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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Hitler and the churches, 1933-1939 Taylor, Robert R. 1964

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HITLER AND THE CHURCHES 1933-1939 by Robert R. Taylor B.A., The University of British Columbia, 1961 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard The University of British Columbia April, 1964 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of • British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study, I further agree that per-mission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that.copying or publi-cation of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission* Department of History  The University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8 ? Canada D a t e A p r i l . 196A ABSTRACT Fo r purposes o f t h i s t h e s i s , we a c c e p t the v i e w t h a t t h e C h r i s t i a n Church's power d e c l i n e d a f t e r t h e M i d d l e Ages, and a s e c u l a r , i n d u s t r i a l , mass s o c i e t y d e v e l o p e d i n Western Europe, a s o c i e t y w h i c h , by t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , had begun t o d e p r i v e m e n - - p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e p r o l e t a r i a t — o f t h e i r s p i r i t u a l r o o t s , and w h i c h c r e a t e d the need f o r a new f a i t h . I n Germany, t h i s s i t u a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y a c u t e a f t e r t h e f i r s t W o r l d War, was c o n d i t i o n e d by t h e p e c u l i a r h i s t o r y o f c h u r c h - s t a t e r e l a t i o n s t h e r e as w e l l as by t h e weakened pos-i t i o n o f t h e m i d d l e c l a s s e s . F o r a v a r i e t y o f r e a s o n s , young Germans i n t h e f i r s t decades of t h i s c e n t u r y were i n a " r e v o l u t i o n a r y " mood. A d o l f H i t l e r h i m s e l f was such a young p e r s o n , r a i s e d i n a b o u r g e o i s C h r i s t i a n e nvironment, y e t s t r o n g l y a f f e c t e d by t h e p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l t r e n d s o f the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s . N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m , w i t h i t s a n t i - S e m i t i s m and i t s c a l l f o r n a t i o n a l r e g e n e r a t i o n , became t h e s u b s t i t u t e f a i t h o f Germans and was d i r e c t e d by c y n i c a l p o l i t i c i a n s . Much o f t h i s " t h e o l o g y " was d e t e r m i n e d by p o l i t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s ; t h a t i s , by what a p p e a l e d t o non-Nazi Germans. I t demanded, f o r example, a t o t a l commitment wh i c h many were r e a d y t o g i v e . The r e l i g i o u s t r a p p i n g s of t h i s Weltanschauung were manufac-t u r e d by N a z i l e a d e r s , who d i d not t h e m s e l v e s b e l i e v e i n them. S e e k i n g t o win t h e n a t i o n ' s y o u t h , H i t l e r f o u n d h i m s e l f i n c o n f l i c t w i t h o r t h o d o x f a i t h , but he knew t h a t , i f the P a r t y was permanently t o dominate Germany, C h r i s t i a n i t y would have t o be e l i m i n a t e d . The C h r i s t i a n a t t i t u d e , however, a i d e d t h e N a z i s i n c o n s o l i d a t i n g t h e i r power. The L u t h e r a n v i e w o f t h e s t a t e , e s p e c i a l l y t h a t of t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " , o f f e r e d l i t t l e r e s i s t a n c e . The C a t h o l i c a t t i t u d e was more h o s t i l e , but u l t i m a t e l y d i d not p r e v e n t German C a t h o l i c s from r i v a l l i n g t h e i r P r o t e s t a n t c o l l e a g u e s i n enthusiasm f o r N a z i r e f o r m s . H i t l e r ' s a pproach t o the c h u r c h e s a f t e r 1933 e v o l v e d i n s e v e r a l s t a g e s , from a p p a r e n t c o n c i l i a t i o n t h r o u g h f r a n k h o s t i l i t y t o g r u d g i n g t o l e r a t i o n . He t r i e d t o r e t r e a t from t h e p o s i t i o n he adopted i n t h e ' t w e n t i e s , a p o s i t i o n which u p h e l d " p o s i t i v e C h r i s t i a n i t y " , and w h i c h s u p p o r t e d t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " and t h e C o n c o r d a t of 1933. A l t h o u g h ready t o abandon t h e s e elements and t h i s agreement, he n e v e r c o u l d . A f t e r 1936 he began t o i n t e n s i f y h i s a t t a c k on t h e C a t h o l i c s and, t o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t , t h e L u t h e r a n s , b u t H i t l e r knew i t was not n e c e s s a r y t o a s s a u l t t h e l a t t e r group as v i g o r o u s l y as t h e C a t h o l i c s . The o u t b r e a k o f war showed b o t h t h e f a i l u r e and t h e s u c c e s s o f t h e P a r t y ' s K i r c h e n p o l i t i k , f o r , w h i l e t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f b o t h c o n f e s s i o n s showed t h a t t h e p e o p l e s t i l l a dhered t o t h e o l d f a i t h , the f a c t t h a t b oth c h u r c h e s a c c e p t e d t h e war i n a l l i t s c o n t r a d i c t o r y a s p e c t s , showed t h a t t h e Weltanschauung had, i n t h e p o l i t i c a l sphere a t l e a s t , won t h e a l l e g i a n c e t h a t t h e P a r t y had sought e a r l i e r . The N a z i s were p a r t i c u l a r l y c o n c e r n e d t o e l i m i n a t e C h r i s t i a n i n f l u e n c e i n e d u c a t i o n and y o u t h t r a i n i n g , and t o s u b s t i t u t e t h e i r own " f a i t h " . Many u n i v e r s i t y s t u d e n t s were a l r e a d y n a t i o n a l i s t i c , a n t i - S e m i t i c , and " r e v o l u t i o n a r y " , and most o f t h e f a c u l t y o f t h e u n i v e r s i t i e s were n o t h o s t i l e t o the P a r t y . Here H i t l e r was not concerned o n l y t o e x c l u d e C h r i s t i a n i n f l u e n c e , but a l s o t o emasculate t h e c r i t i c a l f a c -u l t i e s o f t h e young and t o en s u r e t h a t o n l y t h o s e who a c c e p t e d N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m were educated. The p u b l i c s c h o o l s posed more o f a problem, f o r here t h e c h u r c h e s o f t e n c o n t r o l l e d both t e a c h e r s and s u b j e c t s , and here a t t h e same t i m e was t h e g r e a t e s t o p p o r t u n i t y and g r e a t e s t need t o educate and t r a i n good N a z i s . T h e r e f o r e the i d e o l o g y became p a r t o f ev e r y c h i l d ' s l e a r n i n g and, where C h r i s t i a n i t y c o u l d not be a l t o g e t h e r ex-c l u d e d , i t was used and merged w i t h t h e H i t l e r i t e t e a c h i n g s . They a l s o t r i e d t o l i m i t t h e i n f l u e n c e o f p a r e n t s w i t h C h r i s t i a n p r e j u d i c e s o v er t h e c h i l d and t o e l i m i n a t e t h e C h r i s t i a n y o u t h o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Throughout t h i s campaign t h e y employed d e c e p t i v e c o n c i l i a t i o n , d e l i b e r a t e l y c o n f u s i n g de-c r e e s , and a n t i - C h r i s t i a n propaganda. At f i r s t t h e y bene-f i t e d from t h e c o n f u s i o n i n many C h r i s t i a n minds as t o t h e n a t u r e o f t h e movement, but t h i s a m b i g u i t y was u l t i m a t e l y a d i s a d v a n t a g e . I n t h a t t h e y used C h r i s t i a n i t y t o i n c u l c a t e t h e new " f a i t h " , t h e y weakened t h e i r a n t i - C h r i s t i a n p o s i t i o n . U n c e r t a i n t y among C h r i s t i a n l e a d e r s combined w i t h t h e f a i t h o f a p a r t o f t h e i r f l o c k d e t e r m i n e d r e s p e c t i v e l y t h e N a z i s ' c o n s i d e r a b l e s u c c e s s i n p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and t h e i r f a i l u r e t o b e g i n e x t e r m i n a t i n g C h r i s t i a n i t y . Had th e c h u r c h l e a d e r s p o s s e s s e d a dynamic approach t o s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l problems, t h e N a z i l e a d e r s would n ot have c o n v e r t e d so many t o t h e i r s u b s t i t u t e f a i t h . T h e i r r e f o r m s succeeded because t h e y were based on a l a c k of s p i r i t u a l c o n v i c t i o n i n the r e f o r m e r s o r o f p o l i t i c a l m a t u r i t y i n t h e churchmen. H i t l e r was w i l l i n g t o use any s y m p a t h e t i c element t o g a i n power, b u t , i r o n i c a l l y , he ne v e r managed t o win t h e e n t i r e d e v o t i o n of t h e p e o p l e because o f t h i s t a c t i c o f apparent compromise. I n s h o r t , h i s a l l i a n c e w i t h and use of C h r i s t i a n i t y was u l t i m a t -e l y one o f h i s weaknesses. Contents CHAPTER 1 Introduction (1) Background: the Spiritual Condition of Pre-Nazi Germany (2) Roman Catholic and Lutheran views of the State (3) German Church-State Relations (4) Problems in Lutheranism (5) German Society i n General; Particularly Post-1918 Youth CHAPTER 2 Adolf Hitler: His Faith and His Attitude to Christianity (1) Introduction (2) His Faith (3) The Role of the Party, versus the Churches CHAPTER 3 The Nazi Movement as a Substitute Faith (1) The Development of Nazism into a Pseudo-Church (2) Rosenberg, the High Priest (3) Essence of the Nazi "Faith" (4) The Religious Trappings Manufactured (5) TheHitler Youth (6) Concept of the El i t e (7) The Final Enlightenment (8) Weaknesses CHAPTER 4 The Church-State Conflict (1) Christian Attitude to the Conflict (2) Themes of the Conflict (3) Events of the Conflict (4) Problems CHAPTER 5 Education and the Control of Youth (1) Introduction (2) The Universities (3) Public Schools (4) Hitler Youth versus Christian Youth CHAPTER 6 Summary and Conclusions CHAPTER I I n t r o d u c t i o n 1. Background: S p i r i t u a l C o n d i t i o n of P r e - N a z i Germany The C h r i s t i a n churches have f a i l e d t o p r o v i d e s o l u t i o n s f o r t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y s p i r i t u a l , s o c i a l , and p o l i t i c -a l p roblems; t h e r e s u l t i s t h a t many o f t h e s e m i - r e l i g i o u s movements o f t h e modern e r a , such as Communism, have t a k e n p l a c e o u t s i d e C h r i s t i a n t h e o l o g y and a p a r t f rom C h r i s t i a n l i f e . N e c e s s i t y i s t h e mother o f i n v e n t i o n ; t h e need t o s o l v e t h e s e problems c r e a t e d much o f t h e N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t phenomenon. German s p i r i t u a l ^ c o n f u s i o n was o f c o n s i d e r a b l e s i g n i f i c a n c e i n t h e development o f the N a z i movement and i n i t s r i s e t o power. But w h i l e t h e N a z i e l i t e d i d not s e r i o u s l y c o n c e r n them-By " s p i r i t u a l " i s meant n o t s i m p l y t h a t w h i c h relate<§ t o t h e l i f e of t h e s p i r i t ( i . e . " s o u l " ) , not r e l i g i o u s l i f e p e r s e , but t h a t w h i c h D i l t h e y c a l l e d " d i e g e i s t i g e W elt", t r a n s l a t e d by H.P. Rickman as " m i n d - a f f e c t e d w o r l d " . T h i s i n -c l u d e s concepts o f God, p a t r i o t i s m , w o r l d - v i e w , s o c i a l mores, and so on; p h r a s e s which i m p l y an o t h e r - w o r l d l y s a n c t i o n t h a t , a l -though vague, i s n o n e t h e l e s s s t r o n g . See W i l h e l m D i l t h e y , P a t t e r n and Meaning i n H i s t o r y . Thoughts on H i s t o r y and S o c i e t y , ed. t r a n s . H.P. Rickman, New Xork, H a r p e r s , l y b i d , p. 2 3 . 2 s e l v e s w i t h t h e cause o f t h e malady, t h e y made e f f e c t i v e use of the symptoms i n t h e i r d r i v e t o power and t h e recommenda-t i o n s of would-be p h y s i c i a n s i n m a i n t a i n i n g t h e i r p o s i t i o n . T h i s i n t r o d u c t o r y c h a p t e r o u t l i n e s t h e problem as i t appeared i n b o t h European and German l i f e . From t h i s g e n e r a l background w i l l be seen not o n l y how Nazism was an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f German development, but a l s o why u n - p o l i t i c a l , n o n - f a n a t i c a l , C h r i s t i a n Germans a c c e p t e d and s u p p o r t e d i t . C r i t i c i s m of t h e W i l h e l m i a n p e r i o d and l a m e n t a t i o n s about i t s s p i r i t u a l s i c k n e s s began al m o s t as soon as the age i t s e l f and have n e v e r stopped. A l f r e d Baumler, a N a z i , de-c l a r e d t h a t Bismarck l e f t b e hind him a people who l i v e d i n a s t a t e t h e y had not t h e m s e l v e s c r e a t e d and who were t h e r e f o r e i n d i f f e r e n t t o i t s f u t u r e . T h e i r K u l t u r was p o i s o n e d by i n -c r e a s i n g commercial e x p a n s i o n , w o r l d - m a r k e t c o m p e t i t i o n , and, o f c o u r s e , m a t e r i a l i s m . A l l t h e f i n e r elements of genuine "Germanness" (Deutschtum), t h e q u a l i t i e s o f t h e German " s o u l " , were s a c r i f i c e d f o r i n d i v i d u a l m a t e r i a l g a i n . W i t h t h i s de-cadent i n d i v i d u a l i s m and t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g n e g l e c t o f t h e c o u n t r y ' s s p i r i t u a l w e l f a r e , Baumler was not s u r p r i s e d t h a t t h e F a t h e r l a n d c o l l a p s e d i n 191&.1, He d i d n o t , i n t h i s a n a l y s i s , get a t t h e core o f t h e i s s u e . Nor d i d a n o t h e r N a z i , A l f r e d Rosenberg, when he condemned "the b o u n d l e s s , m a t e r i a l i s t i c Quoted i n George F r e d e r i c k K n e l l e r , E d u c a t i o n a l  P h i l o s o p h y o f N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m , New Haven, Y a l e , 1941, p. 3 0 . 3 individualism aiming at an economic-political control of the world's money."''" To be sure, i f one ignores the jargon about "soul", one finds here some truth, supported by more reliable sources. The age was f i l l e d with great constructive poten-t i a l i t y , suppressed turbulence, and frustration. For many who were less articulate than, for example, Nietzsche or Paul de Lagarde, i t s security andcomfort were not sufficient to give answers to the questions raised by a radically changing environment; they sought someone to lead them out of a social cul de sac. Take, for example, Thomas Mann's "Magic Mountain", in which a group of people are attracted by what seems to be originality or "charisma" in Mr. Peeperkorn. This novel is an encyclopedia of intellectual and social trends of the time. Al-though they were often c r i t i c a l of the age, the Wandervffgel (or "Roamers"), youthful hikers and nature enthusiasts, stand for a similar tendency, seeking the "real" in human experience. It i s significant, moreover, that the Church did not usually participate in the c r i t i c a l wave, nor did i t often attract those who sought a reformation of national l i f e . It had not man-aged to capture the allegiance of the working classes, who were born and grew up largely pagan from the early nineteenth century. Less inclined to be satisfied with superficial palliatives, the middle classes, more li t e r a t e and self-con-Alfred Rosenberg, Mythus des 20.Jahrhunderts. Mtochen, Hoheneichen, 1934, p. 118. '. 4 scious, engaged in what now seems a frantic search for meaning. The peculiarities of the Wilhelmian period were symptomatic of a deeper malaise, European in scope and much older than the Second Empire. By 1900, much Christian teaching and morality lived on only in a secularized form, and the majority of Europeans lived without a spiritual foundation to their existence. This condition, according to Nicolas Berdyaev,^ represents the end of the Renaissance and the failure of humanism. The man the Renaissance humanists created now wanders the earth, lacking communion with the depths of l i f e , relying too much on his own powers, and unbearably lon-ely. This loneliness, both spiritual and more simply social, has become an everyday experience of the urban masses. Mean-while, according to Hannah Arendt, self-interest has to a certain extent declined and has been replaced by a numbness in the face of catastrophe which, coupled with an inclination toward abstract notions as guides for l i f e , happily accepts a r i g i d , i l l o g i c a l ideology as long as i t grants a minimum of self-respect. "What convinces the masses are not facts, and not invented facts, but only the consistency of the system of 2 which they are presumably part." A new system of belief, "*"In this introduction, I have confined myself to a discussion of three c r i t i c s of the situation, Berdyaev, Arendt, and Fromm, representatives of three points of view, Christian p o l i t i c a l - s o c i a l , and psychological. Much more has been written on the subject; here I can only indicate the common conclusions these writers have arrived at. 2 Hannah Arendt, Origins of Totalitarianism,New York, Meridian, 1958, p. 316. 5 however, i f p r e s e n t e d i n terms p o p u l a r l y u n d e r s t o o d — S o u l , God, F a t e , F a t h e r l a n d — i s a l m o s t a s s u r e d o f s u c c e s s . Europeans a r e re a d y , Berdyaev adds, t o a c c e p t any k i n d o f c o l l e c t i v i s m as l o n g as t h e unwanted burden of human r e s -p o n s i b i l i t y w i l l v a n i s h . I f t h e new system a p p e a r s c o n s i s t e n t , t h e y w i l l g l a d l y a c c e p t t h e o f f e r e d s p i r i t u a l c o u n t e r f e i t , f o r m i n g " c h u r c h e s " t h a t a r e mere i m i t a t i o n s . T h i s f i n a l d i s -l o c a t i o n o f t h e o r g a n i c s t r u c t u r e o f l i f e means enslavement t o m e c h a n i z a t i o n and " c i v i l i z e d b a r b a r i s m " . There i s , con-s e q u e n t l y , i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n o f t h e l o n e l i n e s s which i s a t t h e r o o t of human d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n . ' ' " I t c o u l d be m a i n t a i n e d t h a t t h e more Europeans g a i n p o l i t i c a l freedom and emerge from an o r i g i n a l u n i t y w i t h o t h e r human b e i n g s and t h e n a t u r a l w o r l d , t h e more i s o l a t e d t h e y become as i n d i v i d u a l s . The p o s t - R e n a i s s a n c e s i t u a t i o n , hand i n hand w i t h growing s e c u l a r i z a t i o n and " e n l i g h t e n m e n t " , l e a d s t h e weaker m a j o r i t y o f men t o seek s e c u r i t y t h r o u g h t i e s w h i c h d e s t r o y t h e i r freedom and t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l i n t e g r i t y . At any r a t e , w r i t e r s as d i f f e r e n t as Berdyaev and Hannah Arendt agree t h a t p o w e r f u l t e n d e n c i e s e x i s t t o "escape from freedom" i n t o s u b m i s s i o n o r i n t o some r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e w o r l d and men which r e l i e v e s u n c e r t a i n t y . E r i c h Fromm comments; "by l o s i n g N i c o l a s Berdyaev, End o f Our Time, t r a n s . Donald A t t w a t e r , London, Sheed and Ward, 1 9 3 3 , pp. 1 3 - 5 8 . See a l s o A r e n d t , op. c i t . , p. 4 6 . 6 h i s f i x e d place i n a c l o s e d world, man l o s e s the answer to the meaning of h i s l i f e . " 1 What, or who, could r e s t o r e t h i s s e c u r i t y ? In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r aspect, Nazism was a European phenomenon, the end-product of t h i s l o n g i n g f o r s p i r i t u a l s e c u r i t y , but exacerbated by n a t i o n a l f r u s t r a t i o n and econ-omic d i s a s t e r . Few could f i n d solace i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of t w e n t i e t h century Germany, where new f o r c e s , powerful and a n t i p a t h e t i c to t r a d i t i o n a l values, threatened to b r i n g anarchy. The p o l i t i c a l world had l o s t i t s connection not only with C h r i s t i a n i t y but a l s o with much of Germany's e t h i c a l and c u l t u r a l l i f e . T h i s complete s e c u l a r i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c s de-p r i v e d of refuge those u n a t t r a c t e d by a d e c l i n i n g church. The German who had no sense of f u n c t i o n i n r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l l i f e , and who could no longer b e l i e v e i n the d i v i n e r i g h t of the Emperor, sought, with the help of the N a z i s , to give p o l i t i c a l l i f e the trappings of r e l i g i o n again. The movement gathered momentum and strength as the c r i t i c a l r e b e l s and d e s p a i r i n g C h r i s t i a n s found i n i t expression f o r t h e i r own needs. For both b e l i e v e r s and non-Christians a l i k e , of course, i t seemed e a s i e r to accept the i m i t a t i o n church Berdyaev E r i c h Fromm, Escape from Freedom, Toronto, Rinehart, 1941, p. 62. 7 p r o p h e s i e d t h a n t o adopt t h e more s t r e n u o u s a c c e p t a n c e o f s p i r i t u a l doubt c o u p l e d w i t h t h e generous t o l e r a n c e Fromm p r e s c r i b e s , o r t h e o r t h o d o x C h r i s t i a n a t t i t u d e o f f a i t h . T h i s was t h e s i t u a t i o n i n Germany a f t e r t h e G r e a t War. The p e c u l i a r i t i e s o f t h e W i l h e l m i a n p e r i o d were symptoms o f a m a l a i s e , not l i m i t e d to Germany a l o n e , w h i c h became i n t e n s e i n t h e ' t w e n t i e s and ' t h i r t i e s . I n t h e l a s t a n a l y s i s , not m a t e r i a l c o m f o r t , not immersion i n t h e b e a u t i e s or f u n c t i o n s of n a t u r e , not even t h e p u r g i n g a c t i o n o f a g r e a t war e f f o r t , c o u l d r e l i e v e t h e agony caused by a development f o u r hundred y e a r s o l d and European i n scope. N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m , however, t r i e d t o r e v e r s e t h i s development, b u t , i n d o i n g so, met w i t h a r i v a l ; t h e C h r i s t i a n Church. 2. C a t h o l i c and L u t h e r a n Views of the S t a t e The C h r i s t i a n Church e x i s t e d i n Germany b e f o r e t h e m o n o l i t h i c s t a t e , b e f o r e t h e Empire, almost b e f o r e c i v i l government of any k i n d ; and the v i e w s of C h r i s t i a n s , C a t h o l i c and L u t h e r a n , w i t h r e g a r d t o the s t a t e were p a r t o f e s t a b l i s h e d d o c t r i n e and d e t e r m i n e d t h e p o l i c y o f e v e r y p o t e n t i a l German l e a d e r , sometimes as p e r s o n a l a r t i c l e s o f f a i t h , as w i t h t h e L u t h e r a n B i s m a r c k , sometimes as t e n e t s o f an a l i e n w o r l d v i e w , as f o r t h e n i h i l i s t H i t l e r . F o r Roman C a t h o l i c s , T h o m i s t i c p h i l o s o p h y p r o v i d e d a t h e o r y o f t h e s t a t e a p p a r e n t l y opposed t o N a z i dogma. L u t h e r -anism a l l o w s t h e s t a t e and t h e c h u r c h each a sphere o f i n -8 fluence in society, but Catholicism claims that the church's power i s derived from a transcendental divine principle, standing above created nature, and, whereas the state i s con-sidered "natural", the- church is "supernatural", above any natural creation of man.1 Catholics believe that, while eternal law can find expression in laws of nature, the source and authority of human law must ultimately be the law of God; human law has no authority except as an expression of justice, defined by God's law as declared in Scripture. Thus, a secular government, whether democratic or autocratic, which governs in accordance with the law of God, i s tolerable; the church continues to be the repository of eternal truth. The 1918 revolution and the 1933 developments were only ripples on the ocean of Catholic security. Nevertheless, as the Nazis were to discover, the Catholics tended to oppose any confusion of secular and divine power and to uphold eternal moral standards by which a l l powers in society might be judged. Traditional Lutheranism, on the other hand, while i t demands freedom to preach the Gospel and to administer sac-raments without hindrance, leaves the p o l i t i c a l side of the church's l i f e to the good w i l l of the state, seeking, to be sure, to influence a l l classes i n the state, but believing see Thomas Aquinas, Treatise on Law, Chicago, Regnery, >;. n.d., passim. 9 that the "powers that be are ordained by God." Orthodox German Lutherans often drew a sharp line between the realms of private devotion and public action, and the combination of personal piety and a ruthless use of force was characterist-i c , as with Bismarck. Wilhelm Nieme511er explains the Lutheran attitude with the passage from the second Epistle to the Corinthians, "the weapons of our warfare are not carnal"."'" Both the Catholics and the Lutherans believed in loyalty to the national state, but Lutheran devotion could go so far that during war the defence of the Fatherland became the religious as well as the civic duty of every Christian citizen. The Gott mit uns attitude did not die out after the Great War; in 1919, a Lutheran minister declared; To foster national l i f e , to let i t blossom anew where i t has disappeared or threatens to disappear, that i s one of the most wonder-f u l tasks which God has placed before His children...Among these peoples there i s one to which goes our love, our pride, our wish, and our hope for the future: that i s the German people. At the same period i t was Pastor Martin NiemSller's desire to help his country out of i t s "desolate condition" that helped 3 him decide to become a pastor. There is nothing obviously "'"Wilhelm Niemttller, Kirchenkampf im Dritten Reich, Bielefeld, Bechauf, 1946, p. 12. 2 Quoted in Paul Kosok, Modern Germany. A Study of  Conflicting Loyalties, Chicago, 1933, p. 201. ^Martin Niemoller, Vom U-Boot zur Kanzel, Berlin, Warneck, 1934, p. 163. 10 " N a z i " i n t h e above q u o t a t i o n s , y e t many c o n s c i e n t i o u s o r -thodox L u t h e r a n s s u p p o r t e d H i t l e r and t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " . How d i d an o t h e r w i s e l a u d a b l e l o v e o f c o u n t r y become a s u i c i d a l r e s p e c t f o r a u t h o r i t y ? By i n s i s t i n g t h a t t h e t r u e church was t h e church i n v i s i b l e , r a t h e r t h a n t h e church v i s i b l e , M a r t i n L u t h e r weakened t h e power o f t h e e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a u t h o r i t i e s o v e r t h e s t a t e , w h i l e a t the same time j u s t i f y i n g a b s o l u t e a u t h -o r i t y by d i v i n e r i g h t . T h i s was no l o s s t o L u t h e r , who b e l i e v e d t h a t r e l i g i o u s l y i n s p i r e d i n w a r d l i b e r t y was t h e o n l y i m p o r t a n t l i b e r t y . Obedience t o outward c i v i l and church a u t h o r i t y i s t h e theme o f s e v e r a l o f h i s t r e a t i s e s ; f o r t h e d u t i f u l C h r i s t i a n s e r v a n t i n t h e o u t e r w o r l d , d i s o b e d i e n c e i s a g r e a t e r s i n t h a n murder or t h e f t ; even i f t h o s e i n power a r e e v i l and f a i t h l e s s , t h e i r power and a u t h o r i t y i s from God and t h e r e f o r e good.^ A f u r t h e r theme among the L u t h e r a n p o p u l a t i o n was emphasis on t h e wickedness of human n a t u r e and t h e r e f o r e t h e i n s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l and the n e c e s -s i t y o f s u b o r d i n a t i o n t o a power o u t s i d e t h e s e l f ; consequent-l y , i n q u e s t i o n s o f i m p o s i n g d i s c i p l i n e on a r e c a l c i t r a n t c i t i z e n , t h e L u t h e r a n C h r i s t i a n would s i d e w i t h t h e s t a t e . A s the L u t h e r a n church became t h e s t a t e - c h u r c h i n much of ^ermany, i t i s n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t i t came t o have a p a r a p h r a s e d from The R e f o r m a t i o n W r i t i n g s o f M a r t i n  H i t h e r , t r a n s . B.L. Woolf, London, L u t t e r w o r t h , 1952, v o l . 1, p. 357, and v o l . 2, p. 298. 11 v e s t e d i n t e r e s t i n t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t and t o be more s e n s i t i v e t h a n t h e C a t h o l i c church t o change i n governmental form. Throughout t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y , w i t h r e l i g i o u s wars and p o l i t i c a l r e b e l l i o n i n t h e German l a n d s , t h e r e d e v e l o p e d an u n d e r s t a n d a b l e d e s i r e f o r a s o l i d and p o w e r f u l t e m p o r a l a u t h o r i t y . And w h i l e L u t h e r ' s v i e w o f human s a l v a t i o n t h r ough i n d i v i d u a l v i r t u e and g r a c e may have been more honest t h a n t h e p r e v a i l i n g C a t h o l i c v i e w , t h e need f o r a d i v i n e l y a p p o i n t e d but s e c u l a r i n s t i t u t i o n w hich c o u l d e s t a b l i s h o r d e r i n a c h a o t i c w o r l d u n d o u b t e d l y made many Germans w i l l i n g t o com-promi s e w i t h t h e s t a t e , however fragmented i t may have been a t t h a t t i m e . The c o n t i n u i n g p r i n c i p l e o f s u b m i s s i o n o f the i n d i v i d u a l t o the P r i n c e i s b e h i n d t h e m o t i v a t i o n o f many L u t h e r a n s i n t h e ' t h i r t i e s , i n c l u d i n g P a s t o r N i e m S l l e r , who welcomed the N a z i " r e v o l u t i o n " . Thus t h e s o u l - s e a r c h i n g which must have gone i n t o t h e f o r m a t i o n o f the Bekennende K i r c h e (Con-f e s s i o n a l Church) can be a p p r e c i a t e d . T h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , h e r e t i c a l by L u t h e r a n as w e l l as by N a z i s t a n d a r d s , was not a n t i c i p a t e d i n t h e p l a n s o f t h e N a z i s , but f o r t u n a t e l y f o r H i t l e r , t h e m a j o r i t y o f L u t h e r a n s s t i l l g r a n t e d t h o s e i n power a c e r t a i n s a n c t i t y . L u t h e r a n r e s i s t a n c e was s l i g h t t o an a u t h o r i t a r i a n movement which s t r e s s e d t h e u n i t y o f a l l Germans and spoke i n terms o f " s o u l " and " s a c r i f i c e " . 3. C h u r c h - S t a t e R e l a t i o n s i n Germany These, t h e n , a r e t h e p r i n c i p l e s and t r e n d s w h i c h 12 determined Catholic and Lutheran behavior towards the state. A brief review of church-state relations up to 1933 w i l l show how the Lutheran church, in particular, came to occupy an anomalous position in German l i f e and how the Catholic church, on the other hand, f e l t i t s e l f strengthened after the f i r s t World War. After the Reformation,. both Protestant churches, Lutheran and Calvinist, soon became almost state institutions. In Prussia, for example, where the king was Summus Episcopus, Friedrich Wilhelm III in 1817 united the Lutheran andC- Calvin-i s t Churches to form the Evangelical Church of Prussia, with the clergy as state o f f i c i a l s . This occurred later in some of the other German states, but did not affect the status of the Lutheran or the Reformed Churches in, for example, Bavaria. In actual practice, the Prussian king only nominated author-i t i e s , pastors and laymen, to administer the church, but he could exercise, in accordance with Lutheran belief, supreme authority over the Evangelical Church, as shown by his act in creating i t . Moreover, a l l church expenses were paid by the Prussian government and this financial dependence of the Evangelical Church created a vested interest in supporting the state. The unity of c i v i l and religious l i f e was streng-thened by the factl that elsewhere in Germany every child was born into the Roman Catholic or the Protestant Church as well as into the state, and he received his religious education in government schools according to the a f f i l i a t i o n of his 13 parents, whose church taxes were collected by the state. Although the state had some control over the churches i t was at the same time intimately connected with and supported by them, andcould i l l afford to alienate them. The failure of Bismarck's Kulturkampf is the obvious example. The 1918 revolution gave both denominations greater freedom from state control, for there was to be no state-church, and the federal constitution made each confession a private corporation, entirely controlling i t s own affairs and appointing i t s o f f i c i a l s without state interference. There was not, however, complete separation of church and state, but simply no interference on the part of the government in internal church affairs; the state continued to guarantee many old privileges to both Catholics and Protestants which made the church-state relationship closer than might at f i r s t appear. The Lutheran pastors s t i l l drew their salaries from state funds and the government s t i l l considered every citizen a member of one of the churches unless he had formally resigned. Both churches s t i l l had the right to levy taxes on a l l members, which were collected and turned over to them by the state. Furthermore, in the 1920s, the various states which had con-fiscated Catholic lands during the Napoleonic era were s t i l l paying indemnities. The Prussian Evangelical Church also received indemnities for lands confiscated by the reforms of Stein and Hardenburg. This limited separation of church and state meant no decrease in the economic protection and support 1 4 g i v e n t o t h e c h u r c h e s , which were a b l e t o expand t h e i r organ-i z a t i o n . I n 1 9 2 2 a l a r g e r u n i o n of t h e German E v a n g e l i c a l Church F o u n d a t i o n was formed w h i c h embraced a l l the t e r r i -t o r i a l c h urches. I n B a v a r i a , t h e 1 9 2 4 c o n c o r d a t gave the C a t h o l i c s complete freedom t o a d m i n i s t e r t h e i r own a f f a i r s w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e i n f l u e n c e o v e r t h e e d u c a t i o n a l system; t h e y c o u l d examine and c e r t i f y a l l t e a c h e r s who gave i n s t r u c t i o n i n t h e i r f a i t h . There was a s i m i l a r agreement w i t h t h e B a v a r i a n E v a n g e l i c a l Church. Throughout Germany, r e l i g i o n was no l o n g e r compulsory f o r c h i l d r e n whose p a r e n t s c l a i m e d e x c e p t i o n ; i n i n d u s t r i a l a r e a s , where t h e r e was c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s b e l i e f , the s t a t e s u p p o r t e d s p e c i a l , s c h o o l s f o r i n d u s t r i a l c h i l d r e n , b u t t h i s o f t e n had t h e e f f e c t o f s e g r e g a t i n g c h i l d -r e n o f n o n - b e l i e v e r s and i n c r e a s i n g t h e i n f l u e n c e o f r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n i n o t h e r s c h o o l s . E i g h t y - t h r e e per cent o f t h e p u b l i c l y - c o n t r o l l e d e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l s were s t i l l d e n o m i n a t i o n -a l i n 1 9 3 3 . T h e c h urches had complete c o n t r o l o v e r t h e i r i n t e r n a l a f f a i r s ; o n l y i n f i n a n c i a l m a t t e r s c o u l d t h e s t a t e i n t e r f e r e , s i n c e i t c o l l e c t e d church t a x e s . The c h u r ches were i n a b e t t e r f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n a f t e r t h e war than t h e y were under t h e monarchy because t h e y c o n t i n u e d t o r e c e i v e f i n -a n c i a l s u p p o r t from the: government, w h i l e e n j o y i n g a d m i n i s -t r a t i v e autonomy as w e l l as i n f l u e n c e i n t h e e d u c a t i o n a l system. R.H. Samuel and R. H i n t o n Thomas, E d u c a t i o n and  S o c i e t y i n Modern Germany, London, R o u t l e d g e and Kegan,Paul, 1 9 4 9 , p. 1 0 3 . 15 Both major c o n f e s s i o n s , P r o t e s t a n t and C a t h o l i c , r e a c h i n g t h r o u g h t h e i r a u x i l i a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n t o a lmost e v e r y c o r n e r o f s o c i e t y , s t o o d as g r e a t b u t t r e s s e s t o t h e s t a t e and c o - o p e r a t e d w i t h t h e government as so many p o i n t s t h a t l o y a l t y t o t h e C h r i s t i a n Church was almost i n d i s t i n g u i s h -a b l e f rom l o y a l t y t o the s t a t e . W h i l e t h e p o l i t i c a l and m o r a l d u t y o f t h e c i t i z e n t o t h e s t a t e was s t i l l s a n c t i f i e d by t h e c h u r c h , t h e s t a t e , f o r i t s p a r t , defended the b e l i e f s o f t h e a c c e p t e d r e l i g i o u s b o d i e s ; a c c o r d i n g t o t h e #enal Code, b l a s -phemy and p u b l i c . v i l i f i c a t i o n o f any o f the c h u r c h e s , t h e i r b e l i e f s , i n s t i t u t i o n s , o r ceremonies was p u n i s h a b l e by im-p r i s o n m e n t f o r a p e r i o d o f up t o t h r e e y e a r s . The government-a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , t h e C a t h o l i c Church, and t h e P r o t e s t a n t Church c o - o p e r a t e d i n the t a s k o f p r e p a r i n g Germans f o r i n t e g r a t e d and p r o d u c t i v e r o l e s i n t h e i r s o c i e t y ; t h i s t h r e e -p i l l a r e d i n s t i t u t i o n saw t o i t t h a t b e l i e f i n God, l o v e o f c o u n t r y , and p u b l i c b e h a v i o u r a c c o r d i n g t o more o r l e s s C h r i s t i a n standards were p a r t o f t h e u n c o n s c i o u s mind o f most Germans, and, i f not always u n q u e s t i o n e d , t h e n a t l e a s t a c c e p t e d as i n e v i t a b l e , p r e r e q u i s i t e s f o r r e s p e c t a b l e member-s h i p i n t h e s o c i e t y o f the F a t h e r l a n d . A l t h o u g h — o r perhaps b e c a u s e — a n t i - C h r i s t i a n movements abounded, t h e churches and t h e s t a t e r e l i e d upon each o t h e r f o r s u p p o r t . Kosok, op. c i t . . p. 196. 16 P a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h r e g a r d t o t h e C a t h o l i c Church, t h e events o f t h e post-war p e r i o d r e s u l t e d i n an i n c r e a s e i n t h e power and i n f l u e n c e g r a n t e d by t h e s t a t e t o t h e c h u r c h e s . C e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y i t s e l f had been weakened and t h e f e a r o f r a d i c a l i s m l e d many l e a d e r s t o c o n s i d e r " r e l i g i o n " as a s a f e g u a r d ; t h e C a t h o l i c Zentrum ( C e n t r e P a r t y ) , because t h e S o c i a l Democrats needed i t s s u p p o r t , g a i n e d i n f l u e n c e . Thus, i n ,1933, t r a d i t i o n a l C h r i s t i a n i t y seemed t o be i n a s t r o n g p o s i t i o n . But t e n y e a r s l a t e r P a s t o r D i e t r i c h B o n h o e f f e r w r o t e , " T h i s i s a t i m e o f no r e l i g i o n a t a l l . . . w e have r e a c h e d the st a g e o f b e i n g r a d i c a l l y w i t h o u t r e l i g i o n . H o w was t h i s p o s s i b l e ? 4. Problems i n L u t h e r a n i s m The o r i g i n a l energy of L u t h e r a n P r o t e s t a n t i s m g r a d -u a l l y d e c l i n e d o ver t h e c e n t u r i e s . P a r a d o x i c a l l y , t h e s t a t e o f mind t h a t c r i p p l e d many L u t h e r a n s and r e n d e r e d them v i c -t i m s o f Nazism, t h e b e l i e f t h a t one's C h r i s t i a n f a i t h was a p u r e l y p r i v a t e m a t t e r , a t h i n g o f i n d i v i d u a l and f a m i l i a l p i e t y , began as a r e f o r m of t h e p e t r i f y i n g L u t h e r a n i s m o f t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y . P i e t i s m d e p r e c a t e d mere d o c t r i n e and t r i e d t o t u r n Germans toward a s i m p l e r and more honest form of r e l i g i o n , an e x p r e s s i o n o f immediate f e e l i n g r a t h e r t h a n t h e D i e t r i c h B o n h o e f f e r , L e t t e r s and Papers from P r i s o n , London, Fontana, 1953, p. 91, See pp. 107-108. 17 r e s u l t o f s t u d y and d i s c u s s i o n . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e f e e l i n g o f dependence upon God which P i e t i s t s such as S c h l e i e r m a c h e r and N o v a l i s s t r e s s e d as the most e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f C h r i s t i a n i t y tended t o become a f e e l i n g o f dependence upon th e n a t i o n and i t s power, e s p e c i a l l y when t h o s e w i t h a P i e t i s t i c u p b r i n g i n g l o s t God i n t h e s p i r i t u a l t u r m o i l o f t h e W i l h e l m i a n and Weimar e r a s . F o r S c h l e i e r m a c h e r h i m s e l f , n a t i o n a l i s m and C h r i s t i a n i t y were i d e n t i c a l ; " I know t o o c l e a r l y t h a t i t — t h e F a t h e r l a n d — i s a chosen i n s t r u m e n t and i p e o p l e o f God." He p r o f e s s e d , as d i d H i t l e r , t h a t r e l i g i o u s o f a i t h was " t h e sense and t a s t e f o r t h e E t e r n a l . " I n t h i s way, a dangerous vagueness e n t e r e d German P r o t e s t a n t i s m ; t h i s e x t r e m e l y s u b j e c t i v e s t y l e o f r e l i g i o n was marked by un-c e r t a i n t y o f d i r e c t i o n . As Germany became more s e c u l a r , n a t i o n a l i s m i t s e l f became a l m o s t a r e l i g i o n as i t seemed t o have more r e a l c o n t e n t and reference t o a c t u a l l i f e t h a n t h e f a l t e r i n g c h u r c h ' s d o c t r i n e . "Thetime was t o come when w e l l - m e a n i n g p e o p l e were u n a b l e t o d i s t i n g u i s h befween t h e emotions w h i c h w e l l e d i n t h e i r h e a r t s i n a r e l i g i o u s m eeting 3 and t h e s u r g i n g f e e l i n g s a r o u s e d by a N a z i p a r t y r a l l y . 1 Quoted i n K o p p e l P i n s o n , P i e t i s m as a F a c t o r i n t h e R i s e o f German N a t i o n a l i s m . New York, Columbia, 1934, p. 195. 2 Quoted i n K a r l K u p i s c h , Zwischen I d e a l i s m u s und  Massendemokratie. E i n e G e s c h i c h t e d e r e v a n g e l i s c h e K i r c h e i n  D e u t s c h l a n d 1915-1945. B e r l i n , L e t t n e r , 1955, p. 17. 3 " T . H . L i t t e l l , The German P h o e n i x . Men and Movements  i n t h e Church i n Germany. New York, Doubleday, I960, p. 18. 18 And although Pietism improved and extended the social aspect of the church's work, i t remained essentially conservative and aristocratic. In this way, the corruption of the original Piet-ism i s linked to Kulturreligion,"culture-religion", the con-cept that the best elements of Christianity are synonymous with the most characteristic and traditional elements of the German way of l i f e or deutsche Kultur. Throughout the nine-teenth century, the organized Protestant church remained obedient and loyal to the various princes, and lost much of i t s con-tact not only with the emerging proletariat, but also with the intellectuals. There were some attempts at reform, such as those of Johann Hinrich Wichern,! but their success was lim-ited. The c r i t i c a l influence of Ludwig Feuerbach, of some li b e r a l theologians, and of students of the sociology of re-lig i o n also came to naught. Often, these tendencies too optimistically accepted bourgeois culture as the expression of a rational universe and too naively followed the idea of progress. A "provincial harmonism" between Deutschtum and Christian values grew. While church-going became one of the virtues of a pious, patriotic Btlrger, the court pastor Adolf % i c h e r n (1808-1881) was one of the catalysts of the Christian social movement and the Inner Mission; an ev-angelical minister, he established an orphanage in Hamburg. 2 Paul Banwell Means, Things That are Caesar's. The  Genesis of the German Church Conflict, New York, Round Table, 1935, p. 41. 1 9 S t o e c k e r p r o c l a i m e d t h a t C h r i s t i a n f a i t h and l o v e o f Germany were "an i n d i s s o l u b l e u n i t y " . ! T h i s P r o t e s t a n t i s m which accommo-da t e d i t s e l f w i l l i n g l y t o t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e m i d d l e c l a s s was examined by Thomas Mann i n h i s Buddenbrooks. By 1 9 1 4 t h e r e was c o n s i d e r a b l e c o n f u s i o n as t o what t h e r o l e o f t h e genuine C h r i s t i a n i n Germany s h o u l d be. More-over, t h e r a p i d s t r i d e s made i n i n d u s t r y and t e c h n o l o g y , t h e new s e a r c h f o r p r o f i t , t h e r i s e o f slums and t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s a g g r a v a t e d t h e s i t u a t i o n and b r o u g h t Germany i n s t e p w i t h t h e European development d e s c r i b e d i n t h e f i r s t s e c t i o n o f t h i s c h a p t e r . L a t e r , t h e N a z i s A d o l f H i t l e r and Ludwig K l a g g e s denounced t h e e r a ; "more and more the gods of Heaven were put i n t o t h e c o r n e r as o b s o l e t e and outmoded and, i n t h e i r s t e a d , i n c e n s e was burned t o t h e i d o l Mammon;" t h e average C h r i s t i a n German became a "hard, o n e - s i d e d r a t i o n a l i s t and i n d i v i d u a l i s t , an a b s t r a c t u n i t o f c a l c u l a t i n g , u t i l i t a r i a n 2 a c q u i s i t i v e c o n s c i o u s n e s s . " B o t h o f t h e s e men knew which drum t o b e a t , but t h e i r o u t b u r s t s a l s o i n d i c a t e a g e n u i n e l y o u t -r a g e d , i f p e r v e r t e d , i d e a l i s m s h a r e d by many Germans. I n t h e meantime, a c y n i c a l . n i h i l i s m - - w h a t Meinecke c a l l e d "mass M a c ^ h i a v e l l i s m " ^ — g r e w i n much of t h e l o w e r c l a s s e s ; p a r t i c u -K u p i s c h , op. c i t . , p. 1 0 5 and p. 8 5 . 2 A u r e l K o l n a i , War a g a i n s t t h e West, London, G o l l a n c z , 1 9 3 8 , p. 3 2 9 ; and A d o l f H i t l e r , Mein Kampf, t r a n s . R a l p h Man-Heim, Bos t o n , Houghton M i f f l i n , 1 9 4 3 , p. 2 3 4 . - ^ F r i e d r i c h Meinecke, The German C a t a s t r o p h e . R e f l e c t i o n s  and R e c o l l e c t i o n s , t r a n s . Sydney B. Fay, Cambridge, Harvard, 1 9 5 0 , p. 5 1 . ,20 l a r l y among the Lutheran peasantpopulation of the lands east of the Elbe was this noticeable; l i t t l e more than three per cent of the population there took part regularly in church services. 1 After 191#, the church-leaving movement, which had declined during the war, increased. Thosewho before 1918 had been mere polite adherents to the Staatsreligion did not hesitate to desert a church which seemed to be a mere re-ligious society among many others. Whereas the annual loss, 1900-1914, was 3000 to 20,000, in 1919 alone the Protestant Church lost 224,015 members, and, in 1920, 305,584.2 The Catholic Church, too, was not immune; in Saxony, for example, in 1919-1926, 12.3 per cent of i t s membership defected. Up to 1933, 100,000 to 250,000 Protestants annually l e f t the church.^ Within the church hierarchy, the teaching of theology in the Hochschulen was far removed from the religious l i f e and social problems of the church. The p o l i t i c a l responsibility of Christians in a democratic state was never defined, and the church tended to look back to the Wilhelmian period as a "golden Kupisch, op. c i t . , p. 133. 2 Means, op. c i t . , p. 91. •^Loc. c i t . ^Chester L. Hunt, "Life Cycle of Dictatorships as seen in Treatment of Religious Institutions", Social Forces. 1949, vol. 27, p. 366. 21 age". Whereas Kar l Barth preached a return to Luther ' s f a i t h as a su i tab le reform, h is pup i l Gogarten extended h is ideas to a condemnation of l i b e r a l i sm and democracy as f a l se teach ing. Eighty per cent of the pastors in the Weimar per iod were members of right-wing p o l i t i c a l pa r t i e s .^ The Lutheran Church, therefore , often contr ibuted more to in tens -i f y i n g the German malaise than to cur ing i t . 5. German Society i n General, p a r t i c u l a r l y Post-1918 Youth. The la te nineteenth century bourgeois atmosphere of ra t iona l i sm, skept ic ism, and pos i t i v i sm f a i l e d to sa t i s f y many of the younger generat ion. For them, s a c r i f i c e , serv ice , and obedience meant more than r a t i ona l arguments; i n short, many of them wanted " i d e a l s " and the experience of having an "aim in l i f e " . The youth movement of the Wilhelmian per iod was p a r t i a l l y a r e j ec t ion of the "heavy-jowled mater ia l ism" of a time when secur i t y , p rosper i t y , and bourgeois propr iety smothered adventurousness, i n t e l l e c t u a l or phys i c a l . The prosperous years around the turn of the century produced those turbulent forces mentioned i n the in t roduct ion to th i s chapter. In i t s c r i t i c a l aspect, writes Albert Camus, the r evo lu t i on -ary movement of the twentieth century i s p r imar i l y a " v io len t 1 Means, op. c i t . , p. 94. F r i t z Kellermann, E f f ec t of the World War on  European Education, Cambridge^ Harvard, 1928, p. 13. 22 denunciation of the formal h y p o c r i s y that p r e s i d e s over bourgeois society.""'" Oddly enough, when the German movement began, few r e a l i z e d the immensity of the powers released, not merely p o l i t i c a l or m i l i t a r y f o r c e s , but the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n and energy of a generation seeking new values. At f i r s t , there was an u p l i f t i n g experience of f r a t e r n i t y i n August, 1914, when l o n e l y i n d i v i d u a l s became as one mind and body; H i t l e r was not the only young " m i s f i t " who thanked God on h i s knees when m o b i l i z a t i o n swept Europe i n that summer. "What counts", s a i d one young s o l d i e r , " i s always the readiness to make a s a c r i f i c e , not the object f o r which the s a c r i f i c e i s made." Fourteen thousand WandervSgel became s o l d i e r s and one i n four was k i l l e d , o b l i v i o u s t o the f a c t t h a t they were defending what they hated.^ In 1930j Richard Scheringer, a young s o l d i e r con-v i c t e d of Nazi a g i t a t i o n i n the army, declared, "a l o s t war, an impotent State, a hopeless system, a Reich on the b r i n k of A l b e r t Camus, The Rebel. An Essay on Man i n Revolt, t r a n s . Antony Bower, New York, Vintage, 1961, p. 1 3 5 . p Quoted i n Hannah Hafkesbrink, Unknown Germany: an  Inner Chronicle of the F i r s t World War based on L e t t e r s and  D i a r i e s , New Haven, Y a l e , 1948, p. 43. -^Werner K l o s e , " H i t l e r j u g e n d . Die Geschichte e i n e r i r r e g e f u h r t e n Generation," Welt am Sonntag, February 17, 1964, p. 1 3 . Hermann Hesse's Demian i s only one of the many examples t h a t could be c i t e d concerning this-apocalyptic mood of the years before and a f t e r the Great War. 23 the abyss, that i s our l i f e ! " The "Front Experience" was meaningless in the world of Weimar Germany. The prevailing mood was often one of emptiness, a disgust for existing standards and the powers that be, and a yearning to lose one's self. Men l i k e Ernst Juhger, i f they remembered the golden age of security, remembered also how they had hated i t and how real their enthusiasm had been at the outbreak of war. But without the chance of changing their roles, such as identifying themselves with a national movement, these young people often chose to continue immersed in the forces of destruction un-leashed by the war as salvation from the meaninglessness of pre-established functions in a rotten society. Some rejected the complexity of the metropolis for rural simplicity, and others idealized the distant German past as being most genuine and pure. Sometimes they escaped into imaginary delights, a quest for cosmic visions as consolation for daily mediocrities. Frustrated religious feeling sought a way of expression, and sometimes found i t in p o l i t i c s . A German Communist wrote, by religion...I mean the longing for joy, for freedom, the struggle to be good, to create happiness, to bring joy and sunlight--but without anger and vengeance, in order thereby to throw down the old, the hateful, the unjust and to build up a new world, the'kLngdom of freedom, justice, and joy. Religion i s around us, within us, and therefore because i t is a part of us is indispensable. •••Quoted in John W. Wheeler-Bennett, Nemesis of Power. The German Army in Politics, 1918-1945. London, Macmillan, 1954, p. 216. Scheringer later joined, the Communist Party. Quoted in Means, op. c i t . , p. 98. 24 But f o r t h o s e who c o u l d n o t escape f r o m the r e a l i t i e s o f German l i f e , few i d e a l s remained, o t h e r t h a n t h e a c c e p t a n c e o f s t r u g g l e and r e v o l u t i o n as ends i n t h e m s e l v e s . A r e g e n e r a t i o n o f some s o r t of f a i t h and a change o f v a l u e s was sought by men w i t h c o n v i c t i o n s as d i s p a r a t e as W a l t e r Rathenau and A d o l f H i t l e r ; w h i l e t h e f o r m e r c o n s i d -e r e d h i m s e l f p a r t o f t h e c o u n t e r f o r c e s which might b r i n g meaning out of t h e post-war chaos, a r e v i v a l o f t h e b e s t o f t h e o l d v a l u e s , t h e l a t t e r knew how " d i s i l l u s i o n e d and o u t r a g e d was t h i s f r o n t - l i n e g e n e r a t i o n , how f u l l o f d i s g u s t a t b o u r g e o i s c o w a r d i c e and s h i l l y - s h a l l y i n g . " 1 The youth movement, which had begun as an escape and a p r o t e s t , was now c o n f r o n t e d w i t h an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r a c t i o n ; but e n t i r e l y new problems f a c e d i t , and a t t e m p t s t o keep a l i v e t h e pre-war WandervQgel s p i r i t , as i n t h e Wende C i r c l e , the Kronach League, and t h e F r e e German League, a c h i e v e d no p o s i t i v e r e s u l t s and t h e movement l o s t i t s e a r l i e r homogeneity. N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e c r i t i c i s m and r e b e l l i o n were s t i l l t h e r e . E r n s t N e i k i s c h d e s c r i b e s how " t h e a s s u r e d p o s i t i o n i n l i f e , t h e d e s e r v e d r e s p e c t a b i l i t y o f o l d age, t h e sacrament of p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y , t h e s e were a mere j o k e t o t h e young." E r n s t Rcihm 1 H i t l e r , Mein Kampf, p. 491. 2 E r n s t N i e k i s c h , R e i c h der n i e d e r e n Damonen, Hamburg, Rowohlt, 1953, p. 27. 25 lamented that "hypocrisy and pharisaism. . .are the most cons-picuous c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of s o c i e t y today.../"The young_7 don't f i n d t h e i r way i n the p h i l i s t i n e world of bourgeois double morals and don't know any longer how to d i s t i n g u i s h between t r u t h and e r r o r . P r o b a b l y as a r e s u l t of the aforementioned developments i n Lutheranism, "often when you t a l k to.these young people," wrote Ernst Bergmann, "you are shocked by t h e i r deep hatred of C h r i s t i a n i t y . " The dominant mood of the young p r o l e t a r i a t was cynicism; that of t h e i r bourgeois con-temporaries, s k e p t i c i s m r a p i d l y becoming s u i c i d a l p o l i t i c a l d esperation. Many of the young were gripped by "boundless p s y c h o l o g i c a l l a s s i t u d e , " - ^ or by what N i e k i s c h c a l l s a "death mystique", a poor copy of the enthusiasm of 1914; "they had become deeply convinced t h a t the value of an i n d i v i d u a l l i f e was questionable, and t h a t i t was j u s t as meaningless t o des-t r o y i t as to seek t o improve i t . " 4 A r e l i g i o u s or p o l i t i c a l movement would have t o be e s p e c i a l l y powerful to a t t r a c t t h i s generation; yet i t s very lack of any c o n v i c t i o n s rendered i t s u s c e p t i b l e . Quoted i n Arendt, op. c i t . , p . 334. ^Quoted i n Leon Po l i a k o v and Josef Wulf, Das D r i t t e  Reich und seine Denker. Dokumente, B e r l i n , A r a n i , 1959, p. 177. 3 Edmond Vermeil, The German Scene, t r a n s . L . J . Ludovico, London, 1956, p. 141. % i e k i s c h , op. c i t . , p. 207. 2 6 Under the blight of unemployment and inflation, many German homes possessed not only l i t t l e physical security, but also l i t t l e spiritual health. Parents, feeling that their very existence was at stake, and having lost any real philosophy or faith, could not give their children a construc-tive outlook on l i f e . And when their elders could no longer support them, the young l e f t their homes. According to Edmond Vermeil, "the young people were everywhere; they sang and played their guitars in trains so as to pick up a few Pfennig; s t i l l well-dressed enough, they played chess in doss-houses to keep themselves entertained, and during the summer season, they took to the roads in their thousands.""'" As the young poet, Adam Kuckhoff, wrote in 1928, p "We long for dogma and certainty," attachment to a community andvto a leader, Bindung and Ganzheit (bonds and U n i t y ) . It was possible, therefore, for adults to organize this generation. Whereas the Wandervflgel had wandered aimlessly, the Weimar youth movement by 1929 was marching in formation. These ener-gies found explicit and passionate expression in the . Ibid., p. 145. 2 Quoted in Klemens von Klemperer, Germany's New  Conservatism. Its History and Dilemma in the Twentieth Century, Princeton, 1957, p. 130. 27 the Btlndische Jugend. These more sophisticated heirs of the WandervBgel cr i t i c i z e d the mustiness of bourgeois cul-ture, traditional nationalism, the complacency of the Protestant clergy, and bureaucratic rule by desk-generals, trade unionists, and industrial czars. They stressed, not the individual, but the group. Because they failed to dev-elop any new philosophy except a moral and religious nihilism, which later made Nazism seem highly appealing, they tended to undermine the true sources of regeneration and reform rather than to stimulate them. Both Communism and National Socialism seemed to offer something more constructive; another French observer wrote, right-wing as well as left-wing revolutionaries, communist or nazi, whether they wear on their armbands the hammer and the sickle or the swastika, these are the same uniforms...marching to the sound of the same pipes and drums,...it i s the same move-ment, the same mentality, nationalist, and bolshevist, the same hatred of the bourgeois order, of the lib e r a l and individual spirit...the same frantic hope.1 Concurrently, some young people, attempting to save themselves from economic destruction in lower social levels, Jean Edouard Spenle, "Le Probldme de la Jeunesse en Allemagne", Mercure de France. March 1, 1933, vol. 241-243, p. 297. Perhaps Hitler was aware of the nature of this revolutionary drive when he remarked, "there is more that binds us to Bolshevism than separates us from i t . " Quoted in Hermann Rauschning, Hitler Speaks. A Series of P o l i t i c a l Con-versations with Adolf Hitler on his Real Aims, London, Thorn-ton Butterworth, 1939, p. 131. 28 sought t o c l i m b t o s a f e t y on academic p r i v i l e g e s . But w i t h t h e l a r g e numbers of unemployed u n i v e r s i t y g r a d u a t e s toward 1930, t h e r e grew a c o r r e s p o n d i n g r e j e c t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l a t t a i n m e n t as a measure of s u c c e s s , an a n t i - i n t e l l e c t u a l i s m which t h e N a z i s l a t e r used i n t h e i r l i m i t a t i o n of u n i v e r s i t y e n r o l l m e n t and p r a i s e o f p u r e l y p h y s i c a l e x i s t e n c e . Of t h e s e unemployed i n t e l l e c t u a l s , Jean Edouard Spenle w r o t e "the most p r i v i l e g e d become t a x i d r i v e r s , c a r p a r k e r s , o r s t r e e t c a r c o n d u c t o r s . You see m e d i c a l d o c t o r s o r l a w y e r s s h i n i n g shoes or s e l l i n g matches or p o s t c a r d s on t h e s i d e w a l k s . " ^ Thus t h e r e d e v e l o p e d c o n s c i o u s l y and u n c o n s c i o u s l y among the younger g e n e r a t i o n an a t t i t u d e d e s p i s i n g urban "decadence", a c c l a i m i n g e x i s t e n c e on a b i o l o g i c a l l e v e l , e x p r e s s i n g i n t o x i c a t i o n w i t h " L i f e " and t h e c l a i m s o f i n s t i n c t over r e a s o n . Youth was t o be admired because of i t s y o u t h , a c t i o n f o r t h e sake o f a c t i o n . As t h i s p e r v e r t e d n e o - r o m a n t i c i s m f l o u r i s h e d , t h e marching columns g a i n e d more a d h e r e n t s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y f o r the c h u r c h , w h i l e t h e r e were many o r g a n i z e d C h r i s t i a n y o u t h groups,^ t h e main body o f t h e y o u t h movement remained o u t s i d e i t , o f t e n p o l i t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d and o f t e n c o n t a i n i n g the k e r n e l o f Nazism. The Young German League, S p e n l e , i b i d . . See a l s o D a n i e l L e r n e r , The N a z i  E l i t e , S t a n f o r d , 1951; a good d i s c u s s i o n of t h e e f f e c t of a l i e n a t e d i n t e l l e c t u a l s on t h e N a z i l e a d e r s h i p . 2 See c h a p t e r f i v e f o r the a t t i t u d e o f C h r i s t i a n y o u t h groups. 29 for example, founded i n 1919, was.right-wing, n a t i o n a l i s t i c , and anti-Semitic; t h i s Jungdeutsche Orden claimed to be i n -spired by Lagarde and planned an Arbeitsdienst (work service) and a programme of resettlement. O r i g i n a l l y a Free Corps, i t developed into a w e l l - a r t i c u l a t e d organization with Gaue ( d i s t r i c t s ) , Gruppen, Gauleiter, and Gruppenftihrer. The Artamanen,who sought the development of a warrior peasantry, were also of t h i s type. And t h i s i s not to mention the purely Nazi groups or the Communist or the less f a n a t i c a l S o c i a l Democratic youth organizations. How, p r e c i s e l y , did Nazism appeal to the young? National Socialism was more than p a r t i a l l y an upheaval among the young people of Germany, and, as we s h a l l see, when the Nazis sought to "co-ordinate" German society, the role of the H i t l e r Youth was paramount. But H i t l e r , who wisely aimed at capturing f i r s t the nation's youth, had a w i l l i n g prey; he did not so much create National Socialism as nurture i t s a l -ready e x i s t i n g roots i n German youth. Conservative and a n t i -Semitic groups dominated the German Student Union i n the Weimar period, so that, when S o c i a l i s t s and Democrats founded the l e s s r a d i c a l German Student League i n 1928, i t s influence was small. While the Catholic corporations, and most of the Protestant groups, remained passive, by 1931 h a l f of the students i n the u n i v e r s i t i e s sympathized with the Nazis.1 "^Harry Pross, Vor und Nach H i t l e r , Freiburg, Walter, 1962, p. 71 ~ 30 Considering the above situation, i t is not too much to say that to some young people, Hitler seemed to be another Luther. "I was ripe for this experience," writes Kurt Ludecke; "I was a man of 32, weary of disgust and dis-illusionment, a wanderer seeking a cause, a patriot without a channel for his patriotism, a yearner after the heroic with-out a hero."''' For this now familiar type, the Nazis erected the image of the German race and told him that therein he would find f a i t h in himself. The movement, as w i l l be des-cribed in chapter three, was made to seem to have a connection with the roots of German l i f e and to give an answer to the problems of the individual in mass society. It was, moreover, open to a l l , except the Jews, the ancient enemies of the race, and thus particularly appealed to a generation to whom class differences were less important. While i t promised national rejuvenation, most important of a l l , i t mobilized the spiritual as well as the physical resources of the youth, declaring that i t fought atheism and Marxism, the traditional bugbears of both nominally and truly Christian Germans. L i t t l e wonder that i t seemed to be a revolt against despair and an affirma-tion of faith in God as Creator. To an unemployed, goalless, i d e a l i s t i c young man, here at last was purpose and meaning in Kurt Ludecke, I Knew Hitler. The Story of a Nazi  who Escaped the Blood Purge. London, Harrolds, 1938, p. 23. l i f e , a group w h i c h demanded not merely d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c s , but a complete change i n w o r l d - v i e w . A l l tfhe themes h i t h e r t o mentioned i n t h i s c h a p t e r come t o g e t h e r a t t h i s j u n c t u r e . Thenew movement was a b l e t o make demands o f the t y p e f o r m e r l y made by C h r i s t i a n i t y , and t h e N a z i l e a d e r s knew how t o f o r m u l a t e and p r e s e n t t h e s e de-mands. F a i t h and s e l f - s a c r i f i c e were asked o f t h e young and were g l a d l y g i v e n . The c h u r c h c o u l d no l o n g e r ask f o r and e x p e c t t o get t h e s e q u a l i t i e s , but n e i t h e r c o u l d Marxism. Nazism, on t h e o t h e r hand, c o u l d e q u a l r e l i g i o n i n s t r e n g t h o f c o n v i c t i o n . Even C h r i s t i a n y o u t h , because o f t h e t r a d -i t i o n s o f t h e German ch u r c h e s , were s u s c e p t i b l e t o a r a d i c a l n a t i o n a l movement. G i v e n t h e European s i t u a t i o n and t h e p a r t i c u l a r c o n d i t i o n s i n Germany, t h e N a z i s were h e l p e d t o power by t h i s c o n f u s e d , t u r b u l e n t , and t r u l y " l o s t " gener-a t i o n . The p r e d o m i n a n t l y y o u t h f u l element i n Nazism was r e -c o g n i z e d by a s e n i o r army o f f i c e r who d e s c r i b e d t h e P a r t y i n 1930: " I t i s t h e Jugendbewegung ( y o u t h movement). I t can't 1 be s t o p p e d . " Those members o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y b o u r g e o i s i e and a r i s t o c r a c y who, i n Renan's words, s a i d , "We can d i s p e n s e w i t h r e l i g i o n , because o t h e r s have i t f o r u s . Those who do not W h e e l e r - B e n n e t t , op. c i t . . p. 221. 3 2 b e l i e v e a r e c a r r i e d a l o n g by the more o r l e s s b e l i e v i n g majority,"-'- r e n d e r e d i t i m p o s s i b l e f o r the C h r i s t i a n c h u r c h e s t o r e a c h t h e minds and s o u l s of t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y German y o u t h . The N a z i s , however, c o u l d r e a c h t h a t y o u t h and d i d . T h e i r l e a d e r s knew, as K a r l Mannheim knew, t h a t i t would r e q u i r e e i t h e r a c a l l o u s n e s s which our g e n e r a t i o n c o u l d p r o b a b l y no l o n g e r a c q u i r e o r the u n s u s p e c t i n g n a i v e t e of a g e n e r a t i o n newly bor n i n t o the w o r l d t o be a b l e t o l i v e i n a b s o l u t e congruence w i t h t h e r e a l i t i e s o f t h a t w o r l d , u t t e r l y w i t h o u t any t r a n s c e n d e n t e l e m e n t . 0 ^"Quoted i n Georges S o r e l , R e f l e c t i o n s on V i o l e n c e , t r a n s . T.E. Hulme and J . Roth, G l e n c o e , 1 1 1 . F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 5 0 , p. 2 5 4 . 2 K a r l Mannheim, I d e o l o g y and U t o p i a , New Y o r k , Har-c o u r t B r a c e , n.d., p. 2 6 7 . 33 CHAPTER 2 Adolf H i t l e r : His Faith and His Attitude to C h r i s t i a n i t y 1. Introduction Not only did Adolf H i t l e r himself become almost an a r t i c l e of f a i t h , but he was, at f i r s t , one of those millions who could not l i v e " u t t e r l y without any transcendent element." Before proceeding to a discussion of how National Socialism organized i t s appeal and how i t sought to eliminate the i n -fluence of C h r i s t i a n i t y , we should consider t h i s man whose ideas determined much of the Party's approach to the problem of the people's f a i t h . " H i t l e r can change his opinions completely without even knowing that he i s doing so," wrote Hermann Rauschning. It i s always d i f f i c u l t to know whether a remark of H i t l e r ' s Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 2 5 . r e p r e s e n t s h i s deepest b e l i e f o r t h a t m u l t i t u d e o f i d e a s w h i c h f l o a t e d about on t h e s u r f a c e o f h i s c o n s c i o u s n e s s . A c u r s o r y r e v i e w o f h i s own r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s g i v e s t h e im-p r e s s i o n s t h a t t h e y changed r a d i c a l l y o v e r the y e a r s . Up t o t h e m i d d l e of t h e ' t h i r t i e s , he f a v o u r e d a modus v i v e n d i w i t h t h e churches and t h e a v o i d a n c e o f a K u l t u r k a m p f ; l a t e r he u n l e a s h e d an a t t a c k on C h r i s t i a n i t y w i t h t h e aim o f d e s t r o y i n g i t . One might b e l i e v e t h a t , w h i l e he began h i s p o l i t i c a l c a r e e r as a devout C h r i s t i a n , he was d i s i l l u s i o n e d l a t e r and l o s t h i s r e l i g i o u s f a i t h . But M e i n Kampf and h i s e a r l y p o l -i t i c a l speeches a l o n e a r e not t o be t r u s t e d . The i d e a s o f t h e book a r e l e s s i m p o r t a n t t h a n the methods o u t l i n e d t h e r e i n , and d i s p a r i t y between t h e s e " s a c r e d u t t e r a n c e s " and l a t e r b e h a v i o u r s h o u l d not s u r p r i s e t h e r e a d e r . D e r o g a t o r y mention o f H i t l e r ' s book was t o l e r a t e d even i n t h e F t l h r e r ' s p r e s e n c e , 1 and i t was by no means re g a r d e d by the P a r t y e l i t e as t h e b i n d -i n g pronouncement i t was g i v e n out t o be f o r themasses—much o f i t was o f p u r e l y t a c t i c a l v a l u e . One must s e a r c h f a r t h e r t o f i n d out what, i f any, were H i t l e r ' s p e r s o n a l r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s . These, as f a r as t h e y can be known w i t h c e r t a i n t y , and h i s a t t i t u d e t o t h e churches and t h e P a r t y a r e the theme of t h i s c h a p t e r . Rauschning, op. c i t . . p. 71 35 K a r l Mannheim w r i t e s t h a t "the leader...knows t h a t a l l p o l i t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l i d e a s a r e myths. He h i m s e l f i s e n t i r e l y emancipated from them, but he v a l u e s them."''- S i n c e r e l i g i o n i s a n e c e s s a r y i m p o s t u r e , Renan a d v i s e d such a l e a d e r t h a t even the most o b v i o u s ways o f t h r o w i n g d u s t i n p e o p l e ' s eyes s h o u l d not be n e g l e c t e d when d e a l i n g w i t h human b e i n g s . ^ A l e a d e r o f H i t l e r ' s t y p e judges p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s be-l i e f s o n l y f o r t h e i r p r e s e n t v a l u e ; he need not b e l i e v e i n t h e views h e p r o f e s s e s , and may b l a t a n t l y change h i s " p r o f o u n d " c o n v i c t i o n s . As l o n g as he and h i s a i d e s appear u n i t e d , a c r e d u l o u s p u b l i c i s s u c c e s s f u l l y duped. H i t l e r used any i d e a t h a t might b r i n g power c l o s e r o r make i t more s e c u r e . Rosen-be r g ' s r a c i a l t h e o r i e s , more s o p h i s t i c a t e d than h i s own, and t h e p o l i t i c a l and economic i d e a s o f H a r r e r , D r e x l e r , and F e d e r were g r i s t t o h i s m i l l , and c o u l d be abandoned, b o t h i d e a s and men, when t h e i r u t i l i t y d e c l i n e d . Whatever h i s own b e l i e f s , H i t l e r was a master m a n i p u l a t o r o f i d e a s . I t w i l l be seen t h a t f i r s t he used C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f s t o combat Marxism, and l a t e r u sed the>:ebgma of Nazism to.combat C h r i s t i a n i t y ; y e t i t i s Mannheim, op. c i t . , p . 138. Who were " t h e N a z i s " ? Throughout t h e t h e s i s , I am concerned t o show how t h e l e a d e r s h i p d i d n o t b e l i e v e i n t h e d e t a i l s of t h e Weltanschauung; t h e p a r t y rank and f i l e on t h e o t h e r hand v e r y o f t e n d i d , w h i l e f o r the masses i t was an e s o t e r i c but c o m f o r t i n g jumble o f hope and f l a t t e r y ; when I use t h e term " t h e N a z i s " I am r e f e r r i n g t o t h e c y n i c a l e l i t e , s m a l l i n number, who were b o t h simon-pure i n t h e i r Nazism, i n t h a t they were n i h i l i s t s , and a p o s t a t e s , i n t h a t t h e y i g n o r e d t h e i r own d o c t r i n e , . . 2 Quoted i n S o r e l , op. c i t . p. 51. 36. doubtful that he ever believed Christian or Nazi myths. 2. His Faith Hitler's own faith seemed to be a mixture of Schwgrm-erei(visionary enthusiasm) and p o l i t i c a l expediency. Throughout Mein Kampf, he plays the role of a pious German trying to further ,his country's well-being, keeping i t in Christian paths; "I believe that I am acting in accordance with the w i l l of the Almighty Creator;...I am fighting for the work of the Lord," in a "sacred mission." 1 Germans had heard th i s from their leaders for decades and many s t i l l wanted to hear i t . In January 1939, the same approach was useful; " i f the Almighty God granted success to our work, then the Party was His instru-2 ment." Hitler was not the good Christian citizen he played, but when he denounced cubism, dadaism, and jazz in his "Second Book" , i t was only partially in calculation; his upbring-ing was far from radical, and i t i s l i k e l y that, at least at the beginning of his career, he believed in a God. While his faith became psychotically perverted later, he was sincere in trusting this l i v i n g , guiding force, "Providence", expressed Hitler, Mein Kampf. p. 65. 2 Hitler, Speeches, ed. Norman H. Baynes, London, Oxford, 1942, vol. 1, p. 559. 3 Hitler, Zweites Buch: ein Dokument aus dem Jahr  1928, Stuttgart, Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 19bl, pp. 197-198. 37 i n t h e l i f e o f t h e German p e o p l e . Granted, h i s was b a s i c a l l y a , c o n f u s e d s p i r i t and h i s p o t e n t i a l i t i e s f o r s e l f - d e l u s i o n were as g r e a t as h i s a b i l i t y t o d e l u d e o t h e r s ; t h e i d e a s t h a t man s h o u l d h e l p h i m s e l f i f he wanted t o s e c u r e God's h e l p , o r t h a t d i s a s t e r s c o u l d be sent i n o r d e r t o b r i n g n a t i o n s t o s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n were v e r y u s e f u l b o t h f o r h i m s e l f and h i s p e o p l e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , h i s b a s i c b e l i e f was p a n t h e i s t i c and, a t t h e same t i m e , emphasized the s u r v i v a l o f t h e f i t t e s t . W ith h i s f a i t h i n God i n . n a t u r e , i n the V o l k , and i n t h e i r b l o o d , he f o l l o w e d " o n l y the i r o n l a w of our h i s t o r i c a l development."-'- "Fundamentally i n everyone t h e r e i s t h i s f e e l -i n g f o r t h e A l m i g h t y , which we c a l l God ( t h a t i s t o say, the d o m i n i o n o f n a t u r a l l a w s t h r o u g h o u t t h e whole u n i v e r s e . ) " 2 One can a c c e p t as t r u e H i t l e r ' s c l a i m t h a t he s a t i s f i e d h i s r e l i g i o u s needs by "communion w i t h n a t u r e " . He p l a n n e d t o b u i l d an o b s e r v a t o r y a t L i n z , t h e pediment o f which would bear t h e i n s c r i p t i o n , "The Heavens p r o c l a i m the g l o r y o f t h e Ever-l a s t i n g ; " " i t w i l l be our way o f g i v i n g men a r e l i g i o u s s p i r i t , o f t e a c h i n g them h u m i l i t y , but w i t h o u t t h e p r i e s t s . " ^ ^Quoted i n R a u s c h n i n g , op. c i t . , p. 4 7 . 2 H i t l e r , S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , ed., H.R. T r e v o r - R o p e r , New Y o r k , S i g n e t , 1961, p. 3 6 . ^ H i t l e r , S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , p. 312. 38 Hitler liked to read Frederick the Great's cynical letters on religion and his "Theological Controversies", but i t i s unlikely that any of the writers of the past influenced him any more than did the pseudo-intellectuals of his own movement. Konrad Heiden reports that Hitler had read the "Decline of the West", but had rejected i t ; "he doesn't want to be a Spenglerian Caesar."^ A few of Nietzsche's ideas fil t e r e d down to him at second hand before he went into p o l i t i c s . It was shrewd of him later to claim support from such a writer, who was often vague as to the actual application of his ideas. Moreover, whereas Gobineau, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, and Moeller van den Bruck x^ere not considered serieux by European intellectuals, Nietzsche was respected.^ The fact that he wrote much that was even anti-German could be explained away. Hitler's ideas, which were only those of many other Germans, contained l i t t l e that was original. Their force and their importance stemmed from his apparent belief in them and his use of them to enhance his power. As his success increased, so did his belief i n divine inspiration. But by 1945 he was spiritually bankrupt. In his own words, "a heathen to the core",3'- he had nevertheless a l -ways believed, like a demented saint, that he had a unique "^Konrad Heiden, Adolf Hitler, Eine Biographie. Zurich Europa, 1936 (vol. 1) p. 3 4 3 . 2 See Crane Brinton's a r t i c l e , "National Socialists' Use of Nietzsche", Journal of the History of Ideas, Aoril 1940, Vol. 1, pp. 131-150. -^Quoted in Ludecke, op. c i t . , p. 3 6 9 . 39 r e l a t i o n s h i p to the Everlasting. Did not his p o l i t i c a l machine achieve miraculous, providential successes? ® multitude worshipped him; the cult of Himself was good for the movement and as long as he was triumphant i t was easy to believe that he was t r u l y i n s p i r e d . But in his l a s t days, the God of Struggle and Power withdrew His blessing and H i t l e r ' s f i n a l attitude was one of n i h i l i s m , the underlying " f a i t h " of the entire National S o c i a l i s t movement. • ^ 3. The Party's Role i n Religious L i f e H i t l e r ' s control of the Party meant that i t usually c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d his r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f and his knowledge of p o l i t i c s . In Mein Kampf, he declared that he planned no al t e r a t i o n i n the basic r e l i g i o u s l i f e of Germany, and said "anyone who thinks he can ar r i v e at a r e l i g i o u s reformation by the detour of a p o l i t i c a l organization only shows that he has no glimmer of knowledge of the development of r e l i g i o u s ideas or dogmas."-'- He would not, he said, use r e l i g i o n p o l i t i c a l l y ; " p o l i t i c a l parties have nothing to do with r e l i g i o u s problems, a s i long as these are not a l i e n to the nation, undermining the morals and ethics of the race." This q u a l i f i c a t i o n i s 1 H i t l e r , Mein Kampf. p. 114. 2 Ibid., p. 116. 40 important, because while H i t l e r t r i e d to avoid any c lash with the churches, he was eventual ly convinced that he should side with one r e l i g i ous group; but in 1925, th i s remark was sa fe ly in keeping with the Lutheran t r a d i t i o n of K u l t u r r e l i g i o n . As f a r as the Cathol ics were concerned, when the i r r e l i g i ous i n s t i t u t i o n s and doctr ines injured the nat ion , the Party must never fo l low them on th i s path or f i gh t with the same methods. In order to deceive a potent ia l Chr is t ian oppos i t ion , he wrote that the people ' s r e l i g i o n i s always i nv io l ab l e fo r the i r leader .1 In 1923, with wounded innocence he began h i s perennial lament that he, a Ca tho l i c , should be so c r i t i c i z e d by the Ca tho l i c s ; " i t hurts me a l l the more because ac tua l l y no other movement does so much f o r Ch r i s t i an i t y as ours . "^ It was necessary to deal with Chr is t ians every day in h i s slow progress towards the Chance l lorsh ip , and so H i t l e r began h i s career by s t ress ing that the Nazi Party, while not a r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n i t s e l f , supported Chr i s t i an values and was not an t i -Chr i s t i an . The 1920 manifesto dec lared, "we demand freedom of a l l r e l i g ious c o n f e s s i o n s . I n both r e -l i g i o u s denominations, the Party saw "equal ly valuable p i l l a r s Mein Kampf, p. 116. Quoted i n Hans Buchheim, Glaubenskrise im Dr i t ten  Re ich. Drei Kapi ta l Na t i ona l soz i a l i s t i s che r R e l i g i o n s p o l i t i k , S tut tgar t , Deutsche Ver lagsanta l t , 1953, p. 65. •^Gottfried Feder, Das Programm der NSDAP und seine  Weltanschaulichen Grundgedanken, Munchen, Eher, 1933, P. 22. (A r e p r i n t i n g of the 1920 program.) 41 f o r t h e e x i s t e n c e o f o u r p e o p l e " , and t h e r e f o r e i t f o u g h t groups w h i c h degraded t h i s f o u n d a t i o n of an e t h i c a l and s p i r i t u a l c o n s o l i d a t i o n of the n a t i o n t o t h e l e v e l o f an i n s t r u m e n t f o r p a r t y i n t e r e s t . T h i s " f i g h t a g a i n s t Mammon" su p p o r t e d a " p o s i t i v e C h r i s t i a n i t y " ^ , t h a t i s , an i n w a r d C h r i s t i a n i t y and an outward N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m . The P a r t y opposed pagan c u l t s as much as i t d i d a t h e i s t i c m a t e r i a l i s t i c Marxism. Mein Kampf c o n t i n u e d t h i s theme; H i t l e r w r o t e t h a t a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y cannot produce a r e l i g i o u s r e f o r m a t i o n , and the 1933 e d i t i o n of t h e P a r t y program p r o m i s e d s p e c i a l p r o -t e c t i o n f o r t h e C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n and i t s freedom o f t e a c h i n g . S u p p r e s s i o n o f Marxism was a g a i n p r o m i s e d . C o n t r a d i c t o r y , but o n l y i n t h e sense t h a t i t r e v e a l s H i t l e r ' s r e a l i n t e n t i o n s , i s the f o l l o w i n g e x t r a c t f r o m Mein  Kampf; The most s t r i k i n g s u c c e s s o f a r e v o l u t i o n based on a p h i l o s o p h y o f l i f e w i l l a l ways have been when th e new p h i l o s o p h y o f l i f e . . . h a s been t a u g h t t o a l l men, and, i f n e c e s s a r y , l a t e r f o r c e d upon them, w h i l e t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n of t h e i d e a , i n o t h e r words, t h e movement, s h o u l d embrace o n l y as many as a r e a b s o l u t e l y r e q u i r e d f o r o c c u p y i n g the nerve c e n t e r s o f t h e s t a t e . - , 1 I b i d . , pp. 2 2 , 38, and 6 2 . 2 S e e Mein Kampf, p. 118, and F e d e r op. c i t . , p. 37. 3 M e i n Kampf, p. 585. 42 T h i s was H i t l e r ' s v iew o f t h e u l t i m a t e n e c e s s i t y o f e v e r y German a c c e p t i n g the Weltanschauung as w e l l as h i s con-cept of t h e g o v e r n i n g e l i t e . I f a l l men were t o l e a r n t h e new p h i l o s o p h y o f l i f e , what was t o happen t o C h r i s t i a n i t y ? T h i s problem seems t o have escaped many. I n p a r t , the purpose o f M e i n Kampf and t h e v a r i o u s programs was t o d e c e i v e t h e C h r i s t i a n element i n Germany. T h i s book i n p a r t i c u l a r shows H i t l e r ' s awareness t h a t the c h u r ches c o u l d o f f e r a snag i n a p o s s i b l e f u t u r e " c o - o r d i n a t i o n " ; " t o d a y r e l i g i o u s s e n t i m e n t s s t i l l go deeper t h a n a l l can-'t s i d e r a t i o n s o f n a t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l e x p e d i e n c y . " From h i s own e x p e r i e n c e , he knew t h e s t r e n g t h o f b l i h d . ' f a i t h and how t o use i t . I t was, u l t i m a t e l y , the f a i t h o f many C h r i s t i a n s t h a t f o r c e d him t o r e s t r a i n t e m p o r a r i l y h i s l a t e r program f o r t h e e l i m i n a t i o n o f t h e i r b e l i e f . He was a l s o t o l e a r n t h a t an e f -f a c t i v e a s s a u l t on the churches would e n t a i l , not m e r e l y d e c e p t i o n , but p s e u d o - r e l i g i o u s t r a p p i n g s f o r the P a r t y i t s e l f . P a r t i c u l a r l y d u r i n g t h e Weimar p e r i o d , i t was n e c e s -s a r y f o r the f l e d g l i n g movement t o pay l i p s e r v i c e t o the few i n s t i t u t i o n s , such as t h e churches and t h e army, t h a t had s u r v i v e d 1918 more o r l e s s i n t a c t . Because b o t h C h r i s t i a n groups f a v o u r e d a r e v i v a l o f n a t i o n a l l i f e , t h e N a z i s may have H i t l e r , Mein Kampf. p. 563. 43 f e l t t h a t common cause c o u l d be made w i t h them, and t h a t the C h r i s t i a n s would not oppose t h e P a r t y ' s aims a t a l a t e r d a t e . I t i s more l i k e l y , however, t h a t t h e f r e e - t h i n k i n g o r a t h e i s t -i c l e a d e r s of the P a r t y s i m p l y wanted t o g a t h e r as many w i l l i n g dupes as p o s s i b l e under t h e i r banner a t the b e g i n n i n g f o r t h e sake o f s t r e n g t h and t o n e u t r a l i z e , f o r a w h i l e , any o p p o s i t i o n . N a i v e " f e l l o w - t r a v e l l e r s " c o u l d be j e t t i s o n e d l a t e r . One sh o u l d remember t h a t , w h i l e o s t e n s i b l y t h e N a z i e l i t e wanted t o r e v i v e n a t i o n a l l i f e , i n r e a l i t y t h e y sought o n l y t o r e v i v e t h e i r own f o r t u n e s . The n a t i o n , i n t h e s p r i n g o f 1945, c o u l d be d e s t r o y e d a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r e m b i t t e r e d whim. "For t h e p o l i t i c a l man," s a i d H i t l e r i n Mein Kampf, "the v a l u e o f a r e l i g i o n must be e s t i m a t e d l e s s by i t s d e f i c i e n c i e s , than by t h e v i r t u e o f a v i s i b l y b e t t e r s u b s t i -tute.""'" W h i l e the tem p o r a r y u s e f u l n e s s o f C h r i s t i a n i t y de-c l i n e d a f t e r 1933, t h e p o p u l a r b e l i e f i n a God, because more pe r m a n e n t l y u s e f u l , would be m a i n t a i n e d ; "we don't want t o educate anyone i n a t h e i s m . " The R u s s i a n s were e n t i t l e d t o a t t a c k t h e i r p r i e s t s , but t h e y had no r i g h t t o a s s a i l t h e i d e a of a supreme f o r c e , because " i t ' s b e t t e r t o b e l i e v e something f a l s e t h a n not t o b e l i e v e a n y t h i n g a t a l l . " 3 O b v i o u s l y whether 1 I b i d . , p. 267. H i t l e r , S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , p. 36. 3 I b i d . , p. 108. 4 4 ok not t h e R u s s i a n s threw out t h e concept of God, H i t l e r ' s own b e l i e f i n an A b s o l u t e remained undamaged. "The man who doesn't b e l i e v e i n the Beyond has no u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f r e l i g i o n and H i t l e r u n d e r s t o o d a t l e a s t the p r a c t i c a l n a t u r e of r e l i -g i o n . He always assumed a d i f f e r e n c e between r e l i g i o n , which he c o n s i d e r e d a p o w e r f u l h i e r a r c h i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n , and f a i t h , which he i n t e r p r e t e d as b l i n d obedience and u n q u e s t i o n i n g e n t h u s i a s m . H i t l e r had g r e a t e r r e s p e c t f o r P r o t e s t a n t i s m as a b e t t e r d e f e n d e r of t h e i n t e r e s t s of Germany t h a n f o r Roman C a t h o l i c i s m , and t h i s d e t e r m i n e d much o f t h e P a r t y ' s l a t e r church p o l i t i c s . 2 P r o t e s t a n t i s m , moreover, f r o m the r e c o r d of i t s h i s t o r y , p r o b a b l y seemed more t r a c t a b l e . The C a t h o l i c Church, on the o t h e r hand, l o o k e d on i n d i f f e r e n t l y t o t h e de-s e c r a t i o n of t h e Aryan r a c e by the Jews, who, i n t h e i r t u r n , caused s t r i f e between the two l a r g e c o n f e s s i o n s . From he r e an a t t a c k on t h e Church c o u l d b e g i n , and here a l s o was an oppor-t u n i t y f o r H i t l e r t o p r e s e n t h i m s e l f as a s a v i o u r of " r e l i g i o n i n Germany. He was, he s a i d , " s i c k e n e d " by t h e s p i r i t u a l d egeneracy o f t h e German p e o p l e , b u t he c o u l d n o t condemn th e C h r i s t i a n Church as such "when a degenerate i n d i v i d u a l i n a cassock o b s c e n e l y t r a n g r e s s e s a g a i n s t morality".;, nor would he condemn i t when one o f t h e many o t h e r s "besmirches and b e t r a y s 1 I b i d . , p. 1 3 5 . 2 See Main Kampf, pp. 1 1 2 - 1 1 3 , on t h e v a l u e o f L u t h e r a n i s m as a d e f e n d e r o f "Germanness". 4 5 h i s n a t i o n a l i t y a t a t i m e when t h i s i s a d a i l y o c c u r r e n c e anyway.""'" Both c o n f e s s i o n s were o f t e n a t f a u l t , but f o r t h e C a t h o l i c , H i t l e r , f o r a v a r i e t y o f r e a s o n s , had a s p e c i a l h a t r e d . A c l e a r p i c t u r e o f h i s p l a n s f o r t h e churches comes out i n h i s unguarded p r i v a t e remarks b e f o r e and a f t e r the a c t u a l c h u r c h - s t a t e c o n f l i c t . In 1 9 3 3 , he remarked t o Rausch-n i n g , " f a s c i s m , i f i t l i k e s , may come t o terms w i t h t h e Church. So s h a l l I . Why not? That w i l l not p r e v e n t me from t e a r i n g up C h r i s t i a n i t y r o o t and b r a n c h , and a n n i h i l a t i n g i t 2 i n Germany." The c o - e x i s t e n c e u n t i l 1 9 3 4 was t e m p o r a r y and as w i l l be seen, was c o n s i d e r e d a t a c t i c a l n e c e s s i t y . But i n 1 9 4 1 , he r e p e a t e d h i s v i e w t h a t " N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m and r e l i g i o n w i l l no l o n g e r be a b l e t o e x i s t t o g e t h e r . " 3 Thus, i f t h e y c o u l d have known t h e t r u t h , t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " and o t h e r such groups would have e a r l y d e s p a i r e d of s u c c e s s , f o r i n s p i t e of h i s p r o t e s t a t i o n s o f good w i l l and i n s p i t e of h i s a p p a r e n t a p p r o v a l of c e r t a i n r e l i g i o u s g r o u p s , H i t l e r n e v e r i n t e n d e d t o a l l o w any o f the s e c t s t o a t t a i n more than a s h o r t u s e f u l e x i s t e n c e . Why was t h i s so? 1 I b _ i d . , p. 1 1 5 . 2 Quoted by Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 5 7 . - ^ H i t l e r , S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , p. 3 6 . 46 H i t l e r b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e C a t h o l i c c h u r c h , i n p a r t i c u l a r , as an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l h i e r a r c h y sought a degree of c o n t r o l o v e r t h e p e o p l e , and had, f o r t h i s r e a s o n , to be e l i m i n a t e d i f t h e N a z i t r i u m p h was t o be complete. Moreover, h i s s t r o n g e s t memory o f c h i l d h o o d , o r so he c l a i m e d , was a h a t r e d o f " a l l t h o s e h y p o c r i s i e s " o f t h e C a t h o l i c f a i t h . 1 l e t he never escaped h i s u p b r i n g i n g and, c o n t i n u e d t o admire t h e pomp, r i t u a l , and o r g a n i z a t i o n o f C a t h o l i c i s m . H i s vo c -a b u l a r y , p o s s i b l y h i s s u b c o n s c i o u s mind, was f i l l e d w i t h r e l i g i o u s t e r m i n o l o g y . T h i s h a t r e d of t h e a u t h o r i t a r i a n church and h i s awareness of i t s p o l i t i c a l power l e d him t o u s e the i d e a s o f A l f r e d Rosenberg. A c c o r d i n g l y , he s a i d he be-l i e v e d t h a t t h e Roman C a t h o l i c f a i t h was a r e b e l l i o n a g a i n s t t h e n a t u r a l l a w o f t h e u n i v e r s e , a p r o t e s t a g a i n s t n a t u r e , " t h e c u l t i v a t i o n of human f a i l u r e . " 2 With t h i s s o r t o f C h r i s t i a n i t y had come i n t o t h e w o r l d c r u e l t y , ignominy, and f a l s e h o o d , c o n t i n u e d today by t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l e of t h e p r i e s t s , w i t h i t s h e a d q u a r t e r s i n Rome. T h i s Church, when i t c o u l d e x e r t i n f l u e n c e on c i v i l government s u p p o r t e d o n l y a regime t h a t r e c o g n i z e d forms of p o p u l a r o r g a n i z a t i o n which i t s p o n s ored and which were t h e r e f o r e dependent s o l e l y on the Church as the o n l y l e a d e r s h i p o f the p e o p l e . He was sure t h a t , i n p e r i o d s of n a t i o n a l t e n s i o n , the C a t h o l i c Church would a l w a y s t r y t o 1 I _ b i d . , p. 197. 2 I b i d . , p. 76. 47 occupy positions of temporal power, and always at the expense of the German community. And so, i f disturbances broke out i n the Reich,he would shoot f i r s t the insurrectionary leaders and then the leaders of the Catholic party.^ After this introduction, i t i s no surprise to f i n d him equating, as did Rosenberg, Catholic C h r i s t i a n i t y and Bolshevism, while he and his Party were to be considered a Chr i s t i a n bulwark against godless Communism. This s i m i l a r i t y stemmed from Saint Paul's e f f o r t s to use Christ's doctrine to mobilize the criminal underworld of his time, organizing an 3 intolerant "proto-Bolshevism". Probably the most pressing immediate danger, however, was the f a c t that t h i s sort of C h r i s t i a n i t y , un-German i n essence, by adhering to a conception of the Beyond which was exposed to the attacks of "progress", and by binding i t s e l f to many of l i f e ' s t r i v i a l i t i e s , was ripening men f o r a conversion to materialism.^ It i s important to note that H i t l e r echoes these ideas only i n private and mainly i n the l a t e r stages of his career when the church 1 I b i d . , p. 388. ^See chapter three for a more detailed review of Rosenberg's ideas, and chapters four and f i v e for the e f f e c t s i n practice of t h i s equation of Catholicism and Bolshevism. •^Hitler, Secret Conversations, p. 254. ^"Hitler, Secret Conversations, p. 566. 4 8 struggle had begun and r e c o n c i l i a t i o n seemed d i f f i c u l t . It i s doubtful that he s incere ly bel ieved them, but, again, they were usefu l as i deo log i ca l j u s t i f i c a t i o n of necessary p o l i t i c a l measures. In i deo log i ca l matters, H i t l e r was more p r a c t i c a l , more f l e x i b l e , and more cynica l than h i s doc t r ina i re fo l lowers . According to Ludecke, H i t l e r sa id of Rosenberg, "he i s the only man whom I always l i s t e n to.""' - But i n one of h i s secret conversations later ,• H i t l e r declared that the Mythus was not p to be regarded as an expression of the o f f i c i a l Party l i n e . Few of the party e l i t e , f o r that matter, took i t se r ious l y . Rosenberg's unor ig ina l book had l i t t l e r e a l Inf luence on his master, who never seems to have read i t . In any case, i t was not pub l i shed 'un t i l 1930, when H i t l e r ' s mind was already formed. It could be used, of course, as a weapon against the churches, but not u n t i l they had shown themselves to be stubborn. As for the r e l i g i o n of the Volk, H i t l e r stressed the " f e e l i n g man has of h is own impotence;" "The essent i a l t h i n g . . . i s that man should know that sa lva t ion consists in the e f fo r t that each person makes to understand Providence and accept Ludecke, op. c i t . , p. 116. Secret Conversations, p. 4 0 0 . 49 t h e l a w s of n a t u r e . " The h e l p l e s s n e s s of t h e common person under P r o v i d e n t i a l l a w s , i n t e r p r e t e d and expounded by t h e P a r t y l e a d e r s h i p , was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the N a z i s t a t e , q u i t e a p a r t from Rosenberg's i d e o l o g y . T h i s h u m i l i t y , of c o u r s e , had l i t t l e t o do w i t h C h r i s t i a n h u m i l i t y , but was e s s e n t i a l t o t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a t o t a l i t a r i a n government. I t was p a r a -mount t h a t the average German s h o u l d "know t h a t he l i v e s and d i e s f o r t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f t h e s p e c i e s . " The e l i t e o f t h e P a r t y , however, would u n d e r s t a n d t h e p u r e l y p r a c t i c a l v a l u e o f t h i s " f a i t h " and each of them would have h i s p r i v a t e c r e e d . ^ N e v e r t h e l e s s , p r i v a t e l y and p u b l i c l y H i t l e r always preached t h e n e c e s s i t y o f " f a i t h , r ; f o r t h e s m a l l man, f a i t h i n God and H i s A d o l f H i t l e r ; f o r the P a r t y man, f a i t h i n t h e P a r t y and I t s M i s s i o n . Thus, N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m , w h i l e i t s h o u l d not seek t o r e p l a c e the ch u r c h e s by a mass e q u i v a l e n t , would p r e s e r v e ' t h e r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g of the V b l k . I n t h i s way, " f a i t h " ( i . e . o b e d i e n c e ) would be u s e f u l w h i l e t h e e l i t e a c c o m p l i s h e d t h e i r aims. L a t e r , H i t l e r came t o r e a l i z e t h e v a l u e of p s e u d o - r e l i g i o u s t r a p p i n g s , but always h e l d t h a t " n o t h i n g would he more f o o l i s h t han t o r e - e s t a b l i s h t h e w o r s h i p o f Wotan."^-^ I b i d . , p. 141. 2 I b i d . , p. 160. 3lbid., p. 86. See Chapter Three f o r H i t l e r ' s con-ce p t o f t h e e l i t e w i t h i n t h e P a r t y . 4 I b i d . , p. 85. 50 J u s t as t h e r e was t o be no r e t u r n t o C h r i s t i a n d e n o m i n a t i o n a l i s m a f t e r t h e war, so t h e r e was t o be no f u t u r e i n t h e P a r t y f o r the "German C h r i s t i a n s " . "A German Church, a German C h r i s t i a n i t y , i s d i s t o r t i o n " , s a i d H i t l e r ; "these p r o f e s s o r s and mystery-men who want t o f o u n d N o r d i c r e l i g i o n s m e r e l y g e t i n my way." 1 The i d e a l s o l u t i o n would be t o l e t the r e l i g i o u s s e c t s devour th e m s e l v e s , but t h e N o r d i c s e c t s c o u l d h e l p t o d i s i n t e g r a t e C h r i s t i a n i t y . I n o r d e r t o f a c i l -i t a t e t h i s p r o c e s s , t h e N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t s were to p r e s e r v e what c o u l d be used i n C h r i s t i a n d o c t r i n e and change i t s meanings, f o r t h a t was what t h e C a t h o l i c C h u r c h had done when i t s u c c e s s -f u l l y f o r c e d i t s b e l i e f s on the h e athen. "We s h a l l t a k e t h e r o a d back: E a s t e r i s no l o n g e r r e s u r r e c t i o n , but t h e e t e r n a l renewal o f our p e o p l e . C h r i s t m a s i s t h e b i r t h o f our s a v i o u r : 2 t h e s p i r i t o f h e roism and t h e freedom of our p e o p l e . " The masses, e s p e c i a l l y t h e p e a s a n t s , would be t o l d what the C a t h o l i c Church d e s t r o y e d f o r them: the s e c r e t knowledge o f n a t u r e , o f t h e d i v i n e , and o f t h e daemonic. The C h r i s t i a n v e n e e r would be removed and a f a i t h p e c u l i a r t o t h e German r a c e was t o be d e v e l o p e d . N e v e r t h e l e s s , most of t h i s was f o r t h e f u t u r e ; by 1939, n e i t h e r church was y e t " c o - o r d i n a t e d " , and the war n e c e s s i t a t e d a more c a r e f u l approach by the P a r t y . But i n t h e meantime, by e n c o u r a g i n g i n t h e p e o p l e a m y s t i c a l r e s p e c t f o r Quoted by Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 58. 2 I b i d . , p. 59. 51 t h e i r r a c i a l o r i g i n s , H i t l e r and t h e P a r t y l e a d e r s t r i e d t o s t r e n g t h e n t h e image o f themselves a s l e a d e r s o f t h e r a c e . I t i s d o u b t f u l i f t h e average German c o u l d s u r v i v e l o n g i n t h i s " c l o u d - c u c k o o - l a n d " between C h r i s t i a n f a i t h and heathen s u p e r s t i t i o n , s u p p o r t e d o n l y by n a t i o n a l f e r v o u r and vague pant h e i s m ; b u t H i t l e r was c o n f i d e n t : a statesman c o u l d m a i n t a i n a n a t i o n ' s s p i r i t u a l m o r a l e a s w e l l as a churchman. " A l l he has t o do i s t o i n c o r p o r a t e i n t h e l a w o f t h e l a n d a l l t h e m o r a l b e l i e f s o f t h e h e a l t h y elements of t h e peopl e and th e n t o support t h o s e l a w s u n c o m p r o m i s i n g l y w i t h t h e a u t h o r i t y o f f o r c e . " ! C h r i s t i a n i t y was s t i l l o f some u s e ; To t h e C h r i s t i a n d o c t r i n e o f t h e i n f i n i t e s i g -n i f i c a n c e o f the i n d i v i d u a l human s o u l and of p e r s o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , I oppose...the s a v i n g d o c t r i n e o f the n o t h i n g n e s s and i n s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l human b e i n g , and o f h i s c o n t i n u e d e x i s t e n c e i n the v i s i b l e i m m o r t a l i t y o f t h e n a t i o n . g Well-known p h r a s e o l o g y was t u r n e d u p s i d e down, y e t might r e -t a i n i t s o l d a p p e a l . Thus, i n s p i t e o f a l l a s s e r t i o n s t o t h e c o n t r a r y , t h e P a r t y was t o produce a " r e l i g i o u s r e f o r m a t i o n " and t o p r o v i d e a s u b s t i t u t e f o r C h r i s t i a n i t y . The P r o t e s t a n t S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , p. 398. Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 222. 52 Church c o u l d be o f more immediate and f r u i t f u l u s e , but e v e n t u a l l y b o t h c o n f e s s i o n s would have t o make way f o r t h e new " r e l i g i o n " . W h i l e utmost c a u t i o n was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f h i s approached t o t h e c h u r c h e s , H i t l e r b e l i e v e d t h a t s u c c e s s was u l t i m a t e l y c e r t a i n , p a r t i c u l a r l y s i n c e he proceeded on a " r e a l i s t i c " v i e w o f human n a t u r e . I n s t e a d o f g i v i n g f i v e hundred m i l l i o n marks a year t o the c h u r c h e s , he would g i v e g r a n t s t o a r c h b i s h o p s , a l l o w i n g them freedom t o s h a r e out t h e sum p l a c e d a t t h e i r d i s p o s a l ; i n t h i s way, the number o f t h e i r " c o l l a b o r a t o r s " would be reduced t o a minimum s i n c e t h e y would t r y t o keep t h e g r e a t e r p a r t of themoney f o r t h e m s e l v e s . "With a t e n t h p a r t o f our budget f o r r e l i g i o n , we would thus have a ch u r c h devoted t o the s t a t e andof unshakeable l o y a l t y . " He p r a i s e d American p o l i t i c i a n s whom he thought had sub-j e c t e d t h e c h u r c h t o t h e same r e g u l a t i o n s g o v e r n i n g a l l o t h e r a s s o c i a t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s and had t h u s l i m i t e d i t s f i e l d 1 o f a c t i v i t y t o r e a s o n a b l e p r o p o r t i o n s . A c c o r d i n g l y , a f t e r the war, i t would be t h e d u t y o f t h e government t o d e a l w i t h the C a t h o l i c Church t h e same way as i t d e a l t w i t h o t h e r n a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s . The Concordat and i t s f i n a n c i a l o b l i g a t i o n s would be t e r m i n a t e d : " i t w i l l g i v e me t h e g r e a t e s t p e r s o n a l p l e a s u r e t o p o i n t out H i t l e r , S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , p. 517. 53 t o t he Church a l l t h o s e o c c a s i o n s on which i t has broken the terms o f i t . " ! Becoming dependent s o l e l y on t h e o f f e r t o r y , t h e Church would r e c e i v e o n l y t h r e e per c e n t of the money i t had p r e v i o u s l y r e c e i v e d from the S t a t e . 2 A f t e r a l l , t h e agreement was o n l y t h e s u r v i v a l of p r e v i o u s c o n c o r d a t s between the V a t i c a n and d i f f e r e n t German s t a t e s and w i t h t h e i n c o r -p o r a t i o n of t h e l a t t e r i n t o the c e n t r a l i z e d R e i c h i t was o b s o l e t e , a c o n f i r m a t i o n o f p a s t agreements r a t h e r t h a n a c u r r e n t agreement i n f o r c e . A f t e r the war, t h e P a r t y would a l s o t a k e t h e n e c e s s a r y s t e p s t o make t h e " r e c r u i t i n g of p r i e s t s " as d i f f i c u l t as p o s s i b l e ; o n l y the man who had passed h i s t w e n t y - f o u r t h y e a r , and had f i n i s h e d h i s Labour S e r v i c e and h i s m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e , would be a b l e to t a k e up an 3 e c c l e s i a s t i c a l c a r e e r . But presumably by t h i s t i m e t h e C h r i s t i a n f a i t h would be as o b s o l e t e as t h e C o n c o r d a t . T h i s , t h e n , was H i t l e r ' s p e r s o n a l f a i t h , h i s a t t i -t u de t o r e l i g i o n i n g e n e r a l , and t o t h e P a r t y ' s r o l e i n the r e l i g i o u s i s s u e . Throughout h i s l i f e and h i s i d e a s , t h e r e run t h e two t h r e a d s o f l a t e n t n i h i l i s m and c y n i c a l pragmatism. While t h e f a i t h t o which he a d m i t t e d was p a n t h e i s t i c , he c o n s i d e r e d the f a i t h and i d e a s o f o t h e r men as t o o l s t o be used; as f o r Himmler and Rosenberg, " H i t l e r laughed a t them."4 1 I b i d _ - , p. 518. 2 I b i d . , p. 520. 3 I b i d . , p. 390. ^ I b i d . , ed. T r e v o r - R o p e r , p. x x v i i . 54 But whatever the t r u t h of i t s d o c t r i n e , Roman C a t h o l i c i s m was no l a u g h i n g m atter; he would e r a d i c a t e i t . Some s o r t o f C h r i s t i a n i t y , however, a " p o s i t i v e " v a r i e t y , H i t l e r sought t o m a i n t a i n , and a l t h o u g h he i n s i s t e d t h a t the P a r t y was p u r e l y a p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n , g i v e n h i s a d m i r a t i o n o f h i e r a r c h i c a l power and h i s sense of i n s p i r a t i o n , p l u s t h e i n i t i a l dynamism and u l t i m a t e power of the N a z i movement, i t was i n e v i t a b l e t h a t t h e P a r t y should f a i l t o remain s i m p l y p o l i t i c a l group and s h o u l d become a s u r r o g a t e f a i t h . 55 CHAPTER 3 The Nazi Movement as a Substitute Faith 1. The Development of Nazism into a Pseudo-Church As Nazism became a substitute for Christianity, and as i t tried to control more than the bodies of men, the church-state conflict ensued. That the churches and Nation-al Socialism were ultimately incompatible was due in part to the uneasiness of the new regime and to i t s deliberate ten-dency to interpret every piece of Christian behavior as hav-ing p o l i t i c a l aims. For not merely were some Christians unable to refrain from re s i s t i n g Nazi demands, but the government was eager to believe that even Young Catholic ping-pong matches were used as a cover for subversive a c t i v i t i e s . There i s no doubt that, in some cases, they were justified in their suspicions, but what is important is the fact that, while the Christian opposition developed some of the traits of a p o l i t i c a l under-ground, the National Socialist state develo ped the character-i s t i c s of an organized church, a church, however, whose leaders did not believe in the doctrine which supposedly was fundamental 56 to i t s existence. Before 1933, as any new minority p o l i t i c a l group with revolutionary ideas, Nazism appeared to be a fanatical sect, appealing to the more religious aspect of p o l i t i c a l thinking; that i s , having a mission and a Rtruth" to communi-2 cate. This appeal was not new in German p o l i t i c a l history. Later, after the death of i t s brief partnership with the churches, the i l l - f a t e d Concordat, and the efforts to "Germanize" Lutheran-ism, there occurred a gradual withdrawal from Christianity, and the practical purposes of the state were more and more turned into holy causes: what Eric Hoffer calls "religiofication". As w i l l be described, this development was both planned and spontaneous. Because the Party sought a national rebirth, i t s Weltanschauung had to be accepted by every German, above a l l by the young. To achieve this, the qualities of the religious sect, in partial eclipse during 1933, when more practical politics occupied Hitler, were again stressed, and became a systematic substitute for traditional faith. Its application by the Party was confused Here I assume that a religion entails recognition of a controlling superhuman power entitled to obedience, worship, and,, above a l l , humility. 2 In considering the non-revolutionary character of Nazism, one should remember that German p o l i t i c a l parties, from the time of the Second Empire, were more institutional than North American parties. With their own welfare organizations, unions, athletic associations, cultural leagues, and youth groups, they were societies which sought philosophical, Christian(or anti-Christian), as well as p o l i t i c a l goals. ^Eric Hoffer, The True Believer, New York, Mentor, 1958, p. 15. 57 and never c o m p l e t e , but i t s c r e a t i o n seemed mandatory, f o r , i n t h e new Germany, the h i e r a r c h y and power of t h e C h r i s t i a n c h u r c h e s c o u l d n o t c o - e x i s t w i t h t h e h i e r a r c h y and power o f N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m . To f i g h t t h e churches, t h e P a r t y borrowed some of t h e i r own d e v i c e s . A s o c i o l o g i s t d e s c r i b e s the N a z i s t a t e as an " e c c l e s i a " , 1 a c o n s e r v a t i v e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , u n i v e r s a l i n i t s aims, w h i c h a t t e m p t s t o amalgamate i t s e l f w i t h t h e government and t h e dominant c l a s s e s , and s t r i v e s t o c o n t r o l every c i t i z e n . Because i t i s a l s o an e d u c a t i o n a l system which t r a i n s i t s y o u t h f u l members t o c o n f o r m i t y i n thought and a c t i o n , t h u s f i t t i n g them f o r the e x e r c i s e of the r e l i g i o u s r i g h t s t h e y have i n h e r i t e d , the " e c c l e s i a " a t t a c h e s a h i g h importance to t h e o f f i c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of sacraments and t e a c h i n g by a u t h o r i z e d a g e n t s . The N a z i " e c c l e s i a " d i d not i s o l a t e i t s e l f f rom a n t a g o n i s t i c e lements i n German l i f e as the L u t h e r a n Church had p r e v i o u s l y done b u t r e s o l v e d f r o m t h e b e g i n n i n g t o c o n v e r t a l l d o u b t e r s t o a t l e a s t outward adherence t o t h e one t r u e f a i t h . I n t h e l a t e ' t h i r t i e s , t h e N a z i K u l t v e r b a n d , l e d by the c h a r i s m a t i c l e a d e r , d i d almost become t h e s t a n d a r d i z e d r o u t i n i z e d S t a t e Church t h a t some of i t s a d h e r e n t s d e s i r e d . T h i s i s Howard B e c k e r , i n h i s book German Y o u t h : Bond o r F r e e (New York, O x f o r d , 1946). A s i m i l a r s t u d y i s Hans-Jo chen Gamm's Per braune K u l t , Das D r i t t e R e i c h und s e i n e  E r s a t z r e l i g i o n (Hamburg, R f l t t e n und L o e n i n g , 1962), p a r t i c u l a r l y the c h a p t e r "Der N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s a l s K u l t v e r b a n d " , p. 156. 5 8 But N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m n e v e r a c h i e v e d t h e p e r f e c t e x i s t e n c e d e s c r i b e d by such w r i t e r s and was d e f i n i t e l y n o t a r e l i g i o n t o i t s l e a d e r s ; t h i s f a c t a l o n e l i m i t s t he a p p l i c a b i l i t y of th e term " e c c l e s i a " t o t h e new S t a t e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , w h i l e t h e N a z i l e a d e r s , H i t l e r , Goebbels, Bormann, had much l e s s f a i t h i n t h e i r Weltanschauung t h a n even the most c y n i c a l of I t a l i a n R e n a i s s a n c e p r i e s t s i n C h r i s t i a n i t y , f o r t h e "man-in-t h e - s t r e e t " , p a r t i c u l a r l y t he n o n - C h r i s t i a n , i t was a r e a s o n -a b l e f a c s i m i l e . 2 . Rosenberg, the High P r i e s t A l f r e d Rosenberg i s u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e P a r t y ' s p h i l o s o p h y because, i n s p i t e of t h e f a c t t h a t a t v a r i o u s t i m e s t h e Na z i l e a d e r s h i p sought to i n c r e a s e t h e d i s t a n c e between t h e i r s t a n d and h i s i n t h e p u b l i c mind, he summed up more o r l e s s a c c u r a t e l y the P a r t y ' s a t t i t u d e t o r e l i g i o u s problems. He was a p p o i n t e d " D i r e c t o r of N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t Weltanschauung" i n Januaryl934 and r e c e i v e d a N a t i o n a l P r i z e i n 1937. To be s u r e , he was shed l a t e r when h i s u s e f u l n e s s d e c l i n e d , but i t d i d d e c l i n e o n l y because d u r i n g t h e war t h e N a z i l e a d e r s c o u l d n o t a f f o r d t o c o n t i n u e the K u l t u r k a m p f w i t h t h e v i g o u r Rosenberg demanded. The c h i e f o b j e c t o f Rosenberg's a t t a c k was Roman C a t h o l i c i s m , w h i c h had c o r r u p t e d the German p e o p l e t h r o u g h o u t t h e i r h i s t o r y . But even e a r l i e r t han t h i s , he c l a i m e d , S a i n t 59 P a u l had " j u d a i z e d " C h r i s t i a n i t y , d i v e r t i n g i t f r o m i t s n a t u r a l c o u r s e by r e p l a c i n g the t r u e C h r i s t , Aryan and h e r o i c , w i t h a p o o r w e a k l i n g Hebrew. Not as t h e c r u c i f i e d , b u t as the w a r r i o r a g a i n s t t h e Jews d i d C h r i s t d e s e r v e honour among the Germans. "That t h e C a t h o l i c Church and a l s o t h e Confes-s i o n a l Church...must d i s a p p e a r from t h e l i f e o f our p e o p l e i s my f u l l c o n v i c t i o n / and_7 our Ftlhrer-' s v i e w p o i n t . "^ I n h i s Mythus des 20. J a h r h u n d e r t s ("Myth of t h e T w e n t i e t h C e n t u r y " ) , Rosenberg had f i r s t o u t l i n e d the German n a t i o n a l c h u r c h w h i c h , w h i l e h a v i n g a L u t h e r a n t o n e , would embrace a l l the f o r m e r d e n o m i n a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g t h e C a t h o l i c , t h e b e a u t i f u l r i t e s o f 2 which were o f t e n o f N o r d i c o r i g i n . T h i s f a i t h would not be C h r i s t i a n i t y , of c o u r s e , but N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m . Rosenberg's i d e a s were c l a r i f i e d i n the program^ he drew up i n 1942 f o r t h e n a t i o n a l R e i c h Church, which e x p r e s s e d th e i n t e n t i o n s o f t h e government, but w h i c h was p r o b a b l y not s a n c t i o n e d by H i t l e r a t t h e t i m e i t appeared. The B i b l e and the C h r i s t i a n c r o s s were t o be removed from a l l c h u r c h e s , to be r e p l a c e d by Mein Kampf,"the g r e a t e s t of a l l documents", and Quoted i n N a t h a n i e l M i c k l e m , N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m and  C h r i s t i a n i t y , O x f o r d , C l a r e n d o n , 1939, p. 29. 2 A l f r e d Rosenberg, Mythus des 20. J a h r h u n d e r t s , MUnchen, Hoheneichen, 1934, p. 610. 3 T h i s program i s g i v e n i n C a r l Carmer, War A g a i n s t  God, New Y o r k , H o l t , 1943, p. 7. 60 the s w a s t i k a , "that unconquerable symbol"; no great s t r u c t u r a l a l t e r a t i o n s would be c a r r i e d out on the e x i s t i n g churches a f t e r t h e i r c o n f i s c a t i o n because they were l i v i n g monuments of German c u l t u r e ; the s e r v i c e s were to be held only at n i g h t , on Saturdays, and with f e s t i v e i l l u m i n a t i o n s . The P a r t y ' s o f f i c i a l a t t i t u d e was never as c l e a r or went so f a r as Rosenberg would have d e s i r e d . By 1 9 4 2 , h i s pronouncements had become too aggressive f o r H i t l e r , who had to moderate h i s K i r c h e n p o l i t i k during the war f o r the sake of domestic peace and who found d i r e c t i n g armies more en-g r o s s i n g than s l a n d e r i n g nuns. A c c o r d i n g l y , Rosenberg, l i k e the German C h r i s t i a n s e a r l i e r , was removed from h i s p o s i t i o n of "high p r i e s t " . H i t l e r and h i s colleagues used Rosenberg's a n t i -C h r i s t i a n ideas as seasoning i n the new n a t i o n a l d i e t . When the l e a d e r s h i p adopted some of h i s most p a l a t a b l e views, they d i d so f u l l y r e a l i z i n g t h e i r propaganda value, yet never co n s i d e r i n g them worth serious personal c o n s i d e r a t i o n . There were no C h r i s t i a n or pagan gods to haunt the dreams of H i t l e r and h i s henchmen. E s s e n t i a l l y n i h i l i s t i c , they sought power i n t h e i r world and nowhere e l s e . I f they were motivated by any i d e a s , these were perverted p a t r i o t i c ones, and they found the e x i s t i n g corpus of p o l i t i c a l r a c i a l philosophy u s e f u l f o r r a t i o n a l i z i n g these i d e a l s and making them more acceptable 61 to a conservative public. 3. Essence of the Nazi "Faith" The p o l i t i c a l platform of the Nazis, presented in the form of a revolutionizing new world view, included the ideas of enthusiasts like Rosenberg or Ernst Bergmann, but i t . also had to appeal to concepts that the Germans held sacred, whether these were their faith in the christian God or their belief in their country's great destiny. The distinctive and paradoxical character of the supposedly "revolutionary" Weltanschauung lay in this conservative system of values determined by the traditional beliefs of Germans. The system had to cover the individual's relation to the source and meaning of l i f e and had to be expressed in terms usually associated with orthodox religion. Therefore, the Nazi leaders confirmed the idea that every race had a soul, and the German race, a special divine mission, with an apocalyptic promise of a glorious Germany in the future. Placed by God on earth as Germans, the Volk was described as the culmination of the divine plan. "In f u l f i l l i n g the w i l l of the people, the Ftlhrer f u l f i l l s the w i l l of God; for the voice of the Volk 2 i s the voice of God." This was merely an intensification of pan-German, superpatriotic ideas current in Germany since "*"These ideas often found sincere support in lower Nazi ranks because they were not new, but had been in circulation in Germany for as much as a century. See Fritz Stern, Politics  of Cultural Despair, Berkeley, 1961, passim. 2 Hans Schemm, a racial expert, quoted in Kneller, Educational Philosophy of National Socialism, p. 187. 62 b e f o r e the f i r s t W o rld War. The c a l c u l a t e d c o n s e r v a t i v e element i n t h e program and t h e c o n t i n u a l r e f e r e n c e to o l d e r i d e a s t h a t had a c q u i r e d a s a c r e d hue appear i n t h e a t t i t u d e toward women. A woman was to be t h e h e a r t o f t h e f a m i l y o r g a n i s m u n i q u e l y r e l a t e d t o her own c h i l d r e n and h e r own p a r t i c u l a r h u s b a n d . 1 German women, moreover, were t o st o p smoking and powdering t h e i r f a c e s , and t o concern t h e m s e l v e s w i t h t h e i r c h i l d r e n , t h e i r k i t c h e n , 2 and t h e i r c h u r c h . T h i s a p p e a l e d to t h e d e s i r e o f many Germans to r e t u r n t o a s i m p l e r concept of womanhood and t h e f a m i l y , t o t h e orthodox L u t h e r a n v i e w o f home l i f e , and t o the r e b e l l i o n a g a i n s t t h e m e c h a n i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f the i n d u s t r i a l c i t y . I t was o n l y b a i t i n t h e t r a p , of c o u r s e , f o r , as w i l l be seen, i n i t s v e r y n a t u r e , N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m o n l y i n t e n s i f i e d d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of human t i e s . Nazism had an a p p e a l t o even w i d e r c u r r e n t b e l i e f s . As a r e p l a c e m e n t f o r o r t h o d o x C h r i s t i a n i t y , i t met w i t h g r e a t a p p r o v a l i n younger c i r c l e s , groups which f e l t t h a t t h e c h u r c h had f a i l e d t o p r o v i d e an a t t i t u d e to t h e more m a t e r i a l and con-Pa r a p h r a s e d from C l i f f o r d K i r k p a t r i c k , N a z i  Germany: I t s Women and F a m i l y L i f e , New Y o r k , B o b b s - M e r r i l l , 1938, p. 101. See E r n s t Bergmann, Die de u t s c h e N a t i o n a l k i r c h e , B r e s l a u , H i r t , 1934, pp. 344-363, l o r "the p r i e s t h o o d of women". 63 temporary necess i t i es of existence. Some young people ca l l ed the church too other-worldly in outlook and f e l t i t had not helped them to face l i f e in a d i s jo in ted community; they f e l t a need f o r a sacred element in day-to-day existence. H i t l e r was aware of th is need and so he stressed the s p i r i t u a l aspect of h i s movement. The young were to ld that Nazism embodied the s p i r i t of the o ld Wandervcigel and that "blood and s o i l , f o l k and homeland are in the hands of God, from which we have everything that we are."-'- The sacred miss ion of the movement was constant ly stressed and many of the newly wr i t ten songs, f o r example, appealed to God to b less the Nazi work. The e f fec t on the average young person was to make him into a rev -o lu t ionary , but a "conservat ive" revo lut ionary , ready to be led anywhere. This i s wel l exemplif ied i n Wolfgang Brugge's des-c r i p t i o n of h is react ion upon hearing H i t l e r fo r the f i r s t time; "here am I, take me and my strength, ' my a b i l i t y , my w i l l ; use i t a l l for Thy great goal."-^ Thus the material and the s p i r i t u a l were e f f e c t i v e l y combined in a whole which, when presented to the pub l i c , did not seem to be a the i s t i c or n i h i l -i s t i c , but rather at one with the best of German va lues . The s t a t e ' s power and d i s c i p l i n e , moreover, were declared to exist ^-Quoted i n Kne l le r , op. c i t . , p. 184. p See Gamm, op. c i t . , p. 94. -^Quoted in Gamm, op. c i t . , p. 25. 64 not as a d e t e r r e n t t o man i n h i s aim f o r human p e r f e c t i o n , but as a i d s toward f r e e growth and i n d i v i d u a l a ccomplishment. One N a z i wrote t h a t , on t h e model of t h e C a t h o l i c c h u r c h , the F f i h r e r , w i t h h i s e x c l u s i v e power, c o r r e s p o n d e d to the Pope and t h e l e s s e r P i i h r e r s c o rresponded t o t h e c l e r g y , w h i l e t h e v a r i o u s N a z i c o r p o r a t i o n s s e r v e d as a d v i s o r y b o d i e s i n t h e same way as d i d t h e c o l l e g e o f c a r d i n a l s . 1 How c o u l d t h i s comparison be made, when so many N a z i s were h o s t i l e t o C a t h o l i c i s m ? The p o p u l a r e n t h u s i a s m f o r Nazism can be p a r t i a l l y e x p l a i n e d as a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the r e l i g i o u s i m p u l s e , g u i d e d i n t o , and e x p r e s s i n g i t s e l f i n a form more p u r e l y p o l i t i c a l t h a n had been seen i n the p a s t . C h r i s t i a n i t y i t s e l f sought t o s e t up a t one t i m e a C h r i s t i a n kingdom, l e d by t h e Papacy on t h i s e a r t h , and s i n c e t h e r e l a t e d d e s i r e f o r t h e m i l l e n i u m now, a p a r a d i s e i n t h i s w o r l d , seems to be c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c o f t h e Western European C h r i s t i a n mind, some w r i t e r s have c a l l e d Nazism merely a f u r t h e r h e r e s y w i t h i n the Church p r o p e r . To be s u r e , not m e r e l y was t h e s t r u c t u r e of t h e N a z i h i e r a r c h y e m b e l l i s h e d w i t h terms t a k e n from C h r i s t i a n t h e o l o g y , b u t some a u t h o r i t i e s would v i e w t h e Weltanschauung as a degenerate form of t h e M e s s i a n i c i d e a o r as t h e M a n i c h a e i s t i c h e r e s y . At any r a t e , the N a z i s c o n t i n u a l l y a p p e a l e d to c o n c e p t s Quoted i n N i e k i s c h , op. c i t . , p. 102. 65 which were i n g r a i n e d i n German minds, whether t h e y were t h e e f f i c a c y of t h e C a t h o l i c h i e r a r c h y or the need f o r a s t r o n g s e c u l a r a u t h o r i t y . P o p u l a r c o n c e p t i o n s were embodied i n the p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n o f E v i l as the " c o u n t e r - r a c e " , the i n -c a r n a t i o n o f " e v e r y t h i n g h o r r i b l e , e v i l , and d a r k , " l t h e b e a r e r of those p o i s o n o u s i d e a s , m a t e r i a l i s m and i n d i v i d u a l i s m . There was a l s o t a l k o f t h e " i n s e p a r a b l e T r i n i t y of S t a t e , Movement, 2 and V o l k . " To the R e i c h was a p p l i e d t h e i d e a o f "body" as C h r i s t i a n s a p p l i e d i t to t h e Church when t h e y r e f e r r e d to t h e M y s t i c a l Body of C h r i s t . The concept o f t h e e t e r n a l Aryan kingdom of l i g h t , v e r s u s t h e J e w i s h s p i r i t of da r k n e s s was a l -most a fo r m o f Manichaeism adapted t o meet the needs of t h e cause.? To a t t a i n s a l v a t i o n , t h e masses were t o p l a c e t h e i r t r u s t i n and give:u u n c o n d i t i o n a l s u r r e n d e r t o the man w i t h a l l e g e d l y superhuman g i f t s , who i n t u r n f u r t h e r e d t he e c c l e s i a s t i c a l h i e r a r c h y of the P a r t y . T h i s i s what H i t l e r meant when he s a i d t h a t " N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m i s a form o f con-v e r s i o n , a new f a i t h . H e c o n s i d e r e d the C a t h o l i c Church a group o f n a i v e b e l i e v e r s l e d by r e a l i s t i c , s k e p t i c a l strongmen, was i m p r e s s e d by i t s h i e r a r c h i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , and d e c l a r e d t h a t he had f o l l o w e d i t i n g i v i n g t h e P a r t y i t s s t r u c t u r e ; "the Quoted i n W a l t e r H o f e r , Per N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s . Dokumente. 1933-45. F r a n k f u r t , F i s c h e r , 1961, p. 15. 2 I b i d . . p. 34. •^Vermeil, op. c i t . , pp. 159-160. See a l s o Gamm, o p . c i t . , p. 84, f o r t h e t r e a t m e n t of h e r e t i c s . 4 Quoted i n R a uschning, op. c i t . , p. 61. 66 Church was something r e a l l y b i g , Now we're i t s h e i r s . We, t o o , a r e a C h u r c h . " 1 H i t l e r was t h e me s s i a h of t h e new " f a i t h " ; R o b e r t Ley, D i r e c t o r of t h e Labour F r o n t , e x p r e s s e d t h i s concept as f o H ows; A d o l f H i t l e r , to thee a l o n e we are bound. .. we b e l i e v e i n t h i s w o r l d i n A d o l f H i t l e r a l o n e . We b e l i e v e t h a t N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m i s the s o l e f a i t h t o make our People b l e s s e d . We b e l i e v e t h a t t h e r e i s a L o r d God i n Heaven, who has made u s , who l e a d s us, who g u i d e s u s , and who v i s i b l y b l e s s e s u s . And we b e l i e v e t h a t t h i s L o r d God has sent us A d o l f H i t l e r t h a t Germany s h o u l d be e s t a b l i s h e d f o r a l l e t e r n i t y . g The army, c a b i n e t , and c i v i l s e r v i c e o a t h s , as w e l l as t h o s e f o r L u t h e r a n p a s t o r s , show t h a t supreme l e a d e r s h i p was not an i n s t i t u t i o n r e g u l a t e d by w o r l d l y r u l e s and p r e c e d e n t s , o r an o f f i c e w i t h a u t h o r i t y d e l e g a t e d f rom human b e i n g s , but t h e i n v e s t i t u r e of power i n one d i v i n e l y i n s p i r e d p e r s o n , H i t l e r . He, t h e Leader, was endowed w i t h q u a l i t i e s l a c k i n g i n o r d i n a r y m o r t a l s . Superhuman, m e s s i a n i c powers emanated from him and pervaded t h e s t a t e , t h e P a r t y , and t h e V o l k . W i t h ti m e , H i t l e r came t o b e l i e v e t h i s h i m s e l f and was r e m a r k a b l y s u c c e s s f u l i n c o n v i n c i n g t h o s e lower i n t h e N a z i ranks and i n the p e o p l e . Faced w i t h t h e murder of t h e i r l e a d e r Loc. C i t . Quoted i n Klemperer, op. c i t . , p. 9. 67 and hundreds of t he i r comrades i n 1934, the t ra ined and armed S.A. d id nothing; t h i s behavior i s at l eas t in part the resu l t of charismatic obedience. Furthermore, i t fol lows Musso l i n i ' s idea of idea l f a s c i s t organ izat ion ; " d i s c i p l i n e from the lowest to the highest must be essent i a l and of a r e l i g i ous type.""'- Wolfgang Brtfgge declared that H i t l e r ' s great message was " to give us f a i t h " ; 2 Kurt Ludecke was one of those who received th i s " f a i t h " from the Ftthrer—he had dabbled in f a s t i n g , "to make us hard and f i t fo r the struggle to save Germany", and, on meeting Adolf H i t l e r , he "experienced an exa l ta t ion that could only be l ikened to r e l i g i ous convers ion. " I had given [_ Hitler_7 my s o u l " . He writes that , fo l lowing a b r i e f arrest , he was-being "martyred for the Cause". While the paranoid Ludecke probably knew l i t t l e of genuine r e l i g i ous experience and completely gives the game away when he admits that one of the good resu l t s of the abort ive putsch was that "the sixteen martyrs might come i n handy l a t e r o n , . h i s experience was t y p i c a l . With fo l lowers l i k e t h i s who professed to bel ieve that the Nazi f a i t h was i n f a l l i b l e , comprehensive, and e terna l , the only world-view that could give purpose and p r a c t i c a l expression to German l i v e s , i t was not d i f f i c u l t fo r H i t l e r to condemn Quoted in Ju l ien Benda, Betrayal of the In te l l e c tua l s , Boston, Beacon, 1959, p. 29. 2 Quoted i n Gamm, op. c i t . , p. 26. Ludecke, op. c i t . , pp. 17-18, 25, 116, and 219. 68 groups or i n s t i t u t i o n s which maintained an a t t i t u d e of i n -dependence or n e u t r a l i t y . This " s o c i a l i s m grounded on r e l i g i o n " - ^ expressed i t s e l f c o n t i n u a l l y i n terms l i k e Ganzheit ( t o t a l i t y ) ' and Gesamtaufgabe ( c o l l e c t i v e t a s k ) , 2 and no r a c i a l l y pure German was exempt from t h i s t o t a l i t y and task. The infamous judge, Roland F r e i s l e r , declared, "we demand the whole man".^ No one should have time f o r C h r i s t i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n s , which, wrote Wilhelm F r i c k , M i n i s t e r of the I n t e r i o r , are a c t i v e i n areas where the Nazi s t a t e , i n order to f u l f i l l i t s e l f , has e x c l u s i v e c l a i m . ^ A s t r o l o g e r s , Free Masons, Jehovah's Witnesses, and f o r t u n e - t e l l e r s as w e l l were lumped together and branded as i n t r u d e r s and unacceptable. This f a n a t i c a l completeness smacks a t once of the Spanish I n q u i s i t i o n or of the passionate a f f i r m a t i o n of e a r l y Puritanism. Indeed, the Nazi movement was described as a " r e v o l u t i o n of the soul", 5 and a good Nqzi should never h e s i t a t e i f he had to choose between the c a l l of the " s o u l " and that o f the i n t e l l e c t . ^ P r e c i s e l y t h i s t o t a l -A Nazi w r i t e r i n Germany Speaks, London, Thornton Butterworth, 1938, p. 235. 2See, f o r example, Ernst K r i e c k , N a t i o n a l p o l i t i s c h e  Erziehung, L e i p z i g , Armanen, 1934, passim. 3 Quoted i n Hans R o t h f e l s , German Opposition to H i t l e r , London W o l f f , 1961, p.113. ^"Quoted i n Hofer, op. c i t . , p. 134. ^Baldur von S c h i r a c h , Revolution der Erziehung, Mtinchen, Z e n t r a l v e r l a g der NSDAP, 1938, p. 101. 6 T Loc. c i t . '69 i t a r i a n i s m was d e s i r e d by many Germans. That t h i s s p i r i t u a l need was f e l t , as w e l l as a need f o r p o l i t i c a l and economic change, and was met, i s t h e s e c r e t o f t h e Na z i s u c c e s s . The r e l i g i o u s need was i n t h e p e o p l e ; i t remained f o r the N a z i s to meet i t and t o d e v e l o p t h e i r own p s e u d o - f a i t h . The s t u m b l i n g b l o c k was t h a t t h e C h r i s t i a n c h u r c h e s s t i l l c o n t r o l l e d many p e r s o n s ' a l l e g i a n c e . H i t l e r knew t h a t i d e a s o r s p i r i t u a l movements c o u l d o n l y be b r o k e n by p h y s i c a l weapons i f t h e s e i n s t r u m e n t s were s u p p o r t e d by a n o t h e r " k i n d l i n g t h o u g h t , i d e a , or p h i l o s o p h y . " 1 C o n s e q u e n t l y , a c c o r d i n g t o Goebbels, t h e P a r t y would "use the t a c t i c s of t h e C a t h o l i c Church t o hammer £"±tsj i d e o l o g y i n t o German y o u t h . " 2 But f o r c e c o u l d succeed o n l y i f s t r e n g t h e n e d by d e f i n i t e s p i r i t u a l c o n v i c t i o n , i n c u l c a t e d by u n c o n d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y . H i t l e r c o n s i d e r e d r e l i g i o n a t o o l , b u t t h i s d i d n o t p r e v e n t him from r e g a r d i n g t h e C a t h o l i c Church as h i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l i d e a l ! "The g r e a t n e s s o f C h r i s t i a n i t y d i d not l i e i n a t t e m p t e d neg-o t i a t i o n s f o r compromise w i t h any s i m i l a r p h i l o s o p h i c a l o p i n i o n s i n t h e a n c i e n t w o r l d , but i n i t s i n e x o r a b l e f a n a t i c i s m i n p r e a c h i n g and f i g h t i n g f o r i t s own d o c t r i n e . " 3 C h r i s t i a n i t y 1 H i t l e r , Mein Kampf, p. 170. 2 Q u o t e d i n G.M. G i l b e r t , P s y c h o l o g y o f D i c t a t o r s h i p , New York, R o n a l d , 1950, p. 165. ^ H i t l e r , Mein Kampf, p. 351. did not content i t s e l f merely with building up i t s altars, but tried to destroy the r i v a l heathen altars. 1 Nazism would succeed because, like the youngChristian movement, i t knew that " i t s idea must be put forward spiritually, but that the defense of this spiritual platform must i f necessary be 2 secured by strong-arm means." 4. The Religious Trappings Manufactured Fabricating the "idea" was not d i f f i c u l t . Hitler believed that the politician could maintain the moral health of a nation as well as the churchman by incorporating in the law of the land the people's beliefs and supporting these laws with force. This the Nazis did. Their basic ideas, of co\irse, were developed spontaneously i n the German people over a period of f i f t y to one hundred years, but the Nazi e l i t e organized and preached these concepts as a useful substitute for Christianity, surrounding them with an aura of sanctity in spectacular rit u a l s . Atheism or agnosticism were not for Hitler. The people must be able to have faith i n some-thing, he said, "something for the imagination...fixed, permanent doctrines.""^ They were not to lose the sub-1 H i t l e r , Mein Kampf. p. 454. 2Loc. c i t . Quoted in Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 188 71 j e c t i v e , " u p l i f t i n g " element o f r e l i g i o u s e x p e r i e n c e ; E r n s t Bergmann w r o t e , " t h o s e who have f r e e d t h e m s e l v e s from a f o r e i g n r e l i g i o u s f a i t h . . . d o n ' t t h e r e f o r e have t o l i v e w i t h o u t r e l i g i o n . " 1 U n d o u b t e d l y , t h e r e were many s i n c e r e N a z i s , and m i l l i o n s o f Germans seemed t o b e l i e v e t h e myth. But t h e r e l i g i o u s elements i n propaganda, r i t u a l , and e d u c a t i o n were c o n s c i o u s l y used d e v i c e s , and t h e c h a r i s m a t i c q u a l i t i e s a t t r i b u t e d t o H i t l e r , w h i l e based on h i s p e r s o n a l i t y and r e a l o r a t o r i c a l power, were c o n t r i v e d . "The German l e a d e r s h i p , " w r i t e s Franz Neumann, " i s the o n l y group i n p r e s e n t German s o c i e t y t h a t does not t a k e i t s i d e o l o g i c a l pronouncements s e r i o u s l y and i s w e l l aware o f t h e i r p u r e l y p r o p a g a n d i s t i c n a t u r e . " 2 One o f t h e most i m p o r t a n t methods i n d e v e l o p i n g t h i s p s e u d o - r e l i g i o u s element was t h e mass meeting, because t h e r e t h e c o n v e r t , who f e e l s " l o n e l y and i s e a s i l y s e i z e d w i t h t h e f e a r o f b e i n g a l o n e , r e c e i v e s f o r the f i r s t t i m e - t h e p i c t u r e o f a g r e a t e r community, something t h a t has a s t r e n g t h e n i n g e f f e c t 3 on most p e o p l e . " H i t l e r ' s a d v i c e was f o l l o w e d i n t h i s way; Quoted i n L i t t e l l , op. c i t . t p. 71. 2 F r a n z Neumann, Behemoth; t h e S t r u c t u r e and P r a c t i c e o f N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m . T o r o n t o , O x f o r d , 1942, p. 467. % i t l e r , M ein Kampf. p. 715. 7 2 on a foundation of Wagnerian music there was heard a daunting rumbling, slow and emphatic, of drums, and heavy f o o t f a l l s pounding the e a r t h , together w i t h an i n d e s c r i b a b l e r a t t l e and swish and pant of armed masses on the march...now growing, now receding... This i s a d e s c r i p t i o n of the broadcast of H i t l e r ' s entry i n t o the congress h a l l of M r n b e r g , September, 1938, and makes i t easy to understand the f e e l i n g s of apprehension and f a s c i n a t i o n implanted i n the l i s t e n e r by the managers of the s p e c t a c l e ; of course the e f f e c t on those present was even greater. More-over, the formal pomp of these c e l e b r a t i o n s could a l s o be used to f r i g h t e n doubting Thomases into submission through awe-i n s p i r i n g symbols and e f f e c t s . A p a i n t i n g , "Triumph of the Movement", d i s p l a y e d i n the p a r t y o f f i c e s i n Munich i s an i n t e r e s t i n g example of the way Nazism f r a n k l y borrowed from C h r i s t i a n t r a d i t i o n . In Rausch-ning's d e s c r i p t i o n , t h i s p i c t u r e showed a l a r g e p l a i n on which a huge crowd i s thronging through storms and massed clouds 2 towards a b r i g h t l y s h i n i n g swastika i n the sky. This sounds remarkably l i k e c e r t a i n s i x t e e n t h and seventeenth century p a i n t -ings with t i t l e s l i k e "Adoration of the Holy Name of Jesus". An even more obvious example of t h i s tendency i s another Serge Chakhotin, Rape of the Masses. The Psychology  of T o t a l i t a r i a n P o l i t i c a l Propaganda, t r a n s . E.W. Dickes, London, Routledge, 1940, p. 84. Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 39. 73 showing H i t l e r haranguing a small group around 1920, the c a p t i o n of which reads, "In the beginning was the Word."''" Because God's chosen people were the Aryan Germans, paragraph s i x t y - s i x of the blasphemy law was changed i n November 1934; i t became an offence "coarsely to outrage the 2 f e e l i n g s of the People." Needless to say, t h i s law covered a m u l t i t u d e of s i n s . F i n a l l y , i n October, 1937, a law was passed making any utterance o f f e n s i v e to N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m a penal offence under the blasphemy law. Customs u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h C h r i s t i a n l i f e were adopted and adapted by the Nazis. In A p r i l 1935, Goebbels and Rust drew up an Index of books which were l a b e l l e d dangerous and u n d e s i r a b l e . A grace before meals f o r c h i l d r e n was suggested; Ftthrer,my Fi l h r e r , sent to me from God, prote c t and keep me; Thou who has saved Germany, f o r my d a i l bread I thank Thee; stay by me, never leave me, Fi l h r e r , my Ftthrer ,my f a i t h and my l i g h t I H e i l my Fuhrer1 4 The o r i g i n a l was rhymed f o r e a s i e r r e t e n t i o n . There were also homes f o r expectant.mothers, i n which a s i m i l a r grace was sa i d , Reproduced i n Micklem, op. c i t . , p. 12. 2 I b i d . , p. 113. 3 I b i d . , p. 158. ^"Quoted i n Gamm, op. c i t . , p. 312. 7 4 during which the women would stand, f a c i n g a p i c t u r e of H i t l e r on the w a l l , r a i s i n g t h e i r r i g h t hands and speaking i n chorus."'" Many a f a n a t i c a l Nazi housewife provided her home with something resembling an a l t a r , a l a r g e coloured p i c t u r e of H i t l e r , beneath which stood a t a b l e with f l o w e r s . Every-d a y - l i f e , as w e l l , was a f f e c t e d i n the use of the g r e e t i n g , " H e i l H i t l e r " , which had a r e l i g i o u s connotation, since " H e i l " was u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h God; Gamm w r i t e s , "when H e i l was r e l a t e d by the Nazis e x c l u s i v e l y to the name of a human being, a new d i r e c t i o n was to be given to existence."* -This new d i r e c t i o n i n c l u d e d s u b s t i t u t e s f o r other C h r i s t i a n customs, such as weddings, f u n e r a l s , c o n f i r m a t i o n , and the l i k e , although these were not yet o f f i c i a l l y sanctioned by the h i e r a r c h y . But c i v i l weddings were encouraged as over against church weddings. While the leaders were never able to o f f i c i a l l y e s t a b l i s h t h e i r own system of appropriate r i t u a l , they had plans f o r the f u t u r e . In a b r i e f to the G a u l e i t e r , a r e g u l a r order of worship i n the c u l t of the s t a t e was o u t l i n e d the permanent form of the NS s e r v i c e w i l l i n c l u d e as the f o c a l p o i n t the sermon (a solemn, w e l l - w r i t t e n Address, l a s t i n g ] 0 J t o 2 0 minutes), f o l l o w e d by the creed, spoken i n chorus. In co n c l u s i o n , the Song of Committment (an accompanied hymn, sung by a l l present) Gregor Ziemer, Education f o r Death, London, Oxford, 1 9 4 1 , p. 3 0 . 2Gamm,- op• c i t . , p. 1 6 2 . 3 I b i d . , p. 2 1 1 . 7 5 ...and, of course, the appropriate number of Sieg H e i l s , a verse of the n a t i o n a l anthem, and the Horst Wessei song. This s e r v i c e would take p l a c e on Sunday morning, and indeed a c t u a l l y d i d a t c e r t a i n places i n the Reich, where i t was pos-s i b l e . Every occasion on which a l a r g e group was i n v o l v e d was used to i n c u l c a t e the r e l i g i o u s mood; Edward Hartshorne r e p o r t s a s e r v i c e h e l d i n the h a l l of the F r i e d r i c h Wilhelm U n i v e r s i t y i n B e r l i n , 1 9 3 6 , to c e l e b r a t e the founding of the Third Reich; a f t e r a s t i r r i n g anthem, the v o i c e of the chorus leader chanted the c l o s i n g words of the s e r v i c e ; "there f o l l o w e d an u n c e r t a i n w a i t , as at the c l o s e of an impressive church s e r v i c e , but g r a d u a l l y the meeting broke up.""'" There i s a tendency f o r students and readers to ac-cept and t h e r e f o r e to be misled by a w r i t e r ' s use of r e l i g i o u s s i m i l e , but we are concerned here with the e f f e c t of these tendencies on the average man, and what seemed r e l i g i o u s to a r e l a t i v e l y unbiassed observer q u i t e p o s s i b l y was the essence of r e l i g i o n to an i n v o l v e d p a r t i c i p a n t . Use of the Blutsfahne, the Sonnenwende c e l e b r a t i o n s , the c h u r c h - l i k e atmosphere created when the HJ Pimpfe became Jungvolk ("confirmation") --by these methods, the vague but powerful r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g s of the youth were given a channelled u n - C h r i s t i a n o u t l e t . The ^E.Y. Hartshorne, German U n i v e r s i t i e s and N a t i o n a l  S o c i a l i s m , London, A l l e n and Unwin, 1 9 3 7 , p. 1 5 2 . 2 See Zieraer's d e s c r i p t i o n of the Marksburg ceremony, op. c i t . , p. 5 6 . 76 Party had to proceed c a r e f u l l y , but i t s success i s sometimes a s t o n i s h i n g : Ziemer describes an i n c i d e n t concerning the worship of Horst Wessel by a group of German g i r l s i n order to improve t h e i r f e r t i l i t y . - ' - This i s probably an i s o l a t e d case, an adolescent f r e a k , but i t shows the e f f e c t of the Nazi " f a i t h " on malleable minds. 5. The H i t l e r Youth In the same way t h a t the C h r i s t i a n Church has always sought t o b r i n g i t s message to c h i l d r e n and to c o n t r o l i n some way t h e i r education, so d i d the Nazis. A d u l t s might accept the Party's r e l i g i o u s trappings s k e p t i c a l l y , but c h i l d r e n , even i f warned by t h e i r parents, are probably c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y unable to r e s i s t such an appeal. The Deutscher Fflhrerlexikon f o r 1935 reveals the indebtedness of Nazism to the youth movements; one t h i r d of the " l e a d e r s " were under the age of f o r t y . The H i t l e r youth, the foundation of the Party's present strength and f u t u r e hope, o r i g i n a t e d i n the Youth League of the S.A.; i t became not only the source from which the e l i t e ' s ranks were to be r e p l e n i s h e d , but a l s o the instrument f o r d i r e c t l y c o n t r o l l i n g the most important group i n s o c i e t y , young people, "*"Ibid., p. 141-2. 2 Deutscher F t i h r e r l e x i k o n 1934-35 , B e r l i n , S t o l l b e r g , 1935, passim. 77 and. f o r i n d i r e c t l y , through f a m i l i e s , c o n t r o l l i n g a d u l t s . Youth i s n a t u r a l l y a c t i v e and i d e a l i s t i c , but has to be guided and c o n t r o l l e d ; the HJ demanded not only the e n t i r e youth of the na-tion, but a l s o the e n t i r e l i f e of each young German. A r t u r Axamann, H i t l e r Youth Leader a f t e r 1940, s a i d t h a t "the HJ became powerful as a Party o r g a n i z a t i o n ; i t h a s c o n t i n u a l l y had the same path and the same goal.""'" The Nazi r e v o l u t i o n was rooted i n the nation's youth, wrote Ernst K r i e c k , and from the H i t l e r Youth the s t a t e would s e l e c t the 2 f u t u r e l e a d e r s . A f t e r the young had been t r a i n e d i n the myth, the best were to be taken f o r the priesthood, v/hile the others would become the f a i t h f u l foundation of the h i e r a r c h y . "We a l l have the t a s k " , s a i d H e i n r i c h Himmler, "of t r a i n i n g and l e a d i n g Germans from the cradle to the grave." To H i t l e r , c h i l d r e n were, i n Trevor-Roper's words, "the c o n t i n u a l l y r e -placeable (and t h e r e f o r e c o n t i n u a l l y dispensable) m a t e r i a l of conquest and c o l o n i z a t i o n . " ^ " He knew when a c h i l d was most vul n e r a b l e ; "there i s no enthusiasm greater than t h a t of a yofng man of t h i r t e e n to seventeen years of age. They w i l l g l a d l y l e t Quoted i n Werner Klose, " H i t l e r j u g e n d " , p. 14. ^ K r i e c k , op. c i t . , p. 20. -^Quoted i n Stewart W. Herman, Eure Seelen Wollen Wir; K i r c h e im Untergrund, t r a n s . Wilhelm Gossman, Mflnchen, Neubau, 1951, p. 44. 4 Trevor-Roper, ed., Secret Conversations, p. xxx. 78 themselves be cut to pieces for the sake of t he i r t eacher . " One Kurt Grttber was the leader of the S.A. H i t l e r Youth when i t was founded i n 1926. From the beginning there was no doubt as to the nature of t h i s youth group—here was no fun c lub . A l l eighteen-year-old members had to jo in the Party, and i n 1927 came the r u l i ng that they must also j o in the S.A. This procedure made sure that no-one in whom the spark had been k indled would f a l l into the hands of other groups. At the same time, r a d i c a l , independently th inking s o c i a l revo lu t ionar ies were weeded out. The H i t l e r Youth grew in numbers and enthusiasm, r e f l e c t i n g the condit ions among the younger generation descr ibed in chapter one. In 1931, there were 20,000 members, and by 1932, 100,000. In A p r i l 193 3, they f lexed the i r muscles and expel led the o f f i c i a l s from the premises of the Federal Committee of German Youth Groups in B e r l i n . In the same year, the Hit ler jugend boasted of 107,956 Hit lerjungen ( "H i t le r-boys" ) , and by the end of 1934 over three and a ha l f m i l l i o n German ch i ldren had been "co-ordinated" and the i r enthusiasm had become a danger to the Party as wel l as to Germany. 2 By 1936, t he i r tendency to outs t r ip t h e i r leaders in I b i d . , p. 649. 2 Klose, op. c i t . , March 3, 1963, p. 1 3 . 79 f a n a t i c i s m was c o n t r o l l e d to the extent that the Party e l i t e f e l t i t could pass a law announcing t h a t a l l the youth of Germany was a u t o m a t i c a l l y i n the H i t l e r Youth; "the e n t i r e German youth i s to be t r a i n e d p h y s i c a l l y , s p i r i t u a l l y , and m o r a l l y i n the H i t l e r Youth." 1 The p a r e n t a l home and the school were mentioned b r i e f l y as working i n concert w i t h the Party, but the church was p o i n t e d l y omitted, and, as w i l l be seen, the i n f l u e n c e of the f i r s t two i n s t i t u t i o n s was g r a d u a l l y to be l i m i t e d . The Hitler.jugend' s leader u n t i l 1940, Baldur von Schirach, was d i r e c t l y r e s p o n s i b l e to H i t l e r and occupied a p o s i t i o n equivalent tp cabinet rank, a f a c t o r which r e v e a l s the importance of h i s work. Von Schirach's book, Revolution der Erziehung, gives an o u t l i n e of what was to be taught to German youth, the s t r e s s being c o n t i n u a l l y on the l i f e of the s p i r i t and the importance of f a i t h ; "what we are doing f o r the u n i t y of Germany doesn't take place only i n the s p i r i t of p o l i t i c s , 2 but a l s o i n the s p i r i t of r e l i g i o n ; " and consequently always the need f o r Opfer-bereitschaft ( " w i l l i n g n e s s to s a c r i f i c e " ) : "our youth movement was not created by money, but by the s a c r i f i c i a l deaths of fervent youth".3 The c h i l d r e n were being taught how ^ a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s t i s c h e Monatsheft,1937. Heft 82, p.59. 2 von S c h i r a c h , Revolution der Erziehung, p. 21. 3 I b i d . , p. 35. 80 f a i t h i n God, f a i t h i n the FUhrer,and f a i t h i n Germany were a l l one. Speaking at an e q u i n o x i a l c e l e b r a t i o n i n 1 9 3 6 , von Schirach s a i d , "we open our hearts to the Almighty,...devoted to the man whom God has given us as our Leader i n honour and freedom, we solemnly vow to be l o y a l to A d o l f H i t l e r . " ^ Eager to crush the s u s p i c i o n t h a t the young were being t r a i n e d i n m i l i t a n t , i n t o l e r a n t atheism, he announced, "we a l l b e l i e v e i n an Almighty God." 2 C e r t a i n l y few groups i n Nazi Germany were so f r e e w i t h the name of God as the H i t l e r Youth, s t a r t i n g with the t e n - y e a r - o l d boy who promised "always to do my duty i n love and l o y a l t y to the Ftihrer and to our f l a g , so help me God."3 Nevertheless, as e a r l y as 1 9 3 3 , groups of H i t l e r Youth boys were d i s t u r b i n g e v a n g e l i c a l youth meetings and even though these events were, at t h i s time, s c a t t e r e d and seldom, they represented the i n t o l e r a n t , a n t i - C h r i s t i a n bent of the H i t l e r Youth. In a decree of 1 9 3 $ , von Schirach gave p u b l i c expression to t h i s f a c t : H i t l e r Youth l e a d e r s were not to belong to any church. The o r g a n i z a t i o n of the youth movement was so e f f i c i e n t "^Ibid., p. 1 4 7 . 2 I b i d . , p. 1 4 8 . 3 Klose, op. c i t . , March 1 7 , 1 9 6 3 , p. 1 3 . 31 th a t the average c h i l d , p a r t i c u l a r l y a boy, had so much of h i s time, i n t e r e s t , and a t t e n t i o n d i r e c t e d towards i t s a c t i v i t i e s t h a t he o f t e n had l i t t l e time or energy l e f t f o r a c t i v i t i e s c e n t e r i n g i n the home or i n the church. A t y p i c a l boy would have h i s r e g u l a r school i n s t r u c t i o n on Thursdays and Saturdays from e i g h t - t h i r t y i n the morning to one i n the afternoon and u n t i l two during the r e s t of the week. But he would have H i t l e r Youth a c t i v i t i e s as w e l l on Mondays (music from s i x to seven), on Tuesdays (gymnastics from f i v e t o seven), on Thursdays ( t r a i n i n g i n a trade from four to seven), on Fridays (drawing from f i v e to seven and the weekly meeting from eight to t e n ) . On three Sundays and two Saturdays i n the month there would be h i k i n g or some kind of " s e r v i c e " — and t h i s was not a l l ! " ' " Obviously few c h i l d r e n l e d such an existence, but t h i s was the i d e a l , and i t s e f f i c a c y i n t r a i n i n g young Nazis, even g r a n t i n g C h r i s t i a n i n f l u e n c e i n the school and the home, i s not to be doubted. With the exception of the Nazi youth j o u r n a l , a l l other youth p u b l i c a t i o n s were banned, unless, of course, they adopted the Nazi approach. There were a l s o weekly r a d i o pro-grams which a l l c h i l d r e n were o b l i g e d to hear. A new set of h o l i d a y s from school was introduced; f o r example, January 3 U 1 "Schule oder Verein", Spectator, v o l . 1 5 2 , June 2 9 , 1 9 3 4 , p. 9 9 4 . 82 ^ H i t l e r ' s birthday) and the e q u i n o x i a l c e l e b r a t i o n s . The Nazi d r i v e f o r t o t a l i t y l e d to the establishment of s p e c i a l H i t l e r Youth u n i t s f o r c r i p p l e d c h i l d r e n . I t was claimed t h a t , . i n t h e s p i r i t of the o l d youth movement, "youth i s to be l e d by youth": again, the appeal to t r a d i t i o n . But since the Ftlhrer p r i n c i p l e was e s s e n t i a l throughout the Pa r t y , the r e s u l t was that youth was administered by youth and l e d by a d u l t s . A f t e r a l l , to repeat the com-parison w i t h the C h r i s t i a n church, twelve-year-old Sunday School teachers are not considered the best. In the H i t l e r Youth, there was no r e a l charisma and no e l e c t i o n of leaders; they were appointed. The Party, l i k e the Church, could not allow the u n i n i t i a t e d to ramble b l i t h e l y through i t s sacred h a l l s without the f i r m c o n t r o l of t r a i n e d a d u l t s . The term "movement" was a l s o a misleading element of propaganda, f o r such a phenomenon the Party's youth groups never were. Thousands of young people were e n t h u s i a s t i c members of the H i t l e r Youth, but the o r g a n i z a t i o n was never independent. C o n t r o l was always exerc i s e d from above to prevent the boiste r o u s s p i r i t s of the young from s t r a y i n g into* h e r e t i c a l paths. This r i g i d i t y never slackened and, i n 1 9 3 9 , an Academy f o r Youth Leadership was opened i n Braunschweig. Even when a young person "graduated" from the H i t l e r Youth, as,for example, i n t o the A r b e i t s d i e n s t , educators and propagandists continued t h e i r i n f l u e n c e on h i s immature mind and exhausted body. 33 At f i r s t , the public morality of Christian, pre-Germany, particularly where i t concerned the young, was main-tained by the Party leadership. They could point with pride to the fact that juvenile crime was reduced from February to De-cember 1933 and to the fact that, after the "revolution", porno-graphic books largely disappeared and the stage and cinema were purified. Unfortunately, juvenile delinquency rose again in 1934 and by 1937 i t was almost four times what i t was in 1933, and this at a time when many immoral practices were concealed by Party authority. 1 Naturally, parents could not complain about the improvement, however ephemeral i t was, an improvement which the churches had not been able to bring about; nor could they deny that the romantic values of the youth movement of the "good 2 old days" did not seem to have been revived. However, although the Nazis stressed family unity, the dignity of motherhood, and the duties of children, the ultimate effect of a child's participation in the Hitler youth was to des-troy his connection with his parents and to increase the sense of isolation that had in the beginning helped to create the movement, •^ hey claimed that they sought to eliminate tension between parents and children, but in many ways, they only increased the distance between parents and children. The natural conflict between gener-ations was f u l l y u t i l i z e d ; Werner Klose reports that "HJ leaders Eventually the law against obscene literature passed in 1926 was revoked. This was in the Party's favour: the notorious Schwarze Korps could have greater freedom and what non-Nazi porno-graphy did appear could be attributed to Jewish sources. See Per-secution of the Catholic Church in the Third Reich, London, Burns Oates, 1940, p. 317. 2When referring to Otto Strasser in 1933, Hitler used "Wandervogel" as a term of derision. Klose, op. c i t . , p. 13 (March 10, 1963). and BDM leaders r egu la r l y give i n the i r autobiographies such con-f l i c t i n t he i r parents ' home as the reason fo r t h e i r work i n the nat iona l youth movement: 'our e lders are backward.. .they don' t understand u s ' . " 1 The very r i g i d i t y of the H i t l e r Youth may even have been i t s weakness and may p a r t i a l l y expla in why, i n i t s work with the young, the Party was not completely success fu l . By 1936, the system was s t a t i c and seemingly per fec t , and there was no p o s s i -b i l i t y of new branches growing. In con t ro l l i ng youthful energy, the Party a lso contro l led enthusiasm and i n s p i r a t i o n . There was apparently general d is i l lus ionment a f te r the decree of 1936. Hans Scho l l of the l a t e r Munich underground was one of those who, having j o y f u l l y par t i c ipa ted i n H i t l e r Youth a c t i v i t i e s , was o eventual ly d isappointed. Some others s teadfas t l y refused to be "co-ord inated" , and there were considerable young people involved in the "Packs" during the war. Even in the large degree of suc-cess that the Party d id achieve, there were disadvantages. Luke-warm young Nazis found that pa r t i c i pa t i on in the H i t l e r Youth of fered opportuni t ies to r i s e to pos i t ions in the Party and i n soc ie ty that had been unthinkable e a r l i e r . But fo r those c h i l -dren whose homes offered l i t t l e r e l i g i ous or moral t r a i n i n g , the preparat ion for l i f e in the new order was f a r advanced by K lose , op. c i t . . p. 13. See also chapter f i v e of the t h e s i s . ? . See the f i r s t chapters of Inge S cho l l , Die weisse  Rose. Frankfurt , F i s cher , 1962. 3 i n 1934, f o r example, the state handicrafts leader of Hesse announced that only boys and g i r l s who had completed t he i r t r a i n i ng i n the HJ would be admitted to trades courses. K lose, l o c . c i t . 8 5 1939. The e f f e c t o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the H i t l e r Youth can be seen today i n the a t t i t u d e o f middle-aged Germans t o whom the N a z i s appear as e v i l men, but men who n e v e r t h e l e s s d i d much f o r t h e young p e o p l e o f t h e t i m e . The N a z i l e a d e r s e v i d e n t l y f e l t t h a t by 1940 t h e y had s u f f i c i e n t h o l d on the n a t i o n ' s y o u t h . N o t h i n g e l s e c o u l d e x p l a i n Goebbel's f r a n k and c y n i c a l d e c l a r a t i o n o f September 19 o f t h a t y e a r : a statement o f i n t e n t i o n as w e l l as a c o n f i r m a t i o n o f the f a c t s . "They s h a l l g i v e t h e i r b e s t f o r the war and i t s t a s k ; t h e i r s t r e n g t h , t h e i r i d e a l i s m , and t h e i r d e e p e s t c a p a c i t y t o b e l i e v e . " 1 6. The Concept o f the E l i t e The i d e a o f a g o v e r n i n g e l i t e was t o permeate t h e n a t i o n and i s i n s e p a r a b l e f rom t h e concept o f a f a i t h - d o m i n a t e d s t a t e . Germany was an e l i t e n a t i o n , governed by t h o s e Germans who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h e e c c l e s i a s t i c a l h i e r a r c h y o f the P a r t y , and w i t h i n t h i s e l i t e group would f u n c t i o n t h a t p r i e s t h o o d - e l i t e , t h e L e a d e r s h i p . The H i t l e r Youth would p r o v i d e t h e members o f t h i s upper e l i t e w h i c h had t o be c a r e f u l l y n u r t u r e d and c o n t a i n o n l y the b e s t men. E r n s t K r i e c k d e s c r i b e d them as " r e g u l a t e d by honour, v a l o u r , l o y a l t y , r e a d i n e s s f o r s e r v i c e and s a c r i f i c e . . . l i v i n g h a r d , s t r o n g l i v e s , . . . s o l d i e r l y i n p u b l i c l i f e . ^ 2 H i t l e r t h e r e f o r e sought t o t r a i n a c l a s s o f young men 1 Joseph Goebbels, D i e Z e i t ohne B e i s p i e l . Reden und  A u f s a t z e aus den J a h r e n 1939-1941. MUnchen, Eh e r , 1942, p. 329. 2 K r i e c k , op. c i t . , p. 83 86 "who c o u l d a c c e p t t h e f a c t s o f t h e " l i f e s t r u g g l e " and who c o u l d f u n c t i o n as l e a d e r s , i n i t i a t e s i n t o t h e m y s t e r i e s o f the c u l t , and p r i e s t s . He b e l i e v e d t h a t the "nerve c e n t e r s o f the s t a t e " s h o u l d be o c c u p i e d by " o n l y as many as are a b s o l u t e l y r e q u i r e d " ; t h e y would be concerned w i t h t h e " o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e i d e a . " 1 I t was n e c e s s a r y f o r the movement t o b l o c k e n r o l l m e n t i n i t s ranks and t o i n c r e a s e i t s membership o n l y w i t h extreme c a u t i o n and a f t e r t h o r o u g h d e l i b e r a t i o n . O n l y t h i s way c o u l d i t p r e s e r v e i t s 2 " u n v i t i a t e d f r e s h n e s s and h e a l t h . " The C a t h o l i c Church was a g a i n H i t l e r ' s model and he f e l t t h a t t h e word " p a r t y " was a misnomer; " I s h o u l d p r e f e r ' o r d e r 1 myself...One i s reminded o f m o n a s t i c o r d e r s . " W h i l e t h e o r d i n a r y p a r t y member was not t o be too much concerned w i t h dogma and d o c t r i n e , H i t l e r e n v i s a g e d a " b r o t h e r -hood o f Templars round t h e h o l y g r a i l o f pure b l o o d . " ^ I n t h i s remark, i t i s not the b l o o d - o r i e n t e d Weltanschauung t h a t i s im-p o r t a n t , but t h e con c e p t o f a s e l e c t few to whom t h e " T r u t h " has been r e v e a l e d . H e i n r i c h Himmler p o s s e s s e d a l a r g e l i b r a r y c o n c e r n i n g t h e J e s u i t o r d e r and spent much t i m e s t u d y i n g t h i s group o f devoted men. I t would s eem t h a t t h e J e s u i t s were h i s model i n o r g a n i z i n g t h e S.S., t h e fundamental r u l e o f which was a b s o l u t e o b e d i e n c e , t h e e x e c u t i o n o f ev e r y command w i t h o u t c o n t r a d i c t i o n . Near P a d e r b o r n , The S.S. r e p r e s e n t s a development o f the e l i t e p r i n c i p l e . ' H i t l e r , Mein Kampf. p. 583. 2 I b i d . , p. 585. 3Quoted i n Rauschning, n p t c 4lbid.. p. 51. 87 I n W e s t p h a l i a , Himmler had a m e d i e v a l c a s t l e f i t t e d out f o r an a n n u a l c o n s i s t o r y where the S . S . l e a d e r s h i p c o u l d r e t i r e f o r m e d i t a t i o n and p r a c t i c e . The S o c i a l Democrats and t h e Communists had p a r t y s c h o o l s d u r i n g t h e Weimar p e r i o d , but t h e N a z i s o u t d i d t h e s e e f f o r t s by c r e a t i n g , o u t s i d e t h e r e g u l a r e d u c a t i o n a l s y s t e m and under t h e d i r e c t c o n t r o l o f the P a r t y , a comprehensive p l a n o f t r a i n i n g t o c o v e r almost f i f t e e n y e a r s i n t h e n o v i c e ' s l i f e . I n t h i s way, a s m a l l e l i t e o f l e a d e r s would be formed, w h i c h would f u n c t i o n s i m i l a r l y t o , but w i t h more power t h a n , t h e h i g h e r r a n k s o f t h e C h r i s t i a n p r i e s t h o o d . The N a t i o n a l - p o l i t i c a l T r a i n -i n g I n s t i t u t e s and A d o l f H i t l e r S c h o o l s o f f e r e d s econdary edu-c a t i o n t o a group o f boys c a r e f u l l y s e l e c t e d by t h e P a r t y f o r t h e i r p h y s i c a l p e r f e c t i o n , q u a l i t i e s o f " l e a d e r s h i p " , and r e c o r d i n t h e H i t l e r Youth. The f i r s t o f t h e s e s c h o o l s , f i f t e e n o f them, were e s t a b l i s h e d as b o a r d i n g s c h o o l s i n 1933, w i t h t h e aim o f t r a i n i n g i n d o c t r i n a t e d s o l d i e r s . The A d o l f H i t l e r S c h o o l s were e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1938 and were more d i r e c t l y a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the H i t l e r Youth; t h e y were t o t r a i n f u t u r e p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s . One o f t h e s e s c h o o l s was p l a n n e d f o r each o f the 32 Gaue; boys were chosen a t t h e age o f t w e l v e t o spend s i x y e a r s a t the s c h o o l . There were t o be no e x a m i n a t i o n s , but work groups and s e m i n a r s , each c l a s s b e i n g r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the b e h a v i o u r o f each p u p i l , a " p r o g r e s s i v e " i n n o v a t i o n . Those s e l e c t e d f o r t h e Leader s c h o o l s would not have t o pay f e e s and were t o be f r e e from f i n a n c i a l w o r r i e s the r e s t o f t h e i r l i v e s . 1 The headmasters o f t h e p r i m a r y 1 Robert A. Bra.dy, S p i r i t and S t r u c t u r e o f German  F a s c i s m , London, G o l l a n c z , 1937, p. 115« 88 schools made up the l i s t s of candidates, and parents were not consulted. The potential member of the elite would spend six years at the Leader school, and, upon graduating, would pass seven years in the army, the Work Service, and professional l i f e ; then, i f he was s t i l l acceptable at the age of twenty-five, he might be selected to become an Ordensjunker, a member of an even more carefully chosen group of not more than 2000 young men to be sent to the Ordensburgen, where he would be trained for an additional four years. Rosenberg was i n charge of this training which, since i t was suspended in 1939, remained largely in the embryonic stage. This system would have been more complete than that.of the Communists, not to mention that of the Church, and with res-pect to the latter institution the significance of the Nazi training appears. As over against the common experience Christians have of sin and of the need for redemption, because the Nazi world-view was fundamentally n i h i l i s t i c , the only basic exper-ience the members of the e l i t e would have in common would be that of the ruthless struggle with each other for power. The system of training had either to mask this truth or u t i l i z e i t in terms of a "German" struggle for Lebensraum. Many different methods were applied to c u l l only the best of the national crop. In 1938, instead of admitting a l l who applied for membership in the Party, only 50,000 young people who had shown the greatest promise in the Hitler Youth were 89 admitted; and the number f o r the f u t u r e Ordensburgen was reduced t o 1000.1 This e d u c a t i o n a l plan remained l a r g e l y u n r e a l i z e d , but i t s c o n t r i b u t i o n to the Nazi s t a t e would have been i n v a l u a b l e . H i t l e r h i m s e l f d e s c r i b e s best what i t would have produced. The o r d i n a r y young person who, at t h e age of eighteen, became a Pa r t y member was not sent back to the T , o l d t r a i n e r s i n c l a s s -and p o s i t i o n - c o n s c i o u s n e s s " , but was taken d i r e c t l y i n t o the Work S e r v i c e , the S.S., or the S.A.; and then i f a f t e r one or two years they haven't become complete N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t s , they're p o l i s h e d up f o r s i x or seven months i n the A r b e i t s d i e n s t . . . a n d then i f there's s t i l l something l e f t of t h e i r o l d c l a s s or pos-i t i o n i n them, they go i n t o the army f o r f u r t h e r t r e a t -ment f o r two years. And i f they r e t u r n a f t e r two, t h r e e , or f o u r years, then they go back i n t o the S.A. or t h e S.S., so they don't r e v e r t to o l d habits...and f o r t h e i r e n t i r e l i f e they are not free.2 Such an a t t i t u d e was a b s o l u t e l y necessary i n the Leader of an i n s t i t u t i o n the fundamental b e l i e f of which was f a i t h i n power. Nothing e l s e can e x p l a i n H i t l e r ' s concept of what t h i s f i f t e e n -year t r a i n i n g would produce; a " v i o l e n t l y a c t i v e , dominating, i n t r e p i d , b r u t a l " young Nazi p r i e s t seeking t o become or at 3 l e a s t t o emulate "the magnificent, s e l f - o r d a i n i n g God-man."-^ 7. The F i n a l Enlightenment The idea of the governing e l i t e , as developed by P l a t o , 1 F . Brennecke, Nazi Primer, New York, Harpers, 1938, pp. x x v i i and x x i i . ^Quoted i n Gamm, op. c i t . , p. 20. 3Quoted i n Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 231. 90 d i d " n o t i n s p i r e t h e N a z i s ; t h e i r new e l i t e o f m a s t e r s , h a v i n g g i v e n t h e masses the o p i a t e o f r e l i g i o n and s e e i n g t h r o u g h t h e f r a u d o f t h e dogma, c o n c e n t r a t e d on the o n l y e n d u r i n g t r u t h , t h e d r i v e f o r power. Indeed, i f t h e mass of Germans had imbibed t o o much o f t h i s d o c t r i n e , t h e T h i r d R e i c h would have d i s s o l v e d i n chaos. Hence the l i m i t a t i o n s imposed on the number o f t h o s e who were supposed t o become w e l l - v e r s e d i n t h e myth. N e v e r t h e l e s s , i m p o r t a n t f o r t h e f u t u r e was t h e f a c t t h a t a t some p o i n t i n the t r a i n i n g o f f u t u r e l e a d e r s , p r o b a b l y at the Ordensburgen, t h e t r a i n e e was t o r e a l i z e t h a t the myth of t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y was a f a c a d e . C e r t a i n l y i f he d i d not realize i t t h e n , he was bound t o be e n l i g h t e n e d i n t h e company o f the o r i g i n a l e l i t e ; t h e r e , Rauschning r e p o r t s t h a t the r a c i a l d o c t r i n e was c o n s i d e r e d " A d o l f ' s bunkum", and much i n s i n c e r e e nthusiasm was- b e h i n d t h e t a l k o f the m y s t i c a l e x p e r i e n c e i n m e e t i n g the L e a d e r f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e . But a t t h i s l e v e l as w e l l t h e r e was no escape. However g r e a t h i s d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t , t h e " s e l f - o r d a i n e d " p r i e s t would have no c h o i c e b u t t o s t a y on and, e v e r more c y n i c a l l y , e n j o y the f r u i t s o f h i s t r a i n i n g . These l e a d e r s , t h e n , as A r e n d t w r i t e s , were d i s t i n g u i s h -ed from t h e o r d i n a r y German i n t h a t t h e y d i d not b e l i e v e i n the 2 t r u t h o f t h e i d e o l o g y ; i n d e e d , i n t h e s h o r t t w e l v e y e a r s o f the N a z i supremacy, t h r o u g h o u t t h e upper e c h e l o n s o f the P a r t y t h e r e d e v e l o p e d a contempt f o r the German p e o p l e which had n o t h i n g R auschning, op. c i t . , p. 253. A r e n d t , op. c i t . , p. 3#4» t o - d o w i t h the r a c i a l p r i n c i p l e s w h i c h were supposed t o b e t h e b a s i s o f t h e N a z i " c h u r c h " and which r e v e a l s t h e Weltanschauung f o r t h e f r a u d i t was. 8. Weaknesses The N a z i s u b s t i t u t e c h u r c h was a f a i t h o n l y i n outward a p p e a r a n c e s . I n w a r d l y h o l l o w , i t r e n d e r e d e v e r y German who a c -c e p t e d i t a l s o i n w a r d l y h o l l o w . I n o r d e r t o c l a i m the t o t a l s p i r i t u a l r e s o u r c e s o f Germans, t h e N a z i s d e v e l o p e d t h i s " f a i t h " , and e v e r y p a r t o f s o c i e t y was t o be dependent on u n q u e s t i o n i n g a c c e p t a n c e o f the e d i c t s o f i t s p s e u d o - p r i e s t s . I t has been s a i d t h a t the P a r t y t r i e d t o r e s u r r e c t t h e - t r i b a l i n s t i n c t and t h e m y s t i c a l s a n c t i o n s of savage s o c i e t y . But i n p r i m i t i v e l i f e , l o n e l i n e s s i s a r a r e and m a r g i n a l s i t u a t i o n , and f e a r i s u s u a l l y a shared e x p e r i e n c e , i n r e l a t i o n t o wild, a n i m a l s and n a t u r a l phenomena. I n N a z i Germany, the average man n e v e r ceased t o ex-p e r i e n c e t h e g e n e r a l l o n e l i n e s s d i s c u s s e d i n c h a p t e r one, and h i s f e a r was d i r e c t e d toward h i s f e l l o w Germans. Wh i l e i t i s a moot p o i n t how l o n g t h e German p e o p l e would have been s p i r i t u a l l y s a t i s f i e d w i t h t h i s r i g i d pseudo-c h u r c h , t h e r e a r e two o t h e r weaknesses i n the N a z i s t r u c t u r e i n t h i s r e g a r d . The N a z i s compromised w i t h t h e i r enemy, t h e C h r i s -t i a n c h u r c h e s . U n l i k e t h e Communists, t h e y r e t a i n e d outward p a r t s o f the o l d f a i t h , such as b e l i e f i n God, and t h u s weakened t h e i r chances o f u l t i m a t e s u c c e s s . T h i s compromise i n t h e f i e l d o f t e r m i n o l o g y and t h e a c t u a l compromise i n t h e f i e l d of t o l e r a t i o n seemed a t f i r s t t o be e s s e n t i a l and shrewd t a c t i c s . But t h e s e 92 very devices by which the Nazi leaders hoped to hold the people provided a common ground between the two faiths which led to continual confusion. The second weakness was described by Hitler himself; the more easily attainable posts and offices a move-ment has to hand out, the more inferior stuff i t w i l l attract, and in the end these p o l i t i c a l hangers-on overwhelm a successful party in such number that the honest fighter of former days no longer recognizes the old movement.When this happens, the 'mission' of such a movement is done for.' The development of the e l i t e as well as the limitation of party enrollment were attempts to prevent this from happening. The Party's strength was dissipated precisely because i t was not radical enough; respectable people sought membership in i t , as there did not appear to be anything incompatible i n simultaneous Church and Party membership; besides, this was the only way to achieve a respectable, successful career. Hitler, Mein Kampf. p. 105. 93 CHAPTER 4 The Church-State Conflict The f i r s t three chapters have shown; f i r s t , the posi-t ion of the German churches, their strength, such as influence over education, and their weakness, such as their uncritical pat-tiotism; and secondly,, with what spiritual armament Hitler and his Party approached the churches. In this chapter, the general themes and significance of events w i l l be reviewed. 1. Christian Attitude to the Conflict F i r s t , we should consider how the Christian approach to Nazism worked out in practice. Both p o l i t i c a l l y and spir i t u a l l y , many Christians accepted the Nazi Weltanschauung. The year 1932 saw an example of this in a book, "What We expect from National Socialism", in which a Roman Catholic author interpreted the com-ing Reich as a sacrum imperium, and in which a Protestant writer expressed confidence that Nazism was only a p o l i t i c a l movement and 94 would "not claim for i t s e l f the whole man".1 Later this optimism turned to disillusionment but rarely to general condemnation. In this way, confusion within the church ranks aided the Nazis. The Nazi "revolution" presented the Lutherans with an entirely new situation; never before had the Evangelicals had any serious conflict with the state, in Prussia or elsewhere. They were seeking to execute their creed—render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's and unto God the things that are God's. But they were crippled by the delusion that the struggle was not a spiritual one. It was only later that they realized that the com-promise would leave everything but the innermost l i f e , i f even that, to Caesar-Hitler. The consequences of the Lutheran tendency to sanctify worldly power were unfortunate. Even Pastor Hans Asmussen, who eventually severely cr i t i c i z e d Hitler, treated the idea of the Third Reich as a secular order of power reigning as a metaphys-o i c a l counterpart of the Cross.*" It was the Lutheran pastors, rather than the leaders of the Free Reformed Churches or the Catholic priests, who tried most vigorously to introduce Nazi concepts into Christian l i f e . In their "positive" approach to the Reich, both orthodox Lutherans and "German Christian" Lutherans sought a Quoted in Klemperer, op. c i t . , p. 200. Quoted in Kolnai, op. c i t . . p. 25S. 95 sanctification of the new s p i r i t of s a c r i f i c i a l patriotism, be-lieving that i f the national rebirth was to be won for Christ, the church's message would have to be presented in terms cur-cent l y understood. But their attempt, a confused mistake, negates any claim that the most effective resistance to Nazism was Chris-tian. The Lutheran Church as a whole welcomed the "revolution" and many pastors, including the influential Martin NiemOller, seeing in Nazism a chance to save old customs and a more gen-uinely German way of l i f e , voted for the Nazis. Many s t i l l wanted the union of Throne and Altar that they lost in 1919. It seemed possible that Hitler might be the God-sent deliverer, and so the Lutherans prayed after services for the safety of the Fflhrer and Chancellor, thus neutralizing much of a potential Christian op-position to Hitler. At f i r s t eager to help the national renais-sance, they were actually at one with the more radical "German Christians" and the later objections they had to National Soc-ialism were neither to the nationalism nor to the socialism, but to the claim that the state could control the church's internal a f f a i r s . Pastor NiemOller, a former submarine commander, Is a good example of this position. He said that, in 1919, "when a preacher...told us that we Christians in Germany bore our own measure of responsibility for the war and i t s outcome—and that at a time when the Versailles Treaty had just been signed—I could not help i t , I had to leave." 1 This attitude, and his view, "I accept the authority of the State as such whatever 2 the circumstances^" returned to confuse him afterwards. He asked, in 1941, to be allowed to fight once more for Germany and appealed to Grand Admiral Raeder to be recalled for ser-vice i n the navy. He was refused, not because his nationalism was doubted, but because he s t i l l insisted that the Nazis had no right to interfere with s t r i c t l y ecclesiastical matters. He does not seem to have recognized the h o s t i l i t y with which the Nazi leadership regarded even Lutheranism, not to mention the anomaly of a man of God fighting for Adolf Hitler. Even such a man, a pastor of considerable integrity, was a victim o f "positive Christianity". A similar situation is found among the Protestant youth organizations. After the "revolution", they suggested that Christian young people be included in the Hitler Youth as a special division; of course, they were refused. These Christians were deceived, in part because the Nazis played on some of their most legitimate hopes. The Nazi Reich Bishop idea, for example, was welcomed because there had been such plans among Lutherans earlier. At f i r s t , the "co-ordination" probably seemed to be a logical c o nclusion to the union of 1922. Perhaps the unity of the German Protestant Quoted in Dietmar Schmidt, Pastor NiemPller. trans. L.Wilson, London, Gdhams, 1959, p.150. 2lbid.. p. 179. 3Later he regretted the letter and stated that he had been prompted solely by the desire to resume active oppo-sition to Hitler. Schmidt, op.cit.. p. 120, Church,could be strengthened by building up a strong central authority and by bringing the formerly independent churches in the various states under the control of a Reich Church on the Anglican model. The Lutherans as well as the Reformed Churches accepted this principle, although they agreed that each was to have f u l l liberty to retain within the new church organization their own traditional faith. Consequently, the Nazi leaders found orthodox Protestants, with their hopes for the future, ready to co-operate. Other Protestant Germans were more than merely co-operative. Only a few of the many radical reformers in whom religious and patriotic motives were mixed can be mentioned here. In 1921, for example, the League for a German Church was formed by Professor Joac him Niedlich; from this group came the German Christian Work Community, which later became part of Hitler's favourites, the "German Christians". Two pastors, both alumni of the youth movement of the 'twenties, Julius Leuthauser and Siegfried Leffler, founded the German Christian Church Movement of Thuringia. The f i r s t group to have a genuine Nazi flavour was the Work Community of National Socialist Pastors, founded in 1931 with Hitler's approval. This group also called i t s e l f the "German Christians", and formed with several others in 1932 the o f f i c i a l l y recognized Faith Movement of "German Christians" under Joachim Hossenfelder. 1 The latter group eventually became the spiritual Storm Troops which Hitler used to "co-ordinate" The theology of the "German Christians" i s well described by Karl Kupisch as a "religious mixture, in which can be traced the case history of a century-old theological and church sickness." Zwischen Idealismus und Massendemokratie. p. 190. See also chapter one of the thesis. the Protestant Church. There were also groups which shaded off into paganism, such as that of General and Mathilde Ludendorff, and which found, for a while, Nazi approval. Although they soon became divided among themselves, the "German Christians" had in 1933 several practical aims which won for them Hitler's support: they wanted to remove a l l clergymen friendly to the former regime, to concentrate a l l authority in a united church in the hands of their sympathizers, to established the Ftthrer principle in the church, and to elim-inate everything in Christian teaching out of harmony with National Socialism. This included introduction of hero worship, the racial concept of national unity, and the sacred character of national ambitions. Seeking the f i n a l triumph of the German Reformation over Roman Catholicism, they wanted to form a l i v i n g People's Church, in which "positive Christianity" would revive the "German s p i r i t of Luther and heroic piety." 1 In particular, they fought against atheistic Marxism and the Centre Party, which they believe was controlled from Rome. The nation was to be protected;:from the incapable and the inferior; Jews were to be evicted, as were those with cosmopolitan or pacifist sympathies; the Old Testament was repudiated as Scripture. Besides being sympathetic to the Nazi movement, the "German Christians" re-present the embodiment of implications within Lutheran doctrine, and thus won the sympathy of many within the church. Eventually, with the aid of the Party, they achieved almost complete control of the o f f i c i a l Protestant church organization. L i t t e l l , op. c i t . . p.180. Some Protestants were clearer about the Nazi danger. In the spring of 1933, the Lutherans s p l i t into three groups of opinion, and eventually of action; the radically progressive "German Christians", the moderate middle group supporting von Bodelschwingh as Reich Bishop candidate, and the NiemOller faction, which eventually became the Pastors' Emergency League in the f a l l . With the latter group, i t began to seem as though an unexpected and perhaps influential opposition to Hitler was forming among one of the groups from which he had hoped to derive support. In the Barmen Declaration of 1934 by insisting that the government should restrict i t s e l f to maintaining justice and order, the dissenting Pastors' Emergency League, now the "Confessional Church", struck at Nazi totalitarianism and ob-jected to the oath of personal allegiance Hitler demanded and to totalitarianism and objected to the oath of personal a l l e g i -ance Hitler demanded and to the requirement that they adopt anti-Semitism. " This resistance achieved l i t t l e , and only a quarter 2 of the Lutheran pastors supported i t . ' Many, indeed, were forced by their deepest convictions eventually to condemn the dissenters. Under the onslaught of Naziism, they probably thought i t wise to preserve at least a framework of a nominally Christian Church, even though the orthodox viewpoint had often to be glossed over and even though church offices were increasingly f i l l e d by "Blood and S o i l " preachers. To these defenders of the Church, ? L i t t e l l , op.cit., p.94. This figure is for 1934, after which their supporters declined in number. See Mother Mary Alice Gallin, German Resist-ance to...Hitler: ethical and religious factors. Washington, Catholic University of America, 1961, p.185. while they may not have supported the "German Christians", the resistance of the Confessional Church seemed ill-advised, de-feating their own ends by provoking the measures which, they feared, might lead to complete paganization. But Wilhelm NiemOller notes that even the Confessional Church should not be considered as resistance, 1and even i f they had wanted vigorously to protest, i t is doubtful i f the NiemSller group could have achieved much against the general tide of collaboration, which penetrated their own ranks. In May 1933, 2 a government-approved church council of moderate churchmen sanctioned a plan, in the Loccum Manifesto, for an Evangelical German Reich Church, headed by a Reich Bishop of the Lutheran confession, with a ^cabinet of pastors at his side. This plan was not produced by the "German Christians", but represents the efforts of the moderate churchmen. The more radical Union of National Socialist Pastors produced the Mecklenburg Theses, which advocated revision of the old ecclesiastical forms, adapt-ing them to the new social structure. A l l this was music to Hitler's ears and he must have been further delighted when, after Germany's withdrawal from the League of Nations, he re-ceived from the o f f i c i a l Christian opposition of NiemOller and the other Confessional Church pastors a congratulatory telegram. Even his c r i t i c s pledged "loyal adherence and prayerful support/ The leaders of the smaller Free Churches were hardly a problem; 1Wilhelm NierfiOller, Die Evangelische Kirche im Dritten  Reich. Handbuch des Kirchen-Kampfes. Bielefeld. Bechauf. 1956.P.396. ^This consisted of the President of the Church Committee, Hermann Kapler, Bishop Marahrens of Hannover (Lutheran), and Dr. Hermann Hesse (Reformed), as well as the Reich Bishop Mflller. Quoted in Means, Things that are Caesar's, p. 246. 101 as late as 1939, one Bishop Melle, perhaps as justification for this collaboration, informed a conference of American Method-i s t students that Hitler had saved German youth, had l i f t e d them out of degenerate smoking and dinking, and had made them 1 i d e a l i s t i c and ready for sacrifice. The Protestant w i l l to collaborate with the Party was eventually embarrassing for Hitler. While their co-operation seemed at f i r s t desirable, in making them comrades-in-arms, he ran the risk of b etraying his real aims or of hindering the execution of those aims. Before the end of 1933, Hitler began to try to disentangle himself and the Party. Collaboration was more d i f f i c u l t for the Catholics, because the Party considered the church hierarchy of earthly origin, and, for them, Law corresponded to the w i l l of the Leader and his elite who recognized no authority beyond themselves; Right was that which, as interpreted by the Leader, allegedly served the destiny of the German people. The Catholics, on the other hand, believed law to have i t s source in God and the church hierarchy to be of divine origin. As over against the Lutherans, many Catholics were at f i r s t moved neither to attack or defence b y the Nazi "revolution". The Roman Catholic faith, because i t was the Truth, solved most of their problems. Hence they remained untouched by the Nazi, or any other, ephemeral; heresy. The Catholic Church l e f t the problem of patriotism to each individual to solve and no justification was necessary, a Quoted in L i t t e l l , op. c i t . . pp. 83-84 neutrality which in practice permitted as high a degree of patriotism to prevail among Catholics as among Lutherans. While a distinc tion between just and unjust wars was made, a patriotic Catholic, however much he may have despised the Hitler regime, experienced l i t t l e doubt as to whether or not he should defend his Fatherland in 1939. 1 If he looked to his religious superiors for guidance concerning service i n Hitler's war he received almost the same direction as from his Nazi ruler. When Austria was invaded, Cardinal Innitzer of Vienna o f f i c i a l l y greeted the o German forces; i t should also be remembered that the f e r t i l e s o i l in which Nazism f i r s t thrived was Catholic Bavaria. At no time was Hitler, nominally a Catholic, ever excommunicat.ed, and, when the Concordat was signed, Cardinal Faulhaber, usually assoc-iated with the resistance to the Nazis, sent Hitler a telegram congratulating him on achieving so quickly what the old parlia-mentary system had failed to do.-* Although Faulhaber had accepted the honour of being chosen o f f i c i a l protector of the German Catholic Peace League, he made no move to defend i t when the Nazis dissolved i t . Attempts at conciliation between the r i v a l hierarchies were usually based on the common struggle against Bolshevism, which Hitler was always careful to stress, and were therefore usually successful. No Catholic clergyman publicly condemned the alliance with Bolshevist, atheistic Russia, or I spoke with a Catholic gentleman from the Rhineland who declared that, when he joined the army in 1943, "Hitler was my ideal". See also Gordon C. Zahn, German Catholics and Hitler's  Wars. A Study in Social Control. New York, Sheed and Ward, 1962. See Hitler's Secret Conversations, p.439. f ° r bis reaction to the greetings of another Catholic bishop in 1933. -^ Quoted in Walter Kinkel, ed., Kirche und National-sozialismus. Ihre Auseinandersetzung zwischen 1925 und 1945  in Dokumenten dargestellt. Dtlsseldorf, Patmos, I960, p.50. 1 0 3 the invasion of predominantly Catholic Poland. We must conclude that German Catholics accepted the authority of the Nazi state with almost the same willingness as German Lutherans. Catholic periodicals appeared with articles in sympathy with the Party. The weekly "Time and People", founded a few months after Hitler's accession to the Chancellorship, and published by a Catholic firm in Munich, pursued the task of demonstrating and promoting unity between the Nazi state and the Catholic pop-ulation. In the "Voices of the Times", a German Jesuit monthly, there appeared an articlaeon the racial acceptability of t he Christian idea of sin. 1 Joseph Lortz, in his "Catholic Approach to Nazism", expressed the widespread i l l u s i o n that i t was a pure-2 l y p o l i t i c a l movement. Monsignor Hudal, Rector of a German foundation i n Rome, made continual efforts at mediating between the two powers, declaring that no conflict of conscience could arise between the German Catholic's loyalty to Rome and his na-tional feeling; "the informed Catholic w i l l bear no i l l - w i l l to a Germany groping her way from the s o c i a l i s t i c poisoning of the people to the great traditions of her national past."-^ An inward consonance between Nazism and Catholicism was possible, wrote Franz Taeschner, for Nazism was the trustee of the divine w i l l in the realm natural, as Catholicism was in the realm supernatural.^ In this way, some Catholics sought to legitimize Nazism and to avoid conflict. While there was no important attempt within the xKolnai, op. c i t . . pp. 258-259. ^Joseph Lortz, Katholischer Zugang zum Nationalsoz-ialismus. Mttnster, Aschendorff, 1933. See also Wilhelm Berning, Katholische Kirche und deutsches Volkstum. Mttnchen. Callwey, 1934. ^Quoted in Kolnai. op. c i t . . pp. 259-260. 4lbid., p. 261. Catholic Church to sanctify Nazism, these writers weakened a possible common Christian front. With a united approach, Christ-ians could have resisted Nazi corruption and misuse of their doc-trine; with their confused approach, they were unable to prevent the great strides made by Nazi "co-ordination" of German l i f e . During the Weimar Republic, the Nazis experienced l i t t l e c r i t i c a l resistance from the Catholics; their leaders cannot be said to have f l a t l y approved of the Nazi movement, but they con-fined themselves to purely doctrinal issues and to refuting the assertions of propagandists like Rosenberg. Although i t was not their o f f i c i a l p o l i t i c a l agency, the Centre Party generally rep-resented the p o l i t i c a l aspirations and activ i t y of German Cathol-ics. According to Karl Bachem, "the Catholic members of the Centre remain Catholics individually, but the party as a party does not necessarily accept the Catholic conception of the world."1 Not a l l i t s members were Catholics and i t was not always regard-ed? favourably in high church quarters. However, Hitler always hated i t for i t s opposition to himself, for i t s connection with the attempt to carry out the Versailles Treaty, for i t s more European outlook, and for i t s willingness to work with the So-c i a l Democrats. He considered i t the arm, in Germany, of a for-eign power, the Papacy. The Old Catholic Church, surviving from Bismarck's time, called i t s e l f now the "Catholic German National 2 Church", and viewed the Nazis more or less favourably. But on Quoted in Benda, op. c i t . . p. 17. 2When the dogma of papal i n f a l l i b i l i t y was proclaimed in 1870, a small group of German Catholics, led by Ignaz D81-linger, refused to accept i t . Organized as the "Old Catholic" Church, they were without much influence but had the support of Bismarck. 1 0 5 September 30, 1930, a c r i t i c a l statement about the Party and the Church was made by the Bishop of Mainz; to the question whether a Catholic could be a member of the Nazi Party, the answer was "no".1 Eventually the Party f e l l under an ecclesiastical ban. The position of the Catholic Church seemed to grow more hostile be-fore 1 9 3 3 , and, considering this, the Nazis might expect greater resistance from Catholics i n the future. This doubt probably det-ermined their cautious approach to the Church in the f i r s t months of 1 9 3 3 and their eagerness to conclude the agreement of that year. The Concordat was an invaluable, and unexpected, wind-f a l l for them. According to the o f f i c i a l view expressed in the papal encyclical of 1 9 3 7 , Mit brennender Sorge. the Church had "many and grave misgivings" but decided to go through with the agreement in order "to spare the fai t h f u l of Germany, as far as i t was humanly possible, the t r i a l s and d i f f i c u l t i e s they would 2 have had to face...had the negotiations fallen through." It i s d i f f i c u l t to know how far this i s the wisdom of hindsight. Von Papen, after the signing, said that the pope hoped that "the new Germany had won a decisive battle against Bolshevism and the force of godlessness" and that he placed complete trust in the Chancellor's assurances that he would carry out the national re-birth in accordance with Christian principles. A few of the important articles and consequences of the Concordat should be cited. On the surface, i t seemed that no pre-vious German concordat had offered the Church such generous terms as that of 1 9 3 3 . Article 1 4 guaranteed religious orders their Quoted in Micklem, National Socialism and Christianity, p. 12. 2 " Quoted in Anne Fremantle, ed., The Papal Encyclicals  in their Historical Context. New York. Mentor, 1 9 5 6 , p. 250. 3Quoted in Kupisch, op. c i t . . pp. 221-222. 106 pastoral, educational, and charitable work. Article 23 guaranteed the Church's rights in the existing schools and provided for new schools under church influence. Article 24 declared that teaching in Catholic schools should be in the hands of Catholic teachers and promised no interference in their training. Most important, Article 31 included protection for the Catholic youth organiza-tions. The Concordat retained in the hands of Rome the appoint-ment of a l l archbishops and bishops, although none unacceptable to the government was to be appointed, a concession made in other agreements.1 It was also part of the Concordat that the Catholic church was to use i t s recognized authority and natural conservatism on behalf of the new regime, and, consequently, on March 23, 1933, the Centre Party voted for the Enabling B i l l , and on March 28 the bishops conferring at Fulda formally l i f t e d the ban on Nazism. There followed, in July, the dissolution of the/Bavarian People's Party and of the Centre Party of their own accord. The concessions made by Hitler to the Church in the Con-cordat represent an attempt at a modus vivendi; i t is doubtful i f the co-operation of the Catholics rendered him less suspicious of their intentions or less hostile to t h e i r very existence. To leave the discussion of the Catholic attitude to Nazism without mentioning the 1937 encyclical could not be com-pletely f a i r . In this document, those who "by pantheistic con-fusion, [identified] God and the universe, by lowering God to the dimensions of the world, or raising the world to the dimensions of God", were condemned as unbelievers; so were those who follow-ed "that so-called pre-Christian Germanic conception of substi-1 For the text of the Concordat, see Johann NeuhSusler, Kreuz und Hakenkreuz. Mttnchen. Katholische Kirche Bayerns, 1946, vol. 2, p. 412(appendix). .107 tutlng a dark and impersonal deity for the personal God."1 This was an attack on the "religiofication" of the Nazi move-ment and was a clear demand for Catholics to resist the Nazis' unjust laws. But i t contained no suggestion that they should resist the government i t s e l f . It came too late and was not f o l -lowed by stronger action, such as breaking diplomatic relations or excommunication of Hitler. The almost inevitable weakness of the Catholic position was that they acted always in a way that could be interpreted by the Nazis as " p o l i t i c a l " . What Friedrich Baumgfirtel writes about the Lutherans applies to most Christian leaders of this time; they were them-selves "weakened by disunity, and thus brought uncertainty, lack of clarity, and confusion into their parishes." It i s tempting to conclude that Christian faith played no great role in the Third Reich, except as a support to National Social ismJ In any case, a recent study of the German resistance movements shows that religious belief was not the determining factor in the ind-ividual's decision to fight against Hitler. Hitler could hope never to be threatened seriously by the activity or stand of Christians. He knew that some sort of conflict was inevitable but did not fear i t . It became obvious that, the Christians were divided and insecure; and this weakness was Nazi strength. 2. Themes of the Conflict It has been suggested that the Nazi aim was ultimate ^Quoted i n Fremantle, op. c i t . f p. 251. Friedrich BaumgSrtel, Wider die Kirchenkampf-Legend-en, Freimund, Neuendettelsau, 1959, p. 22. 3Gallin, op. c i t . . p. 280. 108 e x t e r m i n a t i o n o f C h r i s t i a n i t y . But i n s p i t e o f the weakness o f th e c h u r c h e s , t h e y c o u l d not be e l i m i n a t e d i n two o r t h r e e y e a r s , and more t h a n b r i b e r y and f o r c e were n e c e s s a r y t o make people renounce t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l f a i t h . The N a z i approach t o t h e churches w h i l e sometimes clumsy and t r a n s p a r e n t , was o f t e n s u b t l e , and c o n s e q u e n t l y o f t e n s u c c e s s f u l . C o n s i d e r a t i o n o f t h e i r approach b e f o r e 193-3 shows t h a t t h e y never f o r g o t t h e power and i n f l u e n c e t h a t b o t h con-f e s s i o n s s t i l l w i e l d e d . The n e u t r a l i z i n g o f t h i s p o t e n t i a l o p p o s i t i o n was c a r r i e d on from the b e g i n n i n g s o f the P a r t y -j i n 1920 and c o n t i n u e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e most f l a g r a n t p e r s e c u t i o n t o the end o f the T h i r d R e i c h . I n the ' t w e n t i e s , the N a z i l e a d e r s were concerned above a l l t o make th e m s e l v e s " r e s p e c t a b l e " and were u n c e r t a i n as t o t h e a t t i t u d e C h r i s t i a n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e i r l e a d e r s , would t a k e t o t h e e v o l v i n g r a d i c a l a s p e c t s o f the movement. They began, t h e r e f o r e , w i t h promises o f p r o t e c t i o n and d e c l a r a t i o n s o f r e s p e c t . The f a c t t h a t many C h r i s t i a n s were members o f the P a r t y a t t h i s t i m e was r e f l e c t e d i n the Twenty-Five P o i n t s o f 1920, w h i c h a s s u r e e q u a l i t y o f t r e a t m e n t t o b o t h C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s , who would remain unmolested as l o n g as t h e y d i d not t r e a t e n t h e morale o f the people o r the e x i s t -2 ence o f t h e s t a t e . Rosenberg's a n t i - C h r i s t i a n Mythus was not p u b l i s h e d by t h e P a r t y ' s o f f i c i a l p r i n t i n g house; t h i s f a c t was i n d i c a t e d as p r o o f t h a t t h e P a r t y ' s a t t i t u d e was more moder-a t e and a t l e a s t not n e c e s s a r i l y t h a t o f the B a l t i c r a d i c a l - -See P o i n t 24 o f t h e T w e n t y - f i v e P o i n t s i n H o f e r , op. c i t . , p. 30. 2 Loc. c i t . 109 his work was a private venture. Hitler knew the role he should play; according to Hans Mttller, he said in 1930, "when I once get to power, the Catholic Church w i l l have nothing to laugh about; but to get there, I can't do without i t s help!'1 In Mein Kampf. Hitler went so far as to praise the churches. This was another f r u i t f u l line of approach. "As the churches are German institutions, we, as good Germans w i l l support them". The greatness of the Christian Church, wrote Hitler, endures i n spite of the mistakes of human beings within 2 i t . It was possible that Deutschtum and Roman Catholicism were compatible; he, at any rate, would launch no Kulturkampf. In a l l his speeches and articles before 1933, he exercised caution and restraint, avoiding any i r r i t a t i o n of his Catholic or Lutheran followers—or potential converts. In the Volkischer Beobachter ("People's Observer") of February 26, 1925, he denounced attempts to bring religious disputes into the movement or even to equate the National Socialist m ovement with religious problems. He was careful to avoid any identification of individual churches or sects with his own party. The great enemy of both Christendom and Germany was, after a l l , Bolshevism, and i t was his supreme task, he declared, to ensure that in the NSDAP both Lutherans and Catholics could work peacefully together and resist the 3 common enemy. These promises made i t easier for Christians, anxious to avoid the interdenominational squabbles that had disturbed German unity in the past, to accept the new movement and i t s program. Quoted in Hans Mflller, "Der pseudoreligiBse Charakter der nationalsozialistischen Weltanschauung", Geschichte in  Wissenschaft und Unterric ht. 1962, pp. 351-352. ?Hitler, Mein Kampf. pp. 115 and 119. Hitler, Speeches, vol. 1, p. 368. 110 With the signing of the Concordat in 1933, the high-est Christian authority in the world legitimized and made f i n a l l y respectable the Nazi regime. Were the Nazis surprised at the tractability of the Catholic Church? In spite of previous hints at resistance, they had some hope, for in 1931, Rosenberg had written: The most amazing thing today is...the fact that in devoutly Catholic Italy, the most extreme con-cept of nationalism has become the government of the state, and that the Pope...has made peace with this glowing nationalism. 1 At any rate, Hitler's tactics were met with success; but, of course, he knew how to handle the church; "they shall bend or break—but, since they are no fools, they w i l l bow their heads.2 This cynical attitude was supported by the facts. The behaviour of the Catholic hierarchy was such that i t confirmed the opinion Hitler had of i t . The Church would ban and condemn until i t was cornered and then i t would compromise. The Papal nuncio signed the Concordat and the German Church authorities l i f t e d the ban. The Catholic Church, like the Lutheran Church, hastened to welcome the Nazis. With the Concordat, their approach to the 3 most unapproachable of the churches was successful. Their con-fidence grew apace. One theme which never altered throughout the various Alfred Rosenberg, Blut und Ehre. Mttnchen, Eher, 1943, p. 55. o Quoted in Micklem, National Socialism and the Roman Catholic Church, p. 158. 3 To the Reichstag, Hitler described the Concordat as "an indescribable success", and saw therein three advantages; (1) the fact that the Vatican had been willing to negotiate at a l l , thus crushing accusations that the German government was anti-christian, (2) that the new regime had been recognized by such a power, and (3) that the Catholic unions and the Zentrum were to be liquidated. From a protocol quoted in Hofer, op.cit., pp. 130-131. stages of the confli .ct was the effort to blacken the image of the Catholic Church by attacks on " p o l i t i c a l Christianity", the meddling of the church in German p o l i t i c a l l i f e , and to maintain the image of the Party as a defender of a "positive", more Lutheran, Christianity. As Lutheranism was more in keeping with Deutschtum. Hitler aimed most of his propaganda at the Roman Catholic Church. Yet even Catholics could enjoy "inward" Christianity as long as they believed with "outward" faith in the German renaissance. Hitler stressed the difference between the Catholic Church's spiritual l i f e and i t s p o l i t i c a l inter-ference. "The fight against the Centre Party must not be waged because i t processes to b e 'Christian', but solely because a party which a l l i e s i t s e l f with atheistic Marxism for the oppression 2 of i t s own people is neither Christian or Catholic." In 1933 the Party founded the "League of Catholic Germans", a group which might have played a role similar to the "German Christians" in the Lutheran Church. But l i t t l e came of this, for Hitler tried to give the impression that there was something inherently un-natural, unhealthy, un-German about Catholicism, even implying that Catholics, Marxists, and Jews were united in conspiracy. In Goebbels' words, "we do / not fight the Centre Party because 1The discussion that follows may be rendered clearer i f we divide events into four stages which correspond to the evolution of Hitler's Kirchenpolitik after 1933. These are: 1934, the attempt to form a symbiotic relationship between the state and the churches; 1935-1936, beginning of disengagement towards a radical separation; 1937-1938, development of the Weltanschauung into what we have called a pseudo-faith; and 1939, greater coercion and persecution. In the war years, the Kulturkampf c ontinued at a slower pace. This chronology corres-ponds to that of Alois Natter in his Der Bayerische Klerus in der Zeit dreier Revolutionen, Mtlnchen,Katholische Kirche Bayerns, 1946, p.256. Hitler, Speeches.Vol. 1, p. 368. 112 i t ds Catholic—which, i f i t ever was, i t long ago ceased to be—but because i t serves the Jews, and has sold our freedom."1 The Party, on the other hand, was not a cult, but simply a nationalistic p o l i t i c a l party with racial principles; "we have no religious retreats", said Hitler, "but arenas for sports and playing-fields;" theirs was not the "mystical gloom of a cathe-dral, but the brightness and light of a room or hall which com-2 bines beauty with fitness for i t s purpose." The Nazi movement did not want to damage Christianity in i t s essence but to deepen i t and to renew i t , to "serve the maintenance of a divine work and f u l f i l a divine w i l l . " .The National Socialist Party was a healthy and pious manifestation of a l l that was best in German history. The Catholics, however, misused Christianity for p o l i t i c a l ends. According to Rosenberg, just as the Bolsheviks sought to divide Germany by their doctrine of class warfare, so the Centre Party sought to do the same with confessional differences. Just as the Social Democrat could see only his class and i t s problems, so the leaders of the Catholic church could see only the interests of their sect. Both the Protestant and the Catholic clergy, i f they were honest in declaring that they 5 loved Germany, should withdraw from any p o l i t i c a l involvement. Joseph Goebbels, Per Angriff. Aufsatze aus der Kamp-fz e i t , Mtlnchen, Eher, 1943, p.182. 2 H i t l e r , Speeches. Vol. 1, p. 396. ^Hitler, Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 396. ^"Rosenberg, op.cit., p.56 ^Ibid.. p.54. 113 "It is just as unnatural for a pastor to be a pol i t i c i a n as for a statesman to act as confessor." 1 Rosenberg strikes the familiar Nazi note when he declares that " p o l i t i c a l Catholicism" i s the p public manifestation of the "jesuitical-Roman system", and i t s "Black International", which was at the root of various national scandals, including that of the November Criminals and their suppression of the Frei Korps movement. A pamphlet, "TheGreat Lie of P o l i t i c a l Catholicism", showed that the Catholic leaders in Germany were confused or hypocritical, because on the one hand they spoke of persecution and martyrdom, and on the other they enjoyed f u l l churches, enthusiastic pilgrimages, and gen-3 erally thriving Christian activity. This, of course, could be ascribed to what Rosenberg called Catholic Doppelzttngigkeit (hypocrisy).^" Statistics were given to prove that church build-ing flourished.^ Thestate defended the churches against athe-i s t i c forces, and in scarcely any other country on earth at any time in history was religious l i f e more secure. But in spite of this, the Roman Catholic Church, because i t had lost i t s p o l i t i c a l influence, turned against the state "with most unchristian hatred."^ The Nazis understood that the dubious material pros-perity of the churches was not what Christian leaders prized Rosenberg, Mythus, p. 183. 2 Loc. c i t . -^Dieter Schwarz, Die Grosse Ltlge des politischen  Katholizismus, Mttnchen, Zentralverlag der NSDAP, 1938. passim. ^Rosenberg, Blut und Ehre. p. 83 ^Schwarz, op. c i t . , pp. 20-22. ^IMd., p. 4 • most-, but by pointing this out they made the Christians seem greedy for more material advantages. Rosenberg and Schwarz, as articulate rebels, were useful, but the o f f i c i a l Nazi viewpoint was always less violent. Reichsminister Kerrl wrote that "we demand freedom of a l l re-ligious denominations in the state so long as they do not en-danger i t s existence" but that unfortunately "religion" through-out history had always harboured p o l i t i c a l corruption, and had 1 not always maintained a purely religious mission. The continual repetition of this theme with i t s ;vagueness and apparent mod-eration was the escape hatch by which the Nazis escaped the restraints of the Concordat. This o f f i c i a l view was echoed in approved Nazi publications and in the lower ranks of the Party, but here with more real conviction and with less intent to dupe. Hans Kerrl, Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs, stated that i t was the duty of the Party to insure religious freedom for a l l German citizens under a l l circumstances; i t was the personal right of every German to choose for himself the religious sect to which he wanted to belong, provided that he made no " p o l i t i c a l 2 misuse" of this privilege. Robert Wimmer, a Nazi educational expert, wrote that the Weltanschauung occupied i t s e l f only with l i f e on earth, while "religion" referred to the Beyond and pre-pared the individual for l i f e after death. Wimmer denied that Nazism had any claimion the spiritual l i f e of Germans and be-lieved that Christianity and Nazism could co-operate, provided Quoted in Kneller, op.cit.. p. 1#4 Quoted in Kneller, op.cit., p.1#7 that the churches l e f t control of this world to the proper powers. On the other hand, National Socialism realized that credit must be given to the churches as powerful contributors to modern German culture and so i t wanted to retain Christianity as a necessary and basic characteristic of national l i f e . 1 It might be argued that Wimmer i s more sincere than Kerrl, but this idea i s one shared by both devout Christians and anti-clericals in Western Europe and North America. It was very close to the Lutheran concept of church-state relations. On the surface, i t seemed hard to deny the justice of the Nazi outlook. A good Lutheran, even a good Catholic, German would find much to approve in Hitler's speech of October 24, 1933; we have dragged the priests out of the depths of the p o l i t i c a l party struggle and have brought them back again into the Church. It i s our deter-mination that they shall never return to a sphere which i s not made for them, which dishonours them, and which of necessity brings them into opposition to millions of people who in their hearts wish to hold to the faith, b ut who desire to see the priests serving God and not a p o l i t i c a l party. 2 Later he said that in destroying the Centre Party and bringing back thousands of priests into the Church, the Nazi "revolution" had restored faith to "millions of respectable people." "The German priest as a servant of God we shall protect," the FQhrer said, "the priest as p o l i t i c a l enemy of the German state we shall destroy." When the time came to attack the Catholic Church, as in the Currency and Immorality Trials of 1935 and Quoted in Kneller, op. c i t . . p. 192. i Hitler, Speeches, vol. 1, p. 378. Ibid., p. 382. 116 1936, the Party did exactly this; thousands of priests were shown to be p o l i t i c a l and moral enemies of the German people.1 Such was the burden of Nazi anti-Catholic propaganda. But, as in the diplomatic sphere, Hitler did not wish to seem the aggressor in church-state affairs, and so deceptive concil-iation characterized the Nazi side of formal relations with both the churches. Particularly during 1933-34, this moderation had to seem to be the Nazi attitude. It is. not l i k e l y that events such as the murder on July 11, 1934, of Adalbert Probst, the na-tional leader of the Young Catholics, or that of Dr. Erich Klausener, head of Catholic Action in Berlin, during the R8hm purge, were o f f i c i a l l y planned, or welcomed, by Hitler. The Nazis pointed out how "religion" was thriving in Germany and how their Party approved of this. Three years later, in February 1937, Frick, Minister of the Interior, shrewdly ordained that in of-f i c i a l l i s t s and documents there were to be three religious cate-gories: members of religious denominations, believers in God, and unbelievers. Consequently, the census of 1939 showed only 1,5% of the population was "without religion", and the number of pro-2 fessed atheists was the same as in 1925. Many gave their religion as simply "believer in God", which was good enough for Nazi propaganda. Part of this campaign of deception was Hitler's continually expressed belief that Christianity should be the It was found that, contrary to the Nazis' complicated Deyisen (currency) laws, some Catholic orders had paid back foreign loans in German Currency; they were accused of sapping the economic lifeblood of the Volk. In the later Immorality Trials, the past, and usually punished, crimes of priests and monks were^revived, exaggerated, and publicized. O f f i c i a l figures c ited in Herman, op.cit., p. 24. To be sure, membership in a church as well had not absolutely 117 basis of German morality, and that the family should be the core of the l i f e of the Volk and the State. The staging of the national reconciliation service at the Potsdam Garrison Church before the passing of the Enabling Act and Hitler's speech at that time promising to support Christianity were designed to give the im-pression that there was to be a return to a more Christian and upright government. Hitler promised to secure church influence in education—surely this was an indication that the new state would be more Christian than the Weimar Republic. Nevertheless, the o f f i c i a l text of this speech which appeared in 1934 omitted any reference to education as did other o f f i c i a l publications. 1 Allegedly because of the criticism of some Catholic bishops, Hitler and Goebbels, b oth erstwhile Catholics, refused to attend the High Mass offered at the Potsdam ceremony;*Nevertheless, Hitler continued to maintain the pre-1933 image of the Nazi move-ment as the protector of "religion" and the family from such evils as Bolshevism. The middle class German, a pious family man, s t i l l listened with approval and was completely deceived. Waldemar Gurian suggests that an open break with the V atican was to be avoided in order to keep the Catholic popu-lation i n confusion as long as possible and to c reate the impression that the Vatican was afraid to protect i t s German 2 flock. It is quite possible that a sense of helplessness within the Catholic hierarchy was inculcated by the fact that ceased to be a social advantage; in 1933, the Party i t s e l f sent formations of the S.A. to church. Hans Buchheim, Glaubenskrise im Dritten Reich. Stutt-gart, Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1953, p. 81. 2 Waldemar Gurian, "Hitler's Undeclared War on the Catholic Church", Foreign Affairs, vol. 16, January 193S\ pp. 260-271. 118 i f the Minister of the Interior, Frick, wanted to discuss Catholic administration, he visited not the Cardinal Archbishop of Cologne, but the Nuncio in Berlin, Monsignor Orsenigo. Here, however, the difference between policy and the confusion of the period i t s e l f is not clear. When Hitler did not actually l i e about events, he was silent, and his henchmen took their cue from him. During the most acute phase of the Lutheran problem, the press authorities made i t d i f f i c u l t to follow events in the newspapers or to real-ize that any problem existed at a l l . The same tactics were em-ployed i n reverse during the Immorality Tria l s . Rosenberg's "National Socialist Monthly" scarcely mentioned the church pro-blem at any time, and included reports on church ac t i v i t i e s without c r i t i c a l comment, although articles did appear lament-ing the lack of Protestant resistance to the new "counter-re-i formation". Not merely non-Nazi leaders, but also important clergymen were included in the 1935 Ftthrerlexikon. At the end of 1934, relatively l i t t l e happened in the church-state sphere, because the Saar plebiscite was soon to be held and the leader-ship needed domestic peace. In this case the silence indicated real inactivity. But when the Saar was safely part of Germany, the Currency Trials began. Reich Bishop Mflller issued what became known as the "Muzzling Decree" on January 4, 1934, forbidding ministers to introduce into their sermons any subject matter deal-ing with the church controversy, and on November 6, 1934, two "Die Gegenreformation von heute in den LSndern des Weltprotestantismus", Nationalsozialistisches Monatsheft. July 1937, pp. 591-606. decrees by Frick prohibited further discussion of the church question in the press, in pamphlets, or in books. Reports of restrictive measures rarely appeared in print, a factor which helped to spread uncertainty and fear. Hitler's attempt at conciliation and pacification of the Christians continued throughout the duration of the Third Reich, so that, for the uncritical, the situation seemed clear, and for those who might be anti-Nazi, resistance became more and more d i f f i c u l t . It was easier when, in Rosenberg's words, they put on the Brown Shirt, to ignore confessional differences and 1 to see only Germans fighting for the honour of the Yolk. Always trying to keep Germans united behind—or beneath—them, the leaders denied excessive materialism, pagan tendencies, or host i l i t y to Christianity on the part of the movement. Faced with mounting restrictions, the average Christian, who did not wholeheartedly support the Party and who yet loved his Father-land, was confused. Especially since the Ftlhrer himself was silent on the religious issue, and since the new state declared i t s e l f willing to grant every concession to the older fa i t h , how could there be strife? If any existed or i f the churches claimed to be oppressed, 'it must be part of a Christian, possibly only Catholic, plot to discredit the national reawakening. There is one good example of this approach, combining conciliation and protests of inno-cence. The cabinet agreed on the Sterilization Law on July 1, Rosenberg, Blut und Ehre. p. 56. 1933,- but i t s publication was carefully delayed until five days after the Concordat was signed on July 25; in the clauses of this law the Nazis inserted one which allowed for an individual's l i f e -long sojourn in a private home, "in order that possible adherents of the Catholic f a i t h who might have conscientious objections... 1 be given the opportunity of observing their religious tenets." Hitler added a verbal footnote to this, stressing the irrespons-i b i l i t y of the churches; " i f [theyj were to declare themselves ready to take over the treatment and care of, those suffering from hereditary diseases, we should be quite ready to refrain from 2 s t e r i l i z i n g them." For both confessions, the Department of State for Ec-clesiastical Affairs, established in July 1935, eventually be-came more dangerous than schismatic groups or Hitler Youth extra-vagance. Through this bureau, the Party controlled church finances and did not simply interfere in church administration, but also a r b i t r a r i l y disposed of church property, caused financial d i f f i - . culties, and closed theological schools. Without the permission of the Department, no salary could be paid, no money spent, and no voluntary church collections could be taken up. Through the Department, the churches could be slowly suffocated. Its decrees were contradictory and vague, and were often accompanied by more vigorous action on the part of local sympathizers. The ambigu-it y and caution of the period u n t i l 1936 i s summed up in Prick's Dr. Walter Gross, in Germany Speaks, p. 101. ^Hitler, Speeches, vol. 1, p. 384. statement of June 2, 1935, to the effect that "the Church con-f l i c t can no more be settled with the policeman's truncheon than 1 the Jewish question can be settled by smashed windows." Throughout the f i r s t few years, Hitler, while sym-pathizing with his followers, had a greater awareness of the del icacy of the situation, and sought to restrain their enthusiasm for a while. The increasing persecution of Christianity was ac-companied by continual denial that i t existed. In January 1935, Btlrckel, Hitler's plenipotentiary for the Saar, denied the © existence of a Kulturkampft and with this statement, Hitler agreed. A law of April 1934 forbade members of the Labour Front, in short, -nearly every German worker, to be members of any Christian vocational organization. On July 23, 1935, Himmler forbade religious associations to have any share in sports, and there were to be no religious uniforms, flags, or marches. In September, members of the S.S. were forbidden to take leading parts in any religious organizations; but at the same time, Hitler announced that "neither today nor yesterday has the Party entertained the least aggressive intention toward Chris-t i a n i t y . " 2 The year 1936 saw a gradual alteration in Nazi tactics the attempt at disengagement became more obvious. Following the lead of the government, several radio stations, including Ham-burg, ceased broadcasting religious functions; eventually a l l Quoted i n Hitler, Speeches, vol.,1, p. 356. 2lbid., p. 360. 122 religious broadcasts were forbidden and were replaced with military music or observation of Nazi festivals. After the sensational Immorality Trials, the announcement of September 1937 that membership in the Christian Church could no longer be regarded as a factor contributing to the maintenance of German l i f e could surprise only the most naive. Financial res-trictions were introduced. In June 1937, Frick made i t a crime to contribute money to the Confessional Church or to any other institution not approved by Reichsminister Kerrl. The Bavarian government planned redue tion of subsidies to the Catholic Church, and on November 30, 1937, Kerrl announced that a l l state subsidies would gradually be withdrawn. Hitler believed that the churches were materialistic,.;, and so these steps were bound to have effect. 1 With the obvious failure of the Reich Church idea and with the confidence of his successes in other f i e l d s , Hitler abandoned collaboration with the Christians in order to preach more f u l l y the new " f a i t h " . In his diary, Rosenberg notes that the Ftihrer admitted that i t had been a mistake to try and form 1 a national church. Hitler never publicly announced the i n -tention to destroy Christianity, but his follower Ernst Bergmann wrote; The National Revolution has only preserved the Christian confessions for reasons of p o l i t i c a l tactics...In the meantime, our prophets and pro-pagandists have to clear the f i e l d of those modern theorists who cherish the foolish ideas that Christianity and nationalism are consistent one with the other.2 Rosenberg, Politisches Tagebuch. GJ8ttingen,Musterschmidt, 1959, p. 97. 2 Quoted in Kolnai, op.cit.. p. 248 123 By 1939, i t was apparent that the public attitude of the Party, had changed from apparent conciliation to blunt h o s t i l i t y . If what the Party said about the Catholic Church were true, they could not be blamed for hostility; the evidence of the Immoral-i t y Trials should prove this. Until the war, the propaganda changed l i t t l e , but the persecution increased. This then was the Nazis' approach to the churches. If they could not be won immediately by the new state and i t s "faith", they could be l u l l e d into a sense of security or paralyzed by confusion. With this plan developing in his mind, Hitler used the "German Christians" and the Concordat. This Idea was be-hind the repeated protestations that Christ's teachings did not contradict Hitler's. It was obvious that they did; yet continual repetition of a big l i e , as Hitler-knew, always has some effect. 3. Events of the Conflict If we consider some of the events of the conflict by confession, differences in Hitler's technique and the general elements of his approach w i l l "foe cl a r i f i e d as they are seen in action. In the approach to the Lutherans much is already familiar. The period 1933-1934 was an experiment and involved precautionary measures. The attempt was made to have the Prot-estant Church work with the movement in "co-ordinating" Germany. In order to have the bishops of the regional Lutheran churches abandon the Confessional Church and accept government control 124 t h r o u g h t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " , the N a z i l e a d e r s h i p had t o s u p p o r t t h e l a t t e r f a c t i o n , a s t e p c o n t r a r y t o t h e i n t e n t i o n s e x p r e s s e d i n Mein Kampf, and a s t e p t h r o u g h w h i c h the P a r t y became e m b r o i l e d i n s e c t a r i a n d i s p u t e s . A f t e r the moderate F r i e d r i c h von Bodelschwingh was nominated R e i c h B i s h o p i n May 1933, H i t l e r and t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " were not s a t i s f i e d . The c a n d i d a t e was not p r o -g r e s s i v e enough. The N a z i s wanted Ludwig M l l l l e r , a former m i l i t a r y c h a p l a i n and a "German C h r i s t i a n " , who e v e n t u a l l y d i d become R e i c h B i s h o p a f t e r von Bodelschwingh stepped down. H i t l e r approved o f M t l l l e r because he was w i l l i n g t o be l e d and, i f he d i d not p l e a s e some, a t l e a s t d i d not o f f e n d many. A f t e r A p r i l 17, 1933, M t l l l e r a c t e d as H i t l e r ' s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n t h e Church's s e l f - r e o r g a n i z a t i o n : "my r e p r e s e n t a t i v e w i t h f u l l powers to d e a l w i t h t h e a f f a i r s o f the E v a n g e l i c a l C h u r c h . " 1 When the law f o r a new c h u r c h c o n s t i t u t i o n was passed on J u l y 14, 1933, H i t l e r , knowing t h a t t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " were p r e p a r e d f o r a church e l e c t i o n , c a l l e d one as soon as p o s s i b l e ; t h a t i s , f o r J u l y 23. A few days b e f o r e t h e M t l l l e r f a c t i o n was e l e c t e d , H i t l e r gave a r a d i o a d d r e s s u r g i n g t h e churches t o t a k e a s t a n d i n t h e " r e v o l u t i o n " and t h e peop l e t o v o t e f o r t h o s e who viewed C h r i s t i a n i t y as an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f t h e n a t i o n a l r e n a i s s a n c e . He des-c r i b e d t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " as t h e " f o r c e s o f a l i v i n g move-ment", who s u p p o r t e d Nazism not i n s u b m i s s i o n but i n l i v i n g 2 a f f i r m a t i o n . These e l e c t i o n s were m e a n i n g l e s s as an i n d i c a t i o n H i t l e r , Speeches, v o l . 1, p. 56 2 H i t l e r , Speeches, v o l . 1, p. 377 125 of church opinion. Because of the p o l i t i c a l tension, no election was held in many churches, and the previous church boards simply resigned and gave way to the new boards, a l l members of which had previously been approved by the local Nazi leader. The "German Christians" received the support of. the Nazi press and p o l i t i c a l machinery. Needless to say, they received almost three-quarters of the votes as well. Thiswas "positive Christianity" in action. With the support of the Party, this faction managed to introduce the Ftlhrer principle into the Lutheran church. Auto-cratic powers were given to higher church o f f i c i a l s who were, to a l l intents and purposes, government nominees. It became easier for the Party to intervene in church disputes to put forward i t s candidates and measures. The f i r s t direct inter-ference by the Party in church matters took place in Mecklenburg on April 18, 1933, when a Nazi sympathizer, Walther Bohm, was named State Commissioner for the Evangelical Church there; another direct invasion of the church by the state occurred in June when Bernhard Rust, Prussian Minister of Education, appointed as State Commissioner, August JSger, also a Nazi, for the Evan-gelical Church. Mttller was f i n a l l y appointed Reich Bishop on September 27, 1933 and "German Christian" bishops were named for various t e r r i t o r i a l churches on October 5. Church committees were named by the government to administer Lutheran affairs, and f i n a l l y on July 16, 1935, Hitler announced the formation of a Reich Ministry for Ecclesiastical Affairs with far-reaching supervisory powers. A l l this meant that the Lutheran Church became even more a part of the state than i t had been under the Empire. 126 When i t appeared that the Protestant Church had ac-cepted "co-ordination", the Party sought to withdraw. At the National Synod at Wittenberg, on September 2 7 , 1933, Rosenberg, as Party spokesman, stated that the government no longer backed any particular group or denomination. On October 11, Mtlller was forced to issue a public statement to the effect that no member of the church would be.discriminated against i f he was not a "German Christian". Perhaps he was trying to pacify the c r i t i c s within the church; yet i t seems probable that he was trying to pacify Hitler, whose personal representative, Hess, had just publicly stated that no National Socialist would be discriminated against i f he was a practising Christian! The confusion i s typical of the Nazis. At the same time an attempt was made to moderate the radical tendencies of the Hossenfelder movement1 within the "German Christians". Just as Hitler abandoned his "revolutionary" Chief of Staff, Ernst R 8 h m , for the Army generals, so he turned from the radical Hossenfelder to the army chaplain Mtlller who was more tractable. The opportunity to control the influence of the revolutionary element in the new church c ame on November 13, 1933, when the "German Christians" demonstrated in the Berlin Sport Palace under Hossenfelder's chairmanship. A layman, Dr. Reinhardt Krause, made sensational demands in his speech. The unity of the "German Christians" was broken over this incident, and the government was able to disentangle i t s e l f . This meant Joachim Hossenfelder, as described earlier, led one of the radical groups which originally formed the "German Chris tians" of 1933. 1 2 7 -the d e c l i n e n o t m e r e l y o f t h e H o s s e n f e l d e r f a c t i o n , b u t a l s o o f t h e more moderate wing o f t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " . The P a r t y ' s demarche had begun e a r l i e r ; a f t e r the announcement o f P r u s s i a n c h u r c h e l e c t i o n s i n t h e summer, th e N a z i s y m p a t h i z e r J S g e r was removed and t h e c h u r c h o f f i c e r s he had r e t i r e d were r e i n s t a t e d . Now i n t h e f a l l , H i t l e r i n i t i a t e d f u r t h e r s t e p s t o r e d u c e t h e power of h i s own c h u r c h f a c t i o n . On November 3 0 , F r i c k i s s u e d a r e g u l a t i o n d e c l a r i n g t h a t t h e C h a n c e l l o r had d e c i d e d t h a t s i n c e t h e c u r r e n t d i s p u t e s w i t h i n t h e E v a n g e l i c a l Church were a p u r e l y e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a f f a i r , no i n t e r f e r e n c e would be countenanced and t h a t c h u r c h o f f i c e r s were not a u t h o r i z e d t o ask P a r t y members t o i n t e r v e n e . F i n a l l y W i l h e l m Kube, one o f t h e f o u n d e r s o f t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " , p r o f e s s e d a s h a r p s e p a r a t i o n o f e c c l e s i a s -t i c a l and p o l i t i c a l m a t t e r s , and d e c l a r e d t h a t d i f f e r e n c e s o f o p i n i o n i n r e l i g i o u s q u e s t i o n s s h o u l d not be c a r r i e d o v e r i n t o p o l i t i c s . 1 The new " G u i d i n g P r i n c i p l e s " o f the "German C h r i s t i a n s " were p u b l i s h e d i n 1 9 3 4 but t h e y were much d i f f e r e n t from t h o s e o f 1 9 3 2 ; the t e e t h o f t h e r a d i c a l s were p u l l e d . S e p a r a t i n g from M G l l e r ' s g r o u p , H o s s e n f e l d e r formed a " F a i t h Movement" which i t -s e l f d i s i n t e g r a t e d i n t o h a r m l e s s " l e a g u e s " t h a t v e g e t a t e d f o r t h e remainder o f the T h i r d R e i c h . I n a number o f d i r e c t i v e s , 1 9 3 7 - 3 S , on t h e " l a t e s t p o s i t i o n o f t h e p a t r i o t i c - r e l i g i o u s g r o u p s " , one f i n d s t h a t t h e "NSDAP s t r e s s e s a more o r l e s s s t r o n g D i s t a n z i e r -ung from t h e German f a i t h o r g a n i z a t i o n s " , i n o r d e r t o be f r e e r T h e - e n t i r e c o m p l i c a t e d e v o l u t i o n o f "German C h r i s t i a n " a f f a i r s i s l u c i d l y e x p l a i n e d i n A r t h u r Cochrane's book, The Church's C o n f e s s i o n under H i t l e r , P h i l a d e l p h i a , W e s t m i n s t e r , 1962, P p . 55-40. t o a t t a c k t h e c h u r c h e s . I n s p i t e o f t h e o b v i o u s development N a z i p o l i c y e x p e r -i e n c e d a f t e r 1934, h e s i t a t i o n and c o n t r a d i c t i o n , sometimes e l e v a t e d t o a p l a n o f d e l i b e r a t e c o n f u s i o n , marked t h e P a r t y ' s a t t i t u d e t o t h e L u t h e r a n s u n t i l 1945. As a r e s u l t o f t h e S p o r t P a l a c e s c a n d a l , t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f the Aryan P a r a g r a p h t o t h e P r u s s i a n Church was suspended; on J a n u a r y 4, 1934, M t l l l e r an-n u l l e d t h i s o r d e r , r e i m p o s i n g the P a r a g r a p h . But on A p r i l 13, he a n n u l l e d t h e l a t t e r d e c r e e , o n l y t o e n f o r c e t h e P a r a g r a p h a g a i n on November 25. I n s p i t e o f t h e f a c t t h a t M a r t i n L u t h e r was c o n s i d e r e d a f o l k h e r o , c e l e b r a t i o n o f h i s 1517 p r o t e s t ceased i n 1933; t h i s i s o n l y an a p p a r e n t c o n t r a d i c t i o n , how-e v e r , because, w h i l e L u t h e r ' s a n t i - C a t h o l i c i s m was approved, h i s independence o f mind was n o t . The N a z i l e a d e r s gave up t h e 2 i d e a o f u s i n g t h e C h r i s t i a n s and welcomed l e s s C h r i s t i a n a t t i -t u d e s t h a t the V o l k might d e v e l o p , but the e n t h u s i a s m o f pagan groups had t o be r e s t r a i n e d ; i n 1938 i t was deemed e x p e d i e n t t o r e s t r i c t a n t a g o n i z i n g t h e L u t h e r a n s by c o n t r o l l i n g such p r o p a -ganda; t h e d i r e c t i v e d i d not a p p l y t o a n t i - c a t h o l i c m a t e r i a l . However, e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r 1937, the Weltanschauung o f t h e pseudo-church i n c r e a s i n g l y d e t e r m i n e d H i t l e r ' s o u t l o o k . To p r a y f o r peace r a t h e r t h a n f o r t h e v i c t o r y o f t h e n a t i o n a l cause was t r e a s o n , and t h e r e f o r e because o f t h e i n t e r c e s s i o n s e r v i c e t h e y used d u r i n g the Munich c r i s i s , when t h e y c o n f e s s e d Quoted i n NeuhSUsler, op. c i t . , p. 376. 2 See the decree o f F e b r u a r y 15, 1937, i n w h i c h H i t l e r g i v e s up t h e R e i c h Church i d e a . H o f e r , op. c i t . , p. 146 ^ N e u h f l u s l e r , op. c i t . , v o l . 1, p. 3 6 l . the "sins of our people", some pastors had their salaries stopped or lost their positions on charges of disloyalty. Here we:.- see the direct effect of Hitler's faith on Nazi policy, for i t was a cardinal point in the Weltanschauung, one of the few points Hitler seriously considered, that power is a virtue, and those who possess i t , cannot s i n . 1 Nevertheless, because they were s t i l l identified in the minds of many Protestants with "positive Christianity", the Nazi approach to the Lutheran Church was largely successful, at least insofar as these Christians never challenged Nazi authority in the "outward" world. A glance at the approach to the Catholic Church i s also f r u i t f u l . The Nazis' surprise at the willingness of the Catholics to co-operate in 1933 explains their confident haste to break the terms of the Concordat. At the same time, they considered the signature as part of continuing Catholic strategy to influence German poli t i c s from Rome, and requiring firm, equally cynical, action on their part. Nazi behaviour was rooted both in caution and in sheer enjoyment of their power. Without any blunt renunciation, Hitler showed what he thought of the Concordat. For one thing the Nazi leaders confused the definition of areas devoted solely to pol i t i c s and to religious l i f e and made the legal position of Catholic groups vague. On August 26, 1934, for example, the Catholic weekly, "Young Front", was banned for eight weeks; less than a month later, the ban was On racial sin, see Rosenberg, Mythus, p. 71 130 l i f t e d , only to be enforced again on March 6, 1935. This i s typical of Nazi procedure until 1936, after which Hitler became less noncommittal and restrictions increased as his self-con-fidence grew. In February of that year direct action was taken against the Catholic Young Men's Association in the Rhineland on charges of co-operation with the Communists; while the Vatican and the Archbishop of Cologne protested, Hitler replied that he could not intervene as the cases were in the hands of the people's prosecutor. 1 He allowed greater freedom, too, for anti-Catholic pamphlets to circulate; they bore t i t l e s such as Der Material-2 ismus des Christentum. or Vatikan und Kreml. Steps were taken to confine Catholic processions and pilgrimages onto side streets where they would be both less noticeable and less impressive. They could also b e declared a hindrance to t r a f f i c . In 1936, the Reich War Ministry forbade participation of officers and soldiers in the formation of Corpus Christi processions or in lining the roads with troops at such times; these celebrations would therefore become easier to disturb. These accusations and decrees were accompanied by seizure of Catholic buildings, such as schools and monasteries, the inhabitants of which were ev-icted. The propaganda campaign of the 1935 Currency Trials and the 1936 Immorality Trials masked their ultimate results. The general public did not know that courts of appeal often Hitler, Speeches, vol. 1, p. 363. See Hofer, op. c i t . , p. 162, for a l i s t of further pamphlets, a l l designed to show how the Catholics were in league with un-German powers. 3see NeuhSusler, op. c i t . , p. 71. The directions for these measures specifically noted that the Party's marches and parades were exceptions* greatly reduced the sentences of lower courts; whereas f i r s t judgments were advertised in large type in the press, second judgments were announced in a corner, or not at a l l . But this direct attack on the body of Christianity, this attempt to create "no martyrs, just criminals", had ultimately l i t t l e success. The Trials were to be a justification of a l l the Nazis claimed about the corruption harboured by Catholicism. A justification i t may have been, and restrictions appropriately followed, but the result of the t r i a l s was largely to convince only those who already were anti-Catholic. The average Catholic was prepared to admit that some clergymen were "guilty" but he s t i l l had faith in the character of his own priest. 4 . Problems One factor which emerges clearly from the Party's approach to each of the confessions i s the ultimate moderation of this approach. Even with respect to the Catholic Church, in spite of Hitler's personal h o s t i l i t y , in spite of restrictive laws, and in spite of violent propaganda, no decisive step was taken which would' force the Christian German to abandon his old faith and adopt the new national "faith". Why was this step not taken? "Positive Christianity" i t s e l f was one reason. In October 1933, Hess decreed that Nazis need not belong to any religious group; three years later, in May 1936, he f e l t obliged to actually forbid Nazis in the upper hierarchy from holding offices in religious organizations. That this was necessary is indicative of the Nazi problem: to many there seemed nothing anomalous in being both actively Christian and actively Nazi. Increased persecution i t s e l f , while necessary, in-volved new problems. Hitler described his intentions; i f the Catholic Church would not accommodate i t s e l f to him, he would unleash upon i t a propaganda that would exceed her powers of hearing and sight. 1 This is what he did, but he was ever aware of the d i f f i c u l t y of such a campaign. The obvious and embarras-sing fact of church persecution was camouflaged during the Olym-pic Games of 1936. Rosenberg, in Nttrnberg, 193#, revealed one of the reasons why the state never openly declared war on the churches; "the international position of the Catholic Church calls for very careful tactics on our part...Every attack upon the Church affects international relations and can intensify 2 d i f f i c u l t i e s of a position which is already serious enough." Goebbels was also aware of the problem; in March 1943 he wrote in his diary that Hitler supported his ideas of moderation dur-ing the war. "We must proceed here very smoothly and not get 3 wedded to doctrinaire ideas." On noting that the Russians had restored a certain freedom of religion, he declared, "that's very sharp and clever tactics. It would be a good thing i f we were also somewhat more elastic in these matters."^-The Nazi leaders were reluctant to moderate their approach to Catholicism but they were more elastic in their treatment of the Lutherans. In 193#, for example, Martin Nie-mflller was sentenced to seven months' fortress detention and a ^Hitler, Speeches, vol. 1, p. 38#. 2Quoted in Micklem, National Socialism and Christian-i t l , P. 29. 3Joseph Goebbels, Diaries, ed. trans. Louis B. Lochner, New York, Doubleday, 1948, p. 285. 4lbid., p. 345. fine of two thousand marks. This unusual verdict was "honour-able" and remarkably light considering the seriousness of his crime in Hitler's eyes. This and the fact that the term of detention plus one quarter of the fine were remitted seems to indicate that the Nazis correctly estimated the number of his adherents, knew as well that most Lutherans were not as bold as the Confessionals, and guessed that NiemOller's patriotism would eventually triumph over his sense of injustice. It may also have been a form of bribery! But when later sentenced to Sach-senhausen concentration camp, NiemOller was Hitler's "personal prisoner" and his presence there was kept a close secret, evid-ence of the Nazis' sense of embarrassment; particularly when the Lutherans were such a useful support for the Party, i t was unwise to let the fact of such a well-known man's imprisonment become national, or international, knowledge. The method of calling up clergymen for service after 1939 and thus separating them from their flocks created another problem. Christian influence in the armed forces was, i f not actually increased, at least intensified where i t did exist, a fact which, while not entirely undesirable i f thereby the fighting elan of the men was increased, tended to undo the pre-vious work of the movement among the young. Goebbels wrote that the young army chaplains were more dangerous than the old car-dinals at home, "for they rate high with the people".1 Fuither-more, the chaplains were protected by the shield of military privilege from Party ideological interference and the Nazis Joseph Goebbels, Diaries, ed. trans. Louis B. Lochner, New York, Doubleday, 1948, p. 374. feared that their work would be turned to " p o l i t i c a l goals"; they worried, too, about the number of German soldiers who 2 visited the Vatican. This d i f f i c u l t anomaly was part of the problem of how to deal with the churches when party members were s t i l l on paper at least Christian and when the Party had only incompletely achieved i t s breach with Christianity. The Nazis had always to be careful to avoid any association of godlessness with their movement, because the average German associated this with anarchy and Bolshevism. During the war, when the army became all-important for the preservation of Nazi 3 gains, this problem became more complex. However practical the Nazi leaders were in seeking their goals and however carefully they preserved them, they acted sometimes with an i r r a t i o n a l i t y derived from t h e i r — p a r t i c u l a r l y H i t l e r ' s — faith in the power of the movement. Micklem claims that the encyclical Mit brennender Sorge was a "severe blow" to the Party;^ i t i s also true that Bishop von Galen's sermons at Mtlnster in July and August 1941 against euthanasia were f o l -lowed by a cessation of the program as well as by no punishment From a 1939 report by Heydrich on the church situation to Reichsminister Dr. Lammers. Quoted in Poliakov and Wulf, op. c i t . , p. 197. Goebbels, op. c i t . , p. 246. ^Josef Perau's diary, Priester im Heere Hitlers.(Essen. Ludgerus, 1963) offers an interesting, i f incomplete, view of the position of the Catholic priest in Hitler's army, particularly in his relation to "German Christian" pastors and more pagan soldiers. See pp. 31, 61, and 85-86. In the same connection, the Viertel-.iahresheft fttr Zeitgeschichte (1957. pp. 297-299) gives an ex-change of letters between two officers; one complains that the Christmas edition of the soldiers' magazine has no reference to the traditional celebration, and notes that many w i l l be dis-appointed. 1 Micklem, National Socialism and the Roman Catholic  Church, p. 173. 1 3 5 - of the offending clergyman. Can i t be assumed that this indicates the Nazi fear of Catholic strength? Granted that the Gestapo did seize copies of the en-cyclical, close the presses involved, and dispossess the owners, this does not necessarily indicate that Hitler suffered a severe blow or that he greatly feared the influence of the voice from Rome. A more rational man might have, but he did not, and events showed he was correct. Two years later, most of the Catholic population enthusiastically supported the state, confused perhaps, but undisturbed by the fact that the Pope disapproved of the Nazi Weltanschauung. Indeed, the encyclical did more than the Immorality Trials to convince "unbelievers" that the Catholic Church was s t i l l bent on interfering in German l i f e . In 1933, the state might have been more circumspect, but, after 1936, Hitler was confident, and with justification, because while a series of protest letters were exchanged, the Holy See did not break off diplomatic relations with Germany. He had definitely won a point. He had proved that international Catholicism did not understand and would not tolerate National Socialism, but would seek to interfere with German domestic a f f a i r s . Even more im-portant, he had shown that the Church was s t i l l unwilling to take a really vigorous stand against Nazism, for fear i t would lose what foothold i t had among the German population. Catholic be-haviour thus again corroborated what the Nazis believed about i t . The Christians in Rome were a group of power-hungry realists who knew that, i f they sought influence in Germany, to break off relations would be unwise. In the year of the assault on Russia, i t was undoubted-ly wise, particularly for the sake of national unity, to place 136 ultimate goals after immediate tactics. The destruction of Bolshevism was more important than euthanasia. The mentally-i l l were not plotting the downfall of Aryan Germany, as were the Jewish Marxists. But a short year later, when i t seemed that victory was certain, Hitler, with confident, enthusiastic fan-aticism, launched the Final Solution, a step he apparently con-sidered fundamental to the existence of the Third Reich. This is reminiscent of the quite irrational arrest of the pastors in 1938 who sought forgiveness for the sins of Germany. The war intervened in the Ftlhrer' s plans so that i t i s s t i l l debatable i f his Kirchenpolitik would have enjoyed u l t i -mate success. At any rate, by 1939, the Nazis were s t i l l too involved with both churches. The result was that the concept of "positive Christianity", although abandoned by the Party, lived on in the people, who s t i l l believed they could be inwardly Christian and outwardly Nazi. Of Baden-Alsace in 1943, a Nazi leader wrote that, The weltanschauliche situation in this area is in the truest sense of the word "black"...The arrange-ments for the Christmas celebrations have shown how weak the weltanschauliche conviction and certainty is both among p o l i t i c a l leaders and those actually in power. The events of 1939 and after meant that the survival of Germany demanded internal unity. No Ausrottung ("tearing out") would aid the war effort. Moreover, the war showed that Christianity was far from dead and drastic action would be necessary to Quoted in Gunther Weisenborn, Der lautlose Aufstand, Bericht fiber die Widerstandsbewegung des deutschen Volkes.  1933-1945, Hamburg, Rowohlt, 1962, p. 54. \ suppress i t . While many fought for the greater glory of the National Socialist Truth, others fought because i t was their duty as interpreted by their church to do so. 138" CHAPTER 5 Education and Control of the Youth 1. Introduction .The m ost acute and unresolved tension tension be-tween Christians and Nazis arose over the disputed control of youth through formal education and leisure time organizations. In this particular aspect of the church-state conflict, National Socialism as a substitute faith, demanding the bodies and souls of i t s adherents, showed i t s true colours. The Party hoped to consolidate and to strengthen i t s control over Germany by se-curing the allegiance of the young; i f i t could not be sure of an enthusiastic generation of Nazis in forty years, i t s present triumph was f u t i l e . Chapter one described the raw material the Nazis had at their disposal and chapter three showed how they built the Hitler youth out of th i s material. This chapter des-cribes how the Party met the Christian problem in this f i e l d . In a s t i l l basically Christian country, the Nazi leaders had to adapt their methods to their material. Fabri-cation of the religious trappings was described in chapter three. In the Nazi "co-ordination" of youth, the tendency to complete developments which had begun in the Weimar period is 1 3 9 again noticeable, as well as the appeal to the"finer", more traditional qualities of Deutschtum and to the enthusiasm, energy, and spiritual p l i a b i l i t y of youth. Because every young German-had to internalize the Weltanschauung. i t had to be made as palatable as possible without damaging the ends of the move-ment. To justify their attempt to penetrate and to the control the public schools, the universities, and the nation's youth groups, the Nazi leaders began by arguing, with some j u s t i f i -cation, that they represented the revolution of youth against age, and appeared to stand for regenerative idealism. In short, they used the willing f a i t h and vague idealism of young people, although, in Hannah Arendt's words, their aim was not to " i n s t i l l convictions, but to destroy the capacity fo form any."1 The national educational system was not an integral part of the Nazi hierarchy, but i t was as important as the Hitler Youth. "One needs the children from the great masses of the Nation", wrote Hitler, adding that "they alone are determined and tough enough to fight this struggle to the bloody end"; they 2 alone are truly impressionable. "The f i r s t period of childhood is most readily susceptible to the possibility of [education], while with the mounting years the power of resistance increases." No group of Germans was more deeply affected by the events af-ter 1933 than the children. They were the "best" Nazis. A large part of the regime's power, propaganda, and discipline was d i -rected to converting German youth. German adults might s t i l l retain some private interests or knowledge of the outer world, Arendt, op. c i t . . p. 468. 2lndeed, the bloody end was often fought by children in the Volkssturm troops of late 1944 and early 1945. 3Hitler, Mein Kampf, pp. 136 and 171. 140 but. the young could have few individual interests, knowing l i t t l e of another l i f e with other outlooks. The Nazis, moreover, south to limit parental influence as much as possible. The ideal was that every young person should become a member of the all-encompassing "state-church" devoted to the perpetuation of the sacred value system. This process of indoctrination was given out as c cntrol or care in the same sense that the Christian Church had been concerned with the whole l i f e of men, who thus gained a feeling of freedom from trusting in the authority and judgement of the Church in a l l important departments of l i f e . In this way, the Nazi leadership, wittingly or not, met that need of many Europeans, who, having broken with the family of the Church f e l t not so much free as desolate. The Ftihrer's ideas determined the nature of many of the reforms. Aware of the weakness of German education before the f i r s t World War, Hitler condemned academic one-sidedness which tended to develop pure knowledge, without attention to a b i l i t y . In German education, he wrote, not enough emphasis was laid on the development of the character of the pupil, who i emerged as a "walking encyclopedia". In this way, the Nazi con-cept of education had something in common with the progressive movements of the 'twenties. Nevertheless, later Hitlerian edu-cation wa<s equally, guilty of one-sidedness, but with intention. "I don't believe there's any sense", said Hitler, "in teaching 2 men anything in a general way, beyond what they need to know." Hitler, Mein Kampf. p. 237 Hitler, Secret Conversations, p. 340. 1 4 1 More precisely, he suggested that eventually an end would be 1 put to universal education. It was not necessary for each German to obtain "a f u l l insight and precise knowledge of the ultimate ideas and thought processes of the leaders of the movement." What i s necessary is that some few really great ideas be made clear to him and that the essential fundamental ideas be burned inextinguishably into him so that he was entirely permeated by 2 the n ecessity of the victory of the movement and i t s doctrines. While the training of the new eli t e was to develop an amoral class of power-leaders, the education of the masses was to pro-duce a populace of unquestioning sheep, awed by the pseudo-religious aura surrounding the state, willing to be led to what-ever slaughterhouse Hitler should c hoose. These are the con-clusions that his own words inevitably produce; they are supported by what the Party did to the educational system of Germany. The school system the Nazis inherited was not anti-thetical to their aims and they made use of ideas developed be-fore their time. In eighteenth centry Prussia, where education was regarded as a branch of statecraft, the higher bureaucracy v iewed the citizenry as instruments for the achievement of p o l i t i c a l aims. During the Imperial period, the government tried to control teachers in regard to their national and p o l i t i c a l ideas. They were observed to see that they expressed only loyal views in their teaching. It was possible, through regular ob-servation and reporting, to keep out of the teaching profession those inimical to the state, such as teachers with socialist Quoted in Rauschning, Hitler Speaks, p. 51 Hitler, Mein Kampf. p. 456 1 4 2 leanings. At the same time, the population were kept ignorant of p o l i t i c a l and administrative problems. Inasmuch as the Nazis continued these traditions, their "revolution" was mild. The Republic tried to supplant monarchical loyalty by giving more civic training and by placing more stress upon the unity of a l l Germans, their common cultural achievements, and their faith in the future. Textbooks stressed national unity and freedom, and pointed out the injustices of the Versailles Treaty. There seems to have been no hesitation in Roman Catholic schools to use books as m i l i t a r i s t i c as those in Lutheran schools. In Prussia, some schools observed the anniversary of the sign-ing of the Versailles Treaty as a day of mourning. The three school holidays at Christmas, Whitsuntide, and Easter served as occasions to describe their specifically German character. While the Weimar educational system was less rig i d and dry, academically speaking, the student graduated convinced of Germany's cultural supremac y over a l l other nations. What with the emphasis on German national consciousness in the press, on the radio, in local museums, in the study of Heimatkunde (local lore), as well as the youth movements'' enthusiasm for German landscapes, young people were ready to embrace a radical national-ism, presented in terms of soul, sacrifice, and s o i l . The republic aided the Nazis 1 efforts to "co-ordinate" the schools by not; removing' older teachers who had been raised to admire governmental authority. On the other hand,many of the younger teachers who had a part in the youth movement of pre-war R.H.Samuel and R. Hinton Thomas, Education and Society  in Modern Germany. London. Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1949, p. 75. 143 days were allowed to lose themselves in progressivism and, while some did good work, others only added to the anarchy of values in Germany during the 'twenties; the Nazis further developed the idea of organic and self-unfolding individualism, which had concerned some progressive school reformers, and fused i t with the concept of self-determining nationhood. The older teachers often welc omed the authoritarian Nazi "revolution", and the former progressivists greeted the Nazis as a remarkable example of what they had always advocated. Seen in this light, the Nazi Preforms of education represent not simply a further develop-ment of the new regime, but also a natural c onclusion in the form of control and direction of trends of the Imperial and Weimar epochs. 2. The Universities By 1914, the university professors had earned the 1 r t i t l e , "the intellectual bodyguard of the Hohenzollerns"; of the universities in the Weimar period, one c r i t i c wrote that "too many average minds...made up for their lack of brilliance by an exaggerated attention to detail or by a superficial b r i l l i -2 ance Which barely hid their lack of depth." "Lack of depth" certainly continued to characterize the universities under the Nazis, but this was as much Nazi policy as i t was a product of the situation of the 'twenties. The elite could no more allow objective criticism of their doctrine than the medieval church could allow the circulation of Albigensian tracts. Fortunately, Samuel, op. c i t . . p. 117. 2 Walter M. Kotschnig, Slaves Need No Leaders. London, Oxford, 1943, p. 24. 144 t h e r e were few n e o - A l b i g e n s i a n s . The morale o f the educated c l a s s had d e t e r i o r a t e d b e f o r e 1933. The r e p u b l i c t r i e d t o promote h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n o f p r o l e t a r i a n c h i l d r e n , but d i d not p r o v i d e t y p e s o f secondary s c h o o l s w h i c h might have g i v e n an advanced e d u c a t i o n t o t h e masses, w i t h o u t l e a d i n g t o t h e u n i v e r s i t i e s and l e a r n e d p r o 4 ' f e s s i o n s . S i m u l t a n e o u s l y , the u n i v e r s i t i e s and p r o f e s s i o n became crowded and l e a r n i n g l e a d t o economic m i s e r y , which i n t u r n caused a d e c l i n e i n the p r e s t i g e o f i n t e l l e c t u a l work. Many gr a d u a t e s l o s t t h e i r f a i t h i n a f u t u r e , abandoned t h e r a t i o n a l i t y one e x p e c t s f r o m t h e educated, and became p a r t o f t h e spearhead o f t h e N a z i movement. Some o f them were th e f i r s t and remained the most a r d e n t N a z i p u b l i c s c h o o l t e a c h e r s and p r o f e s s o r s . D u r i n g t h e T t w e n t i e s , u n i v e r s i t y s t u d e n t s were u l t r a -n a t i o n a l i s t i c and h i g h l y c r i t i c a l o f t h e l e s s n a t i o n a l i s t i c s t a t e . 1 At t h e f o u r t e e n t h German Student Conference i n 1931, the N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t League o f S t u d e n t s was e n a b l e d t o o b t a i n l e a d e r s h i p o f the German Student U n i o n . I n t he B u r s c h e n s c h a f t -l i c he B l a t t e r , March 6, 1933, appeared t h i s d e c l a r a t i o n : "That which we have d e s i r e d and sought f o r y e a r s , t h a t f o r which we have worked y e a r i n and y e a r out i n the Burschenschaft' s p i r i t 2 i s a t l a s t r e a l i t y . " TheNazi s t u d e n t s 1 e n t h u s i a s m , a l a r m i n g t o b o t h N a z i s and n o n - N a z i s , c o n s i s t e d , i n the d i f f i c u l t p e r i o d o f s p r i n g and summer 1933, o f s l a n d e r i n g p r o f e s s o r s , a t t a c k i n g J e w i s h and S o c i a l i s t s t u d e n t s , and i n t r o d u c i n g i n t o the u n i v e r -See t h e Twelve Statements o f t h e Student U n i o n , which appeared i n A p r i l 1933 and which a r e a n t i - S e m i t i c and N a z i -o r i e n t e d . P o l i a k o v and Wulf, op. c i t . , pp. 117-118. 2 Quoted i n P r o s s , op. c i t . , p. 7S-. s i t i e s the brown shirt, proclamations, a martial atmosphere, lecture hall disturbances, and many extra-curricular p o l i t i c a l duties for students. The book-burnings of 1933 are an example of this fanaticism. 1 Yet the students' enthusiastic freedom was short-lived. The Student Union, which received o f f i c i a l recognition on May 18, 1933, became immersed in the crushing system of nation-wide p o l i t i c a l organizations by which the Nazi eli t e consolidated i t s power. Youthful energy had to be controlled and directed. At this stage, the leading Nazis wanted to tread softly on national sensibilities; moreover, some of the student activity was n ot in complete accord with the Weltanschauung. Eventually, the ambitions of the Nazi students were viewed with suspicion by Rust, the Eduction Minister, who effectively stole their thun-der, threatening them with severe punishment i f they acted in-dependently in ideological matters. But until at least 1937, some students continued to express support for the more radical social aspects of the Nazi program and persisted in a c r i t i c a l attitude to those who did not observe their standards. At the same time, the "co-ordination" of the non-Nazi students proceeded apace. The older aristocratic and martial corps were o f f i c i a l l y dissolved in October,'1935, and caps, jackets, and banners were forbidden. Many of the old clubs were s t i l l active in 1936, in which year came an edict from the Federal Leader of the Student Union forbidding double membership in a Once again, tradition disguised the radicalism of this step; in 1317, members of the Burschenschaften met on the Wartburg and burned un-German books. 146 student corporation and any of the Nazi organizations. Even-tually by 1942, more than ninety per cent of the students were organized in Nazi student associations. 1 The universities themselves lost any independence that might have distinguished them from purely governmental i n s t i t u -tions. Rectors were no longer chosen by faculty members, but se-lected and appointed by the Ministry of Education. Financial responsibility of the states to the universities remained in principle untouched, but the creation of the Education Ministry in May 1934 with i t s f u l l supervisory authority involved central-ized control of finances. The academic l i f e could not offer much to the training of the "violently active" e l i t e or to the edu-cation of the Volk; accordingly, a law of April 1933 limited enrollments in the universities to 15,000 a year, and set a quota 2 of ten per cent for women. Total enrollments dropped sharply. Compared to 22,000 who were admitted in 1931, only 10,000 sought 3 admission in 1934» and, as was often the case with their radical measures, the Nazis had to remove the restriction in February 1935. Nevertheless, enrollment continued to drop, from 97,576 in 1932 to 51,527 in 193#; and enrollment of women dropped in the same period from 18,578 to 6,346. In general, student numbers were reduced by thirty per cent.^- Few other figures indicate so ^Neumann, op. c i t . , p. 399. There were economic as well as ideological reasons for this restriction; by 1933, the number of students graduated from institutions of higher learning was nearly double the number the economy could absorb in positions for which the students had prepared. This created the embittered "academic proletariat". See Frederic Lilge, The Abuse of Learning. New York, Macmillan, 194S, pp. 145-146. 3Samuel, op. c i t . . p. 133* 4see E.Y.Hartshorne, German Universities and National 147 well.the Nazi e f f o r t to l i m i t the number of people who could approach the Weltanschauung c r i t i c a l l y . These actions, however, did not assure that those students who remained accepted the Myth. Consequently, students to be admitted to u n i v e r s i t y had to spend a season i n a labour camp, win the approval of the l o c a l youth leaders, and receive the stamp " p o l i t i c a l l y r e l i a b l e " . While more than two thousand professors were dismissed, those who remained and new applicants also, often had to attend a labour camp. Ultimately, the govern-ment was forced to take measures to t r a i n u n i v e r s i t y personnel, not merely to obtain the right sort of teachers, but to f i l l the ranks of a profession which threatened to disappear. After September 1938 i t became possible f o r those without the Abitur between ages twenty-five and f o r t y to enter u n i v e r s i t y by taking a s p e c i a l examination designed to discover unrevealed t a l e n t , while those who passed a "maturity" examination from a technical school could be admitted to u n i v e r s i t y i n s p e c i a l subjects. The secondary school course was shortened from nine to eight years and a d d i t i o n a l scholarships were introduced, but by 1939 there was no increase i n students enrolled. Lest a l l the professors be ccnsidered martyrs, we should n ote that there was l i t t l e c r i t i c i s m on the part of u n i v e r s i t y teachers, and t h e i r "co-ordination" was aided by t h e i r own confusion. Some of them f e l t with Martin Heidegger that one's Socialism, London, A l l e n and Unwin, 1937, pp. 72-74. He also suggests that the f a l l i n the b i r t h rate eighteen years before i s also responsible f o r the decline i n enrollment. f i r s t loyalty should b e to the people's community, or with Ludwig Marcuse that Nazism embodied the best of German idealism. Nor did the professors stop at passive se l f - j u s t i f i c a t i o n ; when Hitler became Chancellor, the Technical University of Stuttgart offered him an honorary degree, which he refused. If the new "faith" was to be accepted by a new class of intellectuals, subjects taught in the universities had to be "co-ordinated". Scienc e became more or less the p o l i t i c a l theology of the secular theocracy, and philosophy once more an ancilla theologicae. no longer required for the doctoral exam-ination. At the university of Berlin, for example, courses were given in the "Science of Religion", which showed the e v i l i n -fluence of religion and how faith' of a nation in i t s leader was the best possible religion. An institute for religious science opened at Halle in order to study "German piety". Theology i t -self declined in popularity even before the theological schools began to be closed; for example, there were, in 1932, 7085 evan-2 gelical theological students, while in 1935, there were 4113'. Sociological research and speculation, on the other hand, were discouraged; the new state feared another Galileo. It is signi-ficant that the universities in occupied Czechoslovakia and Poland were to be closed forever. For Heidegger's "Self-assertion of the German Univers-i t y " , and the "Confession of German University and Technical School Professors to Adolf Hitler and the National Socialist State", see Pross, op. c i t . . pp. 97 and 98-101. 2Herman, op. c i t . . p. 151. For a review of decrees against theology students, see Dokumente zum Abwehrkampf der deutschen evangelischen Pfarrerschaft. ed. Fritz Klingler, Ntlrnberg, Mendelssohn, 1946, pp. 35-55. 149 3. Public Schools The control of Christianity in schools was carried out usually locally and always gradually; that i s , not by pub-lished government laws, but by municipal authorities. Micklem writes that "the task i s approached piecemeal, lest there be too general indignation at any one time."1 The rejection of standard religious education and the "co-ordination" of a l l school subjects evolved slowly and was never completely achieved. The Ministry of Education carefully refrained from issuing a single order formally abolishing denominational education. The Reich Ministry of Education, embraced the Nazi Pupils" League, formed in 1928, and their Teachers' Union, formed in 1929. New training-colleges were built in rural d i s t r i c t s , where the prospective teachers could assimilate the glory of German scenery, s o i l , and peasant l i f e . But, generally speaking, with the Nazi emphasis on non-intellectual pursuits, the number of schools, teachers, an d students, declined between 1931 and 1940.2 The Nazi approach, as elsewhere, was characterized by ambiguity, hypocrisy, and deception. Often local clergymen remained ex o f f i c i o members of school boards, and i t was not u n t i l January 1941 that the Ministry of Education forbade priests to act in this capacity. Under the pretext of war conditions, the remainder of the denominational schools were closed in 1940. Hitler suggested that typewriting lessons be given instead of religious instruction Micklem, National Socialism and the Roman Catholic Church, p. 153. _____ ^ Neumann^ : Behemoth, p.37^*See also Samuel, op. c i t . , pp. 38 and 50 for further relevant figures. 150 and that a corps of teachers f o r advanced primary education be formed from the ranks of re-enlisted s o l d i e r s , 1 but the ap p l i c a t i o n of such ideas remained l a r g e l y the province of the H i t l e r Youth. Their ac t i v i t i e s often f i l l e d the weekends and 2 c l a s h e d ! ' successfully with Sunday School lessons. In the public day schools as well, the number of hours devoted to r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n was reduced; the former nineteen hours a week a l l o t t e d i n secondary schools were reduced to twelve over 3 a period of eight instead of nine years. Religious i n s t r u c t i o n was sometimes transferred to the l a s t from the f i r s t period of the day, changing place with physical education; the d i f f e r e n t status of religion.: was thus stressed, and i t could also be omitted on occasion. Religious i n s t r u c t i o n eventually ceased i n the vocational schools. By 1937, most of the p r i e s t s had been removed as r e l i g i o u s teachers i n public schools. In 1940, a decree denied secondary school pupils over the age of fourteen r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n ; the same occurred i n 1941 f o r intermediate school pupils. These examples indicate the Nazi intentions. Yet the syllabus was never formally al t e r e d by the Ministry of Education. The process was rather one of slow suffocation, and proceeded haphazardly on a l o c a l l e v e l . Religion was s t i l l taught i n the schools not merely as a t a c t i c a l concession to the Church, b ut also i n order to H i t l e r , Secret Conversations, pp. 98 and 406. ^Stewart Herman describes the Sunday morning parades of the H i t l e r Youth; op. c i t . , p. 18. 3Neuha*usler, op. c i t . , p. 160. While 36 hours were devoted a week to physical education i n 1925 i n the secondary sc hools, 40 were a l l o t t e d i n 1940; for elementary schools, the figures are; 1928, 16 hours; 1939, 33* See also Samuel, op. c i t . , pp. 105, 108, and 160. 151 enlist simple faith in the service of the Cause. Indeed, the Pope indicated his awareness of this t a c t i c in the 1937 encycli-cal, when he cri t i c i s e d "religious lessons maintained for the sake of appearances, controlled by unauthorized men, within the frame of an educational system which systematically works against re l i g i o n . " 1 In 1940 Martin Bormann advised Rosenberg that for the time being, Christian moral teaching, including the Ten Commandments, was to remain in the curriculum. A letter from 2 Hess to G8ring also has a similar theme. The entire Nazi approach to Christian teaching in the schools was ruled by this pragmatism. The children were to believe in the Ftlhrer Ts divine purity. Many Catholic classes opened with the formula, "Heil Hitler! Blessed be Jesus Christ in a l l Eternity. Amen"; and closed with "Blessed be Jesus Christ in a l l Eternity. Amen. Heil H i t l e r ! " 3 It was to be stressed to the children that Hitler was pious and reverent. A suggested question for the teacher to give students was "who, children, is i t in these days who reminds us most of Jesus—through his love of humble people and his readiness for self-sacrifice?"^" Edicts addressed to teachers of religion stressed that both "faiths" drew the i r strength from God. Teachers should do away with differences of opinion and stress the German experience of God. The Old Testa-ment, as might be expected, was to be carefully expurgated; only those portions of i t which treated of biological questions or Quoted in Fremantle, op. c i t . . p. 254. 20uoted in Poliakov and Wulf, op. c i t . . pp. 202-204, and pp. 206-207. 3Mann, op. c i t . , p. 83. 4l_id.,,p. 86. 152 were necessary for understanding of the New Testament were to be used. A belief in the "deeper meaning of war", creating a "uniform desire for war and victory as an indispensable con-dition of national independence" was considered an essential part of this training. 1 After 1936, when co-existence ceased to be useful for the Party leaders, the connection between "faiths" remained, and under growing persecution confused Christ-ians and Nazis alike. The Nazis managed to influence the teaching of secular subjects as well. In the study of history, for example, the conversion of the early Germans to Christianity was not to be treated "negatively". Frick wrote that "the adoption of Christ-ianity appear(s) as a display of Teutonic influence over the whole 2 area of medieval culture". The message of Christ should appeal to Germans as an epic of heroism. Other stories of heroic self-sacrifice were taught as models of behaviour. The ancient Greeks were to b e treated as the closest brothers of the Germanic race; how they succumbed when the population declined and were out-numbered by inferior and democratic peoples was important. Private schools, other than state- or party-sponsored ones, were allowed only for those who needed special attention because of health or family conditions. Permission to operate these sc hools was granted only on the tested basis of p o l i t i c a l r e l i a b i l i t y of the headmaster and owners of the schools. Even then they were under the careful supervision of the state, for in i t s Kneller, op. c i t . t p. 177. Quoted in Kolnai, op. cit., 262. 153 very essence, National Socialism could not acknowledge any right to attend or support autonomous private schools, instead of the people's public schools. Needless to say, courses of study and appointment of teachers for these schools had to be in s t r i c t accord with the principles la i d down for public schools. On September 29, 1936, the National Socialist Teachers' Union decreed that members could not belong to denominational organizations. Pressed to sever their formal ties with the Church, the number of teachers declaring themselves "believers in God" increased. It is hard to established how many of these actually were "neo-pagan", for while in 1940 13,143 out of 171,000 teachers so declared themselves, and while in 1937 ninety-seven per cent of a l l teachers belonged to the Nazi Teachers' Union, these figures do n ot show how many acted out of prudence rather than con-viction. 1 More significant, perhaps, is the fact that in 1936 and 1937, 160,000 party functionaries came from the teaching pro-2 fession, primarily from elementary schools. The sympathy of sections of the pedagogical profession was a great advantage to the Party. In spite of the implied intention of o f f i c i a l decrees and in spite of Hitler's plans, i t was a pragmatic estimate of the needs of the day that often played a decisive role in German education during the Third Reich. By and large, the vocational, elementary, and intermediate schools suffered least from the Party "co-ordination", because Hitler as well as the army realized As over against 376 out of 185,000 in 1936. Samuel, op. c i t . . p. 105. 2 Neumann, op. c i t . , p. 105. 154 ' t h a t these s c h o o l s had t o be kept i n t a c t i n order t o f u r n i s h the s k i l l e d craftsmen and workers needed i n i n d u s t r y and defence: the same s i t u a t i o n t h a t p r e v a i l e d i n the u n i v e r s i t i e s . When i t came to d r i v i n g a tank, a C a t h o l i c was o f t e n b e t t e r q u a l i f i e d than a good N a z i . F o r t u n a t e l y f o r H i t l e r , the C a t h o l i c s , i n s p i t e o f the a s s a u l t s made on t h e i r f a i t h , were u s u a l l y w i l l i n g t o d r i v e tanks f o r the Pa r t y . 4. H i t l e r Youth versus ^ C h r i s t i a n Youth Before c o n s i d e r i n g the H i t l e r Youth, i t would be w e l l t o d e s c r i b e d the c o n d i t i o n o f f a m i l y l i f e i n the T h i r d Reich, which the Nazi l e a d e r s h i p claimed, l i k e the C h r i s t i a n church, t o preserve and f o s t e r . A v e r d i c t o f a S i l e s i a n c o u r t contained the f o l l o w i n g s i g n i f i c a n t statement; "law, i n the s e r v i c e o f r a c i a l and n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s , c o n f i d e s the care o f c h i l d r e n o n l y under c e r t a i n circumstances t o the pa r e n t s . Namely, i f t h e 1 c h i l d r e n a re brought up as the n a t i o n and the s t a t e decree." On October 9, 1935, W i l l y Becker, a P a r t y o f f i c i a l , expressed the new i d e a l s u c c i n c t l y ; he s a i d t h a t p a r e n t s who keep t h e i r c h i l d r e n out of the H i t l e r Youth "c ommit a crime a g a i n s t the German people and i t s f u t u r e ; they do not deserve the name of f a t h e r 2 and mother." In s h o r t , the c h i l d belonged t o H i t l e r b e f o r e i t belonged to i t s p a r e n t s . N a z i - t r a i n e d t e a c h e r s ran creches f o r i n f a n t s and k i n d e r g a r t e n s f o r p r e - s c h o o l c h i l d r e n . . Although Quoted i n Mann, op. c i t . . p. 150. ^Quoted i n Micklem, op. c i t . , p. 124. As e a r l y as 1934, the Nazi Youth Leader had t o r e f u t e the c l a i m t h a t the HJ d e p r i v e d c h i l d r e n o f a f a m i l y l i f e ; von S c h i r a c h claimed t h a t the H i t l e r Youth gave some c h i l d r e n a f a m i l y f o r the f i r s t t ime. Die H i t l e r -.jugend, p. 104. 155 attendance was optional, parents had to sign a paper declaring that their children were under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Party during the time they were in the nurseries. In 1939, the government introduced a new type of school, the Hauptschule. to whic h only selected pupils were to b e admitted; their attendance was to be obligatory, but i f their parents objected, they could register a formal protest—at such a high level that a l l but the boldest parents were discouraged. The parents' councils introduced into Prussia and some other states in 1919 were abolished in 1934 and councils were introduc ed by the Nazis that were merely advisory!, preserving the appearance of the former arrangement, but not interfering with the headmaster's position as Leader. Here is the best example of the Nazi tendency to destroy that family cohesion so dear to the Christian Btlrger which they claimed to preserve. 1 While unity within German families would have been an advantage to the cause, the movement was largely what the Nazis acknowledged i t to be—a "revolution of the young". But whatever their success with the children, the Nazis were never able to conv ince their parents that they should sever their Christian t i e s . Although they implied as much, they never openly urged i t , which, for the success of their plans, they would have to do ev entually. Consequently, many a German saw nothing unusual in supporting the Nazi state and i t s Weltanschauung and in being a Christian. His children, however, spent so much of their time "Parents complain that they never see their children any more, " wrote a correspondent to the Spectator in 1934. See "Schule Oder Verein", Spectator, vol. 152, June 29, 1934, p. 994. 156 with Nazi teachers and trainers, that they were becoming more Nazi than Christian. The tension created between generations meant that while some sought a l l the more desperately the "fam-i l y " protection of the Hitler Youth, many young people were faced at home with a less than positive attitude toward what they were supposed to die for. Once again, i t i s unfortunately d i f f i c u l t to know what the long-term effects of this problem would have been, because the war reunited parents and children in the common ef-fort of saving Germany i t s e l f . The Hitler Youth was part of the pseudo-ecclesiastical hierarchy of Nazism; as such i t inevitably clashed with the hierarchy of Christianity. Baldur von Schirach, the national youth leader, describes best in his book Die Hitler.jugendt the aims and nature of the organization. What might be called an "educational t o t a l i t y " was sought, on the principle of "either completely or not at a l l . " 1 Thus von Schirach declared war on the other German youth organizations, Christian and p o l i t i c a l ; The Hitler Youth organization declares i t s e l f the one and only representative of German youth. That is i t s claim to t o t a l i t y . As the NSDAP is the only p o l i t i c a l party of Germany, so the HJ i s the only German youth organization. 2 Its members were Hitlerjungen and Hitlermfldel, devoted entirely to the Leader. The "co-ordination" began formally in December 1933, with an act of Reich Bishop Mailer, supported by G0ring, entailing Baldur von Schirach, Die Hitler.jugend. Idee und Ges-t a l t . Berlin, Verlag und Vertriebsanstalt, 1934, pp. 130 and 35. 2Ibid., p. 69. 157 the destruction of the independent Protestant youth movement, consisting of 300,000 young people. Nevertheless, in the osten-sible s p i r i t of compromise of the years before 1936, von Schirach wrote that the Hitler Youth would guarantee i t s Evangelical members one night a week for their religious a c t i v i t i e s . After December 1933, there followed independent action in the various states, whic h according to the usual pattern, was more radical than that in Berlin. The methods are familiar. Often the local Nazi leaders resorted to the technique of imposing a regulation, moderating or rescinding i t for a short time, and then renewing i t later in a more rigorous form. For example, in the summer of 1933, the Catholic Youth Associations of Munster were forbidden to wear uniforms; on September 1, 1933, the order was rescinded; in June 1934, i t was re-enacted in a more severe form. In May 1934, the Local Nazis of Schweinfurt banned the uniforms, badges, and public appearances of the Catholic youth organization; Swabia followed suit, although the local Concordat of the previous February had guaranteed these things to the Catholics. The green shirts of the Young Catholics were also gradually forbidden a l l over Bavaria; as the Hitler Youth were given to tearing them off their wearers, prohibition became necessary "in the interests of order". 3 In July 1935, came the decree forbidding a l l church youth groups completely from wearing uniforms or from conducting marches, hikes, or camping excursions, camping excursions, carry-ing flags, and conducting military or sporting exercises through Arno KIBnne, Hitler.jugend: die Jugend und Ihre Organi-sation im Dritten Reich. Hannover, Norddeutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1955, p. l^s chirach, op. c i t . . p. 39; but not to i t s Catholic member; 3"Persecution". New Statesman and Nation, vol.7, June 2, 1934, p. 837. the entire Reich. A law of December 1936 f i n a l l y compelled a l l youth to belong to the HJ. Yet i t appears that a l l young people did not wish to be organized, as the law announced; a special office of the Gestapo was formed in 1936 to crush i l l e g a l youth groups. By 1938 a l l Catholic groups, more intractable than the Protestants, were also incorporated into the Hitler Youth. Al-though the meaning and scope of decrees was often l e f t uncertain, the series of piecemeal laws culminated in that of November 1939 which gave the National Youth Leader unequivocal superiority in a l l youth matters over regional o f f i c i a l s in a l l state govern-ments and federal commissioners in occupied te r r i t o r i e s . Between 1930 and 1932 the Christian youth organizations had about one and one half "million membe-rs,rand the National Socialists, on the other hand, about forty thousand. But in the 'twenties, German spiritual bankruptcy, despite large enrollment in the church organizations, had assumed the nature of a c r i s i s . Wilhelm NiemOller admits that a large part of the population, especially the youth, had lost contact with the church.1 Non-Christian youth flocked happily to the Party, but so did the Christian young people, who, along with their leaders, misin-terpreted the events of 1933, and were therefore helpless before the consequences. Of course,: they were tricked in that, at f i r s t , Hitler tried to minimize the radicalism of his young followers. Von Schirach wrote that they were carrying on the id e a l i s t i c struggle of the Great War; "we are the s p i r i t of their s p i r i t . Wilhelm NiemOller, Kirchenkampf im Dritten Reich, p. 15. The Social Democrats had about 60,000 and the Communists about 50,000. 159 The i d e a f o r w h i c h t h e y d i e d i s the m o t i v a t i o n o f our l i f e . T h e i r b a t t l e i s our f a t e . " 1 Lamed by t h e i r p a t r i o t i c p a s s i o n s , t h e L u t h e r a n y o u t h i n p a r t i c u l a r were ready t o r e c o g n i z e H i t l e r ' s c l a i m t o l e a d e r s h i p o f German y o u t h . T h i s c o n f u s i o n , w r i t e s D i e t e r F r e i h e r r von L e r s n e r , was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , not o n l y o f t h e 2 y o u t h , but o f c hurch c i r c l e s i n g e n e r a l . B e l i e v i n g i n t h e new g o a l s s e t f o r y o u t h , b o t h c h u r c h e s s u p p o r t e d t h e r e n a i s s a n c e . Even t h e C a t h o l i c groups r e a c t e d t h i s way. W i t h i n t h e e n c y c l i c a l , M i t brennender Sorge. t h e r e i s a t r a c e o f t h e a t t i t u d e w h i c h made t h e N a z i s " p l a n s s u c c e s s f u l ; I f t h e s t a t e o r g a n i z e s a n a t i o n a l y o u t h , and makes t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n o b l i g a t o r y t o a l l , t h e n , w i t h o u t p r e j u d i c e t o the r i g h t s o f r e l i g i o u s a s s o c i a t i o n s , i t i s t h e a b s o l u t e r i g h t o f y o u t h s as w e l l as o f p a r e n t s t o see t o i t t h a t t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n i s purged o f a l l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s h o s t i l e t o t h e Church and C h r i s t i a n i t y . 3 The l e a d e r o f t h e C a t h o l i c Young Men's A s s o c i a t i o n announced t o von S c h i r a c h on May 21, 1933, "we g r e e t t h e R e i c h Youth Leader and d e c l a r e our r e a d i n e s s t o work t o g e t h e r w i t h him i n t h e b e s t o f o u r a b i l i t y f o r t h e s t r e n g t h e n i n g o f German y o u t h . T h e y were r e a d y t o work w i t h t h e new s t a t e . Thus, t h e sheep hoped t h a t t h e y c o u l d not o n l y c a p t u r e the w o l v e s but a l s o m a i n t a i n t h e i r independence and r i g h t s i n d o i n g s o . I n t h i s way, t h e y compromised t h e i r p o s i t i o n and re n d e r e d t h e i r members s u s c e p t i b l e t o an even g r e a t e r e x t e n t t o N a z i propaganda. Even a f t e r t h e y had been banned, E v a n g e l i c a l von S c h i r a c h , op. c i t . , p. 47. 2 D i e t e r F r e i h e r r von L e r s n e r , D i e e v a n g e l i s c h e n Jugend- verb&nde Wurttembergs und d i e H i t l e r j u g e n d 1933-34. G S t t i n g e n , Vandenhoek und Rupprecht, 1958, p r e f a c e . 3Quoted i n F r e m a n t l e , op. c i t . , p. 253. ^Quoted i n H e i n r i c h Roth. K a T h o l i s c h e Jugend i n d e r NS- Z e i t , u n t e r b e s o n d e r e r Be r a c k s i c h t l g u r r g ^ " des K a t h o l i s c h e n Jung- mgnnerverbandes. D f l s s e l d o r f . A l t e n b u r g . 1959. p. 59~l 160 groups marched through the streets, carrying the swastika f l a g . 1 They believed? that the goals of the Hitler Youth were national, not spiritual, and that the conflict that existed was patriotic and not religious. Needless to say, the UJ_ leaders often sought to further the misconception, while continually pursuing their own ends. In 1934, the o f f i c i a l gazette of the Hitler Youth an-nounced that their members were allowed to attend in uniform services of the Evangelical, Free, and Old Catholic Churches; the omission of the Catholic Church is significant, but even more significant i s the result. At this time, there seemed to be something wrong with a youth who clung to his narrow confessional loyalty, when he saw other youths who were both patriotic, having joined the Hitler Youth, and pious, attending church regularly. The leader of the Hitler Youth in Wtlrttemberg-West summed up this idea of "positive Christianity"; We are condemned in the older Christian circles as godless, perhaps because we do not carry the cross on our flags and aren't always babbling b i b l i c a l texts. We carry these things in our hearts, we are Christians, and the cross belongs as l i t t l e on flags as the church does in politics and the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the young.2 The now familiar accusation levelled at the Catholic Church is paralleled by the also familiar attitude of deceptive conciliation 3 towards the Lutherans. In 1934, after the Evangelical Youth Lersner, op. c i t . . pp. 24-25. 2Ibid., p. 32. ^An a r t i c l e in the Hitler Youth journal "Will and Power", November 1935, accused the former members of the Btlndische Jugend of having communist sympathies and the members of the Catholic groups of welcoming such fellow members. 161 had been a b s o r b e d i n t o t h e H i t l e r Youth, von S c h i r a c h c o m p l i e d w i t h t h e r e q u e s t o f P r o t e s t a n t l e a d e r s t o a l l o w t h e e v a n g e l i c a l members two f r e e a f t e r n o o n s a week f o r r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n . The P a r t y was a b l e t o appear t h e e x e c u t o r o f p r a i s e w o r t h y t r e n d s . The " S t r e n g t h t h r o u g h J o y " p a r t o f the H i t l e r Youth owned much t o the h a l f - m i l i t a r y work camps founded by t h e F r e e Corps l e a d e r s s u c h as Gerhard Rossbach. F o r n o n - C h r i s t i a n young p e o p l e , t h e N a z i move seemed a d m i r a b l e , and C a t h o l i c s may have remembered t h a t M a t t h i a s E r z b e r g e r o f t h e C e n t r e P a r t y had p r o -posed a c o m p u l s o r y work s e r v i c e f o r young a d u l t s . 1 Among o t h e r f a c t o r s , t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l d e v i c e s o f the Young German League c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e H i t l e r Y outh. The a n t i - C h r i s t i a n bent o f t h e N a z i youth was m a n i f e s t v e r y soon; i n 1935, f o r example, a group o f H i t l e r y o u t h s demon-s t r a t e d i n Hamm a g a i n s t t h e A r c h b i s h o p o f P a d erborn. T h i s a c t i o n , l i m e many o t h e r s , was c a r e f u l l y p l a n n e d and e x e c u t e d w i t h m i l i t a r y 2 p r e c i s i o n . N e e d l e s s t o s a y , t h e H i t l e r Youth l e a d e r s , p a r t i c u -l a r l y a f t e r 1936, d i d e v e r y t h i n g t h e y c o u l d t o h i n d e r p a r t i c i -p a t i o n o f t h e i r charges i n c h u r c h s e r v i c e s and p r o c e s s i o n s . They i n s t r u c t e d c h i l d r e n i n how t o d i s t u r b r e l i g i o u s t e a c h i n g i n t h e s c h o o l s and d e v e l o p e d an i n t e r e s t i n g approach t o p a r e n t a l i n -f l u e n c e : "persons i n a u t h o r i t y " were t o be p l a c e d b e f o r e t h e c h i l d r e n as good examples " a g a i n s t t h e p a r e n t s i n o r d e r t o b a l a n c e t h e i n f l u e n c e o f o u r opponents.-* I n 1938, von S c h i r a c h o r d e r e d t h a t t o b e l o n g t o a H i t l e r Youth Leader Corps one had t o l e a v e t h e c h u r c h . 1 K l a u s E p s t e i n , M a t t h i a s E r z b e r g e r and t h e Dilemma o f German Democracy. P r i n c e t o n , 1959, p. 378. 2 N e u h S u s l e r , op. c i t . , pp. 35-36, and H o f e r , o p . c i t . , pp. 134-135. 3 ^ N e u h S u s l e r , op. c i t . , p. 107. 1 6 2 These attempts to mold young people's thinking into less Christian and more Nazi paths were thoroughgoing but never completely successful. Even a f t e r 1 9 3 6 , i t did not r e a l l y matter i f the young possessed Christian b e l i e f s or were a t h e i s t i c or "pagan" as long as they accepted the paramount sig n i f i c a n c e of the Third Reich i n t h e i r d a i l y , outward l i v e s . And many d i d so, some f o r non-patriotic reasons or i n the s p i r i t of compromise and "positive C h r i s t i a n i t y " both the Nazi leaders and the Church favoured. Often career opportunities were, f o r those who accepted Nazi leadership, more important motives than genuine enthusiasm. As a r e s u l t of a law of March 2 2 , 1 9 3 4 , which decreed that young people who did not belong to the H i t l e r Youth could not enter the Labour Front, many saw t h e i r future careers endangered. Von Schirach's description of the Catholic y o u t h — " i t i s t h e i r jobs they are concerned about, not r e l i g i o n " — c o u l d apply equally well to some of his own followers. 1 "Positive C h r i s t i a n i t y " , accepted by Christians, and pragmatic realism on the part of the Nazis, assured the H i t l e r Youth of considerable success i n the church-state c o n f l i c t . . The youth problem shows c l e a r l y how H i t l e r and h i s e l i t e , i n t h e i r drive f o r power, used every idea or group at hand; we have described t h i s aspect of the Party i n terms of pragmatism, cynicism, and n i h i l i s m . This amoral willingness to compromise even with t h e i r enemies p a r t i a l l y explains why the Party rose i n ten years from a mere band of agitators to become the state Quoted i n Persecution of the Catholic Church i n the  Third Reich. Facts and Documents translated from the German. London, Burns.'and Oates, 1 9 4 0 , p. 9 4 • 163. i t s e l f - But i t was a l s o , a l t h o u g h perhaps o n l y t e m p o r a r i l y , a h a n d i c a p . Sooner o r l a t e r , t h e y would have had t o throw down the g a u n t l e t and c h a l l e n g e not m e r e l y t h e Church but t h e C h r i s t i a n c i t i z e n s o f Germany. By 1939 t h e y had not y e t done t h i s . A l t h o u g h the c o n t i n u i n g s u p p o r t o f C h r i s t i a n s was advantageous d u r i n g t h e war, H i t l e r n e ver managed t o d e a l w i t h the churches as he w i s h e d . 164 CHAPTER 6 Summary and Conclusions This discussion began with a review of institutional Christianity in Germany: s t i l l healthy financially and s t i l l commanding at least the respect of much of the older generation, i t nevertheless lacked vigour after the Great War. While Nazism had economic and p o l i t i c a l roots as well, various aspects of the German spiritual c r i s i s , including this Christian weakness, contributed fundamentally to the strength of the Nazi movement. The mistakes of the Christians, particularly the Lutherans, can be partially understood in light of the novelty and cunning of the Nazi approach. Nazism, although ostensibly concerned only with p o l i t i c a l l i f e , could and consciously did provide solance for the spiritual problems of the masses at the same time as i t revived the patriotic piety of Christians. Because i t appealed to patriotic as well as spiritual needs, many Christians accepted i t s advent, often with deadly passivity, but sometimes with enthusiasm. The Lutheran attitude to worldly power and the too diplomatic approach of the Catholics helped the Party; we understand the Christian view that freedom to administer sac-raments v i t a l for salvation j u s t i f i e s concessions to tyrannical 165 governments, but the naivete of Christians and their patriotic weaknesses were exploited by Hitler. While Christians might, through their traditional faith, be immune to the effects of l i f e in a mass industrial society, those who had drifted away from Christianity, particularly the workers, found the Nazi "f a i t h " appealing. Therefore, Hitler's Weltanschauung was, for Christians, a sanctification of their patriotism, and, for the non-Christian masses, a faith. "Hitler himself created a large part of the sickness 1 he was expected to cure," wrote Golo Mann. With deceptive promises that he would give German lives more meaning, Hitler stimulated hopes of Christians and freethinkers alike; mean-while he furthered their atomization in a totalitarian state. Because groups such as the family, the parish, the school—as well as others in plants, offices, or shops—were deliberately broken down, Germans were faced with an intensification of their original problem. The natural structure of society, which, des-pite the pre-Nazi dislocation, s t i l l existed in Germany, was dissolved by the new leaders, who attempted to replace i t by an abstract "people's community". This led only to further deper-sonalization of human relations and to the isolation of human beings from each other. It was, of course, what Hitler needed in order to remain in power. The Weltanschauung triumphed because i t appealed to the prejudices and frustrated longings of many Golo Mann, Deutsche Geschichte 1919-1945. Frankfurt, Fischer, 1962, p. 78. 1.66 Germans, including Christians; "the ideological mish-mash of National Socialism," according to Harry Pross, "was successful precisely because i t obscured every clarity and had something 1 for everyone." This is why Camus correctly describes the Hit-2 lerian state as the expression of a n i h i l i s t revolution. Alex Inkeles believes that for the totalitarian state, the element of human friendship is important only insofar as "comrades" join forces in carrying out the greater task of a l l , and personal emotion, particularly depression, i s frowned upon because a l l emotional energy must be turned to the ends of the Cause.J The most characteristic trend in Nazi Germany was this destruction of human relationships, paralleled by the develop-ment of a monolithic state witlr totalitarian claims and pseudo-religious trappings. Although the Nazi leaders claimed to sup-port, for example, the family as the core of society, they actually weakened i t . In order to win and maintain a sufficient following, they had to break down existing group ti e s , and since they demanded a fanatical devotion from their followers, they saw in these personal ties of blood or friendship a diminution of their own corporate cohesion.^" Nazi Germany has been des-cribed as a regression to t r i b a l intimacy on a national scale, but in reality i t represents the destruction of a l l groups, of a l l support to the individual psyche in a secular industrial mass society. 1 Harry Pross, Vor und Nach Hitler. Freiburg, Walter, 1962, p. 173. 2Camus, The Rebel, p. 18*5. See also Cassirer, Myth  of the State, passim. ~See Carl J. Friedrich, ed., Totalitarianism, Cambridge, Harvard, 1953, p. 101. See also Pross, op. c i t . , p. 192. ^Hoffer, op. c i t . . p. 115. Those who had hoped to find in National Socialism a bulwark in an impersonal, irreligious world, and those who isought, in patriotic collaboration with i t , a renewal of national Chris-tian faith, were deceived and found themselves in an even more brutal, spiritually dead community, approximating the nightmares of Orwell and Huxley. "At the roots of the Nazi organizations," 1 writes Hans-Jochen Gamm, "there was no community Of feeling." Although the program was declared in 1 9 2 6 to be un-changeable, i t was o f f i c i a l l y explained that this applied only to the fundamental principles, and not to the methods by which the lat t e r were to be put into practice. Indeed, Goebbels re-marked that, i f he were starting anew, he would have no pro-2 gram at a l l . The Weltanschauung was not exactly a "retrospec-3 tive philosophical justification" as Stephen H. Roberts claims, but this phrase suggests well the pragmatic attitude that often characterized the actions of the e l i t e . Their aim was to eradi-cate Christianity, but the vigour with which this goal was pursued depended on the fortunes, diplomatic and internal, of the moment. At times, sympathy with Christianity was publicly professed; later, h o s t i l i t y to the churches was openly implied. In private, of course, Hitler, Bormann, and Goebbels sneered at the churches. But the ideological trappings of the Party were just as cynically viewed by the leaders. The "superficial Gamm, op. c i t . , p. 91. 2 Q u o t e d in Roberts, op. c i t . . p. 4 5 * 3 L O C . c i t . eclecticism" of the doctrine was intended only as a facade for the masses, and the technique set forth in Mein Kampf, that of using a l l forces from wherever they might come, was, along with anti-Semitism, the only enduring characteristic of the Nazi Weltanschauung. Pross suggests that, " i t was as i f , i n these times when philosophy has ceased producing closed systems, the German social-religion would produce a closed system with-i out any content." Ironically, this very pragmatism weakened the Nazi drive. Hitler could not eliminate Christianity because, to a certain extent, he depended on i t and he never emancipated him-self from that part of his propaganda which preached unity of w i l l with Christians. Had the Nazi movement been successful in implanting i t s ideology in German minds, defeat in war would not have destroyed the new "faith". But the fact that so many Germans today find i t easy to forget Nazism i s proof that the Nazi "religion" i s dead. But did i t ever live? In i t s most v i t a l aspect, train-ing the young, the Nazi success was ambivalent; while i t brought them material prosperity and national pride, i t f a i l e d to pro-vide a substitute for Christianity and failed to counteract the influence of Communism. It is even claimed that the Party 2 stimulated what i t feared most: "the true s p i r i t of Luther." Under the strain of battle, the "f a i t h " of Nazi soldiers van-ished and the number of communicants in the army during the 3 war increased considerably. In the c i v i l i a n world, many of 1Pross, op. c i t . , p. 101. . 2Fabian von Schlabrendorff, Offiziere gegen Hitler. Frankfurt, Fischer, 1962, p. 69. 3See Perau, op. c i t . , passim. 169 t h e r e s i s t a n c e groups c o n t a i n e d young p e o p l e not y e t out o f 1 t h e i r t e e n s ; some were n o t C h r i s t i a n s , but n e i t h e r were t h e y N a z i s —somehow, t h e Weltanschauung had l o s t them. And what a r e we t o c o n c l u d e from t h e f a c t t h a t o f t h e n i n e Bormann c h i l d r e n , r a i s e d b y f a n a t i c a l l y a n t i - C h r i s t i a n p a r e n t s , seven ( i n 1954) had become C a t h o l i c s , and one, H i t l e r ' s own "godson", was 2 t r a i n i n g t o become a p r i e s t ? The N a z i l e a d e r s c o l l a b o r a t e d w i t h t h e C h r i s t i a n s and, a l w a y s f o r c e d t o proceed s l o w e r w i t h t h e i r p l a n s t h a n t h e y would have w i s h e d , were never a b l e t o f r e e t h e m s e l v e s from t h i s i n v o l v e m e n t . Thus, j u s t as t h e C h r i s -t i a n s s u f f e r e d from the e f f o r t s t o compromise w i t h a h e r e s y , so d i d the N a z i s . Two problems a r i s e , problems w h i c h may not have s o l -u t i o n s . N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m was a c c e p t e d w i t h r e l i g i o u s f e r v o u r by many Germans...or so i t seems. But how many were a c t u a l l y c o n v i n c e d by t h e Weltanschauung? The f a c t t h a t the o n l y N a z i s i n Germany t o d a y a r e l o n e l y c r a n k s l e a d s t o t h e s u g g e s t i o n t h a t t h e German " m a n - i n - t h e - s t r e e t " — t h e C h r i s t i a n — m u s t have had two m e n t a l compartments, one f o r Nazism, one f o r C h r i s t i -a n i t y . T h i s s i t u a t i o n c orresponds t o what the N a z i s c l a i m e d t o s u p p o r t b e f o r e 1937, b u t , w h i l e i t must have become h a r d e r and h a r d e r t o l i v e l i k e t h i s , many d i d so u n t i l 1945, when t h e N a z i compartment was t hrown o u t . I s i t p o s s i b l e f o r t h e s m a l l man t o b e l i e v e i n any permanent d o c t r i n e i n t h e t w e n t i e t h KlOnne, op. c i t . , p. 94, and R o t h f e l s , op. c i t . , p. 15. 2 M a r t i n Bormann, L e t t e r s , ed. H.R.Trevor-Roper, t r a n s . G.H.Stevens, London, W e i d e n f e l d and N i c o l s o n , 1954, p. x v i i . J oseph Goebbels had a l l h i s c h i l d r e n b a p t i z e d ! 170 c e n t u r y ? The N a z i e f f o r t t o d e - s e c u l a r i z e German s o c i e t y , t o r e v i v e a k i n d o f r e l i g i o n , r e l a t e d t o , but more f a n a t i c a l t h a n K u l t u r - r e l i g i o n , f a i l e d and may have been bound t o f a i l . The E n l i g h t e n m e n t and, among o t h e r e lements, t h e p o s i t i v i s t i c o u t l o o k , may have weakened the n o n - C h r i s t i a n ' s c a p a c i t y t o have a l a s t i n g f a i t h o f any s o r t . Were the masses, i n f l u e n c e d by m a t e r i a l i s m , A European development, and by t h e p e c u l i a r r e v e r e n c e f o r power 1 i n German p o l i t i c s , as c y n i c a l as t h e i r m a s t e r s ? The second problem, how Nazism f i t s i n t o t h e European s i t u a t i o n , s u g g e s t s answers t o t h e s e q u e s t i o n s . I n R u s s i a , t h e new " r e l i g i o n " had no t i e s w i t h t h e C z a r i s t p a s t and d i d not have t o combat an i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o u n t e r - c h u r c h ; moreover, i t a c c e p t e d s e c u l a r i z -a t i o n and m a t e r i a l i s m as p a r t o f i t s d o c t r i n e , and was n e v e r concerned t o appear r e s p e c t a b l e . The C h r i s t i a n Church s t i l l e x i s t s i n R u s s i a but a K u l t u r k a m p f n e v e r seems t o have weakened the Communists as i t d i d . t h e N a z i s . I n Germany, t h e r e was no r e v o l u t i o n ; t h e p a s t was not c o m p l e t e l y d isavowed, but i n t h e form o f i d e a s and men was p a r t o f Nazism. I n t h i s way, H i t l e r was a p u r e l y German phenomenon. But t h e s p i r i t u a l homelessness o f t h e masses who a c c e p t e d b o t h Nazism and Communism i s s t i l l a p roblem f o r Europe and i s g r o w i n g i n t h e " d e v e l o p i n g " c o u n t r i e s . The N a z i s o l u t i o n d i d not work, but t h e Communist one a p p a r e n t l y does. See Meinecke, op. c i t . , on "mass M a c h i a v e l l i s m " . BIBLIOGRAPHY 171 C o l l e c t i o n s o f Documents: The f o l l o w i n g a r e c o l l e c t i o n s t h a t were most u s e f u l f o r t h e t h e s i s ; u n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e r e i s no good post-war c o l -l e c t i o n i n E n g l i s h . Dokumente aus dem Kampf der K a t h o l i s c h e n K i r c h e im B i s t u m B e r l i n  gegen den N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s . B e r l i n , Morus, 1946. T h i s i s a s h o r t c o l l e c t i o n o f C a t h o l i c c h u r c h documents from t h e d i o c e s e o f B e r l i n . Hermel i n k , H e i n r i c h , ed., K i r c h e Im Kampf. Dokumente des Wider- st a n d s und des Aufbaus i n d e r e v a n g e l i s c h e n K i r c h e D e u t s c h -l a n d s . von 1933 b i s 1945. T t l b i n g e n , W u n d e r l i c h , 1950. H e r m e l i n k ' s c o l l e c t i o n i s perhaps t h e most r e l i a b l e f o r t h e P r o t e s t a n t p roblem. H o f e r , W a l t h e r , ed. Der N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s . Dokumente 1933-45. F r a n k f u r t am M a i n , F i s c h e r , 1961. T h i s book i s the most u s e f u l s h o r t c o l l e c t i o n on N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m . K i n k e l , W a l t e r , ed. K i r c h e und N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s . I h r e Ause- i n a n d e r s e t z u n g z w i s c h e n 1925 and 1945 i n Dokumenten d a r g e -s t e l l t . D t l s s e l d o r f , Patmos, I960. K i n k e l p r e s e n t s t h e b e s t r e v i e w o f C a t h o l i c documents f o r t h e e n t i r e p e r i o d . M t l l l e r , Hans, ed. K a t h o l i s c h e K i r c h e und N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s . Dokumente 1930-35. Mtlnchen. Nymphenburger V e r l a g s h a n d l u n g . T h i s e d i t o r i m p l i e s t h a t t h e C a t h o l i c Church was slow t o r e a l i z e i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n r e s i s t i n g the T h i r d R e i c h i t s e l f , r a t h e r t h a n m e r e l y a s p e c t s o f i t . Neuha*usler, Johann. Kreuz und Hakenkreuz. Der Kampf des N a t i o n a l -s o z i a l i s m u s gegen d i e k a t h o l i s c h e K i r c h e undcder k i r c h l i c h e  W i d e r s t a n d . E r s t e r und Z w e i t e r T e i l . Mtlnchen, K a t h o l i s c h e K i r c h e B a y e r n s , 1946. The N e u h f l u s l e r volume would appear t o be a complete o u t -l i n e o f t h e a t t a c k on C a t h o l i c i s m , b u t can be c r i t i c i z e d f o r i t s l a c k o f f o o t n o t e s o r b i b l i o g r a p h y ; Gordon Zahn p o i n t s out t h a t t h e t e x t o f s e v e r a l documents has been a l t e r e d by o m i s s i o n s w i t h o u t i n d i c a t i o n o f d e l e t i o n and i n some i n s t a n c e s by changes i n w o r d i n g , (op. c i t . , p. 19.) I s t h i s an a t t e m p t t o supp r e s s e m b a r r a s s i n g i n s t a n c e s o f compromise on t h e p a r t o f C a t h o l i c l e a d e r s ? P e r s e c u t i o n o f t h e C a t h o l i c Church i n t h e T h i r d R e i c h . F a c t s and  Documents t r a n s l a t e d from t n e German. London, Burns and Oates, 1940. As i n t h e above c o l l e c t i o n , t h e e d i t o r here i n t e r s p e r s e s 172 comments w i t h i n t h e t e x t o f documents, which a r e t h e m s e l v e s o f t e n I n c o m p l e t e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e book i s i l l u s t r a t e d and w i l l be o f i n t e r e s t t o E n g l i s h r e a d e r s . P o l i a k o v , Leon, and Wulf, J o s e f , eds. Das D r i t t e R e i c h und s e i n e  Denker. Dokumente. T h i s i s a f a s c i n a t i n g c o l l e c t i o n o f i n t e l l e c t u a l and s p i r i t -u a l commentaries on Nazism; i t i s l a r g e , c o n t a i n s u s e f u l b i o g r a p h i c a l m a t e r i a l , and i s c l e a r l y s e t o u t . The f o l l o w i n g a r e o f l e s s e r i n t e r e s t , but were a l s o u s e f u l . C o r s t e n , W i l h e l m , ed., K B l n e r AktenstCLcke. Zur Lage d e r k a t h o l - i s c h e n K i r c h e i n D e u t s c h l a n d . 1933-45* K f l l n . Bachem. 1949. K l i n g l e r , F r i t z , ed. Dokumente zum Abwehrkampf d e r d e u t s c h e n e v a n g e l i s c h e n P f a r r e r s c h a f t gegen V e r f o l g u n g und Bedrflck- ung. 1933-45. Ntlrnberg. Mendelssohn. 1946. P r o s s , H a r r y , ed. D i e Z e r s t B r u n g d e r d e u tschen P o l i t i k . Dokumente  1871-1933. F r a n k f u r t am Main, F i s c h e r , 1961. Roth, H e i n r i c h , ed. K a t h o l i s c h e Jugend i n d e r N S - Z e i t ; u n t e r  b e s o n d e r e r B e r t i c k s i c h t i g u n g des k a t h o l i s c h e n Jungmflnner-verbandes. P a t e n und Dokumente. D U s s e l d o r f , A l t e n b e r g , 1959. The N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t s : Bergmann, E r n s t . P i e deutsche N a t i o n a l k i r c h e . B r e s l a u , H i r t , 1934. T h i s p s e u d o - p h i l o s o p h e r was one o f the s o u r c e s from which H i t l e r drew h i s i d e a s ; f o r Bergmann, as f o r Rosenberg, C h r i s t i a n i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y C a t h o l i c i s m , was a f o r e i g n r e l i g i o n . Bormann, M a r t i n . L e t t e r s . The P r i v a t e Correspondence between M a r t i n Bormann and h i s W i f e from J a n u a r y 1943 t o A p r i l 1945. ed. H.R.Trevor-Roper, t r a n s . R.H.Stevens, London, Weiden-f e l d and N i c o l s o n , 1954. These l e t t e r s a r e e s s e n t i a l f o r an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f a b i t t e r l y a n t i - C h r i s t i a n N a z i m e n t a l i t y and f o r a v i e w i n t o t h e i n n e r sanctum o f th e N a z i e l i t e . P e u t s c h e r F f l h r e r l e x i k o n 1934-35. B e r l i n , S t o l l b e r g , 1935. I n t h e L e x i c o n , t h e names and p i c t u r e s o f th e men e l i m -i n a t e d i n June, 1934, have been l i f t e d f r o m t h e forms o r p a s t e d over w i t h s t r i p s of paper, i n w h i c h case t h e i r names a r e v i s i b l e when t h e page i s h e l d up t o a s t r o n g l i g h t ! 173 Germany Speaks. London, T h o r n t o n B u t t e r w o r t h , 1938. T h i s i s a s e m i - o f f i c i a l a p o l o g y f o r t h e N a z i s t a t e , p r o p a -ganda f o r B r i t i s h consumption. Goebbels, J o s e p h . D i a r i e s 1942-43. ed. t r a n s . L o u i s B. L o c h n e r , New Y o r k , Doubleday, 1948. T h i s book, as t h e Bormann one, i s v e r y u s e f u l , a l t h o u g h i t c o n t a i n s l e s s t h a n one would w i s h on t h e c h u r c h problem. I c o n s u l t e d s e v e r a l volumes o f Goebbel's speeches (see t h e f o o t n o t e s ) but I have not i n c l u d e d them h e r e , s i n c e t h e y g i v e o n l y a g e n e r a l i d e a o f N a z i propaganda. H i t l e r , A d o l f . Mein Kampf. t r a n s . R a l p h Manheim, B o s t o n , Houghton M i f f l i n , 1943. S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , ed. H.R.Trevor-Roper, New York, S i g n e t , 1961. Speeches, ed. Norman H. Baynes, London, O z f o r d , 1942, v o l . 1. Testament o f A d o l f H i t l e r . The H i t l e r - B o r m a n n  Documents. F e b r u a r y - A p r i l 1945. ed. F r a n c o i s Genoud, t r a n s . R.H.Stevens, London, C a s s e l l , 1961. Z w e i t e s Buch. E i n Dokument aus dem J a h r e 1928. S t u t t g a r t , Deutsche V e r l a g s a n s t a l t , 1961. These books, a l o n g w i t h t h e Rauschning volume (see b e l o w ) , o f f e r a good o u t l i n e o f H i t l e r ' s i d e a s , e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e the d i f f e r e n c e between h i s p r i v a t e and p u b l i c u t t e r a n c e s . K r i e c k , E r n e s t . N a t i o n a l p o l i t i s c h e E r z i e h u n g . L e i p z i g , Armanen, 1934. T h i s pedagogue, p r o b a b l y a s i n c e r e man, f a s c i n a t e d by P l a t o ' s e l i t e i d e a , was v e r y u s e f u l t o H i t l e r and t h o s e who sought t o " c o - o r d i n a t e " German e d u c a t i o n . Ludecke, K u r t G.W. I Knew H i t l e r . The S t o r y o f a N a z i who escaped  the B l o o d Purge. London. J a r r o l d s . 1938. T h i s i s t h e a u t o b i o g r a p h y o f a man who came c l o s e t o the N a z i e l i t e ; much o f t h e m a t e r i a l i s i r r e l e v a n t and t e d i o u s , and i t s v e r a c i t y may be doubted, but i t o f f e r s an e x c e l l e n t example o f the k i n d o f p e r s o n who j o i n e d t h e movement. Rauschning, Hermann. H i t l e r Speaks. A S e r i e s o f P o l i t i c a l Con-v e r s a t i o n s w i t h A d o l f H i t l e r on h i s R e a l Aims. London, Th o r n t o n B u t t e r w o r t h , 1939. R a u s c h n i n g , former N a z i p r e s i d e n t o f t h e Senate o f t h e Free C i t y o f D a n z i g , would seem t o be a r e l i a b l e s o u r c e , i n s p i t e o f the f a c t t h a t he wrote much from memory and must s u r e l y have p a r a p h r a s e d some of H i t l e r ' s comments. 1 7 4 Rosenberg, A l f r e d . An d i e Punkelma*nner u n s e r e r Z e i t . E i n e Antwort  a u f d i e A n g r i f f e gegen den Mvthus des 20. J a h r h u n d e r t s . Mtlnchen, Hoheneichen, 1 9 3 5 . B l u t und E h r e . Mtlnchen, Eher, 1 9 4 3 . Mythus des 20. J a h r h u n d e r t s . Mtlnchen, Hohen-e i c h e n , 1 9 3 4 . P o l i t i s c h e s Tagebuch. ed. Gtlnther Seraphim, G 8 t t i n g e n , M u s t e r s c h m i d t , 1 9 5 6 . P r o t e s t a n t i s c h e R o m p i l g e r . P e r V e r r a t an  L u t h e r und d e r Mvthus des 20. J a h r h u n d e r t s . Mtlnchen, Hoheneichen, 1 9 3 7 . A f t e r p r o d u c i n g h i s magnum opus i n 1 9 3 4 , Rosenberg defended i t i n r e p e t i t i o u s and e q u a l l y u n o r i g i n a l e s s a y s , speeches, and pamphlets. The Mythus i s t h e most u s e f u l h e r e . S c h i r a c h , B a l d u r von. P i e H i t l e r . i u g e n d . Idee und G e s t a l t . B e r l i n , V e r l a g und V e r t r i e b s a n s t a l t , 1 9 3 4 . R e v o l u t i o n d e r E r z i e h u n g . Mtlnchen, Z e n t r a l -v e r l a g der NSPAP, 1 9 3 8 . The R e i c h Youth L e a d e r , i n t h e s e speeches and e s s a y s , p r o -v i d e s t h e b e s t o u t l i n e o f N a z i p l a n s f o r y o u t h . Schwarz, D i e t e r . P i e g r o s s e Ltlge des p o l i t i s c h e n K a t h o l i z i s m u s . Mtlnchen, Z e n t r a l v e r l a g d e r NSPAP, 1 9 3 8 . T h i s i s a t y p i c a l N a z i a n t i - C a t h o l i c pamphlet; p u b l i s h e d by t h e P a r t y i t s e l f , i t l e a v e s no doubt as t o t h e g o v e r n -ment's p o s i t i o n . The N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s t i s c h e r M o n a t s h e f t ( 1 9 3 7 , v o l s . 8 2 - 8 3 ) was a l s o o f some use;- e d i t e d by Rosenberg, i t i s r e m a r k a b l y r e s t r a i n e d i n i t s approach t o t h e c h u r c h i s s u e . I t c o n t a i n s p a i n t i n g s and drawings o f i d e a l i z e d German l a n d s c a p e s , p e a s a n t s , i n d u s t r i a l s i t e s , and Autobahnen. The f o l l o w i n g a r e a l s o o f i n t e r e s t ; D i e d e u t s c h e C h r i s t e n . P i e Reden des R e i c h s b i s c h o f s und des R e i c h s l e i t e r s d e r P e u t s c h e C h r i s t e n P r . j u r . K i n d e r im B e r l i n e r S p o r t p a l a s t am 2 8 " . F e b r u a r 1 9 3 4 . B e r l i n , G e s e l l -s c h a f t f t l r Z e i t u n g s d i e n s t , 1 9 3 4 . F e d e r , G o t t f r i e d , ed. Das Programm d e r NSPAP und s e i n e W e l t a n -s c h a u l i c h e Grundgedanken. Mtlnchen, Eher, 1 9 3 3 . F r i c k , H e i n r i c h . P e u t s c h l a n d i n n e r h a l b d e r r e l i g i f l s e n W e l t l a g e B e r l i n , T8pelmann, 1 9 4 1 . Secondary S o u r c e s ; 175 There i s l i t t l e m a t e r i a l on t h e N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t s ' a pproach t o t h e c h u r c h e s , and, a p a r t from t h e above N a z i s o u r c e s , I had t o c o n s u l t a wide v a r i e t y o f books. The f o l l o w -i n g were u s e f u l a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f my r e s e a r c h ; D i e h n , O t t o . B i b l i o g r a p h i e z u r G e s c h i c h t e des K i r c h e n k a m p f e s . G B t t i n g e n , Vandennoek and Ruprecht, 1958. I n t e r n a t i o n a l B i b l i o g r a p h y o f t h e H i s t o r i c a l S c i e n c e s . Wash-i n g t o n , I n t e r n a t i o n a l Committee o f H i s t o r i c a l S c i e n c e s , 22 v o l s . I p a i d a s h o r t v i s i t t o t h e German E v a n g e l i c a l Church A r c h i v e s i n B i e l e f e l d , West Germany, but found l i t t l e t h e r e on the N a z i s i d e o f t h e c o n f l i c t ; t h e H i s t o r i c a l Seminar c o l l e c t i o n a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f Hamb u r g c o n t a i n e d some m a t e r i a l t h a t t h e UBC L i b r a r y does not y e t p o s s e s s . There a r e many a c c o u n t s o f t h e s t r u g g l e , w r i t t e n from t h e s t a n d p o i n t o f t h e c h u r c h , but t h e y a r e u s u a l l y concerned t o d e f e n d o r e x p l a i n t h e c h u r c h e s 1 b e h a v i o u r , o r t o s i m p l y d e s c r i b e t h e p e r s e c u t i o n . The f o l l o w i n g s e c o n d a r y s o u r c e s were p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l or a r e o f s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t ; A r e n d t , Hannah. O r i g i n s o f T o t a l i t a r i a n i s m . New York, M e r i d i a n , 1958. T h i s c o n s e r v a t i v e w r i t e r i s most i n t e r e s t i n g o f t h e b e h a v i -our o f modern man i n mass s o c i e t y and on c y n i c a l p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s . She h o l d s t h a t modern t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m e x p l o d e s t h e premise o f t h e r e a s o n a b l e n a t u r e o f t h e masses on which the Western concept o f democracy i s founded. Baurngflrtel, F r i e d r i c h . Wider den Kirchenkampf-Legenden. Freimund, N e u e n d e t t e l s a u , 1959. A t h e o l o g i a n a t t a c k s the i d e a t h a t t h e C o n f e s s i o n a l Church r e c o g n i z e d f rom t h e f i r s t t h e N a z i danger t o C h r i s t i a n i t y ; he shows, f o r example, t h a t W i l h e l m N i e m B l l e r was, i n 1933 a t l e a s t , an e n t h u s i a s t i c N a z i . B e c k e r , Howard. German Youth: Bond o r F r e e . New Y ork, O x f o r d , 1946. I n t h i s h i s t o r y o f t h e German y o u t h movements, t h e a u t h o r i n t r o d u c e s t h e u s e f u l " e c c l e s i a " i d e a , w h i c h l e d me t o c o n s i d e r t h e p s e u d o - r e l i g i o u s element i n Nazism; h i s book c o n t a i n s a good b i b l i o g r a p h y on the s u b j e c t as w e l l . There i s some u n f o r t u n a t e s o c i o l o g i c a l d o u b l e t a l k h e r e , but t h e book i s t h e b e s t account i n E n g l i s h on the y outh move-m e n t s ( a v a i l a b l e a t U.B.C. a t t h e t i m e o f w r i t i n g ) . 176 Berdyaev, N i c o l a s . End o f Our Time* London, Sheed and Ward, 1 9 3 3 . Berdyaev, i n d e s c r i b i n g t h e l o n e l i n e s s o f modern man, s t r e s s e s t h a t o n l y a r e v i v a l o f C h r i s t i a n f a i t h w i l l r e g e n e r a t e t h e West, but he p r e d i c t s t h a t something l i k e Nazism c o u l d p e r v e r t t h i s r e v i v a l . B e r n i n g , W i l h e l m . K a t h o l i s c h e K i r c h e und d e u t s c h e s V o l k s t u m . Mtlnchen, C a l l w e y , 1 9 3 4 . T h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C a t h o l i c approach t o Nazism gave me an i n s i g h t i n t o a view w h i c h approved o f t h e movement. Brennecke, F. ed. N a z i P r i m e r . New York, H a r p e r s , 1 9 3 8 . T h i s i s a good example o f the k i n d of t e x t b o o k s t h e P a r t y i n t r o d u c e d i n t o s c h o o l s . Buchheim, Hans. G l a u b e n s k r i s e im D r i t t e n R e i c h . D r e i K a p i t a l  N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s t i s c h e r R e l i g i o n s p o l i t i k . S t u t t g a r t , Deutsche V e r l a g s a n s t a l t , 1 9 5 3 . Buchheim 1s s t u d y o f t h e " c r i s i s o f f a i t h " o f f e r s a l u c i d s e c t i o n on t h e c o n f u s i n g F a i t h Movements as w e l l as a u s e -f u l b i b l i o g r a p h y . B u l l o c k , A l a n . H i t l e r . A Study i n Tyranny. New York, Harper, 1 9 5 3 . T h i s i s t h e b e s t post-war b i o g r a p h y o f t h e F t l h r e r . B u l l o c k b e l i e v e s , and I t h i n k r i g h t l y , t h a t t h e N a z i movement was r e a l l y b a r r e n o f i d e a s , t h a t i t s i d e o l o g y was f r a u d u l e n t , and t h a t H i t l e r was an o p p o r t u n i s t , whose o n l y g u i d i n g p r i n c i p l e was a w i l l t o power. Cochrane, A r t h u r C. The Church's C o n f e s s i o n Under H i t l e r . P h i l s d e l p h i a , W e s t m i n s t e r , 1 9 6 2 . F o r E n g l i s h r e a d e r s , t h i s i s p r o b a b l y t h e b e s t account o f t h e L u t h e r a n c h u r c h ' s a c t i v i t y i n the T h i r d R e i c h . F r i e d r i c h, C a r l J . ed. T o t a l i t a r i a n i s m . P r o c e e d i n g s o f a Con-f e r e n c e h e l d a t t h e American Academy o f A r t s and S c i e n c e s . Cambridge, H a r v a r d , 1 9 5 3 . There a r e s e v e r a l i n t e r e s t i n g and u s e f u l e s s a y s i n t h i s volume, such as t h o s e by Waldemar G u r i a n , " T o t a l i t a r i a n -i s m as P o l i t i c a l R e l i g i o n " , and by A l e x I n k e l e s , "The T o t a l i t a r i a n M y s t i q u e " . Fromm, E r i c h , Escape from Freedom. New York, F a r r a r and R i n e -h a r t , 1 9 4 1 . Fromm's a l m o s t c l a s s i c p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t u d y s u g g e s t s t h a t the German m i d d l e c l a s s i s s a d o - m a s o c h i s t i c , an argument d i f f i c u l t t o prove h i s t o r i c a l l y ; I a l s o doubt i f he i n t e r -p r e t s L u t h e r j u s t l y , but h i s i n s i g h t i n t o the German problem h e l p s t o b a l a n c e t h e p o l i t i c a l a n a l y s i s o f A rendt and the C h r i s t i a n view o f Berdyaev. Gamm, Hans-Jochen. Der braune Kult. Das dritte Reich und seine  Ersatzreligion. Hamburg, Ratten and Loening. 1 9 6 2 . This book is especially relevant to the thesis; unfortu-nately, i t is only a description of Nazi "religiofication", and does not draw many wider conclusions. Several inter-esting photographs and documents are reproduced. Groppe, Herbert. Das Reichskonkordat vom 20. J u l i 1 9 3 3 . K81n, Bachem, 1 9 5 6 . Groppe considers the concordat only in i t s legal aspect. Hayes, Carlton J.H. Nationalism: A Religion. New York, Macmillan, I960. This i s a rather pedestrian study, but offers a good re-view of the phenomenon. Heiden, Konrad, Adolf Hitler. Eine Biographie. Zttrich, Europa, 1936 and 1937 , 2 vols. Heiden's book i s s t i l l one of the best on Hitler. Kirkpatrick, Clifford. Nazi Germany: Its Women and Family L i f e . New York, Bobbs-Merrill, 1938. One of the few studies of this kind, Kirkpatrick's book offers insight into the effect of Nazi organization of those who were not actively p o l i t i c a l . KlOnne, Arno. Hitler.jugend: die Jugend und ihre Organisation im Dritten Reic h. Hannover, Norddeutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1 9 5 5 . This i s the best description of the Hitler Youth I found. Kneller, George Frederick. Educ ational Philosophy of National  Socialism. New York, Yale, 1941. Kneller's book on Nazi educational principles- ( i f such they can be termed) offers an excellent review of the movement's pseudo-intellectuals and their beliefs; his bibliography was also useful. As yet there is no good post-war book on Nazi education. Kolnai, Aurel. War Against the West. London, Gollancz, 1933. This long and d i f f i c u l t volume is rich in quotations from Nazi and proto-Nazi sources, but contains no analysis or interpretation of the meaning of a l l that i s reproduced. His criticism of Christianity i s rather far-fetched. Kupisch, Karl. Zwischen Idealismus und Massandemokratie. Eine  Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Deutschland von  1815-1945. Berlin, Lettner. 1953. This i s the best history of the Lutheran church available. L i t t e l l , F.H.German Phoenix, Men and Movements in the Church  in Germany. New York, Doubleday. I960. L i t t e l l has drawn from existing historical material and has not produced an independent study; nevertheless, i t i s a good summary and i s useful for English readers. 178 M a c f a r l a n d , C h a r l e s S. New Church and t h e New Germany. A Study  of Church and S t a t e . New Y o r k , M a c m i l l a n , 1934. Means, P a u l B. Things t h a t a r e C a e s a r ' s ; t h e Genesis o f t h e German Church C o n f l i c t . New York, Round T a b l e , 1935. M i c k l e m , N a t h a n i e l . N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m and C h r i s t i a n i t y . O x f o r d , C l a r e n d o n , 1939. N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m and t h e Roman C a t h o l i c  Church. Londyi,Oxford, 1939. S e v e r a l books were w r i t t e n on t h e church c o n f l i c t a t t h e t i m e ; t h o s e c i t e d here by M a c f a r l a n d and Means s u f f e r from a l a c k o f " i n s i d e " knowledge and from r e a l f a c t u a l e r r o r s due t o f a u l t y r e s e a r c h . Micklem's two books, however, a r e more s c h o l a r l y , do not seem as d a t e d , and a r e s t i l l u s e f u l . (The former two d e a l m a i n l y w i t h t h e P r o t e s t a n t church.) Neumann, F r a n z . Behemoth. S t r u c t u r e and P r a c t i c e o f N a t i o n a l  S o c i a l i s m . T o r o n t o , O x f o r d , 1942. I n s p i t e o f the f a c t t h a t t h i s book i s a l s o a p r o d u c t o f t h e p e r i o d i t s e l f , and i n s p i t e o f a l e g a l i s t i c , M a r x i s t approach ( f a s c i s m i s equated w i t h a stage o f c a p i t a l i s m ) , "Behemoth" i s s t i l l a r e m a r k a b l y good s t u d y o f Nazism; Neumann o f f e r s some u s e f u l i d e a s on t h e p r a g m a t i c and n i h i l i s t i c n a t u r e o f t h e P a r t y . Neurohr, J e a n F. Mvthos vom D r i t t e n R e i c h . Zur G e i s t e s g e s c h i c h t e  des N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s . S t u t t g a r t , G o t t a , 1957. T h i s i s one o f t h e b e s t o f many a t t e m p t s t o t r a c e t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l and s p i r i t u a l r o o t s o f Nazism; Neurohr man-ages t o a v o i d a c c u s i n g L u t h e r , Kant, o r Hegel o f a c t u a l l y c o n t r i b u t i n g t o N a z i s m — f o r t h i s p o i n t o f view, see W.M. McGovern's From L u t h e r t o H i t l e r (New York, Houghton M i f f l i n , n.aTn N i e k i s c h , E r n s t . Das R e i c h d e r n i e d e r e n DUmonen. Hamburg, Rowohlt. 1953. L i k e Neumann, N i e k i s c h g i v e s a M a r x i s t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f Nazism; f o r him, t o o , t h e i d e o l o g y was f r a u d u l e n t . N i e m B l l e r , W i l h e l m . D i e e v a n g e l i s c h e K i r c h e im D r i t t e n R e i c h . Handbuch des K i r c h e n k a m p f e s . B i e l e f e l d . Bechauf, 1956. The "Handbook" has been c r i t i c i s e d by BaumgSrtel (see above) f o r i g n o r i n g t h e c o m p l i c i t y o f even t h e C o n f e s s -i o n a l churchmen i n s u p p o r t i n g t h e N a z i s ; h i s c r i t i c i s m would seem t o be j u s t , but N i e m O l l e r ' s book, and i t s s m a l l e r companion (Kirchenkampf im D r i t t e n R e i c h . B i e l e f e l d , B echauf, 1946), a r e e s s e n t i a l t o u n d e r s t a n d i n g the m o t i v e s b e h i n d t h e B a r m e n a D e c l a r a t i o n . I have not i n c l u d e d here t h e v a r i o u s books, some o f them by W i l h e l m N i e m O l l e r , on the C o n f e s s i o n a l Church Synods, o r on t h e t h e o l o g i c a l i s s u e s a t s t a k e . 179 P e r a u , J o s e f . P r i e s t e r im Heere H i t l e r s . E r i n n e r u n g e n 1940-45. E s s e n , Ludgerus, 1963. T h i s book i s t h e d i a r y o f a C a t h o l i c p r i e s t i n t h e German army; i t was not e s p e c i a l l y u s e f u l i n the t h e s i s , but p r e s e n t s t h e C a t h o l i c o u t l o o f o w e l l . Samuel, R.H. and Thomas, R. H i n t o n . E d u c a t i o n and S o c i e t y i n  Modern Germany. London, Routledge and Kegan P a u l , 1949. T h i s i s a v e r y u s e f u l book; the same a u t h o r s would do even b e t t e r t o r e v i e w t h e N a z i p e r i o d a l o n e . Zahn, Gordon C. German C a t h o l i c s and H i t l e r ' s Wars. A S t u d y  i n S o c i a l C o n t r o l . New York. Sheed and Ward. 1962. A much needed s t u d y , t h i s book h e l p s t o c o r r e c t mis-c o n c e p t i o n s about C a t h o l i c " r e s i s t a n c e " . The s e c o n d a r y s o u r c e s which f o l l o w were i n t e r e s t i n g but not as u s e f u l ; Brady, Rob e r t A. S p i r i t and S t r u c t u r e o f German F a s c i s m . London, G o l l a n c s , 1937. Carmer, C a r l . War A g a i n s t God. New York, H o l t , 1943. C a s s i r e r , E r n s t . Myth o f t h e S t a t e . New Haven, Y a l e , 1946. C h a k h o t i n , Serge. Rape o f t h e Masses, t r a n s . E.W.Dickes, London, R o u t l e d g e , 1940. Conrad, W a l t e r , Der Kampf urn d i e K a n z e l n . E r i n n e r u n g e n und  Dokumente aus d e r H i t l e r z e i t . B e r l i n , TBpelmann, 1957. G a l l i n , Mother Mary A l i c e . German R e s i s t a n c e t o . . . H i t l e r :  E t h i c a l and R e l i g i o u s F a c t o r s . Washington. C a t h o l i c U n i v e r s i t y o f A m e r i c a , 1961. G i l b e r t , G.M. P s y c h o l o g y o f D i c t a t o r s h i p . New York, R o n a l d , 1950. H a f k e s b r i n k , Hannah. Unknown Germany: An I n n e r C h r o n i c l e o f the F i r s t World War based on L e t t e r s and D i a r i e s . New Haven, Y a l e , 1948. H a r t s h o r n e , E.Y. German U n i v e r s i t i e s and N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m . London, A l l e n and Unwin, 1937. Herman, S t e w a r t W. Eure S e e l e n W o l l e n W i r . K i r c h e im U n t e r g r u n d . i n s d eutsche t l b e r t r a g e n von W i l h e l m Gossmann, Mtlnchen, Neubau, 1951. K e l l e r m a n n , F r i t z . The E f f e c t of t h e World War on European E d u c a t i o n ; w i t h s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n to Germany. Cambridge, H a r v a r d , 1928. 1 8 0 Kosok, P a u l . Modern Germany. A Study o f C o n f l i c t i n g L o y a l t i e s . C h i c a g o , 1 9 3 3 . K o t s c h n i g , W a l t e r M. S l a v e s Need No L e a d e r s . An Answer t o t h e  F a s c i s t C h a l l e n g e t o E d u c a t i o n . London, O x f o r d , 1 9 4 3 . L e r s n e r , D i e t e r F r h r . von. D i e e v a n g e l i s c h e n Jugendverbande  Wttrttembergs und d i e H i t l e r . j u g e n d 1 9 3 3 - 4 5 . G Q t t i n g e n , Vandenhoek und Rupprecht, 1 9 5 8 . L i l g e , F r e d e r i c . The Abuse o f L e a r n i n g . The F a i l u r e o f t h e  German U n i v e r s i t i e s . New York. M a c m i l l a n , 1 9 4 8 . L o r t z , J o s e p h . K a t h o l i s c h e r Zugang zum N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s . MUnster, A s c h e n d o r f f , 1 9 3 3 . Mann, E r i k a . S c h o o l F o r B a r b a r i a n s . E d u c a t i o n Under t h e N a z i s . London, Drummond, 1 9 3 8 . N a t t e r e r , A l o i s . P e r b a v e r i s c h e K l e r u s i n d e r Z e i t d r e i e r R e v o l u t i o n e n 1 9 1 8 - 1 9 3 3 - 1 9 4 5 . Mttnchen. K a t h o l i s c h e K i r c h e B a y e r n s , 1 9 4 6 . Neumann, Sigmund. Permanent R e v o l u t i o n : t h e T o t a l S t a t e i n a  World a t War. New York, H a r p e r s , 1 9 4 2 . P i n s o n , K o p p e l S. P i e t i s m as a F a c t o r i n the R i s e o f German  N a t i o n a l i s m . New York, Columbia, 1 9 3 4 . P r i e p k e , M a n f r e d . P i e e v a n g e l i s c h e Jugend im D r i t t e n R e i c h  1 9 3 3 - 3 6 . New York; Columbia, 19§>U. P r o s s , H a r r y . Vor und nach H i t l e r . Zur d e u t s c h e n S o z i o p a t h o l o g i e . F r e i b u r g , W a l t e r , 1 9 6 2 . Schmidt, D i e t m a r . P a s t o r N i e m g l l e r . t r a n s . Lawrence W i l s o n , London, Odhams, 1 9 5 9 . S c h r e y , H e i n z H o r s t . D i e G e n e r a t i o n d e r E n t s c h e i d u n g . S t a a t  und K i r c h e i n Europa und im e u r o p a i s c h e n R u s s l a n d 1 9 1 8 -1 9 3 3 . Mttnchen, K a i s e r , 1 9 5 5 . V e r m e i l , Edmond. The German Scene, t r a n s . L . J . L u d o v i c o , London Ha r r a p , 1 9 5 6 . Ziemer, Gregor. E d u c a t i o n f o r Death. London, O x f o r d , 1 9 4 1 I n o r d e r t o s h o r t e n t h e B i b l i o g r a p h y , I have o m i t t e d from t h i s l i s t s e v e r a l books o f l e s s e r i n t e r e s t w h i c h a p p e a r , n e v e r t h e l e s s , i n t h e f o o t n o t e s . 181 P e r i o d i c a l s : There i s a w e a l t h o f contemporary p e r i o d i c a l m a t e r i a l on t h e chur c h problem; a l t h o u g h much o f i t l a c k s d o c u m e n t a t i o n , i t o f t e n sheds l i g h t on a s p e c t s o f t h e c o n f l i c t t h a t do not come out els e w h e r e . Below I have l i s t e d o n l y the most u s e f u l a r t i c l e s o f the ' t h i r t i e s and ' f o r t i e s . B e a r d , C h a r l e s A. " E d u c a t i o n under the N a z i s " . F o r e i g h A f f a i r s , v o l . 1 3 , June 1935, pp. 483-498 . B r i n t o n , Crane. "The N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t s ' Use o f N i e t z s c h e " . 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J a h r g a n g , H e f t 6, 1961, pp. 337-352. T h i s a r t i c l e , a s the t i t l e s u g g e s t s , i s fundamental t o t h e t h e s i s . 

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