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Early history of the Fraser Valley, 1808-1885 Gibbard, John Edgar 1937

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EARLY HISTORY OF THE FRASER VALLEY 1808-1885 by J"ohn Edgar Gibbard A T h e s i s Submitted i n P a r t i a l F u l f i l m e n t of the Requirements f o r the Degree of Master of A r t s i n the Department of H i s t o r y The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a October, 1937 EARLY HISTORY OF THE FRASER VALLEY:1808-1885, INTRODUCTION Page i l l M A P : Fraser Valley p r i o r to 1885. To face Page 1 CHAPTER I . The Land and i t s People: a. The Fraser Valley. b. The Mainland Halkomelem. Page 1 Page 17 CHAPTER I I . Exploration: a. Simon Fraser. . Page 40 b. James McMillan.- •, Page 55 c. Exploration of the Lower Tributaries. Page 63 CHAPTER I I I . The Fur Trade: a. Fort Langley. Page 69 b. Forts Yale and Hope and Decline of the Fur Trade. Page 99 CHAPTER IV. The P o r t a l to the U-old Colony: a. Effect of the Gold-Rush. b. The Royal Engineers. c. The Royal City. d. F i r s t S e t t l e r s . Page 116 Page 135 Page 152 Page 185 CHAPTER V. Pioneer A g r i c u l t u r a l Comunities: a. Confederation and the Years of WaitingPage 221 b. Chilliwhack and i t s Neighbors. c. .Langley, Maple Ridge and Surrey. d. The Delta M u n i c i p a l i t i e s . e. The End of the Pioneer Era. Page *238 Page 265 Page :290 Page 303 APPENDICES: A. Bibliography of Published Works. B. Manuscript Sources. -Page Y i i Page x i i C. Pioneers Consulted. Page xv I l l INTRODUCTION In 1885 the l a s t spike was d r i v e n i n a r a i l w a y , l i n k i n g the A t l a n t i c and P a c i f i c t i d e waters i n an a l l - C a n a d i a n r o u t e . In 1886 passenger t r a i n s were r u n n i n g on r e g u l a r schedule be tween Montreal and B u r r a r d I n l e t and New Westminster. And e a r l y i n the year 1887 my f a t h e r , i n company with h i s parents and s i x b r o t h e r s and s i s t e r s , a r r i v e d by one o f these t r a i n s at the "Immigration Shed1* which had been b u i l t a t New West- ' 1 m i n s t e r by t h a t c i t y and i t s neighbors f o r the r e c e p t i o n of j u s t such immigrants. I have, t h e r e f o r e , something of a per s o n a l reason f o r ending t h i s l i t t l e h i s t o r y of the country which has been the home of my people f o r h a l f a century, w i t h the advent of the r a i l w a y , ?/hich brought them here . I t keeps h i s t o r y separate from f a m i l y r e m i n i s c e n c e s . The f a c t i s , however, that I s t a r t e d , longer ago than I care to confess, w i t h the r a s h purpose of w r i t i n g i t s e n t i r e h i s t o r y . I t was the near i m p o s s i b i l i t y of a ccomplishing t h i s purpose that caused the s e l e c t i o n of a c l o s i n g date which seems to be more than p u r e l y a r b i t r a r y . I t i s a matter a l s o of great g r a t i f i c a t i o n to me t h a t my f r i e n d , Mr, George White, s c i o n o f a f a m i l y which antedates mine i n these p a r t s by more than a quarter o f a century, has undertaken to b r i n g my account down to date. 1 C f . Minutes of Surrey C o u n c i l , J u l y 13, 1835; Richmond C o u n c i l , Nov. 5, 1883. L i v The p l a n of the work appears to me to be s e l f - e x p l a n a t o r y , though the s e p a r a t i o n of e x p l o r a t i o n from f u r trade i n two separate chapters may r i g h t l y be c a l l e d an a r t i f i c i a l one, since the e x p l o r e r s were bent s o l e l y on the f a c i l i t a t i n g o f the trade and looked upon t h e i r work i n no other l i g h t . The study, though o n l y the l a t t e r p a r t of i t breaks e n t i r e l y new ground, i s based e n t i r e l y on primary sources, p r i n t e d , manu s c r i p t or o r a l , or upon those secondary works and monographs which are so c l o s e to sources, some i n a c c e s s i b l e to me, as to be almost primary. Some e x p l a n a t i o n of the map i n s e r t e d a t the beginning of t h i s work i s necessary. I t i s compiled as a c c u r a t e l y as pos s i b l e from a v a r i e t y of maps s u p p l i e d me by the Geographer- General, Department of Lands, V i c t o r i a , and by the Surveyor- General, T o p o g r a p h i c a l Survey of Canada, Department of the I n t e r i o r , Ottawa, to whom my thanks must be expressed. The o l d e r l o c a t i o n of roads i s d e r i v e d i n l a r g e p a r t from a map— a f t e r page 3 5 0 — i n S e s s i o n a l Papers, L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1877, P u b l i o Works Report* In s p i t e of the g e n e r o s i t y of the m a t e r i a l s s u p p l i e d me, p r a c t i c a l l y a l l that i s a v a i l a b l e from o f f i c i a l surveys, I have had to add, as ac c u r a t e l y as I c o u l d estimate, some f u r t h e r d e t a i l s from my intimate p e r s o n a l knowledge of the country, e s p e c i a l l y much of the l i n e by which I have t r i e d to separate " h i g h l a n d s " from "lowlands." I am indeed g r a t e f u l to my young f r i e n d , Mr. Ross Armstrong, f o r the accurate care w i t h which he has drawn the map and the p a t i e n c e with which he f o l l o w e d my i n s t r u c t i o n s . V I must express my thanks to Dr. Sage, P r o f e s s o r of H i s t o r y at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, who read the e n t i r e work i n an almost i l l e g i b l e rough manuscript and has helped g r e a t l y i n c l e a r i n g away e r r o r s and o b s c u r i t i e s ; a l s o to Dr. Erna Gunther, of the Department o f Anthropology, U n i v e r s i t y of Wash ington, who read Chapter l b , nThe Mainland Halkomelem," and made h e l p f u l c r i t i c i s m s . I am a l s o g r e a t l y indebted to my f r i e n d Dr. Kaye Lamb and h i s a s s i s t a n t s a t the P r o v i n c i a l L i b r a r y and A r c h i v e s , to the p u b l i c l i b r a r i a n s of Yancouver and New Westminster, t o va r i o u s o f f i c i a l s of the Department of Lands at V i c t o r i a , to Government Agents and Indian Agents at Vancouver and New Westminster and the In d i a n Agent at L y t t o n , and to the m u n i c i p a l a u t h o r i t i e s o f C h i l l i w h a c k , D e l t a , Langley, Maple Ridge, Richmond and Surrey f o r p a t i e n t a i d i n seeking i n  formation, and p l a c i n g documents a t my d i s p o s a l . I am s i m i l a r l y Indebted to Rev. E . D. Braden, Mrs. B, C. ifreeman, P r o f . Chas. H i l l - T o u t and Mr. A l e x . Young of Vancouver, Mr. A l f r e d Hawkins of Matsqui, the 0. M. I . a t New Westminster, and Mr. James S i n  c l a i r of the same p l a c e , Mr. H. T. T h r i f t of Y/hite Rock, the l a t e H o r a t i o Webb and Rev. Dr. James H. White o f S a r d i s f o r kindness i n l o a n i n g books and manuscripts which were i n most cases p r i z e d f a m i l y p o s s e s s i o n s . And f i n a l l y and not l e a s t , I am deeply g r a t e f u l to my f a t h e r and t o a host of pio n e e r s of the E r a s e r V a l l e y , of whom only those who gave g r e a t e s t a s s i s - 1 tance can be mentioned h e r e i n and of whom many have s i n c e been 1 S e e Appendix C. gathered to t h e i r f a t h e r s . These p a t i e n t l y t o l d me t h e i r s t o r i e s and answered my questions and the value of t h e i r a i d i s more than can o l e a r l y be expressed. To them I would g l a d l y d e d i c a t e t h i s s t o r y o f the p i o n e e r s . Vancouver, Sept. 29, 1937. IH6PHP Da- BY Ross BfmSTRONG J5ABLY HISTORY OP THE EEACEE Y A I,LEY: 1808-1835 '( a) THE EEA? 1!? VALLEY 7/here the mighty and muddy E r a s e r pours i t s i c y waters from the " L i t t l e Canyon" et what the e a r l y traders c a l l e d "The f a l l s " j u s t above Y a l e i s the a l l - t i m e head o f n a v i g a t i o n on the l o w e r reaches o f the stream and the extreme l i m i t o f the Eraser V a l l e y . .or about f i f t e e n m i l e s below that p o i n t the r i v e r h u r r i e s Southward between h l - h hanks w i t h o n l y narrow benches between the stream and the mountains, which c o n t i n u e to c o n f i n e the v a l l e y within v e r y narrow l i m i t s . At Hope, the r i v e r swings i t s course "'estward, towards the sea- the moun t a i n s b e g i n to errant, v e r y ( ? r u d s i n g l y , a l i t t l e elbow room to the s t i l l rapid stream; and here and t h e r e appear patches o f low f e r t i l e l a n d on e i t h e r s i d e or on i s l a n d s i n the centre-- I t i s here t h a t the f e r t i l e E r a s e r '/alley,' o f whioh t h i s essay proposes to out - l i n e the h i s t o r y , r e a l l y b e g i n s . (2) From Hope to the mouth of the r i v e r i s roughly 85 miles. The width of the valley varies greatly and i s generally very i l l defined. On the North, i t i s true, the mountains extend right to the coast, but i t s t i l l remains for us to decide ho?; much of the tributary valleys we s h a l l include i n the Eraser Valley. The p r i n c i p a l of these are the Ruby Greek, of l i t t l e importance as i t i s only a mountain stream; the Agassiz Valley extending to the foot of Harrison Lake; Harrison River and Lake, of which we s h a l l , for the most part, exclude the lake; Hatzic Lake and P r a i r i e , which we must include; and Stave, Allouette, P i t t , and Coquitlam Rivers and Lakes, of which i n each case we may ignore the lakes, nestled back amongst the mountains. Neither can we permit ourselves to give attention to the vastly important shores of Burrard I n l e t , or very much to any part of the lower T Tainland Peninsula. On the South the mountains extend only as far vest as Surnas P r a i r i e . It i s true the Sumas Mountain stands right on the bank of the r i v e r , but the mountains abutting i t to the West sink rapidly to the low h i l l s which separate the ITatsqui and Sumas P r a i r i e s at Abbots- ford, so that this constitutes not a boundary to the valley but an island of mountain i n i t s midst. Therefore, from the Vedder Mountains to the coast we s h a l l consider the International Boundary to mark the l i m i t of our f i e l d . Of the primitive beauty of th i s valley James Douglas, the f i r s t Governor of B r i t i s h Columbia, has l e f t us the follow ing impression: I -7. \ T h - . \ t i / i a n ) o r . f a r o l i , 1 •> ~. i i a t i p p l e - t r u e , tho'vrtiite, and "hi • < t j not-a >r-W: p—a" re:-' " t y , fo^c the n : : : f : i 7 : — ^e — o Tho r,. o0 t ..11., u I,. l a . : . u i w i t , J w J boy../irl C u l icn.ut j -,~ , J; t h i s 3Pae">-i o f tYp y>o« (4) p - r — - i t ~ - J C - G 1 ' l y V ' - i + f . f r . " ' v i f x r ^ ' w - i . » Tin. ?„ <•; a c v . x a r u o f 7 - . . i rr ; .og e v e : t h e 7 ..-j '•.I M l l a d C u of ILC frc„t c,l «Cli I u l i u u G , u'lncl ; u fT W T 1,1, Hi,- rU N(,{,f,r. i n g - M t c ' H e ^ r o -a" t h ~ ' V i l a c£plc«tr ?? , ncu i a f-.T3 h i . . . - . j w l l f i l l i p the ,7l 111 O e l x i d o u L f r u r r i u.ir.n. r,„v S l i d i n g s w i f t l y over t h e sur face o f tho smooth wate rs , 0 « - ' ^ n - " • ri„au to the can's aooHrnhiro, ( 5 ) -?„^o * . • - J . _ J - V ' luu. - 1 C - * I - ^ 0 i i The m o u n t a i n s f o r a i a back-ground t o t h i s e n c h a n t i n g ; p i c t u r e and g i v e f o r m to t h e v a l l e y * I n t h i s c a t e g o r y we i n  c l u d e a l l t h a t t e r r a i n w l i i c h , t y r e a s o n o f i t s - h e i g h t o r o f t h o oak c r o p p i n g of r o d ; , i a r e n d e r e d I n c a p a b l e o f u s e f o r a g r i c o l - t a r e o f any a o r t . ^ i e i n g u a u a l l y o u t o f h e a v i l y t i n h e r e d 'bate?, they a r e g e n e r a l l y l i g h t l y t i m h e r - r t o a n o ^ - l i n e , w h i c h i s o n l y r s a c h e d l y a for o f t h e h i g h e r p a a h m Of tho carne v a r l a t l a s aa t h o s e found, a t l o n e r l e v e l s , hot a * l t h a g r e a t e r pr"p.-o f t i o n o f p i n e s , t h e t r e e s a re ,ai l i t t l e o ^ a r a r o i a l v a l u e . The r o e i : I s p r i n c i p a l l y g r a n i t e , , and o f l i t t l e m i n e r a l v a l u e * T h e r e r-re two e n c e p t i o n a t o J ' h i a s t a t e m e n t , On H o l y C r o s s l r o a n t a i n s a u t h o f Hope and p a c t w'oot o f " l i v e r Ore o h , two v e i n s o f s i l v e r o r e (7) h a v e "been d i s c o v e r e d , w h i l e 01 ay b u r n l a e i i n t a i n y i e l d a f i r e  c l a y o f e x c e l l e n t q u a l i t i e s Iras p r o v e d o f r e a l c o & i a e r c i a l v a l u e *  (1) It ' e a l l y y u r c : I n t h e v a l l e y and n e v e r a n t h e r i v e r - l a n k . ' " V - p l a c r o do ""hi h a s o t h e r c o n i f e r s I n m i n e . ( 2 ) C o t t o n - a c e - " - ; r f r e a l j jap larueu (3) H e a v e n o n l y Icnowa w h i c h o f t h e many t h o r n y growths of o u r l o w l a n d s n e m o a n s . (1) Springtime. (5) S u r e l y , f o r so e a r l y i n t h e y e a r , t h i s w o r d i s u s e d o n l y f o r r h e t o r ! o a l e f f e c t . (6) Q u o t e d i n Mayne, p. 301, (7) See b e l o w , p p . 231-3. . ( 4 ) On the South side of the r i v e r the mountains extend in an unbroken l i n e from S i l v e r Creek, near Hope, to Chilliwack River and Cultus Lake, South of Chilliwack. This range reaches into apex i n the Cheom Peaks, just East of Hosed ale and just opposite Harrison Lake. The f i r s t peak r i s e s right from the (8)" r i v e r bank to an altitude of about 6925 feet. Southwest- of Cultus Lake, this range i s continued by a lower ridge known as Ye elder mountain, extending across the International Boundary. Separated from t h i s range by the 3um.?s P r a i r i e , Including what was formerly Sum as Lake, i s another small ranse, already men tioned which begins wi th ''him as I.Iountain stand in.1? on the f i v e r bank just west of the mouth of the r i v e r of the same name, and extending South-westerly through 01 ayburn lloimtain, Vest of which i t merges into the h i l l s . On the north side of the r i v e r the mountains East of Harrison Lake are broken only by Ruby Creek and are nowhere at any great distance from the r i v e r * To the 7/est of Agassis- stands Agassiz fountain, of no great height, close to the Eraser, while the Harrison flows about i t to the Forth and .Test, 7/est of Harrison Lake the mountains extend along the Harrison River and "Bay", Squawk um Lake and. Hicomen Slough to Dewdney Hountain, just East of Katzie Lake, and are broken only by two mountain streams, the Chehalis Rivers and Suicide Creek- West of Hatzic Lake the mountains are i r r e g u l a r . High peaks may be seen to the northward from Stave Lake to Howe Sound, with P i t t Lake forming the only considerable break. Spurs of mountains (8) Goode, School Atlas, Sand MoNally, 1932, ( 5 ) extend Southward from these hot none extend to the r i v e r , while only one contains peaks of any considerable s i z e , the beautiful "Golden Ears" group, just North of Enney, several. parts o f which r i s e to over 5000 feet with J ' t . Blancherci, the (9) highest outstanding to 5585 feet. The remainder of the t e r r a i n , a l l more or less suited to a g r i c u l t u r a l occupation, may he divided into t w o c l a s s i f i c a  tions, highland and lowland* James T'scFi.llsn noted the dis- (in) t i n c t i o n -s lon«: a vo as 1825. The highland ranging to an a l - . titude of about 400 feet i s mostly g l a c i a l in o r i g i n , i r r e g u l a r i n topography, p>rtd heavily wooded with conifers .principally. The lowland i s a l l a v i a l i n o r i g i n , f l a t and low-lying, 3nd Is sometimes unwooded, sometimes forested with such moisture- lovine trees pg cottonwool and willow and more rarely with conifers and mVnles. The lowlands at no piece r i s e more than a. few feet above the hi?h-water levels of the r i > e r , while much of t h i s Is inundated during the Spring floods. They might he described as prehistoric channels, i n l e t s . and lakes, cut in the earl T 7 T s r t l &w 'Period into the g l a c i a l f o o t h i l l s which form " " " (11) the highlands end underlying Eocene conglomerates, and f i l l e d w i t h clay and s i l t to form p r a i r i e s , flood-plains, deltas marshes and shallow lakes. Though the s o i l or vegetation of highland and lowland may i n places be s i m i l a r , the two types of l e n d are i n most instances c l e a r l y defined and easily recog nizable. ~J9) Lands B u l l e t i n Fo. 27, 1934, p. 10. (30) See below. Oh. I I , p. 18. (11) Lands B u l l e t i n ffo. 27, 1934, p. 4. (6) As long ago as 1873 the government of B r i t i s h Columbia thought i t worth while to make a general survey of the valley to get a description of the land available for settlement. With t h i s idea i n mind, John Fannin, a survivor of the overland (12) party of 1862, was sent to explore a l l lands between New Westminster and Hope from the Mountains on the Horth to the (13) ' American Boundary on the South. In making a similar survey of the valley we s h a l l quote his description where possible for the simple reason that when he saw i t the appearance of the country had been l i t t l e altered by the hand of man. From Hew Westminster to the mouth of the r i v e r and from the Horth Arm of the .Fraser to Boundary Bay i s a l l delta land. It consists of two parts; one the islands i n the r i v e r , Lulu, ( 1 4 ) Sea, Westham, Annacis, and others; the other the f l a t s ex tending from the Gulf of Georgia to the end of the ridge of highland opposite Hew Westminster, The l a t t e r consists of f e r t i l e lowland s o i l , formerly partly covered with cotton- woods and poplar and low brush, p a r t l y open grass-land. To the South, between Boundary Bay and the Gulf, t h i s gives way near the Border to. the wooded highland of Point Roberts, ex tending into the -United States.. East of Ladner some portions of the land are low peat-marshes, rather d i f f i c u l t to bring under c u l t i v a t i o n . The land along the base of the ridges East ward i s very lo?/ but exceedingly f e r t i l e when cleared of a (12) Howay and Scholef i e l d , B. C., II.", 138. (13) See his report to the Commissioner of Lands and Works i n B r i t i s h Columbia Sessional Papers, 1874. (14) Jason A l l a r d , who said this name was not of Indian origin,expressed the opinion i t was a corruption of "Annance's" (7) f a i r l y heavy forest growth and drained. South of the ridges this low land extends around Mud Bay through marshes to the ITicoreekl "Plats. The islands are also typical lowland with clay s o i l and a growth of cottonwood or crebepple» The central part and some of the eastern portions of Lulu Island, however, are peat-land covered with "scrub-pine" and cranberries, low- bush blueberries and Labrador tea. From the Delta Eastward to Langley the land consists largely of low ridges, mostly f a i r l y f e r t i l e and formerly densely forested with Bougies _?ir and other conifers, with cedars predominating i n the highland swamps of black "ooze" found here and there, anc* occasional patches of "elder-land" with red alder and other deciduous trees. These ridges are much divided, however, by belts and valleys of lowland, partly forested, partly grass and swsmp-land. The p r i n c i p a l of these i s a great crescent extending from Fort Langley through Langley P r a i r i e , and the Fieomekl Flats to I'd a Bay. From this f l a t the Salmon Piver flows 1 Torth-Easterly through Langley P r a i r i e and Langley, where the s o i l contains somewhat more clay and i s partly wooded , to the Eraser. P'estrward from the same place flows the Eicomekl through the Cloverdele and Eicomekl F l a t s , where the soil, i s low and black, to Fad Bay. A branch of t h i s same vai l e y extends along the Serpentina Fiver through black marshy s o i l to the Tynehead country north of Cloverctale. South of Cloverdele the ridge i s hi. :i'h and gravelly and south of t h i s , at the- head ox "emiemn Pay, i s another small f l a t , Wall' s I-rairie, drained by the small Co nip-hell Fiver, close to the (8) American Borfler. East o f this arid "oath of LemgLey P r a i r i e the rldae, known here as Fern Pidae, i s somewhat lower end more f e r t i l e . k s t r i p of lowland, mostly naite awampy, also e'ytends Worth o f the main ridge of Surrey alona most of the r i v e r from the "Delta Plate to L.angley, while Barns ton Island I s al s o go o d 1 o wl an d . From Lanaley Eastward i s a .areat, low plateau, which Eastward narrows into low h i l l s between the h'atsgui and Upper Sumas (Huntingdon) P r a i r i e s at Abbotsford, and i s thus linked to 01 ay burn and Snrnas fountains where for the f i r s t time we encounter land South of the r i v e r of more than about 500 feet elevation. Of t h i s country the following extracts give some conception: lastward from, the southern extremity of Langley P r a i r i e say f i v e miles, .and southward towards the Boundary l i n e , extends a s t r i p of country where the undergrowth i s so thick as to make i t very d i f f i c u l t to travel through, .yet the s o i l here i s of the best description (black loam) and i n places very deep (15).... Between this tract and the r i v e r , (16) the country i s broken or h i l l y , and i n places the s o i l l i g h t and gravelly. But eastward towards Matsqui, and reaching within one mile of the Katsqui P r a i r i e , (17) i s situated one of the finest belts of alder land i n the d i s t r i c t . . . . This tract of land i s comparatively l e v e l and free from undergrowth, and i s also far above high water mark. The s o i l , black loam, with clay sub-soil. (18) South of t h i s alder land to the Boundary the s o i l i s generally gravelly and was heavily timbered with Douglas F i r and other conifers. Tl5) Apparently i n neighborhood of Murrayville, Eastward to Aldergrove. (16) About Coghlan. (17) Aldergrove to Mount Lehman. ^ „ . (18) Sessional Papers, 1874, Report of Exploration, pp. 3-4 (9) Matsqui P r a i r i e i s Bounded on the west and south by maple and alder ridges, with here and there small openings covered with a heavy growth of fern....Matsqui P r a i r i e i s about four miles square, and i s subject to overflow during extremely high' water....Nestling between the range of h i l l s on the west, and Sumas Mountain on the east, i t presents a very charm ing picture indeed.... The broad green p r a i r i e stretching away to the r i v e r was dotted here and there with groups of c a t t l e , p a r t l y hid i n the luxuriant green grass through which they were roaming. (19) 'It should be added that t h i s v i s t a of p r a i r i e was orna mented here and there with groves of cottonwood and f i r and patches of wild rose. East and South of Sumas Mountain i s another s t r i p of lowland. Commencing Eastward near the base of the Oheam Peaks, i t widens between the mountains and the r i v e r Westward through Rosedale to Chilliwack and Sardis. Through this portion flows branches of the Eraser River, Hope and Camp Sloughs, and much of the land was formerly f a i r l y heavily wooded. At Chilliwack the land was more open and intersected by the Chilliwack r i v e r and i t s branches, the Uuk-a-Kuk and the A t c h e l i t z , the l a t t e r (20) apparently once called the Choowallah. The country here i s described by Fannin as follows: Along the valley of the Choowallah P i v e r^ - T t h e country, probably s i x miles i n extent, i s a l l timbered with the exception of a few patches of open burnt land, the sur face broken---the s o i l generally good, being l i g h t loam with clay subsoil.... The timber, which i n places i s valuable, consists of f i r , cedar, and cottonwood, with (19). Sessional Papers, 1874, Report of Exploration, p. 4. (2.0) This i s apparently the stream called by that name i n Sessional Papers, 1874, Report of Exploration, p. 5. "Atchahtch" on map, Sessional Papers, 1877, p. 350. (10) thick undergrowth of vine-maple, hazel, and dogwood. In this stretch of land, and about three miles from the Sumas Settlement, i s also situated a cranberry marsh of about 500 acres....Up the valley of the Chilliwack Elver to the base of the mountains; distant from Eraser River about eight miles the features of the Oountry--are more • favorable than along the valley of the Ohoowallah, the surface being not so much broken, and the s o i l richer and deeper. The timber consists of cottonwood, vine-maple and alder, with a few scattering f i r and cedar....At the base of the mountains, (21) and probably three miles from the Chilliwack Settlement, we crossed a large p r a i r i e about s i x miles long and from two to four wide, covered with blue jonit-grass, and i n places pea-vine i t s natural drainage being obstructed by heaver dams. (22) Farther West some fi v e miles l i e s the Sumas River flow ing about the base of Sumas Mountain which here separates this p r a i r i e land from the Eraser River. Along this r i v e r here and there small patches of open fern land occur; but aside from these the country i s heavily timbered.... Here again i s met this immense growth of weeds, berry bushes, etc....The s o i l being of a r i c h loamy nature i s f oynsd, no doubt by the constant decaying of t h i s mass of vegetable matter. (23) Just South of Sumas Mountain the p l a i n i s so depressed that i t was formerly a shallow lake covering some f i f t e e n to twenty square miles, while the land beyond i t West and South was a willow swamp and a perfect nesting haven for wild water-fowl. S t i l l farther West, at Huntingdon, the Sumas P r a i r i e crosses the American Boundary, sweeping away to the Southwest into the Hooksack valley and so to the sea. This \?hole v a l l e y , l i k e that from Langley to Mud Bay, was apparently at one time an estuary of the Eraser. In the neighborhood of Oheam there are some islands use- East of the Chilliwack River. Sessional Papers, 1874, Report of Exploration, pp.. 5-6. Ibid• , p. 4. (21.) ( 22) (23) (11) f u l i n agriculture and at one or two places, as at Floods, lowlands occur on the South side of the r i v e r as far as Hope. In more places there are gravelly benches at the bases of the mountains, covered with maple and alder, and sometimes heavier timber, with a dense tangle of underbrush. at Laidlaw and one or two other places the benches are lower and more f e r t i l e . On the opposite bank, "between Hope end Agassiz Landing, a distance of 85 miles, there i s very l i t t l e worthy of note i n • t h e shape of a g r i c u l t u r a l land. Bare and rugged mountains with here and there small stretches of land mostly timbered with.cottonwood, and subject to overflow, make up this portion of the country," (24) Perhaps before returning 7/estward along the ITorth side of the Eraser we should join Fannin i n an ascent of Oheam Lloirntaln, which i s obviously what he meant by " 'Discovery' '"onntain v'hi ch i s si t"- cted «?t the eastern extremi ty of the '(£5) v a l l e y , " Making our way with d i f f i c u l t y through the dense forests of the lower benches, we cross others covered with low bushes and stunted pines, and at l a s t scramble ur to the hare peak. Perhaps (26) the most extended view to be had on the Lower Eraser i s from this point. From here the r i v e r can be traced, through a l l i t s windings, 80 miles to the Gulf; and looks s t i l l and motionless i n the distance- Few Westminster can be seen with the naked eye, and every settlement along the r i v e r can be readilv distinguished. Sumas end' Chi11i- wack, the former 17, the "latter 12 miles away, appear a l  most at our feet. Here also can be seen, i n the country between Chilliwack and Oheam, new openings made by recent 24) Sessional Papers, 1874, Report of Exploration, p. 7. 25) Ibid., p. 6, 26) lie should say "certainly." s e t t l e r s ; looking upon which, as new si ."ns of awakening prosperity, the immegination (sic) wanders into the fo tore when these rreen plal ns s h a l l he dotted with herds, and the tangled growth of forest whioh now covers the v i r g i n s o i l of the uplands, s h a l l y i e l d to the hand of hardy industry, and f i e l d s o f waving corn s h a l l take i t s nlace; when the eye from this place w i l l rest on many a hamlet; and the sound of human voices, °nd f-.nm.-y-, industry, w i l l f i l l the space where now i s silenoe "and solitude, (P7) "At Agassi r. Lendin™", sags Fannin of his journey 'Test- ward," occurs the f i r s t break in the mountna..,«The country as far hack as the mountains i s l i g h t l y timbered with here and there open patches of grass and fern, land, and clumps of vine maple and hazel bushes.... S o i l , dark loam, with clay sub-soil, At the northern extremity of this open country,is found_a valley or pass i n the moun tains, about s i x miles long and three wide leading to ' the foot of Harrison Lake. Some very good, land i s met with here- The valley i s thin l y timbered with f i r and cedar, Fear Harrison Lake the land i s low and wet. Two Cranberry Harshes, the largest about 800 acres, are also• found, here. . . .At the foot of the lake and about h a l f a mile from i t s junction with the r i v e r , i s situated a hot spring, the steam arising from which can he seen from some distance as we approach i t . . . . To test the tempera ture of the water, we threw i n a salt salmon, which was cooked i n a few minutes. (28) Breaking through a. narrow pass i n the mountains West of the lake, where i t Is joined by the Ohehalis, the Harrison. Fixer makes a great bend about the North of Agassiz Fountain,' and i s deflected Southward by a small, isolated, mountain at Harrison H i l l s to the Fraser. In the angle between these con verging r i v e r s , and separated from Agassiz by the mountain of that name i s another f l a t several miles in extent, while on the right the r i v e r , held, back by the l i t t l e mountain already referred to, forms a lake known as Harrison Bay. The vall e y In which, this l i e s extends about the Forth of the l i t t l e moan- f27) Sessional papers. 1874, Report on Exploration, p. 7. (28) I b i d , , pp, 7-8. (13) tain; past the be r a t i f i l l l i t t l e Squawkum Lake, to join the main valley of the Fraser a a aim below. As far Tlest as 7>ewflney Mountain, whioh i s opposite bat s l i g h t l y 'lest of Sumas Mountain, the mountains, as has been said, are f a i r l y close to the r i v e r , or rather to a branch of i t generally known as Winomen Slouch, though f i f t y or s i x t y years ago i t was called- Harris' Slotifh. Our explorer says: Leaving Harrison River we proceeded down the Fraser about three miles, where we entered wh?t i s known as Harris' Slough, on the island (29) between this slough end the r i v e r , as also on the Mainland, a few stretches of high (30) timbered land are met with;"-these being known by the des c r i p t i o n of timber (cedar and f i r ) ; the parts subject to overflow are timbered with cottonwood. Ihaair^e land i s also met with both on the Islands and Mainland • • « -The slough i s about ten miles long, and enters.the'Fraser at a point op posite Sumas Mountain. Leaving the slough we travelled westward (31) to a lake (32); thence across the lake to a valley (marked -Islend P r a i r i e (33) on the sketch). The extent of t h i s valley i s about 1500 acres and i s subject to overflow. Ho run.oecu,-" pied highland, f i t for agricultural purposes, was found bordering on this v a l l e y , the mountains almost closing i t i n on three sides. ( 34) Here appearances are deceiving. Mountains do hem i n the P r a i r i e on the Fast, but what appear to be lower mountains on. the 'Test are the abrupt, heavily wooded slopes of the highland plateau which we s h a l l presently describe. To the north the p r a i r i e leads into a low, heavily wooded pass, past a small (29) Really islands, as there are cross-sloughs to the Fraser near lOeroche. (30) I.e., above flood l e v e l . The islands are e n t i r e l y low land . . • ' (31) Across the pewdney f l a t s . (32) Katzic Lake. (33) Burton's P r a i r i e on map, Sessional Papers, 1877, p. 350, and to a l l pioneers "of the d i s t r i c t ; Hat sic p r a i r i e to- d ay. ' (34) Sessional Papers, 1874, Report on Exploration, p. 3. (•14) lake or- two, to the l e v e l of Stave lake. Indeed, .just es the Agassis f l a t appears to he the old course of the Harrison River, so t h i s appears to be the old course of the Stave, which has since cut out the new rocky gorge past the f a l l s - To return; In the centre of the lake, at the foot of the va l l e y , i s an Island (35) containing about 500 acres of the best land net with on the t r i p down. The s o i l i s the same'net with on the Cheam Islands. This island i s l i g h t l y timbered with cedar and f i r , but the undergrowth i s something wonderful; nettles and berry-hushes are found growing here seven feet high-. ... The Island stands about four feet above high water mark. The lake abounds with fine trout, and, <?.t the time we crossed. , the surface of the water was covered with ducks and geese, which rose before us i n great flocks. The waters of thi a lake empty Into the Eraser through a slough or small creek, et a point two mile? above St. PPary 1 s Mission (3c.) ; and the distance from the month of the creek to the lake i s about one mile. (37) We should add that e l l land between the lake and r i v e r , east of t h i s slough, i s excellent lowland generally free from floods. West of t h i s to P i t t Ileadows, a distance of over twenty miles, the mountains are, on the average about f i v e miles from the r i v e r . The features of the country here are somewhat different from any met with on the south side of the r i v e r . The land i s r o l l i n g and • stretches of open fern land, occur very often ....The s o i l here i s a sort of red clay, mixed, with sand, and gravel, and i s formed, no doubt, by the decomposition of rocks, and, to judge from i t s lightness, would not.long ret a i n i t s strength,..About one mile from the " r i v e r " ' i s situated, a belt of alder bottom three miles in' extent, the surface of which i s broken, and i n places wet and. swampy. Along the base of the mountain down as far as Stave Paver, the country i s heavily timbered with f i r and cedar, and the s o i l gravelly.... Some very fine timber was met with round (35) Hatzic Island. (36) Which i s a mile East of Mission. (37) Sessional Papers, 1874, l o c . e i t . ( 1 5 ) the foot of the lake, but the d i f f i c u l t i e s In the way of bringing to market, would, I think, be considerable, as the r i v e r i s l i t t l e else than rapids a l l the way....Bet ween Stave River and P i t t Meadows, the country i n i t s general features resembles that met with between Stave River and the 'Mission'; i t i s nearly a l l timbered, with 'here and there open stretches of fern land, maple ridges bordering on the r i v e r (38) i n the Western portion. Near the mouths of creeks small patches of lowland are to be fohnd, as at Mission, from the mouth of S i l v e r Greek a mile West of Mission to' Silverdale, along the lower Stave about a mile, and from Albion, to Kanaka Creek a mile East of Haney; but these are naturally subject to almost annual overflow from the Eraser. About P i t t River to the foot of the lake, and along (39) the lower reaches of the L i l l o o e t ' or Alonette stretches a great area of very low land, P i t t Meadows. Of t h i s are Mayne wrote i n 1860: "These w i l l no doubt soon be cultivated for the supply of New Westminster, their only drawback being that (40) many parts are l i a b l e to overflow.". Douglas v i s i t e d P i t t Lake, i n the summer of 1860, and wrote: The banks of P i t t River are exceedingly b e a u t i f u l , exten sive meadows sweep gracefully from the very edge of the r i v e r towards the distant l i n e of forest and mountain. The r i c h a l l u v i a l s o i l produces a thick growth of grass, and scattered groups of willows. This fine d i s t r i c t contains an area of 20,000 acres of good arable land, requiring no clearing from timber, and ready for the immediate opera tions of the plough. Many parts of i t are, however, ex posed to overflow through the p e r i o d i c a l inundations of the Eraser, which commence about the f i r s t week i n June, and generally subside before the middle of July. Owing to this circumstance, the P i t t meadows are not adapted for r a i s i n g wheat or other cereals which require the entire season to mature; but i t may be turned to good account i n growing hay and every kind of root crop, and may also be used ex tensively for pasturing c a t t l e and for the purposes of dairy. (41) Eannin's b r i e f report i s i n sharp contrast: "' (38*1 Sessional Paper's 1874, l o c . cit'. ~ (59) The l a t t e r name seems to be of only recent use. (40) Mayne, p. 392. (41) B. C. Papers, IV., p. 8« (16) P i t t River Meadows contain an area of nearly 20,000 acres, which i s subject to overflow from a l l sides. The whole p l a i n i s nearly surrounded by water so that dyking i s , i n my opinion, out of the question. A great many stretches of cranberry marsh are met with through this country, and perhaps the most profi t a b l e purpose to which these meadows could be turned would be for the c u l t i v a t i o n of t h i s f r u i t . (42) The land i s mostly dyked and cultivated today and we kno?r of only one attempt to commercialize the cranberries, and that long before Fannin's time. (43) West of the Coquitlam River, between the Fraser and Burrard Inlet l i e s the Burrard Peninsula, a l l of i t of the te r r a i n which we have described as highland, with the exception of some narrow s t r i p s along the r i v e r , especially from the Coquitlam to the Brunette Rivers, opposite the upper end of Lulu Island, and opposite Sea Island. Near the centre of the peninsula are three small lakes, Burnaby, Leer, and Trout, each surrounded by a brush-grown marsh and inter-connected by a low va l l e y of r i c h , black loam. A l l the rest of i t i s gravelly and formerly quite heavily timbered. Westward i t culminates i n Point Grey, a wooded promontory overlooking the Gulf of Georgia. (42) Sessional Papers, 1874, Report on Exploration, p. (43) See below (Oh. I l l , p. 31.) I (17) (b) THE MAINLAND HALKOMELEM P r e h i s t o r i o a l l y the v a l l e y , or at l e a s t p a r t s o f I t , seem to have been i n h a b i t e d by a t r i b e or race o f people d i s t i n c t l y d i f f e r e n t a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l y from any people i n h a b i t i n g t h i s p a r t o f the world today. T h e i r a r c h a e o l o g i c a l remains however, show no d i s t i n c t d i f f e r e n c e otherwise from the h i s t o r i c a l a b o r i g i n e s except i n the matter o f the t u m u l i , f o r no people i n t h i s neighborhood at the opening o f the h i s t o r i c p e r i o d were (44) known to bury t h e i r dead. (45) Within comparatively recent times the country was oc- ( 4 6 ) cupied by a branch o f the S a l i s h Indians known among them s e l v e s as the Halkomelem or Ankomenum, meaning "those who speak the same language." T h i s language group i n c l u d e s also the (44) This does not pretend to be an a r c h a e o l o g i c a l or ethno l o g i c a l r e p o r t . On the archaeology o f the d i s t r i c t , many s t u d i e s have been p u b l i s h e d by Dr. Franz Boas and Mr. Chas, H i l l - T o u t . See, f o r example the B. A. A. S. Report on the E t h n o l o g i o a l Survey o f Canada, 1902, pages 89-97. See also H a r l i n I. Smith: Trephined A b o r i g i n a l S k u l l s from B r i t i s h Columbia and Washington i n American Journal of P h y s i c a l Anthropology, October-December 1924. Dr. Smith, who began h i s study o f these s k u l l s i n 1898, says that among those at Eburne, d a t i n g back to 1497 or earlier, and at Boundary Bay are narrow s k u l l s o f a type not found elsewhere i n these p a r t s , and that at Eburne they were found w i t h t y p i c a l Indian s k u l l s and with nothing to i n  d i c a t e d i f f e r e n c e o f e i t h e r time or rank. (See pp. 450 and 452.) More r e c e n t l y a number of the s k u l l s and other r e l i c s from the E r a s e r midden now i n the Vancouver C i t y Museum have been made the s u b j e c t o f i n t e n s i v e study by Dr. Geo. E. Kidd. (45) Much evidence that t h i s i s so i s given by H i l l - T o u t i n v a r i o u s r e p o r t s and e s p e c i a l l y i n the B. A. A. S. Report on E t h n o l o g i c a l Survey o f Canada 1902, pages 3, 93, 97. (46) The S a l i s h occupy an area from C e n t r a l B . 0. to C e n t r a l Washington and from j u s t west o f the Kootenays to the West Coast. (18) Cowichan and Nanaimo Indians o f Vancouver I s l a n d , and i t i s (47) p o s s i b l e the B e l l a Coola are another Branch. On the mainland t h e i r t e r r i t o r y l a y along the E r a s e r R i v e r from i t s mouth to some d i s t a n c e above Y a l e . At the mouth l i v e d the Musqueam on the Horth Arm and the Tsawaissen south o f the main stream. Next came the Kwantlem, whose t e r r i t o r y was the most extensive on the r i v e r w i t h v i l l a g e s at Skaiametle (New Westminster), K i k a i t ( B r o w n s v i l l e ) , Kwantlem ( L a n g l e y ) , Honak (Wonnock) and S k a i e t s (Stave R i v e r ) . The Coquitlams, a small band enslaved by the Kwantlem, are probably not o f Halkomelem o r i g i n , as i s p o s s i b l y t r u e o f the Kaytseys o f P i t t Lake who had summer f i s h  i n g v i l l a g e s at the head o f Barnston I s l a n d and on e i t h e r side o f the r i v e r j u s t o p p o s i t e . The Matsqui were next eastward, the Lakahmen on Nicomen Slough and the Sumas on the r i v e r and l a k e o f that name and the south s i d e o f Hicomen I s l a n d . E a s t - (47) Br. Boas, i n the B. A. A. S. Report f o r 1894, s t a t e s that there i s a d i a l e c t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e between the i s l a n d and the mainland branches, c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the s u b s t i t u t i o n i n the l a t t e r o f "1" f o r "n" and a broad f o r a f l a t "a", Mr. Jas. Houston o f Port Langley, whose mother was a. Kwantlem, s t a t e s that Lakahmel (HicomenJ i n d i c a t e s the p l a c e o f t h i s change* C e r t a i n l y Dr. Boas" o b s e r v a t i o n does not apply to the Kwantlem. Cf. H i l l - T o u t , op. c i t . , p. 17, Re the B e l l a Coola, see i b i d , page 555. Dr» I r n a Gunther o f the U n i v e r s i t y o f Washington, s t a t e s ( l e t t e r o f Oct. 21, 1936) that the term Halkamelem should r i g h t l y apply o n l y to those t r i b e s above Hicomen, but I have pre f e r r e d to r e t a i n the use made of i t i n a l l the e a r l i e r s t u d i e s a f t e r Boas (e.q. , Bureau o f American Ethnology, B u l l e t i n 30, I I , 1059: "Halkomelen « Cowichan" and I. 355: "Cowichan, a group o f S a l i s h t r i b e s speaking a s i n g l e d i a  l e c t and occupying the S.E. coast of Vancouver i d . between lanoos Bay and S a n i t c h I n l e t , and the v a l l e y o f the lower E r a s e r R. n e a r l y to Spuzzum.) Note also the t i t l e o f Dr. Crosby's book on h i s missionary work among these people f i r s t and p r i n c i p a l l y at Nanaimo: "Among the An-Ko-Me-Hums." (19) ward thence to Cheam the P i l a l t occupied the mouths of the d i s t r i b u t a r i e s of the Chilliwack River and the sloughs of the Fraser, with the Chilweyuk comprising eight bands to the south-US) Ward from the present Sardis to Cultus Lake. Opposite were the Harrison River Indians at Squakum, Scowlitz and Chehalis. Uext were the Cheams above Rosedale and S i y i t a or Seatah near Agassiz. From there the order of the tribes was approximately as follows: the Popkum, the Squawtits, the Ohami1 at Laidlaw and the Skwawalooks opposite St. Elmo, the Hope Indians at Katz and opposite Hope, the Ewawoos or Yale-Union Bar at Kaw- kawa Lake and from the mouth of the Coquihalla to Strawberry Island, and the Yale Indians from there to Kuthlalth above Yale wi th one semi-detached band at Ruby Creek. Opinion d i f  fers greatly as to their numbers at the beginning of white oc cupation, the Indians themselves and early s e t t l e r s being generally of the opinion that the numbers were once many times greater than at present while Indian Agents and others f a i r l y competent, as well as a p a r t i a l census taken by Trutch and (49) B a l l i n 1864 discount t h i s view. At present there are between fourteen and f i f t e e n hundred Halkomelem along the r i v e r , about four hundred below Chilliwack, nearly s i x hundred i n the neighborhood of Chilliwack and Harrison, and well over four ( 5 0 ) hundred above there. (4d) 'Tne umiiiwacics are^o^sTbly of h'ootsak rather than Hal- komelem o r i g i n , though speaking Halkomelem now. See H i l l - T o u t , op. ci t. , p. 5 . The land of the Nootsaks i s ea s i l y reached v i a Cultus Lake and Columbia Valley. (49) B. C. Sessional Papers, 1876, page £ 0 7 . ( R 5 0 ) . See footnote, page 2 0 . (20) These people had t h e i r own t r a d i t i o n s and f o l k l o r e com pounded o f f a b l e and t r i b a l h i s t o r y . Examples o f such are the C h i l l i w a c k myth of the o r i g i n of the salmon-weir and of the quaqualeetza or b l a n k e t - b e a t i n g , the P i l a l t Salmon myth or the (5-1) Kwantlem s t o r y o f the o r i g i n of the salmon c r e s t . Many o f these s t o r i e s are a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the o r i g i n o f the f a m i l y s u l i a or c r e s t s , midway between the p e r s o n a l f e t i s h e s and (52) t r i b a l totems. Their b e l i e f s i n c l u d e d a n i m i s t i c s p i r i t s , per s o n a l s p i r i t s a t t a c h i n g themselves to the l i v e s o f i n d i v i d u a l s fo r b e t t e r or worse and c e r t a i n more important s p i r i t s such as the k h a l s or transformer vh o has a p a r t i n most o f the s u l i a myths. To d r i v e away e v i l s p i r i t s and secure the help of good or strong ones was the work of the h i g h e s t order o f shamans or medicine men; others o f a l e s s e r order read s i g n s of the future, tended the i n j u r e d or p h y s i c a l l y s i c k and the dead; and a s t i l l (5 3) lower orde r , of e i t h e r sex, were witches and s o r c e r e r s . The power o f these medicine men, w i t h t h e i r r a t t l e s and charms, t h e i r i n c a n t a t i o n s and f r e n z i e d dances, was a matter o f wonder (54) and grave c o n s t e r n a t i o n to the e a r l y m i s s i o n a r i e s . (50) The g e n e r a l i n f o r m a t i o n i n the above paragraph was k i n d l y s u p p l i e d by the Indian Agents at Vancouver, New ?/estmin- s t e r , and L y t t o n , supplemented by p e r s o n a l o b s e r v a t i o n , r e f e r e n c e s to government maps and to r e p o r t s by Boas and H i l l - T o u t , as w e l l as to the i n t r o d u c t i o n to Nelson's MS., "Place Names o f the D e l t a of the E r a s e r . " (51) H i l l - T o u t op. c i t . , pp. 15, 16, 4 9 , and 83 r e s p e c t i v e l y . Many other such s t o r i e s are t o l d here and elsewhere by Mr. H i l l - T o u t . A s i m i l a r story o f the o r i g i n o f White Rock and the Coming o f the Semiamu, a Songish t r i b e i s recounted i n H.T. T h r i f t ' s MS. (58) On t h i s matter see H i l l - T o u t , op. c i t . , pp. 10-11. (53) I b i d . l o c . c i t , and pp. 60-62. (54) See, e.g. Crosby's "Among the An-Kor-Me-Nums", Ch. X I I . ( 2 1 ) S o c i a l l y they were d i v i d e d i n v a r i o u s ways. In the f i r s t p l a c e l a r g e numbers were s l a v e s , u s u a l l y among t r i b e s to which they were c a p t i v e , and many o f the r e s t were l i t t l e b e t t e r o f f . On the other hand the f a m i l i e s of c h i e f s and medicine-men were of d i s t i n c t l y h i g h e r c l a s s . To these belonged the s u l i a or f a m i l y orest and they were made e a s i l y r e c o g n i z a b l e by the custom o f f l a t t e n i n g the head i n i n f a n c y between two boards, so as to broaden the forehead and cause i t to recede from the brov/ s t r a i g h t to the wedged crown o f the head. Only persons of h i g h caste were per m i t t e d to do t h i s , or to attend the more solemn t r i b a l gatherings or e x e r c i s e power. Of t h e s e gatherings the p r i n c i p a l ones had to do w i t h war, r e l i g i o u s and naming cere monies, appointment, marriage o r death o f a c h i e f or p l a n n i n g the economy o f the t r i b e . Such important f u n c t i o n s were f r e  quently accompanied by dances, mostly o f a r e l i g i o u s or sham- a n i s t i c n a t u r e , or by p o t l a t c h e s . These l a t t e r were f e a s t s at which the aim was l i t e r a l l y to "eat the host out o f house and home" and at which he aimed to g i v e away as much as p o s s i b l e . Years were spent by the f a m i l y accumulating wealth with the aim o f g i v i n g i t a l l away at once i n order that the r e p u t a t i o n f o r g e n e r o s i t y might i n c r e a s e the p r e s t i g e o f the head o f the f a m i l y ( 5 5 ) so impoverished. The houses were community dwe l l i n g s o f split cedar or o f p o l e s and cedar bark, with " l e a n - t o " r o o f , and some times o f p r o d i g i o u s s i z e . Eraser d e s c r i b e s one, apparently near H a r r i s o n , s i x hundred and f o r t y f e e t l o n g by s i x t y wide and eighteen f e e t h i g h at the f r o n t , a l l under a s i n g l e one- ( 5 5 ) I b i d , Ch. VII & XI, also H i l l - T o u t , op. c i t . , p. 7 . (22) si d e d r o o f . I t was d i v i d e d i n t o square compartments, except the chief's which i s n i n e t y f e e t l o n g . In t h i s room the posts or p i l l a r s are n e a r l y t h r e e f e e t d i a  meter at the base and d i m i n i s h g r a d u a l l y to the top. In one o f these posts i s an o v a l opening answering the ' purpose o f a door through which one man may crawl i n or out, Above, on the o u t s i d e , are carved a human f i g u r e as l a r g e as l i f e , with o t h e r f i g u r e s i n i m i t a  t i o n o f beasts and birds'. (56.) The b u i l d i n g s were without f l o o r i n g and smoke from the f i r e s escaped through the h o l e s i n the r o o f . Such houses, apparently adopted f o r s a f e t y among a people s c a t t e r e d i n small v i l l a g e s and w i t h r e l a t i v e l y few w a r r i o r s , l e d to much community o f (57) l i f e and communism o f p r o p e r t y among t h e i r i n h a b i t a n t s . Some o f t h e tabes also had " K e e k w i l l i e " h o l e s or underground (58) winter q u a r t e r s . The f u r n i t u r e c o n s i s t e d o f beds, screens and mats o f woven bark, rushes, or grass; baskets o f s p l i t cedar r o o t s or w i l l o w withes; wooden troughs, bowls, p l a t t e r s , l a d l e s , and spoons; and horn spoons. Stone p e s t l e s , u s u a l l y o f g r a n i t e , are also commonly found a l l along the v a l l e y . • Two t h i n g s about the c l o t h i n g o f these people a t t r a c t e d the a t t e n t i o n o f e a r l y e x p l o r e r s and t r a d e r s . T h e i r p r i n c i p a l a r t i c l e of c l o t h i n g was a white blanket o f a w o o l - l i k e material. (59) (56) Prom E r a s e r ' s J o u r n a l , g i v e n at l e n g t h i n L.B. Masson: "Les Bourgeois de l a Compagnie du llord-ouest", p. 197. Cf. a l s o H i l l - T o u t , o p . c i t . , p . 8 . Mr. A l f r e d McDonald o f C h i l l i  wack, says t h e i r family spent a night i n one of these com munity houses with the Indians at Chehalis i n 1867 and that i t was s t i l l s t a n ding u n t i l burned q u i t e r e c e n t l y . (57) H i l l - T o u t , op. c i t . , p. 8. (58) T h i s appears, f o r example, to have been the commonest form o f d w e l l i n g at S c o w l i t z (Harrison) as d e s c r i b e d to the w r i t e r by L e v i C a r t i e r of that p l a c e ; Of. H i l l - T o u t o p . c i t . p. 8. (59) John Work described them as "of h a i r or coarse wool (p.218). Miss A g a s s i z d e s c r i b e d one rorn at Hope as "of mountain goat's h a i r " . (23) Opinion seems to vary as to what this material was, hut Judge P. W. How ay, who made some study of the question, i s of the opinion that they were of white dog hair " i n great part at any rate", and quotes Mr. Jonathan M i l l e r , f i r s t post-master of Vancouver, as having seen such a fleece-hearing dog devoured (60) a l i v e at a "potlatoh" on the Eraser about 1862. Over the blanket they sometimes wore what John Work called "a kind of ( 6 1 ) short cloak made of the bark of the cedar tree. This may have (62) been worn to help shed the r a i n but doubtless also served as a sort of defensive armour, so that Eraser was probably not far (63) wrong when he cal l e d i t a "coat of mail" They also were fond of ornaments of various kinds, such as ribbons of bright colors (64) (65) in the hair, belts ornamented with human h a i r , beaded ( 66) ( 67) clothing whitening or coloring the face and hair rath paint. The l i f e of the r i v e r Indian was very sedentary, for he spent most o f his time i n h i s small, shallow "dugout" canoe of cedar. His food consisted almost e n t i r e l y of f i s h , ©specially salmon, "oolachai s" or candle f i s h , trout and sturgeon. In quieter waters a purse-shaped net was dragged between canoes; (60) See Howay's a r t i c l e i n Washington H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly, IX. pp. 89 et seqq. Eraser, the f i r s t to mention them, says they are made with dog's h a i r , wi th stripes of different colors, crossing at right angles, and resembling at a dis tance Highland p l a i d (Masson p. 195) and again "dog's hair was spun wi th a d i s t a f f and a spindle as i n Europe and made into rugs" ( i b i d p. 198) (61) Loo. c i t . (62) So mentioned by Work i n h i s journal (W.H.Q., Vol III.) entry of Nov. 18, which also mentions conical hats of same material. (63) Mas son pp. 196 & 198. Given to Eraser "to make shoes". ( 64) Mayne "Pour Tears i n B r i t i s h Columbia & Vancouver Island1', p. 61. (65) Massoh, p.203. (66) '/fork's Journal , Nov.18. ( 6 7 \ ^ s ^ ^ PP» (24) i n rougher waters a large dip-net with handles of -cedar about (68) twenty-feet long was used from the rocks. Dip-nets were also used for oolachan. Sturgeon were caught with long spears ( 69) wlth a forked end. The advent of the salmon season was the great event of their l i v e s and brought Indians of many neigh boring t r i b e s , as w e l l as the Halkomelems, to f i s h on the r i v e r (70) especially i n the rapids above Yale. The houses and the persons of the natives reeked of f i s h , almost t h e i r only other a r t i c l e s of food being wild berries of several v a r i e t i e s , such as blue and red huckleberries, black-berries, black-caps, s a l  mon-berries, strawberries, and cranberries. Some hunting and trapping was also indulged i n , so that their l i f e i n t h i s res pect was somewhat t r a n s i t i o n a l , i n the upper parts of the v a l  ley at least , between that of the purely coast Indians and that of the i n t e r i o r t r i b e s . Dancing and f i g h t i n g were the Indians'1 two p r i n c i p a l pre occupations . Dancing was of two kinds, the r i t u a l sort, a l  ready mentioned, and those f o r social pleasure only. When the Methodist missionary, Crosby, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y forbade danc ing, i t being "of the d e v i l " , a chief r e p l i e d , "Oh, the white man's dance worse than the Indian's dance. Indian man, alone, dance a l l round the house and s i t down, and then Indian woman she dance a l l around the house and she s i t down. But white (71) man "take another's v/ife and hug her a l l round the house" (68) Such as described by Eraser i n Masson p. 195. (69) . Work (Ho v. 17) describes one "resembling i n shape a salmon spear", 72 feet in length, 5 inches i n diameter. (70) See Port Langley Journal,pp.13, 18, etc. For advent of "ullachen" see i b i d , page 70. (71) Crosby, "Among the An-ko-me-nums" p. 105, (25) In many of his dances, however, the Indian worked himself up in- (72) to a kind of frenzy. The chief directed those dances which were not shamanistic i n nature, and while a few danced the majority kept up the rhythm merely by pounding with hands or st i c k s the walls of the house or anything else that would pro- (73) duce a noise. This love of rhythmic noise showed i t s e l f i n other ways, too , such as s t r i k i n g the sides of the canoes when (74) on a war-like or other important expedition. Rhythm seems to have been an important method of giving vent to a mood e In f i g h t i n g , spears were the p r i n c i p a l weapons, with wooden shafts "of great length" pointed with bone, horn, or ( 75) ( 76) stone. These were supplemented with bows and arrows, clubs and , according to one authori ty , the stone p e s 11 e - h a mm e r s al - (77) ready mentioned. The p r i n c i p a l cause of quarrel appears to have been intrigues to secure the squaws of other tribes, and although breach of the Seventh Commandment i s said to have been fashionable, there was a code of honor attached thereto which required the husband to recover his wife and seize another as w e l l , and i n the case of a chief i t was the duty of the whole (78) tr i b e to assist him i n defending his honor. Plundering raids of the stronger upon the weaker tribes were also common, and i n (72) H i l l - T o u t , op* c i t . pp. 59-61 describes a variety of Kwat- lem dances. (73) Masson, p. 197. (74) Masson, p. 199 and Wayne op. c i t . p. 61. (75) Masson p. 195. ( 76) Ib i d , p. 199. ( 77) So Chief Charlie Matsqui t o l d Miss Lehman, but one suspects he was "talk ing for ef f e c t " . (78) Mayne op. c i t . p. 75. (26) this connection the Ukletas of Cape Madge were the most feared by the Eraser River Indians, arid indeed by a l l those of the ( 79) Gulf of Georgia area. Generally, speaking the r i v e r Indians seem to have l i v e d i n dread of those of the islands, the reason being possibly that the seafaring l i f e of the l a t t e r called for much greater alertness and a c t i v i t y than the rather easy going l i f e of the lower Eraser, and therefore developed a war l i k e people. While i t i s no doubt true that the trade of Fort Langley drew many v i s i t o r s to the Eraser who otherwise would never have (80) come, i t i s nevertheless surprising from what a distance and by what routes Indians whose language differed r a d i c a l l y from the Hallcomelen tongue came to the lo?/er reaches of the r i v e r . Eor example, we find i n February 1828, the widow of an Ok an ag an, who had been drowned during a v i s i t to the Fort, returning to her own people, the Snohomish, by way of Mt. Baker and the Ska- (81) g i t country. Again i n March we find a "large canoe of Con- toomeens" from Lytton passing the Fort on t h e i r way to v i s i t (82) one of t h e i r chiefs who had wintered on the P i t t . This was probably the head of one of two whole families which had ar- (83) rived i n the previous October. Indians from the east side of Puget Sound v/ere apparently i n the habit of v i s i t i n g the r i v e r ( 79) Ibid . , l o c . c i t. , and Ft. Langley Journal, p. 158 . See below pp. 81-2. (80) See below p. 83. (81) Ft. Langl ey Journal, pp. 58, 59. (82) Ibid. , p. 63. For other similar v i s i t s during the same winter see below., p. 85. . (83) Ib i d , p. 33. . (27) (84) v i a Boundary Bay and thence overland to the .Fraser, Such intercourse apparently involved some trade, f o r Fraser found a k e t t l e of European make and an axe with an English manufac turer's name, as far east as Ruby Creek though we have no rea- (85) son to believe white men had ever seen the Fraser. This i n  tercourse did not, ho v/ever, lead to development of a common language other than a few common words which became the founda tion of the Chinook jargon. It waited for the white man's trade to develop the use of that jargon which came to include about f i v e hundred words, nearly h a l f of them Chinook, the re mainder composed of words derived from French, English, ITootka, and various Salish languages with a considerable number of (86) sound-words, and with no grammar. The p r i n c i p a l result of i n t e r - t r i b a l intercourse was securing of wives, slaves, plunder, and cause for quarrel. The f i r s t r e s u l t s of the advent of the white men were half-breeds and i n t e r - t r i b a l peace. Nearly a l l the Hudson's (87) Bay men, whether B r i t i s h or "Canadian" or "Kanaka" took Indian wives short'ly after coming to the r i v e r , i f they had not already secured them en route. In some cases the marriages (88) were "legitimate" and i n many others permanent and i n such cases the children were frequently reared as far as possible ac- (84) I b i d . , p. 32 (85) Masson, p. 195. See below ; p. 44 (86) Crosby: op. c i t . p. 53. A short dictionary of the jargon i s given i n "Guide to B. C»", 1877-8, 222-250. ( 87) (i.e.) French-Canadian. (88) (i.e.) In accordance with the custom of the country or solemnized by Catholic or other clergymen, especially i n the Oregon t e r r i t o r y . (28) cording to the standards of the father, and i n the l a t e r de velopment of the colony became f a i r l y respected members of the ( 8 9 ) white community. A much larger number were apparently l i t t l e cared for by the father especially where the "marriage" was but (90) a temporary a l l i a n c e . and such reverted to the l i f e of the mother's people and have gone to the reserves, or i n some p i t i  f u l cases have become degenerates, outcast from both races. The Company thought i t i t s duty to aid those with whom i t traded most by pacifying th e i r enemies or aiding i n their f i n a l defeat. Stories of such repulses of invaders have been handed down to us by company servants and other early s e t t l e r s . Samuel Robertson, boat-builder at Langley from about 1838, used to t e l l of the l a s t r a i d of the Ukletas that the guns of the fort were trained on thei r canoes and they were l i t e r a l l y (91) "blown out of the water". Mr. Thos. Hicks claimed to have repulsed a si m i l a r r a i d as l a t e as the early ' s i x t i e s ' when with f i v e Indians he ambushed them at Sumas Mountain and sank the (92) canoes with musket f i r e . I t i s l i k e l y however, that the l a s t has reference to apunitive r a i d of Cowichans who accused the Chilwe- {'89) Many such are personally known to the writer. Several weie teachers i n white schools. Mr. Matthew H a l l , R.E., used to t e l l how at a b a l l given i n V i c t o r i a about 1859 or '60 he noticed two or three half-breed g i r l s standing during a dance, so invited one of them to dance with him. The reply was "Halo mika introduce" - you haven't been introduced* (90) Many fathers of half-breed children married white women when such were available with l a t e r growth of settlement. One who turned out his Indian wife i n the hope of getting a white one used at the same time to say "My son Josh-oo- ay i s good enough for any white g i r l . " (Personally known to the writer's father.) (91) Mr. Otway Wilkie, who heard Robertson t e l l i t . (92) Told by Mrs. Walker, his daughter. ( 29) yuks and others o f crowding the labor market at Ports Langley (93) and V i c t o r i a . The Company also i n t r o d u c e d many manufactured a r t i c l e s among them, e s p e c i a l l y b l a n k e t s , but a l s o c l o t h i n g and tex t i l e s , metal wares, ammunition"and t r i n k e t s . It provided them with g a i n f u l employment, t r a p p i n g , f i s h i n g and berry- p i c k i n g , p a c k i n g , p a d d l i n g , and c a r r y i n g messages, working at the f o r t s at a v a r i e t y o f jobs, and working on the Company's farm. I t a l s o taught them the rudiments o f a g r i c u l t u r e and i n t r o d u c e d among them g r a i n s , p o t a t o e s , and c a t t l e * The ad vent o f the gold rush brought i n c r e a s e d employment and wealth but a l s o the white man's v i c e s i n i n c r e a s e d measure, and boot l e g whiskey. T h i s l a t t e r had been d e s c r i b e d as " a l c o h o l with (94) a mixture of camphor and tobacco j u i c e . " I t was such s t u f f as crimes were made o f , and r e c o r d s and newspapers o f e a r l y days are f u l l o f accounts o f murders, attempted murders, and t h e f t s committed under i t s i n f l u e n c e . 'Two Indians were mur dered i n a s i n g l e day at New Westminster, and Father Pouquet o f that p l a c e s a i d he saw an Indian f a t h e r , while drunk, stab (95) h i s innocent babe. I t was i l l e g a l to s e l l l i q u o r to Indians, but though p r o s e c u t i o n of the vendors, u s u a l l y Americans or (96) Mexicans, and o f Indians charged wi th drunkenness were frequent , (93) Crosby, op. c i t . , 184. ~ : (94) L e t t e r of Rev. Pouquet, O.M.I. June 8 '63. Missions de La Congregation des M i s s i o n a r i e s Oblats de Marie" Immacuiee ( H e r e a f t e r c a l l e d "O.M.I. M i s s i o n s " ; , T. I I I . , p. 200. (95) I b i d . l o c . c i t . (96) See C h i l l i w a c k P o l i c e Court r e c o r d s or the B r i t i s h Colom b i a n or Mainland Guardian, almost any issue before 1880. (30) the t r a d e was a l o n g time dying out. F i r e - w a t e r and the j e a l o u s power of the medicine-man were the two g r e a t e s t o b s t a c l e s to the work o f the C h r i s t i a n m i s s i o n a r i e s , o f whom the Roman C a t h o l i c s were the f i r s t i n the V a l l e y , the most p e r s i s t e n t and u b i q u i t o u s i n t h e i r en deavours. Rev. Modeste Demers had v i s i t e d Langley from Oregon as e a r l y as 1841 and performed the f i r s t C h r i s t i a n marriages t h e r e , while F a t h e r s L e m f r i t and Lootens had come on s i m i l a r (97) v i s i t s from V i c t o r i a i n 1852 and 1856 r e s p e c t i v e l y . In 1859, urged by Father Demers, then Bishop o f Vancouver, Father D'Herbomez, V i c a r o f the Oblates o f Mary Immaculate at E s q u i - malt, sent Father Richard and Brother Surel to r e c o n n o i t r e the F r a s e r and i n t e r i o r country with a view to e s t a b l i s h i n g -a m i s s i o n at F o r t Hope, but f e l t h i s personnel to be too l i m i t e d (98) f o r so great an undertaking. On September 13, 1860, however, an .agreement was concluded with Demers whereby the Oblates were to concentrate t h e i r p r i n c i p a l e f f o r t s on the mainland colony and before the end o f the month Fathers Fouquet and G r a n d i d i e r with Brothers Blanchet and Janin o f t h e o r d e r were at Few West minster e s t a b l i s h i n g a m i s s i o n there to serve as headquarters f o r the t e r r i t o r y as f a r as Yale and Port Douglas as w e l l as (99) along the c o a s t . G r a n d i d i e r proceeded at once to Hope whence he was to serve the whites there and at Jale and Douglas and a l l the Indians on the H a r r i s o n and on the F r a s e r from Yale to (97) Nelson, F o r t Langley, pp. 15 and 2U. ~ (98) L e t t e r s from D'Herbomez i n O.M.I. M i s s i o n s , I . , pp. 130, 134, 137. (99) D'Herbomez i n O.M.I. M i s s i o n s , I . , 146, and Fouquet at p. 200. (31) (100) Sumas. Within a year they had a church at Hope and. one each for whites and Indians at Hew Westminster, a l l p r i n c i p a l l y the (101) handiwork of Janin and Blanchet, and were planning a school (102) a h o s p i t a l , and a "reduction modele". The hospital at the St. Charles Mission, New Westminster, was under way i n Decern- (103) ber 1861, and the next year saw the establishment of their model centre at St. Mary's, on the north bank a mile above the present town of Mission City. Pouquet himself seems to have chosen the s i t e , for when he took Father Gendre, a new a r r i v a l from France, to take charge of the new mission, Brothers Janin and Guill e t already had the construction under way. The father assumed the duties of a domestic i n order that the two brothers might f i n i s h the church before Christmas Eve. Then with the aid of the Indians the place was SD decorated that the Holy Child "coming for the f i r s t time , on the beautiful Christmas Eve, to St. Mary, forgot he was once born i n the poor manger of Bethlehem". The occasion was enhanced by the receipt from l e cher P. Fouquet at New Westminster of a box of bonbons with a note: "Liangez sans scrupule l e contenu de l a boite; L'Sternel s' est f a i t p e t i t enfant, I I est b on aussi que nous devenons un peu enfants." (104) The primary concern of these devoted missionaries was of course the performance of the r i t e s of their church, but t h i s alone was no simple matter "among these poor savages you do not (100) Fouquet i n i b i d . , I I I , 195 D'Herbomez i n i b i d . , 1, 172; and Grandidier at p. 177. (101) I b i d , I . , 172, (D'Herbomes) (102) I b i d . , I, 184. The meaning of the l a s t phrase i s obscure. (103) Fouquet, i b i d . I I I . , 197. (104) See Gendre' s own v i v i d and whimsical account of the found ing of St. Mary's In Ibid.,,; IV., pp. 264-269. (32) understand , i n th© midst of these English you understand (105) scarcely better." It involved for example, learning to hear (106) confessions i n three or four different languages , tramping through the woods opposite New Westminster and the swamps of Mud Bay i n midwinter to administer the sacrament to a dying (107) chief at Semiamu, and saying l a inesse de minuit at Yale end i a messe du jour at Hope with only an Indian canoe for trans portation. The only reward expected f o r such devotion was the (108) envied happiness of baptizing a thousand children or the joy of hearing at Easter Time three thousand savage throats (109) chanting "mi m i l l i e r d' A l l el ui a. " But re l i g i o u s devotions were far from t h e i r only a c t i v i t i e s , as witness the fact that Father Fouquet, on March 9, 1861, spent the hours from eight to eleven In hearing confessions, saying mass, and teaching his Indian flock at Hew Westminster, after which he said a mass and sermon for the whites. At one o'clock he began the teaching of the Indians, with a service for the whites at three, a temper ance meeting of the "Moskoyams" at six and another for the (110) "Skrohamish" ( Squamish) between seven and eight. Temperance work and moral teaching was a part of their work to which they pointed with great pride, and apparently no/fc without j u s t i f i c a  t i o n . D'Herbomez quotes a V i c t o r i a paper as praising their work among the Fraser Indians i n promoting temperance and diminish- (105) Translated from i b i d . , at p. 254. (106) Ibid. , page 265. (107) Ibid. , pp. 256 - 264. (108) Ibid., p. 269. (109) Second l e t t e r , i b i d . , p. 273. (110) Fouquet i n i b i d . , I I I . , 196. (33) (111) ing Sunday work. bouquet quotes even the "redacteur d'un (112) . journal methodist" In praise of th i s aspect of his work, and credits "Bigby et juge O'Reilly" with being very anxious to (113) stop liquor traders. .Vaccination was also an important part of th e i r work, Fouquet claiming to have done 8000 cases him- (114) s e l f . Their enthusiasm for one other type of a c t i v i t y Is' also of i n t e r e s t . Bishop D'Herbomez refers to ministers of various (115) sects as attacking each other in the press while "we work (116) quietly" but he fears the prejudices of the Anglican Bishop who may go far to combat " l a Vraie Religion qui a porte a ses ancetres les b i e n f a i t s de l a c i v i l i z a t i o n chretienne" for their ministers have everything while the O.M.I, work for duty's sake (117) only. Fouquet says "we must combat protest ant propaganda" (118) and rejoices over one pro testant convert, while Grandidier ar r i v i n g i n Douglas, and finding the Anglican bishop and some ministers had passed there some weeks previously, records: "Je resolus de detruire ce qu'Ils avaient f a i t . " He trusted i n Pro vidence to aid a "debutant" who never yet has given battle to the Devil alone , and i s encouraged by the news the resident minister hai never appeared among the Indians and had declared he wouldn't give a cent to see the savages i n his sect rather (119) than ai other. "Tout eel a devait me s e r v i r . " I H I ) Ibid. p. 175. (112) Columbia, Juiie"T7~863; "^ol\TrEobson,I5l. (113) O.M.I. Missions, I I I . , 200-205. (114) Ibid, 198. (115) There were only CaHiolics, Methodists, and Anglicans, and the l a t t e r did no missionary work. (116) O.M.I. Missions, I I I . , 175. (117) I b i d . , 161. .. (118) Ibid., 198*'. . (119) I b i d . , 111-112. ( 3 4 ) It i s interesting to see mother side of the s t o r y as given by Thomas Grosby, the Methodist missionary. As the ap peal of the Catholics was p r i n c i p a l l y by kindliness and r i t u a l , •so h i s was by a simi l a r paternalism and the t e l l i n g of a simple and highly sentimental version of the "grand old Gospel story." The f i r s t request f o r a church at Chilliwack came from an old chief who said "No one ever told us the good word i n our own (120) language befo re; the other laplates did not talk to us l i k e t h i s . " But wi thin a week the priest 'was among them trying to hold them away from the new missionary. When he accused Cros by of stealing his converts, the defence was "I only preach the Gospel to them". When accused of compelling the Indians to give to his church Crosby asked for a case and when the priest presented one told him to t e l l the priest the truth i n Chinook (121) so he would understand. The story l e f t the pri e s t no argument. The Indians seem to have been warned of the war of the sects for before any missionaries a Christian Indian from Oregon had warned them: "The man dressed l i k e a woman w i l l some day come to you but do not l i s t e n to him. Wait a while u n t i l a man with a short coat comes among you who w i l l teach you out of a book". (122) Crosby seems not to have noticed the i r o n i c exactness with which he had prophesied the order of a r r i v a l of the mission aries . He refers to the Catholic opposition as persecution and i l l u s t r a t e s by reference to a large picture which they were dis seminating showing above a beautiful pla ce lab e l l ed "Heaven" and below the l u r i d flames of " h e l l - f i r e " and Crosby and his (120) Chinook, from French, l e pretre. (121) Thos. Crosby: "Among the An-Ko-Me-Nums", 171 174. (122) I b i d . , 186. ( 35) (123) friends going headfirst into i t . His simple method seems to have been effective i n winning and holding the Indians, but the writer noticed on v i s i t i n g an old chief at Chilliwack i n 1335 whom Crosby had regarded as one of his ablest young assistants that the walls of his home were hung with Catholic prints while the old Scowkale church (Methodist) across the way i s f a l l i n g to pieces. Protestant missionary work in the valley was almost wholly confined to that of the Methodists at Chilliwack. Robson and White had v i s i t e d the Indians there in 1866, 1867 and 1868, but Crosby who v i s i t e d the Fraser i n 1866 and came to Chilliwack i n (124) (125) 1869 and Rev. C. M. Tate who succeeded him i n 1873 must receive credit for a l l the early missionary v/ork. Crosby's © preaching to the Indians had a l l the emotionalism of the old time Methodist reviva l s and was followed, up by earnest prayers for salvation and "class-meetings" i n which the converts t e s t i  f i e d to the assurances of f a i t h and the joys of salvation. Some of the Indians were used as " l o c a l preachers" and "camp- meeting" of both white's and Indians from distances exceeding a hundred miles lasted for many days. Among his most noted con verts were "Captain John" Sualis of Cultus Lake who was trans formed from a "drunken, gambling, semi-heathen chief" "into a (1237 Crosby, op. ci t. 189. This device was commonly called "the Catholic Ladder". (124) I b i d . , 169-171, 176 and 189; and see White's Diary, Aug. 16, 1866, and "Secretaries Book of the Chilliwack and Sumas Trustee Board," f i r s t entry. (125) Crosby, op. c i t . , 192 and 232. (36) devout follower of Jesus", "Old Captain", chief at Upper Sumas (126) and Chief B i l l y Sepass of Soowkale. Prom a p r a c t i c a l and secular point of view Crosby's work was i d e n t i c a l with that of (127) the p r i e s t s : v i s i t i n g the sick, vaccination, attacking the li q u o r t r a f f i c and teaching the young. The l a t t e r work was de veloped by Tate who f i n a l l y succeeded i n laying the foundation (128) of the Coqualeetza Industrial I n s t i t u t e at Sardis, which far surpasses the St. Mary's School at Mission. In the long run, with advance of settlement and development of the machinery for enforcement of law and order, punishment of vendors of liquors to Indians proved the most effective way of dealing with that problem. One other matter pertaining to the native deserves our attention: the land question. Before the advent of the white man the Indians seem to have given l i t t l e thought to the ques tion so long as other tribes kept far enough away from their v i l l a g e s not to endanger t h e i r l i v e s or l i v e l i h o o d . But with the advent of the white man the beginning of agriculture to gether with the fear of being completely crowded out by his new, more aggressive neighbor forced his attention to the pro blem. At f i r s t the white man's government seems to have had no clear p o l i c y i n the matter. Captain Grant of the Royal Engineers on May 1, 1861, after a great deal of the land had been sold to s e t t l e r s and speculators, instructed Spr. Turnbull to stake and (126) Crosby, op. c i t . , chs. XVI & XVII. " ~ (37) mark out lands claimed by Indians, a magistrate to decide i n (129) the case o f disputed l a n d , — n o t h i n g more d e f i n i t e than t h a t , and the r e s u l t seems to have been n o t h i n g . In 1864 McGlure l a i d out three hundred f i f t y - t h r e e acres opposite Langley and MoColl l a i d out o t h e r s from New Westminster to the H a r r i s o n ac c o r d i n g to i n s t r u c t i o n s whioh Tru t c h , who l a t e r v i s i t e d them, considered "vague and too generous", ranging from f i f t y to two (130) hundred acres peruraan, mostly never used. For example 9600 acres o f Mats qui p r a i r i e were given a t r i b e o f twenty-two men ( f o r t y - s e v e n adults) whose onl y stock was twelve p i g s ; and 12000 acres o f Sumas p r a i r i e to a t r i b e o f twenty a d u l t s and - f o u r t e e n c h i l d r e n with twenty-one horses and a dozen p i g s . The f o u r t e e n r e s e r v e s surveyed by McOoll contained 50,700 acres, or (131) an average o f over 3600 acres each. Meanwhile an Indian had (132) been p e r m i t t e d to buy a l o t i n New Westminster and white (133) " s q u a t t e r s " were a p p l y i n g f o r p o r t i o n s o f the reserve l a n d . Captain B a l l , r e s i d e n t m a g i s t r a t e , and B. W. Pearse, the A s s i s  tant Surveyor-General, managed t o get these reduced from about one hundred twenty acres per a d u l t to from ten to twelve acres v/ith a d d i t i o n a l allowances f o r s t o c k , and i n such a way to i n  clude a l l lands a c t u a l l y used by the Indians. These were mostly (134) surveyed by Launders by December, 1838. Meanwhile at Chilliwack the l a n d q u e s t i o n became complicated by the r e l i g i o u s one when (129) L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly o f B.C., S e s s i o n a l Papers 1876, p. 182. (130) I b i d . , 201-202. (131) I b i d . , p. 207. (132) I b i d . , 183-4. (133) / Sess . Papers, 199-200 , 240. (134) I b i d . , 1876, 213-217. (38) i n 1861 Rev. A. Browning complained t h a t B a l l had y i e l d e d to the boasted i n f l u e n c e o f C a t h o l i c p r i e s t s and given the land t i t l e s t o C a t h o l i c Indians i n s t e a d o f to the r i g h t f u l c h i e f s , "Jim" and "Captain John". B a l l accused Browning o f t r y i n g to make c h i e f s , a t t r i b u t e d the whole t r o u b l e to je a l o u s y o f " p r i e s t and parson", and o f f e r e d to make separate maps f o r each. Again i n 1869 Y o l k e r t Vedder and twenty-seven others made the same complaint to ttovenor Musgrave but again B a l l declared the Catho l i c c h i e f s were approved by most o f the Indians, and there the (135) matter ended. The Whonock Indians also had t h e i r complaint that l a n d which Cromarty had r e l i n q u i s h e d at the order o f Chartres Brev/ because i t belonged to them had now been occupied by a s q u a t t e r , Brady. T h e i r c l a i m was denied on the ground that the surveys o f 1868 c l o s e d the matter. The same r e p l y was given to M a r c e l l i Michaud who a p p l i e d f o r a p a r t o f the Aywaw- wis r e s e r v e at Hope on the ground i t was the only good a g r i c u l  t u r a l land o f the ar e a . This was- the s i t u a t i o n when the r e  serves were t r a n s f e r r e d to the Dominion i n 1871. In 1874 the Indians complained they had not been e q u i t a b l y dealt with and the Superintendent o f Indian A f f a i r s found the s i t u a t i o n s t i l l v e r y confusing. On June 12, 1874, an agreement was reached be tween the two governments that the Dominion would guarantee p e a c e f u l r e d u c t i o n to twenty acres per family i f the Dominion would grant f r e e land, where neoessary to make i t up to that amount. The f i n a l agreement, reached on January 8, 1876, and app l y i n g to the whole p r o v i n c e , provided f o r a commission o f (135) I b i d . , pp. 231-3 1 (39) three, one for eaoh government and one j o i n t l y appointed. A l i b e r a l p o l i c y was to be adopted having f u l l regard for the needs and habits of the Indians of the various nations or language groups and for the claims of white s e t t l e r s ; trans fers were to be made on the basis of the previous agreement, the Dominion to compensate whites and the Province to compen sate Indians f o r lands l o s t by transfer; and i n future a l l reserves were to be held by the Dominion Government i n trust (136) for the Indians, to avoid trouble. (136) Sess. Papers, 1878. CHAPTER I I (a) SIMON ERASER To the onlooker of to-day i t i s a matter of no small sur prise that the f i r s t white man to traverse this great valley, ringed with i t s thousand h i l l s , or to set his foot upon i t s f e r t i l e p l a i n s , should have entered not by the broad and com paratively easy way of the sea-gate but by the narrow p r e c i p i  tate d e f i l e that leads to i t s land-gate. • How Vancouver, for in stance, could have passed from Point Roberts to Point Grey with- out r e a l i z i n g , from the very appearance of the water, what seems at most times obvious even to a landsman, that a large r i v e r entered the gulf somewhere between those two points, must re- (1) main forever a mystery, Yet' so I t was; and thus not u n t i l after TTT See Vancouver: Voyage of Discovery, I I . , p. 188, where he says: "The intermediate space (between Pt. Grey and Pt. Roberts) i s occupied by very low land, apparently a swampy fl a t . . . . T h i s low f l a t being very much inundated (the date was June 3, 1792) and extending behind point Roberts... gives i t s high land, when seen at a distance, the appear ance of an island: this i s , however, not the case, not- withstanding there are two openings between this point and (See foot-note, page 41*) (41) Simon Fraser had followed the great r i v e r which so r i g h t l y bears his name from the heart of the mountains to the sea, and discovered that i t s estuaries lay much farther Forth than the ' mouth of the Columbia, was i t s existence even suspected. Anyone who approaches Vancouver by either of the great Canadian transcontinental railways or traverses the modern Cariboo Highway must, i f he have any imagination at a l l , rea l i z e that Fraser' s expedition was fraught with such dangers and d i f f i c u l t i e s that nothing but the great r i v e r i t s e l f would be a f i t t i n g monument to such daring, such enterprise, such perse- verence. A company of twenty-four men, including, besides the leader, John Stuart, Maurice Quesnel, two Indians and nineteen Canadian voyageurs, they l e f t t h e i r base i n Hew Caledonia on 12) May 22, 1808, i n four birch-bark canoes to secure the Columbia for Canada and the North-West Fur Company. They had already abandoned t h e i r own canoes and taken to borrowing Indian canoes between portages when, on reaching the Black Canyon, above Spuzzum, Stuart, who had been sent ahead to reconnoitre, "re- (3) : ported that the navigation was absolutely impracticable." l l ) point Grey. These can only be navigable for canoes as the shoal continues along the coast to the distance of seven or eight miles from the shore, on which were lodged, and espe c i a l l y before these openings, logs of wood and stumps of trees innumerable." Thus he was led to dismiss the r i v e r as of no consequence by the very signs which should have told him of i t s size and importance. The difference between the water i n t h i s area and i n other parts of the gulf and Burrard Inlet led him only "to suppose that the northern branch of the sound (by which he appears to mean Howe Sound) might possibly be discovered to terminate i n a r i v e r of con siderable extent". ( I b i d . , I I . , 192-'3.) (2) Masson, Vol. I . , p. 157. (3) Ibid., Vol. p. 190. (42) Natives were therefore engaged to carry the packs along the Indian t r a i l through the canyon where, says Fraser, "we could scarcely make our way with even only our guns," which had to be (4) . passed i n many places from one to another. "We had to pass", he continues, where no human being should venture; yet i n those places there i s a regular footpath impressent, or rather i n  dented upon the very rocks by frequent t r a v e l l i n g . Be sides t h i s , steps which are formed l i k e a ladder or the shrouds of a ship, by poles hanging to one another and crossed at certain distances with twigs, the whole sus pended from the top to the foot of immense precipices and fastened at both extremities to stones and trees, furnish a safe and convenient passage to the natives, but we, who had not the advantage of t h e i r education and experience, were often i n imminent danger when obliged to follow th e i r example.1' (5) So came the f i r s t representatives of the white race to the Eastern portal of the Fraser Valley. The Indians l i v i n g near where the town of Yale now stands reported that similar people "had come from below to the Bad Rock, where the rapid terminates at a l i t t l e distance from the v i l l a g e , and"''adds Fraser i n his Journal, they showed us marks indented i n the rocks which they had made, but which, by the bye, seemed to us to be nothing but natural marks."(6) Why the natives should have fabricated such a report i t i s hard (4) Ibid. , l o c . c i t . (5) Ibid., v o l . I., pp. 190, 191. (6) The Indians seem also to have had other explanations for the markings i n Lady Franklin Rock, which i s no doubt the "Bad Rock" of Fraser's Journal. Mr. Paul Whitfey, a student of geology and a native.son o f Yale, informs me that the Indians used to say the grooves were made by the natives sharpening t h e i r knives on the rock, rubbing the blades back and forth t i l l , wi th passing generations, the groves were worn deep. Mr. Whitby assures me the marks are no different from g l a c i a l scratches to be found i n many places i n this country. (43) to conceive, but there i s no reason for a l l o w i n g i t to take from F r a s e r the c r e d i t f o r being the f i r s t European to v i s i t t h i s l o c a l i t y . From here the journey was continued i n cedar "dug-outs" borrowed or rented, sometimes with no l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y , from the n a t i v e s . For example, on the morning o f the second o f J u l y , F r a s e r a p p l i e d to a c h i e f f o r h i s canoe, which, the night b e f o r e , he had with great d i f f i c u l t y been persuaded to lend to the e x p e d i t i o n . He now appeared to have f o r g o t t e n h i s promise and not to understand the r e q u e s t . F r a s e r t h e r e f o r e took the canoe and had h i s men c a r r y i t to the r i v e r . The c h i e f had i t c a r r i e d back. Again the experiment was t r i e d , and again the c h i e f r e s i s t e d , i n s i s t i n g he was not only the g r e a t e s t o f h i s t r i b e but equal i n f o r c e to the Sun. "However", the j o u r n a l s u c c i n c t l y concludes, "as we could not go on without the canoe, we p e r s i s t e d and at l a s t gained our p o i n t . The C h i e f and (7) s e v e r a l of the t r i b e accompanied us." I t i s w e l l n i g h impossible t o fo 11 ow t h i s p o r t i o n o f the journey stage by stage. Of land-marks above the present s i t e of Hew Westminster only t h r e e a r e mentioned. Leaving Yale about nine o'clock on the morning o f June 29, and t r a v e l l i n g on a s t r o n g c u r r e n t w i t h some r a p i d s through a p i n e - c l a d coun t r y hemmed i n by h i g h , snow-covered mountains, they a r r i v e d (8) about two o'clock at a v i l l a g e on an i s l a n d . T h i s , judging by the time r e q u i r e d , must have been below the mouth o f the Coqui- h a l l a . f o u r t e e n m i l e s below Y a l e , but from there to the sea i s - (7) Masson. V o l . I., p. 198. (8) I b i d . , V o l . I . , p. 194. (44) lands are so numerous that i t i s impossible to decide which i s the one to which r e f e r e n c e i s made. Again, a f t e r another hour's t r a v e l on that day and four hours and about nine miles the next day they a r r i v e d at a p l a c e "where the r i v e r expands i n t o a l a k e . Here V j : Eraser r e p o r t s , "we saw s e a l s and a l a r g e r i v e r coming from the l e f t , and a round mountain ahead which (9) the Natives c a l l e d Stremotch". I f we remember that the r i v e r would then be i n f l o o d we can e a s i l y understand the "lake" covering any of the lowlands of the v a l l e y and i n t h i s case i t would appear to be i n the neighborhood of C h i l l i w a c k , with e i t h e r the C h i l l i w a c k or the Sumas, more l i k e l y the l a t t e r , as the " l a r g e r i v e r coming from the l e f t " and Sumas Mountain the one c a l l e d Stremotch. To one thoroughly f a m i l i a r with the (10) country t h i s would seem the o n l y reasonable e x p l a n a t i o n . The s e a l s r e f e r r e d to above must have given great en couragement to the t r a v e l l e r s . I t was a guarantee o f the v e r a c i t y o f the Indian r e p o r t o f good n a v i g a t i o n to the sea. A l a r g e copper k e t t l e and a l a r g e E n g l i s h hatchet stamped "Sargaret", seen on the twenty-ninth, apparently i n the neigh- T9) I b i d . , V o l . I . , p. 196. (10) Masson, i n f o o t - n o t e s 1 and 2, p. 196, d e c l a r e s the r i v e r and mountain to be the C o q u i h a l l a and Baker r e s p e c t i v e l y . The former seems absurd as, s u b t r a c t i n g the nine miles s p e c i f i c a l l y r e f e r r e d t o , the p a r t y would then have taken n i n e hours to paddle f i v e m i l e s with a strong current i n t h e i r f a v o r I The l a t t e r i s e q u a l l y i m p o s s i b l e because at any p o i n t where Mt. Baker i s v i s i b l e from the E r a s e r , which i s not u n t i l Sumas Mountain has been passed, i t seems to be behind r a t h e r than ahead of the West-bound t r a v e l l e r . S c h o l e f i e l d (Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d , Vol. I. p. 277) takes the same view as that o f the w r i t e r , inde pendently a r r i v e d a t , and mentions that Simpson, ju s t twenty years l a t e r than E r a s e r , named i t "Sugar Loaf Mountain." (45) (11) borhood of Hope, indicated intercourse between the natives here and those of the coast reached by the maritime fur-traders. At the same place they saw "a man from the sea, which we might, said he, be able to see next day". The Indians, however, showed great surprise and an annoying c u r i o s i t y at seeing men d i f f e r - (12) ent from themselves coming from the i n t e r i o r . The night of June 50 was spent on the right bank where the trees were "remarkably large, cedars five fathoms i n circumfer ence and proportionate height. Mosquitoes were i n clouds'.' This, i t would seem, was probably somewhere i n the neighborhood (13) of Mission City. Four hour's paddling the next day brought them to a large v i l l a g e ?/here they were hospitably and ceremoniously enter tained with a repast of f i s h and berries and "dried oysters i n (14) large troughs", followed by songs and dances as described i n a former chapter. But for a l l t h e i r h o s p i t a l i t y , the greatest d i f f i c u l t y was experienced i n getting these Indians to supply canoes, and one was obtained only after waiting a day, and then almost taking i t by force. In other ways, al so , he found them a l i t t l e less hospitable than those above probably, he thought, owing to s c a r c i t y of f i sh just then. Also they were found ad- dieted to thieving, stealing a "smoking bag" from one of the . (15) party during the night. The t i de here rose about two feet* At another v i l l a g e , reached next morning, they found s t i l l (11) Masson, Vol., I., p. 195. (12) Ibid. , 1oc• c i t . (13) I b i d / , Vol. I, ,. p. 196. (14) Ibid, l o c c i t . (15) Ibid. , Vol., I. pp. 197, 198. (46) (16) less entertainment, and had further trouble with thieving. The natives did their best here to dissuade them from going further for fear of the "Coast Indians or Islanders" even (17) dragging t h e i r canoe from the water. Yfhen they t r i e d to em bark wi th the chief, his friends flocked about him and em braced him wi th "as much concern and tenderness as i f he was never to return." This roused the fears of the Indians who had come wi th the party from up the r i v e r so that even they refused to go farther for fear of "Ka-way-chin" (Cowitohan (18) Indians) and the expedition had to proceed without them. Proceeding about two miles further, past where now stands the c i t y of New Westminster, but where then was a h i l l clothed i n one of the densest forests of f i r s to be found on the coast, they came to "a place where the r i v e r divides i n several chan nels. " It was just as they were entering the North Arm that they perceived a canoe following, whose a r r i v a l they awaited. Their King he wished to show them.the main channel, they per mitted one of the Indians to embark i n thei r canoe. It was then noticed that other Indians from the v i l l a g e above, armed with bows and arrows, spears and clubs, ?/ere also following i n their canoes "singing war spngs, beating time with their paddles upon the sides of the canoes." These actions may have (19) been misinterpreted, for as we have seen, singing and beating time with the paddles was customary among the Indians upon the r i v e r . But Eraser adds that they also made "signs and gestures (16) Ibid.,"Vol. I . , p. 1991 : (17) Ib i d . , Vol. I . , p. 198. (18) Ib i d . , Vol. I., p. 199. (19) Ante, p. 25. (47) highly i n i m i c a l , " while the one they had taken aboard became so unruly, "kicking up great dust", that he had to be threat ened to mend his manners. "This was an alarming c r i s i s " , says the journal, "but we were not discouraged, confident upon our ( SO) own superiority, at least on water." So they continued and at l a s t came i n sight of "a gulf or bay of the sea", running i n a "South-West and North-East d i  rection" and containing "several high and rocky islands whose summits were covered with snow." This, the journal says the ( 21) Indians called Pas-hil-roe. It i s d i f f i c u l t to understand Eraser's confusion i n d i r e c t i o n , but s t i l l the most sa t i s f a c - (22) tory conclusion i s that he had reached the Gulf of Georgia. Further confirmation of t h i s conclusion seems to be con tained i n the references to the v i l l a g e called i n the journal "Misquiame". The v i l l a g e of Musquiameis situated a short dis tance from the northern mouth of the North Arm. Some d i f f i - (20) Ibid. , l o c . c i t , (21) Ibid. , Vol. I. p. 200. (22) Opinions, not always well-founded, d i f f e r on this point. For example Burpee: "Search for the Western Sea", p.257, says Fraser probably got only about as far as New Westmin ster. - The most damaging piece of evidence i s that quoted by Davidson i n "North-West Company", p. 116, fn. 149, which quotes an extract enclosed i n a l e t t e r to Geo. Can ning i n For. Off. Records, 5, Vol. 208, by P e l l y , and headed "Hudson's Bay House, London, Dec. 9, 1825". The extract i s by McMillan who had v i s i t e d the Fraser early in that year, ( See Part I I , this Chapter, below) and states that Pro v i an, who had accompanied Fraser and Stuart, des cribed points before reaching them so as to leave no doubt, " P a r t i c u l a r l y the point from whence those gentlemen returned which i s situated about 20 miles above the en trance of the River." One must remember, however, that McMillan was descending the main r i v e r (See p. 61 below.) whereas Fraser had gone down the North Arm, so that the point of the r i v e r ' s dividing would be the l a s t Provian could i d e n t i f y . (48) oulty seems to be presented when Fraser t e l l s us he reached i t by paddling up "a small winding r i v e r to a small lake near (23) whioh the v i l l a g e stood". Again, however, the high water may Offer an explanation. A small creek passes Musquiam and flows through a piece of very low ground between the v i l l a g e and the r i v e r . High water from the r i v e r , backing up the channel of the creek to t h i s ground might give them the appearance of a small r i v e r and a lake. Here the expedition was forced to turn back, partly through lack of provisions and pa r t l y through fear of the hos t i l e natives. A l l but a few old inhabitants of the v i l l a g e had f l e d on their approach, 'and after one of these had showed them about the place, contained within a palisade f i f t e e n hun- (24) dred feet long by ninety broad, they v/ere urged to leave be fore attacked. At the same time more Indians arrived from above. During the hour they had spent i n the v i l l a g e the tide had ebbed, making i t more d i f f i c u l t to launch the canoe. This gave encouragement to the natives, who began to make their appearance from every d i r e c t i o n , dressed i n t h e i r coats of mail and howling l i k e so many wolves, and brandishing their war-clubs. (25) They were forced also to put their turbulent guide ashore shortly after re-embarking while at the v i l l a g e above the i s  lands, into which they did not this time venture, the recep- ( 23) Ibid . , l o c c i t . , " ( 24) Undoubtedly a communal dwelling, as pointed out by Sage i n Proceedings of the P a c i f i c Coast Branch of the American H i s t o r i c a l Association, 1929, p. 183. (25) Ib i d . , l o c . c i t . (43) tion was no better on the return than had been that at Mus- qui am. The natives of this place had to be kept at a distance by the use of the guns and a considerable show of determina ti o n . So i t was decided that a return must be made to more (26) fri e n d l y v i l l a g e s , i f only to get supplies and come back. Great as was Fraser's disappointment i n not having an op portunity of reaching the main ocean, which he believed to be "almost i n view" from Musquiam, he was s t i l l more disconcerted by the lati t u d e in which he found himself. He wished very much , he s ai d , to s e t t l e the si tuation by an observation of the longi tude. The l a t i t u d e i s 49° nearly, while that of the- entrance of the Columbia i s 46° 20'. This r i v e r there fore i s no t the Columbia! I f I had been convinced of th i s when I l e f t my canoes, (27) I would ce r t a i n l y have returned." (28) 0, b i t t e r woe and disappointment 1 It l i t t l e mattered that his was the thir d expedition to reach the P a c i f i c across t h i s mighty continent. It l i t t l e mattered that he was the f i r s t to discover and explore the great r i v e r which was to preserve his name when generations of which he did not dream had turned this inhospitable wilderness into a pe aceful v a i l ey-graden. I t was not .the Columbia! I t was not the r i v e r sought by the r i v a l American and Canadian Companies. Two years of preparation and a whole summer's efforts had been wasted i n discovering a r i v e r which was not wanted. The North-7/est Company was also disap pointed , "and that", says one of the historians of this pro -• (26) I b i d . , Vol. I " p. 201. (27) Hear Soda Creek. (28) Mass on, Vol. I . , p. 203. (50) vince, i s why Simon Eraser's exploration has never received the attention It deserves at the hands of the hi s  torian. (29) But their troubles were far from ended * Indeed, so far as the Indians were concerned, they had only begun. Fleeing from',the two v i l l a g e s which were now i n open h o s t i l i t y , and stopping only for four hours to sleep on the r i v e r bank, they came at f i v e o'clock next morning to the v i l l a g e where they (30) had obtained the canoe. Here thoir Indian interpreter, who had been seized by the Indians below, escaped to them with the news that the natives were organising the destruction of the (31) expedition. Even then the Indians of t h i s t h i r d v i l l a g e were beginning to show unfriendliness* Hot a morsel of food was to be had, so that prospects of returning to the main ocean began to diminish. The old chief demanded his eanoe at once; "this demand we were obliged to r e s i s t * , adds the journal.'' Then, (29) H. & 3., Vol. I . , p. 311. • ' (30) Probably K i k a i t , the summer fi s h i n g v i l l a g e opposite Hew Westminster. (31) Mr. Denys Nelson threw some l i g h t on this trouble when he obtained from Gabriel, an Indian at Langley. the story told by his grandfather , Staquoisit or 31 at quo i si t , who was present at a meeting at K i k a i t where plans were made for the destruction of the whole party. According to his story, when the whites recovered the stolen goods they kicked the offenders, an i n s u l t which could only be washed out i n blood. Even so the chief, who had secured the re lease of the interpreter, favored peace and .tried to con sole the young braves with g i f t s . See "Fort Langley, 1827-1927: A Century of Settlement", p. 7. Mr. Wilkie t e l l s a s i m i l a r story from the Indians and adds that ac cording to their story Eraser came twice, the f i r s t time with tobacco pipes, the second time with bagpipes, the l a t t e r possibly due to a confusion wi th the Simpson Ex pedition of 1829 . See below, p . 8 6 . (51) as Indians from below began to a r r i v e , the natives o f the v i l  lage began to gather about, menacing aid p i l l a g i n g . Eraser himself managed to save the s i t u a t i o n by pretending to be i n a v i o l e n t passion w h i l e he "spoke l o u d , with vehement gestures, exa c t l y i n t h e i r own way." L a s t l y members of the crew began to weaken and show signs of panic. We saw nothing but dangers and d i f f i c u l t i e s In our way, we therefore r e l i n q u i s h e d designs and turned our thoughts towards home. But again the o l d c h i e f ' s canoe had to be taken by f o r c e , a blanket being l e f t i n i t s p l a c e . Then they had no sooner made t h e i r escape than the w a r r i o r s of t h i s v i l l a g e took up the p u r s u i t , menacing and attempting to upset the canoe. Another show of wrath, not hard to f e i g n , one imagines, under the c i r  cumstances, secured a measure of s u l l e n peace u n t i l n i g h t f a l l , (32) when the pursuers put ashore f o r the n i g h t . The next day was to see a r e p e t i t i o n of the same sort of t r o u b l e s . A f t e r paddling a l l night they a r r i v e d at a la r g e v i l l a g e probably near the present Fort Langley where the na t i v e s were su r p r i s e d to see them again and wondered at t h e i r escape from the Mus qui am and " I s l a n d e r s " . Our t r a v e l l e r s had not time to e x p l a i n when t h e i r pursuers of the day before ar r i v e d , bent on m i s c h i e f , and t r y i n g to s t i r up h o s t i l i t y i n t h i s v i l l a g e . Seeing many canoes here, Eraser returned the canoe used thus f a r to i t s owner, an a c t i o n he was soon to r e  gret . The v i l l a g e r s pretended h o s p i t a l i t y , i n v i t i n g the leaders to a f e a s t , but again the opportunity was seized by the (32) I b i d . , V o l . I . , pp. 202, 203. (5S) throng of natives to surround and p i l l a g e the baggage. Then, as the t r a v e l l e r s t r i e d to get'away, they met onoe more with the d i f f i c u l t y of getting a canoe. " I t was then," wrote the leader, that our s i t u a t i o n might be called c r i t i c a l . Placed upon a small sandy island, few i n number, without provisions and surrounded by upward of seven hundred barbarians.' (33) After a great deal of bargaining, accompanied by a consi derable show of determination, the services of a canoe were again secured and the. natives crowded about with such behaviour as to necessitate the use of force to enable the party to get a l l i t s baggage and crew safely embarked. Then, as the ex plorers made their way along the opposite bank, the natives paddled along a p a r a l l e l course. To make matters worse, a great deal of time was l o s t i n patching the canoe. Nothing serious occurred t i l l n i g h t f a l l , when they encamped on an i s - (34) land where the exhausted voyageurs slept while Stuart and (35) Fraser mounted guard alternately. The f i f t h and sixth of July passed i n a similar way, the voyageurs making as good time as they could against the cur rent, the natives following or preceding them with signs of h o s t i l i t y and rousing the Indians along the way to similar be havior. At l a s t , on the fourth day of the return voyage, they thought they had arrived among well-disposed natives, of whom three were taken aboard to help paddle and guide the party. Two o f these had already given some fis h and considerable as- (33) Ibid., Vol. I., p. 204. (34) Probably Crescent or one of the Mats qui He serve Islands. (35) Ibid., Vol. I., p. 205. ( 53) s i stance but they had not been long aboard, says Eraser, when they struck up the war song. The t h i r d , Blond i n , a chief who had entertained them on the way down, was soon after caught i n the act of trying to steal Quesnel's dagger from i t s scabbard, (36) so the three were unceremoniously set ashore. The f i n a l c r i s i s came la t e that afternoon, apparently somewhere between the present location of Chilliwack and Hope, when they came upon a large encampment of Indians apparently gathered for the purpose, who, as our adventurers came abreast of them, set out , some i n canoes and some running along the bank, to follow. They t r i e d to seize the canoe, but being pre vented i n that they gave i t such a shove as to nearly succeed i n wrecking i t . As i t was, i t was carried into a rapid out of control and i t s occupants were thankful to gain the shore, where Stuart and part of the crew Immediately made some show ( 3 7 ) of occupying the top of a k n o l l as a place of defense. It has already been noted that the menacing attitude of the natives was having an i l l effect on the morale of the Canadians. Now, after four days of the constant s t r a i n , they suddenly showed signs of mutiny, which would have meant the ruin of a l l . Those who were ashore with Stuart declared un animously for continuing the journey overland to a point well above Spuzzum. The constant s t r a i n to which they had been subjected they declared to be worse than death and they were determined at a l l hazards to get away from the present situa- t i o n . Eraser was forced to use persuasion and threats by turns, (36) Ibid. , Vol. I., p. 206. ~ (37) Ibid., Vol. 1., pp. 206, 207. ( 5 4 ) and to exeroi.se h i s i n f l u e n c e to the utmost, supported by Stuart and Quesnel, before they could be persuaded that u n i t y was the f i r s t p r e - r e q u i s i t e of s a f e t y . They then shook hands on the spot, while each and a l l solemnly took the f o l l o w i n g oath: I solemnly swear before Almighty God that I s h a l l sooner p e r i s h than forsake i n d i s t r e s s any of our crew during the present voyage. (38) The e f f e c t seems almost remarkable. They set o f f from here, just before sunset, with such s p i r i t , singing and making a great noise; that the n a t i v e s became disheartened, and some o f those from down-river began to take t h e i r departure. The night was spent on a small i s l a n d or bar which the n a t i v e s c a r e f u l l y avoided. In the morning they had the s a t i s f a c t i o n of seeing the l a s t o f the enemy depart down the current, while the Indians of the neighborhood showed themselves f r i e n d l y , sup p l y i n g salmon and s h e l l - f i s h . A f i s h i n g party just below where the town of Yale was to be founded some for t y years l a t e r welcomed them with a l l h o s p i t a l i t y so that on the morrow they were able to leave t h e i r canoe behind them at the V i l l a g e of the- Rock and face the long portage w i t h renewed energy and (39) s p i r i t . So r e t r e a t e d , through the same Eastern gateway by which they had entered, the f i r s t o f the white race to invade the v a l l e y which, so i n h o s p i t a b l e to them, has since become the peaceful home of so many of t h e i r successors. Leaving Yale on the eighth of J u l y , they passed the Thompson on the fourteenth, "(38) I b i d . , V o l . I . , p. 207. (39) I b i d . , V o l . I . , pp. 208, 209. (55) L i l l o o e t on the twenty-second, Soda Greek on the twenty-eighth, and on August the sixth were back i n Fort George, the place of (40) departure. Fraser soon withdrew across the Rockies, never to return, but the great r i v e r which he discovered keeps his name and school children learn his story i n the land he risked his l i f e to explore. (b) J A M B S MCMILLAN I f i t was that restless hand of adventurers, the North- West Company, that f i r s t blazed the t r a i l into the Fraser Val l e y , i t remained f o r i t s erstwhile powerful r i v a l , the Hudson's Bay Company, to put the discovery to any use i n the way of oc cupation and trade. Perhaps i t was just because i t would have no r i v a l s here that the Canadian company f a i l e d to follow up Fraser's discoveries, for r i v a l r y seemed the essence of l i f e . (41) to the daring Nor'Westers. By 1821, however, the cut-throat competition was threatening disaster to both the Canadian and English companies, so i n that year an amalgamation was agreed upon, under the name of the Hudson's Bay Company, and confirmed by a Royal Charter. George Simpson, then a young man of only twenty-nine, was appointed Governor of the whole of the com pany's t e r r i t o r i e s , and one of his f i r s t undertakings was the (40) H. & S., Vol. I., p. 281. "~ ~ (41) Note, e.g., the effect of the a c t i v i t i e s of the Astorians i n speeding up the Thompson expedition on the Columbia and the short work made of Astoria by the Nor'Westers. (56) reorganization of the trade West of the Rockies, under the able i f somewhat despotic rule of Dr. John McLaughlin, with head- (42) quarters at Fort Vancouver. In 1824, when Simpson and McLaughlin arrived i n Oregon t e r r i t o r y , Fort Vancouver had not yet been b u i l t , nor were there any posts on the coast North of Astoria, or Fort George, as i t was then known. No one had v i s i t e d the Fraser River since Simon Fraser himself. Simpson knew, however, that i t s mouth must be somewhere i n the neighborhood of "Burrard's Canal" and thought that there would be the best place for the western headquarters as i t i s more central both for the Coast and for the i n t e r i o r Trade and as from thence we could with greater f a c i l i t y and at less expense extend...to the Northland. (43) Hence, immediately after his a r r i v a l at Fort George, Simpson sent McMillan, who had accompanied him from York House, to Puget Sound "for the purpose", as John Work expressed i t , of discovering the entrance of Fraser's River and ascertaining ( 4 4 ) the p o s s i b i l i t y of navigating that river with boats." Simpson was certain the result would be such as to j u s t i f y the estab lishment of the p r i n c i p a l Depot at the Mouth of Fraser"s River from whence a vessel for China would s a i l annually with the returns, where the Coasting Craft would receive th e i r o u t f i t s and deliver t h e i r returns and (42) Fred. Mark (ed.)l Fur Trade and Empire,--Simpson's Jour- n a l , 1824-1825. Howay Scholefield, B.C., Vol. I, pp. 337-351. (43) Merk. op. c i t . , p. 73. This shows Simpson's purpose at the moment to have been more definite than suggested by Howay and Scholefield (B.C., Vol. I., 363) or by T. C. E l l i o t t * i n his introduction to Work's Journal (Washington (See f t . 43, on page 57. Also fn. 44.) (57) from whence a l l the posts of lew Caledonia would lie o u t f i t t e d likewise those of Thompson's River, Spoken, Nez Perce's Flat Head and, Coaustonais also Port George i f we are allowed to occupy a Post on the Columbia and i n that case the Snake Country Expedition from the l a s t Establishment i f we are at l i b e r t y to continue . i t . (45) The expedition l e f t Eort George on the eighteenth day of November, 1824. I t was under the command of James McMillan, a former partner of the North West Company who had come into the Kootenay and upper Oregon (Pend d' Oreille) country with David Thompson i n 1808, and had been i n that country most of the (46) time since. He was accompanied by three clerks, Thomas McKay, son of that McKay who had accompanied MacKenzie to the P a c i f i c (47) i n 1793 and step-son of Dr. McLaughlin, P. N. Annance, and John Work, to the l a s t of whom we owe the detailed account of (48) the expedition given i n his journal for the winter of 1824. The l a s t named was l a t e r to assume a position of outstanding importance i n the history of the province as trader and member of the government. A daughter of his married Dr. W. P. Tolmie, and the Honorable Simon Praser Tolmie, Ex-Premier of B r i t i s h (49) Columbia,is his grandson. The expedition also included an i n  terpreter and t h i r t y - s i x . men? making a t o t a l of forty-one, be sides an Iroquois hunter and his slave who were allowed to ac company the expedition because of their knowledge of the coast T 4 3 H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly, Vol. I l l . , July, 1912.) Work's Journal, Nov. 18. (W.H.Q., l o c . c i t . ) (See page 56) Merk, op. c i t . , p. 75. Merk, op. c i t . , p. 2. Cf. also Nelson, Op. C i t . , pp. 7,8, and 8n. and Howay and Scholefield, B. C., I., 309. Nelson, Op. C i t . , p. 8. Work, l o c . c i t . Daily Province, Aug. 21, 1928. ( 4 (45 (46 (47 (48 (49 (58) part of the way. On the way North they were joined by Pierre (50) Charles, who had been among the Indians for some time, who was considered, though but a servant, a very great asset to any expedition, and who was to prove his value as hunter and trader at Langley i n l a t e r times. They occupied three boats well provisioned with kegs of peas, oatmeal, pork, grease, rum, (51) butter, and sugar and bags of f l o u r , b i s c u i t , and pemmican. Travelling by way of Gray's Harbour and the Chehalis River, and thence aeross country to Puget Sound, they arrived on the twelfth of December i n Semiamoo Bay with Point Roberts just opposite. This point was represented by the Indians to form the entrance of the Coweichan River (which i s supposed to be the same with Eraser's); on the S.E. side i t projects far out to sea and appears l i k e an island but seems to be joined to the mainland which i s very low by a sandy ridge which probably may be covered at high water. (52) Any one looking at the f l a t s South of Ladner from across Boundary Bay might be so i l l u s i o n e d . On the morning of the thirteenth the party set out to cross Boundary Bay and go round Point Roberts, but, finding the water rough, they followed the shore-line instead, passing the present s i t e s of Blaine, White Rock, and Crescent Beach, and so coming into Mud Bay. Here they found the mouth of a small r i v e r , the Nikomeckle, up which they proceeded f o r seven or eight miles and encamped i n (53) the middle of the afternoon. The Indians had told them' there was a way—a very bad way - (50) V/ork, Nov. 30. (51) Work, Nov. 18. (52) Work, Dec. 13. (53) Work, loc. c i t . (59) by this route to the "Coweechin River". And a bad way they found i t . The Hikomeckle i s a very small, sluggish stream, and i t was found i n many places to be choked up with driftwood and heavily overhung with willows growing along i t s marshy (54) banks. The distance already traversed would have brought them into the f l a t s South of the present Cloverdale and probably somewhat East of the P a c i f i c Highway. Thence they made a t o t a l (55) portage of "7,910 yards" or nearly four and one-half miles, following roughly the present route of the B r i t i s h Columbia E l e c t r i c Railway, to Langley P r a i r i e and the Salmon River, a small stream flowing into the Eraser about eight miles from the point where they embarked upon i t , i n the neighborhood of (56) the present Jardine Station. They noted i n passing through the p r a i r i e that "the s o i l here appears very r i c h , " an impor tant fact for the future of the country, but they also noted what interested them mo re and s i g n i f i e d more for the immediate future of the place, that there were beaver dams and elk i n (57) the marshes and on the pl a i n s , and that both were i n abundance. The "Co wee chin River" they found to be at least a thou sand yards wide at the point where they entered i t , with an is land, now known as McMillan I s i and after the leader of t h i s expedition,in the middle just above. Its banks were well wooded to the water's edge wi th "pine" (Douglas f i r ) , cedar, alder, birch, and other trees. They had no doubt, both from (58) i t s size and appearance, that i t was "Eraser's River".  (54) Work, l o c . c i t . (55) Work, Dec. 15. (58) Work, Dec. 16. (56) Helson: Et. Langley, p. 9. (57) Work, Dec. 15 & 16. (so) The next day they set out to explore up the r i v e r , John Work keeping a careful record of directions and distances, step by step, a l l preserved i n his journal. Though they passed to the North of Crescent Island, there i s strangely no mention of the Stave Paver, though the journal of the Simpson expedi tion i n 1828 passed a "Work's River"..on the right three hours before their a r r i v a l at Langley. I f this be the Stave as Mr. (59) Denys Nelson thinks, i t must have been mentioned by 7/ork i n some other account of the 1824 expedition. They then passed two small islands, now known as the Mats qui Reserves, a short way below the bridge at Mission, and encamped at "the entrance of a small r i v e r " which was obviously Hatzic Slough, which i s , corresponding to Work's record, about four miles above the i s  lands. They noted that for much of the way thus far the banks were low and'"composed with clay that has been deposited by the r i v e r " and covered with "poplar", or cottonwood. Back of these f l a t s the ground was steeper and covered with "pine" and cedar. They also observed during that morning "a high mountain covered with snow.* .to the S.W..... and shortly after a ridge al so topped w i t h snow was extending from N. W. to N.E. Two (60) peaks i n this ridge are very high". 'Tis almost impossible, however, with the confusing informat ion given, to identify (61) these landmarks. On the eighteenth they dropped down the river again to their previous camping-place, just above the present (62) Fort Langley. • ; (59) Nelson, Fort Langley, p. 10. ' (60) Work, Dec 17. (61) See Toot of next page. (62) Work, Dec. 18. (61) On the nineteenth of December, passing around the North of McMillan Island, they proceeded dov/n the r i v e r twenty- seven miles to i t s mouth. They noted i n passing islands which may now be reasonable i d e n t i f i e d as Barnston Island, so called after a clerk in McMillan's second expedition, and Annance Is-(63) land, so named after Annance, clerk i n t h i s expedition and i n the next. They also noted "a bay with an island i n i t s en trance" i n such a position that they can now be c l e a r l y identi f i e d with the mouth of P i t t Hiver and Douglas Island. Towards (61) T.C. E l l i o t t , who edits Work's Journal i n the "Washington H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly" for July, 191S, declares, i n his footnotes, without any further comment, that the mountain i s Mount Baker and the ridge the Oheam Peaks. I f this opinion of his i s correct, one i s forced to the conclu sion that at least Work, i f not also the other leaders of the party 'were absolutely v/ithout any knowledge of actual direction or idea of r e l a t i v e d i r e c t i o n , which would surely be a very grave fault i n any member of an explor ing expedition. Prom any point i n that part of the r i v e r traversed Mount Baker l i e s i n a South-Easterly direction and the Cheam Peaks almost due East, running i n a ridge from North to South. On the other hand there i s absolute l y no peak, high or low, l y i n g South-West from any part of the r i v e r traversed so that one must assume that Work meant to have written either' "N.W." or "S.E." In the l a t t e r case i t would seem at f i r s t evident that Mt. Baker was the peak referred t o , t i l l one remembers that that peak i s rarely v i s i b l e on a day that i s "overcast" ('/fork, lo c . c i t . ) and that i n December nearly a l l the nearer mountains are also "topped with snow". To account for the direction of the ridge i n the same way i s almost impos s i b l e , so that one seems forced to conclude that he refers to the mountains North of the r i v e r from Haney Eastward i n which several peaks appear from various points to stand out with especial prominence, p a r t i c u l a r l y Mt. Blanchard North of Haney. Yet he speaks (loc. c i t . ) of approaching these mountains, which would indicate Oheam were i t not that from t h i s part of the r i v e r a l l four of i t s peaks appear.of exactly the same height. f (63) See (Ch. I . ) p. 6.T fn. 14above. 1/ (62) evening, as they approached, the mouth of the r i v e r by the South Arm they found the country so low and swampy and " l i a b l e to be overflowed with the t i d e " that they turned back to a point pro bably about opposite Tilbury Island to encamp. They noted, during the course of the day--what was nearly as important as plenty of beaver--that there were signs of a considerable native population along the r i v e r , at least "at pa r t i c u l a r (64) seasons of the year." The next day, the f i f t h before Christmas, they followed what seemed the main channel for eleven miles to i t s mouth, where they found sounding of from three and a half to seven (65) fathoms. They also noticed "a ridge of pretty high land" to the Northland, near which, they believed, must be another (66) large mouth of the r i v e r . So departed the f i r s t white men to leave the valley by i t s Western- seaward p o r t a l . To Governor Simpson his report must have been disappoint ing, f o r he concluded that the Fraser was not navigable above about seventy miles and that due to the nature of the country and the natives no establishment could be maintained with fewer than s i x t y to seventy men. Headquarters would therefore remain, for the present at l e a s t , on the Columbia, the "only navigable r i v e r to the Interior from the Coast, we are ac- (67) quainted with." F 6 4 7 Wr5r¥~~Dec. 19. : (65) Point Grey. (66) Work, Dec. 20. (67) See Simpson to Adington, Jan. 5, 1826, i n Merk, op. c i t . , pp. 264-5. ( 6 3 ) (o) EXPLORATION QE THE .LOWER TRIBUTARIES. Eraser, the f i r s t explorer to v i s i t the Eraser, came overland from Canada, a faot whi eh would seem to presage the p r a c t i c a b i l i t y of commerce i n that direction and to predict the day when B r i t i s h Columbia should be p o l i t i c a l l y united wi th that country. He found a country which seemed to him at that time, however, to be noteworthy only for i t s inhospitable natives and equally inhospitable mosquitoes, and which could promise p r a c t i c a l l y nothing by way of compensation for i t s extremely d i f f i c u l t a c c e s s i b i l i t y . McMillan, coming as a Hudson^ Bay trader from Oregon Territory i n search of a location for an additional trading post, was as we shall see, to l i n k the history not only of this v a l l e y but of the whole coastal region of the province not only wi th that company but also with that t e r r i t o r y for the second quarter of the Nineteenth Cen tury. He found a country f e r t i l e enough, apparently, and, what was to him of vastly greater importance, abounding i n wild game and fur-bearing animals. Eraser mentions only one t r i b u - (68) tary i n his journal and made no attempt to explore or examine i t . McMillan did explore one small tributary, the Salmon (69) River, unimportant i n i t s e l f but flowing through an important part of the v a l l e y , Langley P r a i r i e , and mentions only one other small t r i b u t a r y , the Hatsic Slough, which he did not ex plore. The exploration of the country drained into the lower reaches of the Eraser and the naming of i t s t r i b u t a r i e s i n ( 68) See p. 44, above. (69) See p. 59. (64) this region was the work, for the most par t , of men actually engaged in the fur trade. It seems advisable, however, to gather a few of the main facts i n this connection a t this point, rather than scatter them i n t h e i r chronological order throughout the next chapter, We have already seen that in his descent of the river McMillan seemed quite unaware of the existence of the P i t t River, the largest of the t r i b u t a r i e s of the Fraser. On his return i n 1827 he just mentions, i n passing, that at f i v e o'clock i n the afternoon of July 24 they had arrived opposite (70) (71) "the Quoitie or P i t t ' s River" but offers no explanation as to the name* probably given i n honor of William P i t t t h e English- statesman. Thereafter the r i v e r i s usually referred to as " P i t t ' s " or " P i t s " R i v e r . We have no further record of i t s exploration but by 1860 i t s whole course and the lake above seem to have been f a i r l y well known, judging by the fact that, i n that year Governor Douglas travelled up the r i v e r and lake apparently to view the agricultural p o s s i b i l i t i e s of the dis t r i c t as he gives special attention to this aspect of t h e (72) country i n his report and as the government constructed a road (73) into the country frorn Hew Westminster i n the following year. The next discovery of importance was made i n November, 1823 o McDonald, the 71" ew ghief trader of the f o r t , sent Ann an ce ( 70) Kwantlems which he. c a l l s Quo I t i e s (p. 9) or Quoitlans (pp. 16, 60) and which his successor, McDonald c a l l s "Qui t l ends" (p. 112) (71) Fort Langley Journal, p. 9, (72) "Blue Book, P t . IV. , p, 8", quoted by Mayne, p. 392. (73) Columbian, Nov. 14, 1861.. (65) and eight selected men i n a boat which McMillan had already b u i l t for that purpose, to explore a l l the r i v e r s as far up as (74) "Simpson's Falls',' whatever that ephemeral term may have s i g n i  fied . Leaving the fort on the t h i r d , they arrived "at the mouth of the r i v e r i n question" on the morning of the s i x t h and a league or so up the r i v e r , apparently near the mouth of the Chehalis, found a considerable encampment of Indians. Taking a couple of these as guides, they went a short distance up the lake when the Indians showed them a small stream of "black water" which they said was the only stream flowing into the lake. In view of the discrepancy both i n size and i n the color of the water between th i s stream and that which flowed out of the lake--which , as McDonald r i g h t l y noted , i s of "green" water--the chief factor seemed rather disappointed that somehow or o ther the party without pro ceeding to wh at appeared to be the end of the lake returned upon the strength of t h i s information. ( 75) It w i l l be noticed that nowhere i n that part of the Lang ley Journal describing this expedition i s any name given ei ther to the r i v e r or to the lake. Yet, before any o th er expedition o f which we have recor d v i s i t e d that d i s t r i c t we find McDonald (76) referring i n the Journal to "Harrison's r i v e r Indians." And when, in March, 1830, Yale was sent to explore the whole Har- r i s o n - L i l l o o e t system of lakes and r i v e r s , the name seems to have become well establish ed for the lake at l e a s t . The only {74) Ft. Langley Journal, p. 10 5~. Gov. Simpson had come to the f o r t from Canada down the r i v e r i n October, Ibid., P e 99 . (75) McMillan, p. 107. (76) McMillan, p. 206. ( 6 6 ) person of that name known to have been i n B.C. up to that time i s a certain "Old Mr. Harrison", as Bancroft c a l l s him, who, ( 7 7 ) at an ea r l i e r date had commanded at Port St. James. I t seems l i k e l y that ei ther McDonald or one of his assistants, Annance or Yale, had known him intimately and named the lake i n his memory. A Benjamin Harrison, a Quaker, was a director of the company and became Deputy Governor i n 1835, so that i t i s equally l i k e l y the name was given i n his honor. Though i t takes us somewhat beyond the province of our present theme i t w i l l be worth our while to consider certain aspects of Yale's expedition, to which reference has just been made. The f u l l account of i t , given i n the Journal, reads as follows: (78) Wednesday 31st. This evening I was glad to see Mr. Yale and party safely back after an absence of E3 days.--In cluding 3 or 4 day's delay about Harrison's Lake they reached Ermatinger's portage from the Pishalcor Lakes, their 12th day--that distance comprehends the aforesaid Lake of 12 leagues—a r i v e r not very bad of 20 leagues, and another lake of about 7--at the upper end of which i s the portage, and beyond i t the party continued up the main Shore for about 20 Miles further, where the navi gation became impossihl e--Eor particulars see Mr. Yale's report. (79) One would gladly a v a i l himself of this l a s t b it of advice . . should the opportunity present i t s e l f . Even without that op portunity, however, one can see clearly enough that Yale had gone through Harrison and L i l l o o e t Lakes to a point probably (80) f i f t e e n to twenty miles up the L i l l o o e t from the Lake of the (77) Bancroft, B. C. p. 571 " " (78) March, 1830. (79) McMillan, p. 218. (80) He considerably overestimates the length of the L i l l o o e t below the lake. (67) same name. What i s not so certain, though i t would seem fairly evident, i s that Yale or McDonald had word of some t r i p made (81) by Edward Ermatinger, with whom McDonald was on familiar terms from Kamioops v i a "Pishalcor" (Seton and Anderson?) Lakes to the L i l l o o e t . We have discovered no actual record of such a t r i p , but i t seems necessary to assume i t i n order to explain d e f i n i t e l y the references to the portage i n the passage quoted above. And i f this interpretation i s correct then every portion of Anderson's route from Kamloops to the coast v i a Seton, Anderson, L i l l o o e t and Harrison Lakes had been t r a  velled by either Yale or Ermatinger just sixteen years before Anderson with f i v e men travelled over the whole route i n May, (82) 1846. Annance had also the honor of being the f i r s t to explore the remaining important tributary valley of the lower Eraser, the Sumas-Chilliwack area. On the second of December, 1828, just a month after his f r u i t l e s s v i s i t to the Harrison, he took a party of s i x men up the Eraser to the "Smoize River," up that f i v e miles to "a lake of 10 miles long and 6 wide," and above that found Sumas P r a i r i e , , " a considerable extent of low clear country intersected with l i t t l e Creeks and ponds well adapted for w i l i l fowl". Like many who were to follow, they found this a veritable sportsman's paradise and spent three days -there, bagging four swans, three cranes, ten geese and (81) Vide Letters to Ermatinger whom he addresses as "Pear led''.' (82) Bancroft, B. C. 157-159. F u l l account i n Anderson, pp. - 68 et seqq. (68) forty ducks. They then went by way of the Sumas aid Eraser to the "Ohul-'v.'hoo-Yook which was commended to Mr. Annance on his former t r i p " and ascended It a distance of ten miles but discovered nothing which seemed worth recording. On the eleventh, after nine days of "excessive bad weather" they were (83) back at Langley. So within four years of the time he f i r s t set foot i n the country, James McMillan followed by Archibald McDonald, had made a f a i r l y complete survey of the Lower Eraser Valley and Delta and a l l the main branch valleys which are now i n  cluded under the general name of Eraser Valley. (83) McMillan, pp. 116, 117. (69) CHAPTER I I I - EUR-TRADE ( 1 ) (a) PORT LANGLEY The fur-trader was not only the f i r s t to explore the Eraser Valley; he was the f i r s t to re a l i z e and u t i l i z e i t s vast variety of natural wealth. From 1827 to 1858 he was King of the region, the sole lord and master r u l i n g with a power un disputed. Prom his stronghold at Fort Langley the chief trader compelled the obedience of White, Kanaka, and Native, i n the interest of law and order and c i v i l i z a t i o n and especially of the shareholders of the Hud son's Bay Company. Fur was his chief (1) The history of Fort Langley has been written so often be fore that a word of explanation as to the relati o n between this and three of them seems necessary. The la t e Mr. Denys Nelson wrote a pamphlet on the Centenary of Fort Langley i n 1927 which was published by the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association of Vancouver, B. C. His sources were for the most part i d e n t i c a l with those used here, though the use made of them d i f f e r s considerably. Mr. ' Nelson had, however, the advantage of a number of years residence at the Fort v i l l a g e which Try personal con tact gave him i n for mat ion which i t woul d have been p r a c t i  c a l l y impossible for the present writer to have obtained. (See f$. page 70.) (70) reason for coming into the country, but agriculture came to be almost of equal importance at Langley, while the r i v e r sup p l i e d salted salmon for many of the Company' s Western estab lishments. The forests supplied him with lumber from which to construct his shelter and the wild game and f r u i t s i n which the country abounded afforded a....welcome variety i n his diet. Coming to Langley f i r s t i n search of furs, he stayed to estab l i s h most of the va l l e y ' s major industries, and when these i n  dustries had ousted him from h i s p i ace of primary importance, he was to linger a l i t t l e longer as a general, merchant s e l l i n g groceries, hardware and dry-goods to the s e t t l e r s who had ruined his fur-trade. Credit for the establishment of Port Langley belongs to James McMillan who \vas sent to Eraser River by McLaughlin again (S) i n 1 8 2 7 for the express purpose of opening such a post. On the ID Such debt as i s owed to Mr.' Nelson Is scrupulously acknow- ledged. Mr. Paul Murphy i n 1929 wrot e' a graduating essay on Port Langley for the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. It so happens that at that time this chapter was already In rough manuscript, based independently on almost identical sources. Each was t o t a l l y unaware of the other's work and there seems no reason to acknowledge indebtedness or offer apologies on the part of either. Pr. Robie Reid read a paper on the subject to the Royal Society of Canada i n May 1936 which was reprinted from the "Transactions" of the Society i n "The B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly" for A p r i l , 1937, Drawing l i b e r a l l y upon sources i n the Hudson's Bay Company Archives, not available to the present writer, this paper throws so much new l i g h t on certain aspects of the early history of Port Langley as to" compel some last-minute alterations * The in debtedness Is recorded i n the proper place, Unfortunately a much-needed' rewriting of t h i s chapter for this and other reasons i s for the p resent a physical impossibility. ( 2) See f|L page 71. ( 71) twenty-second of July of that year McMillan's second expedition arrived at the mouth of the river i n the Cadboro > The expedi tion included Francois l o e l Annance, clerk, Louis Sata Earata, an Iroquois, and PeopeO, a Sandwich Islander, a l l of the former expedition. There were also on board, besides the of f i c e r s and crew of the ship, two other clerks, Donald Hanson and George Barnston, and nineteen other workmen, including carpenters and cooks, blacksmiths and hunters, Englishmen and French- Canadians, Iroquois and Hawaii ana, a party of twenty- { a) f i v e i n a l l , bound for some point up the r i v e r where they would build a f o r t , the f i r s t permanent establishment on or near the coast of -what i s now B r i t i s h Columbia, This they (S) were to c a l l Port Langley, in honor of Thomas Langley, a pro- (#) rainent member and director of'the company. This party of twenty-five had l e f t the new Fort Vancouver ( 4 ) on the twenty-seventh of June i n two boats, proceeded by way of the Columbia and Cowlitz rivers, to Puget Sound and reached, (2) McMillan's report on his e a r l i e r expedition may have been sent to London (v. Bancroft, History of the Forth-West Coast, p. 476-7) Certainly Simpson, enlightened by i t , wrote less encouragingly to Adington i n his l e t t e r of Jan. 5, 1826 (Merk, Fur-trade and Empire, 264-5.) It was pro bably the caution of the Governor and Committee, however, (even I f Simpson's l e t t e r could have reached London i n time) which led them add to their instructions for Mc M i l l a n to proceed with the f o r t on Fraser' s River the s t i p u l a t i o n that i t would not become Western headquarters u n t i l after at least a year's experience. (Gov. and Com mittee to Gov. Simpson, Feb. 23, 1826; i n Merk, op. c i t . 267) . ( a) McLaughlin had estimated i t would require 20, Simpson 70 after f i r s t receiving McMillan's report. (Merk, op* c i t . , 270 and 265 respectively.) (3) Ft. Langley Journal. p. 1. (#-) Nelson: Ft. L. , p. 10 and fn. (4) Ft. Langley Journal, p. 2. (72) while the nation i n the East which was l a t e r to gain posses sion of the country was celebrating the Eourth of July, a point which was even then known as Port Orchard, opposite the present c i t y of Seattle. Here they were to await the a r r i v a l (5) of the Oadboro which was coming around by the Strai ts of Juan de Euca to take them to the mouth of the Eraser. The Oadboro arrived on the eleventh, on the thirteenth they reached (6) "Point Roberts Bay" or Boundary Bay, as i t Is now called, aid here, the next morning, McMillan went ashore with twelve men but was d i s s a t i s f i e d wi th the place as a location for the new f o r t . So, after many delays due to adverse winds and shoals, they entered the mouth of the ri v e r on the twenty-second, " i n (7) Latitude 49" 5" 30"; Headway up the r i v e r was made very slowly and wi th i n  creasing d i f f i c u l t y . On the twenty-fourth of July they passed the upper end of Lulu Island at half past one, yet i t was not u n t i l f i v e o'clock that they were, opposite "the Quoitle or P i t t ' s River," some s i x miles above. Two and one-half hours (8) l a t e r they dropped anchor "about half a mile above Pirn Is land V Two days l a t e r we find them nearing their destination, but wi th a wind so l i g h t and a current so strong they had gone l i t t l e over a mile when they were obliged, to anchor to keep what they (9) had gained. On the twenty-seventh McMillan, accompanied by Mc- Leod and Annance, and a Cowitchan, Shashia or Joshua, as the whites sometimes called him, who had joined the ship near (5) I b i d., p.3. (6) Ibid., p. 5 . (8) Et. Langley Journal, p. 9. (7) I b i d . , pp. 6-8. '(9) Ibid., p. 10. ( 73) Point Roberts, s-eit o f f up the r i v e r i n a oanoe to select the exact location for the f o r t , and on their return i n the even ing orders were given, for a l l hands to be ready to warp the ship to her destination i n the morning. Arrived there about noon on the twenty-eighth, they found i t impossible to get within three hundred yards of the shore on account of the "Shoalness of the water". Indeed, they found themselves for a time aground upon a sand-bar i n the middle of the r i v e r . As i t was thought necessary to get the vessel near the landing- place for the f o r t , both to cover the operations of the builders and to f a c i l i t a t e the discharge of the cargo, they drifted back to the l a s t anchoring place, with s i x or seven fathoms of water .a few yards from the bank. So, on Sunday, July 29, 1827, just one week after entering the mouth of the r i v e r , we find the ex pedition arrived at i t s destination, about t h i r t y miles up the (10) r i v e r . The erection of the fort was .at f i r s t , of course, the primary concern. By noon on Monday the men of the landing- party were a l l very busy clearing the s i te. This was found to be no easy task. For the f i r s t th re e days a l l hands were so employed. "The work i s laborious," says the journal, "from the timber being strong, and the ground completely covered with (11) thick underwood, interwoven with Brambles and Briars." On the fourth of. August, to make matters worse, the f i r e s which had been kindled to consume the Branches, and cuttings of the t imber that had been f e l l e d , communicating with the surrounding • (10) Ibi d., p. 11. (11) Ft, Langley Journal, p. 12. ( 74) woods occasioned us much inconvenience and trouble; at one time, states the entry of that date, we were completely enveloped i n Flame and Clouds of Smoke, and i t was with great di f f i o u l t y that the People succeeded i n getting the Conflagration checked* (12) Fires broke out again on the eighth, ninth, and eleventh, at times coming dangerously near the camp and taking the men from (13) their work. On the twelfth, however, i t was found, as i s a l  ways the case i n t h i s country, that as soon as the dried (14) branches and rubbish had been burned the f i r e died down. Another cause of some annoyance and delay was found i n the natives, who at that time o f the year were very numerous, on t h e i r way to fish up the r i v e r . In the f i r s t place, their very c u r i o s i t y , unchecked by any conception of s e l f - r e s t r a i n t , made them a nuisance as they crowded about boat and baggage and workmen, eager to see and even to handle every new thing which attracted their attention. In some cases i t became necessary (15) to drive them away; i n most cases, however, i t was thought better to s a t i s f y their c u r i o s i t y and encourage a l i t t l e trade to whet their appetites for that business. Again, their thieving habits caused both annoyance and inconvenience. How i t was an axe, now a crow-bar that was missed, and now some personal effects of the men. In some cases the goods were re ds) turned upon request; i n other cases no trace of the stolen a r t i c l e was found, and then a l l Indians, after a sound lectur ing on the subject, were put o f f the premises for a time. TT2] I b i d . , p. 14. ' ' (13) Ib i d . , pp. 15, 16. (14) Ibid., p. 16. (15) I b i d . , p. 10. (16) Ft. Langley Journal, pp. 11, 13. ( 75.) Lastly, some fears were entertained that the Indians meant serious harm. On the way up the r i v e r the vessel had been (17) threatened by near one hundred f i f t y natives. On the day of th e i r a r r i v a l , Shashia reported that some of the natives plan ned to annihilate the whole expedition as soon as they had got (18) ashore. Again i t was believed that the Indians had deliber ately set some of the f i r e s referred to above. So, for the f i r s t week i t was thought necessary to have a l l hands return to the vessel at night, but after Sunday, the f i f t h of August, many of the party slept i n rude bark shelters on shore while (19) the clerks kept watch. A t h i r d cause of delay was found i n the condition of the horses, which were sorely needed i n clearing the ground and hauling materials. They were slung ashore f i r s t thing on the morning of Monday, the t h i r t i e t h of July, and were apparently glad to be quit of the ship. Yet on the tenth of August we read that eight men were required to carry logs for the f o r t , "the ground being as yet too Rough, and the Horses too weak to (20) attempt getting any work out of them." Indeed, i t was not u n t i l the thirteenth, the day after the f i r e s and Indians ceased to give serious trouble, that even one of the horses could be used. Nevertheless, by the seventeenth a l l three were (21) i n use. In spite of delays and hindrances, however, the construo- (17) Ibid., p. 10. ' ' : ' (18) I b i d . , p. 11. (19) Ibid. , pp. 14, 15, 26. . (20) I b i d . , p. 16. ( 21) Ft. Langley Journal, pp. 17, 18. (76) tion of the fo r t proceeded rapidly. Four days after their ar- (22) r i v a l some of the men began to prepare materials f o r a bastion. On the following Tuesday we find the two Sandwich Islanders of the party at work i n the saw-pit, at which work they continued to be engaged u n t i l the fort and i t s buildings were a l l com pleted. At times an extra saw-pit was operated by a couple of (23) the "Canadians" , but not always wi th much success. At the same time a number of others were taken from the clearing to cut pickets for the f o r t walls. By the eleventh of August we read, The Bastion i s now nearly at i t s height, and appears • to command respect i n the eyes of the Indians, who be gin shrewdly, to conjecture for what purpose the Ports and loop Holes are intended. (24) On the thirteenth the bastion was ready for the roof and two (25) men were set to raise cedar bark for the purpose. So much of this roofing material would be required however that i t was soon found convenient to purchase i t from the Indians In trade (26) for buttons. On the same date, as mentioned, one of the horses was used to begin hauling the "pickets"--half logs pointed at the top--for the fort walls, while the next day the carpenters who had been engaged on the bastion were set to pre- ( 27) pare wood for a stor e-house. On Monday, the twentieth , most of the picketing was on hand and on the next d ay four men be gan digging a trench three feet deep for holding the bottom of ( 22) Ibid. , p. 13. [ (23) I b i d . , p. 15. (24) I b i d . , p. 16. (25) I b i d . , p. 17. (26) Ibid., p. 18. ( 27) Ibid. , p. 17. ( 77) the pickets. By the end of the month the second bastion was completed and thefts by the Indians made i t so imperative to complete the inclosure that work was continued as usual on Sunday, the second of September. Just a week l a t e r McMillan had the s a t i s f a c t i o n of recording: The' picketing of the Fort was completed and the Gates hung. The .rectangle inside i s 40 Yds. by 45; and the two Bastions are 12 f t . square each, b u i l t of 8 inch Logs and having a lower and upper flooring the l a t t e r of which i s to be occupied by our a r t i l l e r y . The Tout  Ensemble must make a formidable enough appearance i n . the eyes of Indians especially those here who have seen nothing of the kind before. (28) Six weeks, then, had been required to prepare a place of reasonable safety, but much more building was required for convenience and comfort. The very next day they started to remove the rude bark shelters, used as dwellings so f a r , to. make room for more permanent quarters. On the fourteenth the storehouse was completed, on the nineteenth work was begun i n the dwelling i t s e l f , which was reported as " r i s i n g rapidly", and on the twenty-second of September the s h e l l of the main dwelling was completed and promised to make "snug and comfor table quarters", f i f t e e n by t h i r t y feet in dimension, and d i - (x) vided into two rooms with a fire-place in each . In October (29) there are references to Indians stopping at "the Wharf". It was not, however,, u n t i l the twenty-sixth of November that the completion of the establishment was o f f i c i a l l y recognized i n the following manner: (28) Ft. Langley Journal, p. 26. (29) I b i d . , p. 33. ( x ) Ibid . , p. 30, ( 78) This morning a Flag Staff was cut and prepared, and i n the afternoon erected i n the South East corner of the Port. The usual forms were gone through. Mr. Annance o f f i c i a t e d i n baptizing the Establishment, and our men were regaled i n celebration of the event, (30) L i f e within the camp and l a t e r the fort was more or less l i k e that of any other Hudson's Bay Company post. The men were engaged on long-term contracts and were required to be absolutely subservient to their superior o f f i c e r s . Laziness, unruliness, carelessness and disobedience were severely dealt with, even McMillan, who appears to have been less autocratic than most of the chief traders, records on the very day work was commenced clearing the ground for the fort that- one of the ship's company was this, clay put i n irons for male i n g use of language calculated to promote discontent and create disorders amongst the crew. (31) This may have been clone at the instance of the o f f i c e r s of the ship, but McMillan's successor, a couple of years l a t e r , re ports that the blacksmith, whom he .considered a very poor work man at best, made himself sick by overeating "ulichans", and that his "tone and insolence, not at a l l 'uncommon with him, at (32) length provoked me to lay the Ruler across his S c u l l " . Pood for the company seems to have consisted p r i n c i p a l l y of f i s h , purchased from the Indians i n large quantities, aid - dried or salted and stored for the winter. Some hint of the quantities available maybe obtained from the information that i n 1829. a good year. 7 5 4 4 salmon, averaging s i x pounds each, (30) Ibid., p. 47. (31) Pt > Langley Journal, p. 12* (52) Ibid., p. 225, {79} were purchased i n twelve days with trade goods valued at ( 33) £13, 17s., 2d. At times, i n fact, the natives were more anxious to s e l l than the traders to buy, as witness the day when trade i n this commodity had to be stopped at eight o'clock i n the morning, eleven hundred salmon having already been (34) bought that day. Variety i n food was for the f i r s t year ob~ (35) tained only by buying wild berries from the Indians and by the fortune of the hunt, at which Pierre Charles proved an adept and to which he .was allowed to devote much of his time. At f i r s t the diet seems to have agreed i l l with 'the health of the men, who were "now l i v i n g entirely upon f i s h , whereas their rations before consisted c h i e f l y of grain--say Indian Corn— (36) Pease & G., & c." In the Spring ooliohans were caught, (37) "enough to Keep the Kettle going". S p i r i t s were also Included in the rations from time to time, especially on festal, days arfl special occasions* McMillan himself, i n a l e t t e r of January 21, 1828, to John McLeod at Kamioops, sums i t up thus: 'The winter here this year i s very severe and would not be thought too mild even at your own quarter. We make out to l i v e pretty w e l l , fresh salmon in f i s h season and can procure plenty of dried for the winter. Stur geon can be had al so at times and the forest gives an occasional Red deer now and then. We could trade at the door of our Port, I suppose, a m i l l i o n of dried salmon i f we choose—enough to feed a l l the people of Rupert's Land. (38) Of holiday or entertainment i n the f o r t there seems to have been l i t t l e i n early days. The f i r s t was on the day of the erection of the flagpole. The entry for December 25, 1827, (33) Ibid . , p. 186. (37) Ibid . , p. 70. (34) Ibid., p. 188. (38) MS. i n Provincial Archives (35) I b i d . , p. 14. quoted i n Howay end Scheie- (36) Ft. Langley Journal, p. 25. f i e l d , Vol, I., p. 401. (80) consists of two words, "Christmas Day", which i s our whole account of how the f i r s t Christmas was spent In the Fraser Valley. New Year's Day usually saw considerable heavy drink i n g and such entertainment as might be expected to go with i t under the circumstances. Scottish custom seems to govern the f e s t a l season. This might be a good place to say something of domestic arrangements within the fort. No white women, of course, ac companied the expedition, nor were any- to be found at the f o r t for years to come. The f i r s t reference to the matter i s found in the following entry of July 2, 1828: "One of the fair Laddies (sic) of the Fort presented her Husband wi th a Son & Mir, He being the f i r s t born i n this quarter (I mean among the ( 3 9 ) whites) he was named Louis Langley". In October of the same year we f i n d references to "Mr. Annance s' s woman" and an Indian, "Mr. Manson's brother-in-law", who gave trouble by (40) their thievish habits. By the end of November matters began to look more serious. • On the twenty-fifth i t i s reported that the "Scatchats" are about to claim damages of Whitlakenum, a chief from P i t t River, for giving his- daughter to "Mr. Yale", one of the clerks, wh en she had already been married to a "Scatchat". On the twenty-sixth another "Quitland" brings three or four young g i r l s to dispose of i n marriage, but f a i l s (41) • when i t i s learned that they also are already married. On the (39) Ft. Langley Journal, p. 80. (40) Ibid., p. 103, (41) Ibid. , p. 112. (81) twenty-eighth Whitlakenum i n his turn arrives wi th more WJmen for the accommodation of the Fort and as t h i s commerce now wi th them seems to Supercede the Beaver Trade—the whole con cern was ordered off and I believe Mrs. Yale i n the number. (42) ITor did these, women seem always to take the marriage contracted too seriously. On the t h i r d of July, 1829, for example, we find one of the Indian wives of the fort returning to her former paramour so that her tribesmen have to be threatened to ( 4 3 ) make them bring her back. In f a c t , with the Indians, marriage to the whites seems, to have been largely a commercial matter. Fear of host i l e Indians seems to have hovered over the l i t t l e f o rt for the f i r s t few years. McMillan, in the l e t t e r already quoted, says they had to keep their numerous neighbors (44) at as respectable a distance as possible. We find occasional entries such as that of March 15, 1828, which reports Indians skulking at night and throwing two stones at the watchmen on the second watch. Sometimes rumors wer  brought by t e Indians that the fort was to be besieged by natives of more distant (46) parts, p a r t i c u l a r l y by the licletas from Cape Mudge, and some times reported with such grim humor as the following: A Shissal from beyond Burrard Canal, came to th e f o r t . He informs us that the Yewkeltas are preparing to come and take our Blankets from us Sans ceremonee-- As this i s rather a cheap way of getting goods, we w i l l not l i k e l y come to terms amicably. In that case our Iron Interpreters w i l l have to settle the dispute. (47) (42) Ibid., p. 113. (43) Ib i d . , p. 173. (44) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., Vol, I. p. 401. (45) Ft. Langley Journal, p. 62. (46) Ft. Langley Journal, pp. 59, 87. (46a) Seohelt. ( 47) Ibi d . , p * 59. 45) (82) Indian troubles were s t i l l more of a nuisance because of the effect on the trade with the lo c a l Indians, Local feuds, as that between the "Quoitlams" and "Chiliquiyouks" were dis concerting enough but the raids of Vancouver Islanders was worse. On the tenth and• nineteenth of March, 1828, two partie of Cowitchans passed on their way to " k i l l the Chiliqueyonks" and McMillan declares that this warfare keeps the Indians of t h i s V i c i n i t y In such continual alarm, that they cannot turn their attention to anything but the care of thei r families and that they do but poorly. While the powerful tribes from Vancouvers Island harass them i n this mawer l i t t l e hunts can be expected from them. And unless the Com pany Supports them against those lawless V i l l a i n s l i t t l e - exertion can be expected from them. (48) MacDonald reports the Ucletas, or "Yeukaltas", as he ca l l s (49) . them, creating a similar situation In 1829. In spite, o'f this trouble, however, and i n spite of the laziness of the natives and of the fact that i n cold weather (50) the "naked Indians cannot go about i n search of Skins", trade at the fort Increased. After s i x months McMillan reports, Our trade i s not very f l a t t e r i n g , Indeed much could not be expected the f i r s t year and we have only half a year this season. S t i l l oar losses w i l l not be much f e l t . We scraped 1,100 Skins—Beavers & Otters, (51) McDonald, i n a l e t t e r from Langley dated March 5, 1850, de clares that the furs shipped the f i r s t thr ee years numbered, for 1827, 1100, for 1828, 1400, and for 1829, 1800, Among Indians reported as bringing i n these furs were the "Quoitles" "Quoitlams" or I-wantlems from the neighborhood, of the f o r t , (48) Ibid. , p. 63. (49) Ibid. , p. 156. (50) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., Vol. I, p. 401. (51) Letters to Ermatinger, p. 16. ' (83) "Cowitchens" or Cowichan Indians and "Nanaimooch" or 1?anal mo Indians from Vancouver I s l a i d , "Scatchat" or "Scadgat" IndianB from the Skagit River i n Washington, the "Ylalarms", "Tlalams", or "Clalams" from south of-the S t r a i t s of Juan de Fuca, the "Sinohooms", "Sinahomes," "SInuwums" or Snohomish Indians from the r i v e r of that name, i n Washington, "Okinakum" or "Okinagan" Indians from the i n t e r i o r , " Con too me ens" or Lytton Indians (51a) "Whooms" from "Burrard's Canal", "Hieamen' s" family and t r i b e , probably from Dewdney or 111comen Island, -and "Harrison's River Indians", Agriculture was also expected to eke out the p r o f i t s of the establishment. In mid-October, 18 £8 , we find a l l hands "excepting the carpenter and cook, and the Fisherman" digging potatoes, and within a week we find 29^ 0 barrels of white potatoes In the main c e l l a r , 155 barrels of red potatoes i n the fish-house c e l l a r , and 56 barrels of white and 17 barrels (52) of red i n a p i t . In mid-IIoveraber the l a s t were out of the ground, making a whole crop of 670 Barrels => 2010 Bushels after 91 Bushels Seed & which at a moderate calculation Seems to y i e l d upward of 100 p. cent more than the s o i l 'at Fort Vancouver. (53) Such was the f i r s t f i e l d crop raised i n the Fraser Valley. 'The next Spring, In addition to potatoes about three and a (54) h a l f bushels of barley and four kegs of peas were planted but, as has 30 often happened to farms in various parts of the v a l - (51a) Apparently a very bad rendering of "Squamish". (52) Ft. Langley Journal, pp. 101-104. (53) Ibid. , p. 110. ( S a ' ) ' Ft. Langley Journal, jap. 161-162« {84) ley since-, the whole planted area on the f l a t s was inundated (55) by "a perfect lake" at the end of June. Nevertheless, agricul ture has been an important industry there from that day to th i s . In March, 1829, a dispatch was received from Dr. McLaughlin which gave an u n o f f i c i a l hint of u t i l i z i n g the land near the fort for r a i s i n g c a t t l e . Consequently f as there ras no p r a i r i e In the Immediate v i c i n i t y of the f o r t , a fine Sunday i n A p r i l finds the Chief Trader doing a l i t t l e exploring himself. He examined the parts of Langley P r a i r i e nearest the r i v e r and. decided that, i n spite of shallow water, the fort would have been better b u i l t where the p r a i r i e does come to the r i v e r . Apart from i t s distance from the f o r t he thought i t a splendid (56) place for the r a i s i n g of cattle and pigs. • Ironically enough, i t was i n July of that year, while the whole p r a i r i e was s t i l l flooded, that the Oadboro brought the f i r s t live-stock, other than the three horses already mentioned, to be imported into (57) the Fraser Valley. This, too, was to prove a permanent feature In the economic development of the v a l l e y , and the dairies of Langley were to f l o u r i s h when the fort had been reduced to a museum and a memory. dommunications with the c i v i l i z e d world were few in those early days, and hailed with joy by a l l . The Gael bo ro l e f t them on the eighteenth of September, 1827. As already mentioned, she returned i n the Summer-of 1829 to bring supplies and take away the furs collected. This became an annual event . But . (55) Ibid., p. 173. (56) Ibid., p. 155. (57) Ibid. , p. 177, (85) l e t t e r s , despatches, and accounts had to he carried more fre quently. The f i r s t l e t t e r to arrive was .unexpected. On Son- day , October 7, 1827, towards night f a l l two loaded rafts from above stopt at the Wharf.' There were upon them two Indians with their families from the Forks of Thomsons River, one of whom delivered a l e t t e r , which had been entrusted to his care October 1826 by Mr. Archibald MacDonaid who i t would appear entertained an idea then that this post might possibly be established during the winter. (58) It had taken just a year to come from Kami oops to Langley, the f i r s t l e t t e r to reach the Fraser Valley. Two l e t t e r s were sent (59) back to Kami oops by the same means In January and Indians con tinued to be used i n this way, and to various destinations, from time to time. The most regul ar conmuni cat ions , however , were by p ar t i e s of voyageurs, under one or more superior o f f i c e r s , sent from time to time to carry despatches and accounts. The f i r s t of such connected with Fort Langley was that which arrived there the day befo re Christmas, 1827,--a most opportune time I On the morning of^ that day two Indians from the Mi s qui am Camp near the Quo i t i e River arrived with a note from Mr. A. McKensie, the purport of which was, that he was disagreeably • situated wi th only four men amongst a formidable Band of Indians, and requested our assistance i n case he might not be able to extricate himself. Messrs. Man son and Annan ce with nine men went off immediately to his r e l i e f , but they had no pro ceeded far before they met him and h i s party a l l uninjured. The Indians had stolen from them a l i t t l e property but th i s w i l l soon be recovered. Mr. Me. i s a welcome v i s i t o r . .He i s the bearer of our l e t t e r s . and home news, from Fort Vancouver. (60) ( 5 8 ) Ft. Langl ey Jo urn al , p. 3 3 . ( 5 9 ) Ibid., p. 5 3 . ( 6 0 ) Ft. Langley Jou r n a l , p. 49. (86) The return despatch ended less happily. McKenzie was ac companied by McMillan and Annance when he l e f t the fort on the third of January, but the l a t t e r two, wi th the men they had taken from the f o r t , returned i n ten days because of a storm on the Gulf of Georgia which thr eatened to prolong their ab sence unduly. Thus McKenzie' s party was l e f t to continue the (61) journey alone. Reports that they had met with disaster were brought i n by Indians from time to time, u n t i l i n February Manson took the "express", that i s the trade accounts, to Van couver i n a large canoe wi th seven men and eight days' provi- (6E) sions. It was not u n t i l the middle of A p r i l that he reappeared to the great r e l i e f of the f o r t , .but wi th the confirmation of the rumors that McKenzie had been k i l l e d by the Clalams of (63) • Fuget Sound. To prevent the recurrence of such trouble an ex pedition under the direction of Chief Trader Alex. McLeod, as sisted by Frank Ermatinger, Dease and J. M. Yale, with about si x t y men l e f t Vaneo uver on June 17 , destroyed-the Cl a l l urn v i l - (64) . lage and avenged the murder. On the tenth of October, 18E8 , occurred the f i r s t great his t o r i c event i n the history of For t Langley , about a year after i t s construction. McMillan records i t thus: About 8 o'clock l a s t night we had a great alarm of canoes and singing down ( at) the - r i v e r , and i n a few minutes after had the agreeable Surprise of talcing the Governor i n Chief by the hand —he i s ac- companied from York Factory by Mr. Chief Trader  (61) Ibid :. , pp. 51, 5S. (62) Ibid. , pp * 1515 , 58. (63) Ibid. , p. 68. (64) See Frank Ermatinger's f u l l account i n Wash. Hist. Quarterly - Vol. I., Ho. 2, pp. 16 et seqq. Ermatinger's account, how ever, tended to place the whole expedition i n a rather ( See f t . p. 87) o (87) (65) Archibald McDonald and Doctor Hamlyn, and 20 men, ex clusive of Mr. James Murray Yale and 7 men from New Caledonia and Thompsons R i v e r — they l e f t the mouth of that r i v e r on the morning of the 9th —and to their (SIC) took them from Kami oops House a day & a half. It would appear'the River i s much worse than any idea we could have found of i t : and renders the practicabi l i t y of opening a regular communication this way with the Interior most doubtful. (66) McMillan had already wri tt en to a friend: I do not know when I w i l l be allowed to quit this side of the mountains, but to be p l a i n with you my good s i r I am t i r e d of i t . I would w i l l i n g l y be quit of i t . (67) It would i n any case be his turn for a furlough i n 1830 and as the t r i p out i n the Spring might be both dangerous and incon venient i t was decided that he should no?/ accompany Governor Simpson and h i s party to Fort Vancouver. Chief Trader McDonald remaining i n his place. Yale would, also replace Manson as Clerk and the complement of men was to be reduced from twenty to sevent een. McDonald, who continues the journal from this point, t e l l s how the party set o f f i n high style on th e s i x  teenth , while, to remove their chagrin the men of the Fort were allowed each a pint of l i q u o r this evening with which they seem to drown a l l care. (68) So the founder of the f i r s t establishment i n the Fraser Valley passes from our story and from this country. Of how he spent the rest of his days we have no record. His successor a native of Appin, Argyleshire, and some  (64) humorous l i g h t and did Brmatinger much harm i n the fur- trade. (65) The man who sent the f i r s t l e t t e r from Kami oops to Langley; see p. e5 above. (66) Ft. Langley Journal, p. 99. (67) Howay and Scholefield, Vol. I., p. 401. (68) Fort Langley Journal, p. 100. (88) (x) time student at Edinburgh University had been sent to Bed River by Lord Selkirk i n 1813, i n charge of a. party of colonists and remained there t i l l 1815. The following year he wrote a "Narrative of the Destruction of Lord Selkirk's Settlement at (69) Bed River", our most r e l i a b l e account of that a f f a i r . He. seems at that time to have entered the Company's service and ten years l a t e r we find him i n charge at Kamloops sending a l e t t e r (70) to Langley. Just two years l a t e r he. was to be transferred to that post himself. The roving l i f e of the trader seems however to have had l i t t l e appeal for him. At Langley agriculture and stock raising seem to have held an important place in his interest while domestic matters seem to have concerned him very much. In a l e t t e r of February 20, 1831, addressed to "My dear Mc.", probably John McLeod, a friend and trader then i n the East, (71) he refers to "Jenny and the Boys". "Jenny", or Jane KLyne, daughter of the postmaster at Jasper House, whom he had married i n 1825, was his second wife and possibly the f i r s t white woman (72) i n the Eraser Valley. A year l a t e r he writes to McLeod, then stationed i n Labrador, of the d i f f i c u l t y of keeping the boys at rWI Nelson, Fort Langley,' p. 12, (69) Anderson, p. 29 and fn. by M. H. T. Alexander. ( 70) See p. 85 above. (71) Wash. Hist. Quarterly, Vol. I., No. 4. p. 260. ( 72) Nelson, Ft. Langley, p. 12 , and Wash. Hist. Quarterly, I I I . , 1, 93. It was claimed for Jane KLyne that she was born i n Switzerland which was certainly the homeland of her father, Michael Klyne, o r i g i n a l l y a Selkirk s e t t l e r * Wm. S. Lewis, i n "Ronald MacDonald", p. 83 fn., shows reason for believing she was born i n Western Canada, which means she was probably part Indi an on her mother's side. The whole matter remains i n much doubt. For further i n  formation re the McDonal d family see Lewis, op. c i t . , 94-96 and Wash. Hist. Quarterly, IX., 99-101. (89) their education and regrets being in Langley chiefly on that (75) account. One i s also struck with the somewhat contemptuous tone i n which he refers to the domestic relationships of the (74) men at the fort who had Indian wives. And for a l l h is domesti c i t y he seems to have been s t r i c t enough with his men. It was he who was provoked to "lay the Ruler across the S c u l l " of the blacksmith for making himself si ck on oolichans and th en "inso- • (75) l e n t l y " demanding to be excused from work. It was he, also, who ordered the Indians out of the Port when he found that interest i n securing Indian "wives" for the men was sup ere ed- • - - (76) ing diligence i n securing furs for the Company. We have said that Agrioulture was one of his chief ( 77) interests at Langley. We have already shown how c a t t l e - r a i s  ing was introduced i n 1829, under his direction. During his f i r s t s i x weeks at the fort he had the sati s f a c t i o n of harvest ing and storing the potatoes his predecessor had planted and seemed quite elated over th e y i e l d of twenty-two f o l d , which he estimates as at least twice as good as that at fort Vancou™ ( 78) ver. In the following May he planted three and a half bushels (79) of barley, four kegs of peas and f i f t y kegs of potatoes, which, i f the kegs were the three-bushel barrels mentioned above, was a large planting. By the end of June however "A perfect lake" overflowed potatoes and barley and on the third (75) Wash. Hist, Quarterly, Vol. I., Ho. 4; p. 266. (74)Ft. Langley Journal, pp. 103, 112-113, and 173. ( 75) Ft. Langley Journal, p. 225. (76) See p. 81. above. (77) Seepp. 84. above. (78) See p. 83. above. ( 79) Ibid. , pp. 161-162.. ( 90} (80) of July the whole p r a i r i e was found to be flooded. We hear nothing more of that year's crop but just ten days later the (. h ) ; f i r s t shipment of live-stock'arrived. Neither have we any re cord of ag r i c u l t u r a l proceedings at the f o r t i n 1830 but in a l e t t e r of January 15, 1832, already mentioned, McDonald found his garden and four "milch cows" worthy of mention and states (81) he has k i l l e d three pigs and has three more fattening. McDonald also made fish-packing an important part of the work at the post. We have already seen that they were p l e n t i - (82) (83) f u l and cheap, and were the ehief part of the men's diet. Mc Donald t e l l s us that when he arrived at Langley he found a re serve provision of three thousand dried salmon and sixteen (84) t i e r s of salted. McMillan had already hinted at the possibi l i t i e s of the trade when he said he could get enough to feed (65) ' a l l the people of Ruperts' Land. It remained for McDonald, however, to try to make a p r o f i t from the trade* In 1829 he (86) purchased, as we have noticed, over two and one-quarter tons of salmon at a price which amounted to something better than thirteen pounds for a pennyworth of trade goods. In 1831 his l e t t e r s show he considered th i s business on the same footing as the fur-trade and had prepared two hundred twenty barrels of salmon for shipment i n 1830. He was at the time preparing two (80) Ibid. , p. 173. (b) Ibid. , p. 177. (81) Wash. Hist. Quarterly, Vol, - I . , No. 4, p. 266. (.82) See p. ve-^above. (83) See p.79 above. (84) Journal of Simpson expedition quoted i n Nelson: p. 11. (85) See p.79.above. (86) P.78-9above. (91) to three hundred barrels for the next seasons pack, and adds (87) that a cooper i s to be sent him, though he has not yet arrived. A l e t t e r of the following year to McLeod i n Labrador says that "for a l l the contempt entertained for everything out of the routine of beaver at York Factory" , he had, i n addition to the E500 beaver, prepared during 1851 nearly three hundred barrels of salmon, and, he adds, I have descended to o i l and blubber, too, though not on your large scale, so that altogether, whatever others may think of Fraser's River, I am well s a t i s f i e d with i t s proceeds. (88) Apparently he was granted his request for a cooper, for we have record that i n 1833 one James Rindale, cooper from Langley, was granted leave owing to i l l health and another cooper sent to take his place, while Stave River i s said to have taken i t s name from the fact that much of the material for the staves (89) came from that l o c a l i t y . Apparently the company found the trade p r o f i t a b l e since i t was continued i n increasing propor- (90) tions and at an increasing profit.' Fur-trade, however , was the f i r s t consider at ion always, and salmon the second consideration. We have seen a gradual ( 91) increase i n the number of furs traded the f i r s t three years. In 1830 the number seems to have dropped to 1400 but the follow- (92) ing year McDonald writes with pride of his 2500 Beaver, while i n 1832, he t e l l s a friend , " i n the face of three America (93) vessels we collected 2000 skins." The effect of the American (87) Ibid. , 1 . 4, 259. ~~ (92) Letter i n Wash. (88) Ibid., I., 4, p. 265. Hist. Quarterly, (89) See Helson, p. 12. Vol. I., Ho. 4, (90) See next paragraph and p. 96below. p. 265. (91) P. 82 above. (93) Ibid. , I I . ,#2 p. 161 (92) competition, whioh i n part Langley may have been established to thwart, should be noted. In the f a l l of 1829 McLaughlin had been advised from London to set a "moderate" t a r i f f at Langley to bring i n Puget Sound furs from the opposition and i n November McDonald wrote him that a reduction to the Ameri can standard should be made before the American vessels ar- ( 94) rived. We can trace the exact figures of the far-trade no further than the f i f t h year, but i n 1841 S i r George Simpson re ported that the establishment was "intended to collect the trade of the numerous tribes inhabiting the mainland coast and East Coast of Vancouver's Island from Lat: 48° to Point Mudgej' had a complement of an o f f i c e r and seventeen men, and returned, about £2500 i n furs and four hundred barrels of s a l t salmon at two Pounds per bar r e l , "the p r o f i t s of the post being about (95) £1600 per annum." The importance of the f o r t i n t h i s respect no doubt began to decline with the establishment of Ft. Vic t o r i a two years l a t e r , i n 1843. McDonald, we have seen, replaced McMillan at the time of Simpson's only v i s i t to the f o r t , i n 1828, to be assisted by Yale, clerk, Annance, trader, and seventeen men. As soon afterward as he could f i n d time for i t , McDonald had the f o r t extended backward from the r i v e r a distance of t h i r t y - f i v e (96) feet to give more ample room within the f o r t i f i e d enclosure. A year l a t er, while on a v i s i t to Fort Vancouver, he learned of a proposal to reduce the force at Langley but to attach the (94) See the l e t t e r s i n Merk, op. c i t . , 318 and 319. (95) Report quoted at length i n Howay aid Scholefield, Vol. I., .p. 424. (96) Fort Langley Journal, p. 109. (93) (97) schooner Vancouver thereto to care for the Gulf trade and i n 1831 we learn that there are with McDonald only one clerk and (98) ten men "besides 2 or 3 raw Owhyhees." The journal of the f o r t , kept so scrupulously by McMillan and McDonal d, ends with the entry for July 30, 1830, which t e l l s us the Factor i s leaving for the mouth of the riv e r to meet the Eagle. Van carver, and Gadboro , the l a s t named now ar r i v i n g for the fourth time (99) three years to the day since i t s f i r s t a r r i v a l at Langley. While the journal ends i n a very cheering note, we learn from hi s l e t t e r s that McDonald might have closed i n a very dif ferent key. The l e t t e r of February, 1831, already quoted t e l l s us that one John Kennedy had died i n A p r i l of the previous year while another nan, Therian, was k i l l e d i n August, accident- (100) l y shot by one of the guns of the Vancouver. Strangely enough, another l e t t e r of the same date to Edward Ermatinger at Kamioops states that Kennedy was k i l l e d when a ship, f i r i n g a salute before the f o r t on August 18, the date of departure of the four ships mentioned above, struck him i n the groin (101) with rope wadding. This l e t t e r makes no mention of the man Therian. According to the la t e Jason A l l a r d , a native of Langley,' born i n 1848, the grave-yard wh ere these and other early men of the f o r t l i e buried i s among the trees at the side ( 97) Ft. Langley Journal p. 200 . McDonald, i n agreeing that the force could be reduced to a clerk, 12 men and 2 appren t i c e s , stipulated that i t would mean abandoning salmon- packing, lumbering, and trade-extension. (Merk, Fur-T. and Smp., 319,--McD. to McLaughlin, Nov. 14, 1829) We have seen, however, that the fishing was not abandoned. (98) Letter, Feb. 20, 1831, i n Wash. Hist. Quarterly, Vol. I., no. 4, p. 259. (99) Ft. Langley Journal, p. 236. (100) Wash. Hist. Quarterly, I, 4, p. 258 (101) Letters to Ermatinger. (94) . (102) of A l i a r a Road, near the farm of a Mr. Brou.se, A l e t t e r to McLeod, dated February 20, 1833, says McDonald i s to be moved, he knows not whither, the next month., Though he does not say so, i t seems l i k e l y that the move was being made par t l y to s a t i s f y his own wishes, for though he finds Langley a snug, comfortable place, he i s anxious about the education of his boys--"God bless them--1 have no less than (103) v f i v e of them, a l l in a promising way'.1 . It al.so seems l i k e l y that his penchant for agriculture had much to do ?/ith the change. It was he who i n 1833 persuaded the Company to enter into herding on a commercial scale on this coast. This was the o r i g i n of the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, a subsidiary of the Hudson's Bay Company, with whi ch the elder Dr. Tolmie was so long associated. Prom the journal of Hi squally House and various l e t t e r s we learn that i n May and June of that same year McDonald selected the s i t e and helped direct the construction (104) (105) of Hi squally with the aid of tools sent by Yale from Langley. In July he ascended the Columbia on his way East and spent two (106) years v i s i t i n g his old home i n Argyleshire, Scotland. In the . (107) early months of 1836 he took charge at Port Colvi l i e where Ogden wrote of him the following year: Our friend Ar dry i s at Colvi l i e l i v i n g at his ease wi th l i t t l e or nothing but his Farm to attend to-. (108)  (102) Helson , p. 13. Mr. A l l a r d shewed the place to the pre sent writ er i n 1929 , but no landmarks of any sort remain. (103) Wash. Hist . Quarterly, Vol. I I , Ho. 2, p. 162. (104) Wash. H i s t . Quarterly, IX., 2, 95; I I , 1., 161-2; VI, 3, 179-188, (105) Op. c i t . , VI., 3, 191. (106) Op. c i t . , VI., 3, 308, 309. (107) Op. c i t . , IX., 2, 96. (108) Op. c i t . , I I . , 3, 259. (95) He reti r e d i n 1844, and was buried at St. Andrews on the Ottawa, 1855, with the epitaph, "One of the Pioneers of C i v i -(109) l i g a t i o n i n Oregon, " He was succeeded as o f f i c e r i n charge by James Murray Yale, who, wi th the rank of clerk, had been McDonald's chief assistant. Though i t was now eighteen years since he had entered the services of the company, and though the departure of McDonald l e f t him great r e s p o n s i b i l i t i es with no fellow- o f f i c e r to share them, for some reason his rank remained un~ (ID) changed.. Yale i s described by Anderson, who knew him, as "of small stature, but strongly b u i l t , very active and wiry". He i s also referred to as "recklessly, brave" and was generally known as " L i t t l e Yale" despite the fact he ?/as somewhat, touchy about his stature, especially i n the presence of such giants as James Douglas. Anderson t e l l s us that i n early days he had been one of a party which was reduced to starvation for want of supplies and that many had already f a l l e n by the wayside when Yale began to weaken. A French Canadian had t r i e d to keep him going, but when t h i s became obviously impossible, and Yale, bidding his companion good-bye, threw himself down in the snow, the hugh voyageur, "swearing as only a French Canadian can (109) Op. c i t . , I I I . , 1, 93. ~ ' " (110) Helson, Fort Langley, p. 13, would lead one to suppose he was promoted i n 1836, but t h i s seems unjustifiable since an o f f i c i a l document of the Company l i s t e d him as clerk as l a t e as 1843. ( Document given i n How ay and Scholefield, B. C , I. , 385.) (96) swear", exclaimed, "Sacre" Sacred Mi sere.1 c' est trop de valeurl EmbarqueJ EmbarqueJ" and swinging the lad across hja (111) shoulder, carried him to safety. John Tod told of him that at a l a t e r date, i n Peace River, after, the union of the two com panies i n 1821, one of the former Nor' Westers t r i e d to poison him", "but could not succeed, for so invulnerable had the inte guments of the l e t t e r ' s stomach become by long acquaintance with the tough fare of that inhospitable stepmother, New Gale- (112) donia, that the d i a b o l i c a l attempt altogether f a i l e d . " Yale had, t i l l the establishment of V i c t o r i a i n 1843, con t r o l of a l l the fur-trade from Whidby Island to Gape Mudge and from Vancouver Island to somewhere above the present s i t e of (115) Yale. S i r George Simpson reported i n 1841 that this has for a length of time been a very well regulated post, but as the country has been closely wrought for a number of years the returns i n furs are gradually f a l l i n g o f f but the increasing marketable produce of the Fish eries makes up for that deficiency. (114) Bancroft records that by 1846 one to two thousand barrels of (115) salted salmon were exported from Fraser River annually. In that year a fishery was established at Chi H i nock and A. C. Anderson recommended such an establishment at the mouth of the (116) Coquihalla. In 1851, while sixty fresh salmon could be bought at San Juan Island for a four-dollar blanket, smoked salmon from Langley sold i n Hawaii at sixteen dollars a barrel, and we are told that from then on fishing was one of the main indus- (111) Hist. H.W. Coast, Anderson, p. 25, and Bancroft, B.C. p. 171 n. (112) Bancroft, B. 0., p.'79. (113) Simpson's Report, quoted i n ext. i n Howay & Scholefield , B. C. , I. , 424. (114) Ibid. , loc. c i t . (115) Bancroft, B. C. , 152. (116) Anderson, op. c i t . , p. 68 et seqq. (97) (117) t r i e s of this province. Nevertheless, i n 1859 nothing hut the unused "remains" of the fi s h i n g station on the "Chi way hook" was (118) l e f t . Tlie farm at Langley was also increasing i n importance. From 1833 on Dr. McLaughlin had been giving increasing atten tion to agriculture urged on by McDonald, who wi shed the forma tion of a subsidiary company to raise c a t t l e and farm produce on the P a c i f i c on a large scale. The Company's old fear of aught that might interfere with the fur-trade prevented t h i s , but i t became necessary to produce so much for the consumption of the various posts that agriculture became the main business (119) at Nisqually House and of considerable importance at other places. McDonald's work at Langley was being 03ntinued. In 1839 the Company's long-standing quarrels with the Russian traders were given a quietus when the Company leased the Alas- (ISO) kan "Pan-Handle", the rental to be paid i n agricultural produce, and, the sale of agr i c u l t u r a l produce to the Russians growing (121) very rapidly. Langley became to vastly increased importance (122) for t h i s purpose as well as supplying produce to ether posts, (123) less favorably situated. A new' farm was developed In the p r a i r i e between the Salmon and Nicomekl r i v e r s , where the f i r s t TTlTTBancroft, B. C. , 7481 ' ~ (118) Mayne, op. c i t . , p. 59. (119) McLaughlin's l e t t e r s quoted i n ext. i n Howay and Schole- '. f i e l d , B.C.. I., 352-362. (120) P e l l y to Glenelg, Howay and Scholefield, I., 373, and Nelson, Ft. Langley, p« 15. (121) Simpson's report, Howay and Scholefield, I. , 416-425. (122) Nelson, Ft. Langley 15, & Howay and Scholefield, .C. , I. 458. (123) Howay and Scholefield, I., 424. (98) ploughing i s reported, by people s t i l l l i v i n g in the d i s t r i c t who knew him,to have been done by Etienne Pepin, the farm over-(124) seer. This farm was abandoned when the Russian agreement ter minated and subsequently i n 1877, the land was subdivided and (125) sold. Business at Langley was increasing so that i n 1839, the year of the Russian agreement, Yale was given an assistant i n the person of Ovid A l l a r d , transferred to Langley from Boise to act as Indian trader. During the 1830' s the company attempted from time to time to make some arrangement whereby the Langley and l!isqually establishments could be combined. Among the si t e s considered was the "Big Island" (now Lulu Island) i n the mouth of the Eraser, but the danger of flooding and expense of dyking ren dered i t unfeasible. Before the s i t e of V i c t o r i a had been de cided on, however, Yale had persuaded McLaughlin that Langley must be kept up i f only for the fishing. It was therefore de cided, instead, to move i t further up the r i v e r two and one- h a l f miles to the present s i t e and to enlarge i t somewhat. This had b een completed and the new for t occupied on June 25, (126) (127) 1839, but on A p r i l 11, 1840, the f o r t was destroyed by f i r e . The loss to the Company was very great, and included a supply of cream which, judging by her actions, seemed of greater im portance to Mrs. Einlayson, the butter-maker, thai the near loss of her infant and the narrowly averted explosion of the barrels (128) of gunpowder stored i n the f o r t . Douglas was at Hi squally when 1124) Melson, Et. Langley, pp. 15 and 21. (125) Ibid., p. 15. (126) Eor a f u l l e r account of t h i s whole matter and a complete l i s t of the sources, which are a l l i n the II.B. Co. Ar-. ( See fn- -p. 99) lie heard of the disaster and was Intending to go there i n the steamer "Beaver" for a supply of s a l t food for the Stikeen. When he arrived at Langley he found Yale rebuilding the stock ade on a larger seale at the present s i t e of Fort Langley, two and one-half miles farther tip the r i v e r . He loaned him twenty (129) men from the steamer to expedite the work for a time, then (130) proceeded North to build Fort Durham on Taka Inlet. The loss (131) at Langley had been repaired by the following summer-. (152) in 1843 V i c t o r i a was founded on Vancouver Island and threatened to reduce Langley to a mere farm and f i s h i n g station, but events of greater h i s t o r i c a l importance were to give to Langley and the Fraser a new significance to the Hudson's Bay Company. (b) FORTS YALE AND HOPS AND THE DECLINE In 1846 a nemesis v/as found for the Hudson's". Bay Company' f a i l u r e to encourage settlement and a quietus was given to the American p o l i t i c a l ballyhoo about "Fifty-four-forty or'fight" i n the Oregon Boundary Treaty signed i n Washington on June 15 and proclaimed on August 5= It continued the boundary from the Rocky Ivlountains Westward along the forty-ninth p a r a l l e l , which (125) chives, see R. L. Eeid i n "B. 0* Hist. Quarterly", A p r i l , 1937, pp. 73-76* . (127) Simpson to Council, i n Howay and Scholefield B o C ® , I., 424, Bancroft, B . C. , p. 66 & Nelson, Ft. Langley, p. 15. (128) A l l ard as reported i n Nelson, p. 12, Fort Langley. (129) Bancroft, B. C. , 67, and Nelson, Ft, L. , 15. (130) Fin lay son, i n Howay and Scholefield, I., 388. (131) Simpson, i n Howay and Scholefield, I. , 424. (132) Howay and Scholefield, I., 457-496, (100) •left the Fraser Valley i n B r i t i s h Territory, ana was to follow. the inland channels i n such a way as to. leave Vancouver Tslaid also i n B r i t i s h hands. The treaty provided that property rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, Paget Sound Agricultural Company, and other B r i t i s h subjects, should be recognized and that they should be allowed rights of navigation along the Columbia from the boundary to the sea and i n the waters between Vancouver Island and the mainland South of the forty-ninth (133) p a r a l l e l . Despite these safeguards of the Company's interests, however, i t was found necessary to change the brigade route In 1848, to remove the headquarters for trade on the P a c i f i c Coast (134) from Vancouver to V i c t o r i a i n 1849, and to abandon l i t t l e by l i t t l e , and often with l i t t l e or no compensation, their numer ous p r o f i t a b l e posts South of the boundary, of which Douglas (135) in 1849 l i s t e d eleven, u n t i l f i n a l l y i n 1860 Fort Vancouver, the (136) l a s t foot-hold, was relinquished. Since 18S6 fine brigades of pack-horses had travelled with mechanical regularity th e w e l l -beat en brigade-trail from Fort Alexandria on the Fraser to Fort Okanagan at the conflu ence of- the r i v e r of th at name with the Columbia, there to meet the bateaux from Fort C o l v i l l e which would take the furs to (137) Vancouver and bring back supplies. Prior to that date we hear (133) See-text of treaty, Howay and Scholefield, B.C. , Vol. I., Appendix X I I . ^ • (134) Howay, Raison d'Stre of Fts. Hope and Yale, p. 55. (135) Letter to Capt. Sheppard, i n Howay and Scholefield, I,, 378. (136) Bancroft, N.-17. Coast,, I I . , 710. . (137) Howay, Raison d'Etre, p. 50. (101) of two unsuccessful attempts to open a route by way of the "(138) Eraser, but the idea had been long since abandoned. It was i n 1845 that Alexander Gaulfield Anderson, then at Alexandria, proposed to attempt to f i n d such a route, thinking, no doubt, i t would prove valuable i f the Company's apprehensions about the impending boundary settlement should prove well-founded. It seems l i k e l y that before his l e t t e r had reached the Governor that gentleman had begun to entertain the same idea for Ogden wrote to Tod and Manson at Kamioops, October 22, 1845: Shortly p r i o r to my departure from Red River Sir George Simpson suggested to me that i t would be most- important to ascertain i f a communication with horses could be effected between Alexandria and Langley and as Mr. A. 0. Anderson has volunteered his services and from his ac tive habits and experience i n Caledonia I consider him f u l l y competent to carry i t into effect, I have to re quest that he may be appointed. (139) He proceeds to suggest i n some d e t a i l a route by way of L i l - looet and the Harrison which /mderson should try on the way out, returning by the Eraser Canyon. A. well-known modern authority, commenting on t h i s , wonders ho?/ Ogden was able to outline the route so correctly as Eraser and S i r George Simp son are the only two known to have come from the i n t e r i o r to the lower Eraser and neither of them had explored any such route as the one now suggested, and since Ogden's information (140) i s "unusually correct" to have been obtained from Indians. We wonder i f we may no t already have stumbled upon the answer to (141) the historian's inquiry? (138) See Howay. Raison d'Etre, p. 49. (139) Quoted i n Howay: Raison d'Etre, p. 52. (140) Ibid. , l o c c i t . (141) P. &7 above. (102) .Anderson himself t e l l s , i n a report appended to his manv- (142) scri p t History of the Northwest Coast, how he l e f t Kamloops with f i v e men i n the middle of May, 1846, crossed the Thompson, followed Cache and Hat Creeks to Marble Canyon, thence down the Fraser from Pavilion to L i l l o o e t , which he reached on the eight eenth. He then f o i l owed Seton and Anderson Lakes, which he named, to the L i l l o o e t and Harrison, and so arrived at Langley on the Queen's birthday, May 24, 1846.. He had travelled, he estimated, two hundred twenty-nine and one-half miles in nine days, l i v i n g on the country most of the way, but he strongly condemned i t as a possible route for a horse brigade. He did not attempt to follow the Fraser and Thompson back, but instead branched o f f at the Coquihalla which he followed to the Tula- meen country and thence proceeded across open country to Kam loops. The whole return journey from Langley occupied thirteen days and his report on the route was favorable, with two pro visos. F i r s t , a summer establishment would have to be made for the horses- at the mouth of the Coquihall a, as boats would be more feasible from there to Langley; but this post might be made to pay for i t s e l f by using i t also as a fishing station. Secondly, the danger of snow i n the high summit of the pass would necessitate so timing the' brigade that the journey from the i n t e r i o r to Langley and return would be made between July and September. This second l i m i t a t i o n made the route seem impracticable (142) Anderson, Hist. N.-W. Coast, pp. 68 et seqq. Raison d 'Etre. pp. 49-57, and Bancroft B.C., pp. 157-177, follow this report very closely. (103) to Douglas, who believed a more suitable way might be found by following near the Thompson and Fraser Rivers to Spuzzum, and thenoe to Langley by bateaux. In January he wrote Anderson to try out that route and May, 1847, finds that gentleman again on the move with f i v e companions. He soon abandoned the Thomp son, however, and struck southward to the Ooldwater, crossed the. Cascades to the l i t t l e r i v e r which now bears his name, and turning leftward from that again reached the Fraser at Kequel- oose near where the suspension bridge now i s , a few miles above Spuzzum. He decided the route was satisfactory for the horse- brigade but found three portages would be necessary between.the trail - e n d and Yale, at the foot of the " l i t t l e kanyon". He also realized that the up-stream passage might be extremely d i f f i c u l t f o r loaded bateaux, though his party went from Lang ley to Spuzzum by canoe in f i v e days. F i n a l l y , "as though", '(143) says Howay , he foresaw the disturbing events which were soon to occur on the Columbia and imperiously require the immediate adoption of this route he l e f t instructions and implements with the Indians to build the h o r s e - t r a i l over the Cascades to the point where he had l e f t ' his canoe . Once more, however, Douglas was not sa t i s f i e d and went i n person with J. M. Yale and William S i n c l a i r to inspect the water-course to the lower end of the t r a i l . He condemned the l i t t l e canyon as impassable but discovered a way ^ through the mountains in a narrow winding d e f i l e on  (143) Howay, Raison d'Etre, p. 54. (104) the north side of Eraser's River, which runs nearly p a r a l l e l with i t and which would be i n f i n i t e l y preferable to the most perilous piece of water communication i n the Indian country, (144) The route would be made the more cumbersome by the necessity of ferrying the horses across the r i v e r at Spuzzum. The development of a route by the Eraser could not be de layed much longer. Goods for Hew Caledonia, as the whole i n  t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia was then called, were shipped to Eort Vancouver to be sent up the Columbia, which, f i r s t , neces sitated the paying of duties and, secondly, was made an unplea sant task because of the animus against the Compaiy and i t s ser vants i n the minds of the American s e t t l e r s . Eor these reasons (145) Douglas urged, i n a l e t t e r of November 6, 1847., that the b r i  gade t r a i l along the route which he and Anderson had selected should be ready for use i n the summer of 1849, Just three weeks after the writing of this l e t t e r occurred the famous "Whitman Massacre" near Walla Walla, and the ensuing Cayuae War made commerce along the Columbia nearly impossible. Hence the posts of the i n t e r i o r were sent word, as Anderson relates, that they "must break through to Langley at a l l hazards," and that the supplies from England would be shipped there. It has been pointed out that this was merely hastening the inevitable as the removal of headquarters from Vancouver to V i c t o r i a would (146) have necessit ated the use of this route then i n any case. (144) Letter of Douglas quoted in i b i d . , pp. b4-b5. (145) Ib i d . , p. 55. (146) Ib i d * , l o c . c i t . (105) Mr. Jason A l l a r d gives his father, Ovid A l l a r d , credit for building, toward the end of 1847, the small, unstockaded post to be called Port Yale in honor of the Chief Trader at Langley. We have found no definite reason to doubt his state ment, though most writers, without quoting any authority give (147) the date as 1848, i n which case i t must have been early i n the year. At the same time v/ork on Anderson's t r a i l and "Douglas Portage", as Anderson called i t , was pushed to completion. In June came the brigade, led by Anderson and our old friend, Donald Mai son. Pour hundred horses, many of them "unbroken" , had to be brought along a rough and precipitous t r a i l and transferred i n - a make-shift ferry across the r i v e r . The bateaux went down to Langley easily enough but found the re turn to Yale more d i f f i c u l t . At Spuzzum many of the horses were l o s t crossing the r i v e r and one poor driver became so discour aged as to take his own l i f e . His grave,, near Chapman's Bar, (148) was well known to the gold-seekers ten years l a t e r , and Mr. A l l a r d declared in 1929 he could s t i l l point out the exact ; place. To make matters worse, the general confusion encour aged the.Indians to resort to t h e i r old p i l f e r r i n g habits so that Anderson declared that the loss due to t h i s cause alone would be ample j u s t i f i c a t i o n for changing the route while Douglas'.ferrying scheme rendered the present arrangement at- (147) See, e.g.. Howay Raison d'etre, p. 56 and Year Book, p. 73, Bancroft, B.C., p. 174 says i t had just been b u i l t i n 1848, while a photostat of the Survey Branch of the Dept. of Lands, 1925, gives the date I860.1 (See H. B. Oo, Posts i n Archives of B. C.) A • (148) Howay, Baison d'Etre,, p. 56. (106) t e r l y impossible. Douglas bad, perforce, to agree to a change and reluctantly f e l l back upon the Cocruihalla route. For want of any alternative, however, the out coming brigade of 1849 had (149) " " ' to foilow the same course. Then Fort Yale was abandoned after just over a year of usefulness, and though i t was to be re opened l a t e r , i t was to be neither as a fur-trading post, for which I t was never intended, nor as a l i n k i n the Company's transportation system, whioh was at f i r s t i t s only rajson  d' ctre. Lie an while H. II, Peers had been sent to re-examine the. Ooquihalla route and reported that with some minor changes i n the course the snow would be not nearly so bad as Anderson had feared. Hearing t h i s , and in view.of his own experience of the- Fraser River route, Anderson himself strongly re com-'- mended that the Ooquihalla route be made'ready for use i n the summer of 1849. On October 30, 1848, Dongas wrote two l e t t e r s , one- to Yale instructing him to send Peers with, ten men for the establishment of Fort Hope end to commence work on the Ooqui h a l l a t r a i l , the other to John Tod at Kami oops to build th e t r a i l from that end to connect with that of Peers In the (150) So aqua va l l e y . The work was s t i l l uncompleted when the b r j - (149) Bancroft, B.C. 177; Howay, Falson d'etre, 57; and. Ander son, H i s t . Coast. (150) Letters given i n Appendix to Howay, Raj son d'Etre, Jason All a r d said his father b u i l t Fort Hope i n 1848 and l e f t that place for Langley i n August of that year. Nelson, p. 19, says Peers received the orders for Yale but i l l - l a r d apparently did the work. We have found no warrant for the f i r s t part of this statement but have accepted the second part, no c o n f l i c t i n g evidence having appeared. I f similar explanation to Nelson's i s to be talc en for Fort Hope, All a r d must be wrong i n giving August, 1848, , as the date, of. his father's removal from that place. ( Bee fn. p. 10/y (107) .gade for 1849, instead of returning by Yale as they had come, turned aside at Hope and helped complete the now t r a i l as they went, Douglas seemed s t i l l to hesitate and sent a l i g h t ex press by the Coquihalla to Anderson at G o l v i l l e i n March, 1050, with a l e t t e r stating that this was to 'test the t r a i l and that i f snow delayed the express the brigade must resort again to (151) " the Keqneloose route.. But the snow was not bad, the express was not delayed, and for ten years tho long horse trains came •down over the Coquihalla t r a i l each June, created a great s t i r at Hope while they exchanged the bales of furs for loads of supplies from Langley and V i c t o r i a , then wound their way back through the narrow defi l e s of the Cascades, leaving comparative silence behind them for another year, Hope did a l i t t l e trade but never flourished as a fur- trading post, as i t was never expected i t should* After the building of the f o r t i t seems to have been l e f t i n charge f i r s t of ITapoleon Pease, then of Auguste^, Willing from Langley, then of Donald Walker. The l a s t named was In charge there In 1858 when Douglas brought Ovid Al l a r d from lanaimo to re-build Fort Tale to s e l l supplies to miners. Walker was dismissed In that year- for allowing prospectors to seize guns from the Company's, -(152) stores to fight the Indians.' He was followed, by John Ogilvie. \ (153) Sometime before 1863 William Charles took charge there and i n (150) That maybe, of course, for i n speaking to the writer he i > N depended enti r e l y on his memory for dates of these events, . cyj- , ~ - - „ - - • v — - - - - - ~ - - • ~ " which were before his birth or before the time he could rem ember . A (151) Letter also given i n Appendix to Howay, Raison d'fSEre. (.152) ' This enumeration i s based on Allard's account supported by Mrs. Flood, (See fn. page 108) (153) Bancroft, B.C., 374, and J. Allard., (108) 1864 A l l a n was transferred to Langley and Charles required to (154) look after both Hope and Yale. Hope had ceased to he of im portance as a brigade station since the bulldim? of the Cariboo (155^ Road, which was opened to the i n t e r i o r i n 1863, and the gold excitement i n the lower Eraser had dwindled away so that there was l i t t l e to be done at either place except s e l l supplies to a few s e t t l e r s , to Indian and Chinese gold-diggers, and to t r a  v e l l e r s on their way up-river. The building of the railway- gave the Company's business at Yale a new lease of l i f e under W i l l i a m Harvey, but as soon as that business was over, the post was closed* We are told that Ma% Donald Smith, l a t e r Lord Strathcona, on his way to the coast after driving the famous l a s t spike at Graigellachie i n November, 1885, entered the Com- Dany's store at Yale while the remnant of goods there was being (156) packed for shipment to f o r t Langley. At .Hope, where William Yates had succeeded Charles, they may have kept going, s e l l i n g (157) to s e t t l e r s , a few years longer. At Langley the opening of the brigade t r a i l had also i t s effects. That fort became the Company's largest and most im portant establishment on the mainland of what Is now B r i t i s h Columbia. Bateaux or "Columbia River Boats" were b u i l t there (152) (Con't.) Howay and Scholefield, I I . , ~ p . 34, quotingthe Vi otorla Gazette for Aug. 10, 1858, speaks of Walker as being agent at Yale then, though on the very next page Alla r d i s called "the company's o f f i c e r i n charge there" i n connection with an event which occurred on or before . Aug. 18., It would seem the f i r s t reference must be to Hope. (154) Jason A l l a r d . (155) Howay and Scholefield, B. C., I I , 102. (156) Jason A l l a r d . (157. Mr. W. E. Bradley of Hope says i t had just been closed (See fn. page 10y) (109) to take the trade-goods brought to Langley by the ships to meet the brigade at Hope and to bring back the furs collected by the posts of the i n t e r i o r . Thus Langley became for a time the port of B r i t i s h Columbia, s t i l l known as Hew Caledonia, In 1852 a new type of trouble developed at the f o r t . Captain James Cooper, a mariner, retired through i l l n e s s from the Company's service, had taken up land at Metchoein wi th the intention of entering into farming on a large scale. Then, with Thomas Blinkhorn, a s e t t l e r at Metehosin, as his partner, he had bought an iron ship In England, assembled I t at Victor! and proposed to enter into trade with the Indians. In 1852 they bought cranberries from Katesey Indians at seventy-five cents a b a r r e l , to be sold l a t e r i n San Francisco at one dollar a gallon. They expected to be supplied with barrels from Lang ley where the Company made large quantities of them at a cost which they computed at about t h i r t y cents each, but the inter lopers found they could only get one hundred and had to pay three hundred dollars for them. Perhaps the fact that the partners had just the year before protested against Douglas' (158) appointment as Governor of Vancouver Island had something to do with the case, but at any rate that worthy sent orders to Lang ley that a l l further berries must be purchased by that post to (159) prevent a recrudescence of private enterprise i n that d i s t r i c t . Yale, smarting under Douglas' rebuke, in turn l a i d the blame GL57) and "moved to Yal e" when he came there i n 1892* (158) See t h e i r p e t i t i o n i n Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I., 524-526. (159) Brancroft: B.C., 256. (110) upon his Indian trader, A l l a r d . Yale, now getting on in years, was becoming a recluse and had surrounded himself with a num ber of f i e r c e dogs. Allard feared the*brutes and shot more than one i n going to Yale.Is quarters for the keys of the estab lishment which were always kept by Yale during the night. Just after the a f f a i r of the cranberries he shot Yale's favorite dog and this completed the estrangement between the two men. A l l a r d moved at once to V i c t o r i a and i n the following March was (160) : - transferred to Nanaimo» Business at the fort was s t i l l expanding. The o f f i c e r s there i n 1858, when Allard was on his way from Nanaimo to re build Port Yale, were Chief Trader Yale; 17. H. Newton, Clerk, who had come to the coast i n 1851 as assistant to J. D. Pem- berton, the Vancouver Island land surveyor and had la ter entered the Company's service; Auguste W i l l i n g , Indian Trader; Napoleon Dease, Assistant Trader; Etienne Pepin, farm super visor; and. William Cromarty, foreman cooper. The extent of the f i s h i n g i s indicated by the fact that Cromarty had four assist ant coopers, Kenneth Morrison, John Mclver, Phineas Manson, and Robert Robertson, and by the statement with which Douglas , closed his l e t t e r of October 50 1848. giving Yale instructions (160) Jason A l l a r d . See also Nelson, Fort Langley, p. 20. It i s interesting to note that Cooper was one of the prin c i p a l witnesses examined by the Select Committee of Parliament on the Hudson's Bay Co. and that his evidence was la r g e l y instrumental i n bringing about the loss of Vancouver Island to the Company. See report pp. i v . , 190-210, (I l l ) for the establishment of Fort Hope: From the present state of the foreign market and the quantity of s a l t f i s h on hand, I do not think that we w i l l be able to export with p r o f i t more than 1000 barrels of salmon next year and you w i l l shape your arrangements accordingly. (161) Pepin had to help him i n the farm work regularly a shepherd, William Emptage; two teamsters/Donald Gunn and 0. Sturgeon; two dairymen, B a s i l Brosseau and his son of the same name, and seven Indians as milkers for between seventy and eighty cows. There were also the boatbuilder, Samuel-Robertson; the black™ smith, James Taylor, and his helper, Richard Bailey; the ste ward, Harcisse Fallerdo, with three flunkeys; and four Sandwich (16E) Islanders or "Kanakas", Peopeo, who had come with McMillan i n 1824 and'again i n 1827, ITahu, Apnaught, and Joseph Mayo, the (163) half'Indian son of Peopeo. A large number of Indians were also employed but not allowed to spend, the night i n the f o r t . Yale made i t a part of his policy to get his men married to native women, securing daughters of chiefs, usually called "Princesses',' for the whites. The offspring of many of these marriages s t i l l l i v e i n the v i c i n i t y of Fort Langley, while a directory of B.C. for 1877 shows that, of the persons mentioned above, William (161) Appendix to Howay: Raison d'Etre, p. 62. (162) Written "Peo Bean" i n Work's Journal, f i r s t page; "Peopeoh", i n Ft. L. Journal, p. 1; Pupu i n lot Book, H. W., Gp. 1, l o t 402, and Peon Peon In Kelson, Ft. L., p. 21. (163) L i s t of names supplied by A l l a r d to H el son, p. 21. Mayo's . name i s given as Mayo P & p n a i n Lot Book quoted i n previous fn,, Fallerdo's as Hoel Falerdo i n Guide, 1877, p. 353 and Harcis Fallardeau i n Directory, 1882, p. 257. (112) Emptage, Kenneth Morrison, and James Taylor were s t i l l at Fort Langley, though whether s t i l l i n the service of the Company or not i t does not say, Mayo was l i v i n g at Derby, while John Mclver and the two Robertsons had moved across the river to (164) Maple Ridge. The f o r t at this time i s described as enclosing a space approximately two hundred forty by s i x hundred t h i r t y feet with i n eighteen-foot palisades of s p l i t logs, fifteen to eighteen inches i n diameter. The l i n e s cf th i s f o r t i f i c a t i o n may s t i l l be traced quite d i s t i n c t l y upon the ground i n most places. At •all four corners were square bastions mounting two nine- pounders each and some two and one-half-pounders such as may now be seen i n the old fort building. At the South end stood the "Big House", the lower fl o o r for the Chief Trader and Clerk and their f a m i l i e s , the upper floor reserved for use of brigade o f f i c e r s and honored guests. ' The ruins of the main chimney of (165) this building form a rockery at the back of Dr. Marr's house. Hear this stood a kitchen and a house for the steward and ser vants of the o f f i c e r s . Hext came the residence of the Super visor and Indian Trader, residences for the - craftsmen and laborers of the f o r t , the Trader's Shop and Store Room for rations, s t i l l standing, with loop-holes on an upper floor to cover the door where the Trader did business with the Indians, a blacksmith shop and warehouses a l l along the Eastern side of the f o r t . At the North End - were a storehouse f o r , f i s h , a " TT&4) See Guide, 1877, 352-556. (165) B u i l t 1929. (113) * ' cooper's shop, etc., while along the West side were cabins for' the Kanakas. A model .of the whole, based upon information supplied by Jason A l l a r d , i s kept i n the sole remaining build ing of the fort . Cromarty, the foreman cooper, b u i l t a house for himself just outside the Western wall; the old burying- (166) ground, unused after 1858, lay near the South-East bastion, while the barns and cattle-sheds were on the f l a t to the East- • . (167) ward. The Russian market f o r farm produce seems to have de- clined and with the f i r s t a r r i v a l of settlers the farm on Lang- (168) ley P r a i r i e was leased out i n 1859, never to be operated by the company again. At the fort agriculture and dairying con tinued f o r some years longer, but the la s t of the stock was (169) sold in' 1871. The old men of the days "when fur was King" were passing* In 1858, the year the gold-rush brought so many new faces and disturbing forces, Donald liaison, whom Yale had replaced as Clerk at Langley i n 1828, called at the fort on his way to re-(170) tirement i n Oregon. Doubtless he would also stop at V i c t o r i a to see h i s old friend John Work, now an honored member of the (171) Council of Vancouver island. Less than two years had elapsed since the l a t t e r wrote on the eighth of August, 1856 to (166) See the writer's account of i t s discovery i n 1929 i n "Sunday Province", Nov. 2, 1930. (167) Description, based c h i e f l y on a personal reconnoitre of the ground with Jason A l l a r d . There i s at the fort a model patterned after a blue-print prepared .under,the direction of Mr. A l l a r d . (168) B. C. Hist. Q., A p r i l , 1937, 83-84. (169) Mainland Guardian, A p r i l 26, 1871. (170) Nelson, Port Langley, p. 21. (171) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I. 569, (114) Sdwcl. Ermatinger, Esquire, My Good Old F r i e n d , Our a f f a i r s , tho great changes have taken place go on much as u s u a l , the furtrade s t i l l does p r e t t y well° notwithstanding many drags upon i t and a great departure , from the economy of former times, and 85th s t i l l brings about £300 a year which i s not to be despised as a f f a i r s go i n the World nowadays. Gold has been discovered at C o l v i l l e and even some found at Thompson's E l v e r , and-at Fort Hope about 80 Miles, above Langley. Some of the dig gers are reported to have done w e l l and high expectations are entertained. The old doctor i s s t i l l a l i v e at Ore gon, and o l d as he i s as eager as ever to make Money. — Manson i s s t i l l i n Hew Caledonia, and Yale at Langley, both l i k e myself g e t t i n g worse of the wear. I bel i e v e these are a l l of your old acquaintances remaining. (172) Yale h i m s e l f , the l a s t of the group, promoted to the rank ( x ) (173) of Chief Trader In 1844, have r e t i r e d i n 1860 to be replaced (174) by Chief Trader George Blenkinsop. The l a t t e r must have been very s h o r t l y replaced by ¥ . H . Newton, whose successes seem to (175) have been c h i e f l y a g r i c u l t u r a l . I t i s the claim of Jason A l l a r d that he so mismanaged trade that Finlayson, who had by now replaced Douglas i n management of the Company's a f f a i r s , sent h i s f a t h e r , Ovid A l l a r d , to redeem business while he him s e l f , a l a d j u s t out of school, took the place of several c l e r k s to reduce the s t a f f of "gentlemen's sons." A l l a r d -died (172') See l e t t e r s to Ermatinger, also Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d , B. 0, , I . , 555-556. In Memorial Square, a l l th at i s l e f t of the o l d Quadra Street Cemetery i n V i c t o r i a , are two stones of i n t e r e s t to the student of Fort Langley h i s t o r y . One i s i n s c r i b e d ; "Sacred to the Memory of Hon. John Work Late Chief Factor Hudson's Bay Company, who died at H i l l  s i d e , V. I . , the 22nd of December 1861 i n h i s 70th year much r e g r e t t e d by a wide c i r c l e of r e l a t i v e s and friends." The other i s : "Sacred to the Memory of James Murray Yale a Chief Trader i n the Honble„ Hudson Bay.Co. who died at - Stromrie-ss Farm V i c t o r i a D i s t r i c t On the 7th of May 1871 Aged 71 years." (x) Reid i n B . C. H i s t . Q., A p r i l , 1937, p. 85. (173) Anderson, H i s t , of N.W. Coast, p. 25. (174) Jason A l l a r d . ( See'page 115, f o r f n . 175.) (115) i n August, 1874, wh en Newton seems to have returned to control for a few months before his death i n the following January. He was followed i n turn by Henry V/ark (or Work, a half-breed son of John Work) William S i n c l a i r , James Drummond, Walter (176) Wilkie and Frank Powell. The post had long since become a (177) small community store for s e t t l e r s . F i n a l l y , i n 1895, Fort Langley, f i r s t ana l a s t of the trading posts on the Lower Fraser, was closed and dismantled. It had played a lengithy and important part i n the history of B r i t i s h Columbia. (175) "Columbian", Ho v. £1, 1851, says he took prizes for bar ley , oats,.hops, apples, turnips, swedes, carrots, onions, beets and celery at Hew Westminster. (176) This l i s t omitting the name of Wilkie, was prepared on the basis of information supplied by Messrs. Jason Allard and Henry Hewton. Dr. P. L. He id has since prepared a l i s t from information i n the Hudson's Bay Co. Archives. (See B.C. Hist. Quarterly, Apr., 1937, p. 85.) It reveals only the one error i n our or i g i n a l account. (177) June 26, 1895 i s the date given i n the company's records (Peid, B.C. H i s t , Quarterly, l o c . c i t . ) but the writer's father says he attended the closing-out sale i n the Spring of 1896, the only year he ever l i v e d in Langley. C H A P T E R IV - PORTAL TO THE GOLD COLONY (a) EFFECT OE THE GOLD R U S H B r i t i s h Columbia i n the second quarter of the Nineteenth Century belonged to the fur-trader; i n the third i t belonged to the gold-seeker and adventurer. Though some gold was found early i n the upper part of Fraser Valley, between C h i l l i  wack and Hope, the bulk of the excitement was outside our t e r r i t o r y . To the average gold-lusting prospector this ver dant v a l l e y with i t s dense growth of underbrush and swamps and mosquitoes was an annoying barrier through which he must push his way p a i n f u l l y to the El Dorado beyond. Nevertheless, when] the tide had receded, the vailey had a different aspect. Quieter souls, quickly d i s i l l u s i o n e d , saw here, i f not a for tune , something better, the peace and contentment of a farm home. Before the gold-rush the valley contained only the Hudson's Bay forts and the Indian v i l l a g e s . After i t had sub-(117) sided there was a t h r i v i n g town linked by r i v e r and road with a number of pioneer a g r i c u l t u r a l communities enjoying peaceful government and such prosperity as f e r t i l e s o i l in an isolated (x) part of the world could give themj As we have seen gold was reported found near Hope as well (1) as at i n t e r i o r points as early as 1856. It was not, however, u n t i l 1858 that this led to what Bancroft c a l l s "the third (2) great devil-dance of the nations within the decade." Governor Douglas had already foreseen that a rush of American and other adventurers would take place i n the spring of that year and, without any authority for so doing, issued a proclamation for bidding mining without paying to the B r i t i s h Crown through his (3) government a license fee of ten s h i l l i n g s . In A p r i l he re ported most of the mining was done by Indians, though, he adds, some seventy or eighty Americans had entered the Thompson- ( 4 ) Fraser country without licenses. A small band of these, the (x) On the place of the gold rush i n the history of B« 0. , see, besides the authorities cited .below, W. H. Sage: "The Gold Colony of B r i t i s h Columbia" (Can. Hist. He v. , Dec, 1921.) and " S i r Jas. Douglas and B. 0." , Chapter V. ( l ) See p. 114. (Ch. III.) above. For a summary of conflicting accounts of the o r i g i n of the Fraser Fiver mines see Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , 9-15. The conclusion there stated (p. 11, et seqq.) that gold was f i r s t discovered i n the West Kootenays near Ft. C o l v i l l e and that "American Adventurers" making the i r way westward through.the Okan- agan and Thompson watersheds led to the Fraser discoveries tends to confirm the claims made by their sons on behalf of James Houston and Peter Baker, neither of them Americans but both."'forty-niners" from Calif o r n i a . For these con f l i c t i n g but not irreconcilable claims to f i r s t discovery by two of the e a r l i e s t s e t t l e r s i n the Fraser Valley see below, (p. 20"", fn. (x) and ''210, tn. (360).) ( 2) Bancroft, B.C., p. 355 . (3) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , 13. (4) Ibid., I I . , p. 14. (118) advance guard as i t were, had discovered r i c h pay at H i l l ' s Bar, about a mile and a half below Yale and sent samples to ( 5 ) San Francisco. This precipitated the real stampede to the Fraser i n the ensuing few months. It i s not our purpose here to trace the history of the rush, but we are compelled to bear i n mind something of i t s proportions. We have records to show that i n A p r i l , 4 5 5 , i n May, 1 2 5 2 , i n June, 7 1 4 9 , i n July, 6 2 7 8 , and i n August, 254 l e f t San Francisco for V i c t o r i a and Fraser River. Every day brought new a r r i v a l s , "the greater part of them with no pro perty but the bundle they carried, and wi th "dollars, dollars. (6) dollars." stamped on every face." "In short," exclaimed Rev. R. G. Lundin Brown, "never in the history of men has been seen (7 ) such a 'rush', so sudden and so vast." At f i r s t i t . seems to have been thought that the Fraser was inaccessible to ocean-going cra f t . At least, as Bancroft puts i t , the owners of vessels did not choose to incur the r i s k of going up to Langley. Above Langley i t was not ex pected that r i v e r steamers could go far enough to be an object to the miners. ( 8 ) Canoes were therefore i n great demand and were brought from points a l l about Puget Sound and the Gulf of Georgia, Skiffs and whaleboats were also used, "mostly makeshifts constructed (9 ) by the miners themselves." Many were lo s t crossing the Gulf (5 ) Ibid. , l o c . c i t . ( 6 ) Mayne, op * c i t . , p. 4 5 . (7) Brown: B r i t . CoL--an essay, p. 3. (8 ) Bancroft B.C., p. 3 6 2 . See also Horman Hacking: Early Marine Hist, o f B.C., Ch. 3 , B. MS i n Library of IT.B.C. (9 ) Ibid. , p. 3 6 3 . (119) and heard of no more, others wrecked by the swift current of the r i v e r , now i n freshet, and even i f these p e r i l s were over come the way was long and tedious, the task strenuous and mos quitoes numerous. Yet during the f i r s t week of June f i f t y canoes, contain ing an average of six persons, reached Port Hope. (10) Douglas, Chief Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company as well as Governor of Vancouver's Island, adopted a policy not cal culated to re l i e v e the d i f f i c u l t i e s . On the eighth of Hay ; he issued a proclamation making a l l boats and their cargoes found on the Fraser or adjacent waters without a. licence from the Company and clearance papers from the Customs Officer at (11) V i c t o r i a l i a b l e to seizure. He f a i l e d , however, to no t i f y the Colonial o f f i c e of this regulation u n t i l , toward the end of the month, he proposed an arrangement "with the U» 8. P a c i f i c Mail Steamship Co. for placing steamers on a regular run bet ween Victor i a and Forts Hope and Yale. Ho American vessel had (12) yet entered the River and the Company's vessels were inadequate yet this grudging concession was given under conditions which, he explained, at once assert the rights of the Crown, protect the Interests of the Hudson's Bay Company, and are intended to draw the whole trade of the Gold D i s t r i c t s through Eraser's River to this Colony, which w i l l obtain i t s supplies d i r e c t l y from the Mother Country. ' They were: (10) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , p* 23. (11) Quoted verbatim i n Howay and Scholefield, B. C., I I . , pp. 26-27. Also B. C. Proclamations, p. 5. (MS i n Dept. of H.-W. Hist., Prov. Libs*, of B. C.) (12) Bancroft, B. C. , p. 363. . (120) 1st. That they should place steamers on the navigable route between this place and the Falls of Eraser's River one hundred and thi r t y miles distant from i t s dis charge into the Gulf of Georgia, for the transport of goods and passengers to that point. 2nd. That they should carry Hudson's Bay Company's goods into Eraser's River, and none other. 3rd. That they carry no passengers except such as have taken out and paid for a gold mining licence and permit from the Government of Vancouver Island. 4th. That they pay to the Hudson's Bay Company, as com pensation to them, at the rate of two dollars head money for each passenger carried into Eraser ' s River. {13) We must remember that Douglas and the Government of Vancouver I s i aid had no legal authority on the mainland, the Company had only a l e g a l monopoly of trade wi th the Indians, and that the third condition would reli e v e the Company of part of i t s o b l i  gation to pay a l l costs of government on the island not pro vided out of i t s revenues. L i t t l e wonder that Lytton, then Colonial Secretary, wrote to the Governor on July 16: But I must d i s t i n c t l y warn you against using the power hereby intrusted to you In maintenance of the interests of the Hudson's Bay Company i n the t e r r i t o r y . (14) He therefore disallowed the ea r l i e r proclamation and those parts of the agreement with the P a c i f i c Mail Company referring ( 1 5 ) to the Hudson's Bay Company. Meanwhile this policy combined with a rather flamboyant American patriotism to s t i r up a keen r i v a l r y against V i c t o r i a (13) B.C. Papers, I., pp. 11 and IS: also Howay and Scholefield B.C., I I . , pp. 28-29. (14) B.C. Papers, I., p. 42. (15) Ibid., l o c . c i t . Also Howay and Scholefield, B. C. , I i . , pp o 30-31. ' (121) at; several points on Paget Sound, and especially at Whatcom, now Bellingham. This led to the blazing of the f i r s t t r a i l into the Fraser Valley, the old mat com T r a i l , On the f i r s t of A p r i l a mass-meeting was held of those Americans gathered at Bellingham Bay i n large numbers on their way to the Fraser. A committee was formed and subscriptions taken to cut a road to Hope. The scheme was described by an enthusiastic resident as follows: It starts from the town of Whatcom, leads through a tim bered country a distance of twelve to fourteen miles, half of which i s already cut. Here we strike the Hoot- sack (Hooksack) prairies...As yet no settlement has been made upon them on account of having no road . to th em. Proceeding on about ten miles on a well-beaten Indian t r a i l , we reach the Sematz (Sumas) p r a i r i e s . These p r a i r i e s extend to Frazer's River, a distance of eight miles, and distant from the mouth of the river about seventy miles. At this point the road intersects with the Hudson's Bay Company1s brigade road leading to Fort Hope, a distance of f i f t e e n or twenty miles. The i n  tention i s to construct a good practicable road for pack- tra i n s , 'inis road can be travelled in three days from Whatcom to Fort Hope. (16) It should be noted that the scheme took no cognizance of the fact that the Sumas P r a i r i e was so swampy as to be im passable without the use of s p l i t cedar "corduroy" which would f l o a t away when the Fraser was i n freshet i n May and June. It should also be noted that a l l the distances were very consider ably under-estimated; also that the mosquitoes were so bad at Sumas as to cause the boundary survey party encamped there to (17) break camp before their work was completed, nevertheless news- (16) Quoted by R. L. Held, K. C, i n "Sunday Province", Oct. 3, 1926 • (17) Howay and Scholefidd, B. C. , I I . , p. 307, quoting Lord: At Home i n the Wilderness, pp. 274-277. (122) papers and r e a l t y promoters pressed the scheme forward under the hammer of American patriotism, and after alternate reports of hopeful progress aid disappointing delays the t r a i l was brought to a rather doubtful kind of completion early in July. On the seventh the f i r s t miners arrived at Hope by that route. Many had been waiting at Whatcom a l l t h i s while under the de lusion that a t r a i l thro ugh forest and over swamps would prove superior to a navigable r i v e r . When i t proved a trap to the unwary and a boomerang to i t s promoters Delacy's t r a i l was b u i l t v i a Mount Baker and the upper Skagit to the Tulameen and Thompson country without entering the Fraser Valley, This was even more of a f a i l u r e than the f i r s t t r a i l and the Whatcom (18) boom-town proved, for the time, a fiasco. The f i r s t t r a i l , how ever , found another use. In 1862, "The B r i t i s h Columbian" of Hew Westminster declared; The inconvenience and expense attending the transmission of stock from this p i ace to Douglas and Yale upon steamers has resulted i n diverting the trade to a point south of the Boundary l i n e . Animals i n large -numbers are landed at Bellingham Bay, and driven thence up to Hope, simply i n order to avoid the inconvenience and expense of the r i v e r t r a n s i t . (a) i  (18) See a f u l l study of the whole question by R. L. Reid i n "Sunday Province", Oct. 3 and 10, 1926. Also Murphy i n i b i d . , May 22 , 1927; Howay and Scholefield, B. C* I. , 564-567; I I . , 29-30; Bancroft, B.C., 365;364. On-, one point a l l these accounts are vague: where did the t r a i l arrive on the Fraser? The earliest s e t t l e r s on Sumas P r a i r i e , says Mr. Fraser York, knew of nothing beyond Sumas lake, whence tra v e l l e r s proceeded by canoe, u n t i l ,. the t r a i l was cut to Wade's Landing. ( See p.230below.) That there was some other route, however, Is indicated on a very early chart of the r i v e r , probably made about 1859, (B.C. Dept. of Lands, Chart 30 Tl.) by a note just above Seabird Island: "Bellingham Bay T r a i l E . S. S . (mag' c.) " (a) B r i t i s h Columbian, Ho v. 1, 1862. (123) This must also have abated when the driving of cattle to the i n t e r i o r from Oregon via the Okanagan valley began to develop.. Meanwhile, despite their obvious Injustice, the terms offered by Douglas had been accepted by the P a c i f i c Mail Com pany and on the seventh of June, one month before the f i r s t a r r i v a l by the What com T r a i l , the "Enterprise", the f i r s t steamer to go beyond Langley,'arrived at Hope. The "Seabird" followed but was wrecked on the return journey near where Agassiz i s now. (Hence the names "Seabird Bar", "Seabird Is land" and "Seabird Bluff" i n that neighborhood.) The "Umatilla" was the f i r s t to pass Hope, and reached Yale on the twentieth of July after a five-hour t r i p from the former -olace. (19) It returned to Hope i n fifty-one minutes! Other boats on the (20) r i v e r were the "Surprise" and the "Maria" and a l l carried capacity loads every t r i p . Of the large crowds which flocked during the summer of 1858 to that part of the r i v e r between Chilliwack and Yale, but few remained there for any considerable time. Many no doubt came with unreasonable expectations while others had so used up th e i r reserves of patience and fortitude i n getting there as to be i n no mood to avail themselves of the opportun i t i e s presented. The r i v e r was also i n flood and covered a l l but the poorest part of the bare. These conditions made a fl9T Howay and Scholefield, B. C., I I . , 32. (20) Bancroft, B. 0., 363. For long Seabird Island was more commonly known as Maria Island, while the slough i s s t i l l so name d. (124) majority glad to escape from what they called "The Eraser ( 21) River Humbug". A minority looked for dry diggings or rock- ledges or just set themselves to await the receding of the waters. Even of these a majority l e f t for upstream points as soon as they realised that the gold was to be found i n dust of increasing coarseness, then i n nuggets, as they proceeded far ther up. Thus within the year most of the diggings below Yale were l e f t to the patient Chinese while the whites sought greener pastures ever appearing i n the distance. nevertheless a great deal of gold was obtained from these lower reaches of the r i v e r and great was the a c t i v i t y and ex citement while i t lasted. At the end of August four hundred men were at v/ork on H i l l ' s Bar alone, while i n September Alfred 7/ad ding ton counted eight hundred rockers at work between Hope and Yale and i n Hovember Douglas reported over ten thou sand miners occupied on the r i v e r , over half of them between L'urderer' s Bar and Yal e. Some got bare wages for their efforts, others three or four ounces per day per man while three men on Hill.'a Bar,- 7/inston and two partners with sluices running day and night, are said to have obtained as high as seventy to eighty ounces i n twenty-four hours and to have taken out forty- six pounds of gold dust between December 1858 and June 1859. (22) In the l a s t six months of 1858 the y i e l d was |520,353. The equipment used was generally s l i g h t , though at Hudson Bar the flume i s said to have been a mile i n length while lower down a (SI) Murphy i n "Sunday Province", May 22, 1927. ~ (22) Howay and Scholefield, B. 0. I I . , 38-41. ( 1 2 5 ) wheel t h i r t y feet In diameter was used to raise water for ( 2 3 ) sluices that yielded only f i v e dollars per day per man'. After much research, Judge Howay has enumerated the bars belou Yale i n the following order: Fargo's Bar, a mile above Sumas v i l l a g e , was the lowest bar i n which gold i n paying quantities was found. ( 2 4 ) Next came Maria Bar, near Harrison River. Then followed, i n order, Seabird, Prospect, Bluenose, Hudson, Murderer's or Cornish, three miles below, and Posey, one and a half miles below Fort Hope, Between Fort Hope and Fort Yale, a distance of about thirteen miles, the bars lay somewhat i n the following sequence: Mosquito, or Poverty; F i f t y Four Forty; Union, two and a hal f miles above Fort Hope and on the l e f t bank; Canadian; Santa Clara, near, and Trafalgar, opposite, the Sisters rocks; Deadwood; Express; Kennedy; American, about four miles above Fort Hope and on the right bank: Puget Sound, Vict o r i a ; Yankee Doodle; Eagle; Alfred; Sacramento; French, on the l e f t bank one mile below Strawberry Island; Texas Bar and Strawberry Is land, seven miles from Fort Hope; Hunter; Emory, four miles from Fort Yal e; Rocky; Tr i n i t y ; Ohio Bar, a quarter of a mile below H i l l ' s Bar but on the opposite or right bank; H i l l ' s Bar, about two miles below Fort Yale on the l e f t bank, the earliest-worked, longest-worked, largest, and best-paying bar on the Fraser; Casey; and Fort Yale B a r . ( 2 5 ) There were also the Bond and the George "dry diggings" on the ( 2 6 ) benches near Yale. Prior to 1 8 5 3 there was no government in B r i t i s h Columbia ( i . e . the mainland) except that of t r i b a l chieftains i n the native v i l l a g e s and that of Hudson's Bay Company o f f i c i a l s over i t s employees. Governor Douglas of Vancouver Island had, as we have seen, without authorization proclaimed B r i t i s h sove reignty there and interest i n i t s natural resources, i n A p r i l ( 2 3 ) Bancroft, B. 0 . , p. 4 4 2 fn. quoting V i c t o r i a Gazette, A p r i l 19'and 2 8 , 1 8 5 9 . ( 2 4 ) Mayne places i t three miles above the "Chiwayhook ( C h i l l i  wack) and says gold was f i r s t washed there, but on the • l a t t e r point, at least seems to have been mistaken, though he was there early i n 1 3 5 9 . (Mayne, op. c i t . , p. 9 2 ) ( 2 5 ) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I , p. 3 9 a (26)1. Ibid. , I I . , p. 4 1 . (126') of that year, and then proceeded to reap therefrom what bene f i t s he could for the Hudson's Bay Company. In May he de cided to v i s i t the diggings i n person and accordingly ascended the r i v e r i n the steamer "Otter"., At Langley he found specu l a t o r s seising land and stalling out l o t s aid warned them that such proceedings were i l l e g a l and wax Id prove f r u i t l e s s . Find ing a number of unlicenced canoes on the r i v e r he collected the licences and seized merchandise as contraband. Ho thing seems ever to have been done by way of r e s t i t u t i o n to those who bore these losses. On the twenty-seventh he l e f t Langley ' and on the twenty-ninth arrived at Hope, having stopped to speak to many along the way going to or from the placers. Hope was at this time the most important place on the mainland and there he established a tenvporary c a p i t a l , as i t were, and proceeded to assume wi thout authority the powers of a governor. He appointed Hi chard Hicks Revenue o f f i c e r at Yale and George (27) Perrier Justice of the Peace at H i l l ' s Bar. He v i s i t e d the ( 28) various camps and found gold p l e n t i f u l and provisions scarce. In July the miners met at Yale to engage i n law-making on their own account and produced the following remarkable code, the f i r s t i n our province: Resolved, 1st. That we, the miners and residents of Port Yale, prohibit the sale of liquors on or In the v i c i n  i t y of t h i s bar after this date. 2d. For the better protection of l i f e and property, we deem i t expedient to destroy i n our midst a l l liquors that may be found on or about the premises of any person. „ , . . „. „ 3d. That anyone, after being duly notixied, who s h a l l be found s e l l i n g liquors without a licence, shall be seized and whipped with thirty-nine lashes on his bare  T"27) Bancroft, B.C. pp. 392-393, (28) B.C. Papers I, pp. 16^ ,1.7, (127) back aiia be expelled from the v i c i n i t y , 4th. That a standing committee of twelve be ap pointed to see the above resolutions carried into ef fect, u n t i l the Government sees f i t to carry out i t s ' own laws. Said committee to be appointed from among the prominent residents of said bar, 5th. That a copy of the above be forwarded to the V i c t o r i a Gazette, and also a copy posted at Fort Yal e. 6th. That anyone found s e l l i n g or disposing of fire-arms or ammunition to the Indians shall be dealt with according to Resolution No. 3. (29) This document i s interesting as showing the influence of Gali- fomi an experience on gold seekers i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The committee appointed included the names of Messrs. York,Shannon and MoRoberts, pioneer a g r i c u l t u r i s t s of the province. We have no record of the a c t i v i t i e s of this committee but i t seems that only a few days l a t e r a party of miners, headed by Donald Walker of the Hudson's Bay Company, raided a place which had become notorious for supplying liquor to the Indians, and des- - (30) pite resistance destroyed the entire stock. Troubles between whites and Indians farther up the river (31) brought Douglas back to Hope on -the Umatilla early i n September with f i f t e e n Royal Engineers of the Boundary Survey party and twenty marines from H. M. S. S a t e l l i t e . The miners had come to accept him as governor and greeted him wi th due honor and res pect . On the si x t h he issued a proclamation forbidding the sale of liquor to Indians under penalty of a fine of from five to twenty Founds Ster l i n g . At the earna time he issued licences for sale of liquor to the miners. He appointed Robert'Smith as ( - 2 9 ) V i c t o r i a Gazette, Aug. 4, 1858. ; :.o."• • l ' I . (-30) H o w a y and Scholefi el d, B.C., I I . , p. 34, seems to imply this was at Yale but i t was probably Hope where Walker seems to have been located. See p . I 0 7 above. (31) Howay and SchoT e f i e l d B.C. I I , p. 36 says on the f i r s t , Bancrof t ,B. 0. p.401, the t h i r d . (128) Justice of the Peace and Revenue Officer at Hope and William Ladner as Chief Constable, The former was soon replaced by Peter O'Reilly and the l a t t e r by William Teague and Ronald ( 32) Chisholm i n succession. He also appointed one regular and ten ( 33) special constables. On the fifteenth he addressed a gathering at Yale. He estimated there must now be three thousand miners (34) on the lower Eraser, He organized a police system involving ( 35) one sub-commissioner, ten troopers, and ten special constables. He also appointed, by a proclamation of the "Governor and Com mander-in- Chief of the Colony of Vancouver's Island and i t s Dependencies, and Vice-Admiral of the same," three commission's to constitute a criminal court to try;; William King, accused of murder, upon any charge, Information, or indictment, no?/ found, or that may hereafter be found against him, by any judi c i a l o f f i c e r , or grand jury of Eraser's River D i s t r i c t . (36) The appointment was of course I l l e g a l , as was also the t r i a l which followed, i n view of the fact that Vancouver Island had no dependencies on the Eraser River or anywhere else, and that Douglas had not yet been commissioned to constitute a govern ment of any kind on the mainland as well as i n view of the fact that the courts of Upper Canada had been given by the Imperial Government j u r i s d i c t i o n over a l l unorganized B r i t i s h (37) t e r r i t o r y to the Westward, nevertheless, the accused was found g u i l t y of manslaughter and sentenced to deportation for (32) BV C. Papers, I I . , pp. 3-4. (33) Bancroft, B. C. , p. 401. (34) 3. C. Papers, I I . , p. 5. (35) I b i d . , l o c c i t . , and Bancroft, B. C, p. 401, (36) B. 0. Papers, I I , , p. 7. (37) See H. B.. Co. Report, p. 338. (129) ( 58) l i f e , bat escaped from custody and was never recaptured. Later Captain Whaanell, a cavalry o f f i c e r from -Australia, was appointed Magistrate and Justice of the Peace for Yale, and thus Hicks was relieved of that part of his commission for (39) which complaints showed he was unfitted. It Is important to note that regular occupation of land commenced on the mainland at this time. On the seventh of September Douglas- .gave instructions'for laying out the town of Hope. The front street was to be one hundred twenty feet wide, the luain streets leading back from It one hundred, and the (40) cross-streets eighty feet. This plan no doubt added to the natural beauty of Its setting and location to make 'Hayne de-' - clare after his v i s i t therein 1859, that Hope was the pr e t t i e s t (41) town on the Fraser. It enjoys today more generous street allow ances than most towns of i t s size i n B. 0, Lots were granted on sufferance, terminable upon one month's notice, the monthly payment of ten dollars to be considered part of. the purchase price when v a l i d conveyance should be made l a t e r , It was i n  tended only as a temporary permission to occupy the land, and not as a lease. A similar plan was followed at Yale, ana i t was hoped that this and the licence fees of miners would be (42) s u f f i c i e n t to pay the costs of law-enforcement. Douglas w a s also interested to find a road was being cut between Hope and l A nr \ • Yale and pleased the miners by reducing the price of flour irom 138) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I , p. 38. (39) Ibid,, 1c c. c i t . , (40) Bancroft, B. 0. , p. 402, fn. 14. (,41) Mayne, op •• oi t . , p. 95 » (42) Bancroft, 3. C., p. 40£. (43) I b i d , , p. 401. ( 1 3 0 ) the Hudson's Bay Company's stores from thirteen to ten ami one- (44) half dollars a barrel. Towards the end of 1853 Langley was made the principal port of entry of. the .Fraser. Be v i s was made revenue o f f i c e r with Phineas Hanson as his assistant. The whining tone of his l e t t e r s indicate he was hardly f i t t e d for his trying position between a people unwilling to cooperate and a government slow (45) to r e a l i s e his d i f f i c u l t i e s * A miner on his way down from •Port. Douglas died at Langley "evidently--from exposure to cold (45) and want of proper nourishment." A Captain Robertson was rob bed of a boat at Douglas, an I t a l i a n beaten and robbed of six hundred d o l l a r s , boats were stolen up-river and brought to Langley to be .resold to those going -up, and a Joseph K i l l e r , staying at the house of W. B. Bolton at Langley, was beaten and robbed of three hundred forty dollars In dust and a watch. The perpetrators of these crimes had no means of earning a l i v e l i  hood and In desperation were rumored to be contemplating butchering the Hudson's Bay Company's catt l e . They refused to pay the licence of one dollar for the right to cut cordwood to s e l l to the steamers or to pay for miners' licenses and were s e l l i n g l iquor to the Indians, for a l l .this there was no remedy. People took the law Into t h e i r own hands aid refused to heap the o f f i c e r s . Hence no arrests could be made and there (47) was no place to keep prisoners i f they were^taken. To makg____ (44) Howay and Scholefield, B. C. , I I . , p. 37. (45) Archives of B. 0., Folio F 149, (46) Ib i d . , l e t t e r #2. • (47) Ibid, , ,'fZ and 3a, (131) matters worse, he and Manson had a quarrel t i l l the l a t t e r was removed and he appointed Robert Lipsett "special detective (48) revenue o f f i c e r " . Moreover he had to look a f t e r both Langley and Derby, at which l a t t e r place there was no accomodation for him except that after A p r i l he was permitted to sleep i n the barracks, and to issue licenses for Port Douglas and Queens- borough as w e l l . F i n a l l y , at the end of A p r i l , he was re- (49) (50) moved to the l a t t e r place and "Mr. O'Reilly" took his place. But ere this Douglas had t i r e d of his complaints and directed that (51) tary. t ( i 5 l ) l n f U t U r e h G a d d r e s s h i a l e t t e r s to the colonial secre- In a l l his arrangements for the government of the country thus far Douglas had been exceeding his authority, though his acts, except -when done i n the interests of the Hudson's Bay (52) Company; l a t e r received the approval of the Colonial Office. The time had obviously come, however, when some le g a l l y con stitut e d government must be established on the mainland. Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, the famous novelist and then Colonial Secretary, was quick to see this and on the eighth of July had introduced into Parliament a b i l l to provide for the government of "Hew Caledonia." He pointed out that the unsettled condi tions and motley and fluctuating population made representative government impossible for the present and therefor e that the (48) Archives of B.C., Folio F, #8, 12a, 14- (49) Peter O'Reilly, J. P. and stipendiary magistrate, l a t e r Hon. member of the f i r s t two Legislative Assemblies of Bo C. and County Court Judge for the northern Mines after 1867. See Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , 36, 170, 189, 67a and 676. (50) Archives of B. C., Folio F 149, 5, 5a, 15-18. (51) Ibid. , 7 f l 4 . (152) b i l l , to expire i n f i v e years, gave a l l power to the governor, with the right to establish a representative legislature at his discretion. He predicted, however, that the colony would be permanent, and within the generation linked to Canada by railway, but added that, i f i t was to be permanent and to , fl o u r i s h i t must be, not by the gold which the diggers may bring-to l i g h t , but by the more gradual process of patient i n  dustry i n the culture of the s o i l , and i n the exchange of commerce. (52) Of no part of B r i t i s h Columbia was this prediction more true than of Fraser Valley. The name of the colony, was changed to (53) B r i t i s h Columbia, suggested by the queen, and the Act passed on August the second. Even before the Act was passed Lytton had written Douglas of his intention of appointing him governor of the mainland provided he would sever his connections d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y with the Hudson's Bay Company. He also indicated that he ex pected the colony to be made self-supporting, not by miners' licenses but by perhaps an export duty on gold and a moderate import duty on s p i r i t s and such goods as partook of the nature of luxuries. The sale of lands would augment the revenue, but should be gradual and i n small allotments so as to prevent speculation and jobbing and to encourage settlement. The ex penditures should be of such a nature as to f a c i l i t a t e develop ment of resources and settlement of the country. The governor's salary was mentioned as £1,000 payable by the home govern-ment. (52) Howay and Scholefield, B. C., I I . , pp. 47.-49, (53) Ibid. , I I . , p. 49. (135) Above a l l the new governor must avoid even the suspicion, of favoring the Hudson's Bay Company or i t s subsidiary, the Puget Sound Agr i c u l t u r a l Company, or the employees of either, whether i n trade, i n the sale of land, or i n the appointment of goverr-(54) merit employees. Apparently Lytton was learning from Douglas' past attitude. Douglas replied that he thought £5000 barelv (55) ~ : enough to meet the expenses of the o f f i c e and could not see (56) how the colony could pay i t s way at f i r s t . The brick could hardly be made without the straw. In the end i t was agreed that his salary should be £1800 plus whatever might be paid out of the revenues of the colony. Also a detachment of Royal Engineers would be sent to serve the colony for a limited time (57) wi thout cost. Lytton also sent from England Matthew B a i l l i e Begbie as Judge, Chartres Brew, l a t e of the I r i s h Constabulary, as Inspector of Police, and Wymond Hambley as Collector of Customs and suggested that .any other o f f i c i a l s required should (58) be selected In the same fashion. On Thursday morning, November 25th, 1858, there appeared i n the " V i c t o r i a Gazette" the following l e t t e r : 'Few Port Langley, 20th November, 1858. "Editors Gazette: "Yesterday, the birthday of B r i t i s h Columbia, was ushered i n by a steady rain which continued persever- ingly throughout the whole day, and i n a great measure marred the solemnity of the proclamation of the Colony. His Excellency, Governor Douglas, with a suite compris- (54) See Lytton'a dispatches In B.C. Papers, I . , pp. 44-76, (55) Ibid., I I , , p. 1. (56) Ibid. , I I . , p. 21. (57) Ibid. , I I . , p. 45, (58) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , p. 51. (134) ing Rear-Admiral Baynes, Commanding the naval forces on the P a c i f i c Station; Mr. Cameron, the respected' Chief Justice of Vancouver Island; Mr. Bogbio, the newly ap pointed Chief Justice of B r i t i s h Columbia; Mr. L i r a and others, proceeded on board II . M. Ship " S a t e l l i t e , " Gao- tain Prevoet, on Wednesday morning by the Canal cle Haro to Point Roberts, where His Excellency and suite were convoyed by the Hudson Bay Company's screw steamer "Otter" to the Company's steamship "Beaver" which was ly i n g moored within the mouth of the Eraser, Both vessels then pro ceeded i n company as far as Old Port Langley, where the "Otter" disembarked a party of 18 Sappers under the com mand of Captain Parsons who immediately embarked i n the "Recovery" revenue cutter, joining the command of Captain Grant, R. E, , who had previously reached the point with a party of the same corps, Both these gallant o f f i c e r s have recently arrived from England with small parties of men under their command. The "Beaver" then proceeded with His Excellency aboard to Hew f o r t Langley, where preparations were-made for the ceremonial of the following day. "On Friday morning, the 19th instant, His Excellency, accompanied by Captain Grant disembarked on the wet loamy bank of the Fort and the procession proceeded up the steep bank which leads to the palisade. Arrived there, a salute of 18 guns commenced pealing from the "Beaver," awakening • a l l the echoes of the opposite mountains. In another moment the fl a g of B r i t a i n was f l o a t i n g , or to speak the truth, .dripping over the p r i n c i p a l entrance. Owing to the unpropitious state of the weather, the meeting which was intended to have been held i n the open a i r was convened i n the large room at the pr i n c i p a l building", About 100 per sons were present, "The ceremonies were commenced by His Excellency ad dressing Mr. Beghie and delivering to him Her Majesty's Commission as Judge i n the Colony of B r i t i s h Columbia. Mr. Begbie then took the oath of allegiance and the usual oaths on taking o f f i c e and then addressing His Excellency took up Her Majesty's Commission appointing him the Governor and proceeding to read i t at length. Mr. Begbie then admin- is-tered to Governor Douglas the usual oaths of o f f i c e , v i s . Allegiance, Abjuration, etc. His Excellency being then duly~appointed and sworn i n , proceeded to issue the Pro clamation of the same date, 19th instant, via.: one pro claiming the act;' a second, indemnifying a l l the of f i c e r s of the Government from any i r r e g u l a r i t i e s which may- have ^ been committed i n the Interval before this proclamation of the act; and a t h i r d , proclaiming English Law to be the Law of the Colony. The reading of these was ^  preceded _ oy H i s ^ Excellency's Proclamation of the 3rd instant setting forth the Revocation by Her Majesty of a l l the exclusive p r i v i -\ lab) leges of the Hudson Bay Company. "The proceedings then terminated. On leaving the Fort, whl oh His Excellency did not do u n t i l to-day, another salute of 17 guns was f i r e d from the battlements, v.lth even grander effect than the salute of the previous day. On leaving the r i v e r s i d e In f r o n t o f the town a number of the innaoi canes were assembled with whom His Excellency entered into conversation previous to embarking on board the Beaver, and by whom he was loudly cheered in ve-ry good stiyie as he was on his way to the steamer." (59) Thus was inaugurated, In the very heart of the Fraser Valley, the f i r s t government .of B r i t i s h Columbia, (b) THE ROYAL ENGINEERS It was-Douglas* expectation at the time of his accepting the position of Governor on the mainland that he would re ceive some measure of mili t a r y support at the expense of the Mother Country. Always an autocrat, he was as great a be li e v e r i n t h i s type of power behind the throne as he was In the natural d i s i n c l i n a t i o n of a l l foreigners, and especially Ameri cans, to become peaceful and law-abiding citizens unless sub dued by at least a show of force. Lytton agreed with Douglas In a limi t e d way. He sent word of his intention of sending a body of Royal Engineers of about one hundred f i f t y o f f icers and (60) men but hastened to add the following instructions: It w i l l devolve upon them to survey those parts of the country which may be considered most suitable for s e t t l e  ment, to mark out allotments of land for public purposes, to suggest a s i t e for the seat of Government, to' point 159) From handbill, "Douglas Day," publIshed by the Native Sons of B r i t i s h Columbia. (No date.) (60) B . 0 . Papers, I . , p. 44. (136) cat where roads should be made, and to render you such as sistance as may be -in their p o w e r . s h a l l endeavor to secure the services of an o f f i c e r who w i l l be capable of reporting on the value of the mineral resources. This force i s sent for s c i e n t i f i c and practical, purposes and not solely for m i l i t a r y objects. As l i t t l e display should, •therefore, be made of i t as possible. He explained that a shov/ of force might only i r r i t a t e the miners, whose confidence and support could only be by a policy . (61) consonant with t h e i r interests. Col. S i chard Clement Moody was chosen to command the de- ~ tachment and serve as Chief Commissioner of Lands and. Y/orks of B r i t i s h Columbia, with a dormant commission as Lieutenant- Governor. He was to be assisted by three captains, each chosen . for special work. Capt. J. M. Grant, senior o f f i c e r , was gifted as an architect and almost a genius i n structural en gineering; the second, Gapt. R. M. Parsons was h i g h l y qualified i n a l l branches of surveying; Capt. H. Pi. Luard would be i n charge more p a r t i c u l a r l y of whatever purely m i l i t a r y services (6£) might be required. The t o t a l force included s i x o f f i c e r s be sides a surgeon accompanied by an orderly, twenty-nine non commissioned o f f i c e r s , two buglers, and one hundred twenty- three sappers from England besides three sappers transferred from the Boundary Survey, making a t o t a l of one hundred, six t y - (63) f i v e o f f i c e r s and mar. The number included surveyors, archi tects, draughtsmen, a r t i s t s , photographers, carpenters, black- (64) smiths, masons, painters, miners, and others, a l l to prove use f u l in-laying the foundations of the infant colony. Two parties, 161) B.C. Papers, I., p. 45. (6£) Ibid., I I . p. 647 (63) Emigrant Soldiers' Gazette, Appendix, (64) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , p. 57, and various relatives and friends of the Engineers. (137) Gapt. Grant with twelve carpenters and others useful i n build- ( 65) ing arrived by way of Panama early In November, i n time, as we have seen, to assist at the inaugural ceremonies at Langley, , Col. Moody followed by the same route, arriving at V i c t o r i a on Christmas Day too l a t e , as Douglas d r i l y remarks, for Christ-(65a) mas dinner. The main body, under Gapt, Luard, arrived i n A p r i l , 1859, having consumed just over six months s a i l i n g .(66) around Cape Horn i n the "Thames City". They beguiled the monotony of the journey with a paper, the "Emigrant Soldiers' (67) Gazette and Cape Horn Chronicle", published weekly In manus cript and read to the assembled company. Two ships brought supplies and equipment, With the main body came also t h i r t y - (68) one women and thirty-four children. ' It seems worth noting that a force of Royal Engineers was already i n the Eraser Valley, cooperating with a: similar body from the United States to mark out the boundary along the (69) forty-ninth p a r a l l e l and in c i d e n t a l l y the Southern boundary of the valley as we have defined i t for the purposes of this essay. It consisted of Col. J. S. Hawkins with two o f f i c e r s and s i x t y - f i v e non-commissioned o f f i c e r s and men of the Royal Engineers, assisted by an astronomer, a n a t u r a l i s t , a geologist, (70) a botamist, and t h i r t y axemen. The joint body encamped during the summer of 1858 on Sumas p r a i r i e , except when the mosquitoes ( 65] W* WI Papers, I I . , p. 25. (65a) Bancroft, B. C. , p. 407. (66) Emigrant Soldiers' Gazette, Appendix. (67) Q. V. ' (68) Emigrant Soldiers' Gazette, Appendix. ( 69) See account of work of t h i s bo dy i n Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , pp. 306-309. (70) Mayne, op. c i t . , p. 51. (138) made progress impossible, and "by the end of the season had re connoitred the whole boundary from Point Roberts to the upper Skagit valley, South-East of Hope--a distance of about ninety miles. Later Ebenezer Brown of New Westminster received a con tract to erect a granite obelisk to mark the i n i t i a l point of the l i n e at Point Roberts while the Royal Engineers placed Iron posts about four feet high and six inches square at intervals of about a mile and a half over a l i n e from the coast to the crossing of DeLacy's Whatcom T r a i l on the upper Skagit. Twenty- f i v e were taken to Boundary Bay for use on Point Roberts and Eastward from SemiahmoQ Bay eighteen were taken to Sumas River (71) to be used from Sumas Eastward • The l a s t of the force was wi th - drawn i n 1862, and i n A p r i l of that year the mules and o u t f i t ( 72) used by the B r i t i s h were sold at Langley. They had l e f t behind two of t h e i r number, at l e a s t , one at the head of Chilliwack Lake and -another not far from the Lukuiaik River at a place (73) known for nearly h a l f a century as "Grave P r a i r i e " . Others of both American and B r i t i s h forces, remained as s e t t l e r s , some of whom we s h a l l meet again. - 'It w i l l be recalled that during the summer of 1858 Douglas had treated Hope as a capital pro tempore for the mainland, though there seems no reason to think he intended i t to be of f i c i a l l y or permanently so, and that i n September he put a stop (71) Mayne, pp. 233-2347 Archives of B. 0. , MSS. f i l e 736. ~~ (72) Howay and Scholefield, B. C., I I . , p. 309.. See acc't. of whole survey, i b i d • , pp. 306-309. (73) Mr. Allan Evans, on whose property the second grave i s located. He keeps the place marked. (74) Bancroft, B. C. , p. 406. (139) to certain V i c t o r i a realtors who had seized upon a plot of land at the s i t e of the o r i g i n a l Port Langley, His next move (74) was to send J . D. Pemberton to complete the surveying of the towns i t e at the l a t t e r place into one hundred eighty three- blocks of eighteen l o t s , each sixty-four by one hundred twen.ty feet, with seventy-eight-foot streets, a l l unnamed, and twelve- foot alleys through the middle of each block. Sixty of the l o t s were subsequently claimed by the Hudson's Bay Company as fx) ' r i g h t f u l l y theirs. Then, on November 25, 26, and 29, P. M . Backus was authorized to auction the l o t s at V i c t o r i a . Three (75) hundred forty-three l o t s were thus disposed of for f 66,172.50 and at prices from $40 to f725 per l o t . Ten per cent, was to be cash and the balance i n one month. In the following Febru ary over |40,000 was s t i l l owing. Lots unsold after December f i r s t were to be put on the market at $100 each. Tenders were called for-erection of a church, a parsonage, a courthouse, and a j a i l . Mr. Houston can show i n his back yard the lin e s of the (76) foundation l i n e s of the church, l a t e r moved to Maple Pddge. The same gentleman wi11 show you the l i n e s of the jai1 and (77) courthouse, which Judge Howay says were never b u i l t . To the new townsite was given the name of Derby, and Douglas intended i t tp be the ca p i t a l of the mainland. He. gave as reasons for his choice the natural advantages for trade, the good anchor age with deep water and bold shore (the same that MacMiilan ( 74) See page 138. (x) End. i n l e t t e r , Dallas to Gov. , Douglas, Feb. 17, 1859. (H.3.C. Archives--transcript i n Archives of B.- C.) (75) 3. 0. Papers, I I . , p. 37. (76) Alex, Houston. Also "Sunday Province," May 29, 1932. (77) Howay and Scholefield,3.0. , I I . , p. Gl.^Also B. C. Papers, (140) had. given) and the p a r t i a l i t y displayed for this s i t e by the mercantile com munity of the country, whose i n s t i n c t s in such matters are generally unerring, (78) One wonders i f his choice was anyway influenced by the fact that the adjoining ten square, miles were reserved by the Hudson's ( 79) Bay Company, though they had no legal t i t l e to the land u n t i l (80) 1864, (81) As we have seen, Gapt. Grant and his builders were already at Derby before the ceremonies of November 19, and was there joined by Gapt. Parsons aid the remainder of the advance body of engineers. They were occupied i n preparing quarters for the main body expected i n the Spring. One may s t i l l see the de pressions where the foundation-posts of the barracks were, and . a heap of mortar marks the location of the stone fire-place at the end of the main h a l l . It 7/as here Gol. Moody joined his command at the.beginning of 1859. I t was to this body that word came early i n January of t e r r i b l e happenings at Yale. It was reported that Ned McGowan, who had l e f t San Francisco wi th a very unsavory reputation and who was now known, to be at H i l l ' s Bar, had broken j a i l and was at the head of an American conspiracy to over thro?/ Bri tish authority, Without waiting for TOrd from the governor, Moody and Grant with twenty-five of the engineers set out for the scene of trouble i n . the "Enterprise"., the fastest boat on the ( 78) Howay and Scholefield, B.O., I I . , pp. 59~yl; B.C. Papers, I I . , p. 80; I I I , , p. 3, 11: Bancroft, B.C., p. 406, (79) Bancroft, B.C., p. 406, The farm was leased to 0.J.P. Bed- . ford, resident magistrate, i n 1859. (See Peid, i n B. C, Hist, Quarterly, Apr., 1937, pp. 83-84.) (80) See Lot Book, Hew Westminster D i s t r i c t , Gp. 2, Lots 21 & 22. (81) Ante, p. 106. {141) (82) r i v e r . Douglas "borrowed" from Gapt. Prevost, p r i n c i p a l B r i  t i s h o f f i c e r of the marine d i v i s i o n of the Boundary Commission, one hundred marines and s a i l o r s from the " S a t e l l i t e " , under Lieut. Gooch, with a f i e l d piece, to be taken up-stream In the "Plumper". As this vessel had only a speed of six knots, i t was unable to proceed above Langley. Lieut. Mayne was there- (83) fore sent on by canoe .to get orders from Moody, It i s from him mre get the most r e l i able account of th i s "ITed McGowan's War", as I t came to be rather d e r i s i v e l y called, Mayne was supplied with a canoe manned by four half-breed and fi v e Indian paddlers, through the courtesy of Yale, then (84) at Port Langley. Despite d r i f t ice they made th e i r : way -safely (85) (86) past the "Smess" {Sumas) and "Chiwayhook (Chilliwack) rivers and Par go Bar, where he says, erroniously, i t seems, that gold (87) was. f i r s t found, At Murderer's (l a t e r Cornish) Bar, three miles below Hoi^a, they met with disaster, and were glad to make (88) their way, soaked through and nearly frozen, to the l a t t e r place. Here he found Moody and Judge Bigbie about to proceed to Yale without support, It had - begun to appear the reports had been greatly exaggerated. Mayne joined them. Arriving at Yale on Saturday night, Moody himself con ducted the f i r s t divine service i n that place i n the court- house the following morning, then proceeded to investigate the ( 82) Mayne ,' op« c i t . , p» 60 . (83) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , p. 62, (.84) Mayne, op, c i t . , -p. 60. (85) Ibid, , p. 70. (86) Ibid, , p. 92. (87) Ibid., l o c -.cit. Dept. of Lands Chart 30 T l , which Mayne doubtless assisted.in. making, says, at Fargo Bar, " F i r s t (See fn, 87, page 142) (142) • a f f a i r . It turned oat to be p r i n c i p a l l y a matter of jealously between Terrier, magistrate at H i l l ' s Bar, and Whannell, magistrate at Tale- On Christmas day a H i l l ' s Bar miner had , assaulted a negro at Yale, Whannell sent a warrant to Perrier for his arrest. Perrier ignored I t and sent his constable to. Yale to arrest the negro. Whannell imprisoned the constable f o r i n s o l e n c e . P e r r i e r , i n a rage, roused the H i l l ' s Bar crowd, sent a posse of twenty men under KeGowan with a warrant for the arrest of 7/hanaell and to release the constable, and then arraigned his fellow magistrate for contempt of court, found him g u i l t y , and imposed a fine of f i f t y dollars. Meet ings were held at both places to support th e i r respective magistrates. Moody was s a t i s f i e d there was nothing i l l e g a l i n McGowan's actions, and the whole matter would probably have ended with the summary dismissal of Perrier and his constable had not Mc™ Gowau met and assaulted an old. enemy from San Francisco, which reopened h o s t i l i t i e s , Mayne was at once dispatched to Hope i n a canoe supplied by Ovid A l l aru, and the appearance of Grant and his troops, i n Yale the next morning ready for action had a sudden quieting effect. Meanwhile Mayne returned to Langley i n the "Enterprise" for the marines and blue-jackets. He pays a great tribute of praise to the patience and enterprise of the "Yankee skipper" (Gapt, Thomas Wright) for the way i n v/hich he navigated up-stream. A "trip-pole", weighted at one end (87) establishment on the r i v e r . " This may be a repeti tion of the same error, or may mean, r i g h t l y enough, the f i r s t diggings arrived at in ascending the r i v e r , (88) Mayne, op, c i t , , pp. 64-65. (143) and attached at the other by a swivel to the h u l l near the hows was carried roped to tho side of the boat. When the steam i n the boilers was so low as to make progress In the ^rapid current impossible, this trip-pole was released, the weighted end dropped to the bottom, and as the current bore the ship backward t h i s threw the nose against the bank and held i t there t i l l the ship had "recovered her breath". He was told that a cask of fat bacon from the cargo had once been thrown into the furnaces to produce additional steam for a (89) troublesome rapid. At Hojae Mayne got orders from Moody to leave the s a i l o r s there and proceed with the marines only, but even that force proved unnecessary. McGowan was fined for assault and there the matter ended. He showed himself affable and friendly to the authorities, l e f t the country shortly after, spent the rest of a long l i f e i n various places and ways, a l l harmless enough, (90) and i n his old age even gained a reputation of piety. The ser vices of the Hoyal Engineers i n a " m i l i t a r y " capacity were not again required on the Eraser. On the return journey, Moody set himself to his appointed task of selecting a suitable place for the location of a capi t a l and on January S3 reported his views to the governor. Derby he condemned as being on the wrong side of the r i v e r and indefensible. Moody's f i r s t choice seems to have f a l l e n on Mary H i l l , between the mouths of the P i t t and Coquitlam Rivers, but for some reason which has not appeared, the choice was (89) Mayne, op. c i t . , pp. 91-92. (90) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , pp. 64-65. (144) (91) moved to New Westminster. Regarding the new s i t e for a capital the views of Lieut. Mayne, a mariner, are interesting as a supplement to Moody's, and as a contrast to Douglas' reasons (92) for the choice of Derby. He said i n part: Regarded both i n a m i l i t a r y and commercial l i g h t , i t was i n  f i n i t e l y preferable to the spot which had previously been fixed upon . New Westminster has many natural advantages i n which Derby i s wanting, not the least being s u f f i c i e n t depth of water to allow the largest class of vessels capable of passing the sand-heads at the Eraser mouth to moor along-" side of i t s wharves, (93) and adds that, so far as r i s k i s concerned, he would as soon (94) bring a vessel to New Westminster as to Victoria,' Moody's primary concern, however, was the location for a fortress, (a fortress which, i t i s now clear, i s never l i k e l y to exist) and to his superior judgment i n t h i s matter Douglas was forced to y i e l d , with however bad a grace, the more so as Moody's o r i  ginal instructions included the selection of the s i t e . Accordingly, on St, Valentine's Day, 1859, public notice was given by the governor that the land there would be l a i d out into l o t s to be sold at public auction, one-fourth to be re served for sale i n the United Kingdom and B r i t i s h Colonies. The waterfront l o t s were to be granted i n seven-year leases by 'the same method, Lots purchased at Derby could be surrendered i n exchange, to be credited at the amount actually paid at the time of exchange. The place was to be declared the capital and (95) a port of entry for B r i t i s h Columbia at once,  (91) B.C. Papers, I I . , p. 60. (92) P.J3S above. (93) Mayne, op. c i t , , p. 72. (94) Ibid., p. 83, (95) Howay and Scholefield, B. C., I I . , p. 66. (145) Work at Derby was halted at once and Engineers transferred on the tenth of A p r i l to land near the rnoath of the Brunette ( 96) River, to prepare a camp-site i n what i s s t i l l known as Sapper- ton. Here the main body arrived i n mid-April, before the camp was yet ready. Some were set to work at the camp, others sur veying the townsite, with c i v i l i a n a i d, many at clearing the land. The l a t t e r proved, for them, a tough undertaking, Lieut, Mayne t e s t i f i e s to the density of the growth: Dr. Campbell and I went to examine a part a l i t t l e north of where the town stands, and so thick was the bush that i t took us two hours to force our way i n rather less than a mile and a h a l f . It was composed of very thick willow and alder, intertwined so closely that every step of the way had to.be broken through, while the ground was cum bered .with f a l l e n timber of a larger growth. (97) This was, of course, i n low ground near the Brunette, On higher ground the trees were larger, i f not so thick. Mr, Sheepshanks, the f i r s t Anglican Missionary there, i s reported to have seen one thirteen feet i n diameter (surely a cedar wi th spreading roots) and to have measured one two feet i n diameter (98) at two hundred feet from the base. One i s not surprised that Mayne wondered i f the place would ever be worth the effort of clearing when he reported an o f f i c e r of marines, "a good axe man", f a i l e d to win a wager by f a l l i n g a three-foot tree i n a ( 99) week, even i n two. This statement should be viewed, of course, as a comment not so much on the timber as on the incompetence of the workmen on th e i r f i r s t a r r i v a l . Within the year, two „ (100) men were able to f a l l the larger ones i n a day, while the pre- (96) Bancroft, B. 0., p. 410. (97) Mayne, op, c i t . , p. 72. (98) "An Occasional Paper on the Columbia Mission", p. 11. (99) Mayne, op. c i t , , p. 87. (100) Columbia Mission, p. 11. (146) sent writer knows of a woodsman in the Fraser Yaxley who, some forty years ago, unaided, f e l l e d a tree f i v e feet six inches (101) by six feet on the stump i n three hours with an axe. "Soon", >however, a f i e l d of stumps appeared whioh outnumbered the houses b u i l t for twenty years and more, To this imperial stamp- patch was given at" f i r s t - - - t h e name of Queensborough. (102) Col Moody had, as a matter of fact, suggested the name of Queensborough, but on the suggestion of the Colonial Secretary, Queensborough was accepted as a temporary substitute. Mean while Douglas requested that the queen be asked to decide the question so that the colonists of B r i t i s h Columbia, separated from friends and kind'red i n t h i s , t h e i r far-distant home, may .be ever., gratefully reminded i n the designation of their capital of the power that protects their hearths, of the •watchful interest that guards their l i b e r t i e s , and of the gentle sway by which they are governed. The rhetoric was doubly effective. "Her Majesty' '.was '"gra ciously pleased to decide that the capital of B r i t i s h Columbia sha l l be called 'Hew Westminster'". A proclamation of the Governor on July 20, 1859, declared that the town heretofore known as Queensborough and some times as Queenborough, i n the Colony of B r i t i s h Columbia s h a l l from henceforth be called and known as Hew Westmin ster, and s h a l l be so described in a l l legal processes and o f f i c i a l documents. (103) Thus the mainland got i t s c a p i t a l . Though-.we have no records to show just what other work was done i n the lower aid of the valley by the engineers, there (101) Witnessed and measnrements taken by the writer's xather, (102) Bancroft, 3, 0, , p.-415. (103) B.C. Papers, I I . , pp. 61 ana 86, and III.., p. 39: Bancroft, B.C. , p. 415, fn. 22: Howay and Scholefield, B* C., I I . , pp. 67-58. (147) i s reason to suppose i t was considerable. A pioneer o f Co-(104) quit lain said i t was Ool. Moody himself who came to their homo near the mouth of P i t t River ana promised them a r o a d to their very door and 'that this promise was s o o n f u l f i l l e d . The r o a d was b u i l t by contract l e t i n 1861, f o u r - f i f t h s of the -orice to (105) be In land grants, but as Moody was s t i l l Commissioner of Lands and Works, no doubt the Engineers did the planning and survey-( x ) i n g . The same i s probably true of another road, proposed i f not actually b u i l t i n 1862 through the Maple Ridge d i s t r i c t from the mouth of the P i t t River to " a noint some fiv e miles (106) above Langley, on the opposite side o f the r i v e r of course" and of a t r a i l from opposite 3few Westminster (or a few miles (107) > (108) above) "four miles towards Langley." The Engineers also sur veyed a number of parcels of land disposed of to se t t l e r s d u r  ing the years 1859-1863,' and made maps of the country.. They also b u i l t the f i r s t church on the mainland at Derby "(now the (109) Church of St. John the Divine at Maple Ridge)" and Capt. Grant planned and supervised the building of the or i g i n a l Holy Trin i t y Church, Hew Westminster, 1861, and St. Mark's Church, Douglas, 1352, while • St. Mary's, Sapper ton was b u i l t by ei;~ (110) members of the corps i n 1865. They also designed the f i r s t (104) Douglas McLean. (105) B r i t i s h Columbian, March 21, 1861, and Nov. 14, 1861, ( x ) It i s of interest to notice that the bulk of the best land along this road was bought by Moody himself at s l i g h t l y over one dol l a r per acre and held for speculation* See Lot Book, N. W. Disc. , Gp. 2, seri at ion. (106) B r i t i s h Columbian, Nov, 5, 1862, (107) Ibid., Nov. 1, 1352 (108) Ibid, , Nov, 15, 1852. (109) "Sunday Province", May 29, 1932. (110) Emigrant Soldiers' Gazette, Addenda: Columbia Mission, p. 8; Pioneers Honored, p. 4; Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , pp. 109, 628-629. (148) school-house on the mainland and the government buildings at New Westminster, and even the f i r s t colonial coat of arms and (111) poBtage st amps « Another task assigned to them i s of especial interest to us. u n t i l work was actually began on the Cariboo Road, the Government favored the route by Harrison Lake to Douglas and L i l l o o t t to the i n t e r i o r . One of the numerous d i f f i c u l t i e s of this route was that, excepting when the water ?/as high, steam-boats found i t d i f f i c u l t and at times impossible to navi- • gate the shallow portions of the Harrison River. One proposed remedy was to cut a canal from the end of the lake to the Fra ser which would have extended from the present-day Hot-Springs Hotel through the future s i t e of the town of Agassiz to near (x) the present ferry dock. It was decided, however, to try f i r s t .to deepen and wall with cribbing the channel of the r i v e r through the f l a t s . The d i f f i c u l t i e s of doing this wi th almost no machinery must have been almost insurmountable. "This task", says Lieut. Mayne, who say/ them at work i n water above their waists, "gave Cant. Grant and a party of Engineers very moist (11S) occupation for two summers," apparently 1860 and 1861. At the same time Messrs. Dewdney and Moberly ?/ere constructing the Dewdney T r a i l from Hope to Similkameen over a route selected by (113). Engineers under Sergt. McCobi. During the following summer. (111) Howay and Scholefield, • B. C. , I I . , 109, Pioneers Fittingly Honored, p. 4, and B r i t i s h Columbian, June 10, 1865* (112) Mayne, op. c i t . , p. 94. ( x\: ) Mathew B a i l l y Beghie: A Journey into the Interior of B r i t i s h Columbia, ( V i c t o r i a , 1859) p. S47. . (113) Howay and Scholefield, B. C., I I . , p. 94. (149) 1862, however, Gapt. Grant's party constructed the f i r s t s i x miles of the Cariboo Road above Yale, over the most d i f f i c u l t section of the whole route, "an enduring monument of engineer- (114) ing s k i l l and patient t o i l . " Contracts had been l e t for the rest of the road to Cook's Perry (Spence's Bridge) along a (115) route also chosen by Sergt. lie C o l l , and the opening of this route spelled the doom of the Douglas-Lillooet road. We get also occasional glimpses of the private l i f e of the Engineers. We have seen that the l i t t l e church at Derby was one of their e a r l i e s t works of construction. Col, Moody him s e l f read the f i r s t divine service i n public worship at Yale (116) W during the "I.'ed Mo&owan War" i n January, 1859. Rev./} Sheep shanks of He1// Westminster, even before his own church was (117) b u i l t , conducted two services a Sunday In the camp &€ Sapper-ton, while both Methodist and Catholic were delighted when some of (118) the men attended their services, i n the B r i t i s h Columbian of (119) May 28 appeared this notice: B i r t h — I n Camp, on the 21st i n s t . , the wife of John McGlure, 3. S. , of a son. And while the Engineers have been ju s t l y admired for their s k i l l ' In-their ovm l i n e of work, they had much to learn to ac commodate themselves to pioneer l i f e . We have already seen reason to suspect their a b i l i t y i n f e l l i n g trees, A native daughter of B r i t i s h Columbia who became the wife of one of them ( 1 1 4 ) B r i t i s h Columbian, July 18, 1863, and Howay and Schole f i e l d , B. C., I I . , p. 100. (115) Howay and Scholefield, B. C, I I . , 100-101, (116) Ibid, , I I . , p. 63, quoting V i c t o r i a Gazette, Jan.-11, 1859. (117) Columbia Mission, p. 8. (-118) 0, M. I. Missions, I I I . , p. 190. (119) Q. v. (150) said they were " a l l real Englishmen". She even had to teach her hushand how to k i l l and dress animals for food, and always assisted him. It i s but f a i r to add that her husband sent her rto a neighbor, an English batchelor, to learn how to make (120) clotted cream and plum pudding. In 1863 the Engineers were withdrawn from the colony. Those who wished were given an opportunity to leave the service and were offered a free grant of one hundred f i f t y acres of land each i n the colony. Only some twenty of the men returned (121) to England wi th Ool. lloody and the o f f i c e r s . l o t a l l of those who remained, however, went on the land. Some continued to ply their former trades. John McClure entered the services of the Overland Telegraph Company before s e t t l i n g near the pre sent Claybum station and continued occasional land-surveying (122) to the very year of his death, 1907, L. P. Eonson, one of Capt. Grant's builders entered the contracting business In .Few Westminster before becoming i n turn Government Road Superin tendent, 1876-1880, a liquor merchant, and then a farmer at (123) Keatsic from 1892 t i l l his retirement i n 1905. Alben Hawkins entered business i n his old trade as a mason, and with his partner, P.. M. Rylatt b u i l t many chimneys, etc, i n Hew Westmin ster and l a i d , under contract of September 5. 1870, the found a- (120) Hrs. Geo. Hewton. (121) Howay and Scholefield, 3. G. , I I . , p. 109, (122) The writer's r e c o l l e c t i o n ; Howay and Scholefield, IV, p. 1061; Guide, pp. 169, 352-356; Mrs. Middleton,'• Mr. . Catherwood and others. (123) Howay and Scholefield, I I I . , pp. 10-13. Mr. Hawkins of Gifford has a rabbett plane stamped wi th his name, (124) Hawkins Papers, copies of contracts and diary, p. 1. (125) E.G. Archives, M3S. 1243: "Geo. Hewton". (See p. 151, for (124) and.. (125), (151) tions o f the old Hastings M i l l on Burrarr] In l e t , before taking (124) up land.at Matsqui P r a i r i e i n 1874, George Hewton secured a place on the Victor i a police force i n 1857 on the recommenda tion of Joseph Wood Trutch; neyA held land at the mouth of th<= (125) Horth Arm, i n 1869 ; and then took a partnership i n a lev; Westminster hostelry, the "London Arms" u n t i l the time of his marriage i n the l a t e 'seventies, when he took up land at Hat- (.126) z i c . Launders, McGoll, Mohun and Turner for some years found plenty to do at land surveying and c i v i l engineering In the province. Others found other occupations, went to the mines, took up land, or removed elsewhere, The force was scattered. In 1909, the f i f t i e t h year since the main force arrived, a reunion of the survivers s t i l l i n the province was held at the P r o v i n c i a l Exhibit!cm, Hew Westminster, when Judge Howay read a paper prepared by Lt. - Col, Wolfe nden of V i c t o r i a . The gathering included Thomas Argyle, Hock Point, V. I.; Samuel Archer, Hew Westminster; Lewis P. Bouson, Port Hammond; Robert Butler, V i c t o r i a ; Henry Bruce, Hew Westminster; John Cox, V i c t o r i a ; Allan Cummins, Vancouver; William H a l l , Sumas; William Haynes, V i c t o r i a ; P h i l i p Jackrnan, Aldergrove; George Turner, Hew Westminster; and Lt.-Ool. Richard Wolfenden, V i c t o r i a , Matthew Hall of Sumas and John Musselwhite of the same place, both absent, were - apparently the only other sur d s ? ) vivors i n the province. Of these the l a s t survivor was P h i l i p (128) Jackman, who died i n 1927 . (126( Mrs. Geo. Hewton (127) Pioneers Honored. (128) Date supplied by his daughter, Mrs. Alex, Murcheson, Langley P r a i r i e . (152) (o) THE ROYAL PITY It has already been stated that the Colony of B r i t i s h Columbia was o f f i c i a l l y founded on November 19, 1858, and that tQueensborough was chosen i t s c a p i t a l on February 14, 1859, and renamed New V/estminster on July 20. It took time, however, to make the new capital the real centre of l i f e on the Eraser and i n the mainland colony generally. In the f i r s t place most of the people v/ere more interested i n seeking gold than i n found ing a colony, and the centre of mining a c t i v i t y at this time was Yale. In the second place Langley was much the oldest es tablishment on the r i v e r , and continued for some time to serve as a base of supplies. Also the hopes of those who put their f a i t h i n Derby--and this included the Governor, yet scarcely divorced from the company Y/hich had such a large vested inter est i n the land of the neighborhood — died slowly. Six days after the new capi t a l Y/as proclaimed the f i r s t sod was turned for a church at the old, to be b u i l t at public expense and presented to the minister by the Governor, and th i s church was (1.29) to continue for a year. In the thir d place the Governor con tinued to reside eb V i c t o r i a so that necessarily for a time much of governmental a c t i v i t y centred there, the source of a jealousy between the two c i t i e s which was to continue, with much bitterness at times, at least u n t i l Vancouver outrivalled both. And f i n a l l y , i n any case, i t was impossible to build the new Rome i n such a forested Y/ilderness i n a day. (129) Parish Register of St. John the Devine at Derby, f i r s t page. (153) As soon as the survey of the l o t s was completed arrange ments were made to s e l l three hundred eleven of them "by auction at V i c t o r i a , the remaining one hundred ten being reserved for , sale i n other parts of the Empire, perhaps because Douglas feared a l l might go to American buyers. Only eight of the l o t s remained unsold and over $90p00 was realized, the terms being twenty-five per cent cash and the balance i n three monthly i n  stalments. Less than $27000 was allowed i n credit on the l o t s at Derby, which shows that many must have l o s t their deposits there, and also discounts Douglas' grudging claim that the success of the Queensborough sales v/as chi e f l y due to the Derby (130) credits. Lytton, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, ob jected to the reservation of l o t s because i t would hinder the normal growth of the town, and asked that a l l the l o t s be of- (131) fered l o c a l l y , but when the auctioneer was sent to lew Westmin ster i n the spring of 1860 for that purpose the residents under the leadership of W. J. Armstrong f o r c i b l y prevented i t because which, i t had been promised the money^on the authority of the governor,, would be expended on street-grading and l o c a l improvements, had not been so spent. Thirty-three of the l o t s were sold, however, on the second of (132) May by Edgar Dewdney. On paper, as planned by the Royal Engineers, the new "Royal City" certainly looked imposing with i t s streets, market (133) place, public squares and parks. In actual fact Queensborough must have looked far from promising, — a p a r t i a l l y cleared h i l l - (130) B.C. Papers, I I I . , 16 and Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I 66-67. (131):B. C Papers, I I . , 86. (132) B.C. Archives, Memoir VI., 122-123. See very excellent account of the whole thing by P.W. Howay who got (See 154) (154) side with, stumps and charred logs and no streets. Its f i r s t (134) clergyman called i t "the forest c i t y , " for years i t was known (135) to outsiders as "stumptown", and the h i s t o r i a n , Bancroft, de clared that i n this "imperial stump-patch" the stumps "out- (136) numbered the houses b u i l t for twenty years and more." Annual (137) forest f i r e s threatened the c i t y for many years. Nevertheless at the beginning of 1860 Bishop H i l l s was able to write: "This place during the present year i s expected to make great (138) progress." The f i r s t house was b u i l t by William James Arm strong who was to remain one of the c i t y ' s most prominent c i t i  zens f o r half a century. He had come to Langley i n 1858 but when the new capital was chosen he bought a shipment of lumber intended for Derby and i n March, 1859, with the aid of his brother Henry and John S. McDonald b u i l t the house i n which, as soon as customers could be found, he opened the c i t y ' s f i r s t (139) place of business, a grocery and general store. A rude jetty was also b u i l t , and by mid-April T. J.- Scott had opened a saloon, Robert Dickinson a butcher shop, and P h i l i p Hicks a (140) bakery. By that time, too, James Kennedy had brought his wife (141) to l i v e i n the c i t y , ?/here many others were soon to bring their (132) i t at f i r s t hand 7~in "The Western Recorder", May, 1934, Mrs. W. J. Armstrong was an aunt of Mrs. Howay. (133) Original by Saunders (n.d.) i n Hew Westminster Public l i  brary. Lithographed copies, 1862, Dept. of Lands, 7T1, and Henry Hewton, Maple Ridge. (134) Rev. E. White, Diary, entry of Apr. 1, 1859. (135) -Letter i n B r i t i s h Columbian, Feb. 23, 1867. (136) History of Br. Col., 415. (137) See, e.g., B r i t i s h Columbian, May 17, 1862. (139) Occasional paper on the Columbia Mission, p. 8. (139) Kerr, Biographical Dictionary, p. 89. Gosnell, History of •:i,.0 B.C., 325; and HO way aid Scholefield , ' B. C. , I I I . , 539 (140) Pioneers F i t t i n g l y Honored, p. 4. (141) Howay and. Scholefield, B.C., I I I . , 551. (155) families, and the f i r s t church services had been held. On A p r i l 4, 1861, the B r i t i s h male population of the two-year-old ci t y was reckoned at two hundred four, and Indians s t i l l l i v e d (142) i n the c i t y . The story of the establishment of the Wesleyan Methodist Church i l l u s t r a t e s much of the early history of New Westminster, and a chronological summary of i t may therefore be worthy of (143) recording. Rev. Edward White, accompanied by his wife and family, and i n company with Dr. Ephraim Evans, Rev. Arthur Browning and Rev. Ebenezer Robson, had l e f t "Canada West" on December 31, 1858, and arrived i n V i c t o r i a , v ia New York and San Francisco, on the tenth of February. There they were wel comed by Rev. Edward Cridge of the Episcopal Church and pro mised aid by Governor Douglas i n securing s i t e s for churches. On A p r i l 1 Mr. White landed i n the "forest c i t y " on his " f i r s t . v i s i t to B r i t i s h Columbia", and after spending a day "rambling i n the bush and boating on the r i v e r , " there being apparently nowhere else to spend i t , he preached his f i r s t sermon i n the city at eleven o'clock on the morning of A p r i l 3 "under some large trees near the river...to some f i f t y men and one woman." The l a s t named must have been Mrs. Kennedy, who, l i k e her hus- (144) band, was a Presbyterian. In the afternoon he preached "on the (142) B r i t i s h Columbian, Apr. 4 and Dee. 19, 1861. (143) Taken from Rev. E. White's diary under dates given. Cf. Cecil Hacker: A History of the Methodist Church i n B r i  t i s h Columbia 1858-1900. MS. i n U.B.O. Library. (144) Ibid., l o c . c i t . (156) s i t e of the treasury building." On Easter Sunday, A p r i l 24, he preached twice i n front of the tent to which on A p r i l 22 he had brought his wife and family from V i c t o r i a . On May 1 three services were held, one at the barracks where Col. Moody read prayers, apparently to make a real Church service of i t des pite the Methodist sermon, one at "Scott's Wharf" and one " i n the treasury building", which thereafter continued to be so used u n t i l March 4, 1860. Meanwhile on May•22 the f i r s t "class (145) meeting" was held, on May 25 the f i r s t temperance meeting, and on December 4th the f i r s t Sunday School, comprising four per sons besides the preacher's family. In May, too he had begun (x) . clearing the l o t s Moody had given him for his church and i n June he started to b u i l d a parsonage into which he moved with i n a week from s t a r t i n g to cut the materials. Ito was used (#) u n t i l 1871. In August he became discouraged because "people seem to be a l l leaving for other parts except those who have no disposition to hear the word," but was encouraged when on De- . cember 15 he opened a subscription l i s t to build a church and got twenty-five dollars from a Roman Catholic. On. January 4, 1860, he started cutting timbers for "the f i r s t church i n Ifew Westminster' and the f i r s t Wesley an church i n B.C." It was to be twenty by t h i r t y - s i x feet and cost f i v e hundred dollars with volunteer labor. Among those whom he mentions as helping were (145) I. e., a meeting i n addition to the regular preaching services, i n which members of the congregation offered prayers and "testimony". • ( x;) Requested of Douglas by Dr. Evans. See B. C., Archives, Mem. VI, pp. 121-2. ( #' ) Mainland Guardian, Aug. 11, 1871. (157) John and Charles Robson, William Clarkson, Hugh Brown, and W. J. Armstrong, men who were prominent i n the'early l i f e of the • c i t y , and the last-named an Anglican whose own church was a l - (146) ^ ready being planned. On March 11 the building 7/as used for th f i r s t time, was dedicated by Rev. A. Browning of Hanaimo on A p r i l 8, and on July 1 a melodion was introduced which "Miss (147) Woodman played well for the f i r s t time". In July Mr. White noticed that though; the mosquitoes were as bad i n the v/oods as during 1859 this was not so i n the town, which gave him hope that further clearing would end the pest. He took his family to Hanaimo i n an open boat for a holiday. In September he de clared his o f f i c i a l board was l i b e r a l i n appropriations though i t meant they had to be l i b e r a l i n their own donations since there were few others to c a l l upon. The church had fourteen (148) members. Meanwhile other churches were founded. In August, 1859, Rev. John Sheepshanks, a missionary on a special fund, arrived to become chaplain to the troops at Sapperton and rector of (149) Holy,Trinity Church, Queensborough, where he was well l i k e d . The Methodist parson took time to hear his service and the two (150) together enjoyed a Chinese Hew-Year Banquet. Bishop H i l l s . " (151) v i s i t e d Hew Westminster i n February and reported him holding two services weekly i n a church at the camp and one i n Hew Westminster where the ground was being prepared for the church (152) building. The building was dedicated by the bishop on the se- (146) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I I . , and Occasional paper on Columbian Mission, p. 8. (147) Sister of Mrs. White, l a t e r Mrs. Thos. Cunningham. (148) Entry of Hov. 18, 1860. (See fn. page 158) (158) cond of December, 1860; Rev. A. Garrett preached and the (x) Methodists i n a body attended. The church was enhanced a few months l a t e r with a chime of eight b e l l s , the g i f t of the Baroness Burdett-Goutts. A l l but the bell-tower was destroyed (153) by f i r e i n 1865 but was re b u i l t within two years. An old view of the church shows i n the foreground a small log hut, the (154) rectory, surrounded by burnt logs and brush. In 1862 Rev. Robert Jamieson arrived to sta r t the f i r s t Presbyterian church, and preached his f i r s t sermon there from the pulpit of Mr. Mi t e . For over a year he used the court-house u n t i l his own church, (#) St. Andrew's was erected. The fourth protestant sect to make a definite appearance was the Society of Friends,.:represented by (155) Mr. and Mrs. Robert Lindsay, but of them we hear nothing more. The Roman Catholics, Fathers Fouquet and Grandidier arrived i n September, 1860, began building i n the following A p r i l and by the end of that year, as we have seen, had two churches, St. Peter and St. Charles for whites and Indians respectively, as ( 1 5 6 ) well as a presbytery and hospit a l . In 1864 the mainland dio cese of New Westminster was separated from the island; Father d'Herbomez, superior of the Oblates, was consecrated t i t u l a r Bishop of Meli t o p o l i s , an extinct eastern see, at Vic t o r i a on  (143) Occasional Paper on Col. Miss., p. 8., and Howay'and Scholefield, B. C., I I . , 628. (150 (151 (152 ( x (153 (154 (155 (156 ( -so m i t e ' s - d i a r y , - Sept. 25 and Dec. 21, 1859. I b i d . , Feb. 26-28, 1860. Oec. Paper on Col. Miss., p. 8. White's diary, of that date. B r i t i s h Columbian, Hov. 22, 1865, and Howay and Schole^' f i e l d , B. C., I I . , 628. In B. C. Archives. White's diary, Jan. 15, 1860. 0. M. I. Missions, I., 146, 172; I I I ; 170, 197, 200. B r i t i s h Columbian, March 20, 1862; Dunn, Presby- (See 159) (159) October 9 and i n s t a l l e d at St. Charles, lew Westminster a week (157) l a t e r . In May, 1860, the governor paid a v i s i t to. New Westminster ^and received from the inhabitants a memorial asking for a muni cip a l charter in., order that they might themselves undertake such l o c a l improvements as they deemed necessary. The same was granted by proclamation of July 16 and the boundaries widened a (158) year l a t e r . The f i r s t council, which was also the f i r s t muni cipal council i n the colony, consisted of Leonard McClure, President, Ebenezer Bro?/n, William James Armstrong, Henry Hol- . (159) (160) brook, Joshua Atwood Reynolds Homer, Angus Henderson Manson, and W. E. Cormack. The succeeding presidents of the council were. John Ramage, 1861 and 1862; Henry Holbrook, 1863 and 1867; Robert Dickinson, 1864; William Clarkson, 1865; John Robson, 1866"; Captain William Irving, 1868; and William J. Armstrong, 1869 and 1870; Henry Valentine Edmonds became c i t y clerk i n (161) 1869. In 1871 the c i t y became subject to the Municipalities Act of the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, and i t s head was (162) thenceforth known as the .mayor. Under these early councils a terianian i n B. C. , p. 68; Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , 645-646. (157) Short Acct. of the Work of the Congr. of the 0. M. I., p. 5. There i s at St. Mary's, Mission City, about half a mile north of the mission, a small octagonal sanctuary', Notre Dame de Lourdes, b u i l t by Bishop d' Herbomez i n fulfilment of a vow made during a v i s i t to Europe i n the 'eighties when a severe i l l n e s s caused him to fear he might not be able to return to his diocese. See Voyage du T. R. P. Louis Soullier en Amerique, pp. 131-132, and memorial hanging i n the chapel. (158) Gosnell, Yr. Bk. , 1897, p. 143, and Howay and' Scholefield B.C., I I . ; 68. (159) Homer's f u l l name i s so given i n Lot Book, N.W., Op. 1, l o t 53. (160) Ibid., l o t 4. (161) B.C. Directory, 1882- '83, pp. 221-233. (162) Ibid., l o c , c i t . , and Gosnell, Yr. Bk. 1897, p. 143. (160) levee was b u i l t along the embankment, gulleys bridged, streets graded and sidewalks b u i l t and repaired, and i n general leader- (163) ship supplied to various types of public enterprise. The f i r s t public building i n the capital of the colony was grandiloquently called the treasury building. The s i t e had a l  ready been chosen and cleared before the main body of the en gineers arrived, the fl o o r was l a i d during the f i r s t week of (164) A p r i l and the building usable by the f i r s t of May, Standing (165) at the north-east corner of Columbia and Mary Streets, i t ap pears to have been a small building to which from time to time additions were made, of one or two rooms each, somewhat as a child makes a t r a i n of dominoes, alternately lengthwise and (166) crosswise. These housed the land Registry Office, General Post Office, Assay Office, Mint, and other Government Offices. A public notice signed by W. Driscol Gosset, treasurer of the colony, under date of August 1, 1860 announced the Assay Of f i c e open for business, i n 1862 i t was assaying about one hun dred thousand d o l l a r s ' worth of mineral a month and i n 1864 reached one hundred t h i r t y thousand dollars ' worth i n a single (167) day. Messrs. P. G. Claudet and P. H. Bonsfield were assayer (168) and assistant assayer. In November. 1861. the Governor decided (163] See, e.g., B r i t i s h Columbian, Peb. 18, 1863, and A p r i l 22, 1865. (164) White's Diary, Apr. 3, A p r i l 10. and May 1, 1859. (165) Lands Dept. Map 7T1. (166) See photographs i n Howay and Scholefield, B. C., I I . , to face p. 141. (167) B r i t i s h Columbian, March 21, 1861; Oct. 18, Nov. 5 and 19, 1862; Aug. 24, 1864. (168) B. 0. Papers, I I I . , 101-103. (161) to ask for the establishment of a mint to make ten and twenty- (169)' dollar gold pieces of uniform fineness but not f u l l y refined. Then, without getting permission of the home authorities, he ^sent Gapt. Gosset to San Francisco, where he bought the ne.ces- sary equipment for $8,690. The Governor immediately began to put obstacles i n the way, but on May 31 i t was announced the "engine and machinery of the Royal Mint (sic) were set i n (170) motion and found to work admirably. In July a few specimens were stAuck and exhibited to v i s i t o r s "looking exceedingly w e l l . We hope soon"., said the editor of the B r i t i s h Columbian, "to real i z e the p r a c t i c a l benefits of this i n s t i t u t i o n i n the issue (171) and c i r c u l a t i o n of the coin." So much for hoping. There came immediately the order of Douglas to "grease i t and lay i t away'.' The coins were never legalized and the machinery lay i d l e t i l l (172) the mid-1 seventies, when parts of i t were sold to a contractor. The j a i l was another early i n s t i t u t i o n of the province, with C. J. Pritchard i t s f i r s t warden, followed i n 1870 by Arthur (x) H. McBride, father of the late Sir Richard. At f i r s t the'only high government o f f i c i a l resident i n the new' cap i t a l was Col. Moody, Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works. Complaints to the governor on this score caused the Treasurer to move over from V i c t o r i a i n the f a l l of 1860, and (169) B. C. Papers, IV., p. 62. (170) B r i t i s h Columbian, May 31, 1862. (171) July 9, 1862. (172) See the study of the whole question by Dr. R. L. Reid i n Archives of B. C., Mem. V l l . The machinery was i n  spected i n 1871 for the Dominion Government by Hon. Hector Louis Langevin, but nothing came of i t . See Main. Guard., Sept. 9, 1871. ( x)) B r i t i s h Columbian, Dec. 12, 1861; Mainland Guardian, Apr. 3 et al;, 1872: Howay and Scholefield ,B. 0. I l l , 5. (162) when Henry Pering Pellew Grease was appointed Attorney-General i n 1861 he also took up his residence, i n the c a p i t a l . Re peated complaints at the non-residence of the governor and other o f f i c i a l s , and at the absolute lack of any form of re presentation brought no- results u n t i l the summer of 1863 when Douglas was compelled to order the election of five members to constitute one third of a Legislative Council. Hew Westminster was to be one of the f i v e electoral d i s t r i c t s but no boundar i e s , q u a l i f i c a t i o n s or procedure were stipulated. The c i t y council took the lead, called a public meeting, limited the franchise to B r i t i s h residents of three months with a small property q u a l i f i c a t i o n and fixed the property q u a l i f i c a t i o n of (173) candidates at re a l estate to the value of £500. In November the c i t y and d i s t r i c t held public elections with open voting (174) and elected J. A. R. Homer by a majority of eleven votes. The old barracks building at Sapper ton was used as a meeting place, and Col. Moody's former residence was put i n readiness to re ceive the governor and his family when they arrived on March 15, 1864. This was but a formal gesture, for the new governors of both colonies v/ere already on their way. Farewell addresses came early i n A p r i l and on the thirteenth of that month, 1864, (175) Douglas departed from the mainland. The new governor, Freder ick Seymour, made his residence at the Government House, on the north side o f the ravine Yhioh today separates the Mental Hos- p i t a l and the Provincial Penitentiary. Hearer the r i v e r new (173) B r i F i s h Columbian, Oct. 7, 1863. (174) I b i d . , Nov. 14, 1863. (175) Ibid.., March 19 and A p r i l 9 and 16, 1864. (163) (176) .government o f f i c e s were erected, and f o r two and one-half years New Westminster was r e a l l y the capital of the colony. The new c i t y rapidly developed into the p r i n c i p a l and p r a c t i c a l l y the only sea-port of the colony. Indeed, as we have already seen, this was one consideration i n determining (177) (178) the s i t e . In A p r i l , 1859, as we have also noticed, Bevis was transferred from Derby and Langley, where i t was expected that henoeforth the resident magistrate would also act as revenue o f f i c e r , to Queensborough, which thus became the chief port of entry to the colony. As a result of continued complaints of unfair treatment and lack of accommodation we find him before the end of the year i n V i c t o r i a seeking reemployment, possibly (179) at Langley, where he hears much smuggling i s going on. The re-" venue station was situated on Columbia Street at the corner of (180) (x) Beghie Street. The f i r s t harbor master was Captain Cooper and at f i r s t navigation presented numerous d i f f i c u l t i e s and irregu- (181) l a r i t i e s due to the lack of s p e c i f i c regulations. The course (182) had, however, been carefully charted by Captain G-. H. Richards and before the summer of 1866 the sandheads of the Fraser and a (176) Map i n Lands Dept., 7T1. picture of Govt. House i n Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , facing p. 67. (177) P. 1 * 4 - , supra. (178) Supra, p.131. (179) B. G. Archives, f o l i o F 149 #19-22. Among Bevis 1 e a r l  iest successors was Chas. S. Finlaison who, according to his son, was appointed to that position, i n 1860. Dur ing the ' s i x t i e s he b u i l t himself a home at Burnaby Lake, possibly the f i r s t there. See B r i t . Col. — Biographical, IV., 1187-8. (180) B. C. Lands Dept., L. R. Map 7T1. ( x ) No known connection of the Gapt. Cooper previously men tioned. (181) B r i t i s h Columbia, March 21, 1861. (182) See Charts i n Tray 1, B. C. Dept. of Lands. (164) channel along the South Arm to lev/ Westminster for a draft of twenty feet had been defined and clearly marked with "nunn" and (183) "can" buoys by H. M. S. Forward. The ligh t s h i p apparently (x) .dates from a l a t e r time but was not l a t e r than 1876. While ships from San Francisco and beyond made New Westminster their terminal port of c a l l boats from V i c t o r i a to Yale made i t the pr i n c i p a l way point and boats of smaller size connected lew Westminster with Burrard I n l e t , Yale, and port Douglas. Boats well known on the r i v e r before 1871 included the E l i z a Ander son , the Enterprise, the Reliance, the Colonel Moody, the Flying Dutchman, the Hope, the Henrietta, the L i l l o o e t , new In 1864, the Onward, launched for Capt. William Irving i n 1860, • and the Yosemite. In 1865 was also launched for Captain Franklyn the f i r s t ship, a schooner, ever b u i l t at Hew West- (184) minster. While depending p r i n c i p a l l y on ri v e r steamers and ocean shipping for connection with the outside world and the rest of the world, the Royal City had from ear l i e s t times other means of communication. It was frequently impossible to operate boats, especially up-river, during the winters Then mails were carried from lew Westminster to Yale by Jack B r i s t o l , who . (183) B r i t i s h Columbian, May 19, 1866. ( x ) Guide to B. C., 1877, p. 159. Wm. Gardner of Hope says he remembers i t s launching at Hew Westminster, but not the date. (184) Mr. and Mrs. York, Mr. Gardner and others. See Lewis and Dryden's Marine History, also B r i t i s h Columbian, various early issues, and especially Aug. 24, 1864, June 29 and Sept. 30, 1865. Also Mainland Guardian, Sept. 30, 1871. Pictures of the Onward and YoSemite are i n the Hew West minster Public Library. (165) l i v e d with his Indian wife on B r i s t o l Island, just below Hope. He. made the round t r i p twioe a month, using a canoe or bateau with four Indians when possible, otherwise carrying the mails on his back, and i t was said of him that he never made the Indians, get out to push o f f from ice or sand-bar, always doing (185) the worst jobs himself. Travellers to and from the i n t e r i o r frequently had to resort to similar means, even the ice being sometimes made to serve their needs.' In 1861 i t was two feet thick at Hew Westminster, with the thermometer at nine degrees (186) below zero. Roads connected the capital with nearby points. Columbia Street was extended through the Sapperton Road into (187) the P i t t River Road i n 1861. Much l a t e r came the North.Arm T r a i l which became the North Arm Road and was gradually ex- (188) tended to opposite Sea Island. Meanwhile the "Brighton or Burrard Inlet Road" and extension of Douglas Street, led to Captain Stamp's M i l l and Spar camp, and over i t ran the f i r s t (189) stage l i n e out of the c i t y , owned by a Mr. Lewis. " Across the r i v e r years of agitation preceded the opening of a t r a i l to Semiahmou-, to Langley, Chilliwack and Yale. The need, espe c i a l l y for driving c a t t l e , was great, but this was s t i l l de cidedly a gold colony and the needs of other industries must (190) wai t. . (185) Mr. Hugh Murray; Mrs. Flood and others at Hope. (186) H. Murray. (187) B r i t i s h Columbian, March 21 and Nov. 14, 1861. (188) S t i l l unbuilt i n 1866, see B r i t . Col. of Oct. 27.. Open 16 miles, Mainland Guardian, June 14, 1871. (189) Ib i d . , Sept. 22, 1866 and Mainland Guardian, Oct. 19, 1870. (190) B r i t i s h Columbian, Nov. 1, Nov. 15, 1861; Mar. 25, 1865; Mainland Guardian, Sept. 10, 1870; June 28, July 29, Aug. 23, 1871. (166) Industries i n Hew Westminster .-.were of two sorts, those looking to export and those seeking to supply the domestic market. Of the former the f i r s t appears to have been lumber i n g . During the winter of 1860-1861 J. A. R. Homer exported to V i c t o r i a , in, the neighboring colony, 300000 board feet of (191) lumber and 100000 shingles. There seem, however, to have been (192) no sawmills i n Hew Westminster u n t i l the l a t e r 'seventies. Fish canning was the f i r s t business widespread i n the lower r i v e r . In 1864 Annandale's f i s h saltery was established at Hew Westminster, and Donald McLean b u i l t a general curing plant about three years l a t e r . It was probably from the l a t t e r (193) that seven hundred cases were shipped to England i n 1870. About the same time the ft rst experiment with canning was con ducted by James Symes i n his own home, with complete success. Consequently there was formed i n 1870 the firm of Alexander Loggie and Companyincluding Annandale's partner, Alexander Ewen, the pioneer white fisherman of the river—which b u i l t at Annieville , about three miles below He?/ Westminster on the south side of the r i v e r , the f i r s t salmon cannery i n the colony. Almost devoid of machinery, and without 'pressure cooking, the whole process was crude i n the extreme, but i t was the begin- (191) B r i t i s h Columbian, Mar. 21, 1861. (192) Brunette M i l l was f i r s t , but not mentioned i n directory of 1877, though G. W. de Beck, one of i t s founders, i s there l i s t e d as a "lumberman", p. 349. (193) Main. Guard., Sept. 30, 1870. It says, from the "Fish Preserving Co., Sapperton." Stamp's cannery had not yet started. (167) (194) ning of one of B r i t i s h Columbia's major industries. Captain Stamp started another at Sapper ton the following year i n old (x) government buildings, leased for the purpose. Other indus t r i e s i n the c i t y Y/ere W. H. Woodcock's brewery.and g r i s t m i l l combined, b u i l t i n 1864, and W. J . Armstrong's Enterprise Flour M i l l , b u i l t i n 1870 and almost destroyed by f i r e before (195) i t had been i n operation more than a month. A beet sugar fac tory was mooted the following year, as i t has been at various points i n the valley many times since, but none has ever (196) materialized. Most interesting of a l l , perhaps, was the at tempt to establish at New Westminster, i n the very year of the Confederation agreement for a transcontinental railway, an agency f o r a "steam omnibus", with a twenty-horse power engine, a speed of f i f t e e n miles per hour, and a capacity of t h i r t y (197) (198) passengers. Drivers for the "B. X." must have paled at the announcement. The pioneer newspaper was the B r i t i s h Columbian. It had already made an unsuccessful beginning under the name of The  Times and editorship of Leonard Maclure when John Robson ac quired i t i n 1861. He continued to publish i t i n Hew Westmih- - ster not only as a journal of l o c a l and world news, but as "(194) See account i n Howay and Scholefield, B. 0. , I I . , 584-'5. Judge Howay had personal acquaintance with the men concerned. ( x ) Mainland Guardian, June 20, 1871. (195) B r i t i s h Columbian, May 11, 1864; Mainland Guardian, Oct. 22, Ho v. 19; Gosnell, Hist, of 3. C., p. 325, gives the date of the flour m i l l as 1867, but this must be an error. (196) Mainland Guardian, Apr. 22, 1871. (197) I b i d . , March 11, 1871. (198) Barnard's Express, Yale to Cariboo. (168) the most i n f l u e n t i a l medium for, expression of progressive views on matters of public importance, u n t i l 1869, when he moved i t to V i c t o r i a . In 1870 two r i v a l papers were started, the Mainland Guardian, edited by J. K. outer, and the Herald, edited by Robson's p r i n t e r , John Brown. After an absence of a decade Robson returned to the c i t y , bought Brown's paper and i n conjunction with his brother David re-established the B r i t i s h Columbian. which they sold to Kennedy Brothers i n 1888 and (199) which i s s t i l l the c i t y ' s journal. Certain men prominent i n the business and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the city during the days of the colonies so inextricably wove their l i v e s into the l i f e and t r a d i t i o n s of He?; Westmin ster that i t seems advisable to r e c a l l their names and reca p i t u l a t e their achievements at this point: William James Armstrong, as we have already seen, came to Langley i n 1858 and to Hew Westminster i n the following spring. Besides the f i r s t r e t a i l store i n the c i t y , he b u i l t the f i r s t flour m i l l i n the province and l a t e r a sawmill. He was a mem ber of the f i r s t c i t y council, and of a l l but two of the next twelve, i t s president i n 1869 and 1870 and repeatedly repre sented the d i s t r i c t i n the Provincial Legislature after 1871. He was Minister of Finance and Agriculture i n the De Cosmos Government of 1873-1876 and Sh e r r i f f of Hew Westminster County i n 1883. In 1861 he had married Miss H. C. Ladner, s i s t e r of the pioneers of Ladner, and she was with him among the f i r s t passengers eastward over the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. He (199) for a general account of Robson's l i f e , character and work see B.C. Biographical, I I I . , 996-1002. (169) continued to occupy an important place i n the city' s l i f e (200) u n t i l his death, i n the second decade of this century. His brother, Joseph Charles, with his half-brother George, came to the province about the same time, but Joseph continued i n gold-mining u n t i l 1869, when he began a real estate business and also did some road contracting with his brother George. He was • a member of the c i t y council from 1870 for nine conse- (201) cutive years. Of a l l the Hoyal Engineers who remained i n the colony none assumed so prolonged and prominent a part i n the af f a i r s of the city and d i s t r i c t as Lewis Erancis Bonson. A joiner and wheelwright by trade_,he had joined the corps which l a t e r .brought him to B r i t i s h Columbia i n time to see service i n the Crimean War, l i k e many of those who came with him; also i n Gibraltar and Central America. On receiving his discharge i n 1863 he turned his attention to building and contracting with (202) interludes of hotel keeping. Prom 1876 to 1880 he was provin c i a l road superintendent, then turned his attention to hotel- keeping and liquor-vending, while Hrs. Bonson operated a tem- (203) perance hot e l , the only one i n the c i t y . He had received the usual "sapper's grant" of one hundred f i f t y acres and this he more than doubled i n 1892, from which year he engaged p r i n c i - (200) Gosnell, Hist, of B. G. , 324-326; Kerr, Biographical Pictionary of'Well-Known B r i t i s h Columbians, 89; Howay and Scholefield, B. C. , I I . , 329, 334, 335, 490., 411; I I I . 536-S40. (201) Gosnell, Hist, of B. C. 625-626. ( 202) Main. Guard., Apr. 29, 1871. (203) Directory, 1882, 203. (170) p a l l y i n agriculture on his farm at Keatsey. In 1905 he re- (204) t i r e d to lev/ Westminster where he l i v e d f o r another decade. Three other sappers who occupied places of some prominence i n the early l i f e of the city were P h i l i p Jackman, policeman t i l l (205) he went farming at Alergrove i n 1885 , Sergeant John McMurphy who. entered the government service as clerk, became deputy s h e r i f f and held other positions, and Corporal John Murray who engaged i n the trades of shoemaker and, l a t e r , realtor before removing to Port Moody. A l l four of these men survived the (206) century. Ebenezer Brown was another of the c i t y ' s e a r l i e s t r e s i  dents. He b u i l t , under contract, the monument which marks the Western land terminus of the international boundary, at Point (x) Roberts. He ran a general importing business, specializing ( 207) i n l i q u o r s . He owned property opposite the c i t y where l a t e r (208) was b u i l t "Punch's Hotel", and gave I t s name to Brownsville. He was a member of the f i r s t four c i t y councils and of those (209) of 1873, '74 ana '75, and represented the d i s t r i c t i n the Pro v i n c i a l Legislature from 1876 to 1881. He was f i r s t elected to support the Walked government but immediately went over to (204) B..C. Biographical, IV., 10-13. Mr. Alfred Hawkins has . a rabbett plane stamped with Spr. Bonson's name. (205) Mr. Jackman of Aldergrove. (206) H. Murray; B. 0. Biographical, I I I . , 379; IV., 805; Guide, 1877; Directory, 1882. (207) Guide to B. C., 1877, p. 349; B. C. Directory, 1882, 208. Advts. i n B r i t i s h Columbian and Mainland Guardian. ( x ) Nelson, Place Names, Brov/nsville. See p. 109, ante. (208) Nelson, Place Names; Mr. Catherwood, Mr. T h r i f t , Miss Shannon, etc.: Register, Blocks and Ranges, Blk. 5.1. R2W, l o t s 19, 20; R3W, l o t 25. (209) B. 0. Directory, 1882, pp. 221-225. (171) the opposition, helped depose the government, and joined the E l l i o t t cabinet. He then resigned and voted against his new leader. Reelected i n 1878, this time to oppose Walkjim, who was returned to power, he moved the address i n reply. To this peculiar type of p o l i t i c s was due his forced resignation i n (210) 1881. He i s remembered as one of the c i t y ' s most picturesque, though not always praiseworthy, saloon-keepers and p o l i t i c i a n s . 7/illiam Clarkson came to the city and b u i l t one of the f i r s t houses there i n the early summer of 1859, bringing his family from Ontario a year later.. He was prominent i n the early development of the Methodist Church,--almost might be (211) called the minister's right-hand man. He was the city's f i r s t a g r i c u l t u r i s t and nurseryman, i n which l a t t e r business he was . (212) engaged for 'many years. He was a member of the c i t y council for four years, i t s president i n 1865, and i t s f i r s t mayor, (213) also a' Justice of the Peace of the province. Thomas J. Cunningham came to B r i t i s h Columbia at the opening of 1859 on the same boat from Panama with John Robson ( 214) and the four pioneer Methodist Missionaries. After trying his luck i n the goldfields he returned to Hew Westminster i n July, 1861, ana entered into a partnership with George Randall Ash- well i n the hardware and furniture business. In 1864 he mar ried Miss Emily Woodman, whom he had f i r s t met on the boat i n company with her s i s t e r Mrs. Edward White, and moved to Han aimo, whence he returned to his old business at Hew i West minster (210) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I , 401.T211) White's diary, June 11, 1859, Jan.. 4, Aug. 30, Oct. 14, 1860. (212) Guide, 1877, p. 349. Directory, 1882, p. 208. (213) Di- rectory, 1882, pp. 221-222; Guide, 1877, p. 82.(See p.172) (172) i n 1882. Meanwhile his brother James carried on the business i n New Westminster, of whose council he was five times a mem ber besides being Mayor i n 1872 and 1873, and a Justice of the .Peace of the province. He also represented the c i t y and dis- (x) t r i c t i n the Dominion Parliaments after 1874. Thomas Gunning- ham was a member of the Legislative Assembly and of the c i t y (215) council during the l a t e r 'eighties. Robert Dickinson came to Hew Westminster i n 1859, and as we have seen, established the f i r s t meat market there i n that year, a business which he continued to own and operate u n t i l his death i n 1889 at the age of f i f t y - t h r e e . He was eight times elected a councillor of the c i t y , was i t s president i n 1864 and mayor i n 1874, 1880 and 1881, and for over a quarter (216) of a century Justice of the Peace. Henry Valentine Edmonds arrived i n 1862 and from then to near the close of the century was the c i t y ' s most successful r e a l t o r . He was also active i n organizing several companies including a beet sugar company and the Fraser Valley Railway Company of 1873 which l a t e r was reorganized as the New Westmin ster and Southern, which i n turn was bought by the Great Nor thern. He was city clerk from 1869 to 1872, government agent from then t i l l 1876, then s h e r i f f u n t i l 1880. In 1883 he was appointed a Justice of the Peace. He was also active i n the (217) organization of many of the city's public bodies.  (214.) See p.155 above, (x) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , 336. (215) See White's diary; Biogr. Diet., p. 137; B.C. Biographi c a l , I I I . , 251-252. (216) Directory, 1882, pp. 209, 221- 223; Biogr. Diet., p. 142. (217) B r i t i s h Columbia Biographical, Biogr. Diet., p. 156. (173) Henry Holbrook was one of the city' s earliest residents. He was variously engaged as a hotel-keeper, a merchant and a. salmon-canner. The Holbrook House on Front Street was a well known hostelry for many years, keeping the name under various proprietors. He was s i x times elected to the ci t y council dur ing i t s f i r s t ten years, was i t s president i n 1863 and 1867 and (218) Mayor i n 1878. He was an elected member of the f i r s t Legisla tive Council of the mainland colony of B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1863, was reelected for Douglas-Lillooet i n 1864, and was a magisterial member of the f i r s t l e g i s l a t u r e of B r i t i s h Columbia to meet i n the newly selected c a p i t a l , V i c t o r i a , i n 1868, and was a member of the famous Yale Convention of that year. He was a member of the f i r s t l e g i s l a t u r e and President of the f i r s t Executive Council of the province after i t entered Con- (219) federation. He was also a Justice of the Peace of the colony. Joshua Attwood Reynolds Homer, wharfinger and commission agent,'we have already seen as the colony's f i r s t lumber ex porter. Coming to the city i n i t s infancy, he was a member of (220) i t s f i r s t council. Like William Clarkson, he was one of those (221) active i n securing a separate governor for the mainland colony. He was the f i r s t elected representative of the. c i t y i n the Legislative Council of the Colony, which position he held until (222) the union of the colonies. As s h e r i f f of New Westminster he (218) Directory, 1882, pp. 212, 221-225. (219) Howay and Scholefield, B. C., I I . , 169, 189, 252, 283, 329-330. (220) Directory, 1882, pp. 212, 221. (221) Howay and Scholefield, B. C., I I . , 164. B r i t i s h Colum bian, Sept. 19, 1861 (222) B r i t i s h Columbian, Nov. 14, 1863 and October 12, 1864. (174) read the proclamation of the union on November 19, 1866 to (223) the h o s t i l e ears of the c i t i z e n s of that place. He was elected (224) to Parliament i n 1881. Captain William Irving came from Oregon to the Praser River i n 1859, where his steamers the Governor Douglas, and the Colonel Moody, both b u i l t i n V i c t o r i a , were true pioneers. In 1862 he sold his interests and b u i l t the Reliance. followed. , three years l a t e r by the Onward, the best boat of her day, and the f i r s t command of Captain John Irving at the age of twenty years. In 1872, on the death of his father, Captain John took command of the f l e e t , which no?/ included the L i l l o o e t , Hope, Glenmora, and Royal City. In 1874 the William C. Hunt was added and i n 1881 the Elizabeth Irving, destroyed by f i r e at Hope on i t s second voyage. In 1883 he bought out the Hudson's Bay l i n e , amalgamated i t with his own Pioneer l i n e , and formed the Canadian P a c i f i c Navigation Company, l a t e r purchased from him by the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. Captain William Irving was twice a member of the New Westminster c i t y council, of (225) which he was president i n 1868. "Captain John" died i n Van couver i n August, 1936. William Johnston, the pioneer shoe merchant of the c i t y , was engaged i n that business continuously from his a r r i v a l i n 1859 to his death i n 1894. He was a member of the city council (223) B r i t i s h Columbian, Nov. 21, 1866. (224) Howay and Scholefield, B. C. , II.,, 394. (225) B. C. Biographical, III.., 1058-1061, 1076-1080; Directory, 1882, p. 222, and Biographical D i s t r i c t , pp. 203-204. (175) ( S26) from 1861 to 1864. James Kennedy, who had already brought his.wife to l i v e at New Westminster before the Royal Engineers arrived i n A p r i l , 1859, was an architect and builder who was also for a time (227) partly under re l i g i o u s constraint, a teacher, and who also de veloped near the cit y i n the 's i x t i e s one of the earliest (228) successful orchards of the colony. He b u i l t or superintended the construction of many of the ci t y ' s f i r s t buildings, i n  cluding the c i t y Post Office and Provincial Assylum, but most of his works were destroyed i n the disastrous f i r e of 1898. It was with his aid and encouragement that his sons took over (229) the B r i t i s h Columbian from the Robson brothers i n 1888. Another o f the pioneers of 'fif t y - n i n e was Charles George Major. He followed the Rob sons, for whom he had worked i n the East, to B r i t i s h Columbia; by way of Panama and arrived i n Ifew Westminster on June 1. He worked at clearing land and what ever else he could find to do u n t i l 1862 when for over two years he was i n the Cariboo, c h i e f l y as messenger for Barnards Express, 'though by a coincidence he drove the f i r s t stage over the road to Soda Creek. Returning to New Westminster at the end 1864 he entered the merchandising business In partnership with J. S. Clute, whose interest he bought i n 1870 when the l a t t e r l e f t for Missouri. In 1867 he sold his store and i n - (226) Gosnell, Hist, of B.C. p. 518; Directory, 1882, p. 221. (227) See p. 1 9 3 "below. (228) He had, at one time or another, at least three different farms; (l) Just opposite N.W.; Gp. IP, l o t 15; dated 1861; see White's diary, Nov. 7, 1886. (2) At Langley, whi 1 e teaching there; Gp. I I . l o t 313,, . dated 1868. (3) At top of h i l l on Scott Road, where Ken nedy' settlement i s named for him; see Nelson, Place Names; probably Gp. I I . , l o t s 24, 25, dated 1865. (176) vested i n real estate, i n which he was already heavily inter ested. He also became a director in several important busi nesses. In 1868 he was married to Mary Elizabeth Glarkson, daughter of William Glarkson and s i s t e r of Mrs. J. 8. Clute and Mrs. J. C. Brown. Rev. Edward White o f f i c i a t e d . Promin ent i n the Methodist Church, Mr. Major was also several times (250) elected to the c i t y council and served on other public bodies. He died at Hew Westminster i n 1929. John S t i l l w e l l Clute came to- B. C. i n 1862 , was president of the c i t y council, of which he was frequently a member, i n 1867, returned from Missouri i n 1875 and i n .1878 became collector of customs for the port of (231) Hew Westminster. Much attention has already been given to John Robson, easily the most prominent of He?/ Westminster' s pioneers. His f i r s t two years i n B r i t i s h Columbia were spent digging for gold i n the Cariboo and clearing land at Hew Westminster, where he early became prominent i n the Methodist Church. In 1861 he entered journalism, which was h i s p r i n c i p a l business u n t i l p o l i t i c s took too much of his time and talent to permit i t . Beginning as a member of the ci t y council, of which he was president i n 1866, he soon found scope for his a b i l i t i e s i n wider fields. In that same year he was elected to the l e g i s l a - (229) Gosnell, Hist, of B.C., 412-415, 429-450; B.C. Biogr., I l l . , 551-552. White's diary, Oct. and Hov. 1866; Sess. P. 1878, p. 509. (230) Directory, 1882, 223; Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , 131; I I I . , 156-160; White's diary, Aug. 3, 27, 1861, Hov. 14, 28, Dec. 5, 1866; Daily Province, Oct. 9, 1929. (231) Gosnell, Hist. B. 0., 126; Directory, 1882, 221-223. (177) tore of the united colonies against b i t t e r o p p o s ition but also with staunch supporters. The Methodist parson was accused o f el e c t i o n e e r i n g for him. He defeated h i s opponent, Dr. A. W. (238) S. Black by 210 to 194. In h i s e d i t o r i a l s he always supported two p o l i c i e s ; f i r s t , that the. development of a permanent, s e t t l e d s o c i e t y , based on a g r i c u l t u r e and in d u s t r y , was of v a s t l y greater importance than the gold-mining bubble; second, that the government should be held responsible to the people whom i t governed. He supported i n press and on platform the confederation movement. He was elected to the p r o v i n c i a l legis l a t u r e s e v e r a l times, became p r o v i n c i a l secretary i n 1883, held s e v e r a l m i n i s t e r i a l posts from then u n t i l 1889, when he became Premier. This p o s i t i o n he held u n t i l h i s death i n 1892. Honest, cons c i e n t i o u s , outspoken and f e a r l e s s , he made staunch f r i e n d s and b i t t e r enemies. His attacks on f a u l t s i n high places brought persecution, personal abuse, and even p h y s i c a l v i o l e n c e , h i s newspaper o f f i c e being once burned, but he found comfort i n a cl e a r conscience and i n the b e l i e f that i t was the best element which supported him most and the ?rorst which (233) attacked. John Robson came to B r i t i s h Columbia at the same time as h i s brother, Rev. Ebenezer Robson, one of the four pioneer... Methodist m i s s i o n a r i e s , who was the f i r s t parson on the Eraser and o f whom mention i s made elsewhere. A brother Charles, seems (232) B r i t i s h Columbian, Oct. 20, 1866. (233) See f i l e s of the B r i t i s h Columbian which he edited from 1861 to 1869 and from 1879 to 1883. Also Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d , B.C., I I . , 164, 253, 293, 328, 450-456; I I I , 996-1002 and White's d i a r y , Oct. 30, 1859, Jan. 4, Aug. 3, 1860; Oct. 17, 1866. ( 1 7 . 8 ) to have accompanied them also, but we hear nothing further of (234) him. Another brother, David, was a pioneer of New Westminster and the North Arm, was associated with his elder brother i n /the B r i t i s h Columbian from 1879 to 1882, and held various (235) government positions. (236) John Thomas Scott, as we have already seen, b u i l t and operated the f i r s t saloon i n the c i t y . He also b u i l t and opera- (237) ted the f i r s t wharf and i n 1863 b u i l t the Levee along the ( 238) waterfront for the sum of $2,240. He continued i n the con-. tracting business i n and about the c i t y for many years, his most important contract being for the road that now bears his name, from Brownsville to what was then the Ladner-Semiahmoo (239) Ho ad, which he b u i l t i n 1876. John Alfred Webster was another (240) of New Westminster's merchants from the early ' s i x t i e s . Both these men assisted i n organizing the c i t y f i r e brigade and the (241) l a t t e r also served on the city council. Probably the f i r s t school i n New Westminster was that com-, menced by Miss Woodman shortly after the Whites arrived. In tending primarily to look after the education of her si s t e r ' s (242) children, she offered her services to other s e t t l e r s . She also (243) began, early i n 1860, the f i r s t school for Chinese. Other p r i - ( 244) vate schools, especially for "young ladies"^ followed soon. In" 1862 Bev. Robert Jamieson. Presbyterian minister, at the re- (234) White's diary, Nov. 7, 1859. (235) Guide, 1877, p. 355; Directory, 1882, 217; B.C. Biogr. I I . , 999. (236) Supra, p.!5€% (237) White's diary, May 1, 1859. (238) B r i t i s h Columbian., Feb. 18, 1863, (239) Guide, 1877, p. 350; Sess. Papers, 1874, p. 11; 1876, p. 448. (See fns. page 179). (179) quest of a number of parents, opened a school attended by about twenty children. At.! the end of nine months he found his church duties too pressing and handed over the school to a Mr. .Mcliveen, an experienced teacher. The enrolment increased to t h i r t y - f i v e and the government gave a grant of one hundred pounds towards the salary. A committee of three, chosen by the parents, managed the school and raised the funds by a levy. In 1865, with the aid of the government and c i t y , the building of a school was undertaken. It was b u i l t according to plans prepared by a member of the Royal Engineers and cost a l i t t l e (245) under two thousand dol l a r s . This building served for over f i f t e e n years, u n t i l the government replaced i t with "a hand some and imposing structur e. ..at the head of Mary Street" at (246) a cost of $2800. In 1871 the government Was petitioned to (247) • • take over school financing, which was accomplished for the pro- (247a) vince by the Public Schools Act of the following year. By 1866 the public l i b r a r y v/as a fl o u r i s h i n g i n s t i t u t i o n and a (248) dramatic society Y/as being formed. An agricultural f a i r for the Eraser Yalley was proposed by the editor of the B r i t i s h Colum- (240) Lot book, N.W. , Gp. I., l o t 26, etc; Guide, 1877, p. 351. (241) Directory, 1882, 223-225. (242) Rev. J. PI. White, (243) Rev, E. Robson; Hov/ Methodism Game to B.C., p. 26. (244) Advts. i n B r i t . Col., Nov. 11, 1863; March 30, 1864. (245) Ibid., Dec. 19, 1863; Eeb. 13, July 2, 1864; May 23, June 10, 1865. (246) Directory, 1882, p. 202. (247) Mainland Guardian, Jan. 5, 1871. (247a) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., I I . , 332. (248) B r i t i s h Columbian, Jan. 17, Oct. 6, 1866. (180) Man i n 1866 but nothing was done about i t t i l l 1871 when a society was formed because, as one of i t s promoters said, he (249) was tire d of showing his goods i n an "outlying island." An important i n s t i t u t i o n i n the c i t y has been the Royal Columbian Hospital, b u i l t i n 1862. After the departure of Dr. (250) Seddall of the Royal Engineers i n the following year the only physician i n the c i t y for some years was Dr. Arthur Walter Shaw Black, who was returned f o r Cariboo West i n the f i r s t (251) election i n the colony i n 1863. He was entering on his second ( 252) term as c i t y councillor when i n 1871, ansv/ering a night c a l l to Burrard I n l e t , his horse slipped on the wet "corduroy" and (253) his body was found under that of his horse, i n the ditch. Three months elapsed before another physician was found for (254) the c i t y i n the person of Dr. Thornbee from Seattle. For some reason he f a i l e d to inspire confidence and soon l e f t the c i t y to go farming on the Horth Arm, where he remained for many (255) years. He was followed at Hew Westminster by Drs. Matthews and Poster and they were followed immediately by Dr. Charles H. Trew, appointed physician- to the hospital and i a i l , and (256) ooroner of Hew Westminster, Langley and Chilliwack. He re mained long enough, and obtained s u f f i c i e n t prestige i n the (249) B r i t i s h Columbian, Oct. 3, 1866; Mainland Guardian, March 16, Aug. 9, Sept. 27, Oct. 7, 14, 18. 1871. (250) Picture i n "Emigrant Soldiers' Gazette." (251) B r i t i s h Columbian, How 14, 1863. P u l l name from Lot Book, H.W., Gp. 2, l o t 108. (252) Directory, 1882, 223. (253) Mainland Guardian, Mar. 30, 1871; Mr. Hugh Murray. (254) Ibid., June 10, 20, 28, 1871. (255) Mainland Guardian, Feb. 7, 1872. Lawson's diary, Aug. 29, 30, 1883. (256) Mainland Guardian, Feb. 7, 10, Mar. 16, 18.72. Guide, 1377, pp. 81, 351. (181) (257) community,,to become Dr. 0. Hewland Trew. Mention of the t r a g i c death of Dr. Black tempts one to d i  gress a moment to r e f e r to two other cases. One i s that of (258) McMieking and h i s son, who were drownea i n the r i v e r from t h e i r boats c a p s i z i n g about ten miles below the c i t y . The t r a  gedy was f e l t by a l l i n the l i t t l e community, where the fun e r a l was the l a r g e s t yet witnessed, and where Mr. McMi eking (259) was h i g h l y esteemed. The other i s that of James Keary, one of the Royal Engineers, who had entered the f u e l business. In 1871 h i s team s t a r t e d to run av{ay on a h i l l , he was thrown (260) under the wheels and so crushed that he died two days l a t e r . ITo account of the e a r l y h i s t o r y o f lie?/ Westminster would be n e a r l y complete without a s p e c i a l reference to i t s famous (261) voluntary f i r e company, the "Hyacks". I t was organized i n 1861 and annually elected i t s o f f i c e r s , a c h i e f and a s s i s t a n t en gineer, a c a p t a i n , two l i e u t e n a n t s , three branchmen, and a se- (262) cretary-steward. The proudest day i n i t s h i s t o r y was the n i n t h day of A p r i l , 1863, when the f i r s t engine, the " E i r e King", ar- (263) r i v e d . The e f f i c i e n c y of. the o r g a n i z a t i o n was generally praised and on more than one occasion they were cr e d i t e d with (257) D i r e c t o r y , 1882, p. 218. (258) This was n e i t h e r of the McMickings of the overland ex p e d i t i o n o f 1862, (see Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d , B.C., I I , 139) f o r i n 1877 they were s t i l l both l i v i n g , R.B. as superintendent for B.C. and Thos. A. as agent at V i s t a , between Chilliwack•and Hope, o f the Western Union Tele graphs. See Guide, 1877, 169. (.259) White's d i a r y , Aug. 25 and 27, 1866. (260) Mainland Guardian, Dec. 23, 27, 1871; Gosnell, Hist., of B.C., p. 705. (261) Chinook, hyack--hurry. A p i c t u r e of the company (n. d.) i s i n H. W. P u b l i c L i b r a r y , (262) D i r e c t o r y , 1882, p. 225. (263) B r i t i s h Columbian, Apr. 11 , 1863., saving the town. But i t was more than a f i r e company. The "Hyack H a l l " was the community h a l l , used for p o l i t i c a l and a l l manner of public meetings, concerts and dances and a l l sorts of .entertainment. And the company was a sort of a t h l e t i c union and program committee for various public occasions. The May Day was p a r t i c u l a r l y their own, dating from 1871 when Queen Li z z i e Irving rode the Fire King, drawn by the Hyacks, to the (265) cricket ground for the crowning. May Day, May 24, July 4 and eventually July 1 were a l l occasions for He?/ Westminster to celebrate, and this they did with a w i l l . The Queen's b i r t h  day was the sports day supreme with a t h l e t i c contests, horse racing on Columbia Street, and canoe and boat races on the (266) r i v e r . The champion on such occasions, up to the year of Con federation, Y/as powerful and headstrong young Alex McLean, son (267) of the old captain of the same name on the P i t t River. In that year July 1 was recognized with copious hunting, but July (268) 4 saw the usual big celebration.. There were at Hew Westminster three m i l i t i a u nits. The oldest was the Hew Westminster R i f l e Volunteers comprising some of the former Royal Engineers and some of the c i v i l i a n population. Then the Hew Westminster Home Guards and the Sey- (264) E.g. Mainland Guardian, Hov. 19, 1870; July 5, 1871. (265) Ibid., Mar. 18, May 3, 1871. (266) Ibid., May 27, 1871. (267) Ib i d . , l o c . c i t . See also father's advt. of his running from home, Ibid., Apr. 13, 1872. He died i n Vancouver i n 1932. (Daily Province, Aug. 31, 1932.) (268) Ibid., July 5, 1871. This i s not to be taken as an . evidence of an annexationist s p i r i t . Hew Westminster took no part i n th a t movement. (183) moor A r t i l l e r y were formed i n 1866, the three comprising about one hundred eighty men. Their d r i l l s and parades wlth color f u l uniforms and their marksmanship contest constituted impor tant items i n the so c i a l and sports calendars of the l i t t l e ( 269) fr o n t i e r c a p i t a l . At the end of 1862, under the chairmanship of J. T, Scott, a Pioneers' Association was formed. Charter membership was granted to those who had been i n the mainland colony since the l a s t day of December, 1859, and membership Yms open to a l l Y/ho arrived before the end of 1862 and remained i n the colony. (270) Mr. Scott y/as i t s f i r s t president. In 1866, by an act of the Imperial Parliament, the two P a c i f i c coast colonies were united, with Frederick Seymour, governor of the mainland colony continuing as governor of the union. In recommending the union he had expected i t to meet with much opposition on the mainland, and that the grim silence with which the proclamation was greeted when i t Y/as read at Hew Westminster rendered unnecessary Robson's e d i t o r i a l on "An Ill-Assorted Union" to t e l l him his fears had been realized. However the opposition rendered him no less popular and con sidering his recommendation that the royal c i t y be the capital t i l l some more central s i t e presented i t s e l f made the ma inland- -(271) ers resigned to hope for the best. In the following January, (269) B r i t i s h Columbian, June 20, 1866. Governor Seymour's commission to Ensign Robt. Dickinson of the H. G . Vol unteers, Jan. 21, 1867, i s i n the H. W. Public Library. (270) B r i t i s h Columbian, Dec. 29, 1862; Jan. 7, 1863. (271) B r i t i s h Columbian, Nov. 21, 24, 1866. (184) indeed, the new l e g i s l a t u r e did meet there, but concluded i t s business by resolving that the capital should be transferred to V i c t o r i a . New Westminster was, however, given a year's: re prieve by the procrastinating policy of the governor, but on May 25, 1868, he was forced to y i e l d and to proclaim V i c t o r i a thenceforth the c a p i t a l . The inhabitants of the c i t y f e l t they had been doubly s a c r i f i c e d for imperial and V i c t o r i a interests, and without gaining anything i n compensation. The gloom was so intense that, seeing the v/ay things were going, even the dauntless editor of the " B r i t i s h Columbian" for over a decade abandoned the c i t y whose champion he had been since i t s inau guration and moved to the iniquitous c i t y which had won the ( 272) fight by deceit and underhanded cunning. The jealousy, not-to say hatred, engendered between the two c i t i e s at that time was to l a s t t i l l long after the upstart railway terminus on Coal Harbor had shattered the l a s t hope of either to be the metro politan c i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. ( 272) Even before the union, and while the question v/as being f i r s t agitated, the Yale Tribune had published a "petition" to have the capital situated at Lytton. This called forth Hobson's most b i t i n g sarcasm upon the g u i l e f u l methods of V i c t o r i a p o l i t i c i a n s . The Tribune was Vic t o r i a owned, and he attributed the p e t i t i o n to the owners' desire to divide the mainland against i t s e l f . ( B r i t i s h Columbian, Oct. 10, 1866.) He may have had some mis givings on this point, however, when he concluded his e d i t o r i a l welcome to Governor Seymour and his bride, on Nov. 14, with the statement that the plans which the Governor carried i n his head were more important i n the future destiny of the colony than the fortunes of a l l the miners i n the country. (185) (d) FIRST SETTLERS. U n t i l the Act of Union, indeed u n t i l Confederation f i v e _ years l a t e r , B r i t i s h Columbia was almost solely a gold colony. That i s to say, the bulk of i t s population had come to find a fortune and the rest had come i n the hope of relieving them of a portion of i t , whether-or not for services rendered. The f i r s t s e t t l e r s on the land, then, were of two types, those who belonged to the f i r s t type just mentioned and had been d i s i l  lusioned about the bubble fortune and settled down to make the best of i t t i l l some way out offered i t s e l f , and those who be longed to the second class and thought the better way to a for tune was to provision the miners while their optimism lasted and they were w i l l i n g to pay a generous price for supplies. Indeed, i n order to take double advantage of the mining ex citement, many b u i l t houses much larger than they needed and combined the occupation of innkeeper with that of agricultur i s t . The two most noted examples of this sort of thing, but by no means exceptions, as we shall see, were James Codville, of Codville's Landing, on ITioomen Island, opposite the mouth o f the Sumas, and Thomas York, whose farm on Sumas P r a i r i e was the p r a c t i c a l terminus of the Whatcom T r a i l , and who b u i l t a house (273) of fourteen rooms to accommodate guests. There were from the f i r s t , however, some who from the f i r s t regarded the gold-fever as but a passing phase and agreed with the editor of the B r i - (273) S e e Codville's advt. i n B r i t i s h Columbian, Sept. 1, 1866, and notice re York's house i n Mainland Guardian, Get. 11, 1871, (186) t i s h Columbian that i n ag r i c u l t u r a l and pastoral pursuits and i n fishing lay the real future of the country and that i n breaking the s o i l they were beginning a work that would endure when the l a s t fleck of gold had been talc en from "them thar h i l l s . " And certainly the prospect was bright enough for those whose eyes were not dazzled by the yellow lure. Be&f was be ing brought i n on the hoof from Oregon and more distant points, a l l meats were s e l l i n g at from forty cents a pound up, flour at t h i r t y cents and upward, and even the lowly potato was worth (274) twenty dollars a hundredweight. Supposing half these prices (275) were taken up by freight costs, who wouldn't be a farmer? Land on the lower Fraser was p l e n t i f u l and cheap. A pro clamation of February 14, 1859 declared a l l lands other than i n townsites, mineral claims or government reserves would be sold from time to time by auction and at any other time by con tract for the upset price of ten s h i l l i n g s per acre, half cash and the balance i n two years. A second one on January 4, 1860, provided for preemption of rectangular blocks, of which the shorter should be at least two-thirds the length of the longer sides, by placing stakes at the four corners, and giving a des c r i p t i o n v/ith a re g i s t r a t i o n fee of eight s h i l l i n g s to the nearest magistrate. ' Any land i n excess of one hundred sixty acres was to be paid for at the rate of five s h i l l i n g s cash and a l l of i t , when surveyed, was to be paid for at a rate not ex- (274) Howay and Scholefield, B.C., II. , 111. ( 275) B r i t i s h Columbian, Jan. 18, 1865, gives freight rates to Cariboo at 15 to 18 cents per l b . (187) oeeding ten s h i l l i n g s . A t h i r d proclamation a fortnight l a t e r provided for a l l surveyed lands to be sold i n blocks as sur veyed at auction or for the upset price of ten s h i l l i n g s . On January 19, 1861, the upset price was reduced to four s h i l l i n g s (276) one per acre. It w i l l be noticed that i n the f i r s t land proclamation no provision i s made for mapping the lands purchased, and that the second and third appear to apply to two different systems. A study of the o r i g i n a l l o t registers and of some of the older maps In the government agency at New Westminster reveals what these were. U n t i l i t became a part of the railway belt and (277) was surveyed into the present system of townships and sections most of the land of the province was unsurveyed and was taken up i n " l o t s " according to the method of the second proclamation above. These are today known as d i s t r i c t l o t s , and i n the Era ser Yalley are In four groups. New Westminster,District, Group I., includes a l l l o t s north of the r i v e r , with a fey/ ex ceptions immediately to be explained. Group I I , includes a l l l o t s on the islands and south of the r i v e r . A group I I I was started on the north side of the r i v e r , but never grev/ beyond nine l o t s registered, "proved" and paid for. The f i r s t s i x are grouped together between Mission and Hatzic, Lot 7 i s at Nicomen Station, Lot 8 at the head of Hatzic River, and Lot 165 includes the f l a t just west of Mission. Another Lot 7, appar ently on Hatzic P r a i r i e , was entered and crossed out and Lots ( 276) A l l ' four proclamations are given i n Mayne, Pour Years i n B. 0. and Y. I . , 356-361. ( 277) Townships are 6 mi. sg.. , sections 1 mi. sg.., i . e . lTp. = 36 sects. (188) 11 to 24 appear to have been entered on the register with the (x) name "Ralph and date" 10/5/75" and erased. The fourth group i n the valley i s the Yale D i s t r i c t , but I t i s an interesting fact that several l o t s of t h i s group l i e i n the f l a t s of Kent Municipality i n the New Westminster D i s t r i c t while Lots 446 and 447 of New Westminster, Group I I . , l i e i n Yale D i s t r i c t . The Royal Engineers did, however, survey some of the western area and delta into what are known as "Blocks and Ranges." Moody's l e t t e r s show that he instructed Joseph Wood' Trutch to lay down the base l i n e of this system by st a r t i n g at post number five (the f i r s t four are on Point Roberts) and (278) running due north, the l i n e to be called the Coast Meridian. This l i n e i s now the Coast-Meridian Road. Erora this base l i n e ranges three miles i n width were to be marked off east and west and these i n turn were to be divided into blocks, three miles square, start i n g at the International Boundary l i n e or i t s extension. Each block was then divided into t h i r t y - s i x square sections of one hundred sixty acres and numbered In exact reverse of the order employed i n the present townships. Actually, east of the base l i n e only Blocks 1, 5, and 6 of the f i r s t range ever seem to have been surveyed, and they include a great many l o t s . Westward there were l o t s registered i n seven ranges extending as far north as the sixth block. When the present system Was inaugurated, a l l sections remaining un~ T~x] A fourth group i n N.W. Dist. was formed out of the 'old Sumas Lake bed v/hen i t was dyked and drained during the 1920's. (278) Moody (per Burnaby) to Trutch, June 2, 1859 and Moody to Douglas, June 17, 1859. (Archives of B. C.) (189) registered became quarter-sections i n the new system. Sections ( 279) registered under the old system are dated from 1859 to 1876 (280) the e a r l i e s t under the new system i s 1874, a l l others being 1876 or l a t e r . A study of the Lot Registers and Blocks and Ranges Regis ter reveals not only the o r i g i n a l ownership of the land but also, combined with a knowledge of the history of settlement, some glaring abuses of the system. Referring to the delta i n 1882 one writer complained that settlement was retarded be cause a l l good land not already under c u l t i v a t i o n was being (281) held for speculation. How true.' And one of the worst offen ders was the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works himself. During his short stay i n the colony Moody/bought twenty-two l o t s wi thin a few miles of the capital i n Group I. and s i x sections i n the same area, a t o t a l of over three thousand seven hundred f i f t y acres. There ?;as l a t e r a rumor of his (282) bringing his sons to farm some of I t but nothing resulted. The prices ranged from one dollar and one cent to two dollars forty-two and one-half cents an acre. Other speculators i n  clude Hew Westminster merchants, sixrveyors, clergymen, and others. Every section of Douglas Island was purchased by the governor and the crown grant issued to Cecilia.Helmcken. A considerable amount of the land so secured i s s t i l l uncultiva- t ed. . ( 279) The l a s t i s S29, Blk. 5H, RsW. (280) FWJS8T40. The new survey was begun i n 1873. (Guide, 1877, p. 114•) ' (281) Directory, 1882, p. 242. (282) Mainland Guardian, Jan.. 19, 1871. (190) Despite cheap land, f e r t i l e s o i l , and a flourishing mar ket, however, there were plenty of things to cause the pros pective a g r i c u l t u r i s t to hesitate. F i r s t the land had to he .cleared and drained, the l a t t e r no easy task i n the f l a t low lands, the former nearly an i m p o s s i b i l i t y i n much of the heavily-timbered highland. As one old s e t t l e r remarked, when he had finished clearing the land he was too old to work i t ( 2 8 3 ) and the boys too t i r e d of helping to want to remain on i t . . Greater ease of clearing and generally greater f e r t i l i t y would have made the lowlands more desirable but for fear of flooding when the r i v e r was i n freshet. Some of the early s e t t l e r s , at great expense of money and labor, dyked their own, but most sought higher lands or faced the annual r i s k u n t i l settlement had advanced s u f f i c i e n t l y for dyking to become a public under taking. Another annual r i s k , nay annual certainty, was mos quitoes. Every diary and memoir, every pioneer s e t t l e r , has something to say about this t e r r i b l e plague i n early days of v i r g i n forest, undrained swamp and undyked lowland. No person v i s i t i n g the country today can r e a l i z e ho?/ bad they were. Another d i f f i c u l t y which faced the prospective t i l l e r of the s o i l was that of communication. During the crown colony days the only rea l road i n the valley was that from New West minster and Sapperton traversing the Moody estate to the P i t t ( 2 8 4 ) Paver just north of Mary H i l l . In 1 8 6 2 the editor bemoaned the lack of even a t r a i l to Langley though one or two attempts ( 2 8 3 ] Childhood re c o l l e c t i o n of the writer. : ( 2 8 4 ) Supra, p. 14.-/: (191) had been made at i t . There was also a t r a i l of sorts to Mud ( 285) Bay. A "road" was also surveyed to Maple Ridge and, Whonnook (286) but never put i n a passable condition. In the same year Reece and Kipp cut a t r a i l from their farm at Chilliwack to Yale, ( 287) where Reece kept a butcher shop. In 1865 the Overland Tele graph t r a i l was cat from "New Westminster by way of Langley, Matsqui, Upper Sumas and Chilliwack to Hope, Yale and beyond, but could not possibly be used to take any quantity of produce ( 288) to market. I t had no bridges and i n swamps was impassable. Agitation at the same time for' a ro ad on the north side shows ( 289) the e a r l i e r scheme had not been developed. On the eve of con federation we find the t r a i l to Yale put i n a passable condi tion--"good for so small a grant"—by Edward S . Stephens, C.E, and a year l a t e r improvements from Sumas eastward led to i t s (290) being dignified with the name of road. The western portions were s t i l l impassable, the Horth Arm t r a i l to Point Grey was just commencing and agitation was reaching fever heat for a t r a i l to Semiamoo and a wagon road to Yale, while Horth Arm (-291) farmers were also asking a road to Burrard In l e t . It i s rea sonable, then, to state that prior to -Confederation commerce on the lower Eraser was confined to r i v e r steamers and to boats and canoes on r i v e r and slough.  (285) B r i t i s h Columbian, Nov. 1, 15, 1862. (286) Ibid., Nov. 5, 1862. Maple Ridge Council minutes, Dec. 5, 1874. (287) Province, June 17, 1933. (288) B r i t i s h Columbian,. Sept. 5, 1866. (289) Ibid., l o c . c i t . and Mar. 25, 1865. (290) Mainland Guardian, Sept. 10, 1870; June 28, 1871. (291) I b i d . , Sept. 9, 21, 1870, June 14, 28, July 29, Aug. 23, 1871; Jan, 27, 1872. ( 1 9 2 ) Primitive and isolated conditions of l i f e were another deterrent to settlement. The easiest way i n and out of the country was "by ship hy way of Gape Horn or Panama. Other routes were hy one of the various American t r a i l s to California or Oregon and thence by boat or by the arduous and hazardous overland route from Lake Superior or Hudson Bay. Only i n 1 8 6 9 did the l i n k i n g of the Union and Central P a c i f i c RailY/ays give ( 2 9 2 ) an easier way to Horthwest America. Mails went to San Fran cisco and thence by the quickest route. On A p r i l 1 8 , 1 8 6 5 , the f i r s t telegraph message reached Hew Westminster,--that of f S 9 3 ) the death of President Lincoln. By the end of the year tele graph o f f i c e s had been opened at various points along the valley,—Langley, Matsqui, Chilliwack, Vista and Hope. Mes sages between these points and Hew Westminster cost from f i f t y ( 2 9 4 ) cents to a dollar for ten words. Similar messages to. the out side world cost two dollars to C a l i f o r n i a and two f i f t y and two seventy-five respectively to Eastern United States and ( 2 9 5 ) Canada. Postal rates varied greatly according to location, one s e t t l e r twelve miles from the r i v e r complaining that a l e t t e r cost him a d o l l a r , and complaints at the i r r e g u l a r i t y ( 2 9 6 ) of mails were frequent. The problem of educating children i n such i s o l a t i o n w i l l be immediately apparent. By 1 8 6 4 there ( 2 9 2 1 Encyclopedia Britannica, a r t. Union Pac. Sy. ( 2 9 3 ) B r i t i s h Columbian, June 1 7 , 1 8 6 5 . ( 2 9 4 ) I b i d . , A p r i l 7 , 1 8 6 6 . ( 2 9 5 ) Guide, 1 8 7 7 , p. 1 6 9 . ( 2 9 6 ) Mainland Guardian, June 2 4 , 1 8 7 L 'Minutes of Council, Chilliwack Pist.-Oct. 2 4 , 1 8 7 9 . (193) ( 297) were schools at both New Westminster and Yale to which they might go i f proper arrangements could be made bat i n the agri c u l t u r a l d i s t r i c t s the f i r s t attempt to establish a school was at Langley at the beginning of 1867 by James Kennedy, to serve ( 298) both that and Maple Ridge d i s t r i c t s . Hope, Yale and Douglas were s t i l l f l o u r i s h i n g towns i n those days,—indeed i n the early ' s i x t i e s were nearly as large as New Westminster. Their populations were almost entirely connected with travel and transport to the i n t e r i o r goldfields, Similkameen, Cariboo, Kootenay, Big Bend, Omineca and others. Their history of this period belongs mostly to that of these gold rushes rather than to that of the a g r i c u l t u r a l Eraser Yalley. They were, however, important to the valley because without them the valley would not yet have had transport and communication systems; because the valley s e t t l e r s made extra money by keeping stopping places for t r a v e l l e r s thither, by wintering transport animals for the pack trai n s , freight wagons and stages, and by cutting wood for the steamers; because they gave a market for young live-stock, for hay and grain and for a l l sorts of farm produce, and because waning of business i n these towns gave the valley some of i t s . most useful pioneers. Port Douglas, which had at one time boasted a number of stores and hotels, a j a i l , an Anglican church and a school,.-was by (299) 1867 p r a c t i c a l l y abandoned, only George Purcell remaining to (297) B r i t i s h Columbian, Peb. 13, 1864. (298) Ibid., Jan. 12, 1867, and mite's diary, Nov. 2 to Dec. 1, 1866. ( 299) Mr. MasDonald and Mrs. York. Their father, Wm. MacDonald, was secretary of the school board. See advt. i n B r i t i s h Columbian, March 3, 1866. (194) trade with the Indians. At Yale was an Anglican church, St. (300) John's, started i n 1859 by Rev. A. D. Pringle., a school, a court-house and j a i l , a number of hotels, stores, blacksmith shops and transportation companies,--the two best known, the • "B. X." and Kwong Lee. The f i r s t teacher was Joseph Burr followed by Miss Magie and Alfred Pieace who l e f t to become (501) keeper of the t o l l - g a t e . The Hudson's Bay Company, as we have seen, was s t i l l i n business there and at Hope. The l a t t e r town was gradually becoming less important as a pilace of trans shipment as the Sirnilkameen Skagit and Kootenay excitement sub sided, and was becoming more a r e s i d e n t i a l town. Its most famous resident was Mr. Edgar Dewdney, builder of the Dewdney T r a i l to Sirnilkameen and i t s extension to the East Kootenay, . who was there married by Rev. A. D. Pringle of Christ's Church to Miss Jane Moir, step-daughter of Thomas G'lennle of (302) (303) Hope. Besides Christ's Church, established i n 1861, which shared ministers with St. John's, Yale, Hope had a Methodist church, headquarters of the oldest Methodist c i r c u i t i n the Mainland colony. The f i r s t sermon was preached by Rev. Ebene- (300) The parish register i s i n the synod o f f i c e . The f i r s t baptism entered i s that of Thomas Eraser York, born October 21, 1858, baptised August 28, 1859. Rev. A. D. Pringle y/as followed by W. B. Crickmer, 1861, Henry Reeve, 1864, John Booth Good, 1866, 1. Reynard, 1868, David Holmes, 1868, (there seems to have been no i n  cumbent (1873-'77) H. P. Wright ("Up-Wright") 1877, J. B. Good, 1878, Geo. Ditcham, 1879, Ohas. Blanchard, 1880, J. B. Good, 1881, Daniel H. W. Horlock, 1882, and Edward L. Wright ("Down-Wright") 1885. (301) Mrs. York and Mr. MacDonald. Miss Hagle married Rev. D. Holmes. (302) B r i t i s h Columbian, March 30, 1864. - (303) Ibid. , Oct. 31, 1861. (195) zer Robson on March. 13, 1859, and his c i r c u i t included a l l ' (304) mining camps of the Hope-Yale area. The town seems to have boasted no school t i l l the 'seventies when Miss Fanny Dewdney (305) became the f i r s t teacher. There v/as a sawmill i n Yale, be- ( 3 0 5 ) longing to Jonathan Reece, -one across the r i v e r , and one at Hope, started by a man named Coe, which s t i l l gives i t s name (507) to M i l l Greek, r e a l l y a ditch from the Coquihalla. The e a r l i e s t application for land for agricultural pur poses of which we have record i s that of W. K. Squires for one hundred acres on Croft Island, opposite Hope. Richard Hicks, commissioner of crown lands at Yale, granted him right of pur chase as soon as law permitted, meanwhile to pay rental to be (308) applied i n reduction of the purchase price. We hear nothing more about i t . Hor were there any farms between there and (309) Yale t i l l the railway commenced. Marcelli Michaud applied for land above Hope, but being refused, because i t was Indian Re-. serve, seems to have found land to suit him at Hope and l a t e r (310) moved down the r i v e r eighteen miles on the north side. The next i n order as we descend the r i v e r was William B r i s t o l on B r i s t o l Island, well-known to a l l old-timers on the r i v e r as (304) Robson, How Meth. came to B.C., p. 97 The date 26th for the previous Sunday at Langley must be misprint for 6th. See White's diary, Mar. 2 and 27, 1859. Robson was f o l  lowed after one year by Rev. A. Browning. (305) Mrs. Flood (Miss Susan Suck3ey)who taught them i n 1881. (306) Gosnell, Hist, of B. C. , p. 500. (307) Mr. W. F. Bradley of Hope; Mrs. Walker; Dept. of Lands, L. R. map (d) 18T1 shows i t as "Sawmill hea.d" (dated' 1861) Chart 30Tl shows m i l l opp. Yale. (308) Howay and Scholefield. (309) Guide, 1877, pp. 358-361. (310) See ante, p. 28; Sess. P., 1876, p. 240; Guide, 1877, p. 359; Directory, 1882, p. 269. (196) (.311) the winter mail-carrier. At the head of Maria Slough l i v e d Thomas Benton Hicks, who, l i k e B r i s t o l , had an Indian wife- and a career as a frontiersman r i v a l l i n g that of Cooper's hero; of (312) the "Leatherstocking" series. He l i v e d on his "Cassiar Harm" at Wableach p r i n c i p a l l y raising, cattle and children, from 1865 to 1910, when he moved to St. EUmo. He seems to have been saved from death at the hand of Indians by his wife's caution on more than one occasion. Next, on the same side of the r i v e r , was "Fernycoombe", one of the oldest and most successful farms i n (313) the whole valley. In 1862 Louis Agassix, la t e captain of the Royal I r i s h F u s i l i e r s and now postmaster at Fort Hope, came down the r i v e r with Rev. A. 3D. Pringle and some Indians to what i s at present the Agassiz Slough, paddled up i t to a place without too much large timber and staked his claim for a future home. For the next f i v e years he remained at Hope while (311) Alex Beers, of Hopehis his grandson. (312) Born i n Devonshire i n 1831, he had gone to M i s s i s s i p p i , thence with the Mormon migration to Utah where he be- • came a friend of David Crockett (See Seattle Post-In t e l l i g e n c e r , Dec. 1, 1903). Together they had gone i n  to the Indian. Wars and entered the U. . S. Govt, service i n 'Washington Territory. Hicks had a part i n star t i n g the San Juan trouble, then joined the Boundary Survey, helped, open that part of the ?/hatcom T r a i l from Sumas towards Hope, opened a stopping-place. on the Lukukuk, and helped Coe start his sawmill at Hope. There he married "Princess Kilkalam" of Nicola, whose father was a packer for Dewdney, and who worked for Mrs. William Charles. He then joined the Cassiar gold rush before taking "Cassiar Farm", Lot 66, Yale Dist. at Wia.bleach i n 1865 (Mrs. Hicks, Mrs. Walker, and Miss Agassiz, and f o l i o of "Pioneers", p. 170, i n B.C. Archives.) (313) Old.family records held by relatives i n Australia show that: two Swiss gentlemen went to Paris about the middle of the Eighteenth Century. One, Jaques Necker, secured a satisfactory position i n a bank and remained to be come the most prominent person i n France on the eve of the Revolution. The other went on to England, (p.. 197) (197) his eldest son, Louis Arthur, a hoy i n his teens, came down the r i v e r on a r a f t and cleared the farm. Then the family moved down. An Englishman named John Walker worked for them, for a time before taking land of his own and becoming their . only near neighbor. They appear to have been the only a l l - white s e t t l e r s between Harrlsonmouth and Hope before the (314) 'seventies. The hot-springs, discovered and named St. Alice's (315) Well i n honor of one of Douglas' daughters i n 1858, belonged to George Purcell who offered to s e l l them i n 1866 for $1500. He seems otherwise never to, have made any use of them. At Harrisonmouth the e a r l i e s t s e t t l e r s appear to have been the Donellys, Pat and Jim. The l a t t e r , who had operated a water ditch at Texas Bar i n 1858, l i v e d there from 186E u n t i l (316) his,, death i n 1871, and with his brother, who was s t i l l farm- (x) ing there i n the l a t e r 'seventies, ran a stopping pl