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Eskimo kinship terminologies Stevenson, David 1964

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ESKIMO KINSHIP TERMINOLOGIES by DAVID STEVENSON, B.Sc. THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A T h e s i s s u b m i t t e d i n P a r t i a l F u l f i l m e n t o f the Requirements f o r t h e Degree o f Ma s t e r o f A r t s i n The Department o f A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e d . s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June 1964 In presenting this thesis i n p a r t i a l fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference and study* I further agree that per-mission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. I t i s understood that, copying or publi-cation of this thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain shall not be allowed without my written permission* Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada Date June 12th, 1964.  i i ABSTRACT Seventeen complete and incomplete Eskimo k i n s h i p t e r m i n o l o g i e s are examined and compared wi t h a view to determining and as s e s s i n g the nature and extent of the reported d i s c r e p a n c i e s . I t i s shown that the l a c k of a standardized ortho-graphy f o r the Eskimo language has co n t r i b u t e d t o the d i f f i c u l t i e s of comparing the d i s t r i b u t i o n of terminology. Nuances of the language, e s p e c i a l l y those r e l a t i n g to the use of d i f f e r e n t s u f f i x e s f o r 'step', 'adoptive', and ' l e s s e r ' are shown to give r i s e to some of the reported d i s c r e p a n c i e s . The d e f i n i t i o n s of Spier and Murdock r e l a t i n g to the 'Eskimo Type' of k i n s h i p system and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e are examined and found to be i n v a l i d f o r the areas f o r which data are a v a i l a b l e . I t i s e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t a core of t e r m i n o l o g i c a l and s t r u c t u r a l s i m i l a r i t y e x i s t s between the g e o g r a p h i c a l l y i s o l a t e d systems. But the importance of l o c a l v a r i a b l e s demands t h a t c o r r e l a t i o n s between the k i n s h i p system and the a s s o c i a t e d s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e must be made w i t h i n the framework of the l o c a l economic and e c o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s impinging upon the domestic group. The apparently asymmetrical re l a t i o n s h i p between-ascending and descending generations i s examined within the conceptual framework of the developmental cycle of domestic groups. It i s suggested that the s p e c i f i c i t y of terminology i s related to the economic e f f e c t i v i t y of the category of r e l a t i v e under discussion. The data available are i n s u f f i c i e n t f o r s t a t i s t i c a l analyses but i t i s thought that the s t a t i s t i c a l approach w i l l provide a more coherent picture of the structural and functional i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the on-going i n -s t i t u t i o n s and that l o c a l variations w i l l be shown to have r a t i o n a l bases. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank Doctor H.B. Hawthorn, Head, Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l -ogy and my supervisor Doctor R.W. Dunning, Associate P r o f e s s o r of Anthropology and my many f e l l o w students at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia f o r t h e i r c o n s t r u c t i v e c r i t i c i s m s and advice i n the p r e p a r a t i o n and completion of t h i s t h e s i s . iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION 1 - 14 The Present State of Studies in Eskimo Kinship Systems 1 - 5 Methods Used and Type of Data Available 6 - 14 DESCRIPTION OF FIVE KINSHIP CHARTS 1 5 - 4 6 COMPILATION AND COMPARISON OF REPORTED TERMS FOR SEVENTEEN GROUPS 47 - 66 SUMMARY OF INTERREGIONAL CONSISTENCIES IN KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY 6 6 - 6 8 DISCUSSION OF THE 'ESKIMO TYPE' KINSHIP SYSTEM AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE 68 - 74 BRIEF REVIEW OF RECENT STATISTICAL APPROACHES TO THE ANALYSIS OF KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY 7 4 - 7 7 DISCUSSION OF SOME SPECIFIC INTERGENERATIONAL DISCREPANCIES IN THE REPORTED KINSHIP TERMINOLOGIES 78 - 87 THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE DEVELOPMENTAL CYCLE CONCEPT TO ESKIMO KINSHIP SYSTEMS 87 -103 BIBLIOGRAPHY 104 V LIST OF TABLES Page TABLE 1 11 TABLE 2 48 TABLE 3 69 TABLE 4 71 TABLE 5 85 v i LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 1. Southampton Island Kinship System 15 Figure 2 . Cape Dorset-Lake Harbour Kinship System 25 Figure 3 . Pond In let Kinship System 32 Figure 4 . Ches te r f i e ld In let Kinship System- 38 Figure 5. Eskimo Point Kinship System 42 Figure 6. Summary of Constant Terms 67 Figure 7. Theore t i ca l D i s t r i bu t i on of Aunt/ Uncle Terms 79 Figure 8 . Reported D i s t r i bu t i on of Aunt/ Uncle Terms 80 Figure 9. Theore t i ca l Intergenerat ional Symmetry of Uncle/Nephew Terms 83 Figure 10. Reported Intergenerat ional Symmetry of Uncle/Nephew Terms 84 Work done within the last fifteen years has pro-duced a number of apparently conflicting kinship ter-minologies for the various Eskimo groups. The importance of resolving the problems in the basic structure and in the patterns of variation of Eskimo kinship systems has been recognized by a number of workers. Giddings, for example, states that: ... i t seems highly probable that a study of kinship systems in the far north may be used as a valuable aid in distinguishing linguistic from cultural boundaries. (1952; p.10). Dailey and Dailey cite the case for kinship studies more strongly when they say: Nor in this respect /"the study of kindreds_7 can we emphasize strongly enough the importance of supporting general studies of Eskimo kinship systems. Knowledge of this kind i s particularly urgent, not only from the standpoint of theory, but also for practical purposes as well. (1961;p.38). In regard to the reported conflicting kinship terminologies the same two authors say: The c l a r i f i c a t i o n of these 'discrepancies' should be one of the major objectives of further Artie research in anthropology. (Ibid; p.50) The previously accepted classifications of Morgan (1871) and Spier (1927) which were ut i l i z e d by Murdock 2 (1949) in the erection of a model of 'Eskimo type' kin-ship system and social structure are now highly suspect except in an extensively modified form (for example see Lantis 1946; Giddings 1952; Hughes 1958; Damas 1963). A basic error in the formerly accepted model appears to have derived from the restricted use of male Ego terms for female relatives and from a lack of sufficient data for viable generalization. As Giddings points out (1958) Murdock's 'Eskimo type 1 is based upon two geographically isolated groups, one from North Central Canada and the other from East Greenland. Recent work has not yet led to an accepted reform-ulation of an Eskimo 'type* kinship system and social structure but has, rather, resulted in the compilation of masses of apparently conflicting and regionally anomalous patterns of kinship terms. This situation has prompted Giddings to conclude that: "... we may not blandly assume cultural unity between Eskimo-speaking groups.n (1952; p.9). This cautious view should not, of course, completely inhibit cross-regional comparative studies of the order carried out by Damas. The latter author feels that a study of the geographical distribution of the variant systems from a 'micro-diffusional' approach could lead to the dis-covery of significant generalities applicable to the Eskimo-3 speaking groups (1963). He also suggests, considering the homogeneity of cultural forms (cf. Giddings above) and some aspects of social l i f e and, in many cases, of ecology, that limited covariational studies might provide testable hypotheses (ibid, I 9 6 3 ) . One of the objects of this thesis is to discuss and compare the reported kinship terminologies and to attempt to show that at least some of the inconsistencies arise from a failure to understand the nuances of the language. A second objective i s to attempt to isolate what appears to be inter-regional consistencies in terms and in the associated categories of relatives. A third, and major, objective of the thesis is to discuss the pos-sible relationships (as indicated by the terminological systems) holding between the f i r s t ascending, Ego's, and the f i r s t descending generations. This latter goal w i l l be in the nature of a speculative exploration of Fortes' "developmental cycle" concept with i t s implications for the existence of varying and functionally significant cate-gories of kinsmen. Bohannan clearly outlines the p i t f a l l s inherent in a study of kinship systems when he states that: ... kinship terms refer not merely (and often not even primarily) to the facts of biological relation-ship, but also to the cultural image of them -that i s , to the social facts of role Expectations. (1963; p.67) 4 Such behavioural roles can be determined only in an empirical way and cannot be deduced from the terminology. Failure to recognize this essential fact led the earlier workers to make erroneous assumptions concerning social relationships. Even in the f i e l d of empirical validation anomalous departures from the putative system are found. Opler, for example, found that among the Apache, terms for kinsmen may be similar while the behaviour towards them differs and vice versa. (1937; p.202-5). Inconsistencies of this nature have led Murdock to caution that, although the congruity of terms and behaviour patterns i s an accepted generalization, the association of the one with the other i s not absolute (1949;p.107). With these warnings in mind then, no attempt w i l l be made to deduce specific behaviour patterns from the terminologies presented. Nevertheless, i t w i l l be necessary to attempt to de- limi t the functionally significant cate-L-' gories of relatives as they appear to be indicated by the terminologies. As Bohannan points out: The most important fact about a kinship system is that i t i s a set of role tags which make i t possible for a person to know what to expect from his kinsmen and what they expect from him. (Ibid., p. 70) Since these 'role tags' are different for different rela-5 tives i t can be assumed that the corresponding behaviour patterns, and their significance to Ego, w i l l differ in some respects. This i s the 'acceptable generalization' followed by such writers as Radcliffe-Brown, Tax, and Murdock. In view of the nature of the available data I propose to approach the problem of Eskimo kinship systems with the intention of attempting to make comparisons at two broad levels. These are, f i r s t , a comparison of the reported terms with a view to comparing their li n g u i s t i c similarities or dissimilarities; second, a comparison and tentative analysis of the structures of the kinship systems as these are indicated by the local variations in terms and in the modes of allocation of terms to categories of relatives. To f a c i l i t a t e these aspects of the thesis I w i l l present a detailed description of the kinship terminologies collected by myself in the f a l l and winter of 1963-64. Throughout the body of these descriptions reference w i l l be made to other reported systems wherever comment is warranted. It i s hoped that the descriptive and comparative material w i l l indicate general trends and c l a r i f y the prob-lem areas which have given rise to a good deal of confusion relating to Eskimo kinship systems in general. 6 In the following descriptions I have drawn heavily upon the typologies of Lowie, Kroeber, Murdock, Goodenough and others. Besides incorporating specific definitions employed by these authors I have introduced a few minor modifications in an attempt to achieve cl a r i t y and object-i v i t y . The terms Agnatic and Uterine used by Bohannan (1963) are here taken to mean those links between collaterals which are traced through either a male or female parent but not through both. In this sense the terms cannot be applied between siblings or between parents and offspring. This follows after the pattern used by Spencer in which he separates the categories of relatives into A.lineal and nuclear consanguines; B. collateral consanguines and C. aff i n a l relatives. Affines w i l l be referred to in the manner outlined by Goodenough (1955) and w i l l be designated as being either of Order 1 . , those persons related to Ego through one marital t i e or, as being of Order 2 . , those related to Ego . through two marital t i e s . The terminological determinants proposed by Kroeber, added to by Lowie and utilized by Murdock as 'inherent c r i t e r i a 1 w i l l be used with their original meanings. There appears to be some confusion and a degree of misinterpret-7 ation in Bohannan's use of 'reciprocal'. He states; Lowie emphasized the presence of reciprocity in some systems in which kinsmen c a l l one another by reciprocal terms - the typical example i s between lineal kinsmen of the same sex but of alternate generations: grandfathers c a l l their grandsons by the same term the grandsons c a l l them. Murdock (1949) refers to this character-i s t i c as 'polarity'. (1963; p.64) My f i r s t comment i s to the effect that Kroeber specific-a l l y recognizes the criterion of reciprocity in a paper published eleven years earlier than the one in which, according to Bohannan, Lowie introduces the term (Kroeber, 1909). In this paper Kroeber says; A tendency toward reciprocal expression i s sometimes of importance and may influence the degree to which categories are given expression. Reciprocal terms are such that a l l the persons included in the relationship expressed by one term c a l l by one name a l l the persons who apply this term to them. In the most extreme form of reciprocity the two groups of relatives use the same term. (1909; p.80) My second point i s that Murdock does not refer to this characteristic as "polarity". In his discussion of the cr i t e r i a set out by Kroeber in the earlier paper, Murdock i n i t i a l l y substitutes his own term 'polarity' for the term 'reciprocity' (1949; p.101). He goes on however to clearly distinguish between the terms when he says: Linguistic recognition of this criterion /~~polarity_7 produces two terms for each kin relationship, one by which each p a r t i c i p a n t can denote the other. When p o l a r i t y i s ignored, the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s t r e a t e d as a u n i t and both p a r t i c i p a n t s apply the same c l a s s i f i c a t o r y term to each other. ( I b i d . , p. 104). Murdock f u r t h e r defines the d i s t i n c t i o n when he says t h a t " r e c i p r o c i t y suggests equivalence", ( l o c . c i t . , p. 104). The locus of the confusion appears to l i e i n Kroeber and Bohannan 1s use of one term, r e c i p r o c i t y , f o r two s i t u a t i o n s ; that i s , the existence of a ' p a i r ' of terms and the e x i s t e n c e of a s i n g l e term. Damas (1963) uses the term 'complementary' f o r the f i r s t s i t u a t i o n and " s e l f -r e c i p r o c a l ' f o r the second. These terms seem to be the most u s e f u l and c e r t a i n l y the most unambiguous method of d i s t i n g u i s h i n g the two s i t u a t i o n s and w i l l be used i n t h i s t h e s i s . C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the terminologies f o l l o w s a f t e r Lowie's scheme of Generational, L i n e a l , B i f u r c a t e Merging, and B i f u r c a t e C o l l a t e r a l types. The data f o r the t h e s i s c o n s i s t s of f i v e complete k i n s h i p terminologies taken from ten Eskimo informants and of twelve other complete and p a r t i a l t e r m i n o l o g i e s garnered from the works of previous w r i t e r s . The f r o n t i s p i e c e map i n d i c a t e s the geographical d i s -9 t r i b u t i o n o f t h e s o u r c e a r e a s f o r t h e t e r m i n o l o g i e s i n -c l u d i n g t h o s e c o l l e c t e d by m y s e l f and t h o s e t a k e n from o t h e r p u b l i c a t i o n s . The t e n male Eskimo i n f o r m a n t s were a v a i l a b l e w h i l e a t t e n d i n g a government sponsored heavy-duty machine o p e r a t o r s course a t t h e R o y a l Canadian Army S c h o o l o f E n g i n e e r i n g w h i c h i s l o c a t e d a t Vedder C r o s s i n g , B r i t i s h C o l umbia. Vedder C r o s s i n g i s f i v e m i l e s s o u t h o f t h e c i t y o f C h i l l i w a c k , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . Two o f t h e men spoke p a s s a b l e E n g l i s h and a l l but t h r e e had a s l i g h t u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f spoken E n g l i s h . A l l i n t e r v i e w i n g was conducted i n t h e Eskimo language on t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t by u s i n g Eskimo as t h e language o f commun-i c a t i o n t h e r e would be l e s s p o s s i b i l i t y o f e r r o r s . A p a r t from minor, and n o t w h o l l y u n e x p e c t e d d i a l e c t a l d i f f e r e n c e s , I e n c o u n t e r e d no problems i n communication. ^ F i v e complete and t h r e e i n c o m p l e t e k i n s h i p t e r m i n -o l o g i e s were c o l l e c t e d f r o m t h e men o v e r a p e r i o d o f f o u r months between mid-November, 1963 and mid-March, 1964. F o u r o f t h e t e r m i n o l o g i e s were t a k e n from s i n g l e i n f o r m a n t s , t h e f i f t h was s u b s t a n t i a t e d i n p a r t s by t h e t h r e e i n c o m p l e t e t e r m i n o l o g i e s . -*-I spent seven y e a r s between 1950 and 1957, as an employee o f t h e Hudson's Bay Company, i n v a r i o u s p o s t s i n t h e Canadian A r c t i c , and had a c q u i r e d my knowledge o f t h e Eskimo language d u r i n g t h a t p e r i o d . 10 Two of the men were unable to provide kinship terms other than nuclear family terms. One of these men, although a member of a large, complex extended type of family, knew very l i t t l e of the Eskimo terminology. He has been attending schools, he says, for a total of ten years and speaks a f a i r degree of English. He acted as interpreter between the other Eskimos and the 'whites'. The second man, although conversant with the terminology (that i s , he would assent as to whether a term was correct or not) never volunteered terminology by himself. The table on the following page has been set out in an attempt to indicate, in part, the nature of the social matrix in the background of each informant who supplied sets of terms. Referring to irable 1 i t can be seen that the major-ity, or a substantial minority, of each informant's kin group were located at or close by the informants 'home' settlement. I think that I can safely make the assumption that each of the informants had day to day social contact with kinsmen of one category or another. S t i l l referring to Table 1 one of the more puzzling features i s the range i n numbers of known, or recognized, kin. The only explanation I can offer for this distribu-TABLE 1. 'Home' settlement of informant Age mar i ta l status Relat ive with whom he res ides No. of persons recognized as kin Loca l i t y of majority of putative k in Pond Inlet 2 0 S Father 85 Pond In let Eskimo Point 17 S Father 46 Eskimo Pt. Southampton Is land 19 S Father 71 Southampton Whale Cove 18 s Elder Brother 32 Whale Cove Frobisher Bay 19 s Elder Brother 23 Frobisher/Cape Dorset tt 19 s Father 18 Frobisher tt 20 s Father 19 Frobisher/C. Dorset Ches te r f i e ld In let 17 s Father 24 Rankin/Chest-e r f i e l d . Baker Lake* 17 s Father 18 Baker Lake *This i s the man who apparently knew the terminology but would not volunteer the terms. Personal names have been omitted for two reasons. F i r s t , the names by which these men were re fe r red to were names given them by the 'whi tes ' , f o r example Sam Eskimo fol lowed by a r eg i s t r a t i on number. Another example involved one of the men who was re fe r red to by h is f a t he r ' s name (father l i v i ng ) t h i s was anomalous since the group to which he belongs p roh ib i t s the pract ice of conferr ing the names of l i v i n g r e l a t i v e s . When I queried the man about h is name he informed me of h is own name. In short the names used by the men are, i n the main those given them by non-Eskimo and as such are spurious. The second reason fo r omitt ing the names of the informants i s simply that I d id not secure permission fo r the i r pub l i ca t ion . 12 t i o n r e l a t e s t o t h e e x t e n t o f m i g r a t i o n s i n t o t h e p e r -manent s e t t l e m e n t s . I n the case o f the Pond I n l e t f i g u r e the e n t i r e k i n group of t h e i n f o r m a n t s , t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e i r dependents o f d e s c e n d i n g and a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s , have a l o n g h i s t o r y (20 y e a r s ) of c l o s e a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h t h e s e t t l e m e n t o f Pond I n l e t i t s e l f . On t h e c o n t r a r y , t h e f i n a l f i g u r e i n t h e t a b l e i s t a k e n f rom an i n f o r m a n t whose p a r e n t s o n l y are p e r m a n e n t l y s e t t l e d i n Baker Lake. T h i s i n f o r m a n t s t a t e d t h a t he had o t h e r kinsmen but t h a t they l i v e d i n l a n d and t h a t he n e i t h e r knew who t h e y were nor t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o him. S i m i l a r l y f o r t h r e e F r o b i s h e r Bay i n f o r m a n t s , t h a t i s , t h e y a d m i t t e d t o h a v i n g been t o l d by p a r e n t s and o t h e r c o - r e s i d e n t i a l kinsmen t h a t t h e y had o t h e r k i n i n d i f f e r e n t p a r t s o f the A r c t i c . The p o i n t i s t h a t t h e y d i d not know e x a c t l y where o r e x a c t l y what k i n d o f k i n t h e y were. The t o t a l number of known k i n a l t h o u g h i m p o r t a n t when d i s c u s s i n g t h e i d e a l k i n s h i p system i s o f l e s s i m p o r t -ance t h a n t h e t o t a l number o f s o c i a l l y i n t e r - a c t i n g k i n i n t h e f a c e - t o - f a c e s i t u a t i o n . The g e n e o l o g i c a l method was f o l l o w e d i n e l i c i t i n g t h e t y p e s and number of kinsmen of w h i c h t h e i n f o r m a n t was aware. These were a c c e p t e d as 'persons r e c o g n i z e d as k i n ' ( C f . T a b l e 1; p. 11) i f t h e i n f o r m a n t c o u l d e i t h e r 13 s p e c i f y them by name, or, i f he could s p e c i f y the r e l a t i o n -ship between the unnamed and a named kinsman. 'Blanks' i n the k i n s h i p chart r e s u l t i n g from the l i m i t e d ranges of the geneologies were f i l l e d by asking f o r the r e l a t i o n s h i p which would e x i s t should an Ego have such r e l a t i v e s , e.g. greatgrandfather/mother. The f i n a l k i n s h i p charts were checked i n p a r t by going over each one w i t h the appropriate respondent and i n -s e r t i n g ' e r r o r s ' i n those places where there had been some doubt. These d o u b t f u l r e l a t i o n s h i p s had been noted by u n d e r l i n i n g w i t h the b i o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n r e l a t i v e to Ego, f o r example, i f the term f o r an uncle seemed t o be given u n c e r t a i n l y , or not at a l l , the n o t a t i o n FaBr or MoBr was placed against the symbol on the chart. The i n s e r t i o n of the ' e r r o r ' appeared to galvanize the r e c a l l of the inform-ant and i n every case where t h i s method was used the ' c o r r e c t ' term was i n s i s t e d upon by the informant. Not a s i n g l e ' e r r o r ' was accepted by any of the informants. The m a j o r i t y of the d o u b t f u l terms appeared to be r e l a t e d to doubt or confusion on the part of the informant as to the exact b i o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t i n g between the r e l a t i v e ( r e a l or imaginary) i n question and Ego. Whenever t h i s doubt was c l e a r e d away the informants u s u a l l y had no h e s i t a t i o n i n applying a k i n s h i p term to the kinsman. 14 The r e l i a b i l i t y o f d a t a of t h i s n a t u r e , when t a k e n from s i n g l e i n f o r m a n t s , i s always q u e s t i o n a b l e . On t h e o t h e r hand i f one c o n s i d e r s t h e r e p o r t e d s i c r e p a n c i e s i n t e r m i n o l o g i c a l systems t a k e n from i n f o r m a n t s f r o m a s i n g l e a r e a t h e problem o f a s s e s s i n g d a t a r e l i a b i l i t y i s r e d u c e d , b a s i c a l l y , t o an e i t h e r / o r s t a t e . That i s , t h e v a r i a t i o n i s e i t h e r a t t h e i n d i v i d u a l and i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l y l e v e l o r i t i s a t t h e group l e v e l . I concur w i t h Damas (1963) t h a t b o t h t y p e s o f v a r i a t i o n can and do o c c u r . A l t h o u g h I f e e l t h a t the i n f o r m a n t s a r e r e l i a b l e i t i s r e i t e r a t e d t h a t the f o l l o w i n g f i g u r e s showing k i n s h i p terms a r e , i n each c a s e , t a k e n from a s i n g l e i n f o r m a n t . I n the p r e s e n t a t i o n and d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e f i v e k i n -s h i p systems male Egos a r e used e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o t h e terms used by female Egos where t h e s e d i f f e r from t h o s e used by male Egos. No c h a r t s were er e c t e d f o r female Ego o r i e n t e d systems. F i g u r e One. F i g u r e One shows th e k i n s h i p system a c c o r d i n g t o t h e s i n g l e i n f o r m a n t from Southampton I s l a n d . I n Ego's gener-a t i o n s i b l i n g s a r e d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from o t h e r c o l l a t e r a l s , t h i s h o l d s f o r an Ego o f e i t h e r sex. W i t h i n t h e s i b l i n g group d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s c a r r i e d out on t h e bases o f r e l a t i v e age and of sex. There a r e d i s t i n c t terms f o r o l d e r and FIGURE 1 O ananats ft O atatats ananats atatats O <1 3 ananats il, q atatats ananats atatats ananats atatats ananats atatats ananats § atatats Q ananats <5 atatats 1'2 D ananats a.tatats ananats tjj atatats a k D atsak akj^ j angak akO atsak <D al akkl a n 9 a k ak ak akp atsak aklcj akak I ' akD atsak — •$ akl<] akak • ! akpj atsak akl<j angak A K P atsak akL ak •angak ak akD atsak akl^ akak akp atsak i k O akak O atsak. A o — <!l n i ngauk angak atsak .Q anana li 1 ^ atata O atsak akak atsak Q| ni ngauk nayak yuruk O a i angnakat i k nayak — r " ~ <] ningauk uyuruk O a i Mi angnakat i k <] ningauk nayak nayak "9 <] ningauk O nuliak •4-v yuruk yuruk ego O a i angayuk O ai nuka <] n i ngauk O pan i k <3 i rngn i k 1° kangiyak kangiyak C nayah kang i yak O ai arigut i kat <i n i ngauk kangiyak <!] ningauk Male Ego a i kang i yak ft a i angnakat i.k kang i yak 16 younger s i b l i n g s o f t h e same sex as Ego; t h e terms a r e , f o r o l d e r s i b l i n g , Angayuk and f o r younger s i b l i n g Nuka. The r o o t meaning o f t h e f o r m e r term i s a sense o f ' l a r g e r ' , ' o l d e r ' w h i l e t h e r o o t o f t h e second term i s 'new'. There a r e two o t h e r terms commonly used i n r e f e r e n c e t o same sex s i b l i n g s . These a r e Angayunerkpa ( o l d e s t , l a r g e s t ) and Nukakinak ( y o u n g e s t ) . The l a t t e r term i s o f t e n r e n d e r e d as Nukakpak (same meaning). There i s a s i n g l e term f o r o p p o s i t e s e x s i b l i n g s ; f o r male Ego, s i s t e r s a r e N a i y a k , f o r female: Ego b r o t h e r s a r e A n i k . B o t h a r e p r i m a r y t e r m s . S t i l l a n o t h e r term e x i s t s w h i c h i s a p p l i c a b l e t o a newborn o r i n f a n t s i b l i n g o f e i t h e r sex, t h i s t e r m i s Nutak (stem: New) and i s used by b o t h sexes o f n u c l e a r and l i n e a l r e l a t i o n s h i p i n any a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n . The s i s t e r t e rm, N a i y a k , ( o r a d e r i v a t i v e ) i s extended t o femal e c o l l a t e r a l s o f male Ego's g e n e r a t i o n and t h e b r o t h e r term A n i k , i s extended t o t h e f e m a l e Ego's male c o l l a t e r a l s i n h e r g e n e r a t i o n . T h i s i s t r u e f o r t h e d a t a t a k e n from a l l s o u r c e s w i t h t h e d e f i n i t e e x c e p t i o n o f A l a s k a n m a t e r i a l used and t h e o p t i o n a l e x c e p t i o n o f t h e I g l u l i k and Pond I n l e t d a t a . There a r e two terms f o r same sex c o l l a t e r a l s o f Ego's 17 generation. The term A n g u t i k a t i k i s used to designate those c o l l a t e r a l s who t r a c e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to Ego through two agnatic l i n k s . The stem of the term i s Angut, a male. This stem w i t h the possessive s u f f i x 'ga' i s commonly used to designate 'a male r e l a t i v e ' of the f i r s t ascending generation. In the case of an adoptive r e l a t i o n -ship a second s u f f i x , 'sak', i s appended. This l a t t e r usage i s reported by Damas (1963) to apply to adoptive r e l a t i o n s h i p s only. The term Arngnakatik designates same sex c o l l a t e r a l s whose r e l a t i o n s h i p i s t r a c e d through e i t h e r two u t e r i n e l i n k s or through a u t e r i n e p l u s an agnatic l i n k . This places a l l cross-cousins and maternal p a r a l l e l cousins i n the same category. The stem of t h i s term i s Arngnak, 'female' and, as wit h the Angut term can be used to designate a female r e l a t i v e of an ascending generation. These 'cousin' terms are s e l f - r e c i p r o c a l , t h a t i s , Ego i s A n g u t i k a t i k to those whom he designates by t h i s term and i s Arngnakatik to those whom he so addresses. For opposite sex c o l l a t e r a l s and s i b l i n g s the term-i n o l o g y i s of 'Hawaiian' type. The only systems reported to conform to the 'Eskimo type' are those given by Honigman (1962) f o r Great whale River area and Willmott (1961) f o r the Port Harrison area. The cousin terminology w i l l be d i s -cussed more f u l l y i n a l a t e r s e c t i o n . As Damas (1963) suggests, the determination of the 18 terms app e a r s t o be l o c a t e d i n t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g gener-a t i o n . The r e c i p r o c a l n a t u r e of t h e terms i s e x p l a i n a b l e i n terms o f Tax's (1955) ' e q u i v a l e n c e o f r e l a t i o n s h i p ' c o n c e p t . The t e r m i n o l o g y f o r t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n i s b i f u r c a t e c o l l a t e r a l i n type f o r males o n l y . P a r e n t s a r e d i s t i n g u i s h e d from c o l l a t e r a l c o n s a n g u i n e s . The l a t -t e r ( m a l e s ) , a r e s e p a r a t e d t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y a c c o r d i n g t o whether t h e l i n k t o Ego i s a g n a t i c o r u t e r i n e . The terms a r e t h e same f o r e i t h e r male o r female Ego. The t e r m i n -o l o g y f o r f e m a l e consanguines of t h i s g e n e r a t i o n i s L i n e a l i n t y p e ; t h a t i s , MoSi = F a S i and mother i s d e s i g n a t e d by a s e p a r a t e term. A male p a r e n t i s A t a t a ; a f e m a l e p a r e n t i s Anana. The o n l y d e p a r t u r e from t h e s e two p r i m a r y terms i s f o u n d i n t h e A l a s k a n systems where t h e terms Aapa and Aaka (male and female p a r e n t r e s p e c t i v e l y ) o r d e r i v a t i v e s a r e r e p o r t e d . I n t h e A l a s k a n system r e p o r t e d by Spencer t h e terms A t a t a and Anana a r e used t o d e s i g n a t e t h e l i n e a l k i n o f t h e second a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n . The term A t s a k ( A t t a k o f Damas) i n c l u d e s b o t h u t e r i n e and a g n a t i c f e m a l e c o n s a n g u i n e a l s o f t h i s g e n e r a t i o n . The a v a i l a b l e d a t a a r e u n e v e n l y d i v i d e d between l i n e a l and b i -f u r c a t e c o l l a t e r a l t y p e t e r m i n o l o g y f o r co n s a n g i n e s o f t h e 19 f i r s t a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n . Male c o l l a t e r a l s o f t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n who have an a g n a t i c l i n k t o Ego a r e d e s i g n a t e d Akak ( C f . Aqak of Damas). Male c o l l a t e r a l s o f t h i s g e n e r a t i o n w i t h a u t e r i n e l i n k t o Ego a r e termed Angak. These terms and t h e term f o r f e m a l e c o l l a t e r a l s a r e extended t o p a r e n t s c o l l a t e r a l s . The mode of e x t e n d i n g t h e s e t erms i s s a i d by Damas t o be as f o l l o w s : P a r e n t ' s c o u s i n s a r e a c c o r d e d aunt and u n c l e terms a f t e r t h e same p a t t e r n (as used f o r p a r e n t ' s s i b l i n g s ) ; t h a t i s , f a t h e r ' s b r o t h e r and f a t h e r ' s male c o u s i n a r e b o t h d e s i g n a t e d as aqak y[my a k a k j ; mother's s i s t e r and mother's female c o u s i n are b o t h d e s i g n a t e d as a i y a k , and so on. (1963; p.36) We a r e n o t concerned w i t h 'mother's female c o u s i n s ' here s i n c e o u r systems d i f f e r f o r t h e s e c o n sanguines but an e x a m i n a t i o n o f e i t h e r Damas' or my c h a r t s w i l l show t h a t Damas' e x p l a n a t i o n i s i n s u f f i c i e n t . F o r example, on Damas' c h a r t f a t h e r ' s male c o u s i n s on t h e f a t h e r ' s mother's s i d e a r e Angak not Aqak as they s h o u l d be i f h i s e x p l a n a t i o n were c o r r e c t . I s u s p e c t t h a t he has h e r e an i n c o m p l e t e statement r a t h e r t h a n an erroneous e x p l a n a t i o n . I w i l l d e a l more f u l l y w i t h t h e s e and r e l a t e d q u e s t i o n s i n a l a t e r p a r t o f t h e t h e s i s . On t h e o t h e r hand, Graburn's c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s o f t h e Sugluk d a t a (1964) a r e c l e a r l y meant t o be t h e same 20 as t h o s e p o s i t e d by Damas; however, Graburn does not p r o v i d e s u f f i c i e n t d a t a t o determine t h e ex a c t n a t u r e o f the mode o f e x t e n s i o n of t h e s e terms i n t h e Sugluk a r e a . I n t h e f i r s t d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n i t can be seen t h a t t h e s e p a r a t i o n of t h e n u c l e a r from t h e c o l l a t e r a l k i n p e r s i s t s . Ego's o f f s p r i n g a r e s e p a r a t e d on t h e b a s i s o f sex; males a r e I r n g n i k and f e m a l e s a r e P a n i k . The o f f s p r i n g , o f male Ego's male s i b l i n g s a r e Kangiyak and t h e o f f s p r i n g o f female s i b l i n g s a r e Uyuruk. F o r f e m a l e Ego t h e o f f -s p r i n g o f male s i b l i n g s a r e Angnak; female s i b l i n g s Nuvak (Damas* W b a k ) . T h i s s i t u a t i o n i s a ' u n i v e r s a l ' f o r t h e d a t a a v a i l a b l e . The two e x c e p t i o n s a r e Spencer's A l a s k a n and my Eskimo P o i n t d a t a . The t erms f o r s i b l i n g ' s o f f s p r i n g a r e extended t o </ t h e o f f s p r i n g o f c o l l a t e r a l s o f Egos g e n e r a t i o n . There i s g r e a t v a r i a t i o n i n t h e e x t e n s i o n of t h e s e terms t o des-. scending c o l l a t e r a l s . A c c o r d i n g t o Damas t h e c o n s a n g u i n e a l terms o f t h i s g e n e r a t i o n a r e de t e r m i n e d by t h e sex o f t h e l i n k i n g r e l a t i v e i n Ego's g e n e r a t i o n . T h i s appears t o be t h e case f o r t h e c h a r t g i v e n by Damas f o r t h e I g l u l i k a r e a but I hope t o show t h a t t h i s i s a c o i n c i d e n c e and t h a t t h e r e i s a n o t h e r e x p l a n a t i o n which w i l l a p p l y t o t h e I g l u l i k as w e l l as t o a l l o t h e r v a r i a t i o n s o f t h e e x t e n s i o n o f t h e s e 21 terms. Consanguines and a f f i n e s o f t h e second a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n a r e d e s i g n a t e d by two sex d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g terms used by an Ego o f e i t h e r sex. A male r e l a t i v e o f t h i s g e n e r a t i o n i s termed A t a t a t s i a k and a f e m a l e r e l a t i v e A n a n a t s i a k . The stem o f t h e terms a r e t h e p r i m a r y terms used f o r p a r e n t s w i t h t h e p e r f e c t s u f f i x Tsiak'appended. A l i t e r a l t r a n s l a t i o n o f t h e terms reads ' p e r f e c t f a t h e r ' ; ' p e r f e c t mother'. Damas (1963) g i v e s t h e s e two terms as a l t e r n a t i v e s t o two o t h e r s i . e . I t u k and N i n g i u k . These l a t t e r terms a r e p r i m a r y and a r e a p p l i c a b l e t o any ' o l d man' and ' o l d woman'. D u r i n g my i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f t h e etymology o f the k i n s h i p terms I was g i v e n t o u n d e r s t a n d t h a t A t a t a t s i a k and A n a n a t s i a k a r e t h e more s p e c i f i c k i n terms and t h a t the I t u k and N i n g i u k terms a r e g e n e r a l , non-s p e c i f i c and n o n - k i n terms. To be used as s p e c i f i c k i n terms t h e s u f f i x 'ga' i s appended t o i n d i c a t e ' p o s s e s s i o n ' . T h i s a c c o r d s w i t h the m a j o r i t y o f the d a t a a v a i l a b l e . I t s h o u l d be noted t h a t t h e a f f i n a l / c o n s a n g u i n e a l boundary i s o v e r r i d d e n i n t h i s g e n e r a t i o n ; t h e terms b e i n g a p p l i c a b l e t o spouses of t h e consanguines o f t h i s genera-t i o n . A s i n g l e term, I r n g u t a k ( I r n g u t a q , c f . Damas) i s 22 used by an Ego o f e i t h e r sex t o denote a l l c o n s a n g u i n e a l r e l a t i v e s o f t h e second d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n i r r e s p e c t i v e of t h e i r s ex and degree o f c o l l a t e r a l i t y . U n l i k e the second a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n t h e a f f i n a l / c o n s a n g u i n e a l boundary i s m a i n t a i n e d as i t i s i n a l l o t h e r d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s . The stem o f t h e I r n g u t a k term i s t h a t used t o d e s i g n a t e t h e male o f f s p r i n g o f Ego. The same stem i s o f t e n used t o phrase t h e meaning 'born' o r ' b i r t h ' . The t h i r d a s c e n d i n g and d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s a r e denoted by e i t h e r a male o r female Ego by a s i n g l e term each. The term Amau d e s i g n a t e s both male and fe m a l e , a f f i n a l and c o n s a n g u i n e a l r e l a t i v e s o f the t h i r d a s c e n d -i n g g e n e r a t i o n . The t e r m I l l u l i g i k , s o m e t i m e s r e n d e r e d as I l l u l i k , r e f e r s t o male and femal e consanguines o n l y o f t h e t h i r d d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n . W i l l m o t t (1961) r e -p o r t s a term, I l l u u q a t i k (same r o o t I l l u ) t o mean ' s h a r i n g t h e same house'. I suggest t h a t t h e stem has the meaning ' i n s i d e ' o r , b e t t e r , 'encompassed'. The Eskimo term f o r a snowhouse i s I l l u v i n e r k o r I g l u v i n e r k ; t h e s u f f i x t o . i n d i c a t e p o s i t i o n i s 'Ane'; t h e word f o r ' i n s i d e ' i s I l l u a n e , 'those i n s i d e ' i s r e n d e r e d I l l u l i k and the stem o f t h i s term i s used i n t h e I g l u l i k , Pond I n l e t and A l a s k a n systems 23 t o i n d i c a t e c r o s s - c o u s i n s . I n s h o r t I l l u l i g i k r e f e r s t o t h e d i s t a n t but i n c l u d e d c o n s a n g u i n e a l r e l a t i v e s i n t h e d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s . Spencer (1959) s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e f o r e g o i n g terms a r e m o d i f i c a t i o n s o f the " r e l a t i v e " term I l l a k a . F i g u r e 1 shows t h e terms f o r f i r s t o r d e r a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e s o f Ego. I n Ego's g e n e r a t i o n a l l i n - m a r r y i n g a f f i n e s o f o p p o s i t e sex a r e termed M . T h i s i s a c l a s s i c example of a ' r e c i p r o c a l ' term. The s i n g l e t e rm A i denotes a r e l a t i o n -s h i p i n which each p a r t i c i p a n t stands i n an e q u i v a l e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p t o each o t h e r and t h i s e q u i v a l e n c e i s denoted by a s e l f - r e c i p r o c a l term. F o r a male Ego a f f i n a l males o f t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g , h i s own and a l l d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s a r e Ningauk and a f f i n a l f e m a l e s of a l l d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s a r e Ukuak (Damas' Ukkuaq). F o r a f e m a l e Ego a f f i n a l f e m a l e s o f her own and a l l d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s are Ukuak. A f f i n a l males of a l l d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s a r e Ningauk. These two t e r m s , JJingauk and Ukuak a r e a p p l i e d t o i n - m a r r y i n g males and f e m a l e s r e s p e c t i v e l y i n every r e p o r t e d system. 24 I n t h e second a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n female a f f i n e s a r e d e s i g n a t e d by t h e same term used f o r consanguines t h u s the a f f i n a l / c o n s a n g u i n e a l boundary i s o v e r r i d d e n f o r t h i s sex i n t h i s g e n e r a t i o n . F i g u r e 2 shows th e k i n s h i p t e r m i n o l o g y g i v e n by the respondent from F r o b i s h e r Bay. I s u s p e c t t h i s system t o be a s y n t h e s i s o f the Lake Harbour and Cape D o r s e t systems. The respondent was born i n t h e Cape Dor s e t a r e a , w h i c h i s a l s o t h e a r e a o f o r i g i n h i s f a t h e r and h i s f a t h e r ' s kinsmen. When t h e respondent was about f o u r y e a r s o l d h i s f a t h e r moved the f a m i l y t o t h e Lake Harbour a r e a , t h i s a r e a i s t h e a r e a o f o r i g i n o f t h e r e s p o n d e n t ' s mother and h e r kinsmen. The f a m i l y has o n l y r e c e n t l y moved t o F r o b i s h e r Bay and I do not f e e l t h a t t h e r e p o r t e d t e r m i n o l o g y can be t a k e n as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f t h a t a r e a . T h i s c o n c l u s i o n i s f u r t h e r j u s t i f i e d by d i f f e r e n c e s i n t e r m i n o l o g i e s r e -p o r t e d to me by t h e t h r e e r e s p o n d e n t s who had been b o r n and s t a y e d i n t h e F r o b i s h e r Bay a r e a . U n f o r t u n a t e l y t h e s e l a t t e r r e s p o n d e n t s were u n a b l e t o g i v e me f u l l k i n s h i p systems, c o n s e q u e n t l y t h e F r o b i s h e r Bay a r e a i s o m i t t e d from c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n t h i s t h e s i s . F i g u r e Two . The terms f o r l i n e a l and n u c l e a r consanguines a r e FIGURE 2 a i y a r a p i k u l u a t saku luap ik O Qananats iak ft A a t a t a t s i a k \q angakulu atsaku1uapi k ^ n a n a t s i a k Q l a t a t a t s i a k Uangakulu ats lakuluapik -^ananatsiak l a t a t a t s i a k atsaku1uap i k Q Dananats iak ti— <] a t a t a t s iak Lj akakulu atsaku1uap i k ananats iak p • a ka ku 1 u a t a t a t s i a k •<] atsaku]uap i k Qananats iak 0 ft angaku1u ^ln inguak anana II • _<]atata a t a t a t s iak angakulu atsaku1uap ik a n a n a t s i a k p ^ a t a t a t s i a k L j angakulu 3ananats iak <i a t a t a t s iak atsaku1uap i k D ananats i a k P *-3 a t a t a t s i a k L akakulu atsaku1uap i k ananats i a k P ats akuluapik ^ a ta ta t s i akL^ akakulu 3-ryjarapikulu O akakulu <In inguak Q a i KI uyuruk nayaku1u — T <J ningauk nayak .O ningauk l<] Q] ningauk O nayaku lu |^ 0 k i 1 l u k u l u a p i <] ningauk nayak O nu1iak 4 ego Q a i angayuk O < O < O a i <3 n ingauk "O nayakulu O 3 1 i 1 l u k u l u a p i <] ningauk nayaku 1 O a 1 uyuruk uyuruk uyuruk uyuruk uyuruk uyuruk uyuruk panik ^ ^. i r ngn ik a> 15 kang i ya kang i yak kangiyak kang i yak kangiyak kangiyak>i» <J/ Male Ego 26 t h e same as t h o s e r e p o r t e d f o r a l l o t h e r a r e a s and a r e as shown i n t h e summary c h a r t . I n Ego's g e n e r a t i o n same sex s i b l i n g s a r e t e r m i n -o l o g i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d f r om same sex c o l l a t e r a l s . Two terms a r e used t o d i s t i n g u i s h t h e same sex c o l l a t e r a l s . The term I l l u k u l u a p i k d e s i g n a t e s c o l l a t e r a l s who t r a c e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o Ego t h r o u g h e i t h e r two a g n a t i c o r th r o u g h two u t e r i n e l i n k s . The stem o f the t e r m i s I l l u and t h e . a f f i x e s a r e t h e d i m i n u t i v e s K u l u and A p i k . The use of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r stem f o r t h e s e r e l a t i v e s d i f f e r s from t h a t r e p o r t e d by Damas (I963) f o r I g l u l i k and by L a n t i s , Hughes and Spencer f o r A l a s k a n groups. In t h e l a t t e r r e -p o r t s and f o r t h e Pond I n l e t d a t a c o l l e c t e d a t C h i l l i w a c k , t h e term i s used t o d e s i g n a t e c r o s s - c o u s i n s r a t h e r t h a n p a r a l l e l c o u s i n s . The term Uyuruk d e s i g n a t e s same sex c o l l a t e r a l s who t r a c e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o Ego t h r o u g h an a g n a t i c and a u t e r i n e c o m b i n a t i o n . T h i s i s one o f t h e two i n s t a n c e s i n which t h e term Uyuruk i s a p p l i e d t o consan-g u i n e s o f t h e same g e n e r a t i o n as Ego, the o t h e r i n s t a n c e i s r e p o r t e d f o r t h e C h e s t e r f i e l d I n l e t a r e a . I n a l l o t h e r r e p o r t e d systems t h e term, a l t h o u g h a p p l i e d i n v a r i o u s ways t o c o n s anguines o f t h e f i r s t d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n , i s r e -s t r i c t e d t o t h i s g e n e r a t i o n . The f o r e g o i n g terms a r e the same f o r an Ego of e i t h e r 27 sex. O p p o s i t e sex c o l l a t e r a l s a r e d e s i g n a t e d by a d i m i n u t i v e o f t h e o p p o s i t e sex s i b l i n g t e r m . F o r a male Ego t h e s e terms a r e : Naiyak ( s i s t e r ) and N a i y a k u l u (female c o u s i n = l e s s e r s i s t e r ) . F o r a f e m a l e Ego the t e r m s a r e : A n i k ( b r o t h e r ) and A n i k u l u ( l e s s e r b r o t h e r ) . I n t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n terms f o r l i n e a l c o nsanguines a r e d i s t i n c t from terms f o r c o l l a t e r a l con-s a n g u i n e s . There a r e two terms f o r c o l l a t e r a l male r e l a t -i v e s o f t h i s g e n e r a t i o n . A k a k u l u d e s i g n a t e s t h e f a t h e r ' s b r o t h e r and Angakulu d e s i g n a t e s t h e mother's b r o t h e r . The stems of t h e terms a r e t h e p r i m a r y terms Akak and Angak found i n the m a j o r i t y o f the ..reported t e r m i n o l o g i e s but w i t h t h e d i m i n u t i v e a f f i x K u l u appended. I t s h o u l d be p o i n t e d out t h a t t h e use o f d i m i n u t i v e s i n Eskimo appears t o r e f e r t o both ' l e s s e r q u a n t i t y ' and ' l e s s e r q u a l i t y ' t h e e x a c t meaning b e i n g d e r i v e d from th e c o n t e x t i n which the r e f e r e n c e i s made. Thus t h e f o l l o w -i n g s e r i e s of meanings a r e p o s s i b l e : Angut ( m a l e ) , A n g u t i k u l u ( p h y s i c a l l y s m a l l male c h i l d e t c . ) , A n g u t i k u l u ( i n s i g n i f i c a n t male, d i s o b e d i e n t c h i l d e t c ; i n a non-p h y s i c a l s e n s e . ) . The A k a k u l u and Angakulu terms are extended t o c o l -l a t e r a l consanguines of Ego's p a r e n t s i n t h e same manner as 28 i n t h e o t h e r r e p o r t e d systems. That i s , male c o l l a t e r a l s who a r e l i n k e d t o e i t h e r o f Ego's p a r e n t s t h r o u g h t h e i r male p a r e n t a r e d e s i g n a t e d by t h e Akak term o r a d e r i v a -t i v e s u ch as A k a k u l u . Male c o l l a t e r a l s who a r e l i n k e d t o e i t h e r o f Ego's p a r e n t s through t h e i r female p a r e n t a r e d e s i g n a t e d by t h e Angakulu term (cf. p. 17). I n t h e Sugluk system t h e e x t e n s i o n o f t h e terms i s s a i d t o be d e t e r m i n e d by the sex o f t h e p a r e n t l i n k i n g t h e r e l a t i v e t o Ego. Thus Akak (Graburn's A t k a k ) r e f e r s t o : A male p a t e r n a l consanguine o f t h e f i r s t or second degree o f c o l l a t e r a l i t y and f i r s t a s -c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n , e.g. F a B r , FaMoBrSon. (1964; p.46) S i m i l a r l y , Angakulu (Angak of Graburn) i s s a i d t o r e f e r t o MoBr, o r MoFaSiSon, e t c . ( i b i d . ) . A s i n g l e t e r m , A t s a k u l u a p i k , denotes a l l f e m a l e con-s a n g u i n e s of the f i r s t a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n . The stem o f the term i s t h e p r i m a r y term A t s a k . I n t h i s system, as i n th e Southampton I s l a n d system, t e r m i n o l o g y r e f e r r i n g t o fe m a l e consanguines o f t h i s g e n e r a t i o n i s L i n e a l i n type whereas t h e t e r m i n o l o g y f o r male consanguines of t h e same g e n e r a t i o n i s B i f u r c a t e C o l l a t e r a l i n t y p e . The t e r m i n o l -ogy f o r consanguines i n t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n i s th e same f o r an Ego o f e i t h e r sex. A c u r i o u s p a t t e r n i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r t e r m i n o l o g y i s 29 the use of diminutives f o r a l l c o l l a t e r a l consanguineal r e l a t i v e s . The stem terms are, however, c o n s i s t e n t w i t h those recorded f o r other k i n s h i p t e r m i n o l o g i e s . In the f i r s t descending generation Ego's o f f s p r i n g are t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y d i s t i n c t from those of h i s l i n e a l and c o l l a t e r a l consanguines. The son and daughter terms I r n g i k and Panik are the same as those given f o r every reported k i n s h i p system. For a male Ego the o f f s p r i n g (both sexes), of male s i b l i n g s are designated Kangiyak; o f f s p r i n g of female s i b -l i n g s are Uyuruk. For a female Ego the corresponding terms are given as Nuvak f o r o f f s p r i n g of both sexes from a female s i b l i n g and Angnak designates the o f f s p r i n g of male s i b l i n g s . Both s e t s of terms, those f o r male and f o r female Ego, are extended t o the o f f s p r i n g of f i r s t degree c o l l a t e r a l s . The mode of extension i s p r o b l e m a t i c a l and w i l l be d e a l t with l a t e r i n the t h e s i s . These terms and the primary r e l a t i v e s they designate, with the exception of Spencer's Alaskan data and t h a t given by the informant from C h e s t e r f i e l d I n l e t , appear to be ' u n i v e r s a l ' . Two terms are used to designate r e l a t i v e s of the second ascending generation. The term A t a t a t s i a k r e f e r s to male consanguineal and a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e s of t h i s genera-30 t i o n and the term Ananatsiak r e f e r s t o female consanguineal and a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e s . The stems of the terms are Anana and Atata i . e . mother and f a t h e r , w i t h the p e r f e c t a f f i x Tsiak appended to them. A s i n g l e term, Irngutak, designates a l l consan-guineals of e i t h e r sex i n the second descending generation. The term o v e r r i d e s the l i n e a l / c o l l a t e r a l boundary as w e l l as being n o n - d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g as to the sex of the r e l a t i v e . R e l a t i v e s of both the t h i r d ascending and descending generations are denoted by a s i n g l e term. A f f i n a l and consanguineal r e l a t i v e s of both sexes i n the t h i r d ascend-i n g generation are designated Amau. Consanguineal r e l a t i v e s of e i t h e r sex i n the t h i r d descending generation are de-signated as I l l u l i k . Unlike the s i n g l e term f o r r e l a t i v e s of the t h i r d ascending generation t h i s term excludes a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e s . Included i n Figure 2 are the terms a p p l i e d t o f i r s t order a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e s . In-marrying persons i n Ego's generation and of op-p o s i t e sex to Ego are designated by the s e l f - r e c i p r o c a l term A i . For a male Ego in-marrying males of the f i r s t ascend-31 i n g and a l l d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s are Ningauk. A l l i n -m a r r y i n g females o f t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n a r e A i y a r a p i k u l u . The stem of t h i s t e r m appears t o be A i y a k w i t h t h e d i m i n u t i v e s A p i k and K u l u appended t o i t . I n -m a r r y i n g f e m a l e s o f a l l d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s a r e Ukkuak. F o r a f e m a l e Ego i n - m a r r y i n g males of t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n a r e A i y a r a p i k u l u . A l l i n - m a r r y i n g f e m a l e s o f t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g and a l l d e s c e n d i n g gener-a t i o n s a r e Ukkuak. A l l i n - m a r r y i n g males of t h e d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s a r e Ningauk. F i g u r e T h r ee. F i g u r e Three shows the k i n s h i p t e r m i n o l o g y t a k e n from t h e s i n g l e i n f o r m a n t f r o m t h e Pond I n l e t a r e a . The t e r m i n -o l o g y f o r t h i s a r e a i s almost e x a c t l y analogous t o t h a t r e p o r t e d by Damas (1963) f o r the I g l u l i k a r e a . The few d i s c r e p a n c i e s between th e I g l u l i k and Pond I n l e t d a t a w i l l be p o i n t e d out i n t h e body of t h e f o l l o w i n g d e s c r i p t i o n . I n Ego's g e n e r a t i o n t h e t e r m i n o l o g y and c l a s s i f i c a -t i o n o f s i b l i n g s on t h e bases o f sex and r e l a t i v e age f o l l o w s t h a t g i v e n f o r a l l o t h e r r e p o r t e d Eskimo k i n s h i p systems. There are t h r e e terms f o r c o l l a t e r a l s o f t h e same sex as Ego i n t h i s g e n e r a t i o n . A n g n a k a t i k d e s i g n a t e s t h o s e c o l l a t e r a l s who t r a c e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o Ego t h r o u g h two FIGURE 3 ft: c 3 ro c ' 3 ningiuk Q a i yak ituk ^ angak ningiuk Q ai yak ituk <1 angak ningiuk ituk n i ng i uk 3 atsak ituk • <3 akak n i ng i uk 3 atsa'k. ituk akak 9. 3 ML O 3 • H O ro c 3 n i ng i uk 3 aiyak ituk <] angak. ningiuk 0 a iyak ituk ^ angak ningiuk ituk ningiuk • 3 atsak ituk ' | <q akak n ing i uk j 3 atsak ituk , I a akak 3 angak n i ngauk nayak 9 ai i 11 u nayak p . uyuruk P i uyuruk aiyak : r9 Q ningauk igauk a i angnakat i k ' <] n i ngauk K6" anana _<] atata nayak nayak -O <j ningauk O nuliak ir yuruk yuruk yuruk yuruk ego Q 3 1 K l Opan i k <]i rngn i k lO ro +J — 3 — c — angayuk kangiyak IS-a i O 3 1 nuka <j ni ngauk h6-akak nayak j^kang iyak ^kangiyak O a i 4 angut i kat i j^ -J^kang i yak atsak <] ningauk r6" § ni,ngauk Male Ego nayak O nayak kang i yak i 1 lu kangiyak ^ \L 33 u t e r i n e l i n k s . The stem o f t h e term i s Angnak ( f e m a l e ) . The term A n g u t i k a t i k d e s i g n a t e s t h o s e c o l l a t e r a l s who t r a c e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to Ego t h r o u g h two a g n a t i c l i n k s . The stem o f t h e t e r m i s Angut (ma l e ) . The t h i r d term a p p l i e d t o same-sex c o l l a t e r a l s i n t h i s g e n e r a t i o n i s I l l u . T h i s term i s s p e c i f i c f o r c r o s s - c o u s i n s i . e . t h o s e who have both a major a g n a t i c and u t e r i n e l i n k t o Ego. The term appears t o stem from t h e r o o t I l l u d e n o t i n g p o s i t i o n ' i n s i d e ' e.g. ' i l l u a n e ' o r ' i l l u a n i t o k ' meaning ' i n s i d e ' or ' • i t i s i n s i d e ' . Spencer r e n d e r s t h e s e t e r m s as Aaxanaken ( A n g n a k i n ) ; Anuutaken ( A n g u t a k i n ) and I i l o r e i k ( I l l u r i k ) . These a r e a s , Pond I n l e t , I g l u l i k N o r t h A l a s k a Nunivak, S t . Lawrence, and Norton Bay a r e t h e o n l y a r e a s f o r which t h e s e t h r e e terms a r e r e p o r t e d f o r c o l l a t e r a l s i n Ego's g e n e r a t i o n . The Eskimo P o i n t system has t h r e e terms a l s o b u t d i f f e r s i n t h e t e r m f o r t h e c r o s s -c o u s i n s . A l l o t h e r r e p o r t e d systems have f e w e r than t h r e e terms f o r same se x consanguines o f t h i s g e n e r a t i o n . The o p p o s i t e sex s i b l i n g term i s extended t o a l l c o l l a t e r a l s of o p p o s i t e s e x i n Ego's g e n e r a t i o n . For a male Ego t h i s i s N a i y a k and f o r a female Ego i t i s A n i k . The Pond I n l e t respondent remarked t h a t , i n o r d e r t o d i s t i n g u i s h t h e s e persons they were 'typed' by p r e f i x i n g the a p p r o p r i a t e same-sex c o u s i n term, e.g. a c r o s s - c o u s i n female would be 34 I l l u - N a i y a k . Damas (1963) recorded the same s o r t of qua l -i f i c a t i o n i n the I g l u l i k area but f e l t t h a t the usage was a f a m i l i a l r a t h e r than a r e g i o n a l phenomenon. Damas also r e p o r t s the o p t i o n a l use of the a f f i x Sag i n the I g l u l i k area. In the f i r s t ascending generation l i n e a l r e l a t i v e s are c l e a r l y set o f f from c o l l a t e r a l consanguines. Four terms are used to denote the c o l l a t e r a l s of t h i s generation, two f o r males and two f o r females. The terms are the same f o r an Ego of e i t h e r sex. A male c o l l a t e r a l traced to Ego through the l a t t e r ' s f a t h e r i s designated Akak; a male r e l a t e d to Ego through the l a t t e r ' s mother i s designated Angak. Female c o l l a t e r a l s l i n k e d to Ego through h i s f a t h e r a r e Atsak and those l i n k e d to Ego through h i s mother are Aiyak In t h i s generation.The t e r m i n o l o g i c a l type i s B i f u r c a t e C o l l a t e r a l f o r r e l a t i v e s of e i t h e r sex. These f o u r terms appear to be extended to parent's cousins on the bases of the sex of the r e l a t i v e l i n k i n g them to the parents of Ego. Consanguineal r e l a t i v e s of the f i r s t descending generation are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d on the bases of l i n e a l i t y and c o l l a t e r a l i t y . The o f f s p r i n g of Ego are t e r m i n o l o g i c -a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from c o l l a t e r a l s on the c r i t e r i o n of 35 l i n e a l i t y and from each other on the basis of sex. For a male Ego the o f f s p r i n g of s i b l i n g s of the same sex are Kangiyak; o f f s p r i n g of opposite sex s i b l i n g s are Uyuruk. The extension of these terms to the o f f s p r i n g of other c o l l a t e r a l s i s apparently on the b a s i s of the sex of the l i n k i n g r e l a t i v e nearest Ego. Where t h i s l i n k i s agnatic the Kangiyak term i s a p p l i e d , where i t i s a u t e r i n e l i n k the Uyuruk term i s used. For a female Ego the terms Nuvak and Angnak replace the terms Kangiyak and Uyuruk r e s p e c t i v e l y . As pointed out p r e v i o u s l y (Cf. p. 18) these terms, although s p e c i f i c to t h i s generation, are extended to c o l l a t e r a l s i n various ways. A d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r problem w i l l be found i n the a n a l y s i s of the k i n s h i p systems and t h e i r s t r u c t u r e . Two terms are employed to designate r e l a t i v e s of the second ascending generation. These are Ituk f o r male and Mingiyuk f o r female r e l a t i v e s . When used as primary terms they mean simply 'old man' and 'old woman'. When used as k i n s h i p terms the possessive a f f i x 'ga' renders t h e i r meaning 'my o l d man/woman'. In the m a j o r i t y of the reported systems the more s p e c i f i c k i n terms A t a t a t s i a k and Ananatsiak are used i n place of Ituk and Ningiyuk. Damas found th a t the I g l u l i k group gave the l a t t e r two terms as a l t e r n a t i v e s f o r the former two. 36 The t e r m s f o r the second a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n i n the Pond I n l e t system, as i n a l l o t h e r s w i t h t h e p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n of t h e N o r t h A l a s k a n and Sugluk systems, o v e r r i d e t h e c o n s a n g u i n e a l / a f f i n a l boundary. A s i n g l e term, and an a l t e r n a t i v e s i n g l e t e r m , i s used t o d e s i g n a t e a f f i n a l and c o n s a n g u i n e a l r e l a t i v e s o f t h e t h i r d g e n e r a t i o n , t h e s e terms a r e I t u k i n a k and t h e a l t e r n a t i v e Amau. The stem of the former term i s I t u k ( o l d man) w i t h t h e a f f i x K inak appended so as t o re n d e r t h e term 'more d i s t a n t o l d man'/or, ' o l d e r o l d man'. The second term, Amau,is a p r i m a r y term w h i c h might be t r a n s l a t e d as ' a n c e s t o r ' . Where t h e term I t u k i n a k i s use d t h e r e f e r e n c e i s t o males o n l y and t h e i n f o r m a n t thought t h a t t h e Amau term would t h e n a p p l y o n l y to f e m a l e s of t h a t g e n e r a t i o n . On t h e o t h e r hand he tho u g h t t h a t i f t h e Amau term were used i t s h o u l d i n c l u d e b oth sexes. I n both t h e second and t h i r d d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s a s i n g l e term i s used to denote c o n s a n g u i n e a l k i n . I n b o t h c a s e s t h e degree o f c o l l a t e r a l i t y and sex c r i t e r i a a r e i g -n o r e d a l t h o u g h t h e a f f i n a l / c o n s a n g u i n e a l boundary i s main-t a i n e d . The term f o r r e l a t i v e s of t h e se c o n d descending g e n e r a t i o n i s I r n g u t a k and f o r r e l a t i v e s o f t h e t h i r d dee-sc e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n t h e term i s I l l u l i k . The stems o f t h e s e terms have been d i s c u s s e d . 37 The t e r m i n o l o g y f o r f i r s t o r d e r a f f i n e s i n t h i s s y s -tem i s i d e n t i c a l t o t h a t r e p o r t e d f o r I g l u l i k by Damas (1963). There a r e t h r e e terms f o r a f f i n e s . A i d e s i g n a t e s o p p o s i t e sex a f f i n e s who marry i n t o Ego's o r t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n . T h i s i s a s e l f - r e c i p r o c a l t e rm. Fo r a male Ego male a f f i n e s o f t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g and a l l d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s a r e Ningauk. Female a f f i n e s o f a l l d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s a r e Ukkuak. F o r a f e m a l e Ego female a f f i n e s o f t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g and a l l d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s a r e Ukkuak and a l l male a f -f i n e s of a l l d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s a r e Ningauk. F i g u r e F o u r . F i g u r e Four shows t h e k i n s h i p system as g i v e n by t h e respondent from C h e s t e r f i e l d I n l e t . L i n e a l and n u c l e a r c o n s a n g u i n e s a re c l a s s e d a c c o r d i n g to t h e common p a t t e r n f o r t h e o t h e r Eskimo systems. There a r e two terms f o r same sex c o l l a t e r a l s i n Ego's g e n e r a t i o n . A n g u t i k a t i k r e f e r s t o t h o s e consanguines who t r a c e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o Ego t h r o u g h t h e l a t t e r ' s f a t h e r . A n g n a k a t i k r e f e r s t o t h o s e consanguines who are l i n k e d t o Ego t h r o u g h t h e l a t t e r ' s mother. O p p o s i t e sex c o l l a t e r a l s a r e d e s i g n a t e d by t h e e x t e n s i o n o f t h e o p p o s i t e sex s i b l i n g term. F o r a male Ego t h i s i s Naiyak f o r a female Ego t h i s i s A n i k . The terms a r e extended i n t h e p r i m a r y •FIGURE k O ananats iakO atsak A atatatsiak^ a n g a k 3 ananats iak Qatsak atatatsiakW angak ZIP iak  ^ ananats iak il <I atatats iak ananats iak atatats i a k L akak atsak i ananats iak D atsak atatats iakv] akak Q ananats iak atsak <3 atatats iakU angak ananats iakO atsak <J] atatats iakl<3 angak ananats iak O D ananatsiakD atsak <5 atatats iak atatats iakL akak ananatsiakD atsak h atatats iakkl akak Q atsak I* fO § ningauk (angak) angak atsak anana 11 1 rO atata n i ngauk nayak Q ai K l , angnakat i k nayak O -ningauk ft a 1 <] n i ngauk nayak nayak <] n i ngauk O nuliak 4 ego Q 3 1 angayuk ft a 1 , nuka atsak, (a i ) ^a, <] ningauk O hO" akak nayak P uyuruk lO ruyuruk angnakat i k O ai yu ruk yuruk yuruk uyuruk Qpanik <] i rngn i k P kang i yak < j^kangi yak m c kangiyak;. ki atsak LO — <n i nguak angut i kat i k z\ ningauk kang i yak ft nayak nayak kang i yak angut i kat-i k kangiyak • Male Ego 39 f o r m i . e . a r e u n m o d i f i e d . T h i s system i s v e r y s i m i l a r to t h a t r e c o r d e d by D a i l e y and D a i l e y (1961) f o r t h e R a n k i n I n l e t Eskimos. I n t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n l i n e a l r e l a t i v e s a r e c l e a r l y s e t o f f from c o l l a t e r a l s . There a r e two terms f o r male c o l l a t e r a l s and a s i n g l e term f o r f e m a l e c o l l a t e r -a l s of t h i s g e n e r a t i o n . The terms f o r t h e male c o l l a t e r a l s a r e Akak f o r t h o s e l i n k e d t o Ego t h r o u g h Ego's male p a r e n t and Angak f o r t h o s e l i n k e d to Ego t h r o u g h h i s female p a r e n t . The term A t s a k d e s i g n a t e s b o t h a f f i n a l and c o n s a n g u i n e a l f e m a l e r e l a t i v e s of t h i s g e n e r a t i o n . The terms a r e the same f o r an Ego o f e i t h e r sex. The 'aunt' and ' u n c l e ' terms are extended t o the c o u s i n s o f t h e p a r e n t s ; t h e f o c a l r e l a t i v e whose sex d e t e r m i n e s t h i s e x t e n s i o n appears t o be l o c a t e d i n t h e second a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n . I n t h e f i r s t d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n Ego's o f f s p r i n g a r e t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y s e p a r a t e d from t h o s e of h i s c o l l a t e r a l s . O f f s p r i n g of a male Ego's male s i b l i n g a r e K a n g i y a k , t h o s e of a f e m a l e s i b l i n g a r e Uyuruk. For a female Ego t h e o f f -s p r i n g of female s i b l i n g s a r e Nuvak and o f f s p r i n g of a male s i b l i n g a r e Angnak. These s e t s o f terms are extended t o t h e o f f s p r i n g o f c o u s i n s . From the system i t appears t h a t t h o s e r e l a t i v e s i n the f i r s t d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n who have 40 •an a g n a t i c l i n k as the most p r o x i m a l t o Ego are Kangiyak, t h o s e who have a u t e r i n e l i n k as t h e most p r o x i m a l t o Ego a r e Uyuruk. </ C o n s a n g u i n e a l and l i n e a l r e l a t i v e s as w e l l as a l l a f f i n a l s o f the second a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n a r e denoted by two terms, one f o r e i t h e r s e x . Male r e l a t i v e s o f t h i s g e n e r a t i o n a r e d e s i g n a t e d A t a t a t s i a k , female r e l a t i v e s as A n a n a t s i a k . The stems o f t h e s e terms have been d i s c u s s e d i n the p r e v i o u s c h a r t s . C o n s a n g u i n e a l r e l a t i v e s o f t h e second d e s c e n d i n g gen-e r a t i o n a r e d e s i g n a t e d by the term I r n g u t a k . The term ex-c l u d e s a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e s but i n c l u d e s consanguines o f b o t h s e x e s . The term I l l u l i k d e s i g n a t e s c o n s a n g u i n e a l s of t h e t h i r d d e s cending g e n e r a t i o n , a g a i n i r r e s p e c t i v e of sex and e x c l u s i v e of a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e s . I n t h e t h i r d a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n a s i n g l e t e r m , Amau, i s used t o d e s i g n a t e r e l a t i v e s o f e i t h e r sex and i n -c l u d e s a f f i n a l and c o n s a n g u i n e a l r e l a t i v e s . O p p o s i t e sex a f f i n e s of Ego's g e n e r a t i o n a r e de-s i g n a t e d by t h e r e c i p r o c a l term A i . F o r a male Ego male a f f i n e s of t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g and a l l descending genera-4 1 t i o n s are Ningauk. Female a f f i n e s of the f i r s t ascending generation are merged wi t h the consanguineal term Atsak. Female a f f i n e s of a l l descending generations are Ukkuak. For a female Ego female a f f i n e s of the f i r s t ascend-ing generation are i n c l u d e d i n the Atsak term f o r consanguines. In-marrying females of her own and a l l descend-ing generations are Ukkuak. A l l in-marrying male re-l a t i v e s of a l l descending generations are Ningauk. Figure F i v e . F i g u r e F i v e i s the f i n a l k i n s h i p chart erected by myself from data gathered at C h i l l i w a c k . This i n f o r m a t i o n was given by a s i n g l e informant from the Eskimo Point area. In t h i s system the t e r m i n o l o g i c a l s e p a r a t i o n of l i n e a l and c o l l a t e r a l consanguines p e r s i s t s . In Ego's generation three terms are used to denote same sex c o l l a t -e r a l s other than s i b l i n g s . Those r e l a t i v e s who t r a c e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to Ego through two agnatic l i n k s are design-ated as A n g u t i k a t i k . Those r e l a t i v e s who t r a c e t h e i r r e -l a t i o n s h i p to Ego through two u t e r i n e l i n k s are designated as Angnakatik. The t h i r d term, Uyuruk, r e f e r s to same sex c o l l a t e r a l s who t r a c e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to Ego through both an agnatic and a u t e r i n e l i n k . I t was noted pre-v i o u s l y (Cf. p. 2 4 ) that t h i s term f o r these r e l a t i v e s i s used i n the Lake Harbour terminology and that i t i s u s u a l l y a p p l i e d to c e r t a i n r e l a t i v e s of the next descending genera-FIGURE 5 O ananats iaknanatnak ft * 2-ft ro E . ro a t a t a t s i a k k ] angak ananats iakOanatnak • <] si a t a t a t s iakkjangak c: D ananats iak II, ; <3 a t a t a t s iak ananats i a k p a t s a k I akak' a t a t a t s a k p ; T a T ^ , . \akOi iak<]' ananats i  k 0 a t s a k a t a t a t s iak<l akak' 0 ananats i a k 0 a n a t n a k <iriO a t a t a t s iak|^ angak ananatsiakPanatnak ^ a t a t a t s i • i a k p a k U angak ananats iak 9 <J a t a t a t s iak • O D ananats a t a t a t s i a k p ananats ^ a t a t a t s i a k p i a l ^ j atsak akak , atsak a ka k O anats iak A <J nin anyak anatnak gauk II anana atat a O Ha akak atsak lO — § ningauk Male Ego n i ngauk nayaksak S 3 i K), uyuruk nayaksak ft <J ningauk nayak nayak •9 <] n i ngauk O n u l i a k * • ego a i angayuk > nuka <j ningauk 1 nayaksak O a i D kangi yak <I uyuruk kangiyak A A p angnakat i k y, ningauk uyuruk kang i yak uyuruk kangi yak uyuruk kangi yak uyuruk kangi yak uyuruk pan i k lO <] i r n g n i k C7I 3 c •— o < angut i kat i k ^ ningauk r6" nayaksak o O a i Ml-. J J yuruk kangiyak uyuruk kangiyak uyuruk kang i yak uyuruk kangiyak uyuruk. kang i yak uyur'uk-kangi yak uyuruk 5 43 t i o n . The o n l y o t h e r d o u b t f u l i n s t a n c e o f t h i s t e r m c r o s s i n g g e n e r a t i o n a l b o u n d a r i e s i s r e p o r t e d f o r the P o r t H a r r i s o n a r e a ( W i l l m o t t , 1961). O p p o s i t e sex c o l l a t e r a l s of t h i s g e n e r a t i o n a r e d e s i g n a t e d by a m o d i f i e d o p p o s i t e s e x s i b l i n g t e r m . F o r a male Ego a l l female consanguines of t h i s g e n e r a t i o n a r e N a i y a k s a k w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f ' s i s t e r ' who i s N a i y a k . For a female Ego t h e m o d i f i e d ' b r o t h e r ' term A n i k s a k i s e x tended t o a l l male c o l l a t e r a l s . I n t h e f i r s t a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n Ego's p a r e n t s are t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y s e p a r a t e d from c o l l a t e r a l c o n s a n g u i n e s . Two t e r m s a r e used t o d e s i g n a t e male c o l l a t e r a l s . Male s i b -l i n g s o f f a t h e r a r e Akak and male s i b l i n g s of mother are Angak. Two t e r m s a r e used to denote f e m a l e c o l l a t e r a l s of t h i s g e n e r a t i o n . The term A t s a k r e f e r s to a f a t h e r ' s s i s t e r and the t e rm Anatnak was g i v e n as r e f e r r i n g t o a mother's s i s t e r . These terms a r e extended t o parents': c o u s i n s i n t h e manner o u t l i n e d i n the p r e v i o u s l y d e s c r i b e d s y s t e m s . The terms a r e t h e same f o r an Ego of e i t h e r s e x . I n t h e f i r s t d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n male Ego s p e a k i n g , a l l f emale r e l a t i v e s o f a l l degrees of c o l l a t e r a l i t y , w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n of own o f f s p r i n g , are d e s i g n a t e d Kangiyak and a l l male r e l a t i v e s a r e d e s i g n a t e d Uyuruk. T h i s i s a 44 r a d i c a l d e p a r t u r e f r o m t h e p r e v i o u s l y d e s c r i b e d systems and w i l l be d i s c u s s e d more f u l l y i n a l a t e r s e c t i o n of t h e p a p e r . The c o r r e s p o n d i n g terms f o r a female Ego a r e Nuvak and Angnak f o r o f f s p r i n g o f same s e x c o l l a t e r a l s and s i b l i n g s and f o r o f f s p r i n g o f o p p o s i t e sex c o l l a t e r a l s and s i b l i n g s . The t e r m i n o l o g y f o r r e l a t i v e s o f the second ascend-i n g g e n e r a t i o n i s the same as t h a t r e p o r t e d f o r a l l o t h e r systems. The t e r m A t a t a t s i a k r e f e r s t o b o t h c o n s a n g u i n e a l and a f f i n a l male r e l a t i v e s and the term A n a n a t s i a k r e f e r s t o f e m a l e a f f i n a l and c o n s a n g u i n e a l r e l a t i v e s . I n t h e second d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n males a r e o p t i o n -a l l y t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y d i s t i n c t f r om f e m a l e s . Male r e -l a t i v e s o f a l l degrees of c o l l a t e r a l i t y a r e d e s i g n a t e d I r n g i s a k , f e males o f a l l degrees of c o l l a t e r a l i t y a r e de-s i g n a t e d P a n i k s a k . The stems of t h e terms a r e t h e son and daughter terms I r n g i k and P a n i k . The a f f i x Sak i s u s u a l l y u s ed i n the manner of ' m a t e r i a l ' or ' m a t e r i a l f o r ....', f o r example raw c a r i b o u h i d e s may be K o l i t a k s a k o r K r i p i k s a k o r K a r g l i k s a k depending upon what use the s p e a k e r has i n mind i . e . a p a r k a , a s l e e p i n g bag, a p a i r of p a n t s . I n k i n t e r m i n o l o g y a b e t t e r example i s Tiguaksak which can be thought of as 'someone (something) f o r a d o p t i o n ; t h i s term g i v e s way t o I r n g i k s a k o r P a n i k s a k , depending upon the s e x 4 5 o f t h e p e r s o n b e i n g adopted, when a c t u a l a d o p t i o n o c c u r s . An a l t e r n a t i v e t e r m f o r r e l a t i v e s o f e i t h e r sex o f t h i s g e n e r a t i o n was g i v e n as I r n g u t a k , t h i s term i s t h e one common t o o t h e r a r e a s . Male and female consanguines and a f f i n e s o f t h e t h i r d a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n a re d e s i g n a t e d by t h e t e r m Amau. Male and female consanguines of t h e t h i r d descend-i n g g e n e r a t i o n a r e d e s i g n a t e d by t h e term I l l u s a k . The stem I l l u i s common f o r t h i s g e n e r a t i o n but has been more u s u a l l y r e n d e r e d as I l l u l i k r a t h e r than I l l u s a k . F i r s t o r d e r a f f i n a l terms of t h i s system d i f f e r f r o m th e m a j o r i t y of t h e r e p o r t e d systems but i s s i m i l a r t o the r e p o r t e d Baker Lake system i n t h a t t h e r e a re d i s t i n c t terms f o r i n - m a r r y i n g female a f f i n e s . A female a f f i n e m a r r i e d t o Ego's f a t h e r ' s b r o t h e r i s Ai_, t h i s i s a common term f o r a f f i n e s . A femal e a f f i n e m a r r i e d t o Ego's mother's b r o t h e r i s A n g n a t s i a k . The system t h e n i s B i f u r c a t e C o l l a t e r a l f o r e i t h e r a f f i n a l o r c o n s a n g u i n e a l f e m a l e r e -l a t i v e s of the f i r s t a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n . U n f o r t u n a t e l y D a i l e y and D a i l e y (1961) do not i n c l u d e t h e s e a f f i n e s i n t h e i r k i n s h i p c h a r t f o r t h e R a n k i n I n l e t a r e a . I f t h e y had done so a comparison o f t h e f o u r a d j a c e n t a r e a s , R a n k i n I n l e t , Eskimo P o i n t , C h e s t e r f i e l d I n l e t and Baker Lake 46 would have been p o s s i b l e . For a male Ego in-marrying males of the f i r s t ascend-i n g and a l l descending generations are Ningauk. A l l in-marrying females of h i s own generation are A i as are females a f f i n e d to him through an a g n a t i c l i n k . In-marry-i n g females of a l l descending generations are Ukkuak. For a female Ego in-marrying males of a l l descending generations are Ninguak. A l l in-marrying males of the f i r s t ascending and her own generation are A i . In-marrying f e -males of the f i r s t ascending and a l l descending generations are Ukkuak. Table 2 i s a compilation of terms reported f o r each generation from + 3 to -3 f o r 17 Eskimo groups. I t w i l l become s e l f - e v i d e n t t h a t some of the reported c o n t r a d i c t i o n s found i n the Eskimo k i n s h i p systems are due e i t h e r to d i a -l e c t a l d i f f e r e n c e s of the language, or, to an i n a b i l i t y , on the p a r t of the i n v e s t i g a t o r , to understand the language. Once these ' i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s ' have been c l a r i f i e d the way to a more meaningful a n a l y s i s and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the k i n s h i p systems w i l l be opened. 47 EXPLANATION AND KEY TO TABLE 2. A b b r e v i a t i o n s M male f female a a f f i n e c consanguine o o l d e r y younger Pa ... p a t e r n a l ma m a t e r n a l g r g r e a t Gr grand ( p a r e n t ) ch c h i l d r e n Fa f a t h e r mo mother B r ......... b r o t h e r s i ......... s i s t e r So son da daughter pc p a r a l l e l c o u s i n xc c r o s s - c o u s i n co pc o r xc Sources o f d a t a 1. D a m a s - I g l u l i k - 0I963 2. V a l l e e - B a k e r Lake - 1962 3 . W i l l m o t t - P o r t H a r r i s o n - 1961 4 . L a n t i s - N u n i v a k I s l a n d - 1946 5. Stevenson ( i ) Southampton I s l a n d - 1964 " ( i i ) Lake Harbour - 1964 " ( i i i ) Pond I n l e t - I964 " ( i v ) C h e s t e r f i e l d I n l e t - I964 " (v) Eskimo P o i n t - 1964 6. Hughes-St. Lawrence I s l a n d - I960 7. Honigman-Great Whale R i v e r - 1962 8. D a i l e y and D a i l e y - R a n k i n I n l e t - I96I 9 . S p e n c e r - P o i n t Barrow - 1949 10. Graburn-Sugluk - 1964 11. G i d d i n g s - K o y u k , N o r t o n Bay - 1952 12. " - E l i m , N o r t o n Bay - 1952 13. P o s p i s i l and L a u g h l i n - Anaktuvuk - I963 48 TABLE 2 G e n e r a t i o n T e r m i n o l o g y + 3- g r G r p a r e n t amau. ( l , 5 i - v ) - mf and ac ama'xlu a amaxn ( ) x (4) - mf amaw (9) - mf and ac a t a a t a c i a l i q u i t a k (10) - m o n l y a n a a n a c i a l i q u i t a k (10) - f o n l y i t u k i n a k ( 5 i i i ) - m o n l y - ( a l t e r n a t i v e term) + 2. GrFa i t u k ( l , 5 i i i ) - ac a p a ' x l u g a x (4) - ac a t a t a t s i a ( 2)-c o n l y a t a t a t s i a k ( 5 i - i i - i v - v ) - m ac a t a a t s i a k (3) - ac a t a ' s i a ( a ) (7) - c o n l y a t a t a c h i a (8) - c o n l y a t a a t c i a (10) - c o n l y aepa (6) - ac a t a t a (9,13) - a, c, ( i f c o r e s i d e n t w i t h Ego) angaaruk (9) - a o n l y ( i f n o t c o r e s i d e n t w i t h Ego) Grmo n i n g i u k ( l , 5 i i i ) -f ac a n a n a t s i a (2) - f c a n a a n t s i a k (3) - f c 49 G e n e r a t i o n T erminology Grmo ( c o n t d ) . ama'xlugax (4) - f ac a n a n a t s i a k ( 5 i - i i - i v - v ) - f ac n i n g y u o e i (6) - f ac a n a ' n t s i a ( a ) (7) - f c ananac h i a (8) - f a?c anana (9) - f ac asoa e e i k (9) - f a s a k i r r a k (9) - mf ac (but n o t l i n e a l p a i r s ) . a t a a t c i a (10) - f ac aanak (10) - FaMo o n l y aana (13) - ac + 1. Fa a t a a t a (1) a t a t a (2,5i-v, 8) a t a a t a k (3,10) a ' t a k a and a T t i (4) a e t a (6) a t a t a ' (7) aapa (9) apa (13) FaBr aqak (1) akak ( 2 , 5 i - i i i - v ) akkak (3) a k a k u l u (5ii) Generation Terminology + 1 . FaBr ata'taxlugax ( 4 ) (contd.) ataeta ( 6 ) aka' ( 7 ) acug ( 8 ) angak ( 9 ) akaakuk ( 9 ) atkak ( 1 0 ) angaluk ( 1 3 ) - ac F a s i atchuk ( 2 ) attsak ( 3 ) aca'xlugax ( 4 ) atsak ( 5 i - i i i - v , 1 0 ) atsakuluapik ( 5 i i ) aesuk ( 6 ) a t s a ' ( 7 ) achug (&) aacuk ( 9 ) atcak ( 1 3 ) - ac mo anaana ( 1 , 1 0 ) anana ( 2 , 5 i - v , 8) anaanak ( 3 ) a'naka and a'ni ( 4 ) naegaka ( 6 ) 51 Generation Terminology annana 1 (7) aaka (9, 13) 4- 1, mo a 1 (7) (contd.) moBr angak ( 1 , 3 , 5 i - i i i - v , 6 , 9 , 1 0 ) arngak (2) aoa'xlugax (4) angakulu ( 5 i i ) anga' (7) anug (8) angaluk (13) - ac mosi aiyak ( l , 5 i i i ) arngnaksak (2) attsak (3) (but data reported as i n -s u f f i c i e n t ) , ana'na'xlugax (4) atsak ( 5 i,iv) atsakuluapik ( 5 i i ) anatnak (5v) anaena ( 6 ) ajya (7) anakviga (8) aacuk (9) ajakulu (10) atcak (13) - ac Generation Terminology -Ml. FaPamco aqak (1) akak ( 5 i - i i i - v ) akakulu ( 5 i i ) i i l o r e i k (9) - (xc of both sexes, and ma) ar>uutaken (9) - (pc both sexes) atkak (10) *(but see note below) angaluk (13) Famamco angak ( l , 5 i - i i i - v ) angakulu ( 5 i i ) aaxanaken (9) - pc both sexes atkak (10) (but see note below) angaluk (13) - ac FaPafco attak (1) atcak (13) - ac atsak ( 5 i - i i i - v , 1 0 ) but c f . below atsakuluapik ( 5 i i ) Famafco aiyak ( l , 5 i i i ) atsak ( 5 i,iv , 1 0 ) atsakuluapik, ( 5 i i ) - ( a l s o FaPafco) atcak (13) - ac anatnak (5v) 53 Generation Terminology + "il. MoPa and ma, m and f co e x a c t l y as f o r Fa. co 0 .  oBr (=oSib same sex) angayuk ( l , 5 i - v , ) angayok ( 2 ) angajuk ( 3 , 1 0 ) a'niDa(x) ( 4 ) aningaeka (6) angayug ( 8 ) aapayax ( 9 ) apiak ( 1 3 ) uyu'gax ( 4 ) - (also y s i ) oyuowaek ( 6 ) - ( a l s o y s i ) nukuk ( 8 ) nuqaceax ( 9 ) <. nukatceak ( 1 3 ) (male speak- naiyak ( 1 ) ing) nayak ( 2 , 5 i - v ) najak ( 3 ) a'lka ( 4 ) - o s i only yBr (=ySib same sex) nuka ( 1 , 5 ) nukak ( 2 , 3 , 1 0 ) e r a t i o n Terminology si(male naiyuk (6) speaking) nayug (8) nayaq (9) n a i j a k (10) ataurok (13) - o s i only FaBrSo a n g u t i k a t t i k ( l , 5 i - i i i - v ) a ngotikut (2) a'mpatx) (4) - oSo only a t a l i g o o n (6) - a l s o da k a t a n g o t i 1 (7) a n g o t i k a t i k (8) aouutaken (9) - also da qatangutiksak (10) akanakan (13) - ac FasiSo d l l u ( l , r i i i ) angnakat (2) v i l u ' ax (4) - also dai angnakatik (5i) uyuruk (5ii,v) - (Fa Br ych f o r Nunivak group) a n g u t i k a t t i k (5iv) i ilowaek (6) - a l s o da k a t a n g o t i ' (7) v a n g o t i k a t i k (8) Generation Terminology Or. FasiSo i i l o r e i k (9) - (also da) (contd. ) qatangutiksak ( 1 0 ) akanakan ( 1 3 ) - ac FaBrda naiyak (saq) ( 1 , ) nayaksak ( 2 , 5 v ) naj'sak ( 3 ) a ' l k a ( 4 ) - old e s t only nayak ( $ i , i i i , i v ) nayakulu ( 5 i i ) nayatsa ( 7 ) nayug (8) a a r n v o r e i k (9) - ( a l t e r n a t i v e term f . i l o r e i k ( 9 ) ) n a i j a k s a k ( 1 0 ) ainak ( 1 3 ) - ac Fa s i d a as FaBrda w i t h the noted Alaskan de-partures . moBrSo i l l u ( i , 5 ) arngnakat ( 2 ) i l u ' r a x ( 4 ) - (also da) angnakattik ( 5 i , i v ) uyuruk ( 5 i i , v ) 56 Generation Terminology 0. moBrSo ilowaek (6) - ( a l s o da) (contd.) k a t a n g o t i ' (7) achnakatik [8) i l l o r e i k (9) - (also da) qatangutiksak (10) akanakan (13) - ac mosiSo arngnakattik ( 1 , 5 i , i i i , i v , v ) arngnakat (2) a'rnira(x) (4) - (oldest only) i l l u k u l u a p i k ( 5 i i ) aeganaligoon (6) - (da a l s o ) k a t a n g o t i ' (7) achnakatik (8) aaxanaken (9) - (also da) qatangutiksak (10) akanakan (13) - ac mosiDa as f o r FaBrda with noted Alaskan depart-ures. - 1 . So i r n g i k ( l , 5 i - v ) e r n i k (2) i r n i q (3 ,10 ) Generation - 1 . So (contd.) Terminology k(a)tu'nax ( 4 ) iganak ( 6 ) i a t n i ' ( 7 ) erning ( 8 ) i r i n i q ( 9 ) eknek ( 1 3 ) da panik ( l , 2 , 3 , 5 i - v , 1 0 , pania ( 4 ) paeni ( 6 ) p a n i ' ( 7 ) panig ( 8 ) paniq ( 9 ) Brch qaniak ( 1 , 3 ) kangia ( 2 , 7 ) kaoia'gax ( 4 ) kangi y a k ' ( 5 i - v ) kangiyak ( 6 ) kangiag ( 8 ) uyuruk ( 9 ) qangiak ( 1 0 ) ujoro ( 1 3 ) - ac G e n e r a t i o n T e r m i n o l o g y - 1 . s i c h u y u r u k ( l , 5 i - v ) u y o r o k (2) u j u ' u k ( 3 ) u ' z u r o x ( 4 ) oyugo (6) u y a u (7) o y o r u g (8) uyoo o ( 9 ) u j u r u k ( 1 0 ) u j o r o ( 1 3 ) - ac male p c c h q a n i a k ( 1 ) k a n g i y a ( 5 i , i i , i i i , i v ) - P a c o c h o u y u r u k ( 5 i , i i i , i v ) - macoch o n l y u y u r u k ( 5 v ) - male ch o n l y k a n g i y a ( 5 v ) - f e m a l e c h o n l y * a n g o t i k a t i k ( 8 ) - Pa co o n l y * a c h n a k a t i k ( 8 ) - m a co o n l y q a n g i a k ( 1 0 ) u j u r o ( 1 3 ) - ac m a l e xc c h q a n i a k ( 1 ) k a n g i y a ( 5 i - i v ) - Pa co ch o n l y u y u r u k ( 5 i - i v ) - m a co ch o n l y G e n e r a t i o n Terminology - 1 " . . male xc uyuruk ( 5 v ) - male ch o n l y ch (contd.) k a n g i y a ( 5 v ) - female ch o n l y ^ a n g o t i k a t i k ( 8 ) - Pa co ch o n l y * a c h n a k a t i k ( 8 ) - ma co ch o n l y qangiak ( 1 0 ) u j u r o ( 1 3 ) - ac female uyuruk ( 1 ) pc ch k a n g i y a ( 5 i - i v ) - Pa pc ch o n l y uyuruk ( 5 i - i v ) - ma pc ch o n l y uyuruk ( 5 v ) - male ch o n l y k a n g i y a ( 5 v ) - female ch o n l y ^ a n g o t i k a t i k ( 8 ) - Pa pc ch o n l y -^achnakatik ( 8 ) - ma pc ch o n l y u j u r u k ( 1 0 ) u j u r o ( 1 3 ) - ac femal e uyuruk ( 1 ) xc ch uyuruk ( 5 i - i v ) - ma co ch o n l y k a n g i y a ( 5 i - i v ) - Pa co ch o n l y uyuruk ( 5 v ) - male ch o n l y k a n g i y a ($v) - female ch o n l y * a n g o t i k a t i k ( 8 ) - Pa co ch o n l y * a c h n a k a t i k ( 8 ) - ma co ch o n l y Generation Terminology ujuruk (10) ujuro (13) - ac •1. female xc ch - 2 . Grch i r n g u t a q (1) - F r ch of co a l s o ergnotak (2) irngutak ( 3 , 5 i - i v , 1 0 ) - a l t e r n a t e l y f o r (5v) Gr ch of co a l s o to ax (4) d i t t o i r n g i s a k (5v)-males only) d i t t o paniksak (5v-females only d i t t o thtowaek (6) i ota' (7) engutak (8) t u t i q (9) - own gr ch only i n a ootak (9) - Br and s i gr ch only t u t i k (13) - ac - 3 . gr Gr ch i l l u l i g i i k (1) - gr Gr ch of c also i l u ' l e ' a ox (4) i l l u l i k ( 5 i - i v ) i l l u k s a k (5v) amaw (9) - gr Gr ch of s i b l i n g s a l s o i r n g u t a l i q u i t a k (10) * D a i l e y and D a i l e y s t a t e t h a t : These terms (the cousin terms) are also ex-tended to the c h i l d r e n of these f i r s t cousins. (1961; p. 41) 61 However i f t h i s i s the case the question a r i s e s as to which of the two male cousin terms are extended to which of the female cousins male c h i l d r e n ? R e f e r r i n g to the t a b l e as a whole i t i s glaringly-evident t h a t the lack of a standardized orthography f o r Eskimo has c o n t r i b u t e d to the confusion. Lefevre (1947) has produced a d r a f t orthography but u n f o r t u n a t e l y the m a j o r i t y of the workers i n t h i s area have chosen to use t h e i r p e r s o n a l l y devised modes of s p e l l i n g f o r Eskimo In the + 3 generation the m a j o r i t y of the a v a i l a b l e reported systems have a s i n g l e term f o r consanguineal and a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e s of both sexes. The stem of t h i s term appears to be the same f o r a l l areas, Amau. The only r e -ported departure i s found i n Graburn's data f o r the Sugluk group. In t h i s l a t t e r system the terms given are sex s p e c i f i c and are derived from the grandparental terms. R e l a t i v e s of the + 2 generation are, i n every system, t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d as to sex. Data are i n -c o n c l u s i v e as to whether or-not every system ignores the a f f i n a l / c o l l a t e r a l boundary. The common term f o r GrFa i n the Canadian groups seems to be A t a t a t s i a k or a d e r i v a t i v e . 62 The term Ituk i s a general term f o r 'old man' which, when converted to the 1st . person possessive becomes a s p e c i f i c k i n term i . e . Ituga. The term f o r female r e -l a t i v e s of t h i s generation are t r e a t e d i n the same manner. The Alaskan systems e x h i b i t the most d e f i n i t e departures; the terms Aep_a, Atata (the Fa term f o r Canadian groups), and Apa'xlugax being reported. The s i t u a t i o n with r e spect to female k i n of t h i s generation i s s i m i l a r to that f o r male k i n . The most common term appears to be Ananatsiak, or a d e r i v a t i v e , with the term Ningiuk, or a d e r i v a t i v e , being reported f o r two areas i n Canada and one i n Al a s k a . The other Alaskan groups on which there i s inf o r m a t i o n have the terms Ama'xlugax, Aana, and Anana (the Mo term f o r Canadian groups) t o designate these r e l a t i v e s . Graburn (1964) r e p o r t s t h a t the term Aanak r e f e r s s p e c i f i c a l l y to FaMo only . This i s analogous to the system reported by Giddings (1952) f o r the U n a l i t of E l i m i n Norton Bay, Alaska. In t h i s system the MoMoBr i s t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y d i s t i n c t from the other members of the +2 generation (he does not supply the term i t s e l f ) . According to Giddings ( i b i d ) the Malemiut of Koyuk have d i s t i n c t terms f o r the grandparents on the mother's and f a t h e r ' s s i d e . I t i s not c l e a r whether he means that there are four d i s t i n c t terms f o r these r e -l a t i v e s . As w i t h the male r e l a t i v e s the data are incon-c l u s i v e concerning the extension of consanguineal terms to 63 a f f i n e s of the +2 generation. The term f o r Fa, Atata,appears to be r a t h e r constant f o r a l l groups reported w i t h the p o s s i b l e exception of the P o i n t Barrow and Anaktuvuk groups, which are reported to use the term Aapa. With the d e f i n i t e exception of the Nunivak and St. Lawrence I s l a n d systems and the p o s s i b l e exception of the Poi n t Barrow and Anaktuvuk systems the term f o r FaBr appears r e g u l a r l y , with v a r i o u s s p e l l i n g s , as Akak. The term f o r F a s i appears i n a l l systems as a v a r i a n t form of Atsak. The term f o r mo, w i t h the exception of the Point Barrow, Anaktuvuk, and St. Lawrence I s l a n d groups, i s given as a form of Anana.. moBr appears i n a l l systems as a form of Angak. Seven terms are l i s t e d as a p p l y i n g to moSi (aiyak= ajya=ajakulu and attsak=atsak=atsakuluapik=aacuk) plus f i v e others. The system of extending terms to parents cousins i s p r o b l e m a t i c a l but f o r the a v a i l a b l e data seems to f o l l o w one or other of two forms. E i t h e r the aunt/uncle terms are extended to these r e l a t i v e s i n v a r i o u s l y reported ways, or, 64 the terms for Ego's cousins are extended, again, in different ways. This particular problem w i l l be dealt with more f u l l y in a later part of the thesis. In every system elder siblings of the same sex are terminologically distinct. The terms used d i f f e r in that the Alaskan groups use Aningaeka (or variation) Apiak, and Aapayax. In the Canadian groups the common term is Angayuk, or some variation. Similarly, the term for younger sibling of the same sex i s commonly Nuka,or a variation except for the Nunivak and St. Lawrence Island groups. The sister term Nayak i s reported for a l l systems with the exception of the Nunivak and Anaktuvuk. The terminology for f i r s t degree, cross and parellel, same sex as Ego, cousins varies widely from group to group. After lumping basically similar terms together, e.g. Katangoti' and Qatangutiksak, there are seven terms reported in use. Not only do terms differ but the cousins to whom same or similar terms apply also differs; thus we have FaBr-So only designated Angutikattik in some systems and both FaBrSo and FasiSo so designated in others. In this respect the terminology for opposite sex cousins i s simple. With the exception of the Nunivak and Anaktuvuk systems a l l opposite sex cousins are designated by the opposite sex sib-ling term, or a derivative of this term. 65 The terminology f o r own c h i l d r e n i s c o n s i s t e n t i n that these r e l a t i v e s are always t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y d i s -t i n g u i s h e d from other c o l l a t e r a l s of the same generation. L a n t i s i s the only worker to report a term f o r So d i f f e r e n t from I r n g i k or some d e r i v a t i v e . The term f o r da i s the same i n every system reported. The terms f o r the c h i l d r e n of s i b l i n g s i s constant f o r a l l systems. The term Kangiya,or a v a r i a t i o n of t h i s , r e f e r s t o the c h i l d r e n of brothers (male speaking) Point Barrow and Anaktuvuk excepted; c h i l d r e n of s i s t e r s are designated Uyuruk, or a v a r i a n t of t h i s (again,male speak-i n g ) . The terms used by females d i f f e r , i . e . Angnak and Nuvak f o r c h i l d r e n of brother and s i s t e r r e s p e c t i v e l y . The extension of these niece and nephew terms t o the c h i l d r e n of cousins i s c a r r i e d out i n a number of ways. This aspect w i l l be discussed i n a l a t e r s e c t i o n . With the s i n g l e d e f i n i t e exception of the Point Barrow and Anaktuvuk systems the term f o r grandchildren i s Irngutak,or a v a r i a t i o n . The data i n d i c a t e t h a t the extension of t h i s term to other consanguines of t h i s gener-a t i o n v a r i e s l o c a l l y . S i m i l a r l y , the term I l l u l i k , or a v a r i a t i o n , i s s p e c i f i c to l i n e a l and c o l l a t e r a l consanguines of the g r e a t g r a n d c h i l d generation. Spencer (1959) gives the 66 term Amaw (Amau) f o r t h e s e r e l a t i v e s . The e x t e n s i o n o f t h e t e r m v a r i e s , a l t h o u g h , as w i t h t h e terms i n t h e n e x t a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n , a r e a p p l i c a b l e t o consanguines o n l y f o r a l l systems e x c e p t the Anaktuvuk. I n - m a r r y i n g males, e.g. S i H u , FaSiHu, e t c . o f the f i r s t a s c e n d i n g and a l l d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s a r e con-s i s t e n t l y termed Ningauk (male) and i n - m a r r y i n g f e m a l e s o f the f i r s t a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s a r e A i , of t h e 0 genera-t i o n A i , and o f a l l d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s - Ukkuak. The term f o r Wi i s commonly N u l i a k o r a d e r i v a t i v e . The f o r e g o i n g l i s t i l l u s t r a t i n g t h e v a r i a n t terms i s o f i n t e r e s t i n s o f a r as t h e t e r m i n o l o g i c a l s i m i l a r i t i e s and v a r i a t i o n s of t h e g e o g r a p h i c a l l y s e p a r a t e d systems a r e exposed. Other t h a n showing t h e d i a l e c t a l v a r i a t i o n s a more p e r t i n e n t p o i n t l i e s i n t h e i l l u s t r a t i o n o f c o n s i s -t e n c i e s and i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s i n t h e s t r u c t u r e s o f t h e systems. F i g u r e 6 has been e r e c t e d on t h e b a s i s of t h e m a t e r i a l f o u n d i n t h e l i s t of terms; t h e s o l i d symbols i n d i c a t e what appear t o be c o n s t a n t ' t y p e s ' of r e l a t i v e s i n t h e sense o f a 'pan-Eskimo' system; the open symbols r e p r e s e n t t h e i n d i c a t e d v a r i a b l e t e r m s . I t i s r e c o g n i z e d t h a t t h i s type of a n a l y s i s i s t e n t a t i v e o n l y and cannot r e p l a c e e m p i r i c a l o b s e r v a t i o n and o n - t h e - s p o t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s 68 of day-to-day behaviour p a t t e r n s as a method f o r a r r i v i n g at v a l i d g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s . On the other hand I f e e l that the approach taken i n t h i s t h e s i s i s , i n p a r t , j u s t i f i e d by the f a c t t h a t i t has been u t i l i z e d f o r s i m i l a r m a t e r i a l i n s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s by a number of other i n v e s t i g a t o r s of k i n s h i p systems. Leach, f o r example i n h i s reassessment of the Trobriand k i n s h i p system s t a t e s t h a t : My view i s that most words employed i n k i n s h i p t e r m i n o l o g i e s are category terms r a t h e r than i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g proper names. (1958; p.124) In Figure 6 two types of 'constants' are i n c l u d e d : f i r s t , t here are the t e r m i n o l o g i c a l constants which may or may not i n d i c a t e same or s i m i l a r i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Second, there are ' s t r u c t u r a l ' constants i n the sense that c e r t a i n categories of r e l a t i v e s are always t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y d i s t i n c t , though the s p e c i f i c term may vary. The diagram i s meant to provoke questions r a t h e r than to provide ans-wers. The d e f i n i t i o n of the Eskimo type of s o c i a l organ-i z a t i o n used by Murdock has been c r i t i c i s e d on almost every c r i t e r i o n employed i n the d e f i n i t i o n . According to Murdock: ... the Eskimo type i n c l u d e s a l l s o c i e t i e s w i t h Eskimo cousin terminology and no exogamous u n i l i n e a r k i n groups. In a d d i t i o n , as theory l e a d s us to expect, i t i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by monogamy, independent 6 9 nuclear f a m i l i e s , l i n e a l terms f o r aunts and n i e c e s , the b i l a t e r a l extension of i n c e s t taboos, and the frequent presence of such b i l a t e r a l k i n groups as kindreds and demes, though these may be o f t e n unreported. ( 1 9 4 9 ; p . 2 2 7 ) The Eskimo groups on which the model was based were the Angmassalik of East Greenland and the Copper Eskimo of C e n t r a l A r c t i c Canada. C r i t i c i s m s by L a n t i s ( 1 9 4 6 ) , Giddings ( 1 9 5 2 ) and Hughes ( 1 9 5 8 ) among others, r e l a t e to the absence of u n i l i n e a r k i n groups (Hughes and L a n t i s have good evidence f o r the existence of these i n t h e i r Alaskan groups). Other c r i t i c i s m s concern the use of Eskimo type cousin terminology and the use of l i n e a l terms f o r aunts and nieces. The data a v a i l a b l e f o r t h i s t h e s i s r e l a t e to the l a t t e r two c r i t e r i a and are presented i n t a b l e form below. to source Table 3 bc<* b i f u r c a t e c o l l a t e r a l L = L i n e a l on P. / ) Uncles nephews aunts nieces 1 . be be be be 2 . be be be be 3 . be be L be 4 . be be be be 5 . i . be be L be i i . be be L be i i i . be be be be i v . be be L be v. be L be L 6 . be be be be 7 . be be be be 8 . be be be be 9 . L L L L 1 0 . be be be be 1 3 . L L L L NB. 1 1 and 1 2 , Giddings Norton Bay groups l a c k t h i s data 7 0 The foregoing t a b l e shows a preponderence of b i f u r c a t e terminology f o r a l l c a t e g o r i e s of r e l a t i v e s . Considering the meagre nature of the data no s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e can be attached to the d i s t r i b u t i o n of types although the trend i n d i c a t e s that the L i n e a l type should not be expected i n v a r i a b l y . The three types of cousin terminology r e l e v a n t to the d i s c u s s i o n are: according to Murdock (1949; p.223). Eskimo type: FaSiDa and MoBrDa c a l l e d by the same term as p a r a l l e l cousins but t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from s i s t e r s ; the terms f o r the two cross-cousins are u s u a l l y but not always the same. Hawaiian type: a l l cross and p a r a l l e l cousins c a l l e d by the same terms as those used f o r s i s t e r s . Iroquois type : FaSiDa and MoBrDa c a l l e d by the same terms but t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from p a r a l l e l cousins as w e l l as from s i s t e r s ; p a r a l l e l cousins commonly but not always c l a s s i f i e d w i t h s i s t e r s . NB. Male Ego speaking. The f o l l o w i n g t a b l e of the type and d i s t r i b u t i o n of cousin terminology shows that most of the Eskimo groups f o r which there are data do not f i t the 'Eskimo' type. Table 4 - see f o l l o w i n g page. 7 1 Table 4 Source and area Eskimo Hawaiian Iroquois other 1 . Damas-Iglulik 2 . Vallee-Baker Lake 3 . W i l l m o t t - P o r t Harrison 4. Lantis-Nunivak I s l a n d 5. Stevenson-Southamp-ton I s l a n d 6 . - Lake Harbour 7 . - Pond I n l e t 8. - C h e s t e r f i e l d I n l e t 9 . - Eskimo P o i n t 1 0 . Hughes - St. Lawrence I s l a n d 1 1 . Honigman - Great Whale R i v e r 1 2 . D a i l e y and D a i l e y -Rankin I n l e t 1 3 . Spencer - Point Barrow 14. Graburn-Sugluk 1 $ . Giddings - Norton Bay 1 6 . - Norton Bay 1 7 . P o s p i s i l and Laughlin-Anaktuvuk 1. Willmott s t a t e s t h a t : We may t h e r e f o r e conclude that although there are d i f f -erent terms f o r cousins, these terms u s u a l l y do not d i s t i n g u i s h between p a r a l l e l and c r o s s - c o u s i n s , u s u a l l y do d i s t i n g u i s h between s i b l i n g s and f i r s t cousins. Thus the cousin termin-ology appears to f o l l o w Murdock's "Eskimo type". ( 1 9 6 l ; p . 8 0 ) However, Willmott ( i b i d ; p . 7 9 ) s t a t e s , i n reference to h i s data t h a t : Cousins are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d according to t h e i r sex and r e l a t i v e sex. The term quatangutik i s used between cousins of the same sex, w h i l e naja'sak i s used by males to r e f e r to f e -male f i r s t cousins. Since Murdock s p e c i f i c a l l y s tates t h a t h i s 'types' are based on a male Ego speaking of female r e l a t i v e s ( i b i d ; p . 2 2 3 ) and since i n the Port Harrison data the term /extended to female cousins i s the simple modified s i s t e r term na.jafc (Willmott 1 9 6 1 ; p . 1 7 0 ) then we must conclude t h a t the Port Harrison cousin terminology i s Hawaiian, or, as Damas c a t e g o r i z e s i t , a quasi-Hawaiian system ( 1 9 6 3 ; p . 2 1 1 ) . ( 1 ) ( 2 ) ( 3 ) (4) (5) 7 2 2 . The system reported by Hughes f o r St. Lawrence I s l a n d and c a l l e d " I r o q u o i s " by him shows the f o l l o w i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n of terms: FaBrch ... a t a l i g o o n FaSich ... ilowaek MoBrch ... Ilowaek MoSich ... aeganaligoon This p a r t i c u l a r system f i t s none of the 'types' proposed by Murdock but i f c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s required i t might be termed a quasi-Iroquois type on the b a s i s of the t e r m i n o l o g i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n s between cross and p a r a l l e l cousins. On the other hand Hughes notes t h a t : To be sure, cross-cousins are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from s i s t e r s , but, on the other hand, the term f o r p a t e r n a l p a r a l l e l cous-i n s i s o f t e n used inter-changeably w i t h that f o r s i s t e r /~naiyuk_7, whereas the term f o r maternal p a r a l l e l cousins i s never used that way. (1958; p p . 2 2 9 - 2 3 2 ) . In t h i s case the system could not be c l a s s i f i e d w i t h any of the standard types and i n my t a b l e would be placed under the Other column. 3 . Honigman states t h a t : ... one term (katangoti' a) designates a l l cross and p a r a l l e l cousins of the same sex as ego; .... The second term, used only by males, designates any cross or p a r a l l e l cousin of opposite sex. ( 1 9 6 2 ; p . 5 0 ) . The second term r e f e r r e d to by Honigman i s given by him ( i b i d ; p . 4 9 ) as 'na a t s a ? u' a'. This i s the s i s t e r term nayak w i t h the sak m o d i f i e r . As i n the case of the Port Harrison system the Great Whale R i v e r system can be r e f e r r e d to as being of a quasi-Hawaiian type r a t h e r than an Eskimo type. 4 . The cousin terms reported by Spencer ( 1 9 5 9 ) from the Point Barrow area are: FaBrch ... a uutaken FaSich ... i i l y o r e i k MoBrch ... i i l y o r e i k MoSich ... aaxanaken As with the S t . Lawrence I s l a n d system the Point Barrow system can ,be more a c c u r a t e l y r e f e r r e d to as being of a q u a s i -Iroquois type. 73 5. The cousin terms reported by Giddings f o r the Koyuk group of Norton Bay, Alaska d i f f e r s from a l l other a v a i l a b l e systems i n tha t only the agnatic cross-cousins are t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from a l l other f i r s t degree cousins. Although the data are not q u a n t i t a t i v e l y (and p o s s i b l y not q u a l i t a t i v e l y ) s u f f i c i e n t f o r attempting s i g n i f i c a n t s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of systems of cousin terminologies i t seems c l e a r t h a t the 'Eskimo type' i s n o t i c e a b l y absent from the reported Eskimo groups and t h a t the 'Hawaiian type' i s the prepond-erant one. Three of the Alaskan systems reported are p o s s i b l y of an Iroquois or quasi-Iroquois type., A f o u r t h Alaskan system, the Nunamiut of Anaktuvuk, and the Eastern A r c t i c systems are of the Hawaiian or quasi-Hawaiian type. Three of the most recent and thorough s t u d i e s of Eskimo s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e (Hughes, Spencer, Damas) l a y a great deal of emphasis on the importance of l o c a l e c o l o g i c a l and economical f a c t o r s i n d i r e c t i n g the s p e c i f i c and l o c a l s o c i a l development. I t might be that an examination of the i d e a l and the a c t u a l b i l a t e r a l extension of the i n c e s t taboos f o r each group w i l l give some meaning to the v a r i -a t i o n i n the cousin terminologies. My own informants were unanimous i n tha t the b i l a t e r a l extension of the i n c e s t taboo i n c l u d e d a l l f i r s t and second degree c o l l a t e r a l s 74 since they were M l i k e s i s t e r s " (nayaksak or nayak t u t ) . I t was as s e r t e d t h a t marriage to r e l a t i v e s of these c a t e g o r i e s was not a good t h i n g ( p i u n g i t o k / k a t i t i t a u ' o n u n g i t o k or, more s t r o n g l y , k a t i t i t a u ' t a i l i l e ) . In the Alaskan data presented by Hughes, L a n t i s , and Giddings the Iroquois type of cousin terminology appears to f i t the stated p r e f e r e n t i a l cousin marriage p r a c t i c e s . Giddings (1952; p.5) s t a t e s q u i t e d e f i n i t e l y t h a t among the Malemiut of Koyuk the c h i l d r e n of FaSi are t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y d i s t i n c t from a l l other cousins and that t h i s group of cousins i n c l u d e s p r e f e r r e d marriage p a r t n e r s . Two reported p a t t e r n s serve to confuse the s i t u -a t i o n and to i l l u s t r a t e the need f o r caution i n making conjectures concerning the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the terminolog-i c a l system to a c t u a l p r a c t i c e s . Among the Taqagmiut, f o r example, Graburn, (1964) repo r t s t h a t the modified ' s i s t e r ' term riaiyaksak i s extended t o a l l female cousins (male speaking) but t h a t f i r s t cousin marriages are known to have occurred without apparent sanctions. Giddings (Loc. c i t . ) states t h a t the U n a l i t of E l i m have a s i n g l e term f o r a l l cousins but that the c h i l d r e n of MoBr are considered p r e f e r r e d mates. The need f o r accurate s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s i s c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e d i n the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the s o c i a l r e l a -75 t i o n s h i p s b i n d i n g the members of the kindred, the ' i l a t k a ' . S t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s of the i n t e r - a c t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s e x i s t i n g between the members of the economically s i g n i f i -cant generations, i n general, the 0 , the -+-1 and -1 generations might provide some semblance of coherence to each l o c a l v a r i a n t of the k i n s h i p system. Problems inherent i n a s t a t i s t i c a l approach to k i n s h i p systems are amply demonstrated by the componential analyses c a r r i e d out by P o s p o s i l (I963) f o r the Nunamiut system and by Graburn (1964) f o r the Taqagmiut system. Although I do not f e e l q u a l i f i e d to c r i t i c i z e the theory r e l a t i n g to the componential a n a l y t i c a l method per se i t seems obvious t h a t , i f the method i s to provide an accurate assessment of the t e r m i n o l o g i c a l c a t e g o r i e s , the categories must be c a r e f u l l y s c r u t i n i z e d i n order to d e t e r -mine whether they are primary or modified k i n s h i p terms. Graburn attempts to do t h i s when he s t a t e s t h a t : I t i s t o be noted t h a t no "step-" " h a l f - " "adoptive-" "wif e-exchange J trelatives have been in c l u d e d yet. They can be analyzed i n terms of s u f f i x e s added to the above, (op. c i t . p. 56). I t appears however th a t he does i n f a c t include modified primary terms. For example, h i s 'male cousin term (female speaking) i s given as aniksak and h i s female cousin term (male speaking) i s given as n a i j a k s a k . Both terms are 76 modified forms of the brother and s i s t e r terms anik and Mai.iak. The s u f f i x 'sak' can be taken to mean, de-pending upon the context i n which i t i s used, as 'step', ' h a l f , or 'adoptive'. In h i s c r i t i c i s m of P o s p i s i l ' s componential a n a l y s i s Graburn says: Many of t h e i r £~Posposil and Laughlin's_7 terms are "adoptive-, exchange-, or s t e p - k i n " which can (as I have said) be a t t r i b u t e d to s u f f i x e s only, not e x t r a k i n terms." ( i b i d ; p.61). I t would appear t h a t some of the terms Graburn uses are of the same nature. I f t h i s i s so, i t means t h a t the 'components' he has chosen f o r h i s a n a l y s i s are inadequate. An a l t e r n a t i v e approach would be to i n c l u d e , as true cate-g o r i e s , a l l terms which d i f f e r by having one of the numerous modifying s u f f i x e s such as 'sak' ( m a t e r i a l f o r ) , 'uluk' ( d i m i n u t i v e ) , 'apik' (diminutive) or, ' juk' ( g r e a t e r ) . Correspondingly with the increase i n the numbers of k i n categories there would have to be an increase i n the s p e c i f i c i t y of the c r i t e r i a used i n order t o encompass the increased number of p o s s i b l e combinations o f components. Previous to the p u b l i c a t i o n of the componential a n a l y s i s of the Sugluk system by Graburn I had attempted to apply a s i m i l a r type of a n a l y s i s to my f i g u r e number 6 showing the 'constant' terms f o r Eskimo k i n s h i p systems. This was abandoned when i t was r e a l i z e d t h a t my use of t h i s 77 method was inadequate to handle e i t h e r aspect of the i l l u s t r a t e d s y n t h e t i c k i n s h i p system. The system shows two types of constants; f i r s t , the t e r m i n o l o g i c a l , which cannot be assumed to represent e x a c t l y the same ca t e g o r i e s of r e l a t i v e s from area t o area. That i s , l o c a l v a r i a t i o n s i n s t a t u s h e l d , r o l e s , and behaviour p a t t e r n s , p o s s i b l y accrue t o 'constant' terms. The second type of constant i s t h a t r e l a t i n g to the method of extending terms across c o n s a n g u i n e a l / a f f i n a l boundaries and over 'degrees' of c o l l a t e r a l r e l a t i v e s . With respect to the former d i v -i s i o n Graburn says: There i s one d i v i s i o n that cuts r i g h t across the terminology system. That i s , the Eskimos p r a c t i c -a l l y never use the same terms f o r a consanguineal and an a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e , ... ( i b i d ; p. 56). Graburn modifies t h i s i s i n a footnoote to the e f f e c t t h a t : In c e r t a i n cases of "deviance", t h i s i s , s i g -n i f i c a n t l y , not tr u e , The exceptions are i n the Generation 2 and t h i s was by no means agreed on by a l l informants. ( i b i d ; p. 56). His statement i s tru e f o r the Sugluk data but i s not a p p l i c a b l e to Eskimo groups as a whole, f o r example, P o s p i s i l and Laughlin report the o v e r r i d i n g of the con-sanguineal / a f f i n a l boundary i n the +3, +2, +1, 0, -1, and -2 generations. On the whole, although the method of the ex-tens i o n of terms over consanguineal/af f i n a l boundaries, and over degrees of c o l l a t e r a l l y appears to be of major 78 s t r u c t u r a l importance, data are l a c k i n g or are i n s u f f i c i -ent f o r meaningful a n a l y s i s . One p u z z l i n g p a t t e r n i n the reported systems r e -l a t e s to the extension of uncle/aunt terms to parents cousins and t o the extension of nephew/niece terms to cous-i n s c h i l d r e n . According to Damas: Parent's cousins are accorded aunt and uncle terms a f t e r the same p a t t e r n ; that i s , f a t h e r ' s brother and f a t h e r ' s male cousin are both designated as aqak; mother's s i s t e r and mother's female cousin are both designated as i i y a k , and so on. (1963; p.36) Graburn (op c i t . p.46) concurs with Damas i n t h i s when he defines these categories of r e l a t i v e s as: " a t k a k — " p a t e r n a l uncle and Fa's male f i r s t c o u s in" "angak-- "maternal uncle e t c . " "atsak-- " p a t e r n a l aunt, e t c . " " a j a k u l u — maternal "aunt", e t c . " My own data show the d i s t r i b u t i o n of these terms e x a c t l y as shown by Damas i n h i s f i g u r e 4 ( i b i d ; p.37) . Damas' explanation of the mode of extension of the terms i s not s a t i s f a c t o r y however as an examination of h i s chart w i l l i n d i c a t e . I f we followed t h i s explanation the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the terms would be as shown i n Figure 7. 7 9 £F<J "AO FIGURE 7 A<3 feU" -a=cr "2*0 1 3 1 3 6" 5»A I ts-O 1 3 1 3 . 2 4 "D 2 4 1 = 6" 2 4 2 4 A=0 4 A?o' 5»A c £ o Eo £ o A*? 5*A i*o A-O I I I I Edo I I I _ I I 1 . Akak. 2 . Angak. 3 « Atsak. 4 . MoSi term,variable, So This d i s t r i b u t i o n i s quite d i f f e r e n t from that found i n any of the a v a i l a b l e t e r m i n o l o g i e s . With the ex-ception of the Point Barrow and Nunamiut systems, which appear to be s p e c i a l cases unique to the l o c a l on-going systems, the reported d i s t r i b u t i o n s are as shown i n Figu r e 8. (See f o l l o w i n g page). I t would appear t h a t the c a t e g o r i z a t i o n of these r e l a t i v e s i s determined by the sex of Ego's l i n e a l r e -l a t i v e i n the next ascending generation above the one i n which the r e l a t i v e i s l o c a t e d . In the case of parents cousins these l i n k i n g r e l a t i v e s are Ego's grandparents and c l a s s i f i c a t o r y grandparents. In t h i s way FaFa s i b l i n g s (male and female) sons are Akak and FaMo s i b l i n g s (male so and female) sons are Angak to E g o t s i m i l a r l y f o r Ego's mother's cousins. FIGURE S A=Q A^O A=Q S O A O A<3 S=0 S = D Z50 A=Q A i D A ~ ~ L > 1 3 1 3 A=6~ "So A""~U A ~ ^ i . A O 2 4 2 4 1 ' 3 ' 1 3 1 = 6" Z T D A ~ " L ) 2 4 2 4 A=0 "A-O 4 /So O » A A=o <5=A : <5o So £ 0 A=6 O = A A -O A«6 A » O <5*A II I I I I I E GP I I I I ... I I 1 . Akak. 2 . Angak. 3 . Atsak. 4 . MoSi term ( v a r i a b l e ) . In any case, i f we f o l l o w Damas', Graburn's, or my own explanation of the mode of extension of terms to k i n s -men of the f i r s t ascending generation a more basic prob-lem remains unsolved. I f , as seems to be the case, the aunt/uncle terms 81 f o r the reported systems are d i s t r i b u t e d as shown i n Figure 8 then Ego stands i n the f o l l o w i n g t e r m i n o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p to the two male member categories of the next ascending generation: Ego's term f o r r e l a t i v e R e l a t i v e ' s term f o r Ego . Anak Kangiya Angak Uyuruk 1. Male Ego and male r e l a t i v e s only being used here and i n l a t e r f i g u r e s since the system i s the same f o r f e -male Ego and f o r female r e l a t i v e s . Concerning these p a i r s of terms Damas says: The correspondence of the f o u r aunt and uncle terms w i t h f o u r nephew terms (taking i n t o account the nephew-niece terms of both male and female Ego) can thus be seen t o represent a b a s i c con-s i s t e n c y w i t h i n the system. To anyone t h a t male Ego c a l l s aqak he i s always qaniak. To anyone he c a l l s attak he i s angnak. (op. c i t . p. 3 6 ) Note t h a t Angnak i s not the same term as Angak. Damas goes on to say: The female Ego's aunt- and uncle-niece d u a l i t i e s f o l l o w the same i n v a r i a n t p a t t e r n . The system of d u a l i t i e s i s extended outward to parent's cousins and conversely to c h i l d r e n of cousins. ( i b i d ; p. 39) My own data accord with the i n v a r i a n t nature of the p a i r s 82 of terms. During the c o l l e c t i n g of the t e r m i n o l o g i e s I o c c a s i o n a l l y checked on t h i s by d e l i b e r a t e l y c r o s s i n g the terms - the response was always the same, an emphatic c o r r e c t i o n by the informant and an 'explanation' t h a t , when crossed, the terms made no sense. Further evidence f o r the i n d i v i s i b i l i t y of the dyadic p a i r s of terms i s found i n Spencer's data f o r the P o i n t Barrow groups and i n P o s p i s i l and Laughlin's data f o r Anaktuvuk. In these p a r t i c u l a r systems FaBr = MoBr (a ak) and S i c h = Brch (uyoo o or uyuruq). Another d i f f e r e n c e between the Point Barrow system and the others i s i n the extension of own cousin terms to the cousins of parents. Accepting the c o n s i s t e n t nature of the dyadic p a i r s o f terms and the d i s -t r i b u t i o n of p a r e n t a l s i b l i n g terms then we should expect that an Ego would stand i n a s i m i l a r t e r m i n o l o g i c a l r e -l a t i o n s h i p to h i s n i e c e s ' and nephews' and cousins' c h i l d r e n as he h i m s e l f stands to h i s aunts'and uncles'and parent's cousins. Despite Damas' statement t h a t t h i s i s the case, a p e r u s a l of h i s and my own data shows th a t t h i s p a t t e r n i s not f o l l o w e d . According to Damas the extension of the terms i s c a r r i e d out as f o l l o w s : There i s an extension of nephew-niece terms to cousins' c h i l d r e n , .... Consanguines i n t h i s generation are c l a s s e d according to the sex of. the l i n k i n g r e l a t i v e i n Ego's generation. Thus the c h i l d r e n of male Ego's male s i b l i n g s o r male cousins are a l l qaniak, and the c h i l d r e n of female s i b l i n g s o r female cousins are a l l uyuruk. 83 T h i s e x p l a n a t i o n seems t o f i t Damas' d a t a v e r y w e l l but an e x a m i n a t i o n o f h i s c o n s a n g u i n e a l k i n s h i p c h a r t ( F i g u r e 4 ) shows t h a t t h e d y a d i c p a i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s (Akak/Kaniya and Angak/Uyuruk) f o r uncle-nephew between Ego's and t h e next d e s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n a r e c r o s s e d . I f i n t e r - g e n e r a t i o n a l symmetry of t e r m i n o l o g y i s m a i n t a i n e d and i f t h e d y a d i c p a i r p a t t e r n i s f o l l o w e d t h e n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of terms w i l l be as shown i n F i g u r e 9. A=6" FIGURE 9  "So" 1 = 6" A=o 6»A A=o 5=A 56 Ao A*c) A~T) A O " £ 0 ' ET6 A~^) C D E F . A A A=0 E(te So" A<) 4 O'A A * 0A - O "A-O A<5<5<A-E 5 & 6 A " b A ~ b A ~ 0 A T D ST o B B G H I J nephew' A B C D E F G H I J rNephews' term f o r Ego Ego's term f o r 'nephews' Akak Angak Angak Angak Akak Akak Angak Angak Akak Akak K a n g i y a Uyuruk Uyuruk Uyuruk K a n g i y a K a n g i y a Uyuruk Uyuruk K a n g i y a K a n g i y a 84 In contrast to the 'model' d i s t r i b u t i o n , Figure. 1 0 and the accompanying Table 5 reported d i s t r i b u t i o n of 'nephew' terms. FIGURE 1 0 A=6~ A=0 1 = 6" "7s=0 £ o ~ 5 = A A=o 5=A : A=0 A^O S6" A=6 6*A A>0 A-0 AO O*A--AKAK ANGi K E J O A l T ) A~0 A~~^> A O A~~^> A O A O A~^) A~^> A ~ t ) A~TD A~C5 • C D. E . F A A B B G H ^ I J For Table 5 - see f o l l o w i n g page 85 TABLE 5 'Nephews' Source A B C D E 1 kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) kangiya (angak) uyuruk (angak) kangiya (akak) 2 kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) 3 kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) 5i kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) kangiya (angak;) kangiya (angak) kangiya (akak) 5 i i kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) kangiya (angak) kangiya (angak) kangiya (akak) 5 i i i kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) kangiya (angak) kangiya (angak) kangiya (akak) 5iv kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) kangiya (angak) kangiya (angak) kangiya (akak) 5v uyuruk ^ kangiya © (akak) as A as A as A as A 7 kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) 8 kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) 10 kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) kangiya (angak) uyuruk (angak) kangiya (akak) Model = Figure 9 p. 83 kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) uyuruk (angak) uyuruk (angak) kangiya (akak) 8 6 Source F G H I J uyuruk (akak) kangiya (angak) uyuruk (angak) kangiya (akak) uyuruk (akak) 5 i kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) uyuruk (angak) uyuruk (akak) uyuruk (akak) 5 i i kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) uyuruk (angak) uyuruk (akak) uyuruk (akak) 5 i i i kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) uyuruk (angak) uyuruk (akak) uyuruk (akak) 5 i v kangiya (akak) uyuruk (angak) uyuruk (angak) uyuruk (akak) uyuruk (akak) 5 v 7 as A as A as A as A as A 8 1 0 uyuruk (akak) kangiya (angak) uyuruk (angak) kangiya (akak) uyuruk (akak) Model = Figure 9 kangiya uyuruk uyuruk kangiya kangiya p. 8 3 (akak) (angak) (angak) (akak) (akak) 1 . Blanks = no data 2 . Key to source as f o r Table 2 , p. 4 6 . 3 . Alaskan data omitted. 4 . My own s p e l l i n g s u b s t i t u t e d . 5 . Brackets below 'nephew' terms contain term f o r uncle as determined i n the next ascending s e t . 8 7 Two p o i n t s p e r t i n e n t to t h i s d i s c u s s i o n are i l l u s t r a t e d . F i r s t , the c h i l d r e n of s i b l i n g s are designated by the same terms and i n the same order f o r every reported system. The Po i n t Barrow and Anaktuvuk systems are. the only ones that d i f f e r ; t h i s has been seen to f o l l o w the ' r u l e ' f o r dyadic p a i r s of terms ( c f . p. 82). Second, there i s no apparent t r e n d or d i r e c t i o n i n the various d i s t r i b u t i o n s of terms f o r the c h i l d r e n of cousins. A t h i r d , and i n c i d -e n t a l p o i n t , i s that there does not appear to be a c o r r e l -a t i o n between the cousin category and the extended niece and nephew categories ( c f . Damas 1 9 6 3 ; p. 3 6 ) . Considering the apparent d i s c r e p a n c i e s i n the r e c i p r o c a l and s y s t e m a t i c a l l y paired r e l a t i o n s h i p s between t e r m i n o l o g i c a l categories I s h a l l o f f e r a p o s s i b l e hypothesis. These sp e c u l a t i o n s w i l l be confined t o a consid-e r a t i o n of the p o s s i b l e reasons f o r the asymmetrical ex-tension of term categories between Ego and the f i r s t as-cending and descending generations. The conceptual frame-work w i t h i n which these suggestions w i l l be made i s that provided by Fortes ( 1 9 4 6 ; ) and expounded, and v a l i d a t e d , by Freeman, Leach and others ( 1 9 5 8 ) . In general, t h i s concept a s s e r t s t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s , 88 as members of f a m i l y and domestic groups (which may or may not be co-terminous) occupy a s e r i e s or succession of d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the other members of the domestic group and w i t h the s o c i a l system as a whole. The domestic group per se i s s a i d to pass through a sequence of phases which r e f l e c t the p h a s e - s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s of the component members. Fort e s (1958) d i s t i n g u i s h e s between the domestic domain and the p o l i t i c o - j u r a l domain as being i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l i n r e l a t i o n t o the domestic group. The domestic domain i s thought of as being o r i e n t e d about the nuclear and u l t r a - b a s i c group c o n s i s t i n g of a mother and her c h i l d r e n . For those groups which emphasize the conjugal and p a t r i - f i l i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s the nu c l e a r group i s co-terminous w i t h the elementary f a m i l y . The domestic group i s r e l a t e d to the f a m i l y as i t embraces the e f f e c t i v e l y organized u n i t which, as a u n i t , f u n c t i o n s to provide the m a t e r i a l and c u l t u r a l minima e s s e n t i a l f o r the maintenance and s o c i a l i z a t i o n of i t s members. As Fortes suggests: One might put i t t h a t the domestic domain i s the system of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s through which the r e -productive nucleus i s i n t e g r a t e d w i t h the environ-ment and w i t h the s t r u c t u r e of the t o t a l s o c i e t y . (1958; p.90) On the other hand the e x t e r n a l or p o l i t i c o - j u r a l domain i s t h a t i n and by which the domestic group i s i n t e g r a t e d , 8 9 p o l i t i c a l l y , j u r a l l y , and r i t u a l l y , into the s o c i a l s t r u c t -ure. Every member of the society i s at once a member of a domestic and of an external p o l i t i c o - j u r a l grouping and his r e l a t i o n s h i p s within the former are defined and sanctioned by the l a t t e r . Fortes proposes that there are three phases i n the developmental cycle of the domestic group. F i r s t , the phase of expansion; second, the phase of dispersion; and th i r d , the phase of replacement. These phases are des-cribed and defined by Fortes as follows: F i r s t there i s a phase of expansion that l a s t s from the marriage of two people u n t i l the com-pletion of their family of procreation. The b i o l o g i c a l l y l i m i t i n g factor here i s the duration of the wife's (or wives') f e r t i l i t y . In structural terms i t corresponds to the period during which a l l the offspring of the parents are economically, a f f e c t i v e l y and j u r a l l y dependent on them. Secondly, and often overlapping the f i r s t i n time (hence my preference for the term 'Phase' instead of 'stage'), there i s the phase of disper-sion or f i s s i o n . This begins with the marriage of the oldest c h i l d and continues u n t i l a l l the children are married. Where the custom by which the youngest c h i l d remains to take over the family estate i s found, t h i s commonly marks the beginning of the f i n a l phase. This is the phase of replace-ment, which ends with the death of the parents .... (1958; p. 4). These phases, or modifications, are asserted to be applicable to a l l s o c i a l systems. In the process of projecting my meagre data against 90 t h i s conceptual framework I w i l l examine the phases with respect to t h e i r overlapping nature and t h e i r t i g h t n e s s of d e f i n i t i o n . In the l i g h t of data a v a i l a b l e f o r Eskimo s o c i a l systems I f e e l t h a t some m o d i f i c a t i o n s i n the d e f i n i t i o n s are warranted. Considering the phases i n order of succession we have: 1. The Phase of Expansion: the du r a t i o n of t h i s phase i s sa i d to l a s t from the i n i t i a l formation of an elementary f a m i l y to the completion of the f a m i l y of p r o c r e a t i o n during which time the c h i l d r e n are i n a s t a t e of economic depend-ency upon the parents. In the ethnographic data a v a i l a b l e f o r Eskimo groups one f i n d s almost everywhere t h a t these people c a r r y on adoption of new members i n t o the f a m i l y (and so, i n t o the domestic group) f a r beyond the l i m i t of the wife's (or wives') f e r t i l i t y . The use of the b i o l o g i c a l parameter of pr o c r e a t i o n as a determining f a c t o r i n the ter m i n a t i o n of the phase of expansion cannot be v a l i d i n these cases. The adoption p r a c t i c e serves to attenuate the duration of t h i s , and the d i s p e r s i o n , phase without respect to b i o l o g i c a l determinants. For Eskimo groups the expansion phase appears to be determined l a r g e l y by the s o c i a l f a c t o r of i n t e r -91 domestic group transference of personnel. Adoption p r a c t i c e s among Eskimo groups have been examined r e c e n t l y by Dunning (1962) who has provided a s t a t i s t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d approach t o the a n a l y s i s of incidence and patterns of adoption among the Southampton I s l a n d Eskimo groups. Dunning's data show t h a t the .'demographic hypothesis, r e -l a t i n g t o the c o r r e l a t i o n of population d i s t r i b u t i o n and production, does not adequately e x p l a i n the p a t t e r n s of adoption found i n the Southampton I s l a n d area. Although i n s u b s t a n t i a l agreement w i t h Spencer's suggestion that adoption i s a means of extending the bonds of co-operation t o e x t r a - f a m i l y k i n groups (Spencer, 195-9) he suggests i n a d d i t i o n , t h a t : where the cases [_ of adoption_7 i n v o l v e k i n s h i p c l a i m s , e s p e c i a l l y grandparental c l a i m s , i t would appear that r a t h e r than extending already c l o s e l y e s t a b l i s h e d f a m i l y bonds, t h i s type of adoption i n t e n s i f i e s the s o c i a l i n t e r r e l a t i o n s of k i n by a d i s t r i b u t i o n of surplus or other new-born i s s u e w i t h i n t h i s ' c i r c l e ' . (1962; p. 165). In developmental terms such i n t e r - k i n adoptions serve t o attenuate both the Expansion and Di s p e r s i o n Phases of the developmental c y c l e , as Dunning says: This might be seen as f i l l i n g the gap w i t h i n the c i r c l e which i s gr a d u a l l y being opened by the d i s -appearance of a nuclear f a m i l y group,i.e. t h a t of the grandparent(s). ( i b i d . ) 92 A f u r t h e r complication noted by Dunning and concerning the expansion and d i s p e r s i o n phases of the Eskimo domestic group i s found i n those cases of adoption where a s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a l appears to operate. In most of the ethno-graphic data a v a i l a b l e i t i s i m p l i c i t t h a t status accrues to numbers of members in c l u d e d i n thejdomestic group as w e l l as t o , and perhaps c o r r e l a t e d w i t h , the s o c i a l and economic e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the group. Dunning's hypothesis i s t h a t the status d i f f e r e n t i a l " i s expressed i n p a r t by the number of dependents which a man can both c l a i m and provide f o r . " ( i b i d ; p. 166). The r e l e a s e or t r a n s f e r e n c e of a member from a l a r g e , e f f i c i e n t domestic group would serve to demonstrate the r e l a t i v e s t a t u s of the group w i t h i n the l o c a l h i e r a r c h i a l arrangement. Whether the ex-pansion of the i n i t i a l domestic group (the parent p a i r ) i s accomplished b i o l o g i c a l l y , by adopting members, or by a combination of these methods would make l i t t l e d i f f e r e n c e to the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of a l a r g e group. Within the bounds of the s o c i a l mores r e l a t i n g to adoption i t i s p o s s i b l e to conceive of cases i n which b i o l o g i c a l l y acquired members are r e l e a s e d from the domestic group and t h e i r place u l -t i m a t e l y f i l l e d by adoptives. When the i n i t i a l p a i r , the parents, reach the p o i n t i n l i f e where they are n e i t h e r reproducing b i o l o g i c a l l y nor are permitted t o r e p l e n i s h t h e i r domestic group by adopting new members then the phase of expansion i s terminated. 9 3 With regard to economic dependency of c h i l d r e n , even i f the d u r a t i o n of the phase of expansion coincided w i t h the f e r t i l i t y of the mother, the ethnographic, data f o r Eskimo groups show t h a t the c h i l d r e n (the o l d e r c h i l d r e n at l e a s t ) are i n many cases f u l l y independent producing members i n ' t h e economic sphere of a c t i v i t i e s f o r the greater part of the mothers' p e r i o d of f e r t i l i t y . In t h i s case the f a c t o r of economic dependency cannot be used as d e f i n i n g the d u r a t i o n of the phase. During the l a t t e r part of the expansion phase, the phase of d i s p e r s i o n i s i n i t i a t e d but the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the domestic group may be maintained at the norm f o r the s p e c i f i c s o c i e t y and the s p e c i f i c c o n d i t i o n s f o r a per i o d g r e a t l y extended beyond the p r o c r e a t i v e range of the o r i g i n a l parent p a i r . 2 . The Phase of D i s p e r s i o n : the remarks p e r t a i n i n g to the i n i t i a l or expansion phase apply to t h i s phase a l s o . As Fortes s t a t e s , the phases ove r l a p ; they are not mutually e x c l u s i v e , they are i n f a c t interdependent and i n t e r d e p -endently v a r i a b l e . Where the i n i t i a l phase i s q u a l i f i e d by l o c a l f a c t o r s the r e s u l t a n t w i l l be i n the form of a s e r i e s or set of q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r the succeeding phases. Of the s o c i a l f o r c e s operating w i t h i n the bounds of the domestic group the i n c e s t taboos exert great pressure 94 toward ensuring that a dispersion process i s carried out. Murdock (1949) and Fortes (1958) to name only two writers, f e e l that a thorough understanding of the operating incest taboos i s essential to an understanding of many, i f not a l l , other aspects including the kinship system of the s o c i a l structure under consideration. The available data f o r incest regulations and the extent of incest taboos among the Eskimo groups i s con-fusing (cf. the c o n f l i c t i n g reports of such authors as Damas, Lantis, Hughes, Graburn etc.) and c e r t a i n l y not conducive to generalization. However an examination of the foregoing kinship charts shows that the s i s t e r term or category i s generally extended b i l a t e r a l l y to 1st degree c o l l a t e r a l s of Ego's generation. Local variations i n the actual extension of incest taboos w i l l be explainable only i n the l i g h t of l o c a l conditions.. I suggest that the greatest v a r i a t i o n w i l l be found i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p of f i r s t cousins and that these v a r i a t i o n s w i l l be r e f l e c t e d i n the residence patterns and formation of economic groupings p r e v a i l i n g i n the l o c a l s i t u a t i o n . Concommitant with these l o c a l variations w i l l be variations in the behavioural and terminological patterns applied to male c o l l a t e r a l s of the same generation. As with the situation regarding females, the inter-male relationships w i l l be l o g i c a l within the framework of the 95 l o c a l ecology. I t seems c l e a r that a s t a t i s t i c a l approach to the problem of same-sex cousin categories among the Eskimo groups w i l l l i k e l y y i e l d the more s i g n i f i c a n t clues to the s o c i a l e f f e c t i v i t y of these r e l a t i v e s i n r e l a t i o n t o the i n d i v i d u a l . 3. The Phase of Replacement: the a v a i l a b l e data f o r the Eskimo groups i n d i c a t e t h a t t h i s i s a gradual process r a t h e r than an abrupt change upon the death of the parents. The process appears to begin w i t h the assumption of the c o n t r o l of the economic a f f a i r s of the domestic group by a son (often the e l d e s t but may be any son or even a p a i r of sons). In any case, the c o n t r o l of the economy begins by the assumption of economic A c t i v i t i e s under the s u p e r v i s i o n of the parents. The supervisory r o l e i s r e l e -gated to co-resident o f f s p r i n g at a l a t e r stage and the parents assume what appears to be a p o s i t i o n of R i t u a l a u t h o r i t y w i t h i n the domestic group (see f o r example, L a n t i s ' account of the transference of m a g i c o - r e l i g i o u s power from parent to o f f s p r i n g ) . T o t a l Replacement i s , as Fortes says, accomplished by the death of the parents. A question a r i s e s here as to the r e l a t i o n s h i p be-tween the e x t e r n a l domain of the m a g i c o - r e l i g i o u s aspect of s o c i a l l i f e of the Eskimo and the i n t e r n a l domain of personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Many ethnographers working among the Eskimo groups have noted and reported the existence of 96 a naming p r a c t i c e i n which the names of deceased r e l a t i v e s are conferred upon c h i l d r e n . The name, i t i s s a i d , c a r r i e s w ith i t , or i n some cases a c t u a l l y i s , the s p i r i t of the deceased ancestor. C h i l d r e n so named are r e f e r r e d to and c a l l e d by the appropriate k i n s h i p term by the speaker.^ Thus i f A names h i s daughter f o r h i s own f a t h e r he w i l l r e f e r to her as ' f a t h e r ' and 'my f a t h e r ' ; the s i b l i n g s of the c h i l d w i l l r e f e r to her as 'grandfather' and 'my 2 grandfather'. Does t h i s mean that f o r the Eskimo groups there i s no t e r m i n a l point i n the 'phase of replacement'? The answer seems t o be tha t f o r m a t e r i a l aspects of the domain of the domestic group the death of the parents marks the end of the phase but that f o r the c i r c u m s c r i b i n g magico-r e l i g i o u s domain, which serves to i n t e g r a t e the domestic groups w i t h the t o t a l s o c i e t y , there are no 'phase' phenomena but there are, i n s t e a d , continua i n the form of the m a g i c o - r e l i g i o u s , the p o l i t i c o - j u r a l and the r i t u a l domains. This accords with the accepted ideas concerning the nature of s o c i e t y as a supra-personal whole. My query r e l a t e s to the nature of the s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p between Eskimo domestic groups and t h e i r s o c i e t y . •'•It i s not recorded whether or not the c h i l d i s taught t o respond w i t h the appropriate complementary term when speaking to an a d u l t . ^There i s some doubt concerning the existence and/or the a c t u a l operation of t h i s naming system (see Damas 1963) although I have had personal experiences w i t h i t , e s p e c i a l l y among the Cape Dorset group who migrated t o , and now re s i d e i n and about, Spence Bay. 9 7 The f o r e g o i n g remarks and observations are not meant to be c r i t i c i s m s of the v a l i d i t y of the concept of the developmental c y c l e i n domestic•groups but are i n -tended to point out t h a t , f o r s p e c i f i c s o c i e t i e s ( i n t h i s case the Eskimo), the ph a s e - s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e q u i r e e l u c i d a t i o n and r i g o r o u s d e f i n i t i o n w i t h i n the l i m i t s of the l o c a l s i t u a t i o n s . Although my data are i n s u f f i c i e n t f o r s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s and meaningful g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s I f e e l that they i n d i c a t e the changing r e l a t i o n s h i p s i t u a t i o n s i n the l i f e of any i n d i v i d u a l w i t h i n the bounds of the domestic group. The i l l u s t r a t i o n of t h i s phenomenon i s r e l a t e d , i n my c h a r t s , t o the asymmetrical d i s t r i b u t i o n and extension of close c o l l a t e r a l k i n terms t o more d i s t a n t r e l a t i v e s i . e . t o cousins of parents and t o c h i l d r e n of cousins. Although I agree with Murdock, i n reference to the l e a r n i n g of the e x i s t i n g k i n s h i p categories and behaviour, when he says: In e i t h e r case, i t i s the parents, e l d e r s i b -l i n g s , other r e l a t i v e s and neighbors who set the standards .... ( 1 9 4 9 ; ! p. 9 2 ) . and w i t h Leach who says: My t h e s i s i s , however, t h a t the young c h i l d ... i s taught to accept a set of k i n s h i p c a t e g o r i e s which are appropriate to the s t r u c t u r a l s i t u a t i o n of that household. ( 1 9 5 6 ; p. 1 2 9 ) . 98 I suggest that, i n the Eskimo groups i t i s the i n i t i a t e into the adult sphere of a c t i v i t i e s , the economic, the sexual, the r i t u a l etc., who demands recognition as an adult. He does t h i s i n one way by i n s t i g a t i n g the 'proper' terminological response i n his rela t i o n s h i p s with his kin-members of the next ascending generation. As I have attempted to show (cf. p. 82-4) the existence of immutable pairs of terms makes i t possible f o r him to announce and have h i s relat i o n s h i p recognized simply by r e f e r r i n g to hi s r e l a t i v e s with the appropriate kin term. The necessity for recognition has other than esoteric reasons. The young adult male i s dependent upon the adult members of his group f o r p r a c t i c a l knowledge, guidance i n choosing and provision of, the paramount essential to l i f e f o r an Eskimo - a wife. These alone, among a host of other f a c t o r s make i t esse n t i a l that he know his relationships with, and have his status recognized, by his kinsmen. My speculation would carry more weight i f i t were supported with data of kinship terminologies given by non-adult Eskimo. Few anthropologists include s t a t i s t i c s on t h e i r informants. Spoehr (1947) i s one of the exceptions and he has put the age factor of the informants to good use i n determining and analyzing the recent changes i n kin-ship terminologies. I t i s possible that the majority of 99 a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have done as Graburn d i d a t Sugluk -s e l e c t e d the 'most knowledgeable informants'from among the group under i n v e s t i g a t i o n and t h a t these 'most know-* ledgeable informants'were, i n the main, a d u l t s . I f my assumption i s c o r r e c t , then the data a v a i l a b l e represent the adult members' view of the k i n s h i p system. Whether of married or s i n g l e s t a t u s the r e l a t i o n -ship between the adult informant and the generations immediately above and below h i s own are u l t i m a t e l y the same. I f a s i n g l e a d u l t , h i s s t a t u s , i n developmental terms, i s as a member of h i s parents' expanding or d i s -p e r s i n g domestic group. I t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e that h i s parents' domestic group has entered i n t o the replacement phase by the i n t r u s i o n of a married son. I f of married status the informant may simultaneously be a member of h i s parents' domestic group (whatever developmental phase i t happens to be passing through) and a member of h i s own domestic group which may be i n the expanding or d i s p e r s i o n phase. Whatever the complex of p h a s e - s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n which the ad u l t i s enmeshed, the f u n c t i o n a l l y s i g n i f i c -ant categories of r e l a t i v e s w i l l , f o r him, be l o c a t e d i n h i s own or i n the next ascending generation. The s o c i a l d i s t a n c e between him and the next descending generation w i l l 100 be greater then the s o c i a l d i stance between him and h i s own and the f i r s t ascending generation. The f a c t o r determining r e l a t i v e s o c i a l d i s t a n c e , i n groups l i v i n g under s t r i n g e n t e c o l o g i c a l c o n d i t i o n s , i s assumed to be the economic e f f e e t i v i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l . As an economic adu l t member of the group, subject to the s o c i a l r e g u l a t i o n s , r i g h t s and d u t i e s , of a l l other economically f u n c t i o n i n g members of the group i t i s im-portant t h a t h i s p o s i t i o n r e l a t i v e to the members of h i s own and the next ascending generation are w e l l d e f i n e d , t h i s i s accomplished through the k i n s h i p system and the ass o c i a t e d behaviour. On the other hand the members of the next descending generation are, as has been suggested, f u n c t i o n a l l y l e s s important i n every aspect of s o c i a l l i f e ; I suggest that t h i s i s r e f l e c t e d i n the casual and almost random d i s t r i b u t i o n of k i n s h i p terms w i t h i n t h i s generation. My s p e c u l a t i o n i s t h a t , as the younger members of the group approach and f i n a l l y enter i n t o the adul t s o c i a l l i f e , i t i s i m p e r a t i v e j s o c i a l l y and economically, t h a t they e s t a b l i s h t h e i r r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n s by e l i c i t i n g the proper t e r m i n o l o g i c a l (and so behavioural) response from adult kinsmen by u t i l i z i n g s p e c i f i c and t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y ' c o r r e c t 1 k i n terms. The i n s e p a r a b i l i t y of the p a & s ^ i n t e r - g e n e r a -t i o n a l terms ensures that the a d u l t s respond w i t h the s u i t -able complementary term. 1 0 1 I f e e l that a s t a t i s t i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the k i n terras used by the pre-adult members of Eskimo groups w i l l show a d i r e c t c o r r e l a t i o n between the s p e c i f i c i t y of the terms and the i n d i v i d u a l s ' s o c i a l proximity to entrance i n t o the adul t socio-economic sphere of l i f e . This i s not simply that the c h i l d has learne d the 'c o r r e c t ' terminology as he has grown through childhood. -The adul t informants f o r example, know the ' c o r r e c t ' terminology although they apparently ignore the 'co r r e c t ' form when r e f e r r i n g to members of the next descending generation.) What t h i s c o r r e l a t i o n means i s tha t the young a d u l t has become aware of the s o c i a l and economic n e c e s s i t y f o r g e n e r a l i z i n g from the context of the immediate f a m i l y or domestic group i n t o the context of the important l a r g e r k i n group. In c o n c l u s i o n , i t i s suggested that i n the study of Eskimo k i n s h i p systems a s t a t i s t i c a l approach to the term-i n o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e of each system and to the probable c o r r e l a t i o n s between the l o c a l k i n s h i p system and the p r a c t i s e d i n c e s t r e g u l a t i o n s be taken, ( i f one may marry a ' q u a s i - s i s t e r ' as i s reported f o r the Taqagmiut then what are the i n c e s t r e g u l a t i o n s ? ) and between the l o c a l k i n s h i p system and the a c t u a l residence p a t t e r n . Such an a n a l y t i c a l method must attempt to assess the l o c a l economic and e c o l -102 o g i c a l f a c t o r s impinging upon the s o c i e t y . In t h i s r e s p e c t , and speaking of residence patterns Fortes says: Apparent anomalies i n the ethnographic data are resolved i f the k i n s h i p nomenclature i s r e l a t e d to the patterns of l o c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n / " o f r e -sidence, pre and post marital_7 that r e s u l t from the developmental c y c l e of the domestic group. (1958; p.8) I t i s probably t r u e as Graburn says t h a t : ... a p e n e t r a t i n g a n t h r o p o l o g i s t can "get as much out of" the system by i n s p e c t i o n , without having t o go to the r a t h e r l a b o r i o u s ends of componential a n a l y s i s . (1964; p. 61) But t h i s remark a p p l i e s only to the system per se and not to the f u n c t i o n a l - s t r u c t u r a l i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s which i n -tegrate the k i n s h i p system w i t h the other v a r i o u s aspects of an on-going s o c i e t y . From the m a t e r i a l a v a i l a b l e and presented i t appears t h a t , contrary to Giddings, (1952) there may be basic s i m i l a r i t i e s , other than l i n g u i s t i c , between the many geo-g r a p h i c a l l y separated Eskimo groups. One of these s i m i l -a r i t i e s apparently r e l a t e s to the formation and f u n c t i o n of the domestic group and to the accommodation of the r e l e -vant k i n s h i p terminology t o l o c a l changes i n the so c i o -economic sphere. Spencer's (1959) Alaskan m a t e r i a l i s out-standing i n t h a t i t c l e a r l y shows the c o r r e l a t i o n between 103 the ecology and the l o c a l v a r i a n t s of two b a s i c a l l y s i m i l a r k i n s h i p systems. Studies such as t h i s and the type c a r r i e d out by Damas (1963) on the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of l o c a l groupings and by Dunning (1962) on adoption prac-t i c e s are needed f o r the Eskimo groups as a whole. 104 BIBLIOGRAPHY Boas, Franz. "The C e n t r a l Eskimo". Bureau of American Ethnology S i x t h Annual Report, 1888: 4 0 9 - 6 6 9 . . The Eskimo of B a f f i n Land and Hudson Bay. American Museum of Natu r a l H i s t o r y , 1907. B u l l e t i n 15. Bohannan, P a u l . S o c i a l Anthropology. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston Inc., 1963. D a i l e y , Robert and L o i s D a i l e y . The Eskimo of Rankin I n l e t : A P r e l i m i n a r y Report. Ottawa: Department of Northern A f f a i r s and N a t i o n a l Resources, Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre, Report 6 l - 7 , 1961. Damas, David. I g l u l i g m i u t Kinship and L o c a l Groupings: A  S t r u c t u r a l Approach. Ottawa: N a t i o n a l Museum of Canada 1963. B u l l e t i n 196. Dunning, R. W i l l i a m . "A Note on Adoption Among the Southamp-ton I s l a n d Eskimo", Man, 62 (November, 1962), 1 6 3 -167. Fortes, Myer. "Time and S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e : An Ashanti Case Study", S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e , M. Fortes, e d i t o r . Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1946. . . " I n t r o d u c t i o n " , The Developmental Cycle i n Domestic Groups, Jack Goody, e d i t o r . Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1958. Freeman, J.D. "The Family System of the Iban of Borneo", The Developmental Cycle i n Domestic Groups, Jack Goody, e d i t o r . Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1958. Giddings, James L. "Observations on the 'Eskimo Type' of Kinship and S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e " , U n i v e r s i t y of Alaska; A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Papers (1952), 5-10. Goodenough, Ward H. "Property, K i n and Community of Truk", Yale U n i v e r s i t y , P u b l i c a t i o n s i n Anthropology, 4 6 (1951):1 - 1 9 2 . 105 Graburn, Nelson H.H. Taqagmiut Eskimo Kinship Terminology. Ottawa: Department of Northern A f f a i r s and N a t i o n a l Resources, Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre, Report 64-1, 1964. Honigman, John J . S o c i a l Networks i n Great Whale R i v e r . Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, 1962. B u l l e t i n 178. Hughes, C.C. "An Eskimo Deviant from the 'Eskimo Type' of S o c i a l Organization", American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t , 60 (February, 1958), 1140-1147. . An Eskimo V i l l a g e i n the Modern World. Ithaca: C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y Press, I960. Jenness, Diamond. "The L i f e of the Copper Eskimo", Canadian A r c t i c E x p e d i t i o n : 1913-18, Report, 1922. 12. Kroeber, A l f r e d L. " C l a s s i f i c a t o r y Systems of R e l a t i o n -s h i p s " , J o u r n a l of the Royal A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e , 39 (1909), 77-84. L a n t i s , Margaret. "The S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e of the Nunivak Eskimo", Transactions of the American P h i l o s o p h i c a l  S o c i e t y , 35 (March, 1946), 153-316. Leach, Edmund R. "Concerning Trobriand Clans and the K i n -s h i p Category 'Tabu'", The Developmental Cycle i n  Domestic Groups. Jack Goody, e d i t o r . Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1958. L e f e v r e , G.R. A D r a f t Orthography f o r the Canadian Eskimo. Ottawa: Department of Northern A f f a i r s and N a t i o n a l Resources, Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre, Report 57-1. Lowie, Robert H. "A Note on R e l a t i o n s h i p Terminologies", American Anthr o p o l o g i s t . 30 ( A p r i l - J u n e , 1928), 265-66. Morgan, Lewis H. "Systems of Consanguinity and A f f i n i t y " , Smithsonian C o n t r i b u t i o n s to Knowledge, 17 (1870). Murdock, George P. S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e . New York: MacMillan Company, L t d . , 1949. Opler, Morris E. "Apache Data Concerning the R e l a t i o n of Kinship Terminology to S o c i a l C l a s s i f i c a t i o n " , American  A n t h r o p o l o g i s t , 39 ( A p r i l - J u n e , 1937), 208-212. 106 P o s p i s i l , L. and W.S. Laughlin. "Kinship Terminology and Kindred Among the Nunamiut Eskimo", Ethnology, 11:2 ( A p r i l , 1963), 180-189. Radcliffe-Brown, A.R. "Introduction", African Systems of  Kinship and Marriage, A Radcliffe-Brown and Daryll Forde, editors. London: Oxford University Press, 1950. . Structure and Function i n Primitive Society. London: Cohen and West Ltd., 1952. Rasmussen, Knud. "The N e t s i l i k Eskimo: S o c i a l L i f e and S p i r i t u a l Culture", F i f t h Thule Expedition: 1921-24, Report, 8 (1931). . " I n t e l l e c t u a l Culture of the Copper Eskimo", F i f t h Thule Expedition:1921-24, Report, 9 (1932). Spencer, Robert F. The North Alaskan Eskimo. Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, 1959. B u l l e t i n 171. Spier, L e s l i e . "The D i s t r i b u t i o n of Kinship Systems i n North America", University of Washington, Publications  i n Anthropology,! (1925). Spoehr, Alexander. Changing Kinship Systems; New York: F i e l d Museum of Natural History, 1947. Anthropological Series 33:4. 1957. Tax, Solomon. "Some Problems of Social Organization", Social Anthropology of North American Tribes, Fred Eggan, editor. Second revised e d i t i o n . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955. Vallee, Frank. Kabloona and Eskimo i n the Central Keewatin. Ottawa: Department of Northern A f f a i r s and National Resources, Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre, Report 62-2, 1962. Willmott, William. The Eskimo Community at Port Harrison, Quebec. Ottawa: Department of Northern A f f a i r s and National Resources, Northern Co-ordination and Res-earch Centre, Report 61-1, 1961. 

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