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Growth of the cotton industry and Scottish economic development, 1780-1835 Robertson, Alexander James 1965

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THE GROWTH OF THE COTTON INDUSTRY AND SCOTTISH ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, 1780-1835  by  ALEXANDER JAMES ROBERTSON M.A., U n i v e r s i t y of Glasgow, 1963  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF M.A.  i n the Department of History  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA J u l y , 1965.  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of .the requirements for an a d v a n c e d degree at the University of • British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall m a k e it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes m a y be granted by the H e a d of m yD e p a r t m e n t or by his representatives. It is understood that;copying or publication of this thesis.for financial gain shall not b e allowed without m y written permission*  D e p a r t m e n t of History T h e University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8 , C a n a d a Date  26th July, 1965.  THE GROWTH OF THE COTTON INDUSTRY AND SCOTTISH ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, 1780-1835.  ABSTRACT This study i s intended, f i r s t of a l l , to be an examination  of the growth of the cotton industry i n Scotland  from 176*0 to 1835.  During t h i s period, i t became the largest  and most important sector of the Scottish i n d u s t r i a l economy, producing over 70% of the country's exports by value.  There  i s , however, a subsidiary problem, that of placing the industry's growth within the general context of Scottish economic development i n the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The choice of terminal dates was to some extent dictated by the a v a i l a b i l i t y of material.  The Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account  of Scotland, probably the most important single source of information on the establishment of the cotton industry, was compiled i n the l a s t two decades of the eighteenth century. The early 1830's saw the compilation of the New  Statistical  Account and the publication of the findings of the Factories . Inquiry Commission and the Select Committee on  Manufactures,  Commerce and Shipping, a l l important sources f o r the industry's later development.  Separate Scottish Customs  records ceased to be kept i n 1827, after which date no r e l i a b l e guide to the importation of raw cotton into Scotland  ii i s available.  But the date I78O does mark approximately  the  industry's foundation i n Scotland, while 1835 marks the end of the main period of i t s expansion. The problem of the industry's foundations and growth was dealt with by adopting a t o p i c a l approach.  The f i r s t topic  to be discussed i n t h i s connection was that of the physical growth of the industry from 17#0 examination  to 1835,  which involved an  of the expansion of raw cotton consumption and of  the number and size of the units of production. time, the industry's location was considered.  At the same The next step  was to consider the c a p i t a l i z a t i o n of the industry, the factors which stimulated the transference of c a p i t a l and entrepreneurial a b i l i t y from other sectors of the economy, and the response of the industry to consumer demand by s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n certain types of product.  These were  considered to be the factors which made the industry's expansion possible.  The most important problems involving  labour i n the new industry - labour recruitment, wages and conditions of work and the formation of labour organizations were also considered. In dealing with the subsidiary, problem, a narrative approach was adopted.  The f i r s t chapter, therefore, i s simply  a d e s c r i p t i o n of the developments within the S c o t t i s h economy which preceded the establishment of, the cotton industry.  Thus,  the economic conditions out of which the industry grew and i n which the c a p i t a l , production s k i l l s and other for  i t s growth were acquired could be set out.  requirements The  last  iii chapter i s intended to show the e f f e c t s of the cotton Industry's development on other sectors of the S c o t t i s h economy. The S c o t t i s h cotton i n d u s t r y developed out of the economic c r i s i s which followed the l o s s of the American colonies i n 1783.  I t s expansion a f t e r that date was r a p i d ,  though subject to considerable f l u c t u a t i o n s due t o uncertain market conditions arid a rather narrow s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n the type of f a b r i c s produced.  The i n d u s t r y ' s expansion was  undertaken by means of the adoption of new techniques  production-  and new forms of o r g a n i z a t i o n , which marked a  change-over from the system of manual production i n s m a l l - s c a l e u n i t s to mechanized production i n l a r g e - s c a l e f a c t o r y u n i t s . These came t o be centred i n the south-west of Scotland, around Glasgow, because of the advantages which that area enjoyed over others i n respect of access to markets and raw m a t e r i a l s and because i t possessed resources of h i g h l y - s k i l l e d labour which other areas lacked.  C a p i t a l and e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l s k i l l s  acquired i n the pre-American Revolutionary p e r i o d , mainly'in other t e x t i l e i n d u s t r i e s , were u t i l i z e d to b u i l d up the  new  i n d u s t r y , which a l s o appears to have based i t s i n i t i a l expansion on the e x p l o i t a t i o n of' markets p r e v i o u s l y served the l i n e n i n d u s t r y .  by  These proved to be inadequate, however,  and new products had t o be developed to ensure continued expansion while avoiding d i r e c t competition w i t h Manchester. The i n d u s t r y r e l i e d h e a v i l y on s u p p l i e s of immigrant labour t o man  i t s factories.  The working c o n d i t i o n s w i t h i n the  f a c t o r i e s v a r i e d from place t o place according to the  iv - a t t i t u d e s of i n d i v i d u a l managers, and wages, too, v a r i e d from one f a c t o r y to the next, and even from man to man i n any mill.  one  In g e n e r a l , f a c t o r y wages f l u c t u a t e d with the trade  c y c l e , while wages i n the remaining domestic s e c t i o n of the i n d u s t r y , handloom weaving, seem to have d e c l i n e d s t e a d i l y at l e a s t from 1806.  The concentration of the labour f o r c e i n  large u n i t s o f f s e t the advantages which the employers had always enjoyed i n disputes with labour, and permitted the foundation of strong and e f f e c t i v e m i l i t a n t labour organizations. The development of the cotton i n d u s t r y l e d to the expansion of other i n d u s t r i e s i n Scotland, notably the secondary t e x t i l e i n d u s t r i e s l i k e bleaching and dyeing.  Its  adoption of mechanized techniques of production promoted the growth of the engineering i n d u s t r i e s i n the Clyde V a l l e y , and the increased demand f o r chemicals f o r c l o t h - f i n i s h i n g which r e s u l t e d from i t s expansion l e d to considerable expansion of the chemical i n d u s t r y .  In these ways, the cotton i n d u s t r y  ' ,laid the b a s i s of the S c o t t i s h economy of the twentieth century.  TABLE  of  CONTENTS PAGE  1.  2.  S c o t t i s h economic development from the Union of 1707 to the American Revolution  1  The growth of the cotton industry, 1780-1835  19  3.  The foundations of expansion  4#  4.  The problems of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n : labour i n the cotton industry  77  5.  The effects on S c o t t i s h i n d u s t r i a l development i n the 19th century  6.  Bibliography  7.  Appendix:  111 129  Tables  135  1  vi  LIST  OF  TABLES PAGE  I.  II.  Imports of raw cotton into Scotland. 1770-1827  135  Exports of cotton goods from Scotland related to S o t t i s h t o t a l exports, selected years  139  Nett Weekly wages of handloom weavers i n Glasgow, 1810-1831  140  Wages i n cotton-spinning and powerweaving m i l l s i n Glasgow, 1831  141  c  III,  IV.  1 SCOTTISH ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT FROM THE UNION OF 1707 TO THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION Before d i s c u s s i n g the growth of the S c o t t i s h cotton i n d u s t r y fronr 17&0  onwards, i t i s necessary t o consider  S c o t t i s h economic development from the Union with England i n 1707 t o the c l o s i n g stages of the American War of Independence. Several of the developments of t h i s period have a d i r e c t bearing on c e r t a i n aspects of the cotton i n d u s t r y ' s growth, such as i t s s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n c e r t a i n types of f a b r i c , i t s geographical l o c a t i o n , and the resources of c a p i t a l and e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l s k i l l which i t e x p l o i t e d .  The Union of  1707,  has, t h e r e f o r e , been chosen as the s t a r t i n g point of t h i s study.  I The Union held out to the Scots the hope of  escaping  from the economic d i f f i c u l t i e s which had beset them s i n c e before the R e s t o r a t i o n of the S t u a r t s i n 1660.  Scotland's  alignment with England i n matters of f o r e i g n p o l i c y since the two thrones had been united under the Stuarts i n I6O3 had i n t e r f e r e d with the t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n of S c o t t i s h overseas trade.  A s t a t e of commercial r i v a l r y e x i s t e d between England  and Scotland's main t r a d i n g p a r t n e r s , France, Holland and Scandinavian  states.  the  As a r e s u l t , the Scots sometimes found  themselves dragged i n t o war against t h e i r best customers i n u n w i l l i n g support of t h e i r o l d e s t enemy.  The e r e c t i o n of  t a r i f f b a r r i e r s a g a i n s t E n g l i s h goods by France, Holland  and  2 Norway also affected Scottish exports to those countries. Nor were the Scots compensated for the decline of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l markets by increased opportunities for trading with England and her colonies.  The Navigation  Acts  operated against Scottish shipping i n exactly the same way as they did against French or Dutch shipping.  Various  enactments of the English Parliament, culminating i n the Aliens Act of 1705,  threatened Scottish goods with exclusion  from the English market. Navigation Acts, was  Scotland, again by reason of the  excluded from d i r e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n  the c o l o n i a l trade,''" and when an attempt was made to set up a Scottish colony on the Isthmus of Darien i n Central America i n 1695,  i t met with the h o s t i l i t y of English  colonial interests.  The attempt f a i l e d catastrophically  for this and other reasons.  The outcome of a l l t h i s , as  one recent commentator has said, was  that,  "After 1688, a l l the evidence points to the onset - of genuine long-term decline both i n Scottish overseas trade and i n those industries most ^ dependent upon i t . " By 1703,  when the l a s t independent Scottish Parliament  convened i n Edinburgh, the decline had gone so f a r that the Scottish economy was 1.  2.  on the verge of complete collapse.  Some Scottish merchants evaded the Acts by chartering English ships and operating out of Whitehaven, on the English side of the Solway F i r t h : see R.H. Campbell, "The Anglo-Scottish Union I I : the economic consequences," Economic History Review (Ec.H.R.) 2nd s e r i e s , v o l XVI 1963-64, 469. T.C. Smout, "The Anglo-Scottish Union I: the economic background «-Ec.H.R., 2nd s e r i e s , XVI, 1963-64, 459. The account of the Scottish economy before 1707 i s largely based on this work.  3 The Treaty of Union, r a t i f i e d i n 1707, offered a way out of the impending crash.^  A r t i c l e XV, which with A r t i c l e  IX concerned the f i s c a l and f i n a n c i a l r e l a t i o n s between Scotland and England, offered f i n a n c i a l encouragement to Scottish industry.  £2,000 per annum from the funds of the  "Equivalent" were t o be devoted t o t h i s purpose.  A small  enough sum by modern standards, t h i s represented a s u b s t a n t i a l .addition t o the resources of a country where the shortage of c a p i t a l f o r i n d u s t r i a l development was c h r o n i c , and was to 3  remain so f o r some time t o come.  More important from the  p o i n t of view of long-term economic growth was A r t i c l e IV of the T r e a t y , which granted the Scots u n r e s t r i c t e d access t o the E n g l i s h and E n g l i s h c o l o n i a l markets and extended the p r o t e c t i o n of the Navigation Acts t o S c o t t i s h shipping and overseas t r a d e .  An a l t e r n a t i v e was thus obtained to the  d e c l i n i n g European markets;  f u r t h e r c o s t l y attempts t o  develop S c o t t i s h colonies were rendered unnecessary;  the  p r a c t i c e of t r a d i n g out of E n g l i s h ports t o evade the Acts could be abandoned, t o the b e n e f i t of S c o t t i s h ports and shipping;  and S c o t t i s h goods would no longer be threatened  with e x c l u s i o n from England. 1.  For the t e x t of the T r e a t y , see G.S. Pryde The Treaty of Union of Scotland and England, 1707 Edinburgh 1950, 83-102. ' The Equivalent was the c a p i t a l i z e d value of e x i s t i n g S c o t t i s h revenue-yield, £398,085, which went towards s e r v i c i n g the E n g l i s h N a t i o n a l Debt; see Campbell, "Anglo-Scottish Union I , " Ec.H.R. 2nd s e r . , XVI, 1963-64, 473. R.H. Campbell, "An Economic H i s t o r y of Scotland i n the Eighteenth Century," S c o t t i s h Journal of P o l i t i c a l Economy ( S . J . P . E . ) - v o l . X I 19bk 20. f  2.  T  3.  T  t  r  4 I f the Union encouraged the expansion of S c o t t i s h i n d u s t r i a l and commercial a c t i v i t y , i t d i d not guarantee that expansion would take place.  Before any b e n e f i t could be  derived from the new t r a d i n g c o n d i t i o n s , steps had t o be taken to put the S c o t t i s h economy on a sound f o o t i n g . a c t i v i t y had t o be r e o r i e n t a t e d :  Trading  Edinburgh, the centre f o r  trade with Northern and Western Europe, was not located i n a p o s i t i o n from which trade with America and the West Indies could e a s i l y be conducted.  Glasgow, on the west coast of Scotland,  was much b e t t e r placed t o compete with the e s t a b l i s h e d E n g l i s h colonial-trading ports.  An ocean-going merchant f l e e t had t o  be b u i l t t o c a r r y on the t r a n s - A t l a n t i c c o l o n i a l trade: e x i s t i n g S c o t t i s h s h i p p i n g , b u i l t f o r the r e l a t i v e l y short European r o u t e s , was not s u i t a b l e f o r t h i s purpose.  A share of  the c o l o n i a l trade had t o be wrested from the entrenched E n g l i s h interests.  A completely new b a s i s had t o be found f o r S c o t t i s h  i n d u s t r y , which had been b u i l t up i n the pre-1707 m e r c a n t i l i s t s e t t i n g t o compete with E n g l i s h i n d u s t r y i n a h i g h l y - p r o t e c t e d S c o t t i s h domestic market.  I n the f r e e market created by the  Union, the p r i n c i p l e of competition with England could not always be maintained, as the f a t e of the S c o t t i s h woollen i n d u s t r y demonstrated.''"  S c o t t i s h manufacturers, t h e r e f o r e , had  to apply themselves t o developing products which complemented those of E n g l i s h i n d u s t r y i n s t e a d of competing with them.  1.  H. Hamilton, Economic H i s t o r y of Scotland i n the Eighteenth Century, Oxford 1963, 131-4. The subsidy granted t o t h i s i n d u s t r y i n A r t i c l e XV of the Treaty was l a r g e l y wasted, as the i n d u s t r y . c o u l d not make the adjustment and d e c l i n e d i n the face of competition from the o l d - e s t a b l i s h e d and h i g h l y developed E n g l i s h woollen i n d u s t r y .  5  II I t i s d i f f i c u l t to judge whether the Scots took immediate advantage of the o p p o r t u n i t i e s which the Union presented f o r expanding i n d u s t r i a l output by i n c r e a s i n g the volume of trade w i t h England and her c o l o n i e s .  No record  was kept of the f l o w of S c o t t i s h goods to England a f t e r  1707,  since no Customs b a r r i e r was maintained between the two countries from then on and S c o t t i s h goods destined f o r E n g l i s h consumers were no longer regarded as exports.  No s a t i s f a c t o r y  record of S c o t t i s h i n d u s t r i a l output was kept u n t i l a f t e r the Board of Trustees f o r Manufactures and F i s h e r i e s was s e t up i n 1727,  and a v a i l a b l e Customs r e g i s t e r s only cover the period -  a f t e r 1755.  I t appears, however, that the response was not  very r a p i d .  The c a t t l e trade with England expanded immediately,  i t i s true;  but t h i s seems to have been the only sector of  the economy to do so, and the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of i t s response was hampered by i n e f f i c i e n c y due t o poverty."*"  Judging from  the comments of a p e t i t i o n e r to the House of Commons i n 1720, l i t t l e had been achieved i n the way of i n d u s t r i a l and commercial development even by that date.  He observed t h a t ,  "Scotland i s a. country the most barren of any Nation i n these p a r t s of Europe, they have nothing of t h e i r own growth to export, except corn, coals c a t t l e and some wool; nor nothing to form any Manufacturers but what they receive from t h e i r neighbours. There i s nothing hinders Scotland from being a t r a d i n g Nation but the want of goods to export." 1.  2.  For the response of the c a t t l e - t r a d e , see A. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, ed. E. Cannan, London 1961, v o l . I , 246-7. For the general response, see Campbell, "AngloS c o t t i s h Union I , " Ec.H.R. 2nd s e r . , XVI, 1963-64, 468-477. Quoted by Hamilton, Economic H i s t o r y of S c o t l a n d , Introduction, x i i i .  6 Since Scotland needed time to adjust her economy to her  new  s i t u a t i o n and to recover from the precarious economic c o n d i t i o n she was i n a t the time of the Union, no immediate response could be expected of her. A f t e r 1720, progress was made towards remedying  the  s i t u a t i o n d e s c r i b e d by the p e t i t i o n e r , and i n d u s t r i a l development gathered momentum.  The e f f o r t s of p r i v a t e  i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h i s f i e l d were supplemented  by the a c t i v i t i e s  of the Board of Trustees f o r Manufactures and F i s h e r i e s , which was s e t up i n 1727 with an annual income of £6,000 which to be devoted t o S c o t t i s h economic development.  was  The Board's  f u n c t i o n was to develop new and improved production techniques, and t o encourage t h e i r adoption by teaching the producers they could best be u t i l i z e d .  how  The Board i n s t i t u t e d p r i z e s  f o r h i g h - q u a l i t y production and a l s o provided cash-grants to concerns whose f i n a n c i a l resources d i d not match t h e i r potential.  I t e x e r c i s e d a s u p e r v i s o r y f u n c t i o n , l a y i n g down  standards of q u a l i t y and maintaining a permanent i n s p e c t o r a t e to see t h a t these were kept."*"  Another o f f i c i a l body, the  F o r f e i t e d Estates Commission, which had been set up i n 1752 to administer the estates of convicted J a c o b i t e s , e x e r c i s e d a 2 s i m i l a r f u n c t i o n i n the Highlands. The Board of Trustees devoted most of i t s a t t e n t i o n to the t e x t i l e i n d u s t r i e s of c e n t r a l S c o t l a n d , and e s p e c i a l l y to the l i n e n industry.-^ ~1. 2. 3.  The t e x t i l e i n d u s t r i e s had been second  An account of the Board's a c t i v i t i e s i s given i n Hamilton, Economic H i s t o r y of S c o t l a n d , 134-141. I b i d . 146. The Commission a c t u a l l y took over the Board's f u n c t i o n s i n the Highlands to a great extent. The l i n e n i n d u s t r y became the most important t e x t i l e i n d u s t r y a f t e r the d e c l i n e of the woollen i n d u s t r y . See above, 4, n . l . ;  7  only to a g r i c u l t u r e i n the economic l i f e of Scotland i n 1707, and remained i n t h a t p o s i t i o n throughout the period under d i s c u s s i o n because the economy remained p r i m a r i l y a g r a r i a n , and domestic spinning and weaving were e a s i l y combined w i t h a g r a r i a n pursuits.^"  Responding t o the opening of new markets  and to the encouragement given by the Board, l i n e n - c l o t h output rose from 2 m i l l i o n yards i n 1728 to 3.9 m i l l i o n i n 1731, then t o 7.9 m i l l i o n i n 1751 and 13.4 m i l l i o n i n 1771.  2  The l i n e n i n d u s t r y consisted of two q u i t e d i s t i n c t s e c t o r s : one, i n the east of S c o t l a n d , s p e c i a l i z e d i n the production of coarse f a b r i c s ;  the other, i n the south-west, produced f i n e  h i g h - q u a l i t y goods, which could stand comparison with the best 3  continental fabrics.  The south-western  counties of Lanark  and Renfrew between them produced 23% of the t o t a l yardage of l i n e n - c l o t h made i n Scotland i n 1768, but t h i s represented h-0% of the t o t a l value of S c o t t i s h l i n e n output.^"  The  development of both s e c t o r s was hampered by the poor q u a l i t y of home-grown f l a x , which produced yarn of uneven t h i c k n e s s and s t r e n g t h .  Both, t h e r e f o r e , turned i n c r e a s i n g l y to  imported raw m a t e r i a l s , and by the outbreak of the American War of Independence the c o a r s e - l i n e n trade r e l i e d on f l a x and hemp imported from Riga and S t . Petersburg, while the f i n e l i n e n s were manufactured from French and Flemish yarns.^ 1. Linen, f o r i n s t a n c e , accounted f o r 20% of Scotland's homeproduced exports i n 1771- Campbell, "Economic H i s t o r y of Scotland i n the 18th century," S.J.P.E., X I , 1964, 18. 2. Hamilton, Economic H i s t o r y of S c o t l a n d , Appendix IV, 404-5. 3. D. Chapman, "The establishment of the Jute Industry; a problem i n l o c a t i o n theory," Review of Economic S t u d i e s , v o l . VI 1938-9, 45; a l s o , Hamilton, o p . c i t . 148-9. 4.. I b i d . 149. 5. The Board of Trustees t r i e d hard to over come t h i s , without success. 6. As above, note 3. ;  T  The s k i l l s which the weavers of the south-west acquired i n the manufacture  of lawns, cambrics, and the other f i n e cloths were  to prove useful i n building up the cotton industry later i n the century, and were to give that region an advantage over others i n Scotland as a cotton-manufacturing centre.''" Other industries expanded after 1720  i n response to the  opportunities f o r increasing t h e i r sales i n the new  markets.  In the t h i r t i e s , English ironmasters seeking new resources of timber f o r charcoal set up a number of furnaces i n the wooded  2 areas of the Highlands.  This boom i n charcoal-fired i r o n  smelting was comparatively short-lived - most of the furnaces were out of blast by 1760  - but the decline was to some extent  o f f s e t by the erection of a coke-fired ironworks at Carron i n 3 S t i r l i n g s h i r e i n 1759.  This development stimulated the  demand f o r coal, the output of which had been growing i n any case as a r e s u l t of expansion i n the glass, s a l t and sugarr e f i n i n g industries since 1720.^ Most of the i n d u s t r i a l development had been undertaken as a r e s u l t of the granting of free access to the English Over 85%> of the linen industry's output, f o r instance,  market.  5  was meant f o r consumption within the United Kingdom i n 1771. 1. See below, 45-7 and 70^1. Among the other f i n e f a b r i c s made i n the south-west were silk-gauze and hybrid cloths c a l l e d "blunks" or "bengals" with a l i n e n warp and a cotton weft. For the variety of fabrics made and sold i n Glasgow, see J . Gibson, History of Glasgow from the e a r l i e s t accounts to the present time, Glasgow 1777, 239. 2. Hamilton, Economic History of Scotland. 189-93. 3. Ibid. 193. 4. Ibid.j 205. 5. The l a s t peak year i n Scottish overseas trade before the American War. For linen output and exports, see Hamilton, op. c i t . Appendix I?, 404-5 and Appendix VI, 410-11. T  ?  9 The remaining 15$ or so of the linen output, and probably a smaller proportion of other i n d u s t r i a l output, was intended for overseas markets.  Scottish produce, i n f a c t , only  contributed 27% of the value of Scotland's t o t a l exports."^ The most important element i n overseas trade was the entrepot trade i n V i r g i n i a tobacco, which the merchants of Glasgow had b u i l t up i n the face of stern competition from the established English colonial-trading ports such as London, B r i s t o l , Liverpool and Whitehaven.  By the beginning of the second  half of the eighteenth century, Glasgow was well on the way to  2 securing a monopoly of the V i r g i n i a trade.  A less important  entrepot trade i n West Indian produce, mainly sugar, was carried on from another Clyde port, Greenock i n Renfrewshire. Imports of these two commodities,  tobacco and sugar, accounted  for 41.5$ of the value of Scotland's t o t a l imports i n 1771, with tobacco by f a r the major contributor.  Exports of  tobacco and sugar i n the same year contributed 53.8$ of the value of Scotland's total.exports.  The Navigation Acts,  which required that c o l o n i a l produce destined f o r markets other than the United Kingdom and i t s colonies should be shipped f i r s t to B r i t i s h ports, were an important factor i n the growth of these trades. have taken place.  Without the Acts, no such development could But they were not a s u f f i c i e n t cause of  growth: other factors also operated to produce the v i r t u a l 1. Campbell, "Economic History of Scotland i n the 18th c e n t u r y / S.J.P.E., XI 1964, 18. 2. R. M i l l e r and.-J.-Tivy (eds.), The Glasgow Region, a general survey, Glasgow 1958, 156. 3. Hamilton, Economic History of Scotland, Appendices VIII IX, XI, 414-7, 419-20.  monopoly of the tobacco trade which Glasgow enjoyed.  The  c i t y ' s geographical p o s i t i o n was superior t o that of her main E n g l i s h r i v a l s from the point of view of the American trade: the shorter voyages which i t allowed gave the c i t y ' s merchants an advantage i n t r a n s p o r t costs."'"  In a d d i t i o n , i t emerged  from an enquiry conducted i n 1721 i n t o the business p r a c t i c e s of the Glasgow merchants by the Lords of the Treasury,  that  t h e i r t r a d i n g methods were more f r u g a l than those of t h e i r rivals.  2  As a r e s u l t of the development of the tobacco t r a d e , the Clyde replaced the F o r t h as the f o c a l point of economic a c t i v i t y i n Scotland:  i n 1772, $6% of the S c o t t i s h shipping 3  engaged i n overseas trade was C l y d e - r e g i s t e r e d .  Despite  t h i s s h i f t , Edinburgh had remained the centre of S c o t t i s h banking.  The three chartered banks d i d not even open branches  i n Glasgow u n t i l 1783.^"  The chartered banks pursued very  conservative lending p o l i c i e s , and took l i t t l e p a r t i n the f i n a n c i n g of i n d u s t r y and t r a d e .  Although some of the p r i v a t e  Edinburgh banks may have been more adventurous,^ i t seems that to a s s i s t t h e i r e f f o r t s to b u i l d up overseas trade the Glasgow merchants had to form t h e i r own c r e d i t i n s t i t u t i o n s , whose 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.  M i l l e r and T i v y , The Glasgow Region 157. Ibid.j 156. Loc.cit. They were the Bank of S c o t l a n d , the Royal Bank of Scotland and the B r i t i s h Linen Bank. The f i r s t t o open i n Glasgow was the Royal Bank, i n 178*3. Campbell, "Economic H i s t o r y of Scotland i n the 18th century S.J.P.E.. X I , 1964, 20-21. e.g. Coutts and Co., which had some i n t e r e s t i n the tobacco trade. See S i r W. Forbes of P i t s l i g o , Memoirs of a Banking House, f i r s t p u b l . 1803, r e p r i n t e d Edinburgh 1860, the reminiscences of Coutts manager i n 1775. r  lending p o l i c i e s were more l i b e r a l .  The Ship Bank, founded i n  Glasgow i n 1750, and the T h i s t l e Bank, set up i n the c i t y i n 1761, both had tobacco merchants as p a r t n e r s . ^ Sales o r g a n i z a t i o n s f o r the d i s p o s a l of S c o t t i s h goods, both i n overseas markets and i n the United Kingdom, were b u i l t up i n conjunction with the growth of i n d u s t r y and of the entrepot trades.  The l i n e n merchants set up a network of  "packmen", or p e d l a r s , who made t h e i r way i n t o the most remote d i s t r i c t s of England and Scotland t o s e l l S c o t t i s h l i n e n s and gather i n f o r m a t i o n about the markets, which was transmitted back t o Glasgow or Dundee, the centres of the wholesale 2 linen-trades. Some of them had connections with V i r g i n i a or West I n d i a t r a d e r s , who acted as agents f o r the l i n e n 3  merchants i n the c o l o n i e s .  Some Glasgow linen-houses  had  c o n t i n e n t a l agencies too, presumably a r i s i n g out of t h e i r connections with the French y a r n - m e r c h a n t s T h e same was probably true of the Dundee linen-merchants, whose raw m a t e r i a l s came from the B a l t i c . Communications improved with the growth of trade and industry.  Most of the improvement n a t u r a l l y took place around  the main centre of t r a d e , with the r e s u l t t h a t Glasgow's 1.  2. 3. 4.  For the foundation of the Ship Bank, G. Stewart, C u r i o s i t i e s of Glasgow C i t i z e n s h i p , Glasgow 1881, 25. The prospectus of the T h i s t l e Bank was published i n The Scots Magazine, No. 23, 1761, 614. The Ship Bank at l e a s t became very conservative a f t e r the American War; see, Stewart, o p . c i t • . 186-8. G. Stewart, Progress of Glasgow, Glasgow 1883, 93-4. James F j n l a y and Company L i m i t e d , 1750-1950, Glasgow 1952, 4. Loc. c i t . , and Hamilton, Economic H i s t o r y of Scotland, 269.  position  as a communications-centre was u n r i v a l l e d  by the time the American War broke out i n 1775.  i n Scotland Harbour  f a c i l i t i e s on the Clyde were improved and extended and the r i v e r deepened and widened.  Besides the e x i s t i n g ports a t  Greenock, Dumbarton and I r v i n e , new harbours were b u i l t a t Ardrossan and Port Glasgow, the l a t t e r by the V i r g i n i a merchants, whose ships were prevented from reaching Glasgow i t s e l f by shoals and r o c k - o u t c r o p s .  1  Although Glasgow's  harbour a t the Broomielaw had been extended a t the end of the seventeenth century, the obstructions i n the r i v e r made i t s regular use impossible - a t low water i t was blocked even t o 2 lighters.  I n 1755,  • John Smeaton was c a l l e d i n by the  Glasgow magistrates t o c a r r y out a survey of the r i v e r - b e d with a view t o making i t more e a s i l y navigable, but h i s plans f o r improvements were r e j e c t e d .  The magistrates then c a l l e d i n  John Golbourn of Chester, who surveyed the r i v e r i n 1769.  In  1770, an engineer named Watt began t o implement Golbourn's p l a n s , and i n 1775 v e s s e l s drawing j u s t over s i x f e e t of water 3  could reach the Broomielaw a t low t i d e . Canal-communications were a l s o b u i l t up with a view t o improving access t o the markets f o r tobacco.  The advantages  of a canal l i n k i n g Glasgow w i t h the east coast had been pointed out as e a r l y as 1727 by Defoe, who observed i n h i s "Tour of 1. ' S i r John S i n c l a i r (ed.), S t a t i s t i c a l Account of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1791-99, v o l . V, 546-7. Referred t o h e r e a f t e r as Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account. 2. One s h o a l , 300 yards below the Broomielaw, was only 15 inches below the surface a t low water; J.D. Marwick, The River Clyde and the Clyde Burghs, Glasgow 1909, 177. 3. J . C l e l a n d , Enumeration of the Inhabitants o f Glasgow, Glasgow 1832, 153, gives an account of the operations of Smeaton, Golbourn and Watt.  Britain" that, "If this city- could have a communication with the f i r t h of Forth so as to send their tobacco and sugar by water to Alloway, below S t i r l i n g , as they might from thence again to London, Holland, Hamburgh and the Baltic, they would very probably i n a few , years double their trade". The merchants took up the suggestion, and work on the Forth-Glyde canal began i n 1768, after some argument as to the best route.  By 1775, the eastern outskirts of Glasgow  were linked up with the village of Grangemouth, on the Forth. The f u l l canal, from Grangemouth to Bowling,  Dunbartonshire,  was completed i n 1790, when the Monkland canal, which linked Glasgow with the Lanarkshire coalfield, was also completed and 2 joined the Forth-Clyde canal i n Glasgow. Road communications appear to have been less well developed before 1775. interest by then.  Nevertheless, there were signs of real  Plans were being considered for turn-pikes  to link Glasgow with the chief towns of the south-west and with England.  But l i t t l e action was forthcoming before 1785.  Between that date and 1788, however, the turn-pikes from Glasgow to Ayr and Glasgow to Carlisle via Dumfries had been started, as had the S t i r l i n g to Dumbarton pike, which had a feeder route 3  to Glasgow, a l i t t l e to the south of the main highway. These developments i n communications by land and wa,ter were later to influence the location of the cotton industry, which came to be concentrated i n the Glasgow area, within a radius of 25 miles from the city.^  4-  1. Quoted by Marwick, The River Clyde, 178", n.2. 2. Ibid. , 178-9, gives an account of canal-building. 3. Hamilton, Economic History of Scotland, 222-28. 4. See below, 46.  Ill The American War of Independence interrupted the course of development which had begun with the Union.  One of the  f i r s t acts of the colonists was to repudiate the Navigation Acts, upon which the prosperity of Scottish overseas trade depended.  Tobacco imports, which had been kept at a very high  l e v e l from 1771 to 1775, f e l l away badly i n 1776 and were reduced to a mere t r i c k l e i n 1777.  1  Thereafter, they recovered  somewhat, but never regained the importance which they had enjoyed before the war.  Re-exports of tobacco slumped as well,  2  and again never recovered t h e i r former importance. Most of the tobacco merchants escaped from the collapse of t h e i r 3 trade without very great l o s s ,  but the e f f e c t s of the collapse  on S c o t t i s h overseas trade were nothing short of catastrophic. Re-exports, which formed the bulk of Scotland's export trade, f e l l from an annual average value of £1,138,247 (1770-74 inclusive) to one of £331,925 (1775-83 i n c l u s i v e ) .  As a  r e s u l t , the annual average value of t o t a l exports also declined, from £1,626,066 f o r the period 1770-74 to £864,043 i n the period 1775-83.  Total imports to Scotland f e l l ,  because of the loss of the tobacco trade, from an annual average of £1,225,606 i n the period 1770-74 to one of £872,773 f o r the 1. Between 41 and 47 m i l l i o n l b s . per annum was imported between 1770 and the end of 1775. In 1776, imports were 7h m i l l i o n l b s . , and i n 1777, just over i m i l l i o n l b s . ; Hamilton, Economic History of Scotland, Appendix IX 416-7. 2. From an average of c. 45 m i l l i o n lbs., 1771-3 to 23f m i l l i o n i n 1776 and 5\ m i l l i o n i n 1777. Loc.cit. 3. They anticipated the r e v o l t , stockpiled tobacco f o r sale at famine prices and liquidated their assets i n America. M.L. Robertson, "Scottish Commerce and the 'American War," Ec.H.R., 2nd s e r i e s , IX, 1956, 123-4.  period 1775-33.  The annual balance of overseas t r a d e , which  had been favourable t o Scotland since at l e a s t 1755, swung the other way i n 1775, and remained adverse u n t i l 1800.  1  With the l o s s of the American c o l o n i e s and the c o l l a p s e of the tobacco t r a d e , S c o t t i s h i n d u s t r y l o s t i t s most important overseas market.  But a f t e r an i n i t i a l slump of home-produced  exports i n 1775, new o u t l e t s were found f o r them by S c o t t i s h agents i n Europe, the West I n d i e s , Canada, Nova S c o t i a and Florida.  The annual average value of home-produced exports  a c t u a l l y stood higher i n the wartime p e r i o d , 1775-83, than i t 3  had been f o r the pre-war p e r i o d , 1770-74. production seems t o have been r i s i n g :  Industrial  certainly, linen-cloth  output rose from an annual average of 12.3 m i l l i o n yards (1770-74) t o one of 14.2 m i l l i o n yards (1775-83).  4  Neither  the outbreak of the war nor the entry i n t o i t on the c o l o n i s t s ' s i d e of France (1778), Spain (1779) and Holland (1780) seems t o have had any s e r i o u s e f f e c t on S c o t t i s h i n d u s t r y as a whole, but some s e c t o r s probably d i d s u f f e r .  Indeed, some of the  i n d u s t r i e s of the Glasgow area, which were c l o s e l y connected 5  w i t h the tobacco-trade, ceased t o e x i s t .  The f i n e - l i n e n  t r a d e , which depended on supplies of French and Flemish yarn, was probably h i t by the entry of France and Holland i n t o the war and by the operations of h o s t i l e warships and p r i v a t e e r s i n the E n g l i s h Channel and the A t l a n t i c . But n e i t h e r of these 1. Trade f i g u r e s from Hamilton, Economic H i s t o r y of S c o t l a n d , Appendix V I I I , 414-5. 2. I b i d . , 269-70. 3. As f o r note 1, above. 4. I b i d . , Appendix IV, 404-5. 5. Stewart, Progress of Glasgow, 68-71.  effects t o the industries  o f Glasgow and t o t h e f i n e - l i n e n  t r a d e was s u f f i c i e n t t o c o u n t e r a c t t h e g e n e r a l t e n d e n c y t o w a r d s expansion  experienced  i n o t h e r s e c t o r s o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l economy.  IV W i t h t h e e n d o f t h e war i n 1783, i t became o b v i o u s  that  the tobacco  t r a d e c o u l d never be r e b u i l t i n i t s o r i g i n a l f o r m .  The  of the colonists  success  which confirmed  i nachieving their  independence,  their e a r l i e r repudiation of the Navigation  A c t s , saw t o t h a t .  S c o t l a n d , a s one r e c e n t c o m m e n t a t o r h a s  said, "had t o f i n d o t h e r o u t l e t s f o r i t s e n e r g i e s and resources i f i t wished t o r e g a i n i t s pre-war prosperity". More s p e c i f i c a l l y , t h e gap l e f t  i n Scottish  the l o s s o f t h e entrepot trade i n tobacco the trade balance  up  had t o be f i l l e d , and  e i t h e r by b u i l d i n g  e n t r e p o t t r a d e i n some o t h e r c o l o n i a l p r o d u c t exports  adoption  trade by  restored t o a position favourable t o Scotland.  These o b j e c t i v e s c o u l d be a c h i e v e d new  overseas  up a  o r by stepping  o f home-produced goods, o r b y t h e s i m u l t a n e o u s  o f both p o l i c i e s .  Many o f t h e t o b a c c o - m e r c h a n t s b e g a n t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e  2 West I n d i a n t r a d e , w h i c h e x p a n d e d r a p i d l y f r o m 1786 t o 1790. 1. 2.  R o b e r t s o n , " S c o t t i s h Commerce a n d t h e A m e r i c a n War," Ec.H.R., 2nd s e r . , I X , 1956, 128. E x p o r t s t o t h e West I n d i e s f r o m S c o t l a n d r o s e f r o m £139,984 (1786) t o £318,805 (1790), a n d i m p o r t s f r o m t h e West I n d i e s t o S c o t l a n d f r o m £235,763 (1786) t o £371,656 (1790); I b i d . , 128.  17  The names of John R i d d e l l , P a t r i c k Colquhoun, John Robertson, James Hopkirk and Robert F i n d l a y appear both i n a l i s t of the p r i n c i p a l Glasgow V i r g i n i a merchants of 1783 and a l i s t of the o f f i c e - b e a r e r s of the Glasgow West India. Club i n 1789.  The  1  p r i n c i p a l component of t h i s trade was sugar, which was re-exported i n q u a n t i t y from the Clyde, but cotton wool or raw c o t t o n , which had been imported i n v a r y i n g but g e n e r a l l y small q u a n t i t i e s before the war, began to f i g u r e prominently 2  among the commodities imported from the West I n d i e s .  In  1786, raw c o t t o n valued a t £42,298 had been imported, as against sugar imports worth £136,156.  In 1792, however, the  gap between the two had narrowed considerably: raw c o t t o n imports had r i s e n to £138,557 i n v a l u e , sugar imports t o 3  £183,450.  The a c t u a l amount of raw cotton imported had r i s e n  from an annual average of 170,697 l b s . (1770-75) t o one of 228,720 l b s . (1776-83) and to 1,715,300 l b s . (1784-92).  This  l a s t was the r e s u l t of an u n i n t e r r u p t e d r i s e from 330,051 l b s . i n 1784  to 3,076,715 l b s . i n 1792.  4  Very l i t t l e of the raw c o t t o n imported a f t e r 1783 intended f o r re-export.  was  The r a p i d expansion of raw c o t t o n  imports from then on was, i n f a c t , i n d i c a t i v e of the growth of an e n t i r e l y new i n d u s t r y - the manufacture of pure cotton 1. 2. 3. 4.  1783 l i s t i n Stewart, Progress of Glasgow, 76, 1789 l i s t i n N. Jones, Jones's D i r e c t o r y . . . o f the C i t y of Glasgow f o r the year 1789, r e p r i n t e d Glasgow 1866. 69. See Hamilton Economic H i s t o r y of S c o t l a n d , Appendix VII,  412-3.  L o c . c i t . and Appendix X I , 419. For these and a l l subsequent raw cotton import f i g u r e s , see Appendix, t a b l e I .  18 - f a b r i c s , which had been t e c h n i c a l l y i m p o s s i b l e i n S c o t l a n d b e f o r e t h e war."*"  E s t a b l i s h e d S c o t t i s h i n d u s t r i e s i n 1783  were u n a b l e t o expand  their output, using existing  production-  t e c h n i q u e s , t o an e x t e n t s u f f i c i e n t t o o f f s e t t h e l o s s of t h e t o b a c c o t r a d e b y m a k i n g more h o m e - p r o d u c e d g o o d s for export.  The s i t u a t i o n o f 1783  available  c a l l e d f o r "new o r i m p r o v e d  f o r m s o f o r g a n i z a t i o n a n d new i d e a s f o r t h e r e d u c t i o n o f  2 waste".  A d e l i b e r a t e p o l i c y o f e n c o u r a g i n g t h e new i n d u s t r y ,  w i t h i t s new t e c h n i q u e s and f o r m s o f o r g a n i z a t i o n , was a d o p t e d by t h e B o a r d o f T r u s t e e s and by t h e newly-formed Chamber o f Commerce, w h i c h e m b r a c e d merchants  Glasgow  t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s and  o f t h e c i t y a n d s u r r o u n d i n g burghs.-*  The i n d u s t r y ' s  p o t e n t i a l as an e x p o r t e r and as a s e c t o r c a p a b l e o f r a p i d growth had a l r e a d y been demonstrated i n E n g l a n d b e f o r e t h e war. P e r h a p s t h e B o a r d o f T r u s t e e s a n d t h e Chamber o f Commerce  saw  i n i tt h e s o l u t i o n t o the problem of r e p l a c i n g the tobacco trade.  1.  2. 3.  C o t t o n w a r p - y a r n c o u l d n o t be s p u n b e f o r e t h e i n v e n t i o n o f t h e w a t e r - f r a m e b y A r k w r i g h t ( p a t e n t e d 1769). T h i s was n o t i n u s e i n S c o t l a n d u n t i l 1778 (December) a t t h e v e r y earliest; s e e b e l o w , 37. W.R. S c o t t , " E c o n o m i c R e s i l i e n c y , " Ec.H.R., I I , 1929-30, 294. F o r t h e Board's a t t e m p t s t o encourage c o t t o n - s p i n n i n g , see H a m i l t o n , E c o n o m i c H i s t o r y o f S c o t l a n d , 170-71. The Chamber o f Commerce was s e t up i n G l a s g o w i n 1783, on t h e i n i t i a t i v e o f t h e tobacco merchant, P a t r i c k Colquhoun. I t s f u n c t i o n s w e r e i n many ways s i m i l a r t o t h o s e o f t h e B o a r d , t h o u g h i t s s c o p e was more c o n f i n e d t o l o c a l i n t e r e s t s . I t s a p p r o a c h t o e n c o u r a g i n g t r a d e w a s , h o w e v e r , o f t e n more direct: f o r instance i t s e t up a " S c o t c h a g e n c y " i n L o n d o n i n 1788, w i t h C o l q u h o u n a s r e s i d e n t a g e n t , - t o s e l l S c o t t i s h m u s l i n s , and l a t e r opened a s i m i l a r a g e n c y i n Ostend. S e e S t e w a r t , P r o g r e s s o f G l a s g o w , 35-6.  2 THE  GROWTH OF THE  1 9  COTTON INDUSTRY, 1780-1835 I  The growth of the new i n 1733  was  very r a p i d :  c o t t o n between 1783  and  i n d u s t r y a f t e r the Peace of P a r i s  the i n c r e a s e i n annual imports of 1792  i n d i c a t e s almost a f i f t e e n - f o l d  i n c r e a s e i n annual output i n t h a t p e r i o d . reached i n 1802,  when raw  c o t t o n imports,  A new  1  In 1810,  raw  12,339,977 l b s . , i n 1818 1827,  was  the  previous  c o t t o n imports amounted t o t o over 14 m i l l i o n l b s . ,  2  and  by  the l a s t year i n which a. separate r e c o r d of S c o t t i s h  f o r e i g n trade was  kept by the Customs Department, n e a r l y  20 m i l l i o n l b s . was raw  peak  at 10,302,848 l b s . ,  were more than t h r e e times higher than i n 1792, peak y e a r .  raw  imported to S c o t l a n d .  An estimate  c o t t o n consumption i n S c o t l a n d i n 1833  e x p a n s i o n i s t t r e n d was estimate, n e a r l y 24.5  s t i l l going on:  of  i n d i c a t e s that  according to  the  the  m i l l i o n l b s . of c o t t o n yarn was  spun i n  S c o t l a n d i n t h a t year, which, a l l o w i n g f o r wastage of l |  ounces  per pound i n the s p i n n i n g , i n d i c a t e s a t o t a l i m p o r t a t i o n  of  3 n e a r l y 27 m i l l i o n l b s . of raw c o t t o n .  The  phenomenon d i d  not go unremarked by contemporaries, e s p e c i a l l y i n the  initial  stages of development when c o t t o n f a b r i c s , h i t h e r t o an 1.  See Appendix, t a b l e I . Import f i g u r e s from Customs R e c o r d s are the only r e l i a b l e guide a v a i l a b l e t o the c o t t o n i n d u s t r y ' s output. The amount of raw-cotton re-exported was n e g l i g i b l e . Estimated output i n 1818 was 105 m i l l i o n y a r d s , valued a t £5.2 m i l l i o n . J . C l e l a n d , Enumeration of the I n h a b i t a n t s of the C i t y of Glasgow and County of Lanark f o r the Government Census of 1831, Glasgow 1832, 138. E. Baines, H i s t o r y of the Cotton Manufacture of Great B r i t a i n , London 1835, 366-7. ~~ * ?  2.  3.  :  expensive r a r i t y ,  were coming w i t h i n the reach of a much  l a r g e r s e c t i o n of the population and when the prcesses of production were s t i l l regarded with awe and. wonder. S i r John S i n c l a i r ' s Glasgow correspondents remarked i n 1791, when the f i r s t peak of expansion was being approached, that although a l l branches of i n d u s t r y i n the c i t y had g r e a t l y extended, "... t h a t which seems, f o r some years past, t o have e x c i t e d the most general a t t e n t i o n , i s the manufacture of cotton c l o t h s of various k i n d s , together with the ~ a r t s depending on i t . " Even i n the comparatively remote p a r i s h of R e r r i c k , i n K i r k c u d b r i g h t s h i r e , the cotton manufacture generated considerable enthusiasm:  a l o c a l landowner and some farmers had begun t o  set up a m i l l , and the m i n i s t e r observed t h a t , "A s p i r i t of cotton manufacture got i n amongst us..." He could have been r e p o r t i n g the r e a c t i o n of any one of twenty or more communities throughout Scotland, from Wigtownshire i n the south t o Aberdeen i n the north - ranging i n s i z e from towns the s i z e of Glasgow or P a i s l e y , which numbered t h e i r i n h a b i t a n t s i n thousands, t o s m a l l v i l l a g e s such as Doune i n P e r t h s h i r e or Bridge of Weir i n Renfrewshire, some of them q u i t e i s o l a t e d . The spectacular expansion of the i n d u s t r y was matched by the e q u a l l y spectacular f l u c t u a t i o n s with which i t s growth was 1.  2. 3.  They were seldom manufactured i n B r i t a i n because of d i f f i c u l t y experienced i n spinning warp-yarn. Yarn and f i n i s h e d goods were imported from I n d i a , by the East I n d i a Company, "and brought t o that company large suras annually", A. Esilman, Comprehensive View of the Rise and Progress of the Cotton Trade of Scotland, Glasgow, 1823, 7. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, v o l . V 501-2. I b i d - , X I , 56.  21 attended.  In 1793-94, i f raw cotton import f i g u r e s are any  guide, output f e l l to l e s s than a h a l f of the l e v e l of 1792. This was f o l l o w e d , apparently, by a period of stagnation l a s t i n g u n t i l 1798.  A setback of r a t h e r l e s s s e v e r i t y  occurred i n 1803, f o l l o w i n g on the boom of 1798-1802, but a slump of h i t h e r t o u n p a r a l l e l e d dimensions h i t the i n d u s t r y i n 1808, when the f u l l f o r c e of the Napoleonic Blockade, the American p o l i c y of non-intercourse w i t h the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the European war and the B r i t i s h orders i n C o u n c i l was experienced.  Output i n 1808 appears to have been only about  one-third of the previous year's.  There seems to have been  a gradual d e c l i n e i n output l a s t i n g from 1811 to 1814, the l e v e l of  1814 being somewhat l e s s than h a l f of the 1810 p e a k - l e v e l ,  and another a f t e r the 1818 peak, l a s t i n g u n t i l 1821.  Output  apparently r a l l i e d i n 1822, rose again i n 1823, and stagnated rather below the l e v e l of 1823 from 1324 to 1826 before making a spectacular recovery i n 1827.  The f l u c t u a t i o n s thus  experienced by the S c o t t i s h cotton i n d u s t r y d i d not conform, i t seems, to the p a t t e r n of f l u c t u a t i o n experienced by i t s English equivalent.  1  For example, the E n g l i s h i n d u s t r y  apparently underwent a slump i n 1738 which does not seem to have a f f e c t e d Scotland, where the demand f o r raw cotton rose without any i n t e r r u p t i o n at a l l between 1783 and  1792.  S i m i l a r l y , w h i l e the E n g l i s h i n d u s t r y appears t o have enjoyed  1.  This statement i s based on a comparison between the f i g u r e s for imports of raw cotton i n t o Scotland i n Appendix, t a b l e I, and one showing imports i n t o Great B r i t a i n as a whole, based on Customs r e t u r n s , i n Baines, Cotton Manufacture 346-7. T  22 a. minor boom i n 1796,  S c o t t i s h output i n that year  apparently lower than i t had been i n 1795, i n 1797  was  r i s i n g somewhat  when E n g l i s h output seems t o have f a l l e n .  Nor  was  the boom of 1809-10 i n Scotland of anything l i k e the dimensions of t h a t enjoyed i n Lancashire.  I t i s d i f f i c u l t to see  why  t h i s divergence should e x i s t , unless i t was because the market served., by the S c o t t i s h i n d u s t r y was d i f f e r e n t from that s e r v i c e d by England.  T h i s , of course, i s h i g h l y  probable, since the Scots s p e c i a l i z e d i n high-value f i n e fabrics,' ' such as muslins, while the E n g l i s h manufacturers 1  tended t o c a t e r f o r the mass-market with lower-priced s t a p l e s . In the p a r t i c u l a r case of 1788,  i t seems l i k e l y that the  unwillingness of the S c o t t i s h banks to a s s i s t i n f i n a n c i n g i n d u s t r i a l development may  have contributed to the S c o t t i s h  cotton i n d u s t r y ' s immunity from a slump.  While the banks 2  s u f f e r e d during the f i n a n c i a l c r i s i s of t h a t year, the cotton i n d u s t r y , which was probably financed by p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s 3  at that e a r l y stage of i t s development, seriously affected.  This may  was u n l i k e l y t o be  a l s o account f o r the f a c t t h a t ,  while S c o t t i s h banks s u f f e r e d suddenly and severely from the panic consequent upon the unexpected d e c l a r a t i o n of war e a r l y i n 1793,^ i t was not u n t i l 1794  t h a t a r e a l l y severe  depression  h i t the cotton i n d u s t r y , probably as a r e s u l t of the impact 1. 2. 3. 4.  See below, C h . I I I . 70-77, f o r an examination of the type of goods produced i n Scotland, 1780-1835. See, e.g. Forbes, Memoirs of a Banking House, 72-74. For an examination of the c a p i t a l i z a t i o n of the cotton i n d u s t r y , see below C h . I I I , 50-69. Glasgow was badly a f f e c t e d by t h i s , three of the c i t y ' s banks f a i l i n g , Forbes, o p . c i t . , 77-80: Stewart, C u r i o s i t i e s of Glasgow C i t i z e n s h i p , 148-9.  23 of p o l i t i c a l and diplomatic events upon S c o t t i s h trade with the European c o n t i n e n t , i n which cotton goods were an i n c r e a s i n g l y important element.  1  In 1791,  S c o t t i s h cotton-  spinners had been unable to meet the weavers' demands f o r 2 yarn,  so, assuming t h i s to have been the case i n 1788 as w e l l ,  a moderate f a l l i n the demand f o r cotton c l o t h was l i a b l e to a f f e c t the weavers but not n e c e s s a r i l y the spinners i f the gap between demand f o r and s u p p l i e s of yarn were not closed completely.  Yarn output could w e l l have been increased i n  such circumstances, which, i f they s t i l l e x i s t e d i n 1792-3, would a l s o have cushioned the spinning sector of the i n d u s t r y from the worst e f f e c t s of the c r i s i s of 1793,  and delayed  their  a c t i o n u n t i l the f o l l o w i n g year. The considerable f l u c t u a t i o n s of the period 1793-1815 can r e a d i l y be a s c r i b e d to the u n c e r t a i n t y of the market f o r cotton manufactures i n wartime aggravated by the s c a r c i t y of American cotton during the war of 1812.^  As G.W.  Daniels has observed  i n r e l a t i o n t o the cotton i n d u s t r y of B r i t a i n as a whole, the conduct of business i n such c o n d i t i o n s rendered sound a n t i c i p a t i o n , so necessary f o r commercial s t a b i l i t y , an u t t e r impossibility.  4  He quotes a Manchester banker as saying t h a t ,  during the Napoleonic 1. 2. 3. 4.  Wars, p r o f i t s were made by plunges and  See Appendix, t a b l e I I . Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V, 502. Appendix, t a b l e I . G. W. D a n i e l s , "The Cotton Trade during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars", Transactions of Manchester S t a t i s t i c a l S o c i e t y , 1915-16, 55.  24 s p e c u l a t i o n s , which Daniels does not regard as n e c e s s a r i l y a condemnation of the business methods used, since every move made by a manufacturer of cotton goods was made s p e c u l a t i v e by the f a c t t h a t i t was h a r d l y ever p o s s i b l e t o know what c o n d i t i o n s would be l i k e from day t o day or week to week. Scotland, as much as England, was a f f e c t e d by such  circumstances;  indeed, the e f f e c t was l i a b l e to be more severe to the S c o t t i s h i n d u s t r y i n view of i t s s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n f i n e f a b r i c s , f o r which the market was n e c e s s a r i l y more l i m i t e d than f o r the products of Lancashire.  Fortunes were made, and no doubt l o s t  as w e l l , by S c o t t i s h manufacturers who were w i l l i n g to be unorthodox:  the case of James Monteith's r e a c t i o n t o the  depression of 1793-94 shows what a d a r i n g , or perhaps desperate, i n d i v i d u a l could do.  Monteith had bought Blantyre m i l l from  David Dale at the end of 1792, when trade was b r i s k , but i n the course of 1793, cotton yarn p r i c e s slumped to 55% of t h e i r 1792 p r i c e s , and Monteith begged Dale to release him from h i s bond:  Dale refused.  In one respect, Monteith was l u c k y ;  he  held no s t o c k s of f i n i s h e d c l o t h as other Glasgow manufacturers d i d , expensive stocks b u i l t up before the c r i s i s which could not be s o l d p r o f i t a b l y once yarn-costs had f a l l e n so low. Taking advantage of low raw m a t e r i a l and weaving c o s t s , Monteith employed weavers d i r e c t l y to work up the yarn he spun a t B l a n t y r e , and himself disposed of the f i n i s h e d goods by a u c t i o n wherever he could f i n d a s a l e .  As a r e s u l t , while  the stockholders of cotton c l o t h were i n c u r r i n g considerable l o s s e s , Monteith had embarked on a venture which was to b r i n g  25 him £80,000 by 1798.  The rash of small m i l l s which sprang  up a l l over 'Scotland, most of them with a r e l a t i v e l y short l i f e - s p a n , i n , f o r example, the period between 1783 and  1792,  was also symptomatic of the speculative nature of the Scottish cotton industry even i n times of comparative diplomatic stability.  In the case of the large m i l l s too, speculative  enterprises were common, judging from the high turnover i n owners which some of them experienced.  Deanston m i l l , one of  the largest i n the country, had four owners between the time of i t s erection i n 1785 and the depression of 1808:  the  founder, John Buchanan of Carston, sold i t i n 1793 to an English Quaker, Benjamin Flounders, who i n turn disposed of i t to one Mr. Glen i n 1805;  Glen operated the m i l l f o r only  a short time, and i t was closed down f o r two years before passing into the hands of James F i n l a y and Company i n 1807.^ A c t i v i t y of t h i s kind, i f conducted on any considerable scale, could account f o r the severity of the slumps which the cotton industry of Scotland seems to have experienced i n the war years from 1793 to  1815.  The end of the war i n 1815 apparently brought no end to the speculation and no great s t a b i l i t y to the cotton trade: fluctuations i n the industry's productivity continued to be 1. 2. 3.  "Senex", Glasgow Past and Present, Glasgow 1894, v o l . I I , 51-2. See below, 38-9. New S t a t i s t i c a l Account of Scotland, Edinburgh 1845, v o l . X, 1237.  26  v i o l e n t as l a t e as 1826-27. committee i n 1833,  G i v i n g evidence t o a parliamentary  one of Scotland's foremost  cotton-mill  owners, Kirkman F i n l a y of James F i n l a y and Company, remarked t h a t , at that date, the i n d u s t r y ' s p r o f i t s were low, although the i n d u s t r y ' s character was "one of great e x t e n s i o n , of a r a p i d s a l e and a c t i v i t y . A s k e d to what circumstances  he  a t t r i b u t e d the low s t a t e of p r o f i t s , he r e p l i e d : " C e r t a i n l y not to any want of demand, i f we compare the demand now with the demand at any former p e r i o d ; but to an extremely extensive production w i t h reference to the demand, a r i s i n g out of a great competition, doubtless caused by the high r a t e of p r o f i t i n former times, which, by a t t r a c t i n g a l a r g e amount of c a p i t a l to the business, has n e c e s s a r i l y ~ led to the low r a t e of p r o f i t we now see." The competition was both f o r e i g n and domestic or i n t e r n a l , the 3  l a t t e r element being, according to F i n l a y , "very f o r m i d a b l e " ; ^ stocks on hand were " i n c o n s i d e r a b l e " , and F i n l a y considered to be "unhealthy" the p r e v a i l i n g p r a c t i c e of consigning l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s of goods t o f o r e i g n d e s t i n a t i o n s on payment of b i l l s i n advance;  these b i l l s were discounted by "monied persons i n  London and other p a r t s Of the country, which has l e d t o a greater extension of the trade than otherwise would have taken place."^  Since F i n l a y ' s own d e a l i n g s i n f o r e i g n markets  during the years from 1810 1. 2. 3. 4.  S e l e c t Committee 1833, Report and I b i d . , min. 622, I b i d . , min. 623, I b i d . , min. 624,  to 1815  had been among the most  on Manufactures, Commerce and'Shipping, Evidence, Minutes of evidence, min. 621, 35. 35. 35.  35.  27 d a r i n g c a r r i e d out by S c o t t i s h manufacturers,  his strictures  on the unhealthiness of the i n d u s t r y i n the post-war period must c a r r y considerable weight. In the post-war p e r i o d , growing f o r e i g n competition was a l s o a s e r i o u s t h r e a t to the s t a b i l i t y of the S c o t t i s h cotton i n d u s t r y , which was h e a v i l y committed to f o r e i g n markets:  i n 1818, f o r example, more than one-third of i t s  output of c l o t h was exported, accounting f o r over 70$ of p  Scotland's t o t a l exports by value.  Going by F i n l a y ' s  evidence, t h i s f o r e i g n competition was a feature of the period a f t e r 1815;  when he f i r s t entered the t r a d e , i n 17#7,  there  was no extensive cotton i n d u s t r y outside the United Kingdom and, a f a c t o r of great importance i n view of the e a r l y S c o t t i s h s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n muslin production, "no f a b r i c s of any k i n d " .  But since 1814,  finer  the French cotton  i n d u s t r y had become a "very formidable" r i v a l , and other "very extensive" cotton i n d u s t r i e s had grown up i n S w i t z e r l a n d , 1.  2.  For example, he r e g u l a r l y broke the Napoleonic Blockade by running goods to Europe v i a H e l i g o l a n d , and continued t r a d i n g with the U.S.A. through the i s l a n d of New Providence and L o u i s i a n a during the War of 1812. James F i n l a y and Company L i m i t e d , 1750-1950, Glasgow 1951, 14-25, gives an account of h i s a c t i v i t i e s , 1803-1815. Of the estimated output of 105 m i l l i o n yards i n 1818, over 37 m i l l i o n yards was exported; P. R. 0. Customs 14, v o l . 30. For the value of cotton exports i n r e l a t i o n t o t o t a l S c o t t i s h Exports, see Appendix, table. I I .  28  A u s t r i a and the United S t a t e s ,  a l l areas i n which the fine-goods  markets had p r e v i o u s l y been an e x c l u s i v e l y S c o t t i s h preserve, served e x t e n s i v e l y by F i n l a y ' s own company and others.  In none  of these cases had the n a t i v e industry's capacity f o r expansion 2 been exhausted by 1833, manufacturers who  and the p o s i t i o n of S c o t t i s h  were t r y i n g t o r e t a i n t h e i r share of the  overseas market was f u r t h e r undermined by the f a c t that the native i n d u s t r i e s often operated behind p r o t e c t i v e t a r i f f w a l l s such as the U.S.  t a r i f f of 1815, whose p r o t e c t i v e e f f e c t s  were considerably enhanced by the s o - c a l l e d " T a r i f f of Abominations" i n 1828.  In f a c t , i n so f a r as i t was  dependent on overseas sources f o r i t s raw-material  entirely  supplies  and h e a v i l y dependent on f o r e i g n markets f o r the d i s p o s a l of i t s products, the cotton i n d u s t r y of Scotland was  as  vulnerable to damage by e x t e r n a l i n f l u e n c e s as the o l d tobaccotrade had been, with the added problem that any i n t e r f e r e n c e 1.  2. 3.  S e l e c t Committee of 1833, mins. 652-661, 37-3. In the United S t a t e s , f o r i n s t a n c e , there were only 2 m i l l s i n 1800, 15 i n 1807. In 1815, however, there were 165 c o t t o n - m i l l s i n the U.S., and 795 i n 1331, l a r g e l y as a r e s u l t of the p r o t e c t i v e t a r i f f s and other commercial measures put i n t o f o r c e a f t e r 1808. See 'Baines, Cotton Manufacture, 510 and A.D. Gayer, W.W. Rostow and A. Schwartz, The Growth and F l u c t u a t i o n of the B r i t i s h Economy, 1790~1850, Oxford, 1953, v o l . I , 124, 224. There was some controversy about the e f f e c t s of t h i s competition on the S c o t t i s h cotton i n d u s t r y : F i n l a y ' s view of i t s seriousness was disputed i n , e.g. P. Mackenzie, Reply to the l e t t e r of Kirkman r i n l a y t o Lord Ashley on the Ten Hours B i l l , Glasgow 1833. F i n l a y ' s view was, however, confirmed by a Glasgow manufacturer operating i n the American market, W i l l i a m Graham: S e l e c t Committee of 1333, min. 5370-1, 321. S e l e c t Committee of 1333, min. 670, 39. See above, note 1. .  29 . with raw-material supplies or overseas o u t l e t s was capable of producing d i s t r e s s among a much wider s e c t i o n of the population than had ever been the case with the tobacco t r a d e , which had not,  even a t i t s peak, been such a l a r g e - s c a l e employer of  labour as the cotton-trade became a f t e r 1780.  The c o t t o n -  t r a d e , however, had one b i g advantage over the tobacco-trade: i t had not been b u i l t up on such a precarious, a r t i f i c i a l foundation as the Navigation Laws.  I t s p r o s p e r i t y may not  have been s t a b l e , but i t was never l i k e l y t o become involved i n a catastrophe such as t h a t which engulfed the tobacco-trade i n 1776.1 Furthermore, as w i l l be seen, 2 the growth of the cotton-trade stimulated the expansion of other sectors of the S c o t t i s h economy through i t s demands f o r machinery and other goods, much more so than the two e a r l i e r main c o n t r i b u t o r s t o the p r o s p e r i t y of S c o t l a n d , the l i n e n and tobacco t r a d e s .  Despite i t s many weaknesses, i t s i n s t a b i l i t y ,  and i t s l a t e r i n a b i l i t y t o compete i n cost with the i n d u s t r y of Lancashire, the cotton i n d u s t r y was t o provide a much b e t t e r basis f o r economic development than anything which had preceded i t .  1. 2.  I t even recovered from the Cotton Famine which r e s u l t e d from the American C i v i l War, see below, 128. Below, Chapter V.  II The immediate reason f o r the r a p i d growth of the cotton i n d u s t r y i n Scotland, as i n England and elsewhere i n the years a f t e r 1780, was the a p p l i c a t i o n of mechanized techniques of production and, a l l i e d t o t h i s , a change-over from s c a t t e r e d , s m a l l - s c a l e , domestic u n i t s of production t o concentrated, l a r g e - s c a l e , f a c t o r y u n i t s , i n a l l the main processes from preparing the raw cotton t o weaving the f i n i s h e d c l o t h . Before the American War of Independence, raw cotton had been cleaned by hand and spun i n t o yarn on the t r a d i t i o n a l one-spindle handwheel:  while cotton weft-yarn could be spun  f a i r l y s a t i s f a c t o r i l y by t h i s method, yarn s u f f i c i e n t l y strong and f i n e f o r use as warps could not," " though i t i s d i f f i c u l t 1  to see j u s t why t h i s should be the case, since Indian s p i n n e r s , using much more p r i m i t i v e techniques than the spinning-wheel, could produce yarns of both types s u i t a b l e f o r use i n the manufacture of the f i n e s t f a b r i c s .  The development by  Arkwright of the water-frame, patented i n 1769, and by Hargreaves of the spinning-jenny, patented i n 1770, a l t e r e d the whole s i t u a t i o n , and permitted the cotton-spinning i n d u s t r y t o expand much more r a p i d l y than the l i n e n - s p i n n i n g i n d u s t r y , i n which t r a d i t i o n a l spinning-methods remained i n force much longer owing to d i f f i c u l t i e s i n developing 2 machinery which d i d not damage the f i b r e . After tracing 1. Baines, Cotton Manufacture 113 f f . 2. Machine spinning i n the l i n e n i n d u s t r y was held up by the f a c t t h a t the machines of the 18th century could not separate the gummy strands of the f l a x without breaking them. The f i r s t r e a l l y s a t i s f a c t o r y mechanized process was wet-spinning, devised by James Kay 0 . 1 8 2 5 . See, e.g. Hamilton, Eighteenth Century, 155. T  the development of the new machines,  Edward Baines, J u n i o r ,  summed up t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n to the expansion of the i n d u s t r y as f o l l o w s : "The new machines not only turned o f f a much greater q u a n t i t y of yarn than had before been produced, but the yarn was a l s o of a s u p e r i o r q u a l i t y . The water-frame spun a hard and f i r m thread c a l c u l a t e d f o r warps; and from t h i s time the warps of l i n e n yarn were abandoned, and goods were, f o r the f i r s t 2 time i n t h i s country, woven wholly of c o t t o n " . By applying these new techniques, a considerable increase i n the l e v e l of output per spinner was achieved.  The spinner  who had p r e v i o u s l y operated a one-spindle wheel c o u l d , by using a jenny, operate between e i g h t and 120, or even 300, spindles with no more d i f f i c u l t y . ^  Their adoption i n  Scotland was apparently not very r a p i d a t f i r s t , perhaps because the economic c o n d i t i o n s brought about by the American Revolution d i d not favour the a p p l i c a t i o n of such innovations: i t was d i f f i c u l t enough during the war to dispose of the products of e x i s t i n g i n d u s t r y without i n t r o d u c i n g new on to the s h r i n k i n g markets of the time.  products  But the post-war  conditions favoured t h e i r i n t r o d u c t i o n because the problems l e f t by the war -  e s p e c i a l l y t h a t of f i n d i n g a replacement f o r  such a p a r t of the re-export trade as turned out to have been permanently l o s t - c a l l e d f o r the a p p l i c a t i o n of new  techniques  throughout the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r of the S c o t t i s h economy.  1. 2. 3.  Baines, Cotton Manufacture, 147-162. I b i d . . 163. I b i d . , 159.  32 The  h i s t o r y o f t h e S c o t t i s h c o t t o n i n d u s t r y up t o 1835  i s t h a t o f an i n d u s t r y c o n s t a n t l y t r y i n g t o i n c r e a s e i t s e f f i c i e n c y and l o w e r i t s p r o d u c t i o n  c o s t s , thus widening i t s  p o t e n t i a l m a r k e t , b y t h e c o n t i n u a l a p p l i c a t i o n o f new techniques  i n every  aspect  of production.  w a t e r - f r a m e were i m p r o v e d and e n l a r g e d ,  The j e n n y a n d t h e  and Crompton's mule,  which combined t h e b e s t f e a t u r e s o f both i n t h a t i t spun and  stronger  y a r n t h a n e i t h e r , was i n c r e a s i n g l y a d o p t e d b y  Scottish cotton-spinners  a f t e r i t s i n t r o d u c t i o n i n 1730.1  T h i s made i t p o s s i b l e f o r S c o t l a n d production thereby  finer  of muslins  t o undercut I n d i a i n the  f o r t h e E n g l i s h and overseas markets,  d e p r i v i n g t h e E a s t I n d i a Company o f a n  important  2 source of p r o f i t . operated due  The m u l e s t a r t e d l i f e  machine l i k e t h e jenny,  as a manually-  with a l l the inefficiencies  t o human f r a i l t y w h i c h t h i s e n t a i l e d , b u t b y 1792,  as a  r e s u l t o f t h e e f f o r t s o f W i l l i a m K e l l y o f New L a n a r k , improvements had been i n t r o d u c e d  w h i c h made i j s o p e r a t i o n more  e f f i c i e n t and cheaper i n terms o f l a b o u r - c o s t s .  In  1790,  K e l l y a p p l i e d w a t e r power t o t h e m u l e , m a k i n g i t p o s s i b l e f o r one  man t o o p e r a t e t w o s t a n d a r d ,  s t r e n g t h was s t i l l u n t i l 1792,  144-spindle, mules.  A man's  r e q u i r e d t o move t h e c a r r i a g e o f t h e m u l e  when K e l l y a p p l i e d power t o t h i s o p e r a t i o n a s w e l l ,  1.  F o r e x a m p l e , B l a n t y r e m i l l o p e n e d i n 1787 w i t h 4,096 w a t e r - f r a m e s p i n d l e s , a n e x t e n s i o n b e i n g b u i l t i n 1792 f o r 15,000 mule s p i n d l e s ; O l d S t a t i s t i c a l A c c o u n t , I I ,  2.  Esilman,  217.  Comprehensive View, I I .  33 making i t p o s s i b l e f o r a c h i l d to operate two machines, as already the case with the water-frame.^  was  By these means, and  by i n c r e a s i n g the number of s p i n d l e s operated by each machine, yarn output per spinner was r a p i d l y increased and  labour-costs  p r o g r e s s i v e l y reduced. , Greater demands were made by the spinners f o r r o v i n g s , which i n t u r n l e d to demands f o r i n c r e a s i n g the f l o w of raw cotton through the cleaning processes.  Mechanization  was required i n the pre-spinning  processes as a r e s u l t , and i n t h i s sphere a l s o S c o t t i s h t e c h n i c i a n s were a c t i v e :  the process of preparing the cotton-  wool f o r c a r d i n g , i n i t i a l l y performed l a b o r i o u s l y by hand using c h i l d r e n and old-people, was mechanized, and made more e f f i c i e n t by the i n v e n t i o n i n 1797 by one Snodgrass of Glasgow 2  of a scutching-machine.  Drawing and r o v i n g cotton f o r  the mules was performed by Arkwright's carding machine, and other such machines developed i n Scotland by James Smith of Deanston between 1807 and 1830 and i n England by various inventors a f t e r 1782.  In weaving, Scotland a l s o took a  prominent p o s i t i o n i n the development of power-operated machinery.  The e a r l i e s t power-loom, that of Cartwright, d i d  not enjoy any great success, but i t provided a b a s i s f o r the work of s e v e r a l other innovators, among them Andrew K i n l o c h 1. 2. 3.  Baines, Cotton Manufacture, 205-7. Baines, o p . c i t . , 241. New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, X, 1239: A.P. Wadsworth and J . de L. Mann, The Cotton Trade and I n d u s t r i a l Lancashire 1600-1780, Manchester 1931, 496.  34 of  Glasgow who  a p p a r e n t l y equipped  the f i r s t power-weaving m i l l  i n S c o t l a n d , a t M i l t o n i n Dunbartonshire, with f o r t y looms of his  d e s i g n i n 1794,  1  w h i l e the f i r s t  commercially  power-weaving m i l l i n B r i t a i n appears John M o n t e i t h ' s , a t Pollokshaws 1801 of  successful  to have been  near Glasgow, s e t up i n  with 200 power-looms designed and b u i l t by Robert o  Glasgow.  Miller  The power-loom does not appear, a c c o r d i n g t o  the testimony of s e v e r a l contemporaries, t o have been i n t r o d u c e d i n S c o t l a n d with a view to overcoming  any  b o t t l e n e c k i n p r o d u c t i o n a t the weaving s t a g e , indeed t h e r e are i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t there was  an oversupply of labour i n  handloom weaving i n S c o t l a n d from an e a r l y d a t e . purpose  appears  Its i n i t i a l  to have been to i n t r o d u c e a type of f a b r i c  not p r e v i o u s l y woven i n the Glasgow a r e a , but the economies i t p e r m i t t e d by i n c r e a s i n g per c a p i t a output of c l o t h a p p a r e n t l y l e d to i t s b e i n g developed t o perform processes normally c a r r i e d out by handloom weavers of even the f i n e s t 3 fancy-work. The r a p i d i t y with which i n v e n t i o n a f t e r i n v e n t i o n was a p p l i e d i n S c o t t i s h c o t t o n - s p i n n i n g may  be seen i n the  of Henry Houldsworth,  Glasgow spinning-master,  to  another prominent  the S e l e c t Committee of 1833"-  while a d m i t t i n g t h a t the  r a t e a t which i n n o v a t i o n s were adopted 1. 2. 3.  evidence  i n S c o t l a n d was  not as  J . Campbell, H i s t o r y of the R i s e and Progress of Power-Loom Weaving, Rutherglen 1878, 1-7. Raines, o p . c i t . 230-31. S e l e c t Committee of 1833, mins. 1198, 73. New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V I , 154. }  r a p i d as i n Lancashire, he stated that i n the ten years or so preceding  1833,  the can-frame had been replaced by the f l y -  or bobbin-frame, which i n t u r n was being r a p i d l y replaced the American-designed tube-frame.  He had no doubt t h a t , i n a  few years, the tube-frame too would be replaced; process was already under way.  by  i n f a c t the  The saving e f f e c t e d by such a  process was apparently s m a l l , Houldsworth estimated  i t at  l e s s than one penny per pound weight of cotton by p e r m i t t i n g the spinning of an i n f e r i o r grade of raw cotton i n t o yarn comparable to t h a t spun on the can-frame i n q u a l i t y and producing more yarn without i n c r e a s i n g the number of required." " 1  by  operatives  But a saving of even a f r a c t i o n of a penny per  pound was not to be l i g h t l y dismissed i n an i n d u s t r y i n which p r o f i t s were low:  the spinner's margin - the d i f f e r e n c e  between the purchase p r i c e of raw cotton per pound and  the  wholesale p r i c e per pound of cotton t w i s t - had d e c l i n e d considerably a f t e r the Napoleonic Wars, from an average of 2 14.3  pence between 1803 and 1815  to a mere 5.37  pence i n  1832.  The adoption of powered machinery brought with i t changes i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the i n d u s t r y ' s production, from a domestic basis to a l a r g e - s c a l e f a c t o r y b a s i s .  The  jenny  was s u i t a b l e f o r a p p l i c a t i o n w i t h i n the e x i s t i n g domestic form of o r g a n i z a t i o n which the l i n e n - s p i n n i n g i n d u s t r y had taken, being small enough to be i n s t a l l e d i n a cottage or an 1. 2.  S e l e c t Committee of 1833, mins. 5217-5225, 310-11. Gayer e t . a l . , Growth and F l u c t u a t i o n of the B r i t i s h Economy, I , 154. Based on a contemporary estimate made by J . P o r t e r .  annexe to a cottage i n much the same way as a handloom. I n i t i a l l y , the mule could be applied i n the same way, n e i t h e r i t nor the jenny r e q u i r i n g any source of power other than that of the operatives muscles.  Arkwright's water-frames and  carding engines, and t h e i r d e r i v a t i v e s , were an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t p r o p o s i t i o n , as were K e l l y ' s powered and s e l f - a c t i n g mules.  Of Arkwright's i n v e n t i o n s , Baines observed,  "... the water-frame, the carding engine and the other machines which Arkwright brought out i n a f i n i s h e d s t a t e required more space than could be found i n a cottage, and more power than could be a p p l i e d by the human arm. Their weight a l s o rendered i t necessary t o place them i n s t r o n g l y b u i l t m i l l s , and they could not be advantageously 2 turned by any power then known but that of water." Not only was 'Arkwright responsible f o r making the growth of an independent cotton i n d u s t r y p o s s i b l e , by s u b s t i t u t i n g watert w i s t f o r l i n e n warps i n weaving, he was a l s o p r i m a r i l y responsible f o r the development of the form of o r g a n i z a t i o n which t h i s new i n d u s t r y took on.  The water- or steam-powered  cotton m i l l was a necessary adjunct to h i s machines, and h i s f a c t o r y a t Cromford, which he opened i n 1771, was as eagerly copied by cotton-spinners as h i s water-frame.  The f i r s t  known occasion when Arkwright allowed a S c o t t i s h manufacturer to make use of h i s machinery-designs was i n 1783, when a f t e r a dinner given i n h i s honour by the newly-founded Glasgow Chamber of Commerce, he and David Dale, one of the foremost cambricmanufacturers i n the south-west, inspected a s i t e at F a l l s of 1. 2.  Baines, Cotton Manufacture, 184. Loc.cit.  37 of Clyde, near Lanark, which was thought t o be s u i t a b l e f o r the e r e c t i o n of a c o t t o n - m i l l b u i l t on the l i n e s of Cromford. Dale and Arkwright entered i n t o an agreement which permitted the former to make use of Arkwright's patents when f i t t i n g out the proposed m i l l with machinery.'''  But before t h i s , s e v e r a l  m i l l s had been b u i l t i n Scotland, the f i r s t going i n t o 2  operation at P e n i c u i k , M i d l o t h i a n , i n December 1778.  Between  t h a t date and 1786, when the f i r s t of the New Lanark m i l l s commenced s p i n n i n g , m i l l s had been opened a t Rothesay, N e i l s t o n , Johnstone and Woodside, e i t h e r using p i r a t e d versions of Arkwright's machines or using h i s patents by p r i v a t e and 3  u n p u b l i c i s e d arrangement, or r e l y i n g on hand-opera.ted machines. These were, by 1792 at l e a s t , l a r g e - s c a l e e n t e r p r i s e s :  the  Penicuik m i l l , f o r example, employed about 500 people by that date,**" while the combined labour-forces of the two Johnstone m i l l s numbered about 600.^  By 1787, nineteen cotton s p i n n i n g -  m i l l s were i n operation i n S c o t l a n d , and by 1796 the number had r i s e n to t h i r t y - n i n e , operating 124,000 s p i n d l e s , i n a d d i t i o n to which 1,200 hand-operated jennies and 600 mules mounting a t o t a l of 188,000 s p i n d l e s were a l s o i n use.  In  1812, 120 m i l l s and over 900,000 spindles were i n operation, 1. Chambers' B i o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y of Eminent Scotsmen, r e v i s e d ed. London 1874, I I , 421-2. 2. Esilman, Comprehensive view, 8; Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, X, 422. 3. Some of these m i l l s , e.g. .Neilston and Woodside, were b u i l t on s u i t a b l e water-courses and probably used powered machinery of some s o r t from the beginning. 4. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, X, 422. 5. I b i d . , V I I , 88.  -according to a modern estimate, while an o f f i c i a l contemporaryobserver i n 1834 put the number i n operation i n that year at  The m i l l s recorded at those dates throughout the period 1780-1835 showed l i t t l e i n the way of u n i f o r m i t y i n s i z e . the f i r s t period of expansion, up to 1792,  In  one f i n d s a  p r o l i f e r a t i o n of s m a l l m i l l s of the type which the l a i r d and h i s partners at R e r r i c k probably erected, l i k e the b u i l d i n g at D a i r y , A y r s h i r e , which i n 1791 housed 15 jennies and employed about 50 l o c a l people.  S i m i l a r m i l l s , with f i f t e e n  to t h i r t y mules or jennies and 40 to 70 employees, were t o be found a l s o i n the A y r s h i r e parishes of Monkton, I r v i n e and K i l w i n n i n g , i n Renfrewshire at P a i s l e y and K i l b a r c h a n , i n 3  Lanarkshire at East K i l b r i d e , Cambuslang and Strathaven, no doubt i n other counties too. concerns was f r e q u e n t l y short:  and  The l i f e s p a n of such small the jenny-houses of Monkton  and K i l w i n n i n g apparently had ceased t o e x i s t long before 1835, while a s m a l l m i l l a t Douglas i n Lanarkshire and  two  others at Lochwinnoch, Renfrewshire, went out of production not long a f t e r t h e i r completion.  4  But precarious as t h e i r  existence was, and despite competition from l a r g e r concerns 1.  2. 3. 4.  D. Bremner, I n d u s t r i e s of S c o t l a n d , Edinburgh 1869, 279 (1787); H. Hamilton, I n d u s t r i a l Revolution i n Scotland, Oxford 1932 7 (1796;; J . Mackinnon, S o c i a l and I n d u s t r i a l H i s t o r y of Scotland from the Union t o the Present Time. London 1921, 15 (1812): New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V I , 148, quoting L. Horner, f a c t o r y i n s p e c t o r , 1834. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account X I I , 104. See p a r i s h accounts i n Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account. The Monkton and K i l w i n n i n g houses are not mentioned i n the New S t a t i s t i c a l Account; f o r Douglas, see New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V I , 488; f o r Lochwinnoch, i b i d . . V I I , 103. "  and adverse economic c o n d i t i o n s during the wars, the small m i l l s with t h e i r few mules or jennies and a carding machine or  two,  sometimes powered by water or steam, more often probably  by  hand  remained a feature of the S c o t t i s h cotton i n d u s t r y u n t i l  a f t e r 1835, d e s p i t e the b e l i e f expressed by Henry Houldsworth i n 1833 that such ventures had l i t t l e hope of success."'' Robert Barr's Gryfe Grove m i l l , b u i l t i n 1822 and working 1,380  spindles with f o r t y hands, was s t i l l f u n c t i o n i n g i n  1836, when another small Renfrewshire m i l l , Ludovic Gavin's M i l h a l l at Eaglesham with a mere 620 spindles and a labour 2 f o r c e numbering s i x t y - f o u r , was  j u s t being completed.  The  owners of a s m a l l m i l l a t K i l b i r n i e i n A y r s h i r e , which had been destroyed by f i r e i n 1831, thought i t worthwhile to r e b u i l d 3  and extend i t - to a productive c a p a c i t y of 4,000 s p i n d l e s . The most important element i n the r e v o l u t i o n of the cotton-spinning i n d u s t r y from a domestic to a f a c t o r y basis  was  not, however, the small s p i n n i n g - m i l l , but the large m i l l based on Arkwright's model at Cromford and with powered machinery operating 10,000 or more s p i n d l e s .  David Dale's New  Lanark  m i l l , the f i r s t S c o t t i s h m i l l known to be of t h i s type, went i n t o Operation i n 1786, to be followed by others of the same type at Deanston, B l a n t y r e , S t a n l e y , C a t r i n e , Linwood and Lochwinnoch by 1793.  The extent to which these m i l l s , rather  than the smaller type, contributed to the expansion of 1. S e l e c t Committee of 1833, min. 5305. 316. 2. New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V I I , 51, 402. 3. I b i d . V, 715. t  40 - cotton-spinning i n Scotland may be judged from the f a c t t h a t New Lanark alone, though no f u l l y o p e r a t i o n a l , consumed 12$ of the t o t a l q u a n t i t y of raw cotton imported i n t o the country i n 1793, while C a t r i n e consumed n e a r l y 10$ of the amount imported i n 1796.  1  examination,  These were extended during the period under 1  Blantyre's capacity f o r example rose from 20,000  to 30,000 spindles between 1793 and 1834, and new m i l l s of a 2  s i m i l a r type continued to be b u i l t :  thus, the average capacity  of 44 Lanarkshire m i l l s examined by James Cleland i n 1831  was  3  over 14,500 spindles each, N e i l s t o n , Renfrewshire,  while i n 1833 the s i x m i l l s i n  averaged 13,193 spindles each.  4  For some time a f t e r the predoMmance of l a r g e - s c a l e u n i t s of production i n cotton spinning had been e s t a b l i s h e d , cotton weaving i n Scotland, as i n England, remained d o m e s t i c a l l y organized.  Some hand-loom weavers were d i r e c t l y employed by 5  s p i n n i n g - m i l l owners,  but the p r a c t i c e of s e l l i n g yarn to a  "manufacturer" or master-weaver, who  put i t out to weavers  working i n t h e i r own homes, apparently continued throughout the period under c o n s i d e r a t i o n , s i n c e , as Kirkman F i n l a y s t a t e d i n 1833, was s t XV, i l l unsurpassed as a. XX, means176of 1. Old S tthe a t i hand-loom s t i c a l Account, 37 (New Lanark), ( C a t r i n e ) . Estimates based on f i g u r e s f o r weekly consumption: 6,000 l b s . per week at New Lanark i n 1793, 2,660 l b s . at C a t r i n e i n 1796. 2. New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V I , 322. 3. I b i d . . VI 146 footnote. 4. I b i d . , V I I 336. 5. E.g. by Dale at New Lanark, "The yarn i s p a r t l y manufactured i n t o c l o t h here by the (324) weavers above mentioned and others i n the p r o p r i e t o r ' s employ; and p a r t l y s o l d to the manufacturers i n Glasgow^ "Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, XV, 37. Most of the A y r s h i r e & Renfrewshire weavers were s a i d to be employed by the "manufacturers", i . e . master-weavers, of Glasgow and P a i s l e y .  producing the f i n e s t f a b r i c s , fancy-goods of a l l kinds l i m i t e d orders.  1  But  mechanized p r o d u c t i o n  i n weaving t o o , a f t e r 1814 i n l a r g e - s c a l e u n i t s was  i n c r e a s i n g l y common, and  was  p o s s i b l e so long as the handloom and  producer.  By  1835,  the i n d u s t r i a l  f i r m s such as James F i n l a y and  power-looms i n t h e i r Deanston Works and and  power-looms o p e r a t i n g  s p i n n i n g m i l l s i n 1835.  4  matched with a s i m i l a r l i s t  structure  time however, judging  an unknown  Partick  of 19 Glasgow-based a l l but  e i g h t can  of Glasgow-based s p i n n i n g by no means completed by  be  firms.^ that  both from F i n l a y ' s evidence c i t e d above  f a c t t h a t 18,537 handlooms were i n o p e r a t i o n  Glasgow i n 1831.^  by  Company,  a t t h e i r L a n c e f i e l d and  Of a l i s t  r e v o l u t i o n i n weaving was  from the  perhaps,  the L a n c e f i e l d S p i n n i n g Company,  f i r m s conducting power-weaving i n 1831,  and  not,  of  many of them d i r e c t l y c o n t r o l l e d  number a t C a t r i n e by 1834,  The  becoming  no fewer than 29 power-weaving m i l l s had  large-scale spinning  with 635  2  a p p l i e d made the weaver a semi-independent  been s e t up i n S c o t l a n d ,  with 302  so,  b r i n g i n g to the p r o d u c t i o n  c o t t o n c l o t h a degree of i n t e g r a t i o n which was  w i t h i n which i t was  or  and  In adopting the power-loom, the  were p r o b a b l y motivated by a d e s i r e to  in  mill-owners  offset: t h e i r s t e a d i l y  s h r i n k i n g p r o f i t s by c u t t i n g out the middle-man of the domestic 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.  S e l e c t Committee of 1833, min. 1198, 73. F i n l a y ' s estimate of the date when the power-loom was widely adopted i n S c o t l a n d , l o c . c i t . Campbell, Progress of Power-Loom Weaving, 10. New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, VI 154. C l e l a n d , Enumeration of 1831, 291. New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, VI, 154.  being  system and t a k i n g h i s share f o r themselves.  By doing so, they  may even have been able to reduce the p r i c e of goods to the consumer, thereby widening the market somewhat.  The example  given by James Monteith i n 1793-98 was u n l i k e l y to have been f o r g o t t e n by a community as c l o s e - k n i t as the S c o t t i s h mill-owners.  1  III In i t s e a r l y stages of development, the cotton i n d u s t r y was e s t a b l i s h e d i n widely s c a t t e r e d l o c a t i o n s throughout Scotland. Of the nineteen miles known to e x i s t i n 1787, four were i n Lanarkshire, four i n Renfrewshire, three i n P e r t h s h i r e , two i n M i d l o t h i a n , the remaining s i x being located i n d i f f e r e n t counties from Wigtownshire i n the extreme south-west of 2  Scotland to Sutherland i n the north-east Highlands.  By  1834,  however, a considerable degree of geographical concentration was shown i n m i l l - l o c a t i o n s .  Leonard Horner, S c o t t i s h area  f a c t o r y - i n s p e c t o r i n 1834, noted i n h i s report t h a t , "... with the exception of some large establishments at Aberdeen, and one at Stanley, near Perth, the cotton manufacture i s almost e n t i r e l y confined to Glasgow and the country a d j o i n i n g , to a d i s t a n c e of about 2 5 miles r a d i u s ; and a l l these country m i l l s , even i n c l u d i n g the great work at Stanley are connected with Glasgow houses or i n the Glasgow trade." 1.  2.  Some of whom were c l o s e l y r e l a t e d , e.g. F i n l a y and the Buchanans: see a l s o Stewart, C u r i o s i t i e s of Glasgow C i t i z e n s h i p , 101, f o r the corporate a c t i v i t i e s of the Anderston ''manufacturers", many of whom became m i l l owners. Bremner, I n d u s t r i e s of Scotland, 2 7 9 .  - I n f a c t , 123 of the 134 cotton m i l l s i n Scotland i n 1834 were located w i t h i n a radius of 25 miles from Glasgow, e i t h e r i n the c i t y i t s e l f or i n the counties of Lanark, Renfrew, Bute, Dunbarton, Perth and A r g y l l . The f a c t o r s which governed l o c a t i o n had apparently undergone a change between 1787 and 1834.  As f a r as cotton  m i l l s were concerned, the most important f a c t o r i n t h e i r l o c a t i o n had probably been the a v a i l a b i l i t y of adequate sources of water power, with adequate labour supply and p l e n t i f u l 2  water-supply as important s u b s i d i a r y f a c t o r s .  Profits i n  the cotton-trade remained a t a very h i g h l e v e l u n t i l 1802, and m i l l s located i n areas which lacked good access t o raw m a t e r i a l s and markets could s t i l l r e t u r n a f a i r l y high p r o f i t , though r a t h e r l e s s than those which possessed r e l a t i v e l y easy access t o raw m a t e r i a l s and markets.  There were s e v e r a l  areas i n Scotland which possessed p l e n t i f u l resources of water-power and water-supplies, as w e l l as supplies of labour r e c r u i t e d from other t e x t i l e i n d u s t r i e s .  Attempts were,  t h e r e f o r e , made i n almost every area which had supported a l i n e n i n d u s t r y a t the time of the American War t o e s t a b l i s h a cotton i n d u s t r y , which had captured the p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n since the end of the war. 1. 2.  The Glasgow area enjoyed no  Horner's r e p o r t , quoted i n New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V I , 148. R i v e r s which supply water-power do not n e c e s s a r i l y provide a s u f f i c i e n t water-supply, which was required p r i m a r i l y f o r f i n i s h i n g processes such as washing and bleaching. 3. S e l e c t Committee of 1833, min. 649, 37 (Kirkman F i n l a y ' s evidence), "What was the highest s t a t e of p r o f i t ? - The best time that I ever knew i n the spinning was about 1802." F i n l a y had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the cotton i n d u s t r y since 1788.  marked advantages over other areas, P e r t h s h i r e and Angus f o r example, i n respect of water-supply and resources of water-power, though the high degree of s k i l l i n working with f i n e yarns which i t s weavers had acquired i n the manufacture of lawns, s i l k - g a u z e s and blunks provided that area with some advantage i n labour-supply.  Thus, the e a r l y m i l l s were  geographically d i s p e r s e d . The a v a i l a b i l i t y of water-power remained the most important f a c t o r governing m i l l - l o c a t i o n u n t i l at l e a s t the end of the f i r s t decade of the nineteenth century.  The  first  steam-powered m i l l i n Scotland came i n t o operation i n 1792,  1  but t h i s form of power was only s l o w l y adopted i n the i n d u s t r y By 1800, only e i g h t steam engines were i n use i n S c o t t i s h cotton-mills. superseded  By 1825, however, water-power was being  by steam-power:  3,200 horse-power was generated  by  steam-engines i n cotton m i l l s , as against the 2,480 provided by water-wheels.  The coal-consumption  of these e a r l y steam  engines was h i g h , and i t was d e s i r a b l e that they should be s i t e d e i t h e r on the c o a l f i e l d s themselves or a t a point where easy access to c o a l supplies could be obtained.  Lanarkshire  and A y r s h i r e had important c o a l f i e l d s , with which Glasgow was l i n k e d by water-transport v i a the Monkland canal and the 1. 2. 3.  Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account XIV, 284. G.M. M i t c h e l l , "The E n g l i s h and S c o t t i s h cotton i n d u s t r i e s a study i n i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s " S c o t t i s h H i s t o r i c a l Review X X I I , 1924-5, 108. Baines, Cotton Manufacture, 390.  45  River Clyde.  Water-power was a f a c t o r of d e c l i n i n g importance  i n the l o c a t i o n of cotton m i l l s presumably because most of the best s i t e s had been taken up by about 1810, though some manufacturers s t i l l preferred water t o steam power even i n 1833.  1  Other f a c t o r s had, meanwhile, increased i n importance. The i n c r e a s i n g concentration of the S c o t t i s h cotton i n d u s t r y on the production of f i n e goods such as muslins, gave an advantage t o the south-west, where the h i g h e s t standards of q u a l i t y i n weaving had been achieved.  Other regions were  l e s s able t o compete i n t h i s type of work.  The d e c l i n e of  p r o f i t s , i n c r e a s i n g a f t e r 1815 with the intense i n t e r n a l competition which developed i n the i n d u s t r y , brought i n t r a n s p o r t - c o s t s , both of the raw m a t e r i a l t o the m i l l and of the f i n i s h e d product to the market, as an i n c r e a s i n g l y important f a c t o r i n m i l l - l o c a t i o n .  Those m i l l s located a t  some distance from Glasgow, the main port of entry f o r raw cotton and the major wholesale market f o r f i n e f a b r i c s , were at a greater disadvantage than m i l l s i n the Glasgow area when margins began t o f a l l , because of t h e i r higher overheads. The Glasgow region had an advantage, t o o , i n the commercial u n c e r t a i n t y which the French wars brought i n t h e i r t r a i n , and which continued a f t e r the war.  Information about the s t a t e  of the markets, e s p e c i a l l y the overseas markets, could be 1.  E.g. KIrkman F i n l a y . See S e l e c t Committee of 1833, min. 1193, 73. For another example, W i l l i a m A r r o l , see New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V I I , 52.  q u i c k l y passed on from the merchants of Glasgow - which was the centre of S c o t t i s h overseas trade - t o l o c a l manufacturers both through i n f o r m a l s o c i a l contact and through formal organizations such as the Chamber of Commerce.  Manufacturers  i n other areas d i d not have such ready access t o t h i s v i t a l information.  Glasgow's p o s i t i o n as a communications-centre  heightened t h i s advantage:  the c i t y ' s manufacturers could  take advantage of the land and water l i n k s with t h e i r markets to make the best use of the commercial information which they r e c e i v e d , whereas the manufacturers i n areas whose communications were l e s s well-developed were o f t e n slow to act. The f a c t o r s which favoured the development of m i l l s i n areas outside the south-west had d e c l i n e d i n importance by about 1810, and the advantage of s i t i n g m i l l s i n s i d e that area had become more apparent.  This l e d to the closure of many  of the m i l l s i n other areas from about that date.  The case  of the Perthshire cotton i n d u s t r y was t y p i c a l .  This had  1  developed q u i t e prosperously a f t e r 1780, but d e c l i n e d s t e a d i l y from about 1812 onwards, and i n 1814 even the great m i l l at Stanley was closed.  T e c h n i c a l l y , the P e r t h s h i r e  i n d u s t r y was i n f e r i o r t o those of Lanarkshire and Renfrewshire the s m a l l - s c a l e spinners were t r y i n g to compete with handoperated jennies against the powered and s e l f - a c t i n g mules of 1.  For an account of t h i s , see W.H.K. Turner, "The T e x t i l e Industry of Perth and D i s t r i c t " I n s t i t u t e of B r i t i s h Geographers Transactions and Papers, 1957, 123-39. t  New  Lanark and B l a n t y r e .  The q u a l i t y of goods produced i n  Perthshire was i n f e r i o r to t h a t of f a b r i c s made at Glasgow or Paisley.  The remoteness of Perth from the main d i s t r i b u t i o n  centre a t Glasgow meant that the response of P e r t h s h i r e manufacturers t o changes i n demand was g e n e r a l l y too slow. Their p o s i t i o n was summed up by one of t h e i r number i n 1834:"... we are out of the way of the market and when we send, goods to Glasgow we have to pay a commission f o r s e l l i n g , and we are d e s t i t u t e often of t h a t information t h a t would be very u s e f u l t o us, besides the c a r r i a g e and various other t h i n g s . " A f t e r 1820, t h e r e f o r e , Perth turned to r e - e s t a b l i s h i n g i t s 2 connection with the l i n e n i n d u s t r y of eastern Scotland.  1. 2.  Quoted by Turner, o p . c i t . 126. Evidence of John S t a l k e r of Perth t o S e l e c t Committee on Handloom Weavers' P e t i t i o n s , 1834. Other remote centres s u f f e r e d the same f a t e . The c o t t o n - m i l l at Newton Stewart, Wigtownshire, was dismantled i n 1820, a f t e r l y i n g i d l e f o r s e v e r a l years: New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, IV, i i i , 186. The M i d l o t h i a n m i l l s had passed i n t o o b l i v i o n before the New S t a t i s t i c a l Account was compiled, i t seems. The m i l l at Spinningdale, Sutherland, had burned down i n 1804. and was not considered worth r e b u i l d i n g : New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, XV, 19. T  3  48  THE FOUNDATIONS OF EXPANSION The and  development o f l a r g e - s c a l e u n i t s o f p r o d u c t i o n  the adoption  o f mechanized p r o d u c t i o n - t e c h n i q u e s  i n the  cotton industry required the application of considerable amounts o f c a p i t a l .  T h i s c o u l d o n l y be a t t r a c t e d t o t h e  industry i fsufficient incentives to invest existed,  especially  i n t h e e a r l i e s t s t a g e s o f t h e i n d u s t r y ' s g r o w t h , when i t s p o t e n t i a l was l a r g e l y u n e x p l o r e d . i n t h i s chapter t h e sources  I t i s i n t e n d e d t o examine  from which t h e c o t t o n i n d u s t r y  drew i t s f i n a n c i a l s u p p o r t , and t h e f a c t o r s which i n f l u e n c e d investors t o apply t h e i r capital  c a p i t a l t o i t s development. " But  i s o n l y one o f t h e f o u n d a t i o n s  necessary, before expansion  of expansion:  i s undertaken,  i ti s also  t o ensure t h a t  t h e r e i s s u f f i c i e n t demand f o r t h e i n d u s t r y ' s p r o d u c t s .  The  changes i n t h e S c o t t i s h c o t t o n i n d u s t r y ' s p r o d u c t i o n w h i c h w e r e made t o meet c h a n g e s i n demand o r t o c r e a t e f u r t h e r demand, w i l l a l s o be e x a m i n e d  here.  J$C  49 I In 1790, John Dunlop informed Hugh Hamilton of Pinmore that t o s e t up a spinning m i l l , i n the o l d sugar-houses the two had bought f o r that purpose, would require the sum of "about £4,000 besides the p r i c e of the Houses".  Their m i l l would  employ about 170 hand working 9,360 jenny-spindles, as w e l l as c a r d i n g , r o v i n g and slubbing machines, on s i x t y j e n n i e s , on which point Dunlop remarked, "30 Jeanies i s reckoned a very handsome establishment, and I am informed there i s no work about Manchester that exceeds 40." However accurate h i s information about the Manchester m i l l s , there were i n Scotland a t t h a t time m i l l s s u b s t a n t i a l l y l a r g e r than the one projected by Dunlop and Hamilton, and consequently more expensive, such as the Newton Stewart m i l l of Dale and Douglas which had cost £20,000 t o b u i l d and equip i n 1 7 3 7 .  2  The use of more s o p h i s t i c a t e d machinery, b r i n g i n g with i t the need f o r l a r g e r and more expensive b u i l d i n g s , required the investment of ever-greater amounts of money, so that by 1833 the cost of b u i l d i n g and equipping a m i l l which could e f f e c t i v e l y compete i n the conditions of intense i n t e r n a l 1.  S.R.0. Hamilton of Pinmore Muniments, bundle 12, 1735-1828. L e t t e r of John Dunlop t o Hugh Hamilton, 15/12/1790. Machinery costs were estimated a t : 5 carding machines @ £20 each £100 5 roving " @ £16 " £80 5 slubbing " @ £40 " £200 60 x 156 - s p i n d l e jennies @ £43 " £2.530 T o t a l £2,960. 2. New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, IV, i i i , 186.  50 competition which the i n d u s t r y was then experiencing.  According  to Houldsworth, an investment of between ten and twelve  thousand  pounds on b u i l d i n g s and machinery might s u f f i c e to set up a s m a l l spinning m i l l , but such an establishment would have l i t t l e hope of survival.' ' 1  The need t o maintain a high r a t e  of machine-replacement i n order to remain competitive added considerably to the costs i n v o l v e d . S c o t t i s h i n d u s t r i a l development before 1780 i s said to have been hampered by "the chronic and almost u n i v e r s a l 2 inadequacy of funds". case, t h a t by 1787  I t seems r a t h e r remarkable, i n that  no fewer than nineteen cotton m i l l s whose  e r e c t i o n i n v o l v e d c a p i t a l investment of as much as £20,000 each should have been i n operation i n Scotland.  I t seems  l i k e l y t h a t l a r g e accumulations of c a p i t a l d i d , i n f a c t , e x i s t i n Scotland before 1780,  but f o r some reason they simply were  not being a p p l i e d to i n d u s t r i a l p r o j e c t s .  Considerable sums  must have been r e q u i r e d to b u i l d up Glasgow's merchant shipping f o r the tobacco and sugar trades, and f o r the improvements i n communications which were undertaken i n connection with these t r a d e s .  Large reserves of c i r c u l a t i n g  capital  must have been required f o r the maintenance of the trades themselves.  But the p r o f i t s of the re-export trades were  considerable, and yet they seem to have made l i t t l e 1. 2.  impact  S e l e c t Committee of 1833, mins. 5300-04, 315-6. Campbell "Economic H i s t o r y of Scotland i n the Eighteenth , Century,'* S.J.P.E. X I , 1964, 20. T  51 .on S c o t t i s h i n d u s t r y . as S c o t l a n d ' s  before  I n a p r i m a r i l y a g r a r i a n economy s u c h 1780, a h i g h p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e a v a i l a b l e  f u n d s would be a p p l i e d t o a g r i c u l t u r a l improvement, w h i c h was  undertaken with i n c r e a s i n g i n t e n s i t y i n Scotland  1750.  Besides  absorbing  e s t a b l i s h e d landed  after  any surplus funds which t h e  p r o p r i e t o r s may h a v e a c c u m u l a t e d ,  this  seems a l s o t o h a v e a t t r a c t e d a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e of overseas t r a d e . and by  S c o t t i s h merchants, l i k e t h e i r  French counterparts,  who  English  t r i e d t o obtain high s o c i a l  status  i n v e s t i n g the p r o f i t s o f t h e i r t r a d i n g a c t i v i t i e s  J o h n G l a s s f o r d , f o r e x a m p l e , was one l e a d i n g  profits  i n land.  tobacco-merchant  bought an e s t a t e - a t D o u g a l s t o n i n D u n b a r t o n s h i r e - and  R o b e r t Dunmore was a n o t h e r - h i s l a n d s  being  the  estates of  B a l l i n d a l l o c h and B a l l i k i n r a i n i n S t i r l i n g s h i r e . ^ "  These  were n o t i s o l a t e d c a s e s b y a n y means, n o r was t h e  tendency  confined  t o the V i r g i n i a merchants.  Even the  cotton  magnates, once t h e i n d u s t r y h a d been e s t a b l i s h e d , sought t o achieve  landed  their mills.  s t a t u s w i t h the p r o f i t s they d e r i v e d  from  David Dale,  estate  f o r i n s t a n c e , bought the  of Rosebank, L a n a r k s h i r e , near the m i l l s  o f New L a n a r k .  James B u c h a n a n b o u g h t t h e W o o d l a n d s e s t a t e , o n t h e o u t s k i r t s o f Glasgow. 1.  western  K i r k m a n F i n l a y , a s b e f i t t e d a member  For G l a s s f o r d , see Stewart, C u r i o s i t i e s o f Glasgow C i t i z e n s h i p , 215-7. H i s s o c i a l s t a t u s was e n h a n c e d by h i s s e c o n d m a r r i a g e , t o t h e d a u g h t e r o f a n e a r l . F o r Dunmore, s e e C a m p b e l l . " A n g l o - S c o t t i s h U n i o n I I , " Ec.H.R. 2nd s e r . , X V I , 1963-4, 472. The achievement of landed s t a t u s d i d n o t l e a d t o t h e i r withdrawal from trade. T  52 of p a r l i a m e n t , bought l a n d a t C a s t l e Toward o u t o f t h e proceeds of h i s widespread  activities.  a g r i c u l t u r e had been completed Scotland i n t h e pre-American and  a g r a r i a n renewal  Only  1  by t h e merchant-landowners o f  War e r a o f c o m m e r c i a l  could they devote  t h e i r money, t o i n d u s t r i a l g r o w t h . were n o t c o m p l e t e d  when i m p r o v e m e n t s i n  t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , and  Since these  b e f o r e t h e war b r o k e  of these groups t o i n d u s t r i a l growth,  expansion  processes  out,the contribution  t h o u g h i m p o r t a n t , was  limited. A l t e r n a t i v e sources of c a p i t a l c e r t a i n l y e x i s t e d : . the government, through t h e Board  o f T r u s t e e s , and t h e E n g l i s h ,  S a m u e l G a r b e t t f o r o n e , made i m p o r t a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o t h e  2 c a p i t a l i z a t i o n o f S c o t t i s h i n d u s t r y b e f o r e t h e war.  The  b a n k s w e r e l e s s f o r t h c o m i n g , t h o u g h t h e y d i d p r o v i d e some c a s h and c r e d i t f o r s h o r t - t e r m f i n a n c i a l p u r p o s e s . t r a d e , w i t h t h e a i d o f t h e Board  The l i n e n  o f T r u s t e e s , was p r o b a b l y  p l o u g h i n g b a c k p r o f i t s i n t o i t s own d e v e l o p m e n t .  B u t i n none  of these cases presumably, w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f t h e l i n e n t r a d e , was e n o u g h money f o r t h c o m i n g t o f i n a n c e e x p a n s i o n o f the order apparent  i n t h e c o t t o n i n d u s t r y b e t w e e n 1783 a n d  1792, i f t h e r e c o r d o f t h e p r e - w a r p e r i o d i s a n y c r i t e r i o n . Some f a c t o r , a n e v e n t  1. 2.  or a series of coincident but not  C h a m b e r s ' B i o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y , I I , 421-4; Stewart, o p . c i t . -45-64 ( D a l e ) . "Senex" Glasgow P a s t and P r e s e n t , I , x x x v i (Buchanan). James F i n l a y a n d Company, 28 ( F i n l a y ) . The amount o f E n g l i s h c a p i t a l i n v e s t e d i n S c o t l a n d i n 1761 was e s t i m a t e d b y c o n t e m p o r a r i e s t o be a b o u t £500,000: s e e Hamilton, o p . c i t . 308. t  ..necessarily r e l a t e d events, must have come i n t o operation i n the immediate post-war period to unlock the accumulation of c a p i t a l which the various p o t e n t i a l sources of loanable funds had at t h e i r d i s p o s a l , and t o provide an i n c e n t i v e to applyt h a t c a p i t a l t o the development of an i n d u s t r y whose p o t e n t i a l , as f a r as Scotland i n 1783 was concerned, was  completely  unknown. S c o t t i s h economic h i s t o r i a n s now agree that i n the development of the cotton i n d u s t r y , the main source of c a p i t a l , e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l and managerial a b i l i t y was the f i n e l i n e n i n d u s t r y of the south-west.  David Dale of New Lanark i s 1 perhaps the best-known example, but the f a c t i s t h a t he !  i s d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the others only by the number of e n t e r p r i s e s i n which he had an i n t e r e s t .  Apart from  New  Lanark, he was i n s t r u m e n t a l i n founding cotton m i l l s at C a t r i n e , B l a n t y r e , Spinningdale, and Newton Stewart, and he was i n v o l v e d , a f t e r t h e i r foundation, i n s i m i l a r undertakings at Stanley and Rothesay.  Dale's e a r l y experience had been  gained i n the f i n e - l i n e n t r a d e , f i r s t as a handloora weaver, then as an employer of weavers and an importer of French and Flemish yarns, which, according to one biographer, "brought him large p r o f i t s and l a i d the foundation of h i s f o r t u n e . " His f o r t u n e , by 1783, 1. 2.  7  when he f i r s t became i n t e r e s t e d i n the  Various short l i v e s of Dale are extant, f o r references see above. 5 2 , n . l . Andrew L i d d e l l i n 1854. L i d d e l l ' s sketch was incorporated i n Chambers' B i o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y i n that year, r e p r i n t e d i n 1874 without a l t e r a t i o n .  54 cotton i n d u s t r y , was considerable;  i n t h a t year he had a  house b u i l t f o r himself i n C h a r l o t t e S t r e e t , one of Glasgow's most e x c l u s i v e r e s i d e n t i a l areas, at a cost of £6,000 - almost enough, on John Dunlop's estimate, to finance a c o t t o n - m i l l . The F i n l a y s had a s i m i l a r background;  as yarn importers,  manufacturers and t e x t i l e exporters since before 1769, when o l d James F i n l a y was made a burgess of Glasgow.  Their entry  i n t o the cotton trade was f i r s t as weaving-masters i n Glasgow and P a i s l e y , then as mill-owners i n 1798, when Kirkman F i n l a y bought B a l l i n d a l l o c h m i l l :  he l a t e r acquired C a t r i n e , i n  1801, and Deanston, i n I8O7.  1  F i n l a y ' s r e l a t i o n s , the  Buchanan b r o t h e r s , founders of Deanston, managers of Catrine and l a t e r owners of Stanley, as w e l l as t e c h n i c a l innovators, came i n t o the cotton i n d u s t r y a f t e r a s u c c e s s f u l career as " E n g l i s h merchants", marketing S c o t t i s h l i n e n s through a network of pedlars or "packmen", during which they had become 2 Arkwright's Glasgow agents.  James Monteith, f a t h e r of that  James who bought Blantyre from Dale, was the most important l i n e n yarn-importer war;  i n Glasgow at the time of the American  h i s sons, James, Henry and John, were a l l "bred to the  loom" and a l l became prominent members of the c o t t o n - t r a d i n g community i n Glasgow as spinners, c a l i c o p r i n t e r s and the l i k e . John Freeland, who founded an 18,000 s p i n d l e m i l l at Houston 1. 2. 3.  James F i n l a y and Company, 7. See a l s o New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, X, 1238 (Deanston); VIII,,294 ( B a l l i n d a l l o c h ) ; V, 134 (Catrine). Stewart, C u r i o s i t i e s of Glasgow C i t i z e n s h i p , 181-3. I b i d . , 93^116^ "~ ~~ :  .in Renfrewshire, was another example of the linen-merchant turned cotton manufacturer, as was W i l l i a m G i l l e s p i e bleacher and weaving-master i n the l i n e n trade, and a f r i e n d of the e l d e r James Monteith - who b u i l t the f i r s t s p i n n i n g - m i l l i n the Barony of Glasgow, a t Woodside, i n 176*4.  1  David Todd,  of Todd and Stevenson, was yet another Glasgow l i n e n 2 manufacturer who turned t o cotton a f t e r the American war. The founders of the P a i s l e y c o t t o n - m i l l s a t the same time the G a r l i l e s , Orrs and Browns, and l a t e r the threadmanufacturing dynasties of Coats and C l a r k ,  a l l entered the  cotton i n d u s t r y from e x i s t i n g t e x t i l e i n d u s t r i e s such as l i n e n and s i l k , while the Sandeman f a m i l y of Redgorton, P e r t h s h i r e , were linen-spinners and weavers before 4  turning  to cotton. I t was, perhaps, i n e v i t a b l e that the main c o n t r i b u t i o n of c a p i t a l and e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l s k i l l s came from the older t e x t i l e i n d u s t r i e s , since the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n these older i n d u s t r i e s would obviously be the groups most aware of the p o t e n t i a l of cotton as against the better-known f i b r e s i n 1780-90. the 1. 2. 3.  Other groups, however, d i d c o n t r i b u t e c a p i t a l t o  foundation of the cotton i n d u s t r y . Modern commentators, I b i d . , 209-13. I b i d . , 241-2. M. B l a i r , The P a i s l e y Thread, P a i s l e y 1907, 34-61. There appears t o have been a strong contingent of r e l i g i o u s nonconformists among the entrepreneurs' i n v o l v e d . The Coats and C l a r k s , f o r i n s t a n c e , were B a p t i s t s while Dale and the Monteiths broke w i t h the Church of Scotland to found or j o i n various s e c t a r i a n r e l i g i o u s bodies. William G i l l e s p i e , too was a S e c e s s i o n i s t . See the b i o g r a p h i c a l notes on Dale, Monteith and G i l l e s p i e i n Stewart, C u r i o s i t i e s of Glasgow C i t i z e n s h i p . 4. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, XV 531: New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, X, 170.  while agreeing over the supreme importance of the c o n t r i b u t i o n made t o the i n d u s t r y ' s development by p a r t i c i p a n t s i n other t e x t i l e s e c t o r s , are d i v i d e d i n t h e i r opinions of the importance of the c o n t r i b u t i o n made t o the c a p i t a l i z a t i o n of the i n d u s t r y by these other groups.  The l a t e Professor  Hamilton, i n 1932, was convinced t h a t an important c o n t r i b u t i o n was made by the Virginia-merchants, whose resources were freed f o r i n d u s t r i a l development by the c o l l a p s e of the tobacco-trade i n 1776, from which most of them emerged comparatively unscathed f i n a n c i a l l y .  1  H i s l a t e r views were more i n d e f i n i t e ,  l a r g e l y , one suspects, f o r lack of concrete evidence of a l a r g e - s c a l e t r a n s f e r of c a p i t a l from the tobacco-trade t o the cotton i n d u s t r y , though by i n d i c a t i n g the widespread p a r t i c i p a t i o n of ex-tobacco l o r d s i n i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e s other than cotton he seems t o have l e f t the p o s s i b i l i t y of 2 s i m i l a r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the c o t t o n - i n d u s t r y open. Professor Campbell, on the other hand, deprecates the p o s s i b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n of the tobacco-merchants  and other p a r t i c i p a n t s  i n the pre-war expansion of S c o t t i s h f o r e i g n t r a d e , and makes a convincing case f o r the importance of the c o n t r i b u t i o n made by the landed gentry t o the foundation of the cotton i n d u s t r y , 3  i n which he has been ably abetted by Dr. Smout.  There i s  something t o be s a i d f o r both sides of the argument, i n so 1. H. Hamilton, I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n i n S c o t l a n d , 121. 2. H. Hamilton, Eighteenth Century, lcHT 3. E.g. i n a review of Hamilton, Eighteenth Century, i n S.J.P.E. 1964, 17-24. See a l s o T.C. Smout, " S c o t t i s h Landowners and Economic Growth", S.J.P.E., 1964, 218-34.  - f a r as examples of tobacco-merchants and landed p r o p r i e t o r s who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the f i n a n c i n g of the cotton i n d u s t r y are known.  Robert Dunmore, f o r i n s t a n c e , had been i n the  V i r g i n i a trade at the time of the American war, and a f t e r i t financed the e r e c t i o n of B a l l i n d a l l o c h m i l l at B a l f r o n :  1  he  may a l s o have been i n v o l v e d , w i t h John Monteith, i n the foundation of a. cotton m i l l at Pollockshaws, near Glasgow, o i n 1793.  Dunmore, with Robert Bogle, another  ex-tobacco  merchant, a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d some of the c a p i t a l necessary f o r the e r e c t i o n of the m i l l at Spinningdale i n Sutherland, though t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n s to t h i s e n t e r p r i s e , £100  apiece, 3  were s m a l l i n r e l a t i o n to the t o t a l costs i n v o l v e d .  On the  side of the landed i n t e r e s t ' s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n d u s t r y ' s c a p i t a l i z a t i o n , the most commonly c i t e d examples are Claud Alexander of Ballochmyle, who partnered Dale at C a t r i n e , S i r W i l l i a m Douglas of Penninghame, Dale's partner i n the Newton Stewart m i l l , and George Dempster of Dunnichen and Skibo founder of Stanley m i l l i n P e r t h s h i r e i n 1785  and, again with  Dale, one of the o r i g i n a t o r s of the Spinningdale scheme.^ Others i n t h i s category are known, of course - Hamilton of Pinmore, f o r i n s t a n c e , and p o s s i b l y C l a r k of P e n i c u i k , on 1. Stewart, C u r i o s i t i e s , 202-3. 2. J.O. M i t c h e l l , Old Glasgow Essays Glasgow 1905, 124. There i s some doubt as to the i d e n t i t y of John Monteith's partner: see below, 62. 3. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V I I I , 383 gives a l i s t of the shareholders i n Spinningdale together with the number of £100 shares held by each one. 4. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, XX, 176 ( C a t r i n e ) : X V I I , 576 ( S t a n l e y ) : and V I I , 375-83 (Spinningdale). For Newton Stewart m i l l see New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, IV, i i i , 185-6. T  whose land the f i r s t S c o t t i s h m i l l stood  - but Alexander,  Douglas and Dempster stand apart from them as the founders of l a r g e - s c a l e , fully-mechnaized  concerns which operated  successfully. On the s u r f a c e , there appears t o be more j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r arguing i n favour of a l a r g e - s c a l e transference of c a p i t a l from land t o cotton-manufacturing,  rather than from f o r e i g n  trade, the more so s i n c e , as Campbell has pointed out, the only known example of an ex-tobacco merchant p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the foundation of a l a r g e - s c a l e cotton-spinning m i l l , Robert Dunmore, was i n f a c t p r o p r i e t o r of the estates of B a l l i n d a l l o c h and B a l l i k i n r a i n before he financed the b u i l d i n g of B a l l i n d a l l o c h m i l l .  This seems t o put Dunmore i n t o  roughly the same category as Claud Alexander and others of that i l k , but, i n f a c t , what Campbell has done i s t o emphasize the danger of f i t t i n g known p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t o r i g i d categories as e i t h e r landed p r o p r i e t o r s or overseas t r a d e r s . These p i t f a l l s are f u r t h e r underlined by c o n s u l t i n g Burke's "Landed Gentry", whence i t emerges that Claud Alexander had bought h i s estate a t Ballochmyle  out of the proceeds of h i s  s e r v i c e as a n r . o f f i c i a l of the Honourable East India. Company and t h a t George Dempster had been a d i r e c t o r of the same Company a t the time of the Stanley m i l l ' s  foundation.  Dempster's main e s t a t e , Dunnichen, had been purchased e a r l i e r 1. 2.  S.R.O. C l e r k of Penicuik Muniments, 1790. Campbell, "Anglo-Scottish Union of 1707", Ec.H.R. 1964, 472. T  i n the eighteenth century by h i s grandfather, also George Dempster, from the p r o f i t s of business as a merchant-banker i n Dundee.^"  I n any case, Dunmore was, in-1789 a t any r a t e ,  a l s o a member of the West India trading-community i n Glasgow, while a l s o the p r o p r i e t o r of B a l l i k i n r a i n .  The possession of  land, i t seems, was not n e c e s s a r i l y a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the r e t i r e d merchant i n Scotland, only of the s u c c e s s f u l merchant: commercial success must not only be achieved, i t must be seen to be achieved by s e t t i n g up as a landed gentleman.  Once t h i s  had been done, and the improvement of the estate undertaken i n the manner of N o r f o l k , any surplus funds could be devoted t o other a c t i v i t i e s upon which a. s u f f i c i e n t r e t u r n could be expected.  Some p r o p r i e t o r s turned t o the e x p l o i t a t i o n of the 3  mineral resources  of t h e i r e s t a t e s ,  which the growth of a  coal-consuming m e t a l l u r g i c a l i n d u s t r y a f t e r 1750 made an economic p r o p o s i t i o n .  Others took t o the cotton i n d u s t r y ,  perhaps because t h e i r estates were d e f i c i e n t i n coal-bearing s t r a t a , or perhaps because the water courses provided easily-tapped resources  of power f o r machinery.  I t seems  l i k e l y , however, that whatever course was taken, i t would be that one i n which i t had been shown beyond doubt that the highest r a t e of r e t u r n on c a p i t a l invested could be obtained. The promotion of an e n t i r e l y new i n d u s t r y , as cotton 1.  2. 3.  spinning  S i r B. Burke, Genealogical and H e r a l d i c H i s t o r y of t h e Landed Gentry of Great B r i t a i n and I r e l a n d , London 1871; "Alexander of Ballochmyle" 10; "Dempster of Dunnichen", 342. Jones' D i r e c t o r y of Glasgow, 1789, 69. Or a l l o w i n g others t o do so i n exchange f o r part of the mine's p r o f i t s .  60  was i n Scotland i n the seventeen-eighties,  would not  be  undertaken by men whose previous a c t i v i t i e s had not been r e l a t e d d i r e c t l y with the t e x t i l e s e c t o r .  I t may  be  s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h i s respect, t h a t the main landed and commercial p a r t i c i p a n t s were associated i n most of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n the cotton i n d u s t r y with men  such as Dale and  John Monteith, whose l i f e t i m e had been devoted to the expansion of t e x t i l e output and the d i s p o s a l of t e x t i l e - g o o d s , whose knowledge of production-methods, i n d u s t r i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and marketing was probably unequalled  i n Scotland.  The  nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two groups was i n 1&54  described  by Andrew L i d d e l l , one of Dale's biographers:  Liddell  observed that Dale served as a co-partner and advisor to landed p r o p r i e t o r s who, rurally-situated  having f i r s t expressed h o s t i l i t y to  c o t t o n - m i l l s on the grounds that they would  a t t r a c t undesirable elements from the towns, wished to l a y c l a i m to the p r o f i t s which New Lanark had shown to accrue from cotton-spinning.  1  This only serves to underline the f a c t  t h a t without c o n t r i b u t i o n of the group of men  w i t h i n the  t r a d i t i o n a l t e x t i l e t r a d e , l i t t l e progress i n founding a l a r g e - s c a l e mechanized cotton-spinning i n d u s t r y would have been made. group was  The c o n t r i b u t i o n s made by men from outside that  of secondary importance, and such men never, at any  time, as Dr. Smout has observed, dominated the new 1. 2.  industry.  See Chambers' B i o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y , I I , 422. Smouth, " S c o t t i s h Landowners," S.J.P.E. 1964, 227. T  2  61 A group whose c o n t r i b u t i o n has never received much a t t e n t i o n i s the E n g l i s h , whose part i n promoting the economic development of Scotland between the Union and the American war had not been unimportant.  The p a r t i c i p a t i o n of E n g l i s h  c a p i t a l i n the i n i t i a l development of the S c o t t i s h cotton i n d u s t r y was l i m i t e d , but Englishmen were responsible f o r the e r e c t i o n of the f i r s t m i l l i n the Clyde V a l l e y , where the 1779.  i n d u s t r y l a t e r became concentrated, a t Rothesay i n  The Rothesay m i l l was put up f o r s a l e as a going concern, small but f u l l y equipped, which was bought by David Dale i n  1785,  the year before the f i r s t New Lanark m i l l went i n t o o p e r a t i o n : the  experience he must have gained as i t s owner must have been  valuable and encouraging i f h i s subsequent a c t i v i t i e s are any guide.  Other Englishmen shared i n the i n d u s t r y ' s growth by,  l i k e Kirkman F i n l a y , buying up e s t a b l i s h e d m i l l s and keeping them i n operation.  The career of Robert Owen, who managed  New Lanark from 1799 to 1827  as a partner i n English-dominated  companies i s w e l l known, but Owen's case was t y p i c a l of. s e v e r a l others.  Benjamin Flounders, an. E n g l i s h Quaker, took  over Deanston from Buchanan of Carston i n 1793. Houldsworth came from Manchester i n 1799  Henry  to take over  G i l l e s p i e ' s Woodside m i l l and b u i l t two others at Anderston i n 1801 and 1 8 0 3 . 1. 2. 3.  3  Bremner, I n d u s t r i e s of Scotland, 279. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, XX, 87. Stewart, C u r i o s i t i e s , 214-5; F a c t o r y Commission Supp. Rep., 133.  1832,  1  The S c o t t i s h chartered banks, as might be expected,  do  not appear t o have taken any d i r e c t part i n the p r o v i s i o n of c a p i t a l f o r the b u i l d i n g and equipping of cotton m i l l s at first,  1  though they may w e l l have had a r o l e i n f i n a n c i n g the  day-to-day business of the i n d u s t r y .  The Royal Bank of  Scotland opened a branch i n Glasgow i n 1783 and appointed  as  o  i t s agents David Dale and Robert S c o t t M o n c r i e f f ;  i t seems  d o u b t f u l t h a t , with Dale as c h i e f agent, the Royal Bank could avoid t r a n s a c t i o n s connected with the cotton i n d u s t r y , e s p e c i a l l y when S c o t t Moncrieff too began to take an i n t e r e s t i n the i n d u s t r y .  3  II  Each of the groups i n v o l v e d i n the transference of c a p i t a l from other sectors of the S c o t t i s h economy to the cotton i n d u s t r y must have reacted to some stimulus which made such a departure from t h e i r e s t a b l i s h e d spheres of a c t i v i t y d e s i r a b l e or even necessary.  The immediate i n c e n t i v e to  i n v e s t i n any e n t e r p r i s e , i n the eighteenth century as i n any other age, was the p o s s i b i l i t y of a handsome r e t u r n on the investment.  But i t i s necessary to probe deeper i n t o the  motives of the various p a r t i c i p a t i n g groups than t h a t . 1.  Judging from the f o l l o w i n g works:- C.A. Malcolm, The Bank of Scotland, 1695-1945 Edinburgh n.d., and The B r i t i s h Linen Bank 1746-19X67 Edinburgh 1950: S i r W. Forbes, Memoirs of a Banking house: A.W. K e r r , H i s t o r y of Banking i n Scotland, 4th edn., Glasgow, 1926. See, e.g. Chambers' B i o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y , I I , 421. He has been suggested as John Monteith's-partner at Pollokshaws, "Senex" Glasgow Past and Present, I I , 72-3. T  f  2. 3.  63 .What made the cotton i n d u s t r y such an a t t r a c t i v e area of development t h a t i t succeeded i n r e l e a s i n g reserves of c a p i t a l on a s c a l e which no other development w i t h i n the S c o t t i s h economy had h i t h e r t o been able to approach? In connection with t h i s problem of motives, i t must be remembered t h a t the establishment of a l a r g e - s c a l e cotton i n d u s t r y i n Scotland had been preceded by the growth of a s i m i l a r i n d u s t r y i n England before the outbreak of the American r e v o l u t i o n .  The machines invented by Arkwright and  Hargreaves, or p i r a t e d versions of them i n some cases, had been e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y adopted by the spinners of Nottinghams h i r e , Derbyshire and Lancashire to such e f f e c t that one commentator has observed t h a t w i t h i n f i v e years of Arkwright obtaining h i s patent, t h a t i s between I769 and 1774, success of r o l l e r spinning was a s s u r e d " .  1  "the  I f so, i t was  u n l i k e l y to have gone unremarked i n Glasgow, where people  like  the Buchanans, Arkwright's agents i n 1783, whose dealings with the t e x t i l e trades i n England were extensive, were bound to be aware of the p o t e n t i a l dividends to be gained by switching from the use of l i n e n to c o t t o n .  I f a place .  could be found f o r S c o t t i s h e n t e r p r i s e w i t h i n the  new  i n d u s t r y , such men were the ones most l i k e l y to f i n d  it.  The event which, probably more than any other, may have prompted the lawn and cambric manufacturers 1.  t o search  Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade and I n d u s t r i a l Lancashire, 448.  -for  an o p e n i n g i n t h e  Holland  cotton-tra.de  i n t o t h e A m e r i c a n War  of the f i n e - l i n e n yarn  for  the  i n 1778.  e n t r y of France  This threatened  I t may  w e l l be  that  so  and the  l i n e n g o o d s deemed i t a d v i s a b l e t o  a s u b s t i t u t e f i b r e , s u p p l i e s o f w h i c h were n o t  and  supplies  upon w h i c h Glasgow's m a n u f a c t u r e r s  weavers were so h e a v i l y d e p e n d e n t . manufacturers of f i n e  was  look  vulnerable  t o i n t e r r u p t i o n as a r e s u l t o f t h e a c t i o n s o f f o r e i g n g o v e r n ments. Indian  What b e t t e r s u b s t i t u t e t o a d o p t , t h e n , c o t t o n , w h i c h was  b e c o m i n g more e a s i l y o b t a i n a b l e  t h e s o u t h - w e s t a s more and d i s p l a c e d from the  more m e r c h a n t s and  to the  achieved  adoption  shipping,  The  1  E n g l i s h had  w i t h s u c h a s u b s t i t u t i o n when i t was  o f t h e new  production-techniques  economies of s c a l e i n s p i n n i n g . p r o f i t margins i n the  c o t t o n and  w i t h t h e i r p o t e n t i a l l y w i d e r m a r k e t , c o u l d be decline i n absolute  returns.  i n d u s t r y o f Dundee p r o v i d e s l e a d i n g up  t o the f o u n d a t i o n  The  allied  w h i c h made  D e p e n d i n g on t h e linen trades,  their  shown what  c o t t o n g o o d s c h e a p e r t o p r o d u c e t h a n l i n e n g o o d s by  any  in  trade with the former c o l o n i e s , turned  a t t e n t i o n to the C a r i b b e a n ? c o u l d be  t h a n West  permitting comparative  cheaper goods, sold  case of the  without jute  an i n t e r e s t i n g g u i d e t o t h e of l a r g e - s c a l e c o t t o n  events  spinning  3 around Glasgow.  The  coarse-linen industry centred  was  d e p e n d e n t on R i g a and  1.  See a b o v e , 16-17. I n f o r m a t i o n on m a r g i n s i n l i n e n i s n o t a v a i l a b l e . It seems l i k e l y , h o w e v e r , t h a t t h e y w e r e n o t s o f a v o u r a b l e as i n c o t t o n , b e c a u s e t h e q u a n t i t y o f l i n e n y a r n p r o d u c e d p e r s p i n n e r was, f o r t e c h n i c a l r e a s o n s , n o t as h i g h a s t h a t o f c o t t o n u s i n g t h e more s o p h i s t i c a t e d m a c h i n e r y a v a i l a b l e a f t e r c. 1770. Chapman, "The E s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e J u t e I n d u s t r y " , Rev. E c o n . S t u d i e s , 1938, 45-9.  2.  3.  St. Petersburg  for supplies  on Dundee of  - f l a x and hemp, which were subjected t o a s e r i e s of i n t e r r u p t i o n s and threatened  i n t e r r u p t i o n s from 1793 onwards  because of diplomatic and other c o n d i t i o n s .  Efforts  were made to f i n d a s u b s t i t u t e raw m a t e r i a l , and the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of using j u t e , more e a s i l y obtainable once the East India Company's monopoly of the Indian Trade was completely  revoked i n 1813,  were explored.  About 1836,  improvements were made t o machinery which f a c i l i t a t e d j u t e spinning and i t was found that a market f o r jute f a b r i c s e x i s t e d - i t could be used advantageously i n the bulk packaging of coffee and raw cotton.  These developments  coincided with a f e a r that war with Russia, which would threaten f l a x and hemp supplies yet again, was imminent and Dundee manufacturers turned i n c r e a s i n g l y t o using jute i n s t e a d , the j u t e i n d u s t r y being f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d by 1848.  The  p o s s i b i l i t y of a p a r a l l e l with the development of the southwest's cotton i n d u s t r y seems very s t r i k i n g .  The l i n e n -  manufacturers of the south-west may a l s o , of course, have been i n s p i r e d t o take up cotton-manufacturing by the f e a r that the growing E n g l i s h cotton i n d u s t r y would undercut them and deprive them of t h e i r markets.  C e r t a i n l y the P a i s l e y  s i l k - t r a d e was very prone t o i n j u r y r e s u l t i n g from changes i n female f a s h i o n s , 1.  1  and presumably the f i n e l i n e n trade"  See Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V I I , 65. The m i n i s t e r of P a i s l e y burgh p a r i s h notes, " I t i s t r u e , that the change of f a s h i o n , upon which t h i s trade so e n t i r e l y depends, has of l a t e had an unfavourable aspect towards i t . " M u s l i n , he l a t e r remarks, "has so f a r come i n i t s room."  66 - c o u l d be a f f e c t e d b y  s i m i l a r changes i n t a s t e :  o f s i m i l a r t e x t u r e and  a p p e a r a n c e t o l a w n s and  cotton f a b r i c s silk-gauze,  but  c h e a p e r t h a n e i t h e r , were c a p a b l e o f e f f e c t i n g j u s t s u c h a change The  motives of other  p a r t i c i p a t i n g g r o u p s were  n e c e s s a r i l y t h o s e w h i c h had  a f f e c t e d the a c t i o n s of the  m a n u f a c t u r e r s , s i n c e t h e s e g r o u p s were u n l i k e l y t o be a f f e c t e d by t h e  c i r c u m s t a n c e s suggested above.  suggested t h a t the  textile  directly  Dr.  Smout  l a n d e d p r o p r i e t o r s engaged i n the  o f c o t t o n m i l l s as a means o f i n c r e a s i n g t h e t h e i r e s t a t e s and  not  has  financing  rent-returns  from  of p r o v i d i n g employment, perhaps f o r t h o s e  a g r i c u l t u r a l labourers  who  had  been d i s p l a c e d d u r i n g  the  2 process of land-improvement.  His other  o n l y engaged i n c o t t o n - s p i n n i n g  f o r as l o n g as t h i s  compatible with other  point, that  they  remained  a g r a r i a n a c t i v i t i e s , w i t h d r a w i n g when  the i n d u s t r y began t o a t t r a c t l a r g e - s c a l e i m m i g r a n t l a b o u r  and  3  when i t became p o s s i b l e t o l o c a t e m i l l s i n u r b a n a r e a s , to confirm  this.  Any  l a r g e - s c a l e a c t i v i t y on t h e p a r t  S c o t t i s h f o r e i g n - t r a d i n g i n t e r e s t s , i f t h e s e can f r o m l a n d e d i n t e r e s t s , was  l i k e l y t o be  p o s s i b i l i t i e s of e x p l o i t i n g the as an e x p o r t i n g any 1. 2. 3.  be  i n s p i r e d by  tends of  divorced the  cotton industry's p o t e n t i a l  i n d u s t r y , coupled w i t h a d e s i r e t o ensure  that  d e v e l o p m e n t s i n f o r e i g n m a r k e t s c o u l d be i n s t a n t l y p a s s e d I t i s p e r h a p s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t James M o n t e i t h ' s s u c c e s s a f t e r 1793 was b a s e d on t h e s a l e o f "book m u s l i n s d r e s s e d as l a w n s " . See " S e n e x " , G l a s g o w P a s t and P r e s e n t , I I , 52. Smout " S c o t t i s h L a n d o w n e r s " , S . J . P . E . 1964, 231. L o c . c i t . and 227. T  T  67 .on t o the producers.  The E n g l i s h are more d i f f i c u l t t o  assess, though the higher r a t e of p r o f i t to be obtained from muslin production than from the manufacture of goods with a l e s s fashionable appeal may have been a f a c t o r i n t h e i r participation.  Ill The type of product i n which the S c o t t i s h cotton i n d u s t r y began t o s p e c i a l i z e a f t e r 1783 r e f l e c t e d the p a r t played i n the i n d u s t r y ' s development by the weavers of the south-west.  They had produced h i g h - q u a l i t y f i n e l i n e n f a b r i c s ,  so i t was more or l e s s i n e v i t a b l e t h a t , when the switch-over to cotton had been c a r r i e d out, t h a t they should continue i n this specialization.  M u s l i n replaced s i l k gauze i n P a i s l e y ,  and i n the t e n years before 1794, the 3,000 looms of the Barony p a r i s h of Glasgow had g r a d u a l l y ceased t o be employed i n manufacturing lawns and cambrics and were reported to be "almost wholly i n the muslin l i n e " .  1  In Lanarkshire's  Cambuslang p a r i s h , a s i m i l a r change was evident, the m i n i s t e r observing i n 1793:"In 1783, the weaving of muslin was introduced, which, f o r s e v e r a l years past, has given employment to a l l the weavers here..."  1. 2.  Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, X I I 112. I b i d . , V, 258.  63 A demand for muslins was known to exist i n Britain - the East India Company having monopolised i t for years - and, 1  tempted no doubt by the prospect of robbing the Company of the high profits to be gained i n the muslin-trade, cottonmanufacturers a l l over Britain tried to break into i t once the mule's introduction after 1730 made i t possible to spin 2 cotton yarn fine enough.  The Scots were, for a time, faced  with strong English competition;  so strong was this, in fact,  that Salte, Samuel Oldknow's agent i n the main centre of the muslin-trade at London, could write i n a memorial to the House of Lords i n March, 1786:"The Scotch began f i r s t - they took the lead in this infant Manufacture - although every degree of patient Industry must be allowed them, they have not been o equally successful with the Lancashire Manufacturer." By May of the same year, however, Salte's rather patronising attitude was not so evident, as he wrote frantically to Oldknow, "Arkwright must lower his Twist and he must spin finer, t e l l him the reputation of our Country , against Scotland i s at Stake." The mule had apparently begun to make i t s qualities as a spinner of fine yarn obvious to Scots spinners, and in 1736 the f i r s t really large-scale Scottish mills were coming into operation. By the end of May, 1786, Salte was becoming indignantly sarcastic about the quality of the Scottish muslins - " i f cheapness proves any excellence they have i t indeed... the Scotch Impudence and perseverence i s beyond a l l " 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.  but by  Esilman, Comprehensive View, 11. See above, 32. See Unwin et a l , Samuel Oldknow and the Arkwrights Ibid., 63. Unwin, Samuel Oldknow etc., 65. Ibid-, 66.  3-4.  -June, he was f o r c e d to admit t h a t the Scots' supremacy i n the muslin-market  was an e s t a b l i s h e d f a c t : -  "The S a t t i n S t r i p e s i n colours w i l l not do... The Scotch have done much b e t t e r t h i s two months i n the same...indeed the Scotch perseverence & i n g e n u i t y are doing wonders... The Scotch have sent up many Spotted M u s l i n s , indeed too good ^ and too cheap." By 1794 Oldknow's i n t e r e s t i n muslin manufacturing a t l e a s t , i f not t h a t of other more tenacious E n g l i s h manufacturers, had d e c l i n e to i n s i g n i f i c a n c e .  In Scotland i n 1792 i t seems to  have become the most important s e c t i o n of the cotton i n d u s t r y : c e r t a i n l y , muslins accounted f o r 63.7%  by value of the pure3  cotton goods exported from Scotland i n t h a t year. The success of the Scots i n the muslin-trade must, i t seems, be a t t r i b u t e d more to the s k i l l s of t h e i r weavers and the commercial acumen of t h e i r "manufacturers" than to t h e i r spinners, though undoubtedly they too had a part to p l a y . E n g l i s h s p i n n e r s , using the same machinery, could produce yarn as f i n e as, or even f i n e r than, t h a t produced by t h e i r Scots counterparts:  i n 1792, Robert Owen was spinning what seems  to have been the f i n e s t yarn i n B r i t a i n , number 250 to number 300, a t Drinkwater's m i l l i n Manchester.  The f i n e  muslin woven from t h i s , described by Owen himself as "the greatest c u r i o s i t y of B r i t i s h manufacture," K i l b a r c h a n , Renfrewshire,^ 1. 2. 3. 4.  4-  was made at  a f a c t which, i f not proving the  L o c . c i t . , and 67. I b i d . , 105-6. P.R.O. Customs 14. v o l . 5. Account from Owen's Autobiography, quoted i n Unwin, o p . c i t . 133. Yarn i s measured by the number of standard hanks to the pound weight (1 hank = #40 y a r d s ) . The higher the number, the f i n e r the yarn, No. 200, i . e . 200 hanks per l b . , i s very f i n e .  s u p e r i o r i t y of Scots over E n g l i s h weavers, says a great d e a l for  their a b i l i t y .  Quite apart from the f a c t that the  S c o t t i s h weaver's s k i l l gave him the edge over h i s E n g l i s h opposite number, the d e c i s i o n to s p e c i a l i z e i n the manufacture of f i n e - f a b r i c s was probably t h r u s t upon the Scots by the n e c e s s i t y , apparent as long before as ±707, to complement E n g l i s h i n d u s t r y r a t h e r than t r y i n g to compete w i t h i t .  1  They had probably been excluded from producing goods i n the medium and low q u a l i t y ranges by the f a c t t h a t the cotton i n d u s t r y of Lancashire and elsewhere, having been e s t a b l i s h e d before the American Revolution and having been able to expand v i r t u a l l y without competition before 1780, had been a b l e to e s t a b l i s h an u n a s s a i l a b l e lead i n t h a t quarter using the r a t h e r coarser yarn spun by jennies and water-frames.  Muslins had  been woven i n England as e a r l y as 1764, but English-spun yarn was not a l t o g e t h e r s u i t a b l e f o r t h i s purpose u n t i l Crompton's mule became a v a i l a b l e a f t e r 17#0, being the f i r s t machine which could be r e l i e d upon to s p i n s u f f i c i e n t l y f i n e warps and wefts.  When James Monteith the younger wove the f i r s t  muslin web i n Glasgow i n 1780, from imported Indian " b i r d - n e s t " yarn, the market f o r f i n e cotton goods was s t i l l wide open, apart from the Indian goods brought i n by the East I n d i a  1.  See above, 4.  •-merchants.  In such a situation, the weaving s k i l l s of the 2  south-west were eminently suitable for exploitation. The muslin trade laid the foundations of the Scottish cotton industry's prosperity, but by 1818 i t had apparently been overshadowed by the production of coarser f a b r i c s .  3  The contribution of muslin to the export trade in cotton-goods had certainly declined considerably from the level achieved i n 1792, amounting to only 19.4% of the value of cotton-goods exported.^  Kirkman Finlay was of the opinion that the change  in emphasis had come with the introduction of the power-loom to general use about 1814-15.  At about the same time, an  entirely new sector of the industry seems to have made i t s appearance i n an around Paisley - the large-scale production of cotton thread.  Paisley had been the centre of the  thread-manufacturing industry since the beginning of the eighteenth century, when the raw material had been linen. But although some cotton thread was probably made between 1780 and 1815, the majority of the firms engaged i n this 1.  2. 3.  4. 5.  "Senex", Glasgow Past and Present, I, 69, for the weaving of the f i r s t muslin web i n Glasgow. East Indian competition i n muslins continued to be a threat until 1792, and was one of the main reasons for Glasgow Chamber of Commerce's opposition to the renewal of the Company's monopoly when the latter's charter became due for revision in 1793; Stewart, Progress of Glasgow, 37". The Board of Trustees was active in encouraging muslinweaving at least until 1783; "Senex", op.cit., III, 376. But not yet as coarse as Lancashire fabrics. The bulk of the yarn produced in Glasgow was no. 40 to no. 60, and upwards to 180. Lancashire seems to have spun mainly lower counts such as no. 16. See Select Committee of 1833, mins. II67-8, 71. P.R.O. Customs 14, vol. 30. Calicoes, plain and printed, made up 74.9%. Select Committee of 1833, min. 1198, 73.  appear t o have been founded between 1812 and 1840.  Despite  the apparent change, however, the p r i n c i p l e of complementarity with England was maintained,  judging again from F i n l a y ' s  evidence i n 1833:"We f i n d , i n p r a c t i c e , that i t i s impossible, with a l l the knowledge and the o p p o r t u n i t i e s that we have at Glasgow, to t r a n s f e r from Manchester to Glasgow the manufacture of a particular articles. Now at Manchester, again, e f f o r t s have been made to manufacture p a r t i c u l a r a r t i c l e s t h a t they make at Glasgow and P a i s l e y , and i t i s found impossible to do them with the same advantage."  2  So long as t h i s was the case, then Scotland had l i t t l e to f e a r from Manchester, despite the f a c t that some costs appear to have been higher i n Glasgow than i n Manchester and despite the apparent t e c h n i c a l i n f e r i o r i t y of the S c o t t i s h spinningi n d u s t r y to that of Manchester between 1820 and 1830.^ For the h e a l t h of the i n d u s t r y , i f f o r no other the d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n i n t o heavier f a b r i c s and thread was s e n s i b l e precaution.  reason, a  Since the weaving of f i n e f a b r i c s even  i n 1833 was s t i l l apparently done on a handloom i n S c o t l a n d ,  4  a continued r e l i a n c e upon p l a i n , p r i n t e d and flowered muslin must have i n h i b i t e d the expansion of cotton-spinning i n  1. 2. 3.  4.  B l a i r The P a i s l e y Thread 59-61. One f i r m at l e a s t had been i n business since 1784, but whether i t spun l i n e n or cotton thread at that time i s not known. S e l e c t Committee of 1833, min. 662 38. For d i f f e r e n c e s i n costs between Glasgow and Manchester, see I b i d . , min. 1162, 71. Houldsworth's evidence on t e c h n i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y of Manchester i s c i t e d above, 34-5. The comparison of costs was made on the b a s i s of 1,000 hanks of no. 16 yarn, but F i n l a y s a i d not much no. 16 was spun i n Glasgow: min. 1164, 71. I b i d . , 1198, 73. T  73 -Scotland.  If spinning output continually over-ran the demand  for yarn f o r hand-woven muslins, as i t appears to have done for instance i n 1793-4, profit-margins would decline to the point where i t would no longer be economical to continue spinning i n Scotland.  In that event the inevitable gainer  would have been, not the S c o t t i s h weaver, but D i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of output may,  Lancashire.  therefore, have been inspired  by a desire on the.part of the spinners to maintain a high l e v e l of expansion by by-passing  the muslin-weaving bottleneck  through spinning heavier yarns suitable f o r power-loom weaving. This would also account f o r the fact that a high proportion of the power-weaving concerns i n the Glasgow region were d i r e c t l y controlled by the spinners. d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n may  1  In addition,  have been inspired by a desire on the  part of the entrepreneurs  to introduce a measure of s t a b i l i t y  into an industry whose markets, on the basis of the trade, were limited by the high-value  muslin-  of the goods, notoriously  uncertain, and to an increasing extent, being undermined by the manufacture of fine-goods  abroad a f t e r 1815.  F i n l a y at  l e a s t , was aware of the problems involved i n s p e c i a l i z i n g 2 i n fancy-goods with a. limited and unstable market:  i t does  not seem unreasonable to suppose that he was aware of the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n i n providing a s o l u t i o n . 1. 2.  See above, 41. Select Committee of 1833,  min. 1215-7, 75.  74 The r a p i d  expansion of the c o t t o n i n d u s t r y from b e i n g  a. comparatively minor branch of the l i n e n i n d u s t r y t o being the most important s i n g l e i n d u s t r y i n the S c o t t i s h economy between 1780  t o 1835  i n d i c a t e s a c o n s i d e r a b l e widening of the  market f o r the i n d u s t r y ' s p r o d u c t s , without which expansion of output would have been p o i n t l e s s .  I n i t i a l l y , the c o t t o n  i n d u s t r y p r o b a b l y e x p l o i t e d the market f o r f i n e f a b r i c s which had been b u i l t up by the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the lawn, cambric and s i l k gauze t r a d e s .  The evidence of a wholesale switchover  from these f a b r i c s t o muslins by the weavers, and t h e r e f o r e presumably  by the "manufacturers" t o o , and of the  tendency,  apparent i n the case of James M o n t e i t h , t o " d r e s s " muslins as lawns, a l l tends to support t h i s , as does the f a c t from 1778  that  onwards the output of l i n e n i n L a n a r k s h i r e ,  Renfrewshire and A y r s h i r e - the o n l y areas i n which f i n e 1 l i n e n s were manufactured t o any g r e a t e x t e n t - d e c l i n e d 1 rapidly. To expand the market i n a way which j u s t i f i e d 1  expanding  output t o the extent apparent between 1780 and  1833,  p r i c e s t o the consumer were lowered by the r a p i d adoption of 2' more e f f i c i e n t techniques of p r o d u c t i o n  and new  outlets for  i n c r e a s e d s a l e s , heavy f a b r i c s . a n d t h r e a d , were explored and e x p l o i t e d wherever p o s s i b l e .  When s a l e s of f i n i s h e d  goods abroad were a f f e c t e d by f o r e i g n c o m p e t i t i o n , the 1. 2.  See Hamilton, E i g h t e e n t h Century, App. V, 408-9, g i v i n g l i n e n yardage produced by each S c o t t i s h county, 17671822 ( s e l e c t e d y e a r s ) . See above, 32-35, 41.  1  ^decline was o f f s e t t o some extent by e x p l o i t i n g the demands of the growing f o r e i g n cotton i n d u s t r i e s f o r yarn, which they themselves were not always capable of supplying.  Exports of  cotton t w i s t and yarn from Scotland took an upward t u r n a f t e r 1815:  i n 1801, these had been n e g l i g i b l e , but i n 1827 they  contributed 5% of the value of cotton goods exported from Scotland.  1  As had been the case with the l i n e n i n d u s t r y before the American Revolution, the B r i t i s h home market was the most important t o the cotton i n d u s t r y during i t s period of expansion. Of the 105 m i l l i o n yards of cotton c l o t h which Cleland. estimated was produced i n Scotland i n 1818, 37.2 m i l l i o n were exported, so 64.5% of the t o t a l output i n that year was p  intended f o r consumption w i t h i n the United Kingdom.  The  proportion intended f o r the home market i n 1827 was apparently even greater:  output, based on raw cotton import f i g u r e s ,  was 39.5% higher than i n 1818, but the yardage exported was only up by 13.5% on the 1818 l e v e l .  3  Apparently, Kirkman  F i n l a y ' s warnings about the strength of f o r e i g n competition were not without substance.  Nevertheless, despite the  d e c l i n e i n the p r o p o r t i o n of output which went f o r export, the cotton i n d u s t r y ' s p o s i t i o n as Scotland's main exporting i n d u s t r y was stronger i n 1827 than i t had been i n 1818. 1. 2. 3.  P.R.O. Customs 14, v o l . 39. C l e l a n d , Enumeration of 1831. 138; P.R.O. Customs 14 v o l . 30. I b i d . , v o l s . 30 and 39.  In 1792, the value of exports of cotton goods contributed only 5.4$ of the value of Scotland's t o t a l exports;  i n 1801, i t  had r i s e n to 47.25$ of the t o t a l , i n 1818 to 60.6$ and i n 1827 to no less than 78.25$.  /  11 1ri 1  1.  1  — — 1  1  P.R.q. Customs 14, vols. 5, 14, 30, 39.  4  THE PROBLEMS OF INDUSTRIALIZATION: THE COTTON-INDUSTRY  LABOUR IN  I In the e a r l y stages of the cotton industry's development when i t s t i l l formed a branch of the l i n e n i n d u s t r y  organised  upon domestic-production l i n e s , the p r o v i s i o n of an adequate supply of labour probably provided few problems, since the numbers of people involved i n both spinning and Weaving were r e l a t i v e l y small.  The development, however, of l a r g e - s c a l e  f a c t o r y spinning a f t e r 1780 brought problems i n i t s wake, r e q u i r i n g as i t d i d large concentrations of labour around the m i l l s , which, because of the f a c t t h a t t h e i r l o c a t i o n s i n the e a r l y stages were governed l a r g e l y by the a v a i l a b i l i t y of s u i t a b l e water-supplies, were often not b u i l t i n areas of e x i s t i n g population c o n c e n t r a t i o n .  1  D i f f i c u l t i e s were  therefore encountered i n p r o v i d i n g the l a r g e - s c a l e labour forces f o r the new m i l l s as was the case a t New Lanark, which 2 required a labour f o r c e of 1157 i n 1793. "Although comfortable dwellings were erected a t the v i l l a g e of New Lanark f o r the workers, and good wages and constant employment i n s u r e d , great d i f f i c u l t y was f e l t i n g e t t i n g the s p i n n i n g - m i l l f i l l e d with operatives. I t arose from prejudice on the p a r t of the people, more p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Lowlands, against a l l f a c t o r y labour". To overeomevthe problem, m i l l p r o p r i e t o r s had t o adopt s e v e r a l expedients i n order t o a t t r a c t people away from other p u r s u i t s , u s u a l l y a g r i c u l t u r a l , and from other l o c a l i t i e s t o work i n 1. F o r example. New Lanark, Deanston, C a t r i n e : Other m i l l s such as Woodside i n Glasgow, were b e t t e r placed. 2. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, XV, 36-7. 3. Chambers' B i o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y , h a l f v o l . i i , 423-  78 the m i l l s .  The most obvious method of doing t h i s , perhaps,  was to .offer higher wages f o r mill-workers than were normal f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l labour, and t h i s was, i n f a c t , done with some success, as the parish accounts of Lanarkshire and Renfrewshire show:  cotton m i l l s are often s p e c i f i c a l l y named by ministers  as a contributory cause of depopulation i n r u r a l parishes. For instance, the minister of Carluke, Lanarkshire, remarked, "As there i s a continual drain from the parish, both of young men and women, to the neighbouring cotton m i l l s , iron works, etc., the farmer i s often at a loss f o r labourers; the servants wages are thereby rendered much higher, than the master can well afford at present, being from £6 to £10 per annum f o r a man and from £3 to £4 f o r a woman". 1  The Glasgow account noted, at the same time, that wages were for "old men and boys and g i r l s , at d i f f e r e n t branches (spinning, preparing the yarn and cotton wool ~ etc., for weaving), from os. to 8s." i  which meant that the lowest grade of factory operative was being paid between £15 and £20 per annum.  I t appears,  however, that the promise of wages higher than those i n most other occupations was not s u f f i c i e n t to attract people away from their established settlements and pursuits; the prejudice of l o c a l labour against factory work i n the case of New Lanark has been noted, and other comments of a similar type are to be found, f o r instance i n the parish account f o r 1. 2.  Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, VIII, 138-9. Ibid., V, 505-6.  i  79 K i l m a r t i n , A r g y l l s h i r e , the m i n i s t e r observed:"Three f a m i l i e s t h i s year have gone t o the cotton work, and some others speak of f o l l o w i n g them, though i t seems t o be with r e l u c t a n c e , as they consider the employment t o be rather unfavourable to h e a l t h . " -Their reluctance i s understandable,  not only on the grounds t h a t  f a c t o r y work was unhealthy, but simply because the a t t r a c t i o n of higher wages was counterbalanced  by the f a c t that t o work  i n a spinning m i l l meant uprooting oneself from one's native p a r i s h or v i l l a g e , and submitting t o a system of d i s c i p l i n e and a s e t of c o n d i t i o n s of work which d i f f e r e d r a d i c a l l y from those to which one was accustomed.  This l a t t e r f a c t o r by i t s e l f  Would probably be enough, i n an age of strong l o c a l l o y a l t i e s and comparative immobility of labour t o discourage many people from seeking employment i n the f a c t o r i e s although t o dp so - would probably have meant an improved standard of l i v i n g .  So  long as agricultural employment was a v a i l a b l e i n t h e i r accustomed area of residence, many may have p r e f e r r e d t o stay where they were, r a t h e r than to move even a few miles to a new and perhaps m a t e r i a l l y b e t t e r , but completely u n f a m i l i a r , environment.  When S i r John S i n c l a i r compiled h i s S t a t i s t i c a l  Account i n the l a s t decade of the eighteenth  century,  a g r i c u l t u r a l improvement had by no means been u n i v e r s a l l y 2 adopted i n Scotland, and the proportion of the r u r a l 1. 2.  I b i d . V I I I , 10$. I t had, however, made considerable s t r i d e s s i n c e 1750. See, f o r example, H. Hamilton, Eighteenth Century, 70-79.  population d i s p l a c e d by i t i n the C e n t r a l Lowlands was apparently, very s i g n i f i c a n t :  not,  work on the land being  a v a i l a b l e , there was no r e a l pressure on the Lowland r u r a l population to force them to take up or seek out  new  occupations. What was true of the Lowlands d i d not hold good i n the Highlands, e s p e c i a l l y i n the north-west.  Dr. Gray has shown  t h a t , a f t e r the Jacobite R e b e l l i o n of 1745  the Highland  economy and Highland s o c i e t y were forced to undergo d r a s t i c change, i n the course of which the o l d motive of p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y p r e s t i g e , which had encouraged Highland landlords to maintain large groups of dependent clansmen on t h e i r  lands,  was replaced by the p r o f i t motive, which encouraged the same landlords to replace t h e i r m i l i t a r y r e t a i n e r s with sheep or beef-cattle,  X  This change i n motives and i n Highland  a g r i c u l t u r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n was accompanied by a r a p i d population growth, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the north-west, which i n turn l e d to i n c r e a s i n g pressure on the d i m i n i s h i n g  supply  of land made a v a i l a b l e by the landlords f o r the support of t h e i r tenants.  In the Highlands, t h e r e f o r e , a g r i c u l t u r a l  improvement d i d provide the i n c e n t i v e to emigrate to the growing f a c t o r y d i s t r i c t s of the C e n t r a l Lowlands, as the "great sheep" or the black " s t i r k " replaced the s m a l l farmer as the occupant of the land i n the Highland counties such as Sutherland and A r g y l l . • The process was recorded by the  1.  M. Gray, The Highland Economy. 1750-1550, Edinburgh 1957, l l f .  81 m i n i s t e r of Strachur and S t r a l a c h l a n , A r g y l l : "Within these l a s t 30 years, e s p e c i a l l y since sheep-stocks have been introduced, i t i s • remarked, that a number of people from t h i s d i s t r i c t have become s a i l o r s ; but i t appears t h a t n e c e s s i t y and not choice, has been the cause. By j o i n i n g together 2, 3 or more farms, and converting them i n t o a sheep-walk, 12 or 16 tenants, with t h e i r f a m i l i e s , were thrown out of t h e i r usual l i n e of employment." ?  ;  The Clearances have been, and s t i l l are, the subject of a great d e a l of i n d i g n a t i o n , righteous and otherwise, but they were probably not the e v i l i n f l u e n c e on Scotland's development that they are often thought to be.  In f a c t , by h e l p i n g to overcome  the problem of labour-supply faced by the cotton-spinning m i l l s , they may have been a p o s i t i v e b e n e f i t to the country's economic growth.  The spinning-masters of the south-west took  advantage of the Highland emigrations of the l a s t two decades of the 18th century to make good some of the d e f i c i e n c i e s i n t h e i r labour f o r c e s .  Prominent among those who t r i e d to make  use of Highland labour was, as always, David Dale, of whose works and v i l l a g e at New Lanark the m i n i s t e r of Lanark p a r i s h recorded:"A great p r o p o r t i o n of the i n h a b i t a n t s are Highlanders from Caithness, Inverness and Argyleshires. In 1791 a v e s s e l c a r r y i n g emigrants from the i s l e of Skye t o North - America was d r i v e n by s t r e s s of weather i n t o Greenock; about 200 were put ashore i n a very d e s t i t u t e s i t u a t i o n . Mr. Dale ... o f f e r e d them immediate employment, which the greater bulk of them accepted. And soon a f t e r . . . he n o t i f i e d , to the people of 1.  Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, IV, 574.  82 A r g y l e s h i r e and the i s l e s , the encouragement given t o f a m i l i e s a t the c o t t o n m i l l s ; and undertook to provide houses f o r 200 f a m i l i e s i n the course of 1792. These were a l l f i n i s h e d l a s t summer ( I 7 9 3 ) , and a considerable number of Highlanders , have of l a t e come t o r e s i d e a t New Lanark". __The f a c t t h a t Dale had t o o f f e r t o b u i l d houses and b u i l t a school and a church as w e l l as p r o v i d i n g f r e e medical s e r v i c e s i n a d d i t i o n , and the f a c t that he had t o " n o t i f y "  the people  of A r g y l l s h i r e and elsewhere of the b e n e f i t s accruing t o them from employment i n h i s m i l l s , provide a measure both of the seriousness of the labour shortage and of the unwillingness of the Lanarkshire people t o move from t h e i r homes and work on a reclaimed morass.  Even though the d i s p l a c e d Highlanders  often had no a l t e r n a t i v e but to seek employment outside t h e i r normal areas of settlement, they were not e a s i l y r e c r u i t e d f o r factory-work. Other expedients had t o be adopted t o provide an adequate labour f o r c e f o r the m i l l s , and since the operation of waterpowered machinery required n e i t h e r great s k i l l nor great p h y s i c a l s t r e n g t h , c h i l d r e n were used i n the m i l l s to c a r r y out some of the s p i n n i n g process.  Housing a t New Lanark was  provided f o r " F a m i l i e s from any quarter possessed of a good moral c h a r a c t e r , and having three c h i l d r e n f i t f o r work, above nine years of age "  1. 2.  2  I b i d . , XV 574. This was done by sending agents i n t o these areas where labour might be r e c r u i t e d t o p u b l i c i s e the m i l l s and t o contact any who might be w i l l i n g t o take employment i n them, Chambers Biog., D i c t i o n a r y , 11, 4 2 3 .  ^And widows with f a m i l i e s were assured of a l i v i n g so comfortable from the labour of t h e i r c h i l d r e n , t h a t they often became "tempting objects f o r a second husband".  At  1  B l a n t y r e , James Monteith employed 60 "barrack c h i l d r e n " , or orphans from 8 to 12 years of age, same year, 1793, 275  and a t New Lanark i n the  of these unfortunates were employed.  In both cases, the mill-owner provided lodgings, food, c l o t h i n g , education and medical s e r v i c e s f o r these pauper c h i l d r e n , and they seem, i n g e n e r a l , t o have been q u i t e w e l l cared f o r by the standards of the time.* " 1  For t h e i r attempts to a l l e v i a t e the p l i g h t of widows, orphans and emigrant Highlanders, Dale and other mill-owners have b u i l t up a r e p u t a t i o n as p h i l a n t h r o p i s t s which i s not altogether undeserved.  But although they may have been  motivated to some extent by a genuine d e s i r e to help people whose p o s i t i o n i n l i f e was more precarious than t h e i r  own,  t h e i r philanthropy seems, on the whole, to have been based on sound economic motives i n keeping with t h e i r r e p u t a t i o n as leading businessmen - the need to ensure a r e t u r n on t h e i r investments i n cotton m i l l s and machinery by maintaining an adequate s t a f f to c a r r y out the production processes. 1. 2. 3. 4.  Their  Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, XV, 41. I b i d . , I I , 217. I b i d . , XV, 37. At New Lanark, they were lodged i n that part of the u n f i n i s h e d , unequipped f o u r t h m i l l which was not being used as a tradesmen's workshop or a raw-cotton s t o r e ; I b i d . , XV, 39. But t h e i r d i e t of potatoes and meat or f i s h or cheese compared favourably with the normal orphanage d i e t : T. Ferguson, The Dawn of S c o t t i s h S o c i a l Welfare, Edinburgh 1948, 35, 9%~. " "~ r  paternalism towards the labour forces employed i n t h e i r m i l l s , t h e i r p r o v i s i o n of housing, medical s e r v i c e s and educational and r e l i g i o u s f a c i l i t i e s f o r t h e i r workers, was i n s p i r e d by a very r e a l need t o a t t r a c t labour t o t h e i r m i l l s and, as f a r as p o s s i b l e , t o keep i t there. By the t h i r d decade of the nineteenth century, the problem of supplying a labour f o r c e appropriate t o the cotton i n d u s t r y ' s requirements appears t o have been solved, indeed there seems t o have been a surplus of s k i l l e d labour by 1833. Henry Houldsworth, the p r o p r i e t o r of two m i l l s i n Glasgow submitted i n evidence t o the Select'Committee on Manufactures:, Commerce and Shipping of 1833 that the cotton spinners' a s s o c i a t i o n i n Glasgow feared that the labour market was becoming "overstocked with hands" and was engaged.in the promotion of an emigration scheme by which about one eighth of the t o t a l number of cotton-spinners i n Glasgow had gone t o New Tork between 1830 and 1833, having had t h e i r own and t h e i r f a m i l i e s ' f a r e s paid by the union which a l s o provided a cash-grant of £6 t o £20 per f a m i l y on a r r i v a l i n America..  1  This s u p e r f l u i t y of s k i l l e d labour may have been purely temporary, t h e r e s u l t of the depression through which the cotton trade was passing between 1830 and 1833,  coupled with  an i n f l u x of I r i s h labour i n t o the south-west of Scotland and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of improved techniques i n cotton-spinning 1.  S e l e c t Committee on Manufactures.., Commerce and Shipping 1833 Minutes of Evidence and Report, H.M.S.O., 1833 minutes 5234-54, 311-2.  85 about 1830, i n the form of the s e l f - a c t i n g mule developed by Archibald Buchanan, manager of James F i n l a y and Company's C a t r i n e m i l l , and James Smith, the same firm's manager at Deanston, between 1815 and 1830.  Of these three f a c t o r s ,  however, the two long-term ones, I r i s h immigration  and  t e c h n i c a l i n n o v a t i o n , were l i k e l y to exert a greater i n f l u e n c e on the labour market.than the purely temporary depression. The demand f o r labour a f t e r the depression was l i a b l e to be l e s s than t h a t which had preceded i t , because of i n n o v a t i o n , and the supply of labour greater than before, due to immigration. According to one account, the purpose of the i n v e n t i o n of Smith and Buchanan was to replace the male cotton-spinners, who were "the c h i e f movers i n a l l the combinations of the cotton t r a d e " , with female spinners who were more amenable to d i s c i p l i n e , thereby breaking the power of the Cotton A s s o c i a t i o n i n F i n l a y ' s mills.' ' 1  Spinners  But the e f f e c t s of i t s  i n t r o d u c t i o n were t o be more f a r - r e a c h i n g than t h a t , as the p a r i s h account of B a l f r o n , S t i r l i n g s h i r e , where the company's B a l l i n d a l l o c h m i l l was s i t u a t e d , showed:"Two hundred and f i f t y - e i g h t hands or thereby, and these c h i e f l y females, are no employed at the works... O r i g i n a l l y , there were employed at t h i s m i l l 400 persons, young and o l d . The d i f f e r e n c e i n point of numbers can be r e a d i l y accounted f o r , by the improvements introduced i n t o machinery. For example, i n 1792, there were i n what i s termed a "pass", four men, each having two p i e c e r s , that i s t o say twelve persons in a l l . Now, one woman spins i n one pass with 1.  New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, X, 1237, R e f e r r i n g to Deanston Mills.  86 the assistance of three piecers, that i s four persons i n a l l do what the twelve o r i g i n a l l y d i d . In point of numbers, the reduction w i l l be greater s t i l l , i f the s e l f - a c t i n g jennies (sic) are as successful as they promise i n the meantime to be. One woman by h e r s e l f , with one of these i s able to spin as much as four with the jennies i n common use." This continuous process of developing labour-saving  1  techniques  which had begun with Hargreaves' work i n the 1760's and even e a r l i e r with Wyatt and Paul, may have been the factor which caused the fears of redundancy among the spinners i n 1830 after.  and  C e r t a i n l y i n 1833, William Graham of Glasgow had  t r i e d to blackmail his spinners into accepting lower wage-rates by threatening to bring i n the s e l f - a c t i n g mules to replace them.  They were not i n c l i n e d to accept, so the mules were p  ordered and the spinners' jobs placed i n jeopardy. That the apparent overabundance of labour i n the t h i r t i e s was not based on native resources, but rather on I r i s h immigration, may be seen i n the evidence of Scottish mill-proprietors examined by the Select Committee of Houldsworth submitted that "The greater proportion of the hands i n the m i l l s of Glasgow are either I r i s h themselves or of I r i s h parents, born i n Scotland".  1833.  3  Indeed the tendency among S c o t t i s h labour seems to have been much the same i n 1833 1. 2. 3.  as i t had been i n 1790 - unwillingness  Ibid., VIII, 293-^4. Account dated 1834. Select Committee of 1833, minute 5241, 324. Ibid., min. 5255, 312.  to go into the m i l l s . . Of h i s own m i l l s , Houldsworth observed that "we  can scarcely get a Scotchman f o r a porter or a  watchman","'" and that, as far as a l l the m i l l s i n Glasgow were concerned, "there would not have been Scotch hands s u f f i c i e n t to have supplied our manufactories".  2  He may have experienced rather more d i f f i c u l t y than other proprietors i n a t t r a c t i n g Scots labour to his m i l l s , since the wages paid by Henry Houldsworth and Go. were among the lowest i n Glasgow: men  for example, the company paid 9/ld per week to  aged 21 and above, the lowest wage for that age-group i n  a l i s t of 29 m i l l s whose wages were tabulated by James Cleland i n 1831.  But Houldsworth's. assessment of the s i t u a t i o n ,  that I r i s h labour manned most of the Glasgow spinning-mills and power-weaving f a c t o r i e s , was generous, p r o p r i e t o r s T h e  supported by other, more  I r i s h i n Glasgow i n  1831  numbered 35,554 out of a t o t a l population of 202,426 i n the c i t y , the Barony and Gorbals;  of these 17,165, or nearly  of the t o t a l I r i s h population, were concentrated  50%  i n the 5  Barony, where most of the Glasgow cotton-mills were situated. The I r i s h i n f l u x had begun i n 1796, the linen-producing  with 7,000 people from  county of Armagh, and had continued  and  increased i n subsequent years as a r e s u l t of the unsettled 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.  I b i d . , min. 5233, 311. I b i d . , min. 5257, 312. Cleland Enumeration of 1831. 291. E.g. William Graham, Select Committee of 1833, min. 5520-22, 329. Cleland, o p . c i t . , 211. Cleland's figures given here apply only to those born i n Ireland.  p o l i t i c a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s of I r e l a n d , where the abortive r i s i n g s of 1798 and 1303, coupled with the d e c l i n e of the U l s t e r l i n e n and woollen i n d u s t r i e s , had put the i n h a b i t a n t s i n a s i t u a t i o n s i m i l a r t o that of the Highlanders i n the l a s t h a l f of the eighteenth c e n t u r y .  1  The I r i s h , i n  f a c t , replaced the Highland immigrants of e a r l i e r years, on whom the pressure t o emigrate had eased as a r e s u l t of -the temporary b e n e f i t s bestowed on the Highland economy by the Napoleonic Wars which had increased the demand f o r Highland 2 kelp and c a t t l e . Weaving was not beset by the same problems of labour shortage as s p i n n i n g even i n the e a r l i e s t stages of the c o t t o n industry's development because the process o f weaving f i n e cotton yarn was no d i f f e r e n t from t h a t of weaving f i n e l i n e n or silk.  The existence i n Glasgow and P a i s l e y of concentrations  of weavers who were accustomed t o working with f i n e yarns provided the cotton i n d u s t r y with a ready, and ample, supply of s k i l l e d labour.  Indeed, i t appears t h a t there was more  than enough labour a v a i l a b l e i n some sections of the weaving trade,  1  as e a r l y as 1787:  Bremner a s c r i b e s the a b o r t i v e  P a i s l e y weavers' s t r i k e of that year, which was occasioned by 1. 2. 3.  J.E. Handley, The I r i s h i n Scotland. Glasgow 1964. 52-3. M. Gray, o p . c i t . , 107-151. I t i s necessary t o d i s t i n g u i s h between weavers of p l a i n goods and weavers of fancy goods. For the l a t t e r , the d e c l i n e i n wages s t a r t e d l a t e r and was l e s s marked, p a r t l y because i t r e q u i r e d s p e c i a l s k i l l s and so was l e s s open t o i n f i l t r a t i o n by immigrant labour, p a r t l y because the power-loom was not adapted t o t h i s type of work by 1835. Baines, H i s t o r y of the Cotton Manufacture 435.  89 an attempt  on the p a r t of the master-weavers to reduce  the  p r i c e s of c e r t a i n types of work, t o the f a c t t h a t "a redundancy of hands had entered the t r a d e " j  1  and i t was  observed t h a t  although the number of c o t t o n m i l l s i n and around Glasgow had i n c r e a s e d r a p i d l y i n the t e n years p r e c e d i n g  1792,  /  "yet they are unable t o s u p p l y the necessary q u a n t i t y of yarn r e q u i r e d by the i n c r e a s e d manufactures, as a c o n s i d e r a b l e q u a n t i t y i s s t i l l d a i l y brought from England. In the p e r i o d between 1795  and 1830,  handloom weavers s t e a d i l y worsened.  ~  the p o s i t i o n of the  Esilman c a l c u l a t e d t h a t  f o r every s h i l l i n g a weaver earned on a g i v e n p i e c e of work i n 1792,  he earned four-pence i n 1823,  "manufacturers"  a f t e r which p r i c e s p a i d by  continued t o d e c l i n e .  been noted, began i n Glasgow i n 1787,  The p r o c e s s , as has and Baines estimated t h a t  the process of d e c l i n e speeded up throughout B r i t a i n a f t e r the reopening of war with France i n 1803.^"  While a d m i t t i n g t h a t  the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the power-loom i n 'the years f o l l o w i n g the t u r n of the century may  have been a f a c t o r i n the d e c l i n e i n  wages, which i n undoubtedly  was  i n some cases, Baines  lays  most of the blame f o r the weavers' d i s t r e s s on the f a c t t h a t a s u r p l u s of hands was b u i l d i n g up i n the t r a d e throughout p e r i o d because i t was  so easy to l e a r n .  C h i l d r e n aged between  10 and 12 were capable of working a passable web, 1. 2.  3. 4.  the  and  so  Bremner, I n d u s t r i e s of S c o t l a n d , 2 8 3 - 4 . Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V, 502. T h i s tends to support Bremner, and t o i n d i c a t e t h a t the p o s i t i o n had not improved by the outbreak of the French War i n 1793. The long wartime d e p r e s s i o n , 1 7 9 3 - 9 9 , must have made the p o s i t i o n worse. E s i l m a n , Comprehensive View, 2 4 . Baines, Cotton Manufacture, 4 9 2 .  -weavers' f a m i l i e s were g e n e r a l l y "bred t o the loom";  this i n  i t s e l f would have produced a s u f f i c i e n c y of hands, but i n a d d i t i o n t o these n a t i v e sources of labour, the market was flooded with d i s p l a c e d I r i s h weavers from U l s t e r , which f a c t o r operated to f o r c e wages down even f u r t h e r .  This f a c t o r may  very w e l l have operated i n the Glasgow area, where, according to S i r Thomas Munro, there were 25,000 I r i s h weavers i n 1825,  1  who came a f t e r 1796 t o s w e l l the ranks of'the n a t i v e weavers of Lanarkshire, Renfrewshire, and e s p e c i a l l y A y r s h i r e , in° which parts of Ardrossan and G i r v a n , two of the main I r i s h p a c k e t - s t a t i o n s , were s i t u a t e d .  II Working conditions i n the m i l l s were the subject of considerable comment throughout the period from the foundation of the f i r s t m i l l s , from 1779 onwards, u n t i l w e l l i n t o the nineteenth century.  They were a l s o the object of a c e r t a i n  amount of a t t e n t i o n on the part of Parliament, which r e s u l t e d i n the passing of l e g i s l a t i o n t o govern the hours and conditions of work imposed on the labour f o r c e , e s p e c i a l l y on c h i l d r e n , between 1802 and 1833, most of i t d i r e c t e d s p e c i f i c a l l y at cotton-mills.  Peel's Act of 1802 p r o h i b i t e d  the employment of " b a r r a c k - c h i l d r e n " , or apprentices f o r 1.  S i r Thomas Munro, L e t t e r t o Kirkman F i n l a y , 15th August, 1825, quoted i n C l e l a n d , Enumeration of 1831, 271.  „more than ten hours per day, i t s operation being confined to cotton-mills.  Another Act sponsored by Peel, an emasculated  version of a b i l l o r i g i n a l l y introduced through the influence of Robert Owen, was passed i n 1819,  by which no children under  nine years of age were to be employed i n cotton m i l l s , and the hours worked by children aged between 9 and 16 were limited to 12 per day.  This was reinforced i n 1831 by the passing of a  b i l l sponsored by S i r John Hobhouse which extended the twelve-hour day, 69 hour week, to a l l employees under 18 years of age.  Hobhouse had aimed at reducing the hours to 11J per  day and had intended that h i s b i l l should cover other f a c t o r i e s besides cotton m i l l s , but he f a i l e d to achieve either of these objects. Hobhouse's Act however, was  One important  a f t e r - e f f e c t of  that a Royal Commission was set  up to investigate the actual observance of the Act by m i l l proprietors , and a series of inspections of m i l l s was out by the D i s t r i c t Factory Commissioners.  carried  As a r e s u l t of  the Factory Commission's investigations and report i n 1832, further Act was  passed by the Peel administration of  a  1833  which, while not a l t e r i n g the hours of work l a i d down by the Hobhouse Act, extended the 69-hour week to a l l workers i n a l l types of t e x t i l e m i l l and, most important, set up a permanent inspectorate to ensure that the terms of the Act were observed and to report back regularly to the Home Office about hours and c o n d i t i o n s . "1.  1  This step meant that the terms of any  For a contemporary discussion of factory l e g i s l a t i o n as i t affected cotton m i l l s , see Baines, Cotton Manufacture, 4779. A d e t a i l e d , modern, left-wing account of the operation of the acts i n Scotland i s i n T. Johnston, History of the Working Classes i n Scotland, Glasgow 1929, 321-7.  92 f a c t o r y l e g i s l a t i o n could no longer be avoided with impunity by employers, as had only too often been the case i n the past, and that the main b a r r i e r to e f f e c t i v e l e g i s l a t i v e c o n t r o l , that of enforcement, was overcome f o r the f i r s t time. Because of the composition of the l a b o u r - f o r c e , any l i m i t a t i o n on the working hours of c h i l d r e n became e f f e c t i v e l y a l i m i t a t i o n on a l l working hours, so great was the number of c h i l d r e n engaged i n s p i n n i n g , and l a t e r i n power-weaving. At New Lanark i n 1793, c h i l d r e n aged between 6 and 17 formed 69% of the t o t a l labour f o r c e of 1,157;  1  at C a t r i n e , the  p r o p o r t i o n of c h i l d r e n employed was considerably lower, 55% of the t o t a l labour f o r c e being under 20 years of age;  by  1833, the p r o p o r t i o n was lower s t i l l - of the t o t a l labour, force employed i n the m i l l s examined by the Factory Inspector i n Glasgow, 35% were under 16 years of age, 62.5% being under 21.  Since the p i e c e r s to the cotton-spinners came w i t h i n  the 12-21 age group, the extension of the 12-hour day to a l l persons aged up t o 18 by Hobhouse's Act meant that a l l spinning was, i n theory at l e a s t , confined to the same hours, s i n c e , u n t i l the i n t r o d u c t i o n on a large s c a l e of the s e l f - a c t i n g mule c. 1833, the operation simply could not be c a r r i e d out without the a i d of p i e c e r s . The Highlanders of K i l m a r t i n , A r g y l l s h i r e , i t has been noted, considered the work i n cotton m i l l s somewhat p r e j u d i c i a l 1. 2. 3.  Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, XV, 36-7. I b i d . , XX, 176-7. Factory Enquiry Commission, Supplementary Report, part 1, H.M.S.O. 1834, 33.  93  _ to h e a l t h , and t h i s point was one which generated considerable dispute among commentators i n the period under d i s c u s s i o n . The m i n i s t e r of Doune P a r i s h , P e r t h s h i r e , observed i n the Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account of Deanston m i l l t h a t , "The confinement of so many people i n one house rendered the a i r they breathed very impure; the heat necessary i n preparing the cotton kept the workmen c o n s t a n t l y i n a sweat... the noise of the machinery rendered them soon deaf; and the f l y i n g p a r t i c l e s of c o t t o n , and constant labour of the eye i n watching the t e x t u r e of the threads, , weakened and destroyed the s i g h t " . This and s i m i l a r judgments from other ministers i n whose parishes cotton m i l l s were s i t u a t e d , l e d S i r John S i n c l a i r i n h i s a n a l y s i s of the account to conclude that f a c t o r y - l a b o u r was uniformly unhealthy.  "Eager a p p l i c a t i o n , scanty food and  want of proper e x e r c i s e " , he wrote of factory-hands, "enfeebles the c o n s t i t u t i o n , produces nervous d i s o r d e r s and b r i n g s on various i n f i r m i t i e s which render t h e i r l i v e s uncomfortable and hurry them on t o a premature o l d age".  2  From the Reports of the Factory Commissioners 3 1832-34,  of  «  i t i s apparent that the conditions condemned by  S i r John S i n c l a i r and many of h i s correspondents s t i l l e x i s t e d i n the e a r l y t h i r t i e s .  The temperature i n some m i l l s  was  kept as high as 136°F, and i n many the atmosphere remained 4  clogged with f i n e p a r t i c l e s of cotton dust, e s p e c i a l l y i n 1. 2. 3. 4.  Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, XX, 88. S i r John S i n c l a i r , A n a l y s i s of the S t a t i s t i c a l Account of Scotland Edinburgh 1825, 325. " "~ ~~ F a c t o r y Inquiry Commission 1832, 1st and 2nd Reports H.M.S.O. 1833, Supplementary Reports, p a r t s 1 and 11, 1834. I b i d . , 1st and 2nd Reports, Examination by D i s t r i c t Commissioners, Northern Region, Sect. A.2, 80.  -those i n which p o o r - q u a l i t y cotton was being processed. Messrs. Mackintosh and S t u a r t , D i s t r i c t Commissioners charged with i n s p e c t i n g S c o t t i s h m i l l s i n 1833, commented that such c o n d i t i o n s apparently a f f e c t e d the h e a l t h of o p e r a t i v e s , 2  e s p e c i a l l y the r e s p i r a t o r y system,  and t h i s may account f o r  the high incidence of consumption, p h t h i s i s and t u b e r c u l o s i s among the population of Glasgow around the middle of the 3  nineteenth century.  Although no cases of p h y s i c a l  d i s t o r t i o n as a r e s u l t of labour i n cotton m i l l s were reported, and no cases of blindness or deafness such as the m i n i s t e r of Doune a t t r i b u t e d to the work, many of the workers interviewed complained of swollen ankles and leg-pains as a r e s u l t of long hours standing at machinery, and i n many m i l l s accidents i n v o l v i n g machinery which u s u a l l y r e s u l t e d i n some degree of m u t i l a t i o n , were not infrequent - indeed, the l o s s of a. f i n g e r appears t o have been something of an accepted occupational hazard f o r workers i n power-weaving mills.  S a n i t a r y arrangements were often u n s a t i s f a c t o r y , and  i n the case of James Oswald and Company's m i l l i n Glasgow, were s a i d to contribute to the prevalence of fevers among the workers As the Commissioners no doubt r e a l i z e d , conditions i n a l l m i l l s were not a l i k e , and to balance the p i c t u r e of  '  unhealthiness and squalor presented by the c r i t i c s of f a c t o r y 1. I b i d . , A.2, 84. 2. I b i d . , A.2, 84: A . l , 88. 3. T. Ferguson. The Dawn of S c o t t i s h S o c i a l Welfare, Edinburgh 1949, 74-5. 4. Factory Commission 1832, A . l , 81.  labour, there was no lack of support f o r the f a c t o r y system. S i r John S i n c l a i r apparently ignored evidence which c o n f l i c t e d with h i s own viewpoint, but even h i s S t a t i s t i c a l Account contains statements from p o s s i b l y d i s i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s which tend t o i n d i c a t e that a l l was not q u i t e as bad as he tended to believe.  The m i n i s t e r of Catrine p a r i s h , f o r i n s t a n c e ,  observed t h a t , " I t i s but j u s t i c e t o add, that both old and young enjoy uniformly good h e a l t h . The d i f f e r e n t apartments are kept as clean and f r e e of dust as p o s s i b l e ; and s t a t e d that hours are allowed f o r amusement and e x e r c i s e . The w r i t e r of t h i s report...has met with fewer diseases of any kind than might reasonably have been expected among the same number of people, engaged i n any other employment." And i n i t s f i r s t report the Factory Commission of 1832 s i n g l e d out three S c o t t i s h m i l l s f o r s p e c i a l mention because of the e x c e l l e n t conditions which p r e v a i l e d i n them and because of the general appearance of good h e a l t h manifested by t h e i r 2 operatives. Although t h e i r examples of a l l that was worst i n c o t t o n - m i l l s conditions were a l s o very l a r g e l y drawn from 3  Scotland,  even they i n no way compared with the a p p a l l i n g  conditions which p r e v a i l e d i n some of the f l a x - s p i n n i n g m i l l s of F i f e and Angus.  4  Working conditions were, i n f a c t , dependent on the a t t i t u d e of i n d i v i d u a l mill-managers and p r o p r i e t o r s t o t h e i r workers.  I n the three m i l l s s e t up by the Factory Commission  1. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, XX, 177. 2. Factory Commission 1832, 1st Report, 16-18. 3. I b i d . , 1 s t Report, 18-20. 4. I b i d . Examinations, A . l , 61 No. XXVI, Finhaven f l a x - m i l l s were among the worst. T  -as examples of the best i n the country, New Lanark, Deanston and Bannerman's of Aberdeen, the p r o p r i e t o r s had taken care to ensure that the f l a t s were kept clean and w e l l - v e n t i l a t e d , that the rooms were spacious and w e l l - l i t , that the machinery was "fenced" t o avoid i n j u r y t o worker-and that s a n i t a r y arrangements were adequate f o r the numbers and kept i n good repair.  1  The d i f f e r e n c e i n a t t i t u d e s between one management  and another can be i l l u s t r a t e d i n the case of Deanston m i l l s ; the c o n d i t i o n s of which the m i n i s t e r of Doune . complained were those which p r e v a i l e d when the m i l l s were owned and managed by John Buchanan of Carston, the founder; when, i n 1793, the works passed i n t o the hand of Benjamin Flounders, an E n g l i s h Quaker, the m i n i s t e r of Doune observed that h i s "laudable conduct" "has, however, wrought a very great reformation of these abuses, and i n a great measure provided remedies t o the e v i l s mentioned above."  2  •The p r o p r i e t o r s and managers of those m i l l s i n which conditions were condemned by the Commission appear to have been unaware of what went on i n t h e i r works, and to have cared l i t t l e about i t , e i t h e r because they were i n t e r e s t e d only i n the commercial side of the business, and consequently were seldom a c t u a l l y i n the works, or because they r e l i e d f o r t h e i r knowledge of conditions on the "shop-floor" on reports from foremen and overseers, who were anxious t o present things i n the most  1. 2.  Factory Commission 1832, 1st Report, 16-18. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, XX, 89.  .favourable p o s s i b l e l i g h t . L i t t l e i n f o r m a t i o n i s a v a i l a b l e a t present on the wages paid t o c o t t o n f a c t o r y - w o r k e r s .  I t has been seen t h a t , i n the  e a r l y years of the i n d u s t r y ' s growth, these tended t o be h i g h e r than i n other occupations 2 labour t o the m i l l s  :  but wages seem t o have v a r i e d c o n s i d e r a b l y  from one m i l l t o another, the same m i l l .  because o f the need t o a t t r a c t  and even from worker to worker w i t h i n  Thus, a t Deanston i n 1794, although  some hands  could earn 2 guineas per week, n e t t weekly wages depended on  3 the q u a l i t y and q u a n t i t y o f each i n d i v i d u a l ' s output.  At  about the same.time, i n a s m a l l m i l l a t Cambuslang, L a n a r k s h i r e , "an o r d i n a r y c o t t o n spinner can g a i n about 10s. a week", a 4  f a r c r y from the t o p l e v e l of wages a t Deanston. l e v e l of wages i n another  The upper  s m a l l m i l l , t h i s time a t I r v i n e i n  A y r s h i r e , was about 9 s h i l l i n g s per week - presumably p a i d t o s p i n n e r s - while the lowest-paid workers r e c e i v e d one s h i l l i n g . ^ The  l o w e s t - p a i d group i n Glasgow i n 1791, the p i c k e r s and  c l e a n e r s , were g i v e n 6 t o 8 s h i l l i n g s per week.^ s i t u a t i o n a p p a r e n t l y p r e v a i l e d i n 1831.  The same  At t h a t time, the  29 Glasgow-owned m i l l s from which C l e l a n d r e c e i v e d wage-returns p a i d wages v a r y i n g from 9 t o 35 s h i l l i n g s per week t o men i n the over-21 age-group, with s i m i l a r v a r i a t i o n s f o r other 1. E.g. Stewart's of Johnstone, F a c t o r y Commission 1832 Examinations, A.2, 83-4. Oswald's of Glasgow I b i d . , A . l , 80-81. 2. See above, 73. 3. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, XX 87. 4. I b i d . . V, 259. 5. I b i d . , V I I , 174. 6. I b i d . , V, 505-6. 7. See Appendix, t a b l e IV.  9a vage-groups. A number of f a c t o r s contributed to t h i s s i t u a t i o n . general prevalence  of the piece-work system was one:  meant t h a t , as at Deanston i n 1794,  The  this  a worker's nett weekly  earnings depended on the q u a n t i t y of h i s output.  The q u a l i t y  of h i s output, again as at Deanston, could a l s o a f f e c t h i s n e t t weekly earnings:  i f a spinner's yarn d i d not reach  required standard of q u a l i t y he could be f i n e d ; i f he was  the  alternatively,  spinning a coarse yarn, say number 40, the r a t e of  pay per piece would be lower than f o r a f i n e yarn, say number 150, which r e q u i r e d more care and s k i l l .  1  The type of  machinery used could a l s o a f f e c t nett wages:  coarse-yarn  spinners i n Glasgow i n 16*35 were paid at d i f f e r e n t rates f o r working mules of ISO and 300 s p i n d l e s .  Local f a c t o r s such  as the a v a i l a b i l i t y of labour i n a given d i s t r i c t could r a i s e or depress wage-rates i n d i f f e r e n t m i l l s : m i l l i n a s p a r s e l y populated  Deanston, a large  p a r i s h , may have been forced by  t h i s f a c t o r to o f f e r higher rates than the small m i l l at I r v i n e , a f a i r l y l a r g e town and one of the ports of entry f o r immigrants from I r e l a n d . The l a c k of m a t e r i a l f o r the years between the p u b l i c a t i o n of the Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account and of the Factory Commission and other reports of the 1630's makes i t d i f f i c u l t to comment on the movement of wages.  One  commentator,  C l e l a n d , postulated a high degree of w a g e - s t a b i l i t y , at l e a s t 1. 2.  Baines, Cotton Manufacture, 442. Loc.cit.  99 after 1810.  In a report on wages in Glasgow mills published  in 1833, he said, "The wages of cotton spinners did not vary much i n the 10 years preceding 1820, and very l i t t l e since that period" . Other evidence suggests that, in fact, wages fluctuated considerably with the state of the market for cotton goods. Wages in Manchester almost certainly did this:  the average  nett weekly wage of Manchester spinners, for example, f e l l from 42/6 in 1810, when the South American boom was at i t s height, to 18/- in 1811, after the boom had collapsed. his  In  evidence to the 1833 Select Committee, Houldsworth stated  that spinners in Glasgow had their wage-rates cut by 15-20% during the depression that followed the end of the Napoleonic 3  war.  Graham attempted to cut his spinners wages in 1833,  has been noted.^  as  Indeed, i t is inconceivable that an industry  which suffered such severe trade fluctuations as the Scottish cotton industry should have enjoyed a high degree of wage-stability as suggested by Cleland.  As Adam Smith  pointed out in 1776, the masters in every industry were in 5  permanent combination, tacit or open, to reduce wages.  It  seems most unlikely that, at a time when profit margins were declining, they did not do so.  In fact, the violent trade  union activity conducted by the cotton-spinners in Glasgow 1. Tables of Revenue, Commerce, etc., quoted by Baines, Cotton Manufacture, 442. 2. Ibid., 438. 3. Select Committee of 1833, min. 5198, 309. 4. See above, 86. 5. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, I, 75.  a f t e r 1816 suggests that the masters t r i e d hard to cut t h e i r wage c o s t s .  1  Information i s more r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e on the wages of handloom weavers, probably because almost every p a r i s h i n c e n t r a l Scotland had i t s community of weavers e i t h e r engaged i n l o c a l work or working f o r the "manufacturers" of the main t e x t i l e centres, and because the d e c l i n e of wages i n handloom weaving with the d i s t r e s s which accompanied i t was a notable t o p i c of contemporary comment.  Weavers i n Glasgow i n 1791  earned between 12 and 20 s h i l l i n g s per week depending on the 2 q u a l i t y of work they undertook. An i n d u s t r i o u s weaver i n P a i s l e y a t the same time could earn between 25 and 30 3  s h i l l i n g s per week, probably because the f i n e s t work i n the country was undertaken by weavers i n P a i s l e y and d i s t r i c t . In the Barony of Glasgow, where the l a r g e s t s i n g l e concentration of handloom weavers was s i t u a t e d , t h e i r wages ranged from 10 t o 20 s h i l l i n g s per week, again depending on the q u a l i t y of the work done.  4  By 1833, however, the handloom weavers' wages  were very much below the l e v e l of the seventeen-nineties: average n e t t wages f o r weavers of p l a i n goods had f a l l e n to between 4/6 and 5/6 per week, while weavers of fancy goods then earned about 8 s h i l l i n g s per week. The d e c l i n e appears 1. See below, 107. Smith a l s o pointed out t h a t v i o l e n t unionism was the workman's only answer to the masters' combination; Smith, o p . c i t . , I , 75. 2. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V, 5O5. 3. I b i d . , V I I 90. 4 . I b i d . , X I I , 117, note. 5. Baines, o p . c i t . , 487 based on evidence from Glasgow manufacturers to S e l e c t Committee on Handloom Weavers 1834. ,  t o have begun very e a r l y i n the period of the cotton i n d u s t r y ' s development, i n 176*7, but i t d i d not immediately a f f e c t a l l weavers.  With the passage of time, however, more and more  weavers were a f f e c t e d , f o r a v a r i e t y of reasons, u n t i l i n Esilman could say t h a t , i n general, weavers' earnings on  1623 any  given piece of work i n t h a t year were but one t h i r d of the wages paid f o r the same piece of work i n 1792.  1  The d e c l i n e  does not appear to have been a constant one, judging from information a v a i l a b l e on handloom weavers' wages i n Glasgow 2  between 1810 trade;  and 1831,  probably because of f l u c t u a t i o n s i n  but the o v e r a l l trend was downward, and the o v e r a l l  e f f e c t on the weavers was to take them from a p o s i t i o n of modest p r o s p e r i t y t o one of r e a l poverty. Contemporary opinion i s d i v i d e d as to the causes of the decline. The New S t a t i s t i c a l Account of Glasgow s t a t e s that "The extension of the use of the powerloom has f o r the l a s t twenty years borne hard upon the power hand-loom weavers, who have long s u f f e r e d ^ from low wages with exemplary patience". Baines, however, discounts the i n f l u e n c e of the power-loom, on the basis of evidence presented 1834  to the S e l e c t Committee of  on D i s t r e s s among Handloom Weavers by W i l l i a m Kingan, a.  Glasgow w e a v i n g - m a s t e r K i n g a n pointed out t h a t the power loom was used i n Scotland f o r a completely new type of f a b r i c , heavy cambrics and p r i n t i n g c l o t h s , which had not been woven 1. 2. 3. 4.  See above, Sect. 1,89. Baines, o p . c i t . , 488, See Appendix, t a b l e I I I . New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, VI, 154. Baines, o p . c i t . , 498-9.  -in Scotland before by handloom weavers.  The r e a l reason f o r  the d e c l i n e i n handloom weavers' wages, according to Baines, was t h a t the trade was so easy to l e a r n that there were simply too many people i n i t .  1  In coming to t h i s c o n c l u s i o n , Baines  seems to be underestimating the c o n t r i b u t i o n of the power-loom which was c o n t i n u a l l y being adapted to new uses:  without  doubting the accuracy of Kingan's evidence as regards the i n i t i a l use of the machine, i t i s u n r e a l i s t i c to assume, as Baines seems to do, that i t was not t a k i n g over other types of weaving i n the time between i t s i n t r o d u c t i o n i n t o the S c o t t i s h cotton i n d u s t r y i n 1792 and the time of Kingan's 1834.  evidence,  In f a c t , i t appears to have been developed to such a  point by 1835 t h a t i t was capable of weaving most p l a i n f a b r i c s , even the f i n e s t muslins, and was threatening the l i v e l i h o o d of even the e l i t e group of h i g h l y - s k i l l e d weavers 2 of fancy f i g u r e d p a t t e r n s .  Baines' assessment of the  s i t u a t i o n may be r i g h t i n so f a r as the f a c t o r of the root of the handloom weavers' t r o u b l e s was the overabundance of labour, c e r t a i n l y the downward s p i r a l of wages appears to have begun before the power-loom could exert much i n f l u e n c e : but the i n c r e a s i n g r a p i d i t y with which wages d e c l i n e d , by 33% between 1795 and 1806 and by almost 60% between 1806 and 1817 3  i n Bolton,  may w e l l have been the r e s u l t of i n c r e a s i n g  competition from the power-loom. 1. 2. 3.  Some handloom weavers, i t  I b i d . , 500. See above, Sect. I , 5*9-90. New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V I , 153 (Glasgow). Baines, o p . c i t . , 489.  is  t r u e , m i g h t not have s u f f e r e d q u i t e so b a d l y from the  in  wages as m o s t c o m m e n t a t o r s c l a i m .  Those w i t h f a m i l i e s  c o u l d f i n d employment f o r t h e i r w i v e s and  c h i l d r e n i n the  s p i n n i n g m i l l s , o r e v e n t h e p o w e r - w e a v i n g m i l l s , and maintain provide  decline  so  the f a m i l y ' s t o t a l income a t a l e v e l s u f f i c i e n t a tolerable livelihood.  i n c o m e was  to  T h o s e w e a v e r s whose f a m i l y  d e r i v e d s o l e l y f r o m t h e h a n d l o o m , on t h e  hand, could b a r e l y reach  an i n c o m e - l e v e l  the n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e ,  and  other  s u f f i c i e n t to  t h e y were i n t h e  supply  majority.  1  Ill It  had  been r e c o g n i z e d  f o r some t i m e b e f o r e  i n t r o d u c t i o n of l a r g e - s c a l e u n i t s of p r o d u c t i o n i n d u s t r y - and  indeed  before  t h e i n t e r e s t s o f c a p i t a l and Adam S m i t h , i n 1776, b e t w e e n t h e two  had  the  i n the  cotton  the i n d u s t r y ' s foundation labour d i d not  n e a t l y summed up  i n t h e s t a t e m e n t t h a t "The  -  that  coincide.  the d i f f e r e n c e s workmen d e s i r e  to  o  g e t as much, t h e m a s t e r s t o g i v e as l i t t l e E a c h p a r t y , he ' c o n t i n u e d , its  i n t e r e s t s and  formed i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n s to f u r t h e r  t o r e s i s t those of the o t h e r .  s i t u a t i o n o f w h i c h S m i t h was 1.  2.  as p o s s i b l e " .  In  w r i t i n g , when i n d u s t r y  the was  O n l y a f e w o f t h e h a n d l o o m w e a v e r s i n t e r v i e w e d by S t u a r t and M a c k i n t o s h i n t h e S c o t t i s h a r e a f o r t h e F a c t o r y C o m m i s s i o n i n 1833 had f a m i l i e s who w o r k e d i n t h e m i l l s . Many o f them w o u l d n o t h e a r o f s u c h a t h i n g ; s e e , e.g., F a c t o r y C o m m i s s i o n , 1832, E x a m i n a t i o n s , A.2,.82, n o s . 5 and 6. Wages i n p o w e r - w e a v i n g m i l l s were on much t h e same l e v e l as i n s p i n n i n g ; see A p p e n d i x , t a b l e IV. S m i t h , The W e a l t h o f N a t i o n s , I , 74.  104 organized i n s m a l l domestic u n i t s of production, the masters had a l l the advantages.  They were fewer i n number than t h e i r  workers, and g e n e r a l l y gathered i n the commercial c e n t r e s , which made e f f e c t i v e combinations easy t o form.  The workers,  i n t h e i r d i s p e r s e d domestic u n i t s , were d i f f i c u l t to organize effectively.  The economic resources of the masters were  greater than those of the workers, and consequently t h e i r a b i l i t y to conduct a prolonged struggle was g r e a t e r .  The  masters were not hampered by the forces of law and order i n forming t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n s , the workers were.  1  As a r e s u l t ,  the masters seldom, i f ever, l o s t a d i s p u t e . The development of l a r g e - s c a l e u n i t s of production i n the cotton i n d u s t r y o f f s e t some of the masters' advantages. F a c t o r y labour, concentrated i n the new u n i t s , was much easier to organize than domestic labour, e s p e c i a l l y f o r a c t i o n against individual capitalists.  The high wages paid i n many of the  f a c t o r i e s a l s o tended t o increase the workers' a b i l i t y to f i g h t prolonged a c t i o n s .  But factory-labour i n the cotton  i n d u s t r y was not organized very q u i c k l y ;  the f i r s t recorded  jspinners' combination d i d not come i n t o existence u n t i l 1.  Simple combination was not an offence i n Scots law. But, as Smith s a i d , the workers often resorted to v i o l e n c e to b r i n g a, d i s p u t e t o a speedy conclusion: the v i o l e n c e was indictable. Scots judges, anxious t o preserve the separate i d e n t i t y of the S c o t t i s h l e g a l system never a p p l i e d the Combination Acts of 1799-1800, which d i d not conform to S c o t t i s h precedents and l e g a l phraseology; but a. r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of e x i s t i n g law i n 1813, a f t e r the Glasgow weavers' s t r i k e , made combination an offence i f i t were proved to i n v o l v e conspiracy, e i t h e r to commit violence or i n r e s t r a i n t of t r a d e . For the l e g a l p o s i t i o n , see J.L. Gray "The Law of Combination i n Scotland " Economica v o l . V I I I , 1928, 332-50.. T  1806.  I t remained a r a t h e r weak body u n t i l 1810, a f t e r which  i t embarked on a wave of m i l i t a n t a c t i o n which l a s t e d w e l l 2 i n t o the 1830' s.  By that time, i t was the most powerful  t e x t i l e - w o r k e r s ' o r g a n i z a t i o n i n B r i t a i n , and was opposed to the  most powerful masters' combination i n B r i t a i n , the Glasgow 3  master cotton-spinners' a s s o c i a t i o n . The f i r s t labour combinations i n the i n d u s t r y were formed by the handloom weavers, and they s u f f e r e d the f a t e which Smith had f o r e t o l d , ending " i n nothing, but the punishment and r u i n of the r i n g l e a d e r s " . ^  I n 1787, the  weavers of P a i s l e y combined t o r e s i s t an attempt by the masters t o reduce the wage-rates f o r c e r t a i n types of work. The combination organized a s t r i k e , during which webs woven a t the  new rates were burned and d i s s e n t i n g weavers molested.  This brought i n the m i l i t i a , who f i r e d on a group of weavers, k i l l i n g a few and wounding many.  The i n t e r v e n t i o n of the  a u t h o r i t i e s put an end t o the s t r i k e . The weavers accepted the new rates and the leaders of the combination were 5 imprisoned. In 1812, the weavers t r i e d again t o r e s i s t wage r e d u c t i o n s , which were becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y common i n handloom weaving by that time.  At f i r s t they sought l e g a l  redress f o r t h e i r grievances, and managed t o secure a d e c i s i o n 1. Bremner, I n d u s t r i e s of Scotland, 284. 2. S.J. Chapman, The Lancashire Cotton Industry, Manchester 1904, 193; Bremner, o p . c i t . , 284. 3. I b i d . , 207. 4. Smith, Wealth of Nations, I , 76. 5. For a d e s c r i p t i o n of the s t r i k e , see Bremner, I n d u s t r i e s Scotland, 283.  i n t h e i r favour from the Court of Session i n Edinburgh, which empowered the l o c a l magistrates to a r b i t r a t e i n wage-disputes and f i x wages i n t h e i r areas.  But the magistrates  sympathized with the masters - i n many cases they were the masters anyway - and d i d not make use of t h e i r powers. 1  The weavers' union, a c c o r d i n g l y , c a l l e d a s t r i k e , which involved 40,000 weavers a l l over Scotland and even i n C a r l i s l e i n the north of England. ;  The s t r i k e was peaceably conducted  and l a s t e d f o r s e v e r a l weeks, but the resources of the s t r i k e r s were exhausted before they gained t h e i r p o i n t . Once again the reductions had t o be accepted, and once again the s t r i k e - l e a d e r s i n Glasgow faced imprisonment, t h i s time 2 on charges of conspiracy. ' The s t r i k e of 1812-13 broke the power of the handloom weavers' union 'in the S c o t t i s h cotton i n d u s t r y .  They were  involved i n s m a l l disputes t h e r e a f t e r , such as the attempted boycott of a master-weaver  c a l l e d Hutchieson i n 1824, but  a f t e r the f a i l u r e of t h e i r great e f f o r t i h 1813 they were unable to impose the union's p o l i c i e s even w i t h i n t h e i r own 3  ranks.  But at the time when the weavers were making t h e i r  l a s t - d i t c h attempt to h a l t the d e c l i n e i n t h e i r wages, the spinners were just beginning to r e s i s t t h e i r employers. The 1. 'David Dale and Henry Monteith both became Lord Provosts of Glasgow, and many other manufacturers served on the city council. 2. For an account of the d i s p u t e , see Bremner, o p . c i t . 284; Chapman, Lancashire Cotton Industry, 186-8. 3. Such as that of l i m i t i n g the number of apprentices which each S c o t t i s h weaver was allowed to take on besides h i s own c h i l d r e n , drawn up i n 1824; see Chapman, Lancashire Cotton I n d u s t r y , 197. For the Hutchieson i n c i d e n t , I b i d . , 193, note 1. T  -strategy they seem to have employed was the one.to which t h e i r concentration best s u i t e d them;  they d i d not stake a l l i n  one great s t r i k e , but rather seem to have taken a c t i o n against i n d i v i d u a l masters.  The spinners appear to have used  violence q u i t e f r e e l y to f u r t h e r t h e i r aims.  Threats of  m i l l - b u r n i n g , the a s s a s s i n a t i o n of oppressive masters, the m u t i l a t i o n or disfigurement of r e c a l c i t r a n t spinners, a l l of these seem to have been part of t h e i r p o l i c y . t h r e a t s were, i n f a c t , c a r r i e d out.  1  Some of the  This i n e v i t a b l y brought  the law against them, and spinners were imprisoned on s e v e r a l occasions and transported to Botany Bay on at l e a s t one, i n 2 1838.  Unlike the handloom weavers, however, t h e i r e f f o r t s  d i d enjoy a measure of success, d e s p i t e the existence of an extremely powerful, i f i n f o r m a l , employers' combination.  In  1832, they succeeded i n f o r c i n g Henry Houldsworth and Sons i n t o granting wage concessions, a f t e r c a l l i n g a s t r i k e and 3  p i c k e t i n g the works.  When, i n the same year, J . Dennistoun  and Co. t r i e d to b r i n g i n female spinners at lower wages than were paid to males, the spinners' a s s o c i a t i o n demanded t h a t the undercutting of male wages cease.  A f t e r both managers  and female spinners had been threatened, the l a t t e r with disfigurement by v i t r i o l , Dennistoun's agree to pay women at 1. S e l e c t Committee on Combinations of Workmen, 1838, Minutes of Evidence, min. 1851-91, 97-101. 2. Two .of the t r i a l s , i n 1825 and 1838, produced a c o n s i d e r a b l number of pamphlets, s e t t i n g out both the masters', and the spinners' p o i n t s of view, and each l e d to i n v e s t i g a t i o n s by Parliamentary committees. The transported spinners were pardoned i n 1840. 3. S e l e c t Committee on Combinations, 1838, min. 23-8, 2 (evidence of Thomas Houldsworth).  .the same rates as men,  though the women were r e t a i n e d .  r e s u l t of these l i m i t e d d i s p u t e s , the s p i n n e r s  1  As a  association  had succeeded i n f o r c i n g f i n e - s p i n n i n g wages up to such an extent that Glasgow masters were f i n d i n g f i n e work u n p r o f i t a b l e by 1838.  2  Two problems emerge from t h i s .  The f i r s t i s to  discover why the f a c t o r y employees were so slow to organize, or a l t e r n a t i v e l y , why  the weavers organized f i r s t .  The second  i s to d i s c o v e r why the spinners were more s u c c e s s f u l than the weavers.  The second question i s probably the e a s i e r to  answer.  As has been suggested above, the concentration of  spinning-labour i n l a r g e - s c a l e u n i t s of production o f f s e t some of the advantages enjoyed by management when i n d u s t r y was organized on a b a s i s of domestic production such as e x i s t e d i n 3  handloom weaving.  The adoption of a s t r a t e g y which made  the best use of l o c a l concentrations of labour was important  also  i n the r e l a t i v e success of the spinners.  When' i t comes to answering the second question, the s o l u t i o n i s not so r e a d i l y d i s c o v e r a b l e .  I t may  well l i e i n  the p r o b a b i l i t y that e a r l y cotton f a c t o r y employees d i d not appreciate the divergence  of i n t e r e s t s which e x i s t e d between  themselves and t h e i r employers, and which Smith described so well.  This had, no doubt, been made abundantly c l e a r to the  weavers employed by the c a p i t a l i s t s of the l i n e n and 1. 2. 3.  silk  Factory Commission, 1832, Examinations, A . l , 84-5. S e l e c t Committee on Combinations, 1838, min. 44-8, 3. Above, 104.  109 t r a d e s , and the need to combine f o r t h e i r own p r o t e c t i o n had probably been brought home to them i n the days before the cotton i n d u s t r y ' s development.  To them, the cotton i n d u s t r y  brought no change i n the c o n d i t i o n s of employment, nor even of employer.  Thus, while the cotton handloom weavers were i n  no doubt of t h e i r p o s i t i o n and of the need f o r p r o t e c t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n , the labour employed i n the e a r l y m i l l s may have appreciated t h a t need.  not  Many of them, r e c r u i t e d from the  ranks of a g r i c u l t u r a l labour, and e s p e c i a l l y those from the Highlands, would be e n t e r i n g an environment which was  not  only completely strange to them, but i n which they were m a t e r i a l l y b e t t e r o f f than they had been i n t h e i r previous pursuits.  The high wages, s c h o o l s , churches, l o w - r e n t a l  housing and medical s e r v i c e s which the e a r l y millowners provided i n order to a t t r a c t labour to t h e i r works probably tended to f o s t e r the i l l u s i o n of a community, r a t h e r than a divergence, of i n t e r e s t between master and man.  As a r e s u l t ,  the emigrant from Sutherland who was given work a t New  Lanark  or Deanston, g r a t e f u l f o r the a l t e r n a t i v e to s a i l i n g f o r America or eking a l i v i n g from an acre or so of sour Highland s o i l which t h i s presented, was very u n l i k e l y to be good union material.  But the successors of t h i s f i r s t generation, who  knew no l i f e but that of the m i l l and whose wages had s u f f e r e d from successive cuts i n t h e depressions which s t a r t e d with the outbreak of the French wars i n 1793,  were l e s s  l i k e l y t o accept the apparent harmony of t h e i r i n t e r e s t s with those of the employers.  This generation was more  , l i k e l y t o appreciate the true p o s i t i o n as defined by Smith and experienced by the handloom weavers.  The formation of  combinations among spinning o p e r a t i v e s , a c c o r d i n g l y , had t o wait u n t i l t h i s second generation came t o maturity between 1805 and 1810.  Ill 5 THE EFFECTS ON SCOTTISH INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE 19th CENTURY  I The expansion of cotton cloth output after 1780 had an obvious c o r o l l a r y i n the expansion of the industries i n which the c l o t h - f i n i s h i n g processes were carried out, bleaching, p r i n t i n g and dyeing.  I t was observed i n Glasgow i n 1791 that,  as a r e s u l t of the cotton industry's growth i n the years after the American War of Independence, "bleachfields and p r i n t f i e l d s have been erected on almost a l l the streams i n the neighbourhood..."  ,  and new dyeworks, at Barrowfield and Dalmarnock i n Glasgow f o r instance,  were set up after 1785 to cope with the rapidly  growing output of cotton f a b r i c s .  New processes were  developed i n the f i n i s h i n g trades:  Charles Tennant introduced  a s o l i d bleaching agent i n 1799 which cut bleaching costs to one halfpenny per yard, and permitted the bleaching process to be completed i n a matter of hours, where i t had required 'i  several months i n 1750:  3  George Macintosh and David Dale had  imported a French dyer, M. Papillon, to set up a Turkey-red dyework i n 1785, the f i r s t of i t s kind i n the United Kingdom.^ 1. 2. 3. 4.  Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V, 502. Ibid., XII, 112-3. Baines, Cotton Manufacture, 253. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, XII, 112; Baines, op.cit., 277. Attempts to introduce the process i n Manchester f a i l e d , and Glasgow "has ever since then been famous f o r dyeing Turkey red."  112 In p r i n t i n g , a Mr. B e l l of Glasgow developed the technique of c y l i n d e r - p r i n t i n g , also in, 1785.  1  Impressive as the development of the f i n i s h i n g trades was after the establishment of the independent cotton industry i n Scotland, the fact was, of course, that i n t h i s sphere, as i n spinning and weaving, the cotton industry was heavily indebted to the linen industry, whose growth since the late 17th century had fostered the establishment of the f i n i s h i n g trades.  The improvements of 1785 and after were  being applied i n industries which were highly developed by that date;  indeed, some of the improvements then being  applied were the l o g i c a l outcome of research which had been going on f o r almost h a l f a century.  Tennant's bleaching  powder, for example, was the l i n e a l descendent  of the  sulphuric acid bleaching mixtures developed independently by Roebuck, Home, Cullen and Black before 1754 under the auspices of the Board of Trustees, and improved upon by Scheele i n Sweden and Berthollet i n France, as well as by James Watt i n Glasgow.  Cloth-printing had been introduced  i n t o Scotland i n connection with the linen industry i n 1738, and B e l l ' s process was simply a mechanized refinement of the process then used.  Only i n dyeing d i d i t prove necessary  to develop a completely new process, that of Turkey-red 1. 2. 3.  Bremner, Industries of Scotland, 297. Stewart, C u r i o s i t i e s of Glasgow Citizenship, 37-40; Hamilton, Eighteenth Century, 140-1. Bremner, o p . c i t . , 302. Cylinder p r i n t i n g had not e n t i r e l y replaced block-printing by hand even by 1868.  \  113  -dyeing, since the techniques and materials i n use p r i o r to 1785  were suitable only for dyeing the t r a d i t i o n a l f a b r i c s ,  l i n e n , wool and s i l k .  1  But even i n this f i e l d , the prior „  existence of a dyeing industry, with which George Macintosh was c l o s e l y connected, must have helped i n the rapid development of the Turkey-red subsequently  trade for which Glasgow and the Vale of Leven  became famous.  With one exception, the growth  of the cotton industry i n Scotland after 1780 did not lead to the establishment  of any new c l o t h - f i n i s h i n g trades.  But i t s  expansion necessitated the expansion of existing bleaching and p r i n t i n g f a c i l i t i e s and to the provision of new f a c i l i t i e s i n these trades and i n dyeing, using new and t r a d i t i o n a l techniques.  I t also led to some expansion i n the s i z e of  the production-units i n thse trades, but no major changes i n i n d u s t r i a l organization took place as a r e s u l t .  Production  had been concentrated i n factory-type units before mechanized 2 cotton production was f i r s t undertaken. The sole exception, the new only branch of the t e x t i l e sector to develop as a r e s u l t of the establishment  of the  cotton industry i n Scotland, was the embroidered muslin trade. In 1 8 6 1 , when i t was already on the decline, t h i s branch employed 7,224 women i n Scotland, c h i e f l y i n Ayrshire. 1. 2.  Its  Stewart, pp.cit., 72. Macintosh had opened a substantial Dyework at Dennistoun, Glasgow^ i n 1777 for the manufacture and a p p l i c a t i o n of "cudbear" dyes. Bremner, Industries of Scotland, 2 9 8 ; Stewart, C u r i o s i t i e s of Glasgow Citizenship 121 124. E.g., S t i r l i n g ' s Dalquhurn,bleachfield (1723; and Cordale printworks ( 1 7 7 0 ) , and George Macintosh's Dennistoun dyewbrks.  114 novelty lay i n the formal organization as an'industry of what had been, before the mechanization  of cotton-spinning, a  recreation f o r ladies of quality and fashion - the embroidering on a frame or "tambour" of f i n e f a b r i c s . v i r t u a l l y destroyed domestic  Mechanized spinning  spinning i n the south-western  counties of Scotland, and the women who were thus deprived of a source of income sought an alternative occupation i n tambouring f o r "manufacturers"  i n Glasgow such as Messrs.  MacDonald, whose share of the trade amounted to £500,000 i n 1357.  1  Attempts to mechanize the embroidering processes were  made early i n the nineteenth century, by "manufacturers" i n  2 the flowered muslin trade,  but these do not appear to have  come to anything, as production was s t i l l carried out on a domestic, hand-craft basis when the trade declined after 1357, when MacDonald and Company f a i l e d .  II  The c l o t h - f i n i s h i n g industries were, of course, inherently dependent on the expansion of the cloth-producing industries for t h e i r own growth.  Other industries, however,  which had also started l i f e as subsidiaries of the t e x t i l e industries, were able to break the t i e s and develop 1. 2. 3.  Bremner, o p . c i t . 306-7. John Duncan, "manufacturer" i n Glasgow, had patented a tambouring machine i n 1304. S.R.O., Chancery Records, Specifications of Inventions, John Duncan, 1804. Contributing to the f a i l u r e of the Western Bank, see C A . Malcolm, The Bank of Scotland, 1695-1945, Edinburgh, n.d., 122. T  115 -independently.  By the middle of the nineteenth century these  i n d u s t r i e s - chemicals, mechanical and marine engineering had reached an advanced s t a t e of development, where they were almost as important t o the economy of south-west Scotland as the cotton i n d u s t r y . Even these i n d u s t r i e s stood deeply i n debt t o the cotton i n d u s t r y f o r t h e i r i n i t i a l growth, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p being i n some ways s i m i l a r t o that of the cotton i n d u s t r y ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p with the l i n e n i n d u s t r y i n the 178X)'s.  This i s  perhaps most obvious i n the case of the mechanical engineering industry.  I n 1868, Glasgow was the centre of great a c t i v i t y  i n t h i s f i e l d , between 12,000 and 15,000 people being employed in i t .  A f l o u r i s h i n g export trade i n machinery had been  b u i l t up, t o the value of £500,000 i n t h a t year, and Glasgow's engineers and mechanics enjoyed a r e p u t a t i o n second t o none. The development of t h i s i n d u s t r y appears t o have been the outcome s o l e l y of the mechanization of cotton-spinning and weaving.  Although the e a r l i e s t spinning and weaving  machinery had been developed i n England, the Scots were, by 1790, developing and p u t t i n g i n t o use machines which were t e c h n i c a l l y superior t o E n g l i s h machines, such as W i l l i a m K e l l y ' s s e l f - a c t i n g and water-powered mules and 2 R o b e r t M i l l e r * s power-looms. I n 1791, i t was remarked 1. 2.  Bremner, I n d u s t r i e s of Scotland, 132-33. See above, 32-34.  1  116 -that the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the cotton i n d u s t r y "has given r i s e t o many new manufactures, and t o the making o f machinery of a l l k i n d s , which, with a l l kinds of work i n cast and malleable i r o n , and i n brass and l e a d , are now made here (Glasgow) i n great quantities." No such i n d u s t r y had e x i s t e d i n Glasgow previous t o the i n t r o d u c t i o n of mechanized cotton-spinning, although c e r t a i n s k i l l s such as the smith's or the carpenter's, which could be u t i l i z e d f o r machine-making, d i d e x i s t i n the area.  There  simply had not been any s u b s t a n t i a l demand f o r machinery p r i o r t o the time of the cotton industry's growth, since no h i g h l y mechanized i n d u s t r y e x i s t e d .  I n 178*3, there were no 2 machine-makers or engineers i n Glasgow. By 1789, two  3  "cotton machine-makers" were l i s t e d i n the c i t y d i r e c t o r y , and i n 1801 the number had r i s e n t o f o u r , with three engineers also l i s t e d .  4  I n the 1810 d i r e c t o r y , nine machine-making  firms were l i s t e d , with f i v e engineering f i r m s .  Certainly,  the coincidence i n the timing of t h i s development with the growth of the cotton i n d u s t r y i s very s t r i k i n g .  Some  cotton-spinning firms s e t up machine-making branches t o supply t h e i r own requirements and those of others:  James F i n l a y and  Co., f o r i n s t a n c e , made machinery a t Deanston t o the patents of James Smith and A r c h i b a l d Buchanan, two of the f i r m ' s managers,^ and the f i r m of Douglas, Cook and Co. of Glasgow 1. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, V, 504. 2. At l e a s t , none were l i s t e d i n J . T a i t , D i r e c t o r y of the C i t y of Glasgow, e t c . , Glasgow 1783, 13-71. 3. N. Jones D i r e c t o r y f o r the year 1789, Glasgow, rep. 1866, 1-64. 4. W. McFeat, The Glasgow D i r e c t o r y , Glasgow 1801, 5-101. 5. W. McFeat, The Glasgow D i r e c t o r y , Glasgow 1810, 9-139. 6. New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, X, 123o.  a l s o combined cotton-spinning and machine-making.  By 1833,  however, Glasgow was undergoing severe competition from Manchester i n the production of cotton machinery, and t h i s o branch of i n d u s t r y had begun to d e c l i n e . t h e i r Deanston machine-shop i n 1834,  F i n l a y ' s gave up  and 1833 one-half of the  mechanics t r a i n e d i n Glasgow were s a i d t o be emigrating.^ But the mechanical s k i l l s which had been b u i l t up i n the manufacture of cotton machinery could a l s o be a p p l i e d t o the making of machines f o r other purposes, and the personnel d i s p l a c e d by the run-down of cotton machine-making put to other work.  The f i r m of Girdwood, Pinkerton and Co., l i s t e d  as cotton machine-makers i n the 1798 Glasgow d i r e c t o r y , were employed i n 1832 i n making l i f t i n g - g e a r f o r the new Glasgow 5  docks, as w e l l as making sawmill equipment.  I t may w e l l be  the case that other r i s i n g businesses l i k e B l a i r s , L t d . , Duncan Stewart and Co., M i r l e e s Watson and Co. - a l l manufacturers of s u g a r - r e f i n i n g equipment and a l l founded between 1836 and 1840 - and N e i l s o n and Co., general engineers founded i n 1836, were b u i l t up by u t i l i z i n g mechanical s k i l l s which had been developed i n the manufacture of cotton machinery.^ 1. Glasgow Directory of 1810, 2.  3. 4. 5. 6.  39. Select Committee of 1833, Houldsworth's evidence, min. 5213, 310; Graham's evidence, min. 5443-5, 325. Houldsworth said Manchester had the edge over Glasgow simply because i t had always served a more extensive . demand for machinery. New S t a t i s t i c a l Account X, 1239-40, note. Select Committee of 1833, min. 5330, 317. New S t a t i s t i c a l Account, VI, 198. For the growth of these firms, see M i l l e r and Tivy, The Glasgow Region, 191.  116 The same may well be true of the growing marineengineering industry, which l a t e r became the main growth-industry i n the Scottish economy.  The s i g n i f i c a n t  factor i n i t s growth was the existence i n and around Glasgow of a steam-engine building industry, and i t was by a s s i s t i n g i n the development of t h i s that the cotton industry may have played a part i n shaping the future of Clyde shipbuilding. "When the p o s s i b i l i t y of propelling vessels by steam was successfully tested on the Clyde," wrote one commentator i n the mid-nineteenth century, "the enterprising mechanicians of the west d i d not neglect to improve the occasion. As soon as the demand f o r steam-vessels arose, ^ they were ready to supply the motive power..." Between 1812, the year i n which Henry B e l l ' s "Comet" was 2 launched, and 1831, 57 steamships were b u i l t on the Clyde and o  f i t t e d out with engines b u i l t at Glasgow or Greenock. Before 1812, the demand f o r rotary steam-engines, the type of power-unit used i n ship-propulsion, had almost c e r t a i n l y come from the cotton industry, which used t h i s type of engine f o r powering spinning, weaving, scutching and calendering machinery.  4  I t was demand from that industry which promoted  the growth of steam-engine building i n and around Glasgow between 1801, when Watt's patent on rotary-motion lapsed, and 1. 2. 3. 4.  Bremner, Industries of Scotland, 132. The f i r s t steam-boat f o r open-water use i n B r i t a i n . Cleland Enumeration of 1831, 159. Of the 3l0 steam-engines i n use i n 1825 i n the Glasgow area, 176 were employed i n various branches of the cotton industry; Ibid., 262.  119 1812, when the "Comet" was  built.  I n d i r e c t l y the cotton industry was  l a r g e l y responsible  for the f a c t that i n 1831 Glasgow possessed, i n Charles Tennent's S t . Rollox chemical-works, the largest chemical plant i n Europe.  This was one of a number of chemical works i n  1  the c i t y , a l l of which had started up to produce materials required for various t e x t i l e - f i n i s h i n g processes.  Tennent,  i n partnership with a man named Knox, had set up his works i n 1800 with the express purpose of producing i n quantity the bleaching-powder he had patented i n 1799  to s a t i s f y the demand  of the t e x t i l e trades of Great B r i t a i n , of which the cotton industry was by that time the l a r g e s t .  The other  chemical  companies, too, owed t h e i r growth primarily to the increased demand f o r chemicals a r i s i n g from the expansion of the cotton industry.  Charles Macintosh, f o r instance, had set up plant  i n the Barony of Glasgow i n 1790 to produce the "sugars" of alum and lead used i n Turkey-red 2  dyeing, a process only  applicable to cotton. The cotton industry was d i r e c t l y responsible f o r the establishment  of a number of i n d i v i d u a l  chemical-producing  concerns, but not f o r the foundation of the S c o t t i s h chemical industry.  The f i r s t Scottish chemical-plant, the sulphuric-  acid works of John Roebuck and Samuel Garbett set up at Prestonpans i n 1749, was set up to produce acid f o r l i n e n 3 bleaching. I t was, however, only after the cotton industry 1. Cleland, Enumeration of 1831 137. 2. Old S t a t i s t i c a l Account, XII 113. 3. Hamilton, Economic History of Scotland, 141. T  120 provided a d d i t i o n a l demand f o r chemicals, that new chemicalworks were s e t up.  The build-up of plant t o meet t h i s  considerable demand enabled the chemical i n d u s t r y t o develop other processes not connected with t e x t i l e s .  Thus, i n 1830,  Tennent's works were not only producing bleaching-powder but a l s o soda, soap and s u l p h u r i c - a c i d f o r steel-making.  1  In a d d i t i o n t o s t i m u l a t i n g the growth of new i n d u s t r i e s by p r o v i d i n g a demand f o r t h e i r products, the cotton industry provided a d i r e c t f i n a n c i a l stimulus t o some other sectors of the S c o t t i s h economy.  C a p i t a l accumulated i n the production  i  of cotton-goods was often d i r e c t e d towards f i n a n c i n g other projects.  One of the major b e n e f i c i a r i e s was overseas trade,  which i s not s u r p r i s i n g i n view of the cotton i n d u s t r y ' s complete dependence on f o r e i g n and c o l o n i a l raw-materials and i t s heavy commitment to overseas markets.  To give a few  examples, John Freeland, grandson of the founder of the Gryfe m i l l a t Houston i n Renfrewshire,  became a prominent West-India  merchant i n Glasgow, while maintaining an i n t e r e s t i n 2 cotton-spinning:  Kirkman F i n l a y , f o r many years an  outspoken c r i t i c of the East India Company's monopoly of the Indian t r a d e , pioneered S c o t t i s h trade with India a f t e r the Company's monopoly was revoked i n 1813, and had t r a d i n g i n t e r e s t s going f a r beyond c o t t o n .  Industry b e n e f i t t e d  as w e l l as trade: i n 1796, David Dale i n v e s t e d , and l o s t 1. C l e l a n d , Enumeration of 1831, 137. 2. Stewart, C u r i o s i t i e s of Glasgow C i t i z e n s h i p , 210. 3. James F i n l a y and Company, 6-32.  121 £20,000 i n a coal-mining p r o j e c t a t B a r r o w f i e l d , i n the Barony of Glasgow.  1  The Houldsworths, Henry and Thomas, l e f t the  cotton i n d u s t r y completely t o set up a large ironworks a t C o l t n e s s , S t i r l i n g s h i r e , i n 1842.  Few others followed the  Houldsworths i n t h e i r d e s e r t i o n , but many emulated Dale, Freeland and F i n l a y and extended t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , e s p e c i a l l y when p r o f i t margins i n cotton were f a l l i n g a f t e r the Napoleonic Wars.  Ill The growth of new i n d u s t r i e s , which the expansion of the cotton i n d u s t r y s t i m u l a t e d , and the d i v e r s i o n of c a p i t a l from cotton t o other sectors of the economy i n the p u r s u i t of higher profit-margins i n e v i t a b l y meant a d e c l i n e i n the p o s i t i o n of the cotton i n d u s t r y r e l a t i v e t o other S c o t t i s h i n d u s t r i e s . Some w r i t e r s , i n f a c t , have suggested that the cotton i n d u s t r y went i n t o an absolute d e c l i n e between 1835 and 1860.-^ i s l i t t l e evidence t o support such an argument.  There  The number  of m i l l s i n operation i n 1838 was w e l l above the number i n 1834 - 198 as against 134.^  I n 1850, the number of m i l l s i n  operation was, i t i s t r u e , lower than that of 1838 - 168 as against 198 - but the i n d u s t r y ' s productive capacity was  ;  1. ".  Chambers' B i o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y , I I , 422. W.H. MacLeod and S i r H.H. Houldsworth, The Beginnings of the Houldsworths of Coltness Glasgow 1937, 121 f . 3. F o r example, G.M. M i t c h e l l , The E n g l i s h and. S c o t t i s h Cotton I n d u s t r i e s , " Scot.H.R., 1924-25, 113. 4. Bremner. I n d u s t r i e s of Scotland, 286. 5. I b i d . , 287. ,?  actually higher i n 1850 than i n 1838:  23,564 power-looms were  i n use and the t o t a l labour-force employed was 36,325, compared with 15,000 power-looms and 35,576 employees i n  1838.  Production was simply becoming concentrated i n fewer, and probably larger, u n i t s .  In 1856, however, the number of m i l l s  i n operation, the number of power-looms, and the size of the t o t a l labour-force were a l l smaller than i n 1850, 21,624 and 34,698 respectively.  1  by 1860.  152,  On the other hand, spinning  capacity was higher i n 1856 than i n 1850 spindles against 1,683,093.  at  - with 2,041,129  There i s evidence of a recovery  The number of m i l l s i n operation i n that year  163, eleven more than i n 1856 but f i v e fewer than i n  was  1850.  The number of power-looms and the size of the t o t a l labourforce i n 1860 - 30,110 and 41,237 respectively - were the highest ever recorded;  and the number of spindles - 1,915,398 -  was almost up to the l e v e l of 1856 and well above that of 2 1850.  I t seems, then, that the cotton industry continued  to expand towards i860, though the number of units i n production was contracting, presumably to o f f s e t f a l l i n g margins.  There i s c e r t a i n l y more evidence to support this  conclusion than there i s f o r absolute d e c l i n e . I t has been argued from other evidence that the cotton industry entered on a period of stagnation and decay from 1840  onwards.  This argument rests primarily on the  estimated weekly consumption of raw cotton i n Scotland 1. L o c . c i t . 2. Bremner, Industries of Scotland 287. 3. Campbell, Scotland Since 1707 108-111. T  123 .contained i n the records of the Clyde Sugar Market, the main S c o t t i s h centre of deals i n raw c o t t o n . of 1,652  bales were consumed per week.  bales weekly i n 1835, Thereafter,  In 1831,  an average  This rose t o 2,035  and to 2,364 bales per week i n  the trend was s t a b l e , a t about the 1840  1840. level  with f l u c t u a t i o n s according to the s t a t e of the market, u n t i l the American C i v i l War broke out i n 1861.  Convincing as t h i s  evidence l o o k s , i t i s nevertheless open t o serious o b j e c t i o n . The measurement of consumption i n bales i s u n r e l i a b l e , as the weight of raw cotton per bale v a r i e d considerably according to the bale's place of o r i g i n . average, 183 l b s . ;  1  A B r a z i l i a n bale weighed, on the  the average weight of a bale from the  U.S.A. was 354 l b s . ; the average weights of Egyptian, East Indian and West Indian bales were 220, 330 and 300 l b s . respectively.  1  In any case, no i n d u s t r y i n a s t a t e of  stagnation and decay could have recovered r a p i d l y from such . a setback as the Cotton Famine of 1861-66, which r e s u l t e d from the American C i v i l War. greatest period of t r i a l :  This was the i n d u s t r y ' s  as one contemporary  observed,  "At no time was i t so s e r i o u s l y d i s t u r b e d as during the period between the years 1861 and 1866. The American war almost completely disorganized the trade."  2  Yet i n I867, exports of cotton piece-goods and yarn from Scotland were some 30% greater i n volume and 50% higher i n 1. 2.  Baines, Cotton Manufacture, 367. The Sugar Market Reports do not s t a t e the number of bales drawn from each p o s s i b l e source. Bremner, I n d u s t r i e s of Scotland, 288.  124 .value than the previous peak-levels of 1861, and the same writer could comment i n 1868:"The cotton manufacture has now nearly resumed i t s normal condition."  2  Apparently the industry had not l o s t any of i t s buoyancy and r e s i l i e n c y during the two decades preceding the war. More information than i s at present available i s required before an accurate assessment can be made of the Scottish cotton industry's condition a f t e r 1840.  Such  information may, of course, confirm the t r a d i t i o n a l pessimistic point of view, but there seem to be grounds f o r believing that the state of the industry between 1840 and 1870 was not as unhealthy as i t i s normally assumed to have been.  1.  2.  I b i d . , 288. Average weekly consumption of raw cotton i n Scotland f e l l from 2,500 bales i n 1866 to 1,700 i n 1867 (Bremner, Industries of Scotland, 288). This may, however, have been the r e s u l t of a return to American cotton and, since American bales appear to have been the heaviest, may not represent any r e a l decline i n the quantity of raw cotton consumed. See note 1 above, p. 123. I b i d . , 290.  125 SUMMARY OF CONCLUSIONS The development of the S c o t t i s h economy between the Union with England i n 1707 and the American War of Independence l a i d the foundations f o r the establishment and growth of the S c o t t i s h c o t t o n i n d u s t r y a f t e r 17#0.  From the t e x t i l e  i n d u s t r i e s which had been b u i l t up from 1707 to 1780,  and  e s p e c i a l l y from the f i n e - l i n e n and s i l k i n d u s t r i e s of the south-west, came most of the c a p i t a l which financed the cotton industry.  The e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l and t e c h n i c a l s k i l l s which had  been acquired as a r e s u l t of t h e i r development were put to use i n o r g a n i z i n g the cotton i n d u s t r y and i n developing products which enabled the i n d u s t r y to s u r v i v e i n Scotland i n the face of E n g l i s h and East Indian competition.  The markets  which the cotton i n d u s t r y served i n the e a r l y stages of i t s development had been served by the older t e x t i l e i n d u s t r i e s . The development of S c o t t i s h overseas trade i n the period 1707-1783 assured the c o t t o n i n d u s t r y of ready access both to i t s raw m a t e r i a l s and t o the overseas markets which e v e n t u a l l y absorbed over one-third of i t s output. The cotton i n d u s t r y ' s expansion a f t e r 1780 was r a p i d , but i t was beset by considerable f l u c t u a t i o n s i n output as a r e s u l t of the l o s s of markets and raw-material s u p p l i e s during the French and American wars of 1793-1815, the h i g h l y s p e c u l a t i v e a c t i v i t i e s of i t s p a r t i c i p a n t s a f t e r the wars, and the narrowness of i t s range of products.  Despite these  d i f f i c u l t i e s , however, i t became the country's most important i n d u s t r y w i t h i n f o r t y years of the establishment of Scotland's  126 f i r s t cotton m i l l - i n 1778, i t s products accounting f o r over 60% of the value of exports from Scotland.  By that time, the  i n d u s t r y was becoming h e a v i l y concentrated i n the south-west, around Glasgow, a f t e r an i n i t i a l tendency tpwards d i s p e r s a l throughout the country had been checked by a change i n t he r e l a t i v e importance of the various f a c t o r s governing i t s location. The means by which the expansion of output was undertaken was the adoption of new techniques and forms of o r g a n i z a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l production which had been developed i n England before the American Revolution and which could not be a p p l i e d t o the older t e x t i l e i n d u s t r i e s .  The establishment  of the cotton i n d u s t r y brought a change-over from the t r a d i t i o n a l manual production-techniques and s m a l l - s c a l e domestic u n i t s of production to mechanized production concentrated i n l a r g e - s c a l e f a c t o r y u n i t s , though t h i s process was not complete i n weaving by 1835.  The expansion of  consumer demand, and therefore the expansion of output, was maintained p a r t l y by the r e g u l a r i n t r o d u c t i o n of improved machinery throughout the period 1780-1835, and p a r t l y by d i v e r s i f y i n g output, e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r 1815. The c a p i t a l r e q u i r e d f o r the a p p l i c a t i o n of t h e new techniques was r e c r u i t e d , as has been s a i d , from the o l d t e x t i l e i n d u s t r i e s and, t o a much l e s s e r extent, from other sectors of the economy.  I t i s , however, r a t h e r dangerous t o  f i t the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t o r i g i d categories as some recent h i s t o r i a n s have t r i e d t o do.  The American War of Independence  127 ^was  probably an important f a c t o r i n securing the release of  resources f o r the i n i t i a l c a p i t a l i z a t i o n of the cotton i n d u s t r y , and the high r a t e of r e t u r n on c a p i t a l invested i n the e a r l y stages of the industry's growth, u n t i l 1802 at l e a s t , ensured that an adequate f l o w of c a p i t a l f o r f u r t h e r expansion was  maintained. The concentration of production i n l a r g e - s c a l e u n i t s  brought problems of labour-recruitment, which were solved by a heavy r e l i a n c e on immigrant labour, f i r s t from the Highlands and l a t e r from I r e l a n d .  Wage-rates higher than  those paid i n other a c t i v i t i e s were a l s o resorted to as a means of a t t r a c t i n g labour t o the m i l l s .  As regards wage3  and c o n d i t i o n s of work, however, the labour-force was very much at the mercy of management.  Conditions of work v a r i e d from  m i l l to m i l l depending on the i n t e r e s t of the man i n charge i n the welfare of h i s workers.  Wage-rates v a r i e d from m i l l t o  m i l l and from job to job, and were r a i s e d or lowered by management according to the s t a t e of t r a d e .  But concentration  a l s o increased the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of r e s i s t a n c e on the part of the labour-force to such treatment, although the f i r s t generation of mill-hands d i d not seem to r e a l i z e t h i s because of the benevolent paternalism of the e a r l y masters. Other i n d u s t r i e s i n Scotland b e n e f i t t e d from the r i s e of the cotton i n d u s t r y .  The secondary t e x t i l e i n d u s t r i e s  expanded i n response t o the increased pressure placed on t h e i r f a c i l i t i e s by the expansion of cotton c l o t h output;  new  bleachworks, dyeworks and printworks were set up, and e x i s t i n g  128 ones were e n l a r g e d .  T h i s i n t u r n l e d t o expansion i n the  chemical i n d u s t r y , which p r o v i d e d  the m a t e r i a l s f o r c l o t h  f i n i s h i n g , and gave Glasgow the l a r g e s t chemical-works i n Europe i n 1830. a l l kinds  The demands of the c o t t o n i n d u s t r y f o r machinery o f l e d d i r e c t l y t o the f o u n d a t i o n  engineering  of a mechanical  i n d u s t r y i n and around Glasgow, and r a t h e r  i n d i r e c t l y , c o n t r i b u t e d t o the growth of t h e marine  engineering  i n d u s t r y which became b a s i c t o t h e economy o f C l y d e s i d e the end of t h e nineteenth" c e n t u r y .  towards  Through the e n g i n e e r i n g  i n d u s t r i e s , the c o t t o n i n d u s t r y a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d  t o the  development of the S c o t t i s h i r o n , s t e e l and c o a l i n d u s t r i e s . C a p i t a l accumulated i n the c o t t o n i n d u s t r y found i t s way i n t o s e v e r a l other  s e c t o r s of the economy, i n c l u d i n g iron, and c o a l  as w e l l as overseas t r a d e .  129 6 BIBLIOGRAPHY I.  MS.  Sources  a)  In the P u b l i c Record O f f i c e , London, f o r raw cotton import f i g u r e s and d e t a i l s of cotton-goods exported: Inspector-General of Imports and Exports f o r Scotland, annual ledgers, 1801-1827 (P.R.O. Customs 14, v o l s . 14-39).  b)  In H.M. Register House Edinburgh, f o r d e t a i l s of the Hamilton-Dunlop m i l l and the l o c a t i o n of Penicuik m i l l : Hamilton of Pinmore Muniments. C l e r k of Penicuik Muniments. C e r t a i n volumes of the Inspector-General's ledger h e l d by Register House were a l s o used t o check a v a i l a b l e information on S c o t t i s h raw cotton imports, 1755-1801, and f o r information on cottongoods exported i n 1786 and 1792.  II.  Reference Books D i r e c t o r i e s t  Burke, S i r B., Genealogical and Heraldic H i s t o r y of the Landed Gentry of Great B r i t a i n and I r e l a n d , London, Chambers' B i o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y of Eminent Scotsmen, r e v i s e d ed., 6 v o l s . , London, 1874. Jones, N., D i r e c t o r y ... of Glasgow f o r the year Glasgow, 1787.  1787,  Jones, N., D i r e c t o r y Glasgow, 1789.  1789,  ... of Glasgow f o r the year  Post O f f i c e D i r e c t o r i e s of Glasgow, 1799-1830 ( M i t c h e l l L i b r a r y C o l l e c t i o n , Glasgow). Post O f f i c e D i r e c t o r i e s of P a i s l e y , 1812-1830 ( P a i s l e y Public Library C o l l e c t i o n ) . T a i t , J . , D i r e c t o r y of the C i t y of Glasgow f o r the year 1783, r e p r i n t e d Glasgow, 1871.  130 III.  Parliamentary Papers Select Committee on Children Employed i n the Manufactories of the United Kingdom, Report and Evidence, 181,6. Select Committee on Manufactures, Commerce and Shipping, Report and Evidence 1833. Factories Enquiry Commission:F i r s t Report and Evidence, 1832. Second Report and Evidence, 1833. Supplementary Report, 1834. Select Committee on Combinations of Workmen, Report and Evidence, 1838.  IV.  Pamphlets "Address delivered to the inhabitants of New Lanark on 1st January, 1816, at the opening of the I n s t i t u t i o n established f o r the formation of character," Glasgow, 1816. Esilman, A., "A comprehensive view of the r i s e and progress of the cotton trade of Scotland," Glasgow, 1823. F i n l a y , K., "Letter to the Rt. Hon. Lord Ashley on the cotton factory system and the Ten Hours Factory B i l l , " Glasgow, 1833. L i d d e l l , A., "Memoirs of David Dale, Esq. " Glasgow, 1854, reprinted i n Chambers' Biographical Dictionary, Mackenzie, P., "Reply to the l e t t e r of Kirkman Finlay,, Esq., to Lord Ashley on the Ten Hours B i l l , " Glasgow, 1833. "Rights of labour defended; or the t r i a l of the Glasgow cotton-spinners f o r the alleged crime of conspiracy," Glasgow, 1837. "Statement by the proprietors of cotton-works i n Glasgow and the v i c i n i t y : case of the operative cottonspinners i n answer to that statement: reply by the proprietors," Glasgow, 1825.  131 V.  Articles Anon., "An e a r l y Glasgow-West Indian m i s c e l l a n y , " Three Banks Review, no. 54, June, 1962. Campbell, R.H., "An economic h i s t o r y of Scotland i n the eighteenth century," S c o t t i s h Journal of P o l i t i c a l Economy, v o l . X I , 1964. Campbell, R.H., "The A n g l o - S c o t t i s h Union of I7O7: the economic consequences," Economic H i s t o r y Review, 2nd s e r i e s , v o l . XVI, 1964"^ '. (  Chapman, D., "The establishment of the jute i n d u s t r y : a problem i n l o c a t i o n " t h e o r y ? " Review of Economic S t u d i e s , v o l . V I , 1938-39. C r i s p i n , B., "Clyde shipping and the American War," S c o t t i s h H i s t o r i c a l Review, v o l . X L I , 1962. D a n i e l s , G.W., "The cotton trade during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars," Transactions of Manchester S t a t i s t i c a l S o c i e t y , 1915-16. D a n i e l s , G.W., "The cotton trade a t the c l o s e of the Napoleonic War," Trans. Manchester S t a t i s t i c a l S o c i e t y , 1917-18. Gray, J.L. "The law of combination i n Scotland," .' Economic a, nb. 24, 1928. Mcintosh, N.A., "Changing population d i s t r i b u t i o n i n the Cart Basin i n the 18th and e a r l y 19th c e n t u r i e s , " I n s t i t u t e of B r i t i s h Geographers, Transactions and Papers, 1956. Marwick, W.H., "The cotton i n d u s t r y and the I n d u s t r i a l Revolution i n Scotland," S c o t t i s h H i s t o r i c a l Review, v o l . XXI, 1 9 2 4 . M i t c h e l l , G.M., "The E n g l i s h and S c o t t i s h cotton i n d u s t r i e s : a study i n i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s , " S c o t t i s h H i s t o r i c a l Review, v o l . X X I I , 1 9 2 5 . Prospectus of the T h i s t l e Banking Company, dated 15th November, 1761, The Scots Magazine, no. 23, 1761. Robertson. M.L., " S c o t t i s h Commerce and the American War of Independence," Economic H i s t o r y Review, . 2nd s e r i e s , v o l . IX, 1956. •  132 S c o t t , W.R.,"Economic R e s i l i e n c y , " Economic H i s t o r y Review, v o l . I I , 1929-30. Smout, T.C., "The Anglo-Scottish Union I : the economic background," Economic H i s t o r y Review, 2nd s e r i e s , vol.  XVI,  1963-64.  Smout, T.G. " S c o t t i s h landowners and economic growth, 1650-1850," S c o t t i s h Journal of P o l i t i c a l Economy, v o l . X I , 1964. ' , Strang, J . , "On the a l t e r e d c o n d i t i o n of the embroidered muslin trade of Scotland and I r e l a n d s i n c e 1857," Journal of the S t a t i s t i c a l S o c i e t y , v o l . XXIV, 1861. Turner, W.H.K., "The t e x t i l e i n d u s t r y of Perth and d i s t r i c t , " I n s t i t u t e of B r i t i s h Geographers, Transactions and Papers, 1957. VI.  a.  Books published before 1850  Baines, E. J r . H i s t o r y of the Cotton Manufacture of Great B r i t a i n , London, 1835.. ;  C l e l a n d , J . , Enumeration of the Inhabitants of the C i t v of Glasgow and County of Lanark f o r the Government Census of 1831, Glasgow, 1832. C l e l a n d , J . , The Rise and Progress of Glasgow, 2 v o l s . , Glasgow, 1 8 2 0 . ^ !  Forbes, S i r W., Memoirs of a Banking House, f i r s t published 1803, r e p r i n t e d , Edinburgh, 1860. Gibson, J . , H i s t o r y of Glasgow from the E a r l i e s t Accounts to the Present Time, Glasgow, 1777. Macpherson, D., Annals of Commerce, 4 v o l s . , London, 1805. New S t a t i s t i c a l Account of Scotland. 14 v o l s . , Edinburgh, 1845. Pennant, T., A Tour i n Scotland and Voyage to the Hebrides, Chester, 1772. S i n c l a i r , S i r J . , S t a t i s t i c a l Account of S c o t l a n d , 21 v o l s . , Edinburgh, 1791-99. , S i n c l a i r , S i r J . , A n a l y s i s of the S t a t i s t i c a l Account, Edinburgh, 1825.  133 Smith, A., The Wealth of Nations, 2 v o l s . , f i r s t published 1776; E. Cannan ed., 6th ed., London, 1961. VI.  b. Books published 1850-1914 B l a i r , M., The P a i s l e y Thread Industry, P a i s l e y , 19O7. Bremner, D., The I n d u s t r i e s of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1869. Campbell, J . , H i s t o r y of the Rise and Progress of Power Loom Weaving, Rutherglen, 1878. Chapman, S.J. The Lancashire Cotton Industry: a study i n economic development, Manchester, 1904. Marwick, J.D. The River Clyde and the Clyde Burghs, Glasgow 1909. M i t c h e l l , J.O., Old Glasgow Essays, Glasgow, 1905. "Senex", Glasgow. Past and Present. 3 v o l s . , Glasgow, 1884. Stewart, G., C u r i o s i t i e s of Glasgow C i t i z e n s h i p , Glasgow, 1881. Stewart, G., The Progress of Glasgow, Glasgow, 1883.  VI.  c. Books published s i n c e 1914 Campbell, R.H., Scotland s i n c e 1707: the r i s e of an i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y , Oxford, 1965. C o l e , M., Robert Owen of New Lanark, London, 1953. Ferguson, T., The Dawn of S c o t t i s h S o c i a l Welfare: a survey from medieval times t o 1863. Edinburgh. 1948. F i n l a y , J . & Co., James F i n l a v and Company. L i m i t e d , 1750-1950, Glasgow, 1951. F i t t o n , R.S., and Wadsworth, A.P., The S t r u t t s and the Arkwrights: a study of the e a r l y f a c t o r y system, Manchester, 1958. Gayer,,A.D., Rostow, W.W., and Schwartz, A.J., The'Growth and-Fluctuation of the B r i t i s h Economy. 1790-1850. 2 v o l s . , Oxford, 1953.  134 Gray, M., The Highland Economy, 1750-1850, Edinburgh, 1957. Hamilton, H. The I n d u s t r i a l Revolution i n Scotland, Oxford, 1932. Hamilton, H., An Economic H i s t o r y of Scotland i n the eighteenth century, Oxford, 1964. Handley, J.E., The I r i s h i n Scotland, Glasgow, 1964. Johnston T., H i s t o r y of the Working Classes i n Scotland, Glasgow, 1929. Kerr  A.W., H i s t o r y of Banking i n Scotland, 4th ed., Glasgow, 1928.  Mackinnon, J . S o c i a l and I n d u s t r i a l H i s t o r y of Scotland: from the Union t o the present time, London, 1921. i  MacLeod, W.H., and Houldsworth, S i r H.H., The Beginnings of the Houldsworths of C o l t n e s s , Glasgow, 1937. - Maicolm, C.A., Edinburgh,  The Bank of S c o t l a n d , 1695-1950, n.d.  Malcolm, C.A., The B r i t i s h Linen Bank, 1746-1946. Edinburgh, 1950. M i l l e r , R., and T i v y , J . The Glasgow Region: survey, Glasgow, 195o.  a general  Pryde, G.S. The Treaty of Union of Scotland and England, 1707, Edinburgh, 1950. Unwin, G., Hulme, A., and Taylor G. Samuel Oldknow and the Arkwrights: the I n d u s t r i a l Revolution at Stockport and Marple, Manchester, 1924. f  Wadsworth, A.P., and Mann, J . de L., The Cotton Trade and I n d u s t r i a l Lancashire. 1600-1780. Manchester, 1931.  7  TABLE I .  m w H O t O N ^ N N O H H O H H i A O CO 02 >  OA OA -4- - 4 f>- t>- -4- CM n r | >A 4 CM rH rH rH  CM. rH CA  H  CO •P o  EH  O v O r H i A - * i r \ O O O O O C M c M C ^ i H t O t O t » ( A t O N v O < O m N o n c\ I A v\ to vO - ^ O - v O u f N O ^ - ^ v O v O c M C M t>- O O O !>\0 vO C h O » 4 A < 0 > A H v O CM vO «0 CM 0^ CM -4 rH rH CMCMCMCMCMCMCMCnvO l  to <D Q> •H 3 C Ct$ H > •P to  I A I A I A 4 N N 4 H O  H 4 4 m O OA O  OA OA - 4 - 4 I>- O CM  CM O rH  O t O c ^ t O v O C ^ - r H O v O ^ O U N O C ^ O u S ( \ | r l t O N N v O N N O t O * O t f \ t O r l i A O - 4 CM  UA oA rH O CM rH rH H «H CA  UA \0 H 4 (V Ol N H to uAtOOtOCMCMtOUAOO N n IA 4 O M D f>MDcM 4 N f \ « 0 « 0 ( O N 4 i A O \ 0 r  4 n vO tr\ UA OA _t vO OA UA -4 to O O\ 0 ^ 0 ^ ( > 4 m ( 1 0 i A r l i A O \ 0 ( O N f \ N -4 HrH CMCMcMiHCViCMCMOAvO r  3s  (P  C^- UA CM UA I CM UA MD CM  CM I  UA rH  I  UA OA O O N iA ON N CM -4" CM  -4 O c«A O UA H  O -4  o o OA  1  o o UA UA  rH ctf o CO •H > CP  CM rH  O CM  «0 O 4  H  CO  OHCMCA-d-UAvOlNtO O - O O O - t N C ^ O - O - C - -  5H  H H r H r H H r H r H i H H  as  O 4  UA o o O vO o o O o to - 4 to •te as rH UA CM  I CM  o  -4-  O rH CM OA -4 UA o- to to to to to to orH rH rH rH H  America  Year Wt. 1786  (lb.)  -  1787 1788  27,426  1789  2,998  1790  2,086  1791  1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 From:  -  604 2,400 15,000 52,800  West  Value  (£)  —  -  1,372 150 104  -  30 106  750 2,640 9,812  196,260 392,040  19,602  1,191,648  59,581  1,411,275  70,564 130,610  2,610,222.  Wt. ( l b . )  Indies Value  Totals (£)  Wt.  (lb.)  Value  (£)  845,953 1,364,193 1,496,243  42,298  845,953  42,298  68,210  68,210  2,165,732  108,285  1,364,193 1,523,669 2,168,730  108,435  2,723,160  136,158  2,725,246  136,262  . 2,757,458  137,869  2,757,458  137,869  3,076,111 2,650,142 1,402,340 2,094,631 1,334,678 1,316,274 1,621,053  138,557 132,505 70,117 104,732 66,734  3,076,715 2,652,542  138,587  81,051  1,530,938 1,708,314 2,812,701  1,804,331  90,215  3,215,606  140,632 160,779  4,865,154  243,355  2,254,932  74,812  65,813  112,745  1,417,340 2,147,431  76,184  132,611  70,867 107,372 76,546 85,415  H. H a m i l t o n , E c o n o m i c H i s t o r y o f S c o t l a n d i n t h e E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y , A p p e n d i x V I I , 412-3. While e x c l u d i n g imports from sources other than America and t h e West I n d i e s , H a m i l t o n ' s f i g u r e s p r o b a b l y c o n v e y an a c c u r a t e p i c t u r e o f t h e S c o t t i s h c o t t o n - t r a d e ' s f l u c t u a t i o n s s i n c e t h e s e were t h e two m a i n s o u r c e s o f supply throughout the period 1770-1827•  Cotton wool imports i n t o Scotland, 1770-1827 S e c t i o n I I - 1801-1824 America  1801 1802 1803  Wt. ( l b )  Value (£)  3,731,814 5,411,124 4,661,382 4,277,058  186,623 270,553 233,158  1804 1805 1806  4,854,205 4,532,940  1807 1808  6,589,953 1,325,096  1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817  213,847 242,710 226,645; 329,476  West Indies Wt. ( l b . ) Value (£) 3,802,054: 3,328,701  190,103 166,432  2,195,594 3,852,122  109,775 192,603 131,838  2,636,793 3,478,813 4,379,336.  66,234 3,399,953 Customs Ledger M i s s i n g 5,680,086 211,868 4,934,283 329,900 6,598,016 4,095,597 170,448 4,145,242 3,409,025 195,686 4,022,942 9,784 80,543 3,701,785 5,206,189 8,572,005  4,027 185,089 260,309 428,583  173,937 218,965 169,990 283,699 205,924 175,242 201,146  4,447,051 3,760,101  222,352  2,950,884 2,739,940  147*544  188,004 136,997  Other Sources  Totals  Wt. ( l b . ) Value (£) Wt. ( l b ) Value (£5) 675,686 1,563,033 1,289,962 1,033,918 979,995 1,120,884 571,216 30,270  33,784 78,151 64,497 51,695 49,000  410,510 515,136 407,410  56,127 28,560  458,145 8,470,993 423,548 9,132,637 456,709 11,540,505 577,001  1,513  4,755,319 237,737  1,725,608 835,111 1.,185,442  86,279 41,754 59,269  2,247,867 1,223,165 1,083,581  112,395  258,747 1,257,285  8,209,554 10,302,858 8,146,938 9,163,098  61,657 54,184 12,938 62,864  12,339,977 11,528,724 8,739,709 6,466^495  581,846 577,578  404,959 323,325 5,760,759 288,036 8,545,467 427,277 8,415,820 420,791 12,569,230 628,444  Year  America Wt.. ( l b . )Value (£)  West Indies Other Sources Totals; Wt. ( l b . ) Value (£) Wt. ( l b . ) Value (£) Wt. ( l b . ) Value(£)  1818  8,742,507 7,291,972  437,125 364,598  3,531,433 2,442,428  7,376,079 7,248,001  2,268,894 1,391,256  1819 1820 1821 1822  9,147,002  358,717 362,399 449,146  1823 1824  9,798,947 7,530,848  489,947 376,542  From:  2,051,209 1,350,570  176,570 122,107 113,445 69,564 102,560  1,445,455  67,529 73,276  1,784,993 2,584,383 1,083,969  1,059,743 550,808 112,866 388,422  89,249 129,219 54,198 52,988  14,058,933 12,318,783 10,728,942 9,699,000  27,541  11,749,019  5 ,643 19,421  11,262,383 9,364,725  702,944 615,924 526,360 484,951 579,247 563,119 469,239  Inspector-General of Imports and Exports f o r S c o t l a n d , M. S. Ledgers (Customs 14) v o l s . 14-36. E n t r i e s i n the "Other Sources" column i n c l u d e imports from Portuga the East I n d i e s , B r i t i s h North America, South America, e t c . S e c t i o n I I I , 1825-1827 Year  Source:  T o t a l cotton-wool imports Into Scotland Wt. ( l b . ) Value (£)  1825 1826  9,655,335 8,343,442  482,767 417,172  1827  19,609,710  980,485  Customs 14, v o l s . 37-39, a b s t r a c t s . Separate S c o t t i s h customs records were not kept a f t e r 1827, but Baines, H i s t o r y of the Cotton Manufacture', estimates that approximately 26.8 m i l l i o n l b s . of raw cotton- was imported i n t o Scotland i n 1833 f o r the use of the S c o t t i s h cotton i n d u s t r y (pp. 366-7). ;  — t• OX  Exports of Cotton Manufactures from Scotland - selected  Year 1792 '  Value of cotton goods exported (£J>  Value of home-produced! exports (£)  years  Value of Scottish t o t a l (£). exports, including re-exports  66,398  886,238  1,230,884  1801  1,343,973  2,449,185  2,844,516  1818  4,104,876  6,254,725  6,769,534  1827  4,740,941  5,932,852  6,059,503  From:  P.R.O. Customs 14, v o l s . 5, 14, 30, 37. In the entries f o r 1818 and 1827, the value given i s the o f f i c i a l value, as f o r 1792 and 18CQ.  D a i l y wages of cotton handloom weavers i n Glasgow, 1810-1819 and 1831. 1&L3 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1831 s;. di. s. d . s. d . s. d . s. d . s. d . s. d . s. di. s. d . a. d . s. d .  Fabrics Woven  1 8 1 0  1 3 1 1  4/. Gam* b r i e , 2 74 1,300 6/, Book * muslin, 2 7 1,400 4/i Jacon« Jacone * ett, , 1 0 1,200 4/. P u l l i * cate, 2 0 1,300 4/. Checks, J^® 1 74 1,000* • &  e  5  /4  l l / 8 G  '  "  2  haI" 1,300  1 11  • — — —  From:  44  1  1 8 1 2  3>  1 8  1 6  2 0  2 6  2 0  1 9  1 llj  2  3i  2 11  2  6|  1  6i  1  74  2  04  1  8f  8  2  2  2  4  1  8  1  7i 1' 7* .  1  7i 3  1  0  •1  1  0  1  1  3  1 5 .  1 10  2  04  2  3  2  3  2  1  1  74  2  0i  2  2  1 11  3  ———;—""  ' '  "  '  104  8  1  lOf 1  1  24  1  1  11 '  24  1  8  94  1  0  1  0  94  1  l i  24  1  74  H i  1  1  1 0  94  \  1 3  '.  1  9  1 0  24  1 4  8£  11  10  1  Si 1 -  "~  0 10  1  11 1  •  '.  E. Baines, H i s t o r y of the Cotton Manufacture, 488. These are d a i l y n e t t wages, a f t e r deductions f o r loom-rent, heat, l i g h t , e t c . , on an average of 12 hours work per day.  2  1 0 • '. ' ni"  CD £ M  M  Specimen weekly wages i n cotton-spinning, Glasgow-based f i r m s , 1831 Age- group:  Age-group:  9- 10  Male Female s. d. s. d.  -  J . Batholomew & Co. J . F i n l a y & Go. Catrine Ballindalloch Deanston  1 mm  2  0  Male s. d.  Female s. d.  6  3  3  4  9  6  10  6  6  24  5  9  2  1 1 2  a 6 0  3 6 2: 9 3 0  3 2 3  6 9 0  7 5 5  6 0 0  6 5 5  9 0 0  -  14 10 12  0 6 0  6 10 7  6 6 6  23  5  6  6  -  -  H. Houldsworth & Co.  1  3i  1  3i  3  R. M a r s h a l l & Co.  2  0  2  3  5  0  4  H. Monteith & Co.  2  0  2  6  4  3  J . Oswald & Co.  2  6  2  6  4  L a n c e f i e l d Spinning Co. Spinning Power-Weaving (Lancefield m i l l ) From:  2  -  6  Male Female s,. d. s,. d.  Age-group: 21 and over Male Female s. d. s. d.  16-18  2  J . M. Graham  Shields & S i n c l a i r  Age-group:  12-14  2  -  6  -  -  6.  0  6  0  9  1  9  1  1  7  0  6  6  35  0  7  6  3  0  8  5>  6  0  24  1  8  2  0  4  0  6  0  6  0  0  7  0  6  0  6  0  6  0  -  24 20  0  20  0  4  3  4  3  6  10  6 10  25  0  8  3  5  9i  6  8  6  19  0  7  1  3  ±2  J . C l e l a n d , Enumeration of the Inhabitants of Glasgow, 1831, 291.  »-3  

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