UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Roman society as revealed in the works of Cicero and Horace Yerburgh, Ernest Robert Marryat 1940

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ROMAN SOCIETY AS REVEALED IN THE WORKS OP CICERO AND HORACE "by Ernest Robert Marryat Yerburgh A Thesis submitted i n P a r t i a l Fulfilment of The Requirements f o r the Degree of MASTER OP ARTS i n the Department of CLASSICS THE UNIVERSITY OP BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1940 s Table of Contents Chapter 1 Introduction p e l - 3 Chapter 2 The Lower Classes and Slavery: views of the lower classes p.4-5 types of slaves p„5-lG condition of slaves p 010-13 freedmen p«13-15 Cicero and Tiro p.15-16 cli e n t s p«16 Chapter 5 The Equites dignity of equites p,17-18 the publicani p,18-20 money lending and intere s t p.20-22 Cicero's finances ' p.22-23 Chapter 4 The Aristocracy Chapter 5 t y p i c a l optimates p.24-26 Cicero's c r i t i c i s m p„26 L i f e in Town and V i l l a description of Rome p.27 walk through Rome p.27-30 l i f e i n a country v i l l a p.30-33 doctors and sicknesses p.33-35 Chapter 6 Country L i f e d a i l y l i f e p.36-37 praises of country l i f e p»37 Chapter 7" Town Houses and Country V i l l a s town houses p.38-41 'sea resorts ip.41-43 Cicero's v i l l a s p.43-47 other v i l l a s p.47-49 furnishings and descriptions p.49-51 gardens p.51 general views on houses p.52 Chapter 8 Women and the i r Position influence p.53-54 Ca e r e l l i a p.54-55 T u l l i a • p«55-61 general views p.65-66 Chapter 9 The Past Set, and Morality gossip p.67-68 divorce p.68 licentiousness of youth p.68-69 Clodia and Clodius' p.69-71 Antony p. 71*7:2 society t p.72 licentiousness at banquets p.72-73 luxury of dress p,73-76 views on morality p.73 Chapter 10 Children and Education Marcus Cicero's education p.77-79 other people's education p,80• . subjects p.80«»81 teachers p.81-82 home 1 es sons - Q --*«.,,.,., cju&i^.... p, 82 . other d e t a i l s p,82-83 comparison with Greek education p.83 Chapter 11 Entertaining reception of guests actual dinner parties food served views on meals extravagance and gluttony p.84-85 p.85-88 p.88-89 p.89-90 p e90-91 ' I l l Chapter 11 Corr'd drinking at meals 'other customs p. 91 p.91-92 Chapter 12 Recreation holidays g l a d i a t o r i a l games gladiators p o l i t i c a l weapon procuring animals comedies actual performances actors and actresses views on shows other games and recreations p.93-95 p.95-96 p.96-98 p.98-99 po99-101 p.101-102 p.102-105 p.105-106 n.106-107 p.107-110 Chapter 15 Travelling t r a v e l l i n g "by boat various journeys • inns l i t t e r s p * l l l p.111-113 p. 113 p. 113-114 Chapter 14 Culture •bboaks l e t t e r writing l i t e r a r y pursuits other forms of art p.115-117 p.117-118 p.119-120 p.120-123 Chapter 15 Wealth and Poverty misers, legacies w i l l s and interests against riches and luxury p,124 p.124-125 p.125 p.125-126 Chapter 17 Religion and Superstition nature and powers of the gods p.127-128 Chapter 18 Chapter 17 Con'd .fate and fortune p.128 future l i f e p.128-129 superstition p.129-131 d e i f i c a t i o n p.131 Conclusion Bibliography p. 132 p.133-135 ROMAN SOCIETY AS REVEALED IN THE WORKS OP CICERO AND HORACE Chapter 1 Introduction Perhaps of a l l the periods of Rome's long and varied history, few present such kaleidoscopic interest as the age of Cicero and Horace. P o l i t i c a l l y i t witnessed a l i f e and death struggle between the forces of despotism on the one hand, and those of republicanism on the other, to be followed by the benevolent dictatorship of Julius Caesar, and the principate of Augustus, This did not f i n a l l y occur u n t i l long and bloody wars had drained Rome of her very l i f e blood. As leaders i n these momentous happenings figures of intense i n t e r e s t pass before our eyes. Greatest of a l l was Marcus T u l l i u s Cicero, "Rome1s lea s t mortal mind", an intense p a t r i o t , devoted to c o n s t i t u t i o n a l government, not quite sure where the greater menace lay, and f i n a l l y throw-ing i n his l o t with the senatorial party. Prom other points of view the greatest was Julius Caesar, who overthrew the constitution, but erected i n i t s place the foundations of a system destined to l a s t for several centuries. He was a b r i l l i a n t general, an astute p o l i t i c i a n , and, what was re-markable i n his age, merciful to his enemies. Another great figu r e was Pompey, who i n Cicero»s mind was the protagonist of the forces of democracy, but doomed to f a i l u r e . After Caesar's death appeared the dissolute Mark Antony, to be succeeded by Octavian, the f i r s t of the l i n e of emperors. Under his rule as the Emperor Augustus, the work of Julius was consolidated and Rome entered on a period of prosperity. Our purpose i n this essay i s not to discuss these a f f a i r s of state, of such intense Interest to a l l students of Roman history, but the society of the times. For we must not forget that many simple dramas of every day l i f e were enacted, and that forces were at work amongst the people which were destined to have great bearing on Rome's .ultimate down-f a l l . We s h a l l then t r y and get behind p o l i t i c a l events, and depict as v i v i d l y as possible the l i f e of the people, the wealthy, the middle classes, and the masses. Before we open our discussion, l e t us consider f o r a moment our au t h o r i t i e s . F i r s t and foremost we have the ve r s a t i l e Cicero. Through his public speeches and philoso-phical discourses we have countless deft l i t t l e allusions which throw considerable l i g h t on our subject. But more im-portant s t i l l , Cicero was, par excellence, the greatest l e t -ter writer of antiquity. Over nine hundred l e t t e r s , written without thought of publication, are extant, written to his fr i e n d Atticus and other members of his c i r c l e , besides most of the p o l i t i c a l leaders of the time. This c o l l e c t i o n i s a priceless storehouse of information on the l i f e of the day. We hear of everything from high state matters to anxiety about his wife's health, or the l a t e s t additions to his l i b r a r y . We see int o his inmost thoughts and come i n con-tact with a l l his joys and aspirations and sorrows -i n f i n i t e l y human documents. To t a l l y different from Cicero, we have as our other authority Quintus Horatius Placcus, who i s perhaps the most quoted and loved of a l l Roman poets. For the most part he i s not concerned with the matters of state that Cicero so dearly loved. He sees at close range the joys of simple l i f e , hut only as an onlooker. Son of a freedman, he knows from per-sonal experience the l i f e of the humbler strata of society, and depicts i t i n verse. A moralist too, he gives sound ad-vice on many subjects, as well as giving us deep insight into the manners and customs of his contemporaries. In exquisite odes, b r i l l i a n t satires and colourful epistles we have an impression of Roman d a i l y l i f e which forms a splendid com-plement to our other authority. So,with Cicero and Horace as our guides, l e t us go behind the turbulent p o l i t i c a l up-heavals of the l a t t e r days of the Republic and the early days of the Empire, and learn at f i r s t hand of the l i v e s of the people, their recreations, their family l i f e , t h e i r hou-ses, t h e i r entertainments, and their culture. Chapter 2 The Lower Classes and Slavery In strong contrast with the magnificence and luxury of the upper classes and the opulence of the equites, the masses of the people i n Cicero's age were In as low a state as could be imagined. They seemed merely to be the object of derision even on the part of man of Cicero's c a l i b r e . Time and time again he refers disparagingly to the lower classes. Let us see what he has to t e l l us. Any person who makes money by labour rather than by art i s to be despised, thus including a l l hired workmen. A l l r e t a i l shop keepers are to be despised as they commonly succeed by abundant l y i n g S i m i l a r l y a l l mechanical labourers are condemned. Cicero considers even worse than such trades, any which serve sen-s u a l i t y , including fishmongers, butchers, cooks, pastry cooks fishermen, perfumers, gamesters, and dancers. Even more disparaging language i s used on other occasions. In a l e t -2 ter to Atticus Cicero refers to the people as "the sordid dregs of the populace", the blood-sucker of the treasury, 3 the wretched and starveling mob". He deplores having to bribe the common people, "the dregs of humanity collected by Romulus1', and says that to bribe them would make men l i k e himself the slaves of freedmen and slaves. At another time we hear of the "godforsaken gang of the Tuscan street", 1. Off. 1, 42 2. A t t . 1, 16, 11 3. A t t . 2, 1, 8 r e f e r r i n g to the shop keepers there. However, once we do f i n d Cicero standing up for the common people as a class;, pointing out that they only want peace and t r a n q u i l l i t y and 4 have no desire f o r revolution. Slaves of every type abounded i n Rome. Perhaps one of the commonest classes was that of the gladiators. Many slaves a c t u a l l y entered the g l a d i a t o r i a l profession engaging i n contract with a master of gladiators, expressing t h e i r willingness to suffer sword, f i r e , whips or chains'. A man on entering knew that sooner or l a t e r he would meet his doom by one of those ways. Gladiators were frequently used by unscrupulous demagogues to foster c i v i c disturbances. On one occasion gladiators were exhibited by Publius Sulla "for 6 the purposes of slaughter and tumult". A hundred pairs of gladiators would be considered a large number for one exhi-7 bit!on. Horace relates how Staberius ordered his heirs to engrave on his tomb stone the amount he l e f t them, but i f they f a i l e d to do so they had to exhibit a hundred pairs of gladiators. A master of a g l a d i a t o r i a l school often had pictures made of his best gladiators f i g h t i n g , and hung them 8 up at the door. .We have a v i v i d picture of an actual en-counter as i t was painted "the combats of Pulvius and Rutuba and Placideanus, with their bended knees painted i n crayons or charcoals, as i f the men were a c t u a l l y engaged, pushing 9 and parrying, and moving t h e i r weapons",, There was one 4. Sext. 49 5. Sat. 2,7,58 6. S u l l . 19, 54 7. Sat. 2,3,85 8. Sat. 2,7,96 9. i b i d . special class of gladiators known as Samnites who wore 10 Samnite arms. It apparently was possible f o r a gladiator to r e t i r e from the profession. We hear of one called Veianus who" afte r a successful Gareer i n the arena r e t i r e d to the country determined never to f i g h t again. On lea-wing, his wooden sword which he had used f o r practice was presented to him as a symbol of his discharge, and he consecrated his weapons at a temple of Hercules. If a r e t i r e d gladiator* ever returned to the arena and wished to be released a second time, he had to go to the edge of the arena and implore the people 11 to give him his freedom. No matter what other charges can be l a i d at the door of gladiators, no one can accuse them of cowardice. "Bravery" was synonymous with "gladiator™ i n our period. 12 Cicero c a l l s on men to die nobly and with dignity, i n the event of the f i n a l f a l l of the republic, just as gladiators do i n the arena. Gladiators too were often merely ordered to 15 stand up and l e t themselves be k i l l e d . In one passage we f i n d Cicero giving them some praise. No gladiator ever ut-ters a groan or l e t s any expression of pain come over his face, or draws i n his neck when he has to suffer the blow of the sword. Prom this Cicero draws the conclusion that i f such men can suffer so much for such a low motive as merely to s a t i s f y t h e i r owne.r or the people, what should men not be ready to suffer f o r a high pr i n c i p l e ? "A g l a d i a t o r i a l 10. Ep. 2,2, 98 11. Ep. 1,1, 4 12. P h i l . 3,14 13. Sext. 37 7 show i s apt to seem cruel and brutal to some eyes, and I i n -cline to think i t i s so as now conducted. But i n the days when i t was criminals who crossed swords i n the death struggle, there could be no better schooling against pain and death, at any rate for the eye, though f o r the ear perhaps there might 14 be many". One position held by slaves i n the household of wealthy men was that of l e t t e r c a r r i e r . It was one of great importance and required great i n t e g r i t y , e s p e c i a l l y i n such households as that of Cicero, where a constant stream of l e t -ters was being sent backwards and forwards. Sometimes a 15 freed man f i l l e d t h i s p o s i t i o n , as did Philogenes for A t t i c u s . They usually seemed to be trusted by t h e i r masters, and often ran great r i s k s on the journey, as we sometimes can gather. 16 One of Cicero 8 s chief ca r r i e r s was Hi can or • As a reward f o r his f i d e l i t y his master selected him to carry an o f f i c i a l despatch to Rome. Another very important position i n a household l i k e Cicero's was that of copyist. A great many slaves were em-ployed i n his l i b r a r y , copying out his works and writing his le t t e r s by d i c t a t i o n . It also was a duty which required great honesty on the part of the employee. In spite of that some-times things went wrong. Certain l e t t e r s were not considered 17 safe to entrust to secretaries because of the danger of some of the contents leaking out. Cicero was caused great con-(14) Tusc. 2.41 15. Att . 5, 20, 5 16. i b i d 17. A t t . 4,17,1 . . 85 * l 18 sternation when he found out that his l i b r a r y slave Dionysius, who was apparently i n charge of the l i b r a r y which contained some very precious books, had run away, taking with him a number of them. Through fear of being caught he f l e d the country. Gicero t e l l s Caelius that he i s somewhere i n his provinces and has been seen by several men at Narona. He has told them that he had been given his freedom. And so Gicero urges Caelius to do what he can to get him back. 19 Vatinius, the governor of Illyricum, writes to Cicero that he has issued a "provisionary warrant f o r his pursuit by land and sea" and f e e l s sure he w i l l be caught unless he escapes 20 to Dalmatia. The same winter we hear that Vatinius has had no success i n capturing Dionysius, while soon a f t e r Cicero asks him to drop the whole matter, and suggests that Diony-21 sius be led as a prisoner in his next triumph. A good deal of the time of these slaves was spent i n copying either l e t -ters or books. After they had finished a book i t was then 22 reread to correct t h e i r mistakes. On one occasion Ligarius sent a message to Cicero saying that the presence of the name of Lucius Corfidius i n a certain speech was a mistake. Cicero then asked Atticus to have that name erased from each copy 0 Sometimes a slave was required to copy out lecture 23 notes. For this purpose Cicero greatly preferred Greek copy-i s t s . He also kept a slave of this sort i n Rome ready f o r a 18. Fam. 13,77,3 19. Faj/m. 5, 9 20. Fam. 5,10,1 21. Fam. 5, 11 22. A t t . 13,44,3 23. Fam.16,21,8,2 9 ' 24 a piece of work. Sometimes Cicero's handwriting was so "bad that his freedman Tiro was commissioned to explain to the 25 copyists any words that they could not interpret. Some-times one of these copyists would be charged with delivering 26 a l e t t e r , as though he were a l e t t e r - c a r r i e r . Cicero often indicated the stress and s t r a i n of work by employing a copy-27 1st. He says several times that the writing of his secretary 28 shows that he i s so overwhelmed with business that he cannot write himself, and on another occasion says that i t i s a 29 proof that he i s suffering from sore eyes. Secretaries could reach a very i n f l u e n t i a l position i n some households. We f i n d Publius Sestius i n Macedonia sending his copyist Decius on a mission to Cicero urging him to use his influence to prevent the appointment of his successor. Secretaries were sometimes entrusted with money. We f i n d Cicero's secretary 31 T u l l i u s f i l l i n g a position of f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Oc-casionally i n their w r i t i n g they were unable to give an ade-quate explanation of great p o l i t i c a l events, i n which case their masters exchanged l e t t e r s written by themselves or by d i c t a t i o n . Cicero was very much upset at the death of his 32 • reader Sositheus, whom he ca l l e d a "charming fellow". Very d i f f e r e n t from the above type of educated slaves, we have others of a station resembling that of the gladiators. Perhaps the lowest type of a l l was the "medias-tinus" who was at the beck and c a l l of the other slaves with 24.Att.13,21(a) 25.Pam.16,22,1 26.Att.19,1,1 27.%F.3,3,1 28.Att.4,16,1 29.Att.8,13,1 30.Pam.5,6,1 31.Att.13,22 32.Att.1,12,4 . . 10 35 no s p e c i f i c duties,, In each household was a master slave to 34 whom a l l those under him had to render obedience* The l a t t e r type of course was by f a r the most numerous* Having now described the d i f f e r e n t types of slaves l e t us consider f o r a b r i e f space the general conditions of the lower type. We have many hints of the names by which they 7/ere c a l l e d . Syrus, Da ma, and Dionysius appear to be 35 the commonest, while Gallina was a name often applied to '36- -gladiators. As regards their numbers, we noted above that two hundred was a very large number. We hear of a certain 37 T i g e l l i u s , a man of varying fortunes, who sometimes had two hundred but more often merely ten. Five hundred drachmas 38 was considered quite a good price for an ordinary slave, while eight thousand sesterces might be paid f o r a highly 39 cultivated one. Slaves were often fed with the food of which 40 li b a t i o n s had been made. Often they did not receive enough t®^satisfy t h e i r hunger, one master stating that a pound of 41 42 grain a day would be ample f o r each. The slave Davus rates his master for t r y i n g to get expensive dishes to eat while he would get a flogging i f he made any attempt to get any better food. The food enjoyed by the better class of slaves i n the country is contrasted with the measured d a i l y rations 43 of c i t y slaves. . . 33.Ep.1,14,14 34.Sat.2,7,79 35.Sat.1,6,38 36.Sat.2,6,44 37.Sat.1,3,11 38.Sat.2,7,43 39.Ep.2,2,5 40.Sat.2,6,66 41.Sat.1,5,65 42.Sat.2,7,105 43.Ep.1,14,40 11 »> Slaves were compelled to perform a great variety of duties, that i s those who were unskilled or uneducated, 44 Horace mentions the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of a slave as feeding the c a t t l e , ploughing the land, f i s h i n g and trading, buying corn and provisions, and performing any special business at the market.At Nasidienus 1 banquet one slave wiped down the table while another cleared up the remains of the di f f e r e n t dishes, 45 and two other slaves brought i n the wines f o r the guests. Many slaves were employed i n t i l l i n g the land and were usually 46 chained while they worked. Horace threatened Davus with that 47 i f he did not behave. Apparently i n comedies i t was a standing threat to slaves that they should be sent to a farm, perform harder work and submit to chains. Sometimes a Roman gentle-man would have a retinue of slaves i n attendance on him* We hear of one o f f i c i a l being followed by a " t r a v e l l i n g k i t -48 chen" and slaves bearing wine. Slaves were l i a b l e to the c r u e l l e s t forms of punish-ment . There were three judges i n Rome called the "tri u m v i r i capitales" who could i n f l i c t summary punishment on slaves. 49 We hear of a freedraan b u s i l y displaying his wealth who a short time before had been flogged with Spanish cords and had heavy f e t t e r s on his legs, and had been so v i o l e n t l y whipped that even the triumvir's beadle grew sick of his o f f i c e . Cruci-f i x i o n appeared to have been a common f a t e f o r slaves,while 50 tlie body was l e f t to be devoured by crows. Horace urges men 44.Ep.1,16,69 45.Sat.2,8,14 46. 2.F.3,9.4;Epod 9,10 47.Sat.2,7,117 48.Sat.1,6,108 49.Epod.4,3 50.Sat.1,3,82 12: to be more lenient i n their punishments of slaves. He says i t would be the height of insanity to c r u c i f y a slave, who, when ordered to take away a dish of food from the table, 51 eats up the remains. He says a standard of punishments should be adopted to avoid flogging a slave who has r e a l l y 52; done nothing to deserve such a punishment. Cicero, however, defends cruelty on the part of those who have to keep men i n subjection under them by f o r c e . A master therefore may pun-i s h his slaves c r u e l l y i f he cannot manage them i n any other way. In spite of a l l this b r u t a l i t y we do occasionally get a glimpse of slaves occupying a position of comfort i n a family, "slaves, the test of a r i c h family, ranged about the 53 smiling household gods". We have an i n t e r e s t i n g description by a slave dealer 54 of a young male slave from Tibur and Gabii. He was handsome and of a f i n e physique worth about eight thousand sesterces. He was a domestic a slave and had some knowledge of Greek and was n a t u r a l l y adaptable to any a r t . He was able to sing cleve r l y and could thus entertain at a drinking party. His only apparent f a u l t was that he once ran away because he was a f r a i d of the lash that hung i n h i s master Ts staircase. In spite of their ignominious po s i t i o n , i t was very 55 common f o r men to f a l l i n love with their slaves. On the other hand many men did not t r u s t them,, being a f r a i d that 56 they would plunder and k i l l the household at night. 51. Sat. 1,3,119 52. Off. 2,7 53. Epod. 2,65 54. Ep.2,2, 13 55. Ep.1,18,72;Od.2,4.1 56.Sat.1,1,77 133 57 From slavery Cicero draws an analogy to another kind of slavery making a very impressive argument* He main-tains that a l l wicked men are slaves' although not i n the sense that a servant i s the property of his master. Obedience, to an uncontrolled mind, i s just as much slavery, with the re-su l t that a l l covetous, dishonest, and wicked men are slaves* He then i l l u s t r a t e s by describing the r e l a t i o n of Antony to Cleopatra, as another type of servitude, "Can I c a l l the man free whom a woman governs, to whom she gives laws, lays down directions, orders and forbids what to her seems f i t ; while he can deny and dare refuse nothing that she commands? Does she ask? He must give. Does she c a l l ? He must come." Cicero c a l l s such a man, even though of the noblest family i n the land, an abject slave. Just as i n large households some slaves consider themselves of higher position but yet are s t i l l slaves:, and just as i n a household those slaves who sweep the f l o o r s , clean the f u r n i t u r e , anoint t h e i r mas-ter , are not of the highest rank of slaves, so people who have abandoned themselves to th e i r passions are i n p r a c t i c a l l y the lowest degree of slavery themselves • A number of slaves were fortunate i n securing their freedom from t h e i r masters' service. Very often they held a high position of tru s t and honour i n the household and even sometimes were on terms of great intimacy with t h e i r master. Our own poet Horace was himself the son of a freed-58 .59 man. Cicero t e l l s Appius Claudius that no matter what con-57. Par. 5 58. Sat.l,6,6j 45 59. Fam. 3, 1 14 ditions were prevalent i n the state, and even i f the state its-elf could describe to him the present si t u a t i o n , i t could not give a better account than his freedman, Phania, because of his remarkable sagacity and inquisitiveness• Freedmen were often employed by t h e i r masters i n f i n a n c i a l deals. We 60 fi n d Cicero giving his copyist-freedman, Philotimus, frequent commissions i n such matters. Sometimes, however, as with 61 slaves, a freedman would go wrong. Cicero was very angry to f i n d out the doings of one of his freedmen H i l a r i u s . Appar-ently "he i s with Antony, and Antony when he i s making requi-sitio n s always asserts that part i s levied on my authority, and that I have sent a freedman to look after my share". He said he was so annoyed that he could hardly believe the story. We f i n d high t r i b u t e paid to several freedmen i n l e t t e r s of recommendation written by Cicero. On one occasion he com-62 mends a certain Gaius Avianius Hammonius to Sulpicius, em-phasising especially his remarkable sense of duty and his great devotion to his patron. He also won Cicero's g r a t i -tude for having stood by him i n the time of his greatest trouble and f o r having shown the same l o y a l t y to him as i f he himself had manumitted him. Another time he strongly re-commends to Sulpicius a freedman, ca l l e d Lucius Cosslnius 63 Anchialus, praising p a r t i c u l a r l y the regard f e l t f o r him by his l a t e master. In the t r i a l of C a t i l i n e Cicero c a l l s on people to f i n d out the opinions of freedmen who by th e i r good fortune have obtained the righ t s of c i t i z e n s h i p . They have 60.Att.13,33,1 61.Att.1,12,4 62.Fam.l3,21,2 63.Fam.13,23 15 f a r more idea of l o y a l t y because of th e i r recently acquired citizenship than many men who have always been citizens and 64 born of the highest rank. Standing out among almost every other character i n Cicero's l e t t e r s we have a d e l i g h t f u l picture of a freedman, and his relat i o n s h i p with his master, i n the person of T i r o . We have many le t t e r s extant written by Cic ero to Tiro while 65 the l a t t e r was i n very poor health. They show the deepest in t e r e s t and s o l i c i t u d e f o r him and beseech him to take every possible step to strengthen his health. They seem so f a r more genuine i n tone than, f o r example, the l e t t e r s to Terentia. They indicate that Tiro is f a r more than a freed-man, and i s a deep f r i e n d with whom his master may. discuss a f f a i r s of state. He proved himself a f i r s t class secretary 66 and did much work in the l i b r a r y . Cicero asks him to arrange and catalogue his books, provided his doctor considers him 67 strong enough. He had some system of shorthand, as he was able to take down whole sentences at once,while the other secretaries could only write s y l l a b l e by s y l l a b l e . Ewen i n 68 Cicero's l i f e time we f i n d him c o l l e c t i n g his master's l e t -ters , which, aft e r h i s death, he edited and gave to the world. It i s hard then for us to r e a l i z e the debt which we owe to Ti r o . If i t had not been f o r hisdevotion and love of his mas-ter we should have been deprived of a great storehouse of i n -formation about the period under consideration. We f i n d that 64. Cat. 4,8,16 65. Pam.16,1; 3 etc. 66. Pam. 16,20 67. Att. 13,25,3 68. At t . 16,5 16 he himself wrote works of his own* Cicero sums up his l o y a l services as follows, "your services to me are past a l l re-echoing at home, i n the forum, i n the c i t y , i n my province, i n private as i n public a f f a i r s , i n my l i t e r a r y pursuits and 69 performances". This friendship was shared by other members of the Cicero family. Composed la r g e l y of freedmen, a class of people i s commonly referred to i n our authors as c l i e n t s , who were at-ta ched to the various men of wealth. As they usually came to v i s i t t heir patrons very early i n the morning and receive 70 their advice on many matters/ H 0raee exaggeratingly speaks of a c l i e n t "battering on the door before cock-crow". On one - .• 71 occasion Trebatius, who had c l i e n t s at TJlubrae, was away and l e f t Cic ero i n charge of them. TJlubrae was overrun with frogs, as i t was.near the Pomptine marshes. And so Cicero i n a l e t t e r to Trebatius jokingly refers to "the distant din of my c l i e n t s " . We hear also of a c l i e n t waiting i n the front h a l l to see his patron, while the l a t t e r gives him the s l i p 72 at the back door. As i n the case of freedmen, as we have seen, well-to-do men frequently recommended certain of the i r • 73 cli e n t s to their f r i e n d s . 69, Pam. 16,4,3 72. Ep. 1,5,28 70. Sat. 1,1,9 71. Fam.7,18,3 73. Pam. 13,22 . 17 Chapter 3 The Equites In between the masses of the people and the small no-b i l i t y was a large and i n f l u e n t i a l middle class given up large-l y to trading and finance, known to us as the knights or "equites". Cicero gives us a clear picture of a high type of 74 knight i n describing Rabirius and his father. The l a t t e r was engaged i n farming the public revenues i n which he displayed remarkable greatness of s p i r i t and kindness. The l a t t e r qua-l i t y was so strong i n him that i t seemed as though he increas-ed his property not just to s a t i s f y himself but to provide additional means of helping others. f The son Rabirius engaged i n many contracts, farmed the public revenues, carried on business transactions i n many provinces, and lent money to kings. But notwithstanding t h i s , he did a l l he could to help his fri e n d s , giving them a share i n his contracts and providing them with c r e d i t . By these high q u a l i t i e s he proved himself a true son of his father. These two men personify Roman knighthood at i t s best. Cicero himself being of the equestrian order, never l o s t any opportunity to extol i t s d i g n i t y . He p a r t i c u l a r l y 75 commends It as found i n his young c l i e n t Marcus Caelius, On 76 one occasion, Cicero was asked whether he thought that the "cursus honorum" was easier f o r him, as the son of a Roman 74. Rab. Post 2 75. Cael 2 76 Plane. 24 18 Knight, than i t would have been f o r his son, then of consular family. He r e p l i e d that he never wished the road to honour to be easier f o r his son than i t had been f o r himself. "The degrees of honour are equal i n the case of the highest a nd the lowest c i t i z e n s ; but the glory of a r r i v i n g at them i s useful". As trading was a large part of the work of the knights we s h a l l be interested to f i n d out what Cicero's views of the subject were. He considers trading on a small scale somewhat mean. It i s better i f i t involves more exten-sive dealings and brings goods from a l l over the world. It i s even praiseworthy when a merchant s a t i s f i e d with his pro-77 f i t s , leaves h i s ship and settles down on an estate. One branch of the equestrian order usually has come in f o r considerable censure, namely the "publican!". How-ever, we f i n d Cicero on one occasion, strongly praising them as "the prop and support of a l l the other orders", They take a l l t h e i r wealth into a province and so should be an object of special care, as they c o l l e c t the revenues which 78 are the very "sinew of the state". We f i n d the publicanl frequently organized into companies for state contracts. For 79 example, one of the oldest forms of revenue was that derived from those who pastured c a t t l e on the public grazing lands. The r i g h t to c o l l e c t this tax was l e t to a certain company of publicans, who paid the state a lump sum f o r the p r i v i -leges and collected the taxes at or themselves. Often the 7 7 9 0 f f » 1 , 4 2 78. Leg. Man. 7 79. Verr.2,70 19 state required and immediate payment fo r the r i g h t to farm certain revenues, so the members took shares i n i t , and each paid down his a l l o t t e d portion. Each "societas" was managed by a "magister" i n Rome, and represented by a deputy at the scene of operations. For example, we hear of Cicero ls f r i e n d Publius Terentius acting as deputy f o r the c o l l e c t i o n of port 80 dues and grazing taxes i n Asia. He was strongly praised i n a.l e t t e r to Atticus as having done him frequent good turns. Cicero himself was deeply interested i n the company that worked i n Bithynia. When i n C i l i c i a , h e was on intimate terms 81 with the partners and had the whole company under his pro-t e c t i o n . He strongly recommended i t to his son-in-law 82 Crassipes, and said that he would f i n d the members neither f o r g e t f u l nor ungrateful. He expressed to him his gratitude to the Blthynian company for a l l i t had done to him and said r • that he would always support the order of publican! as a whole. However on one occasion he t e l l s how a frie n d of his attached himself to one of these companies and suffered, as 83 a r e s u l t , heavy losses. In spite of these glowing eulogies of the publican! 84 Cicero sometimes deplored their doings. On one occasion the knights who had the contract f o r farming the revenues i n Asia complained that, because of their own avarice, they had paid too high a price f o r i t , and asked i t to be annulled. Cicero considered i t a piece of intole r a b l e petulance but 80. Fam. 13,10; Att. 10,11 81 Fam. 13,65 82. Fam. 13,9 83. Fam. 13*10 84. Att.1,17 20 * .1 85 nevertheless supported their plea. On his a r r i v a l i n C i l i c i a he immediately began to hear of the exploitation of the people by the tax c o l l e c t o r s . People being unable to pay th e i r dues had to s e l l t h e i r investments, while everyone spoke of the t e r r i b l e conduct of one of the publican!. Apparently there had been many complaints about the treatment of the s o c i i by the publican!. Quintus Metellus Nepos had abolished port dues i n I t a l y to c o n c i l i a t e the I t a l i a n s . The l a t t e r , how-ever, complained even more b i t t e r l y of the conduct of the collectors themselves than the actual taxes. The collectors in Greece according to Cicero were "no more gentle i n enfore— 86 ing the payment of taxes than our own publican! 1 1. On one 87 occasion Lentulus had some d i f f i c u l t y with t h i s class. Cicero urged him to t r y and not f a l l ; f oul of t h e i r interests as they were a group he had always honoured. He recommended r e c o n c i l i a t i o n with the publican! and some way of appeasing their indignation. One of the worst enemies that the tax 88 collectors ever had to deal with was Gabinius. He seized them and s old them as slaves to the Jews and Syrians. He re-fused ever to decide a case i n favour of a farmer of the revenue, with the result that they were nearly ruined. Large numbers of the equestrian order were engaged in money lending. The headquarters of the banking business was i n a special d i s t r i c t of Rome, and was frequented by many 89 men with" their money bags and accounts on their arms. It 85. A t t . 5,16,2 86. 2.P. 1,1,33 87. Pam. 1,9,26 88.. Prov.Cons.5 89. Ep.1,1,65; Sat.2,3,18 was a place where fortunes could be e a s i l y be won or l o s t * We come across one noted banker In Gicero, called Marcus 90 Fulcinius of Ta r q u i n i i , who had a f l o u r i s h i n g business i n Rome. Cicero often speaks of making f i n a n c i a l arrangements fo r h i s son while studying i n Athens. He o f t e n arranged credit f o r him at h i s money lender's there. On one occasion he wrote t o his banker Curius. a t Patrae, to advance Tiro 91 whatever money he needed. In a l e t t e r written from C i l i c i a , 92 he appeals to Atticus to preserve his credit In Rome. He had about 18,000 i n l o c a l currency i n Asia and asked Atticus for a b i l l of exchange for that amount i n Rome. It was the usual practice f o r money to be lent at a moderate rate of inte r e s t , and at the same time for investors to draw interest 95 on t h e i r deposits. Then, as now, many of the upper classes derived a large portion of t h e i r income from such sources. After buying Crassus' house f o r a huge sum, Cicero was f e e l -ing very poor but could not make Deople believe i t . He adds 94 there was plenty of money available at six per cent. Some money lenders charged exorbitant rates of interest and were 95 extremely unscrupulous i n their methods. Horace mentions a certain Fufidius who was a r i c h man with plenty of money to lend, but was a f r a i d of being thought a f o o l and spendthrift. Consequently he lent money at f i v e per cent per month. Drafts and b i l l s of exchange were the chief method of transferring or lending money. We hear on one occasion 90, Caec 4 91. Fam. 16,4.2; 9 92. Att. 11,1 93. Att.9,12,3 94. Fam. 5,6,2 95.Sat. 1,2,14 22 of the great f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s of Cicero's "brother 96 Quintus. Quintus wants to give Atticus a draft on Egnatius to pay an old debt:, and Egnatius i s w i l l i n g . Quintus has no money In hand and would otherwise be unable to pay Egnatius. To make matters worse his money lender, Quintus T i t i n i u s , says he has no money to get along with. At another time when Cicero was rather short of money i n Thessalonica, Quintus offered to negotiate a b i l l of exchange f o r Cicero i n Rome so that he might be able to use the resultant money where he was, Cicero deplores the idea of his brother having to do thi s f o r him, as he has to s a t i s f y his own creditors 97 by drawing on his actual c a p i t a l . In bringing to a close t h i s section on the men of business l e t us b r i e f l y look at Cicero's f i n a n c i a l arrange-ments . He always appears to be i n a chronic state of debt. He t e l l s Quintus on one occasion that although he i s quite restrained as regards money, he i s building i n three places, thus admitting that he is l i v i n g on a more l i b e r a l scale 98 than before. He often borrowed money from his brother Quintus, but did his best to pay him back, with the a s s i s -99 tance of f r i e n d s . He appeared very extravagant with regard to the amount he spent on his d i f f e r e n t v i l l a s , and told • Atticus that money was no object i n the matter of building 100 T u l l i a i s shrine. Cicero himself thought that the payment of debts should be compulsory, f o r otherwise public credit would 96. Att.7,18 97.(2JF. 1,5.7 98. £.F.2,4,3 99. A t t . 4,3 I O 9 . Att. 12,22 23 101 be non-existent, which largely holds the state together. In 102 a speech against C a t i l i n e he describes several types of deb-tors. There i s one class that are outwardly respectable and wealthy but refuse to diminish t h e i r possessions to pay their debts. The second class are overwhelmed with debt but get supreme power, while another group are weighed down with debts and b a i l bonds and judgements because of indolence, extrava-gance , and mismanagement of their own fortunes. Those people were found among C a t i l i n e 1 s followers. Before we close we f i n d Cicero arranging f o r insurance. "At Laodicea I think I s h a l l accept sureties f o r a l l the public money, so that both < I and the people may be insured against the r i s k s of marine 108 transport". 100. A t t . 12,22 101. Off. 2,24,84 102. Cat.2,18 105. Pam. 12,17,4 24 Chapter 4 The Aristocracy Having b r i e f l y surveyed the conditions of the mas-ses of the people and.noted the a c t i v i t i e s of the prosperous equestrian order, we come now to outline the highest rank of the Roman people, the n o b i l i t y . Men of ancient lineage, trac-ing their f a milies back f o r many centuries, they occupied a v i t a l place i n the government of the country. It was they who l a r g e l y were the upholders of the greatest tradit i o n s of the people, and i n spite of th e i r haughtiness and arrogance, were f o r the most part devoted lovers of th e i r country. Such families as the M e t e l l i , the J u l i i , and the Claudii were res-ponsible f o r many pages In Roman history. Cicero being a knight, bad suffered at the hands of the pat r i c i a n s , f o r they despised him as a "novus homo". He did not f e e l that b i r t h meant a great deal with regard to the worth of a man. He f e l t there was no less virtue i n Quintus Pompeius, a "novus homo", than i n an a r i s t o c r a t l i k e Marcus Aemilius. He con-sidered that the former was quite as good as the l a t t e r , as he handed down an honourable name, that he had made himself, to p o s t e r i t y . Cicero managed to win his way to the consulship through much opposition, being one of the few members of his 104 class who had attained i t . In Cicero's l e t t e r s we get several glimpses of men who may be called t y p i c a l a r i s t o c r a t s . One of his good friends 104. Mur. 7 25 • " > 105 was Lucius Lentulus. Cicero f e l t he owed his own high posi-t i o n to Lentulus' help. He also recognized that i t was not so much that men were prejudiced against him by reason of his b i r t h , as that they envied him, and that Lentulus, who was "the noblest of the noble", also aroused men's jealousy. On 106 one occasion Cicero contrasts a Roman noble of old l i k e Manius Curio with a modern one. He wondered what the farmer, who l i v e d i n a modest v i l l a , would say i f he came to l i f e again, and saw the l a t t e r who had received the highest office i n the state, engaged i n taking his mullet out of i t s tank and con-gratulating himself on his lampreys. He suggested that such a man would consider this modern successor no better than a slave and f i t f o r no high p o s i t i o n i n a household. Cicero takes care to address great a r i s t o c r a t s with suitable respect. 107 In a l e t t e r to Lucius Aemillus Paullus, he writes, "Although I never had any doubt that the people of Rome, i n considera-tion of your magnificent services to the republic, and the highly i n f l u e n t i a l position of your family, would elect you consul with the greatest enthusiasm and unanimity of voting, I had yet a t h r i l l of inconceivable joy when the news reached me, and I pray the gods to prosper your high o f f i c e , and that you may administer i t i n a manner b e f i t t i n g your own and your ancestors' p o s i t i o n " . In a similar vein Cicero wrote to 108 Appius Claudius, c a l l i n g him a man of the noblest b i r t h , of the highest rank, and outstanding i n t e l l e c t u a l a b i l i t y , and 105.Pam. 1,7,8 106. Par. 5 107. Fam. 15,12 108. Pam. 5,10, 9 26 besought his friendship. We f i n d a good example of a haughty 109 Roman noble speaking when Quintus Metellus writes to Cicero, "And so I am mourning and wear the garb of mourning, I, who govern a province, I, who command an army, I, who am conduct-ing a war. And seeing that your procedure i n these matters has been marked neither by reasonableness nor the clemency of our ancestors, nobody need be surprised i f you a l l l i v e to regret i t " . One common way i n which Cicero shows his contempt for this class i s to constantly heap derision on their f i s h -ponds which apparently were an inevitable feature of every estate. For example we f i n d such taunts as "the well-to-do, 110 your friends with the fishponds, I mean", "those Tritons of 111 the fishponds". "Our great men think themselves i n the seventh heaven i f they have bearded mullet i n the i r fishponds that w i l l feed from t h e i r hands, and do not care about any-112 thing else". 109. Fam. 5,1 110. Att. 1, 19 111. Att. 2,9 112, Att. 2,1 27 Chapter 5 L i f e i n Town and V i l l a In commencing this section on actual d a i l y l i f e , l e t us spend a few minutes i n trying to vi s u a l i z e the actual scenes i n the streets of Rome. In our two authorities we hear so much about the l i f e of the well-to-do i n the i r seaside resorts and also of the small farmer, but only here and there do we get a suggestion of the c i t y l i f e of the poorer classes. 115 Cicero v i s u a l i z e s what six hundred colonists, taken from Rome under the law of Rullus, and established at Capua w i l l say. He says that they w i l l despise Rome because of i t s position in the h i l l s , and the fac t that i t consists l a r g e l y of gar-rets , and wretched streets, and i s approached by bad roads. With that picture they w i l l contrast Capua, a c i t y of beauti-f u l streets, set i n a p l a i n . So we can picture the masses of the people pouring through the narrow streets, l i v i n g i n mean 114 houses. We are advised, i f we want to l i e i n bed i n the morn-ings, to go to some quiet country town, so as to avoid the dust of the streets, the cl a t t e r i n g of wheels, and the noises of the shops. Let us with Horace as our guide go f o r a walk through the streets, keeping our eyes open, to lose nothing of what i s going on around us. We s h a l l be f i r s t impressed by the number of peddlers and street hawkers of every kind we meet, 115. Leg. :Ag» 2,35 114. Ep. 1,17,6 28 such persons as fishmongers, cooks, perfumers, etc., a l l cry-115 116 ing out about t h e i r a l l u r i n g wares. Horace i s pestered by his numerous friends scattered a l l over the c i t y . One man i s sick on the Quirinal H i l l and wants v i s i t i n g , another at the opposite end of the cit y wants to read his poetry. To the query why he cannot write poetry i n Rome, Horace replied that i t is impossible to compose as you walk through the streets, as there i s so much tumult and d i s t r a c t i o n and so many ob-stacles i n the way. You are l i a b l e to meet huge wagons or funeral processions. Just when you are i n a particular hurry you meet a contractor with a l l his carts of equipment and mules, or you may be held up by some building operations with huge stones being hoisted into p o s i t i o n . You are not even free from animals i n walking through the streets. It Is quite possible to see a mad dog rush across your path or a 117 sow from the mud hurrying on i t s way. Beggars, too, flocked the street asking f o r alms. Sometimes they were genuine, at other times f a l s e . We are told that a man once taken i n by a beggar w i l l walk right by i f he meets another one ly i n g by the roadside, apparently with a broken leg. No amount of oaths that he is r e a l l y helpless w i l l move the man who was once imposed on to come to his rescue. Continuing on our way through the streets we s h a l l frequently meet delicious aromas 118 from the dif f e r e n t cookshops. When i n the country Horace says that i t is r e c o l l e c t i o n of such smells that makes a 115. Off. 1,42 116. Ep. 2,2, 65 117. Ep.1,17,58 118. Ep. 1,14,22 29 steward long to be back i n town again. Besides permanent shops of this nature there were apparently portable ovens taken through the streets by the peddlers. The verdict given on'their food i s that i t is somewhat coarse, but quite edible 119 i f hot and savoury. We may also meet old women or children bringing home bread from the bakehouse or water from the 120 121 reservoir. Also we see taverns of another sort to lead sim-ple country men astray, where they w i l l be p l i e d with wine and attended to by dissolute women. There were other shops, too, f or every kind of wares. Cicero apparently owned some, fo r he complains how two had collapsed and the rest had 122 cracked, causing the tenants and the mice to leave. Many 123 shops were situated i n arcades, especially the bookseller's s t a l l s , where people came and looked at the wares. In another street we f i n d a specialty being made of the s e l l i n g of frank-124 incense and perfumes, and similar a r t i c l e s . As i n our day, we 125 f i n d barber shops a centre of gossip. Shopkeepers themselves we hear on one occasion caused a considerable commotion i n Rome by bribing the managers of the public water works to 126 allow water to be used f o r th e i r own private use. If our walk continued i n the evening, we might catch a glimpse of a pair of lovers at their t r y s t i n g place, t h e i r presence given away by whispering and laughter, from t h e i r corner where they are hiding, and see the"pledge snatched from arm or f i n -119. Sat.2,4,62 120. Sat. 1,4,36 121. Ep.1,14,21 122. A t t . 14,9 123. Sat. 1,4,71 124. Ep. 2,1,269 125. Sat.1,7,1 126. Earn. 8,6,4 3© - 127 gers that only feigns resistance". So much f o r the l i f e of the common people i n Rome. They had no p a r t i c u l a r interest i n high matters of state but only asked f o r peace to l i v e t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s . A l l they wanted was a place of work, where they could earn their l i v -ing, and a roof over their heads, and the ordinary routine of normal existence. The shppkeepers, too, needed peace p a r t i -128 cul a r l y to ensure the continuance of t h e i r business. Let us now turn to a consideration of the l i f e led by the wealthier classes who spent a large part of the year i n their splendid country v i l l a s i n such resorts as Pormiae, Pu'teoli and Surrentum. L i f e in the v i l l a s began before day-break f o r any-one at a l l energetic. People frequently rose before sunrise, 129 called f o r writing materials, and did a considerable amount of correspondence. It was Cicero's favourite time f o r l e t t e r writing. He t e l l s us in many of his l e t t e r s that he is writ-13G ing before daybreak. We can picture him s i t t i n g at his table with his lamp, writing sometimes more than one l e t t e r at a s i t t i n g , and even dispatching them at once by his l e t t e r car-131 132 r i e r s . On one occasion Cicero asked Atticus to have a f i r e for him in the morning, which Atticus said was a sign of old age. Cicero retorted that i t was much more a sign of old age 133 to forget an appointment. Very early the cl i e n t s began to 127. Od. 1,9,18 128. Cat. 4,8,16 129. Ep. 2,1,112 130. Q.F.2,3,7; Att.7,14; Att.12,38 131. Att.12, 38 132. Att. 12,1,2 133. Ep. 2,1,103 31 arrive at the v i l l a f o r t h e i r own personal business. A patron had many duties to perform f o r his c l i e n t s , to instruct them in the law, to help them with their f i n a n c i a l matters, to ad-vise them i n the matter of making investments and to show the 134 younger ones how to cut down on useless expenses. Cicero i n a l e t t e r to Atticus says, 111 should l i k e to keep on chatting, but day dawns, the crowd i s pressing i n and Philogenes i s i n a- hurry". The f i r s t chief meal of the day was taken about noon and was known as the "prandium". One of Caesar's p o l i t i -c a l manoeuvres brought about a consulship i n which no one had lunch. On the l a s t day of the year he announced the election of a consul who was to hold o f f i c e t i l l January 1, which was the next morning. So i n the consulship of Caninius, nobody 135 had lunch. Following the midday meal we sometimes hear of a 136 siesta being taken. At one time Cicero never indulged i n that habit, but a f t e r he had given up his o r a t o r i c a l labours he shortened his period of study a f t e r dinner, and had a sleep 137 i n the middle of the day. On one occasion a l e t t e r from Atticus arrived when he was f a s t asleep. It startled him so that he did not wish to sleep any more. When t r a v e l l i n g i n 138 the summer time to one of his v i l l a s , i t was his habit to ar-r i v e i n the evening and spend the heat of the day r e s t i n g at an inn or a friend's house. In the afternoon i t was often the custom to go f o r a walk. It was one of Cicero's special joys 139 to go f o r a walk along the seashore. Atticus asked him on 134. Att. 6,25 135. Fam. 7,30 136. Div. 2,65 137. Att. 2,16 138. Att. 13,34 139. Att. 14,13 . , 32 one occasion whether he preferred h i l l s and a view or a "walk by the s i l v e r sea". He r e p l i e d that both were so beautiful he could not make up his mind. He told Caelius i n one l e t t e r that one l i t t l e s t r o l l with him was better than the p r o f i t s 140 of a whole province. Caesar also, while v i s i t i n g at Puteoli, went fo r a walk on the beach. We can picture the great gene-r a l and his friends walking along the sandy shore perhaps picking up s h e l l s as Sciplo and Laelius did on the beach at 141 Caieta. Very probably after a walk the company would re-t i r e to the baths f o r some time. Every large house had i t s own bathing establishment, while many people i n town went to the public baths. Cicero i n his speech f o r Caelius, speaks of the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of people laying an ambush at the public baths. The only way they could have got inside the bath house with their clothes on would have been to have bribed the keeper. We hear that the customary price of 143 the public baths was a f a r t h i n g . A person was not advised to 144 bathe unless he had well digested his meal - a very modern fundamental of health. After bathing, a person's body was 145 scraped with an instrument calle d a " s t r i g i l l " , which was made of bone or metal• Sometimes a mischievous boy might trade his master's s t r i g i l f o r a bunch of grapes. There was one point about which the orthodox Romans were very s t r i c t . They strongly disapproved of a boy bathing with his 140. Att. 13,52 141. Or. 2, 6. 142. Gael 26 143. Sat. 1,3,137 144. Ep. 1,6,61 145. Sat. 2, 7,109 53 146 ' \ father, even when he too was grown up, and even a son-in-law with h i s father-in-law. Such strictness was gradually relaxed owing to the fr e e r views which were flooding the country from Greece. It was apparently a common custom to r e c i t e one's 147 writings or speeches i n the hath, as the surroundings made a 148 man's voice more melodious. On one occasion Cicero wrote to Varro that he would l e t him know ahead of time when he would be a r r i v i n g to stay with him, so that a bath might be prepared for him. Following the bath, a person would probably be anoin-149 ted and get ready f o r dinner which usually took place at three o'clock or l a t e r . We s h a l l describe i n d e t a i l i n a l a t e r sec-tion the d i f f e r e n t kinds of food served at the evening meal, and also the customs observed. Dinner was a favourite time with Cicero f o r writing l e t t e r s . We hear of him writing to 150 Atticus during the second course. He even went so f a r as to write a l e t t e r at dinner when he was at someone else's house* Guest3 too would come i n the early evening, when i t was star t -151 ing to grow dusk, and sometimes i n v i t a t i o n s would come, to go to a friend's house. Horace pictures the confusion that arises when such an i n v i t a t i o n arrives just as the lamps are being l i t . He i s i n a great state of agitation f o r the servants are so slow about bringing the o i l f o r the lamps, which w i l l l i g h t 152 him on his way through the streets. 146. -Off. 1,35 147. Sat. 1,4,74 148. Fam.9,5,2 149. A t t . 13,52 150. At t . 14,6 151. Att. 15,27 152. Sat. 2,7,32 34 Another important aspect of ordinary l i f e that we can now well consider i s that of people fs sicknesses and general health. Prom Cicero's l e t t e r s we derive a good h i t of i n f o r -mation about prevalent disorders. He considers the medical 15S profession one which requires a high degree of i n t e l l i g e n c e . He strongly recommends to his f r i e n d Sulpicius his doctor 154 Asclapo of Patrae, as having been altogether satisfactory i n his attendance on his own household. It was a very great blow • 155 when h i s doctor Alexis died. He said he was so p a r t i c u l a r l y grieved, not that he had l o s t a very clever doctor and that he did not know where to get such a good one, but lamented the loss of such an excellent man. He employed the very best doctor he could get Tiro i n his sickness and said that he would pay him any fee that would ensure r e l i e f from his i l l 156 health. We meet with various maladies i n our period which are very l i k e our common ones today. Gout seemed a very pre-valent complaint, as well as other forms of foot trouble. 157 158 Balbus and Marius both were a f f l i c t e d w-ith i t . Cicero himself 159 suffered considerably from his stomach. Certain kinds of food v i o l e n t l y disagreed with him to such an extent that on one occasion, following a banquet of the augurs, he was i l l f o r ten days. The only thing was, he could not convince people of his sickness, as he had no fever. He went on a fast 153. Off. 1,42 154. Pam. 13,20 155. Att. 15,1 156. Pam. 16,14 157. Pam. 6,19,2 158. Pam. 7> 4 159. Pam. 7, 26 35 fo r two days which gave him great r e l i e f , and the cure was 160 completed by a few days at his Tusculan v i l l a * T i r o also suffered from a similar complaint and was reproached by Cicero f o r having exhausted himself from fasting and the excessive use of purgatives* The two very common complaints of rheumatism and a r t h r i t i s also a f f l i c t e d the ancient world, 161 162 Tere'htia suffered from the former, and Paetus from the l a t t e r , 163 while P i l i a had an attack of paralysis, Other common ailments 164 165 166 were fever, quartan ague, and undiagnosed pains, Cicero urged Tiro not to make too much haste about returning to Rome so 167 that he might avoid the discomforts of sea sickness, Helle-< 168 bore was commonly used for mental maladies. One pa r t i c u l a r 169 drug was southern wood. For certain complaints fomentations 170 were given. 160, Fam, 16,10 161, Att. 1, 5 162. Fam. 9,23 163. Att. 16,7,8 164. At t . 12,13,1 165. Sat.2,2,288 166. Sat. 2,3,30 167. Fam. 16,11,1 168. Ep. 2,2,134 169. Ep. 2,1,114 170. Sat.1,1,81 Chapter 6 Country L i f e In keeping with their simple surroundings we f i n d the country f o l k l i v i n g i n a very p l a i n manner. They are urged to eat temperately to ensure good health, as overeating depre-171 sses the mind. A person f e e l s more vigorous a f t e r a l i g h t meal, although more elaborate food may be eaten on a f e s t i v a l . Appetite i s essential f o r a meal, otherwise the rarest d e l i c a -cies w i l l lose their flavour. Horace recommends such dishes as pet herbs with smoke-dried bac on, bread, beans, etc., while when a v i s i t o r i s present he may have a pul l e t and a hare, followed by dried grapes, nuts, and f i g s . Garden produce, . . / 172 olives, and mallows are also suggested. By way of i l l u s t r a t i o n of the simple nature of country l i f e , we get a glimpse of a farmer paying a v i s i t to 173 a f r i e n d . Normally, as observed above, only very frugal fare was served. But on such an occasion which was a very welcome one, e s p e c i a l l y i f i t was a wet day when he could not work, the host provided the sort of meal already described. Follow-ing i t they drank t h e i r wine, played a game of f o r f e i t s , and asked Ceres' blessing on the harvest. It gave them, both a deep f e e l i n g of contentment. We also hear of a farmer going 174 into Tarentum on h i s bob-tailed mule weighed down by the weight of the baggage but with none of the worries that the 171. Sat. 2,2,1 Leg 172. Od. 1,31,15 173. Sat.2,2,114 174. Sat. 1,6,100 r i c h man has* We constantly f i n d Horace eulogizing country l i f e and contrasting i t very favourably with that of the towns. He 175 points out the joy of the man ploughing his own land with a team of ozen, while herds of ca t t l e graze in the f i e l d s 0 He depicts the s a t i s f a c t i o n derived from the diff e r e n t operations of the farm such as pruning, grafting, storing honey, shearing sheep, and gathering f r u i t i n the autumn. In the winter time he hunts the wild boar and catches f i e l d - f a r e s , hares, and cranes. The crowning joy of a farmer's l i f e i s his chaste wife". She beautifies and tends the house, brings up the children, banks up the hearth, shuts up the c a t t l e , milks the cows, and waits f o r her husban 5s return. 176 Cicero also finds many delights i n country l i f e . He i s p a r t i c u l a r l y t h r i l l e d with the sowing of seeds and the growth of plants as well as the i r tending and cultivation,, He delights also i n the orchards and flowers and bees. He derives a f e e l i n g of comfort and s a t i s f a c t i o n from a f u l l wine c e l l a r and overflowing pantry, as well as the beau t i f u l ex-te r i o r appearance of the farm. And f i n a l l y , what gives so many men such supreme delight i n the country i s to f e e l that they are "kings" over a l l they see, when surrounded by"ktrearns 177 and lichen-touched rocks, and woodlands of the country". 175. Epod. 2 176. Sen. 15 177. Od. 2,5, 17 38 Chapter 7 Town Houses and Country V i l l a s In commencing this chapter on town houses and coun-tr y v i l l a s , i t must be remarked that we are c h i e f l y concerned with the homes of the well-to-do* Most r i c h men had a town house i n Rome, and at the fashinable season emigrated to a country v i l l a such as at Formlae, Tusculum, Baiae, etc. We f i n d that one of the most fashionable sections 178 in Rome f o r building was the Carinae, which was a d i s t r i c t on the Mons Oppius, the southern spur of the Esquiline H i l l . Pompey had a house there and suffered considerable i l l - t r e a t -179 ment at the hands of Clodius, when fc>he l a t t e r was tribune. His biggest Insult to Pompey was his threat to bui l d a second 180 mansion i n the Carinae. Cicero's brother Quintus also l i v e d in this d i s t r i c t , f o r we learn of the house being leased by the Lamlae. A man l i k e Horace's lawyer Philippus, who worked a l l day i n the Forum, found i t a long walk to the Carinae at the 181 end of a long day. The Via Sacra commenced i n the Carinae and ran through the Forum. The Palatine' H i l l was another celebrated place f o r -wealthy people to l i v e . Cicero l i v e d there next door to his 178. Harus. 23 179. i b i d 180. &.F. 2,3,7 181. Ep. 1,7,48 ' 182 brother Quintus. It was one of his favourite dwellings, his chief source of pleasure there being his palaestra, i n the summer time. His Drily objection was he thought the wall be* tween the two houses was unsafe. His anxiety was increased when Pomponia and her c h i l d were staying next door. This 185 house was plundered by the consula, Piso and Gabinius, at the Instigation of Clodius af t e r Cicero's f l i g h t . They divided between themselves the house and Cicero's v i l l a at Tusculum and most of the furnishings. One of the consuls carried off marble columns from i t to his father-in-law's house, while the other one, who li v e d next door to Cicero at Tusculum, had the contents of his v i l l a , even taking the stock and f u r n i -184 ture, and transplanting the trees. We have the dream house on the Palatine of at least one person revealed to us, "a portico with private chambers, paved to the distance of three hundred f e e t , with a f i n e court surrounded by a colonnade, commanding a superb view, and everything else in character, so f a r as to surpass a l l other houses i n luxury and splendour. We can imagine this picture In concrete form i n many mansions of the wealthy i n such f asfcdcnable d i s t r i c t s * Another notable r e s i d e n t i a l section was part of the 185 Via Sacra. Cicero gives us a picture of a great general ar-' r i v i n g back from Macedonia with his attendants. He arrives at the Coelimontane gate where his freedman had a short time before got a house which was suited to so eminent a personage. If the house were not obtainable he would camp i n the Campus 182, Att<,2:,4 183. Dom. 62 184. Dom. 44 185. Plane. 7 Martius. Another prominent r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t was on the Esquiline H i l l . According to Horace, in former days the bodies of slaves were disposed of there, the ground being strewn with white bones. "It was the common graveyard of the dregs of the people". Later people b u i l t houses there and walked along the rampart i n the sun, where formerlv a l l you 186 saw was a vis t a of blanching bones. 187 Marcus Caelius, whom Cicero so eloquently defended against the attacks of Clodia and her brother, was accused of extravagance and l i v i n g apart from his father. He, with his father's consent, l e f t his home which was f a r too f a r from the Forum and rented Publius Clodius' house on the Pala-tine f o r t h i r t y thousand sesterces, i n order to be nearer the Forum and to be closer to Cicero and his other friends. Many of these large houses had a second storey, Cicero had sent his slave Alexis back to Rome sick, and told Atticus that i f there was any epidemic on the Palatine, to send him to his house there, as no one was l i v i n g on the top 188 f l o o r . Certain r i c h men had money invested i n blocks of 189 houses which were called "insulae". We hear of Cicero send-ing his son money made from that source. Properties were also 190 often subdivided i n t o l o t s , Damasippus who had a large estate 186. Sat. 1,8 187. Cael. 7 188. A t t . 12,10 189. A t t . 15,17 190. A t t . 12, 53 . , 41 on the banks of the Tiber had i t divided up into l o t s of seve-r a l acres and each at certain f i x e d p r i c e s . On one house we hear of the operations going on i n 191 connection with the roof. Quintus» house on the Palatine had just been f i n i s h e d . Part of i t had been gabled and there was a "noble slope" down to the roof of the colonnade below. Water was made available to the Roman populace by means of 142 leaden pipes. Horace asks whether i t Is purer than that which flows along the bottom of a stream i n the country. The water 195 was brought to this piping system by large aqueducts, the man-agement of which, and a l l questions related to the water sys-tems, were i n the hands of a company. Turning now to country v i l l a s , we f i n d that nearly every Roman gentleman had a mansion at one of the numerous fashionable resorts near the c i t y . Perhaps the most celebra-ted of these centres was Baiae which attracted many wealthy people from Rome, e s p e c i a l l y of what we should now c a l l the "fast society". In l a t e r times i t was notorious f o r i t s l i -centiousness . In the eyes of the r i c h man i t was without ex-194 ception the most be a u t i f u l bay i n the world. There as else-195 where huge v i l l a s were erected on the c l i f f s and often exten-196 ded right out Into the sea. Baiae was famous as being a place where men took the waters f o r their health. People were com-plaining that the myrtle groves were deserted and the s u l -phurous waters which were supposed to expel lingering disor-191. 8.F. 5,1,14 192. Ep. 1,10,20 193. Balb. 14 194. Ep. 1,1,84 195. Ep. 1,7,2 196. Od. 2,18,17 . . 42 ders from the nerves-were despised. Many people had formerly come there to take these sulphur vapour baths, and inns for 197 198 their convenience were found along the way. Cicero was quite indignant when Clodius accused him f a l s e l y of having a v i l l a at Baiae, as though he were In hiding there, and said that he thought i t "cheek" for an upstart to so presume to take the waters there. Cicero retorted that he should not speak l i k e that to his patron Gaius Scribonius Curio, the elder, who bought the v i l l a of Marius there, also from Arpinum. S t r i c t moralists frequently Inveighed against people who went to Baiae i n A p r i l and took;, the warm sea water baths e Another noted resort, where many v i l l a s were b u i l t , 199 was Surrentum. The objection to i t was that you had to travel over bad roads to get there, and were l i a b l e to have luggage stolen on the way. It was situated on the southern extrem-i t y of the Bay of Naples* 200 V e l i a and Salernum, we f i n d , were popular winter re-sorts. Horace spent the autumn at his Sabine farm and the winter there, once at l e a s t . Many people to escape from 201 Rome spent the season at Tarentum near where the Galesus flowed into the sea. It was famous f o r i t s sheep, and had the great a t t r a c t i o n of a long spring and mild winters. Horace summed i t up saying that "that corner of the world smiles f o r me beyond a l l others". He also referred to i t s verdant beauty", T WO other escapes from summer heat were 197. Ep. 1,15,2 198. A t t . 1,16,10 199. Ep.1,17,52 200. Ep. 1,15,1 201. Od. 2,6,1 202. Ep. 1,16,1 203 ' 204 Praeneste and Tibur. The l a t t e r Horace prayed might be his abode i n his old age when he was free from a l l his worries 205 of ordinary l i f e * The country v i l l a of which we probably know moat is' that of Cicero at Tusculum. Through a l l the turmoils of his p o l i t i c a l l i f e , he loved i t above a l l others, as somewhere where he could get that r e s t and peace his soul was yearning f o r . He told Atticus on one occasion that he was so fon&o of 206 i t that he was never r e a l l y happy elsewhere. At another time he said that there was no place l i k e home (i.e© Tusculum) 207 where his feet were carrying him. He instructed Atticus to buy whatever furnishings he thought suitable f o r the v i l l a , i t being the only place where he found a real r e s t a f t e r a 208 long day'i work. Tusculum to him, as others, seemed symbolio of perpetual peace and r e s t . We f i n d him envying Varro his 209 l i f e at Tusculum, which served as a model of l i f e f o r every-one. He said he would gladly exchange a l l he had i n the world to l i v e a l i f e of that sort. It was a place where he would frequently entertain his f r i e n d s . His l a s t l e t t e r to 210 Terentia warned her to make the v i l l a ready as he was shortly going to ar r i v e with a party of friends who would probably stay f o r a considerable time. The Tusculan v i l l a was the scene of many of Cicero's philosophic discussions and meet-211 ings with his f r i e n d s . He used to walk there i n the Lycaeum 203. Od. 3,4,22 204. Od.3,29,6 205. Od. 2,6,5 206. Att.1,6,2 207. Att.15,16 a 208. Att. 1,5,7 209. Pam.9,6 210. Pam.14,20 211. Tusc. 3,3,6 44 212 213 while conversing with his companions. Lucullus frequently v i -sited him for such purposes and Cicero often returned the com-pliment and went to Lucullus' Tusculan estate. The results of these philosophical discussions at Tusculum have been pre-served i n a number of his works, which summed them up e Cicero was not at a l l pleased with the decoration of his Tusculan v i l l a and complained of the poor "objets d'art" 214 to be found there. So he commissioned Atticus to get some new 215 ornaments. We hear of statues being sent, and that Atticus was to get whatever he. thought suitable for the palaestra and gymnasium. He ordered "bas-reliefs for insertion i n the stucco walls of the h a l l , and two well-covers i n carved r e l i e f " , 216 Cicero was also very keen on building up a large l i b r a r y . He implored Atticus not to s e l l h i s or "give i t away, as he hoped to buy i t when he had saved enough money, so that he could 217 enjoy i t i n his old age. In the "Topica" we get a glimpse of Cicero and Trebatius s i t t i n g separately i n the l i b r a r y , each one getting out and dipping into the books he needed for hisown special task. As additional f a c i l i t i e s f o r reading, 218 Cicero b u i l t some s i t t i n g rooms i n a l i t t l e colonnade outside the house. He hoped to decorate them with pictures. We also 219 hear of the bath at the Tusculan v i l l a , which Terentia was instructed to prepare f o r her husband and his friends. She had to see there was a "labrum" or basin i n the bath. The 212. Div. 1,5 213. Acad. 2, 148 214. Pam.7,11,2 215. Att. 1,10 216. i b i d 217 Top. 1,1 218. Fam. 7, 23,3 219. Pam.14, 20 "labrum" was a large round basin about three feet off the ground i n which a person had to wash himself before immersing-himself in the p i s c i n a . Water was provided f o r the v i l l a 220 from an aqueduct which went f a i r l y close, known as the Crabra, for the use of which Cicero had to pay a tax. There was a considerable flower and vegetable garden around the v i l l a with 221 which Cicero had some d i f f i c u l t y . He asked Tiro to urge Paredius, a market gardener, to rent the gardens and so spur on the present gardener who was paying a very small rent, a l -though Cicero had made a number of improvements. He had made a special place f o r growing choice flowers which would get as much sun as possible, and had also i n s t a l l e d drains, a wall for t r a i n i n g f r u i t trees, and a shed f o r the garden. He f i n a l l y asked T i r o to close with whichever of them would sup-ply him with flowers. In addition a sundial stood i n the gardens. In spite of a l l i t s numerous attractions Tusculum had some drawbacks i n Cicero's eyes. He f e l t i t was somewhat out of the way f o r chance meetings with people with whom he 222 needed to keep i n touch. Following T u l l i a ' s death, for months the v i l l a was a source of great sadness to him as i t a l l re-minded him so much of her. He even f e l t he ought to abandon i t f o r ever. On one occasion years before he did put the v i l -l a , which had been valued at £22,000 by the consuls, up f o r 223 sale, as he f e l t he did not need a country house. 220. F m. 16,18,2 221. i b i d 222. Att 7,5.3 223. A t t . 4,2,5,7 4® Another of Cicero's mansions was situated at Formiae. He complained on several occasions that he was be-224 ing flooded with v i s i t o r s there. His neighbour, Arrius, would spend most of the day there i f he could, hoping to dis-cuss philosophical questions. Most of the v i s i t o r s came from town, but Cicero admitted his preference for the country people of Arpinum. V i s i t o r s a l l day long made him f e e l that he had not escaped from Rome at a l l but had brought Rome with him. He longed f o r "My native h i l l s , the cradle of my youth", 225 namely Arpinum. A v i l l a which.he much preferred to the noisy one at 226 Formiae was at Antium and looked r i g h t out over the sea. He told Atticus of i t s attractions when trying to f i n d him a v i l l a too. He described i t as being p r e t t i e r and more peace-f u l than anywhere else. As usual one of his chief interests there was a large l i b r a r y i n which he had a number of books which his l i b r a r y slaves had neatly arranged. It seemed to 227 give the house a soul. Another of Cicero's country seats was situated at 228 Astura. What appealed to him there was the p r a c t i c a l l y un-broken solitude, uninterrupted except by an occasional v i s i t from Philippus, who bored him intensely with his endless talk. The v i l l a looked out over the sea with the beach down below. Behind rose low h i l l s . The location was a perfect one f o r a man burdened with the anxieties of state responsi-224. A t t . 2,14 225. Att. 2,15 226. A t t . 12,19 227. A t t . 4,8 228. Att. 12,9 47 b i l i t i e s . Prom Cicero's l e t t e r s we get glimpses of the v i l -las of other well known Roman gentry. Trebatius owned a 229 v i l l a at V e l i a and was building another one there. Cicero was staying in the former while Its owner was away i n Rome. He wrote to Trebatius that he would much rather l i v e i n town than there, but urged him to keep on with i t . At the mansion which he had acquired there he had a huge lotus tree which was a great source of inte r e s t to strangers, Cicero sugges-ted to him that the view would be greatly improved i f i t were cut down. At Tusculum, as has been mentioned before, Lucius 250 Lucullus had a very magnificent v i l l a . When he was reproach-ed f or i t he said that both his neighbours, one a Roman knight and the other a freedman, had magnificent v i l l a s . He asked them i f he could be called extravagant, being a consul, f o r having a mansion of similar s i z e , 231 These v i l l a s were f u l l of statues and pictures of 232 religious subjects. Cicero's great enemy, Gabinius, appears to have poured a l l the money he could extract from people whom he oppressed, into the b u i l d i n g of a v i l l a , besides which any existing one would appear a mere hut. In a l e t t e r to Quintus, Cicero described a v i s i t he 233 made to his v i l l a at Arcae and also his Manillan estate. The water supply at the f i r s t was brought by a canal, and was 229. Pam. 7,20 230. Leg. 3,13 231. i b i d 232. Sest.43 233. Q.P. 3,1 48 very p l e n t i f u l . An ar c h i t e c t , called Diphilua, who was mak-ing improvements' on the l a t t e r , was very indolent, although he only had l e f t the baths, promenades, and aviary to do. What" impressed Cicero most about t h i s v i l l a was the paved colonnade, the columns of which had been polished. He had certain arched roofs altered, Quintus had arranged f o r an antechamber to be b u i l t i n the colonnade but his brother did not think i t necessary except i n a house which had a large court. He also had the stove i n the bathroom moved to the other corner of the dressing room, being d i r e c t l y under the bedrooms. He had f a u l t to f i n d with some of the colums which k Diphilus was erecting, as they were neither perpendicular nor p a r a l l e l . He also described his v i s i t to Quintus' two v i l l a s 254 at Arpinum, One of them, which was called his Fufidian es-tate, was very shady i n summer with an abundant water supply. It was thought there would be no d i f f i c u l t y i n i r r i g a t i n g f i f t y "jugera" of meadow land. Cicero considered i t a de-l i g h t f u l spot, provided that i t had a f i s h pond with fountain and a palaestra, and a vineyard. The other estate at Arpinum was the Laterian one. It was approached by an excellent road which was more l i k e a highway than a private road. Quintus was planning a number-of a l t e r a t i o n s , but yet, his brother added, "That v i l l a , just as i t stands, strikes one as having such a philosophic a i r as to reprove the craziness of a l l the other v i l l a s 1 ' . The landscape garden was p a r t i c u l a r l y commend-234. Q.F. 3,1 • . , 49? ed f o r growing i v y a l l over the main wall of the v i l l a and be-tween the p i l l a r s of the promenade. The dressing room he considered "the coolest and mossiest retreat i n the world". Cicero himself always had a very warm spot i n his 235 heart f o r his b i r t h place of Arpinum and his old home there. On one occasion he says that the pleasures of Arpinum almost makes him despise the magnificent mansions of the nobles. He adds that he loves Arpinum p a r t i c u l a r l y because i t i s his native place, and contains the family a l t e r , and many other reminders of his family. The v i l l a was b u i l t by his father and used to be very small. Let us b r i e f l y consider some general points i n con-nection with the i n t e r i o r and exterior of these v i l l a s . 236 Horace r i d i c u l e s their vast size, saying that i f they got much more numerous there would be l i t t l e land l e f t for the plough. The f i s h ponds i n t h e i r grounds would get bigger than the Lucrine lake. Their porticoes were measured i n tens of feet while a colonnade faced north thus giving shade and a cool breeze i n the summer. In the days of Cato only public buildings and teraples were sumptuous . The palaces with their f i s h ponds and ornamental gardens were dr i v i n g out the cul-237 t i v a t i o n of corn, olives and vines. A custom is frequently referred to of these mansions being b u i l t r i g h t out into the 238 sea "causing the sea to be contracted". Horace asks i f the nobles whose wealth i s greater than the treasure of Arabia 235. Leg. 2 236. Od. 2,15 237. Od. 3,1,33 238. Od. 3,24,1 50 and India, are thus t r y i n g to possess the whole Tyrrhenian and Apulian seas. Many of these country v i l l a s were famed 239 for t h e i r richness and their luxury, "marble palaces adorned with"ivory, and shining with gold, i n statues, i n pictures, i n embossed gold and s i l v e r plate in the workmanship of Cor-240 inthian brass". The f l o o r s might be covered with r i c h crim-241 242 son carpets, while guests reclined on white ivory couches. The f l o o r s were often made of tesselated pavements of Uumidian 243 244 marble while the roofs were r i c h l y panelled and sometimes 245 gilded. In the colonnade the p i l l a r s were sometimes of d i f -246 ferent coloured marbles while i n between green trees grew. The marble which was used for the architrave, which rested on columns of " g i a l l o antico" from Humidia, frequently came 247 from Mt. Hymettus i n A t t i c a . Scattered through the rooms i n 248 great profusion were ancient marble or bronze statues, and 249 l i t t l e bronze images of the gods, of Tuscan workmanship. Over 250 .. the dining room table a r i c h tapestry was hung. In the mid-251 die of the atrium was the "focus 1 1, nearby.- being the images of the Lares which glowed b r i g h t l y in the flames. Cicero had 252 a l i t t l e argument with Atticus about his windows. The l a t t e r thought they were much too narrow and did not give as beauti-f u l a view as i f thev were wider. Amongst the i n t e r i o r fur-253 nishings which are recorded for us was a torch stand which Cicero us ed .for w r i t i n g i n the early morning before dawn. 239. Ep.1,15,46 240.Par.1,4. 241. Sat.2,6,103. 242. i b i d 24 3 > Ep.1,10,9 244.Od.2,16,11 245. Od.18 246. Ep.1,10,22 247. 0d.2,18,3 248.Ep.1,6,17 249. Ep.2,2,180 250.Sat.2,8,54 251. Epod. 2,65 252.Att.2,3 253. . 3,7 51 " 254 Just outside the v i l l a was a colonnade or a walk planted with trees for conversation, recreation, philosophic discussion, etc. Sometimes i t was roofed and sometimes open t o the sky. Around these country v i l l a s and many of the c i t y ones were often beautiful gardens. Across the Tiber were the 255 gardens which Caesar bequeathed to the people. Cicero thought 256 of buying some near them f o r the erection of T u l l i a ' s shrine. He.wanted that place, as he knew of no other where so many people would come. He was never able to decide on the exact place, which perhaps accounts f o r the f a c t that i t was never actually b u i l t . Sometimes the wealthy entertained in their gardens. Cicero, f o r example, gave a dinner i n the gardens 257 of his son-in-law Crasslpes, Clodia also had gardens on the 258 Tiber near where a l l the young men of the c i t y came to bathe, so that she could e a s i l y pick out any one who appealed to her. In the gardens of many a noble mansion was a large fishpond, which was the object of great r i d i c u l e by men l i k e Cicero. 260 He frequently speaks of your "friends of the fishponds", re-261 f e r r i n g to the nobles as "those Tritons of the fishponds". We have l i t t l e mention of flowers i n our authori-ties , but we do know that roses were a very much cultivated 259 plant. Verres did not t e l l that spring had arrived by a certain wind or by some star, but by the a r r i v a l of the f i r s t roses i n his .garden. This was the signal f o r him to get to work. 254. Brut. 5 255.Phil. 2,42 256.Att.12,19 257.Pam.1,9,20 258. Cael. 15 259.Verr.5,11,27 260.Att.1,19,20 261.Att.2,9 Cicero looks upon a house as a most sacred i n s t i t u -tion containing a person's a l t a r s , hearths, household gods, and as being the scene of many re l i g i o u s ceremonies. "This i s the asylum of everyone, so holy a spot that i t i s impious 262 to drag any one from i t " . He also gives sound advise with regard to people b u i l d i n g houses i n proportion to their posi-tion. The house of a person i n high o f f i c e must be adapted for u t i l i t y but also should have some magnificence, i n pro-portion to the owner's rank. But dignity should not be sought from a palace alone, but should be ennobled by the Inmates and not by the house. A person who i s going to entertain large numbers of guests and receive countless v i s i t o r s must see that his house i s spacious. Cicero concludes by urging people not to go to excessive luxury and costliness as i t would be a bad example for the common people. We get some idea of how much some of these r e s i -dences cost by noting the evaluation of some of Cicero's houses. His town house was placed at £18,000, his Tuaculan 263 v i l l a £4,400, and his Pormian at £2,200. 262. Dom. 109 263. Att. 2.4,5 55 Chapter 8 Women and their Position We now come to a very important section i n the l i f e of the times, namely the position of women. We sh a l l have the opportunity of forming a conception of t h e i r general position in society and also of examining i n d e t a i l certain remarkable ones, whose story f i l l s so many pages of our two authors. Women held a remarkable position i n Roman society, and wielded a wide influence. Very different was the a t t i -tude of the Greeks who banished them from everything except the home. Our f i r s t task w i l l be to observe their high i n -f l u e n t i a l p o s i t ion. Cicero had strong support from Gaius 264 Marcellus' mother, Junia. He considered her a woman of great g i f t s , combining high pr i n c i p l e and calm dignity-265 S e r v i l i a , the mother of Brutus, often crosses our path. She wielded a great influence with Caesar. When Brutus and Cassius asked Cicero for advice about taking the 266 control of the corn supply in Asia, she promised to have the appointment to the position withdrawn from the senatorial decree. Another very powerful lady we hear of i s Pulvia, 267 who f i n a l l y became Antony's wife. Her father, who was c a l -led Bambalio and came from Tusculum was of a very low family, and derived his surname from the Greek word "bambalein" - to 264. Pam.15,7 265.Pam.12,7 266. Att.15,11 267.Phil.3, 6 54 l i s p . Cicero's opinion of her was so low that he said the fate of Publius Clodius was going to come upon Antony as i t came upon Gaius Curio. His e v i l star, F u l v i a , was now i n his house, who had been the wife of Clodius and Curio before her 268 marriage with him. After her marriage to Antony she assumed a position of supreme importance. If a l l the money i n Antony's house was given to the Roman people, every one would be amply provided f o r . She was "holding an auction of king-doms, and provinces; exiles were restored without law, as i f . 269 by law". We now come to the study of a very inte r e s t i n g woman called C a e r e l l i a , who was one of Cicero's friends and correspondents. Unfortunately their correspondence has not survived. If i t had we should no doubt have found i t of im-mense in t e r e s t . However we hear i n c i d e n t a l l y enough about teer to form quite a good picture of what she was l i k e . Cicero was on very intimate terms with her, f o r he ac t u a l l y speaks of her as "my intimate f r i e n d " and asks Publius S e r v l l i u s to look after her estates and investments i n Asia. He told him that any service he did to Caerellia would be a very great 270 favour to him. As she was a woman of considerable means, Cicero found her a very useful person from whom to borrow 271 money. Atticus thought i t was a very undignified procedure. In l a t e r ages- there was a suspicion which was quite disproved, that Cicero had an a f f a i r with her, although she was about seventy at this time. Cicero f i n a l l y managed to pay his debts 268.Phil,2,5 269. Phil.5,4 270.Pam.13,72 271.Att.12,51 55 to her. He had some property sold and instructed Atticus to see that i t was sold to the highest bidder and that an eightb 272 share be sent to her. Caerellia also Indulged i n l i t e r a r y pursuits, which was somewhat unusual in our period f o r a woman, Atticus at the time was looking af t e r Cicero's writ-ings. She managed to get hold of the book ™De Finibus" and 273 copy i t a l l out. Cicero, although commending her love for philosophy, seemed a l i t t l e annoyed and said that she must have got i t from A t t i c u s ' copyists, as he had not l e t his own 274 out of his sight. The family of Cicero's divorced wife, P u b l i l i a , got C a e r e l l i a to t r y and bring about a remarriage 275 between the two. Her e f f o r t s f a i l e d , Cicero said the idea would be most repugnant to him and f e l t that Caerellia herself thought the same• We now come to a description of two women who played a considerable part i n Cicero's l i f e , his wife, Terentia, and his beloved daughter T u l l i a . A study of them w i l l give us a good idea of t y p i c a l well-to-do Roman women of the time. We f i r s t hear of T u l l i a i n 67 B.C. when she was probably a child of•not more than eight or nine, urging Cicero to per-276 suade Atticus to give her the g i f t he had promised her. It was very probably a betrothal present. The same year her 277 father announced her engagement to Gaius Piso. We hear no more of her t i l l 58 B.C., while Cicero was in exile.. In the 272. Att. 15,26 273. Att. 13,22,3 274. Att.13,21,5 275: Att.l5,la;14,19,4 276,Att.l,8;l,10 277. A t t . l , 3 . 5 6 Intervening years she must have married Piso and been divorced. Cicero was deeply grieved at the thought the effect of his exile had on her, and implored Terentia to see that everything 278 was done to ensure her matrimonial settlement and reputation,, This c e r t a i n l y proves that things had turned out a f a i l u r e . At t h i s time Cicero sent very touching messages to Terentia and T u l l i a , blaming himself as the cause of a l l their unhap-279 280 piness. Two years l a t e r Cicero t o l d Quintus of her betrothal to Crassipes on A p r i l 14, and said that two days l a t e r , as he was about to leave Rome he gave a betrothal party i n honour 281 of her fiance. Quintus' son was unable to attend the celebra-tion as he was sick at the time. Letters of congratulation reached Cicero from many of his friends when they heard the 282 news, Including Lentulus, , The marriage did not appear to last long, as by 51 B.C. many suitors f o r Tullia»s hand were appearing, and Cicero was at a loss to know which to favour. The way he discusses ;fche matter sounds rather repulsive to modern ears. A l his 283 friends were backing t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r candidates. Prom the f i r s t Cicero rather leaned towards Dolabella but was afraid that T u l l i a would not l i k e him and so agreed that Atticus' candidate was just as acceptable. S e r v i l l i a was pushing Servlus Sulpicius, whom Cicero seemed prepared to accept. The following year, 50 B.C., the whole matter was s t i l l continu-ing with no f i n a l result achieved. By then Cicero and Atticus 278.. Pam.14,4,3 279. Pam. 14,1 280.Q.P. 2,4,2 281. Q.P. 2,5 282. Pam.1,7,11 283. Att.5,4 57 were both agreed on accepting S e r v i l i a ' s candidate,Servius Sulpicius, as they considered that Pontidia, who was backing 284 Dolabella, was not taking the question seriously enough. By the"end of the month Cicero had p r a c t i c a l l y made up his mind and had written to T u l l i a and Terentia to that ef f e c t . The marriage with Dolabella apparently took place without Cicero's knowledge, f o r he wrote to Atticus the following year of the 285 t e r r i b l e predicament he was i n . In his province he showed Appius Claudius every honour but suddenly found himself the father-in-law of Dolabella who was prosecuting Appius for "majestas". He adds that he had sent messengers to Terentia and T u l l i a recommending them to accept the candidacy of Tiberius Hero. They arrived i n Rome only to f i n d that the betrothal had been announced. He was w i l l i n g to accept i t as a " f a i t accompli" and added what a favourable impression Dolabella had made on Terentia and T u l l i a . Every/body seemed 286 ready to accept Dolabella. Caelius wrote to Cicero i n a very encouraging way about him, f i r s t sending his congratulations, and then adding how he had overcome so many of his bad charac-t e r i s t i c s as he got older, and those he s t i l l had would be soon dispelled through his association with Cicero and Tullia's modesty. Cicero managed to make a satisfactory excuse to 287 Appiusi Claudius who was being prosecuted by Dolabella. He said that the whole thing had been carried out without his knowledge and prayed that i t would turn out happily for Tullia. His chief comfort was not that the time for the marriage was 284. Att.5,21 285. Att.6,6 286.Pam.8,13,1 287. Fam.5,12,2 58 opportune but that Appius had been so kind and sympathetic. He admitted that he should have r a t i f i e d the engagement but had not arranged the date of the marriage without consulting him." The following year, 49 B. C., found c l c e r o very much worried as to whether T u l l i a should stay on i n Rome or whether 288 she should leave the town. As usual he had to ask Atticus his advise on what course to suggest, whether they should stay or go to him, or take refuge somewhere else* He however 289 wrote and told her that she and Terentia could stay i n Rome because Dolabella would look after them i f things got very serious. But he pointed out to them that most of the l o y a l -i s t party had taken th e i r women-folk out of tov/n and suggest-ed that they should withdraw to his estate at Pormiae, asking them to get Philotimus to have their town house barricaded and guarded. On February 3,49 B.C., they duly followed his 290 advice and arrived at Pormiae. About this time things were already going badly with T u l l i a ' s marriage to Dolabella. Cicero was extremely grateful 291 to Atticus f o r a l l the kindness he had shown her, adding,"She has shown admirable q u a l i t i e s , has borne the national calamity and private worries with great f o r t i t u d e and had displayed i t over my departure". In the May of that year we hear of the 292 '. . -b i r t h of T u l l i a ' s c h i l d which arrived safely, but to which Cicero referred contemptuously as "the thing that has been 288. Att.7,12 289. Pam.14,18 290. Att.7,18 291. Att.10,8 292. Att. 10,18 59 born 1 1. He deplored i t s poor physique. By the following spring T u l l i a ' s relations with Dolabella seemed to be approa-ching a climax. Another problem was getting serious, namely that of the payment of the second instalment of T u l l i a ' s marriage por-tion to Dolabella. As usual Atticus was asked to see to i t . 293 The date f i x e d was July 1. The alternatives were either to start divorce proceedings or to pay Dolabella the portion. If he arranged to continue with the divorce, Dolabella would proabably keep the whole dowry. Worse than that, the p o l i t i -cal situation was s t i l l i n the balance. By breaking with Dolabella there was the r i s k of breaking with Caesar, f or Dolabella was a strong supporter of h i s . Apparently Cicero decided on payment as the safer course. Atticus did his part nobly and was of very great help to T u l l i a i n her trouble, managing her f i n a n c i a l a f f a i r s and consoling her. Cicero urged him not to leave Rome, so 294 that she would s t i l l be able to benefit from his presence. The whole wretched business dragged on another year, for in April,47 B.C., Cicero was beginning to break with Dolabella, informing Atticus that he was ashamed to look any one in the 295 face with such a son-in-law. Next month she paid Cicero a 296 v i s i t and told him of a l l Atticus had done for her. Her father s t i l l exalted her to the skies c a l l i n g her "my match-less daughter" and deploring the wretched situation in which 297 she had fund h e r s e l f . In writing to Terentia about the same 295.Att.11,3 294.Att.11,7,6 295.Att.11.14,5 296.Att.11,17 297.Pam.14,11 time he blamed himself most b i t t e r l y as being through his carelessness responsible f o r a l l T u l l i a ' s misery. In July 298 Cicero f e l t that the p o l i t i c a l situation would soon be reach-ing a climax and things would be easier for him in the ques-tion of the divorce. He reproaches himself now f o r having paid the second instalment of the marriage portion. But shortly afterwards Dolabella himself took the i n i t i a t i v e and started divorce proceedings against T u l l i a . cicero«s p a t i -ence with his son-in-law i s just about at an end, and he f e e l s 299 that they should give notice of divorce to Dolabella. Then there was the same problem of the dowry of which the t h i r d instalment was due. If Dolabella started divorce proceedings he could not claim the next instalment and would have to re-fund what had been previously paid, while i f T u l l i a started, he would s t i l l keep part of i t , unless she could prove mis-conduct on his part. Soon a f t e r the divorce T u l l i a died. Cicero was more crushed by this blow than by a l l the other disasters that had overtaken him. In spite of a l l her weaknesses and the anx-i e t y she caused him, he was intensely devoted to her unto the end. As we can e a s i l y imagine, l e t t e r s of sympathy poured in from a l l his f r i e n d s . Strangely enough the divorce had caused no breach of friendship between his family and that of 500 Dolabella. He told Dolabella that he wished his f a i l u r e to write a l e t t e r to him had been due to his own death rather than that of T u l l i a , and thanked him f o r his kind words of 298. Att.11,25 299. Att.11,25 300. Pam. 9,11 61 sympathy and af f e c t i o n , A strange l e t t e r to a man who had made a daughter's l i f e miserable. But the greatest of a l l the l e t t e r s of condolence and one of the most beautiful l e t -301 ters 'preserved, is that written by Servius Sulpicius. In exquisite language Servius did h i s best to comfort his f r i e n d . Prom that time onwards f o r several months Cicero planned for 302 a memorial shrine to be b u i l t i n her honour and we hear of a l l the d i f f e r e n t arrangements. Such i s the picture of T u l l i a we derive from Cicero's l e t t e r s . Perhaps the most noteworthy thing about the sad tale i s the beauty and s i n c e r i t y of Cicero's a f f e c t i o n f o r her, which never f a i l e d her through a l l her misfortunes. We come now to a study of another i n t e r e s t i n g woman who played a large part i n Cicero's l i f e , namely his wife Terentia. As we s h a l l see, hers is not a very attractive character. 303 Judging by the l e t t e r s which passed between the two while Cicero was i n exile i n the year 58, one would imagine that there never could have been a more devoted pair. He writes that his one desire i s to see her as soon as possible and die i n her arms, as she i s the only person who had ever shown him any gratitude or a f f e c t i o n . She Is a f a i t h f u l wor-shipper of the gods, as well as a d u t i f u l wife. He urges her to come to him i f i t Is possible i n spite of her wretched health, while at Dyrrachium the same year he was greatly up-set by the way she was being treated in Rome and the in d i g -301. Pam. 9,5 302. Att.12,18 ^et.Beg.. 303.Pam.14,4 n l t i e s she had to undergo. In Rome there was a custom that a per snnwho was going to make a solemn statement with regard to another person's f i n a n c i a l a f f a i r s had to go to a banker's and make the statement i n front of witnesses. It appears that Clodius compelled Terentia to go to Valerius' bank and give 304 evidence about her husband's finances and property. Terentia seemed to have a f a i r amount of property of 305 her own, including a large tract of f o r e s t . Cicero said that i f i t only contained one Dodonian oak, he would f e e l he owned the whole of Epirus. Apparently she was being beset by finan-c i a l troubles i n c i c e r o ' s absence and was probably being at-tacked by his creditors. He was very distressed to hear that she was going to s e l l part of her house property, an action which would have repercussions on T u l l i a , as i t was probably 306 part of her dowry. Prom frequent allusions to the subject we 307 also gather that Terentia was a victim of i l l - h e a l t h . Cicero was always very s o l i c i t o u s about her and urging her to spare herself. For some time his a f f e c t i o n f or her appeared to be st e a d i l y cooling, as his l e t t e r s were gradually get1&g shor-ter and shorter. She seemed to get into frequent d i f f i c u l t i e s with the family finances which was a sore t r i a l to Cicero. She somehow or other held back quite a large sum from the 308 - f i r s t instalment of T u l l i a ' s dowry to Dolabella. In June 47 B.C. we f i n d Cicero urging Atticus, with the assistance of 304. Fam. 14,2 305. Att.2,4 306. Pam. 14,1 307. Fam.14,3 308. Att.11,2 63 • \ 309 Camillus, to persuade Terentia to make her w i l l . He wanted her to make provision f o r the payment of her debts. Hearing from Philotimus that she was doing some underhand actions i n connection with money matters, he asked Atticus to advise him about her. Later i n the month we f i n d a concrete example 310 of her misdoings. Atticus had written to her to send Cicero by " b i l l of exchange" £100, that being the balance due to him. She sent Cicero only eighty guineas, claiming that that was the balance. He added, i n discussing the question with Atticus, "If she purloins so t r i f l i n g an amount from so small a t o t a l , you can Bee what she had been doing i n the case of large sums". 311 Cicero 9s l a s t l e t t e r to her was dated October 1, 47 B.C. Through i t s peremptoriness i t was an ins u l t to a self-respecting wife, but no doubt was caused by considerable provocation as we have seen above. "I think I sh a l l arrive at my Tusculan v i l l a on the 7th Inst, or on the day a f t e r . See that everything i s ready there; for perhaps I s h a l l have several others with me, and I expect that we s h a l l stay there for some considerable time. If there i s no basin i n the bath, see that there i s one, and so with everything else necessary for every day l i f e and health. Good-bye. The d i s t r i c t of Venusla. Oct. 1". An .admirable comment on this document has 312 made by Long (quoted by T y r r e l l ) , "A gentleman would write a more c i v i l l e t t e r to. h i s housekeeper". Prom other sources we 309. Att. 11,16,5 310. Att. 11,24 311. Pam. 14,2 312, Vol.IV P.X1V111 . 64 learn that a divorce took place soon afterwards. However this i s not the l a s t we hear of Terentia i n Cicero's l e t t e r s . In almost indecent haste he married his young and wealthy ward P u b l i l i a , e n t i r e l y f o r her money. In 513 a l e t t e r to Plancius he t r i e d to J u s t i f y this new marriage by blaming his entire family for a l l the misfortunes which had come upon him. He was quarrelling at the .: time also with his son and brother. He said he would have made no change i n his domestic l i f e i f he had not found on his return that [inlhis own family were behaving so wickedly towards him. "I could f i n d no safety within the walls of my own house, no corner of i t without an ambush". So, as he assured Plancius, the only thing l e f t to do was to divorce his wife and protect him-sel f against her treachery and that of his family, by. embark-ing on a new marriage. A remarkable self-righteous document. After the divorce there was the problem of refunding Terentia's dowry. She was very anxious l e s t Cicero should have made no 5314 515 provision i n his w i l l for T u l l i a ' s c h i l d . He asked Atticus to look a f t e r the whole question of the dowry. Terentia had promised to give an allowance to young Marcus Cicero i f the portion was refunded, but Cicero did not f e e l she was sincere in the matter and doubted whether she would keep her promise. This brings us to the end of the section on the mother and daughter, Terentia and T u l l i a . Through Cicero's corres-pondence we get a clearer p o r t r a i t of them than of p r a c t i c a l l y any other women of the age. For i n the l e t t e r s we read the 313. Fam. 4,14,3 314. A t t . 12,18 a,2 315, Att. 12,19 65 actual thoughts and feelings of each. They do not attract one very much, but are undoubtedly t y p i c a l of numbers of women of their times. Before ending our discussion of women and thei r position l e t us b r i e f l y consider certain general ideas we fin d on the subject, and also glance at the sli g h t indications 316 given us of the country women. In his tre a t i s e "De O f f i c i i s " Cicero lays i t down that the f i r s t p r i n c i p l e of society con-s i s t s i n the marriage bond, the second i n children, and the thir d i n a family l i v i n g under one roof. He holds up a high ideal of marriage which does not seem to be ea s i l y reconciled with his own actions with regard to i t s permanency. As we sha l l see l a t e r , divorce was extremely easy. 317 We get a quaint picture of Cicero's mother who used to seal up the wine jars even when empty so no one could say they were empty because of a t h i e f . Age did not seem to be any bar to marriage, f o r we 318 hear of Talna who wanted totmarry C o r n i f i c i a , who was quite an old woman and had already been married several times. The match did not come off as she and her mother did not consider his property of seven thousand guineas large enough to suit 319 them. Horace paints a very clever picture of a woman rapidl y aging who i s doing a l l she can to re t a i n her youth and beauty. He said the god of love would have nothing to do with her no matter how much she prayed to him, for her teeth were blacken-ed, her hair whitened, and her cheeks wrinkled. No precious 316.Off.1,17 317.Pam.l6,26 518.Att.15,28 519.0d.4,3 66 jewels or costly raiment would bring back the past, "Whither has f l e d the charm? What have you l e f t of her, of her whom I remember, i n whose breath was love?" He also t e l l s us of 320 the duty of a wife to be the mother of many children and gives 321 us a picture of the country women c a l l i n g to their sons who have been working a l l day t i l l i n g the soil,, 320, Ep.1,2,44 321. 0d.3,6,39 67 Chapter 9 The Fast Set and Morality Frequently i n our reading i n Cicero we come across a type of society very a l i e n to the author. It consists of cer-t a i n l icentious and wanton men and women who play a large part in. his downfall and are his inveterate enemies. Horace f i l l s in what Cicero omits, and gives us a good picture of the lux-ury of dress of such people. Together we have a composite p o r t r a i t of the class who, f o r want of a better name, might be called the "fast set". In this connection we s h a l l have opportunity to discover the actual views of our two authors themselves on moral matters. As might be expected we f i n d a good many suggestions of gossip. When Cicero was i n C i l i c i a h i s f r i e n d Caelius kept him we l l informed on a l l the l a t e s t Scandals i n Rome. 522 For example "Cor n i f i c i u s the younger has promised to marry C r e s t i l l a ' s daughter. Paulla V a l e r i a , the s i s t e r of T r i a r i u s , has divorced her husband without assigning any reason, on the very day he was to ar r i v e from his province, and is going to marry Decimus Brutus. She has sent back her wardrobe. Ser-vius Ocella has -been caught twice i n the act within three days etc. 1 1 Cicero unearthed a considerable scandal about a frie n d 525 of Pompey's called Publius Vedius. He apparently met him on the road with two chariots, carriages and horses, and a large 522. Fam. 8,7 525. Att. 6,1,25 68 retinue. Inside the chariot was a baboon while some wild asses followed. At Laodicea Vedius l e f t his things at Vindullus' house while he came to meet Cicero. Vennonius meanwhile found Vedius' baggage discovering inside " f i v e l i t t l e busts of Roman married ladies", one of which was of Brutus' s i s t e r and another of Lepidus' wife. "I want to t e l l you t h i s tale"en passant" for we are both nice gossips". The frequency of divorce seems appalling even to an age l i k e the present where i t i s rapidl y increasing. In the Rome of our period divorce seemed to be extremely easy and equally common. It amazes us when we read of Cicero so cold bloodedly divorcing his wife Terentia after a long period of apparently happy married l i f e , then marrying his young ward P u b l i l i a , and then divorcing her©- His matrimonial ar-rangements were certainly surpassed by those of his daughter who was thric e married and th r i c e (presumably) divorced. People often d i d not seem to think any less of a person after a divorce. We f i n d Cicero writing to his ex-son-in-law Dolabella a f t e r the divorce from T u l l i a i n very f r i e n d l y tones. A good example of the mockery that marriage had become is that related i n the l a s t paragraph, where Paulla Valeria divorced her husband on the day of his return from his provine e. Even Hollywood would f i n d i t hard to r i v a l ancient Rome i n this regard. Immorality and wantonness appear very prevalent among the youth of the c i t y . Cicero considers his c l i e n t 324 Caelius as t y p i f y i n g the lic e n t i o u s young men of the c i t y and 324. Cael. 12 69 f e e l s that he is suffering f o r the vices of others. He feels there i s widespread public opinion which strongly d i s l i k e s such a mode of l i f e consisting of debts, wantonness, and l i -centiousness, and vice i n general. He hopes that such wide-spread e v i l w i l l not prejudice his c l i e n t e We now come to a celebrated pair, Publius Clodius and his s i s t e r Clodia, scions of one of the noblest families of.Rome, notorious i n the history of the times for their l i -centious l i v i n g . Clodius created a tremendous scandal by impersonating a woman and Intruding into some ceremonies i n 325 honour of the Bona Dea which were open to women only. A l l Rome was aghast at the sacrilege. Cicero finds matter i n this escapade f o r b i t i n g s a t i r e against Clodius, who was one of his 326 b i t t e r e s t enemies. For example, "But- you are a most witty man; you are r e a l l y elegant; you are the only well bred man, who look well i n woman's clothes and with the gait- of a sing-ing woman, who know how to make your countenance look l i k e that of a woman; to soften down your voice,and to make your body smooth. G extraordinary prodigy. 0 you monster. Are you not ashamed at the sight of thi s temple, and of t h i s c i t y , nor your l i f e nor of the l i g h t of day?.. .Did you when your feet were being bound with bandages, when an Egyptian turban and v e i l were being f i t t e d on your head, when you were with d i f f i c u l t y trying to get down the sleeved tunic over your arms, when you were being c a r e f u l l y girded with a sash- did you never i n a l l that time r e c o l l e c t that you were the grand-325. Att.1,12,3 326. Erag i n Clod. 5 70 son of Appius G-laudius?.. .But when a looking glass was brought to you, you perceived that you were a good way removed from a pretty woman". His general immorality was appalling. Where-ever he went he took a number of prostitutes and dissolute 327 men-companions, His incestuous relationship with Clodia seems to have been common knowledge i n Rome. Cicero stigmatizes him on one occasion as "that f i e n d i s h vi o l a t o r of women's 328 r e l i g i o u s observances", and adds that he had as l i t t l e respect for the Bona Dea as for his s i s t e r , and at another time lam-329 poons him as " f i l l i n g up his s i s t e r ' s interludes", and actu-a l l y makes the relat i o n s h i p the subject of his one and only 330 extant risque joke. Clodia receives her f a i r share of attack at Cicero's hands i n his speech i n defence of Caelius, who had been shamefully wronged by her. Even Baiae. which was famed f o r 331 i t s wickedness, gasped at Clodia»s conduct. She made no at-tempt to conceal her lu s t but shamelessly paraded i t i n pub-332 l i e . Cicero said that young Caelius could not be blamed fo r the alleged crime but was an innocent suffer at the hands of this woman who was e a s i l y accessible to any man she fancies. ^333 Because of her eyes Cicero gave her the nickname of flocoiiis I t appears that Atticus on ne occasion had been to a dinner party where a number of the f a s t set were gathered. His ac-acount of i t made Cicero intensely curious as to what went on. 327. M i l . 21,55 328. Pam. 1,9,15 329. Seat. 54 330.Att.2,1,15 531. Cael. 20 552. Cael.58 533. Att. 2,9,1 VI He besought Atticus to t e l l It to him in person. He had also 534 had a tal k with Clodia there, which was of great interest to his f r i e n d . In spite of his loathing f o r her Cicero used her at times, as she had considerable Influence. On one occasion he actually borrowed money from her to continue his building 335 operations. Because she was at one time the wife of Metellus Celer, Cicero appealed to her on one occasion to do what she could to stop her brother-in-law, Quintus Celer, the tribune, 356 from attacking him, Another time he writes to Atticus, "I think that though Crassus i s egging on Pompey, i f you were here and could f i n d out from the enemy through Juno how f a r the great men are to be trusted, I should either escape moles-tatio n altogether or at any rate I should no longer be i n the; 557 fog". Antony appears frequently in our authors as a disso-l u t e unprincipled man who makes a good example of the type 558 we are now engaged i n studying. While tribune he drove around i n a chariot preceded by l i c t o r s , among whom was carried an actress i n an open l i t t e r . Behind him came a carriage f u l l of prostitutes, while in the rear, came his unfortunate mother, of whom Cicero acidly said, "0 the disastrous fecundity of 559 that miserable woman!" At other times he carried around Cytheris, the actress, with him i n an open l i t t e r as h i s sec-ond wife, and seven other l i t t e r f i l l e d with prostitutes. For 540 a while he occupied Pompey•s old house which he turned into 334. Att.2,12,2 335.Att.13,29 336 Fam.5,2,6 557 Att.2,25,2 558. Phil.2,24,58 539. Att.10,10.5 340.Phil 2,41,105 72 a haunt of vice. Varro's house suffered the same fate.. In i t s owner's time i t had been the scene of many noble discus-sions of philosophy and the place where he r e t i r e d to pursue his studies, "Now every place was resounding with the voices of drunken men; the pavements were f l o a t i n g with wine; the walls were dripping; nobly born boys were mixing with the basest h i r e l i n g s ; prostitutes with the mothers of families 1'. One of the chief centres of this licentious way of l i f e was the resort of Baiae which we have mentioned before. 341 Caelius was marked down as a man who used perfume, never re-fused an i n v i t a t i o n to supper, and went often to Baiae. As to what happened there the following words are very suggestive, "l u s t s , and loves, gnd adulteries, and Baiae, and doings on the sea shore, and banquets, and revels, and songs and music 342 parties, and water par t i e s " . Such a mod© of l i f e was to be found largely amongst the youth of the c i t y . Cicero t e l l s us that many leaders of the state who appear so virtuous were formerly given up to such a l i f e and i n their early days were so well known fo r their luxury, debts, extravagance, and de-baucheries and managed to cover over t h e i r numerous youthful 343 errors by a l a t e r virtuous l i f e . One evening Cicero attended a "fast" banquet at the 344 home of Volumnius Eutrapelus, and wrote to Paetus actually from the dinner table. To his great surprise, next to Eutra-pelus reclined the actress Cytheris, Antony's mistress. He however, made i t quite clear to Paetus that he was never 341. Gael.11 342. Gael. 15 343. Gael, 18 344. Pam.9,26 73 tempted by such women. Most of such banquets were accompanied by considerable drinking u n t i l the gue sts threw a l l r e s t r a i n t to the winds. One of the effects of too much liquor on such occasions was that some people got up and danced throwing off a l l t h e i r clothes, actions which many men would have consider-545 ed as characteristics of a r e a l debauchee. At Antony's de-546 bauches Cicero t e l l s us that from the t h i r d hour there was one 347 scene of drinking, gambling, and vomiting. Poisoning was sometimes attempted at these gatherings, often with success. In the speech "Pro Cluentio", Avitus, as the charge said, had poison prepared for young Oppianus at his wedding feast. It was to be administered i n mead which a f r i e n d of Oppianus i n -tercepted on i t s way, drank, and died. Cicero asserted he merely died of some stomach ailment and not immediately a f t e r the alleged poisoning. Besides actual banquets pro f l i g a t e 548 men would hold drinking bouts at other time i n the day, Horace appeals to such men to r e f r a i n from violence which so often followed. Even on a journey they would spend time at some 349 wayside tavern indulging i n the pleasures of Bacchus. Let us now consider a few points in connection with the dress of the luxurious. We must not imply, however, thait a l l r i c h l y dressed people came under the heading of the "fast 350 set". In Horace we f i n d that perfume was very commonly em-ployed. Perfumed unguents were often poured on a young man's 551 352 hair to make g l i s t e n . Certain slaves would bring i t and pour 545.Pis.10 346.Phil.2,41 347.Cluent,60 548.Od.1,27 549.Phil.2,51 350. 0d.l,5,2 551.Od.2,7,7 352.Od.2,5.15 74 353 i t on to the scalp from special s h e l l s . Two chief kinds were 354 355 the Persian and the Syrian. On top of the head, as well, 356 often were garlands of flowers whose smell was almost drowned! by the surrounding perfume. There were special people who 357 sold perfumes, calle d "Unguentarii", of whom we have a cer-358 tain i n d ividual mentioned whose name was Plotius. In describ-359 ing Gabinius, Cicero says, "He at least had car e f u l l y dres-sed hair and perfumed fringes of curls, and anointed and care-f u l l y rouged cheeks'". In contrast we have the old Roman idea that "women were thought to have the best scent who used no 360 361 scent". In addition to perfumes, s i l k s , and jewels were com-362 mon in these c i r c l e s . We hear of Metella 1s pearl ear-rings 363 and also of emeralds. Of materials and colours we find amongst the most 364 expensive,"wool doubly dipped i n the African dye", robes dyed 365 366 with Getulian purple, or wool from Tarentum. Some kinds of purple were of a very dazzling hue. Besides wools, a very luxurious material was the l i g h t gauzy s i l k made i n the i s -367 land of Cos, and perhaps dyed with the celebrated Coan pur-ple. 368 Catiline's followers, who aped the extravagance of their leader had well combed h a i r . Some had well trimmed 353.Od. 2,7,23 354. 0d.3,l,44 355.Od.2,11,16 356.Od.2,7,7 357.Sat.2,3,228 358.Att.13,46 359.Pis.11 560.Att.2,1 361.Sat.1,2,36 562.Sat.2,3,239 365.Sat.1,2,80 564.Od.2,16,55 565.Ep. 2,2,181 566.Ep.2,1,207 367.Od.4,13,13 368.Cat.2,10 75 beards, while others were beardless. They wore long sleeved tunics or gowns reaching to the ankles, A t y p i c a l roue i s described as having "hair dripping with ointments, with care-f u l l y arranged locks, with heavy eyes, moist cheeks, a husky, 569 and drunken voice", or again "this ringletted dunce". Some-times a person would give himself up to luxurious dress mere-370 l y to attract attention, Horace mentions one man who wore three rings f o r that purpose, and never wore the same stripe two hours running. Beards were out of favour at this period. 371 Cicero refers to the men of the past with long shaggy beards as opposed to the men of his own day, with l i t t l e beards such as Clodia used to take a fancy to. Bong beards at this period 372 were affected by philosophers, and so Horace speaks of the 373 "beard of wisdom". Sometimes a man who has hitherto been poor and mo-derate i n his l i f e comes i n f o r a large fortune and gives him-374 self to riotous l i v i n g . Horace describes one such person, who as soon as he had received his legacy, issued a notice i n v i t i n g a l l fishermen, f r u i t e r e r s , fowlers, perfumers, cooks, buffoons, and any street peddlers, to come to his house the following morning. They arrived i n large numbers and one of them said that everything they had was at his service. He He then commissioned one of them to catch a wild boar f o r him i n the snows of Lucania, and another to go out on the ocean i n i c y storms, and bring back some f i s h . He told them 369. 1 Post Red,6 370. Sat. 2,7,8 371. Cael. 14 572. Sat.2,3,17 375. Sat.2,w,35 574. Sat.2,3,226 that he was unworthy to have a fortune and handed each person a large sum* F i n a l l y i n the matter of morality, Gicero sets a high standard. He i s a strong supporter of the f e s t i v a l of the Matronalia, which was held on March 1, as he f e e l s that care over language when sneaking to women i s the best correc-375 tive of coarse speech. In writing to Paetus from Volumnius 1 dinner table he expresses his revulsion against obscenity and t e l l s him that he was never tempted i n that di r e c t i o n , even when he was a young man. He spends one l e t t e r refuting 376 certain Stoic views on morality which may be summed up as f o l -lows, "If what is called impure language there is anything impure, i t must be in the thing or the word. It i s not i n the thing, f o r we have allusions to subjects:usually consid-ered impure i n unexceptionable passages from the dramatists. Nor in the word: f o r i f the impurity i s not i n the tiling, a f o r t i o r i i t cannot be i n the word. The prudishness of the day i s a l l nonsense. Therefore there i s nothing impure, therefore the Wise Man w i l l c a l l a spade a spade". 375. Fam. 9,26 576, Fam.9,22 77 Chapter 10 Children and Education In comparison with that of Greece, we find Roman .education, (and we are c h i e f l y concerned with that of the upper classes) comparatively unorganized. Before the period of Greek influence there were probably a few elementary " l u d i " , and afterwards we f i n d almost a r e p l i c a of the Greek system being introduced. We can glean considerable of information regarding education of thi s period from a close perusal of Cicero's writings, We s h a l l f i n d various people describing their own schooling. Let us consider f i r s t the education of Cicero's own son Marcus, which seemed to be almost e n t i r e l y carried on at home under tutors, before he l e f t f o r higher studies at Athens, 377 We hear Cicero writing to his brother and t e l l i n g him how much he thinks of Marcus' rhetoric master Paeonius, although he thinks his own system i s better and hopes to win him over to i t . Many of Marcus' lessons were taken with his young cousin 378 with whom he was on very f r i e n d l y terms, Cicero commissioned 379 Atticus to engage Dionysius to take up the 'position of tutor to himself, and the household. Dionysius proved rather a 380 thorn i n Cicero's side. At one time the l a t t e r admitted that i t would be impossible to get a more learned or devoted tutor, 381 whom at another time he act u a l l y ventured to c r i t i c i z e . Rather 377.Q.P.3.3,4 378. Att.6,1,12 379.Att.4,15,10 380.Att.6,1,12 381«Att.8,4 78 than get a new teacher, Cicero said he would teach the boys himself instSad of that "arch-chatterer, useless as a teacher". After a long period of study under these d i f f e r e n t tutors, Marcus went to Athens for more advanced work. He apparently enjoyed his stay there as we have a suspiciously glowing S82 account of i t i n a l e t t e r to T i r o . He was studying under Cratippus who was his constant companion and on very intimate terms with him. He also learned much from his next door neighbour Bruttius who carried on d a l l y l i t e r a r y discussions and research with him. Marcus practised declaiming i n Latin with him and i n Greek with Crassus 0 His father gave him some 383 advise on his studies saying that after a year under Cratippus at Athens he should be well versed i n the principles of philosophy. He advises him to practise composition i n both Latin and Greek, and says that he may continue as long as he l i k e s to study under Cratippus, "the best philosopher of the age". Cicero i s delighted on one occasion with a l e t t e r 384 Marcus writes him. He i s t h r i l l e d with i t s style which i n d i -cates considerable improvement i n his studies, as i s borne out by l e t t e r s from other people. We hear a great deal about Cicero's f i n a n c i a l arrangements for his son. He is ready to go to any s a c r i f i c e to see that he is provided with a l i b e r a l 385 allowance so that he may always be the "grand seigneur" . 386 Atticus i s to look a f t e r Marcus' f i n a n c i a l arrangements, and Cicero wants to know whether a draft for his allowance can be changed at Athens or whether he has to take the money with 382. Pam.16,21 385. Off.1,1 384.Att.15,16 585. Att.14,7 586. Att.12*24 ' 79 him. Cash is to be provided for luxuries as well as necessit-387 i e s . 388 On one occasion Cicero was very much worried that Marcus had mentioned nothing about finances i n his l e t t e r home. He had to l d Tiro i n a l e t t e r that he had received nothing since the end of his f i n a n c i a l year on A p r i l 1. This brought 389 f o r t h great protestations on his part that Marcus must want fo r nothing and must have a b i l l of exchange f o r his annual allowance, payable at Athens. Ovius reported that Marcus could get on n i c e l y with £700 per annum. However his father allowed him up to £800 which was to be got from the rent of some c i t y property. In addition extra money had to be pro-vided for when he came to Rome. For. other reasons besides money matters Cicero was 390 very anxious about his son's progress at Athens. He f e l t i t 391 most important to pay him a v i s i t , Messalla brought him back an excellent report, while one day Marcus wrote him such a f i n e l e t t e r that h i s father said he would not be ashamed to 392 read i t i n public. Trebonius gave perhaps the most glowing account of a l l of his progress saying that he was given up to the best forms of study and highly regarded by everyone, and was extremely popular i n Athens. Trebonius t r i e d to persuade Marcus to v i s i t Anaxagoras with him i n Asia, accompanied of -eourse by Cratippus, so that his father would not think he 393, was enjoying a holiday when he should be studying, 387.Att.l4,ll,2;17,5 388. Att.15,15,4 389.Att.16,1,5 390. Att.16,14,1 391.Att.15,17,2 392.Att.15,17,2 393.Att.12, 16 Young Quintus received much of his education with Marcus. Cicero t e l l s Quintus on one occasion that his hoy 394 -Is being admirably taught by Tyrannic. He was very anxious that"his studies progress well and even offered to teach him 395 himself personally* (His coming of age took place on the feast 396 of the Liberalia,50,B.C.) Besides the Cidero family we have comments on the 397 education-of many other persons. Cicero advises Lentulus to educate his son i n a l l his own accomplishments and make him 398 follow i n his footsteps. Marcus Caelius received a very s t r i c t t r a i n i n g and education f o r forensic labours and f o r a l l positions i n the state. From the time of his coming of age he was always accompanied by his father or by Cicero i n -structed him in everything that he needed. He formed close friendship too with other older men, so that he could more r e a d i l y imitate their virtues, and gave himself up to the same i n t e l l e c t u a l pursuits as a l l the leading young men of 399 his age. Crassus admits that personally he was not taught everything which he ought to have learned, but obtained most of his knowledge from his father. He started work i n the law carts very early, pleading his f i r s t case at the age of 21. His teacher was the customs, laws, i n s t i t u t e s , and t r a -ditions of the Roman people, while the forum was his class .room. Let us now look at the chief subjects learned either 394. Q.F.2,4,2 395.Q.F.2,14,2 596.Att.6,1,12 397.Fam.1,7 398. Gael.4 and 30 399.Or.5,74 -75 81 i n schools or under the tutor at home. F i r s t l e t us quote some general recommendations of Cicero as to the f i r s t p r i n -400 ciples* "The most early recommendation therefore i s modesty, obedience to parents, and affection f o r r e l a t i n s " . This 401 should serve as a basis f o r actual subject teaching. We hear of philosophy, mathematics, music, l i t e r a t u r e , rhetoric, etc., being taught in the schools of the time. For l i t e r a r y studies 402 the works of Ennius were widely read and also those of men l i k e Pacuvius, Acclus, Afranius, Plautus, Caecllius, Terence, and L i v i u s Andronicus. The l a t t e r author Horace p a r t i c u l a r l y mentions as having been studied by him as a c h i l d under his 403 master O r b i l i u s . As has been noted one of the chief studies 404 was declaiming, which was practised incessantly by a l l those who aspired to public l i f e . With regard to mathematics, geometry was r e s t r i c t e d to the p r a c t i c a l purposes of measur-405 ing and reckoning, althoagh the Greeks so greatly estemed i t , 406 Astronomy also was studied i n addition to l o g i c and law. It w i l l be noticed that the above subjects were almost e n t i r e l y taken by the sons of the well-to-do i n advanced r h e t o r i c a l schools, while the children of the masses learned p r a c t i c a l l y nothing but reading, writing,and a l i t t l e arithmetic, i f they could afford to attend a "ludus" and i f there was one near by. We hear of several teachers, one of the most imp or-407 tant of whom was the rheto r i c i a n Plotius, who was the f i r s t to teach rhetoric in L a t i n , Everyone flocked to his school, 400.Off.2,46 401. Or.1,8-12 402.Ep.2,1,50 403.Ep.2,1,70 T-£Mum ? q u 6 M>§y MtM%%li'Z'5 406,0ff.l,19 407 Cic.Ep.ad 82 but Cicero himself was not allowed to go there because his friends f e l t that he would be much better educated by learning 408 Greek declamation. His great philosophy teacher was Philo, 409 who profoundly influenced him. In the "De Ordtore" he defines the duty of a "grammaticus", another type of teacher, as "to comment on the poets, to teach history, to explain the mean-ing of words, to Impart a correct accent, and delivery". The 410 teachers usually had an assistant called a "hypodidascalus". As we have observed, much training was given by the 411 parents at home. Horace was deeply grateful to his father for the valuable lessons he had given him. By exhorting him to watch the mistakes of others he moulded his character along sound l i n e s . " It i s thanks to his t r a i n i n g that I am whole from a l l the vices which bring ruin; that the f a u l t s which s t i l l entangle me are lesser ones and such as you would excuse 412 Although he was a poor man Horace's father did not want to send him to Flav l u s ' school where boys went with satchels and tablets on the i r arms with their fees the very day they were due, but took him as a c h i l d to Rome to learn those arts that any-R:omanknight or senator could teach his own children. One of the most pleasant holidays of a school boy's 413 year was that of the Quinquatria or short spring holiday i n honour of Minerva, s t a r t i n g on March 19. However the frequent holidays were made up f o r by the f a c t that there were no r e a l -l y long holidays, as i n the schools of our own day. We f i n d 408. Brut. 306 409. Or. 1,187 410.Pam.9,18,4411. Sat.1,4,105 412. Sat.1,6,71 413.Sp.2,2,197 83 one or two quaint l i t t l e descriptions of c h i l d l i f e i n Horace. Someone holds out an apple to a sulky s h l l d , and he refuses it."'Take them, darling, 'He says, 'No'. I f you did nojf offer 414 them, he would cry f o r them". Again teachers sometimes gave 415 l i t t l e boys cakes to coax them Into learning their l e t t e r s . In the chapter on recreation we w i l l hear about children's games, including such things as dice, hoops, b a l l , quoits, and building sand castles and dolls;': houses. In closing this section l e t us look at the contrast expressed between Greek and Roman education of the day. 416 Polybius f e l t that education was the one thing that the Romans neglected, f o r they f e l t that i t should not be fix e d or regu-417 lated by laws or given to a l l classes of society. Scipio strongly c r i t i c i z e s the education of the Greek gymnasium, considering i t f r i v o l o u s , Indecent, and l i c e n t i o u s , forming 418 a very poor preparation f o r the task of war. Cicero, too, had many f a u l t s to f i n d with Greek education. He granted that the Greeks had learning, a knowledge of many arts, witty conversation, f l u e n t language, but f e l t that a scrupulous re-gard f o r truth i n giving evidence was singularly lacking, "They are u t t e r l y ignorant what is the meaning of that quality; they know nothing of i t s authority or weight". He admits that Romans have gone to school i n Greece and read Greek l i t e r a t u r e and on that basis consider themselves scholars and cultured 419 men. 414. Sat.2,3,258 415. Sat.1,1,25 416.Rep.4,3 417.Rep.4,4 418. Place.4 419. Tusc. 2, 27 84 Chapter 11 Entertaining In this section we s h a l l treat of the diff e r e n t kinds of s o c i a l intercourse the Romans enjoyed i n the i r homes, incllading v i s i t i n g , and dinner parties, the l a t t e r being the most usual form of entertainment and one which frequently lent i t s e l f to great magnificence. We see an interesting picture of a guest being re-ceived with proper ceremony when Cicero received Appius 421 Claudius at Laodicea. Appius' servant reached Cicero between nine and twelve o'clock at night, saying that his master would arri v e at Iconium before dawn, but did not know which of the two possible roads he would take. Cicero sent Varro by one road and Lepta by the other to meet him. Each was to send -word back to him as soon as they had met Appius, so that he might come and pay h i s respects. Ca l l s , as now, were made on new a r r i v a l s i n the neighbourhood and were returned as soon 422 as possible. We f i n d Pompey on a r r i v a l at his Cumaean estate immediately sent a messenger to Cicero with his respects. Cicero often complains of being too greatly bothered by quests 423 and v i s i t o r s . On one occasion he told Curio that aft e r having received large numbers who looked on him as i f he were some sort of rare object, he f e l t he wanted to go and bury himself i n his l i b r a r y . Perhaps the most celebrated v i s i t o r Cicero 421. Pam. 3,7 422. Att.4,10 423. Pam. 7,28.2 424 ever had to entertain was Caesar himself. Cicero was very agitated before hand but was pleased to f i n d how smoothly everything went off, even though he was very disturbed at the two thousand soldiers his guest brought with him. After a walk on the beach in the afternoon, followed by a bath and a rub-down, Caesar sat down to dinner i n the main dining room with the distinguished quests, while his retinue were ade-quately entertained elsewhere i n the v i l l a . There was no 425 ta l k of p o l i t i c s but a good deal about l i t e r a t u r e . Guests too arrived sometimes at dusk just about the time of the lamp l i g h t i n g , and had to be put up for the night. On special occasions such as a birthday we find the houses being got 426 ready f o r a party. Horace gives us a v i v i d description of household preparations f o r an entertainment i n the evening. The family i s preparing Alban wine, masses of parsley and i v y f o r garlands. The house shines with cleanliness and polish-ing while the family a l t a r stands ready f o r the sprinkling of s a c r i f i c i a l blood® Everyone is bustling to and f r o while even the f i r e i s i n a state of excitement and r o l l s up whistling columns of smoke to the c e i l i n g . But dinner was, par excellence, the time f o r enter-taining one's guests. We are fortunate to have extant a number of descriptins of dinner parties which enable us to form a good picture of what they were l i k e . Our most v i v i d description i s that of a banquet given by the miser, Nasidie-427 nus, who was acting the extravagant. It started at mid-day, 424.Att,13,52 425.Att.15,27 426. Od.4,11 427. Sat.2,8 86 or three hours before the normal time* The more fashionable a dinner, the e a r l i e r i t began, although three o'clock was considered a good average time. The f i r s t dish consisted of a Lucanian boar, which was somewhat high, surrounded with rapes, lettuces, radishes, s k i r r e t s , anchovies, and dregs of Coan wine. When thi s course was finished a slave came in and cleared and wiped down the table. Then the different wines were brought i n , a l l being of a very choice variety. Horace got much amusement from watching the guests, r e c l i n i n g as was customary, three on a couch on three sides of the table. One of the guests was busy swallowing cakes whole* After the wine came fowls, oysters, f i s h (containing a strange juice) and the e n t r a i l s of a plaice and turbot. To the horror of the host many of the guests consumed large quantities of wine and c a l l e d for larger goblets. What Nasidienus was par-t i c u l a r l y proud of was a lamprey surrounded by f l o a t i n g shrimps. A great sensation took place when the tapestry sus-pended over the table f e l l down and smothered everything and everyone with dust. What with that and the general style of the meal Horace remarks, "I would not choose to have seen any t h e a t r i c a l entertainment sooner than these things". F o l -lowing that incident there were brought i n a crane sprinkled in s a l t , the l i v e r of -a goose fed with fattening f i g s , wings of a hare town of f , blackbirds with scorched breasts and ring doves without the rumps. Horace adds that they would have been delicious i f Nasislenus had not given the history of each dish that was brought on. Other diversions were caused by the antics of the waiter. We come across some Interesting discussions of dinners in Cicero's l e t t e r s to his friend Paetus. His other friends, H i r t i u s and Dolabella, he p l a y f u l l y writes to 428 Paetus, have been teaching him the art of dining. He joking-l y accuses Paetus of giving him cheap and simple food l i k e p i l o t - f i s h and tunny, and smoked-fish-and-cheese. He pre-tends to Paetus that he has developed very luxurious tastes and w i l l not be able to stand the frugal meal his mother serves. Whatever he eats has to' be of high quality and must not include "broken meats1'. He says Paetus w i l l never have the courage to give him his former simple d i e t , or a squid cooked i n red sauce to resemble the red coloured figures of Jupiter which were introduced on certain f e s t i v a l s . He i s also reminded not to have any f a i t h in the hors-d'oeuvre. What we c a l l hors-d'oeuvre, the Romans called a "promulais", consisting of eggs, o l i v e s , salt f i s h , and sausages. Sudden-l y he becomes serious. "But why a l l this babble-but r e a l l y -you may f a l l back upon good old smoked f i s h and cheese". On 429 another occasion Cicero dined at Nicias where he had a splen-did dinner of mushrooms and huge prawns. But most of a l l he enjoyed the witty conversation, which he f e l t aided the d i -430 gestion. At H i r t i u s ' dinners, Cicero says that he had con-sumed on d i f f e r e n t occasions more peacocks than Paetus would have pigeons. Very d i f f e r e n t i n style is the description of a very 428, Pam.9,16 429. Pam.9,10,2 430. Pam. 9, 18 88 '431 sordid dinner. On the table were huge goblets and heaps of half bad meat. The waiters were slaves, d i r t y and old, as also were the cook and butler, and porter. The master got his food from some low establishment. His servants were Greeks and reclined f i v e on a couch. He used to s i t by himself and drink t i l l the cask was dry. There he sat u n t i l cock-crow when he ordered the table to be cleared. Let us examine now the actual dishes served at some of these entertainments. We f i n d a well known phrase "ab ovo usque ad mala1', meaning f r e e l y , the dinner from beginning to end. Eggs were commonly eaten at the beginning of the meal and formed part of the "promulsis" or "gestatio", which also 432 included sausage, ol i v e s , salt f i s h , etc. Roast veal or fowl appears to have been the l a s t course before "mala" or dessert. At a dinner of Paetus' we also f i n d " f r u i t p o t t l e s " and ome-le t t e s , as well as a peacock. He also was capable of serving 433 cheese and herrings which were signs of a very fr u g a l meal. 434 Atticus also dines at times on a similar dish of f i s h and 435 cheese. We f i n d i n Horace, Catius giving a lengthy discourse on cookery. He discusses f i r s t the different dishes of the "promulsis" recommending the best kind of eggs. A chicken, i f tough, i s to be softened with Palernian wine mixed with water. Mushrooms are to be gathered from the meadows as being the only r e l i a b l e kind. As laxatives he recommends limpets and coarse cockles and leaves of the small sorrel i n 431.Pis.27,67 452. Pam.9,20 455. Att.14,16 454. A t t . 4,8 a , l 455. Sat.2,4 89 addition to Coan white wine. "Let no one presumptuously ar-rogate to himself the science of banqueting, unless the nice doctrine of tastes has been previously considered by him with exact system". Special attention must be paid to sauces. A boar from Umbria fed on acorns of the scarlet oak is strongly recommended. Copious directions are given with regard to the wine which formed such a prominent part of a Roman dinner. Great care must be taken that food i s t a s t i l y served. Catius says i t is no use spending large sums on f i s h and then serv-ing i t i n an unsuitable dish. It spoils a person's appetite i f the slave handles the dishes with d i r t y hands, or l i c k s up snacks, or i f there i s any d i r t i n the cups. 436 As already noted, mushrooms were a common dish and won added popularity by not being included i n Caesar's sump-tuary law. Cicero's epicure f r i e n d Paetus, takes f u l l advan-tage of t h i s , and introduces them to his table, as well as pot-herbs and other greens, and flavours them d e l i c i o u s l y , much 437 to Cicero's discomfort. Besides peacocks, we hear that nigh-438 tingales were considered a great luxury. Horace relates how the two sons of Ar r i u s , a pair of ne'er-do-wells, used to breakfast each morning on them, raised at great cost. A 439 school boy supper we are told consisted of herbs. 440 In one of h i s l e t t e r s Cicero expresses his regret that Paetus has given up his custom of going out to dinner and i s afraid that he w i l l soon give up holding small dinner 436.Fam.9,15.5 439.Sat.2,1,76 437.Fam.7,25,2 438.Sat.2,3,245 440. Fam.9,24 90 p a r t i e s . He c o n s i d e r s i t a l l has a b e a r i n g on a happy l i f e . He p e r s o n a l l y enjoys n o t so much t h e p l e a s u r e of e a t i n g as the common l i f e and r e l a x a t i o n of mind a t banquets. They a re an e x c e l l e n t f o r m of c o n v i v i a l i t y . D i n i n g out i s an e x c e l -441 l e n t r e s t o r a t i v e of poor h e a l t h . He i s a v e r y s m a l l e a t e r and a f o e t o e x p e n s i v e d i n n e r s , and asks Paetus t o prepare 442 a c c o r d i n g l y . B a n q u e t i n g Is a good pastime f o r o l d age i n s p i t e of t h e f a c t t h a t o l d men have l o s t t h e i r d e s i r e f o r e a t i n g and d r i n k i n g . H i s c h i e f p l e a s u r e i s i n c o n v e r s a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y " t h a t c o n v e r s a t i o n w h i c h a f t e r the manner of our a n c e s t o r s i s k e p t over our cups from t h e top of the t a b l e : and t h e cups, as i n the Symposium of Xenophon, s m a l l and dewy, and the c o o l i n g of the wine i n summer, and i n t u r n e i t h e r t he sun, or the f i r e i n w i n t e r : p r a c t i c e s w h i c h I am accustomed t o f o l l o w among the Sabines a l s o , and 1 d a i l y -j o i n a p a r t y of n e i g h b o u r s , whi ch we p r o l o n g w i t h v a r i o u s c o n v e r s a t i o n t i l l l a t e a t n i g h t , a s f a r as we can. I n o l d age, t h e n , we do not f i n d h e a v i l y l a d e n d i n n e r t a b l e s , and i n c e s s a n t g o b l e t s of wine w i t h the r e s u l t a n t i n d i g e s t i o n and i n s o m n i a . I n s t e a d of t h a t we f i n d c o n v i v i a l i t y of the typ e o u t l i n e d above". C i c e r o p r e f e r s the word f o r a banquet 443 " c o n v i v i u m " , d r i n k i n g t o g e t h e r , o r " c o n c o e n a t i o " or d i n i n g t o g e t h e r . He c o n s i d e r s t h e Greeks t h e r e f o r e put g r e a t e s t s t r e s s on the l e a s t i m p o r t a n t p a r t of a banquet. We f i n d some c l e v e r p i c t u r e s of g l u t t o n y and e x t r a -441.Pam.9,23 442. Sen. 14 443. Sen. 13 91 vagance a t meals. Perhaps N a s i d i e n u s ' d i n n e r , w h i c h we have d e s c r i b e d i n d e t a i l above, i s the b e s t . E a t i n g r a p i d l y d e v e l -oped i n t o g l u t t o n y w i t h t h e a n c i e n t Romans, wh i c h appeared t o be as common as drunkenness. On one o c c a s i o n C i c e r o v i s i t e d 444 L u c i u s P i s o and fo u n d him i n a t e r r i b l e c o n d i t i o n a f t e r a tremendous orgy o f e a t i n g and d r i n k i n g i n a n e i g h b o u r i n g t a v -ern? He came out w i t h h i s head wrapped up, r e e k i n g of the low shop where he had been and made the excuse t h a t on acco u n t of h i s h e a l t h he had had t o have r e c o u r s e t o some "vinous r e -medies" . He, i n a r e v o l t i n g c o n d i t i o n f r o m h i s i n d u l g e n c e , drove o f f C i c e r o and h i s companion w i t h f i l t h y language and b e h a v i o u r . The l o v e of d i n i n g had reached such a p i t c h w i t h 445 Paetus t h a t he had s o l d h i s pony to pay f o r h i s f o o d and o n l y l e f t a mule. A prominent p a r t of banquet was t h e d r i n k -i n g of wine, whi 1 e o f t e n p a r t i e s were h e l d p u r e l y f o r i n d u l -446 447 gence i n l i q u o r . On one o c c a s i o n Horace s i n g s of the p l e a -sures o f good d r i n k i n g . " I t u n l o c k s s e c r e t s , b i d s hopes t o be c e r t a i n t i e s , t h r u s t s the cowards i n t o the f r a y , t a k e s t h e i r l o a d f rom a n x i o u s h e a r t s , teaches new accomplishments. The l i f e g i v i n g wine cup, whom has i t not made e l o q u e n t , whom has i t not made f r e e even i n the p i n c h of p o v e r t y ? " I n ano-t h e r passage he speaks of " t r u t h - t e l l i n g Bacchus who opens the 448 s e c r e t s of the heart".. B e s i d e s e a t i n g and d r i n k i n g o t h e r customs may be n o t i c e s i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h banquets. They were o f t e n g r e a t l y 4 4 4 . P i s . 6 445. Pam.9,18,4 446. Sat.1,4,86 447. Ep.1,5 448. Sat.1,4,86 92 449 p r o l o n g e d t h r o u g h much t a l k , f o o l i s h and o t h e r w i s e , o f t e n brought on by the e f f e c t s - o f wine. Sometimes people were c a l l e d i n t o s i n g a t the banquets. A c e r t a i n s i n g e r c a l l e d 450 P I o r u s was a b l e t o e n t e r t a i n t h e guests over t h e i r wine 451 b u t was not much o f an a r t i s t . Horace speaks of T i g e l l i u s , who, i f i n go od humour, would s i n g "Io Bacche 1' up and down the s c a l e f r o m t h e f i r s t course t o the l a s t . I t was c u s t o -mary f o r g u e s t s t o l e a v e o f f t h e i r s l i p p e r s a t the t a b l e 452 and r e c l i n e i n bare f e e t . 449. Ep. 1,7,71 450. Ep.2,2,9 452. Sat. 2,8,74 95 Chapter 12 R e c r e a t i o n A l a r g e p a r t of a Roman's l i f e was spent i n r e c r e -a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y i n the l a t t e r p a r t of the p e r i o d under con-s i d e r a t i o n . Such an i d e a would have been repugnant t o the a u s t e r e l e a d e r s of an e a r l i e r age, such as o l d Cato. But i n -c r e a s i n g p r o s p e r i t y and s e c u r i t y abroad brought g r e a t e r w e a l t h t o Rome, and so the w e a l t h i e r c i t i z e n s v i e d w i t h each o t h e r i n e x t r a v a g a n t e n t e r t a i n m e n t f o r t h e masses. S i d e by s i d e w i t h v a s t and e l a b o r a t e g l a d i a t o r i a l games and w i d e l y p a t r o -n i z e d t h e a t r i c a l performances we f i n d i n d i c a t i o n s of the p r e s e n c e of many typ e s of s i m p l e amusements and a t h l e t i c s w h i c h a r e s t i l l p o p u l a r today. A g r e a t impetus was g i v e n t o r e c r e a t i o n by the p r e -sence i n t h e Roman c a l e n d a r of so -many, h o l i d a y s , r e l i g i o u s and s e c u l a r . A boon t o s c h o o l b o y s , they must have proved 453 a s o r e t r i a l t o b u s i n e s s l i f e . C i c e r o says t h a t on t h e s e days everybody s h o u l d be r e l e a s e d f r o m work and engage i n no l e g a l s u i t s and g i v e h i s s l a v e s time o f f f rom t h e i r d u t i e s . He a l s o recommends t h a t these p e r i o d s s h o u l d be spread e v e n l y t h r o u g h the y e a r so t h a t t h e r e w i l l not be too g r e a t an i n -t e r f e r e n c e w i t h everyday l i f e . T h i s goes to show t o t h a t an e x t e n t these f e s t a l p e r i o d s must have a f f e c t e d d a i l y ex-454 i s t e n c e . I n a n o t h e r passage C i c e r o p l e a d s f o r a c e s s a t i o n 453. L e g . 2, 12 454. L e g , 8, 15 94 of a l l d i s p u t e s a t t h e r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l s , and f o r an oppor-t u n i t y f o r s e r v a n t s t o be a b l e to b e n e f i t by them as i s t h e i r due. One of the most i m p o r t a n t h o l i d a y s was t h a t of the 455 S a t u r n a l i a h e l d l a t e i n December, I t r o u g l y corresponded t o our C h r i s t m a s h o l i d a y s and was h e l d i n honour of t h e god S a t u r n . I t marked the c o m p l e t i o n of the f a l l sowings, and was u s u a l l y accompanied by g r e a t merrymaking and o f t e n un-b r i d l e d l i c e n s e . C o r r e s p o n d i n g t o our E a s t e r h o l i d a y s i n the spring,was t h e g r e a t f e s t i v a l of Bacchus on March 17, known as the L i b e r a l i a . I t was a time when many boys r e c e i v e d t h e r ,toga v i r i l i s 1 ' and went i n p r o c e s s i o n t o the C a p i t o l where a s a c r i f i c e of cakes was made. C i c e r o i n a l e t t e r t o 456 , A t t i c u s t e l l s us how Quintus had asked him t o c e l e b r a t e h i s son's e n t r y i n t o manhood on t h a t d a t e . He a l s o acknowledges the r e c e i p t o f a l e t t e r f r o m h i s f r i e n d C o r n i f i c i u s on the 457 same day. F o l l o w i n g c l o s e l y was a n o t h e r f e s t i v a l i n honour of M i n e r v a c a l l e d t h e Q u i n q u a t r i a , w h i c h l a s t e d f r o m March 19 t o t h e 2 5 r d . I n t h e f a l l was a n o t h e r p e r i o d of g r e a t 458 r e j o i c i n g known as the L u d i Roman! w h i c h were h e l d i n honour of J u p i t e r . A l e t t e r of C i c e r o ' s t o C a e l i u s i n d i c a t e s t h e s u s p e n s i o n of law s u i t s f o r the d u r a t i o n o f the f e s t i v a l . There were c e r t a i n movable f e s t i v a l s c a l l e d " f e r i a e concep-t i v a e " w h i c h were c e l e b r a t e d on days a p p o i n t e d by t h e p r i e s t s or m a g i s t r a t e s . They i n v o l v e d the s u s p e n s i o n of p u b l i c b u s i -ness f o r a week, and so were a u s e f u l t o o l i n the hands of 445.Att.13,52 456, A t t . 6 , 1 457. Fam.12,25,1 458. Fam.8,8,1 u n s c r u p u l o u s m a g i s t r a t e s . The most i m p o r t a n t of t h e s e was 459 t h e " f e r i a e L a t i n a e " or L a t i n f e s t i v a l , w h i c h was c e l e b r a t e d a t u n c e r t a i n p e r i o d s . Of a d i f f e r e n t n a t u r e were the " f e r i a e 460 deni - c a l e s " which were f u n e r a l s o l e m n i t i e s f o r the p u r i f i c a -t i o n ' o f the f a m i l y of the deceased. These were f i x e d when no oth e r p e c u l i a r f e s t i v a l s i n t e r v e n e d , which C i c e r o con-s i d e r s shows t h e i r s p e c i a l s a n c t i t y . He urges the people to e x e r c i s e moderation i n the ceremonies on such o c c a s i o n s and p o i n t s out t h a t the law f o r b i d s p e o p l e t o i n d u l g e i n e l a b o -r a t e mourning and expense i n honour of the dep a r t e d s p i r i t s , and a l s o p r o h i b i t s unnecessary extravagance i n t h e e r e c t i o n 461 462 of tombs. I n Horace's time we f i n d a p u b l i c h o l i d a y on Caesar's b i r t h d a y , a n o c c a s i o n w h i c h would p r o v i d e an e x t r a l o n g l i e - a - b e d . A c l e a r p i c t u r e of t h e importance of these f e s t i v a l s may be gained i n the opening p o r t i o n s of C i c e r o ' s defence of Marcus C a e l i u s . C i c e r o says t h a t i f a man were p r e s e n t a t the t r i a l who was i g n o r a n t of Roman laws and l e g a l p r o c e e d i n g s , "he would i n t r u t h wonder what g r e a t a t r o c i t y t h e r e i s i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r cause of so s e r i o u s a n a t u r e , as t o cause t h i s t r i a l a l o n e . t o be proceeded w i t h d u r i n g these days of f e s t i v a l and p u b l i c games when a l l o t h e r f o r e n s i c 465 b u s i n e s s i s i n t e r r u p t e d " . Perhaps the. most i m p o r t a n t f u n c t i o n on days of p u b l i c h o l i d a y s was t h e g l a d i a t o r i a l games. These drew Roman c i t i z e n s by t h e thousand e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e l a t t e r p a r t of our 459. Q.P.2,4,2; A t t . 1 , 3 460. L e g . 2,22 461. Leg.2,25 462. Ep. 1,5,8 463, G a e l . 1,1 p e r i o d . Murena on one o c c a s i o n gave as a e d i l e a p a r t i c u l a r l y m a g n i f i c e n t d i s p l a y a t the games as w e l l as a t h e a t r i c a l ex-h i b i t i o n , , They made a tremendous i m p r e s s i o n on the audience who. - -were e x t r e m e l y f o n d of them. T h i s would prove of g r e a t importance t o Murena's f u t u r e c a r e e r , as a p a r t i c u l a r l y suc-c e s s f u l p e r i o d of games would w i n him g r e a t f a v o u r i n the - 464 eyes of the masses. C i c e r o i n f o r m s us t h a t , "Games a r e a g r e a t d e l i g h t t o men even t o t h o s e who a r e ashamed to own i t , and n o t t o those o n l y who c o n f e s s i t " . Such games were com-465 monly g i v e n a t the o c c a s i o n s of a man's de a t h . C i c e r o urges C. S c r i b o n i u s C u r i o not t o h o l d games on t h e o c c a s i o n of h i s f a t h e r ' s d e a t h . The young man has e n t r u s t e d h i s freedman Rupa w i t h t h e t a s k , b u t i s d i s s u a d e d by C i c e r o and h i s other f r i e n d s , who t e l l him t h a t he w i l l g a i n p o l i t i c a l advancement f a r more by h i s n a t u r a l g i f t s and h i s enthusiasm, than by g i v i n g p u b l i c games i n memory o f h i s f a t h e r . I t was custom-a r y a t the g l a d i a t o r i a l shows f o r t h e c o n s u l t o have a l a r g e number of r e s e r v e d s e a t s a t h i s d i s p o s a l f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n 466 among h i s f r i e n d s . C l o d i u s complained t h a t C l c e r o would not g i v e t h e S i c i l i a n s s e a t s , and s a i d he i n t e n d e d t o s t a r t t h e p r a c t i c e . C i c e r o had been q u a e s t o r i n S i c i l y and was r e g a r d -ed by t h e S i c i l i a n s as t h e i r p a t r o n . C l o d i u s a l s o c l a i m e d the p o s i t i o n . He a p p l i e d t o h i s s i s t e r C l o d i a t o g e t s e a t s f o r them, a s she bad m a r r i e d the c o n s u l M e t e l l u s . She c o u l d o n l y g i v e him s t a n d i n g room f o r them. The g l a d i a t o r s themselves who had the a l l - i m p o r t a n t 464. Mur.19 465. Pam.2,5 466. Att.2,1,5 r o l e i n these shows were slaves, and were looked upon with contempt. One of the greatest insults that could he given to a man was to c a l l him a gladiator. Cicero i n a l e t t e r to Cornl-ficius i s not content with c a l l i n g Antony, his h i t t e r enemy,"the greatest scoundrel in the world", but adds the 467 supreme epithet of "homo gladiator". The notorius demagogue, 468 C a t i l i n e , was accused of having as a large source of his sup-port the lowest types to /be found i n any of the g l a d i a t o r i a l schools. In thi s charge gladiators were associated with a l l the prisoners, thieves, and assassins throughout I t a l y . Galus Cato was on one occasion made the object of public redicule by his association with gladiators. He had bought some from Cosconius and Atticus and never appeared in public without them as an armed bodyguard. He had great d i f f i c u l t y i n sup-porting them. Mllo, on hearing of t h i s , arranged with an acquaintance, not an intimate f r i e n d of his own, to buy the gang from Cato. R a c i l i u s , the tribune, acting i n concert with Milo, claimed to be the purchaser and advertised the gang for sale as the "Catonian gang", thus making Cato the 469 laughing stock of the town. One of the lowest types of glad-470 lator was the "andabata", who fought b l i n d f o l d so as to ap-peal to the lowest elements of the audience. Even the most outspoken c r i t i c found some good i n these shows. Cicero draws an analogy between the ordinary man's enduring of pain and that suffered by a gladiator i n the arena. He t e l l s how they suffer the heaviest blows and 467,. Pam.12,22 468. Cat.2,4,5 469. Q.P.2,4.5 470.Pam.7,10,2 9B 471 endure them i n silence. Lucceius in writing to Gicero exhor-ted him to keep on hoping and keep up his courage and used 472 as an i l l u s t r a t i o n the varying fortunes of the g l a d i a t o r i a l combats. Wealthy men often maintained schools of gladiators 473 such as Caesar's establishment at Capua where he had 5,000 i n t r a i n i n g . Through fear of trouble a r i s i n g from them, Pompey had the school broken up and distributed two a piece to heads of f a m i l i e s , as a precautionary measure. Another practice of wealthy Romans was to make an investment i n a troop of gladiators, by buying and t r a i n i n g them, giving a successful show, and then s e l l i n g them at a p r o f i t to the 474 aedile f o r the public games. We f i n d A t t i c u s being congrat-ulated for the high standard of his gladiators. Cicero re-minds him that i f he had rented them out he would have covered his expenses on two performances, G l a d i a t o r i a l shows f o r obvious reasons became a very powerful weapon in the hands of men who were standing as can-didates f o r the different magistracies. Things got so bad that a law was introduced which forbade anyone to exhibit them within two years of his standing f o r o f f i c e , the only exception being to f u l f i l a clause i n a w i l l which required 475 a performance on a certain specified day. Many infringements of _this regulation were made, as can be seen i n certain of Cicero 1s law cases. He strongly censured Vatinius for his 471. Tucs. 2,46 472. Fam.5,15,5 475. Att.7,14,2 474. Att.4,4b, 2 475 Vat. 37 99 "Insanity" i n breaking the law i n this regard. He considers that Vatinius, through a passion f o r popularity assembled a large troop mostly consisting of the scum of the j a i l s * The defendant made the plea that the law forbade the shows i n which gladiators fought, while he merely showed men f i g h t i n g with wild beasts. He also claimed that he. did not exhibit gladiators, but just one single gladiator. We f i n d g l a d i a t o r i a l shows one of the chief places for the expression of public opinion on many important matters For such a purpose they held equal rank with the comitia and 476 the assembly. At one p a r t i c u l a r performance the populace ex-477 pressed their views by overwhelming Pompey and his associates with hisses, Unfortuna t e l y a person could not r e l y on the opinions expressed at the games, as so often the applause was; purchased beforehand by some unscrupulous p o l i t i c i a n . From these remarks i t can be well seen how important an i n s t i t u t i o n these shews were, not only f o r purposes of recreation but also f o r p o l i t i c a l reasons. The procuring of animals for the games was a matter of the highest importance. During Cicero's stay i n Asia we hear a great deal of directions being given to him by h i s young f r i e n d Marcus Caelius i n Rome, who has to provide cer-478 ta i n shows, Caelius urged Cicero to procure him some panthers from Cibyra and to write a l e t t e r of instruction to an agent i n Pamphylia on the subject. He t o l d Cicero that he need only see to having them caught and that arrangements had already 476. Sext.54,50 477. Att.2,17,5 478. Fam.8,9,5 100 been made for men to feed them and have them shipped off to 479 Rome. On another occasion Caelius bewailed the fact that he nearly had to dispense with his games owing to a lack of animals. He was saved from such a course only because Curio had presented him with some animals which had been shipped 480 from A f r i c a f o r his own games. Cicero wrote to Caelius from Laodicea and informed him that he was attending to the matter with the assistance of the regular panther hunters. He was, however, surprised how few panthers were obtainable and added1. "they t e l l me that those there are, b i t t e r l y complain that i n my province no snares are set f o r any l i v i n g creature but themselves, and so they have decided to emigrate from t h i s province into Caria", a gentle hint of his own competence as p r o v i n c i a l governor. Besides panthers, elephants were also used i n these 481 combats. Cicero i n w r i t i n g to Marius gives us a clear i n -sight into hi s f e e l i n g on the matter. He admits that wild-beast hunts twice a day f o r f i v e days are magnificent, but asks what pleasure an educated man can derive from seeing a weak human being torn to pieces by a huge animal or a magni-f i c e n t animal being put to death with a spear. Furthermore he points out, that, even i f there is something worth while, once i s quite enough. The l a s t day of this series was devoted to elephant hunting. Cicero says that the crowd was very im-pressed by what they saw but derived no pleasure from i t . "Indeed the r e s u l t was a certain compassion and a kind of 479. Fam.8,9,10 480. Fam.2,11,2 481. Fam.7,1,3 101 f e e l i n g that huge beast has a fellowship with the human race". It i s refreshing to f i n d i n an age where human l i f e was so cheap such a merciful attitude towards animals and such a re-vulsion from the horrors of the arena. Another very popular form of entertainment was the theatre. We s h a l l begin a discussion of this by examining comedy, which was the most prevalent form of play. The chief' types of drama found i n the Roman theatre were the Atellan plays, which had fixe d or stock characters, mimes, which flourished p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the l a t t e r half of the f i r s t cen-tury B.C., and the regular comedy and tragedy, introduced by Liv i u s Andronicus in the 3rd centry B.C. The Roman comedy proper was mdcelled along the lines of the new Greek comedy. Tragedy also was performed, while i n r u r a l areas the ancient Versus Pescennini flourished. They consisted of dialogues of alternate stanzas and went to such lengths of r a i l l e r y that they threatened the reputation of the highest families i n the land. The r e s u l t was that a law was passed f orbidding any persons to be attacked i n lampoon. It was further modi-482 f l e d by the introduction of the new Greek comedy. 483 Cicero claims that the only thing which made men accept the scandalous exhibitions of the comedies was their authorization by the common customs of l i f e . He also points out that the ancient Greek t r i e d to correct this tendency to licentiousness by passing a law that a censorship should be set up to define what subjects could be legitimately dealt 482. Ep. 2,1,145 Leg. 483. Rep.4,10 102 .' } . 484 with in a comedy. The plot should have some regard to pos-s i b i l i t y . For example, we should not have to \vatch a per-formance in which "a l i v e boy is drawn from the b e l l y of a Lamia who hajs just dined on him", as every play which is not 485 productive of p r o f i t i s driven from the stage. Horace also draws our, attention to the fact that,, contrary to what most people think, comedy is much less d i f f i c u l t than tragedy as i t s subjects are drawn from real l i f e . He says that Plautus delineated a l l his characters, such as the young lover, the s t r i c t father, the p l o t t i n g pander, and the parasite, so well, but that he was very careless about his style and always hurried away from the stage as soon as he had pocketed his money. In one of his frequent analogies between the stage and human l i f e , he urges each man to study his own c a p a b i l i t i e s so as to be able to im p a r t i a l l y r e a l i z e his own good and bad points. If men do not do that, he adds, the actors w i l l be more sensible, as they do not choose of themselves what they think i s the most outstanding play, but each one picks f o r himself the one which best suits his own talent. "Those who r e l y on t h e i r voices choose the *Epigoni' or the'Modus'; the best actors the 'Menalippa', or the 'Clytaemnestra', Rupllius who, as I remember, always played i n the 'Antiope'; Aesopus seldom chose .the 'Ajax'. He concludes by asking whether an actor who does this f o r purposes of the state w i l l 486 not be copied i n r e a l l i f e by every wise man. And now to come to actual plays and performances of 484. A.P.340 485. Ep.2,1,172 486. Off.1,31 IDS 487 which we have so many accounts i n our two authors. Paetus, Cicero's f r i e n d , of whom we s h a l l hear a good deal l a t e r on in connection with his erase f o r giving dinner parties, laun-ched- Into drama and staged a mime of farce instead of the 488 older type of A t e l l a n play, Cicero in a l e t t e r to Marius, describes a splendid performance given by Pompey at the dedication of h i s theatre, but which was decidedly boring. Even the great -'actor Aesop was so poor that day that nobody would have been sorry i f he had stopped i n the middle and l e f t o f f . The chief thing of note was the magnificence of the spectacle. In the play c a l l e d "Clytaemnestra" six hundred mules were brought on the stage, and i n the "Trojan Horse", three thousand bowls and a l l the paraphernalia for some big b a t t l e . Gicero adds that Marius would have got f a r more pleasure out of the proceedings of his own tov/n council at Pompeii than any of the mimes produced on that stage, A similar t a l e of colossal display is described i n one of 489 Horace's e p i s t l e s . The play lasted f o r four hours and over, while vast numbers of cavalry and infantry moved over the stage, also chariots, l i t t e r s , carriages, ships, ivory, and "captive Corinth". More remarkable to Horace than the splen-dour of the stage was the audience i t s e l f , who made such a tremendous noise that "you would think the groves of Garganus -or the Tuscan sea was roaring, with so great a noise are viewed the shows and contrivances and foreign riches". Another custom i n the Roman theatre was to scatter 487. Pam.9,16,7 488. Pam.7,1 489. Ep.21,1,145 Leg. 1,04 490 perfumed waters everywhere and strew flowers upon the stage. Cicero i n trying to prove the f a l s i t y of the charge that Caelius had poisoned Clodia said that i t resembled the end of a farce rather than that of a regular comedy. Where i t was not possible to produce a regular end i n a farce "some-one escapes out of some one else'a hands, the whistle sounds, 491 and the curtain drops. The Romans had a s'Siort of musical i n -strument called a "scabillum" which when kicked with the foot always emitted the same sound. It apparently was used to denote the beginning and end of the act. Contrary to our custom the curtain was down during the performance and drawn up at the end of an act. One of the chief functions of the plays, as'of''the g l a d i a t o r i a l shows, was to s a t i r i z e and r i d i c u l e many of the notable people of the times*, At the Apollinarian games the 492 actor Diphilus made a violent attack on Pompey i n his l i n e s , "'By our misfortunes thou a r t great' was encored again and again, 'A time w i l l come when thou wi l t rue that night' he declaimed amidst the cheers of the whole audience, and so on with the r e s t . Per indeed the verses do look as though they had been written f o r the occasion by an enemy of Pompey. 'If neither law nor custom can constrain', etc. was received with a tremendous uproar and outcry'". Cicero i n one l e t t e r asked —Atticus to l e t him know who .was cheered by the audience at 493. the mimes, and what epigrams were made by the actors. He warned Trebatius, who was at the time i n B r i t a i n , that i f he 490.Ep.2,1,80 Leg. 491.Cael.27 492.Att.2,19 493 Att.14,3 105 stayed there much longer with nothing to show f o r i t , he was a f r a i d that the mime writers Laberius and Valerius would take f u l l advantage of i t . Trebatius on a r r i v a l back in Rome might hear, of a new character on the stage called the "Lawyer i n 494 B r i t a i n " . Cicero 8s great enemy Clodlus, the "very chief 495 buffoon of a l l " went one day to see a play call e d "The Pre-496 tender". The actors looking r i g h t at Clodius strongly em-phasized the words "To such a l i f e as yours", and "The con-tinuous course and end of your wicked l i f e " . He was nearly scared to death by what they hinted at. There was hardly a phrase in the play bearing on the events of the times whi ch was not e s p e c i a l l y emphasized".by the actors or which escaped 497 the notice of the audience. The celebrated lawyer Hortensius, had successfully defended his c l i e n t Marcus Valerius Messalla, accused of "ambitus". On the day following the a c q u i t t a l , he entered a theatre to receive the applause of the people, and to his amazement he was overwhelmed with hisses which he had never before i n his whole legal career received. When we come to look at Roman actors and actresses themselves we are surprised to f i n d what a degraded class of people they are f o r the most part. One of the most prominent mime actresses of the time was Arbuscula, whom Cicero t e l l s 498 499 Atticus he enjoyed seeing i n a play. On one occasion she was; hissed from the stage c a l l i n g out, "I care not a f i g f o r the rest of the house". We came across another actress called 494. Pam.7,11,2 495. Sext. 55 496. Sext.54 497, Pam.8,2 498. Att.14,15 499. Sat.1,10,76 Cytheris, who was a notorious courtesan. She was l a t e r the mistress of Antony who, as tribune, while he rode i n a chariot, had her carried near him i n a l i t t e r . A l l the towns-people had to come out and greet Antony and salute her, but did not c a l l her by her stage name Cytheris, but by the name 501 of Volumnia. The coarseness of such actresses i s hinted at 502 by Horace when he exhorts Demetrius and T i g e l l i u s to go and whine among the chairs of th e i r "mimae". Of the actors we hoar of several, the chief being 503 Roscius and Aesop. In his defence of Archias,Cicero laments the death of Roscius who died at an advanced age. He f e l t that because of the greatness of his art he should have li v e d to give continued pleasure to the people. He was a repre-sentative of the trag i c actors, and, because of Cicero's commendation of him must have been of superior moral charac-ter to the rest of his fellows. Aesop too had apparently remarkable g i f t s . His expression and acting were so magni-f i c e n t that i t seemed as i f he had be en altogether transpor-ted from the situation he was i n . An outstanding tribute 504 from such a great orator as Cicero. He too was a tragedian 505 spoken of by Horace as the "pathetic Aesop". Thus we have seen that the masses of the Roman peop-l e were very fond of the plays and g l a d i a t o r i a l shows., for they provided something magnificent to look at, and some t h r i l l i n l i f e , and also gave them an opportunity f o r showing t h e i r 500. Pam.9,26 501. P h i l 2,24 502. Sat.1,10,91 503. Arch 8 504. Div. 1,37 505. Ep.2,1,80 107 p o l i t i c a l f e e l i n g s . We hear of one particular exhibition 506 given by Scipio i n honour of Quintus Metellus, "They are a spectacle of that sort which i s attended by immense numbers and by every class of men, and with which the multitude i s 507 delighted above a l l things." Cicero greatly despised public spectacles, considering a b i l i t y to give them a sign of wealth and that everybody was thoroughly t i r e d of them. On one occasion he wrote that he was on the way to Antium and glad 508 to be away from Metellus' g l a d i a t o r i a l e x hibition. In com-menting upon the o f f i c e of aedile he said that i t was an ancient Roman custom that the holder of the off ice should put on the most splendid shows. This was done even by the most virtuous men such as Lucius Crassus and Quintus Mucius, who were most moderate i n their private l i v e s. But f o r sheer magnificence Pompey1s games i n his second consulship were not to be surpassed. Cicero is prepared to overlook this custom, but quotes A r i s t o t l e i n saying that "These things are agreeable to boys, and s i l l y women, and slaves, and freedmen very l i k e slaves: but that by a man of sense, and one who ponders with sound judgment on such exhibitions, they can i n 509 no way be approved". We have so f a r been dealing with recreation f o r the masses in the form of g l a d i a t o r i a l games and t h e a t r i c a l per-formances . In bringing t h i s chapter to a close, l e t us look Tor a few moments at some of the more common forms of recre-ation which could be indulged i n by individuals. 506.Sext.58 507.Fam.2,3 508.Att.2,1,1 509. Off.2,16 108 Dancing was viewed by the educated men with great disdain. One Of the greatest i n s u l t s that could be given a man was to c a l l him a dancer. When Cato called Murena a 510 dancer, Cicero said that i f he meant i t , i t was equivalent to a violent accusation and i f he did not, i t was merely f o u l abuse. He went on to add that nobody ever dances unless he i s drunk or insane, and that dancing goes with dissolute feasting. We hear of at least one prominent dancer, called 511 Lepos, who was also a mime actor. There was certain amount of dancing in the mimes, where a person who danced even a 512 l i t t l e out of time was promptly hissed off the stage. As with the Greeks so with the Romans , boxing was indulged i n as a feat of endurance. The participants i n this sport are held up to us as a model of bravery as they did not utter a groan when they were h i t with the gloves, 513 though they were made of ox hide stiffened with lead and iron. Very few references are made t o music, but a singu-514 l a r l y modern touch i s found i n Horace where the poet bells us of a universal f a u l t among singers, namely that when asked to sing at a party they always made some excuse to avoid i t , but i f they are not asked to perform they refuse to stop. Among other severer sports we f i n d discus-throwing, wrestling, and j a v e l i n throwing. Before taking part i n a wrestling match the contestants' bodies were oi l e d . These 515 exercises frequently took place on the Campus Martius i n the 510. Mur.6 511. Sat.2,6,72 512. Par.64 513. Tusc. 2,41 514. Sat.3,1 515. 0d.l,8 1W f u l l blaze of the sun, and amid much dust„ In the same place chariot races were frequently held. We are given a very v i v i d picture of the barriers being drawn back-, of the chariots f l y i n g behind the horses, and the driver concentrating his mind on passing the team i n front with no 516 thought of those whom he has l e f t by the wayside. Another popular pastime was swimming. There was one p a r t i c u l a r place i n the Tiber where a l l the young men 517 went to bathe, opposite which Clodia had her gardens. Horace prescribed as a method of having sound sleep at night, anoin-ti n g oneself with o i l , swimming the Tiber three times, and a l i t t l e drink of wine before going to bed, 518 A very favourite recreation on wet days was various forms of dice games. Dice were not viewed with great approv-a l by the s t r i c t e r Romans. Cicero considers he is greatly 519 i n s u l t i n g Antony when he c a l l s him a gambler. On another 520 occasion he classes gamblers with adulterers. The only peo-ple whom he would permit to Indulge i n gambling games or 521 rather games of chance, are old people. The dice, known as "tesserae", were usually made of ivory, bone, or wood. Amon-522 gst such games was that known as "duodecim sc r i p t a " , whi ch resembled our game of backgammon. It was played on a board marked with twelve lines on which the pieces were placed. The pieces were moved by throws of the dice. Each player "apparently had to get his pieces from his "home" to that of 516.Sat.1,1,113 517.Sat.2,1,6 518. Or.3,58 519.Att.14,5,1 520.Cat.2,10,25 521.Sen.16 . 522. Or.1,217 110' h i s opponent and back a g a i n . D i f f e r e n t games were p l a y e d w i t h a b a l l . On t h e c e l e b r a t e d j o u r n e y which Horace and h i s f r i e n d s made from 523 Rome t o B r u n d i s i u m , w h i l e a t Capua, Maecenas p l a y e d b a l l . A game of b a l l i s recommended f o r people who f i n d the m i l i t a r y e x e r c i s e s a t Rome t o o s t r e n u o u s . P e o p l e who have never l e a r n t t o p l a y w e l l , do not t r y t o i n t h e Campus M a r t i u s f o r f e a r of 524 b e i n g laughed a t by t h e crowds. Q u o i t s were a l s o a p o p u l a r amusement. Horace t a l k s 525 526 of " f l i n g i n g t he q u o i t t h r o u g h t h e y i e l d i n g a i r . " C i c e r o r e -commends as r e l a x a t i o n s f o r o l d p e o p l e b a s k i n g i n t h e sum, or s i t t i n g by the f i r e , w h i l e t h e younger g e n e r a t i o n hunt, throw s p e a r s , p l a y b a l l , r a c e and swim. We a l s o get a g l i m p s e I n t o the pa s t i m e s of c h i l -527 d r e n , and f i n d t h a t Roman c h i l d r e n a l s o had d o l l ' s houses and sometimes yoked mice t o a g o - c a r t , and p l a y e d a game c a l -l e d odd-and-even, They a l s o d e r i v e d g r e a t p l e a s u r e f rom b u i l d i n g sand c a s t l e s . Among t h e i r t o y s were k n u c k l e bones 529 and n u t s . 523. Sat.1,5,48 526. Sen. 16 529.Sat.2,5,171 524, A.P.380 525. Sat.2,2,11 527. Sat.2,3,247 528. Sat.2,3,248 I l l Chapter 13 T r a v e l l i n g Men of the upper c l a s s e s spent a good d e a l of t h e i r time i n t r a v e l l i n g . One l i k e C i c e r o who had a number of v i l -l a s s c a t t e r e d a l o n g the c o a s t f r e q u e n t l y v i s i t e d each. Such a p r a c t i c e was common amongst a l l who engaged i n p o l i t i c a l l i f e . C i c e r o d i d c o n s i d e r a b l e t r a v e l l i n g by boat e s p e c i a l l y between r e s o r t s a l o n g the c o a s t . He t o l d A t t i c u s on one oc-c a s i o n t h a t he had j u s t l e f t C l u v i u s ' gardens i n a rowing boat and l a t e r on was s a i l i n g down t o P o m p e i i , and f r o m t h e r e 530 back t o P u t e o l i and Cumae. Another f a v o u r i t e e x p e d i t i o n was 531 a b o a t t r i p t o L u c u l l u s 1 v i l l a . A t times he would go out to 532 d i n n e r by b o a t en r o u t e perhaps f o r V e s t o r i u s ' house. We have a v e r y i n t e r e s t i n g account of an e a r l y morn-i n g t r i p when a messenger met C i c e r o i n the middle o f a j o u r -ney. He gave him a l e t t e r from A t t i c u s which he c o u l d not r e a d , as i t was b e f o r e daybreak, and he had d i s m i s s e d the l i g h t b e a r e r s . However, as soon as dawn came, he was a b l e t o 533 s a t i s f y h i s c u r i o s i t y . The most c e l e b r a t e d d e s c r i p t i o n of an a n c i e n t j o u r -ney t h a t we have i s perhaps t h e one Horace made w i t h H e l i o -534 d o r u s , t h e r h e t o r i c i a n , f r o m Rome t o B r u n d i s i u m . On l e a v i n g Rome, t h e i r f i r s t s t o p was a t A r i c i a , where the?/ spent the 530. A t t . 14,16 531. Att.14,20,1 532. I b i d 533. A t t . 16, 3 a 534. Sat.1,5 112 n i g h t a t t h e i n n . Next day they a r r i v e d a t A p p i l Forum w h i c h was "crammed f u l l of bargemen and c l o s e - f i s t e d I n n k e e p e r s " . From t h e r e i n t h e evenin g t h e y embarked on t h e c a n a l barge. When, morning came they found they had not made v e r y much pro-g r e s s . At t e n o ' c l o c k i n t h e morning they landed and washed i n the F e r o n i a r i v e r and had t h e i r l u n c h . They then got i n t o some c a r r i a g e s and rode t h r e e m i l e s t o T a r r a c i n a . A f t e r a n o t h e r l o n g day of t r a v e l l i n g t h e y s t a y e d w i t h Maecenas, b r o t h e r - i n - l a w a t Pormiae , c o n t i n u i n g on the f o l l o w i n g day t o S i n u e s s a . The next l o n g s t r e t c h was t o Capua- where Maece-nas had a game of b a l l w h i l e V i r g i l and Horace s l e p t . An amusing i n c i d e n t t o o k p l a c e a t Beneventum "where t h e b u s t l i n g h o s t n e a r l y burned h i m s e l f out of house w h i l e t u r n i n g some " s k i n n y f i e l d f a r e s a t the f i r e . . h u n g r y guests and f r i g h t e n e d s e r v a n t s s n a t c h i n g a t t h e supper and a l l t r y i n g t o put out the f l a m e s " . A f t e r f u r t h e r stages and a f t e r t r a v e r s i n g some v e r y poor r o a d s , t h e y f i n a l l y a r r i v e d a t B r u n d i s i u m , t h e i r d e s t i n a t i o n . We get an amusing I n s i g h t i n t o t h e ty p e of conversa-535 t i o n t h a t p e o p l e i n d u l g e d i n on such t r i p s , i n an account of how Maecenas used sometimes t o o f f e r H 0 r a c e a seat I n h i s c a r r i a g e on a j o u r n e y . I f a person's t r a v e l l i n g companion was l i k e l y t o be i n d i s c r e e t , such t o p i c s of c o n v e r s a t i o n as the. w e a ther, and t h e r e s p e c t i v e m e r i t s of a c e r t a i n g l a d i a t o r were c o n s i d e r e d s a f e . T r i p s f r o m Rome to t h e s m a l l e r c e n t r e s around were 535. Sat.2,6,40 115 not a l t o g e t h e r v e r y p l e a s a n t . The roads i n many cases were had and the t r a v e l l e r s were f r e q u e n t l y drenched i n r a i n and 556 mud, w h i l e a t times t h e y were l i a b l e to be a t t a c k e d by h i g h -537 way men, and have t h e i r boxes broken open and robbed. A l o n g the main roads were numbers of inns t o g i v e 558 h o s p i t a l i t y t o t r a v e l l e r s * I t was o f t e n C i c e r o ' s custom t o spend a n i g h t a t an i n n a t Tarra;ciha-. w h i l e on h i s way t o h i s Pompeian or Cumaean e s t a t e s . He once s c o l d e d h i s f r i e n d G-allus f o r h a v i n g spent too much money on a c q u i r i n g s t a t u e s and s a i d t h a t f o r the amount he spent he would much r a t h e r have bought t h a t i n n a t T a r r a c i n a so as not to be p e r p e t u -a l l y b o t h e r i n g t h e i n n k e e p e r . We a l s o hear of an in n k e e p e r c a l l e d A u l u s M i n n i u s who had a wayside i n n on t h e L a t i n r o a d , who was suborned t o say t h a t he was a t t a c k e d i n h i s own es-539 t a b l i s h m e n t by C l u e n t i u s and h i s s l a v e s . The u s u a l mode of t r a v e l l i n g f o r a w e l l - t o - d o man was i n a l i t t e r c a r r i e d by b e a r e r s . These conveyances were 540 sometimes v e r y e l a b o r a t e . C i c e r o r e l a t e s an amusing i n c i d e n t of how he had borrowed A s i c i u s ' l i t t e r w h i c h had been o b t a i n -ed f r o m Ptolemy A u l e t e s , and had e i g h t b e a r e r s and a r e g u l a r body-guard of a hundred swordsmen. W h i l e on a t r i p i n i t , he p i c k e d up h i s f r i e n d M a r i u s on the way and o f f e r e d him a l i f t . M a r i u s , who was a man of v e r y i n d i f f e r e n t h e a l t h was so deep i n c o n v e r s a t i o n t h a t he never noted the bodyguard. When he sud d e n l y opened t h e l i t t e r and l o o k e d o u t , he n e a r l y c o l l a p -.536. Ep.1,11,11 537. Ep.1,17,50 558. Pam.7,23,3 539. C l u e n t . 5 9 540. Q.P.2,10,2 114 sed w i t h f r i g h t , w h i c h C i c e r o thought was a huge j o k e . V e r r e s , w h i l e i n S i c i l y , used t o move over h i s p r o -v i n c e i n h i s l i t t e r h o l d i n g c o u r t wherever he stopped. He c o p i e d t h e k i n g s o f B I t h y n i a and had a l i t t e r c o n t a i n i n g a c u s h i o n of f i n e M a l t e s e l i n e n , s t u f f e d w i t h r o s e p e t a l s . He wore a g a r l a n d on h i s head and around h i s neck, and a p p l i e d a l i t t l e bag o f f i n e gauze, c o n t a i n i n g r o s e p e t a l s , t o h i s n o s t r i l s . A t e v e r y town he stopped, t h e m a g i s t r a t e s came t o meet him and t o o k up t h e i r b u s i n e s s w i t h him, f o l l o w i n g w h i c h V e r r e s ( C i c e r o s i g n i f i c a n t l y adds) "spent the r e s t of 541 the time w i t h Venus and Bacchus". F o r c e r t a i n r e a s o n s some men a t times proceeded on 542 t h e i r way i n c l o s e d l i t t e r s . When Antony drew near Aquinum he was borne i n t o the town i n t h i s manner, owing t o the exces s e s he had been c o m m i t t i n g . For t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t r e a -543 sons. M a r c e l l u s always t r a v e l l e d t h u s , because he d e s p i s e d a u s p i c e s and. omens so much t h a t he r e f u s e d t o see even them. One can e a s i l y imagine t h e f l u t t e r caused through a c o u n t r y s i d e when a s t r a n g e l i t t e r was seen coming a l o n g the road 544 accompanied by a r e t i n u e . C i c e r o i n w r i t i n g t o A t t i c u s t o l d him how he had heard t h a t h i s f r i e n d L e n t u l u s was a P u t e o l i . I t happened t h a t a p a s s e r b y had seen him on the Appian Way as he was l o o k i n g out f r o m t h e c u r t a i n s of h i s l i t t e r . 541, V e r r . 5,11 542. P h i l . 2,41 543. D i v . 2,36. 544. A t t . 9 , 1 1 , 1 Chapter 14 115 Culture The writing of books and l e t t e r s formed a prominent place i n the l i v e s of many cultivated Romans. Cicero was par-t i c u l a r l y fond of t h i s , especially a f t e r his p o l i t i c a l f a l l , when he spent the greater part of his time i n retirement, wri-ting t r e a t i s e s , and other works. One of the celebrated pro-ducts of this period was his essay "De Senectute", v/hich has 545 delighted the world ever since. Cicero t e l l s Atticus how glad he is to hear that he has enjoyed i t , and at the same time asks him to copy on to large paper another composition of his which he i s sending, with many i n t e r l i n e a r corrections and additions. This i s to be read to Atticus' guests« At 546 another time he t e l l s his f r i e n d about his work on the con-s t i t u t i o n s of Pellene, and mentions that at the time of writ-ing he has a heap of Dicaearchus' work on the f l o o r , which he strongly recommends to his friend Herodes to read. Another 547 work Cicero takes great pleasure i n i s his t r e a t i s e "De Republica", which has been a p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t piece of work. If i t is a f a i l u r e he says he w i l l hurl i t over the 548 c l i f f i nto the sea over which he i s gazing. Another time while on a boat t r i p from V e l i a he started to write a summary of A r i s t o t l e ' s "Topics 1', which he sent on to his friend Trebatius from Rhegium. We could thus continue i n d e f i n i t e l y 545. Att.16.5,1 546.Att.2,2 547.Q.F.2,14,1 548.Fam.7,19,1 116 speaking of Cicero's various l i t e r a r y e f f o r t s , Cicero also took care of his l i t e r a r y reputation and saw that his works were put into c i r c u l a t i o n . He asks 549 Atticus to see that a certain hook of his was i n stock at Athens and other Greek towns, so that i t may add to his re-putation'; as an author. Besides actual books Cicero wrote 550 prefaces. We f i n d him writing a new one for a certain work and asking Atticus to glue i t on i n place of the old one. He also li k e d to have the views of some of his friends on 551 his works. He writes to Lentulus that he w i l l submit to his c r i t i c a l judgment a l l his achievements i n l i t e r a t u r e or re-search. Sometimes instead of dictat i n g his works to his copy-i s t s he would repeat them to his freedman Tiro, who would take them down sentence by sentence i n shorthand, which saved 552 a vast amount of time. Horace, i n an ode to a book, pictures a f l o u r i s h i n g book trade i n Rome with i t s headquarters at the end of the Vicus Tuscus where i t joined the Porum. In that place there were numerous book s e l l e r s who had the edges of their r o l l s 553 well pumiced. The poet mentions that a book's fate might be to be kept under lock and key by i t s owners or else be thumb-marked by the common herd. Perhaps they might be exported to the book market i n such pro v i n c i a l centres as Utica or Ilerda. Later as the books grow old they might become readingbooks f o r young boys at school. Cicero is also very interested in 549. Att.2,1,1 550. Att.16,6,4 551. Pam.1,9,23 552. Att.13,25 553. Ep.1,20 117 the book trade, and i s p a r t i c u l a r l y anxious to provide addi-554 tions to Quintus' l i b r a r y as well as his own. The d i f f i c u l t y was that he had no dependable agent. The books he needs most are either not for sale or are ones which cannot be got to-gether except by an expert and painstaking agent. Another favourite occupation was l e t t e r writing. Under a man l i k e Cicero i t was developed into an a r t . He 555 himself t e l l s us that l e t t e r writing was invented to give friends i n some other place any important information. He considers that there are two d e l i g h t f u l types of l e t t e r s , the f i r s t , intimate and humorous, the other austere and serious. 556 Caelius who was one of Cicero's numerous correspondents ad-mits himself to be the l a z i e s t of writers but sends him pac-kets of l e t t e r s f u l l of such things as news of the la t e s t decrees of the senate, edicts, gossip, and rumours. Letters were also f o r Cicero a good means of giving expression to his humour. The kind of humor he prefers is the "home grown 557 kind", f o r i t "has a wonderful fascination". He i s very i n -dignant with Eutrapelus f o r t e l l i n g him during his absence in C i l i c i a a l l the l a t e s t jokes i n Rome were attributed to him. "But now that the c i t y is such a hot bed of vulgarity that nothing i s so banal as not to seem charming to someone, un-less you see at onee that a double entendre i s clever, an- hy-perbole i n good taste, a pun smart, an unexpected conclusion comical, and a l l the other forms of wit are en regie and sagacious, well then, as you love me, show me your mettle, 554. Q.F.3,4,5 555,Fam.2,4.1 556.Fam.8,1,1 557.Fam.9,15,2 118 558 so f a r as to asseverate on oath that they are none of mine". As we have already observed Cicero often wrote l e t -ters i n his room before dawn as well as at table. We also hear of him writing a l e t t e r to Atticus on the spur of the 559 moment from the Three Taverns' inn. For his l e t t e r s we can imagine him using "a good pen, well mixed ink, and ivory polished paper", precautions taken so that Quintus would be • 560 able to read them. We have already heard something about 561 the delivery of l e t t e r s by the " t a b e l l a r i i " . We hear Cicero complaining to Cassius of the l a t t e r ' s carriers for they bring no l e t t e r with them but demand one from him to take back and barely give him time to write one, f o r they say th e i r compan-ions are waiting out i n the road. Letters were l i a b l e to i n -terception on the way. Frequently the ca r r i e r s were held up 562 by brigands. P o l l i o , from Corduba in Spain, t e l l s how the l e t t e r c a r r i e r s are held up in the pass of Castulo and sear-ched by scouts who are posted everywhere along the route, as well as being often attacked by bandits. In winter the only way of sending l e t t e r s to Spain was overland, but with the a r r i v a l of spring they were sent by sea. Cicero has a device to stop important news from leaking out of his l e t t e r s while they are on the road. He writes i n a certain way what he thinks the people at the other end. w i l l read, and i n another ..way what people at large who might ^get hold of the l e t t e r w i l l 563 read. Confusion sometimes took place in connection with the 558.Fam.7,32 559. Att.2,13 560. Q.F.2,15 b 561.Fam.15,17 562.Fam.10,31 563.Fam.15,21,4 119 564 mailing of l e t t e r s . Cicero remarks to Quintus on one occasion that the l e t t e r which he wrote to him was dated e a r l i e r than that sent to Caesar, although both went at the same time. Caesar's agent Oppius sometimes did that, accidentally delay-ing to send a l e t t e r while fo r g e t t i n g to change the date. Letter c a r r i e r s were l i a b l e to arrive at almost any time of the day or night. It was a great anxiety when a person was expecting an Important l e t t e r • Marcus Cicero, writing from Greece, relates that Tiro's c a r r i e r s a ctually took f o r t y - s i x days to a r r i v e * One of Cicero's favourite relaxations was to engage 565 i n various l i t e r a r y pursuits,, He t e l l s Atticus that the more he i s deprived of his other interests because of the p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n , the greater is the pleasure he finds in l i t e r a t u r e . 566 Some people have c r i t i c i z e d him f o r spending as much time on such studies as others spend on doing their own work, or cele-brating f e s t i v a l s , or amusing themselves at games or banquets, etc. To such c r i t i c s he r e p l i e s that he derives from these studies a great increase i n his power of speaking and other mental q u a l i t i e s which he puts at the disposal of his friends i n time of need. Cicero derives a particular amount of plea-567 sure from reading Greek l i t e r a t u r e , as i t is read by a l l nat-ions, while L a t i n i s confined to one. Besides l i t e r a r y stu-568 ^dies, oratory and declamation were among Cicero's occupations. He has a very high i d e a l of what an orator should be l i k e . 564. Q.P.3,1,8 565. A t t . 4,10,1 566. Arch.6,13 567. Arch. 10. 568. Gael, 19 120 A person given up to excesses and worried by f i n a n c i a l embar-rassment cannot stand the hard l i f e of the orator. "Do you suppose there i s any other reason why, when the prizes of eloquence are so great, when the pleasure of speaking is so great, when the glory is so high, the influence derived from It i s so extensive and the honour so pure, there are and a l -ways have been, so few men who devote themselves to t h i s study? A l l pleasures must be trampled underfoot, a l l pursuits of amusement must be abandoned, 0 judges, sports and jesting, and feasts; aye, I almost say the conversations of one1 s 569 friends must be shunned". -FiBX* a long time Cicero spoke nearly every day on behalf of some c l i e n t or other. He usuallv pra-570 ctieed declaiming while engaged in walking. He worked out a special s t y l e which appeared to be s(o successful that i t 571 aroused Appius' jealousy. On one occasion we f i n d him so busy with cases that he t e l l s his f r i e n d Marius that he i s praying that no Intercalary month w i l l come, so that he may soon get .572 away with him. Besides these studies of l i t e r a t u r e and oratory many wealthy Romans were art connoisseurs. Cicero particu-l a r l y was an ardent c o l l e c t o r of statues and other object 573 d'art. He sometimes dealt with Damasippus, who was a noted art-connoisseur of the day. Horace declared that he was "mad 574 on buying old statues*' On one occasion Cicero commissioned 575 Gallus to get some statues f o r him, with the result that those 569. Q.F.3,3,1 & 4 570.ibid 571.Q.F.2,12,2 572.Para.7,2 573. Pam.7,23 574. Sat.2,3,64 575.Pam.7,23,2 which were obtained were f a r too expensive and were not what he wanted. Damasippus promised to take them o f f his hands. Cicero was .particularly disgusted that Ga l l us had bought him a statue of Mars. The one thing that Gallus had bought for himself, he wanted, namely a sculpturedtable leg. In con-clusion he told him that f o r the amount of money that had been spent he would sooner have bought an inn at Tarracina. Atticus also on many occasions acted as Cicero's agent i n c o l l e c t i n g statues, especially as decorations f o r his gvm-576 nasium and academy. He p a r t i c u l a r l y liked the Hermathena that Atticus had got f o r his gymnasium. We hear of statues 577 of Megario marble and of Hermes being ordered f o r his Academy. Anything else that h i s f r i e n d thought suitable.was also re-518 quested. He said that i f his v i l l a at Tusculum got too f u l l 579 he would start decorating his home at Caieta. A boat load a c t u a l l y a r r i v e d at the l a t t e r place and we hear of him send-ing down an agent to pay for the f r e i g h t . Horace mentions as p a r t i c u l a r l y desirable object d'art, the sculpture of 580 Scopas, "A master i n representing, now a man, now a god, i n 581 marble". Damasippus used to l i k e to buy a l l sorts of curio-s i t i e s , statues carved i n an unusual way or more roughly cast than usual, and would give one hundred thousand sesterces fo r such a statue. He claimed to be the only man who knew -how to purchase and f i n d seats to the best advantage. Many wealthy Romans collected good paintings. Horace 576. Att. 1,4 577. Att.1,9,2 578. Att.1,10 579.Att.1,3 580.. Od.- 4,8,5 581. Sat.2,5.20 122 582 gives as the chief Maxim f o r a painter, that his work must be uniform as a whole, not l i k e a worker In bronze he knew,"who w i l l mould n a i l s or imitate the soft curves of hair, but who i s unhappy when his work is summed up, because he had no idea of representing a whole". Some pictures, he declared, impress the spectator more when they are observed close up, others, 584 from a distance. Some of the greatest masterpieces of paint-583 ing were those of Parrhaslus of Ephesus, who painted " i n l i q u i d colours". Besides actual c o l l e c t i o n s of paintings we 585 hear of votive paintings which were vowed and offered to the god who delivered the person from a great danger. They were "586 of the actual escape and were hung upon the temple walls. Cicero warns us against being a slave of paintings and statues and says they should be regarded as the playthings of boys 587 and not the shackles of men." Besides statuary and painting, we f i n d other objects d'art In great demand. There was a considerable trade i n Rome of antiques such as a " s a l t c e l l a r which Evander had 588 589 590 591 fingered". S i l v e r ornaments, bronzes, and golden goblets, were eagerly sought. Cicero was so keen on a l l forms of a r t , that he t o l d Atticus that he was a f r a i d people would laugh at 592 him f o r i t , and c a l l e d i t his " l i t t l e weakness". Sometimes 582. A.P.32 583. Od.4,8,5 584. A.P.361 585,0d.l,5,3 586. Sat.2,1,33 587. Par.5 588. Sat.1,3,90 589. Ep.1,6,17 590. Sat.1,4,27 591. Od.1,31,10 592. Att.l,8;9 heirlooms were handed down i n fa m i l i e s . Pamphilus of Lilybaeum was robbed by Verves of a beautiful ewer which was very precious to him and had been handed down to him by his father and grandfather, and which he brought out 593 on special occasions only. 593. Verr. 14,4 124 .Chapter 15 Wealth and Poverty In the l i n e s of Horace we hear considerably mention of the problems of money and i t s value, of the undesirable habits which i t causes, and the blessings that proper use of i t can bring. He strongly condemns the miser and a l l he stands f o r . We meet -several misers in his works, one of whom applauds himself at the sight of his own riches a f t e r being hissed by 594 the people outside. Another one cannot be broken of his love of. gold and desire f o r gain, by extreme climates, f i r e , ocean, 595 or sword. He i s asked as to what can be the pleasure of bur-ying a vast hoard i n the earth and gloating over i t , where i t does no one any good. On the other hand Horace i s not con-demning money in i t s e l f but merely one abuse of i t , namely avarice. He also names the things that money can give, such 596 as a wealthy wife, f r i e n d s , family, and beauty. Love of money reached such an extreme in certain people that they did a l l they could to get r i c h men to leave them substantial legacies. We are given s p e c i f i c suggestions 597 as to how to go about securing a legacy. One way is to make up to some r i c h old man, send him presents, and humour him i n every possible way. You can also be the lawyer to defend a c h i l d l e s s r i c h old man. I t i s safer to go a f t e r one who has a s i c k l y heir. You should always refuse to read a w i l l when 594.Sat.1,1,62 595.Sat.1,1,37 596. Ep.1,7,37 597.Sat.2,5 125 asked to, but yet catch a glimpse of whether your name i s on i t or not. I t i s dangerous to show too l i t t l e zeal on the one hand and too much loquacity and scheming on the other »'X Many unscrupulous persons t r i e d to lure covetous widows by offering 598 them sweetmeats and f r u i t s to bring about the same r e s u l t s , 599 Cicero h e a r t i l y condemns this fawning over r i c h old people f o r the purpose of getting a legacy. He says that such a man w i l l shrink from no dishonourable action i n f l a t t e r i n g his prey. To a t t r a c t such comments as the above, such practices must have been very prevalent. We often hear of geniune w i l l s being made and men 600 leaving t h e i r friends large sums of money. For example Cicero was l e f t the huge sum of £88,000 by Diodotus the Stoic. On 601 one occasion Quintus and he were to be heirs of a certain F e l i x . Unfortunately through the negligence of the l a t t e r and his slave he did not sign the w i l l , but signed another one, which he did not intend to do. However, i n spite of a l l the favourable points that he can f i n d , Horace very frequently condemns love of gain and 602 rich e s . The more wealth you get, the less satisfying i t i s . It would be better to throw a l l our jewels and gold Into the 603 sea to r i d ourselves of such e v i l . Many people claim, on the other hand that you can never be too r i c h , as a person i s es-teemed i n proportion to his wealth. It i s r e a l l y an accumula-598* Ep.1,1,77 .599. Par.5 600. Att.2,20 601. Q.F.3,9,9 602. 0d.3,24,62 603. i b i d . 126 tion of money which i s i t s owner's r e a l master. After a l l , the riches and possessions i n the world cannot take fevers 604 from a sick man or dispel his cares. Great harm i s done by the money lenders i n the c i t y who use as their slogan, "0 c i t i z e n s , c i t i z e n s money i s to be sought f i r s t , virtues after riches". This i s repeated by old and young men with t h e i r 605 bags of money and account books. No matter how virtuous you may be, i f your income is not up to t h e i r standard you are 606 merely a plebian* Thus after, reading Horace with these points i n view we cannot doubt of the merits of the simple l i f e on the farms around Rome with their humble pleasures and hard work, as opposed to the Ins i n c e r i t y and greed of the c i t y dwellers. Perhaps some of the most charming things he ever wrote are his l i n e s which sing the praises of r u r a l l i f e * 604. Ep. 1,2,44 605. Ep.1,1,53 606. Ep.1,1,55 127 Chapter 16 R e l i g i o n and S u p e r s t i t i o n As a t a l l o t h e r epochs i n h i s t o r y , r e l i g i o n p l a y e d an i m p o r t a n t p a r t i n the p e r i o d under c o n s i d e r a t i o n . However i t had f a l l e n c o n s i d e r a b l y from the e a r l i e r type i n t o a mere a e r i e s of ceremonies and f o r m a l i t i e s * L e t us f i r s t c o n s i d e r some of t h e c h i e f p r i n c i p l e s of r e l i g i o n as r e v e a l e d i n our a u t h o r s and then c e r t a i n p o p u l a r m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of s u p e r s t i -t i o n s . We f i n d C i c e r o o f t e n somewhat vague i n h i s theo-l o g y . One cannot be sure how much he h i m s e l f b e l i e v e s and how much i s a r e s t a t e m e n t of Greek i d e a s . He c l e a r l y b e l i e v e s i n t h e e x i s t e n c e of some supreme d i v i n e " i n t e l l i g e n c e " , which governs t h e u n i v e r s e , and he p r o v e s i t by arguments drawn from 607 608 n a t u r e , and f e e l s t h a t no one i n h i s senses c o u l d deny i t . He b e l i e v e s t h a t the gods a r e I n t e r e s t e d i n what goes on on 609 e a r t h and t h a t t h e y have a l l u n i t e d t o p r e s e r v e the r e p u b l i c . Law he c o n s i d e r s t o be a r e v e l a t i o n of the mind of God, "en-j o i n i n g o r f o r b i d d i n g each s e p a r a t e t h i n g i n accordance w i t h 610 611 r e a s o n " . The gods a l s o a r e judges o f men's c r i m e s . He c a l l s on men t o approach them w i t h p u r i t y of h e a r t and i n the s p i r i t 612 of d e v o t i o n . E s p e c i a l l y i n r e l i g i o n , the e q u a l i t y of man must 607. H.D.2,2 608. N.D. 1,16 609. P h i l , 4 , 4 , 1 0 610. Leg.2,4,8 611. Leg.2,10 612. L e g . 2,8 128 not "be forgotten, and so costly s a c r i f i c e s and offerings should not be required, as they would prevent a poor man from 613 614 approaching the gods. The divine authority extends over the whole c i t y cf Rome. Jupiter himself preserves i t from the enemy. Cicero c a l l s on him to save i t from the machinations of C a t i l i n e asking him to "overwhelm a l l the enemies of good men, the foes of the republic, the robbers of Italy, men bound together by a treaty and infamous alliance of crimes, 615 dead and a l i v e , with eternal punishments". Horace indicates a b e l i e f i n something which even the gods must obey, namely Pate. "By one and the same impar-t i a l law Doom assigns the l o t of highest and humblest; every name ali k e is shaken i n her roomy urn. "Fortune" too appears as almost synonymous with Fate. "Fortune who joys i n her cruel business nor ever t i r e s of the tyrannous sports, shi f t s from one to another her f i c k l e honours, now bounteous to one, 617 now to some one else", and again, "How thou delightest ever 618 to make sport of human a f f a i r s " . The Romans of our period seemed to have had somewhat hazy ideas of a future l i f e . In a very obscure passage Cicero says that "souls on q u i t t i n g the body, whether they are a i r y , that i s to say, of the nature of breath, or f i e r y , are carried 619 a l o f t " . The s p i r i t s of the dead were known as the Manes, to 620 whom s a c r i f i c e s were to be made in February. Cicero Is doubt-613.Leg.2,10 614. Cat.5,9,21 615.Cat.1,15,55 616.Of.6,1, 14; 3,2,4,5; 2,7,16; Div.1,55 617. Od.3,29,29 618. Sat.2,8,61 619, Tusc.1,40 620. Leg.2,21 129 621 f u l whether t h e r e i s even c o n s c i o u s n e s s among the dead. He c o n s i d e r s t h a t p e o p l e of o l d , i n o r d e r t o t e r r f y the w i c k e d , encouraged the b e l i e f t h a t the wicked would be punished a f t e r 622 d e a t h . Horace l a r g e l y adopts t h e shadowy Greek i d e a s on the s u b j e c t . He speaks of r i c h and poor f o l l o w i n g t h e same road 623 and c r o s s i n g i n Charon's b a r k t o e v e r l a s t i n g e x i l e . Prom 624 t h e r e t h e y go t o the " u n s u b s t a n t i a l house of P l u t o " , where 625 t h e y a r e "but some dust and a shadow". O c c a s i o n a l l y he speaks 626 of the s p i r i t s of t h e good g o i n g t o a p l a c e o f r e s t . These i d e a s r e c u r a g a i n and a g a i n t h r o u g h h i s poems. Whatever view p e o p l e had on t h e o l o g y i t i s c l e a r t h a t the masses of t h e p e o p l e were sunk i n what we should now term s u p e r s t i t i o n . A b e l i e f i n omens was v e r y s t r o n g . F or example a bad omen might fee a "raven w i t h her p r o p h e c i e s of 627 coming storm", or a serpent g l i d i n g a c r o s s a t r a v e l l e r ' s p a t h . C e r t a i n omens were a l s o i n t e r p r e t e d by the keepers of the s a c r e d c h i c k e n s , such as t h e way i n w h i c h t h e c h i c k e n s 628 f e d , o r how the g r a i n dropped t o t h e ground. C i c e r o ' s view of the s u b j e c t of d i v i n a t i o n does not seem c l e a r . F o r ex-ample on one o c c a s i o n he s a y s , "We a r e l i k e w i s e forewarned of many thngs by the e n t r a i l s of v i c t i m s , by presages, and many o t h e r means, which have been l o n g observed w i t h such 629 e x a c t n e s s , as t o produce an a r t of d i v i n a t i o n " , w h e r e a s of d i v i n a t i o n at a n o t h e r time he says,"How p i t i f u l i s t h e n a t u r e 621. F m.4,5, 6 622. Cat,4,4,7 623. Od.2,3 624. Od, 1,4 625.Od,4,7,7 626. Od. 1,10,18 627. Od.3,27 B28.Pam.10,12,3 629. N.D.2,66 150 of a s c i e n c e which p r e t e n d s t h a t the e c c e n t r i c motions of b i r d s a r e f u l l of ominous import and t h a t a l l manner of t h i n g s must be done, o r l e f t undone, as t h e i r f l i g h t s or songs may 630 indicate"» F o r t u n e t e l l i n g seems t o have been w i d e l y i n d u l g e d i n i n Rome. Among the s p e c i a l i s t s i n t h i s were the S a b e l -651 l i a n s , C i c e r o says t h a t he does not b e l i e v e I n those who f o r e t e l l by l o t s or who t e l l f o r t u n e s f o r g a i n , or i n n e c r o -mancers, but he does b e l i e v e i n a r e a s o n a b l e k i n d of d i v i n a -632 t i o i i e W i t h r e g a r d t o necromancy we hear of V a t i n i u s t r y i n g 633 t o appease t h e Manes w i t h "the e n t r a i l s of murdered boys". C i c e r o s t r o n g l y q u e s t i o n s the power of t h e Chaldean s o r c e r e r s t o f o r e t e l l f u t u r e e v e n t s . " F o r a s , a c c o r d i n g t o them t h e b i r t h of I n f a n t s i s r e g u l a t e d by t h e moon, and as the Chaldeans observe and take n o t i c e o f the n a t a l s t a r s , w i t h w h i c h the m moon happens t o be i n c o n j u n t i o n a t the raoment of a n a t i v i t y , t h e y a r e f o u n d i n g t h e i r judgements on the most f a l l a c i o u s e v i dence of t h e i r eyes, as t o m a t t e r s which t h e y ought t o 634 b e h o l d by r e a s o n and i n t e l l e c t " . On the o t h e r hand he e x p r e s -ses b e l i e f i n the o r a c l e o f D e l p h i as h a v i n g " t o l d t h e t r u t h 635 f o r many ages". Horace d i s a p p r o v e s of c o n s u l t i n g f o r t u n e t e l -l e r s , even though h e - h i m s e l f d i d so as a boy, s a y i n g that i t 636 i s not f o r us t o know what the gods have o r d a i n e d . 630 eDIv.2,38 361.Sat.1,9,29 632.Div.1,19 633.Vat.7,14 634.Div.2,43 655.Div.1,19 636. Od. 1,11,2 131 Witches and w i t c h c r a f t f i l l e d a l a r g e p l a c e i n t h e minds of t h e s u p e r s t i t i o u s . The p a t r o n e s s of w i t c h e s was the "three-formed goddess", known as Luna i n heaven Diana on 637 e a r t h , and Hecate i n Hades. A w e l l known w i t c h was F o l i a who 638 was sjpposed t o be a b l e t o charm the s t a r s and moon f r o m the sky. Many p h i l t r e s and p o t i o n s were prepared by t h e S a b e l l i a n 639 and M a r s l a n s o r c e r e r s accompanied by m a g i c a l incantations„ Horace g i v e s us a v e r y v i v i d p i c t u r e of C a n i d i a c o n d u c t i n g a 640 641 w i t c h e s ' orgy. Books on w i t c h c r a f t p r o v i d e d one w i t h f o r -mulas t o assuage p a i n and r e s t o r e health® In t h e l a t t e r p a r t of our p e r i o d we see the b e g i n -n i n g s of the i d e a of d e i f i c a t i o n . Horace p o r t r a y s Augustus 642 i n t h e heavens between P o l l u x and H e r c u l e s d r i n k i n g n e c t a r , 643 a g a i n i n a n o t h e r passage, r u l i n g as v i c e r e g e n t of J u p i t e r . 644 Even C i c e r o speaks of t h e d e i f i c a t i o n of h i s b e l o v e d daughter T u l l i a . In d i s c u s s i n g t h e s h r i n e tha t he hopes t o b u i l d i n her honour, he w r i t e s t o A t t i c u s , " I want i t t o be a s h r i n e , and t h a t i d e a cannot be r o o t e d out of my mind, I am a n x i o u s t o a v o i d i t s being taken f o r a tomb, not so much on account of the l e g a l p e n a l t y as t o get as near t o d e i f i c a t i o n as pos-645 s i b l e " . 637. 0d.5,32 638. Epod. 5.45 639.Epod 5,76;17,29 640. Epod.5,11 641. Epod. 17,4 642.Od.3,3,9 645. Odd,12,47 644. A t t . 12,37 a 645.Att.12,36,1 132 ^Chapter 17 Conclusion We have reached new the conclusion of our i n v e s t i -gation of Roman society as depicted i n Cicero and Horace. We have discussed the r i c h man, his house, his d a i l y l i f e , his recreations, h i s women f o l k , his education, his s o c i a l l i f e , h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l occupations, and his r e l i g i o n . In addition we have examined the l o t of the poorer classes, including the slaves, and also the large middle class i n addition to the small farmers of the surrounding districts„ We have seen the remarkable contrast between the luxury of the few and the grinding poverty of the masses with a middle class so occupied i n money making that they have no thought fo r anything but themselves. Perhaps the most deplorable feature of Roman society at this period was i t s contempt of the poor, while i t s chief a t t r a c t i o n would be perhaps the culture of such men as Cicero, a f i n e all-round type with of course several obvi-ous f a u l t s . Such then was the s o c i a l l i f e of Rome which f o r -med a colourful background for the s t i r r i n g events and vi v i d p e r s o n a l i t i e s of the age of Cicero and Horace. 133 B i b l i o g r a p h y P a r t A. C i c e r o , Marcus T u l l i u s l o Cicero,M.T., " O r a t i o n e s " , D e l p h i n i C l a s s i c i , A . J . V a l p y , London, 1830. 2. Cicero,M.T., "Opera P h i l o s o p h i c a " , D e l p h i n i C l a s s i c i , A. J . V a l p y , London, 1830© 3. C i c e r o , M.T., "Opera R h e t o r i c a " , D e l p h i n i C l a s s i c i , A. J . V a l p y , London, 1830. 4. " C i c e r o n i s O r a t i o n e s " , S c r i p t o r u m C l a s s i c o r u m , B i b l i o t h e c a O x o n i e n s i s , O x f o r d , 1916. 5. " C i c e r o n i s R h e t o r i c a " , S c r i p t o r u m C l a s s i c o r u m B i b l i o t h e c a O x o n i e n s i s , O x f o r d , 1916. 6. " C i c e r o n i s O r a t i o n e s " , Ed. by G.Long,Whittaker and Co., London, 1862. 7. " C i c e r o ' s T u s c u l a n D i s p u t a t i o n s " , ed. J.E.King,Loeb L i b r a r y , Eeinemann, London, 1927. 8. " C i c e r o ' s De P i n i b u s " , ed. H.RackhamLoeb L i b r a r y , E e i n e m a n n , London, 1931. 9. " C i c e r o ' s L e t t e r s t o H i s F r i e n d s " , ed. W.G.Williams,Loeb L i b r a r y , H e i n e m a n n , London, 1927. 10 " C i c e r o ' s L e t t e r s t o A t t i c u s " , ed. E.0. Winstedt,Loeb L i b r a r y , Heinemann, London, 1912. 11. " C i c e r o n i s De O r a t o r e " , e d . A . S . W i l k i n s , C l a r e n d o n , Oxford, 1892. 12. " C i c e r o ' s O f f i c e s and M o r a l Works",tr.C.R.Edmonds,Bell and B a l d y , London, 1875. 13. " O r a t i o n s of Marcus T u l l i u s Cicero",tr.C.D.Yonge,Be 11 and Sons , London, 1877. 14. " T r e a t i s e s o f Marcus T u l l i u s C i c e r o " , t r . C D . Y o n g e , B e l l and Sons, London, 1878. 15. "The Correspondence of Cicero",ed.R.Y. T y r r e l l and L.C. P u r s e r , Hodges P o s t e r and F i g g i s , L o n d o n , 1885. 134 Part B. Flaccus, Quintus Horatius 1. "The Works of Horace", ed. E. Wickham, Oxford, 1896 2. "Horace f o r English Readers", t r . E. Wickham, Clarendon, Oxford, 1930. Part C. General Works . 1. Boissier, G.,"Cicero and His Friends", tr.A.D. Jones,Innes, London, 1897. 2. Burriss, E.D.,"Cicero and the Religion of His Day", C l a s s i c a l Journal, A p r i l 1926, Vol.21,p.524-532, Torch Press, Cedar Rapids. 3. Crownover, E., "The Clash Between Clodia and Cicero*, C l a s s i c a l Jornal,December 1934, Vol.30,p.137-147, Banta Publishing Co., Menasha. 4. Daremberg, C., and Saglio, E., "Dictionnaire des Antiquites Grecques et Romaines", L i b r a i r i e Hachette, Paris, 1877. ( s . v v . — a l e a , annulus,atellanae fabulae,atrium, balneae, barba, caupona,cena, comoedia, domus, ebur, educatio, epistolae, f e r i a e , foenus, gladiator, horologium, hortus, l a v a t i o , l e c t i c a , lectus, l i b e r , l i b e r t u s , ludus, matrim-onium, medicus, mendicatio, meretrices, mimus, paedagogus, papyrus, p i l a , p i s c i n a , taberna, theatrum, unguenta, vivarium). 5. D'Alton, J.F., "Horace and His Age", Longman's, Green and Co., London, 1917. 6. Duff, J.W., "Ciceronian Society", Cambridge Ancient History, Vol 9, Chapter 19, Cambridge, 1932, 7. Fowler, W., "Religious Experience of the Roman People", Macmillan, London, 1911. 8. Fowler, W. "Social L i f e i n Rome i n the Age of Cicero, "Macmillan, London, 1916. 9. Frank, T. "An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome", Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1933. 10. Gwynn, A. "Roman Education from Cicero to Q u i n t i l i a n " , Oxford, 1926. 11. Heitland, W.E. "Roman Republic", Vol. 3, Cambridge, 1909. 12. Jennison, G., "Animals f o r Show and Pleasure i n Ancient Rome", Manchester, 1937. 155 13 McCracker,"Cicero 53 Tusculan V i l l a " , C l a s s i c a l Journal, February 1935, Vol, 30, p, 261-277, Banta, Menasha, 14, McKinley, A. P.,"An Ancient Bon Vivant", Cla s s i c a l Journal, - A p r i l 1927, Vol, 22, p. 525-532, Torch Press, Cedar Rapids« 15. Oldfather, W.A., Canter, H.V., Abbott, K«M., "Index Verborum Ciceronis Epistularum", University Press, I l l i n o i s , 1938, 16, Peck, H,T,,(ed) "Harper 1s Dictionary of Cl a s s i c a l Literature and A n t i q u i t i e s " , American Book Co. New York, 1923. 17. Wither stone, R., "Where The Romans Lived", C l a s s i c a l Journal, May 1926, V o l . 21, p, 566-579, Torch Press, Cedar Rapids, 

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