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Changing social and economic organization among the Rupert House Cree Knight, Rolf 1962

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CHANGING-SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION AMONG THE RUPERT HOUSE CREE by ROLF KNIGHT B.A., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1959 This thesis i s submitted i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept th i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1962 / In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis f o r scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date v i ABSTRACT This thesis i s based mainly upon f i e l d work among the Cree community at Rupert House, Quebec, i n the summer of 1 9 6 1 . I have documented the present range i n the composition and a c t i v i t y of production and consumption groups and indicated change over the l a s t s i x t y years. This description i s set i n the frame of major changes that have occurred i n the habitat and the external s o c i a l environment. The nature of the t r a n s i -t i o n a l taiga-tundra biome i s delineated. Changes i n the manner and extent of i t s e x p l o i t a t i o n are described. Certain changes i n the plant community have led to the replacement of herd caribou by s o l i t a r y moose5 t h i s i n conjunction with new tools has allowed f o r decrease i n the size of trapping-hunting groups. Nevertheless, trapping-groups have remained larger, on the average, than the nuclear family. This i s due to the s t i l l desirable aid and cooperation of more than one adult man while trapping. Country foods are shown to play a major role i n consumption despite the decline i n the u t i l i z a t i o n of c e r t a i n resources. I t i s suggested that the importance of country food has been underestimated by some writers who have not f u l l y appreciated the use of fur animals f o r food. The Rupert House community retains the features of a trapping society despite the f a c t that t h i s source provides the smallest proportion of community income. The reason f o r t h i s i s v i i that trapping s t i l l i s the major source of income f o r close to h a l f of the commensal groups. This s i t u a t i o n serves to emphasise the unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of wage labour and the d i f f e r e n t i a l income within the community. Yet, even those fa m i l i e s which do receive s i g n i f i c a n t amounts of wage income are dependent upon trapping f o r necessary additional increments. Furthermore, by f a r the largest amount of country food and nearly a l l of the strategic meat i s taken while trapping. During l a t e f a l l and winter, trapping i s the only important productive a c t i v i t y that can be undertaken. There are two features which characterise Rupert House s o c i a l groups today: 1. the smallness of consumption groups, which i d e a l l y and most usually are l i m i t e d to a nuclear family, and 2. the r e l a t i v e f l u i d i t y i n membership of trapping groups. The e f f e c t s and demands of ecology are not uniformly r e f l e c t e d i n a l l facets of community l i f e or s o c i a l organization. The organization of production groups shows the necessary adjustment to the economy and environment much more c l e a r l y than does the organization of consumption groups. A t h i r d d i s t i n c t grouping intermediate to commensal and productive groups exists i n the form of spring and summer r e s i d e n t i a l units. These units arise when people are most free to arrange themselves as they wish and not as i t i s economically necessary to. Summer residence units show more c l e a r l y than any other the extra commensal arrangements which families would l i k e to maintain. A few extensions through post marital residence or through s i b l i n g coresidence does not a f f e c t the b a s i c a l l y nuclear character of even summer r e s i d e n t i a l groups. v i i i The establishment of v i r t u a l band endogamy from an e a r l i e r condition of a 2C$+ rate of i n t e r band marriage i s traced through parish records. I t i s suggested that the seeming unimportance and disappearance of extended kin r e l a t i o n s at Rupert House today may be an adjustment to endogamy. No findings were made i n the mechanisms or adaptive advantage i n the establishment of endogamy. A very marked difference i n the income and standard of l i v i n g of Rupert House commensal groups was found to e x i s t . A common administrative b e l i e f that some sort of p a r i t y between such groups i s established by the variable e x p l o i t a t i o n of d i f f e r e n t resources and through extensive sharing was found to be untrue. The o v e r a l l picture of l o c a l s o c i a l organization i s one of marked s i m p l i f i c a t i o n during the l a s t f o r t y years due to new productive techniques and new Hudson fs Bay Company transport and operation p o l i c i e s . A former elaborate s o c i a l hierarchy of "White Hudson's Bay Company o f f i c e r s , Metis artisans and i n t e r -mediaries, Indian workers, and trappers has given way to a c l e a r -cut d i v i s i o n of White administrators and Indian trappers. i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page HIEFACE 1 Chapter I HABITAT AND ECOLOGY . 9 1. Topography and Climate 9 2. The Plant Community 15 3. The Animal Community 19 II THE EXTERNAL AGENCIES, TODAY AND YESTERDAY 39 Traders k2 (a) The Hudson's Bay Company at Rupert House k2 (b) R e v i l l o n Brothers *+9 Church and State ..... 51* (a) The Missions 5k (b) The Hudson's Bay Company, Mrs. Watt and Beaver Conservation 63 Contact with Other Communities 72 I I I ECONOMIC AND PRODUCTIVE ORGANIZATION 7k 1. Income: Subsidies, Wages, Trapping 75 (a) Subsidies 76 (b) Wages 79 (c) Trapping 8k 2. Expenditures and Consumption......... 86 (a) Food 87 (b) C a p i t a l Equipment 93 (c) Clothing and Sundries 98 3. D i v i s i o n of Labour 103 i i i Chapter Page k. The Yearly Economic Cycle. I l l 5. Economic A c t i v i t y of Three Selected Commensal Groups 116 (a) A Poor Commensal Group—David S a l t 116 (b) An Average Commensal Group—Sydney Georgekish 123 (c) A Richer Commensal Group—Bertie Diamond 135 IV DEMOGRAPHY AND RESIDENCE PATTERNS 1^ 2 1. The Population..... 1^ 2 2. S o c i a l Groupings: Commensal, Residence and Trapping Groups l*+9 (a) Commensal Groups. 1^ 9 (b) Residence Groups 15*+ (c) Trapping Groups.... 159 3. Marriage and Kinship. l6k k. P o l i t i c a l Organization and Band Membership. 173 V COMPARISONS AND SUMMARY 178 APPENDIX I THE (QUESTION OF FAMILY HUNTING TERRITORY 200 A. Degree of Dependence Upon a Fur Trade Economy; 201 B. Degree of Private Control Over Resources. 201 BIBLIOGRAPHY 210 / i v LIST OF TABLES Page Temperature and .Precipitation Tables f o r Mooson.ee, Cochrane 11 Equipment and Material Goods Introduced Since 1900 kl Cash and Country Foods Used by Sydney Georgekish.. 8 9 Birds, Game and Fur Animals Taken, Rupert House Band September 10, i960 to May 10, 1961 90 C a p i t a l Equipment of Three Select Families: 1. John Blackned 95 2. Sydney Georgekish./.... 96 3. David S a l t 96 Winter Supplies and O u t f i t : October 5 , I 9 6 0 to March 10, 196l--George Diamond Family 101 Approximate Annual Expenditures of George Diamond Family: September 1, i960 to August 30, 1961 103 D i v i s i o n of Labour by Sex—Adults 105 D i v i s i o n of A c t i v i t y by Age... 109 Breakdown of Community Income f o r Three East James Bay Settlements: September 1, i960 to August 31, 1961 179 Consumption of Country Foods: Attawapiscat, 19^7-19^8.. 181 Rupert House, I 9 6 O-I96I l 8 l Annual Cash Income of Various Woodland Communities 185 V LIST GF CHARTS Chart Page 1 B i r t h s , As Recorded i n Rupert House's Parish Baptism Records. lk6 2 Numbers and Ages of Deceased, As Recorded i n Rupert House's Parish Records lh? 3 Age/Sex D i s t r i b u t i o n of Present Rupert House Population lk8 k Composition of Trapping Groups Operative During F a l l and Winter Season, 1 9 6 0 - 1 9 6 1 1 6 3 5 Movement i n Flow of Women by Marriage as Indi-cated by Parish Records at Rupert House 1 7 0 LIST OF MAPS Map of Band Area (Frontpiece to Chapter I) Map of Rupert House Settlement (Frontpiece to Chapter IV) 1 PREFACE Between June 13 and August 30? 1961, I c a r r i e d out f i e l d work i n the east James Bay area f o r the National Museum of Canada. The general terms of the study were to carry out a general s o c i a l and economic survey of the Cree community at Rupert House, Quebec, and to document changing re l a t i o n s h i p s of the community to the environment i n the l a s t s i x t y years with emphasis on the question of family hunting t e r r i t o r i e s . After ten days at the National Museum i n Ottawa, spent i n f a m i l i a r i s i n g myself with unpublished material on the general area, I proceeded to Moosonee, Ontario (end of s t e e l f o r the Ontario Northland Railway and the regional shipping, administration, and service centre f o r James and Hudson Bay communities). On June 13 I flew to Rupert House on a bi-weekly, one hour, $12.10, Austin Airways f l i g h t . My accommodations were i n i t i a l l y provided by Mrs. Maud Watt, Quebec F i s h and Game warden and long time resident, i n her house. After a week I was able to secure a cabin f o r myself. This arrangement proved very much more conducive to f r u i t f u l discussions, interviews, and v i s i t i n g i n general. I had expected to r e l y heavily upon participant-observation, l i v i n g with an Indian family i f possible. I had found t h i s technique eminently s a t i s f y i n g and successful during an e a r l i e r (1957 -1958). nine-month stay among urban-poor Yoruba i n the close packed 2 native wards of Lagos and Ibadan. I soon found that, because of the housing pattern, the people, and my s e m i - o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n , p a rticipant observation would not be f e a s i b l e at Rupert House and that I would be forced to r e l y upon f a i r l y formal interviews, usually with the a i d of an i n t e r p r e t e r , and more personal discussions with c e r t a i n select i n d i v i d u a l s . I had thought that a b r i e f genealogical survey and a study of the h i s t o r y and present s o c i a l organization of the l o c a l canoe factory would prove to be the easiest and most innocuous points of entry to an o v e r a l l community study. As i t turned out, the l o c a l people were supremely uninterested i n talking about or generalising upon kinship behaviour. Despite common advice f o r anthropological f i e l d work, genealogy was the most del i c a t e of t o p i c s . I l l e g i t i m a c y was at some point dispersed through many f a m i l i e s and was considered shameful, at l e a s t i n the presence of Whites. D i f f i c u l t y arose also i n the case of the canoe factory. The Indian foreman took a strong stand against what he interpreted as spying or just p l a i n snooping; t h i s made my discussions with the Indian workmen extremely d i f f i c u l t and what information that was gathered came f i n a l l y from secondhand sources. Fortunately, the terms of my research plan and what was required of i t allowed me to concentrate on f a i r l y objective phenomena-productive techniques, income, group membership and l o c a t i o n . Wherever possible, I attempted to break down more 3 complex phenomena into groups of operational i n d i c a t o r s . For example, when asking about former aid between trapping groups belonging to d i f f e r e n t bands I r e s t r i c t e d myself f i r s t of a l l to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s own experience and used standardised c r i t e r i a , i . e . , was game shared to the same degree, more, l e s s , with other trapping groups of same band and d i f f e r e n t band? What of f u r , ammunition, c a p i t a l equipment? (Inc i d e n t a l l y , the general answer was that formerly aid was s o l e l y dependant on which group was closest and which needed help the most.) Such ind i c a t o r s measure what they say they measure, the d i f f i c u l t y i s whether they adequately represent the s i g n i f i c a n t features of a given phenomenon. While questions concerning ethnic character, a system of values, or even the norms behind s p e c i f i c r o l e s are important, my b e l i e f was that considering my i n a b i l i t y to speak Cree, the shortness of my stay, the general reserve so c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Cree communities, and the f a c t that t h i s t r i p was my f i r s t i n the area, the most productive strategy would be to concentrate primarily upon a l i m i t e d range of f a i r l y clear cut behaviour; behaviour concerned immediately with production and d i s t r i b u t i o n . In marginal subarctic communities, under conditions of p a c i f i c a t i o n and reduced epedimological vectors behaviour concerned with the mobilization of subsistence goods i s l i k e l y the prime determinant of s t a b i l i t y or change. Under the e a r l i e r conditions, but f o r s l i g h t l y longer runs, behaviour concerned with getting s u f f i c i e n t mates may be of almost equal importance f o r population s u r v i v a l and s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y or change. k For the ethnographic aspect of the study I hoped to c o l l e c t s u f f i c i e n t material to allow f o r something comparable to the average Northern A f f a i r s Research monograph. R. W. Dunning's "Social and Economic Change Among the Northern GQibwa" served as a general, o v e r a l l ethnographic guide. In that part of my study concerned with a comprehensive look at family hunting t e r r i t o r i e s , I attempted to make my findings as s t r i c t l y comparable to Eleaner Leacock's "The Montagnais Hunting T e r r i t o r y and the Fur Trade" as possible. Her's i s the f u l l e s t and best summation of the problem and s t r i c t comparability i s es p e c i a l l y important f o r t h i s question. The data (some) gathered i n t h i s area and some i n i t i a l discussion of t h e i r relevance and implications i s here r e s t r i c t e d to an appendix. While these findings might be fragmentally introduced under a l l of the thesis chapters, they make most sense when treated as a whole, directed to the problem which organised the gathering of t h i s data. The amount of data c o l l e c t e d i n t h i s sphere and th e i r integration with e a r l i e r and other published findings demand an extensive separate study. I there-fore propose to give but a b r i e f i n d i c a t i o n of my findings at Eupert House, saving a f u l l e r discussion and analysis of t h i s topic f o r a l a t e r study. My interpreter and p r i n c i p a l informant at Rupert House was W i l l y Wiestchee, a man of twenty-nine who had spent twelve years of h i s childhood i n a Toronto sanitorium. Although he was young and badly crippled he engaged i n a wide range of the hunting and trapping a c t i v i t i e s . Since he was the most p r o f i c i e n t l y b i l i n g u a l i n d i v i d u a l i n the community and since he was quite conversant with the community l i f e and was ready to discuss i t , h i s services were invaluable. One of W i l l y Wiestchee's close f r i e n d s , John Blackned, a successful s i x t y -f i v e year old trapper, proved to be the most concise, interested, dramatic person I met. I f one could record and translate h i s l i f e h i s t o r y as he t o l d i t one would have a powerful and revealing biography. My two prime older informants were Mathew Cowboy (85) and H a r r i e t Whiskeychan (82). Both of these people had l e d long active l i v e s ; but, while they s t i l l had a great deal to recount, their memories were fading with i l l n e s s and confinement. I found i t easier, quicker, and more r e l i a b l e to t a l k to someone i n h i s f i f t i e s or s i x t i e s whenever possible. Apart from Wi l l y Wiestchee, my primary informants for current s o c i a l and economic organization were Sydney Georgekish, 38, and Louisa Diamond, 37. Although both were considerably aceulturated they belonged to very active hunting and trapping groups and were pleasant and knowledgeable. About a h a l f dozen older men were interviewed from two to s i x times each. Almost every household was talked to at l e a s t once i n a house-to-house survey. I was i n i t i a l l y somewhat perturbed by the f a c t that the l o c a l people didn't want to talk to me and i n f a c t occasion-a l l y constructed strategems to avoid my v i s i t . This behaviour was i n marked contrast to my Nigerian experience. The response 6 of the people at Rupert House was not personal, I l i k e to think, but ra.ther directed toward a l l White meddling. I n i t i a l i n t e r -views were almost always strained and forced, being conducted only because the interviewee was too p o l i t e to refuse me. Later, interviews with my more regular informants became more fr e e , but I was at no time integrated i n t o the community. Towards the end of my stay i n c i p i e n t v i s i t i n g r e l a t i o n s were established between myself and some of the f a m i l i e s . When I arrived at Rupert House I was loathe to consider establishing t i e s based on g i f t s or money. Nevertheless, I soon found that a general largesse and g i f t s to s p e c i f i c informants was the most rapid and economic method of proceeding. In the l o c a l frame of ethics t h i s now seems quite proper; the rel a t i o n s h i p s weren't markedly stigmatized by the t a i n t of money. In the same vein, using a paid, regular i n t e r p r e t e r , while commercial, did give me a continuing r e l a t i o n s h i p with a f a i r l y important person. Furthermore, there was a general f e e l i n g throughout the community that since I was paying W i l l y Wiestchee to int e r p r e t i t devolved upon community members to tal k to me, i n order that W i l l y r e t a i n h i s income. While I f e e l that there are more s a t i s f y i n g and productive f i e l d s ituations I also now believe that money, g i f t s and persistent questioning even when not welcomed may be necessary and s u f f i c i e n t given c e r t a i n f i e l d conditions and cert a i n types of problems. 7 The i n t e r e s t i n g thing about the White community, the biggest i n the immediate area (nine White adults and two children) i s that each person (or family) i s the agent and representative of a d i f f e r e n t powerful organization or govern-mental department whose p o l i c i e s often do not jibe and indeed often c o n f l i c t . In addition, personality c o n f l i c t s between these agents under the s o c i a l l y close quarters often r e s u l t i n a most f a c t i o n a l arrangement of t h i s subgroup. My r e l a t i o n s to t h i s subgroup were, i n general, formally p o l i t e . In view of my l a t e r experiences i n neighbouring communities, I f e e l that the fewer the number of Whites the easier i t i s to work with a community. Despite t h i s f e e l i n g , I believe that some of the older residents of these small White communities can be of immense help i n giving clues to past and present case h i s t o r i e s . Mrs. Maud Watt, fo r instance, has been i n the area for over f o r t y years. Often such Whites have been i n a p o s i t i o n to gather and record more information about the community as a whole than most of the l o c a l people themselves. On August 6, I, my i n t e r p r e t e r , and two companions proceeded to Eastmain (approximately ninety miles north) by canoe. While f i e l d conditions at Eastmain were considerably better than at Rupert House I nevertheless r e s t r i c t e d myself to an eleven-day stay. Interviews were made with select i n d i v i d u a l s . The pattern of questioning was as similar to that c a r r i e d out at Rupert House as possible. On August 19 I flew d i r e c t l y east from Rupert House, one hundred miles up the Rupert River, to the trading post at 8 Nemiscau. The population s i z e , economics, and mobility of the Indians at Nemiscau turned out to be very d i f f e r e n t from those at either Eastmain or Rupert House. There was a phenomenal difference i n the warm, expressive, and independent character of the people of t h i s band. Nemiscau i s the most Isolated post of the entire region. This i s r e f l e c t e d i n the richness of indigenous myths and magic. While my i n i t i a l stay was made i n order mainly to c o l l e c t comparisons f o r Rupert House, I now intend to do additional f i e l d work s o l e l y at Nemiscau. On August 30 I l e f t Nemiscau f o r Moose Factory. This ended my summer's f i e l d t r i p . 9 CHAPTER I HABITAT AND ECOLOGY 1. Topography and Climate The community of Rupert House i s situated near the southeast t i p of James Bay, 78 *+5' West and 51 30' North, about 500 a i r miles northwest of Montreal. I t stands at the mouth of the Rupert River, which formerly served as the major artery f o r a number of inland posts. The topography of the whole area i s quite l e v e l . The land slopes gently upward from sea l e v e l to *f00 to 600 feet elevation at the inland boundaries of the band t e r r i t o r y , 50 to 60 miles up the Rupert Biver from the post. Except for a e r i a l surveys, the whole region has been only ske t c h i l y mapped. Local hunters can usually point out numerous and sometimes major errors i n the largest scale maps that now e x i s t of the area, t h i s applies to r e l i e f contours as well as the l o c a t i o n of streams and lakes. While granites compose the basic rock, much of the area i s covered with a 50 to 100 foot layer of f i n e clay, deposited by p r e - g l a c i a l seas. The land, now r e l i e v e d of i t s g l a c i a l weight, continues to r i s e , recovering evermore area from the shallow bay. The immediate coast f r o n t , from a few hundred feet to about a mile inland, remains somewhat enriched by the actions of 10 sea and i c e — a greater v a r i a b i l i t y of ecotomes e x i s t here than immediately inland, scoured rock outcrops, sand h i l l s , pockets of mixed s o i l . D i r e c t l y behind the coast i s a zone of extremely f l a t t e r r a i n broken by numerous shallow and meandering streams. Despite these streams, the even t e r r a i n , combined with the impervious nature of the clay surface has produced extensive t r a c t s of badly drained muskeg. This zone extends inland from the coast to a variable distance of 30 to 50 miles. As one proceeds farther inland a more varied and broken topography develops—rock outcrops, low ridges, more d e f i n i t e water channels. Lakes, which are neither large nor numerous i n the f i r s t inland zone, become deeper, lar g e r , and more numerous. This change i s quite gradual (Nemiscau, 90 miles up the Rupert River from the coast i s s t i l l only 750 feet above sea l e v e l ) . Despite the low slope gradient, extensive f a u l t i n g has produced numerous rapids i n most r i v e r s . Rivers vary considerably i n their rate of flow, their s i z e , and number of rapids. These differences have major importance f o r l o c a l transportation and the a v a i l a b i l i t y of winter f i s h i n g s i t e s . There are f i v e major r i v e r s passing through the Rupert House area; from north to south, the Jack, Pontax, Rupert, Broadback and Kottaway Rivers. The Rupert Biver can be used to reach as f a r inland as Lake M i s t a s s i n i , about 300 r i v e r miles east. The Nottaway i s an equally long and navigable r i v e r but one which was not as extensively used f o r inland transport. The Pontax River i s used extensively f o r transportation within the 11 area trapped by Rupert House people. Rapids make i t unfeasible to use the mid and upper reaches of the Jack and Broadback Rivers f o r transportation but the lower reaches of these two watercourses provide the only coastal s i t e s where winter f i s h i n g , through the i c e , can be car r i e d out. A l l the other r i v e r s have a series of rapids near t h e i r mouths. These rapids remain open over winter. They produce broken i c e pans which f l o a t beneath the frozen surface of the downstream r i v e r and carry away nets which have been set through the i c e . Rupert House l i e s within the b e l t of subarctic climate, those lands "where the mean temperature i s not higher than 50 F. f o r more than four months of the year and where the mean tempera-ture of the coldest month i s not more than 32 F." The summers are short, mainly July and August, but quite hot. The nearest Federal meteorological s t a t i o n , at Moosonee, gives these temperature readings: Station: Moosonee, Ontario Mean temperature: dry bulb readings; degrees fahrenheit. Period: 19»+1 - 1950 Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May June July Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. -3 -3 12 26 ko 53 60 58 50 kl 25 6 I t must be remembered that these are average monthly temperatures, that actual temperatures fluctuate sharply by time of day, from day to day, and from one year to another. While temperature ranges are not available f o r the Moosonee sta t i o n , an approximate 12 idea of t h e i r extremes can be gotten from readings taken at Cochrane, the next nearest meteorological s i t e . But, whereas1 Moosonee very c l o s e l y approximates the conditions found at Rupert House post, those of Cochrane, approximately 100 miles south, i s more continental, somewhat more severe, and closer to the conditions i n the i n t e r i o r of the Rupert House band t e r r i t o r y . Station: Cochrane, Ontario Monthly temperature range; i n degrees fahrenheit. Period: 1925 - 19*+6 Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May June July Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. 33 36 k6 66 82 87 89 87 83 71 52 h2 -36 -31 -21 0 20 30 38 36 28 16 -7 -28 The p r e c i p i t a t i o n records f o r Moosonee l i k e l y p a r a l l e l the Rupert House conditions c l o s e l y . Only figures for long-term averages are ava i l a b l e . Furthermore, i t i s to be expected that Rupert House post and Moosonee because of the i r proximity to the winter pack i c e (which i n 1961 blocked James Bay u n t i l l a t e June) have a somewhat d i f f e r e n t p r e c i p i t a t i o n schedule than the inland areas. Station: Moosonee, Ontario Average monthly p r e c i p i t a t i o n ; i n inches. Period: 1906 - 19^6 The upper row of figures r e f e r s to the t o t a l amount of p r e c i p i t a t i o n , both r a i n and snow, f o r that month. Ten inches 13 of snow i s considered equivalent to one inch of water. The lower fig u r e refers to that part of the t o t a l p r e c i p i t a t i o n that i s snow ( i n inches of snow). Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May June July Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. l A 1 1.3 1.1 1.6 2 2.3 3 2.if 1.7 1 l.*f lit 10 11 6 3 .5 - - 2.5 8 13 Freeze up and break up are the two most important and dramatic seasonal changes. Modes of transportation and hunting-trapping techniques change r a d i c a l l y with the freezing of the waterways. Frosts occur by mid-September, snow f a l l s and remains throughout October. These events herald the beginning of another natural year to the l o c a l people. On approximately November 10 the weather turns very cold and within four or f i v e days the r i v e r s , lakes and swamps are covered with a thick sheet of i c e . One can now t r a v e l safely by sled or toboggan over the former water surfaces (which, of course, are l e v e l and bush f r e e ) . Freeze up r a r e l y varies more than a week from the usual date. The next period i s demarcated by Christmas or New Year. Many people now concentrate on trapping f i n e fur u n t i l Christmas, bringing i n these pelts to the post and buying additional supplies at the end of December. This i s the time when fur prices are at a premium. In early January the weather becomes extremely cold. Most of the beaver trapping i s at present done during t h i s coldest period i n January and February. In the past, when groups frequently were dependent upon subsistence hunting on a day-to-day basis, these were dangerous months. Poor clothing and malnutri-tion i n addition to cold weather would often force a group to 'hole up' i n t h e i r camp for a week and more at a time. March becomes progressively warmer and around A p r i l 1 the sun begins to r a p i d l y melt the snow. Throughout the end of A p r i l rotten i c e and extensive pools formed by the melting snow make t r a v e l impossible. In the past, these weeks often brought groups close to starvation. Breakup i s a slower process than freeze up; i t i s not u n t i l the middle of May that the r i v e r s are s u f f i c i e n t l y free of i c e pans to make t r a v e l by canoe f e a s i b l e . With May begins the cool, pre-summer spring, but occasional snow f l u r r i e s are not unusual. During these wet periods (May and June) most children and many adults have con-t i n u a l colds, some f a i r l y serious. This i s the period when epidemics of children's diseases are most l i k e l y to catch h o l d — whooping cough and pneumonia are s t i l l dangerous, e s p e c i a l l y i n those communities without a resident nurse. This s i t u a t i o n i s greatly aggravated by the greater concentration of population on the post. Summer i s mainly r e s t r i c t e d to July and August. Hot, humid, and lazy days are followed by cool, and sometimes c h i l l y nights. While c e r t a i n r i s e s and coastal s i t e s , the Rupert House post being one, are r e l a t i v e l y f l y f r e e , the bush and stream banks swarm with clouds of voracious f l i e s and mosquitoes. 15 2. The Plant Community If one f l i e s over the area i n summer the impression created i s that the t e r r a i n below i s one vast, very good, abstract painting. Like a good abstract the forms and colours, seen only from this perspective and never from the ground, have meaning and show causal r e l a t i o n s h i p s . As i n an abstract, one must bring some understanding to bear. From the open, brown and yellow green of the tamarack muskeg f l i c k e r s a constant g l i t t e r of water, as i f these colours had been speckled over a mirror. Bands of darker trees f i l l i g r e e the yellow green, showing where s l i g h t r i s e s or hidden drainage streams allow stands of spruce. The larger streams and r i v e r s are swathed i n borders of woody brown and green and are spotted by rapids. The major t r a i l s are e a s i l y d i scernible from the a i r as they etch across the canvas;. While the basic components of t h i s biome are few and r e p e t i t i v e , there are very few f i e l d s that are uniform. A small patch of muskeg from the a i r , w i l l appear to be composed of r a d i a t i n g waves or l i n e s of forces, the pulsating texture so reminiscent of some Canadian impressionists. These are the density and height gradients of muskeg growth set by the micro drainage d i f f e r e n t i a l s of t h i s small patch. The eastern and south eastern sections of the band t e r r i t o r y become more t r u l y wooded; the glimmer of water i s r e s t r i c t e d to d e f i n i t e lakes and streams, a l e v e l of 500 to 700 feet i s reached. The merging and f l u i d i t y of the f i r s t zone, 16 which composes over one-half of the t o t a l band t e r r i t o r y and wherein the majority of the population trap, gives way to a true northern Canadian taiga. Vegetation maps generally characterise the entire region as spruce-hemlock taiga. As I have already pointed out, t h i s i s not exactly true for the Rupert House area. Tamarack, because of i t s high water and alkaline tolerance, i s the only tree that grows i n severe muskeg. Even so, i n the most swampy areas, tamarack becomes shrub-like and very sparse. These sparse and bare stands are associated with a thick r i c h carpet of mosses and l i c h e n spreads, which can f l o u r i s h here but not where i t must compete with denser f o r e s t growth. Such swamps are the winter feeding grounds of the woodland caribou herds. As one approaches r i s e s and higher ground, dwarf tamarack gives way to f u l l size tamarack which f i r s t merges with and then gives way to spruce. A l l the banks and a n t i c l i n e s of the r i v e r s and larger streams are dominated by spruce. Hemlock, as f a r as I.could determine by enquiry, i s completely absent from the whole area. Spruce demand comparatively well-drained s o i l . The average maximum size f o r tamarack varies from two to three inches diameter and eight to ten feet height f o r the muskeg va r i e t y to four to f i v e inches and f i f t e e n to twenty feet for the larger phenotypes. Mature spruce, under these conditions average s i x to eight inches i n diameter with a height of t h i r t y to t h i r t y - f i v e f e et. 17 Poplar, willow and birch copses l i n e the c l i n e s of the larger stream and r i v e r banks and the sides of ponds and lakes. These trees are usually found i n the immediate v i c i n i t y of lakes and streams f o r they demand considerable water yet e f f e c t i v e drainage as well . Birch i s now exceedingly rare near the coast, (the nearest grove to Rupert House i s at the mouth of the Broadback River) although i t i s more common i n the i n t e r i o r and southern zones of the band t e r r i t o r y . In the past, when birch bark was of greater importance, f o r canoe coverings, u t e n s i l s , tenting etc., numerous birch items came from the people of the inland bands, whose t e r r i t o r i e s contained more and better qu a l i t y birch stands. The actual wood i t s e l f i s favoured i n the manufacture of wooden utensils and arrows because birch i s the hardest wood i n the v i c i n i t y . Tamarack, because of i t s toughness and r e s i l i a n c e was favoured f o r the making of bows and i s now used i n snowshoe and sled manufacture. Spruce i s the most usual firewood while willows are used wherever f l e x i b i l i t y and springyness are an asset. Willow bark i s s t i l l used f o r dying but spruce root f i b e r s have not been used as thread f o r over a generation. Poplar branches are the prime beaver b a i t . Isolated groves of dwarf cedar are located up and down the coast and on some of the highest r i s e s and r i v e r banks i n the f i r s t inland zone. The r i b s of the l o c a l l y manufactured canoes were made exclusively from t h i s cedar but over-exploitation has reduced the groves to one of 18 marginal value. Because of the distance of the groves from Rupert House, the l o c a l canoe factory i s even planning to import semi-finished r i b s because the l o c a l people do not f e e l that the price paid for cedar shakes i s worth the time i t takes to get them. F i n a l l y , occasional stands of Jack pine occur on the infrequent sand h i l l s spotted near the coast. Lush growths of grasses and weeds l i e on the narrow f l a t s bordering r i v e r s and streams. These and the p r o l i f i c water plants that develop during the summer provide the favoured summer feeding ground f o r moose, and to a lesser extent, caribou (which are driven to the water during t h i s time by clouds of bloodthirsty deer f l i e s ) . From mid-July to early August wild strawberries, salmon berries, and rose hips ripen; wild currants are available throughout August, while early September brings i n blueberries. Cranberries, which ripen i n l a t e September are kept fresh and edible i n the snow and can be picked to provide a fresh delicacy throughout the winter ( i f one can f i n d a patch). Only blueberries grow i n s u f f i c i e n t concentration and profusion to make preserva-t i o n f e a s i b l e ; dried blueberries and blueberry capote, as well as the blueberry ingredient i n f i s h and meat pemmican, were important i n the recent past but not today. A l l the other berries are picked casually f o r snacks. Strawberries are e s p e c i a l l y enjoyed and the l o c a t i o n of r i c h patches w i l l be an important determin-ant i n deciding the l o c a t i o n of occasional p i c n i c - l i k e outings that are c a r r i e d on i n the summer. 1 9 3. The Animal Community Beginning about 1 9 0 0 and reaching a peak i n the early 1 9 2 0 ' s numerous and extensive f i r e s swept the area, e s p e c i a l l y the more wooded zones on the east and south of the band t e r r i -tory. This had great importance f o r the population structure of large game. The Rupert House area was o r i g i n a l l y the juncture fo r Ungava barren ground and woodland caribou herds. Some of the chief differences between these two sub species i s the larger i n d i v i d u a l size of Ungava caribou, t h e i r larger herds and the , longer and more regular character of t h e i r migrations. This sub species was of course seasonal i n the area, appearing only i n winter, while the woodland caribou were resident throughout the year. Woodland caribou make migrations of l e s s than f i f t y miles during a year. The basic subsistence staple f o r caribou i s moss. Caribou are therefore dependent upon a tundra or north taiga climax biome since an adequate layer of moss takes about twenty years to develop. The aforementioned f i r e s eliminated large t r a c t s f o r use by caribou and at the same time opened extensive new niches fo r moose (that were penetrating the borders of t h i s area i n their continuing expansion over the continent). Moose, l i k e deer, are a sub climax animal par excellence. They can neither survive i n dense woods nor i n open plains; they are animals of the margins, dependent upon brushy f i e l d s and secondary f o r e s t . The main di e t of moose, although there i s considerable seasonal 20 v a r i a t i o n , i s shrubs and le a f f o l i a g e , while moose and caribou do not d i r e c t l y compete f o r subsistence resources, there being only a minor overlap i n the i r respective shrub and moss eating patterns, the continuing replacement of caribou by moose i s i n d i r e c t l y dependent upon moose demography. Heavy moose populations feed so i n t e n s i v e l y as to maintain the more open, secondary and sub climax nature of a biome. This of course makes the reestablishment of caribou populations much more d i f f i c u l t . While moose and deer populations compete d i r e c t l y f o r the same resources, the northern l o c a t i o n of t h i s area and the ubiquitious summer swamps have disallowed the spread of deer, a s t r i c t l y dry land animal. Caribou have only recently begun to reappear i n any number throughout the area. These are primarily woodland caribou, the Ungava barrens species having been d e c i -mated almost to the point of extinction by more northern hunters. This game replacement pattern has relevance f o r the a c t i v i t y and organisation of the Indian groups dependent to some degree upon hunting. Caribou and moose have quite d i f f e r e n t behaviour patterns and these of course must be reckoned with when hunting. Caribou are herd animals while moose are s o l i t a r y animals. Caribou are notoriously stupid and e a s i l y hunted c r e a t u r e s — t h e i r actions are highly predictable; they can be 21 herded and driven i n any d i r e c t i o n by just a few men. They constantly group up, even when attacked by man. I f a hunter or hunters can manage to bring down the lead animal the r e s t of the herd m i l l about aimlessly (for up to a minute or two) u n t i l a new leader i s established. Even after a number of the i r members have been shot, a caribou herd w i l l often just move a short distance and group up. The larger number of animals together make caribou easier to detect and to follow, although t h e i r manner of stationing guard animals makes them d i f f i c u l t to stalk. Moose, on the other hand, usually t r a v e l alone f o r most of the year although females w i l l often be accompanied by t h e i r c a l f or y e a r l i n g . Pour or f i v e moose yarding together i n winter conditions w i l l be an uncommon and maximum concentration. Moose are, furthermore, extremely e r r a t i c . This makes stalking and t r a i l i n g somewhat more d i f f i c u l t . When disturbed a moose may move r a p i d l y out of the entire v i c i n i t y , often completely out of the distance the hunter can cover. There are only two features, of lesser importance, i n which moose are l e s s adaptive than c a r i b o u — when frightened they t r a v e l shorter distances each day (one and a h a l f to two miles) which makes i t more f e a s i b l e to follow old moose t r a i l s than those of caribou, and moose respond to c a l l s during the mating season whereas caribou do not. However, moose are not only more suited to the recently developed biome of the area but also are generally a more e f f e c t i v e species i n an environment containing armed hunters. 22 The importance of these differences and the species replacement to the l o c a l hunting arrangements are several. With the formerly used muskets i t was absolutely e s s e n t i a l that there be groups of at l e a s t four or f i v e hunters available to shoot caribou. With muskets, i t was necessary to either drive the animals into an ambush where hunters were waiting or to stalk only the guard animals. Muskets did not have s u f f i c i e n t range and were too slow i n loading f o r a single hunter to get more than one animal at best. At le a s t one, and usually two men were needed to drive the animals, and as many to ambush them as possible. The mother-in-law of one of my informants (David S a l t ) had gone out on a number of such drives h e r s e l f . One way i n which the f i r i n g speed of muskets was increased was by placing a number of b a l l s i n the mouth and dropping t h i s shot immediately upon the powder. The s p i t t l e usually kept the b a l l s u f f i c i e n t l y i n place so that the weapon could be f i r e d . The time needed to put i n wadding and tamping was thus obviated. But f o r t h i s same reason i t was necessary to be a l l the c l o s e r to the target; such a load would be even moderately accurate at only a short distance. Numbers of early on-the-spot anthropological notes ref e r to the understandably sloppy and i n e f f i c i e n t way i n which Cree used t h e i r weapons, usually laying the answer at the door of some i r r a t i o n a l value or c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . Obviously, had they understood the behaviour of the hunted animals and the techniques available to the hunters i n adapting, reasons would have been clear. Although the introduction of r i f l e s has very r a d i c a l l y changed t h i s pattern i t i s s t i l l desirable to have more men on a caribou hunt than when hunting moose. This animal replacement, when combined with the new weapons, has most decidedly l e d to the p o s s i b i l i t y of smaller hunting-trapping groups. Another aspect of the change i s that i n caribou hunting a successful k i l l gives more animals and more meat than the hunters and t h e i r f a m i l i e s can immediately use. Meat can of course be l e f t to freeze i n winter or can be smoked i n other seasons, but t h i s i s only done with some part of i t . The larger amount of meat obtained on most caribou k i l l s , as opposed to moose k i l l s , makes i t more possible and more advantageous to share game with members of other trapping-hunting groups. While the same ethics of sharing apply (even now) to both moose and caribou, i t i s most often that caribou i s shared, simply because there i s nearly always enough of i t to l a s t the hunter and to go around to other groups as well. I t i s also my guess that sharing would be reinforced by the greater f l u c t u a t i o n of success and f a i l u r e that occurs i n caribou hunting as opposed to moose hunting. F i n a l l y , i t seems l i k e l y that i n the past the importance and greater prevalence of caribou must have favoured separate hunts f o r these large game animals. Because moose stay closer to watercourses where most of the trapping i s done, one i s more 2k l i k e l y to run across a moose while trapping than a caribou. This makes i t unnecessary to carry on as many separate hunts (although separate hunts f o r moose do s t i l l occur). Caribou are most common just inland from the coast and throughout the more open areas of the f i r s t inland zone. While some were recently taken on the very outskirts of Rupert House, the immediate v i c i n i t y i s badly overhunted f o r these animals. Moose do not appear on the coastal margins or i n the muskeg area of the f i r s t inland zone; they do, however, inhabit a l l the reaches of the Nottaway system down to the mouth and the entire southern and southeastern sections of the Rupert House t e r r i t o r y . Brown and black bears are scattered throughout the region, i n the wooded sections and along the larger r i v e r s . While the bear meat i s eaten, i t i s the autumn f a t which i s e s p e c i a l l y prized as a winter supplement of cooking tallow. The fur i s valued f o r ornaments and bedding. The bear i s the only animal to which r i t u a l actions are applied. He i s a powerful creature, more human than any of the other animals, and to be respected. Before a hunter shoots one, or takes one from a trap, he speaks to i t . After the animal i s skinned, i t s s k u l l and claws are nailed to a tree so that no dogs or other animals can v i o l a t e them. U n t i l recently a s p e c i a l r i t u a l i n skinning was observed, the hunter having to skin and clean the bear within h i s own tent, making ce r t a i n that due respect was c a r r i e d out. These procedures are no longer common for men under t h i r t y . 25 The James Bay Gree were u n t i l recently a good example of an extant generalized hunting and gathering population; i . e . , "those peoples dependent f o r sustenance on a wide v a r i e t y of foods obtained by hunting and c o l l e c t i n g methods i n patterns which change seasonally and among whom food storage and preserva-t i o n are of l i t t l e or no consequence" ( J . B. B i r d s e l l , 1958, Evolution, v o l . 12). One aspect of t h i s low socio-economic l e v e l i s the large dependence upon small animals f o r sustenance. This f a c t was c r u c i a l to e a r l i e r discussions of t e r r i t o r i a l organiza-t i o n i n t h i s area. My f i n d i n g indicates that small animals which could not be conserved, which indeed are subject to marked natural c y c l i c a l change (e s p e c i a l l y rabbits and grouse) were at times and i n c e r t a i n coastal locations, more important f o r subsistence than beaver. In d i s t i n c t i o n to Leacock's findings f o r the Montagnais of the recent past, I found small game, f i s h , and birds to be of greater importance as a food source at Rupert House i n the immediate past than large game. Hares are d i s t r i b u t e d throughout.the entire band region. They are generally much les s numerous i n swampy and muskeg areas than i n open woodland. The coastal margins and an area extending some miles inland are p a r t i c u l a r l y r i c h i n rabbits. The southern reaches of the band land, e s p e c i a l l y the upper Nottaway systems, are puportedly not heavily populated by rabbits; other statements lead me to believe that the r e l a t i v e abundance of larger game i n t h i s area makes dependence on and i n t e r e s t i n small game l e s s 26 than t h e i r actual numbers allow. Nevertheless considerable v a r i a t i o n i n the number of small game animals exists between the trapping areas assigned to d i f f e r e n t men. Present poorer f a m i l i e s (where the adult trapper through some handicap i s not able to e f f e c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n beaver trapping and who i s therefore dependent more on subsistence a c t i v i t i e s to supplement f i n e fur earnings) s t i l l r e l y to a considerable extent on t h i s game. In the past, rabbit skins also provided the material f o r much of the c l o t h i n g — r a b b i t yarn vests and jackets, caps, and even leggings were common as were rabbit yarn blankets and sleeping robes. Now only some small children wear these, complaining loudly i f forced to wear them afte r school age. The only methods used i n taking rabbits i s by setting snares on the runways. The snares can be l e f t i n the same loc a t i o n f o r numerous catches. The setting and clearing of snares i s usually done i n conjunction with some other a c t i v i t y , gathering firewood, getting water, hunting f o r birds. This often f a l l s to the women, es p e c i a l l y i n the winter when the men may be away. In some sections rabbits can be trapped continually without marked decline i n the numbers taken, i n others, high i n i t i a l catches r a p i d l y diminish to where l i n e s must either be moved a consider-able distance or snaring discontinued. The c y c l i c a l increase and decline of the rabbit popula-t i o n establishes d i r e c t l y the secondary fox cycles (fox being the main predator of rabbits) and i n d i r e c t l y , t e r t i a r y grouse-27 partridge cycles (these birds being the main alternative prey of foxes). Such cycles occur every s i x to eight years. There i s evidence that the cycles of a p a r t i c u l a r animal are staggered across the c o u n t r y — i t would be of importance i f i t were also found that the high points i n small game cycles are also staggered within an area the size of Rupert House band. If t h i s were the case then i t would seem to be of additional value to have mechanisms to r e d i s t r i b u t e personnel to take advantage of these forseeable fluctuations i n the subsistence base. A d d i t i o n a l l y , such cycles were of great importance when the fox pelts brought high priees. Bieasant, partridge, grouse, and spruce grouse are resident i n the area throughout the year. Ptarmigan are found most usually from November to A p r i l . These birds are present on . every trapping section but they are most p l e n t i f u l , most accessible, and most important on the coast. Separate hunts are not usually made f o r these animals—they are shot while the hunter, or h i s wife i s carrying out some other a c t i v i t y . They are taken with 22*s or occasionally shotguns but sometimes they are found i n the rabbit snares. In the past nets and separate snares were a more common method of hunting these small.birds. Numerous statements of my older informants were to the e f f e c t that 'there would often be only a 'partridge' or two f o r food i n a camp'. A number of my informants a c t u a l l y hunted such birds with bow and arrow within t h e i r adult l i f e . Even i n the l a t e 1920's ammunition was often too scarce or too c o s t l y to be used 28 f o r such game. E a r l i e r muskets did not lend themselves well to such hunting. A few of the poorest groups, those s t i l l very-dependent upon subsistence hunting, take special measures to get a large enough number of these birds to make preservation worth while. One man t o l d me of baiting a c e r t a i n choice spot and repeatedly using an elevated drop net to catch them. But, on the whole, i t has been a very major change which has made small birds a minor supplement i n the present food store. Migratory b i r d s , geese and ducks, form an important and increasing part i n the l o c a l economy, both i n terms of food and i n terms of cash income derived from employment at the seasonal t o u r i s t hunting camps i n the area. The l o c a l categories are Canada geese, wavies (snow and blue geese) and ducks (mallard, p i n t a i l , blacks, woodpecks). Canada geese a r r i v e , going north, towards the end of A p r i l . This i s the p r i n c i p l e goose hunting season and the time when most birds are k i l l e d and when most people are out i n goose camps. Ducks begin to arrive at t h i s time also. After about two weeks, i n early May, the f i r s t f l i g h t s of blue geese begin to appear. The wide, shallow, t i d a l f l a t s and the extensive coastal and estuary marshes of the James Bay region purportedly provide some of the r i c h e s t feeding grounds i n Canada. The densest concentration of the aforementioned birds occurs here i n spring and to a lesser extent i n f a l l . Although these migrations also occur over the inland t e r r i t o r i e s the numbers are 29 considerably smaller and more scattered. This f a c t may have considerable relevance to the trend toward a l l trapping groups being i n the post or on the coast during t h i s time, e s p e c i a l l y i f taken i n conjunction with the f a l l i n g spring muskrat pr i c e s . Towards the end of May ducks and geese have su b s t a n t i a l l y moved north and fanned out. However some Canada geese, blue geese, and ducks are i n the area throughout the summer (blues being r e s t r i c t e d to the coast while some Canadas and e s p e c i a l l y ducks scatter inland). Again i n the f a l l , from early September to early October, these birds congregate i n the coastal marshes and estuaries preliminary to t h e i r migration south. Very con-siderable hunting a c t i v i t y takes place then too, both by those Indians employed by the t o u r i s t camps and those remaining at the post. The mouth of the Hupert River i s one of the f i n e s t l o c a -tions f o r such hunting and most active males are able to shoot some birds . Inland trappers do not leave the coast u n t i l a f t e r t h i s season. Many northern Canadian Indian groups, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Athabascans, r e l y heavily upon f i s h to meet their subsistence needs (and e s p e c i a l l y those of their dogs). C o n t r a r i l y , i n Rupert House a noticeable decline i n the importance of f i s h i n g has taken place. This i s due to the increased emphasis placed upon duck and goose hunting and upon the greater amount of store food i t i s now possible to buy. , Smoked f i s h was once a staple preserve but has now been generally supplanted by f l o u r . 30 As the Indians say, "We l i k e to eat f i s h once i n a while but we can always eat bannock." Geese and ducks moreover can now be kept i n the H.B.C. freezer at Rupert House. This fresh f l e s h i s much r e l i s h e d and some i s available throughout the year to those remaining at the post. Nevertheless, I do not want to under-estimate the contribution f i s h makes to the o v e r a l l food supply of the band, f o r i t i s considerable. F i s h provides the main fresh meat fo r June, July, and August. Fishing i s s t i l l a major a c t i v i t y f o r the older but active males and for the poorer fa m i l i e s who hunt on the coast. In addition, most trapping groups do some f i s h i n g (from two weeks to throughout the whole season) while on their trapping t e r r i t o r y . A l l f i s h i n g i s done by net. The only exception i s a crippled young man who uses a rod; he i s also the only one who w i l l speak only English. The method seems to be the same f o r a l l , species. In open water, poles are driven into the bottoms of r i v e r s or on t i d a l f l a t s . The net, 75 to 100 feet i n length, i s t i e d between the poles, and f l o a t s attached. The tide or r i v e r current carry the f i s h i n t o the nets. They are a l l g i l l nets. Two or three nets are set per family. Women occasionally clear the nets but i t i s the men who usually set and s h i f t them. In the past, women were much more active i n f i s h i n g than now; they seem to have frequently operated nets while out i n the trapping camps. While nets are made so l e l y "by women, some men do repair t h e i r own. After freeze up nets can be set under the ice i n f i s h lakes and at some r i v e r locations. This i s 3 1 nevertheless hard and time-consuming work and i n any case i s not fe a s i b l e at Rupert House because of ice pans d r i f t i n g below the frozen surface. Trout and Whitefish are prevalent i n the r i v e r s and streams from aft e r break up u n t i l mid-June. From mid-June to mid-August r e l a t i v e l y few f i s h are found i n the r i v e r s , mainly perch and suckers. Whitefish and suckers begin to move up the r i v e r s i n early August; suckers decline through the middle of the month and i n l a t e r August runs of spawning Whitefish crowd the r i v e r s . Whitefish and Jackfish are the most commonly caught during l a t e summer, f a l l , and winter. Trout and Jackfish are the dominant species of the scattered f i s h lakes that are used by trappers i n winter. River sturgeon are taken during the summer months ( p a r t i c u l a r l y on the Nottaway River) but they do not have the commercial importance f o r the Bupert House band that they do fo r the people at Nemiscau. The size and concentration of sturgeon and the lack of wage alternatives f o r Nemiscau people make an Indian Agency f i s h haul f l i g h t to outside buyers f e a s i b l e . There i s some v a r i a t i o n i n the time when the various species are present i n d i f f e r e n t r i v e r s . This tends to draw people from the post to scattered r i v e r and coastal s i t e s where f i s h can be caught during the summer. For instance, there are a few locations on the lower Broadback and Nottaway Rivers where trout and perch can be caught i n mid-July and where the Whitefish runs begin somewhat e a r l i e r than elsewhere. Gn the coast, the 32 only s i t e s where f i s h i n g through the i c e i s f e a s i b l e are at the mouths of the Jack, Pontax, and Cabbage Willows Rivers ( a l l others have i c e pans, formed by nearby rapids, f l o a t i n g under the pack i c e ) . Whitefish, trout, and perch are the favoured f i s h f o r human consumption. Jackfish i s considered too boney and suckers too soft and are now usually given to the dogs. The food re-quirements of dogs owned by the l o c a l people are not to be underestimated. Quantitative studies done f o r a Dogrib community suggest that i t takes about twice as much f i s h to feed a family's dog team as i t does to feed the family; this i n an area where f i s h i s the basic human staple. Throughout the summer, Rupert House dogs must be fed an oatmeal mush and even during the winter oatmeal'supplements must be available f o r them. For the poorer f a m i l i e s t h i s i s a not inconsiderable outlay i n cash and supply weight. Formerly the entire band would move nine miles up the Rupert River to Smokey rapids f o r the heaviest Whitefish runs i n la t e August, l a t e September. Improved natural basins on the rapids acted as f i s h traps from which the f i s h were pulled by drag nets and nets attached to poles. Blueberries were also gathered i n large quantities and smoked and dried f i s h as well as f i s h pemmican was manufactured. Supposedly large quantities of undried f i s h were given to those who, f o r various reasons, had to remain at the post, no payment being asked or given. Now, most f i s h that i s d i s t r i b u t e d i s sold within the community, although g i f t s of f i s h do occur to the poorer members. 33 The primary resource, for Rupert House as well as f o r most of northern Canada, i s the fur bearing animal population. U n t i l the very recent advent of Euro-Canadian i n t e r e s t i n the mineral, hydro and pulp wood potentials of these areas and a concern to extend some of the e s s e n t i a l state services into the north, the sole reason f o r White entrance and residence was f o r the a c q u i s i t i o n of f u r s . We know that what counts as a strategic resource i n any given society depends upon the means the group has f o r e x p l o i t i n g the environment. Equally i t depends upon what the group can do with i t once they have extracted i t . In t h i s regard, one cannot overemphasise the importance of d i s t a n t l y established fur prices i n the d e f i n i t i o n of what i s important i n the faunal environment. Unfortunately, the very obviousness of t h i s f a c t has tended to discourage closer analyses of the more s p e c i f i c implications operative upon the native communities. Fur bearing animals are classed as f i n e f u r , i . e . mink, f i s h e r , marten, otter, lynx, fox, ermine, muskrat, or as beaver. There i s a marked difference i n the organisation of beaver trapping a c t i v i t y and f i n e f u r trapping a c t i v i t y . This was the case even more i n the past with r e s t r i c t e d c r e d i t and wooden traps than i t i s today. Beaver trapping demands a great deal of strenuous work and demands sustained bursts of heavy a c t i v i t y . Furthermore, considerably more c r e d i t Is needed fo r food and other supplies and greater s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y demanded f o r groups that t r a v e l the longer distances south and east where the beaver are more p l e n t i f u l . 3k From the point of view of community income, mink and beaver are at present by f a r the most important fur bearers. Most generally, beaver are of greatest importance to those who trap inland and mink f o r those who trap near the post and along the coast. While some of each of the fur bearers w i l l be taken i n every zone, i t i s generally true to say that the inland areas are r i c h e r i n a l l such animals (except foxes) and a greater var i e t y of them i s taken there. Marten i s f a i r l y uncommon but can be taken very near the post; i t i s the only animal other than beaver to which a quota applies. Fisher has been wiped out i n the area during the l a s t f o r t y years. Lynx are occasion-a l l y taken throughout the whole band area but seem to be most frequently trapped by those groups who work the i n t e r i o r woodland zones—possibly t h i s i s more cl o s e l y correlated with setting traps for other animals r e s t r i c t e d to t h i s zone. Otter are found almost exclusively i n the lakes and larger streams i n the south and east of the band t e r r i t o r y . Weasel and muskrat are l i k e l y spread over the entire t e r r i t o r y and are even l i k e l y i n -creasing. They have nevertheless declined i n importance because of the low price offered and the inadventitious time ( j u s t before and during break up) when they can be trapped. S t i l l , muskrat remains of considerable importance to the poorer, older, or handicapped trappers who try to take whatever they can get. Because of t h i s , muskrat i s of strategic importance where these people happen to hunt (the coastal and proximate inland zones and the lower reaches of the bigger r i v e r s ) regardless of i t s 35 objective d i s t r i b u t i o n . Fox-red, cross, and s i l v e r , are very much concentrated on the coastal margins and to a lesser extent on the adjoining open muskeg zone. While fox prices have plummeted to the bottom of the market, they were, u n t i l 1930, an exception-a l l y valuable fur resource even though an extremely f l u c t u a t i n g one. The numbers of fox are mainly dependent upon the cycles of t h e i r rabbit and small b i r d subsistence base; cycles i n these also caused cycles i n the fox population. In addition, fox prices fluctuated considerably. The chance of taking a s i l v e r fox f o r a time seems to have induced numerous people to remain on a fur-poor coast where they would otherwise have t r i e d to trap more inland. Mink seem to be taken throughout the whole area but are considerably more important around the coast and near the post where the lack of any other valuable furs makes their e x p l o i t a t i o n more necessary. Since the t o t a l catch depends upon how much time, e f f o r t and care i s spent upon moving and setting traps, i t can be understood that even the much overtrapped area around the post can be made to y i e l d greater per square mile returns by those who have no other resources to exploit. Beaver have, of course, h i s t o r i c a l l y been the fur of the entire Indian area. They have been the v i t a l concern of traders and the people of the area f o r 300 years. A l l beaver trapping i s now done i n the months af t e r freeze up and before break up, and being heavily concentrated i n the months of January and February. Some of the poorer f a m i l i e s may try to trap part 36 of t h e i r beaver quota before Christmas so that they can bring i n the pelts f o r additional c r e d i t at that time. Some groups who have not been able to get their f u l l quota i n the winter months w i l l continue trapping t h e i r beaver during March but t h i s i s unusual. A great v a r i a b i l i t y of trapping methods e x i s t , expecially f o r beaver trapping. These differences i n techniques seem to be adjustments to both the s p e c i f i c micro habitat that i s being exploited and the needs and c a p a b i l i t i e s of the p a r t i -cular trapper. One of the simplest and easiest methods i s to break open the i c e above a beaver runway, place i n willow or poplar branches as b a i t , and plant a trap among them so that a f t e r a few wary reconnaissance runs the beaver w i l l push i n t o i t . Another method, recently introduced, which i s more selective of the beaver i t takes, i s a frame of wire snares. Stake surrounds are driven through holes chopped i n the i c e ; these imprison the beaver i n t h e i r lodge. A single opening i s l e f t f o r the beaver to move through. Into t h i s Is f i t t e d a frame with snare of d i f f e r e n t s i z e s ; these are of such a size to allow the smaller beaver to pass through unharmed while yet catching and drowning the larger ones. Since the runways have been staked off e a r l i e r , the beaver congregate i n t h e i r lodge u n t i l the hunters are ready and begin hammering at the top of the lodge. As the beaver rush out they are caught i n the snares. Yet another method i s to stake off the runways, place a net across 37 an opening i n the dam, and drive the beaver out of the lodge and in t o the net. The advantage here i s that young beaver can be taken from the net, t i e d , and replaced aft e r the parents have been taken. F i n a l l y beaver were occasionally taken by staking off most of the tunnels leading from the runways int o the stream or lake banks, and stationing persons at those tunnels that were l e f t unstaked. The animals are then chased out of their lodge. As they entered the tunnels remaining open the people on watch drop down stakes and the trapped beaver then removed. These techniques a l l have t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l modifica-tions and while an i n d i v i d u a l w i l l know of a l l of these, and may even have t r i e d a number of them during e a r l i e r trapping, he w i l l develop and maintain a technique he f e e l s most suitable f o r himself as an independent, adult trapper. I t i s important to .understand that with quotas, the actual cash value, of the t o t a l beaver furs taken i n a year .will depend upon the size and quality of those animals taken. Therefore, i t i s of double importance, f o r longer run conserva-t i o n and for. the value of the immediate haul, to be able to get only mature, prime beaver. A l l other fur bearers are now taken by variously set st e e l traps. I t must be remembered that i t takes four or f i v e years of active p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n trapping to learn the actual techniques well enough so that one can act u a l l y maintain oneself. This i s besides the continual immersion i n a society 38 where discussion of hunting and trapping are ever going on. Despite t h i s , numerous people just never do get the knack of trapping e f f e c t i v e l y . This points up the fact that there has been s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n the a b i l i t y of d i f f e r e n t f a m i l i e s to e x p l o i t the environment; while these differences are less important when game and furs are numerous and prices are high they become c r u c i a l l y important during a period of s c a r c i t y of animals or a price depression. t 39 CHAPTER II THE EXTERNAL AGENCIES, TODAY AND YESTERDAY The James Bay area i s notable i n Canadian h i s t o r y as being the region of i n i t i a l B r i t i s h penetration into Canada; an extensive chain of Hudson Bay Company posts with connected B r i t i s h m i l i t a r y support were established before 1700. Rupert House i s indeed the f i r s t Hudson Bay Company post, established i n 1668. More importantly, the entire area east of James Bay f e l l i n to a trade and administrative backwater afte r the 1760's, when fur trade and B r i t i s h expansion concentrated on Canada west of Hudson Bay (at l e a s t i n the north). The Hudson's Bay Company was the l e g a l p o l i t i c a l and j u r i d i c a l power over a l l of northern Canada and the p r a i r i e provinces u n t i l these areas were ceded to the Confederation of Canada i n 1869. Federal control over the northern Quebec existed nominally u n t i l 1912 when the same nominal administration of t h i s area was taken over by the Quebec pr o v i n c i a l government. To a l l intents and purposes the Hudson's Bay Company was l e f t i n e f f e c t i v e control of these regions u n t i l the end of World War I. U n t i l the end of the 1920's, i t was economic rather than p o l i t i c a l - a d m i n i s t r a t i v e expansion i n t o the fringes of t h i s region which effected the r e l a t i v e l y d r a s t i c changes that occurred. Even i n t h i s perspective, most important and rapid changes have occurred i n the whole northern Canadian region through the expansion of Federal government services and welfare payments beginning i n the mid-19^0's. ko We here then have a c u l t u r a l Cul de Sac where s o c i a l conditions f o r the Indian population u n t i l 190*t, when a large competing trading company (Revillon Bros.) moved int o the area, had remained about the same as they were i n 1750. This pre-1920 period i s within the active l i f e t i m e of many of the older members of the community. It can be seen that a documentation of these conditions would be of considerable ethno-historical i n t e r e s t , i t being of c r u c i a l importance to recover such information now while the older people were s t i l l a l i v e and mentally a l e r t . A b r i e f look at the material and technological changes that took place at Rupert House during the period of trading company competition (1906 - 1936) w i l l give us some understanding, at l e a s t f e e l i n g , f o r the magnitude of t h i s area's former c u l t u r a l i s o l a t i o n . I t i s to be noted that while the too l s , equipment and techniques are intimately connected ( s t r u c t u r a l l y integrated and f u n c t i o n a l l y adjusted to etc.) with the l o c a l Indian society, the l o c a l society was dependent on the outside for the i r supply. While the external presence cannot be e a s i l y overlooked i n some phenomenon l i k e , l e t us say, the operation of the Indian Agency, i t i s sometimes held that because i n d i v i d u a l Indians make decisions on what and how to use certa i n externally-produced items, they therefore control such objects. While t h i s may be true f o r these i n d i v i d u a l s f o r the short run, i t c e r t a i n l y does not apply to whole populations over longer periods. Goods that are externally produced must be Introduced i n t o the area and can often be controlled by the external agencies. For instance, modern arms and equipment were just not introduced i n t o the area by the Hudson's Bay Company u n t i l they were forced to do so by the f i r s t serious competition they had had i n the area since the time of the French. Before 1900, p r o f i t s could be equally or even better maintained by s e l l i n g only antiquated merchandise, which was i n i t i a l l y cheap to purchase and which had to be replaced at a much fas t e r rate than l a t e r goods. Equipment and material goods introduced since 1900 ( F i r s t date when i n i t i a l l y introduced, second date when f u l l y replaced e a r l i e r item) - Introduced or markedly increased  Vanished, been replaced or markedly declined 1. repeating r i f l e s (1906, 1920) 2. shotguns, .22's (1920, 1930) canvas covered canoes (1902, 1918) s t e e l traps, snare wire (1900, 1930) 5. tenting canvas (1890, 1905) 6. Harness dogs (1915 -7. outboard motors (1925, 19^8) 8. continual increase i n amount and range of western clothes 9. continual increase i n the amount and range of western foods, e s p e c i a l l y f o r babies - muskets, powder, shot - birch bark canoes - wooden deadfalls and spring traps and twine snares - caribou and birch bark tenting - hunting dogs (small breed unsuitable f o r hauling) - hide clothing and rabbits' skin yarn clothing - decline of preservation of l o c a l foods a f t e r 19^0 h2 Traders (a) The Hudson's Bay Company at Rupert House At the beginning of the period with which we are concerned, 1 9 0 0 to I960, the Hudson's Bay Company post at Eupert House was a centre of considerable importance. I t was the sub-d i s t r i c t headquarters f o r most inland Cree posts east of James Bay: Waswanipi, M i s t i s s i n i , Memiscau, Nitchequon, and l a t e r Neosqueskau. (Michiskun, an e a r l i e r post i n the v i c i n i t y of Waswanipi had been closed i n the l a t e l 8 9 0 ' s but had operated under the d i r e c t i o n of Rupert House.) Rupert House was important as a fur trading post i n i t s own r i g h t and also as a c o l l e c t i o n and transhipment centre f o r a l l goods moving i n and out of the aforementioned posts. I t i s important f o r the wider relevance of t h i s thesis that such situations were not uncommon i n northern Canada. J . W. Anderson, the former James Bay d i s t r i c t manager fo r the Hudson's Bay Company and f a m i l i a r with the area since 1 9 1 0 writes: The trading post was therefore an establishment of varying s i z e , depending on the one hand on the size of the Indian population and on the extent and productivity of the surrounding country and on the other hand on the v a r i e t y and extent of the a n c i l l i a r y services. Some trading posts were act u a l l y operated not primarily f o r fur trading but as transhipment points on one or other of the fur trade trans-portation routes. (Anderson I96I: ^6) **3 Anderson reports that i n 1912 Rupert House was only somewhat smaller than Moose Factory, which was the Hudson's Bay Company administrative centre f o r the James Bay area and, along with York Factory, the most important entreport i n eastern Canada f o r Hudson's Bay Company goods. I t appears that a f a i r l y elaborate s o c i a l hierarchy existed and that wage labour (with p a r t i a l payment i n goods) was of very considerable importance to the l o c a l population. Gn top of the hierarchy were the ' o f f i c e r s ' of the company: the 'master' (post manager), the accountant, fur buyers and c l e r k s , and apprentices, i n that order. Gentlemen of the Anglican clergy also f e l l into t h i s category, somewhere below the 'master 1, I presume, since the position of the Hudson's Bay Company as protector of the f a i t h was of long standing. Below t h i s class came the 'Company Servants', artisans, intermediaries and actual house servants i n approximately that order. This strata was composed of Orkney islanders, Metis, and Indian. The majority of post a r t i -sans had o r i g i n a l l y been imported by the Hudson's Bay Company from the permanently depressed north Scottish areas because of the low wages that could be contracted there, because a surplus of s k i l l e d labour existed owing to the f a c t that the company had established early connections there f o r provisioning since i t was the f i r s t and l a s t port of c a l l f o r England-Canada Hudson's Bay Company ships. A representative sample of such tradesmen could be found at Moose Factory and to a lesser extent at Rupert kk House: carpenters, boatbuilders, blacksmiths, sailmakers, coopers. In the early nineteenth century these were predominantly White occupations and the Hudson's Bay Company imported i n addition, gardeners, herdsmen, teamsters, and even labourers. By the turn of the century t h i s practice had decreased and by 1910 the company, at l e a s t i n the James Bay area, was r e c r u i t i n g mainly apprentices f o r company ' o f f i c e r s ' abroad. I t seems as i f the a r t i s a n group had through intermarriage become intermingled with the Metis and were then considered as part of the l o c a l population. By t h i s time most gardeners, herdsmen and labourers were of Metis or Indian stock, as were the i n t e r p r e t e r s , mail runners, and a l l of the actual house servants. When Anderson arrived at Rupert House i n 1912 there were f i f t e e n Whites (Hud-son's Bay Company o f f i c e r s , two of t h e i r wives, and the Anglican missionary) while, "The permanent native s t a f f and t h e i r f a m i l i e s numbered about s i x t y , while the Indians of Rupert House who were off hunting and trapping during the winter season, would add a further 350, t h i s giving a population of around ^00 to ^50 souls." (Anderson 1961: ^9). Even more important f o r the e f f e c t of wage labour upon the community was the f a c t that a very considerable amount of temporary employment existed during the summer. Building main-tenance would be c a r r i e d out, f r e i g h t i n g of goods up the Rupert River would go on from l a t e spring to early f a l l , a considerable amount of labour would go into the hay harvest f o r the l o c a l k5 c a t t l e . Quoting again from Anderson: This hay work gave employment to Indian men too old f o r the r i v e r work and to the growing boys who were too young. Thus, with the young lads and old men on the haying, and the able bodied voyageurs on the r i v e r , the whole  male population was g a i n f u l l y employed« (under-l i n e mine) which was good f o r morale. (Anderson 1961:52) Arrangements were made with the managers of the posts at Eastmain and even Fort George f o r the temporary employment of Indians of these posts; the managers would select able-bodied men from the i r communities who had either not been able to pay t h e i r previous year's c r e d i t or who were i n great need. Eastmain and Fort George were considerably poorer than Rupert House; while c a t t l e keeping and maintenance of buildings existed at these posts no inland f r e i g h t i n g took place from them and the selected people t r a v e l l e d to Rupert House by canoe and sloop f o r the summer haymaking. The canoe factory which gradually developed i n Rupert House from 1902 onward as a response to need f o r sturdier and bigger f r e i g h t i n g canoes on the Rupert inland route expanded to manufacture most of the canoes used by Indians i n the James Bay area. This i s the only remaining semi-permanent employment h i r i n g a s i g n i f i c a n t number of the l o c a l people. Credit was extremely important to trappers. The amount of c r e d i t which the Hudson's Bay Company postmaster would advance if6 to an i n d i v i d u a l or family set the distance which t h i s group could go inland a f t e r furs and how long they could stay away from the post without needing to return to exchange furs f o r additional supplies. The method of advancing such c r e d i t was t i e d to the previous performance of the trapper. A. man with a f a i r l y consistent record of high catches might be c a r r i e d on high, yet nevertheless reduced, advances afte r a poor year but aft e r then h i s c r e d i t would be one-half of the t o t a l f u r value of h i s previous year's take. While the turn of the century was a period of increasing fur prices the f a l l advances for a large percentage of the community, those trapping on or near the coast, was only $50. Those trapping inland got advances of generally $200 to $300. The fur prices increased from before 1900 u n t i l the end of World War I. These were the years when cer t a i n p e l t s , mainly those of s i l v e r fox but also those of c e r t a i n q u a l i t y marten, brought i n fabulous prices. Before the spread of domestic fox farms a s i l v e r fox p e l t , i f of prime quality , might by i t s e l f bring the trapper twice the value of h i s entire annual fur haul. Through the 1920*s, fur prices went into a general decline, although i n t e n s i f i e d trapping techniques and more e f f e c t i v e tools p a r t i a l l y o f f s e t the e f f e c t of t h i s s h i f t . Nevertheless, with the decline i n the number of fur bearers, e s p e c i a l l y the beaver i n the Rupert House region, a f a l l i n community income set i n . The wage payments going i n t o the community from the company acted as a c r u c i a l buffer between the people and starvation. k7 During the 1920's, many of the inland bands began to s h i f t t h e i r centre of operation to M i s t a s s i n i and Waswanipi, these posts i n turn had since 1916 begun to transport more and more of t h e i r goods from railway points i n northern Quebec. In 1926 the l a s t fur brigade to M i s t a s s i n i from Rupert House went inland; a f t e r that only the r e l a t i v e l y small post at Nemiscau was supplied from Rupert House. The loss of income to the people at Rupert must have been considerable. Although fur prices had been generally high, increasing wage, operating, and transport costs and the competitive bidding of R e v i l l o n Brothers that kept cost of furs up had brought about considerable d e f i c i t s f o r many posts. Rupert House was one of these. In 1927 the order went out that a l l posts would have to stand on t h e i r own, to show a p r o f i t or close. The days of a vast network of interconnected posts, supported by the o v e r a l l p r o f i t of t h i s great empire had drawn to a close. Maude Watt, the wife of the then post manager, r e l a t e d how t h i s upper echelon p o l i c y decision immediately affected Rupert House. The f i r s t thing to go was the stable of animals that had been kept on the post, about ten draught animals, four feiichjcows, plus sheep and goats. A tractor was l a t e r brought i n to replace the horses and oxen, canned milk and meat to replace the others. This of course removed the necessity of both haying crews and someone to care for the animals. Freighting had already been discontinued inland and only a small crew was used to bring goods 1+8 to Nemiscau. By t h i s time many of the artisans had already l e f t Rupert House, some to take advantage of opportunities i n the northern Quebec and northern Ontario communities that were hearing the area. The railhead reached Moosonee i n 1932 and i n one stroke e f f e c t i v e l y linked the James and Hudson Bay region to Canada f o r the f i r s t time. Others seem to have just disappeared from the scene as new shipping, storing, and manufacturing techniques made th e i r occupations unneeded. For instance, the cooper who was of great importance i n a time when the majority of meats were preserved and stored i n s a l t brine and when molasses and other goods were kept i n barr e l s , was superfluous when bags and cases and cardboard cartons dominated the scene. S i m i l a r l y , more goods were f i n i s h e d when they arrived; so much for blacksmiths, sailmakers and so such. These artisans had been able to continue as long as they did only because of the unfinished nature of so many products of the e a r l i e r time, be-cause the i s o l a t i o n of these posts made i t advisable to have men to manufacture and repair anything that might be needed from whatever could be scrounged up l o c a l l y , and because of a d e f i n i t e l y c o l o n i a l v i s i o n prevalent i n the e a r l i e r Hudson's Bay Company which saw the development of a c i v i l i z e d , well-rounded economic and class structure as the factor that d i f f e r e n t i a t e d the Company from ' f l y by night f u r peddlers'. In any case, the remainder of these could no longer be supported by the d e f i c i t -ridden post. The same applied for the majority of the house servants, which had numbered about s i x or seven permanently **9 employed at the time the Watts arrived i n 1920. This must have been a very dramatic time. I imagine that many of the old time traders f e l t l i k e the c o l o n i a l administrators presiding over and d i r e c t i n g the d i s s o l u t i o n of an empire to which they had adjusted t h e i r expectations. Undoubtedly, most of these managers did have a r e a l concern, even i f i t was p a t e r n a l i s t i c , f o r the Indians i n th e i r charge. Here now, i n a few years at some posts, the imperial structure of the Company Post of the past changed into the northern store of today. (b) R e v i l l o n Brothers The entry of a large, well-backed and well-organized competitive trading company into the area was stimulated by the steady'rise i n fur prices on the world market. I t was f e l t that the economic niche that could formerly sustain only one company would now sustain two. While personal r e l a t i o n s between the l o c a l s t a f f s of the two companies seemed to have often been f r i e n d l y , the h i s t o r y of these two r i v a l companies was one of marked commercial competition. R e v i l l o n Brothers entered the James Bay area i n 190*4-, trading from schooners. In 1906 a post was established at Rupert House. At about the same date, posts were set up at most of the James Bay Hudson's Bay Company posts (since nearly a l l Indian bands were already centred around trading posts during the summer). In some cases, as at the inland l o c a t i o n of Nemiscau, 50 the R e v i l l o n Brothers' decision to establish a post and tap the more distant source of f u r s before the trappers brought i t a l l the way to the coast and delivered i t i n t o the hands of the Hud-son's Bay Company, resulted i n a counter action by the Hudson's Bay Company, with both of the companies establishing posts where there had formerly been none. Having a post closer to one's hunting and trapping ground i s , of course, a considerable con-venience to more distant trappers. I t also r a i s e s h i s productivity and effectiveness since the time i t takes to t r a v e l to the post fo r supplies may be reduced by two and more months per year. (This i s no longer as important or even as true as i t was i n the p a s t — a i r f r e i g h t i n g , supply drops, and motorized canoes have considerably broadened the range and ease of transportation.) Not only did the organization and operation of the competing traders (which at that time represented the sole external agency) accommodate i t s e l f to afford greater conveniences and allow greater effectiveness by l o c a l trappers, but also i t resulted i n a marked increase i n the price of furs paid l o c a l l y , the amount of c r e d i t that was advanced, and the range of goods that were introduced f o r sale. In the case of introduction of new and more e f f e c t i v e trade goods (a l i s t of the most important has been given above), only r e s t r i c t i v e covenants between the two companies could have halted t h e i r introduction. The e a r l i e r monopolistic era where the Hudson's Bay Company could decide what and how much of what i t was going to s e l l gave way to a 51 period of intense competition for the furs the Indians trapped. New and better equipment, either on c r e d i t or i n trade, offered the best way of getting the furs before one's r i v a l did. Not only were prices paid f o r furs l o c a l l y advanced under competition but also the amount of c r e d i t that would be advanced to i n d i v i d u a l trappers (and the number of ind i v i d u a l s obtaining c r e d i t ) increased. Giving more c r e d i t to more people was to operate as a means of securing a claim on furs i n advance of t h e i r being trapped. Along with the general increase i n goods an income through trapping/trading which resulted from the Revillon-Hudson 1s Bay Company competition there came an addit i o n a l upswing i n wage labour. The era and l o c a t i o n determined the same supply, trans-port and maintenance problems fo r R e v i l l o n as f o r the Hudson's Bay Company. For t h i r t y years, that i s , during most of the period of B e v i l l o n presence i n the area (1906 - 1936), two hierarchies of paid labour o f f i c e r s , intermediaries, artisans, seasonal labour and canoe transport workers, existed at Rupert House. While the personnel of the R e v i l l o n was smaller than that of the Hudson's Bay Company i t was s t i l l considerable. Some idea of the import-ance of wage labour at t h i s time can be gained from the f a c t that R e v i l l o n brought in:5six French-Canadian f a m i l i e s to f r e i g h t t h e i r goods into inland posts, because horse f r e i g h t i n winter was l e s s expensive than canoe f r e i g h t i n g and because there was a shortage of labour throughout the l a t e spring and summer. 52 (Although t h i s procedure was employed f o r almost a decade, i t proved too c o s t l y en toto, wage labour payed to Indian canoemen i n the summer, even i f i t were more c o s t l y than alternate methods, provided the c r u c i a l margin whereby most of those involved paid o f f t h e i r winter debt. The company which did not provide enough of such seasonal employment would often f i n d that i t s trappers would continually f a l l behind i n debt.) The entry of a competing trading company not only forced the Hudson's Bay Company to introduce progressively more and better trade goods and to rai s e the prices paid f o r p e l t s , but also diminished the degree of dependence of the Indians upon the Hudson's Bay Company—which formerly had been absolute. Whereas the l o c a l Hudson's Bay Company fact o r had been to a l l intents and purposes the chief of the community, making and enforcing a wide range of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l decisions, h i s power and sanctions l y i n g i n h i s a b i l i t y to c u r t a i l or cut off c r e d i t or purchases, he now became only one of two agents of trade. As I mentioned e a r l i e r i n the section, the Hudson's Bay Company manager s t i l l maintained the status of a powerful c o l o n i a l administrator even afte r the entry of R e v i l l o n Brothers, but there was now an e f f e c t i v e opportunity to opt out of h i s control. Even the control that the Hudson's Bay Company did continue to exert over those Indians (the majority) that con-tinued to trap/trade for the Company was somewhat moderated f o r fear of losing furs to the competition. Each company could 53 y i e l d the s t i c k of c r e d i t r e s t r i c t i o n s and the carrot of wage labour ( e s p e c i a l l y i n preferred work). I t could to that extent d i r e c t the l i v e s of the Indian people. Some of t h i s d i r e c t i o n was concerned to the benefit of the company; some was presumably f o r the benefit of the Indians themselves, and yet other d i r e c t i o n stemmed from the psychological needs of the post managers them-selves. With the collapse of fur prices and the post's importance as a transport and s u b - d i s t r i c t centre the resultant retrenchment policy made more important than ever that each post get as many furs as possible. In t h i s way did the Company become dependent to some greater degree upon the Indian trappers. The wage labour plums, es p e c i a l l y those interpreter-intermediary v a r i e t y , were pruned away by economising. A quid pro quo r e l a t i o n s h i p was established by the beginning of the 1930's. The same external forces that created the new Hudson*s Bay Company-trapper r e l a t i o n broke the f i n a n c i a l holdings of the R e v i l l o n Company. From 1930 to 1936 t h i s company was only nominally separate from the Hudson's Bay Company; i n 1936 R e v i l l o n Brothers holdings throughout the north were formally transferred to the Hudson's Bay Company. The Hudson's Bay Company had shown again that with the f l u c t u a t i n g fur animal populations and with the unstable world market i n pel t s , only a group with a vast amount of c a p i t a l to t i e i t s e l f over periods of loss and with a perfected organisation can survive over the long run. Even the Hudson's Bay Company f u r trade nearly 5k went under i n the depression years. The Indian cosmology that saw the Hudson's Bay Company as perpetual, as continuing where other traders came and l e f t (a view which was then and i s now considered as i n d i c a t i v e of Indian naivete by many Whites) was again proven correct. The only reason that those people that had worked and trapped/traded with the R e v i l l o n Company were not disadvantaged a f t e r the collapse of that Company was that the Hudson's Bay Company too had collapsed to the extent that i t could not offer wage income to i t s own people. During the period of R e v i l l o n presence i n the area (1906 - 1936) a number of small free traders also were established fo r varying periods throughout the James Bay area (but not at Rupert House). A Moose Factory treaty Indian operated three of h i s own stores along both shores of James Bay. He too was forced back to a single store, which he now operates himself at Moosonee (with l a t e hours, pawn shop services and with s o l e l y Indian customers). Church and State (a) The Missions While the Hudson's Bay Company as the imperial agent of B r i t a i n has had a long-standing h i s t o r y of connection and support of the Anglican church, missions and clergy being i n the area from the time of establishment of trade, Rupert House has been incorporated into the Diocese of Moosonee only from 1872. From 55 t h i s date u n t i l present Anglican Church ministers have almost continually been i n permanent residence at Rupert House. Parish records begin at t h i s date, baptisms and the c a l c u l a t i o n of the age of older people were only begun at that time. U n t i l the mid-19201 s, the inland posts that were serviced by Rupert House were included i n t h i s parish. The minister resident at Rupert House t r i e d to make an annual t r i p i n and out of these i n t e r i o r posts once a year, going i n and coming out with the Rupert House canoe brigade. The sporadic diary kept by these ministers gives con-siderable insight into the sort of men they were, the sort of world they saw, and the sort of i n d i v i d u a l they imagined would read th e i r diary. I continue to be amazed and puzzled by the action of the present minister at Rupert House, an ordained Albany Cree, who not only opened these d i a r i e s to me but also s p e c i f i c a l l y encouraged me to read them. The entries show a persistent and deep i s o l a t i o n from and ignorance of the Indian community by past missionaries that i s t r u l y spectacular. More often than not, the whole gamut of r a c i s t slogans sprang e a s i l y from the missionary's pen. In one not untypical instance a minister r e f e r s to the head of an impoverished family as a "worthless, lazy, good-for-nothing u\ i t appears mainly because the post manager has informed him that the man has not paid off h i s winter debt. In another case, the missionary, "...ingrained dishonesty and lack of trustworthiness of Indians," mainly be-cause he has not been able to c o l l e c t loans he has made to cert a i n community members. 56 Missionaries seem to have been rotated every two or three years. This f a c t and the missionary's divorce from the keystone of the society, hunting and trapping/trading (which the Hudson's Bay Company o f f i c i a l s were intimately concerned with and knowledgeable about) seem to have placed the minister always i n a precarious and unstable p o s i t i o n v i s - a - v i s the Indian Community. There was no strategic reason why the mission-ary should be i n the community. He himself possessed no means of sanctions other than personal complaints to leading Indians i n the community and sermons from the p u l p i t . Numerous entries i n the diary seem to show that the minister was frequently the butt of jokes by the Indian community. The sanctions open to him were obviously not enough since once the Hudson's Bay Company withdrew i t s support of Anglican e d i c t s , 'offenses' became common and Indian leaders claimed they could do nothing about them. For instance, the Hudson's Bay Company formerly punished the breaking of the Sabbath through hunting by c u r t a i l i n g , i n d e f i n i t e l y , purchases of ammunition by the offender. The Anglican mission operated a school f o r Indian children from I t s f i r s t permanent entry i n t o the post u n t i l the l a t e 19*+0's. I have no data on what was taught or how but mention i s made of enrolment figures of ten, twelve and thirteen children for the band of 350 - *+00. 'Indian' and 'White' ( i . e . , Metis and children of Company servants) were taught on alternate days. Despite t h i s , a s u r p r i s i n g l y large number of the middle-aged people today can compose readable (with some imagination) notes 57 i n English. I t may have been that i n some places the i n d i v i d u a l Anglican missionaries may have acted as watchdogs, keeping a check on excesses by overzealous Hudson^ Bay Company men, (as i s sometimes the case today) but there i s no i n d i c a t i o n of t h i s on any data obtained at Rupert House. The Catholic church entered the West James Bay area i n 1927. In 19^0 approximately a very sizeable mission was b u i l t at Rupert House. A p r i e s t has been resident i n the community since that time. During the 1930's some fa m i l i e s paddled over 200 miles up the coast to send th e i r children to the Catholic r e s i d e n t i a l school at Fort George—even now many fam i l i e s believe the Catholic school provides better education than the government system. Such movement no longer takes place and the Indian Agent discourages attendance at private schools. Despite i t s r e l a t i v e l y long presence at Rupert House, the Catholic mission has won no formal adherents. Relations between the present Anglican minister and Catholic p r i e s t are restrained, but formerly heated encounters occasionally ensued over who would be i n attendance to ease a dying person's l a s t hours. The entry of formal government into the area has been even more recent. No treaty has been formally signed. Indian Agents made no more than th e i r annual health check v i s i t s to the post u n t i l the la t e 1930's. 58 A r e s i d e n t i a l school was i n operation at Moose Factory by the early 1930's with some Rupert House children i n attendance but i t was as recently as 1950 that the.Indian A f f a i r s Branch took over the operation of the Rupert House summer school. In 1953 a winter day school was constructed and staffed by the Branch at Rupert House. At present, a c h i l d who proceeds past i the Grade S i x ) l e v e l must t r a v e l to southern or central Ontario f o r further t r a i n i n g (the Branch paying a l l expenses). Apart from actual r e l i e f and welfare payments, the biggest government-induced change at Rupert House has been due to the introduction of a nursing s t a t i o n i n the early 1950*s. This combines T.B. checking, maternity, innoculation, and home v i s i t services. The staggering rate which death l e v i e d upon infan t s , adolescents, and adults u n t i l recently has now been cut back to just above national standards. The people, despite (or maybe because of) t h e i r long h i s t o r y of high mortality are not and had not been calloused to death. They have quickly and fi r m l y seized the benefits and procedures of supplemented d i e t s , of h o s p i t a l delivery, of innoculation. Death by tuberculosis, so t e r r i b l y common i n the past, i s now rare. The pool of i n f e c t i o n has already been greatly cut back by constant checking, early discovery and swift cure at a southern h o s p i t a l — t h e stream of people who u n t i l recently returned from years at a sanitarium has now dwindled to a t r i c k l e . The nursing station i s considered to be the most uniquely non-Indian of the White agencies by the l o c a l people. I t i s also the agency which receives the most unambiguous approval of Indians. 1 59 The White Community and the External Agencies Today The White community at Rupert House consists of nine adults and two children; a couple at the nursing s t a t i o n , a couple with two children at the Indian Day School, another couple as well as a single clerk at the Hudson's Bay Company, Mrs. Maude Watt at the P r o v i n c i a l Fish and Game Station, and a Roman Catholic p r i e s t at the Catholic mission. A Pentacostal group was i n the process of establishing a mission when I l e f t ; t h i s was to be run by a White man and h i s wife. I t i s not a large community, but a powerful one. Between break up and freeze up a stream of administra-tors (Indian A f f a i r s Branch people, Quebec p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s , R.C.M.P., Health and Welfare Department supervisors), surveyors, and some t o u r i s t s pass along the coast. The permanent (or at lea s t semi-permanent) White community i s s t r u c t u r a l l y i n t e r e s t i n g . I t i s quite d i f f e r e n t from any coherent White community 'down south'. I t i s , i n f a c t , a community of c o l o n i a l administrators (without the d i f f i c u l t i e s of a n a t i o n a l i s t movement). Each couple or i n d i v i d u a l represents and c a r r i e s out the p o l i c i e s of some powerful external agency— church, government department, or company. This makes every man a boss, or at least an incumbent f o r the rol e of 'protector and benefactor of the Indians', a ro l e which i n f a c t a l l Whites, with the exception of the Hudson's Bay Company s t a f f , openly compete f o r . Here, as i n most c o l o n i a l administrator sub groups, 60 no great s o l i d a r i t y e x i s t s . Given that the externally produced p o l i c i e s of various agencies do not coincide (although l o c a l r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s i n constant operation), given that the actual agents are frequently changed, added that personality c o n f l i c t s seem to become severe i n t h i s s o c i a l mileau, i t i s not surprising that t h i s i s an extremely f a c t i o n a l group. Of the f i f t e e n possible v i s i t i n g r e lationships only two are of any s i g n i f i c a n c e , the Roman Catholic p r i e s t to Mrs. Watt (the t o t a l Catholic population) and the nursing station couple to the Hudson's Bay Company manager and h i s wife. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the White and Indian communities i s one of unbridgeable distance. While the p r i e s t , the school teacher, and the nurse occasionally attempt s o c i a l s i n the nature of basic education classes, only Mrs. Watt receives any s o c i a l c a l l s from Indians. These are usually by the older, formerly more acculturated and important people, e s p e c i a l l y women, and even these v i s i t s are r i g i d l y r e s t r i c t e d to the back door and kitchen. The usual methods Indians use i n dealing with Whites are passive statements of needs, disas s o c i a t i o n , and playing dumb—the c l a s s i c a l defense mechanisms of a subjugated people. There i s , nevertheless, a marked difference i n the degree to which these mechanisms are a p p l i e d — t h e y are most elaborate f o r Whites who seem to be important but whose exact p o s i t i o n i s not known. They become considerably l e s s as the r o l e and reactions of the White are deciphered or when h i s p o s i t i o n i s without power. 61 While s o c i a l pressure can only be directed against one Indian by other Indians, the White agencies have very r e a l d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t economic and p o l i t i c a l power over the l o c a l community. The school can exert considerable influence on the dress, behaviour, and l o c a t i o n of most school-aged children. This i s e s p e c i a l l y noticeable at Rupert House because the present teachers f e e l imbued with a missionary zeal of Canadianizing the Indians. In t h i s respect they have replaced the Anglican mission. Moral persuasion can be backed up on- the teacher's part by threats to have family allowance payments held up or more commonly by writing reports pertaining to the a d v i s a b i l i t y or i n a d v i s a b i l i t y of further assistance f o r c e r t a i n f a m i l i e s to the responsible Indian Agent i n Moose Factory. As the Indian Day School i s run by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch i t i s true i n a sense to say that the teacher i s (or can become) the permanent representative of that body at Rupert House. The nursing station has similar access to the Indian Agent. Moreover, the nurse i n charge can make decisions that r a d i c a l l y a f f e c t the family or community. She can demand increased rations f o r sub-marginal f a m i l i e s , arrange f o r h o s p i t a l i z a t i o n i n Moose Factory (free plane t r i p and a l l ) , or send a man out f o r mental observation. Parenthetically, three cases of severe psychosis occurred at Rupert House and Eastmain during my stay. The benefits of medicines and h o s p i t a l i z a t i o n are now completely accepted. Only premature b i r t h s and b i r t h s 6 2 on the trap l i n e are now delivered outside of the nursing station. This gives the nurse very considerable prestige and influence i f she chooses to use i t , either i n the sphere of treatment or standards of l i v i n g . The Anglican mission, now staf f e d by a Cree minister from Albany, i s the one external agency accepted as 'Indian 1. The minister i s easy going and has given up the pressure t a c t i c s of h i s White predecessors. Despite the r i s e of band s o l i d a r i t y , t h i s minister i s one of the most respected members of the community and allegedly holds considerable i n t e r n a l p o l i t i c a l power. Some economic inducements l i e i n the hands of the Anglican mission; building maintenance and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of bales of used clothing. While the Roman Catholic p r i e s t seems to be quite accepted by the people, the r e l i g i o n i s nevertheless considered foreign. The mission i s ac t u a l l y of greater economic importance to the Indian community than the Anglican mission. The Roman Catholic p r i e s t grows about f i v e acres of potatoes during the summer. Since with h i s tractor and tra i n i n g he can grow them more cheaply than anyone else, and since only he has storage f a c i l i t i e s to keep potatoes over winter, nearly a l l potatoes eaten come from h i s p l o t . The Roman Catholic mission also pro-vides wage work during winter as well as i n the spring and summer. 63 (b) The Hudson's Bay Company, Mrs. Watt, and Beaver Conservation The Hudson's Bay Company and Mrs. Maude Watt ( i n her composite capacity as P r o v i n c i a l F i s h and Game Warden, long-time resident, and f r i e n d of various regional administrators) have such wide influence over the Indian community that I s h a l l describe them i n a separate sub-section. While the Hudson's Bay Company has relinquished the almost monolithic power that i t formerly held at Rupert House, a change symbolised by the designation of former 'posts' as 'northern store', i t s sway i s s t i l l considerable; i n the parlance of the Indians, both young and old, the Hudson's Bay Company manager i s 'The Boss'. The Hudson's.Bay Company es t a b l i s h -ment maintains the main radio communication to the outside, operates the post o f f i c e , dispenses the rations a l l o t t e d by the Indian Agent, provides and controls the largest source of r e l i a b l e seasonal employment, and, most important, determines how much c r e d i t s h a l l be advanced each i n d i v i d u a l to o u t f i t f o r the coming trapping season. To a degree which I could not determine, the manager can even select what sorts of goods are bought on t h i s c r e d i t — t h i s seems to occur more frequently with those with the smallest amount of c r e d i t . Although the Hudson's Bay Company manager does attempt to operate the mail and radio communication i n separation from h i s company r o l e , he i s aware of at l e a s t the general outlines of a l l communications of l o c a l 6k people with the outside. While Indians could.use these channels to the detriment of the Hudson's Bay Company, i . e . , mail orders, complaints to external a u t h o r i t i e s , the sheer f a c t that the l o c a l manager would have to handle them and would be able to act i n other spheres with t h i s knowledge, would seem to make such steps extremely onerous. Further, the separation of these roles i s dependent upon the i n d i v i d u a l manager's outlook; such separation as exists at Rupert House i s not found at a l l company posts. In the case of issuing rations, the manager i s again merely carrying out the pre set directions of others. In t h i s case i t Is the Indian Agent, but the f a c t that the manager alone c a r r i e s out the sheer physical dispensation of these goods, i n h i s o f f i c e , maintains an important sense of obligation on the part of the l o c a l people. Hudson's Bay Company wage labour consists, apart from the two permanent native c l e r k s , of building maintenance, cutting firewood, loading and unloading the summer supply ship, and work i n the l o c a l canoe factory. On the. whole, the manager does, not intervene d i r e c t l y . H i r i n g and supervision of the canoe factory, a piece work operation employing twelve men from early A p r i l to mid-September, i s given over an Indian foreman; longshoring the supply ship i s directed by the senior native clerk. The other smaller jobs are d i s t r i b u t e d by the manager himself, mainly to those who have not been able to pay off t h e i r e a r l i e r debt and need additional c r e d i t f o r the coming year. 65 InJhile the present manager practises a marked r e s t r a i n t i n d i r e c t intervention i n the l i v e s of i n d i v i d u a l Indians, the very considerable f e e l i n g of dependence and obligation which the l o c a l people have can act as a reserve any manager can use fo r persuasion. In addition to a f e e l i n g of dependence, there i s a very r e a l dependence upon the c r e d i t allowed by the manager to i n d i v i d u a l trappers. The size of the c r e d i t i s generally set by the former performance of the trapper; usually at h a l f the value of the past year's fur take i s advanced, but the manager can increase or decrease t h i s allowance as he sees f i t . The size of the c r e d i t very l a r g e l y determines how long a trapper can stay out on h i s trap l i n e before returning to the post with furs to exchange fo r more supplies. I t determines, generally, what sort of a c t i v i t y w i l l be c a r r i e d out by the trapper during the early months of the trapping season. Someone receiving a small c r e d i t allowance must take a range of furs' quickly before h i s cash supplies run out, while those with larger c r e d i t can operate on a longer run plan and d i v i s i o n of a c t i v i t y that allows better adjustment to the opportunities of the environment. In extreme cases, a trapper who had produced badly f o r a number of years would not be given enough c r e d i t to penetrate to and remain i n the more distant zones of the band a r e a — t h i s even i f he had a government allotment quota i n one of these zones. A young man entering the status of 'adult 66 trapper 1 must of course receive a s u f f i c i e n t r ating before he can obtain and support a wife. Advances of such c r e d i t are by-no means automatic. An adult man who loses a s u f f i c i e n t c r e d i t r ating must either eke out an existence by whatever he can trap from around the post, whatever odd jobs he can get, and subsidies, or move to a White community i n search of work. This also i s not infrequent. The establishment of government-controlled beaver quotas and t e r r i t o r i e s ( j o i n t l y operated by the p r o v i n c i a l Game Department and Indian A f f a i r s Branch) i s , along with the introduction of welfare payments, the demarcation points of recent h i s t o r y , i n the eyes of the l o c a l people. The establishment of th i s quota-territory system i s s u p e r f i c i a l l y known to numbers of people i n Canada but the actual dynamics of t h i s event seem to be beclouded by the continuing presence of some main characters involved and by the s t i l l active r i v a l r i e s and cross interests of the parties concerned. The h i s t o r y of the establishment of the f i r s t beaver preserves i n t h i s area i s an excellent example of the basic importance of external agencies, t h e i r organization and p o l i c i e s i n the formation of inter-agency factionalism, and other l o c a l s t r u c t u r a l phenomena. While c e r t a i n persons, t h e i r ambitions and c a p a b i l i t i e s , may influence the l o c a l scene or i n i t i a t e actions that are l a t e r sustained and ca r r i e d through to one degree and i n some form or another, the r e a l staying power 4> 67 can only come from external agencies. On the other hand, the example of the establishment of the beaver preserves also shows the importance of l o c a l r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of c e n t r a l l y established p o l i c y at the regional l e v e l . Mrs. Maude Watt was born and raised i n Mingan, on the north shore of the St. Lawrence River, an intensely French-Canadian and anti-English area. After f i v e years at Fort Chimo with her husband, a Scottish Hudson's Bay Company f a c t o r , the couple was posted at Rupert House i n 1920. During the 1920's a combination of encroaching White trappers, development of more favourable transport routes, decline of f u r prices and fur animals, forced a continual retrenchment of Rupert House's e a r l i e r strategic p o s i t i o n . In 1927 a Hudson's Bay Company order was formulated which impelled a l l posts to become f i n a n c i a l l y s e l f supporting or to close. Drastic measures were taken but the Rupert House post s t i l l did not maintain i t s e l f i n the following year. Action was not immediately taken by the company i n ordering the post to close. The f a c t that i t was the f i r s t established Hudson's Bay Company post gave i t a t r a d i t i o n a l importance that merited some consideration. Nevertheless, the writing seemed to be on the wall. The Indians at t h i s time around the James Bay area were f a l l i n g into a sub marginal, subsistence hunting condition. Some combination of a concern for the Indians and f o r th e i r own fuiture ( i t i s impossible to give an accurate weighting of these 68 factors i n the accounts that were available to me) determined the Watts to hammer out and pursue a p o l i c y at Rupert House separate from that ordered by the Hudson's Bay Company. The manner i n which t h i s was done was to take advantage of Mrs. Watt's friends' and acquaintances i n the Quebec n a t i o n a l i s t c i r c l e s , which at the time were beginning to have considerable power i n p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s . The upshot was that a 13,000 square mile beaver preserve was established by the p r o v i n c i a l government around Rupert House with Mrs. Watt named as the l o c a l supervisor and game warden. This entire operation was conducted without the knowledge of the Hudson's Bay Company (who did not hear of the matter u n t i l the b i l l was passed i n the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e ) . The immediate Hudson's Bay Company reaction was to demand that the Watts give up th e i r control of the beaver preserve or face termination from the company service. Since such termination would have been f a i r l y sure had they a c t u a l l y given up th e i r control, the Watts not only hung on but continued to urge the p r o v i n c i a l government to increase the t e r r i t o r y covered by beaver preserves. The long standing r i v a l r y between the Hudson's Bay Company and French Canada was at the time coming to a new head; with the expansion of the national economy int o the northern Quebec mining area the pr o v i n c i a l government saw greater reason and opportunity to demonstrate i t s e f f e c t i v e control over the north. The Hudson's Bay Company fearing that a rapid expansion of p r o v i n c i a l l y -controlled lands would put i t s fur resources of that area i n the 69 hands of a h o s t i l e agency, acquiesced to the Watt's arrangement (and, i f I i n f e r c o r r e c t l y , offered some sort of an understanding that they would remain i n charge of the Rupert House post as long as they wished). In the next few years, the Hudson's Bay Company began to acquire administrative control of new areas set aside f o r beaver preserves. The company was not one to be caught o f f base a second time. Nevertheless, by the mid-1930's, fur and beaver conservation had become an issue i n which federal and various p r o v i n c i a l a u thorities were involved and where i n d i v i d u a l or private company actions were discouraged. The importance of t h i s example i s twofold. One, i t shows the differences that can exi s t between the d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of one agency ( l e t alone when there i s more than one involved i n the s i t u a t i o n ) . The p o l i c y established by the Hudson's Bay Company i n t h e i r Winnipeg headquarters was one of 'no conservation experiments and maintain t r a d i t i o n a l Hudson's Bay Company spheres of control'. The regional outlook of Hudson's Bay Company headquarters i n James Bay was 'attempts at beaver conservation yes, but not at the expense of weakening Hudson's Bay Company's influence over the area'. F i n a l l y , the l o c a l Rupert House p o l i c y was 'beaver preserves to be established even i f t h i s e n t a i l s dependence upon the Quebec government'. The second proposition that I wish to exemplify i s that while there can be l o c a l deviance from the established p o l i c y (and there has been and i s a constant stream of men from various agencies who s t r i k e out on their own i n the north, leave, or are f i r e d f o r 70 disobedient behaviour) t h i s w i l l not be e f f e c t i v e i n modifying the p o l i c y of the external agency at a l l or even i n modifying the l o c a l power and p o l i c y structure over a longer run unless such deviant action i s of i n t e r e s t to and backed by another external agency. Watt would have been immediately released'and the beaver conservation scheme abandoned unless the i n t e r e s t of the Quebec government (or some other agency whose writ could be made to run i n the area) existed and i t s support obtained. The beaver allotment system as i t operates now i s as follows: about two-thirds of the nuclear or extended f a m i l i e s have received tracts of land delineated on a master map of the area. Quotas are set so as to allow trapping only the natural increase of that t r a c t ' s beaver population. Great v a r i a t i o n exists i n the size and richness of these t r a c t s ( s i x to about ninety beaver quota) and a considerable change i n the r e l a t i v e number of trappers per r e c i p i e n t family has taken place. Ideally, the tracts were to provide fur resources to the holding f a m i l i e s i n perpetuity' but i n p r a c t i c e , numbers of young men have had to be placed on the lands of others because th e i r o r i g i n a l family land could not support them. Even the r i c h e s t lands cannot now sustain many more trappers and s t i l l produce an acceptable income. There i s i n f a c t a strong f e e l i n g on the part of the dispensing authorities that the holders of the r i c h e r lands should not be overly burdened by having persons from i n s u f f i c i e n t t r a c t s placed on t h e i r lands. 71 Each year the head tallyman of a t e r r i t o r y (the man who nominally holds the trapping ground) must report the number of untrapped lodges remaining on h i s t e r r i t o r y . On t h i s basis next year's quota i s assigned. This t a l l y i s recorded by Mrs. Watt. She also c o l l e c t s the actual beaver f u r s , ships them to a p r o v i n e i a l l y administered auction i n Montreal, and d i s t r i b u t e s the cheques received i n the summer. Her son runs the beaver and game section of the regional Indian A f f a i r s Branch head-quarters i n Moose Factory. He decides, on surveying t a l l i e s which t e r r i t o r i e s would bear more trappers. Allegedly, no man or family who traps h i s land f u l l y i s forced to accept other trappers by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch, but 'suggestions' are made to the holder of some larger and/or r i c h e r t e r r i t o r i e s by Hugo Watt (the Indian A f f a i r s Branch F i s h and Game Supervisor) that they take i n some other trappers. I t i s the case for a l l the Indian people of t h i s area, except a very few s e l f - r e l i a n t or deviant persons, that a suggestion on the part of a government o f f i c i a l or Hudson's Bay Company post manager amounts to a command. It does seem to be the case that the holder of a t e r r i t o r y w i l l have the largest voice i n determining exactly who w i l l be placed on what was formerly h i s land. Many of the Indians contribute one or two of t h e i r yearly beaver furs to the operation of the l o c a l community h a l l (the J . S. C. Watt Memorial H a l l ) . This i s maintained and con-t r o l l e d through these proceeds by Mrs. Maude Watt. 72 Contact With Other Communities The Rupert House Indians categorize others as either • E n g l i s h 1 , 'French', or 'Indian 1. 'Scotch 1 seems to be a major subdivision of 'English' and some people recognise other European nationals as d i f f e r e n t . The category of 'Metis' i s not d i s t i n c t from that of 'Indian' but a major subdivision of 'Indian' seems to be 'Part Indian'. In short, the l o c a l people seem to categorize other groups as much by their way of l i v i n g as by t h e i r r a c i a l makeup. The terms 'Cree', 'Neskapi', and •Montagnais' are not known to them; 'Ojibwa' i s . They r e f e r to themselves s o l e l y as 'Indians'; when asked to distinguish themselves from other Indian groups they say that they are 'Rupert House Indians', the primary d i s t i n c t i o n between a l l other Indians being t h e i r post of residence. No contact e x i s t s with the people of the inland posts of M i s t a s s i n i and Waswanipi, the coastal posts of Fort George and-Paint H i l l s or with the west James Bay posts. About four or f i v e f a m i l i e s trapping on the northern and eastern margins of the Rupert House area camp with people from Eastmain and Nemiscau. Actual v i s i t i n g from one of these posts to another i s rare; one young man from Eastmain v i s i t e d Rupert House; a Nemis-cau party stopped at Rupert House to take back a canoe; a Nemiscau g i r l stayed at the Rupert House nursing station during the summer. One Rupert House family occasionally v i s i t s Eastmain i n the summer, the woman being born there and the man having spent much of. h i s active l i f e at Eastmain. 73 There i s a very considerable movement of Rupert House people back and fort h from Moose F a c t o r y — t o look f o r work, to v i s i t , to obtain h o s p i t a l i z a t i o n . About one-half to one-third of the active adult men spent some time i n Moose Factory l a s t year working or looking f o r work. About a h a l f of these men took t h e i r f a m i l i e s with them. Numbers of young men and women have already l e f t Rupert House fo r permanent residence at Moose Factory. This i s usually dependent upon some f a i r l y permanent employment there or marriage to someone so employed. Rupert House acts as a sort of reserve to which jobless men can return and where fatherless children can be l e f t . But there i s no inflow of men or women o r i g i n a l l y from other posts. In general, Rupert House people who permanently establish i n Moose Factory or who marry either a Moose Factory person or someone from one of the other James Bay posts resident at Moose, have la r g e l y cut themselves off from the Rupert House community and must make a go of i t where they are. The once common process of s h i f t i n g e f f e c t i v e band a f f i l i a t i o n applies now only to a one-way d i r e c t i o n to Moose Factory. Three f a i r l y large Rupert House commensal groups are at present i n the l a s t stages of a gradual t r a n s i t i o n to the Moose band. In addition to t h i s movement, a smaller number of people, usually young single men or newly married couples have made very abrupt s h i f t s by immigrating to the northern Ontario mining towns and to the Chibougamou, Quebec area. 7k CHAPTER III ECONOMIC AND PRODUCTIVE ORGANIZATION The economy of Rupert House has changed d r a s t i c a l l y i n the l a s t twenty-five years. The s e l f - r e l i a n c e of a h a l f -starved and ha l f - f r o z e n group of hunters-trappers has given way to the acceptance of family allowance payments, old age assistance, and rations. As might be expected, many of the e a r l i e r s o c i a l adjustments to a marginal hunting society have been m o d i f i e d — l e t us hope forever, as do those Indians who have experienced both s i t u a t i o n s . National welfare payments have had a very great importance i n changing the economic base and opportunities of t h i s northern society, more so than the recent increase i n wage labour, because of the strategic d i s t r i b u t i o n of these payments. As Mathew Cowboy (85), one of my p r i n c i p a l informants would t e l l you, " i n the old days children and old people couldn't do anything. Now they can take care of themselves. Even l i t t l e babies get comething." To 'do something' or 'to take care of o n e s e l f i s to be able to contribute to the economic support of whatever commensal group one i s intimately connected with. To be a good hunter and trapper i s s t i l l the major c r i t e r i a of the manhood i d e a l and s t i l l of considerable importance i n courtship, but the persistent demand i s to bring i n the goods by trapping, wage labour, or however. Nevertheless, despite recent changes 75 i n the economic base and despite those changes i n technology and external s o c i a l environment mentioned i n the e a r l i e r chapters, the Rupert House band s t i l l r e t ains a b a s i c a l l y hunting and trapping way of l i f e . This i s an obvious but important f a c t to constantly bear i n mind when considering t h i s society. Some of the regional directors and s t a f f of powerful White agencies, who ac t u a l l y should know better, w i l l seriously contend that the a l l overriding and determining economic base of the Indian groups i n the area i s subsidy payment. While subsidy payments may i n f a c t make up the largest single source of income, i t i s what the people do, what they work at, what area of t h e i r economy they a c t u a l l y control (to some degree) and can manipulate that has by f a r the greatest e f f e c t upon how they arrange th e i r movements, groupings, and a c t i v i t i e s . In the following chapter I s h a l l elaborate upon some of the modifications allowed by recent subsidy payments so eloquently alluded to by Mathew Cowboy. But Rupert House i n 1 9 6 1 i s s t i l l a hunting-trapping society, d i s t i n c t from both the p r i s t i n e and post contact hunting-trapping s o c i e t i e s of the past but equally d i s t i n c t from White trappers and th e i r communities. 1 . Income: subsidies, wages, trapping The t o t a l income f o r the people of Rupert House band i n the period September 1 , i 9 6 0 to August 3 1 , 1 9 6 1 was 76 approximately $111,350. Of t h i s , $^2,500 or 37.5 per cent came from subsidies, $^3,000 or kO per cent came from wages and $26,000 or 22.5 per cent came from trapping. This gives a per capita annual income of approximately $225 or $1,392 per commensal group. The annual income ranges from a high of $1+,380 i n a ten person commensal group (that of the nursing st a t i o n attendant) to a low of $550-$600 f o r an eight person commensal group (that of a s i c k l y young man with a f e r t i l e wife). These figures become somewhat more s i g n i f i c a n t when we r e a l i z e that the prices of consumer goods are approximately 50 per cent higher at Rupert House than i n the southern metropolitan areas and that, i n addition, active trappers must earmark a c e r t a i n portion of t h e i r income for the a c q u i s i t i o n and maintenance of c a p i t a l equipment. On the other hand, a variable but always considerable amount of the food eaten i s country food and the l i v i n g conditions dispense with u t i l i t y and rent payments. (a) Subsidies The introduction of subsidy payments has undoubtedly been the major event i n the community's recent h i s t o r y . These payments are not only important because of th e i r amount and strategic d i s t r i b u t i o n but also because emergency rations guarantee s u r v i v a l security. I t must be remembered, nevertheless, that these welfare payments (a preferable term) are primarily those available to a l l Canadian c i t i z e n s and that the add i t i o n a l rations and r e l i e f are proportionally small and considerably 77 lower than what would be received by s i m i l a r l y impoverished White f a m i l i e s farther south. This f a c t i s understood but not accepted by most of the administrators i n the area. The welfare payments consist of federal Family Allowance ($18,000), Old Age Assistance ($1^,520), and Indian A f f a i r s Branch permanent rations to widows, cri p p l e s and destitutes ($7,350). Family Allowance payments (calculated at $7 per month per c h i l d under sixteen years) are made twelve months of the year to the 230 children under sixteen who remain at Rupert House (at l e a s t nominally attending the day school there i f between eight and sixteen years of age) and f o r two months of the year to thirty-seven chil d r e n who attend r e s i d e n t i a l school. The $55 per month federal Old Age Assistanc i s paid to twenty-two people i n the community. Twenty-one persons receive permanent rations. These range from $22 per month fo r cr i p p l e s to $70 per month to two widows with dependant Such rations are paid as c r e d i t deposits at the l o c a l Hudson's Bay Company store. While the present manager does notngreatly concern himself with how these deposits were spent, other managers have and do take i t upon themselves to see that the re c i p i e n t uses h i s or her r a t i o n money to purchase 'wholesome, sensible food'. It i s a f a i r l y common b e l i e f among Whites of the area that Indian fa m i l i e s can and do l i v e s u b s t a n t i a l l y from Family Allowance and rations. To the best of my knowledge, most 7 8 families use a l l of the Family Allowance, plus some addit i o n a l funds f o r food and clothes f o r th e i r children. Most f a m i l i e s buy a wide range of western goods f o r babies and c h i l d r e n — evaporated milk, baby foods, bottles, bibs and bunting. With l o c a l prices f o r such a r t i c l e s , t h i s does not allow much scrimping f o r even the youngest r e c i p i e n t . Only a few of the poorest f a m i l i e s and those with a very large number of children use part of the Family Allowance payments to buy food f o r adults. This i s considered improper, both by those who are forced to do so and those who are not. This topic i s one of the very few spheres about which an outsider ( l i k e myself) can hear of overt gossip employed as sanctions. The size of the Old Age Assistance payments and the more l i m i t e d needs of the re c i p i e n t s allow of a considerably wider sharing or d i s t r i b u t i o n of such funds as compared to Family Allowance. The pos i t i o n of the aged and widows has undergone considerable change since the advent of such payments; i t has changed from that of dependant to that of one able to di s t r i b u t e a modest largesse. The twenty-two r e c i p i e n t s of Old Age Assistance and the two women receiving widows' allowances can and usually do support themselves and one or two other persons a d d i t i o n a l l y . Those so supported are usually grand-children (most frequently i l l e g i t i m a t e or children of a widowed son or daughter's f i r s t marriage), adopted children, or the children with whom the r e c i p i e n t happens to be re s i d i n g . 79 (b) Wages The importance of and reliance upon wage labour has had a f l u c t u a t i n g h i s t o r y at Rupert House. During the f i r s t quarter of t h i s century i t l i k e l y played a proportionally more important r o l e than even today. During the la t e 1920's, the 1930's, and much of the 19*t0's i t was n e g l i g i b l e . Wage labour became increasingly important from the l a t e 19^0's to the present as government establishments moved i n t o the area. Actually, much of the wage payment i s d i r e c t l y connected with the construction and maintenance of s o c i a l service establishments and i s i n a way a subsidy i t s e l f . This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true of Indian A f f a i r s Branch projects which are b a s i c a l l y a sort of paid community development. Many of these projects are neither p a r t i c u l a r l y necessary nor desired by the l o c a l people. The projects operate primarily to pump money i n t o a community which needs help and are calculated to inculcate an ethic of having 'to work for what you get'. A v a r i e t y of sources of wage income e x i s t . The largest source, $10,320 per annum, comes from permanent employ-ment at one of the White agencies at Rupert House. Seven persons are so employed: a caretaker at the nursing s t a t i o n ($320 per month), a native clerk at the Hudson's Bay Company ($180 per month), a labourer f o r the Hudson's Bay Company ($100 per month), a janitor and handiman at the Indian A f f a i r s school ($75 per month), a handiman at the p r o v i n c i a l Fish and Game 80 Department buildings ($65 per month), a cleaning woman f o r the Fish and Game houses ($60 per month), and a cleaning woman at the nursing station ($60 per month). The remaining sources of wage income are seasonal or temporary. In the case of employment i n the Hudson's Bay Company canoe factory, by the t o u r i s t goose hunting camps, and to a considerable degree f o r summer maintenance work by the other White agencies on the post, a man once h i r e d and found acceptable w i l l be asked to return each season. While these arrangements give a c e r t a i n security and p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of income to some of the men, i . e . , those who manage to get Into these wage positions, the arrangements also operate to increase differences i n income within the community. I t i s mainly the 'good' Indians (industrious) who are asked to work. Industrious-ness i s most frequently measured by Whites by the amount of furs a man brings i n . While a poor trapper or one with a poor trapping t e r r i t o r y may a t t a i n a status of 'good worker', i t i s considerably more d i f f i c u l t than for those who already can r e l y upon a 'good* trapping income as well. Guiding f o r the three t o u r i s t goose hunting camps i n the Rupert House band area employs about twenty men. These men usually take th e i r wives and children along to the t o u r i s t camps. Payment i s mainly to the men as guides but a ce r t a i n amount of the income from th i s source comes as r e n t a l paid to the guides f o r the use of t h e i r canoes and motors. The payment 81 f o r the period when these camps operate, approximately September 10 to October 10, ranges from $100 per man to $225 per man. Most men clear about $150 to $175 during t h i s t ime—provisions are pro-vided by the camps. The wives may make $**0 to $50 by plucking the geese the t o u r i s t hunters shoot. The Indian A f f a i r s Branch projects during the year September I960 to September 1961 consisted of cutting timber and sawing i t i n t o lumber f o r the repair of the exi s t i n g Indian houses and the projected construction of others, building a permanent dock (which was car r i e d away once by high water before i t s construction was completed and which was badly damaged by i c e i n the spring of 1962), making a road around the v i l l a g e , and clearing and seeding a small potato garden. These projects employed from f i v e to twenty-five men at d i f f e r e n t times. The t o t a l income from these projects was $9,315, ranging from $500 f o r the road to $^,565 f o r the cutting of lumber. The Hudson's Bay Company canoe factory employed twelve men between ,April 10 and September 20. Wages are paid on a piecework basis and the actual day-to-day management of the factory i s l e f t to an Indian foreman. The operation of th i s factory has relevance to an understanding of i n t e r n a l p o l i t i c a l control and w i l l be discussed i n the following chapter. The t o t a l income to the community from t h i s source was $5,000, ranging from $350 to $^50 per man per season. 8 2 Nine men, s i x of them with th e i r f a m i l i e s , flew to Moose Factory during the spring and summer i n order to f i n d employment there on the construction of an R. C. A. F. base. About h a l f of them l e f t the post very soon after f i n i s h i n g t h e i r beaver trapping. The chief of the band, Malcolm Diamond, found employment on the construction s i t e near Moosonee i n early A p r i l . Despite earning a f a i r l y good salary, which brought him more in.two and a h a l f months than h i s entire year's trapping, he returned to the post i n early June when most of the band members were i n . I t appears that i t i s d i f f i c u l t to validate positions of community leadership i f one i s heavily dependent upon wage labour. The income from outside employment ranged from $100 per season for an adult man with a large family who was cutting firewood at Moose Factory, to $1,500 f o r a young, single trapper (the son of a f a i r l y e f f e c t i v e trapper) who worked on the construction s i t e throughout most of the summer. The t o t a l income from th i s source was $1+,l+00. Irregular employment and seasonal maintenance work for the White agencies included painting and repair of buildings, construction of various small sheds, digging a well and water reservoir (for the Fishi and Game warden's house), cutting, hauling, and s p l i t t i n g firewood, and loading and unloading the summer supply ships. The wages paid out by the various agencies for t h i s sort of work ranged from $1^5 per year for the Anglican mission to $930 f o r the Hudson's Bay Company. Two men were the 83 most ever employed by the Anglican mission while approximately twenty-five men were used f o r one or two days i n unloading the supply ship. The t o t a l income from this, source was $1,905. Apart from the seven permanently employed persons, a l l wage a c t i v i t y i s seasonal and does not s i g n i f i c a n t l y c o n f l i c t with trapping-hunting a c t i v i t y ; indeed, arrangements usually p r e v a i l that allow even the permanently employed to engage i n goose hunting. With the exception of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch projects, cutting firewood, and unloading the supply ship, most wage opportunities are pretty well pre empted—even the ir r e g u l a r work. Each agency has a number of men to whom i t offers i t s part time work. While a few extra workers may sometimes be needed, t h i s i s f a i r l y infrequent. A very consider-able number of men, from a t h i r d to a h a l f , e s p e c i a l l y the younger men, have absolutely no opportunity f o r wage labour. Nearly a l l positions of permanent employment appear desirable to Rupert House people. The qualifying r i d e r i s that wage employment that e n t a i l s close and constant supervision and contact with Whites i s found unpalatable. Also, as has been mentioned, permanent wage employment does generally m i l i t a t e against a position of community leadership. I t i s not clear to me whether th i s r e s t r i c -t i o n comes from the subordinate position under Whites inherent i n most positions of permanent employment f o r Indians or from the al i e n a t i o n that such a permanently employed person would have from the trapping way of l i f e . 81+ While the most pleasant sort of work, f o r the l o c a l Indians i s undoubtedly that of guiding at the goose camps (which i s looked upon as a sort of holiday with pay), most adult men w i l l choose such employment that offers longer term economic security i f there i s an a l t e r n a t i v e . Since employment at the canoe factory depends upon working past the beginning of the goose season, those men who have had the opportunity to work i n either the factory or the goose camps have had to choose. It i s most s i g n i f i c a n t that after some experimentation a few years ago most men have decided to seek employment i n the canoe factory, i f possible. This despite the f a c t that the wage per month i s only about h a l f that of the goose camps and the work much l e s s enjoy-able. The reason f o r t h e i r choice i s that the t o t a l seasonal income per man w i l l be higher i n the canoe shed. S t i l l , an important factor that must be taken i n t o consideration when estimating the significance of t h i s decision i s that the canoe shed offered an unusual degree of independence from White supervision f o r Indian workers. (c) Trapping Income Trapping income i s of two kinds, that paid f o r the actual furs and wages paid by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch to the tallyman on each trapping t e r r i t o r y f o r h i s work each year i n counting and mapping the remaining beaver lodges. On t h i s count the next year's quota i s set. 85 Twenty-eight men received the $50 per annum tallyman wage--a t o t a l of $l , 1 +00. The average trapping income i s $300 per trapper, which i s also approximately the modal trapping income. The furs taken amounted to from $5 to $75 per season f o r fnexperienced adolescent trappers and from $50 to $1,025 per season f o r adults. The community then retains the features of a trapping society despite the f a c t that t h i s source provides the smallest proportion of the t o t a l community income. The reason f o r t h i s i s that trapping s t i l l i s the major source of income f o r close to a h a l f of the commensal groups. This f a c t serves to emphasize- the unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of wage labour and the d i f f e r e n t i a l income within the community. Furthermore, even those f a m i l i e s that do receive s i g n i f i c a n t wage income are dependent upon trapping f o r necessary additional income. F i n a l l y , trapping and hunting i s the only productive a c t i v i t y that can be undertaken i n the band area f o r over one h a l f of the year. Even c r i p p l e s do some trapping during the f a l l and winter. Hunting, trapping, and even f i s h i n g are not r i g i d l y distinguished by the Indians. When out i n 'the bush' one either hunts and traps or hunts and f i s h e s . To some of the poorer f a m i l i e s hunting and f i s h i n g are economically as important as the fur catch. By f a r the greatest part of t h e i r winter food comes from subsistence hunting-fishing, f l o u r being the only additive. I t would be too expensive f o r most f a m i l i e s to remain on the post a l l year, even i f a man were able to operate 86 a trap l i n e e f f e c t i v e l y by himself. A l l food f o r the family would have to be bought. 2. Expenditures and Consumption The most obvious and most important feature of consumer economics at Rupert House i s that the people are poor, that they use a l l of the i r annual income before the year i s up, and that a l l trappers, even the r i c h e s t , must contract debt with the Hudson's Bay Company i n order to obtain th e i r supplies f o r the winter trapping season. The clothing, bedding, and camp ut e n s i l s of the poorest could be duplicated i n any large c i t y dump. The personal belongings of the r i c h e s t f a m i l i e s approach those of people l i v i n g i n badly depressed r u r a l areas (although such r u r a l areas would have many services and opportunities not available at Rupert House). While the estimates of community income and the income of select f a m i l i e s could be f a i r l y e a s i l y and accurately deter-mined (the only area of indeterminacy being that of trapping income) accounts of expenditures were much more d i f f i c u l t to come by. The people themselves know the s p e c i f i c s of t h e i r buying i n recent months but do not generally know the o v e r a l l picture of where the i r money i s going. The only exception-is that people usually can recount nearly every item i n the i r winter supply and o u t f i t l i s t . This gives an accurate account of t h e i r consumption of cash goods over a variable winter period. Budgeting f o r the 87 spring and summer months operates l i k e t h i s : a f t e r the main fur haul i s i n or when the fur cheques have been paid a c r e d i t i s b u i l t up with the Hudson's Bay Company. One then buys those things which are not immediately necessary f o r subsistence. At each transaction the balance of the account i s asked f o r ; as t h i s declines the purchases are r e s t r i c t e d f i r s t s o l e l y to food (and items f o r babies and infants when the Family Allowance cheques come in) and then only to the cheapest foods. Under such conditions the accurate methods of determining the d i s t r i -bution of annual expenditures are to have access to Hudson's . Bay Company accounts or to observe selected family expenditures throughout the year. Neither, of these procedures were open to me. (a) Food From discussions with my older informants, i t i s clear that the main expenditures before World War I were f o r clothing and c a p i t a l equipment, guns, to o l s , ammunition, canvas, twine,—"Whatever we had l e f t over we would take i n food, never very much" said Mathew Cowboy. During the 1 9 3 0 ' s the f i n a l collapse of fox prices -and the pr o h i b i t i o n of beaver trapping created an efflorescence of subsistence hunting. L i t t l e food could be paid f o r . Nevertheless, the o v e r a l l trend since the beginning of the century (or, more exactly, from the entry of R e v i l l o n Brothers into the area i n 1 9 0 ^ - 1 9 0 6 ) has been the increasing importance of cash food i n the d i e t and budget. This 88 trend has been tremendously strengthened by the advent of welfare payments and government presence i n the area. Cash food i s now the largest single item i n the family budget. This holds true for every family from whom I obtained a supply l i s t , from r i c h to poor. While the poorer groups spend a r e l a t i v e l y larger percentage of t h e i r income on food i t i s smaller, absolutely, than that of the better off trappers. While the trend to greater use of and dependence upon cash foods has been noted f o r most Indian groups, the alleged c o r o l l a r y , i . e . , that these groups are b a s i c a l l y independent of l o c a l foods, does not obtain at Rupert House. I estimate that approximately sixty to s i x t y - f i v e per cent of the food eaten annually i s obtained from l o c a l resources. I t i s my guess that some observers have underestimated the degree of expl o i t a t i o n of the environment s t i l l obtaining by noting the decline i n the importance of large game animals (which are s t i l l of considerable importance inland) and disregarding the importance of fur animals for food. At Rupert House, people eat absolutely every animal taken, no matter how large or how small or what the primary reason f o r taking i t be--bear, mink, and skunk (which i s uninten-t i o n a l l y caught i n traps set for other animals). The only animals i n the area not eaten, to my knowledge, are frogs (which are used by young boys to throw at g i r l s ) , eagles and hawks, which are shot f o r sport, and dogs, which are thrown i n the bush when they die. A l l other animals, birds, and f i s h are used f o r f o o d — i f not 89 f o r humans then for dogs. I t i s true that the few younger men who have started trapping alone, i . e . , either by themselves or without t h e i r f amilies but i n the company of another man, do say, "Sometimes we see moose tracks, but we don't follow them when  we're trapping—we don't have the time." But they add, "We can l i v e on beaver, or rabbit when we haven't got beaver." Besides, these men often go on a separate hunt f o r large game after f i n i s h i n g trapping. Consider the r e l a t i v e importance of country food to cash food for the commensal group of Sydney Georgkish. The period covered i s from October 20 to February 20; the group consisted of Sydney (38), h i s wife, and four children nine to one years of age. The biggest bulk of the cash food was taken on the winter supply o u t f i t . About a quarter more food i s bought at Christmas. Food i s nearly the only item bought at that time. Cash Foods Country Foods ( i n pounds of meat that i s u t i l i z e d f o r food) 500 l b s . f l o u r 250 l b s . sugar 100 l b s . l a r d 10 l b s . baking powder 12 l b s . tea *+0 l b s . r o l l e d oats f o r dogs 26 beaver - 900 l b s . 5 otter 50 l b s . 6 muskrat 12 l b s . 100 rabbits 150 l b s . 60 grouse 30 l b s . 2 caribou (shot by himself) -250 l b s . 3 caribou (given by neigh-bouring trapper and shared with partner) - 185 l b s . (S.G.«s portion) 1 bear (shared with trapping partner) - 105 l b s . (S.G.'s portion) Total Gash Foods - 850 l b s . (not including tea, baking powder and condiments) Total Country Foods - 1,682 l b s . 90 The following chart gives some idea of the t o t a l amount of country food used by the Rupert House band. The actual take i s c e r t a i n l y higher than that recorded. Small and more uncommon animals such as s q u i r r e l s , weasels, and whiskeyjacks and loons were not included—loons give up to four pounds of meat per b i r d . Furthermore, I was not given a f u l l count of large game taken by some Indians; possibly f o r fear that a quota on these might r e s u l t . I know of a moose and two caribou which were taken which were not mentioned to me. These have been added to the count. Undoubtedly more than one bear was taken i n the band t e r r i t o r y during the year. The moose and caribou taken during the spring from aft e r break up.to August 30, 1961 are not included; these l i k e l y amount to from f i v e to ten animals. Birds, Game and Fur Animals Taken, Rupert House Band September 10, i960 to May 10, 1961 Animals U t i l i z a b l e (*) weight per animal i n pounds  Tot a l poundage of u t i l i z a b l e meat, i n pounds Large game: *f3 moose 26 caribou 1 bear koo 125 210 17,200 3,250 210 Total large game meat: 20,660 l b s . Fur animals: 750 beaver 900 muskrat 380 mink 53 otter 35* 10 2 .3 26,250 1,800 130 530 91 Animals 55 marten 0 lynx 5 fox U t i l i z a b l e (*.) weight per animal i n pounds  1 5 3 Birds and small game: 1,960 geese *+,M-00 grouse, ptarmigan and partridge 3,000 rabbits .5 1.5 Total amount of country food taken September 10, i960 to May 10, 1961 (not including f i s h ) : Total poundage of u t i l i z a b l e meat, i n pounds 55 150 135 Total fur animal meat: 29,050 l b s . 9,800 2,200 If, 500 Total b i r d and small game meat: 16,500 l b s . 66,210 l b s . Fish have not been added to the winter food catch. While there i s a wide difference i n use of t h i s resource, from no winter f i s h i n g at a l l to enough winter f i s h i n g to bring i n as much food as game, most fam i l i e s do obtain at l e a s t 100 l b s . of f i s h i n the winter. More important, those groups with dog teams must either f i s h to feed the dogs or purchase and carry r o l l e d oats f o r dog food mash. An increasing number do feed t h e i r dogs mainly on mash. Taken from Edward S. Rodgers, "An Analysis of the Hunting Group-Territory Complex among the M i s t a s s i n i Indian and Neighbour-ing People," Jh.D. thesis, University of New Mexico, d958, p. 52. Rodgers estimates of 55 pounds of meat per beaver appear f a r too high f o r the Rupert House animals: only the very largest would give so much meat. T h i r t y - f i v e pounds per animal seems to be a more reasonable f i g u r e . 92 Fish a t t a i n considerable importance from break up u n t i l the end of June. At t h i s time they provide the main country source of protein—about s i x to eight pounds of f i s h per two net family seems usual, but there i s a great day-to-day v a r i a t i o n . July and August are f l o u r months. Fish are very p l e n t i f u l during September but are only extensively exploited during the beginning of that month. Between May 10 and September 10, 1961, with the exception of about s i x weeks i n July and August, approximately twenty to t h i r t y f a m i l i e s had th e i r nets down each day. This gives an o v e r a l l average of 175 pounds of l i v e f i s h per day. About h a l f of t h i s weight i s i n suckers and j a c k f i s h , which i s fed to dogs, and about f o r t y per cent of the f i s h f o r human consumption i s reduced i n cleaning and cooking. The average d a i l y community consumption of f i s h during these months i s about f i f t y pounds per day, or approximately 5»500 throughout the season. To t h i s figure we can add about 1,000 to 1,500 pounds of f i s h that are brought i n from the summer f i s h i n g s i t e s along the coast. Geese make up the p r i n c i p a l item of d i e t during the f a l l and spring goose hunts. Unfortunately, no data could be obtained from the Hudson's Bay Company regarding the t o t a l amount of food bought by the community during the year. While there i s c e r t a i n l y more cash food used by the people when they are on the post, one basic adjustment to the shortage of country food at that time i s just eating l e s s . This held to be the case by the Whites and by 93 the Indians themselves. This alleged seasonal downward adjust-ment seems, from unsystematic discussions about d a i l y . d i e t at d i f f e r e n t times of the year, to be a c t u a l l y the case. While l o c a l Whites usually l i k e to believe that a parity i n subsistence income ex i s t s , that Indians 'get i t one way or another 1, t h i s i s unfortunately just not the case. Those who have a good t e r r i t o r y and trap r e l a t i v e l y many beaver not only can afford to buy more cash foods but also have large quantities of beaver meat at their disposal. (They also are usually i n good locations to shoot large game.) While the poorer trappers do take many more f i s h , geese, and rabbits than those trappers with better beaver sections, such small game cannot make up f o r the difference between s i x and s i x t y beaver carcasses. (b) C a p i t a l Equipment The community's tangible assets are almost t o t a l l y i n the form of equipment used to maintain a l i v i n g by hunting and trapping. Every active man above the age of twenty, married and unmarried, owns at l e a s t one canoe. Even the c r i p p l e d men who are s t i l l active own one. Every active man (except one) who heads a commensal group owns at le a s t one outboard motor. Often an older motor i s also available f o r emergencies or to use f o r spare parts. L i t e r a l l y every man and older boy has a gun of some sort; most of the better trappers own a heavy r i f l e , a .22, and a 9k shotgun. Any family which doesn't have at lea s t t h i s combination of firearms i s handicapped. Indeed, i t i s desirable to have a shotgun f o r every member of the group that goes goose hunting so that the t o t a l k i l l can be increased. There i s an average of f o r t y to f i f t y traps per commensal group. Beaver traps are the most expensive and l e a s t numerous; smaller traps make up the bulk. Only some fam i l i e s have a bear trap or two. Not only does the number of traps per family vary from about twenty to one hundred, but also the condition of these traps from new to almost useless. I t can be well imagined how important these c a p i t a l items are f o r the Indian people. A badly leaded r i f l e or .22 can mean the difference between getting a moose or not, leaking canoes mean wet supplies and bedding; old canoes can break open on treacherous water. Old, unreliable motors mean wasted days, often at times when there are resources which w i l l only be temporarily available. Paddling, besides being hard work, r e s u l t s i n upset schedules. Old traps may not be triggered by cautious animals, or may be broken from their anchor chains and dragged off by the dying animal. A great deal of pride i s taken i n owning new and better equipment. This i s indeed the major sphere of investment. A younger man w i l l t r y to b u i l d up h i s stock of such goods while a middle-aged man w i l l t r y to improve h i s . The normal way of proceeding i s to wait f o r a year when one's trapping take has 9 5 been good. The larger item i s bought afte r the winter advance has been repaid. No one holds the 'surplus' money (or c r e d i t ) over the summer i n order to buy next year's winter supplies without an advance. The chances would be that any 'surplus' intended f o r improvement of the stock of c a p i t a l equipment would t r i c k l e away over the summer into extra food, clothing and small luxuries. The difference and range of wealth (or poverty) within the community i s well i l l u s t r a t e d by the l i s t s of goods owned by three select commensal groups. 1. John Blackned (6*+)—commensal group consists of John, h i s wife, and two unmarried sons i n their mid-twenties. John Blackned has been a consistently good trapper throughout hi s l i f e although he has been increasingly incapacitated i n the l a s t few years. He i s d e f i n i t e l y one of the r i c h e r men i n the community, one of the few who own their own houses—his i s the biggest i n the community. 1 20 foot canoe 2 radios and dry c e l l s — 3 active 2 18 foot canoes 1 sewing machine trappers 2 18 foot canoes i n the , 3 portable stoves bush ko No. 1 traps 1 5 horsepower motor 20 No. 2 traps 2 shotguns , 10 No. 3 traps 1 automatic shotgun 30 No. k traps (beaver traps) 1 heavy r i f l e (30.06) and 3 •22s 5 pair snowshoes 3 sleds 1 'game getter' gun , 3 toboggans 2 moose hides 5 f i s h nets plus 6 tent coverings from the old church organ. l a s t year 5 tarps 96 2. Sydney Georgekish, an average commensal group. 1 20 foot canoe 1 radio and dry c e l l 1 5 1/2 horsepower motor k f i s h nets ( f i l a s t s e c t i o n 1 5 horsepower motor 3 tarps . f I h a n t p T o 1 r i f l e (30.30) 30 No. 1 traps active 1 pump shotgun 16 beaver traps trapper 3. David S a l t — T h i s represents what i s l i k e l y the poorest s t i l l active group. There are two active hunters/trappers, David (65) and h i s son Joseph (23). For a f u l l e r description see the l a s t section i n t h i s chapter. 1 20 foot canoe ^8 small traps 1 pump shotgun 12 beaver traps 1 .22 k f i s h nets 1 sewing machine 2 tarps R. ¥. Dunning (S o c i a l and Economic Change Among the Northern 0.1j.bwa^  p. ¥+) has estimated that the average annual c a p i t a l depreciation f o r each adult trapper amounts to approximately $1^0. This fig u r e seems to cl o s e l y approximate that f o r Rupert House today. The only adjustment I w i l l make i s i n shortening the estimated period of use of some items; with t h i s i n mind I would place the annual depreciation figure at $160. In addition to c a p i t a l depreciation, a l l active trappers must con-t i n u a l l y replace a stock of material goods i n order to hunt or trap; ammunition, tenting, t o o l s , twine and wire etc. These goods average about $75 to $100 per commensal group per year. In addition, sixteen trapping groups chartered a t o t a l of twenty-one f l i g h t s to their main camps, at an approximate cost of $85 per t r i p . While th i s expense i s considered p a r t i a l l y as a 97 luxury, i t does allow a f u l l e r e x p l o i t a t i o n of coastal resources and wage opportunities which would otherwise be closed to hunters who trap inland and who would have to leave the post early i n f a l l to reach th e i r t e r r i t o r i e s . My interpreter used about f o r t y gallons of gas per year, which at $1.25 per gallon t o t a l l e d $50. This was purportedly considerably more than used by most single men but about average f o r heads of commensal groups. The costs of carrying on trapping are r a r e l y recognized by l o c a l Whites. C a p i t a l depreciation, winter o u t f i t (here used to designate those material goods such as ammunition, matches, twine, etc. that are f u l l y expended i n the course of a season), and gas amount to approximately $275 per adult trapper per year, or $360 per year i f a plane i s used to f r e i g h t i n goods. While there Is v a r i a t i o n i n t h i s sphere, as elsewhere, these figures are about minimal for averages. A young single trapper would spend a . l i t t l e more than h a l f t h i s amount. The same material goods are used i n both subsistence hunting and i n trapping. This means that a commensal unit of an older active couple, an unmarried active son, and l e t us say a few smaller children, would require $1+00 to $*+50 per year to maintain c a p i t a l goods and buy the winter o u t f i t and gas. This figure would not include the cost of the winter food supply and clothing. People must trap i n order to maintain the goods that allow subsistence pursuits. 98 Those groups that do not obtain the necessary minimum income, and there are a number, depreciate t h e i r equipment, maintaining i t only by r a t i o n issues of canvas and occasional g i f t s of ammunition from community members. With old equipment i t i s doubly d i f f i c u l t to operate e f f e c t i v e l y . (c) Clothing and Sundries It i s of v i t a l importance to have s u f f i c i e n t and proper clothing i n t h i s sub-Arctic environment. Hide clothing has long since been replaced; even the parents of the oldest community members used mainly cloth clothing. Rabbit yarn jackets, and bedding, formerly of considerable importance, are now r e s t r i c t e d mainly to smaller children. Considering the climate, the stock of clothes now bought by an average family i s s u r p r i s i n g l y ( p a t h e t i c a l l y ) meagre. Clothing i s subjected to heavy wear and t e a r — s p a r k s , continual wear during day and night, rubbing against brush. The quality i s usually quite poor, e s p e c i a l l y f o r summer clothes. I t does not l a s t very long. "Last year George bought a parka, one of those good thirteen d o l l a r ones. He won't need another one t i l l next year," said Mrs. George Diamond. While the Hudson's Bay Company does carry a small stock of higher q u a l i t y and higher priced parkas, trousers, and s h i r t s , most goods are of a second run, bargain basement quality (a thirteen d o l l a r parka at Rupert House c e r t a i n l y would be). With l o c a l markup and l o c a l income, the people can afford l i t t l e else. 99 The l a r g e s t o u t l a y f o r c l o t h e s i s made during the purchase of the f a l l and winter o u t f i t . The greatest amount i s u s u a l l y spent f o r the male head of the commensal group. The wife r e c e i v e s from a h a l f to two-thirds the amount of her husband's c l o t h e s ; adolescent boys, s l i g h t l y l e s s than the mother, and remaining smaller c h i l d r e n together approximately as much as the mother. Any a c t i v e unmarried members of the commensal group are expected to buy t h e i r own c l o t h e s , although c l o t h e s are one of the main forms of g i f t s i n v o l v i n g cash goods. A l l the hide (moose and caribou) at a f a m i l y ' s d i s p o s a l u s u a l l y goes i n t o m i t t s and mocassins f o r the f a m i l y . In t h i s way the cost of footwear, which would be c o n s i d e r a b l e , i s e l i m i n a t e d . Mocassins are a l s o c o n s i d e r a b l y more comfortable and p r a c t i c a l than shoes i n the w i n t e r . A man w i l l need a p a i r of rubber boots or a cheap p a i r of waders almost every s p r i n g . Frequently there i s not enough hide t o make mocassins f o r summer use—one man can use up to s i x p a i r s i n a year. In that case, "running shoes must be bought f o r every member of the f a m i l y . Winter c l o t h e s are worn throughout the s p r i n g and o f t e n through the summer (long underwear i s replaced by drawers and j a c k e t s are not worn). By t h i s time these c l o t h e s are u s u a l l y w e l l patched and r a t h e r ragged and threadbare. Summer c l o t h e s , e s p e c i a l l y c h i l d r e n ' s c l o t h e s are bought s p o r a d i c a l l y any time a f t e r the beaver cheques are p a i d , i n l a t e s p r i n g . 1 0 0 The only expenditures which can be regarded s o l e l y as luxuries are tobacco for men and women, beer brew supplies f o r men, and candies and gum f o r children. Even f o r the most aff l u e n t t h i s does not constitute a s i g n i f i c a n t part of the budget.. My interpreter summed up the s i t u a t i o n rather n i c e l y , "We l i k e to make l i f e as easy as we can. I t i s s t i l l hard." And i t i s . After buying better equipment, 'surplus' income goes int o better clothing f o r the family. I t makes a man happy to wear better quality clothes and to see h i s wife and children wearing new sweaters and frocks. Buying canned meat and canned f r u i t during the summer, extra candles and new cooking pots more frequently, using extra gas to go on p i c n i c - l i k e excursions, expending boxes of s h e l l s i n shooting at hard to h i t animals, are a l l part of better l i v i n g . None of these uses of a higher income i s d i s t i n c t from the purchase of n e c e s s i t i e s . I t i s only a matter of degree. The expenditures of the Goerge Diamond family may give some understanding of o v e r a l l consumer economics. The expendi-tures are the f u l l winter supply and o u t f i t l i s t s . This group did not come into the post for additional supplies during the winter. These figures can therefore be taken as accurate and a l l i n c l u s i v e for the period October 5, I 9 6 0 to March 1 0 , 1961. The commensal group consists of George Diamond ( 3 8 ) , h i s wife (37), and four children ( 1 to 5 years). The winter trapping group was a d d i t i o n a l l y composed of the Diamond's eldest son, Lawrence (19), h i s wife ( 1 8 ) and th e i r baby. In regards to food, 101 t h i s younger commensal group i s self-supporting. In the summer time these two commensal groups move i n with George Diamond's parents, another separate commensal group, who u n t i l l a s t year trapped along with George During July and August 1961 f i v e of George Diamond's children, from seven to sixteen years of age, returned home from r e s i d e n t i a l school. Winter Supplies and O u t f i t — f o r f i v e months, October 5 to March 10; two adults and f i v e children; a somewhat ri c h e r than average family, George Diamond. Food Clothine if00 l b . f l o u r $52 1 man's coat $15 150 l b . sugar 3 0 3 pair trousers 20 60 l b . l a r d 2h 3 pair stockings k 1*+ l b . tea 23 1 heavy underwear 5 12 l b . baking powder 7 1 man's hat 2 k l b . s a l t 2 1 woman's parka 20 15 pkgs. currants 8 1 s k i r t 8 90 l b . r o l l e d oats ? 2 pair bloomers 6 p l b . coffee 6 2 pair stockings 3 1/h case canned milk if 1 woman's sweater 5 children's trousers 9 Total $165 6 pair children's stockings 5 1 s h i r t 3 1 yard d u f f e l 9 6 yards flannelette 6 8 yards cotton 8 Total $128 Luxuries 1 l b . candy $ 2 2 boxes b i s c u i t s 3 1 carton gum 1 1 l b . tobacco 3 1 carton cigarettes k Total $13 102 Winter Supplies and O u t f i t , George Diamond family (continued) Outfit 1 box 3O.3O s h e l l s $ k-5 boxes 303 sh e l l s 20 5 boxes .22 shel l s 5 2 axes 7 2 saw blades 3 k f i l e s k 1 rasp 1 1 box shot gun s h e l l s h 10 c o i l s snare wire 2 8 r o l l s No. 5 twine k 8 r o l l s No. 9 twine 2 2 tarps 21* 1 tent k8 3 boxes candles 6 5 doz. boxes matches 3 «f stove pipes 8 Total ' $11+5 In addition to the winter supply and o u t f i t expenditures, George Diamond flew h i s family and that of h i s married son int o t h e i r distant trapping t e r r i t o r y . The cost was approximately $110. Since he was employed at the Bupert House canoe factory from A p r i l 15 to September 20, he did not use a great amount of gas—about twenty-five gallons ($31.00 worth). During the spring and summer period about seventy-five per cent of h i s monthly wage of $85 was spent on food, i n addition to most of the Family Allowance cheques. George Diamond contributed approximately $100 worth of assistance i n the form of clothing and c a p i t a l equipment, i n addition to paying the f u l l a i r charter, to h i s recently married son. He had an unusually bad trapping year, being able to take only t h i r t y of h i s quota of f i f t y - s i x beaver. For thi s year he was depreciating h i s c a p i t a l equipment. 103 Approximate* Annual Expenditures of George Diamond Commensal Group, September 1, i960 to August 30, 1961 Approximate* Income of Group f o r Same Period Winter food, 5 months Summer food, 7 months Winter clothing Summer clothing Winter o u t f i t (includes most of the equip-ment used i n year, except shot gun s h e l l s f o r spring and f a l l goose hunts). A i r charter Gas Assistance to son 3. D i v i s i o n of Labour $165 595 128 65 l*+5 110 31 100 $1,339 Trapping income: beaver f i n e fur Wage employment, canoe factory f o r f i v e months: Welfare payments, Family Allowance $ 1*06 100 if 25 h06 $1,337 S p e c i a l i z a t i o n and d i v i s i o n of labour exists only at an elementary l e v e l . Whereas there was formerly considerable c r a f t s p e c i a l i z a t i o n , f o r seasonal, intermittent, and permanent work, such d i s t i n c t i o n s have la r g e l y vanished. Apart from the native c l e r k at the Hudson's Bay Company and one man who i s reputedly an experienced carpenter, most men can and do perform the same Figures for winter food, o u t f i t , and clothing, f o r a i r charter and gas are probably accurate, as are the income figures f o r wage employment and welfare payments. Trapping income i s an estimate made from the number and kinds of animals taken. I t l i k e l y does not vary more than $50 from the correct figure ( i t i s an under-estimate, i f anything). Other figures are based on a compilation of scattered reports, observation and r e c o l l e c t i o n s gathered i n conversations with the family. The t o t a l s may be from $100 to $150 more than recorded here, small additional expenditures could e a s i l y account f o r t h i s . Irregular employment during early A p r i l cor l a t e September could have covered t h i s . 10k general sorts of tasks. The exception i s that most of the younger men and boys who have just returned from extensive schooling or h o s p i t a l i z a t i o n outside require a number of years' practice i n order to trap. I t i s a general b e l i e f among both Indians and whites that the number of young men who cannot trap and who have l i t t l e opportunity to learn trapping i s increasing. Important i n d i v i d u a l differences i n trapping/hunting a b i l i t y do exi s t and there are some persons who are known for t h e i r a b i l i t y to repair outboard motors, inte r p r e t , make snowshoes, etc. The prime c r i t e r i a of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , here as i n most other s o c i e t i e s , are age and sex. These a t t a i n an even greater importance where the only other basic d i s t i n c t i o n i s between. White administrators and non-White administered. The homogeneity of roles that exists for men applies also f o r women; a l l females past early adolescence can prepare pelts and hides and a l l of the tasks incumbent on adult women. Again, there are i n d i v i d u a l differences i n competence—unmarried younger women are usually i n e f f i c i e n t i n making clothes and f i s h nets, doing decorative work, such as beading, and i n carrying out t h e i r part i n the manufacture of l o c a l l y used items, such as webbing snowshoes. (Some do occasionally surpass even t h e i r mothers.) A man's economic r o l e i s primarily that of hunter and trapper. Women are b a s i c a l l y concerned with tasks a n c i l l a r y to the hunt and i n maintaining a family and camp. 105 D i v i s i o n of Labour by iSex—Adults Men Women Trapping, beaver and f i n e fur animals and occasionally rabbits. Hunting large game and geese. Fishing, setting and clearing nets. Manufacturing and repairing l o c a l l y -produced items (generally of wood), toboggans, sleds, snowshoes, spoons, paddles, tools, etc. Butchering and skinning. Repairing motors, guns, lanterns, etc. and building and repairing houses and canoes. Setting up tents. Operating outboard motors and handling dogs. Snaring rabbits, Occasionally shooting grouse and ptarmigan around camp. Sometimes clearing nets (expecially widows). Making that part of an item that requires knotting and braiding cordage, webbing snowshoes. Flenshing, scraping,;-., softening, smoking hides, preparing fur p e l t s , and occasionally skinning. Setting up tents. Making and mending mocassins,^ mitts, rabbit yarn jackets, blankets, and cloth clothing. Feeding dogs. Doing decorative work, beading, embroidery, wool tas s e l s . Doing a l l wage labour except menial housework f o r Whites. Gutting and hauling i n lengths of firewood. Making and repairing f i s h nets. Housework f o r Whites. Chopping and s p l i t t i n g firewood. Making and repairing f i s h nets. Cooking and washing f o r family, caring for infants and small children. 106 Even this sexual d i v i s i o n of labour i s not as r i g i d and exclusive as that of many non-industrial s o c i e t i e s . Hunting and trapping under rigorous northern conditions, with attendant c r i s e s and i n d i v i d u a l differences, does not allow f o r irrevocably d i s t i n c t r o l e s . In most spheres, a man or woman knows how to carry out the other's task, though not as e f f i c i e n t l y . Exceptions are that most women could not now trap beaver or hunt large game with even moderate success and men, on the other hand, would lose considerable value on pelts i f they attempted to prepare them themselves. The price of the fur i s greatly dependent upon the quality of the dressing. There i s i n d i v i d u a l adjustment to these r o l e s ; some of the best trappers w i l l aid the i r wives while some of the worst w i l l not. Making and mending clothes i s most exclusively the domain of women, yet the biggest brawler i n the v i l l a g e often did h i s own sewing-—all men would patch t h e i r clothes i f out i n the bush alone. The only comment which I heard that defined a sphere improper f o r men concerned cooking, yet men cook f o r themselves while on a t r i p alone and i n the v i l l a g e when they want tea or a snack while th e i r wives are busy elsewhere. Differences i n r o l e are usually explained i n terms of p r a c t i c a l i t y rather than appropriateness. "Men don't dry skins. We wouldn't have time to trap." One w i l l frequently see a man and h i s wife repairing a f i s h net together during the lazy summer, but during the f a l l goose hunting season i t i s s o l e l y the women who work on the nets. I t i s usual f o r a man to help h i s wife i n most of her chores i f she i s i l l , aged or i n the advanced stages of pregnancy. 1 0 7 Each family member i s expected to contribute as much e f f o r t and material support to the group as he or she can. When Walter Blackned returned to the post i n March 1 9 6 1 , he was dragging a sled loaded with a canoe p a r t i a l l y f i l l e d with f r e i g h t . His wife pulled a toboggan p i l e d with baggage ( i n which sat the youngest c h i l d , a boy of four who could not yet walk on snowshoes). Two older boys, eight and ten years respec-t i v e l y , were pu l l i n g smaller toboggans loaded with baggage. In the past, during the f i r s t two decades of th i s century, women frequently went with the men to trap beaver lodges. Some women set traps for f i n e fur themselves. There are some remembered cases, occurring at the turn of the century, where women participated i n caribou drives. Despite the removal of women from involvement i n hunting/trapping, i t seems that whereas the male sector of a c t i v i t y has been lightened by improved technology, the female sector has become a d d i t i o n a l l y burdened by more children. The l o c a l Whites, who f i n d the present d i v i s i o n of labour suitably similar to the former Euro-American i d e a l , are l i k e l y correct i n holding that women work harder ( i . e . , more) than men. Certain changes have occurred very recently. A number of younger and middle-aged married men now regula r l y prepare baby bo t t l e s , and feed and change babies. In some cases these men are among the more powerful community members. Chopping and 108 s p l i t t i n g firewood and hauling water i s more frequently done by men now—at l e a s t during the summer. But when a young man who came to Rupert House from Moose Factory to v i s i t with h i s parents-in-law c a r r i e d the baby while walking with h i s wife, the v i l l a g e consensus was that he was being overly 'English'. Age i s a v i t a l c r i t e r i o n i n determining what an i n d i v i d u a l can and w i l l do. Formerly, children and aged were even more i n the status of dependants than they are today. Milk was not to be had f o r babies. Extra supplies had to be earmarked f o r children, who often became weakened by poor n u t r i t i o n and had to be dragged on toboggans. Old people could not be l e f t on the post since they had to remain with the productive group i n order to receive food—many men r e c a l l e d p u l l i n g their aged parents i n from the trap l i n e by toboggan. At present, the e f f i c i e n c y of trapping groups has been heightened. Aged can be l e f t on the post, where they subsist on r a t i o n or old age payments. The whole family can be flown into a main winter camp from which only the older children and active men depart for short trapping expeditions. While I do not wish to underestimate the amount of work that children do, t h i s i s very l a r g e l y expended i n transporting, learning how to trap, and helping to maintain the camp. (While walking ten to f i f t e e n miles through soft snow, chopping and placing the poles used i n sets and planting traps i s undoubtedly a heavy task f o r an eleven or twelve-year-old boy, i t nevertheless 1 0 9 detracts rather than adds to the e f f i c i e n c y of the units, f o r the father i s slowed down i n t r a v e l l i n g and must expend time i n teaching h i s son how and where the trap i s set.) G i r l s are immediately useful to the mother once they sta r t helping. The s p e c i f i c age at which children and adolescents enter and leave the various stages of a c t i v i t y through which they pass depends upon r e l a t i v e position i n the family, sex and age of other s i b l i n g s , the i n d i v i d u a l character and makeup of parents and c h i l d . The prime factor that determines when an older man w i l l r e t i r e from trapping i s h i s acquiring a permanent ra t i o n or old age assistance. An older man occasionally r e t i r e s from active trapping before receiving income security because h i s wife or he himself finds they are no longer strong enough f o r sustained winter work or because he has given h i s beaver quota to a son who could not get one for himself. Persons receiving old age assistance no longer trap but often spend a considerable amount of t h e i r time i n services to t h e i r children, grandchildren, or adopted kin. Men may make and repair canoes and wooden a r t i c l e s while older women may care f o r their offspring's children. D i v i s i o n of A c t i v i t y by Age Local Categories Males Females 'Infants' and Maximum permissiveness allowed f o r both; 'Small Children' nothing required but learn not to require 1 - 5 or 6 mother; older children s t i l l help them i n dressing, getting meals, etc. 110 D i v i s i o n of A c t i v i t y bv Age (continued) Local Categories "Children 1, 6 - 9, 10 or 11 Males Begin learning how to trap; go out and watch older boys and father but do not actually trap u n t i l 11. Occasionally haul water, s p l i t wood, and run errands. Females Begin looking a f t e r i n f a n t s , clean up tent and washi, s p l i t wood and haul water, run errands. Begin learning to prepare p e l t s . •Boys' and ' G i r l s ' 11 - 16 or 17 Boys become active but G i r l s have learned s t i l l i n e f f i c i e n t trappers, and carry out the •Boys' and ' G i r l s ' (young men and women) 16 - 21, 22, 23 end of period marked by when boy gets h i s f i r s t beaver quota. Does not produce l o c a l l y used items or repair c a p i t a l goods. Men a t t a i n f u l l active status during the middle of t h i s period, enter seasonal wage employment i f possible. Difference from adult hunters/ trappers now due l a r g e l y to i n d i v i d u a l differences. Many such younger men are more capable than their fathers, e s p e c i a l l y i n the strenuous hunt aft e r large game, and i n t h i s a c t i v i t y sometimes par-t i a l l y support their parents. f u l l complement of a woman's a c t i v i -t i e s early i n t h i s period but are not capable or strong enough to carry a f u l l load of work. Young women reach f u l l adult status by the beginning of t h i s period. 'Men' and 'Women' As described i n the chart on d i v i s i o n of from time of labour by sex. marriage to time of retirement from trapping. I l l D i v i s i o n of A c t i v i t y bv Age (continued) Local Categories Males 'Older Men and Women1 Reduced c a p a b i l i t y at 55 - 65 'Old People' 65 and over hunting and trapping, greater reliance on sons or sons-in-law to maintain game income. May give beaver quota to son and only trap f i n e fur from camp, or locate wife on post and concentrate on f i n e f u r , geese and f i s h on s i t e s near post. Locate on post; f i s h i n g and hunting t r i p s o ff post are engaged i n by most of the men as an enjoyable part of l i f e as long as possible. Aid children and grand-children. Females Carry out same a c t i v i t i e s as before but at a very much reduced load. Cook, prepare hides, and make mocassins f o r husband. Aid children and grandchildren. *t. The Yearly Economic Cycle The economic and natural year i s held to begin i n early or mid-September. At t h i s time the t o u r i s t goose hunting camps i n the area open and those employed as guides leave the post f o r the duration of the open season, u n t i l October 10. At the same time, l a t e August and early September f i s h runs become heavy. The poorer f a m i l i e s leave the post f o r s i t e s where f i s h i n g can be carried on u n t i l the middle of September. At th i s time the f a l l goose season begins and l i t e r a l l y every active man and adolescent p a r t i c i p a t e s . Those who have not established themselves i n fishing-goose camps make excursions from the post. 112 Most men are out i n such camps f o r at lea s t a few three or four day s p e l l s , plus the d a i l y hunting around the post. Almost a h a l f of the fam i l i e s stay the duration of the goose season i n coastal camps ranging up to twenty-five miles from the post. Poorer fa m i l i e s may return to the post f o r a day or two f o r supplies af t e r the end of the goose season, or may go d i r e c t l y to t h e i r f a l l trapping camp, sending a member i n to the post to pick up the supplies needed. The richer trappers who work the more distant t e r r i t o r i e s , both those who have been at the t o u r i s t goose camps and those that have remained at Rupert House, are at the post to purchase their winter o u t f i t by the middle of October. They leave f o r the i r trapping t e r r i t o r i e s immediately after t h i s has been done, between October 15 and October 20. Chartered planes are now frequently used to move the trapping group and i t s supplies to the inland camps, es p e c i a l l y i f they intend to remain t i l l early spring and have l e f t l a t e i n the season. The return t r i p s from the trapping camps and movement while on loc a t i o n i n the bush i s always by sled or toboggan. The poorer groups cannot of course afford the cost of chartered a i r c r a f t . They use canoes and toboggans i n movements to and from th e i r locations. A very marked d i s t i n c t i o n i n s o c i a l groups appears i n October. Those that have l i m i t e d finances operate from a separate f a l l trapping camp and concentrate on trapping f o r f i n e 113 fur and subsistence hunting. Those with greater c r e d i t go d i r e c t l y to the i r winter area. A few men, mostly those that trap without their f a m i l i e s , remain on the post, hunting and trapping out of the post on one or two day excursions. They do odd jobs f o r White agencies or lay up firewood and otherwise prepare their dwellings so that the family that w i l l remain behind when they leave a f t e r New Year w i l l not be too greatly handicapped by the absence of the men. During l a t e r October and early November a l l groups which are out on the trapping s i t e s establish their main camps, survey th e i r area, and t r y to lay i n a stock of meat. A one or two week period may be spent checking the area and looking f o r bear and moose. Trapping begins i n mid-November and continues u n t i l Christmas. At t h i s time, about December 20, the people on the f a l l trapping camps come into the post to exchange t h e i r furs f o r additional supplies. About h a l f of the fa m i l i e s i n the f a l l trapping camps remain on the s i t e while the men come into the post and return i n a few days with supplies. Individuals from the more distant trapping t e r r i t o r i e s may come i n singly l a t e r during the winter (January or February) and return to the i r camps taking out supplies by toboggan. After Christmas every active trapper i s out on a winter trapping camp. Those persons who concentrate s o l e l y on beaver trapping (about s i x or eight men), do thi s during January and February. The composition of f a l l trapping camps changes 111+ by additions and subtractions as groups readjust, coalesce and s p l i t . Generally, more groups are now operating and more men trapping. The more distant groups are not greatly affected by changes at t h i s time. They more or le s s r e t a i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l composition. But a l i t t l e under a h a l f of the coastal groups readjust. Towards the end of February and i n early March the distant groups come i n from their winter trap l i n e s . The coastal groups bring i n their entire f a m i l i e s f o r reprovisioning. March i s a slack month, a time when men may v i s i t Moose Factory f o r odd jobs or may go out into a s t i l l d i f f e r e n t t e r r i t o r y to hunt for moose or caribou. Towards the beginning of A p r i l another s h i f t occurs; new groupings appear i n prepara-tion f o r the spring goose hunt. Some of those men who have been i n the i n t e r i o r hunt with those that have spent the winter near the coast. These spring groups leave when t r a v e l over the ice i s s t i l l r e l a t i v e l y easy, spend the l a t t e r h a l f of A p r i l and early May hunting geese, and return after break up allows a r e l a t i v e l y easy passage by canoe. Work i n the canoe factory begins i n early A p r i l ( A p r i l 10 t h i s year). Those so employed cannot of course go out to the spring goose camps. Maintenance work and i r r e g u l a r labour begins toward the end of May. Those who do not f i n d some employment on the post w i l l make f i s h i n g t r i p s of from two to seven days duration. During 1 1 5 June, July, and August wage labour becomes of singular importance--these are the f l o u r months. Bannock i s usually the staple, the side dish, and the condiment. Summer pelts are not saleable, hunting i s generally poor (hunters are too t i g h t l y clustered around the post and are handicapped by the closed season on large game), f i s h i n g i s very marginal. Fish are scarce during the months of July and August. Most Rupert House people do not even bother to set nets i n the r i v e r at t h i s time. Worthwhile f i s h i n g s i t e s are r e s t r i c t e d to two coastal locations and the inland f i s h i n g lakes. An enforced (and enjoyed) l e i s u r e exists f o r the unemployed men during t h i s season. V i s i t s to brothers, s i s t e r s , and children at Moose Factory are most frequent during th i s period, both f o r men and women. Subsidized community projects are both most viable and most necessary at t h i s time. Despite the fluctuations i n the a c t i v i t y and l o c a t i o n of the men, most adolescent and active married women carry on a f u l l schedule of cooking, cleaning, net rep a i r , f u r preparation, making and mending clothes and c h i l d care, every week, every month, every year. Towards the end of August the wind turns colder again and the cycle begins anew; always with d i f f e r e n t l y composed groups, going to somewhat d i f f e r e n t locations, and s h i f t i n g somewhat d i f f e r e n t l y during the coming year. 116 5. Economic A c t i v i t y of Three Selected Commensal Groups The f l u i d membership and seasonal changes i n a c t i v i t y of productive groups and the considerable differences i n goods and a c t i v i t i e s between groups, e s p e c i a l l y between those working the more distant beaver t r a c t s and those subsisting on the coast, have already been mentioned. A description of the yearly round of three actual commensal groups, a poor, an average, and a richer group, w i l l serve to f l e s h i n the generali-zations and s t a t i s t i c a l abstracts already given. (a) A poor commensal group—David S a l t This group consists of David S a l t (61+-66), h i s wife Daisey (H5-50), a grown son, Joseph (23) , and another son, Robert (5) . David i s of Metis extraction. His parents were f u l l y employed servants of either the Hudson's Bay Company, Rev i l l o n Brothers, or the Anglican missions of Rupert House and Eastmain. In t h i s t r a d i t i o n , David did only very l i t t l e trapping as a youth, only enough to supplement wage labour. Throughout h i s middle years he held a f a i r l y important position as dog team courier f o r the East James Bay Hudson's Bay Company posts. This service was discontinued by the Company afte r World War I I , leaving David, at hi, completely dependent upon hunting and trapping f o r the f i r s t time i n h i s l i f e (a time when one i s neither retentive nor active enough to learn and practise trapping e f f e c t i v e l y ) . This dramatic personal event 117 has wider relevance i n that i t was exactly the sort of thing that happened on a mass scale during the l a t e 1920's and early 1930's. Two men, unrelated to David, took him i n t o t h e i r camps for two and four years respectively as a gesture of friendship and i n order that he be able to survive. David S a l t i s then a marginal and not too s k i l l f u l trapper, heavily dependent upon subsistence hunting. But t h i s s i t u a t i o n i s not unique; some lack s k i l l , some are p a r t i a l l y crippled, others have been enfeebled by i l l n e s s (the scars of T.B. are not so e a s i l y removed as i t s memory i s from the minds of children). David has experienced r a d i c a l downward mobility and i s near the end of h i s active hunting l i f e . I t i s only h i s d i f f i c u l t y i n establishing h i s q u a l i f i c a t i o n f o r old age assistance which h a l t s h i s retirement to the post. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t to note that h i s two eldest sons from h i s f i r s t wife, Isiah and B i l l y S a l t , are the two highest paid wage earners on the post yet seem to contribute nothing to their father's welfare. Another son by the f i r s t wife i s employed as a c l e r k for the Hudson's Bay Company at Chibougamou and has not been i n communication with h i s father f o r many years. Only the youngest son of the f i r s t wife, Ronnie S a l t , a marginal trapper himself, gives aid and services to h i s father. There seems to be l i t t l e community aid given. The f e e l i n g exists that while the sons' actions are somewhat reprehensible the Indian A f f a i r s Branch and the Hudson's Bay Company w i l l never l e t David and h i s family 118 starve. When asked why the sons do not help their father, most people give a reply that approximates, "Well, I guess they need the i r money, too." The s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y forced upon t h i s family may be somewhat extenuated because David's wife i s from Eastmain, where David l i v e d many years, and because of h i s maintenance of former Metis mannerisms of c i v i l i t y . Nevertheless, the same 'independence' i s generally expected of a l l of the Rupert House poor. The family l e f t the post i n mid-July i960 to eke out a l i v i n g at a summer f i s h i n g s i t e on the mouth of the Pontax River ( t h i r t y to t h i r t y - f i v e miles north of Rupert House). David i s one of the few active men who does not have some sort of outboard motor, so the group spent three days paddling t h e i r eighteen foot canoe (which was i n serious need of repair and unusable during summer 196l) up the coast. The cash supplies taken f o r the three adults and one c h i l d on this s i x week f i s h i n g expedition were minimal: 25 l b s . f l o u r , 7 l b s . l a r d , 10 l b s . sugar, 1 1/2 l b s . tea. The reason f o r t h i s removal from the post was to reduce the expenditures that would have had to been made f o r cash food, f o r everyone enjoys the companionship that post l i v i n g provides. A camp with canvas covered wigwam and drying racks i s established i n two or three days; after that the main a c t i v i t y i s f i s h i n g . The family used three nets, two of two-inch mesh fo r whitefish and one of one-inch mesh f o r suckers and smaller 1 1 9 f i s h . The nets are moved almost every day by the two adult men. They are cleared i n the la t e afternoon or early evening and the wife spends her evenings and the following mornings cleaning and drying the f i s h . Each net w i l l have to be repaired and dried at least twice during the s i x week period (they are old nets and have been made of cotton rather than nylon twine). This e n t a i l s about four days' work per net. A d d i t i o n a l l y , there may be two or three days i n a week when i t i s too windy to go f i s h i n g . Summer i s , except f o r women, the most l e i s u r e l y season. The f i s h i n g expedition not only provided nearly a l l the food f o r t h i s family throughout the period but i t also, allowed the stockpiling of three and one-half milk boxes of dried-pressed whitefish (about 2 0 0 f i s h ) . David claims that for s imilar periods he has been able to stockpile up to twice as many f i s h . These f i s h , when interspersed with dried goose, cash foods, and fresh f i s h and game, acted as storeable supplies that were eaten during the whole of the f a l l and winter season. The family returned to the post at the end of August. I t has a 1 0 ' by 1 6 ' tent permanently set up on the post and their importable goods, such as a spring bed and mattress, some chests and benches, are stored there f o r their return. This i s the usual procedure f o r those s t i l l l i v i n g i n tents on the post during the summer. A l l have wooden doors which are locked 120 upon leaving; thievery, which would, nevertheless be easy, i s extremely rare. Locks are to keep dogs and prying children out. The family remained on the post for two weeks and then l e f t i n mid-September f o r the f i r s t stage of th e i r f a l l and winter hunt. They proceeded by canoe to a location eighteen miles north of Rupert House, to coastal marshes just on Boat-swain Bay. David and h i s adult son hunted Canada and Blue geese there. They hunted together on calm days and separately when the bad weather broke the main fl o c k s into smaller covies. They took nearly 100 geese between l a t e September and October 20. About a h a l f of these were eaten immediately, t h i r t y were smoked whole and twenty s p l i t and dryed. So preserved, the geese lasted, interspersed with other foods, u n t i l a f t e r New Year. Grouse, spruce grouse, pheasant and ptarmigan are also taken during this period but these are eaten immediately. On October 20 the family moved their camp one and a h a l f miles south to a more protected point on the Sherrick Mount gutway. They b u i l t their winter camp here, a substantial camp with a log wigwam and cut firewood. This operation busied them u n t i l the f i r s t week i n November, when David and Joseph began trapping f i n e fur ("When I'm sure the mink i s prime"). This sort of trapping d i d not take them more than, at most, two days journey from their main camp. Often they returned from the 121 trap l i n e on the same day they l e f t . The father and son generally went out on the l i n e s together. There i s considerable concern among a l l the trappers, but espe c i a l l y among the older and p a r t i a l l y incapacitated, that an accident may occur; a broken leg or a gun wound, which f o r a man alone would prove f a t a l . I t i s also considered highly desirable to have someone i n the camp who can go into the post i n case of a sudden i l l n e s s ; the knowledge that the nurse at the Rupert House nursing station can, and i n the past has, procured a plan to f l y i n the severely i l l i s a great comfort to these s e l f - r e l i a n t hunters. Around Christmas David came into the post to trade the fi n e fur pelts f o r an additional advance on supplies. This t r i p i s a winter day's run over the hard frozen streams and marches by well-fed dog team. Fine f u r prices are highest about t h i s time, a lucky f a c t f o r those with small c r e d i t and needing further supplies i n December. But thi s s i t u a t i o n does demand concentration upon f i n e fur trapping early and upon the necessity of returning to the post before New Year. Further, the arrangement i s that a trapper should pay off part of the e a r l i e r debt before Hudson's Bay Company advances more—those that have done badly i n f a l l are even more r e s t r i c t e d during winter because of a s t i l l more reduced stock of supplies. After a few days on the post David returned with supplies to h i s family at their main winter camp. 122 After New Year and throughout January and early February the father and adult son concentrated upon beaver trapping; This trapping consisted of three t r i p s of about a week's duration each to where the beaver lodges are located. David used two No. *+ traps and took four beaver while h i s son used three No. hs and caught three beaver. The wife remained i n the main camp and cared for the young c h i l d . A few lynx, weasel, and fox were also taken. Many fox escaped—the traps being old and rusty, the fox could break the anchor chain and drag the trap away with him. David returned to the post f o r additional supplies i n mid-February, trading three of h i s f r e s h l y taken beaver pelts f o r an additional advance. This was repeated i n early A p r i l when he traded three more beaver pe l t s . The pelts of both father and son were used to buy supplies f o r the whole family. E f f e c t i v e trapping ended when their beaver quota was f i l l e d i n mid-February. After that time, e s p e c i a l l y throughout March, the emphasis was on subsistence snaring and h u n t i n g — rabbits, pheasant, grouse, ptarmigan. During l a t e winter, i n February, Joseph managed to k i l l four caribou, which he had tracked alone for three days. This gave the group a considerably higher standard of n u t r i t i o n than they usually had. David 1 s^  youngest married son, Ronnie S a l t , who had been trapping on the mid Pontax River during winter, joined h i s father i n mid-March, along with h i s wife, four young children and aa adolescent 1 2 3 nephew [brother's son]. The early spring was given over to muskrat trapping, subsistence hunting, and the spring goose hunt i n A p r i l . The two fa m i l i e s returned to the post f o r the summer on May 2 , after break up. David and h i s family went out on a two to three week f i s h i n g expedition i n la t e May and June and had just returned to the post when I arrived on June 1 3 • When I l e f t the area, on August 29, 1 9 6 l , this group, enlarged by Joseph Sal t ' s new bride, had already decamped fo r an autumn f i s h i n g s i t e near Sherrick Mount. This group i s extreme i n i t s dependence upon general-ized subsistence hunting and f i s h i n g and the continuing importance of food preservation. I t has l i k e l y less subsidy a i d than any of the other poor f a m i l i e s and stays out i n the bush longer than any other. F l u i d i t y of membership i s not as noticeable here as i n most groups that operate near the post. I t i s nevertheless an approximation of the present poor and the poor conditions of the immediate past. (b) An average commensal group—Sydney Georgekish Sydney Georgekish has a reputation f o r being one of the most industrious and r e l i a b l e people i n the l o c a l community. He i s also p a r t i c u l a r l y independent and at ease i n h i s r e l a t i o n to Whites. In a sense he and David S a l t are quite s i m i l a r , both have developed an unambiguous ro l e i n r e l a t i o n to Whites, but 12h whereas David 1s i s that of the acculturated man of the past, Sydney's i s that of the future, of an economically poor but not se r v i l e ethnic minority. At present most Indians maintain neither of these coherent and unambiguous attitudes but rather hold components of each. Sydney i s neither as dependent upon wage labour as some (he i s not employed i n the Hudson's Bay Company canoe factory nor has he had any permanent job either i n Rupert House or outside), nor i s he completely divorced from wage employment. He once spontaneously t o l d me, "Maybe the mines w i l l open up here. Somebody said that the government wants to b u i l d a dam. We Indians w i l l have to f i n d work. Trapp-ing i s f i n i s h e d . " The commensal group consists of Sydney ( 3 8 ) , h i s wife Agnes (31), and s i x children aged 1 1 , 9» 7 ? 6 , 3 , and 1 years respectively. During the summer the family stays on the post i n a 1 2 ' by 1 6 ' tent. Sydney occasionally cuts cedar r i b s to be sold to the canoe factory. This takes him away from the post once or twice i n a summer f o r seven to ten days. Sometimes he gets a few days or a week of temporary employment on the post and often he does a week or two of guiding f o r some survey or t o u r i s t party. Around September 1 0 , 1 9 6 1 , Sydney, h i s wife, and the three youngest children went to Blackwoods t o u r i s t goose hunting camp about ten miles north of Rupert House. Sydney has been employed as chief guide there for somewhat over f i v e years. This 125 i s considered the most enjoyable work to be had and the pay, f i v e to s i x d o l l a r s per day, plus food, plus a d o l l a r or two per day as r e n t a l f o r the guide's canoe and motor, i s undoubtedly the best payment fo r time available. A l l of the camps i n the area rehire the same men each year, on the s t i p u l a t i o n that they hold themselves ready and available f o r the entire t o u r i s t goose season. Most of the men working at these t o u r i s t camps are married and take their wives and children along. The wives are mainly occupied i n cooking f o r t h e i r husbands and i n caring f o r the children but they do make some extra money by plucking geese for the t o u r i s t s . The whole s i t u a t i o n i s quite pleasant f o r the Indians i n that they are earning, they are doing easy, enjoyable work, and they have s u f f i c i e n t opportunity to hunt f o r themselves. Sydney's three oldest children, E l s i e (11), G i l b e r t ( 9 ) , and Harry (7) , remained on the post with Sydney's mother and h i s wife's parents. They were enrolled i n the Rupert House day school. While Sydney intends to send h i s children to the r e s i d e n t i a l school at Moose Factory (because he believes the better education there w i l l allow them to compete more ef f e c -t i v e l y i n the conditions that are to come) he wishes to gradually acclimatise them to school. Many of the children that are sent to the boarding school soon become estranged from their parents, despite being very lonely f o r them. A few f a m i l i e s have accepted t h i s separation and estrangement as a sad yet incontrover-t i b l e factor i n their childrens' advancement; others have 126 counted the cost to be too high. Sydney hopes f o r some compromise. Sydney, h i s wife, and the three youngest children returned from Blackwoods camp on October 15. The two school-aged boys who had been attending day school at Rupert House while the family had been on the goose camp were withdrawn. This pattern of schooling, with regular attendance i n early f a l l and after February (with an occasional week or two out during a period of i l l n e s s or spring goose hunting) i s quite usual. The eldest daughter, E l s i e (11) remained on the post, staying with Sydney's mother. A pre-school-aged daughter, Linda ( 3 ) , stayed on the post with her mother's parents. This Georgekish family, now composed of Sydney, h i s wife, G i l b e r t (9) , Harry (7) , William (6) and Bertie (1) , l e f t the post f o r their f a l l and winter camp. Sydney went d i r e c t l y to h i s beaver t r a c t , a t e r r i t o r y on one of the tributary streams on the mid-Nottaway River about seventy to eighty miles south of Rupert House. Sydney had arranged to f l y i n with John Wiestchee (mother's brother's son) whose commensal group f o r that winter season consisted of himself, h i s wife and two younger children. Despite being a maternal cross cousin, the r e l a t i o n which Sydney observed with John Wiestchee was one of 'friend'. John Wiestchee had been a l l o t t e d the r i g h t , by Maude Watt and her son, to trap on the t e r r i t o r y of the family that 'held' the tract adjoining Sydney's on the west 127 and southwest (a number of other trappers had already been placed on the 'family t r a c t ' i n the l a s t few years). The 'holders' of t h i s t r a c t , who have the r i g h t to specify where on the t e r r i t o r y the beaver lodges a l l o t t e d to someone new may be taken, delimited John Wiestchee 1s,sub-territory on the side facing Sydney Georgekish's tra c t . Since John had not trapped i n the general v i c i n i t y before and as Sydney was f a m i l i a r with the whole area (note, not with just h i s own t r a c t ) , i t was decided that Sydney would "help him out". John Wiestchee was to stay i n Sydney's main camp, trapping with Sydney fo r everything except beaver (which had to be taken alone on the adjoining section) u n t i l John had become fa m i l i a r with the area. During the f i r s t one or two years i t i s quite important to have someone f a m i l i a r i z e a new man to a t e r r i t o r y . This i s e s p e c i a l l y true when game and furs are scarce. This i s the sort of dependence which i n the past sustained the power of the trapping boss, the head of that family which had been i n the area the longest, while other attached groups were either new or just passing through. (It would be of considerable i n t e r e s t to see the day-to-day mechanics of this dependence as i t operates today.) I t i s of i n t e r e s t to note that at l e a s t two of Sydney's brothers trap areas close and adjoining h i s , yet neither of these f r a t e r n a l groups make camp with each other or even cooperate i n movement to the trapping grounds. This si t u a t i o n speaks even more strongly of the lack of f r a t e r n a l s o l i d a r i t y when we know that one of these brothers i s a bachelor and traps completely alone while the other i s a 128 widower and traps only with h i s one adult son. Two charter t r i p s , at $72 per f l i g h t , by Norseman a i r c r a f t (Austin Airways) were required to f e r r y the two fa m i l i e s out to the main camp. This i s a t r i p which would necessitate about ten days' t r a v e l by canoe. I t i s possible, at t h i s l a t e post goose hunting season, that the family might be caught some distance from the intended destination by freeze-up i f canoe were used (e s p e c i a l l y f o r groups that woiiked even more distant t e r r i t o r i e s ) . The t r i p by a i r c r a f t took approximately one hour. My interpreter, W i l l y Wiestchee, once said, "We Indians don't care so much about money; as long as we can pay, we l i k e to make i t as easy f o r ourselves as possible. I t ' s s t i l l hard work you know." The goods of both groups were mixed i n both f l i g h t s . The r e l a t i v e weight of each o u t f i t was not determined and the proportional payment by each man was prearranged (seemingly with some eye toward the immediate a b i l i t y to pay). John Wiestchee paid $92, although he seems to have had the smaller load, while Sydney Georgekish paid $52. I t took about four days to set up the main camp. Fish nets were immediately set i n the r i v e r about one-quarter mile from the camp. Only two nets were taken because t h i s group carr i e s out f i s h i n g a c t i v i t y for only about two weeks int e n s i v e l y . Almost no f i s h i n g through the ice i s done because i t i s hard work, espe c i a l l y f o r women alone. Sydney f e e l s he can r e l y upon cash foods and other game resources, that the amount of f i s h to 129 be taken does not warrant the e f f o r t , and that while bannock and meat are always appreciated, f i s h i s a very tiresome d i e t . "Fish i s okay once i n a while but i f I could catch goose i n my nets I would go f i s h i n g a l l the time," said Sydney. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that while Sydney had intended to set snares f o r small subsistence game throughout the winter, he forgot to load the c o i l s of snare wire which were intended for John Wiestchee and himself. "These things happen—lots of s t u f f going on the p l a n e — i t ' s easy to forget," he said. I can't imagine anybody forgetting twenty years ago. John Wiestchee took along one net of three-inch mesh. The same size net was used for j a c k f i s h , whitefish, perch and trout. Allegedly, the most suitable size of net i s determined by the area i n which one i s f i s h i n g rather than the time of year. Between October 27 and November 10 the two men went on a combined bear and moose hunt and a survey of the beaver lodges on their adjoining sections. I t i s to be noted that had Sydney taken a bear or moose on the adjoining section, that worked by John Wiestchee but nominally held by another family, no claim could have been made upon him by the nominal holders. The only claim that could have been made upon him even by John Wiestchee would have been that of h o s p i t a l i t y and cooperation with a trapping partner. A bear was k i l l e d i n early November when the two men were on Sydney's t e r r i t o r y . I t i s considered most desirable to 1 3 0 take a bear at this time. They are heavy with pre-hibernation f a t which i s much needed f o r winter cooking. I t allows conservation of store-bought l a r d . Later, when beaver are being taken, beaver tallow can be rendered for the same purpose. The bear meat and f a t were shared between Sydney's and John's f a m i l i e s , with Sydney taking somewhat more. He also retained the bearskin, valued as a sleeping robe. No hard and f a s t rules obtain for such sharing; d i s t r i b u t i o n varies with the person-a l i t i e s involved, their needs, and the immediate conditions of t h e i r l o c a t i o n , supply, and opportunities. Much as i n Canadian society. As neither a moose nor caribou was taken, there was a considerable shortage of hide for making moccasins. Sydney's family s t i l l had a h a l f moose hide from the previous year but thereas Sydney would have usually used four pairs of mocassins during winter and f a l l he now had to make do with only two p a i r s . "My wife keeps f i x i n g them t i l l they f a l l apart." Just before freeze-up the main camp was moved about h a l f a mile to a warmer and d r i e r l o c a t i o n . A s p l i t pole teepee for winter habitation was made by each of the f a m i l i e s i n about two days. Some mink traps were set at the end of October and during the f i r s t days of freeze-up. Freeze-up lasted about one week at t h i s l o c a t i o n and while one could cross the more shallow creeks after a day or two i t was only on November 1 2 that the main r i v e r could be crossed safely by toboggan. Fine fur trapping continued 131 u n t i l the f i r s t week i n December. Traps are set so that the men, who were going out-on the l i n e together, could return to the main camp on the evening of the same day they l e f t , although occasionally they were kept out for two days. While most of th i s f i n e f u r trapping took place on Sydney's t e r r i t o r y , each man kept the furs taken i n h i s own traps. Sydney was using ten mink traps, and l a t e r , ten beaver traps. Unfortunately, I did not think to ask how many traps John Wiestchee was using when the two were on the l i n e together or what h i s take was as compared to Sydney. Some traps are set f o r f i n e fur throughout the winter but once beaver trapping has started the main e f f o r t i s concen-trated upon that. Sydney started hunting h i s beaver e a r l i e r than those groups which operate near the coast. He began beaver trapping i n the f i r s t week i n December. This a c t i v i t y required more distant penetration of the t e r r i t o r y . Each expedition to trap beaver lasted about a week—one i n early December, one i n mid-December, another i n early January, and the l a s t i n la t e January and early February. During t h i s beaver trapping each of the two men went to th e i r respective sections alone. The women and children of both remained i n the main camp. While most trappers prefer not to trap alone, i t was necessary to do so here as the quotas of each man lay i n d i f f e r e n t t e r r i t o r i e s . The arrangement whereby at lea s t two adult women remain with the children i s preferred to either having a single family alone (because of the danger of i l l n e s s or accident) or to taking the 132 family from one beaver lodge to another (which would be time and energy consuming). Sydney t r a v e l l e d to the post to pick up some extra supplies on December 20 and returned just a f t e r Christmas. He made thi s t r i p alone, dragging the supplies back by toboggan. The time i t took to make thi s two way t r i p , almost 200 miles i n a l i t t l e over four days, shows the importance of weather and snow conditions i n e f f e c t i v e distance from one point to another. Both of Sydney's brothers were operating i n the general v i c i n i t y after Christmas. Even though they did not establish main camps but merely passed through, they did not stop i n at the Georgekish-Wiestchee camp. There was allegedly no i l l f e e l i n g and i t was h a l f expected that they might stop by f o r a week or two as they frequently did i n the past. Another brother, Alex Georgekish, who has a wife and children, works a section which also connects with Sydney's t e r r i t o r y , but Alex works h i s section out of a main camp established by James Blackned (his father-in-law). Other groups, who do not regularly work an adjoining section, have occasionally passed through the area i n the past and stayed a while at Sydney's camp. This did not happen l a s t year. George Shekabo (the nominal holder of the t e r r i t o r y to which John Wiestchee was assigned) had h i s camp ten miles to the southwest of Sydney's. Sometime i n l a t e January he and h i s son k i l l e d nine caribou about mid way between the two camps. The son f i r s t came to Sydney's camp "to see i f I had meat". The next day the father came and brought three of the nine caribou 133 f o r Sydney. I t i s usual f o r a hunter who has made a large k i l l to share a considerable proportion of t h i s with one other group, despite the f a c t that the k i l l i n g group would seem to be able to use a l l the meat taken. Very often, as i n this case, the t o t a l carcass i s given, hide and a l l , even though there i s nearly always a shortage and a market within the band f o r hides. On February 5 Sydney shot two caribou himself. While he shared the meat with John Wiestchee he kept the hides f o r himself. On February 1 5 both fa m i l i e s returned to the post by toboggan. Everybody pulled h i s weight, except the youngest c h i l d , who rode i n h i s mother's toboggan. Sydney had taken twelve mink, f i v e marten, and one otter during the f a l l and winter i n addition to h i s f u l l quota of twenty-six beaver. In addition, he had caught f i f t y rabbits i n October and November and another f i f t y i n December plus about twenty partridges throughout the season. (I do not know whether he was able to borrow snare wire, whether twine was used, or whether th i s small game was shot with a .22. During early March Sydney and John went moose hunting about twenty miles up the Rupert River on the beaver t e r r i t o r y of John's father. Sydney claims that i t would have been quite proper for him or anyone else to purposefully set out to hunt on anyone else's t e r r i t o r y and that he only decided to hunt on P h i l i p Wiestchee's tract because of reports of moose seen around there and because John Wiestchee knew the area well. They saw 131* moose tracks but no moose. Sydney's family remained on the post i n t h e i r permanent.tent while John's family moved int o the Indian A f f a i r s Branch house which i t shares with the wife's parents. On A p r i l 1 Sydney took h i s wife and those children that had accompanied them on the winter camp about twenty miles north of the post to a point on the mid Pontax River near the main camp of Ronnie S a l t (who had moved to h i s father's camp on the coast about three weeks before). Sydney was one of the few people who attempted the spring goose hunt any distance at a l l from the coast. They stayed at t h i s s i t e throughout A p r i l and May, returning on May 30. John Wiestchee l e f t h i s family on the post and went goose hunting for about three weeks with another and unrelated group of men on the coast north of Rupert House. Sydney combined f i s h i n g , hunting, and goose hunting. The family (two adults and four children) took along 125 l b s . of f l o u r , with the r e q u i s i t e l a r d to make bannock, plus some small quantity of sugar and canned milk. While i n t h i s camp they managed to k i l l about f o r t y geese but only twenty rabbits and very few small birds. Intensive f i s h i n g was only c a r r i e d out for a week. Sydney had been employed for about a week during March i n bringing i n logs that are milled at the community sawmill and used by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch i n the construction and repair of Indian houses. During June and July he was infrequently employed, f o r an aggregate of about two weeks, i n obtaining cedar r i b s f o r the canoe factory, i n maintenance work fo r the Provin-c i a l F i s h and Game building. During l a t e July and early August 135 he worked about ten days guiding f o r a p r o v i n c i a l geological survey (a well paid job). Apart from a few days spent on each of a few bear h u n t s — f i s h i n g t r i p s , Sydney spent the summer unemployed. His family l i v e d from cash foods, bought on c r e d i t , on the post. Despite the cost, very few would l i k e to leave the post during the summer f o r subsistence hunting. For the men there i s , i n addition to the a t t r a c t i o n of companionship, the p o s s i b i l i t y that some unexpected employment may turn up, or one of the more regular jobs w i l l be vacated by i t s holder. When I l e f t the area Sydney was preparing to send h i s two oldest children to the r e s i d e n t i a l school i n Moose Factory and was just waiting around f o r the t o u r i s t goose season to open. A plan of h i s to sub-contract f o r a l l services at the Blackwoods hunting camp had f a l l e n through. (c) A r i c h e r commensal group—Bertie Diamond The permanent tent of Bertie Diamond and h i s family was the closest dwelling to the shack i n which I stayed during my f i e l d t r i p . The wife and the two older boys were occasional v i s i t o r s while the nine-year-old daughter brought her playmates around d a i l y to eat bannock and jam and bounce on my s a f a r i cot. The guests at the husband's beer drinking p a r t i e s , while not v i s i t o r s , always passed by my porch on their way home. Bertie's older brother, the chief (Malcolm Diamond) l i v e d on the extreme other end of the v i l l a g e . Bertie explained h i s somewhat is o l a t e d 136 tent s i t e (there were three tents and two houses on that end of the v i l l a g e separated from the main body of dwellings by a gap of 300 yards) by saying that there was too much noise, i dogs 1 barking, children y e l l i n g , and too many disturbances i n the close-packed Indian houses. While i t may be quite c o i n c i d e n t a l , I noticed that some of the most e f f e c t i v e trappers were located at extreme ends of the settlements at Eastmain and Nemiscau. No overt or covert h o s t i l i t y was displayed but I often wondered i f the continual beer drinking parties may have been an i n d i c a t i o n of some sort of p o l i t i c a l factionalism. The former chief and one of h i s c o u n c i l l o r s also were great brewers u n t i l their p o l i t i c a l demise. The Bertie Diamond household i s not noticeably better off than many; they merely have a summer tent and not a house, and they do not have the stock of c a p i t a l goods that older but consistently productive trappers l i k e John Blackned have. But i t does have a community-wide reputation f o r affluence. This, affluence i s mainly demonstrated by the f a c t that the family can subsist on purchased foods when i t desires, and not only bannock and jam but corned beef and mandarin oranges. The men wear new and f a i r l y expensive work clothes. Bertie has only r a r e l y sought summer employment, and this was the only family to return to the post by a i r c r a f t . The commensal group consists of Bertie Diamond (38), h i s wife Josephine (36), the eldest son Luke (18), Jack (*+), and S i n c l a i r (1). In addition, there i s Eddy Diamond (16) who was 137 entering the tenth grade i n a r e s i d e n t i a l high school at SaultSt. Marie and who i s home f o r a l i t t l e l e s s than two months i n the summer, and Mary Diamond (9) who i s at the r e s i d e n t i a l school at Moose Factory. Mrs. Diamond obviously misses these two children considerably, but she says of Eddy, "He wants to go on i n school. We don't see him much but maybe he can get a job when he's f i n i s h e d . Hunting i s a hard l i f e . " This from the wife of the most successful trapper i n the community. The family spent the f i r s t two weeks of September I960 f i s h i n g from or near Rupert House. Neither Bertie nor Luke i s employed at any of the goose camps and they are therefore free to leave the post as early as they wish, either to hunt at one of the f a l l goose s i t e s or to move to t h e i r trapping t e r r i t o r y . Despite t h i s opportunity the family remained on the post u n t i l October 20 , hunting geese at the mouth of the Rupert River from mid-September u n t i l t h e i r departure. While Bertie would l i k e l y accept employment at the goose camps ( i t i s enjoyable and somewhat independent work) i t i s part of h i s affluence that he remains on the post as long as possible, makes i t as easy for himself and h i s family as possible, and i s not dependent upon jobs that require being under the immediate supervision of Whites or their foremen. During l a t e r September and i n October the eldest son was occasionally employed on the construction gangs building the new dock, an Indian A f f a i r s Branch development project. 138 The beaver t e r r i t o r y worked by t h i s commensal group l i e s about 110 miles southeast of Rupert House, on the headwaters of the Nottaway River. The family flew into the area on October 20. Two other trappers who were placed on Bertie's section recently and who were to stay with him i n the same main camp chartered a f l i g h t i n separately and arrived i n the following few days. These two men were Jimmy Whiskeychan (29), (Bertie's brother's son-in-law), with h i s wife and three children and Clarence Wiestchee (35) (supposedly unrelated), who had l e f t h i s wife and children on the post. The Diamond family established t h e i r f i r s t f a l l camp near the r i v e r where their plane landed. This was done merely as a matter of convenience. The goods are on the shore and the s i t e allows ready access to the water for the two remaining weeks of canoe t r a v e l . . No one did any f i s h i n g . "There are no f i s h there," said the wife. (Later conversations indicated that i t was considered uneconomic by t h i s r i c h e r group to f i s h rather than that there were no f i s h to be caught.) The father and son spent the l a s t week i n October and the f i r s t week i n November hunting f o r moose alone. The family had no stock of hides at a l l . During t h i s period the father was able to k i l l two moose. While the group can use three hides per year for moccassins and babiche, Mrs. Diamond f e l t that they had managed without too great d i f f i c u l t y with the two that they took. Jimmy Whiskeychan and Clarence Wiestchee went out together setting some f i n e fur 139 traps and surveying parts of th e i r beaver sub sections, while Bertie and Luke Diamond were hunting. The wives and children of the two f a m i l i e s remained i n camp together throughout the f a l l and winter trapping seasons. While some services and much of the game taken i s shared among the persons of both the groups, (Clarence Wiestchee was incorporated into the Jimmy Whiskeychan family) cash supplies and aid i n trapping i s very l i m i t e d . Bertie and Luke spent l i t t l e time or e f f o r t i n trapping for f i n e f u r , even i n the period before Christmas. The father had a quota of f i f t y beaver and the son one of ten. This not only demanded a considerably longer period for beaver trapping but also allowed of leaving the other fur resources untapped i f the group so desired. The two began trapping beaver toward the end of November. They continued on expeditions to t h e i r beaver lodges l a s t i n g s i x to ten days u n t i l the middle of February. At that time they had taken their f u l l quota of si x t y beaver. While they did set traps f o r f i n e fur animals, t h i s was usually done during the periods Bertie and Luke were resting between t r i p s to the beaver lodges. The duration and number of their t r i p s away from the camp were greater than f o r most other trappers but also periods of inactive r e s t i n the main camp were more than those of most others. The two other trappers, Jimmy Whiskeychan and Clarence Wiestchee also concentrated upon beaver trapping, although they did put greater emphasis upon hunting f o r large game and f i n e 1^0 fur than the Diamonds. None of these groups concerned themselves to any extent with snaring rabbits or grouse. None of these trappers went i n to the post during the trapping season for additional supplies. Jimmy Whiskeychan, h i s family, and Clarence Wiestchee decamped f o r the post on February 10. They moved i n by foot and dog-powered toboggan. (While having dogs lightens the load that has to be pulled, both on the t r i p s i n to the post and out to the beaver lodges, additional money must be used to buy dog food i f continual and extensive f i s h i n g i s not engaged i n . A f u l l grown dog w i l l need three to four average sized f i s h or from one to one and a h a l f pounds of oatmeal per day i f he i s working. A team of three to four dogs, which i s about the e f f i c i e n t minimum, w i l l eat as much oatmeal as was formerly used by the whole camp. The Diamonds feed their dogs on oatmeal exclusively since they do no f i s h i n g . ) In the middle of February Bertie Diamond set off by toboggan f o r the post. On reaching Rupert House, which was the nearest point f o r radio communication, he chartered an Austin Airways Norseman and flew out to bring h i s family i n by plane. During March Bertie worked f o r about two weeks with the former chief, Frank Maar, the most s k i l l e d a r t i s a n on the post and formerly the most acculturated Indian, on a contract to tear down some old Hudson's Bay Company buildings and set up a ll+l wind charger. He did not attempt to get i r r e g u l a r employment at any time over the re s t of the summer, possibly because he then had fur cheques or because a l l other employment that summer was under the d i r e c t i o n of Whites or t h e i r formen. Luke Diamond was i r r e g u l a r l y employed f o r an aggregate of about three weeks from March to September 19 6 l — h e l p i n g unload the Hudson's Bay Company supply ships, bringing i n logs for the Indian A f f a i r s Branch housing project, building the Hudson's Bay Company native clerk's new house. Both Bertie and Luke participated i n the spring goose hunt from the post, during A p r i l and early May. The family did not set up a temporary camp along the coast. Two fishing-berrying t r i p s of about one week's duration each took place i n July. The family had hoped to go on more of these t r i p s with th e i r two children that returned from r e s i d e n t i a l school i n early July but severe outbreaks of measles and whooping cough struck most children. Apart from the sporadic a c t i v i t i e s mentioned, the two active men i n the group were inactive throughout the spring and summer. They had no plans other than the f a l l - w i n t e r hunt when I l e f t the area. 1^ 2 CHAPTER IV DEMOGRAPHY AND RESIDENCE PATTERNS 1. The Population During my stay, the Indian population of Rupert House numbered k9k persons (including 2k who were t r a n s i t i o n a l to the Moose Factory band). Of these, 258 were males and 236 females. This, then, i s a group which i s only somewhat larger than a viable population i s o l a t e , i . e . , a group whose numbers are large enough to maintain the random balance of males to females necessary i f mates are to be found f o r everybody (or.almost everybody) within the group. Dunning (S o c i a l and Economic Change  Among the Northern O.iibwa. p. 167) would place the minimum number fo r such a viable i s o l a t e at about 380 people. While the Rupert House group i s about 100 persons greater than this minimal figure the importance of th i s margin i s greatly reduced by the f a c t that a disproportionate bulk of the population i s s t i l l below the marriageable age. Over h a l f of the population, 266 of the k9k t o t a l , i s under sixteen years of age. The disproportionately young demographic structure of the population would indicate a recent and rapid population .Increase. Furthermore, nursing station records report 203 b i r t h s and only 63 deaths i n the period 19^7 to 1957. This gives an increase of 1^ 0 persons on a base of from 350 to kOO (a f o r t y per cent increase i n one decade). Both Indians and Whites believe l*+3 there has been a great r i s e i n the number of children i n the community since the end of World War I I . While findings i n s o c i a l organizational spheres tend to support t h i s view, s t a t i s t i c s gathered from the Rupert House parish records of b i r t h and death seem to c a l l f o r additional formulations. In short, these records show that an at l e a s t equal ( i f not greater) rate of increase has obtained since 1906 at Rupert House. (Fairly-f u l l records go back to I876 but these were examined only f o r marriage s t a t i s t i c s . ) A personal diary of the missionary i n charge of the Anglican mission i n 1911 places the Rupert House Indian and Metis population at 392. Parish records show 6k7 births and 297 deaths between the years 1906 and 19^6. (See charts 1 and 2.) This would give an increase of 350 persons on an approximate population base of 370 f o r a forty-year period. One explanation of why t h i s e a r l i e r and larger increase i s not r e f l e c t e d by a larger population at Rupert House than exists at present i s that, conceivably a l l cases of b i r t h were recorded but that a l l cases of infant mortality were not. This answer does not seem l i k e l y . My impression on reviewing the records was that infant mortality was as accurately reported as any other data. Furthermore, the Indians at that time seemed to have been deeply impressed by the tenets of the Anglican church and would not have prejudiced the salvation of their or t h e i r i n f a n t s ' sould by overlooking baptisms or l a s t sacraments. There are frequently pathetic l i t t l e notes on the margin of death records, f o r example, "Died three weeks after b i r t h , baptised by the mother l¥+ before death." Another, and more reasonable, explanation i s that whole fa m i l i e s have been moving out of Rupert House post, usually to Moose Factory and south, throughout the whole period. Given a population base of about 370 i n 1906, an approximate 350 person increase between 1906 and 19*+6, and a population of approximately 310 i n 19*t6 (present population of k9k minus lk-0 increase between 19*+7 and 1957 minus 1*+ per year increase 1957 to I960 i n c l u s i v e ) , there would seem to have been a net emigra-t i o n of +^10 persons, or about ten per year. If the continual population increase as indicated by the parish records i s correct, i t i s to be explained why none of the l o c a l people are aware of this trend and why the demographic structure at present i s as disproportionately youthful as i t i s . Furthermore, reports from other Indian groups across Canada indicate that rapid population r i s e i s b a s i c a l l y a post-World War II phenomenon. There i s considerable impressionistic data that most Metis families l e f t the area during the 1920's and 1930*s. Furthermore, the increase i n the number of the Moose Factory band would more than account for the emigrants from Rupert House. It seems, i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c a l l y again, that emigration out of the entire area has been operative, f a m i l i e s from Moose Factory moving farther south and people from the James Bay posts taking t h e i r place. There i s a s l i g h t preponderance;of males i n each age bracket up to the 55 year mark, after that a s l i g h t preponderance Ih5 of females. (See Chart 3^ There are 18 allegedly marriageable men over 18 years of age (from 18 to *+! years) but only 6 marriageable women (ranging from 18 to 25 years of age). Nine people, 6 men and 3 women are badly crippled and w i l l not be able to f i n d mates. About h or 5 men i n their active years are somewhat disabled but have been able to f i n d and support wives. The community contains 15 widows (from 58 to 85 years of" age) and 5 widowers (from *+8 to 85 years of age). The e a r l i e r condi-t i o n where large numbers of people were l e f t widowed i n the i r active years and where remarriage of those widowed usually took place, has given way to a pattern nearer the Euro Canadian one. Death now usually dissolves marriages a f t e r the active and reproductive l i f e span has fi n i s h e d . The widowed person does not remarry. Ik6 CHART 1 BIRTHS, AS RECORDED IN RUPERT HOUSE'S PARISH BAPTISM RECORDS Years Males Females Total Number I l l e g -itimate Per Cent I l l e g i t -imate 1906-1916 116 115 231 k 1.8 1916-1926 82 76 158 8 5.1 1926-1936 68 70 138 Ik 10.1 1936-191+6* 57 73 130 6 1+.6 19^-1956 99 96 195 - -Total k22 ^30 852 Year 19*tl-19Mf I l l e g i b l e — e s t i m a t e s based 10/6 of remaining years i n range (also i l l e g i t i m a c i e s f o r that time). In i960 there were 31 born, 5 of whom were i l l e g i t i m a t e or 16.1$. CHART 2 NUMBERS AND AGES OF DECEASED, AS RECORDED IN RUPERT HOUSE'S PARISH RECORDS MEN WOMEN Corn-Dined dumber Under age 5 Over age 5 Under age 5 : Over age 5 Number Number Average aee Modal age Total Number Number Number Average aee Modal age * o t a l Number 1906-1916 21 23 30 20 kk 21 28 39.5 65 k9 93 1916-1926 23 2k 25.5 50 kl 25 11 35.5 - . 36 83 1926-1936 11 17 k5 - 28 11 13 k5 60 2k 52 1936-19^6 23 11 36.5 60 3k 19 16 38 - 35 69 19^6-1956 16 17 50 85 33 17 11 53 60 28 61 9k 92 186 93 79 172 358 From: Nursing Station Records. "10 Year Period, 191+7-1956 i n c l u s i v e : Births = 203 Deaths = 63 Natural Increase = 1^ 0 i n 10 years IkQ CHART 3 AGE/SEX DISTRIBUTION OF PRESENT RUPERT HOUSE POPULATION Male Female 0-6 69 63 6-16 71 63 16-26 35 33 26-36 32 26 36-1+6 21 16 ^6-56 16 l»f 56-65 5 8 65-75 7 9 75+ 2 5 Totals 258 236 Combined To t a l : k$k l*+9 2. S o c i a l Groupings: Commensal, Residence, and Trapping Groups There are two features which characterise Rupert House s o c i a l groups today; the smallness of consumption groups, which i d e a l l y and most usually are l i m i t e d to a nuclear or stem family, and the r e l a t i v e f l u i d i t y i n membership of trapping groups. The ef f e c t s and demands of the ecology are not uniformly r e f l e c t e d i n a l l facets of community l i f e or s o c i a l organization. The s o c i a l organization of production groups ( i . e . , trapping groups) shows the necessary adjustments to the economy and environment much more c l e a r l y than does the organi-zation of consumption groups. (a) Commensal Groups The commensal group, defined as that unit which consistently shares i t s income to provide the subsistence needs: food, shelter, clothing, f o r i t s members has been reduced to either the nuclear family or to a group which by adoption or incorporation of grandchildren approximates the size of nuclear f a m i l i e s . I have estimated there to be eighty-one such commensal groups i n the k9k member band, giving an average of 6.1 persons per commensal group. The existence of each commensal group was separately established. I t would be of course meaningless to merely divide the band population by the number of nuclear, stem or extended f a m i l i e s . Nevertheless, i t turned out that most commensal groups either were or approximated such f a m i l i e s . The 1 5 0 methods of determining what the boundaries and what the membership of a commensal group were, were by no means r i g i d . For while these groups are small there i s a considerable v a r i a t i o n i n t h e i r i n t e r n a l consumption patterns. In one family an i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d of the mother may be supported part of the year by the mother and part of the year by her parents. One of the younger children may be favoured by one of i t s grandparents and eat h a l f of i t s meals with them (and also receive clothing, doing such services as cleaning and washing f o r these grandparents). An adolescent boy may spend much of h i s time and eat many of h i s meals with h i s sweetheart, or may be c l o s e l y associated with h i s father's parents. In estimating where a commensal group existed, I f i r s t asked of a woman, or a clo s e l y associated group of women, and those people she consistently cooked, washed, and mended clothes f o r . Observation was of course impossible f o r any substantial number of such groups so d i r e c t questions, to the people concerned or to my i n t e r p r e t e r , had to be r e l i e d upon. An unmarried trapper l i v i n g with h i s parents was always considered of that commensal group. In c e r t a i n cases i t was necessary to decide whether certai n members ( i n one case, a widowed man and h i s two adolescent sons who were attached to the man's s i s t e r ' s family) were b a s i c a l l y pooling t h e i r resources i n so f a r as the subsistence consumption was concerned or whether they were merely paying f o r and resident with the group from which i t obtained c e r t a i n housekeeping services. My c r i t e r i a f o r deciding the boundaries of a commensal 1 5 1 group have somewhat overemphasized, i f anything, the size and cohesion of such groups and s l i g h t l y underestimated the number of persons e f f e c t i v e l y unintegrated into commensal groups. Commensal groups ranged i n size from one person (a widowed Metis, employed by the Hudson's Bay Company whose sons have l e f t the community) to eleven persons (a nuclear family of thirteen which has two children a d d i t i o n a l l y l i v i n g with their paternal grandfather). The mode i s eight persons per commensal group. Despite the f l u i d i t y and overlap i n membership of some persons i n commensal groups ( c e r t a i n l y the r i g i d i t y of membership usual f o r Euro-Canadian f a m i l i e s does not exi s t ) these are the most stable units of the society, when the supporting members of the commensal group are resident with some other unit, while the husband i s out goose hunting, f i s h i n g or trapping and the family has, f o r some reason, remained on the post, the persons of t h i s group may become merged, to varying degrees, with some other commensal group. Even i n such a case the o r i g i n a l commensal groups remain conceptually d i s t i n c t , to be reconstituted when the supporting members return. The major reasons f o r in d i v i d u a l s being detached from the i r commensal group f o r part of the year are economic or education. Thirty-seven children are sent to r e s i d e n t i a l school. These are mostly from groups that trap inland and are away from 1 5 2 the post for four to f i v e months. As f a r as I could gather, i f a family does not have active grandparents who stay on the post, i t i s l i k e l y that i t w i l l be unable to f i n d anyone to care f o r i t s children. This f a c t says a good deal f o r the shallowness of kin t i e s . Children who are sent to r e s i d e n t i a l school are away not only f o r the four to f i v e month duration of thei r parents 1 absence but f o r the whole ten-month school year. While parents would l i k e to have t h e i r children with them after they leave the trap l i n e , they console themselves by the fa c t that education at the r e s i d e n t i a l school i s superior to that obtained at the Rupert House day school and that t h i s may give their children a better chance on the outside. Another way i n which the members of a commensal group are separated i s when a woman f a l l s i l l or becomes pregnant. (Since the establishment of the nursing station almost no children have been born on the trap l i n e . I f a woman i s to have a c h i l d during the duration of the trapping period, she remains on the post, being delivered by the nurse.) Older women are often l e s s able to take the ri g o r s of trapping than their husbands. A man and h i s active sons w i l l i n such cases continue trapping a tra c t by themselves. A premium then develops f o r trapping nearer to the post. This allows of frequent v i s i t s to the wife. Heavy chores of which the older woman i s incapable are done at that time by the men. Usually, such groups, husband, active sons, wife and children, w i l l be together for part of the f a l l trapping period and/or f o r the spring goose hunt. 153 I have defined the kin composition of commensal groups as follows: (a) Nuclear: a couple and th e i r b i o l o g i c a l children (although not necessarily a l l of them) and the c h i l d r e n of any unmarried children s t i l l part of that commensal group. (b) Composite: ( i ) a d o p t i v e — a couple with or without children plus at l e a s t one adopted c h i l d . ( i i ) stem—a nuclear family with one surviving parent of either the husband or wife. (c) Extended: a nuclear commensal group extended by the continuing membership of a son or daughter's nuclear family. — v i r i l o c a l extended — u x o r i l o c a l extended (d) M u l t i p l e : a group composed of any more complex kin arrange-ments or of the additions of friends or trapping partners. Gf the eighty-one commensal groups, f i f t y - o n e are nuclear, eighteen are composite (eleven adoptive, s i x stem and one adoptive and stem); two are extended (one v i r i l o c a l extended and one u x o r i l o c a l extended) and nine are multiple. The nuclear family i s now the most general basis of consumption units. This i s both the f a c t and the i d e a l . Despite the f l u i d i t y and overlap, the ongoing readjustments and variable arrangements, nuclear fa m i l i e s are the core of the overwhelming majority of commensal groups and set the pattern f o r the others. Composite commensal groups are i n operation and composition very much l i k e nuclear f a m i l i e s . The most usual type was where grandparents adopted an i l l e g i t i m a t e grandchild or where a couple with no children 19+ (or with only adult children) had adopted a d i s t a n t l y or un-related c h i l d . Stem f a m i l i e s also did not d i f f e r markedly from nuclear fa m i l i e s i n operation, except i n one case, where the husband's widowed mother dominated the household. The extended commensal groups are anomalies, due to personal compatibility and economic necessity. The multiple commensal groups did d i f f e r somewhat i n operation from that of nuclear fa m i l i e s . These multiple groups often seemed to be aggregates of the i s o l a t e d , u n a f f i l i a t e d , and unimportant members of the community. These units more clos e l y approached residence groups i n operation than other forms of commensal groups; economic and  cooperative convenience i n services rendered by members to each  other rather than extensive sharing of subsistence goods seemed to be the key. One such group was composed of three t o t a l l y unrelated people who pooled some resources to share a house; another was composed of a widow, one of her i l l e g i t i m a t e children, one of her daughter's i l l e g i t i m a t e children, a young granddaughter, adopted from her son, and the widow's bachelor brother. (b) Residence Groups Residence groups are defined as composed of those persons who l i v e under the same roof, either i n a house or tent, during the summer. The significance of this unit i s that such r e s i d e n t i a l groups are more or le s s together for approximately a h a l f of the year, i n spring and summer. That i s , f o r the period that i s spent on the post. These units are recognized by 1 5 5 the l o c a l people, although they are d e f i n i t e l y considered l e s s primary than the commensal groups. (A person may be described as of such and such a family or as l i v i n g i n such and such a dwelling.) Furthermore, these are the groupings which aris e when people are most free to rearrange themselves as they wish and not as i t i s economically necessary. These groupings show more c l e a r l y than others the extra commensal arrangements which families would l i k e to maintain. Apart from the spring goose hunt and occasional spring and summer f i s h i n g and hunting expeditions, a l l summer residence i s on the post. People l i k e the company of others and the benefits of settlement l i f e , even i f they enjoy going on short expeditions f o r country food and c e r t a i n l o c a l resources (cedar and birch) during the summer. While there i s a heavy dependence upon cash foods, e s p e c i a l l y l a r d and f l o u r , at t h i s season and while i t would allow a better d i e t and income i f people s h i f t e d to one of the riche r coastal f i s h i n g s i t e s , no one does so. This would r e s u l t i n scattering people i n small pockets at distances from the post and from each other. "I work a l l winter. Summer i s my holiday time," said Anderson J o l l y . Nevertheless, Anderson would be most w i l l i n g to work on the post during the summer, and i n f a c t t r i e d to obtain employment. The basic element of a holiday seems to be companion-ship with more people. 1 5 6 There are seventeen standard four-room Indian A f f a i r s Branch houses t i g h t l y packed i n one lo c a t i o n . The appearance i s much l i k e the Japanese rel o c a t i o n centres that f l o u r i s h e d during World War I I . F i f t e e n smaller cabins were either b u i l t by Indians themselves or bought from the Hudson's Bay Company at nominal prices when the company decreased i t s holdings. These are scattered throughout the v i l l a g e . The Anglican mission and the nursing station have an Indian residence each attached. From one end of the v i l l a g e to the other, a distance of about a h a l f mile, are scattered t h i r t y tents. There are, then, sixty-four summer residence units fo r eighty-one commensal groups, or an average of 1 . 3 commensal groups per residence unit. The general picture i s that of one commensal unit per tent or private house and two commensal units per Indian A f f a i r s Branch house. Fifty-one residence units have only one commensal unit, twelve residence units contain two commensal groups, and two residence units contain three commensal units. Nearly a l l the tent dwelling groups are composed of only one commensal unit. This i s because of the obvious l i m i t a t i o n s of tent l i v i n g and also because of the policy of Indian A f f a i r s of d e t a i l i n g houses to the larger (and therefore often extended) residence groups. (The a c q u i s i t i o n of an Indian A f f a i r s Branch house also puts a family under pressure to extend residence to a f f i n e s . ) There i s , further-more, a disproportionate number of younger couples l i v i n g i n tents. There are two double tents which contain two and three 157 commensal groups respectively and one standard sized tent with two commensal groups. The other eleven residence units with more than one commensal group are a l l houses. Parenthetically, there are no Indian dwellings which have fences; children, dogs, and groups of roaming adolescents cut back and forth i n front of, behind, and around the houses. Only the graveyards, and a l l the White residences, are encircled by fences. The residence units with more than one commensal group are usually extensions through marriage. Five are v i r i l o c a l extensions; s i x are u x o r i l o c a l . One residence group i s composed of both an u x o r i l o c a l and a v i r i l o c a l extension. F i n a l l y , the two remaining extended residence groups are composed of commensal groups, the leaders of which are f r i e n d s . While the basis of commensal groups i s the pooling of resources f o r subsistence needs, the basis of r e s i d e n t i a l groups i s the pooling of services and cooperation i n summer and spring a c t i v i t i e s . While the separate commensal groups of one r e s i d e n t i a l unit w i l l own their own f i s h nets, one person w i l l check the f i s h nets of both. This saves time, e f f o r t , and expense. While there w i l l be some sharing of a catch, e s p e c i a l l y i f the haul i s very disproportionate, i t i s not unusual to see members of one commensal group i n an 158 extended residence unit eating the trout taken from th e i r nets (sometimes by a member of the other commensal group) while members of the other commensal group eat the much l e s s tasty p i c k e r e l taken i n the i r nets. Services such as hauling firewood, bringing i n scarce woods to those of the r e s i d e n t i a l group that remain on the post, baby s i t t i n g f o r one or the other of the commensal groups i n the residence unit that wishes to go on a short f i s h i n g expedition, cement the commensal groups of the extended summer r e s i d e n t i a l units. S t i l l , just as the nuclear family i s the most usual form of the commensal group, the single commensal group i s the most usual form of the r e s i d e n t i a l group. Apart from extension through post-marital residence of children, there i s absolutely no grouping of residences by kinship. Closely re l a t e d persons l i v e scattered, seemingly i n random fashion, throughout the v i l l a g e . There are no cases where brothers set up tents beside each other. The Diamond brothers have t y p i c a l f r a t e r n a l arrangements. These four adult trappers, who work contiguous trapping grounds near the headwaters of the Nottaway River, l i v e scattered throughout the whole v i l l a g e , one family at either end and the two remaining f a m i l i e s i n between, one on the f a r southern end of the v i l l a g e and one d i r e c t l y i n the centre. Co-residential groups composed of a core of brothers that spend winter and summer clustered together, on the trapping camps and on the post, do just not ex i s t at Rupert House. 159 3. Trapping Groups Last year there were thirty-three separate trapping groups containing f i f t y - s i x or f i f t y - e i g h t commensal units. (In two cases i t was impossible to decide i f separate commensal units existed). There were an average of 1.6 commensal units per trapping group. It must be understood that separate commensal units out on the trap l i n e are somewhat d i f f e r e n t than those I have e a r l i e r defined. In point of f a c t i t i s the case that often a commensal group i s represented on the trap l i n e by just one or two active men, i n the trapping camp of another family. While there i s a much greater sharing of goods and services between commensal groups and such representatives of other commensal groups, most of whose members have remained behind, than i s usually the case between f u l l commensal groups, nevertheless, the major cash outlays and incomes are sustained during t h i s time by the representatives alone. Therefore I have considered them separate as defined before. The average length of stay 'out i n the bush', trapping and hunting, was k.k months per commensal unit and k.5 months per active trapper. (The differences stem from the f a c t that some active trappers returned their f a m i l i e s to the post and went back on the trap l i n e to f i l l t h e i r quota.) The range of time spent out trapping was from one month (a single trapper whose wife could not accompany him and who became i l l at Christmas) to nine and a h a l f months (the largest trapping group 160 of twenty people who are i s o l a t e d on C h a r l t o n I s l a n d and who are dependent upon the Hudson's Bay Company supply steamer f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ) . At l e a s t 200 people were i n the winter trapping camps. There were twenty to t h i r t y others who a d d i t i o n a l l y spent a short p e r i o d on a l a t e f a l l or e a r l y spring t r a p p i n g camp but these have not been i n c l u d e d i n the s t a t i s t i c s because t h e i r stays were more of the nature of short v i s i t s to a c t i v e members of the commensal u n i t who were already i n the bush before and stayed there a f t e r these others l e f t . There were eighty-two a c t i v e trappers. The average number of people i n a trapping group was 5*9? ranging from one per group to twenty per group. The mode approximated s i x persons to a trapping group. There were 2.5 a c t i v e trappers per trapping group, ranging from one to s i x per group. This gives a r a t i o of one a c t i v e trapper to 1.2 dependants out on the t r a p l i n e . This r a t i o i s only a t h i r d of that found by H a l l o w e l l f o r other Algonkian groups about twenty years ago (1 to 3*3 and 3»5). This suggests that trapping i s becoming a more commercialised productive a c t i v i t y f o r the Rupert House people with a greater percentage of the dependants remaining back at the post. A l t e r n a t e l y , I would suggest that the much smaller r a t i o at present day Rupert House a l s o i n d i c a t e s the recent population e x p l o s i o n , that a l a r g e number of the dependants that are not out on the t r a p l i n e but are supported at the post are c h i l d r e n t h a t go to the day school. There were s i x t y - f i v e pre-school-aged c h i l d r e n along but only f i f t e e n school-aged c h i l d r e n on the 161 trapping camps. A l l of the women on the trap l i n e camps were wives of active trappers. There were no adolescent g i r l s who helped the adult women. Only three persons out of the 200 were aged, non-active dependants. In the past, trappers were responsible f o r moving and caring f o r nearly a l l the children, adolescents, and ambulent aged i n the band. This must have slowed movement and added considerable i n e f f i c i e n c e s as f a r as trapping alone i s concerned. While the average number of commensal units per trapping unit was 1.6, the numbers ranged from one to four. (Eighteen trapping groups had only one commensal unit, nine had two commensal units, four had three commensal units, and one trapping group had four commensal units—two trapping groups had either two or three commensal units.) Further, i t must be remembered that the composition of trapping groups i s f l u i d from f a l l to spring of one trapping season. Only seventeen of the thir t y - t h r e e trapping groups maintained their o r i g i n a l composition throughout the season. The groups that remained unchanged were mainly the more distant ones, including a l l of the groups which did not come to the post i n the middle of the season f o r additional supplies. The trend mentioned by Dunning, f o r the Pekangekum Ojibwa, of increasing co-residence and cooperation between brothers, both on and off the trap l i n e , i s not present at Rupert House. Only one of the thirty-three trapping groups has 162 i t s active trappers composed of brothers and t h e i r f a m i l i e s alone. A much more common organisation i s that of a father and h i s active but unmarried sons or with possibly a married son and h i s family (thirteen of the thirty-three groups). (See Chart V.) Nevertheless, the preponderance of groups are composed of active trappers who are quite variously r e l a t e d or not related at a l l . My interviews with the older informants indicate that such a s i t u a t i o n existed also i n the recent past. There are, therefore, some doubts as to the generality of Steward's hypothesis that i n hunting and gathering bands there i s an adaptive premium i n having male progeny remain i n the l o c a l i t y of their father or attached to h i s group aft e r marriage. I t i s the case that numbers of e c o l o g i c a l reasons favour an economic arrangement where there are at l e a s t two active trappers i n each group but t h i s i n no way demands that these persons be c l o s e l y r e l a t e d i f related at a l l . While i t would seem that the simplest and most 'natural' way of extending a group would be through the cohesion of parents and offspring or through the s o l i d a r i t y of brothers, numerous r e a l conditions inveigh against i t . A son may want to get married when there i s not enough resources on the land that h i s father i s trapping to support both the father's family as i t then exists and that of the young man as well. The father of the bride may be more handicapped than ego's father and a condition of marriage may be a period of u x o r i l o c a l residence, which 163 CHART k COMPOSITION .OF TRAPPING GROUPS OPERATIVE DURING FALL AND.WINTER SEASON, I 96O-6I (Blacked i n symbols indicate persons actually present.) 13 k _ Q 2b _. Ik _TV ~ k • i r i _ l _ I - . L_ l _ - W • / ^ 5 I_=6—i=-.o -Tin ^ i_ ^ • k--'# k * k k -TIL k ^ k ^ _ k k W i A T » ' ^ k = * k : # 30 • = K ° k - T * — i t o r * 7 j . IS rUNI\ELATZD k kL t_ - ® k 1_ = f 3 * k _ # ^ I U N f\ £ L AT£Q* ^ 7 kk. # = | _ ^ _ ^ # k i _ ^ k = » k 1 ^ *3 k J 3 f - - P -r ^ 4 * = • |_"©T~§ I — r — T — 1 . • 16»+ becomes more or le s s permanent, or a young hunter may have the p o s s i b i l i t y of getting a larger independent c r e d i t allowing him to trap i n the more distant regions while h i s father i s r e s t r i c t e d , because of c r e d i t and dependence upon subsistence hunting, to coastal regions. These and other s p e c i f i c economic problems seem to disallow the establishment of the c l a s s i c a l p a t r i l i n e a l extensions of s o l i d a r i t y which are so important for other hunting groups. This tendency to disregard even close kin r e l a t i o n s as the axis of important s o c i a l groups, the productive groups, was even more pronounced and f o r more c l e a r l y ecological reasons when subsidy payments and wages did not allow of alternate adjustments to the environment.. k. Marriage and Kinship Next to data on i n t e r n a l p o l i t i c a l factionalism and cases of disputes, information on marriage and kinship was most d i f f i c u l t to obtain. Illegitimacy was scattered throughout the group so thoroughly that nearly every family was either consanguineally or a f f i n a l l y involved with one or a number of cases of i l l e g i t i m a t e b i r t h . I l l e g i t i m a c y was not any more palatable to the people because of i t s high incidence, as some Whites claimed. Even my closest informants were not disposed to describe most cases of i l l e g i t i m a c y . Most i l l e g i t i m a t e children were described as offspring of l a t e r unions. (Some cases were consistently mentioned. I t i s not clear what, i f any, s i m i l a r i t y existed i n the positions of these people i n the comm-unity. ) 165 While parish records show a steady r i s e of i l l e g i t i -macy from 1906 to present, such figures cannot be taken as in d i c a t i v e of increasing s o c i a l breakdown. The s t a t i s t i c s include those i l l e g i t i m a t e births where the couple i s l a t e r married and those where the mother remains unmarried or marries a male other than the genitor of the c h i l d . Certain sanctions for marriage have decreased; u n t i l the early 1920's the Hudson's Bay Company factor and h i s wife, i n conjunction with the Anglican mission, used considerable pressure to see that pregnant, unmarried g i r l s married their c h i l d ' s genitor before giving b i r t h . I was t o l d of si t u a t i o n s , i n one case by the person involved, where the Hudson's Bay Company factor arranged marriages f o r persons who he f e l t should 'settle down' ( i n the case r e l a t e d to me, considerable pressure was put on the unwilling g i r l ' s parents). The missionary continued i n . t h i s r o l e , but with l e s s e f f e c t and fewer levers of influence, u n t i l the l a t e 19^0's. (The intermittent d i a r i e s of transient missionaries from 1901 to 19^8 were most illuminating.) Not only do Indians f e e l that i l l e g i t i m a c y i s considered shameful by Whites, but they also seem to f e e l this way themselves. My impression i s that the only acceptance they allowed i l l e g i t i m a c y i s that t y p i c a l of depressed White groups, an ethic of, "That's l i f e . I t ' s the r i c h (read 'Whites') that get the pleasure; i t ' s the poor (read 'Indians 1) that get the blame." 1 6 6 There i s a very marked distaste f o r having children by another genitor reside with a couple and their children. This applies to children of remarried widows as well. I would estimate that a good two-thirds of children with such a background are either shunted off to grandparents, to more d i s t a n t l y related persons, or to unrelated persons. In such adopting f a m i l i e s , these children often a t t a i n a servant-like status, the word 'servant 1 actually frequently being used. So much f o r the myth of the band being one big family. Everyone claimed that abortion, i n f a n t i c i d e or even contraceptive techniques just did not exis t at Bupert House. Adultery was supposedly extremely rare and n e g l i g i b l e . There was not any gossip of recent cases and those hinted at occurred more than t h i r t y years ago. Considering the high incidence of adultery i n both more acculturated and more iso l a t e d neighbouring bands, the lack of cases of adultery reported to me at Rupert House may be mainly i n d i c a t i v e of Indian s o l i d a r i t y and feeli n g s of propriety. I doubt that any society has no techniques of abortion and contraception. As for i n f a n t i c i d e , I can only say that during my stay the recently born daughter of an unmarried sixteen-year-old g i r l died. Two of my women informants said, rather pointedly, " I t wasn't sick at a l l before. I t just died." In another case, a year-old i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d of a twenty-one year old woman who was about to marry someone not 167 the genitor of the c h i l d , suffocated during the night. In going through the parish records on marriage, i t was my impression that the age of f i r s t marriage had declined s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n the l a s t h a l f century. ( I t was impossible to quantifiably v e r i f y t h i s because of the habit of missionaries frequently entering such phrases as 'of f u l l age' or 'over 30' under the age rubric.) It i s the b e l i e f of older people that persons are marrying much younger now than formerly. H a r r i e t Whiskeychan (82) said, "when I was a g i r l , people waited t i l l they were grown up before they got married. Many men were over 30 before they got married. Now they marry when they're just c h i l d r e n . " The average age of f i r s t marriage f o r the decade 19^6-1956 was 22.5 f o r men and 18.8 f o r women. A variable period of increasingly stable cohabitation often precedes actual marriage. Divorces and separations, frequently mentioned by Dunning f o r recent Pekangekum marriage, do not occur at Rupert House, although marriages contracted by Rupert House people while resident at Moose Factory or more distant centres do occasionally f a i l . In such cases, some of the person's children, or he or she himself, return to Rupert House. I t appears extremely unlikely that a man or woman who was once married w i l l be able to establish a r e l a t i o n s h i p of r e l a t i v e l y stable cohabitation with someone else thereafter. This now applies to persons separated and those widowed. (That i s , unless the widowed person be quite young and unencumbered by 1 6 8 children.) A number of widows and widowers now i n their l a t e r middle age have not remarried i n the ten to f i f t e e n year period since the death of their spouse. The vast majority of marriages at Rupert House are s t i l l f i n a l l y decided by parents. I t i s usual f o r a young man to court a g i r l u n t i l they are mutually decided on marriage. Such courting i n v a r i a b l y involves sexual r e l a t i o n s . Such re l a t i o n s may often be permitted to continue by the parents even though they do not favour marriage. Certain f a m i l i e s keep a s t r i c t control of th e i r daughters, e s p e c i a l l y those of school age. I f they very strongly disapprove of their daughter's lover, they w i l l keep the g i r l under constant watch. The next stage i s for the young man to ask h i s parents to arrange the marriage. I f they approve they w i l l proceed to the g i r l ' s family. I t i s most unusual f o r the g i r l ' s parents to i n i t i a t e arrangements. In a number of cases the grandmother of either the boy or g i r l objected so strongly that the marriage was not c a r r i e d through. There i s only one case which I know of where a man overrode h i s parents' objections and carr i e d through the marriage on h i s own. I t i s of i n t e r e s t to note that nearly a l l younger married and unmarried younger men claim they d i d or w i l l contract their own marriage themselves alone, even i n cases where i t i s bl a t a n t l y obvious that the parents arranged the marriage. At the inland post of Nemiscau 1 6 9 younger men s t i l l hold that, "I don't know who I ' l l marry. I think people w i l l know what to do with t h e i r daughters." L i k e l y the most striking change i n Rupert House s o c i a l arrangements i n the l a s t t h i r t y to f o r t y years has been the establishment of v i r t u a l band endogamy. This p a r a l l e l s the v i r t u a l collapse of trade r e l a t i o n s with neighbouring posts and the decline of the pr i v i l e g e d economic position of Rupert House. Previously, over sixteen per cent of marriages contracted by Rupert House persons involved mates from inland and north coastal posts. (See Chart 5*) This f i g u r e , tabulated from parish records, i s undoubtedly too low a percentage. There were to my knowledge, numerous cases where some unmarried s i b l i n g s followed t h e i r brothers and s i s t e r s when they married in t o another post. These younger s i b l i n g s usually married into that band afte r a few years of residence. Since they were by that time recorded as being a member of the i r adopted post, the actual interband migration through marriage i s not accurately r e f l e c t e d . I t seems that, formerly, there was a disproportion-ately greater number of women marrying from north coastal posts into Rupert House and Rupert House women inland. The l a s t i n t e r -band marriages of which I know involved Rupert House and Nemiscau families i n the late 1 9 ^ 0 ' s . While there i s an unabated movement of men and women i n marriage out of Rupert House, nearly a l l of i t i s to Moose Factory; there i s no movement into the post by marriage. Generally, once one now marries out one stays out. 170 CHART 5 MOVEMENT IN FLOW OF WOMEN BY MARRIAGE: AS INDICATED BY PARISH RECORDS AT RUPERT HOUSE Men resident i n Rupert i'.oi House marry-ing women resident i n Rupert House $ 3 O -p u Q> P. 3 G •H CO a •p w CO 3 CO o CO •H a •H P. •H q to CO CO tn CO i 5 CO o 0) •H q •H to w CO -P CO •H 0 c Total 3 women :H marry-•g ing •H i n Per cent of women marry-ing i n . 1876-1886 I886- I896 1896-1906 1906-1916 1916-1926 1926-1936 1936-19^6 1956-1956 Total 37 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 3 60 3 0 0 0 1 0 0 k 7 39 3 0 1 0 1 1 0 6 15 ke 5 0 1 0 1 1 0 8 16 29 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 18 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 6 27 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 32 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 2 6 288 12 2 3 0 3 2 0 22 Total Inland: 8 Total from Coast: lh Women resident i n Rupert House marry-ing men resident i n CD CO 3 fl -P CO s -P CO CO W 3 CO O CO •H a CD 52; •H •H q co CO CO CO CO CO •id CO o CD S3 •H q •H to CO CO •p CO •H IS T p o CD o Total q women marry-•H o ing out Per cent of women marry-ing out 1876-1886 As 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 2 5 1886-1896 for 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 2 3 #2 1896-1906 Msn 2 0 0 0 5 1 0 8 20 1906-1916 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 3 6 1916-1926 0 2 2 0 k 0 1 9 30 1926-1936 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 6 1 9 3 6 - W 6 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 2 7 19^6-1956 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Total 2 5 2 0 16 1 1 2'7 Total Inland: 2k Total from Coast: Per cent of marriages with one partner from outside: = W7/288 = 16.5$ 171 Adults now hold that, "It's better to marry somebody from your own post. You can be close to your people (parents, s i b l i n g s , f r i e n d s ) . " There i s allegedly no kin determined p r e f e r e n t i a l marriage. Men are strongly against marrying a woman older than themselves (even i f she i s r e l a t i v e l y a t t r a c t i v e , strong and healthy). G i r l s d i s l i k e marriages with men more than four or f i v e years older than themselves. Boys and g i r l s spoke constantly about who was who's sweetheart and who was i n love with whom, but nobody, younger or older people included, would generalize about preferable sorts of mates. As f a r as I can gather, f o r the potential spouses themselves, an indiv i d u a l ' s status within h i s or her age and sex group i s a c r u c i a l factor i n desirability... For the parents of these potential spouses, having the character-i s t i c s of a good provider or workmate are more important. Supposedly, a l l people who can trace any consanguineal kin r e l a t i o n between themselves are not supposed to marry. This myth:r.is strongly adhered to; people w i l l t e l l you, "No, i t doesn't happen." I t seems that kin connections can be conveniently forgotten. During my stay, a marriage occurred between second cousins, a man and h i s father's father's brother's son's daughter. Even though the names of both parties were Hester, everyone denied a r e l a t i o n . Marriages between p a r a l l e l or cross cousins are equally proscribed and i n f a c t do not seem to occur. The most s t r i k i n g aspect of kinship r e l a t i o n s among the Rupert House band i s t h e i r absence. 172 The recognition of kinship t i e s does not normally extend beyond maternal and paternal grandparents, uncles and aunts, f i r s t cousins, and members of the immediate b i o l o g i c a l family. No d i s t i n c t i o n s are anywhere made between maternal and paternal consanguineal r e l a t i v e s . Cross and p a r a l l e l cousins are referred to by the same term. The behaviour and r e l a t i o n s h i p norms of kinship categories are vague and f l u i d ; one's paternal uncle may greatly be concerned i n the support and rearing of one of h i s brother's children and be quite distant to those of another brother. A l l those outside of the genealogical c i r c l e already mentioned are primarily considered as 'friends'. Lateral extensions are shallow, as might be expected, and even l i n e a l extension does not amount to much. Some persons cannot even i d e n t i f y a l l dead grandparents, much l e s s great grandparents. That such a s i t u a t i o n i s by no means inherent of a hunting-trapping society, even t h i s society, i s demonstrated by the fa c t that genelogical connections can be ferreted out and traced through i f the s i t u a t i o n warrants i t . Then, t r a v e l l i n g to Eastmain with my three Indian companions, kinship connections were established between these people of d i f f e r e n t posts without too great d i f f i c u l t y . I t would appear that some sort of kinship connection, even i f distan t , helps to cement the r e l a t i o n s h i p and cooperation of two persons or groups that have come together f o r pragmatic reasons to begin with. The kinship connections are r e a l , but a f t e r the f a c t . Further, while t h i s i s common process the world around, the difference here i s that such a recognition 173 of kinship connections does not determine what the r e l a t i o n s between the two s h a l l be. I t w i l l only strengthen what arrange-ment i s already i n operation. 5. P o l i t i c a l Organization and Band Membership One of the most noticeable aspects of the Rupert House Indian community i s i t s lack of supra family or supra trapping group organisation, either formal or informal. While some such organisation undoubtedly e x i s t s , i t i s i n i t s e l f important that a l l discussions by l o c a l people concerning an i n t e r n a l power structure tend to deny i t s presence. The ethic which a l l Indians attempt to preserve i s , "No Indian t e l l s any other Indian what he can do. We Indians have to help each other." The only formal i n t e r n a l p o l i t i c a l structure i s that which has been i n s t i t u t e d by an external agency—the Indian A f f a i r s Branch. A band chief and two c o u n c i l l o r s are elected every three or four years. In most of the neighbouring communities the present chiefs are the same persons that were f i r s t elected into o f f i c e when the regional Indian A f f a i r s Branch demanded chiefs after World War I I . The position i s just not important enough to usually make i t worth while to change c h i e f s . But, the sit u a t i o n at Rupert House shows how factionalism can be present or can develop i n a nominally homogenous Indian group and how a chief may be of some Importance after a l l . 17k The f i r s t chief of Rupert House was a Metis who had been one of the more acculturated and most acceptable to the Indian A f f a i r s Branch and to Mrs. Watt. For whatever reasons, the l o c a l community decided to elect him by acclamation, possibly f o r what they expected he could get out of the Whites. It appears that soon after t h i s the then elected chief assured Mrs. Watt that the Indian community would help finance the building and maintenance of a memorial community ha l l ~ b y the contribution of one or two beaver pelts per trapper. I t appears that this was done without the consent of a l l the community members. As the costs turned out to be somewhat higher, i n the long run, and the services a good deal l e s s than had been expected, numerous l o c a l f a m i l i e s joined those others who had not supported the idea o r i g i n a l l y . While Mrs. Watt was i n much too powerful a position to be dislodged by the l o c a l Indians, a new chief was elected. This new chief, the present one, speaks only a few words of English. When talking to important Whites he takes a person fluent i n English with him. When i n the presence of unimportant Whites he does not attempt to communicate or speaks through h i s thirteen-year-old son. This seems to be a clear s h i f t i n community reaction to White dominance, a s t i l l modulated but e f f e c t i v e switch from c o l l a -boration to Indian consolidation. The new chief i s , further, an ef f e c t i v e speaker and h i s main influence over the community l i e s i n the way he cajoles the members'. While the chief does have 175 control over the d i s t r i b u t i o n of jobs on some of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch projects, he i s under s u f f i c i e n t community surveillance and i n d i v i d u a l family pressure that he cannot use t h i s means of influence inordinately f o r bestowing or withholding personal rewards. The foreman i n the Hudson's Bay Company canoe factory, who i s given considerable freedom i n choosing and h i r i n g men, has a means of inducement open to him which i s more r e a l i f also l i m i t e d to fewer people than that of the chief. (There i s a turnover of three or four workers every three or four years at the canoe factory.) Certain cliques of family heads e x i s t . The focus of these i s usually a more than averagely successful and 'wealthy' man who buys and brews beer. Beer drinking, with i t s intimations of i l l e g a l i t y , the resultant i n group out group feelings (doors are frequently latched shut when a drinking party begins. The persons involved t r y not to a t t r a c t the attention of others) seems to be a good vehicle of p o l i t i c a l expression f o r an excluded ethnic minority. The present chief i s involved i n one of such drinking groups. (There i s usually a core of men who always drink together, a wider group of persons who may occasionally j o i n f o r a drink, and a group which w i l l never be seen drinking with a certain clique.) The former chief was the centre of one such brewing group, being the biggest brewer i n the v i l l a g e , u n t i l he was deposed. He now drinks with a second group which seems to centre around the native c l e r k at 176 the Hudson's Bay Company. A t h i r d stable and important group of drinkers centres around the chief's brother, Bertie Diamond, my next door neighbour. While there seems to be evidence to suspect p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y relevant f o r the band as a whole, the most obvious and l i k e l y the most important sort of p o l i t i c a l organisa-ti o n involves that of the extended trapping groups. In the past, when trapping groups were larger and more extended, when they spent most of the year off the post and when there were no external agencies to come to their a i d , the leadership of trapping groups was more important, e f f e c t i v e and formal than today. Formerly, a combination of shamanistie knowledge, of better knowledge of a hunting/trapping area, of a bigger c r e d i t that allowed a i d to other attached persons, made the head of one family the 'trapping boss' of a unit of two to four f a m i l i e s . At present, most, but not a l l , trapping groups have a trapping boss. This i s usually the oldest active man of the group that was a l l o t t e d the trapping r i g h t s i n that section. His most clear-cut power l i e s i n being able to decide where anyone placed on h i s section by the government w i l l take the quota given him. Actually, h i s influence may extend considerably farther or not at a l l , depending upon the personal c a p a b i l i t i e s of the leader. Everything depends upon h i s good judgement, of the benefits that are to be gained by acting upon h i s suggestions and experience. He must convince the other f a m i l i e s of the 177 wisdom of h i s actions. In any case, i t i s only i n such spheres i n which the various fa m i l i e s of the trapping group cooperate that the trapping boss attempts to d i r e c t people; i . e . , dates of departure and a r r i v a l at communal camps, transportation, d i s t r i b u t i o n of the fa m i l i e s over the land and resources and the degree to which a c e r t a i n resource w i l l be saved or exploited. Generally, the p o l i t i c a l importance of p o l i t i c a l organisation at the band l e v e l has not yet developed while the p o l i t i c a l organisation of lower l e v e l groups has decreased i n importance. Nuclear fa m i l i e s have become more d i s t i n c t . As f o r the band as a whole (as for the area as a whole), the occupa-t i o n a l d i s t i n c t i o n s between Indians have been eradicated. The former importance of Metis as intermediaries and straw bosses for the Whites has vanished. (Even men who were formerly i n the Metis group are now considered 'Indian 1 by Indians and most Whites.) There i s now a f a i r l y homogenous ethnic minority; a 'have not' minority which i s administered by 'have' Whites. This i s the way the Indians f e e l . I t i s also the true s i t u a t i o n . 178 CHAPTER V COMPARISONS AND SUMMARY A vast body of l i t e r a t u r e exists on Canadian woodland people. Some of i t i s published, some unpublished, and much of i t i s hidden on the shelves of various l i b r a r i e s , govern-ment departments, and research i n s t i t u t e s . A drawing together of this material into an o v e r a l l survey has yet to be begun. S t i l l , the f u l l e r relevance of any pa r t i c u l a r study can only be seen i n r e l a t i o n to the trends operative i n other similar communities. While i t i s impossible to attempt even a li m i t e d survey here, a few comparisons with neighbouring communities and with some other woodland groups w i l l be valuable. The material and sources are as follows: Location Eastmain, P.Q. and Nemiscau, P. Rupert House, P. Attawapiscat M i s t a s s i n i Year 1961 19^7-19^8 19^7-19l+8 1953-195^ F i e l d Worker R. Knight A.J. Kerr Material F i e l d notes "Subsistence and S o c i a l Organisa-ti o n i n a Fur Trade Community". J.J . Honigmanh "Foodways i n a Muskeg Community". E. Rogers "An Analysis of the Hunting Group-Hunting T e r r i t o r y Complex Among the Mi s t a s s i n i Indians and Neighbouring Peoples". 179 Location Pekangekum Lac l a Martre, N.W.T. Year F i e l d Worker 195^-1955 R.W. Dunning 1959 Snowdrift, N.W.T. I 9 6 0 J . Helm and N. Lurie James van Stone Material "Social and Economic Change Among the Northern Ojibwa". "The Subsistence Economy of the Dogrib Indians of Lac l a Martre, N.W.T." "The Economy of a Fronti e r Community, a Preliminary Statement". If we analyse the income f o r the three neighbouring posts of Rupert House, Eastmain, and Nemiscau, we f i n d that a very wide v a r i a t i o n i n the composition of income e x i s t s . At Nemiscau we f i n d trapping income to be of prime importance, wage income being almost n e g l i g i b l e ; at Rupert House, wages have f a r surpassed trapping as a source of income; at Eastmain, subsidy payments are the most important, although wage labour and commercial f i s h i n g are growing. Breakdown of Community Income fo r Three East James Bay Settlements, Sept. 1, 1960-Aug. 31, 196l Rupert House Eastmain Nemiscau Popula-t i o n h9h 207 156 Total Income $111,350 ^1,385 32,330 Per Capita Income $225 200 207 (JO Trap-ses ping ho 22.5 16.2 35.8 7.h 50.h Sub-si d i e s 37.5 t+8 ^2.2 It does not seem that we can meaningfully speak of " the economy of 'bush' posts" or posts of a pa r t i c u l a r region. While 180 i t i s l i k e l y more adequate to characterize a par t i c u l a r community as having a b a s i c a l l y 'trapping 1 or 'wage' or 'trapping-wage' etc. economy, t h i s , too, has i t s d i f f i c u l t i e s . Important differences f o r s o c i a l organisation and acculturation exist i n the kinds of wage labour that are engaged i n . For instance, permanent employment and wage labour outside the community bring i n the largest s l i c e of wage income at Rupert House but i s small at Eastmain and non-existent at Nemiscau. At these two l a t t e r posts, the main and growing source of wage payment i s commercial f i s h i n g . As I have indicated e a r l i e r , i t i s l i k e l y best to make a d i s t i n c t i o n between what a c t i v i t i e s provide the largest sources of community income and what a c t i v i t i e s are most common and most under the control of the l o c a l people themselves. It i s f e l t that the l a t t e r sphere w i l l set the basic r o l e s and expectations. Of course, the present standard of l i v i n g and the current s o c i a l system are maintained only by carrying out a l l the major a c t i v i t i e s . The u t i l i z a t i o n of country food i s s t i l l important i n a l l the posts i n my sample. While i t i s an impor-tant problem, the decline i n the use of country food i s frequently overestimated. Even Honigmann suggests that an increased use of cash foods may only serve to bring about a decrease i n the u t i l i z a t i o n of country foods. Although a ce r t a i n decline has undoubtedly taken place at Rupert House, country foods s t i l l 181 provide a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of l o c a l l y consumed commestibles— despite the unprecedented importance of cash and wage labour. A comparison of game consumption between Attawapiscat, 19^7-19^8, where very l i t t l e wage labour e x i s t e d , and Rupert House, i960-1961, shows very l i t t l e d i f f e r e n c e i n the importance of country food. This despite the f a c t t h a t Attawapiscat was considered to be e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y dependent upon subsistence hunting. Consumption of Country Foods Attawapiscat. 19^-7-19^8 Rupert House. 1960-1961 Large game Fur animals Rabbits and grouse Bucks and geese F i s h T o t a l P o p u lation 10,700 l b s . 13,000 l b s . 11,650 l b s . 1+1,375 l b s . 27,700 l b s . (estimate) 10 ,^1+25 l b s . *+70 persons Per C a p i t a Consumption per Annum: 226 l b s . 20,660 l b s . 29,050 l b s . 6,700 l b s . 9,800 l b s . 32,200 l b s . (estimate) 98,250 l b s . ^70 persons (the 2k persons t r a n s i -t i o n a l t o the Moose band were not surveyed) 213 l b s . 1 8 2 Unfortunately, Kerr gives no data f o r game consumption during 1 9 ^ 7 - 1 9 ^ 8 . There i s considerable v a r i a t i o n i n the u t i l i z a t i o n of country food within Rupert House. One family r e l i e d upon f i s h and game for probably over seventy per cent of i t s food; trappers with good beaver sections l i k e l y consume over twice the 2 1 3 l b s . per annum average while those people who stay on the post or trap from the post l i k e l y obtain much les s than t h i s average. The differences within a community and the deficiency of fresh food for certain band members i s well documented by Honnigman. While the game consumption of Rupert House s t i l l provides an absolutely necessary increment of food, i t compares poorly with that mentioned f o r other bands. Rogers reports that the country food used by the thirteen member Mi s t a s s i n i trapping group with which he l i v e d totaled seventy per cent of a l l the food consumed, averaging 1 , 0 0 0 l b s . per capita per annum. Dunning mentions that s u f f i c i e n t f i s h was available i n certain Pekangekum camps to provide year-round subsistence. Beaver and large game would seem to have provided even greater per capita food than at Rupert House. Helm and Lurie report that the 1 1 0 people of Lac l a Martre, and the i r voracious dogs, consumed forty-seven tons of f i s h , 1 1 , 0 0 0 l b s . of rabbit (estimate) and over 8 , 0 0 0 l b s . of caribou. 183 While such catch-consumption figures make the Rupert House band look l i k e mere d i l e t t a n t s at hunting-fishing, i t i s important not to overlook differences i n the habitat. Smaller game consumption may not mean a declining concern with game but merely a persistent shortage of food animals. In thi s regard, i t i s important to note the s p e c i f i c sorts of animals that a people r e l y upon. For the Mi s t a s s i n i group, large game provided by fa r the most important source of food. Fur animals were most important at Rupert House, while at Attawapiscat over f o r t y per cent of the game consisted of ducks and geese. Lac l a Martre was mainly dependent upon f i s h ; Snowdrift upon f i s h and caribou. For those people now heavily dependent upon f i s h , i t i s f a i r l y safe to assume that before the advent of commercial f i s h nets, t h i s source of food was not available to them i n anywhere near current quantities. (In the Big Trout Lake, Ontario, area, hook and l i n e f i s h i n g was not extensively replaced by nets u n t i l a l i t t l e over f i f t e e n years ago.) Moreover, for those people whose trapping a c t i v i t y revolves about beaver, an increase i n trapping i n no way decreases the amount of time spent i n hunting for food animals. Beaver are indeed very good food animals. An increase i n the number of beaver available and taken may actually increase the t o t a l amount of country food secured even though le s s time i s spent hunting large game. After a l l , three or four beaver w i l l y i e l d more meat than a f u l l grown caribou. 181+ The f a c t that the meat of a l l f u r animals i s eaten has at times been overlooked by some writers who r i g i d l y distinguish trapping from hunting and who make an increase i n one a decrease i n the other. Frequently, c e r t a i n f a c t s only become evident aft e r some rough qua n t i f i c a t i o n and tabulation has been made. F i r s t , l e t us look at the cash income of our sample woodland commun-i t i e s . (Apart from my own f i e l d data and that of Dunning and Honigmann, the to t a l s have been pieced together from scattered references within the studies concerned. I believe, nevertheless, that they are approximately correct. No r e l i a b l e t o t a l s could be derived from the Lac l a Martre study. Rogers, also, does not deal with t h i s . ) 1 The low subsidy proportion of Rupert House i n 191+7-191+8 i s due to the f a c t that no payments other than Family Allowance were made. Trapping was extremely good and beaver prices high fo r the f i r s t years aft e r the beaver preserves were opened. While the data i n the Lac l a Martre study are not adequate for a close estimation of the subsidy proportion, f i v e family averages seem to indicate that here, too, subsidy payments average between t h i r t y - f i v e to f o r t y - f i v e per cent of the community income. 185 Annual Gash Income of Various Woodland Communities Popula-tion Rupert House, 1960-61 1+9!+ Eastmain, I96O-61 207 Nemiscau, I96O-61 156 Rupert House, 1957-58 375 Attawapiscat, 1957-58 1+70 382 ( i n d o l l a r s ) ' T o t a l Capita Income Income Wage; Pekangekum, 1955-55 Snowdrift, N.W.T., 1959-60 Lac l a Martre, N.W.T. . 150 110 111,350 ^1,385 32,330 92,000 78,000 52,600 2^,800 225 200 207 2k5 165 150 160 1+3,000 6,6»+0 2,1+00 7,000 If, 500 2,1+00 !+,500 More than l+,000 Trap-ping 26,000 15,975 16,300 63,000 1+1,000 28,500 11,300 1+50 aver-age per adult trapper Sub-si d i e s 1+2,500 19,770 13,630 12,000 (approx.) 33,000 (approx.) 21,895 9,000 (approx.) 6 ? 000 Family Allow-ance + Old Age Pension + rations (very approx.) Mi s t a s s i n i 600 (approx.1) The proportion of cash income that comes from subsidy payments i n nearly a l l cases hovers around f o r t y per cent. Rupert House, 1960-61 - 37.5$ Nemiscau, 196O-61 - 58$ Eastmain, 1960-61 - 1+2.2$ Rupert House, 1957-58 - 13$ Attawapiscat, 1957-58 - 1+2$ Pakangekum - 1+1.6$ Snowdrift, N.W.T. - 37+$ 186 Many writers have remarked that subsidy payments are a form of income that can be r e l i e d upon. This i s most desirable i n economies which fluctuate greatly and where important sources of income decline c a t a s t r o p h i c a l l y i n some years. While th i s s t a b i l i z i n g e f f e c t does seem to obtain and i s much appreciated by the l o c a l people, a second assump-tion often made about subsidies does not hold. White adminis-trators and l o c a l White residents frequently take the position that subsidy payments, including and p a r t i c u l a r l y r a t i o n s , act to create a general p a r i t y of income between d i f f e r e n t communities. I t i s believed that subsidies make up f o r lack of wage labour opportunities and depleted environments. I f thi s were ac t u a l l y the case we should expect to see a much higher percentage subsidy payment i n those communities where the per capita income i s below average. There are quite large differences i n the per capita income between the communities i n my sample ($l*+0-$2^5). Such differences might s t i l l e x i s t even i f the e f f e c t of subsidy payments were toward establishing some sort of pa r i t y . But t h i s cannot be the ro l e of subsidy payments when they make up the same proportion of income for ri c h e r and poorer settlements. In ef f e c t , i t would appear that the r o l e of subsidies i s to balance short run fluctuations within any one community, to maintain •ri c h e r 1 communities at their l e v e l and poorer ones at t h e i r ' s . 187 In estimating the actual value of the per capita income of various communities, i t i s e s s e n t i a l to know the prices of goods sold there. Unfortunately, of the studies i n my sample only Dunning's l i s t s the prices of goods at Pekangekum. Nevertheless, one thing i s c l e a r , a low per capita income i s not balanced by low prices. In the three communities with which I am myself f a m i l i a r , prices were lowest at Rupert House (which had the highest per capita income, $225); prices were s l i g h t l y higher at Eastmain ($200 per annum), and prices were at l e a s t f i f t y to seventy-five per cent higher at Nemiscau ($207 per annum). The differences between prices i n Canadian metropolitan areas and i n bush posts varies l a r g e l y by the weight and quality of the item; at Nemiscau, tobacco i s about the same price as down south but f l o u r i s twenty cents per pound and gas $2.50 per gallon. I t appears that food and clothing which are most extensively used by the l o c a l people also show the greatest price d i f f e r e n t i a l . This i s because such goods are i n i t i a l l y low cost and often heavier s t a p l e s — per pound transport costs show up most v i v i d l y on these. Posts where prices are high (primarily due to long distance a i r f r e i g h t i n g but also r e l a t e d to the Hudson's Bay Company po l i c y of adding high per capita overhead costs, Hudson's Bay Company buildings and s t a f f , on a low turnover) are also those most l i k e l y to be i s o l a t e d from sources of wage labour. In addition, the more i s o l a t e d a community, the more d i f f i c u l t i t w i l l be f o r i t to secure r e l i e f projects and emergency ra t i o n s . 188 I t i s of in t e r e s t to note that along with r i s i n g prices, the per capita income of Rupert House has act u a l l y declined by $20 per annum between 1958 and 196l . This does not indicate a general trend i n the decline of the standard of l i v i n g . I t shows, rather, the extent to which boom years (1956-1950—see Chapter II) can boom. Between 1958 and 196l Rupert House has seen a major s h i f t i n the composition of income. Wages have increased from $7,000 per annum to $*+3,000 per annum; trapping has decreased from $63,000 per annum to $26,000 per annum, while subsidies have increased from $12,000 per annum to $1+2,000 per annum. While wage labour i s s t i l l a r e l a t i v e l y small proportion of the t o t a l income i n many of the other settlements, the desire for such seems to be widespread. Helm and Lurie report that many men stayed on the Lac l a Martre post on the chance that contrac-tors would f l y i n , as they had the winter before, f o r men to work on road construction. Moreover, they claim that one of the main reasons f o r the rapid concentration of fam i l i e s at the post s i t e was the wage labour connected with the construction and maintenance of a day school. Nan Stone describes a similar s i t u a t i o n for Snowdrift. Men were most favourably i n c l i n e d towards wage labour and often remained on the post i n hopes of getting some employment (although c e r t a i n forms of sweated labour was not greatly desired, even these wage opportunities were taken). 189 It seems that generally the returnsfor e f f o r t expended i n trapping are disproportionately small when compared with wage labour. For instance, one of the better trappers at Hupert House, who had a r e l a t i v e l y r i c h trapping section, earned more i n two months of comparatively easy wage work at Moosonee than he did a l l winter trapping. Similar situations are reported i n many of the studies. Only Dunning reports a lack of i n t e r e s t i n and importance of wage labour. This may be due more to the long standing and continuing u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of work at Pekangekum than to actual preferences for trapping and/or trapping returns. I t may also be that i n the seven to f i f t e e n years which have elapsed since some of these studies were completed, the demand fo r wage work has become more persistent and vocal. The e f f e c t of subsidy payments i s not merely to r a i s e the general standard of l i v i n g . As Dunning has shown, the introduction and increase of subsidy payments has been i n s t r u -mental i n changing c r u c i a l areas of the s o c i a l system. Aged and incapacitated members who were formerly dependants, who had to be taken along to the trapping camps i n order that they could be provided f o r , have now achieved an independence of their own. Trapping units can now be of a much more e f f e c t i v e composition, the physically less able can maintain themselves on the post with cash foods purchased with the welfare payments. This also applies, to a lesser extent, to the wives and ch i l d r e n of middle-aged trappers. 190 While my findings at Rupert House support those of Dunning i n regard to the increasing number of people resident on the post, divergent trends are evident between the various communities i n regards to the size and composition of trapping groups. At Pekangekum, i t appears that the size of co-residen-t i a l groups i s increasing and the importance of kinship growing. Rogers also reports the continuing importance of r e l a t i v e l y c o - r e s i d e n t i a l groups (trapping groups) of three to four nuclear f a m i l i e s . I t i s h i s thesis that the size of trapping groups i s primarily set by the ecology of the people; i . e . , the methods they have i n extracting a l i v e l i h o o d from the resources at t h e i r disposal. He believes that group size i s an e c o l o g i c a l l y determined phenomenon while the development of r e s t r i c t e d trapping t e r r i t o r i e s i s an independently determined aceulturative one. Of the eight communities surveyed here, only at Snowdrift and Lac l a Martre do the men leave their f a m i l i e s on the post and go out trapping i n ones and twos. Such a pattern i s c l e a r l y impossible i f the f a m i l i e s must be constantly provided with country food, but now that subsidy payments play a large r o l e i n a l l northern communities we may ask why the differences i n the trapping pattern have developed. The answer l i e s , I believe, i n the combination of two f a c t o r s : 1. differences i n the concentration and richness of trapping grounds i n d i f f e r e n t 191 regions and 2. the distance these grounds are from the post. I would propose that men of a l l the northern communities would l i k e to have their f a m i l i e s with them while trapping hut w i l l f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to move them from one trapping, l o c a t i o n to another i f the fur animals are scattered. Further, i f their trapping grounds close enough to the post to a l l frequent t r i p s i n (for conjugal v i s i t s , to bring i n supplementary fresh food, to extend c r e d i t by the sale of f u r ) then they w i l l be even more l i k e l y to leave their f a m i l i e s behind. On the other hand, i f their trapping grounds are at distances from the post that preclude frequent v i s i t i n g and/or i f the fur animals on their trapping grounds are concentrated to the extent that trappers w i l l be able to take them while operating out of one or two main camps, then the trappers w i l l be more l i k e l y to take t h e i r f a milies with them. / •The above factors seem to be important determinants of the size and mobility of production (trapping) groups at Rupert House. In order to extend this answer to the other communities, we would have to know considerably more of the densities of fur animals and the distances covered each year by trappers. Never-theless, i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t to note that the two communities i n the sample where nearly a l l men trap without th e i r f a m i l i e s (Snowdrift and Lac l a Martre) have r e l a t i v e l y poor and t h i n l y scattered fur resources. Moreover, these fur animals, are mainly ones which provide l i t t l e meat (mink, marten, o t t e r ) . Beaver are 192 r e s t r i c t e d to f i v e per adult trapper. The advantage of supplying a family with regular fresh meat taken from fur animals, as i s the case f o r inland Rupert House groups, does not e x i s t here. A d d i t i o n a l l y , we are t o l d that the men of both of these communities trap close enough to the post to make v i s i t s i n every ten to fourteen days. F i n a l l y , they report that they have decided to leave their f a m i l i e s on the post since the advent of subsidy payments but would prefer to have the i r wives and children with them i n the bush i f transportation and l i v i n g . conditions were not so d i f f i c u l t . I t may well be that the use of a i r c r a f t i n taking i n trapping groups w i l l further help preserve the extended family pattern i f the aforementioned conditions are favourable. At Rupert House, the extended c o - r e s i d e n t i a l units (trapping groups) i n the winter camps are adjustments to the requirements of a trapping economy, the tolerance of the ecological conditions, and 'human1 desires common throughout many of the northern communities. When t h i s productive a c t i v i t y ceases, a s o c i a l organisation develops which i s based on then more c l e a r l y defined and more numerous commensal groups. Nemiscau seems to be intermediate between Mi s t a s s i n i and Rupert House; three family r e s i d e n t i a l groups are not uncommon f o r winter trapping groups but these break up into t h e i r composite commensal groups (usually a l i t t l e larger than a 193 nuclear family) upon reaching the post. During spring hunting and for summer f i s h i n g , c o - r e s i d e n t i a l groups as big as but d i f f e r e n t from the trapping groups develop. I t may well be that similar seasonal s h i f t s i n the size and composition of c o - r e s i d e n t i a l groups w i l l develop i n other woodland communities as the periods of production and consumption become more d e f i n i t e l y demarcated. One of the most s t r i k i n g changes i n Rupert House s o c i a l organisation has been the establishment of community endogamy. In the past, over twenty per cent of the marriages contracted by Rupert House people involved partners from other posts. (The sixteen per cent figure derived from parish records i s demonstrally too low.) No such marriage has taken place i n over ten years. People who marry out, i n e f f e c t stay out. One of the weak points i n my data i s exactly what the sanctions are preventing persons from contracting marriages across posts. Neither do I know what the i n i t i a l mechanisms were i n establishing t h i s change. Dunning reports that endogamy has also become recently established at Pekangekum. This has become fe a s i b l e only since a viable population i s o l a t e has been reached. Such a population i s o l a t e would only allow endogamy to develop. The reason f o r i t s actual development must s t i l l be explained. 1 9 5 M i s t a s s i n i contains more than enough people to maintain a viable population i s o l a t e , yet marriage with other groups con-t i n u e s — w i t h my knowledge, at least to Nemiscau. At Nemiscau i t s e l f , a very high rate of inter-band marriage s t i l l obtains, as i t does at Lac l a Martre and Snowdrift. These l a t t e r three communities are a l l under 200 persons. Kerr and Honnigman do not deal with marriage arrangements, unfortunately. It i s Dunning's proposition that people usually prefer to marry someone of their own society (meaning 'community'); someone they know. A very marked and general process i n i n t e r -band (or settlement) contact has taken place throughout the north. Canoe f r e i g h t i n g , which formerly brought people of many posts together has ceased; concentration of people around posts and away from band boundaries has increased. A i r c r a f t have made posts e f f e c t i v e l y closer to the White bases of operation than to their own neighbouring communities. This marked decrease i n contact between communities has undoubtedly decreased the opportunities for inter community marriage. Yet a l l of these seem to be but p a r t i a l answers. Answers i n preference, even i f they f a l l back on s t r u c t u r a l or c u l t u r a l uniformities, leave much unanswered. Man's preferences and h i s cultures are p l a s t i c enough, e s p e c i a l l y over time, so that they may be modified i f i t i s b e n e f i c i a l to h i s s u r v i v a l . What the adaptive value of endogamy i s under current northern conditions has yet to be answered. I t may be that a t i g h t l y knit 195 group i s l e s s susceptible to c o n f l i c t . I t may be that pressure on resources m i l i t a t e s against the acceptance of anyone from outside the group (whose boundaries have been established by other processes). Given the establishment of endogamy, two opposite effects seem to have been fostered at Pekangekum and Rupert House. Dunning reports that, with Ojibwa s o c i a l structure (cross-cousin category marriage), endogamy has resulted i n an elaboration of kinship p r i n c i p l e s . Kinship regulations help maintain the d i v i s i o n f o r any one person between 'those families I can marry into and those I can't.' This, allegedly, i s more necessary i n an endogamous group than one i n which marriage with other communities takes place. At Rupert House, where both cross and p a r a l l e l cousin marriage i s prohibited (to at l e a s t second c o u s i n s ) t h e esta-blishment of endogamy seems to have helped suppress the operation of kinship p r i n c i p l e s . I t seems convenient and even necessary to forget actual kin t i e s i f marriage partners are to be found. During my stay two second cousins ( p a r a l l e l ) were married. Most younger people appear to have only a very tenuous knowledge of the categories of any but the most immediate kin. One of the values of a comparative method i s that i t allows us to more c l e a r l y see what t r a i t s and processes are s p e c i f i c to a p a r t i c u l a r group and what are general to numbers of groups. 1 9 6 The rapid and r a d i c a l s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of s o c i a l organi-sation which occurred at Rupert House toward the end of the 1 9 2 0 ' s i s unparalleled i n any of the other groups i n the sample. The Metis-Indian which existed there u n t i l that time presented a c l a s s i c a l class hierarchy of d i f f e r e n t statused r o l e s , requiring d i f f e r e n t behaviour and a b i l i t i e s , and e n t a i l i n g wide differences i n power and security. While such a s i t u a t i o n was not unique, i t was probably l i m i t e d to a few major administrative-transhipment posts which had developed well before World War I. At present, discrete differences i n c l a s s , i n class culture, and i n the r o l e s of adult men have vanished. There are l i k e l y only two positions that could not be f i l l e d , i n t e r -changeable, by nearly a l l of the adult men—that of the native clerk and that of the canoe factory foreman. While the d e s i r -a b i l i t y of various a c t i v i t i e s d i f f e r s i n the eyes of the l o c a l people ( r e l a t i n g to the income, ease, and independence connected with the a c t i v i t y ) , the requirements f o r carrying them out can be f u l f i l l e d by almost a l l the men. Furthermore, none of these a c t i v i t i e s i s of permanent enough duration, except the two mentioned, to develop i n t o true status differences. There are, of course, differences i n prestige; good trappers and poor, hard workers and i d l e r s , but the former power d i f f e r e n t i a l s have l a r g e l y vanished with the differences i n r o l e s . 197 Along with the development of a homogeneity of roles has come greater differences within the present roles.. With the formalization of trapping t e r r i t o r i e s by the government, the differences between people who work r i c h t r acts and those who work poor have sharpened and become more r i g i d . Because of the differences between t e r r i t o r i e s , some adult men now have a quota of f i f t y - f i v e beaver while others have a quota of four. The increasing desire and a v a i l a b i l i t y of durable goods i n which 'extra* money can be invested has cut down on the amount available f o r aid and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . The fragmenta-tion of owning groups to approximately the size of nuclear f a m i l i e s , while generally favoured, has also emphasised the separateness of such groups from one another. It would be of extreme i n t e r e s t and importance to see i f similar divergencies i n income are taking place f o r other woodland communities. In the survey of Canadian woodland peoples that i s yet to be written, t h i s question w i l l undoubtedly be asked. It may be an unacademic, yet f i t t i n g question to ask, what l i e s i n the future f o r these people, f o r them and f o r the children who are now being conceived? One thing i s c e r t a i n . The people have no desire to return to the past, to teepees, and open f i r e s and things out of western movies. To them, the past i s too r e a l . I t i s the 198 time of starvation and i l l n e s s and death. Neither do they want a return of the former power of the Hudson 1s Bay Company. They have tasted a small measure of the independence that comes from some assured security. The nursing s t a t i o n , the radio contact with Moose Factory, the Indian Agency emerging rations. A l l these things have greatly helped i n l i f t i n g the constant anxiety about sheer s u r v i v a l which s t i l l hangs heavily i n the r e c o l l e c t i o n s of adult men. I t i s not much that they want: jobs, some security of income, a chance to l i v e a l i t t l e better and not be forced into the strenuous rounds of trapping and hunting when they are not able. Many parents, often the better trapping f a m i l i e s , hope that t h e i r sons w i l l escape the system through a schooling which w i l l enable them to get a job outside. In short, their desires are much l i k e those of depressed ethnic minorities i n general, with the exception that f o r the people of Rupert House, even the strongest wish i s coupled with a modulated 'maybe1, with readiness to accept defeat. These are the people of Rupert House. And t h e i r future? The future of the people as a whole l i e s completely i n the hands of Canadian national p o l i c y , i t s administrators, and the White economy of the surrounding regions. We can probably be sure that our government w i l l not allow conditions of famine and disease to return. In t h i s regard, the people have already entered a new era. Also, welfare projects 199 and subsidy payments w i l l gradually increase. Welfare o f f i c i a l s w i l l be i n closer touch with the community. This w i l l mean fewer fa m i l i e s on a mere subsistence l e v e l , fewer cases of n u t r i e n t i a l diseases,. fewer children with no stockings to wear. In short, i t means that the community w i l l slowly p u l l i t s e l f i nto the bracket of depressed White areas. Its rate of progression past that stage w i l l then be completely dependent upon the absorptive and expansive c a p a b i l i t i e s of the economy of that region. Since the conjunction of government policy and regional economics has not been spectacularly successful i n the past i n a l l e v i a t i n g c e r t a i n depressed sections of the national economy and society, t h i s l e v e l may well be the i n d e f i n i t e l y permanent future of most Rupert House children. Those outside persons who can view the Indian people and their s i t u a t i o n with patience, kindness, and concern, but yet think i n terms of two and three generations for the achieve-ment of some s o l i d gains l i k e l y approximate the i d e a l of present administration. But f o r those who see i n each human group a random d i s t r i b u t i o n of p o t e n t i a l i t i e s , f o r those who would mourn and rage f o r untried poets, potters, and dissenters aborted for decades into native clerks and p r a c t i c a l nurses, f o r them, the Indian people of Rupeit House are better forgotten. 200 APPENDIX I THE QUESTION OF FAMILY HUNTING TERRITORIES Current theories concerned with family t e r r i t o r i a l i t y disagree on when private property r i g h t s over land were esta-blished i n various northern Indian s o c i e t i e s , but they do generally agree that such private control would exi s t after such s o c i e t i e s were i n long term contact with and integration i n a trapping-trading economy. The s i t u a t i o n which I w i l l describe has important t h e o r e t i c a l implications i n that 250 years of contact with a strongly property oriented English c o l o n i a l society and integration i n a trapping-trading economy has not l e d to the development of indigenous private property r i g h t s over strategic resources. I w i l l show that animal conservation and private control of lands was absent or n e g l i g i b l e u n t i l beaver conservation and allotment quotas were recently established by the Hudson's Bay Company, and government f i a t . I w i l l also document the tenuous control and use of lands even now. I have elected to remain as close to Leacock's (The Montagnais Hunting T e r r i t o r y and the Fur Trade, 1955) f i e l d approach and operational c r i t e r i a as possible. The material i n the f i e l d was c o l l e c t e d with the aims i n mind of as close a comparison to Leacock's material as possible. Leacock*s work was chosen because i t i s the best summary of the various positions to date and because her t h e o r e t i c a l underpinnings are the most sophisticated. E s s e n t i a l l y , the two basic positions are these. Speck claims that private ownership, control and use of strategic resources (the fur and game animals of a p a r t i c u l a r t r a c t of land), because of the d e s i r a b i l i t y and p o s s i b i l i t y of animal conservation, under conditions of population pressure, became established i n the indigenous Algonkian s o c i e t i e s where beaver (an allegedly easy to conserve animal) was abundant. Leacock counters that, h i s t o r i c a l l y , population pressure did not exist for most Algonkian groups and that dependence upon conser-vable animals ( p a r t i c u l a r l y beaver) was nowhere as important as dependence upon migratory large game. Leacock's alt e r n a t i v e explanation of presence of private family hunting t r a c t s i s that they developed, somehow, as responses to the opportunities of personal gain to p a r t i c u l a r e f f e c t i v e f a m i l i e s i n the trapping-trading economy introduced by the Whites. Her thesis i s that private ownership of strategic resources i s only a post contact acculturative phenomenon and that the degree of private control and ownership over strategic resources i s d i r e c t l y proportional to the degree of integration i n a trapping-trading economy. The operational indicators used, i m p l i c i t l y , by Leacock are as follows: 201 A. Degrees of dependence upon a fur exchange economy. 1. Amount of food bought and the size of the winter supply l i s t . 2. Number of traps owned and/or worked. 3 . The amount of time spent away from the post trapping and hunting. k. Percentage of time spent away from the post that i s used f o r trapping. 5. Whether trap l i n e t r a i l s and cabins are b u i l t or not. 6. Whether f a m i l i e s are taken along trapping-hunting or not. 7. Whether game takes p r i o r i t y over immediate trapping a c t i v i t y . B. Degree of private control over resources. 1. Cohesion and composition of trapping groups. (a) Size of group. (b) Genealogical composition: numbers of p a t r i l a t e r a l r e l a t i v e s , m a t r i l a t e r a l r e l a t i v e s , a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e s , and unrelated members i n a trapping group. (c) F l u i d i t y of group membership. (d) Co-residential contiguity i n months per year. (e) Degree of sharing within this.group and across such such groups. 2. Trespass regulations and the r i g i d i t y of boundaries. (a) Only marked or a l l beaver lodges i n a t r a c t covered. (b) Boundaries delimited by agreement of only contiguous trapping groups, by the intervention of a l l community members, or by the intervention of the Hudson 1s Bay Company post manager. (c) Trespass countered by remonstrances only, by withdrawal of a i d , by community pressures, by magic, or by force. 3 . Number and kinds of resources enclosed by trespass regulations. (a) None. (b) Beaver alone. (c) Fur bearing animals alone. (d) Fur bearing animals and large game. (e) A l l fur and food animals. ( f ) A l l resources. 202 Leacock, f o r reasons I w i l l not go i n t o h e r e ? would consider i n c r e a s i n g dependence upon tra p p i n g to be i n d i c a t e d by i n c r e a s i n g use of cash foods, by greater use of cash c l o t h e s and equipment, by an i n c r e a s i n g p r o p o r t i o n of the time spent o f f the post used i n t r a p p i n g , by i n c r e a s i n g c a p i t a l i z a t i o n of trapping t r a c t s , by the development of n o n - f a m i l i a l hunting p a t t e r n s , and by decreasing concern with hunting. Her i n d i c a t o r s f o r i n c r e a s i n g p r i v a t e c o n t r o l over trapping t r a c t s are the decreasing s i z e of productive ( t r a p p i n g ) groups, the i n c r e a s i n g k i n s h i p r e l a t i o n of t r a p p i n g group members (from u n r e l a t e d , t o a f f i n a l l y r e l a t e d , to m a t r i l i n e a l l y r e l a t e d , t o p a t r i l i n e a l l y r e l a t e d , i n t h a t order of i n c r e a s i n g cohesion), the i n c r e a s i n g s t a b i l i t y of trapping group member-s h i p , decreasing sharing across such groups, i n c r e a s i n g i n c l u s i v e n e s s as t o ownership ( a l l beaver houses i n a t r a c t , whether marked or unmarked would belong to a f a m i l y i n a system with greater p r i v a t e c o n t r o l over l a n d than one where only marked lodges belonged to the 'owning* f a m i l y ) , greater exactness of boundaries and wider knowledge of them, i n c r e a s i n g l y e f f e c t i v e means of s a n c t i o n against t r e s p a s s e r s , and i n c r e a s i n g i n c l u s i v e n e s s as to what i s contained i n those t e r r i t o r i e s . A. Degree of dependence upon a f u r exchange economy, Rupert House T 1900-1961.  1. The amount and v a r i e t y of foods bought and the s i z e and content of winter supply l i s t s has g r e a t l y increased i n Rupert House i n the l a s t s i x t y y ears. My o l d e s t informants h e l d t h a t during t h e i r e a r l y a c t i v e l i f e , 1900 approximately,, the main cash outlay throughout the year and on the winter s u p p l i e s was f o r ammunition and hardware fo l l o w e d by expenditures f o r c l o t h and c l o t h i n g . Store bought food was only a minor item i n the y e a r l y cash purchases. What food was bought was r e s t r i c t e d t o f l o u r or oatmeal, l a r d or t a l l o w and some baking powder—the i n g r e d i e n t s of bannock, nothing more. While the amounts of such food bought v a r i e d considerably from 75 t o 500 l b s . of f l o u r f o r a f a m i l y of s i x , a general average seems to have been 200 t o 300 l b s . f o r a commensal group of s i x to e i g h t persons over a nine to ten mon period. Nearly a l l informants h e l d that cash food, even though used as a supplement alone, ran out i n l a t e December, January or e a r l y February. A statement by one of my main informants, Mathew Cowboy (85), sums up t h i s p e r i o d very w e l l : "As long as we had matches and ammunition we were a l l r i g h t . " . (The " a l l r i g h t 1 i s not to be taken too l i t e r a l l y s i nce a c t u a l s t a r v a t i o n was not i n f r e q u e n t and most groups came c l o s e to s t a r v a t i o n at l e a s t once i n t h e i r trapping h i s t o r y ) . 203 At present, food expenditures are the biggest item i n the annual budget; clothing i s a major item but a very secondary one. Ammunition does not now make up an important proportion of the yearly or winter supply l i s t expenditures. The winter supply l i s t s now include a wide range of foods, beans, r i c e , spaghetti, dried f r u i t , dried milk, tea, coffee, and cocoa. In addition, the cash food staple, f l o u r j i s taken i n considerably larger quantities—approximately 500 l b s . of f l o u r , plus the a d d i t i o n a l l y larger amounts of l a r d are usual for an averagely active commensal group of s i x persons f o r a period of four and a h a l f months. While the evidence c l e a r l y shows a greater use of and dependence upon cash foods today than formerly, i t must not be forgotten that even i n the past, those groups that trapped the more distant and riche r beaver t e r r i t o r i e s needed and could take a larger supply of food with them. Correlated with the r i s i n g importance of packaged, cash foods, has been the decline of l o c a l food preservation. F a i r amounts of dried whitefish, smoked geese, and moose and caribou jerky and pemmican were formerly made. The amounts of these at l e a s t equalled or surpassed the amount of cash food preserves taken i n t o the bush, being more important f o r the coastal f a m i l i e s than those inland. Today only a few of the poorest groups both to preserve any s i g n i f i c a n t amount of country food. 2. A l l of the older people to whom I spoke had used some s t e e l traps even i n their boyhood. The major change has been that now only s t e e l traps are used; the deadfalls and wooden traps which were formerly additional methods of taking f i n e fur animals have been abandoned. Apparently s t e e l traps were f i r s t used f o r beaver trapping, the average active trapper supposedly had no more than f i v e to ten s t e e l beaver traps. Building up a stock of s t e e l traps was formerly no mean undertaking (as d i s t i n c t from Leacock 1s characterization of the Montagnais). By the 1920*s a l l use of wooden traps had given way to s t e e l ones. At present, each trapper averages forty-three s t e e l traps. About one-third of these are the large beaver traps; the rest are No. 1, 2, and 3 -traps. One man has as many as 100 traps. A number of active men have none at a l l . The trend (with traps as with other c a p i t a l items) c l e a r l y shows an increased concentration of a c t i v i t y i n trapping arid a greater dependence upon purchased c a p i t a l equipment. 3. & k-. Whereas the average trapping-hunting season once lasted from eight to ten and a h a l f months, the usual stay i s now only four and a h a l f months. People usually combined a much longer 2CJ+ period of f a l l and spring hunting and f i s h i n g away from the post with some trapping during those periods. (See Chapter I I I , section 5—David S a l t ' s trapping/hunting pattern.) At present, a much more li m i t e d period exists i n which fur acceptable to the Hudson's Bay Company can be taken (November to March). The spring muskrat hunt i s not very important because most people f e e l that the low price now paid for muskrat dobs not warrant the added hardships of spring trapping and the r i s k of losing even very temporary wage labour by being away from the post. S i m i l a r l y , much less concern i s given now to taking f i n e f u r after the price drops at the end of December or i n early January. Fishing and hunting during the trapping period i s now of somewhat reduced importance. In short, people stay out i n the camps for a shorter time and generally concentrate more on the trapping while they are there. 5. Trap l i n e t r a i l s and trap l i n e cabins were neither b u i l t i n the past nor are b u i l t now. Some f a m i l i e s , nevertheless, have somewhat elaborated wooden teepees which are used f o r three or four years. A l l f a m i l i e s spend a considerable e f f o r t to establish a permanent winter camp. Strong tent frames, wood f l o o r s , and sod embankments are constructed. Nevertheless, t h i s sphere would indicate that the Rupert House ( s i m i l a r l y the east James Bay Cree) people have not integrated themselves as f u l l y to a trapping economy as some of the more western Indians (D. Jeness on Fort Nelson Slave) or the Seven Islands Montagnais mentioned by Leacock. 6. I t i s somewhat hard to decide when some groups have t h e i r f a m i l i e s on the trap l i n e and when not. With a number of cases, the wives and children of c e r t a i n men d i d stay on the trap l i n e , but only f o r a r e l a t i v e l y short period. In any case, there were only nine of the t h i r t y - f o u r trapping groups, maximally, which did not contain f a m i l i e s . Further, these nine groups contained only twenty-one people, one-tenth of the t o t a l number of persons i n a l l trapping groups. This would seem to indicate that the Rupert House community has not gone as f a r as most similar groups i n rearranging t h e i r s o c i a l organisa-t i o n from one predicated by a generalized hunting and gathering base to one favoured by a trapping economy. 7. In the past, no chance to take a food animal was l e t pass. A l l trapping a c t i v i t y would be set aside i f i t was thought that a moose or caribou could be taken, i f fresh tracks were seen. The present day position i s that most of the groups w i l l attempt to take larger game i f i t does not demand too extensive tracking. Most of the poorer f a m i l i e s s t i l l w i l l set aside any trapping at the p o s s i b i l i t y of taking a large animal. But, the o v e r a l l trend i s to a l e s s intense and exhaustive exploitation of the game resources and l e s s anxiety about l e t t i n g game escape. Nevertheless, the single hunter who has a very good chance of 205 taking a moose and does not because he has enough sto r e foods and does not want the e x t r a work of skinning and t r a n s p o r t i n g a moose carcass i s s t i l l looked upon as r a t h e r n e g l i g e n t . To sum up, p o i n t s 1. and 2. show that a very considerable dependence upon the f u r exchange economy has developed w i t h i n the l a s t s i x t y years. P o i n t s 3 . , k., and 7. a l s o demonstrate an i n c r e a s i n g dependence upon t r a p p i n g - t r a d i n g , although ambivalent trends are present. P o i n t 6. i n d i c a t e s the m a j o r i t y of people f o l l o w i n g an e a r l i e r , subsistence hunting p a t t e r n , but w i t h change toward a White trapper p a t t e r n beginning. Only poi n t 5» shows no dependence upon a trapping economy. This l a c k of t r a i l s and cabins may a l s o be due to the more extensive t e r r i t o r i e s covered by Rupert House trapping groups and to the f a c t t h a t l o g teepees serve as w e l l as cabins f o r those with r e s t r i c t e d l o c a t i o n s . A l l i n a l l , by Leacock 1s c r i t e r i a and compared to the v a r i o u s groups she d i s c u s s e s , the Rupert House community i s p r e t t y w e l l i n t e g r a t e d and dependent upon a f u r exchange economy. I t i s of prime importance to r e a l i z e that t h i s i n t e g r a t i o n and dependence has occurred only i n the l a s t two decades, a f t e r a 250 year h i s t o r y of c o n t i n u a l t r a p p i n g and t r a d i n g (as w e l l as h u n t i n g ) . B. The degree of p r i v a t e c o n t r o l over s t r a t e g i c resources at Rupert House T 1960-1961. -1. Cohesion and composition of the productive group. The s i z e of productive groups has become markedly smaller and t h e i r composition more r e s t r i c t e d t o immediate k i n or members of a nuclear f a m i l y . Trapping groups of three and four nuclear and stem f a m i l i e s , once common, are now only found i n one or two p a r t s of the most i s o l a t e d zones of the band area. Unrelated members, a f f i n e s , and m a t r i l a t e r a l l y r e l a t e d k i n , while s t i l l common, are p r o p o r t i o n a l l y d e c l i n i n g i n t rapping groups. While the occurrence and importance of * unrelated* f r i e n d s trapping together and h e l p i n g each other i s not t o be underestimated (see Sydney Georgekish, Chapter I I I , s e c t i o n 5)> and while e x c l u s i v e and defensive groupings of brothers have not developed, the i d e a l of the nuclear f a m i l y as a s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t consumption u n i t i s being c o n s t a n t l y under-l i n e d . This does not a l l o w the continuance of the e a r l y trapping group o r g a n i s a t i o n , which operated to maintain the f a m i l i e s of a trapping group i n much the same manner as a l a r g e extended f a m i l y . The degree of sharing w i t h i n and across trapping groups i s a l s o d e c l i n i n g . Formerly, a l l manner of cash goods (t h a t which there was) would be given as a i d w i t h i n and across d i f f e r e n t t r a p p i n g groups; c l o t h e s , ammunition, ol d but s t i l l useable c a p i t a l equipment, store bought foods. 206 These goods were even occasionally given and received from supposedly unrelated members of other 1bands*. Country food was frequently shared by/with members of other bands who met on the t r a i l . A l l informants agree that, formerly, the main c r i t e r i a of sharing and aid was need, a b i l i t y to help, and geographic nearness. At present, almost no contact i s made with people of other bands. Sharing and aid within the Rupert House community has focussed more on the transfer of c e r t a i n country foods ( f i s h , a large game for the widest but not o v e r a l l d i s t r i b u t i o n , beaver carcasses to trapping partners, and geese only occasionally to primary r e l a t i o n s ) while only minimal sharing of cash goods now o c c u r s — g i f t s of clothing or tobacco to poorer s i b l i n g s or grandchildren. Nevertheless, i n a l l of -these aspects the Rupert House trapping groups even now much more c l o s e l y approximate the aboriginal conditions than those of White trappers. The modal trapping group s t i l l contains eight persons, usually a family or two, and not just a couple of adult brothers or a man and one or two of h i s adolescent sons trapping without a family and regarding i t as an occupation, separate from other spheres of l i v i n g . Movement i n and out of the trapping groups i s s t i l l frequent and attests to a f l u i d concept of privately-held resources. 2. Trespass regulations and boundaries. There was a universal agreement among my informants that before beaver t e r r i t o r i e s and quotas were established, !A man could hunt anywhere he wanted to and no one could stop him.' They mean by t h i s that a l l tree and berry resources, a l l f i s h and small game, a l l large game, a l l f i n e f u r , and even a l l beaver that were found could be taken by whoever found them, wherever he found them. Men could and did move and trap through the locations of numerous other camps. I have c o l l e c t e d some cases where a number of d i f f e r e n t f a m i l i e s trapped the same area s e r i a l l y i n the course of ten years. Other l i f e h i s t o r i e s record men trapping i n numbers of widely separated zones within and without the present band area, working d i f f e r e n t t r a c t s i n each zone over a period of years. Numbers of other cases record,groups starting out with their winter destination undecided, groups which could not reach t h e i r planned destina-t i o n , and s t i l l other groups which a f t e r trapping i n an area during early f a l l decided to try other lo<eations. A l l of these phenomena would of course be impossible under a , system of r e s t r i c t e d t r a c t holdings. The only actions that counted as trespass or stealing of fur were actually taking an animal from another -man's trap or trapping beaver from a house which had been found and marked by someone else. Boundaries were i n no way determined or known. 207 An extremely important change was made with the introduction of government and Hudson's Bay Company beaver t e r r i t o r i e s . The demarcation point i n discussions by l o c a l Indians about former trapping i s the establishment of the beaver preserves and the creation of allotment quotas and prescribed beaver t e r r i t o r i e s by the Hudson's Bay Company and the' Indian A f f a i r s Branch. Apart from the f a c t that there i s no i n d i c a t i o n of the i n t e r n a l development of family trapping t e r r i t o r i e s before t h e i r creation by external agencies, l o c a l people them-selves always point out that there was no way i n which such a system could have been enforced or created by Indians themselves. "Nobody thought about conserving animals. We had to take everything we could get," said John Blackned, "Besides, i f you conserved some animals where you were trapping, hoping that there would be more next year, somebody might just come along and clean them out. There was nothing you could do about i t . " While i t has been the general opinion of the Hudson's Bay Company 'Old Northern Hands' that the Cree maintained beaver conservation through family property r i g h t s over land, and that t h i s was destroyed only by the inveighing of unscrupulous competitors i n fur trade, they also hold that twenty years after the advent of competition, and some years after the collapse of R e v i l l o n Brothers i n the area, the concept of family t e r r i t o r i e s was exceedingly d i f f i c u l t to s e l l to the Indians. J. W. Anderson, James Bay D i s t r i c t Manager fo r the Hudson's Bay Company during the period (who was almost the post manager at M i s t a s s i n i when Frank Speck did h i s i n i t i a l study of family t e r r i t o r i a l i t y ) , reports that James Watt had to constantly demonstrate the theory of beaver conservation to the Rupert House people and that the i n i t i a l beaver r e s t r i c t i o n s were indeed kept enforced only by the determined and coordinated e f f o r t s of a l l l o c a l White agencies. (Demark, D. E., 1 9 5 8 . ) These are f a c t s which even by themselves, are c e r t a i n l y not i n keeping with an e a r l i e r indigenous system of family trapping t e r r i t o r y . At present, we s t i l l f i n d that f i s h , small game, large game and even any fur bearing animals other than beaver can be and are taken on other men's beaver t e r r i t o r y . By Leacock's c r i t e r i a , trespass regulations and hunting t r a c t s , bounded or otherwise, were i n no way existent before established by external agencies. Even now no community or i n d i v i d u a l pressures have developed to deal with trespass on the government quota t r a c t s . The only recourse i s to convince a government o f f i c i a l , either Mrs. Watt or her son, of the actual occurrence of such a trespass and hope that they w i l l take action. 208 3. Numbers and kinds of resources enclosed by trespass regulations. Since there were no trespass regulations i n the past, there was, of course, no r e s t r i c t e d resources. The case today-has already been mentioned. There i s , nevertheless, some point to discussing t h i s category of Leacock 1s. We can more emphatically see the degree of difference i n private control of r i g h t s over resources between the Rupert House community and that of other r e a l and hypothetical groups. Some of the e a r l i e r discussions of Speck describe Alonkian p o l i t i c a l systems which supposedly had -very r i g i d l y defined private t r a c t s i n which a l l resources mentioned i n my outline were included and which were defended, allegedly by strong community pressure. Trespassers could be k i l l e d . There would seem to be good s o c i o l o g i c a l reasons to doubt that such a face to face society could survive i n t e r n a l k i l l i n g and good ecol o g i c a l reasons to doubt that a b i o l o g i c a l population maintaining r i g i d t e r r i t o r i e s under northern conditions, could survive as a population, period. My findings seem to bear out Leacock 1s thesis that the private or family hunting t e r r i t o r y was not a b o r i g i n a l , or at l e a s t , disappeared under early trapping/trading r e l a t i o n s , possibly to which no writer subscribes. It,further, i s evident that some greater concentration upon trapping has become the trend for the Rupert House community. But, as d i s t i n c t to Leacock 1s findings, there has not been a related s h i f t towards greater, more t i g h t l y organised private control of the land. What changes there have been i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n , and they are important, have been s t r i c t l y by the Hudson's Bay Company and government f i a t . Further, i t was the case that the Rupert House community was i n close contact with and dependent upon ( i f not f o r food then f o r the more important tools) a trapping/ trading system for over two centuries without a private property system of r i g h t s over strategic resources developing. In sum, i t i s my view that a l l prominent discussions dealing with t e r r i t o r i a l i t y among northern groups f a i l to separate mechanisms of establishing t r a i t s from those of maintaining them and f a i l to deal adequately with the long range minimums that, rather than the averages, set l i m i t s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , I believe that i n the longer run, numbers of kinds of f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the ecological-economic base of t h i s society disallowed the establishment of private property over, strategic resources. Therefore, while my findings and t h e o r e t i c a l position generally agree with those of Eleanor Leacock, I must emphasise the conclusion that i t i s not so much integration with a money economy that leads to or even allows private control f o r over productive resources but rather the creation of a regular and r e l i a b l e means of s u r v i v a l f o r most, i f not a l l , of the population. I f t h i s i s the case then i t i s rather the degree of 209 integration i n a money economy, or degree of s u r v i v a l security that t h i s produces than mere integration with a money economy as such which i s important. I hold that i t i s the case that such long run survival security was not forthcoming throughout the 2 5 0 year trading h i s t o r y which explains the f a i l u r e of family t e r r i t o r i e s to develop here. Since such security seems to be now established, i t may well be that these s o c i e t i e s w i l l move on to a new l e v e l of organisation,•although the rapid replacement of the importance of trapping and hunting i n many communities as a means of l i v e l i h o o d by wage labour may well leave such resources open for communal expl o i t a t i o n (the great bulk of a community moving on to a yet d i f f e r e n t l e v e l of organisation before the previous one has become established). I also propose that control over lands may have been more and l e s s private depending upon the changing richness of the animal populations. Extending t h i s p o sition to show the equally important nature of f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the external environment, i . e . , posts opening and c l o s i n g , fur prices increasing then dropping, trade routes changing, subsidiary employment r i s i n g and f a l l i n g , I hope to indicate c e r t a i n examples of the non-unidirectional nature of private control over land under northern conditions. I t e n t a t i v e l y propose a hypothesis for test among other groups and s o c i e t i e s ; •societies that f u l f i l l two conditions, that they operate on a small subsistence margin and that they undergo periodic f l u c t u a t i o n i n their economic base, w i l l not be able to maintain long term private property r i g h t s over strategic resources. 1 The basis of these conclusions and hypotheses for Rupert House and their v a l i d a t i o n , modification, or r e j e c t i o n must of course await a presentation and elaboration of the c o l l e c t e d data I have here only outlined. 210 BIBLIOGRAHiY Anderson, J. A. Angel of Hudson's Bay, the True Story of Maude  Watt. Toronto, Ryerson Press, 1961. Anderson, J. W. "Beaver Sanctuary." The Beaver, Ou t f i t 268, June 1937, No, 1 (Spring), pp. 6-12. _______ Fur Trader's Story. Toronto, Ryerson Press, 19TT. . "The Rupert Beaver Brigade." The Beaver, Outfit 266, December 1935, No. 3 , pp. 13-18. Banfield, A. W. F. "Plight of the Barren Ground Caribou." Onyx, the Journal of the Fauna Preservation Society, A p r i l 1957, Vol. if, No. 1. , and Tener J . S. "A Preliminary Study of the Ungava Caribou." Journal of Mammalogy, November 1958, Vol. 39, No. If. Cooper, J. M. "Is the Algonkian Family Hunting Ground System pre-Columbian?" American Anthropologist t 1939, Vol. ^1, pp. 66-90. Denmark, D. E. "James Bay Beaver Conservation." The Beaver, Outfit 279, September 19*f8, p. 38. Department of Transport, Meteorological Branch. Select Summaries  of Climate Data of Canadian S t a t i o n s T 19^7 and 1955. Dunning, R. W. S o c i a l and Economic Change Among the Northern PJibwa. Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1959* E l t o n , C. S. Voles, Mice and Lemmings; Problems i n Population  Dynamics. Oxford, The Clarendon Press, 19^2, section on " W i l d l i f e Cycles - Caribou." Greenlees, S. "Indian Canoe Makers." The Beaver. Outfit 285, Summer 195^, PP. *f6-50. Hallowell, "The Size of Algonkian Hunting T e r r i t o r i e s : A Function of E c o l o g i c a l Adjustment." American Anthropologist, 19^9, Vol. 51, PP. 35-^5. Helm, J. and Lurie, N. "The Subsistence Economy of the Dogrib Indians of Lac La Martre i n the Mackenzie D i s t r i c t of the N. W. T." Northern Coordinating and Research Centre  Monograph, March 1961. 211 Honigmann, J. J. "Foodways i n a Muskeg Community." Northern  Coordinating and Research Centre Monograph, 1962. Innis, Harold A. The Fur Trade i n Canada, an Introduction to  Canadian Economic History. Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1956. ' Kerr, A. J. "Subsistence and S o c i a l Organisation i n a Fur Trade Community." [Rupert House 19*+7] Report i n Library of Department of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration, 1950. Leacock, Eleanor. " M a t r i l o c a l i t y Among Simple Hunters." South Western Journal of Anthropology, Spring 1955* . • "The Montagnais* Hunting T e r r i t o r y and the Fur Trade." American Anthropological Association, Memoir 78 ? 1955, Vol. . 5 6 , No. 5, Part 2. Peterson, R. "North American Moose." University of Toronto Press, 1955. Rodgers, E. "An Analysis of the Hunting Group-Hunting T e r r i t o r y Complex Among the M i s t a s s i n i Indians and Neighbouring People." Doctoral D i s s e r t a t i o n , University of New Mexico, . 1958. . Skinner, "Ethnographic Notes on the Cree of East James Bay." American Museum of Natural History, 1911. Speck, F. "The Family Hunting Band as the Basis of Algonkian S o c i a l Organization." American Anthropologist, 1915> Vol. 17, pp. 289-305. s_ "Kinship Terms and the Family Band Among the Northeastern Algonkians." American Anthropologist, 1918, Vol. 20, pp. 11+3-161. . "Mistassini Hunting T e r r i t o r i e s i n thec.Labrador Peninsula." American Anthropologist. 1923, V o l . 25, pp. 552-571. . "Montagnais-Naskapi Bands and E a r l y Eskimo D i s t r i b u t i o n s i n the Labrador Peninsula." American Anthropologist. 1931, Vol. 33, PP. 557-600. and E i s e l e y , L. C. "The Significance of the Hunting T e r r i t o r y Systems of the Algonkian i n S o c i a l Theory." American Anthropologist, 1939, Vol. 5 l , pp. 269-280.. 212 Steward, J . H. "Determinism i n Primitive Society?" S c i e n t i f i c  Monthly. 19*+1, Vol. 53, pp. ^91-501. . Theory of Culture Change. Urbava Press, 1955* Vanstone, J. W. "The Economy of a Frontier Community, a Pre-liminary Statement." Northern Coordinating and Research  Centre Monograph, May 1961. Watt, Maude. "Rupert 1s March of Time." The Beaver. 1938, P. 22. Willmott, W. "The Eskimo Community at Port Harrison, P.Q." Northern Coordinating and Research Centre Monograph, 196l . N.W. 50/80 R U P E R T H O U 80 ZsYO/^rfES Tig & y n A ' <^£c<l ere-Kh* .*5£CTl ff v £*Of'(4~r&§ fine. F/e$r AtfriW eg**/0 S Base Map, Previous Editions, 1942, 1945, 1948 Reprinted with, minor corrections 1952 REFERENCE Boundary: provincial Surveyed line a Settlement Tr. • Trading post — -- Marsh or swamp 4 / g c g a > Braided stream ... Tidal flat —=: Rapids and falls with drop in feet Wireless Station 750 Height in feet (approximate) (Datum is mean sea level) 76- 72° INDEX TO ADJOINING SHEETS SHEET 32 N.W. 

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