any he could f i n d . This account may or may not have moved him to a more hopeful view of l i f e , but i t i s c e r t a i n that the treatment of the subject impressed 26 him. The sentiments expressed are not new. Mature was the "voice of God," sympathy f o r your f e l l o w man, blessedness that r e s u l t s from s e l f - s a c r i f i c e , and "doing the duty which l i e s nearest to thee" were a l l elements of the great plan. Probably the mere restatement of these f a m i l i a r i d e a l s i n G a r l y l e ' s p e c u l i a r s t y l e a t t r a c t e d h i s a t t e n t i o n . Commonplace though many of these thoughts were, they were c r e d i t e d with l a y i n g the foundation f o r many of his s o c i a l b e l i e f s . One can only assume, upon the evidence of s l i g h t coincidences of phrasing, that most of Kingsley's 24. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p.119. 25. Sartor Resartus, p. 130. 26. Cf. Baldwin, o p s i t . , p. 52. "To C a r l y l e , then,belongs ui e c r e d i t f o r saving'Kingsley from the blackness of despair .••••/'•.. .and flor. being at l e a s t one of the i n f l u e n t i a l f a c t o r s i n K i n g s l e y ' s determination f o r the m i n i s t r y . " 56 background of b e l i e f became s e t t l e d i n a common cause with G a r l y l e . There i s f u r t h e r evidence, b r i e f though that was, i n G a r l y l e ' s personal correspondence w i t h K i n g s l e y , f o r i n the le t t e r s that were exchanged over the p u b l i s h i n g of A l t o n Locke the S c o t t i s h philosopher expressed a f a i t h that h i s f r i e n d would achieve the goal of s o c i a l reform to which they 27 both a t t a i n e d . A few examples only are needed to demonstrate ho?; Kingsley took the words., i f not the thoughts of G a r l y l e and used them. "Nature, the voice of God" must surely have been c l o s e l y connected i n K i n g s l e y ^ thoughts with a f a v o u r i t e 28 expression^ "We conquer nature by obeying her." He meant by t h i s not the tame y i e l d i n g of ignorant people to the eourses of nature, as, fo r example, i n a t t r i b u t i n g d i v i n e displeasure as the cause f o r a ch o l e r a outbreak. The sacred duty of honest work and i n t e l l i g e n t e f f o r t here, as i n a l l conditions of s o c i a l l i f e would obviate these misfortunes. How was i t better expressed than by saying: "Do the duty which l i e s nearest to thee. The second duty w i l l already have become 29 c l e a r e r " ? Words l i k e these occur o f t e n i n Kingsley's works, and they show the G a r l y l i a n touch, however much the sentiment expressed was common knowledge. When G a r l y l e r e f e r s to "blessedness" he means that i t i s to be a t t a i n e d by s e l f - s a c r i f i c e . In 1854 Kings l e y 30 counselled the workmen to be content and to use " r e s t r a i n t " 27. Of. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p. 245. 28. K i n g s l e y , C , M i s c e l l a n i e s , I , p. 116, as c i t e d by Greg. 29 . ...;u.r! e . g l , Alton'Locke, Preface ,p. 129. 50. Cf. I b i d , p. 127. as the only method to solve d i f f i c u l t i e s over wages and l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . Considering the u n s e t t l e d conditions of the day i t was an exacting request. I t demanded even greater patience from the labouring population of that day than would be demanded of labouring classes now-a-days,when the advantages of democracy add meaning to any s a c r i f i c e . I t maybe assumed, from,the whole body of G a r l y l e ' s teachings that "whatever he gave f o r t h he l e f t f o r others to t e s t . P u t t i n g G a r l y l e ' s t h e o r i e s i n t o p r a c t i c e was, as K i n g s l e y found, a g i g a n t i c task f o r which the times were not then prepared. While much that Kingsley gained from h i s reading of Sartor Resartus can only be i n f e r r e d , there i s hardly more evidence to show that C a r l y l e ' s works, Chart!sm and The French Revolution) produced any marked e f f e c t upon him. What h i s upbringing had t r a i n e d him to b e l i e v e he found w r i t t e n w i t h j o u r n a l i s t i c i n t e n s i t y i n Chartism; and G a r l y l e ' s i d e a l of government, expressed somewhat l o o s e l y , i n the other work. A frank d i s c u s s i o n of the "condition-of-England 1' 3.1 question" in-Chartism l a y s bare the e v i l s of the Mew Poor Law, which C a r l y l e summarizes i n the e j a c u l a t i o n : ^Laissez-faire.,, l a l s s e z - p a s s e r ! " I t was C a r l y l e ' s p l e a that a l l men were a l i k e i n the possession of immortal s o u l s . "The Sanspotato (or. I r i s h worker) i s of the same s t u f f as the superfinest 32 Lord Lieutenant." How, then, may the i n e q u a l i t i e s (that separated them be overcome? I t cannot be, as C a r l y l e 81. Chartism, Gh.l;» '52.: I b i d , , ch. IV, p.17. 58 33 s c o r n f u l l y recounts, by means of the suf f r a g e . And Kingsley writes i n the same tone: "The true voice of God against t y r a n t s , i d l e r s and humbugs i s the B i b l e . I say, i t gives a ray of hope — say rather a c e r t a i n dawn of a g l o r i o u s f u t u r e , such as no u n i v e r s a l suffrage, f r e e trade, , communism,, org a n i z a t i o n of labour, or other Morrisons p i l l measure can g i v e . " 34 Unfortunately, n e i t h e r K i n g s l e y nor h i s contemporary under-stood that the democratic p o s s i b i l i t i e s of su f f r a g e , and the just .elaime's of u n i v e r s a l suffrage were l i n k e d c l o s e l y with B i b l i c a l teaching. The French Revolution i s a work too d i f f u s e i n i t s rambling to have impressed Kin g s l e y except i n a general way. One conjectures t h i s was the case because G a r l y l e himself no doubt put the.wrong c o n s t r u c t i o n on many of the outcomes 35 of the st r u g g l e . He backed the mob, excused the murders, -and painted i n e f f e c t a s e r i e s of black and white contrasts that show p a r t i a l i t y f o r the new democratic elements p r e v a i l i n g . Here might was r i g h t , and G a r l y l e ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was apparently swallowed i n i t s e n t i r e t y by the young Kingsley who never looked at t h i s p a r t i c u l a r period of h i s t o r y w i t h any degree of care. This i s proven by a s t a t e -ment l a t e i n h i s l i f e when he seeks to f i n d a comparison fo r the Franco-Prussian War of 1870. Both $he French Revolution and t h i s s t r u g g l e he believed "work good f o r generations to come." In the l i g h t of present events Kingsley i s found to be g r i e v o u s l y mistaken, c a r r i e d a i f a j , as 53. Chartism, ch.B,"The E n g l i s h people are used to, suffrage. • I t i s t h e i r panacea f o r a l l that goes wrong w i t h them. 34. L i f e,. v o l . 1, p. 16 5. 35. Of .Young .Norwood. Garlyle , h i s 56JLife, vol.2,p.357 r i s e and f a l l " , p. 135. 59 he so often was, by the drama and not the c a r e f u l study of h i s t o r y . In the f i r s t instance he ignored the completely undemocratic r e a c t i o n which r e s u l t e d from fe a r of the French r e b e l s p i r i t i n every country of Europe; and i n the second instance the s u f f e r i n g r e s u l t i n g from wars of revenge, which was the-case i n 1870, and afterwards, has not yet seen I t s consummation. But i n a d d i t i o n to t h i s example of what C a r l y l e could do i n i n f l u e n c i n g K i n g s l e y ' s thought there was a s t i l l more Intimate way i n which C a r l y l e r s p e r s o n a l i t y a f f e c t s him. Kingsley has a c t u a l l y • turned one of h i s prominent characters, 37 the i n i m i t a b l e Sandy Maekay?, i n t o a model of the S c o t t i s h philosopher. A lover of l i b e r t y , Sandy had known "the s t i r r i n g days of the French Revolution. In the words of S. E. Baldwin: "The f a c t s of. sad experience, of s a g a c i t y , of kindness, h i s . p l e a s a n t humour, and h i s Scotch - accent, 38 suggest.some of G a r l y l e ' s t r a i t s . " A strange mixture of hope and d e s p a i r , t h i s f r i e n d of the working man has a most important part to play i n A l t o n Locke. He would f o s t e r leadership i n the t a l e n t e d A l t o n , developing i n him a l l the t r a i t s that C a r l y l e himself most admired i n the strong men that he described i n h i s essays. One sees Mackaye moving l i k e an o l d prophet declaiming the f o l l y of p h y s i c a l force and e x t o l l i n g the v i r t u e of moral reform. He dies during the C h a r t i s t u p r i s i n g s t i l l u n s a t i s f i e d w i t h s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s , 39 'and with l i t t l e but, maxims and apothegms to give to the world. 57. Of. A l t o n Locke. .. " 38. mMw3faaQtow>*<ilt., p.98. 39. A l t o n Locke, Ch.. XX. 60 The character of A l t o n was i n many ways Kingsley*s own i d e a l . By a mighty struggle against great odds, by the cl e a r e s t p o s s i b l e thought,,he must achieve the moral and s p i r i t u a l aims of s o c i a l reform. A l t o n died young, b l i g h t e d i n most of Jais hopes. K i n g s l e y , i n a sense, endeavoured to f u l f i l - t h e i d e a l that he had, set f o r t h i s hero. Might he not have'wondered, as he strove through the years, whether he was f i t t i n g i n t o C a r l y l e ' s concept of a hero? He perhaps. g e l t himself many a time as one against a multitude, standing the shock of c r i t i c i s m . Would C a r l y l e have seen i n him the necessary, q u a l i t i e s ? For the most part i t seems reasonable to suppose t h a t , with c e r t a i n r e s e r v a t i o n s , he did see i n Kingsley such unique q u a l i t i e s of a hero, and would have 40 t o l d him so had the question been asked. The mention of heroes and hero-worship brings up the l a s t of C a r l y l e a n i n f l u e n c e s that a f f e c t e d K i n g s l e y , and'that i n i t s e l f was so i n f l u e n t i a l even i n h i s everyday View of l i f e . This worship of heroes l i k e Abbot Samson of Past and Present shows c l e a r l y that the w r i t e r f e l t the need f o r the d i r e c t i o n given by such men to industry or to govern-ment. The f a l l a c y of w a i t i n g f o r such men to appear, however 41 and the weakness of the theory of hero worship were f a c t s not evident i n a l l t h e i r i m p l i c a t i o n s to C a r l y l e and hardly 40. Of. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p.245, "You. w i l l have to go to your mark whatever that be." 41. The greatest weakness of hero worship i s the d i f f i c u l t y of s e l e c t i n g the hero. C a r l y l e himself had some doubts about h i s heroes. Before he had f i n i s h e d h i s l a s t volume of Frederick the Great C a r l y l e had some misgivings over h i s i d e a l i z e d p o r t r a i t of the man. Gf. Young,op.cit. : pp.285, 288. 61 more so to K i n g s l e y . So i t appears that Kingsley had few doubts respecting the heroes of h i s s t o r i e s . He gave Tom Thur-nal b r a i n s , s t r e n g t h , C h r i s t i a n v i r t u e s , pagan vigour, and a l l the q u a l i t i e s of a leader. He made most of h i s heroes i n t e l l e c t u a l g i a n t s as w e l l as men of great p h y s i c a l prowess. Some of- the appeal of the novels comes d i r e c t l y from these " a r i s t o c r a t s of t a l e n t " who leave one ofte n e n t h r a l l e d but seldom convinced as to t h e i r r e a l i t y . F i c t i o n a l characters to begin w i t h , Kingsley's heroes "come to l i f e " only at odd moments. G a r l y l e ' s heroes have the advantage of having l i v e d and /breathed. . • With t h i s reference to heroes one i s nearly done with-the main i n f l u e n c e s of G a r l y l e ' s w r i t i n g s upon Kingsley. Of the many c o n t r i b u t i o n s which.these thoughts may have made to h i s philo§pp3ay something has been s a i d . The doctrine of the s a n c t i t y of work,'a sympathy f o r l a b o u r i n g c l a s s complaints, a z e a l f o r p r a c t i c a l reform i n education and s a n i t a t i o n , the system of hero worship — these were i d e a l s developed i n profound manner by G a r l y l e . They were not new concepts but t h e i r treatment undoubtedly strengthened Kingsley on many fundamental i s s u e s . As one passes on to a co n s i d e r a t i o n of the t h i r d great i n f l u e n c e upon Ki n g s l e y ' s thoughts — the influence of the Hev.. F r e d e r i c k Denison, Maurice — only one other feature common to both K i n g s l e y and C a r l y l e need be mentioned. Wide apart as they were i n r e l i g i o u s c o n v i c t i o n s , both men were, nevertheless, courageous f i g h t e r s f o r the t r u t h : 62 "...and having once convinced themselves that e v i l was the dragon at which they had to t i l t they both rushed to the charge with a vehemence which was c e r t a i n l y unregenerate i n character." 4 2 I t need not — indeed cannot — be i n f e r r e d from t h i s that C a r l y l e i n s p i r e d the f i g h t i n g q u a l i t i e s of the younger man. . . ,  42(a) But undoubtedly he furnished some of the ammunition. Of the Rev, F. D. Maurice Charles Kin g s l e y had heard rumours i n h i s student days, but i n 1844, having read h i s Kingdom of God, he was w i l l i n g to acknowledge him as 'his t h e o l o g i c a l master. Murray c l a s s e s Maurice as "a man who achieved i n theology what Mazzini achieved i n h i s t o r y '. - • 45 through the u n i f i c a t i o n of I t a l y . " The Kingdom of God i s a t h e o l o g i c a l document,'doubtless of greatest value to any'student of the Church h i s t o r y of the times, but a l s o r e l a t e d d i r e c t l y to K i n g s l e y ? s s o c i a l dogmas, e s p e c i a l l y i n i t s i d e a l s . o f j u s t i c e . Needless to say these s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s w i l l have more bearing upon t h i s d i s c u s s i o n than the r e l i g i o u s aspects. To Maur i c e' s Kingdom of God* Kingsley confessed that he "owed more than to any fbookj he had every read, f o r ' 44 by i t h i s views were cleared and h i s f a i t h e s t a b l i s h e d . " He learned from i t that " s o c i e t y i s a body c o n s i s t i n g of many members, not a c o l l e c t i o n of warring atoms." A p r i n c i p l e of true j u s t i c e could not be maintained i n the absence of God: The kingdom of God had begun on earth with the coming.of C h r i s t . This r u l e d out, according to Maurice, any f e a r of 42. Stubbs,C.W,,CharlesKingsley and the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t Movement,, ,p,44. 42(a)-> C f . L i f e , v o l . 1,p. 119. 45. Murray, o p . c i t . , p. 445.. 44. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p.84. e t e r n a l punishment, and l e f t man free to develop some sort of i d e a l brotherhood by cooperation and s e l f - s a c r i f i c e . From 45 t h i s came the " s o c i a l i s t " viewpoint — a p r i n c i p l e somewhat misleading then as now — but one held out as a t t a i n a b l e by a l l class.es of people. According to Murray t h i s would imply not " a l l thine i s mine, but he p a s s i o n a t e l y held that 46 a l l mine i s t h i n e . " There i s a s o l i t u d e of genius, and 47 Maurice w e l l knew what i t nsant. The doctrine set f o r t h cf man's appeal to God, and of man s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . t o a i d h i s brother man formed the backbone of Kingsley's s o c i a l 48 order. The various -ramifications of these p r i n c i p l e s need no:it be explored more f u l l y here than to say that Kingsley was f u l l y persuaded that the establishment of these, p r i n c i p l e i n the world would do away with "man's inhumanity to man." This doctrine was new only i n the sense that i t was to be c a r r i e d out now f o r the f i r s t time i n p r a c t i c a l a f f a i r s l i k e the C h a r t i s t u p r i s i n g of 1848. Along with the indictment of e v i l s by G a r l y l e i t c a r r i e d on the school of thought begun by Coleridge. In a d d i t i o n , it.was o p t i m i s t i c i n outlook, with an optimism such as G a r l y l e , notwithstanding Kingsley's 49. remarks to the contrary, never possessed. The Broad Church movement, whose impetus was strengthened by Thomas Arnold, and Maurice, needs only a 45. Note that many took offense at the name nehristian S o c i a l ism" who might otherwise have been a help to Kingsley's c i r c l e i n t h e i r f i g h t f o r the workingman. Cf.Woodworthy A.V., C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s m , p.17. 46., Murray, B.H. , o p . c i t . , pf..i£fff> 47. IQo^ o i t . 48. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p.141. 49. Cf. Greg, o p . c i t . , p. 144. 50. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p.143. word of comment. Maurice brought i n views that he f e l t would help to o f f s e t the serious f a l l i n g away to Roman Catholicism i n the ' f o r t i e s . As f a r as t h i s d i s c u s s i o n i s concerned "Broad Church" may he taken to mean that middle p o s i t i o n between High and Low Anglicanism which K i n g s l e y adhered to because i t allowed him so much scope f o r a gospel of s o c i a l reform. I t meant that he was much f r e e r to i n t e r -pret the B i b l e i n h i s own way, but such i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s t i l l d i d not f r e e him, to plunge whole-heartedly, as a.layman might 51 have done, i n t o a l l avenues of s e r v i c e f o r s o c i a l improvement. Nevertheless, i n s o c i a l matters he was not troubled to any extent by the T r a c t a r i a n s under Newman. As a movement the T r a c t a r l a n s d i d not g r e a t l y s t i r "the broad stream of E n g l i s h 52 . thought," says Murray, who adds: I t was s i g n i f i c a n t that h i s t o r i a n s l i k e Hallam and Grote, Macaulay and C a r l y l e , the great n o v e l i s t s from Dickens, George E l i o t , poets l i k e Tennyson and Browning, 0lough and Matthew Arnold, and theologians l i k e Hatch and Hart, Westcott and L i g h t f o o t , Maurice and F.W.Robertson, also stood a l o o f from i t . " 5 3 Maurice was an outstanding >opponent of these " p i e t i s t s " or " s a c e r d o t a l i s t s " as the C a t h o l i c sympathizers were c a l l e d ; but apparently the only d i r e c t l y s o c i a l matters advocated by them concerned the t o p i c s of marriage and the as c e t i c l i f e . A s c e t i c i s m and c e l i b a c y Maurice attacked from a Broad OhaKChman's po i n t of view as being contrary, to the 51 „. Kingsley found i n 1851 that he could not l e c t u r e i n ' ' c e r t a i n places i n London because he feared he woffill compromise h i s p r i n c i p l e s as a churchman. Cf. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p.291. Another example was the r e f u s a l to part-: i c i p a t e c l o s e l y i n s t r i k e s . ( I b i d . , p.311) 52. Murray, op.eit,, pp 'ffl/jTf-T .55. Loo . c i t y God-given r i g h t of a f r e e people to enjoy l i f e and i t s 54 pleasures. In t h i s he had the u n q u a l i f i e d support of h i s d i s c i p l e K ingsley, who, i n Yeast and Two. Years Ago, strongly expressed himself on these matters. There i s needed, to complete t h i s s e c t i o n , only a b r i e f reference to other w r i t e r s , none of whom modified Kingsley's s o c i a l views to the extent that the three foregoing w r i t e r s had done. There were w r i t e r s l i k e Dickens, f o r instance, who appeal-led, but l e f t no mark upon Kingsley's outlook. The reason seems to be that he thought so much l i k e K i n g s l e y on matters of- reform, and on matters of a r i s t o c r a t i c p r i v i l e g e , that n e i t h e r could gain much from the other which he d i d not : already b e l i e v e . For mueh th'etsame reason 55 Ruskin and Thackeray can be discounted as c o n t r i b u t i n g anything of great value to K i n g s l e y ' s philosophy. By h i s genuine i n t e r e s t i n s c i e n c e , however/ Kingsley showed much g r e a t e r gains, f o r both Darwin and Huxley made him pause. While the w r i t i n g s of these men were causing an uproar i n r e l i g i o u s l i f e over the topic of e v o l u t i o n , K i n g s l e y , with the Mauricean views of u n i v e r s a l order, was w i l l i n g to b e l i e v e that e v o l u t i o n could w e l l be accommodated alongside the teachings of a created universe. I t i s s i g n -i f i c a n t that he became v i c e - p r e s i d e n t , while at Cambridge, of a voluntary a s s o c i a t i o n of s c i e n t i s t s , two members of which 54. L i f e , v o l . 2, " L e t t e r from Rev. F. D. Maurice," p.130. '55. c f . I b i d . , p. 76, " I am, i n taste, a strong c l a s s i c i s t , contrary to the r e i g n i n g school of Ruskin...and the pre-Raphaelites." (Of course t h i s concerns the subject o f - a r t only, and not i n other spheres.3 66 56 were Spencer and Huxley, He acted on the p r i n c i p l e that 57 science never q u a r r e l l e d with r e l i g i o n i n any matter. His own i n t e r e s t i n n a t u r a l science shows a tremendous capacity i n him f o r intense observation, and he fancied himself p o s s i b l y as. Interested i n the s c i e n t i f i c method of i n v e s t i -g ation as the agnostic Huxley f o r whom he had a warm regard. Hence i t was that the growth of science i n h i s day merely served to b r i n g out i n the author — and e s p e c i a l l y from 1850 onward — a more t o l e r a n t a t t i t u d e towards any movement that helped, man to improve h i s world. Ihe only other w r i t e r that deserves n o t i c e here i s D i s r a e l i , He had produced, soon a f t e r 1839, h i s "tory radicalism"' i n S i b y l , Ooningsby, and Tancred, a t r i l o g y of novels expressing the need .for s o c i a l reform and suggesting that the a r i s t o c r a c y should be the benevolent leaders itoobbring i t about, Kingsley d i d not read Ooningsby u n t i l Yeast had appeared i n Eraser's Magazine but h i s d i s t a s t e f o r the *oung England party was w e l l known soon 58 ? afterwards. Of course there i s hardly any other %»a®%®&ite connection between D i s r a e l i ' s b e l i e f s and K i n g s l e y ' s , but i t i s c l e a r l y evident that while the l a t t e r s c o r n f u l l y r e f e r r e d 59 i n Yeast to D i s r a e l i ' s f e u d a l concept of s o c i e t y , h i s w r i t i n g s of 1870 show him to have reverted to some of the 56. ,Ibl,d., p. 460, c i t i n g Gross, J.W., George E l i o t ' s L i f e , v o l . I I , p.54E,343. 57. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p. 486. 58. : Baldwin, S.E. op. c i t . , p. 81. 5 9 • %east, ch, V I . 60 p r i n c i p l e s as l a i d down i n Gonlngsby. He could have obtained these ideas from at l e a s t h a l f a dozen other w r i t e r s , but f o r purposes of t h i s essay, D i s r a e l i ' s conservation w i l l provide a b a s i s of comparison to show how f e u d a l tenure and a r i s t o c r a t i c ' p a t r o n a g e remains i n K i n g s l e y ' s mind. Such an a t t i t u d e i s i n keeping with h i s conventional love of a landed a r i s t o c r a c y , but i t shows, too, that he d i d not comp-rehend, the near approach of the machine age which threatened to supplanft h i s r u r a l economy. In concluding t h i s s e c t i o n i t would seem much to the p o i n t to suggest b r i e f l y the a t t i t u d e with which King s l e y approached h i s task as a u t h o r T h e i d e a l of the man i s summed up i n the well-worn ad,age: "Mens sana i n corpore sano," hamely, the a l l - r o u n d development on which he prided himself.-For r e l a x a t i o n he played hard " k i l l i n g f i s h " and o c c a s i o n a l l y foxhunting. In the matter of work he exerted himself, as one 61 f r i e n d termed i t , "with twenty-parson power;" h i s p a r i s h work, h i s l e c t u r e s , essays, and novels,, and an enormous correspondence f i l l e d up h i s days at E v e r s l e y . To t h i s point of the d i s c u s s i o n one has seen how the s o c i a l troubles of h i s time were, l i t t l e by l i t t l e , borne i n upon h i s conscience, and how, by h i s reading of three authors, and by personal experience, he became convinced t h a t the times required not theory, but a c t i o n . When he began to s t r i k e out he d i d so i n no " s o f t -62 handed, q u i l l - d r i v i n g " way but i n a manner c a l c u l a t e d to 60. Of. "Rural Economy," p. of t h i s essay. 61. L i f e , v o l . 1, p.226, 62. A l t o n Locke, "Prefatory Memoir," p. 17. 68 conquer or be conquered. Such a warlike a t t i t u d e soon aroused c r i t i c i s m and f u l l - t h r o a t e d r e j o i n d e r s from men l i k e Greg whose c a u s t i c words have considerable i n t e r e s t here: Accordingly he'.reminds us of nothing so much, as a warhorse panting f o r the b a t t l e ; h i s usual s t y l e i s marvellously l i k e a neigh, — a "hai haiyamong the trumpets,!" The dust of combat - i s to him the breath of l i f e ; and when once, i n the plenitude of grace and f a i t h , f a i r l y l e t loose upon h i s prey -- human, moral, or m a t e r i a l — a l l the Red Ind i a n w i t h i n him comes to the surface, and he wields h i s tomahawk with an un-baptized h e a r t i n e s s , s l i g h t l y heathenish, no doubt, but w i t h a l unspeakably refreshing.'' 63 This, of course, i s not the whole stor y of Kingsley's a t t i t u d e throughout the years, but as the passage was w r i t t e n by a contemporary, and-can be su§s*an"'t'di.afelin. many an i n c i d e n t i n h i s novels and essays throughout h i s l i f e , i t may suggest some of the vigour that was always tending to get out of c o n t r o l . 63. Greg, o p . c i t . , p. 117. P A R T I I L EXPRESSION OF HIS PHILOSOPHY ...... Chapter IV Rural Economy Beyond h i s own c i r c l e of f r i e n d s Kingsley was hardly known u n t i l - t h e summer of 1848. In January" of t h i s year he published The S'aint'.s Tragedy v contributed s e v e r a l a r t i c l e s to P o l i t i c s For The, People between May and J u l y , and completed the year by w r i t i n g the s e r i a l Yeast ,_A Problem, f o r Fraser*s Magazine,. The blank verse drama, The Saint's Tragedy, caused a small s t i r among Oxford students f o r i t s attack upon the a s c e t i c view o f , . l i f e as maintained by the Roman C a t h o l i c s of the time; but i t earned no favour from the dons, and was not read beyond the c o l l e g e w a l l s . When the author wrote a r t i c l e s f o r P o l i t i c s , f o r the People he could •express h i s s o c i a l views more f r e e l y ^ addressing them, as he d i d , to the d i s a f f e c t e d C h a r t i s t s . Then, when the magazine f a i l e d a f t e r seventeen weeks of p u b l i c a t i o n , h i s a t t e n t i o n became f i x e d upon h i s own immediate circumstances — l i f e i n a r u r a l community. Hot from the c o n f l i c t waged over the r i g h t s of f a c t o r y workers 1 he now set f o r t h i n Yeast i n tones that imply a severe c r i t i c i s m of the s o c i a l order,, h i s opinions of r u r a l economy. The expression " r u r a l economy*'' w i l l serve as ah 1. Of . P o l i t i c s f o r the People t pp, 58-, 156, £46. 69 a r b i t r a r y d i s t i n c t i o n to describe l i f e outside the large urban centres. The term w i l l apply more p a r t i c u l a r l y to a g r i c u l t u r e than to any other r u r a l topic., drawing i t s core of thought main-l y from Yeast* No doubt K i n g s l e y , had he a n t i c i p a t e d the confusion i n t o which many readers were thrown, would have t r i e d to systematize h i s ideas, or at l e a s t have organized them b e t t e r . Presented as they are i n Yeast, they may seem neither adequate nor profound. Rural economy, as one s e c t i o n of several i n t o which one may conveniently d i v i d e h i s whole s o c i a l philosophy, must take i t s place among the r e s t . Yeast was an apt t i t l e f o r a book that describes the eonfusion;io£ the times. As explained i n the l a s t s e c t i o n the r e p e a l of the Corn Laws i n 1846 could not be expected to b r i n g i n p r o s p e r i t y over n i g h t . I t was pointed out also that the e v i l c onditions of country l i f e were aggravated by a potato b l i g h t , by the I r i s h famine, poor housing, poor s a n i t a t i o n , and a general s t a t e of despondent l a i s s e z - f a i r e . Chartism, both Inside and outside the c i t i e s , tended to foment unrest,, though the country labourer and the c i t y , f a c t o r y hand'were not u n i t e d i n t h e i r stand against the wealthy classes whom, they blamed f o r t h e i r t r o u b l e s . Because Kingsley f e l t that something must be done and l i e could do i t , P o l i t i c s for, the .People; came out to encourage the defeated C h a r t i s t s of 1848. Thoughts that had been simmering f o r years at l a s t found expression i n h i s eight a r t i c l e s w r i t t e n f o r the paper. Why were the c l e r g y so backward i n e n l i g h t e n i n g the people 2 . See above, pp. 33L»S2-as to the B i b l i c a l teaching of freedom? Of what use were monster,meetings to the C h a r t i s t s ? Why did the C h a r t i s t s s p o i l t h e i r r e p u t a t i o n by p h y s i c a l f o r c e methods of reform? Of what value was u n i v e r s a l suffrage? These were SOUE of the issues he de-veloped i n h i s short a r t i c l e s . The reading p u b l i c received them c o l d l y . F a i l i n g to arouse the expected response, he turned to the w r i t i n g of Yeast hoping thereby to arouse the middle c l a s s e s and tie a r i s t o c r a c y upon whom he now l a i d the whole blame f o r the c o n d i t i o n of a f f a i r s i n England. I t i s of i n t e r e s t to note that i n l a t e r novels, 11ton Locke and Two Years Ago, he s h i f t e d much of the blame again to the shoulders o f the, lower c l a s s e s , A composition l i k e Yeast, w r i t t e n under the st r e s s of f e v e r i s h emotion and f o r a s o c i a l purpose, could not be expected to achieve any f i n e f i n i s h as a nove1. I t s very i n t e n s i t y i s both a merit and a defect,-— a merit because of i t s v i v i d d e s c r i p t i o n s and i t s a b i l i t y to enlighten the towns men about r u r a l c o n d i t i o n s ; and a defect because i t s emotions sometimes descend to bathos, and i t s p l o t I s so f l i m s y that n 4 hardly casts*a shadow." Yeast was w r i t t e n i n a chaotic form that i s str a n g e l y i n tune wlth the chaotic times. .The story t e l l s of the hero, a f u n - l o v i n g , s e l f -w i l l e d a r i s t o c r a t whose unbroken s p i r i t i s made up of cont r a d i c t o r y t r a i t s . He i s both clever and melancholy; he Is.dashing') and, according to h i s s u p e r f i c i a l view of l i f e , devout. H i s tendency to resent c r i t i c i s m i s a marked 4. Baldwin, S.E.,. Charles K i n g s l e y , p. 77. c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , and he i s described as "... an unlicked bear 5 ' with a l l h i s sorrows befrore him." As the story progresses, the young scapegrace has h i s m a t e r i a l i s m and d i s b e l i e f g r e a t l y modified. His ideas c l a s h with those of Argemone, the squire's daughter. In s p i t e of her s e l f - c e n t r e d , bigoted parents,,she has r e t a i n e d a s a i n t l y d i s p o s i t i o n which tends towards s t r i c t a s c e t i c i s m . Such a character shows Lancelot the emptiness of same of h i s vaunted l e a r n i n g . I t i s l e f t to Tregarva, the Methodist gamekeeper, to point Lancelot to the way of s o c i a l change. Not immediately convinced of the need f o r Tregarva*s gospel of s o c i a l change, Lancelot, f o r h i s p a r t , keeps h i s w o r l d l i -ness f o r awhile, and even succeeds i n modifying Argemone's extreme a s c e t i c i s m by h i s evident enjoyment of n a t u r a l pleasures .which he would t r y to e x p l a i n i n a common sense way. . f i n a l l y , the tragedy of Argemone's death from a disease contracted while m i n i s t e r i n g to the needs of a f a m i l y on her f a t h e r ' s estate d r i v e s the young Lancelot to accept a nobler purpose i n l i f e . This i s to carry out the s o c i a l d octrine which Argemone, wi t h her dying breath, bequeathed to him. The climax of the s t o r y , i f such i t could be c a l l e d , i s Lancelot's r e d u c t i o n to poverty, j u s t before Argemone's death. Here i s K i n g s l e y ' s excuse to a t t a c k the f i n a n c i a l system. r A bank f a i l u r e , the r e s u l t of Over-speculation, c a r r i e s away Lancelot's e n t i r e f o r tune. The catastrophe might have been averted by Argemone's s p i r i t u a l a d viser, the Y i c a r , who 5. Yeast, eh. I.' was entrusted with a l e t t e r f o r Lancelot,.on the prompt d e l i v e r y of which the fortune would have been saved. But i n an e v i l moment the clergyman was tempted to delay i t , knowing only too w e l l that i t would involve Lancelot's r u i n , and so end any chance of h i s marriage with Argemone. He f a i l e d to d e l i v e r the l e t t e r i n time, and l a n c e l o t ' s poverty was assured. In the complete lack of w o r l d l y goods Lancelot was now on the same f o o t i n g as Tregarva w i t h whom i t Is h i s f i r s t impulse a f t e r the setback to go out preaching s o c i a l reform. However, the immediate n e c e s s i t y of earning a l i v i n g kept both men momentarily apart. Then came B a r n d k i l l , the mysterious, h i g h - p r i n c i p l e d , superior being who i s c a l l e d l i k e a deus ex machina to set Tregarva and Lancelot on a new course. They are made to emigrate to the land of P r e s t e r John, there, to search f o r the s o l u t i o n of s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s problems that are vexing the soul of England. The epilogue s t r i v e s to suni up the. characters who have played a part i n the s t o r y , but does not t r y to answer the many problems that u n d e r l i e the- s i t u a t i o n s . This i s "yeast" which Kingsley i n v i t e s a l l t h i n k i n g Englishmen to use, to "bake" wi t h i t a new s o l u t i o n f o r the s o c i a l e v i l s . Eor the most a a r t the author's concern appears to have been to throw the various characters together i n s i t u a t i o n s that w i l l expose current abuses. Perhaps, before a s o l u t i o n has been reached, Lancelot and Tregarva w i l l , have -feeturned with 74 "a message f o r the poor sinners and slaves of Whitford 6 P r i o r s . " In 1860, when W..S. Greg summed up the value of Kingsley*s w r i t i n g s he chose to place, the author alongside C a r l y l e , adding the unfavourable comment, "We could not 7 have b e t t e r awakeners nor worse guides." The statement needs closer examination. Greg was probably r i g h t about the powers of both men as "awakeners". The f o l l o w i n g statement by C a r l y l e must have been e f f e c t i v e , even i n i t s s i m p l i c i t y : " I f something be not done, something w i l l do 8 i t s e l f one day, and i n a fa s h i o n that w i l l please nobody." No one doubts the tremendous urge to a c t i o n i n the hearts of earnest men that r e s u l t e d from the f i e r c e polemics o f C a r l y l e . K i n g s l e y , too, when he took up h i s pen~ to w r i t e Yeast had no wish to tone down h i s angry taunts aimed at the ignorance and oppression that he saw on a l l .9 s i d e s . By i t s t i t l e along Cheap Clothes and Nasty i s a pamphlet w e l l c a l c u l a t e d to catch the'ear of the p u b l i c i n -1850. " W i l l you,... "says Ki n g s l e y , " f r e s h l y bedizened, you and your footman,from Nebuchadnezzar and Go.'s Emporium of f a s h i o n , " hear a l i t t l e about how your f i n e r y i s made?*' He proceeds to t e l l them of the sweaters 1 dens where men are ground down to s t a r v a t i o n wages, and l i v e amidst f o u l a i r and disease-ridden workshops to eke out 6. Yeast, p. 348. 7. Greg, W.R. , o p . c i t . , p.127 et seq. 8. .Chartism, p. 1. 9. Cf. A l t o n Locke, Preface, t h e i r l i v i n g . Competition and the piecework system were •bringing on the era of cutthroat competition among the t a i l o r s of London — "Man e a t i n g man...in every v a r i e t y of degree and method." Kingsley proceeded to give exact d e t a i l s , and i t 10 i s noteworthy .that h i s i n f l u e n c e had some immediate e f f e c t . . In the same year as t h i s f i e r c e pamphlet Kingsley openly avowed himself "a Church of England parson — and a 11 C h a r t i s t . " He had become so w e l l known by t h i s time that he not"only awakened the p u b l i c to h i s unusual behaviour as an A n g l i c a n parson, but earned reproof from same of h i s best f r i e n d s . There i s no n e c e s s i t y to examine f u r t h e r the various extreme statements that i n awakening the p u b l i c con-science both K i n g s l e y and C a r l y l e made with such conspicuous e f f e c t . Were .these men, as Greg.states;! correspondingly weak i n g i v i n g p r a c t i c a l guidance? To answer t h i s , i t i s w e l l to know, f i r s t of a l l , what Greg meant by "a p r a c t i c a l guide." I t i s f a i r l y w e l l • 12 known that Greg himself was a zealous Tory, holding, never-t h e l e s s , a f i x e d b e l i e f i n " p o l i t i c a l economy," and the power of the mind over the n a t u r a l universe. He d i d not see i t as necessary, or at a l l expedient f o r men l i k e Garlyle and K i n g s l e y to change the f i x e d order of s o c i e t y -- to be, as i t were, guides to progress. Hence he suspects both men of i m p r a c t i c a l i d e a l i s m , and s e l e c t s statements, e s p e c i a l l y displayed i n K i n g s l e y ' s w r i t i n g s , to show that both men 13 "declaim" and never "reason". Enough space has been l e f t -10.. Cf. p.109 b e l o w , i n . 13. Greg, o p . c i t . , p.126. 11. A l t o n Locke, "Prefatory Memoir," Y o l . l , p . l 4 . 12* Gf. D i c t i o n a r y of N a t i o n a l Biography, "Greg W i l l i a m " . 76 i n another part of t h i s essay, to develop Kingsley's plans, but at t h i s point one may note only t h i s about Greg's c r i t i c -ism — that t h i s was biased i n part by h i s own conservatism, and that he could not recognize the wisdom of the progressive outlook of both G a r l y l e and Kingsley on many p o i n t s . Many of the i d e a l s of education, s a n i t a t i o n and working conditions proposed then as r a d i c a l measures have become the commpnplace of to-day. Greg doubtless, had Yeast i n mind when he made h i s attacks upon the author's motives. Lancelot, he f e l t , was i n s i n c e r e , s u b t l e , and'was no character at a l l to present as a model to the reader. However, whether the hero was consistent or not, the book i t s e l f has a strong moral, i n f a c t , a number of morals, that serve to give Kingsley's message to the world. Lancelot Smith i s meant to be the hero, f o r i n h i s r a p i d character-development his. l i k e s and d i s l i k e s uncover the i d e a l s f o r a r u r a l economy. Like a l l K i n g s l e i a n heroes he i s a man of muscle and i n t e l l e c t . One f i n d s him as much of a-pagan as were Hereward the Hake or Tom T h u r n a l l , but he i s also steeped i n the German philosophers and G a r l y l e . A s p o r t i n g man"s i n t e r e s t s were t r a i n e d i n t o him. He d i s l i k e d effeminacy of any k i n d . In h i s l e t t e r s to Luke he c r i t i c i z e s the weaknesses of Roman C a t h o l i c p o l i c y which makes f o r vac- . i l l a t i o n i n a l l that i s manly; and he s t r i k e s out at h i s own church to which he gives only nominal adherence. F i n a l l y he gives himself over, heart and s o u l , t o a s o c i a l gospel to 77 which he can pledge h i s best endeavours. To t h i s .character of i r r e p r e s s i b l e good s p i r i t s the author has presented the problems of r u r a l l i f e f o r s o l u t i o n . E f f e c t i v e l y , each abuse a r i s e s again and again, u n t i l he has-a-; good knowledge of the poverty, poor housing and s a n i t a t i o n s the low standard of he a l t h and wages, e v i l s of "mammonism", Tractarianism and weak-kneed Anglicanism, and, f i n a l l y , of those who are to blame f o r a l l these abuses. Here i s the author's opportunity to s t r i k e a blow f o r 14 England's youth. He takes up, e a r l y i n the book, to the heart o f the problem, which i s none other than the neglect by the landed classes of t h e i r duty towards the common people. This most s t r o n g l y comes out i n the d i s c u s s i o n at Lord Minehampstead's dinner p a r t y . The most s i g n i f i c a n t f i g u r e at the table Is Lord Min<©!iampstead himse l f , t y p i c a l of that c l a s s of newly-created a r i s t o c r a t who had carved h i s way through l i f e . H i s f a t h e r , Obadiah Newbroom, had begun as a weaver, and h i s enterprise had brought him wealth. To h i s son he s a i d , " I have made a gentleman of you; you must make a nobleman of 15 y o u r s e l f . " The son had obeyed the l i t e r a l meaning of t h i s i n j u n c t i o n , and r i s e n by degrees from n m i l l owner...to c o a l -owner, ship-owner, banker, r a i l w a y d i r e c t o r , money-lender to kings and p r i n c e s , " 1 6 Last of a l l he had achieved the summit of h i s ambition by becoming a landowner ^ p u r c h a s i n g Minchampsted Park with i t s ten thousand acres. 14* Qf. Yeast,"Preface to the f i r s t e d i t i o n . " 15. I b i d . , p. 97. 16. L o o . c i t . 78 Lord Minchampstead's outlook was e n t i r e l y d i c t a t e d by h i s commercial a t t i t u d e . Everything on h i s estate that di d not pay he outlawed. For: t h i s reason he sold the Minch-ampstead hounds, and exterminated the hares and pheasants because they.spoiled the crops. For business reasons the labourers were b e t t e r housed, were given "a f i r s t - r a t e 18 i n d u s t r i a l s c h o o l , " the common lands were broken up "to t h i n 19 the labour market," and every man was given a pig, and a gar-den* A type of r u r a l industry was now begun, with the i n t r o -duction of steam-power on a l l h i s farms, i n order to f o r e s t a l l the need f o r g i v i n g put alms, and i n order to enforce the new Poor Law to the l e t t e r * H i s doctrine of e f f i c i e n c y he c a r r i e d out without remorse, f o r he had declared, regarding 20 the estate that "whatever else i t d i d , i t should pay." King s l e y i s "definite i n g i v i n g h i s opinion of t h i s new-made l o r d : "He had formed h i s narrow theory of the universe, and he was methodically and c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y c a r r y i n g i t out.". / • 21 .Kingsley c a l l s him "a- stern p o l i t i c a l economist," u t t e r l y to be' despised by a l l t h i n k i n g men f o r h i s m a t e r i a l -ism and f o r a b e t t i n g the grin d i n g competitive system of the day. Moreover , he shows, i n t h i s respect, where Lord. Minehampstead takes h i s stand by the baron's own testimony: Here, where we have no uncleared world £as i n America"! to d r a i n the labour market, we may p i t y and 17. Cf. Yeast, pp.21,2l f o r Kingsley's denunciation of the Game Laws. 18. Yea-sty p. 98. 19. L o o . c i t . 2:0. Xbid., p. 99. 21. Loc. c i t . a l l e v i a t e the c o n d i t i o n of the labouring c l a s s e s , but we can do nothing more. A l l the modern schemes f o r the amelioration which ignore the laws of com-p e t i t i o n must end e i t h e r i n pauperization...or i n the d e s t r u c t i o n of property." ^2 Kingsley, concludes t h i s sketch of the man by saying "...In,the good which he d i d he was consistent and i n d e f a t i g a b l e ; i n f i n i t e l y s u p e r i o r , with a l l h i s de f e c t s , to the ignorant, extravagent, do-nothing Squire Lavingtons around him. At heart, however, mammon-blinded, he was k i n d l y and u p r i g h t . " ^3 ; He •.approximated, f o r a l l h i s mate r i a l i s m , many of the i d e a l s of Kingsley's r u r a l economy, and i n t h i s respect, must be 24 r e f e r r e d to again. The young Lord T i e u x b o i s , en the other hand, repre-sents a country gentleman of the o l d school, a f i t member f o r 25 D i s r a e l i ' s Young England p a r t y ; " R e a l l y I do not see," s a i d Lord Vieuxbols, "why . 26 people should wish to r i s e i n . l i f e . " They had no such s e l f - w i l l e d f a n c i e s i n the good o l d times. The whole nation i s a product of these modern days." At t h i s Lancelot was i r k e d to r e p l y what was King s l e y ' s own thought: n l t h i n k honestly" s a i d Lancelot, whose blood was up, that we gentlemen a l l run. i n t o the same f a l l a c y . We fancy ourselves the f i x e d and necessary element i n s o c i e t y , to which a l l others are to accommodate, them-' se l v e s . 'Given the r i g h t s of the few r i c h to f i n d the c o n d i t i o n of the many poor.' I t seems to me the other p o s t u l a t e i s quite as f a i r : 'Given the r i g h t s of the many poor, to f i n d the c o n d i t i o n of a few rich.® 27 Written i n 1850, t h i s statement i s perhaps the -most outstanding example of Ki n g s l e y ' s s o c i a l i s m . But, as 22. Yeast, p. 106 25. Of« Coningshy, p. 145. .28. I b i d . , p. 99. 26. Yeast, p. 107. 24, Cf, pp.81 & 89. 27. L o c . c i t . 80 28 i t . stands, i t i s misleading. The l a s t statement would seem to i n d i c a t e some very d r a s t i c changes i n the s o c i a l order. A c t u a l l y , as w i l l he shown l a t e r , the author meant by the 'tights of the poor" only the betterment of t h e i r l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . He d i d not show himself sympathetic i n extending suoh p r i v i l e g e s as p o l i t i c a l power and a l l i e d l i b e r t i e s to the lower c l a s s e s . I t can be seen from Lancelot's words, however, that Kingsley was h i t t i n g out at D i s r a e l i ' s "Young England" p o l i c y . The t r i l o g y of O o n i n g s b y S y b i l and Tanored, had preached .29 a new " s o c i a l t o r y i s m " which i t w i l l be u s e f u l to discuss f o r a few moments i n i t s bearing upon K i n g s l e y ' s outlook. The root problem of r u r a l l i f e revolved about the question of what r e s p o n s i b i l i t y should be attached to the property-holder. "Property i s the n a t u r a l p r o t e c t o r of labour" says 30 • . D i s r a e l i i n Ooningsby; but, says K i n g s l e y i n Yeast j " I question whether i t w i l l s u i t the people themselves unless they can make property understand that I t owes them something 51 more d e f i n i t e than p r o t e c t i o n . " Lord Vieuxbois, as a'young 28. Of. K i n g s l e y ' s remark i n 1851: We are t e a c h i n g . t r u e s o c i a l i s m , . . . ( n o t the c a r n a l , deadlevel e q u a l i t y o f . the communist, but the s p i r i t u a l e q u a l i t y of the Church ide a , which gives every man an equal chance of devel- . oping and u s i n g God's g i f t s , and rewards every man according to h i s work, without respect of persons.) L i f e , vol.1,p.248. 29.. Cf. Baldwin, op, c i t . t, p.40, who says about the. Young England party; "...a p a r t i a r c h a l system of benevolent l a n d l o r d s . . . i t deserves n o t i c e as a serious attempt to remove the grievances of the C h a r t i s t s without democratizing the ancient i n s t i t u t i o n s of the land." 50. Ooningsby, p. 145. .31.'.Yeast, p. 217. landed p r o p r i e t o r , could be expected to hold the b e l i e f s of the Young England party of D i s r a e l i . I l l law and order were to be imposed from above, and the l o r d was to exercise .beneficent patronage, and to administer c h a r i t y to h i s tenant Kingsley could commend the scheme only f o r i t s earnestness, and not ;for i t s transparent f a u l t of enslaving the free peopl of England. Eor, i n the words of Kaufmann: "But whereas 'the r e s t o r a t i o n of the ancient order Of "peasantry'to i t s p r i s t i n e c o n d i t i o n s i s the one t h i n g . needed, according to. the c h i e f speaker i n Gonlngsby Kingsley points to education, s a n i t a r y reform, and the r a i s i n g of the stat u s of the. a g r i c u l t u r a l population i n keeping with the modern requirements and a s p i r a t i o n s growing out of modern ideas." g2 Erom Kingsley's standpoint, then, Yieuxbois and the Young Englanders were old-fashioned, and neglected the f a c t that man had many other needs besides that of p r o t e c t i o n . On the other hand, the w r i t e r s of Goningsby and Yeast have many po i n t s i n common. They are w r i t e r s of middle c l a s s o p i n i o n s , seeking to saddle the blame f o r e x i s t i n g .: . 33 conditions upon the landowners and c l e r g y . The various ,/ 34 types of landholders or " i n t e l l e c t u a l a r i s t o c r a t s " who appeared at Lord Miheh'amp&ead' s dinner were not a l l equally blameworthy, however. Lord Minchampstead was employing .some commendable measures to help the labourers. Kingsley admired him f o r g e t t i n g things done, and D i s t a e l i , had he :' ^ ^.BS©d^te6p.iiiiOH: ?'. 'would' have considered him a model of b u s i n e s s - l i k e e f f i c i e n c y . He f e l l f a r short of Kingsley's i d e a l when he t r i e d to found everything upon a paying b a s i s ; .32. Kaufmann, M., op..,.e'.lt», p. 98. 33. f g . I b i d . , p. 96. 54. Baldwin,op.cit.,p.79. and of D i s r a e l i ' s i d e a l because of, h i s domple.t.B disregard fo r the paternal a t t i t u d e which landowners should adopt t o -wards the lower classes* There were others at the Minchampstead party whom both authors-would not scruple to condemn o u t r i g h t ; Colonel Bracebrldge f o r h i s l o o s e - l i v i n g i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ; Squire Lavington f o r the manifest neglect of h i s manor; the High Church V i c a r f o r h i s cant; and Mr..Chalklands f o r opposing the education of the working c l a s s e s . These can be mentioned i n passing l e s t i t appear that the p o l i t i c a l w r i t e r and Charles K i n g s l e y were at opposite poles of thought. On the contrary i t would appear that they h e l d , be sides,many s i m i l a r views on other s o c i a l problems,such as s a n i t a r y reform, education, and the development '"of a r t and c u l t u r e . To t h i s p o i n t Lord Minchampstead and Lord Vieuxbois have been shown as presenting two sides of the s o c i a l p i c t u r e Squire Lavington no?/ may present a t h i r d type f r e q u e n t l y to be met. He i s one of that extensive c l a s s whose ignorance, s e l f i s h management of property has a l l the e v i l s of the time entrenched w i t h i n i t s system.' His name appears i n Yeast only by unfavourable comparison with Lord Minchamp-stead' s. He takes no part i n the conversation at the dinner, and appears i n the story afterwards only, i n the worst p o s s i b l e l i g h t . I t w i l l : be necessary, f o r purposes of comparison with h i s contemporaries, to turn to one of these s i t u a t i o n s i n a l a t e r part of the book. The event i n which the squire appears most prominently, and which can also be taken as "the essence of the book-"- i s that culmination of abuses which brings Tregarva before the squire i n open r e v o l t . The verses which the gamekeeper had composed i n b a l l a d form denouncing the squire's deplorable treatment of h i s tenants had f i n a l l y come to the, a t t e n t i o n of the squire. Lancelot Smith i s requested to read out the verses to the i r a t e landholder who can hardly wait out the reading of them before g i v i n g Tregarva h i s discharge. The b a l l a d begins: The merry brown hares came l e a p i n g , Over the crest of the h i l l , '• Where c l o v e r and corn l a y sleeping Under the moonlight s t i l l . . Leaping l a t e and e a r l y T i l l under the b i t e and tread The swedes and the wheat and the b a r l e y , Lay cankered, and trampled, and dead. As i t stands, the b a l l a d c a l l s a t t e n t i o n to the e v i l s of the Game Laws about which Kingsley had already complained 35 i n J u l y . . For the troubles d i d not stop with' the d e s t r u c t i o n of crops and a wasting of valuable food, but demoralized honest labour by making poachers of h a l f the young men of England. Hot, o n l y " t h i s » but England'' was l o s i n g every year more than f o r t y men k i l l e d i n poaching f o r a y s . To Kings l e y t the Game Laws were responsible f o r most of the a p p a l l i n g • s o c i a l c o nditions of housing and s a n i t a t i o n inasmuch as i t was these laws that fostered'deceit and s l o t h i n the r u r a l 35. Cf. Yeast, Chap. IK, and P o l i t i c s f o r the.People, p.247. .•.••'Though not d e f i n i t e l y s t a t e d , K i n g s l e y p o s s i b l y was the . author of t h i s Game Law a r t i c l e . I f one compares the a r t i c l e with Yeast there i s a marked resemblance of thought. 84 population. The most outstanding stanzas t e l l t h e i r own •story: There's blood on your new f o r e i g n shrubs, squire; There's blood on your p o i n t e r ' s f e e t ; There's blood on the game y o u , s e l l , squire; And there's blood on the game you eat J You'have sold the labouring man, squi r e , Body and soul to shame, To, pay f o r your seat i n t t h e House, squ i r e , And to pay f o r the feed of the game. You made him a poacher y o u r s e l f , s q u i r e , When you'd give n e i t h e r work, nor meat; And your b a r l e y - f e d hares robbed the garden - At your s t a r v i n g c h i l d r e n ' s f e e t ; When packed i n a reeking chamber, Man, maid, mother, and l i t t l e ones l a y ; While the r a i n pattered i n on the reeking bride bed, And the w a l l s l e t i n the day. We q u a r r e l l e d l i k e brutes, and who wonders? What s e l f respect could we keep, Worse housed than your hacks and your p o i n t e r s , Worse fed than your dogs and your sheep. K i n g s l e y was able, by t h i s b a l l a d , and through a prose d e s c r i p t i o n of t h e . v i l l a g e r e v e l which was seen by Tregarva and Lancelot together, to expose to the world the low standards of the v i l l a g e dwellers and* a g r i c u l t u r a l labourers. As presenting the essence of r u r a l m i s e r i e s being borne by an i l l - h o u s e d , unhealthy, stunted, p o p u l a t i o n , . the': b a l l a d shows the l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s which Kingsley would t r y to improve i n the r u r a l community. When reference has been made to the landholding p o l i c i e s , and to the l i v i n g standards of the poor — the tro 35a. This was apparently K i n g s l e y ' s view, though here, as elsewhere he i s m a n i f e s t l y exaggerating. Gf. P o l i t i c s f o r the People, L e t t e r s to Landlords, I I , p. 247. topics discussed in.the foregoing pages — one f i n d s that Yeast has divulged the main part of the s o c i a l problems. There remain yet, i n t h i s s o c i a l p i c t u r e , several i n d i v i d u a l topics which i t was the author*s purpose to bring home to the consciences of h i s readers. One of these i s the r e l i g i o u s question or questions which the p l o t sets f o r t h . However, as t h i s d i s c u s s i o n i s not concerned with any but the d i r e c t l y s o e i a l bearings of the s t o r y , i t would seem needless to delve deeply i n t o religious disputes other than to show t h e i r general e f f e c t upon the s o c i a l order.. Lancelot, Tregarva and Argemone are an i n t e r e s t i n g t r i a n g l e of forces each one modifying the other two. Lancelot drops h i s skepticism because of the i d e a l i s m of Argemone, and because of the s o c i a l teaching,of Tregarva. In turn Tregarva modifies h i s own s t r i c t C alvinism to see that men such as Claude M e l l o t , whom he meets through Lancelot's guidance, have something, of value to contribute to the C h r i s t i a n programme. This c o n t r i b u t i o n i s the appreciation. of a r t and e s t h e t i c s , pagan or otherwise. Argemone h e r s e l f -y i e l d s to the same i n f l u e n c e , and i s taught by Lancelot to r e l a x somewhat from her High: Church a s c e t i c i s m . So the process of m o d i f i c a t i o n goes on. But there i s one t o p i c to which a l l three characters give i n c r e a s i n g support •— the tepic of s o c i a l reform:. The s o e i a l gospel becomes the great and l a s t i n g theme*of the book. To the author a s o c i a l 36 programme vathout a r e l i g i o u s f a i t h was purposeless. A l i v e l y c r i t i c i s m of Yeast developed i n the press. 36. Life~*~vo 1 . 2 p . 3 7 . ~ ~ ' ' " : ~ '. ~ ~ The author was accused by the Manchester Guardian of holding "an impure philosophy," encouraging " p r o f l i g a c y " and spreading "pernicious d o c t r i n e s . " One f e e l s that he was u n f a i r l y judged i n t h i s , but not to the extent that he himself imagined. I t i s possible, to excuse Kingsley merely on the grounds of h i s a r t i s t i c purpose. He was not, a f t e r a l l , excusing the f a u l t s of h i s hero. But on the other hand t h i s character i s incomplete and, as such, both m y s t i f i e s and obscures h i s message. In h i s p r i v a t e l e t t e r s K i n g s l e y s t a t e s a plan f o r the: sequel that might very e a s i l y have given him the name of 38 i m p r a c t i c a l i d e a l i s t . . -The sequel would have been c a l l e d "the A r t i s t s , " because i n the w r i t e r ' s mind the o r i g i n a l characters of Yeast would each/take on the viewpoint of an a r t i s t i n t r y i n g to solve "the deepest questions of science, anthropology, 39 s o c i a l l i f e , and C h r i s t i a n i t y . " "And l o o k i n g at the A r t of a people as at once the very t r u e s t symbol of i t s f a i t h , and a vast means of i t s f u r t h e r education, I think i t i s a good path i n which to form the mind of my hero, the man of the • coming age." 40 By t h i s p l a n L a n c e l o t , "having gra f t e d on h i s own naturalism the C h r i s t i a n i t y of Tregarva„ the c l a s s i c i s m of M e l l o t , and the s p i r i t u a l symbolism of pake, ought to be i n a state to become the mesothetlc a r t i s t of the f u t u r e , and beat each of AT h i s t u t o r s at h i s own' weapons." So, one supposes, he approximates the author's i d e a l of the a l l - r o u n d development 37. Lif f e , v o l . 1 , p. 191. 38. Gf.Baldwin, o p . c i t , , p.77, n$he r e a l problem has not been solved, f o r that: with, him seems; to be how to bring the Kingdom of God upon ear&li." . 39. ; l i f e , v o l . 1 , p.220. 40. L o c . o i t . 41. L o o . c i t . of.mind and body. ., The author does not seem to r e a l i z e that "his man of the coming age" cannot hope to be, on the ssrerage, the equal of Lancelot i n i n t e l l e c t u a l p u r s u i t s * A s t i l l greater defect i n the'scheme i s that Kingsley himself dropped the . " a r t i s t i c " view of l i f e f o r that of character and f a i t h , never r e f e r r i n g i n a f t e r years to t h i s viewpoint as having v i t a l consequence i n man's d e s t i n y . There seems, i n t h i s proposed sequel to Yeast, only one other thread of i n t e r e s t that might cl a i m the reader's a t t e n t i o n . Argemone;; does not d i e . She w i l l be: " [Lancelot's^ complementum, and consider, on the grounds of the a f f e c t i o n s , the same questions which he i s exam-i n i n g on the ground of the i n t e l l e c t . . . h e w i l l supply her with s o c i a l and a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l p r i n c i p l e s on , which to base her labours, and she w i l l t r a n s l a t e h i s t h e o r i e s f o r him i n t o objects of passionate enthusiasm to-be embodied i n the e i i a r i t i e s of d a i l y l i f e . And so I t h i n k the two may become an i d e a l p a i r of pioneers toward the s o c i e t y of the f u t u r e . . . . " 4 2 As one reads omvard to the l a t e r works of K i n g s l e y i t becomes apparent that t h i s i s a supremely i d e a l i s t i c p i c t u r e , -- one which he was bound to modify f o r the sake of• more tangible gains to be found i n matters l i k e education and s a n i t a t i o n . Kingsley had many t o p i c s to expose i n Yeast, but he l e t s L a n c elot, by h i s own s u f f e r i n g s , r e v e a l the worst abuses. One of the b l a c k e s t features of r u r a l economy was exposed i n the weak f i n a n c i a l p o l i c y a f f e c t i n g , many land-holders. By speculation men were c r e a t i n g a f a l s e n a t i o n a l ••economy* A f t e r the l o s s of h i s fortune Lancelot was a 43 f i e r c e opponent of the "ffiammonites" whose business was :;42i L i f e , v o l . 1 , p.SSO. V 43. Used i n f r e q u e n t l y , copying C a r l y l e , to denote men of the Manchester School,and Other s t r i c t l y m a t e r i a l i s t i c business men. unrelenting competition. He would accept no more favours from them. "No," he s a i d , "no more pay without work f o r me. 44 w i l l earn my bread or s t a r v e . " Competition he describe as h i n d e r i n g , not helping s o c i e t y : " S e l f i s h n e s s can c o l l e c t , not unite a herd of cowardly w i l d c a t t l e , that they may feed together, breed together, keep o f f the wolf and bear together. But when one of your w i l d c a t t l e f a l l s s i c k , what becomes of the corporate f e e l i n g s of the herd then? l o r one man of your c l a s s who i s nobly helped by h i s f e l l o w s , are not the thousand l e f t behind to p e r i s h ? ! ' 4 5 The system which K i n g s l e y would .advocate to replace t h i s :,'Mammonism,, i s not w e l l - d e f i n e d , but i t would incorporate the p r i n c i p l e of B i b l i c a l economy stated again and again 46 4 7 I n G a r l y l e and l a t e r in. Raskin: "A f a i r day's wage for a f a i r day's work." . At t h i s point the c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the r u r a l economy must turn from examining concrete f a c t s to a con-s i d e r a t i o n o f ~ K i n g s l e y ' s p o s i t i v e ideas on the r u r a l matters The d i s c u s s i o n so f a r has d e t a i l e d some of the main s o c i a l problems r e l a t i n g to land ownership, and the conditions of l i f e that were causing unrest. Yeast, i t was s t a t e d , Is . hot a guide-book of Ideas that have c r y s t a l l i z e d i n t o a system of economy; but i t w i l l r e quire other references, as w e l l as some well-founded assumptions based on those works, to give an approximate theory of Kingsley's views. In any case, the author could not hope to reach f i n a l i t y upon 44. Yeast, p. 248. ;45. I b i d . , :.p. 247. 46. Cf. i . e . , Past and Present, Chapter I . 47. :cf. i . e . , -Buskin, Unto This„..Ls.st (1862) f o r h i s d i a t r i b e against competition' (Chap. 1 Y * T ' ~ " questions that are s t i l l t r o u b l i n g students of s o c i a l sciences,, Out of h i s book.the author was sanguine enough to believe would come the germ of p o s i t i v e reform. The youth of England were h i s apostles of s o c i a l - improvement. He takes Lancelot and.Tregarva as representing, r e s p e c t i v e l y , i n t e l -l e c t u a l - a r i s t o c r a c y and popular movements — " t h e two forces which, apart, are h e l p l e s s , but together are able to bring 48 heart and b r a i n to the great task of s o e i a l redemption." In Blay 1851 Kingsley brought many of h i s ideals to , .a head when he o u t l i n e d what h e . f e l t was a p r a c t i c a l land scheme f o r a g r i c u l t u r e . I t was a l e c t u r e d e l i v e r e d on behalf of the Council f o r the Promotion of A s s o c i a t i o n meeting at London i n May 1851. H i s t o p i c , "The A p p l i c a t i o n of '49 A s s o c i a t i v e P r i n c i p l e s and Methods to A g r i c u l t u r e " was d e l i v e r e d with a l l the animation and c o n v i c t i o n of which: he was capable, the~ packed' audience remaining tense f o r w e l l • over two hours as he o u t l i n e d h i s plans. A s s o c i a t i o n , ;he f e l t , was a p p l i c a b l e as much to farming as to i n d u s t r y , and he c i t e d various cases to prove h i s p o i n t . ./One of these instances was the case of O l i v e r Cromwell gathering together the labourers of . h i s coantyvtoo carry through a t i l e - d r a i n i n g p r o j e c t oh t h e i r farms. To-day, Kingsley pointed out, the farmers of Cambridgeshire were some of the h e a l t h i e s t and most prosperous i n England. What 48. Baldwin, ..op.cit., p«79. 49.. Kaufmana,. M. Op.cit., p. 105 f f 9 gives the: main thoughts ttleliciare r e f e r r e d to i n "The A p p l i c a t i o n of A s s o c i a t i v e P r i n c i p l e s and Methods t o , A g r i c u l t u r e , " (1851). His :. account forms the basis of inf o r m a t i o n - f o r t h i s essay. . 90 had been done by communal e f f o r t then, more than one hundred ninety years before, could be done ag a i n 0 In another part of the l e c t u r e , , a f t e r he had f o r some time -dwelt- upon general p r i n c i p l e s , he gave a descrip-t i o n of a land, scheme that had been simmering i n h i s mind for some time. O'Connor had suggested the f i v e - a c r e p l o t 50 scheme but had not c a r r i e d i t to success. Mindful of the many gloomy precedents of f a i l u r e that had been set by i d e a l i s t s i n the .past, K i n g s l e y would begin with a set of landed p r o p r i e t o r s — not as O'Connor had done, with town a r t i z a n s r e - s e t t l e d as peasant p r o p r i e t o r s , f o r , as such, they had no experience to back: them i n t h e i r new l i f e . Instead, K i n g s l e y would have h i s landed p r o p r i e t o r s chosen f o r t h e i r t a l e n t to l e a d , "and having no such stock of high farming maxims"such as Lord Minchampstead possessed. He would remind these' p r o p r i e t o r s that a l l landed property i s held " i n f i e f of God"; and that the d i v i n e laws of conduct i n the mutual exchanges of human ser v i c e and com-modities are superior to "the laws of the market" and "com-mer c i a l expediency." ( i . e . m a t e r i a l i s m and p o l i t i c a l economy) In other words Kingsley would preserve a l l the laws and customs s t i l l i n existence which were remnants of 51 what he c a l l s "feudal and p a r o c h i a l feudalism," and would 50. Cf. "Background of I v e n t s " , p. of t h i s essay. •51. Kingsley's mind apparently goes back to Elizabethan feudalism r a t h e r than Chaucerian feudalism. Hence "par o c h i a l feudalism" would mean the P a r i s h System, i n c l u d i n g the Poor Law, under E l i z a b e t h . ••deplore the attempts by s e l f i s h i n d i v i d u a l s to a b o l i s h these remnants of feudalism merely f o r the hope of p r i v a t e business gains. The t r u t h about the remnants of fe u d a l law was that they " a i d e d . i n preventing the a g r i c u l t u r a l masses from sharing, the f a t e of the houseless white slaves ( i . e . E n g l i s h labourers as compared to negroes) at the mercy of 52 Mammon i n the towns*" That a good many people thought as Kingsley did as regards the beneficent i n f l u e n c e of f e u d a l i s m . i s apparent from a remark by L e s l i e . Stephen.: "Some such doctrines would •be v e r b a l l y accepted by most men. I do not ask here whether they r e a l l y r e q u i r e the teaching with'which K i n g s l e y associated 53 them." From t h i s remark one may assume that a general sympathy toward these matters was pr e v a l e n t . .Towards the end of the l e c t u r e K i n g s l e y supplied d e t a i l s of an i n d u s t r i a l farm scheme. He had i n v e s t i g a t e d reports of r u r a l i n d u s t r i e s growing up i n sections of Germany. Now i t seemed England*s turn to develop a r u r a l economy that would be s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g i n good years of bad, while every labourer would be enabled to secure a small store of 54 .• '• - • c a | i t a l . Such a scheme 0ould be founded say, around a com-munal f l a x farm. At the centre of the farm would be a 52. Kaufmann, op.pit;', p. 105ff, c i t i n g "The A p p l i c a t i o n of A s s o c i a t i v e P r i n c i p l e s to A g r i c u l t u r e . " 53. Stephen, L., Hours i n a L i b r a r y , v o l . i i i , p. 5Q. 54. .Gf. L i f e , v o l . 2 . , p.359; K i n g s l e y i n 1871 had given up most of h i s land schemes, except t h i s i n t e r e s t i n g f r a g -/ ment: "The only chance of deliverance from the present system which I see...is t h i s : That science should d i s -cover some valuable » a r t i c l e of manufacture, which can be-.'grown freely, on E n g l i s h s o i l , and which w i l l r e q uire c a r e f u l hand lab our ^ - l i k e the vine, mulberry, tea, c o f f e e , coaeoa, e t c , " 92 : f l a x m i l l to use up the raw product, and around the m i l l would \ be grouped the workers' cottages. A common kit c h e n , a common Wash-house, and a sa n i t a r y system of sewage disp o s a l would be important features of the co-operative arrangement. Such a scheme, Kingsley f e l t , might be made chemically, as w e l l as economically, s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g . " By the term "chemically s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g 1 1 he probably meant, i n a d d i t i o n to the by-products of the f l a x , the use that could be made of,the sewage — i t s value as a f e r t i l i z e r . To complete the scheme he .suggested the plan of r e n t i n g out the farm i n allotments h o l d i n g ten f a m i l i e s eaeh. Such f a m i l i e s would be drawn .from the i n d u s t r i a l c entres, and would proceed to get part of t h e i r income by p r o f i t - s h a r i n g , and part by wages. The whole scheme was, of course, a pantisocracy a i d a v i s i o n , . there being no record of any immediate attempt to test i t f o r p r a c t i c a l r e s u l t s . The general p r i n c i p l e s of co-operative ventures have, however, been c a r r i e d out exten-s i v e l y i n modern times, and Ki n g s l e y ' s i d e a l l i e s strangely -f close to what has been done i n co-operatives since 1851. But h i s plans, as given above, are c h i e f l y of s i g n i f i c a n c e "here i n showing.'the-, nature of h i s t h i n k i n g , which i s e a s i l y h a l f a century ahead of h i s time. A l l . h i s -schemes f o r amelioration of the r u r a l economy were hampered by the u n i v e r s a l l a g i n education, s a n i t a t i o n , trade union growth, 55 and* format ion of a s s o c i a t i o n s * U n t i l the people were ready, no project could succeed. -Kaufmann, i n 1890, c i t e s several examples, two of bo. Of. Weeb, S. and B., Trade Unionism, pp.251, passim.-which w i l l be given here, to show that Kingsley's general p r i n c i p l e s d i d not die out. He s t a t e s that i n 1890 there were .2022. acres of land i n c u l t i v a t i o n on. co-operative p r i n c i p l e s -56 having a "working.capital o f £28,648, and a r e n t a l of £2745. •'" P r o f i t s were^stated as £794 and losses £1155 — (meaning, presumably, there was a net l o s s over a l l ) 6 But as to these l o s s e s , he e x p l a i n s , two s o c i e t i e s out of twenty-two accounted f o r most of the d e b i t . Co-operation, as a system, was s t i l l on t r i a l ; and any blame at t a c h i n g to the system could be a t t r i b u t e d to poor management. Again there was the need for G a r l y l e ' s and Kingsley-'s " a r i s t o c r a c y of t a l e n t " f o r , adds Kaufmann: " i n order, to get good r e s u l t s they w i l l have to pay i n l i b e r a l s p i r i t f o r the.brains which are supposed to 57 manage i t . " The second example Kaufmann gave was an encouraging "back-to-the-land" movement dated 1886, Three acres of land'were being a l l o t t e d , , by/a Government scheme, to each a g r i c u l t u r a l labourer- — a p l o t s u f f i c i e n t to keep a cow. The achievement was c i t e d thus: "From Parliamentary returns i t appears that i n 1886 the number Of allotments (rea-eheSj a t o t a l of 643,315 f o r the estimated t o t a l of 800,000 a g r i c u l t -u r a l labourers i n England and Wales i n 1881, which i s ':• so f a r encouraging." 59 I t can be seen from these two' examples that the p r i n c i p l e s ..which K i n g s l e y endorsed, i f not o r i g i n a t e d , were not by any means dead. 56. Kaufmann, ,.-M., o p . c i t . , p.I07, c i t i n g an a g r i c u l t u r a l report . ' " ' • ' • - " ' 57. l o c o I t , 58. I b i d . , p. 108. 59. Ibid-, p. 112. Many mo d i f i c a t i o n s to h i s r u r a l land schemes came i n l a t e r years. He came to r e a l i z e that h i s land schemes were not r i p e f o r t r i a l ; , the people were not educated f o r the change; but more p a r t i c u l a r l y the drawback was t h a t the land could not be counted upon f o r uniform f e r t i l i t y , as he had assumed would be the oase when he f i r s t considered land • ' 60 settlements. Emigration, i n s t e a d , would have to take i t s course. L i k e . G a r l y l e , Kingsley d i d not f e a r the Malthusian " • 61 theory of over-population. He.,'.-himself, had only the s c a n t i e s t knowledge of how to o f f s e t the t e r r o r s of over-62 population, by s c i e n t i f i c means, but he had a sanguine t r u s t that i t could be done; — w i t h emigration to help out. The greatest m o d i f i c a t i o n Kingsley was to make i n h i s t h i n k i n g grew out of the p r o s p e r i t y f o l l o w i n g the i n t r o d u c t i o n of Eree Trade. Conditions a c t u a l l y improved enough to o f f s e t the most serious complaints of preceding years. But t h i s does'not mean that he was f a l s e to h i s i d e a l s ; and h i s sym-pat h i e s , though not s o o f t e n expressed, were there, never-theless. A f t e r grouping many of Kingsley's thoughts and i d e a l s regarding r u r a l economy i n t o one body of thoughtj i t may be observed t h a t h i s one great theme was that of C h r i s t i a n •socialism. By t h i s i t i s meant that property and wealth were not done with t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s when wages were 60, L i f e , v o l . 2 , p. 359. 61. /Ibid.-,' v o l . 2 , p. 36. Kingsley r e f e r s to "the r i d i c u l o u s . and impossible gconditionj of r e p r e s s i n g population." 6 i * . I b i d . , v o l 2 , p.37. 63. Itfefejgfeast, -preface to Fourth E d i t i o n . 95 .•paid. The workers must be treated as human beings, not uh&%% c h a t t e l s . To b r i n g about the Kingdom of God on earth requires the heroic p r i n c i p l e of s e l f - s a c r i f i c e and brotherhood among a l l c l a sses, but i t c h i e f l y i mplies a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the i n t e l l e c t u a l a r i s t o c r a c y -- the l o r d s , landholders, c l e r g y , and i n d u s t r i a l i s t s — to be guides to the othe r s . Yeast i s the author's c h i e f outcry f o r r u r a l reform. When next he took up the b a t t l e - c r y f o r r u r a l reform i t came as side issues d i v e r g i n g from other themes that were to claim h i s attention.. A l t o n Locke, the v e h i c l e of p r o l e t a r i a n thought, has i t s r i c k - b u r n i n g s ; -TWJ, Years; Ago has i t s v i l l a g e problems; The Sanitary and S o c i a l Essays deal with some, but not a l l , phases of r u r a l l i f e ; and Hypatia r e f l e c t s a fundamental i d e a l of democracy a t t a i n a b l e through C h r i s t i a n i t y . But no other essay, sermon, or novel t r e a t s upon the r u r a l economy with the same v i g o r as does Yeast. • Chapter V Urban Economy Of the many terms that can be used t o express Kingsley's thoughts regarding the well-ordered l i f e of c i t y d wellers, probably "urban economy" serves as w e l l as any phras The problems of urban l i f e which appear In the n a r r a t i v e show a wider scope of understanding than had appeared i n the r u r a l economy of Yeast. I t must be pointed out that the problemsof r u r a l economy had then, as they have now, a ten-dency to overlap. By t a k i n g .11 ton. Locke as a basis of such problems i t w i l l be found, th e r e f o r e , that a l l the main arguments concerning urban l i f e are adequately presented. The main t o p i c s i n urban .economy are p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , and economic -- a l l c l o s e l y bound up with the need f o r co-opera-t i o n and g o o d - w i l l . The t o p i c s of s a n i t a t i o n , education, and the formation of n a t i o n a l character are a l s o v i t a l . But f o r the sake of c l e a r n e s s , and because they can be properly subordinated to.the f i r s t problems of urban economy so as to j u s t i f y t h e i r postponement to l a t e r sections of the essay, these t o p i c s w i l l r e c e i v e only cursory treatment i n t h i s s e c t i o n . Kingsley was c a l l e d a r e v o l u t i o n a r y i n 1848 because hi s a c t ions marked him o f f from the f i x e d decorum looked f o r i n the average parson. One may be assured that i t was not a new, u n f e e l i n g madness that came i n t o h i s blood, but he 96 moved as one thwarted by circumstances when he began to adopt t h i s new stand. In January and February preceding the C h a r t i s t demonstration i n A p r i l he had been exchanging opinions with a group of d i s t i n g u i s h e d men i n London, among whom were Ludlow, Tom Hughes, and F, D. Maurice. In an argument, when he found himself i n a m i n o r i t y of one,.he j o k i n g l y said that he f e l t much as Lot must have f e l t when "he seemed as one that mocked" to h i s sons-in-law. The name "Parson Lot" then and there became h i s pen name. He used i t from 1848 to 1856, though l e s s and.less f r e q u e n t l y towards the end of that time. Kingsley saw h i s f i r s t a c t i o n under t h i s new pen name when he took h i s place i n the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t group, l e d by Maurice, i n 1848. The C h a r t i s t s were di s g r u n t l e d and dangerous because t h e i r monster p e t i t i o n , s a i d to contain three m i l l i o n s ignatures, had become a laughing-stock. Moreover, many of the C h a r t i s t organizers had been imprisoned or e x i l e d , and Feargus O'Connor escaped only by the d i g n i t y 1 of h i s p o s i t i o n as member i n the House of Commons. Mention has been made of K i n g s l e y ' s f i r s t p lacard addressed to 2 the London workers at t h i s time. I t urged the wisdom of forbearance, s a i d the C h a r t i s t s had many f r i e n d s , and condem-ned p o l i t i c a l means as a t o o l f o r gaining t h e i r " s i x p o i n t s " . Almost immediately P o l i t i c s f o r the. People appeared, and during I t s short l i f e of seventeen weeks discussed many A l t o n Locke, "Prefatory Memoir", p. 3. 2, Of. p. 34 i n t h i s essay. matters r e l a t i n g to reform. The s i x p o i n t s of the Charter were treated from every angle of i n t e r e s t , and were i n part approved. R e l i g i o n , h i s t o r y , economics, and s a n i t a t i o n , as w e l l as extraneous t o p i c s , were a l l examined to prove the f u t i l i t y of / t r u s t i n g p o l i t i c s f o r reform. Kingsley's con-t r i b u t i o n was a mere nine l e t t e r s , or only a f r a c t i o n of the t o t a l produced, yet they sound the keynote of the whole p u b l i c a t i o n . Three of these l e t t e r s formed a s e r i e s address-, ed to. the C h a r t i s t s . L e t t e r No. I h i t s out r i g h t and l e f t at the C h a r t i s t s f o r " t r y i n g to do God's work with the d e v i l ' s t o o l s Why did they, with t h e i r " p h y s i c a l f o r c e " methods r a i s e . " a poor,, bald, constitution-maagaring cry" to blacken. Chartism 3 i n people's eyes"? I t may be c a r e f u l l y noted here that Kingsley was clinging t e n a c i o u s l y to a'"moral f o r c e " concept of Chartism such- as.few men of h i s c l a s s . t h e n h e l d . This meant f o r him that the a g i t a t o r s should carry t h e i r points by i n d i r e c t means -- by p e t i t i o n , by p u b l i c meetings, by i n d i r e c t influence at.the p o l l s , and so f o r t h . I f the men themselves were capable, so much the better, f o r the cause. One f e e l s that K i n g s l e y , as he wrote f o r P o l i t i c s f o r the People- i n 1848, was e x e r t i n g the f i r s t great e f f o r t he lied ever made to see the workingman's poi n t of view. H i s acquaintance 4 with Thomas Cooper i n June 1848 was of much service to him i n g e t t i n g to the root of the problem. These matters, taken 5,. P o l i t i c s for, the People. quoting L e t t e r s to the C h a r t i s t s , 1. 4. L i f e , v o l . 1. p.183. to heart, made him appear a r a d i c a l , though he was not. In L e t t e r No, 2 Kingsley's emotional i n t e n s i t y got the better of him. He wanted to be f a i r , and t o show the C h a r t i s t s that he was genuinely sympathetic. I t i s charac-t e r i s t i c that,he upbraids himself and a l l the parsons of England, " I t i s our f a u l t . We have used the B i b l e as i f i t was a mere s p e c i a l constable's handbook •— an opium dose f o r keeping.beasts of burden p a t i e n t while they are being over-loaded...." Unfortunately these words became notorious, f o r they were wrenched from t h e i r context — e.g., the "opium dose" passage was seized upon by the Bolsheviks of 1918 to 7 be w r i t t e n on the w a l l s of the Kremlin. A c t u a l l y , the author meant to imply the opposite of t h i s , f o r he f i n i s h e s h i s l e t t e r by d e c l a r i n g the B i b l e to be "the poor man's s comfort and the r i c h man's warning," a. theme that he expands i n L e t t e r No. 3 to i t s f u l l e s t extent. An i m p a r t i a l c r i t i c of Kingsley might judge the three l e t t e r s to the C h a r t i s t s as an er u p t i o n of righteous anger i n d i c a t i v e of things to come. The story of A l t o n Locke f o r the most part i s f u l l .of the vigour and I n t e n s i t y of a sermon, and valuable as a p i c t u r e of the u n s e t t l e d .times.. To. what extent i t i s untrue must appear s h o r t l y . At times the author brings out a scene with the penetrating observation of Dickens. St.times he becomes f r e n z i e d and intense u n t i l he wearies the reader. S t i r r i n g events are there i n abundance to exc i t e 5. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p. 184. 6. . P o l i t i c s f o r the People ,p.58. 7s Encyclopaedia-Britannica, 14th E d . , " C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s m " . 8. P o l i t i c s f o r the People, p. 58. 100 the reader. But the choice of incident i s sometimes too i n c l u s i v e . A b e t t e r s e l e c t i o n would, i n many cases have tightened the sequence of p l o t . But, f o r a l l t h i s , i t i s probably Kingsley's best book, r i c h l y endowed with l i f e - l i k e scenes, and,with r u t h l e s s exposures of the h o r r i b l e e v i l s of the times. What can one obtain from a d e s t r u c t i v e c r i t i c i s m of p o l i t i c a l , economic, a n d , r e l i g i o u s l i f e that may s e r v e to; determine what should be the p o s i t i v e programme of Kingsley's urban economy? Some answers to t h i s question can apparently be d i r e c t l y deduced f r o g the book i t s e l f and.other answers from the subsequent p o l i c y of the w r i t e r . To begin w i t h , ' the w r i t e r gives unmistakable h i n t s as to the future of p o l i t i c s , and of c a p i t a l and labour i n B r i t a i n . With almost equal force he has presented the problems of s a n i t a t i o n , education, .and emigration as a f f e c t i n g n a t i o n a l progress. As one turns now to the s o c i a l problems a s a Y f h o l e , the f i r s t of these problems, the economic and p o l i t i c a l , w i l l seem to occupy the predominant pl a c e . , \ As-the hero i s represented as/the most vigorous character, i t i s e s s e n t i a l , at t h i s p o i n t , t o note whether h i s r o l e was true to l i f e . A l l evidence would point to the f a c t that i t was. I t needs only the evidence of Thomas 9.. Cooper's biography, published i n 1872, and The. L i f e and L e t t e r s of Charles K i n g s l e y , e d i t e d by h i s wife, to substan-t i a t e the f a c t that A l t o n was modelled on a l i v i n g character. 9. Cooper, Thomas, L i f e of Thomas Cooper,2nd I d . , London,1872, as c i t e d by SlOsson, P.W., o p . c i t . , p* 192. 101 Nevertheless, such a character was by no means representative of the working classes as a whole; f o r the Thomas Coopers and A l t o n Lockas of the time were the exceptions rather than the r u l e . Kingsley may be charged with the mistake of taking the actions -of one exceptional person to represent aliwhole section-of l i f e -- a c o n d i t i o n that cannot be e a s i l y defended. To say that A l t o n Locke could become f l u e n t i n L a t i n i n a few months may not be a misstatement of the powers,of a genius, but such a c o n d i t i o n could not occur, one f e e l s , i n the l i f e of the average working man; to make him act as though born and bred t o refinement the moment he stepped i n t o Dean Winnstay's home i s again to ask, perhaps, too much of a workman. Readers might e a s i l y be misled into t h i n k i n g that a l l workmen think and act with the energy of A l t o n Locke, f o r g e t t i n g that K i n g s l e y i s constantly i d e a l i z i n g or exaggerating h i s subjects.' But t h i s , of course, i s the very l i f e - s t u f f of propaganda. The p a i n t i n g of exaggerated p i c t u r e s goes on 10 throughout the book. P o l i t i c s are allowed to dominate the s c e n e — p o l i t i c s , tha-t i s , o f the wrong kind — u n t i l the f a l l a c y Inherent i n a mere programme of p o l i t i c s alone i s exposed i n time to b r i n g about A l t o n Locke's conversion. I t was a conversion from the rig o r o u s b e l i e f i n Chartism, which, as a p o l i t i c a l d o c t r i n e , had i n s p i r e d Thomas Cooper, i n 1840. Kingsley: makes Chartism f o r a time seem j u s t . Only the. b a l l o t , s a l a r i e s f o r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , equal e l e c t o r a l •16.' Cf. the chapters. "The Sweater's Den," "The men who are eaten," e t c . . i n A l t o n Locke. • 102 d i s t r i c t s , and so on, would seem to be the l o g i c a l s o l u t i o n f o r the s o c i a l t r o u b l e s . The s o c i a l conditions are a p p a l l i n g , and there i s no help i n s i g h t . For h a l f of A l t o n Locke the reader i s asked to sympathize with "the men who are eaten." The n,of a sudden, the blackest p o s s i b l e scenes of the r e s u l t s of " p h y s i c a l f o r c e " Chartism are painted. One of'these i s the r i c k - b u r n i n g scene, a f t e r A l t o n had l o s t h i s temper, and i n c i t e d the mob to r i o t . Another outstanding scene was the ' C h a r t i s t debacle on Kennington Common when Chartism received i t s death-blow and l o s t the support of the middle c l a s s * A f t e r ; t h a t , the s i x points of the Chartertare hardly mentioned i n the story, the author dondemning the whole system o u t r i g h t . In " P o l i t i c s f o r the People" the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s had agreed that at l e a s t three of the demands were f a i r ; but i n c l o s i n g Alton.Locke Kingsley had come to the point of d i s t r u s t i n g l e g i s l a t i o n by a mob because i t was 12 "doing.God's work with the d e v i l ' s t o o l s . " ' P o l i t i c a l gains were not to be sought u n t i l more serious problems had been met and solved. To t h i s purpose, then, a l l the propaganda of the book I s devoted. Though most people today would consider Kingsley's d i s t r u s t of p o l i t i c a l n e g o t i a t i o n as a backward step, one may w e l l understand h i s viewpoint. Democratic b a l l o t t i n g had simply not been t r i e d out, nor any attempt at f a i r represent-a t i o n . With no precedents to help him he must n a t u r a l l y have f e l t that t h e t t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l outlook of h i s Church I I . A l t o n Locke, v o l 2 , p.164 f f . 12. C f . " L e t t e r s to the C h a r t i s t s , " JSo.l. 103 and the B r i t i s h government was preferable to u n t r i e d ways, A l l he could see i n p o l i t i c a l moves were the predominating f a u l t s of mob r u l e , i n a b i l i t y t o choose leaders, and the 13 i n s i g n i f i c a n t force of one b a l l o t among many. In short, Kingsley may, be said to have misunderstood the whole p r i n -c i p l e of the representative vote, which, one may say with every assurance to-day, i s basic to democratic government. The whole mistake of the Chartist' cause seemed, to the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s at l e a s t , that i t r e l i e d too much on the dictum of the Owenites — t h a t to change the 14 circumstances alone would work wonders. Only m a t e r i a l changes were needed. There,was no thought of reforming the members of s o c i e t y at the same time. For, without changes i n the character of the people changes i n the structure of soci e t y would be, to the O h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s , of no a v a i l . * • What Kings l e y and h i s group f e l t about h i s times i s w e l l displayed i n the ch i e f characters of A l t o n Locke. Figures representing both " p h y s i c a l f o r c e " and "moral f o r c e " are i n evidence, -Mammonism and . i t s attendant subject of " p o l i t i c a l economy" rec e i v e t h e i r share of the discussion when George.Locke i s taken as a type of h i s class,. And i n f o l l o w i n g through these outstanding f i g u r e s there are revealed f o r . t h e reader many r e l a t e d t o p i c s which the author would use i n presenting h i s i d e a l s f o r an urban economy. 15. i . e . , "the 500th or 5000th voice i n the sending of some-body el s e ' s man" — a sneer at b a l l o t i n g . P o l i t i c s of or .. the People,, p.. 179. 14ii Webb,S. & B., op , c i t . , c f . p. 159. 104 John Grossthwaite, who may be taken as an outstand-ing example of " p h y s i c a l f o r c e " Chartism, was the agent f o r b r i n g i n g home to A l t o n a need f o r r e v o l u t i o n a r y views. There was no love i n h i s programme, but only a hate for the estab-l i s h e d order,.and a r e v o l u t i o n a r y negativism that bides i t s time, w a i t i n g to destroy t r a d i t i o n s . He i s self-educated, and a j j o u r n a l i s t l i k e A l t o n Locke. The p a r a l l e l of h i s l i f e 15 to that of S i i l l a m Lovett w i l l extend as f a r as t h e i r common d i s l i k e of the B r i t i s h a r i s t o c r a c y , and t h e i r years of a g i t a t i o n as newspaper w r i t e r s . However, Lovett was: always a "moral f o r c e " man, while Gross thwaite came to.* that moderate p o s i t i o n only a f t e r the downfall of the C h a r t i s t cause., and the sickness of A l t o n . O'Flynn is , another " p h y s i c a l f o r c e " character brought i n to show i n t e r n a l lack of good f a i t h among the members of the C h a r t i s t f a c t i o n . O'Flynn and h i s newspaper. The Weekly Warwhoop are exact copies of t h e i r a c t u a l proto-types Feargus O'Connor and h i s newspaper, The Northern S t a r . J u s t as O'Connor,, i n a c t u a l l i f e had paid Thomas Cooper meagerly f o r h i s a r t i c l e s , and edited them to h i s own s a t i s f a c t i o n , so O'Flynn abused A l t o n Locke i n the stor y . And j u s t as O'Connor broke f a i t h with Cooper, denouncing him. i n h i s j o u r n a l , so O'Flynn broke f a i t h with A l t o n Locke. Kingsley shows how the populace of London d i s l i k e d the I r i s h C h a r t i s t s of h i s times when, f o r example, he l e t s A l t o n say, 15. Cf. Slosson, P.W., The. Decline of the C h a r t i s t Movement, p.82. 16. ; Baldwin, S.E., o p . c i t . , p. 97. on A p r i l 10: "The dread of general plunder and outrage by ths savages of London, the n a t i o n a l hatred of that French and I r i s h i n terference of which we had boasted, armed against us [I.e. the C h a r t i s t s ] thousands of ; s p e c i a l constables. ..." 17 Over against the characters which represent "physi-cal f o r c e " Chartism appears Sandy Mackay, the most c o l o r f u l character i n the book. Sandy e x h i b i t s a sardonic sense of humour which i s otherwise l a c k i n g i n the s t o r y . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to read G a r l y l e ' s c r i t i c i s m of the par t : "Saunders Mackaye, my invaluable countryman i n the book, i s nea r l y p e r f e c t ; indeed, I g r e a t l y wonder how ^ou d i d manage jaim — h i s very d i a l e c t i s as i f a nat i v e had done i t , and the whole existence of the rugged old hero i s a wonderfully splendid and coherent piece of Scotch bravura. In Iboth of your women, too, I f i n d some grand poetic f e a t u r e s ; but neither of them i s worked out in t o the "Daughter of the Sun", she might have been; Indeed, nothing i s worked out anywhere i n comparison with Saunders;.. . " I - 8 Strangely enough, G a r l y l e d i d not see that Mackaye was a p i c t u r e of h i m s e l f . The o l d bo o k s e l l e r i s w e l l acquainted with the s u f f e r i n g s of the masses. Out of h i s own slender funds he buys c o a l f o r the seamstresses. He brings the world's a t t e n t i o n to t h e i r degraded status i n l i f e . He knows the horrors of the sweatshops, and persuades Al t o n Locke to expose them i n h i s w r i t i n g s . There i s , however, something l a c k i n g i n Sandy's outlook; Alton, himself declares i n Chapter XX: "Mackaye has nothing p o s i t i v e , a f t e r a l l , to advise or propound. His wisdom i s one of apothegms and maxims, u t t e r l y impossible, 17. A l t o n Locke, v o l . 2 , p.243. 18. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p.244. top of ten negative." The d i s c u s s i o n of Sandy's character ends, at t h i s p o i n t , a consideration of characters connected d i r e c t l y with the C h a r t i s t movement. One may next consider the destructive c r i t i c i s m which Kingsley aims at t o p i c s of wider i m p l i c a t i o n . These may be taken as meaning the economic, s o c i a l and r e l i -19 gious e v i l s , some of which he had read i n The Morning.Chronicle, and others he had learned from Thomas Cooper, or from h i s own experience. The career of George Locke gathers i n t o i t s e l f most of the features of Mammon!sm and the s o - c a l l e d " p o l i t i c a l eeoncjmy" which the w r i t e r f e l t were making the dealings of c a p i t a l and labour so d i f f i c u l t * George and a l l h i s c l a s s Succeeded while A l t o n f a i l e d . A piece of good fortune has exalted the one to a p o s i t i o n of luxury i n contrast to the other. George f o l l o w s the u t i l i t a r i a n i s m of h i s father to advance h i s own i n t e r e s t s . A c t u a l l y of l e s s r e f i n e d t a s t e s than h i s cousin, he a f f e c t s admiration f o r a r t , and i n g r a t i a t e s himself with Lord Lynedale at Cambridge, through whom he may curry favour w i t h the n o b i l i t y . (Chapters. XII. and XII) Ordination as a clergyman i s h i s next step toward s o c i a l advancement — not that h i s s k e p t i c a l mind cares at a l l what gospel he i s given to preach. (Chapter XXI v") During the C h a r t i s t demonstrations he simulates a sympathy fo r the popularr cause, turn i n g spy i n order to thwart h i s 'cousin's purpose of marrying L i l l i a n . (Chapter XXVII) On the 19. Cf. A l t o n Locke * Preface, p. 16; and a l s o p. 122 of t h i s essay. . . 107 tenth of A p r i l , when a l l h i s plans had succeeded, and Alton was reduced to r u i n , h i s words become a taunt; " L i s t e n , Cousin A l t o n l The strong and the weak have been matched f o r the same p r i z e ; and what wonder i f the strong man conquers?" 20 His cunning^gives him superior strength that i s exasperatingly triumphant.. But t h i s i s not f o r long. No moral r e l a t i n g to the untimely death of t h i s renegade i s so sharp as that which h i t s at the " p o l i t i c a l economy" that i s supposed to uphold the c a p i t a l i s t i c world. To show Kingsley's personal f e e l i n g toward the subject it-would be w e l l to look at part of a l e t t e r to a f r i e n d dated a few years l a t e r ; "Indeed I am i n c l i n e d to deny to p o l i t i c a l economy as yet the name.of a science..... As yet p o l i t i c a l ...economy, has produced nothing. I t has merely s a i d , • L a i s s e z - f a i r e 1' Now I am not complaining of i t . I consider the analTytic work of p o l i t i c a l economists of the l a s t hundred years i s ' i n v a l u a b l e . I t forms the subject matter f o r a l l future s o c i a l science, and he who i s ignorant of i t b u i l d s on a i r . I only complain of t h e i r saying 'You must not attempt to counteract these laws.' You must allow chance and .selfishness to r u l e the human race. The only ..new circumstances of humanity which they have advised or considered p o s s i b l e i s the r i d i c u l o u s and impossible one of r e p r e s s i n g . p o p u l a t i o n . 2 ^ . I t can be seen from these remarks that Kingsley considered " s e l f - i n t e r e s t " and l a i s s e z - f a i r e to be the two chief e v i l s , Greg c r i t i c i s e s t h i s view as biased. Kingsley, he t h i n k s , d i s l i k e d p o l i t i c a l economy because i t upheld competition "which p o l i t i c a l economy recognizes as the f i r s t 20... A l t o n Locke, p®1. 2, p.249 . 21. L i f e , v o l . 2 , p.36. law of trade — i|ndl sees, t r u l y enough, the source of much s e l f i s h n e s s , many j e a l o u s i e s , etc.., and hence t r i e s to sweep the whole system away w i t h the strong wind-of r e l i g i o u s 22 .. f a i t h , " This c r i t i c a l so quotes long passages from ; Kingsley's P-haethon to show the absurdity of Kingsley's view. The passages argue that human l i f e i s not held precious i n the eyes of p o l i t i c a l economists — a f a c t which Greg says has l i t t l e meaning, since Kingsley and the economists t a l k i n d i f f e r e n t spheres. ' To Greg, a l l e t h i c a l and s o c i a l con-s i d e r a t i o n s are barred, since h i s economists were not yet w i l l i n g to consider anything but m a t e r i a l needs of man. He would not, however, have c a l l e d Kingsley's words "unscient-i f i c " declamation had he known that p o l i t i c a l economy has not been considered an exact science from that day to t h i s , 23' , " hor even maintained i n theory. However u n r e a l the p o l i t i c a l economy theory was, A l t o n Locke blamed i t f o r the sweat shop p r a c t i c e s and the misery of p r o l e t a r i a n l i f e . For four or f i v e s h i l l i n g s a week t a i l o r s endured, the v i l e , f e t i d atmosphere of garrets to s t i t c h the c l o t h e s from which the "sweater", every week, could make h i s pounds of p r o f i t . What wonder that men became drunken sobs. — f i l t h y , diseased and broken wrecks of humanity? What wonder that seamstresses, working f o r lower wages s t i l l , were compelled to eke out t h e i r small earnings by dishonourable means? The f a c t s of these cases could not be r e f u t e d , as Kingsley had read them i n the Morning Chronicle, 22. Greg, o p . c i t . , p. 133. 23. -Encyclopaedia B r i t a n n l c a , 14th ed., A r t i c l e on ( P o l i t i c a l ) Economy. aM Jhad f u r t h e r evidence. He gives h i s r e a c t i o n to the system which allows these e v i l s to continue: „ Sweet competition'. Heavenly maid! Now-a-days hymned a l i k e by penny-a-liners and philosophers as the ground : of a l l s o c i e t y ~ the only r e a l preserver of the earth'.' Why not of heaven too? Man eaten by man i n every v a r i e t y .. . of degree and method I Why does not some, e n t h u s i a s t i c p o l i t i c a l economist wr i t e an epic on "The Consecration of Cannibalism"? 24 Stubbs has s a i d , "His outraged sense suffered no 25 reticence," though, as may, be w e l l understood, such a f e e l i n g was j u s t i f i a b l e here. But to another c r i t i c , Greg, i t had the stamp of bad t a s t e , and he f e l t i t unforgivable i n a man of Kingsley's standing.- " The t r u t h of the matter would seem -to be that Greg was more concerned i n preserving middle-class decorum than was K i n g s l e y . I t was i n scenes such as these sweatshops and the homes of the poor that author's temper became often u n c o n t r o l l -ed. He lashed out at town c o u n c i l s and at the moneyed cla s s e s . But toe need not stop here to show how the unsanitary condi-t i o n of a metropolis i s brought to l i g h t i n the book. Health and s a n i t a t i o n have t h e i r own place l a t e r on i n t h i s essay . that needs to.be kept i n mind i s the p e c u l i a r way i n which, copying C a r l y l e , he shows the s o l i d a r i t y of a l l classes i n t h e i r .dependence upon each other. His dramatic way of doing t h i s , as I n the case of George Locke, was to l e t the coat made In the .sweatshop c a r r y death t o the buyer. • Who, then, i s responsible for c o n d i t i o n s as they are? • 24. Cheap Clothes and Hasty, Preface to A l t o n Locke, vo1.1, ,25. eg. Stubbs, o p . c i t . , Introduction.. 110 Having made t h i s reference to the s a n i t a t i o n one may say that the crossroads of the dis c u s s i o n have been reached. Hp to now the question has been to consider the various angles from which Kingsley has attacked urban l i f e . Of these, the p o l i t i c a l economy, and some mention of s a n i t a t i o n have taken the major part of the d i s c u s s i o n . I t now remains for the reader to see whether or hot"Kingsley had a reasoned p h i l o -sophy . s u f f i c i e n t t o supply c o r r e c t i o n to the abuses, and whether, a l s o , he c a r r i e d out any such plans. Yet one l a s t phase of the problem remains to be dealt with before coming to the p o s i t i v e features of h i s urban economy. The d i f f i c u l t problem that a r i s e s i s ihe one most concerned with the status of the working man. A l t o n Locke represents the working man who aspires to c u l t u r e and fame. But just how f a r i s he j u s t i f i e d i n t r y i n g to reach that ambition? When the settlement of t h i s question has been reached the reader w i l l have, i n short form, the text of the whole stor y , Kingsley's message to the world. A l t o n Locke's v i s i t to Cambridge, i s the means whereby the problem i s r e s o l v e d . "Young Snips" the t a i l o r , as one of the contemporary reviewers of A l t o n Locke has c a l l e d himj presumes to earn the patronage of the upper c l a s s e s . His poems a t t r a c t h i s hearers. His own h i s t o r y i s a source of wonder to them. Here i s K i n g s l e y ' s chance to get discussed those t o p i c s that r e l a t e to c u l t u r e , and which are, f o r the most p a r t , barred from the working people. One need not pause over the, r e l i g i o u s , educational, or s o c i a l I l l t o p i c s dwelt upon. Before A l t o n sees h i s poems go to the p u b l i s h e r he allows h i s i n f a t u a t i o n f o r L i l l i a n to persuade him i n t o d e l e t i n g the o f f e n s i v e passages from h i s poems. He has earned middle-class favour but become a t r a i t o r to h i s c l a s s . Shortly a f t e r .this h i s own rashness as a C h a r t i s t a g i t a t o r and h i s ..cousin's d u p l i c i t y complete h i s downfall. -Whether Kingsley meant h i s hero to draw h i s moral from these experiences with Cambridge l i f e i s not made p l a i n i n the book. But i t may c e r t a i n l y be assumed that A l t o n should have used h i s t a l e n t s more w i s e l y , and with greater. r e s t r a i n t to a i d h i s own c l a s s , rather than as p i r e to places i n which he d i d not belong. Comparing him with F e l i x H o l t , George E l i o t ' s . r a d i c a l reformer, Kaufmann po i n t s out that he d i s p l a y s a weaker moral character. Even before he had come to Cambridge' h i s l o v e - s i c k day-dreams had made him w r i t e , "The'very garment I was s t i t c h i n g at might, i n a day's time, 28 be i n her p r e s e n c e — touching her dress." F e l i x Holt i s made of sterner: s t u f f , as he shows i n rebuking Hiss Lyon; "Ton are discontented with the worid," says F e l i x H o l t to H i s s Lyon, "because you can't get the small things that s u i t your pleasure, not.because i t ' s a world where myriads of women are ground_by wrong and misery, and t a i n t e d with p o l l u t i o n . " ^ Doubtless K i n g s l e y has over-stressed the petulance which he /imagines workmen f e e l when they are thwarted as A l t o n was. Ife'ger the l e s s he would" not have him desert h i s c l a s s . The Preface contains these words: 27* Kaufmann, o p • c i t . , p. 136. 28. Alton. Locke, v o l . 1 , p.235, as•c ited.by Kaufmann, o p . c i t . 29. Kaufmann, MY o p . c i t . , v.136, c i t i n g F e l i x H o l t . 112 .1 do not think the cry 'Get on' to be anything but the d e v i l ' s cry. The moral of my book i s , that the workingman, who t r i e s to get on, to desert h i s c l a s s and r i s e above i t . , ' enters i n t o a l i e and leaves God's path f o r h i s own, with consequences, 3 0 These words show that Kingsley's concept of demo-cracy d i f f e r s , from that of the present day. I t i s wrong for a workman to move out of h i s , c l a s s . He upholds the idea that he ought to have an equal opportunity with the wealthy classes i n developing h i s mental powers. The labourer ought to be made more comfortable, and should s t r i v e to r a i s e the status o f . h i s c l a s s as a whole. To Kingsley the ranks of s o c i e t y are, f o r the mOst p a r t , s t a b l e , and to d i s t u r b t h i s order is to i n t e r f e r e with the d i v i n e p l a n . Baldwin p o i n t s out that t h i s sort of order would have kept L i n c o l n a r a i l - s p l i t t e r , • , 31 and Thomas G a r l y l e a stone-mason — and, one may add, Lord Minchampstead, of whose record Kingsley i n part approves., a weaver. Instead of, frowning upon the circumstances that have: made 'Minehampstead powerful, one even f e e l s that K i n g s l e y condones the change. He condemns the motive — the m a t e r i a l p r o f i t involved -- but otherwise neglects to regard the i m p l i c a t i o n s that a r i s e i n making the new a r i s t o c r a c y , which Minchampstead represents, seem d e s i r a b l e . In other words, the author i s apparently i n c o n s i s t e n t i f he would allow the success of the baron to, j u s t i f y what he would ••• .otherwise condemn i n A l t o n Locke, the genius. I t may appear that enough of the problems r a i s e d I n A l t o n Locke have been presented to give a background f o r p r a c t i c a l measures that Kingsley would advocate. According 30. A l t o n Locke„ Preface, p. 27; c f . also K i n g s l e y ' s i d e a l aristocracy„ S e l e c t i o n s from Kingsley., p.358. . 31. Baldwin, o p . c i t . , p. 109. 113 to Webb, soc i a l thinking among a l l classes i n 1850 was confused, and Kingsley had to construct even his own philo-sophy, upon broad, fundamental ideas, rather than upon refined d e t a i l . He was well aware of the mistake often made in short-term p o l i c i e s . . He was at one with Garlyle in decrying panaceas or "Morrison's p i l l s " to bring about a better state of affairs. In 1850 Kingsley was moved to write a fi e r c e polemic for the Ghristian Socialist, which he called Che ap Glothes and Nasty.. This a r t i c l e , from which a quotation has already been made (See p. 109), served as a direct incentive to the founding of the Association of Tailors i n the same year. One of the t a i l o r s ' co-operative stores opened on Gastle Street was named "Cheap Clothes", attracting much attention at the time. The T a i l o r s ' Association, i n turn, helped the Ghristian S o c i a l i s t group in their formation o f a central committee, called The Association for the Promotion of Associations a name that i s se l f explanatory. This association lasted u n t i l 1854. Then through the lack of funds i and for the reason that the; Trade Unions were objecting to the duplication of their own policies i n the associations, the organization was discontinued. • P a r t i c u l a r l y important to the understanding of Kingsley's view of the Trade Unions are his reactions to the Amalgamated Engineers' strike o f 1852. The occasion was a direct challenge for Kingsley's support. He was w i l l i n g to write a few a r t i c l e s In the Ghristian S o c i a l i s t , but wise declined to p a r t i c i p a t e . The reasons he gives to Hughes 114 show that he was not altogether i n d i f f e r e n t . He explained that he was not q u a l i f i e d to i n t e r f e r e : f i r s t , because he was not f a m i l i a r with the p r a c t i c a l d e t a i l s of the trade; but more so because the workmen should be competent to f i g h t t h e i r own b a t t l e s . He d i s l i k e d to have h i s c r i t i c s say that "medieval parsons" were t r y i n g to i n t e r f e r e i n the independence and s e l f - h e l p of the men. And he .would reserve h i s energies, ' i n preference, to i n s t r u c t i n g the workmen as to how. to 32 organize a s s o c i a t i o n s . This withdrawal from the c o n f l i c t does not f u l l y represent Kingsley's a t t i t u d e which was one of sympathy. He believed,, nevertheless, that no Trade Union that departed from the law could be other than r e a c t i o n a r y . The men in'the trade unions must l e a r n not the f a l s e p o l i t i c a l economy of the 1830-1840 p e r i o d , but the true p o l i t i c a l economy, The genuine brand recognizes s t r i k e s as a n a t u r a l process, and hence s t r i k e s should be considered f a i r b a t t l e s f o r both sides ' i n the dispute. Ita?thermore, the vast majority of Trade Union members as they stood by the law had shown themselves worthy of the s u f f r a g e . At litresent t h e i r only p o l i t i c a l o u t l e t was the trade union. Avvote might very w e l l send proper repre-sentatives to the f l o o r of the House to a i r the tremendous issues connected with labour. Such were Kingsley's thoughts.. They represent no consistent theory of the r i g h t s of c a p i t a l and labour, and they s e t t l e d no problems. One can see that these ideas 52. A l t o n Locke, Preface, p. 44. were d i c t a t e d more from a sense of f a i r p lay and a desire f o r the upholding of t r a d i t i o n than f o r anything e l s e . Even at t h a t , K i n g s l e y was w e l l i n t h e : f o r e f r o n t of h i s times i n progressive thought. With regard to A s s o c i a t i o n s , a gradual c o o l i n g o f f of the/writer's enthusiasm i s evident a f t e r 1851, In that year K i n g s l e y was beginning to leave most of the c o n t r o l of the co-operative movement- to Ludlow and Maurice. Twelve A s s o c i a t i o n s were founded, but i t i s notable that a l l were i n 35 i n d u s t r i e s "untransformed by the use of machinery" — shoe-makers, t a i l o r s , , piano-makers, smiths, p r i n t e r s and bakers. Each of the a s s o c i a t i o n s was allowed absolute self-government; but a l l were inexperienced, and w i t h i n s i x months every one had q u a r r e l l e d with i t s o r i g i n a l manager and turned him out. Both Maurice and K i n g s l e y f e l t that a s s o c i a t i o n s were a f a i l u r e because men were 'unfit f o r them. However, i t i s more probable that they were not dealing with the r e a l problem at a l l which was the vast m a j o r i t y of workingmen who, worked i n the machine trades* The machine age was not w e l l understood by ; ' ' 34 the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s . Though these p r a c t i c a l t r i a l s of a s s o c i a t i o n proved unsuccessful, K i n g s l e y clung tenaciously t o the a s s o c i a t i v e p r i n c i p l e . Often, i n c l o s i n g an address on s o c i a l topics-the moral aspect, which i s the c h i e f aim of a s s o c i a t i o n , mould be h i s admonition to h i s audience. "Our defence against 33. Woodworth, A.V., o p . c i t . , p. 28. 54. f o r d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s point see I b i d . , Chap .1, p. 51,32.. want i s s e l f - r e s t r a i n t ; against slavery, obedience." "Let the workmen of B r i t a i n t r a i n themselves i n the corporate s p i r i t , and i n the obedience which i t br i n g s " — and he ends t h i s passage, w r i t t e n i n 1854, with these words: "only ,he vrtio can obey i s f i t to., r u l e . . . . I advise my working f r i e n d s . . . t o b e l i e v e that when they are f i t , a l l the powers of earth cannot keep them from (taking t h e i r share i n the government of Great Britain? ; and.. .tlfe'ill then, happy i s the man that does the duty that l i e s nearest him, who educates h i s f a m i l y , r a i s e s h i s c l a s s , performs his. d a i l y work as to God and to h i s country, not merely to h i s employer and to himself; f o r i t i s only he who i s f a i t h f u l over a few things who w i l l be made, or w i l l be happy i n being made, r u l e r •over many t h i n g s , " 3 3 Kingsley's pr^c^raements upon p o l i t i c s show somewhat .narrower reasoning than he expressed on other s o c i a l t o p i c s . "1 have never swerved from my opinion i n the l a s t seven years that the r e a l b a t t l e of the time i s . . . t h e Church, the gentleman, and the worker, against the shopkeeper and the Manchester School." 35 . By t h i s he meant the existence of a f a l s e view of p o l i t i c a l economy — "that i d o l a t r y of s o c i a l mechanism which imagines soeiety as a mere assemblage of wheels and s p r i n g s , and not •ZS1 as a partne r s h i p of l i v i n g men." Competition and m a t e r i a l -ism teere hence making of England "a competitive United States, a democracy before which the work of ages would go down i n a few years." Between s l o p - s e l l i n g and profit-making of the Manchester School the gentlemen of ancient f a m i l y , — the backbone of s t a b i l i t y — would be forced to emigrate. On the question of p o l i t i c a l power i t s e l f , Kingsley' pronouncements show again a fondness f o r long-established 35. A l t o n Locke, v o l . 1 , Preface, p. 129. 36. I b i d . , p.47. 57. Stubbs, o p . c i t . , p. 139, c i t i n g Tract V, The C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t i'r 117 order. "A true democracy, such as you and I should wish to see',' he writes to Hughes, " i s impossible without a Church and a 38 queen; and, as I b e l i e v e , without a gentry." U n t i l the dose of the Crimean War i n 1855 he was, however, too much disgusted with the lack- of d i r e c t i o n i n government to take sides on p o l i t i c a l questions. But when the strong hand of Lord Palm-er ston was being f e l t he was prompted to admit to Ludlow, "I • . • • .39 • am g e t t i n g more and more of a govennment man every day." Like G a r l y l e he .admired the strong man who kept order even i f that order was not democratic i n p r i n c i p l e , The expanding of the suffrage was one p o l i t i c a l move that Kingsley would endorse, though with r e s e r v a t i o n s . The example given of u n i v e r s a l suffrage i n American p o l i t i c s ?;as, not encouraging to him, however, since I t l e f t unsolved the slave question. He dreaded the American "arlthmocracy" or r u l e of the mob which could never be more than the r a l e of demagogues and the e x c l u s i o n of what he b e l i e v e d were the 40 more capable m i n o r i t y . To p r o t e c t the r i g h t s of the m i n o r i t i e s he would r e l y upon the i n f l u e n c e of the educated a r i s t o c r a c y of t a l e n t . He e x p l a i n s himself i n these words: "In a House of Lords not wholly h e r e d i t a r y but r e c r u i t e d from below by the most s u c c e s s f u l (and there-f o r e , on the whole, most capable personages); i n a f r e e press, conducted i n a l l i t s most powerful organs by men of character and l i b e r a l education, I see safeguards against any American tyranny of numbers, even i f an enlargement of the suffrage d i d degrade the general tone of the House of Commons as much as some expects"41 38. Alton. Locke, "Prefatory Memoir, MVol,l, p. 28. SSSoLIfe, v o l . 1 , p.434. 40. Gf. A l t o n Locke, Preface, vol.1,p.113. 41. Loo, c i t . In. a l l t h i s K i n g s l e y appears .conservative i n h i s outlook. Here i s h i s argument again f o r men l i k e Lord Minchampstead to r i s e i n the world. He would make use of the "cream" of s o c i e t y to r u l e , hut a workman l i k e A l t o n Locke apparently doesn't q u a l i f y f o r -such o p p o r t u n i t i e s of power. A workman, King§ey says, somewhat i n c o n s i s t e n t l y , must remain i n h i s c l a s s , though he must do a l l i n h i s power to r a i s e the l e v e l of that c l a s s . ; That Kingsley. was groping about i n t h i s and i n other p o l i t i c a l views i s apparent i n the l i g h t of democratic achievements since h i s time. He admitted f r e e l y that he had no p o l i t i c a l programme to present, but he held f i r m l y to an unshakable f a i t h i n the good sense of the E n g l i s h people, and i n the E s t a b l i s h e d Ghurch. He believed educational improvements, s a n i t a t i o n , and an improved a t t i t u d e of upper towards lower c l a s s e s would help. He went so f a r as to 42 suggest the reading of M i l l ' s Representative Government to guide h i s generation. The problem was r e a l . "How i t w i l l not be done I can see w e l l enough. As f o r any theory of mine I would not put i t forward.... Let the upper classes l e a r n . . . t h a t the j u s t and wise method of strengthening t h e i r p o l i t i c a l power i s to labour a f t e r that s o c i a l power which comes only by v i r t u e and usefulness. In these words Kingsley would admonish the upper ranks to prove t h e i r sup-e r i o r breeding by true n o b i l i t y of a c t i o n . But h i s general scheme f o r a l l ranks often appears to be a mere summing up 42. I b i d . , p. 119. . ' ' 119 of t r u t h s i n d i v i d u a l l y learned, and sometimes not to be 43 r e c o n c i l e d one to another. For a l l ranks, however, there could be only one goal of m o r a l i t y . In 1846 Kingsley wrote down a c e r t a i n moral precept that was to run through most of his future w r i t i n g s . "Whatever s o u l - s u f f i c i n g t r u t h men have, l e t them 44 keep i t . Anglicanism and E v a n g e l i c a l i s m both prove our 45 impotence to meet our s o c i a l e v i l s . " This f a i r admission of g u i l t should have remained c o n t i n u a l l y by him to remind him of h i s own intolerance at times. Kingsley was aware that h i s own views seemed i n -t o l e r a n t to others. He admits i n one of h i s l a t e sermons that t r u t h sometimes l i e s n e i t h e r with himself nor with h i s 4.6 opponent but " i n some t h i r d p l a c e " which none can see or w i l l know u n t i l the.. future l i f e . In other words, he would accept no compromise i n such cases, but v/ould g l a d l y hold in h i s point since nothing b e t t e r was proven. However, In s p i t e of h i s own l a p s e s , Kingsley's tolerance was. of a kind that caught the a t t e n t i o n of many working men, however much i t lacked the completely democratic outlook. In h i s "Message of the Ghurch to the Labouring Man", a sermon of 1852, he-lays'down h i s own i n t e r p r e t a t i o n 43. Cf. Baldwin's remark,"Through a l l h i s searching he sought to f i n d the hand of God i n the works of nature." Baldwin, o p . c i t *, p.181. .44. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p. 142. 45, Gf. Loc.. c i t . 46. Sermons f o r the times, p. 280. 120 of what the s o c i a l i s t battlecry "Liberty, Equality and Frater-n i t y " should mean. A man, he f e l t , should possess freedom, but not the freedom of license; rather, he must have the freedom to "do what he #aag;h-t." There should be equality, too — the equality of opportunity i n developing talents, i f not the equality of rank. And there should be a brotherhood that includes a l l men though respecting a l l ranks. In these statements Kingsley l a i d his social b e l i e f s ; and upon a foundation of l i b e r t y , equality, and f r a t e r n i t y of t h i s interpretation he f e l t assured that a l l ranks would con-tribute their f a i r share to the urban economy. 121 Chapter YI S a n i t a t i o n There came a time i n Kingsley's experience when the prospect of s a n i t a r y reform f i l l e d h i s mind above a l l other s o c i a l matters. I t was a subject i n which i t seemed he could go to "extreme lengths of exaggeration and not exceed pro-p r i e t y . "About p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s , " says a w r i t e r i n P o l i t i c s f o r the People., "men may and must d i f f e r , but on the exped-iency of d e c l a r i n g war against f i l t h there can be no honest 1 d i f f e r e n c e of o p i n i o n . " The h e a l t h of the people i s t h e i r 2 only r e a l property; " h e a l t h - r i g h t should come before suffrage." From 1854 onward Kings l e y gave himself over w i t h i n c r e a s i n g ardour to the important t o p i c of s a n i t a r y reform. A very personal knowledge of h e a l t h matters backed up Kingsley's s a n i t a r y programme. Brought up i n an environ-ment ; Of h i s f a t h e r ' s p a r i s h e s , and pr6ceeding to a p a r i s h l i k e E v e r s l e y where every sort of unsanitary abuse was to be met, h i s f i r s t - h a n d knowledge was v a r i e d . Every year, to make hi s r e c t o r y h a b i t a b l e he spent £80 on drains and r e p a i r s . Cholera breaking out i n 1849 and 1854, he made the rounds cf h i s p a r i s h , g i v i n g medical a s s i s t a n c e himself. The s a n i t a -t i o n of the c i t i e s was no l e s s r e a l to him. His r e p l y to the account of v i l e c o n d i t i o n s p r i n t e d i n The Morning Chronicle 1. P o l i t i c s f o r the People, p. 9. '2* LOG. c i t . 122 i n 1849 was brought out i n h i s famous Cheap Clothes and Hasty t r a c t . And so he continued to l e a r n , and labour, f o r a cause that was close to h i s heart. One needs to know, i n a d i s c u s s i o n of Kingsley's programme, not so much the reforms, which are now commonplace but the; p r i n c i p l e s and the motives which l e d him on l i k e a crusader. Perhaps the greatest of these p r i n c i p l e s could be c a l l e d "the p r o v i d e n t i a l a f f i r m a t i o n of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y " — a theme w e l l represented i n C a r l y l e ' s story of "the I r i s h widow who was reduced to prove her sisterhood by dying of typhus fever and i n f e c t i n g seventeen persons." The same sort of dramatic episode occurs i n Kingsley's own w r i t i n g s ; the Jemmy Downs case r e f e r r e d to i n A l t o n Locke• and the c h o l e r a epidemic i n Two Years Ago. One of h i s outstanding l e c t u r e s on h e a l t h may serve, at t h i s time, to give a l l the important features of h i s programme, and to t h i s end i s summarized, with comment, i n the f o l l o w i n g pages. On October 5, 1857,.Kingsley spoke before a B r i s t o l audience on the t o p i c : "Great c i t i e s 'and t h e i r influence f o r good and e v i l , " The r i o t s he had seen i n 1831 were h i s s t a r t i n g p o i n t . He had seen these outbursts, p o l i t i c a l i n t h e i r import, dreadful i n t h e i r c r i t i c i s m : of the stop-gap methods of s o c i a l reform which were the i n c i t i n g cause of r e v o l t . He merely used t h i s scene as the most dramatic opening he could s e l e c t to lead to the t o p i c i n hand. < ' C i t i e s such as B r i s t o l have t h e i r i n f l u e n c e s both f o r good and e v i l . They represent an accumulation of a r t , 3, Of, Chapter T, footnote 19, p. 106. 123 science, wealth, commerce with f o r e i g n lands, and d i s t r i b u t i o n of products. Society from the e a r l i e s t days crowded i n t o c i t i e s f o r the dispatching and d i s t r i b u t i n g of goods. When the population was s m a l l , crowding was not f e l t . The green f i e l d s were close outside the w a l l s , "where lads and l a s s i e s went a-maying" or "the very mayor and alderman went f o r t h , a t f i v e o'clock on the summer's morning, with hawk and leaping pole a f t e r a duck and heron; or hunted the hare i n state probably i n the f u l l g l o r y of furre d gown 4 and gold chain." Every now and then a plague came to di s t u r b t h i s j o l l y p i c t u r e . The towns-folk f a s t e d and prayed, but i n vain. They knew not that t h e i r s i n was " f o u l a i r , f o u l water, unclean back yards, s t i f l i n g a t t i c s , houses hanging over the narrow s t r e e t s t i l l l i g h t and a i r were a l i k e shut out — to amend 5 that was the repentance which God commanded." Prom about the middle of the s i x t e e n t h century dates the "dangerous c l a s s " . They were the o f f s p r i n g of s o l d i e r s of for t u n e , adventurers, o f f s c o u r i n g s of the seas who came home diseased to l i v e i n "the low s t r e e t s and seaport towns". They were dangerous because they had l o s t t h e i r s e l f - r e s p e c t , and as such could not hope to r i s e above the s i g h t s , sounds and smells which surrounded them. 'Hie same type i s found i n modern times. ?7hat i s to prevent the "vapour bath of f o u l gas," the bad a i r , and the bad lodging, b r i n g i n g about a desire f o r drunkenness? The man 4. Sanitary and S o c i a l Essays, p. 195. 5. LOG. c i t . f e e l s low i n mind as w e l l as i n body. E x h i l a r a t i o n comes i n the tavern, not the home that has caused the depression. The cure i s not f a r to s e e k . C e r t a i n l y there should be the spread of education and the "hundred means of r a t i o n a l occupation and amusement" which were closed to h i s grandfather. These have caused drunkenness almost to die out amongtthe 6 Upper c l a s s e s . Why not apply the same cure to a c l a s s which i s now dangerous because i t has nothing to lose but a l l :to gain by anarchy? "For t h e i r - r e f o r m a t i o n , thousands 7 of good men are now working," but the fundamental cause cf t h e i r shame i s " f o u l a i r , f o u l water, l o u l lodgings, over-crowded dTi?ellIngs R " which are the f i r s t , objects f o r reform. Mow. t h i s c l a s s i n f l u e n c e s . a l l classes above them. How can the next higher c l a s s , the honest workman, r a i s e h i s family, next door to one of these "daggerous" f a m i l i e s ? The c r y i n g need i s to give the workman a d w e l l i n g f i t f o r a v i r t u o u s and c i v i l i z e d being. Even with the c l e r k s , the ' c l a s s next: up i n the s c a l e , and a considerable class at that, the p h y s i c a l surroundings of the c i t y work against good h e a l t h . Not f o r him should there be the study of books a f t e r work: hours. P h y s i c a l e x e r c i s e , "a walk on, Durham Downs,, a steamer excursion t o Shepstow, s h a l l : send him home again, wiser than many learned volumes.F King s l e y believed that as these c l e r k s were the c l a s s from whom were r e c r u i t e d 6..This was Kingsley's o p i n i o n , at l e a s t . He was probably o v e r - o p t i m i s t i c i n such a b e l i e f . 7. Shaftesbury, Bishop Wilberforce and others are t y p i c a l humanitarians of the upper c l a s s e s . 125 "our commercial men, our emigrants" — some day, perhaps, a large employer — they should have a proper education, not of books, but of the outdoors. He could not -overemphasize, i n t h i s connection, the excellency of the e a r l y - c l o s i n g movement. The uppermost c l a s s of a l l held the key to the whole problem of sa n i t a r y reform. These c a p i t a l i s t s , from the small shopkeeper to the merchant p r i n c e , b u i l t t h e i r v i l l a s outside the towns. They knew the ble s s i n g s of he a l t h . To Kingsley one more t h i n g was needed. They should take t h e i r workmen with them. The v i s i o n of.a working c l a s s , well-housed i n suburban tenements going to urban centres only to work or buy produce was a d i f f i c u l t , but not an impossible, i d e a l . As a workshop, and not as a dw e l l i n g house, the c i t y of the future would become what i t ought to be. A l l the advantages of such, an arrangement are sure to be questioned. W i l l such improvements pay? "That i s a f a i r question, and one that ought to be asked," r e p l i e s K i n g s l e y . The l e s s e n i n g of crime, of c h a r i t a b l e needs, of disease, and the absorbing, gradually, of the dangerous c l a s s e s , w i l l come about. There- w i l l r e s u l t an increased cheeffulness, content, and good w i l l , e s p e c i a l l y towards employers. Even then the c i t y dweller .was shrewder than h i s country cousin. What a mainstay to B r i t i s h .arms, to have the improved conditions o f c i t y l i f e adding t o the strength of the classes from whom the 8 bulk of f i g h t i n g men are drawn I 8. Sanitary and S o c i a l Essays, p. 220.. i 126 That most of Kingsley's reforms, as detailed in the lecture, are commonplaces to-day i s a tribute to reformers like him. He ends his simple address with a statement that sums up a significant feature of sanitary work. "1 cannot but see, moreover, how many phenomena, which are supposed to be s p i r i t u a l , are merely physical; how many cases which are referred to my profession, are properly the object of the 9 medical man." It i s this statement that has misled many into thinking Kingsley put sanitary reform before s p i r i t u a l reform, and earned him the name for "muscular C h r i s t i a n i t y " which he scornfully disowned, •f One needs to note, before passing on to a con-sideration of his views on education, how he proposed to carry out even a few of his p r a c t i c a l ideas on sanitation. The above statements, af t e r a l l , are u n f u l f i l l e d objectives. He well knew that the d i f f i c u l t i e s i n the way of their r e a l i z a t i o n were "vested interests" and the scarcity of land. It may now serve the purpose to sum up his main pri n c i p l e s which one may conveniently divide into three groups; the ideas o f - s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y ; the princip l e of mental recreation; and the s p i r i t u a l significance of the sanitary programme. The f i r s t great p r i n c i p l e was that of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . As no man can si n unto himself, so- no man can be diseased only unto himself. Of t h i s great fact Kingsley had ample evidence. In Bermondsey, London, during the cholera 9. Sanitary and Social Essays, p. 221. 127 plague "Walsh saw them, throwing untold horrors into the 10 ditch, ana then dipping out the water and drinking i t . " Not quite as severe, but equally compelling were the cholera epidemics at Eversley. The rector carried his medicine bottle from patient to patient, working with "twenty Darson II " . power". It i s not to be wondered at that he tr i e d , though f r u i t l e s s l y , for reform. Town councils, parish vestries, and careless owners of dilapidated property were immovable, . though i n their hands lay the power to change these matters. Eventually the conditions were reproduced i n his novels, a l l of them but Hereward the Wake d i r e c t l y exposing such ev i l s i n their worst l i g h t . When the author began writing about the e v i l s , he began also to plan i n other ways for reform. One of his most active measures was the principle of accosting the gu i l t y parties themselves. He gave direc-tions to Ludlow concerning the methods of bringing the Bermondsey authorities to task for the appalling conditions mentioned above. Then, on other occasions he lectured in h health to a l l . t h e great centres of the land. His personal work i n founding or encouraging self-help groups, and the soc i a l programme which he worked into his Cambridge history 12 lectures were a l l e f f e c t i v e means to the same end. When the crown prince was near death from cholera i t was Kingsley's opportunity to draw the nation's attention to the e v i l of plagues by a sermon on cholera from the Chapel Royal. His 10. L i f e , v o l . 1, p. 216. 11. L o o . P i t . 12. By " s o c i a l programme"!s meant the hints and ideas he developed in his hearers. 128 most spectacular work, however, came as a sort of culmination to a l i f e of a g i t a t i o n when, i n the S o c i a l Science congress at Birmingham i n 1872, he spoke on the need of educating f o r health. The outcome of t h i s l e c t u r e was the founding of a c h a i r of physiology at S a l t e l y College, and the e s t a b l i s h i n g 15 of physiology courses i n many of the upper schools. There was another side to the sanitary programme besides the p r a c t i c a l outworking of plans f o r conquering disease. This was the mental r e c r e a t i o n of the people. Kingsley had shown how a l l classes of people were affected by the p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s of the environment and by worry. Worse was the l o t of the very poor, who through bad a i r and bad lodging were tempted to drunkenness. The cure, of course, was to change the housing and amusements. Like Ruskin, K i n g s l e y b e l i e v e d that ras n t a l h e a l t h was to be promoted as much by museums and a r t g a l l e r i e s as by sports and games. F i n a l l y , the s a n i t a r y programme was c l o s e l y a l l i e d to s p i r i t u a l matters. But s t r a n g e l y enough Kingsley found that i n order to teach the true s i g n i f i c a n c e of a h e a l t h programme i t was necessary to remove a f a l s e r e l i g i o u s a t t i t u d e * that had grown up. Whenever a plague ravaged the land i t had, u n t i l 1850, been customary to c a l l f o r n a t i o n a l f a s t i n g and prayers. K i n g s l e y used h i s three sermons on 14 cholera to p o i n t out the f a l l a c y of praying f o r something when the f a u l t l a y with the people themselves i n t h e i r 15, L i f e , v o l . 2 , p.389. 14. See: Sermons on N a t i o n a l Subjects. 129 unsanitary d w e l l i n g s . The s p i r i t u a l import of plagues, then, 15 was to teach men to remove d i r t . F i r s t "enfranchise" men's bodies from disease and d i r t , and then deal with s i n and i t s consequences. Kingsley had a v i s i o n of thousands of valuable l i v e s being saved from disease every year. To the women's Sanitary A s s o c i a t i o n , i n London i n 1859, he placed the value of a c h i l d ' s l i f e above that of a s o l d i e r , because more h e l p l e s s . And he made i t a s p i r i t u a l matter thaife "not one" should p e r i s h , i f human means could avoid i t . 15. L i f e , v o l . 2 , p.71. 130 Chapter V I I Eduoatlon Though guided often by emotion, and having received no s p e c i f i c t r a i n i n g f o r teaching, K i n g s l e y brought to h i s educational work a broad sympathy with, and understanding of, the problems to be faced. From 1843 to 1848 he gave personal i n s t r u c t i o n to the c h i l d r e n of the parish i n elementary work and the catechism. He expanded h i s work s l i g h t l y by the holding of evening classes f o r adults during the winter. A l l these e f f o r t s were c a r r i e d out as part of h i s d a i l y r o u t i n e . I t w i l l be remembered th a t , at t h i s time, a l l over England, most of the educational f a c i l i t i e s were u n s a t i s f a c t o r y . Standards v a r i e d enormously; teachers were untrained; p u p i l attendance was v o l u n t a r y . Even K i n g s l e y , desirous as he was of the best technique, was, i n h i s f i r s t few years at Eversley, a lav/ to himself on educational matters. Later he developed more acute reasoning as h i s i n t e r e s t s widened. In 1848 he added to h i s heavy p a r i s h duties the self-imposed task of g i v i n g t u t o r i a l i n s t r u c t i o n . The times being very l e a n , he lodged a paying scholar i n h i s home-, to whom he endeavoured to give h i s own v e r s i o n of a l i b e r a l education. The subjects were, i n the main,physical science, •history, E n g l i s h l i t e r a t u r e , and modern languages. His aim was to i n c u l c a t e character, "In my eyes the question i s not what to teach, but how to educate, how to t r a i n aot scholars, 151 1 but men," In 1848, about the same time, the purposes of education were r a i s e d i n p o l i t i c s f o r the People, As these purposes so exactly express Kingsley's views on education, they w i l l be r e f e r r e d to below. About the same time as " P o l i t i c s " appeared Maurice was founding queen's College f o r young l a d i e s , Kingsley was asked to give some short l e c t u r e courses, but h i s health breaking down a f t e r "two intr o d u c t o r y l e c t u r e s on l i t e r a t u r e and composition" and ."one course i n E a r l y . E n g l i s h L i t e r a t u r e " , he was compelled to take a vaca t i o n . To h i s successor he suggested that "teaching was not to cram them with things, but to teach 2 them how to read themselves," I f one f o l l o w s Kingsley down through the years one f i n d s him p u t t i n g education alongside s a n i t a t i o n as h i s main s o c i a l o b j e c t i v e s . There i s a reference i n Two Years Ago to Grace Harvey who i s not an i n s t r u c t o r only but a f r i e n d 3 • and counsellor to the v i l l a g e c h i l d r e n . In 1857 Kingsley's i n t e r e s t i n s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and h i s fame as a w r i t e r of s o c i a l novels made him a welcome speaker at mechanies i n s t i t u t e s and self-improvement clubs i n several parts of England. At B r i s t o l , as recorded i n the l a s t s e c t i o n he spoke on "Great c i t i e s , t h e i r influence f o r good and e v i l . " L a t e r , i n 1859, he was asked on a s i m i l a r occasion t o speak at women's s o c i e t i e s i n London. From 1859 to 1869 he held the 1. L i f e , v o l . 1, p. 198. 2. I b i d . , p. 201. 3. c f . Two Years Ago, v o l . 1 , p.73. 132 position of Professor of Modern History at Cambridge where his lectures, for their impressionistic methods, earned him praise and.abuse. In 1869 he achieved honour as president of the Education Committee of the Social Science Congress a t C l i f t o n . This was the organization's last great r a l l y before the Education Act of 1872 brought i n compulsory attendance and eliminated most of the r e l i g i o u s disputes regarding state education. In h i s l a t e r years Kingsley's interest i n subject matter to be taught was widened. He wished to incorporate into the programme the newest ideas of science, evolution and p o l i t i c a l economy, and any ideas of a truly educative nature. Late i n his l i f e he became the founder of a natural science club i n Chester, and encouraged the study of health in 4 Birmingham schools withdoutstanding success. To repeat the purposes and the ideals which lay behind Kingsley i n these years i s l i k e recounting many a precept i n education now made commonplace by use. His purposes run p a r a l l e l to those of the Ghristian S o c i a l i s t group of . 1848, which, as i t sums up the case, may be taken as his own vie\vs. "The B r i t i s h and Foreign School Society" was derived from "the character of Joseph Lancaster" for whom the Christian S o c i a l i s t s did not pretend to have any great personal a f f e c t i o n , the monitorial system which i t advocated 5 being, i n any case, in d i s c r e d i t . Much of the same disrepute 4. Cf. L i f e , vol.2, pp.321 and 386. 5. Cf. T r a i l l , H.D., op.cit., p.834. r e s u l t e d from the a c t i v i t i e s of the Society f o r the D i f f u s i o n of Useful Knowledge, -~ "a body somewhat- d u l l and a r i s t o c r a t i c 6 benevolently i n c l i n e d , . . . c o l d i n i t s sympathies." The i d e a l s of the P e s t a l o z z i a n s and Fellenberg were not being r e a l i z e d , though they-had the merit of educating, not cramming with f a c t s , ~as was the f a u l t of the m o n i t o r i a l , and the S. D. U. K. systems. Two other s o c i e t i e s , the Ragged Schools, and the N a t i o n a l (Anglican) Schools, had a good many flaws. Out of these . c o n f l i c t i n g methods of education a combination of good purposes emerges. In the opinion of the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s a l l those systems mean to declare to any poor man i n the land, that God has claimed him f o r 7 , His c h i l d . This i s the one p r i n c i p l e to be kept i n mind. With i t , J e l l e h b e r g ' s work 1B human, not m a t e r i a l ; With i t , P e s t a l o z z l a n p r i n c i p l e s would be the l o g i c a l ones to choose f o r t h e i r education over mere i n s t r u c t i o n ; the atmosphere of the Ragged Schools would be v i n d i c a t e d , and t h e i r irreverence removed; p o l i t i c s would become at once human and diving*, e x p l a i n i n g Chartism, and i n c o r p o r a t i n g s o c i a l i s m . P a r t i s a n -ship and r e l i g i o u s s t r i f e T^ould be f o r g o t t e n . "The education of one c l a s s must be i n every e s s e n t i a l , the education f o r a l l . I f we reserve a c l a s s education to ourselves, and give a human one to the poor; we are more generous and s e l f -denying than we have any c a l l to be, and are g i v i n g them too great an-advantage over us." 8 One can see, i n an i d e a l of t h i s nature, that the C h r i s t i a n . S o c i a l i s t s were Well ahead of t h e i r times. 6. P o l l t i o s f o r the P e o p l e p . 194. . 7. I t a l i c s mine. 8. P o l i t i c s f o r the People, p. 246. 154 In the same p u b l i c a t i o n the need for educational reform on the u n i v e r s i t y l e v e l was broached. Ever since the Broad Church movement had advocated the admission of dissenters to the o l d u n i v e r s i t i e s , K i n g s l e y had been i n sympathy, and had thought of many other reforms. Like the 8(a) ! J w r i t e r , i n P o l i t i c s who complains that the u n i v e r s i t y educa-t i o n o f the day does not teach how to i n t e r p r e t the present times, he believed that p o l i t i c s should be taught, and true p o l i t i c a l economy. In a f t e r years, K i n g s l e y added: "I would compel the u n i v e r s i t i e s — and p u b l i c schools, i f they monopolize the education of the landed p r o p r i e t o r s — t o teach them t h e i r d u t i e s as part of t h e i r regular curriculum." What these d u t i e s are he has made c l e a r i n a general way. "Let them (the upper classes) make themselves as the present Sovereign has".made himse l f , morally -necessary to the people; and then there i s no f e a r of t h e i r being found p o l i t i c a l l y unnecessary.... "... i f they w i l l set themselves to study the duti e s of rank and property, as of a profession to which they, are c a l l e d by God...; i f they w i l l be f o r e -- most with t h e i r personal influence i n a l l good works; i f they w i l l set themselves to compete on equal terms with a l l c l a s s e s below them, and, ^. as they may, o u t r i v a l them: then they w i l l f i n d that those classes w i l l r eceive them not altogether on equal terms; that they w i l l accede to them, i n s u p e r i o r i t y , undefined, perhaps, but r e a l and p r a c t i c a l enough to conserve t h e i r .class and t h e i r rank, i n every a r t i c l e f o r which a just and prudent man would w i s h . " . Such statements as these show the general trend of Kingsley's i d e a l . He would educate the l a n d l o r d s to t h e i r s t a t i o n s , f o r he apparently regards n o b i l i t y of f a m i l y tree as inseparable 8(a) Ibid., p. 243. The w r i t e r remains anonymous, but, with • Kingsley,- points out that " U n i v e r s i t y studies have not - used c l a s s i c s t o i n t e r p r e t the present," 9 . L i f e , Vol,2, P.357. 10. Gf. A l t o n Locke, Preface, v o l . 1 , pp.120,121. 135 from n o b i l i t y of character. There i s another i n t e r e s t i n g thought here which draws one's a t t e n t i o n . That i s the e q u a l i z a t i o n of educative o p p o r t u n i t i e s whereby the n o b i l i t y as w e l l as the v/orking c l a s s face a common set of experiences. Kingsley, i n 1848, advocates such e q u a l i z a t i o n of experiences, f o r u n t i l then workmen, handicraftsmen, and c a p i t a l i s t s had been, " t h i n k i n g , f e e l i n g , a c t i n g , apart from each other; i s i t any wonder, (he adds) that they think, f e e l , and act to very l i t t l e 11 purpose?!', One of the f i r s t and foremost aims of the Ch r i s -t i a n S o c i a l i s t s , keeping i n mind t h e i r r e l i g i o u s motives, i s that men should be educated as brothers — a truism, no doubt, but one, nevertheless, that was being neglected. Kingsley's purposes i n education do not d i f f e r i n any e s s e n t i a l from the main tenets of h i s f r i e n d s , he d i d , however, expand i n d e t a i l s . At f i r s t he had held to an educational system dominated by one r e l i g i o n ; but he came to d i s c a r d t h i s as being contrary to the u n i t y of the nation. Probably h i s outlook of 1848 ¥/as as humanized as that of any man of h i s times. In passing, one notes that he not only endorsed the p o l i c y o f h i s f r i e n d s but added two o r i g i n a l a r t i c l e s on the B r i t i s h Museum and the -National G a l l e r y , i n s t i t u t i o n s which he f e l t were the most educative i n that they "could promote the brotherhood of common f e e l i n g s . " "To have t h e i r sympathies i n common... ([menj must have,.not an object of gain but an object of admira-11. P o l i t i c s f o r the People, p. 53. 136 tion i n common; to know that they are brothers they must f e e l that they have nne father; and a way to f e e l that they have one common Father i s to see each other wonder-ing, side by side, at His glorious works." 1 2 Doubtless Kingsley is thinking here of his subject •matter. No study attracted him more than natural history. In order to interprete these ideas further i t would now seem essential to proceed to a brief outline of his educational policy. The schemes he had in mind were i d e a l i s t i c , but they are symbolic of the man's temperament. He would naturally divide his programme into two, according to the sexes. For the boy there opens out the broadest f i e l d , bounded only by the l i m i t s of the lad's own c a p a b i l i t i e s . When Lancelot Smith was asked what li m i t he would set to .13 education, his reply was: "The capacities of each man." L i t t l e need be said as to the exact number of subjects to be studied. Included must be a l i s t previously given --physical science, history, English l i t e r a t u r e , and modern languages. Of these topics only the physical sciences and history need discussion. The sciences — and Kingsley f e l t . i n some ways more drawn to them than to any other subject — were the direct 14 outworking of divine p r i n c i p l e s . He himself brings a fervi d imagination to them. He loved especially the studies of geology, zoology and botany, but for the most part he i s 15 descriptive rather than s c i e n t i f i c . His .botany class at 12. L i f e , vol.1, p. 178. 13. Yeast, p. 107. 14. Gf. L i f e , vol.2, p.303. 15. Gf. .Leslie Stephen's remark: "Men of science subordinate the s a t i s f a c t i o n of the emotions to the satisf a c t i o n of 137 Chester developed into the Chester Natural History Society. The topics were simple, but appealing: — "The s o i l of the f i e l d " , "The pebbles of the street", "The coal in the f i r e " ; but, as he once admitted to his friends, "I can't think, 16 even on s c i e n t i f i c subjects, except in dramatic form." Hence he admired the advance of medical science, astronomy and physics, but actually knew very little about them. These subjects, according to his theory of the d i v i s i o n of labour, were the property of certain mathematical and s c i e n t i f i c minds. In many ways he could f e e l j u s t i f i e d in ext o l l i n g a somewhat s u p e r f i c i a l view of science. Science used for descriptive purposes, as Kingsley used i t , i s no doubt the prerogative of the l i t e r a r y man. He knew enough science to make any topic interesting i f he chose to attach s c i e n t i f i c d e t a i l s f or i l i u s t r a t i o n . Art and culture were i n the same class as the 17 sciences, and, for the young man's training, indispensable. the i n t e l l e c t ; they seek to analyse into their elements the concrete r e a l i t i e s • vdhieh alone interest the poet, and see mechanical .laws where their oponents would recognize a l i v i n g force." — Hours i n a Library, vol.3, p. 40. 16. Alton Locke, Preface, p. 39. IB. On the American tour of 1874 he said at Berkeley that he "endorsed the dissemination of technical knowledge, and yet desired that his hearers strive for a moral as well as i n t e l l e c t u a l education, and the culture so highly appreciated by the ancient Greeks and Romans and Japanese of to-day." — L i f e , vol.2, p.440, 138 At Wellington College, the school which his son Maurice was attending, Kingsley helped the boys to found a natural history museum. At Bideford for a time he encouraged art classes, and was himself adept in freehand drawing. He wished to bring not only art but a l l forms of related culture into the educational programme. There was another equally important side to the boy's training; that i s , the physical development. He speaks i r o n i c a l l y of those who. say, " I n t e l l e c t i s what we want. Int-e l l e c t makes money. Intellect makes the world. We would rather 18 see our son a genius than a mere athlete," and i n turn he says, "We must, in the great majority of eases, have the 19 corpus sanem i f we want the mentem sanem." To develop the all-round man, Kingsley's i d e a l , there seemed no place for formal d i s c i p l i n e , though he did not use the term himself. His motto for teaching shows that i t was not things, but the method of learning which he would try to impart. To develop a sporting s p i r i t was as much a l i f e training in method as the study of books. In another f i e l d , however, he showed himself more conservative. For the education of women he followed some of the t r a d i t i o n a l views of the time, but i n some ways made improvements upon them. Like M i l l he would give women more avenues for educational development than was then eustomary. He did not, however, open a l l f i e l d s to them, thinking i t inadvisable that women should be chemists or lawyers, or 18. Sanitary and Social Essays, p.371 &9. Loo, c i t . 139 members of s i m i l a r p r o f e s s i o n s . Strangely enough, he con-sidered that, with those exceptions, a woman could do excellent work i n sciences l i k e botay, zoology and geology. She may reach p r o f i c i e n c y and yet remember that her high i n t e l l e c t u a l c u l t u r e i s not incompatible with the performance of homely 20 household d u t i e s . Her education, to be p r a c t i c a l , could best include a r a t i o n a l knowledge of cooking; a knowledge of sensible c l o t h i n g ; fundamentals of p o l i t i c a l economy, the business of the home; some n a t u r a l philosophy, and, above a l l , the r u l e s of s a n i t a t i o n and h e a l t h . These subjects make up the i d e a l rounded programme f o r most women. On top of a l l t h i s , one t h i n g she must never f o r g e t , and that i s , that woman's specie purpose was to teach men — to proclaim that there i s something more than i n t e l l e c t , and that i s — p u r i t y and v i r t u e . K i n g s l e y thought as w e l l of a p h y s i c a l education f o r women as f o r men. When he spoke on "Nausieaa i n London; or, the lower education of women," he emphasized the devel-opment of grace and strength. Corresponding to the games and sports of, men, he f e l t that the system f o r women should be "that most n a t u r a l and wholesome of a l l e x e r c i s e s , dancing, in.order to develop the lower h a l f of the body;...singing, to expand the lungs and regulate the breath; and some games 21 ...to give strength...." Hence g i r l s who l e a r n Greek i n schools should also l e a r n Greek games "which helped to make 22 the c l e v e r e s t race i n the world the a b l e s t race l i k e w i s e . " 20. Sanitary and S o c i a l Essays, p.82. 21. I b i d . , p. 125. 22. Loc. c i t . 140 By such means, perhaps, the race of undernourished, puny c i t y dwellers of Southern England could once more grow robust l i k e the northerners. A quick review of h i s educational p r i n c i p l e s f o r both male and female i n s t r u c t i o n would be incomplete without a b r i e f mention of the Education Act of 1872. Kingsley had pointed out that where there were many creeds, as i n England, the c l e r g y should not dominate the educational programme. A church-dominated curriculum had e x i s t e d from e a r l y times. By the d i v i s i o n of labour he f e l t that now the cler g y should be relegated to things d i v i n e , and l a y teachers to i n s t r u c t i o n . He d i s l i k e d denominational r e s t r i c t i o n s which "shut out too many of the advantages of the higher schools and u n i v e r s i t i e s 23 from Her Majesty's s u b j e c t s : " " I t i s the duty of the state to educata a l l a l i k e i n those matters which are common to them as c i t i z e n s , and i n a l l 'matters, a l s o , which concern t h e i r d u t i e s to each other. "£ • So i t was l i k e the f u l f i l m e n t of many years of planning to have the enactment of laws that incorporated such ideas. Both compulsory attendance, and a lessening of quarrels over r e l i g i o u s issues were achievements which may be reckoned along with the gains made i n s a n i t a r y education when Kingsley's influence i s estimated. I t was not so much that he accounted f o r them by h i s own e f f o r t s alone, but that he struck seme t e l l i n g blows f o r them at the r i g h t time. In summing up h i s concept of education Kingsley r e s o r t e d to ancient w r i t e r s and the Greeks i n order to 23. L i f e , v o l , 2 , p.300. . 24. L o c . c i t . 141 d i s t i n g u i s h between "knowledge" and "reason". Quoting Lyly he says: "The one" — that i s reason — "comrnandethand the other," — that i s knowledge — "obeyeth." In f u r t h e r e x p l a i n i n g t h i s Kingsley made use of Gladstone's Juventus Mundi, t a k i n g h i s i d e a l "the Greek youth of Homer's days." "There," says King s l e y r e f l e c t i v e l y , " i s an education f i t f o r a r e a l l y c i v i l i z e d man, even though he never saw a book i n h i s l i f e ; the f u l l , p roportionate, harmonious educing — that i s , b r i n g i n g out and developing — of a l l the f a c u l t i e s of h i s body, mind and heart, t i l l he becomes at once reverent yet a s e l f - a s s u r e d , a g r a c e f u l and yet a v a l i a n t , an able, : and yet an eloquent personage." 2 5 25. S a n i t a r y and S o c i a l Essays, p. 43. Chapter V I I I The Character of K i n g s l e y Tom Hughes, perhaps the greatest f r i e n d Kingsley had, has l e f t an impression of the man's character i n these words: "The contrast of h i s h u m i l i t y and audacity, of h i s d i s t r u s t i n himself and confidence i n himself was one of those puzzles that meet us d a i l y i n t h i s world of paradox." 1 Some of these c o n t r a s t i n g elements must inevitablyaappear as one f o l l o w s the course of h i s . l i f e . From what has gone before one may already have grasped the s a l i e n t features of h i s character, but some of these w i l l bear f u r t h e r examina-t i o n . . • F i r s t to impress anyone making the acquaintance of Kingsley would undoubtedly be h i s q u a l i t y of mind. "So many-sided was he that he seemed to unite i n himself more types and v a r i e t i e s of mind and charac-t e r , types d i f f e r i n g as widely as the poet from the man of science, or the mystic from the s o l d i e r . . . than could co-exi st i n any one man." ^ The perception of h i s senses was also very acute, a f a c t that e x p l a i n s , i n p a r t , how keenly he appreciated the d i s t r e s s of h i s "times , and a l s o , how b u s i l y he set to work to wake up the town c o u n c i l s and newly-formed h e a l t h -boards to t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the people's welfare. 1. A l t o n Locke, Preface, p.4. 2. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p. 299 . 142 143 The language and s t y l e of the man are evidence of the great unrest that at .times s t i r r e d him to a c t i o n . "Cheap Clothes and Nasty" i s only one example of the pamphlets K i n g s l e y wrote i n extreme moods of v i t u p e r a t i o n . Many sermons echoed h i s s o c i a l dogmas and made enemies. On one occasion he declared himself openly, hut somewhat i l l - a d v i s e d l y , among a crowd of London workmen as "... a Church of England parson 3 and a C h a r t i s t . " At the time of saying t h i s i n 1849, he d i d not f u l l y appreciate the disrepute which the name of Chart-ism would a t t a c h to h i s name. I t i s nevertheless s i g n i f i c a n t that i n h i s own words he desired to "commit himself", or to "run amuck" f o r the cause of s o c i a l reform. When Hughes speaks of Kingsley's d i s t r u s t of himself he must assuredly have i n mind those periods of r e a c t i o n which always appeared to f o l l o w such outbursts. With utmost c o n v i c t i o n Kingsley could exclaim: "This i s a p u l i n g , q u i l l - d r i v i n g , Soft-handed age -- among our own c l a s s I mean. Cowardice i s c a l l e d meekness, to temporise i s to 4/ be c a l l e d c h a r i t a b l e and reverent." But yet he f e l t the attacks and misrepresentations of h i s adversaries very keenly. When the Amalgamated Iron Workers' s t r i k e of 1852 occurred, h i s enthusiasm f o r workingmen's causes had so f a r cooled as to make him withdraw from a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Undoubtedly, too, he became discouraged and undecided about other matters of s o c i a l reform, f o r though much had been done by humanit-arians l i k e Lord Shaftesbury, he himself had no confidence 5. A l t o n Locke, Preface, p. 14. 4. I b i d . , p. 17. 144 i \ i n p o l i t i c a l gains. He showed indecision i n convictions j r e l a t i n g to matters of f a i t h also, but these matters notably his famous dispute with Newman in 1864 — need not be discussed here. His adherence to the Church had several effects upon Kingsley's character. From his e a r l i e s t days he was acquainted with the needs of parish l i f e — experiences which developed i n him extreme kindness, and generosity and understanding towards a l l classes of people. His e f f o r t s i n p r a c t i c a l measures i n his own parish met with much success. And yet the Church policy apparently hampered his widest so c i a l endeavours. He could not f u l l y enter into a s o c i a l i s t movement, try as he might to bring the Church doctrines within the teachings of " l i b e r t y , equality and brotherhood." Had he been a layman he would have been freer to act. But he was convinced on the one hand that the Hstablished Churoh was of old a democratic organization — a b e l i e f that can hardly be reconciled with the facts — and on the other hand he thought that his natural feelings of sympathy were s o c i a l i s t i c i n their concern for labourers and mill-workers. He, believed, on the one hand, i n the Church, the Queen and the gentry as providing an adequate foundation for government in'themselves; and on the other hand he urged people, to read M i l l ' s Repre-sentative Government — a book expressing diametrically opposite views. The conclusion one must draw regarding Kingsley's stand on e c c l e s i a s t i c a l and p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s is surely th^t he did not comprehend the i d e a l of democracy in 145 i t s g enerally accepted sense, but t r i e d to compromise. There i s some j u s t i c e i n b e l i e v i n g that he could not be consistent i n such an a t t i t u d e . I t i s a weakness i n h i s character. Under the Church i n f l u e n c e , too, Kingsley attacked the Manchester School of " p o l i t i c a l economists" who represent-ed the "big business" of the day. From of old the Church, the landed i n t e r e s t s , and the working classes had stood to-gether. The shopkeepers and prosperous middle-class furnished an o p p o s i t i o n t o the Es t a b l i s h e d Church, not only i n non- ' conformity of f a i t h , but i n t h e i r worldly materialism. So Kingsl e y b e l i e v e d , and so he charged them w i t h seeking p r o f i t s before supplying the comforts and needs of the labourer. In h i s attacks on " p o l i t i c a l economists", so c a l l e d , Kingsley again displayed with some j u s t i f i c a t i o n , h i s conservative character, and l o y a l t y to the Church, but no deep understand-i n g of economics. In c o n c l u s i o n , a word must be said about h i s i n t e r e s t i n the a r t s and sciences. He not only took d e l i g h t i n these s u b j e c t s , but made them, as i t were, a part of h i m s e l f . His studies of n a t u r a l phenomena, even i f s u p e r f i -c i a l by present standards, have coloured h i s w r i t i n g s with touches of o r i g i n a l i t y . The s t r i d e s being made by science i n h i s times he v/atched with keen i n t e r e s t , and he was open-minded enough to belie v e that the new doctr i n e of evol u t i o n could be e a s i l y r e c o n c i l e d with the Genesis account of c r e a t i o n . An intense b e l i e v e r i n the natural world — God 5 as revealed i n " n a t u r a l theology" -- he could discover no 5. Cf. Westminster Sermons, Preface, p. VI, " . . . I f , i n any 146 c o n f l i c t between such a be l i e f and anything that science could reveal. Hence he welcomed a l l improvements in medicine, i n industry, and i n s c i e n t i f i c method, while many clergymen of his day viewed such changes with reserve. He may be credited with a progressive outlook on these matters. F i n a l l y , one must not neglect to mention his martial s p i r i t that so influenced his view of nationalism. From the traditions of his family he was proud to r e c a l l that many of his ancestors had been s o l d i e r s . During his own lifetime he welcomed a l l contacts with m i l i t a r y men, and became very pop-ular with army o f f i c i a l s . He himself f e l t that had his vocation been soldiering he would have made a success as a commander. This i s an indication of his f i g h t i n g s p i r i t which he has perhaps put to better use i n other ways. Upon less pretentions f i e l d s than the battlegrounds of his age he was fi g h t i n g battles with his pen. Greg has already pointed out that he fought with the vigour of a Goth or a Red Indian. Sometimes he wore himself out and had to rest. But when his f a c u l t i e s were at th e i r best, he combined nervous vigour with a l l h i s other q u a l i t i e s and succeeded in making himself heard above the clamour of the times. His words, even though they were uttered i n the heat of declamation rather than i n age or country, the God who seems to be revealed by nature seems also d i f f e r e n t from the God who i s revealed by the then popular r e l i g i o n : then that God, and the re l i g i o n which t e l l s of that God, w i l l gradually ceasi to be believed i n . " calm reasoning, sometimes bore f r u i t . Chapter IX Kingsley's Ideal of National Character Although i t i s true that the author's own character represents much of his ideal for the character of the nation, i t i s worth while to note how his national consciousness prevailed over most of his other b e l i e f s . National conscience or national pride was an essential ror every Englishman, and he keeps that principle alive i n much of his s o c i a l work. Nationalism having long been a t r a d i t i o n of King-sley's forebears, i t i s not strange to fi n d that the a r i s -tocratic leanings were, as Baldwin puts i t , " p o l i t i c a l 1 i n s t i n c t s " with him. There i s hence more truth i n believing that h i s democracy of the Christian S o c i a l i s t era was only 2 "a'peculiar combination of generosity and prejudice?" than i n believing i t was genuinely s o c i a l i s t i c . As Baldwin suggests, h i s humanitarianism "was guided by a r i s t o c r a t i c 3 i n s t i n c t s " , pity for the l o t of the poor, and the need for 4 "a beneficent rule of the lower classes by the more privileged 4(a) He was "quixotic" and chivalrous, showing the "enthusiasm 5 of a boy of sixteen for persons and causes." 1. Baldwin, S.E.,op.cit., p. 188. 2» XjOc#Giije 3. Lo c . c i t . 4. Loc. c i t . 4(a) L i f e , vol.2, p.287. 5 . Lang, A., Essays i n L i t t l e , p. 155. 148 149 He would fi g h t any opponent who did not meet his own 6 standard of r i g h t . Such was the case when he supported "Rajah" Brooke for his imperialism, and Governor Eyre i n the famous West Indies slave troubles. In the l a t t e r case he was i n sympathy with Garlyle in opposing the more democratic stand of J . S. M i l l and his followers. Once more, i t i s evident from novels alone that Kingsley had a l l the abandon of youth. Witness the deeds of Amyas Leigh, or of the superior being, Tom Thurnal of Two Years Ago. Yet the author was by no means unmature. "If the virtues of a good boy were 7 i n him, so also, were the strong q u a l i t i e s of v i r i l e men." This i s exemplified in the magnificent vra.y in which he championed the causes of education and sanitation; by the s i n c e r i t y of his novels of purpose, and by the p r a c t i c a l results he achieved in his own parish. In the words of J . s. . . . 8 M i l l he was "one of the good influences of the age." The sum t o t a l of the author's enthusiasm may be taken as a l l directed toward the main theme of national character —• a threefold ideal r e l a t i n g to the family, the nation, and' the i n d i v i d u a l . Each of these, while subtly related to the other two, must be considered i n turn for i t s own v i t a l importance. 6. Cf. Alton Locke, Preface, p. 20. "I have often thought (says Hughes i n 1851), that at this time his very sensitive-ness drove him to say things more broadly and i n c i s i v e l y because he knew that the line he was taking would be misunderstood." Cf also his adherence to Rajah Brooke for his imperialism - L i f e , vol.1, p.222; and adherence to Governor Eyre, L i f e , vol.2, p.235. 7. Baldwin, op.cit. , p.190. 8. L i f e , vol.2, p.88. 150 The f a m i l y represents the most important u n i t of the s o c i a l l i f e . Beauty and s a n c t i t y of the home were abiding themes and to the f u l f i l m e n t of such an i d e a l i t became Kingsley's passion to attack every object of disharmony. The Roman C a t h o l i c Church, a s c e t i c i s m , c e l i b a c y , t e e t o t a l i s m — these were l i n k e d i n h i s mind with taking an unnatural view of l i f e . Teetotalism, f o r example, made f o r Pharisaism, which i n Kingsley's mind l i e s next door to sectarianism, p r i e s t c r a f t and s u p e r s t i t i o n , and i n the same clas s of jo y l e s s 9 b e l i e f as c e l i b a c y . The opposition which such topics present to f a m i l y l i f e i s only too obvious to him. Therefore l e t a man see that "the highest state j i s j ... that state through, and i n which men can know most of God and work most f o r God; ,10 and t h i s i s the marriage s t a t e . " K i n g s l e y was rescued i n h i s own case from a sense of oppressing doubt by the coming of a noble passion. As a theme he uses the love of man f o r woman, s a n c t i f i e d by f e l i g i o u s f a i t h , as the gre s t e s t force to b r i n g about s o c i a l i u p l i f t . In t h i s way the women are used as the transforming i n s p i r a t i o n of h i s novels. For the sake of Argemone Lancelot i s s timulated to seek a s a t i s f a c t o r y answer f o r s o c i a l problems. Through h i s love f o r Eleanor, A l t o n Locke i s r e -stored to h i s f a i t h . Hypatia and Westward Ho move around a mystic respect f o r women. As Baldwin p o i n t s out, i n Two Years Ago a l l three of the ch i e f male characters, Tom T h u r n a l l , Frank Headley, the curate, and Stangrave, the foppish 11 American, are r e v i t a l i z e d by the devotion shown by the women. 9. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p.271. 10.Ibid.,vol.1,p.190~ II.Baldwin,op.cit. p.180. 151 I t would, perhaps, be d i f f i c u l t f o r anyone to make a l o g i c a l system out of most of Kingsley's theologies but i n t h i s c e n t r a l theme, the ennobling passion of woman, there i s some-th i n g akin to a s e t t l e d d o c t r i n e . H i s second major doctrine In the formation of n a t i o n a l character concerns i t s e l f with n a t i o n a l i s m . Such a f e e l i n g emerged i n K i n g s l e y , as i t had done i n Wordsworth, f i r s t i n the love of h i s native heath, and then i n a great consciousness of nationhood. To him, the grandest i n s p i r a -t i o n to a man, apart from f a m i l y t i e s was h i s b i r t h r i g h t as an Englishman. I t meant freedom — "the true freedom, e q u a l i t y , and brotherhood i n the f u l l e s t , deepest widest 12 meaning of those three great words." I t was shown before that t h i s meant: freedom to do what a man ought, and not l i c e n s e ; e q u a l i t y of opportunity i n education, before God, and before the law; and brotherhood that recognizes a l l men as brothers while r e s p e c t i n g ranks and c l a s s e s . Having regard to t h i s t h r e e f o l d aim, the B r i t i s h people should recognize t h e i r own destiny. The wars taught p a t r i o t i s m . The n a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of the country taught freedom. I t was K i n g s l e y ' s contention that Divine Providence destined the B r i t i s h race to lead a l l nations i n matters of p h y s i c a l 13 Vigour and c u l t u r e . This would' imply a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y toward a l l subject peoples p a r t i c u l a r l y i n matters of health and education. I t would not imply conformity to republican i d e a l s which Kingsley so o f t e n o r i i t l e i z e d , f o r , i n h i s mind, 12. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p.289. 13. Gf, Stubbs, o p . c i t . , p.175. 152 the b a s i s of government should r e s t u l t i m a t e l y upon the 14 Church, the a r i s t o c r a c y , and the Queen. Both the f a m i l y and the nation depended fo r t h e i r ex-istence upon the i n d i v i d u a l . The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y l a i d on each c i t i z e n became, therefore, a f a c t o r of great importance i n the formation of n a t i o n a l character. In December, 1846, K i n g s l e y s a i d : " I am more and more p a i n f u l l y awake to the f a c t that the curse of our generation i s that so few of us 15 deeply believe anything." Independent t h i n k e r s and unsel-f i s h heroes alone could assure the nation's progress. . Such a t r a i n of thought brought Kingsley to admire strong p r a c t i c a l men. He not only e x h i b i t e d them i n h i s novels — i n the characters of Lancelot Smith, A l t o n Locke, Tom Thurnal, Amyas Leigh, Hereward the Wake, and others — but a l l h i s l i f e he d e l i g h t e d to correspond with self-made men i n the army, In the navy, i n p u b l i c l i f e , and i n the c o l o n i e s . Reaching back i n t o h i s t o r y he might choose Drake and Raleigh to prove h i s p o i n t . " ^ h e y j .. . may have been u n f a i t h f u l . . . . But that was not what made them conquer, but the same o l d f a i t h s h i n i n g out of t h e i r noblest acts and 16 words." A modern example of t h i s he could f i n d i n Governor Eyre, who, though repressing a negro r e v o l t i n c o l d blood, 17 was nevertheless upholding the lav/. As a second example, 18 Ki n g s l e y could p o i n t to the i m p e r i a l i s m of "Rajah" Brooke 14. L i f e , v o l . 1 , p. 289. 15. i b i d . , p. 141. 16. Sermons on N a t i o n a l Subjects, p. 1201 17. L i f e , vo1.1, p.222. 18. I b i d . , v o l . 2 , p.235. 153 i n extending the Empire i n Borneo. If these examples implied a l l that made up Kingsley's individualism, then the policy would seem strongly imperial-i s t i c . On the other hand this may be understood as only one aspect of a s t i l l more comprehensive ideal — the ideal of heroism in everyday l i f e . It was Garlyle, who, in the f i r s t place had centred his attention upon heroes. And, li k e Garlyle, he believed that England must be a race of heroes, ' 19 or at least maintain i t s hero worship better. From this point Kingsley turns aside to add some of his own commotions. For his "heroes", when he analyses the term, are far more reasonable, and occur more commonly i n everyday l i f e than the supermen of his novels, or the prodigies of Garlyle. How was t h i s to be explained? He takes one of his examples from the ancient ^ 20 Greeks. The Greeks of Thermopylae became heroes i n turning back the Persians at the cost of th e i r own annihila-t i o n . They did not know that i t was the turning point i n the campaign, and i n world history. They knew only that duty, plus s e l f - s a c r i f i c e , simply and modestly performed, were needed at the time. This i s true heroism -- but "though heroism means the going beyond the l i m i t s of s t r i c t duty, 21 i t never means the going out of the path of s t r i c t duty." If these pagan Greeks were god-like in their display of courage, then how must we consider the Christian martyrs of the f i r s t century? Surely these martyrs raised 19. C a i l y l e , Past and Present, p. 237. 20. Cf. Sanitary and Social Essays, p. 240. 20. Ibid., p.244. ! 154 j , "the i d e a l of human nobleness a whole stage — rather say, a ! 22 whole heaven, highertthan before." The ideals set then were j the highest ever set i n the world. Such examples show that ; man can now set no l i m i t s to heroism, "even though.he be 23 surrounded'by a h e l l on earth." And so, in commonplace circumstances, and i n the most menial occupations, one could s t i l l be heroic by merely applying that p r i n c i p l e of patience and s e l f - s a c r i f i c e , making ourselves worthy of "our heavenly b i r t h r i g h t . " This, one may believe, i s the apex of Kingsley's idealism, and the summation of the national character. He himself, as parson, novelist, controversialist and poet, acted i n most matters l i k e the impulsive, generous and i n t e l l i g e n t man that he was. He possessed a f i g h t i n g s p i r i t . He was often o v e r - i d e a l i s t i c , racy in s t y l e , unreasoning i n declamation, and inconsistent i n many of his prejudices. The socialism he professed can be shown as the generosity of a humanitarian, an a r i s t o c r a t i c genuine pi t y for the poor. He can, however, be shown to have pushed the'democratic cause along' somewhat, through the force of his sympathetic writings. On the whole, the results of Kingsley's work for society cannot be estimated. The gains that he made among the welter of mid-nineteenth century thought were perhaps as" potent as many of the outstanding humanitarians whose writings exerted an indirect effect upon existing abuses. Judged upon the basis of his l i f e and influenc# y, 22. Sanitary and Social Essays, p.&@$. 23. Ibid. , p.253. 155 he i s remarkable c h i e f l y as a p e r s o n a l i t y . By h i s o r i g i n a l i t y he l i t liposome of the f o u l e s t s o c i a l abuses as w e l l as in d i c a t e d the most hopeful means f o r amending them. When he took issue with h i s contemporaries he showed a z e a l and energy that was not always based on good judgment but a t t r a c t -ed much a t t e n t i o n whenever i t was displayed. His turn of mind could be described as poetic rather than c o l d l y s c i e n t i f i c emotional rather than l o g i c a l . But no one doubts that he was genuinely convinced of the need f o r h i s s o c i a l philosophy takingshold upon the l i f e of h i s times. One does not doubt h i s s i n c e r i t y . In h i s own f i e l d of s o c i a l w r i t i n g he w i l l not soon be f o r g o t t e n . -156 B I B L I O G R A P H Y Social Novels For the most part Alton Locke, Two Years Ago, and Yeast deal with the s o c i a l philosophy; Hypatia, dealing mainly with the re l i g i o u s upheaval of the f i f t h century A.D. has less bearing upon the general theme of this essay, although the questions of f a i t h raised bear an interesting analogy to nineteenth century b e l i e f . Except for the Essays, and Sermons, however, the so c i a l philosophy never appears to be systematized by the author, and even i n the la t t e r works i t was found to be developed only along certain l i n e s , e.g., sanitation. Hereward the Wake and Westward Ho are part history and part emot ion, but have l i t t l e , i f any, con-t r i b u t i o n to make except i n d i r e c t l y i n their influence upon the -national character. As primary sources the prefaces of both Alton Locke and Yeast were p a r t i c u l a r l y useful. In Alton Locke the four prefaces, written betv/een 1848 and 1856 show Kingsley's attitude towards workingmen. These opinions are a l l more restrained than the tale of Alton Locke i t s e l f , "Cheap Clothes and Nasty" being.the one exception to the general tone of moderation. 157 Alton Locke: T a i l o r and Poet, London, MaoMillan and Co., 1911. The 1874 and succeeding editions have the following prefaces attached "Prefatory Memoir" by Thomas Hughes (c.1874) "Cheap'Clothes and Nasty" by Charles Kingsley. (A tract written i n Oct. 1850) "Preface To the Undergraduates of Cambridge," (0.1862) : "Preface — Addressed to the Workingmen of Great B r i t a i n , (Written i n 1854).. Hereward the Wake, London, MacMillan and Co., 1933. Hypatia, London, MacMillan and Co., 1913, XVI. Two Years Ago, New York and London, The Cooperative Publica-t i o n Society, 1899. ( J . E. Taylor and Co.) 2 vols. Westward Ho! London and New York, T. Nelson and Sons Ltd., (no date) Yeast, New York and London, The Co-operative Publication Society, 1899. With the Prefaces to the f i r s t and fourth editions. Essays and Pamphlets:-Biographical Note: Of these essays and pamphlets the most s i g n i f i c a n t publication i s " P o l i t i c s for the People," although "Sanitary - and Social Essays" and the "Selections" may be considered close contenders for second place. The essays i n P o l i t i c s for the People, of which Kingsley only contributed eight, express the highlights of the Chartist troubles of 1848, and are, for their j o u r n a l i s t i c intensity 158 and sympathy,with the workmen, valuable i n showing both Kingsley's sentiments and those of h i s f r i e n d s . S a n i t a r y and S o c i a l Essays are i n t e r e s t i n g expressions of Kingsley with regard to education and s a n i t a t i o n . . Other essays and sermons deal i n turn with many aspects, both r u r a l and urban, a f f e c t i n g n a t i o n a l p r o s p e r i t y and i n t e g r i t y . They have not been works that have i n any way r i v a l e d the fame of the novels. The Good News of God, New York, Burt, Hutchinson and Abbey, 1859. (sermons) P o l i t i c s f o r the People, London, John W. Parker, 1848. Sanitary and S o c i a l Essays, London, MacMillan and Co., 1880, At head t i t l e : "The Works of Charles K i n g s l e y " v o l . X V I I I . S e l e c t i o n s from the Writings of the Reverend Charles Kingsley, London, Strahan and Co., 1873. Sermons f o r the Times, London and New York, MacMillan and Go., 1898. F i r s t pub. 1855. Sermons on Nat i o n a l Subjects: 2nd e d i t i o n under the t i t l e : "The King of the Earth and Other Sermons Preached i n V i l l g g e Church i n 1872ft. • London and New York, MacMillan and Co., 1890, v i i , F i r s t pub. 1852-1854. V i l l a g e , Town and Country Sermons, London, MacMillan and Co., 1897. Westminster Sermons, London, MacMillan and Co. , 1887. At head t i t l e : "The Works of Charles Kingsley, v o l . XXVIII." 159 Biography and C r i t i c i s m : -While not evenly c r i t i c a l , the Letters and Memoirs of His L i f e , edited by Mrs. Kingsley are authentic, and as far as one i s able to discover, i s a work of f i r s t importance regarding, the facts of his l i f e . Of the f r i e n d l y accounts given by followers of Kingsley one may reckon the works of Kaufmann and Stubbs, l i s t e d below, as making the best case possible of Kingsley's s o c i a l schemes. These accounts are not c r i t i c a l . The reading of Greg's Literary and Social Judgments - a contemporary work - would tend to show up Kingsley's flaws, but a more level c r i t i c i s m can be obtained from Baldwin's Charles Kingsley (1934) which weighs the author's virtues and defects without the personal bias of the c r i t i c . Lang's Essays i n L i t t l e added in effect the useful but untrue c r i t i c i s m that the author wrote his works displaying the enthusiasm and mentality of. a boy of sixteen. The other c r i t i c a l works l i s t e d here tend to offset such statements, and to add further details setting Kingsley against his background. Baldwin, S. E,, Charles Kingsley, Ithaca, Hew York, Cornell University Studies in English, 1934, vol. XXV. Benjamin, Lewis S., Victorian Novelists, by Lewis M e l v i l l e , ,/pseud] ... London, A. Constable and Co., 1906. Dictionary of National Biography, ed. by Leslie Stephen and Sidney Lee... London, Smith, Elder and Co., 1908-09. 22 v. Greg, W. R., Literary and Social Judgments, (1869), Boston, James R. Osgoode and Co. 1873. (See Chapter, 160 "Kingsley and Garlyle".) Harrison, Frederic, Studies in Early Victorian Literature, London and New York, ;1895). Hutton, Richard Holt, Essays on some of the English Guides to thought in Matters of Faith, London and New York, MacMillan and Co., 1887. Kaufmann, Moritz, Charles Kingsley, Christian S o c i a l i s t and Soc i a l Reformer, London, Methuen and Co., 1892. Kingsley, Mrs. Charles, ed., Charles Kingsley,His Letters and Memories of His Life,- London, C. Kegan Paul and Co., 1878, 2 vols. Lang, Andrew, Essays i n L i t t l e , London, Henry and Co., 1891. (See Essay on Kingsley.) Murray, R» H., Studies in English Social and P o l i t i c a l Thinkers of the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge, \7. fief fa-and Sons Ltd., 1929. Stephen, S i r L e s l i e , Hours i n a Library, London, Smith Elder and Co., 1899. Vol. I l l , pp.21-64. Stubbs, C. W., Charles Kingsley and the Christian S o c i a l i s t Movement, London, Blackie and Sons Ltd., 1900. Periodicals: Blackwood's Magazine, "Review of Alton Locke", I x v i i i 592-610, November, 1850. Blackwood's'Magazine, "The Rev. Charles Kingsley," I x x v i i , 625-43, June, 1855. 161 Boyd, A.K.K., "Charles Kingsley", Fraser' s Magazine. xcv 254-268, February, 1877. Edinburgh Review, "Review, of"Letters and Memories," cxlv, 415-46, A p r i l 1877. Fraser's Magazine, "Review of Westward Hoi". l i . 506-17, May 1855. Helps, S i r Arthur, "Review of Letters and Memories", Mac-Mill a n ' s Magazine, XXXV, 337-4S, March 1877. Lecky, William E. H., "Garlyle's Message to His Age," The Contemporary Review, Ix, 521-28, Oct. 1891. Maurice, Frederick D., "Mr. Kingsley and The Saturday Review". MacMillan's Magazine,.i. 116-119, Dec. 1859. Simcox, George A., Review of "Letters and Memories", The Fortnightly Review, xxi, 10-31, Jan. 1, 1877. Nineteenth Century Social Thought Under th i s heading I include some of the standard works that cover altogether the entire f i e l d of s o c i a l problems. Of th i s group T r a i l l ' s S o c i a l England, Vol.VI, and Webb's History of Trade Unionism were of f i r s t importance. Slosson's account of the Chartist movement gave aiuch exact and useful d e t a i l including quantitative statements. Lockwood's Tools and the Man, containing a summary of Thomas Cooper's l i f e added further information of similar importance. Garlyle, Thomas, Chartism, London, Chapman H a l l , 1919 (?). Garlyle, Thomas, The French Resolution, London, Chapman H a l l . 162 Carlyle, Thomas, Past and Present, London, J.H.Dent and Sons, 1919. Carlyle, Thomas, Sartor Resartus, London, Chapman Hall, Ltd., 1889. Coleridge, S.T., Aids to Reflection, and Confessions of an Enquiring S p i r i t , London, G. B e l l and Sons Ltd., 1913. E l i o t , George, F e l i x Holt, Philadelphis, University Library Association, (no date). Gaskell, Mrs., Mary Barton, '[The Works of Mrs. Gaskell, i vol.1, London, Smith Elder and Co., 1906. Maurice, Frederick D., Social Morality, [Twenty-one sermons delivered i n the University of CambridgeJ, London, MacMillan and Co., 1869. Lockwood, Helen D r u s i l l a , Ph.D., Tools and the Man, New York, Columbia University Press, 1927. A comparative study of the French workingman and the English Chartists of 1830 to 1848. Slosson, P.W., The Decline of the Chartist Movement by Preston William Slosson, Ph.D., New York, Columbia University Press, [ e t c . , e t c . j , 1916. (Studies i n history, economics and public law,red.oby the Faculty of p o l i t i c a l science of Columbia Univ.) ( Y o l . l x i i i , no.2: whole no. 172) Ruskin, John, Unto This Last, and Other Essays, London, J . M. Dent, and Sons Ltd., 1932. Shaw, Frederick John, The S o c i a l i s t Movement in England, by Brougham V i l l i e r s , [pseud".] London,. T.F. Unwin, 1908. 163 T r a i l l , H. D., and Maun, J.S., Social England. 1815-1885, London, Gassell and Go. Ltd., 1904. A well-accepted account of s o c i a l conditions of the nineteenth century, t h i s book provided some background material.' Trevelyan, G. M., The L i f e of John Bright, I l l u s t r a t e d , new ed., London, Constable and Co.,Ltd., 1925. Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, The History of Trade Unionism, rev. ed. extended to 1920, New York, Longmans, Green and Co., 1920. Woodworth, A. V., Christian Socialism-,in England, S. Sonnen-schein and Co., Ltd.; New York, G. Scribner's Sons, 1903. Young, Norwood, Garlyle, His Rise and F a l l , London, . Duckworth, 1927. Encyclopaedia Britannica, Fourteenth Ed., London and New York. A r t i c l e s : Kingsley, Charles Christian Socialism P o l i t i c a l Economy 

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