UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Theory of the partial political system Galbraith, Gordon Stuart 1966

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1966_A8 G3.pdf [ 8.66MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0105316.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0105316-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0105316-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0105316-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0105316-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0105316-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0105316-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0105316-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0105316.ris

Full Text

THE  THEORY OF THE PARTIAL POLITICAL SYSTEM  by  GORDON STUART GALBRAITH B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE  REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  for  the Department o f Political  We accept required  THE  this  Science  t h e s i s as conforming  to the  standard  UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May,  1966  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s requirements Columbia, for  thesis  in p a r t i a l  f u l f i l m e n t of  f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of  I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y  r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y .  t e n s i v e c o p y i n g of t h i s  s h a l l make i t  freely  British available  I f u r t h e r agree that p e r m i s s i o n f o r  ex-  t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted  by the Head of my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . understood t h a t copying o r p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r cial  the  It  is finan-  g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n .  Department of  P  o  l  i  t  i  c  a  l  S  c  i  e  n  c  e  The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada  May 11,1966  N o n a r t i s t s always l o o k a t the present the s p e c t a c l e s o f the p r e c e d i n g age.  through  - M a r s h a l l McLuhan, L i f e , F e b r u a r y 25, 1966  When the Stranger s a y s : "What i s the meaning o f t h i s c i t y ? Do you huddle c l o s e together because you love each o t h e r ? " What w i l l you answer? "We a l l d w e l l together To make money from each o t h e r " o r " T h i s i s a. community"? -T.  S. E l i o t ,  The Rock, P a r t I  ABSTRACT  The problem o f p o l i t i c a l w i t h i n other p o l i t i c a l  systems w h o l l y or i n p a r t  contained  systems has not o f t e n been t r e a t e d i n the  l i t e r a t u r e of p o l i t i c a l  science.  When the matter has a r i s e n , i t i s  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y been handled by a " c l o s e d system" and collectivity"  model.  "sub-  That i s , the l a r g e r p o l i t y has o f t e n been  assumed to be composed of a number o f c l o s e d c o l l e c t i v i t i e s . model assumes t h a t c i t i z e n s w i l l  know more about, p a r t i c i p a t e more  v i g o r o u s l y i n , and f e e l more s t r o n g l y about, p o l i t i c a l are  This  systems  which  p h y s i c a l l y " c l o s e r " t o them. But, i n North America, B r i t a i n , and F r a n c e , c i t i z e n s v o t e at  a much lower l e v e l i n l o c a l e l e c t i o n s than i n n a t i o n a l Survey data from the Vancouver  elections.  a r e a i n d i c a t e t h a t secondary s c h o o l  s t u d e n t s , at l e a s t , know much l e s s about t h e i r community  political  systems than about r e g i o n a l , n a t i o n a l , and " s u p r a - n a t i o n a l " systems. Fragmentary these  d a t a from the U n i t e d S t a t e s and France tend to support  conclusions. The l o c a l  community p o l i t y has, however, some i n t e r e s t i n g  -infrastructural features. political  communications  informed about the l o c a l by p o l i t i c a l media,  stimuli  One  o f these i s t h a t i t s system o f  i s much inadequate to keeping i t s members system; i t s s t i m u l i are g r e a t l y outnumbered  t r a n s m i t t e d by " e x t r a - s y s t e m i c "  "over-arching"  and t h i s i s undoubtedly one o f the major reasons f o r a low  iii l e v e l of l o c a l p o l i t i c a l cognition.  Another feature i s that  c i t i z e n s involved i n l o c a l organizations and structures e x p l i c i t l y of the l o c a l system often show a greater interest activity;  in local p o l i t i c a l  these structures form the " r e s i d u a l s " or "skeleton" of  a shrunken p o l i t y .  A f i n a l feature,  suggested by some data and  much speculation, i s that the l o c a l system is a " l o w - a f f e c t " system. F i n a l l y a model i s constructed which i s believed to be a better representation of the observed r e a l i t y than the t r a d i t i o n a l models discussed i n an e a r l i e r chapter. " p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l system".  This model i s that of the  A p a r t i a l system i s defined as one which  does not contain within i t s e l f a l l the p o l i t i c a l life-experiences the member u n i t s .  of  The several propositions upon which this model  i s based have a number of ramifications for the structure  and process  of l o c a l p o l i t i c s . The theory of the p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l system has several implications for other branches of p o l i t i c a l science: politics; theory.  (2)  normative democratic theory;  (3)  (1)  comparative  international relations  iv TABLE OF CONTENTS  Part I  : The Problem : Systems W i t h i n  Systems  Chapter 1: I n t r o d u c t i o n  1  Chapter 2: Some T r a d i t i o n a l Models o f C o n c e n t r i c a l l y Arranged P o l i t i c a l Systems  12  Part I I : Some P o l i t i c a l  'Fault-Lines'  Chapter 3: D i f f e r e n t i a l L e v e l s o f V o t i n g P a r t i c i p a t i o n : L o c a l , Regional, National  24  Chapter 4 : • D i f f e r e n t i a l L e v e l s o f P o l i t i c a l C o g n i t i o n : L o c a l , Regional, National, I n t e r n a t i o n a l  43  P a r t I I I : Some I n f r a s t r u c t u r a l F e a t u r e s  o f the P o l i t i c a l  System  Chapter 5: The Role o f the Media  70  Chapter 6: O r g a n i z a t i o n s Apparatus"  88  Chapter 7: P o l i t i c a l  o f the System: The " P a r a p o l i t i c a l  A t t i t u d e s and P o l i t i c a l A f f e c t  110  Part IV : A Theory and I t s I m p l i c a t i o n s \J  Chapter 8: The Theory o f the P a r t i a l Chapter 9: F u r t h e r  Bibliography: Appendix  Implications  Literature Cited  Political  System.  . . . 128  o f the General Theory. . . . 156  176 187  LIST OF  TABLES  TABLE I.  PAGE Federal,  P r o v i n c i a l , and  City Elections i n  Vancouver II. III.  P r o v i n c i a l and  Municipal  E l e c t i o n s : Burnaby  V o t e r Turnout i n P r o v i n c i a l and New  IV.  26  Decline  Westminster, B.C.,  Civic Elections,  1940-1962  o f V o t e r Turnout from 1954  to 1955  27  28 General E l e c t i o n  C i t y E l e c t i o n (Based on  1954  General  Election Registration) V.  30  Knowledge o f the Reeve vs Knowledge o f the  Prime  Minister VI.  45  International, National,  P r o v i n c i a l and  o f Knowledge o f System E l i t e s  (New  Local  Indices  Westminster  data only) VII.  46  International, National,  P r o v i n c i a l and  of Knowledge o f System E l i t e s VIII.  Weighted I n t e r n a t i o n a l , N a t i o n a l , Local Indices (New  IX.  Local  Indices  (Burnaby d a t a o n l y ) P r o v i n c i a l and  o f Knowledge of the  System E l i t e s  Westminster o n l y )  Weighted I n t e r n a t i o n a l , N a t i o n a l , Local Indices (Burnaby o n l y )  47  48 P r o v i n c i a l and  o f Knowledge o f System E l i t e s 48  vi TABLE X.  PAGE International, National o f Knowledge New  and P r o v i n c i a l  Indices  o f System E l i t e s compared  Index o f L o c a l Knowledge:  of the Burnaby M u n i c i p a l  with  "Name the members  Council"  (Burnaby d a t a  only) XI.  Children's  50 "reasonably accurate"  Knowledge  o f the  Congress, the S t a t e L e g i s l a t u r e , and the Board o f Aldermen  (New Haven, C o n n e c t i c u t ) :  economic s t a t u s o n l y  Upper  (Lower SES d i f f e r s  socio-  i n no  important way) XII.  53  The L o c a l Index as a P r e d i c t o r o f Scores on the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Index (New Westminster d a t a o n l y ) .  XIII.  "Importance" r a n k i n g s of the U.S.  President,  .  56  the  Prime M i n i s t e r , the Premier, and the Reeve (Burnaby) XIV.  60  "Importance" r a n k i n g s o f the U.S.  President,  the  Prime M i n i s t e r , Premier and Mayor (New Westminster) 61 XV.  "Something d i f f e r e n t " about L o c a l  Government  (Combined Burnaby and New Westminster d a t a ) . XVI.  Open ended naming o f p o l i t i c a l  figures  data) XVII.  Political  . . .  62  (Combined  63 Communication  i n Rural  India  66  vii TABLE XVIII. XIX.  PAGE The P e r s o n a l Medium f o r P o l i t i c a l Communications.  . .  Community I n t e g r a t i o n and Readership o f the L o c a l Press  XX.  81  Per Cent D i s t r i b u t i o n o f P o l i t i c a l Involvement f o r Three Types o f S o c i a l P a r t i c i p a t o r s  XXI.  90  Per Cent V o t i n g and Per Cent Naming L o c a l Leaders By P a r t i c i p a t i o n a l Type  XXII.  91  P a r t i c i p a t i o n a l Type and V o t i n g i n M u n i c i p a l E l e c t i o n s when Age,  Sex and E d u c a t i o n are  Controlled XXIII.  92  "When you f i n i s h your e d u c a t i o n , where do you you would  XXIV.  78  "Who  like  to l i v e ? " .  think  .  i s the most important person i n t h i s a r e a ? " . . .  116 118  viii LIST OF FIGURES  FIGURE 1.  PAGE V o t e r Turnout i n P r o v i n c i a l and M u n i c i p a l  Elections,  Burnaby, B.C., 1941-1963 2.  V o t e r Turnout i n P r o v i n c i a l and C i v i c  37 a Elections,  New Westminster, B.C., 1940-1962 3.  37 b  Cumulative D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Scores on Four C o g n i t i o n Indices  (Burnaby data)  51 a  4.  Media and t h e i r Concerns  76  5.  S i z e and I s s u e - O v e r l a p as a F u n c t i o n o f P a r t i a l i t y . .  136  6.  Schematic R e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f the " F i l t e r i n g " Role of "Residual" Structures  7.  Locating P o l i t i c a l  Systems i n Two-Dimensional  142 Space..  147  PART I : THE PROBLEM : SYSTEMS WITHIN SYSTEMS  CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION  G e n e r a l i z a t i o n and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e the e s s e n t i a l s o f the s c i e n t i f i c method.  F o r , i t i s o n l y by o b s e r v i n g and o r d e r i n g ,  p e r c e i v i n g and g e n e r a l i z i n g , t h a t Man can d e r i v e meaningful  beliefs  about the confused u n i v e r s e around him. I f these statements a r e i n some sense t r u e , then i t would n o t be e n t i r e l y amiss to b e l i e v e t h a t the p u r s u i t o f a " u n i v e r s a l s c i e n c e of p o l i t i c s " ,  i f not i n f a c t c h i m e r i c a l , i s fundamentally a problem  o f comparative p o l i t i c s .  Only by comparing  one p o l i t i c a l  act with  another can we a b s t r a c t a g e n e r a l i z a t i o n and make a meaningful about the p o l i t i c a l u n i v e r s e .  A t the macro-, o r s y s t e m i c , l e v e l , we  can o b t a i n t r u e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s o n l y by comparing another.  Political  intuitively realized Yet comparative Until  scientists  statement  one system w i t h  s i n c e the time o f A r i s t o t l e have  t h i s , and have used the comparative method. p o l i t i c s has been slow t o develop as a s c i e n c e .  the n i n e t e e n - f i f t i e s i t was l i t t l e more than a study o f ' f o r e i g n  governments'.  R e c e n t l y , 'non-western'  a vogue w i t h s t u d e n t s o f comparative  political  p o l i t i c s , and broad  a p p l i c a b l e t o b o t h w e s t e r n and non-western appear i n the l i t e r a t u r e . ^  systems have had theories  p o l i t i e s have begun t o  The study o f the p o l i t i c s o f t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m  and the Communist s t a t e s has o n l y j u s t begun t o e n t e r these schemas.^ But, s t u d e n t s o f comparative  p o l i t i c s have not y e t been a b l e t o c o n s t r u c t  a s e t o f t h e o r e t i c a l statements systems,  that apply to a l l e x i s t i n g  to say n o t h i n g o f a l l p o s s i b l e p o l i t i c a l  1  systems.  political  2  Moreover,  comparative p o l i t i c s has proceeded from the  assumption t h a t p o l i t i e s are i n f a c t d i f f e r e n t i a t e d so  t h a t a member-unit o f one system may  member o f another system. discrete,  its  not be s i m u l t a n e o u s l y a  I t has, i n s h o r t , assumed a u n i v e r s e o f  d i s c o n t i n u o u s p o l i t i c a l systems.  from, and comparable  t o , P o l i t y B.  systemic a t t r i b u t e s , Behind a l l t h i s may  from another  Polity A is different  Country A i s e q u i v a l e n t , i n  to Country B. l i e y e t another dogma, u n c h a l l e n g e d ^ b u t  assumed, t h a t where t h e r e are g o a l - a t t a i n m e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s , p r a c t i s e s or customs,  there i s a complete p o l i t i c a l system.  Country A has g o a l - a t t a i n m e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s ;  so does Country B;  thus, each has a s e p a r a t e and d i s t i n c t p o l i t i c a l system.  We  may  w e l l have accepted u n q u e s t i o n i n g l y a k i n d o f crude " i n s t i t u t i o n a l determinism" about our c h o i c e o f the u n i t legitimately  of study.  But'can we -  i n f e r the e x i s t e n c e o f a complete p o l i t i c a l system on  i n s t i t u t i o n a l grounds a l o n e ? I b e l i e v e t h a t t h i s q u e s t i o n has seldom b e f o r e been  raised  i n P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e because we have f a i l e d to a d e q u a t e l y study, a d e q u a t e l y r e s e a r c h , or a d e q u a t e l y t h i n k about, p o l i t i c a l systems which have o v e r l a p p i n g membership.  By t h i s phrase, I mean a.  situation  i n which the same a c t o r p l a y s r o l e s  political  system.  of  We have i n s t e a d been t r a n s f i x e d  a " c l o s e d " p o l i t i c a l system.  consisting  i n more than one by the n o t i o n  We have looked at a p o l i t y  o f ABCDEF, and assumed i t to be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d  from a  3 p o l i t y made up o f GHIJKL.  We have seldom, i f ever,  contemplated  the p o s s i b l e e x i s t e n c e o f ABCD and CDEF, and, by doing so, we have allowed political  the " c l o s e d " model t o take over our o b s e r v a t i o n s o f  systems.  I t i s my hope t h a t t h i s essay w i l l be a s m a l l  c o n t r i b u t i o n towards the reopening  o f t h i s important  question.  A l t e r n a t i v e s t o the " C l o s e d " Model  But  i f not the " c l o s e d " model, t h e n w h a t ?  E s s e n t i a l l y , we  may p o s i t the e x i s t e n c e o f two k i n d s o f o v e r l a p p i n g systems, two " o v e r l a p p i n g " models. previous  The f i r s t  i s o f the type  paragraph: ABCD v s . CDEF.  illustrated  I t i s a. model which l o o k s f o r  member-units which f u n c t i o n i n two seemingly " d i f f e r e n t " systems.  i n the  political  I t s c h i e f importance i s i n the study o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e -  l a t i o n s , a. s u b - d i s c i p l i n e which l e a n s h e a v i l y on the " c l o s e d " model, i n the form o f " b i l l i a r d - b a l l " ,  a t o m i s t i c t h e o r i e s o f world  Because t h i s o v e r l a p p i n g model has been so l i t t l e  politics.  s t u d i e d , we are  unable t o o f f e r any meaningful g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s r e l e v a n t t o the study o f r e l a t i o n s between the U n i t e d S t a t e s and the U.S.S.R. on the one hand, and the U n i t e d S t a t e s and Canada on the o t h e r .  I  s h a l l t u r n t o t h i s q u e s t i o n o n l y i n the l a t t e r p a r t o f the study. The  second type o f o v e r l a p p i n g systemic  w i t h a " c o n c e n t r i c " model: ABC and BC.  s e t may be d e s c r i b e d  The q u e s t i o n we ask here  i s : can we o f f e r g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s t h a t apply t o the p o l i t y of BC and e q u a l l y t o the p o l i t y formed o f A, B, and C? sense, i f any, are they comparable?  formed  I n what  T h i s i s the q u e s t i o n w i t h which  4 t h i s study i s c h i e f l y  concerned.  While t h i s matter has the l i t e r a t u r e of P o l i t i c a l  not been s y s t e m a t i c a l l y e x p l o r e d i n Science,  cognate d i s c i p l i n e o f S o c i o l o g y .  i t has been examined i n the  T a l c o t t Parsons,  n o t i o n o f the " s e l f - s u b s i s t i n g s o c i a l  d i s c u s s i n g th  system", p o i n t s out  A s o c i a l system of t h i s type, which meets a l l the e s s e n t i a l f u n c t i o n a l p r e r e q u i s i t e s of long term p e r s i s t e n c e from w i t h i n i t s own r e s o u r c e s , w i l l be c a l l e d a s o c i e t y Any other s o c i a l system w i l l be c a l l e d a. " p a r t i a l " s o c i a l system . . . . I t goes almost without s a y i n g t h a t i t i s always o f the g r e a t e s t importance to s p e c i f y what the system i s which i s b e i n g used as the o b j e c t f o r a s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s , whether or not i t i s a, s o c i e t y , and i f riot, j u s t how t h i s p a r t i c u l a r p a r t i a l s o c i a l system i s l o c a t e d i n the s o c i e t y of which i t i s a part.3 L a t e r , he notes  that  ...an a c t o r may be a member o f as many c o l l e c t i v i t i e s as he has r o l e s - t h e r e i s no i n h e r e n t l i m i t a t i o n to t h a t number. With r e g a r d to personnel of c o l l e c t i v i t i e s i t f o l l o w s t h a t w h i l e some may be completely separate w i t h no overla.p, o t h e r s o v e r l a p , w i t h some members i n common, o t h e r s not, w h i l e s t i l l others are r e l a t e d as more or l e s s i n c l u s i v e c o l l e c t i v i t i e s . Thus i n t h i s country, r e s i d e n t s o f a town or c i t y are a l s o r e s i d e n t s o f a s t a t e , and i n t u r n a l s o of the U n i t e d S t a t e s ; they thus have the r o l e of " c i t i z e n " i n each o f these three l e v e l s of governmental o r g a n i z a t i o n , t h a t i s , are members o f a l l three c o l l e c t i v i t i e s . ^ Parsons has power and  a l s o e x p l i c i t l y r e l a t e d t h i s matter to the problem o  p o l i t i c s within societies.~*  But what, i n an o p e r a t i o n a l sense, to study  t h i s problem?  model, one  obvious  can we  examine i n o r d e r  I n the case of the f i r s t  s i t u a t i o n presents  "overlapping"  i t s e l f : t h a t which o b t a i n s  5  between the U n i t e d S t a t e s  and Canada.  between these two  i s much more than can be r e p r e s e n t e d  systems  The r e a l i t y o f the r e l a t i o n s  by a simple c l o s e d model o f the p o l i t i c a l  system.  A l t h o u g h such  a study i s beyond the elementary scope of t h i s essay, I s h a l l to i t s t h e o r e t i c a l importance  i n a later  allude  section.  An example o f the second or c o n c e n t r i c model i s , however, more r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e f o r c l o s e s c r u t i n y . and i n North America institutional  I n the developed w o r l d ,  i n p a r t i c u l a r , the p r a c t i s e o f c r e a t i n g  l e v e l s o f government has p r o v i d e d us w i t h many examples  o f the c o n c e n t r i c model i n h i g h l y complex form. pointed  several  out, the c i t i z e n , because  As Parsons  o f the p r a c t i s e s o f  has  federalism  and " l o c a l autonomy", i s s i m u l t a n e o u s l y a c i t i z e n o f t h r e e or more legal polities.  The  He  Search f o r a  i s an a c t o r , then, i n s e v e r a l p o l i t i c a l  systems.  "Hinge"  I n the n i n e t e e n - f i f t i e s , Robert R e d f i e l d took h i s f e l l o w anthropologists  t o t a s t f o r what he b e l i e v e d t o be t h e i r shallow  treatment o f many p r i m i t i v e and peasant s o c i e t i e s and I n essence, he observed t h a t they o f t e n committed believing  t h a t peasant communities  cultures.6  the e r r o r o f  i n , say, I n d i a or Yucatan,  c o n s t i t u t e d c u l t u r a l wholes i n the same sense as d i d the p r i m i t i v e i s l a n d e r s o f the P a c i f i c or the l e g e n d a r y Eskimo t r i b e who,  i t is  said,  until  the  thought themselves  t o be the o n l y people i n the w o r l d  a r r i v a l o f white e x p l o r e r s .  socio-cultural  systems  c o n s t i t u t e d only  Redfield, believed  that  peasant  c o u l d not be understood by themselves;  "part-societies".  There was  they  constant i n t e r p l a y  6  between the  "little  t r a d i t i o n s " o f the v i l l a g e  t r a d i t i o n " of the c i v i l i z a t i o n R e d f i e l d s t r e s s e d the the  schoolteacher,  "hinge".  entirely  "little  "hinge" -  community" to  the headman, p r i e s t  or  often  the  been educated i n the d i s t r i c t  town,  the c e n t r a l government.  i n c o r r e c t to accuse the ignored  or no r e f e r e n c e  In the U n i t e d  the  Political  importance o f  States,  the  system  to a c t i v i t y at lower l e v e l s " s t a t e and  local  government"  n o r m a l l y t r e a t e d as an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t s u b - d i s c i p l i n e from  "American government". t h a t r e g i o n a l and reference  be  to the  found by  V a s t l y more important, however, i s the  local polities  fact  are o f t e n examined w i t h l i t t l e  or  l a r g e r s o c i e t y -.they are t r e a t e d as though they  c o u l d be understood by may  societal  A l l too o f t e n , the n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l  treated with l i t t l e  o f government.  no  had  f r a t e r n i t y of having equally  political  is  who  appointed by  I t would not be Science  "great  I n m o d e r n i z i n g s o c i e t i e s , i t was  the man  or an a d m i n i s t r a t o r  is  importance o f the  Sometimes i t was  itinerant balladeer.  the  of which they formed a p a r t .  s t r u c t u r a l f e a t u r e which connected the  the o u t s i d e w o r l d . ^  and  themselves a l o n e .  examining any  o f the  Proof of t h i s  statement  contemporary "community power"  studies.  Even Robert Dahl's b r i l l i a n t Who  marred by  insufficient  Governs? i s , I  think,  a t t e n t i o n to boundary exchanges w i t h  the  Q larger society. I do not  The  vital  " h i n g e s " are, i n s h o r t ,  ignored.  deny t h a t a study of the community alone  i n f a c t , g i v e us many i n s i g h t s , not political  system, but  general.  Nor  only  f o r the o p e r a t i o n  can,  f o r the o p e r a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l  of  that  systems i n  do I deny t h a t students o f "community power" f o r g e t  7  about  the e n v e l o p i n g s o c i e t y e n t i r e l y ;  argued to  i t c o u l d be  t h a t these authors assume i m p l i c i t l y  these f a c t o r s .  and moderately  But what I am  plausibly  the r e a d e r ' s a t t e n t i o n  saying i s that a f a i r l y  rigorous understanding of l o c a l  complete  p o l i t i c s demands  more through study o f the ways i n which that l o c a l  system i s  a f f e c t e d i n i t s f u n c t i o n i n g by the presence o f a l a r g e r  society.  I b e l i e v e , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t a study o f what I have here called  the c o n c e n t r i c model can have a double p a y o f f .  can h e l p us to understand  comparative  b r i n g i n g i t t o our a t t e n t i o n t h a t we the p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f f r u i t f u l  on a new  our v e r y noses.  politics a little  better  by  have not begun to exhaust  comparisons  "Western" and "non-Western" p o l i t i e s ; by comparing  First, i t  by merely  l o o k i n g at  t h e r e i s much to be l e a r n e d  plane the myriads  of p o l i t i c a l  systems under  More s p e c i f i c a l l y , I b e l i e v e t h a t a, study of the  c o n c e n t r i c model can g r e a t l y a s s i s t us to understand more t h o r o u g h l y the c o m p l e x i t i e s o f s u b - n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s . r a t h e r than the l a t t e r ,  i s my  The  former q u e s t i o n ,  c h i e f t h e o r e t i c a l concern,  as i t r e l a t e s to the study o f w o r l d  especially  politics.  O r g a n i z a t i o n o f the E s s a y , Some D e f i n i t i o n s , and An A p o l o g i a  The o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h i s essay i s perhaps I  have chosen  the inadequacy  a' l i t t l e  unorthodox.  to p r e s e n t the f a c t s , the observed phenomena, and o f the t r a d i t i o n a l models b e f o r e c o n s t r u c t i n g  an  e x p l a n a t o r y model which I b e l i e v e t o be a b e t t e r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f reality.  The essay thus takes the form o f s e v e r a l r a t h e r  brief  8  chapters  on some i n t e r e s t i n g aspects  f o l l o w e d by ,a ' l e n g t h i e r one of the p a r t i a l  political  of the c o n c e n t r i c model,  on the e x p l a n a t o r y  model, the  "theory  system" - a term shamelessly borrowed  from T a l c o t t Parsons' " p a r t i a l  s o c i a l system".  A l l of t h i s  tends  to g i v e the e a r l y p a r t s o f the work something o f a hide-and-seek q u a l i t y ; I present  some phenomen'^), pose some r h e t o r i c a l  and beg  to w a i t  ous  the reader  explanation.  until  I apologize  b e l i e v e t h a t the g e n e r a l phenomena are presented A word should be  the l o o s e ends t i e d up  I  later.  s a i d about the b a s i c framework through which life.  thought to be  system or p o l i t y . 9  political  The  o b j e c t of a n a l y s i s i s  I s h a l l d e f i n e a, p o l i t y as a g o a l - a t t a i n m e n t s o c i a l system or c o l l e c t i v i t y . are thought to be  q u i r k , but  can be b e t t e r developed i f the  t h i s w r i t e r views p o l i t i c a l the  f o r a more r i g o r -  for this s t y l i s t i c  theory first,  l a t e r chapters  questions,  political  The  Following  subsystem of  b a s i c units of t h i s  roles. Later, I shall  Parsons, any  system  f i n d i t convenient  to d i f f e r e n t i a t e these i n t o r o l e s which d e r i v e from  behavioural  r e l a t i o n s h i p s , r o l e s which d e r i v e from p e r c e p t u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and  r o l e s which d e r i v e from a f f e c t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s . I have f r e q u e n t l y a l l u d e d to my  should  perhaps be more circumspect  p o l i t i c s a r e , i n most r e s p e c t s badly  documented i n any  electoral statistics had  to be  " f a c t s " and  "phenomena".  i n these r e f e r e n c e s .  presented  Local  of i n t e r e s t to t h i s study,  rigorous, quantitative fashion. i n Chapter 3 ,  labouriously extracted,  f i g u r e by  I  very The  f o r i n s t a n c e , have f i g u r e , and  year  by  9  y e a r , from m u n i c i p a l a r c h i v e s .  What i s even more d i s t r e s s i n g i s  t h a t survey d a t a on m u l t i p l e s y s t e m i c p e r c e p t i o n s are almost non-existent.  (Chapter 4)  My own v e r y l i m i t e d d a t a  perhaps the f i r s t  represent  (and p o s s i b l y the l a s t ) q u i t e o f t h e i r k i n d .  T h e i r l i m i t a t i o n s are e n t i r e l y obvious  and I s h a l l not b e l a b o u r  the reader by p o i n t i n g them o u t . I n any case, there are few "new" study.  Most axe, i n f a c t ,  f a c t s presented i n t h i s  so commonplace  that I confess  assment at p r e s e n t i n g them i n the e l a b o r a t e f a s h i o n I do. new, however, i s the n o v e l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n I have put upon  embarrWhat i s these  f a c t s , a t h e o r y which I b e l i e v e to be the b e s t e x p l a n a t i o n o f the observed  phenomena, o f l o c a l  politics.  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , f a c t s o f t e n , i f not always, c o n t a i n a l a r g e s u b j e c t i v e element.  F r e q u e n t l y the most important  aspect o f any  a n a l y s i s i s the f a c t s t h a t are-not p r e s e n t e d , and the s u b t l e s u b j e c t i v e l i g h t s t h a t are thrown upon those t h a t are g i v e n .  I  f r e e l y c o n f e s s t h a t my c h i e f t h e o r e t i c a l n o t i o n s were w e l l formed l o n g b e f o r e I began to i n v e s t i g a t e the q u e s t i o n i n any r i g o r o u s way. I have, however, been f o r c e d to modify t h a t theory c o n s i d e r a b l y i n the l i g h t o f i n c o n s i s t e n t  facts.  I have c o m p l e t e l y  f o r i n s t a n c e , one major o p e r a t i o n a l concept examination  of the survey data..  during preliminary  But beyond the f a i t h t h a t the  r e a d e r must bestow on the i n t e l l e c t u a l I can o f f e r no f u r t h e r  abandoned,  guarantees.  i n t e g r i t y of. any r e s e a r c h e r ,  10  F o o t n o t e s to Chapter  1; I n t r o d u c t i o n  1  See George K a h i n , Guy Pauker and L u c i a n Pye, "Comparative P o l i t i c s i n Non-Western C o u n t r i e s " American P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e Review, 49 (1955), pp. 1022-1041; a l s o Dankwart Rustow, "New H o r i z o n s i n Comparative P o l i t i c s " World P o l i t i c s , 9 (1957) 530-49.  2  See Samuel P. H u n t i n g t o n and Zbigniew B r z e z i n s k i , P o l i t i c a l Power: USA/USSR, New York, V i k i n g , 1964.  3  T a l c o t t Parsons, The S o c i a l System, The F r e e P r e s s , (Paperback Edition;}1964), p. 1(9,).  4  I b i d . , p.  5  I b i d . , p. 162; a l s o T a l c o t t Parsons, " ' V o t i n g ' and the E q u i l i b r i u m o f the American P o l i t i c a l System", i n Eugene B u r d i c k and A r t h u r J . Brodbeck, American V o t i n g B e h a v i o r , Glencoe, The F r e e P r e s s , 1959, pp. 80-120, p. 87.  6  Robert R e d f i e l d , Peasant S o c i e t y and C u l t u r e , Chicago, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1956, e s p e c i a l l y pp. 35-66.  7  I b i d . , pp. 43-44.  8  Robert A. Dahl, Who Governs?, New Haven, Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1961. Dahl i s as c a u t i o u s as he i s b r i l l i a n t : " . . . i t might be s a i d t h a t the p o l i t i c a l system o f New Haven i s s c a r c e l y autonomous enough to f u r n i s h us w i t h adequate e x p l a n a t i o n s o f i t s own s t a b i l i t y , f o r s t a b i l i t y may depend much l e s s on the b e l i e f s o f c i t i z e n s l o c a l l y than on s t a t e and n a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . There i s much t r u t h i n t h i s o b j e c t i o n , but i t does not a l t o g e t h e r e x p l a i n why some American towns, c i t i e s , and c o u n t i e s have at v a r i o u s times moved a good d e a l f a r t h e r from democratic norms than New Haven has." p. 313. T h i s i s the o n l y mention of the " h i n g e " q u e s t i o n t h a t I can f i n d in,Who Governs? And, f o r h i s purposes, to d i s c o v e r the bases o f democratic s t a b i l i t y i n New Haven, he i s probably c o r r e c t to d i s m i s s the whole m a t t e r . However, I b e l i e v e t h a t much o f the p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y o f New Haven, as presented by Dahl, can be b e t t e r understood by r e f e r e n c e to the changing p a t t e r n s o f r e l a t i o n s between the i n h a b i t a n t s o f New Haven and the l a r g e r s o c i e t y .  9  I n so doing, I am assuming a s o r t o f crude e q u i v a l e n c e between the P a r s o n i a n " p o l i t y " (see Parsons, " ' V o t i n g and the E q u i l i b r i u m ...") and the Ea.stonian "system" (See David E a s t o n , ;A Systems A n a l y s i s o f P o l i t i c a l L i f e , New York, W i l e y , 1965). On so doing,  1951  98.  11  I am f o l l o w i n g the p r a c t i s e o f W i l l i a m C. M i t c h e l l i n h i s The American P o l i t y , Glencoe, The F r e e P r e s s , 1962.  CHAPTER 2 : SOME TRADITIONAL MODELS OF CONCENTRICALLYARRANGED POLITICAL SYSTEMS'. I n the l a s t  chapter,  the problem o f systems-within-systems  was r a i s e d , and i t was proposed t h a t the s t r u c t u r e o f l o c a l , r e g i o n a l , and n a t i o n a l l e v e l s o f governments p r o v i d e d  a. number o f  examples w i t h which hypotheses about the i n t e r n a l f u n c t i o n i n g o f these systems might be t e s t e d . gone u n n o t i c e d  T h i s phenomenon has n o t , o f c o u r s e ,  i n e i t h e r academic o r f o l k l o r i c  political  science.  L e t us now examine some o f the t r a d i t i o n a l models by which t h i s problem has been h a n d l e d .  The " R e p r e s e n t a t i v e  Democracy" Model  One model which c l o s e l y r e l a t e s to the present that of "representative  democracy".  theory v a r y w i d e l y , i t s exact w r i t e r and the h i s t o r i c a l  The s p e c i f i c p o i n t s o f t h i s  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t e n depending on the  context.  However, i t s b a s i c  are r e d u c i b l e t o two: (1) t h a t the c i t i z e n r y t h e i r n a t u r a l s o c i a l groupings s h a l l "represent"  common p o l i t i c a l  should  should  choose from amo  l e v e l s o f government;  meet t o g e t h e r ,  ( 2 ) that  d i s c u s s , and come to  decisions.  What i s not o f t e n d i s c u s s e d b e h i n d t h i s model.  are the assumptions which l i e  Foremost among these i s the i d e a t h a t the  whole s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l system ( t h a t i s , the " h i g h e r " composed  propositions  ( u s u a l l y t e r r i t o r i a l ) someone who  them a t " h i g h e r "  these r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  question i s  level;) i s  of s e v e r a l more o r l e s s s o l i d a r y c o l l e c t i v i t i e s .  assumption comes c l o s e to s a y i n g  This  t h a t the u n i t s o f the t o t a l  12  socio-  13  political  system are  the  towns, c i t i e s , boroughs, and  s t i t u e n c i e s which choose r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  Further,  con-  i t i s thought  t h a t the c i t i z e n r y s h a l l be more competent to s e l e c t persons at t h i s " l e v e l " - h a v i n g g r e a t e r p o l i c y stands, p e r s o n a l i t i e s , and to r e c o g n i z e  so on.-  candidates'  I t i s of some importance  t h a t t h i s p o i n t f u r t h e r assumes t h a t media systems  essentially local  i n s t r u c t u r e , o r , i n the age  t h a t more " p e r s o n a l " dominant.  f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h the  forms of p o l i t i c a l  So much i s t h i s  are  o f mass media,  communications are  the case t h a t John S t u a r t  pre-  Mill,  p r o b a b l y the d e f i n i t i v e pre-modern t h i n k e r on democratic government, seldom g r a p p l e s  w i t h the  not making these i m p l i c i t  problems t h a t would be  i n t e r n a t i o n a l system.  t h i s arena, the t h e i r own  to make p o l i t i c a l collectivities, national leaders But model has  Few  would d i s p u t e  several nation-states  number, t h a t the choices  and  the  today i n  fact that, i n  choose l e a d e r s  from among  c i t i z e n r i e s are probably more competent within rather  than w i t h o u t t h e i r  that n a t i o n a l leaders  on b e h a l f  by  assumptions.^  T h i s model p r o b a b l y a t t a i n s i t s maximum v a l i d i t y the  raised  of t h e i r  w i t h i n the n a t i o n - s t a t e  negotiate  with  national  other  constituents.*  i t s e l f one  i n d i c a t i o n that  not been an e n t i r e l y s a t i s f a c t o r y r e n d i t i o n of  this  reality  * While making t h i s p o i n t , I want to s t r e s s t h a t t h i s p a t t e r n may not always o b t a i n i n the modern w o r l d . C o n d i t i o n s under which i t i s not a v a l i d model of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l system w i l l be considered i n a l a t e r chapter.  14  i s suggested by the ancient controversy over the "instructed" versus the "uninstructed" delegate,  (the former being called 2  sometimes simply the "delegate theory of representation".) This, of course, was the subject of Edmund Burke's celebrated statement to the voters of B r i s t o l , i n which he asserted that he  3 was not merely their ambassador to the central government.  This  controversy, by no means dead i n the present era,^ r e f l e c t s a basic ambiguity about the nature of the double s o c i a l system i n which the representative operates: which i s the " r e a l " society to which he i s obligated?  Is i t l o c a l or national i n scope? I t  i s probably s i g n i f i c a n t that this question has seldom been raised i n connection with the international system.  We c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y  assume that the representatives from one nation to another are normally  "instructed . . The consequences of a national chief 1  1  executive or international representative announcing to his constituents that he recognized a. higher interest than the national one are not d i f f i c u l t to imagine or comprehend. We know, however, that the assumptions of the "representative model" are seldom, i n the developed countries at least, v a l i d ones. 5 6 7 In America, B r i t a i n , and Canada, to c i t e some concrete examples, the holders of l o c a l representative o f f i c e are much less v i s i b l e , even to their own constituents, than are p o l i t i c a l leaders at the national l e v e l .  We know that, i n the United States, purely  Congressional elections e l i c i t much less attention than those i n which the Presidency i s at stake.  And we can feel safe i n asserting  15 that,  i n most developed c o u n t r i e s ,  vote f o r a s i n g l e representative rather  than l o c a l  the c h i e f determinants o f the  are n o r m a l l y framed i n n a t i o n a l  terms.^  There i s , o f course, a sense in"which the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e model i s a normative theory r a t h e r the  than a model o f r e a l i t y .  same time, i t should be remembered t h a t  must have r o o t s shall  i n phenomenal r e a l i t y .  investigate  representative  even a. normative model  I n l a t e r c h a p t e r s we  the r e a l i t y o f the assumptions t h a t u n d e r l i e the  model, c o n s i d e r e d e i t h e r as a normative theory or  a r e a l i s t i c model o f the p o l i t i c a l  Integration,  At  world.  Goal-Attainment, and Bureaucracy  One i n t e r e s t i n g s i d e l i g h t on t h i s problem i s shed by the historical  and comparative study o f p u b l i c b u r e a u c r a c i e s .  F. H o s e l i t z , u s i n g  an e x p l i c i t l y  a n a l y s i s , has p o i n t e d  out t h a t  Bert  P a r s o n i a n framework o f f u n c t i o n a l  p u b l i c b u r e a u c r a c i e s i n Western  Europe underwent a s t r u c t u r a l metamorphosis when they s h i f t e d from performing an e s s e n t i a l l y i n t e g r a t i v e s o c i e t a l f u n c t i o n t o u n d e r t a k i n g a more e x p l i c i t l y g o a l - a t t a i n m e n t r o l e . ^ I n the e a r l i e r period  the l a r g e r s o c i e t y was g r a p p l i n g  w i t h the problem  o f i n t e g r a t i n g i t s e l f - o f d i s s o l v i n g i t s component regional,  feudal,  and e t h n i c ,  and s t r u g g l i n g  collectivities,  to b u i l d a n a t i o n -  state.  Thus, when the i n t e g r a t i v e f u n c t i o n was paramount, c o r r -  uption,  v e n a l i t y , nepotism and s i m i l a r " n o n - r a t i o n a l "  practises  were t o l e r a t e d because they were congruent w i t h the i n t e g r a t i v e  function.  But when the West European s o c i e t i e s overcame  t h e i r i n t e g r a t i v e problems, p u b l i c b u r e a u c r a c i e s became o c c u p i e d w i t h s o c i e t a l g o a l s and changed t h e i r correspond  i n t e r n a l p r a c t i s e s to  w i t h Weberian t r a i t s o f " e f f i c i e n c y " and " r a t i o n a l i t y " .  T h i s i s c e r t a i n l y the case i n America a l s o . ^  And o t h e r w r i t e r s  have i n d i c a t e d , i n the d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s i n g e n e r a l ,  12  and i n  13 India i n p a r t i c u l a r ,  public bureaucracies  integrative function.  F r e d Riggs, w h i l e u s i n g an e n t i r e l y  conceptual labelled  s t r i v e t o perform an different  framework, has argued t h a t these c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  " i n t e g r a t i v e " ) are an important  (here  b a r r i e r to r e a l i z i n g  v a l u e s o f e f f i c i e n c y and r a t i o n a l i t y i n these c o u n t r i e s . - ^ These p o i n t s suggest times  t h a t p u b l i c b u r e a u c r a c i e s have a t  performed r e p r e s e n t a t i v e r o l e s - i n eras when the l a r g e r  s o c i e t y to which the b u r e a u c r a c i e s were, or a r e , a t t a c h e d , was composed c h i e f l y o f a number o f e x c l u s i v e c o l l e c t i v i t i e s .  When  these e x c l u s i v e c o l l e c t i v i t i e s melded i n t o a. l a r g e r system, the need f o r p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c r e c r u i t m e n t  ( i . e . representation) declined,  and u n i v e r s a l i s t i c norms became paramount.-^ The r e l a t i v e l y t r a n s i t i o n from one s t y l e o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t o another r e l a t e d t o the f a c t  may w e l l be  t h a t no e l a b o r a t e , i d e o l o g y o f r e p r e s e n t a t i o n ,  i n p u b l i c b u r e a u c r a c i e s developed particularistic  easy  system.  t o j u s t i f y and f o s s i l i z e the  But i f the need f o r i n t e g r a t i o n  r e p r e s e n t a t i o n has d i s a p p e a r e d  through  i n the b u r e a u c r a t i c s t r u c t u r e , can  we l e g i t i m a t e l y t h i n k t h a t o t h e r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s have not been s u b j e c t to the same broad  forces?  17  " L e v e l s of Government" and P o l i t i c a l  The  Folklore  second model (or perhaps j u s t the f i r s t  a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t way) ment h y p o t h e s i s " .  looked at i n  might be c a l l e d the " l e v e l s o f  govern-  T h i s model f o l l o w s from the p r a c t i s e of d i v i d i n g  powers between l e v e l s of government and p o s i t s t h a t each  citizen  w i l l be s u b j e c t to the a p p r o p r i a t e a u t h o r i t i e s f o r each f u n c t i o n of government. " l o c a l people  Often embedded i n t h i s n o t i o n i s the i d e a t h a t should take care o f l o c a l m a t t e r s " w h i l e h i g h e r  of government should c o n f i n e themselves significance.  levels  to p o l i c i e s of wider  Thus, M i l l wrote a c e n t u r y  ago  I t i s but a. s m a l l p o r t i o n of the p u b l i c b u s i n e s s of a country t h a t can be w e l l done or s a f e l y attempted by the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t i e s ; and even i n our own government, the l e a s t c e n t r a l i z e d i n Europe, the l e g i s l a t i v e p o r t i o n at l e a s t o f our governing body b u s i e s i t s e l f f a r too much w i t h l o c a l a.ffairs . ^ T h i s i d e a has  s u r v i v e d to the present day i n popular f o l k l o r e .  The  f o l l o w i n g excerpt,^ i s taken, not s u r p r i s i n g l y , from the w r i t i n g s o f B a r r y Goldwater: Not o n l y does i t J^the C o n s t i t u t i o n } prevent the accumulation o f power i n a c e n t r a l government t h a t i s remote from the people and r e l a t i v e l y immune from popular r e s t r a i n t s ; i t a l s o r e c o g n i z e s the p r i n c i p l e t h a t e s s e n t i a l l y l o c a l problems are b e s t d e a l t w i t h by the people most d i r e c t l y concerned. But more s o p h i s t i c a t e d o b s e r v e r s have l o n g s i n c e r e c o g n i z e d t h a t most problems are not l o c a l i n scope and have r e c o n c i l e d thems e l v e s to the f a c t t h a t l o c a l governments w i l l continue to have o n l y a minor share of a l l governmental powers. a t t r i b u t e widespread  political  These commentators would  i n d i f f e r e n c e to l o c a l governments -  18  a phenomenon which w i l l be  one  o f the  c e n t r a l concerns of t h i s  study - l a r g e l y to the r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l government on the c i t i z e n ,  impact of the  municipal  i t b e i n g assumed t h a t p o l i t i c a l  mation, i n t e r e s t , and  p a r t i c i p a t i o n "go  Still,  a p l a u s i b l e argument t h a t m u n i c i p a l  i t seems to me  t i e s d e a l w i t h those p o l i t i c a l and  where the  power i s " . authori-  problems which, i n some p h y s i c a l  immediate sense, r e l a t e most i n t i m a t e l y to the c i t i z e n : water,  light,  power, parks, and  traffic.  In the  o b s e r v e r s might a t t r i b u t e p o l i t i c a l l o c a l government f u n c t i o n s ; i n h e r e n t l y d u l l and t a u t o l o g i c a l and  same v e i n ,  these, i t might be  trivial.  claimed,  T h i s argument seems to me  s i m p l i s t i c i n i t s causal  Rather, i t i s the meanings which we important. what are  Such an e x p l a n a t i o n  the  or  answer the  the  important. are  question  -  political  about the  "representative  " l e v e l s of government" h y p o t h e s i s i s t h a t they  highly- f o l k l o r i c . as such, are  academic w o r l d .  There  merely begs i t .  s u r e l y the most important p o i n t  model" and  both  read i n t o them t h a t  does not  are  interpretation.  consequences o f c o n c e n t r i c a l l y - a r r a n g e d  systems? - but But  other  i n d i f f e r e n c e to the nature of  i s n o t h i n g i n h e r e n t l y d u l l or i n t e r e s t i n g , t r i v i a l  and,  infor-  That i s , they are elements o f p o l i t i c a l perpetuated by Thus, one  the  t e a c h i n g s of the  are  mythology  quasi-  book on "community development" a s s e r t s  T r a d i t i o n a l l y , i t has been assumed i n America t h a t a. l a r g e degree o f l o c a l autonomy i s a. p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r s t r o n g communities, the b a s i c u n i t o f a democratic society. I n practiceC,; we have been growing i n c r e a s i n g l y c e n t r a l i z e d . Is the l a c k of a c t i v e c i t i z e n i n t e r e s t i n l o c a l government cause or e f f e c t ? - ^  19  The  s t r e n g t h o f t h i s norm i s suggested by Belknap  and i  study o f a mid-western c i t y  q  i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s .  survey study o f popular assessments  Smuckler's  There, a  o f which l e v e l s o f government  were c o n s i d e r e d " i m p o r t a n t " and " i n t e r e s t i n g " showed a c l u s t e r i n g o f responses  at the f e d e r a l and l o c a l  the s t a t e l e v e l .  But, as we s h a l l  between b e l i e f and b e h a v i o u r .  l e v e l , w i t h few mentioning  see, t h e r e i s a wide gap  And, A l f r e d de G r a z i a , l o o k i n g at  s i m i l a r data, has commented: ...only about t e n per cent fewer people c l a i m an i n t e r e s t i n s t a t e and l o c a l e l e c t i o n s than i n n a t i o n a l e l e c t i o n s , c o n t r a r y to the g e n e r a l b e l i e f t h a t i n t e r e s t i n s t a t e and l o c a l e l e c t i o n s i s much l e s s than i n n a t i o n a l e l e c t i o n s . How t h i s f i n d i n g can be r e c o n c i l e d w i t h the g r e a t d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p r e s i d e n t i a l and s t a t e l e v e l e l e c t i o n s i s hard to s a y . . . . T h i s p u z z l e must be l e f t w i t h o u t any s a t i s f a c t o r y t h e o r y t o e x p l a i n i t . 2 0 T h i s gap between b e l i e f and behaviour  should not s u r p r i s e u s .  As S t o u f f e r has i n d i c a t e d , t h e r e w i l l be many i n s t a n c e s i n which the widespread  acceptance  of cultural  truisms bears  little  21 r e l a t i o n to actual behaviour.  Nor should t h i s f a c t be a cause  of an academic condemnation o f the o r d i n a r y c i t i z e n .  F o r , as  Almond and Verba have p o i n t e d out, the gap between one p o l i t i c a l myth ( p o l i t i c a l  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s widespread  the a d j o i n i n g p o l i t i c a l w e l l p l a y an important But  fact  and d e s i r a b l e ) and  (a low l e v e l o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n ) may  f u n c t i o n a l r o l e i n democratic  stability.  i t i s d i s t u r b i n g when p r o f e s s i o n a l students o f p o l i t i c a l  phenomena b e g i n t o accept as f a c t popular and f o l k l o r i c models o f the p o l i t i c a l  system.  That t h i s has not i n f r e q u e n t l y o c c u r r e d i s  20  c l e a r from the p o p u l a r i t y of l e a r n e d these i m p l i c i t l y  s t u d i e s on "community power";  assume the v a l i d i t y of the model which  behind the  "representative  democracy" and  theories.  Even Robert Dahl has  lies  " l e v e l s o f government"  allowed t h i s myth to permeate h i s  work; d e f e n d i n g the g e n e r a l i t y of h i s study o f p o l i t i c s Haven, he  in  New  observes  i I t i s , perhaps, not w h o l l y a c c i d e n t a l t h a t the two p o l i t i c a l t h e o r i s t s who d i d the most to develop a d e s c r i p t i v e p o l i t i c a l s c i e n c e were A r i s t o t l e and M a c h i a v e l l i , who, though separated by e i g h t e e n c e n t u r i e s , b o t h w i t n e s s e d p o l i t i c s on the s m a l l e r , more human s c a l e of the c i t y - s t a t e . ^ 3 Much of what w i l l be  s a i d i n l a t e r chapters w i l l deal with  i n a d e q u a c i e s of t h i s model i n academic  Some G e n e r a l  research.  Propositions  L e t us now  t r y to e x t r a c t some g e n e r a l  p r o p o s i t i o n s of  t r a d i t i o n a l models o f "systems-within-systems". have a p o l i t i c a l - a t t i t u d i n a l p r e d i c t that c i t i z e n s w i l l communities which are it  the  quality.  First,  f e e l more attached  p h y s i c a l l y and  the  Some o f these  the t r a d i t i o n a l models to those  geographically  political  closer.  Second,  p r e d i c t s t h a t they w i l l know more about the more l o c a l i z e d  polity; political local political A third  cognition i s therefore  thought to be  greater  for  systems.  p r o p o s i t i o n o f the  structural quality.  t r a d i t i o n a l models has  B u i l d i n g on the  first  two  ideas  a  indicated  above, i t p r e d i c t s t h a t l o c a l p o l i t i c s w i l l be more " i n t i m a t e human", w h i l e " h i g h e r "  l e v e l s of government w i l l be  "remote"  and and  " r e l a t i v e l y immune from popular c o n t r o l " .  C l e a r l y , this point  takes us into the murky waters of normative theory, w i l l be explored only i n the f i n a l  areas which  chapter.  In the chapters that follow, these and other aspects of the t r a d i t i o n a l models w i l l be systematically examined, using as great a variety of data as i s a v a i l a b l e .  In the penultimate  chapter I s h a l l offer a f a i r l y elaborate model which I believe to be a more f a i t h f u l representation of r e a l i t y .  22  Footnotes:  Chapter 2  1  I do not t h i n k i t i s u n f a i r to a s c r i b e t h i s g e n e r a l p o s i t i o n to M i l l . See John S t u a r t M i l l , C o n s i d e r a t i o n s on R e p r e s e n t a t i v e Government, New York, Harper, 1867. At times he d i d c o n s i d e r the c l o s e l y r e l a t e d q u e s t i o n s of e d u c a t i o n a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , and so on. See "Thoughts on P a r l i a m e n t a r y Reform", i n John S t u a r t M i l l , Essays on P o l i t i c s and C u l t u r e , (Gertrude Himmelfarb, e d i t o r ) , New York, Doubleday, 1962, pp. 327-358. The model, of course, i s always i m p l i c i t .  2  M i l l , C o n s i d e r a t i o n s , pp. 233-248. See a l s o Henry B. Mayo, An I n t r o d u c t i o n to Democratic Theory, New York, Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1960, pp. 78-79; and Douglas V. Verney, The A n a l y s i s of P o l i t i c a l Systems, Glencoe, The Free P r e s s , 1959, pp. 115-122.  3  See E r n e s t Barker, "Burke and H i s B r i s t o l C o n s t i t u e n c y " , i n E r n e s t Barker, Essays on Government, London, Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1945, pp. 155-206.  4  Mayo, l o c . c i t . ; Verney, l o c . c i t .  5  D a n i e l Katz and Samuel E l d e r s v e l d , "The Impact of L o c a l P a r t y A c t i v i t y Upon the E l e c t o r a t e " , P u b l i c O p i n i o n Q u a r t e r l y , 25 (1961), pp. 1-24.  6  David B u t l e r and  7  I n f r a , Chapter  8  P a r t y , of course, w i l l be preeminent. See F r e d I . The American P a r t y System and the American People. C l i f f s , P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1963, pp. 34-36.  9  B e r t F. H o s e l i t z , " L e v e l s o f Economic Performance and B u r e a u c r a t i c S t r u c t u r e " , i n Joseph Lapalombara (ed.) Bureauc r a c y and P o l i t i c a l Development, P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1963, pp. 168-198.  10  Donald Stokes,  The B r i t i s h V o t e r  (Forthcoming).  4. Greenstein, Englewood  Paul Van R i p e r , H i s t o r y of the U.S. C i v i l S e r v i c e , Evanston, Row Peterson, 1958, pp. 43, 48-49. As C a r l F i s h , the h i s t o r i a n of American patronage has p o i n t e d out, " I f L i n c o l n had made appointments f o r m e r i t o n l y , the war might have been shortened; on the o t h e r hand, he might not have p r e s e r v e d a u n i t e d north, to c a r r y on the war". C a r l R. F i s h , The C i v i l S e r v i c e and the ' Patronage, New York, Longman's, 1905, p. 170, c i t e d i n Van R i p e r , op. c i t . , p. 43. 1  23 11  F o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f the n o t i o n o f "congruency" between a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t y l e s and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e g o a l s , see A m i t a i E t z i o n i , Complex O r g a n i z a t i o n s , A Comparative A n a l y s i s , The F r e e Press, 1961.  12  Ronald W r a i t h and Edgar Simpkins, C o r r u p t i o n i n the Developing C o u n t r i e s ( i n c l u d i n g B r i t a i n u n t i l the 1880's), London, A l l e n and Unwin, 1958.  13  S e l i g H a r r i s o n , I n d i a : The Most Dangerous Decades, P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1960, pp. 321-323.  14  F r e d W. Riggs, A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n Developing Houghton M i f f l i n , 1964.  15  C o u n t r i e s , Boston,  T h i s development i s one o f the major concerns o f S.N. . Eisenst'Sdt' s P o l i t i c a l Systems of Empires, Glencoe, The Press, 1963. Considerations,  p.  Free  16  Mill,  286.  17  B a r r y Goldwater, Conscience of a C o n s e r v a t i v e , S h e p h e a r d s v i l l e , Kentucky, V i c t o r P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1960, p. 29.  18  Dorothy and C u r t i s M i a l , Our Community, New U n i v e r s i t y Press, I960 , p. 8.  York, New  York  1  19  George Belknap and Ralph Smuckler, " P o l i t i c a l Power R e l a t i o n s i n a Mid-West C i t y " , P u b l i c Opinion Q u a r t e r l y , 20 (1956), pp. 73-80, p. 80.  20  A l f r e d De G r a z i a , The Western P u b l i c : 1952 and Beyond, S t a n f o r d , S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1954, p. 172: c i t e d i n Eugene C. Lee, The P o l i t i c s o f Nonpartisa.nship, B e r k e l e y and Loss A n g e l e s , U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1961, pp. 136-137.  21  Samuel S t o u f f e r , Communism, Conformity, New York, Doubleday, 1955.  22  G a b r i e l Almond and Sidney Verba, The C i v i c C u l t u r e , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1963, pp. 480-481.  23  Robert A. Dahl, Who 1962. p. v i .  Governs?, New  and  Civil  Liberties,  Princeton,  Haven, Yale U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ,  PART I I : SOME POLITICAL  'FAULT-LINES'  CHAPTER 3 :  DIFFERENTIAL LEVELS OF VOTING PARTICIPATION: LOCAL, REGIONAL, NATIONAL  • The F u n c t i o n s o f V o t i n g Voting  i s s i m u l t a n e o u s l y the most and the l e a s t u n d e r s t o o d  of contemporary  p o l i t i c a l phenomenon.  The enormous  literature  on v o t i n g behaviour''' has added much to our s t o r e o f knowledge about  the p r e c i s e m o t i v a t i o n a l  content o f the v o t i n g  the f o r c e s t h a t make f o r v o t e changes, consequences  of c e r t a i n patterns  i s known, however, about  of v o t i n g behaviour.  for  Much l e s s We  a n e c e s s a r y f u n c t i o n f o r the  maintenance o f the p o l i t y over time. t h i s r o l e only  and the h i s t o r i c a l  the s y s t e m i c f u n c t i o n s o f v o t i n g .  do not know i f the v o t e performs  plays  decisions,  We  do not know i f v o t i n g  f o r c e r t a i n types o f p o l i t i c a l  systems,  those p o s s e s s i n g a " p a r t i c i p a t o r y " democratic c u l t u r e . )  (e.g. We  do not know i f the f u n c t i o n a l meaning o f a v o t e i s g e n e r a l i z a b l e from one  system to another.  I t might, however, be p o s s i b l e to draw some i n f e r e n c e s the f u n c t i o n a l r o l e o f v o t i n g the l i t e r a t u r e on " p o l i t i c a l  about  from v o t i n g behaviour r e s e a r c h  and  involvement" and " p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n " .  Most s t u d e n t s o f v o t i n g behaviour have found t h a t the v o t e i s a p r o b a b i l i s t i c f u n c t i o n o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n t e r e s t i n p o l i t i c s , i n t e r e s t s i n the p a r t i c u l a r e l e c t i o n , f e e l i n g s o f e f f i c a c y , political  knowledge, u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t o p i c a l i s s u e s and o t h e r  v a r i a b l e s g e n e r a l l y b e l i e v e d to be r e l a t e d c l o s e l y to h i s i n v o l v e ment i n the p o l i t i c a l  system.^  Donald Matthews, i n h i s study  o f Negro p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , has  24  found t h a t v o t i n g  forms  25  part of a Guttraann scale of p o l i t i c a l participation.  Voting  can, therefore, be a crude indicator of the citizen's "involvement" with the p o l i t i c a l process - especially, or perhaps only, in North America.  I f this be true, then we might go one step  further and infer that different levels of voting on the part of the same groups of people when they participate in elections for different institutional arrangements (i.e. different p o l i t i c a l systems imply different levels of involvement).  If we make this  inferential leap, then we may be able to draw some interesting conclusions about the nature of the 'local' p o l i t i c a l system. Voting i n Four Communities: Local, Regional, National The results of such a study should surprise no one.  Levels  of voting participation i n four communities i n the Vancouver, B.C., metropolitan area, over a thirty year period, have been strikingly and consistently lower for local elections than for provincial and national elections. Much less complete information from Britain and America confirm our expectations that the same pattern would hold true there.  There are, however, some interesting  deviations from this pattern in more extensive cross-cultural studies; these w i l l be alluded to i n the latter part of this chapter. Historical and analytical rigor suggest that the four cases for which quantitative data are available be examined i n some detail.  Two communities, for which we have some fragmentary survey  data, w i l l be studied with particular care.  The cross-election  26 information i s summarized i n graphic form. In the thirty-seven municipal elections from 1928 to 1964, the municipality of Surrey, B.C., has experienced voter turnouts ranging from a low of 11.39 per cent (1942) to a high of 53.2 per cent (1931).  The average turnout for this period i s  just over 307.. of the registered eligible voters, and approximately 157» of the total population. With the exception of the three wartime elections (1942, 1943, 1944), there i s no strong systematic variation by temporal sub-group.  The twenty post-war elections  (1945-1964) averaged slightly more than 26% turnout (i.e. approximately 13% of the total population). The earlier seventeen elections (1928-1944) averaged just over 33% of registered eligible voters participating, equivalent to approximately 16.5% of the total population.^ The city of Vancouver held thirty-two regular municipal elections in the period 1933-1964.-* The average turnout for the whole range of elections was approximately 367, of registered eligible voters. The highest level of civic participation was 54% (1934); the lowest, 21% (1941).  In this instance, some  comparable elections figures are available for both provincial and national elections. (See Table I) Table I: Federal, Provincial, and City Elections in Vancouver^  Eligible Voters, City of Vancouver Voters participating  1960 provincial election 257,034 162,498  1960 city election 243,253 86,387  27 1962 federal e l e c t i o n E l i g i b l e Voters Voters P a r t i c i p a t i n g  1962 c i t y election  233,053 177,442  Between 1942 and 1964, the Municipality  241,206 105,167  of_Burnaby, B.C.,  held twenty-three regular elections for the purpose of choosing a Council and Reeve.'' During t h i s period the lowest l e v e l of voter p a r t i c i p a t i o n was 12% (1956) while the highest was 46.6% (1946). The mean annual turnout was 27.77..  As i n the case of Vancouver,  the base figure, number of registered e l i g i b l e voters, i s roughly equivalent to that f o r p r o v i n c i a l and federal elections.  Thus  comparisons with voter turnout i n other elections are viable. Burnaby does not, by i t s e l f , constitute a federal constituency and p r o v i n c i a l figures only are offered. Q  Table II: P r o v i n c i a l and Municipal Elections: Burnaby" 1960 provincial election E l i g i b l e Voters Number p a r t i c i p a t i n g  56,241 41,669  1961 municipal election 43,208 12,949  Figure 1 summarizes, i n the form of a graph, the pattern of turnout i n p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l elections, r e l a t i v e to number of registered voters for each, and r e l a t i v e to the t o t a l population. The  relevant  s t a t i s t i c s for the C i t y of New Westminster, B.C.,  are less clear-cut than i n the case of some other l o c a l communities we have examined.  Because of the administrative  practise of  composing the l i s t of electors from property-owner l i s t s , there i s  28 no base figure against which the relevant local, provincial, and federal levels of voter participation can be compared.  There  iQ moreover, no meaningful measure of the total turnout. Gn a gross basis, however, i t is possible to calculate a crude measure of average turnout over a twenty-three year period (1940-1962).^  During this time, the mean annual turnout at civic  elections was, i n absolute terms, 4,382 persons.  Over the same  period, the average population, as measured by Table I I I : Voter Turnout i n Provincial and Civic Elections, New Westminster, B.C., 1940-1962. Election 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962  Civic Turnout 3,140 4,194 3,911 4,158 2,598 3,470 5,360 2,888 5,623 3,043 6,105 3,500 4,823 3,015 6,295 3,782 4,184 5,002 7,467 3,812 6,722 3,750 4,000  Provincial  8,556  13,068 14,795 13,731 11,592  15,874  29 The city does not keep records of the total number of participating electors. My figures have been derived by following these decision rules: (1) Where a single office was at stake (Mayor, Police Commissioner, or Park Commissioner) or where there was a referendum, the total number of votes cast i n that contest was used as the figure for voter participation; (2) Where there was no single office or referendum involved, aldermanic contests were used. The total number of votes for each candidate was calculated. This figure was divided by the number of aldermanic positions at stake. The estimate of voters participating i s approximately 120 per cent of that final sum. This second rule was used for the elections of 1951, 1961, and 1962. the censuses of 1941, 1951, 1956, and 1961, was 28, 980. The "average turnout" calculated on this basis was, therefore, 15.1% of the total population.  This figure approximates the mean  turnout percentage for the total population calculated for Surrey Municipality.  Comparatively, the levels of participation i n  local vs. that i n provincial elections are summarized, i n the form of a graph, i n Figure 2 and Table III. Similar low levels of voter participation i n local elections have been observed i n the United States.  In his study  of non-partisan civic politics i n California, Eugene C. Lee has observed that voter participation tends to differ sharply between state and national elections on the one hand, and local elections on the other. In the typical local election...40 to 50 per cent of the electorate (based on the general-election registration) w i l l vote, as contrasted with a vote of 68-80 per cent i n a state election, (p. 136)^ For the six cities he studied intensely, the exact figures are summarized in Table IV.  30 Table IV: Decline of Voter Turnout from 1954 General Election to 1955 City Election (Based on 1954 General Election Registration)11 . City  7. Turnout General Election  Chico Fresno Pomona Maywood San Leandro Berkeley  69 70 67 62 73 67  City Election 45 48 40 43 29 43  In Lawrence O'Rourke's study of voter participation i n the cities of Los Angeles county, he observed a similar phenomenon.*2 The forty-five cities of the county had a turnout of voters for state and national elections that ranged between 68.47. and 86.67., the average for a l l cities being 77.27.. Voter participation in municipal election over the same period averaged 41.17., with a range between 10.3 and 60.9. Vidich and Bensman's study of a rural village and i t s surrounding township i n upstate New York provide evidence of this same phenomenon i n quite a different setting.13  They observe that  Between 15 and 35 individuals out of a potential electorate of 350-450 vote in a village election. In the certainty of a small vote, the board customarily contracts to print only 50 b a l l o t s . ^ However, ...the voting i n town elections i s proportionally much greater i n relation to the total potential electorate than i s the case i n village elections. Out of a town electorate of 1,600-1,700 as many as 500-700 actually vote i n a typical election.*5  31 And, citing the turnout of 1,464 of 1,613 electors for the Presidential contest of 1952, they note The apathy of village elections and the relative apathy of town elections, except i n very special circumstances, stand i n sharp contrast to voting interest i n state and national elections.16 They give no indication of what they believe to the general causes of this situation.  They do, however, make some comments  specific to the situation which we shall discuss shortly. In another United States study, Arnold Rose, studying a small city i n the eastern United States, observes According to most of the community leaders, Easterntown's interest i n state and national elections i s fairly typical, but i t s interest in local politics, very low.1^ the same leaders, attributed this phenomenon to the fact that "things seem to be running smoothly", that "there i s no corruption", and to a structural feature, the non-partisan charter. Banfield and Wilson examine the average turnout for mayoralty and presidential elections i n eighteen large United States cities for the period 1948-52.  18  They find that only one of these  (New Orleans) had a higher turnout for the mayoralty race (40.5%) than for the Presidential contest (38.5%), this deviation being explained by reference to the peculiar pattern of Presidential politics in the American South.  The highest mayoralty turnout was  only 51.5 per cent (Chicago) and many cities, especially i n the predominantly non-partisan West, had more than twice as many persons casting a Presidential vote as a mayoralty vote.  32 A. H. Birch's study of Glossop, a town of 20,000 persons in Derbyshire, renders similar comparative data.  Birch observes  that In the post-war national elections between 80 and 85 per cent of the electors have voted; i n County Council elections i n the same period the proportion has been just under 40 per cent; and in municipal election i t has varied between 49 and 55 per cent.19 Generalizing, he points out that the figures for local elections are ...slightly above the average for boroughs of comparable size i n England, but below the average for the north-west, where participation i n local elections is higher than i n any other region.20 This information should, once again, surprise no one; but there are exceptions to this general pattern.  In one classic  example, Laurence Wylie has noted that i n the French village of Peyrane voter turnout was higher for local than for national elections.  21  One analyst, Lee, attributes this effect to "different  cultural conditions".  22  But Francois Goguel, looking at turnout  figures for the elections cantonales of 1964 observes that widely varying figures obtained for rural and urban areas. Cette difference d'interet pour les elections cantonales entre citadins et ruraux parait corresporidre au fait que, dans les campagnes et les bourgs, le conseiller general est un notable, qu'on connait personnellement, auquel on s'adresse volontiers, et aupres duq'uel les ma ires des petites communes cherchent conseils et appui dans l'exercice de leurs fonctions. Dans les v i l l e s , au contraire, le conseiller general est presque un inconnu et les electeurs n'ont pas 1'impression que les deliberations de l'assemblee ou i l siege puissent avoir des repercussions sensibles sur leurs conditions de v i e . ^ 2  33  A l l of which suggests, of course, that the differences may well be social-structural rather than "cultural" as we normally understand that word. These gross figures of voter participation leave much to be discovered.  We do know that, for national elections, the  participating electorate consists i n the main of the same citizens, those possessing a minimum of sustained p o l i t i c a l interest. In local elections, where turnouts are so much smaller, we are unable to say with certainty that any single portion of the electorate consistently participate.^ Similarly, we are unable to say whether any of the conventional population sub-groups (e.g. status, income, educational groups) w i l l predictably vote at differential rates. In Vancouver, there is some evidence to support the claim that higher income districts do i n fact vote more heavily than do low income districts.  In Burnaby, the only polling district which is homo-  geneously upper middle class and professional is believed to have a consistently higher rate of voter participation. However, John Bollens' extensive survey of the St. Louis metropolitan area revealed that the least educated group was just as likely to have voted i n local elections, or to have claimed to have voted, as any other educational group, including the highest. In the 1956 Presidential election, however, the most highly educated group was much more likely to have voted than was the least educated group.25  Studies of metropolitan referenda i n St. Louis  34  and Miami i n d i c a t e no c o n s i s t e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p between v o t e r  96 turnout to  say  f o r the referendum and the l e a s t ,  Nor  do we  s o c i a l rank.  The  evidence,  i s both fragmentary and i n c o n c l u s i v e .  know v e r y much about the d i f f e r e n t i a l v o t i n g  b e h a v i o u r o f two  sub-groups which we  might t h i n k to be  in  property-owners and  tenants.  this context:  owners can be of municipal they do  property-  p l a u s i b l y b e l i e v e d to be more a f f e c t e d by governments, i t would not be  s u s t a i n a higher  l e v e l of interest  persons r e n t i n g t h e i r r e s i d e n c e s .  appear to be  Since  apartment d w e l l e r s .  the  activities  s u r p r i s i n g to f i n d  i n the l o c a l  polity  that than  I n Vancouver, there does  some d i f f e r e n c e i n the turnout  l a r g e l y composed o f p r i v a t e homes and  important  those  r a t e s of  districts  made up c h i e f l y  of  However, even i f i t were t r u e t h a t a l l  p a r t i c i p a t i n g v o t e r s i n Vancouver c i v i c e l e c t i o n s were  property  owners ( a most u n l i k e l y p r o p o s i t i o n ), the mean annual turnout the p e r i o d 1946-1964 would s t i l l cent  - not an i m p r e s s i v e  o n l y reach a v a l u e  f i g u r e by i t s e l f ,  and  s m a l l e r i f the t r u e d i s t r i b u t i o n were known. and Burnaby, where tenants  of 62.2  for  per  almost c e r t a i n to•be Moreover,  Surrey  are much fewer i n number, c o u l d  still  o n l y reach modest l e v e l s o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n even i f i t were t r u e t h a t property-owners c o n s t i t u t e d a constant We  can,  being  therefore, s a f e l y dismiss  the whole e x p l a n a t o r y  i n d i f f e r e n c e to l o c a l  and  involved electorate.  the owner-tenant dichotomy as  v a r i a b l e f o r the phenomenon o f v o t e r  politics.  35  Some Explanations A number of other explanations, both systematic and unsystematic, have been offered to account for this phenomenon.  One i s some version of the "conspiracy theory", represented in this section by the Vidich and Bensman study.  These authors imply,  at various points that "apathy" to village elections can be attributed to the machinations of the Republican Party Committee (p. 119) , the moribund status of the Democratic Party (p. 119), deliberate disfranchisment of part of the electorate through manipulation of the polling times (p. 120), domination of village and township politics by local businessmen (p. 115 and passim), and the inactivity of both village and town councils (p. 156). Although the conspiracy theory is a favorite theme with "community power" specialists,^7 i t can I think be safely dismissed as a rigorous explanation of public indifference to local elections. It is d i f f i c u l t to believe that an oppressed and manipulated  citizen-  ry suddenly throws off the shackles of the local elites when state, provincial, or national elections are in progress.  It is quite  clear that the same population who permit domination of local affairs by businessmen, merchants, and Republicans do not allow themselves to be "delivered" in any meaningful sense to the national party tally.  It would certainly be ludicrous to suggest  that anything like this occurs in the four Canadian communities we 28 have examined.  If any simple causal chain is to be postulated,  i t would seem rather more reasonable to attribute clique dominance  36 to public indifference than the other way around. Akin to this last notion i s the "alienation" theme: i t i s sometimes believed that citizens f a i l to participate i n their local p o l i t i c a l community because they are "alienated" from i t .  As i s  the case with so many intuitive theories, the validity of this hypothesis must inevitably be deeply concerned with the choice of an operational definition for the concept i n question. I f "alienation' i s taken to mean a state of negative affect, the theory 1  becomes most implausible. In Bollens' survey of metropolitan St. Louis (which included many towns and cities i n the area) nearly 90 per cent i n a l l socio-economic and residential categories rated their municipal government as 'good' or 'fair* (about evenly divided on both items). 9 2  In my own study of high school students i n  Burnaby and New Westminster, almost a l l of 237 respondents rated "the leaders of Burnaby (New Westminster)" as "good" or " f a i r " on a four point scale.  I f , however, "alienation" i s defined to  mean "disinvolvement", a more neutral term, a different story may emerge. Unfortunately, i t raises a host of infinitely complex problems; a f u l l discussion of this matter w i l l , therefore, be deferred to a later chapter. Converse to the alienation theory i s the belief that "people are basically satisfied" with their local governments. much hinges upon the operational definition adopted.  Once again,  If "satisfaction"^  is defined as a state of positive affect, one set of theoretical consequences follows; i f satisfaction is taken to mean "disinvolvement"  37 o r " i n d i f f e r e n c e " , q u i t e a d i f f e r e n t model must be used. again,  a thorough examination w i l l be postponed.  I t i s sometimes thought t h a t largely responsible Yet,  Once  lack of partisan c o n f l i c t i s  f o r popular i n d i f f e r e n c e to l o c a l e l e c t i o n s .  both Vancouver and Burnaby have had p e r i o d s  competition  of bitter  between l o c a l l y - b a s e d p a r t i s a n g r o u p i n g s ; the e x p e r i e n c e  does not seem to have r a i s e d v o t e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n t o a n y t h i n g  30 approaching t h a t o b t a i n i n g over, B r i t i s h municipal  at p r o v i n c i a l and n a t i o n a l  Councils  levels.  More-  a r e e l e c t e d on a n a t i o n a l l y  p a r t i s a n b a s i s , a f e a t u r e which, as B i r c h o b s e r v e s , does l i t t l e t o r a i s e the l e v e l o f t u r n o u t i n Glossop and elsewhere. -*1 A more sweeping e x p l a n a t i o n  o f t h e phenomenon examined here  i s t h a t t h e e l e c t o r a l u n i t s ( c i t i e s and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s ) do not c o n s t i t u t e " r e a l " s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l u n i t s and t h a t l a r g e m e g a l o p o l i t a n complexes a r e the e n t i t i e s around which i n s t i t u t i o n a l o f l o c a l government s h o u l d be b u i l t .  This  structures  i s the c e n t r a l b e l i e f  o f those who put t h e i r f a i t h i n " m e t r o p o l i t a n  government" schemes.  I f t h i s were a t r u e b e l i e f we might expect t h a t the c i t i z e n s o f these l e s s - t h a n - m e t r o p o l i t a n  u n i t s would r u s h a t the f i r s t  to d i s s o l v e t h e i r l o c a l u n i t s and c r e a t e one o v e r a r c h i n g o f l o c a l government. been the case.  structure  Such has, i t i s h a r d l y n e c e s s a r y t o say, not  I n the United  S t a t e s , where r e f e r e n d a  government have been f r e q u e n t l y only  opportunity  been h e l d ,  on  metropolitan  the p r o p o s a l s have not  been o f t e n r e j e c t e d , but have been g r e e t e d w i t h an i n d i f f e r e n c e  32 a p p a l l i n g t o the advocates o f m e t r o p o l i t a n  schemes.  F i g u r e 1: V o t e r Turnout i n P r o v i n c i a l and M u n i c i p a l | Burnaby, B.C., 1941-1963.  US"  Elections,  37 a  37 b F i g u r e 2: V o t e r Turnout i n P r o v i n c i a l and C i v i c New Westminster, B.C., 1940-1962.  Elections,  Ifouo  Jaoo-1  I—I  1—1 «V»  1  1—I difj  1—I  t  >  t  iiio  I  I  I  '  I  n&  •  t  t  I  I  'i<>°  I  •  38  Another s c h o o l o f thought h o l d s  t h a t t h e populace i s  " r e a l l y " i n t e r e s t e d i n i t s l o c a l government, but t h a t i t simply does not express i t s i n t e r e s t be p o i n t e d out, d e n i e s  T h i s notion, i t should  the assumption t h a t v o t i n g has t h e same  meaning i n one p o l i t i c a l v e r s i o n , t h i s theory  by v o t i n g .  system as another.  i s not e n t i r e l y  I n i t s reduced  i m p l a u s i b l e - but i t does f l y  i n t h e f a c e o f o t h e r r e l e v a n t i n f o r m a t i o n (e.g. low l e v e l s o f cognition of local p o l i t i c a l  e l i t e s , probable  absence o f a f f e c t -  l a d e n a t t i t u d e s about l o c a l i s s u e s , etc.) which we s h a l l examine in later  chapters.  A f i n a l e x p l a n a t i o n i s even grander than t h e " m e t r o p o l i t a n community" theory.  As B i r c h expresses i t ,  .... the main reason f o r the growth o f apathy i s almost c e r t a i n l y t h a t t h e l o c a l community i s n o t t h e focus o f i n t e r e s t t h a t i t was. The g r e a t e r m o b i l i t y o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , t h e enormous growth o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , t h e enormous growth o f s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n , and t h e n a t i o n a l p r e s s and r a d i o have a l l c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h i s . 3 3 I n essence, he argues t h a t t h e " f o c u s o f i n t e r e s t " has g r a v i t a t e d to t h e n a t i o n a l community. a particularly But,  The c o n c l u s i o n i s not an u n u s u a l , nor  i n s i g h t f u l one.  i f t h e l o c a l community i s not what " i t was", then we  a r e e n t i t l e d t o a s k : what i s i t now? s t a t e to a very d i f f e r e n t the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l it?  How has t h i s  one a f f e c t e d the i n t e r n a l  change from one functioning of  system, and a l l o t h e r p o l i t i e s which resemble  A r e we j u s t i f i e d i n u s i n g t h e o l d model o f t h e l o c a l  as " i t was" when perhaps q u i t e d i f f e r e n t  community  conditions prevail?  Iti s ,  39 I b e l i e v e , by a s k i n g t h e s e more fundamental q u e s t i o n s t h a t  we  can a r r i v e a t an answer f o r the v e x i n g problem o f what appears to be c o n s i d e r a b l e i s alleged  i n d i f f e r e n c e to that p o l i t i c a l  t o be " c l o s e s t " t o t h e c i t i z e n .  system which  40 Footnotes: Chapter 3 1  See Angus Campbell, Philip Converse, Warren Miller, and Donald Stokes, The American Voter, New York, Wiley, 1964 (Abridged Edition); and Bernard Berelson, Paul Lazarsfeld, and William McPhee,,Voting, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1954.  2  See Berelson, et a l , op cit. , pp. 14-31; Also Morris Rosenberg, "Some Determinants of P o l i t i c a l Apathy", Public Opinion Quarterly, 18 (1954-5); and Heinz Eulau, and Peter Schneider, "Dimensions of P o l i t i c a l Involvement", Public Opinion Quarterly, .20 (1956), pp. 128-142.  3  Donald B. Matthews, "Negro P o l i t i c a l Participation in the South", paper presented at the meeting of the Western P o l i t i c a l Science. Association, Victoria, B.C., May 1965.  4  Figures taken from Minutes of the Surrey Municipal Council, Office of the Municipal Clerk, Surrey, B.C.  5  Figures taken from "Election Returns", unpublished, unofficial typescript, Office of the City Clerk, Vancouver, B.C.  6  Figures taken from Ibid.; Chief Electoral Officer, Statement of Votes, General Election, September 12, 1960, Victoria, B.C. , 1961; and Chief Electoral Officer of Canada, Report of the TwentyF i f t h General Election, Ottawa, 1963.  7  Figures taken from "Municipal Elections", mimeographed, Office of the Municipal Clerk, Burnaby, B.C.  8  Figures taken from Ibid.; Chief Electoral Officer, Statement of Votes, Victoria, B.C., 1960.  9  Figures taken from Minutes of the City Council of New Westminster, Office of the City Clerk, New Westminster, B.C.  10  Eugene C. Lee, The Politics of Nonpartisanship, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1960, p. 136.  11  Adapted from Ibid., p. 135.  12  Lawrence O'Rourke, Voting Behavior in the Forty-five Cities of Los Angeles County, University of California, Bureau of Governmental Research, 1953. Cited i n Ibid., p. 137. O'Rourke's turnout figures use the spring r o l l as a base. The spring r o l l is constructed by eliminating from the general r o l l a l l those who failed to vote i n the previous f a l l general election. As Lee points out, his turnout figures would be considerably lower i f the f a l l r o l l were used as the base.  13  41 Arthur J. Vidich and Joseph Bensman, Small Town i n Mass Society, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1958.  14 Ibid., pp. 120-121. 15  Ibid., p. 156.  16  Ibid., p. 205.  17  Arnold M. Rose, "Communication and Participation i n a Small City as Viewed by i t s leaders", International Journal of Opinion and Attitude Research, 5 (1951-52), pp. 367-390.  18  Edward C. Banfield, and James Q. Wilson, City P o l i t i c s , Cambridge, Harvard University Press and the M.I.T. Press, 1963, p. 225.  19  A. H. Birch, Small-Town P o l i t i c s : A Study of P o l i t i c a l Life in Glossop, Oxford University Press, 1959, p. 97.  20  Ibid.  21  Laurence Wylie, Village i n the Vaucluse, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1957, p. 233.  22 Lee, op. c i t . , p. 137. 23  Francois Goguel, "Les Elections Cantonales des 8 et 15 Mars 1964", Revue Francaise de Science Politique, 14 (1964), pp. 556-562, pp. 556-557.  24 Officials i n Burnaby and Vancouver believe that some districts have consistently higher turnouts than others. Lawrence O'Rourke concludes that "The evidence leads one to believe that there i s a small core of.citizens i n each city who sustain municipal government." Cited i n Lee, op. c i t . , p. 137. 25  John C. Bollens, (ed.), Exploring the Metropolitan Community, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1961, p. 244, p. 434.  26  Henry J. Schmandt, et a l , Metropolitan Reform i n St. Louis, New York, Holt Rinehart, 1962, pp. 52-53; Edward Sofen, Miami Metropolitan Experiment, Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1963, p. 77..  27  Floyd Hunter must be considered the dean of the conspiracy theorists. See his Community Power, Chapel H i l l , University of North Carolina Press, 1953.  42 28  It might be relevant to observe that the inability of local elite figures to transfer their "popularity" to provincial and federal arenas is almost legendary in Canada. In 19621965, seven municipal councillors have attempted to make this leap i n the four communities studied here. Five of these attempts ended in failure.  29  Bollens, op;-» cit. , p. 434.  30  It is worth noting, however, that the 1963 Reeveship contest in Burnaby, a closely fought battle between the Non-Partisan Association and the Burnaby Citizens' Association, saw an almost unprecedented turnout of 40.9 per cent. .•  '  '  . "  .  31  Birch, op. cit.,'pp. 113-114.  32  See Sichmandt, op. c i t . . , r p p . 52-53; and Sofen, op. cit. , p. 77.  33  Birch, op. c i t . , pp. 115-116.  CHSPTER 4: DIFFERENTIAL LEVELS OF POLITICAL COGNITION: LOCAL, REGIONAL, NATIONAL, AND INTERNATIONAL P o l i t i c a l cognition i s c l e a r l y an important variable i n the -study of comparative p o l i t i c s .  Almond and Verba use i t as a  discriminator between non-overlapping nation-state p o l i t i c a l systems, and some of their most i n t e r e s t i n g findings r e l a t e to the d i f f e r e n t i a l levels of p o l i t i c a l cognition i n Germany, Great B r i t a i n , I t a l y , the United States, and Mexico. *  Could i t also  be used as a discriminator between the "concentric model" of overlapping p o l i t i e s ? In the l a s t chapter we observed how a comparison of voting p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n four communities near Vancouver, B.C., together with fragmentary data from the United States, Great B r i t a i n , and France, pointed to a gap between levels of p a r t i c i p a t i o n at the l o c a l and non-local levels of government.  We saw that there was  clear evidence of a " f a u l t - l i n e " which separated the c i t i z e n r y ' s involvement (as measured by voting participation) with the several p o l i t i c a l systems of which he i s a member.  Is there a similar " f a u l  l i n e " with respect to p o l i t i c a l information?  In this chapter, we  s h a l l examine some data taken from a study i n two of the suburban communities whose voting p a r t i c i p a t i o n was examined i n Chapter 3 , and compare i t with data from studies made i n the United States and r u r a l India. P o l i t i c a l Cognition i n Burnaby and New Westminster  43  44 Our to  236  own  data was  secondary  o b t a i n e d from q u e s t i o n n a i r e s d i s t r i b u t e d  s c h o o l s t u d e n t s i n Burnaby, B.C.,  Westminster, B.C..  and  Most o f the c o g n i t i v e data i n t h i s  New chapter  ( a l l o f t h a t from which the s e v e r a l I n d i c e s a r e c o n s t r u c t e d ) drawn from the 210  q u e s t i o n n a i r e s t h a t were f u l l y  are  completed.  D e t a i l s o f the q u e s t i o n n a i r e and o t h e r items r e l a t i n g to the methodological purposes  t e c h n i q u e a r e to be found i n the Appendix.  o f a n a l y s i s , the New  For  Westminster and Burnaby data a r e , i n  most c a s e s , p r e s e n t e d s e p a r a t e l y . One political  o f the s i m p l e s t means by which an i n d i v i d u a l ' s l e v e l o f i n f o r m a t i o n about the v a r i o u s systems i n which he  p a r t i c i p a t e s can be i n f e r r e d i s t o ask him t o i d e n t i f y o r name members o f the system e l i t e of  government.  T h i s was  - p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s at v a r i o u s l e v e l s  the measure used throughout  not o n l y because o f i t s s i m p l i c i t y , but a l s o to comparative  this  study,  facilitate  a n a l y s i s with other s t u d i e s .  Of the c h i e f e x e c u t i v e s a t l o c a l ,  p r o v i n c i a l , and  national  l e v e l s , i t i s f a i r l y c l e a r , i n the Burnaby data a t l e a s t , t h a t the Reeve i s somewhat l e s s well-known than e i t h e r the Premier B r i t i s h Columbia o r the Prime M i n i s t e r o f Canada.  He  of  i s , i n fact,  less-known i n t h i s group than t h r e e f o r e i g n f i g u r e s : the  late  John Kennedy, P r e s i d e n t Johnson, and P r e s i d e n t DeGaulle.  Of  students responding  (Burnaby data)  i d e n t i f y the persons o c c u p y i n g  113  t o a q u e s t i o n a s k i n g them t o  several offices, a l l correctly  45 identified Lyndon Johnson as President of the United States, 110 correctly identified the Prime Minister as Lester Pearson, and 109 W.A.C. Bennett as Premier of British Columbia.  A "break"  occurs, however, in the case of the Reeve, the chief executive of Burnaby municipality: only 94 could correctly name the holder of this office. Some readers may find my use of "only 94" as an exaggerated reading of a small difference.  However, as Table V indicates,  when figures of "knowing the Prime Minister" and "knowing the Reeve" are plotted against one another i n a simple table, and a chi-square test of significance applied the difference is found to be statistically significant well beyond the .001 level.  Thus,  there i s only a very small chance that this difference could have occurred from chance sampling fluctuations. difference, in a. statistical sense.  I t i s , then, a "real"  It remains to be seen whether  i t i s a sociologically significant difference. Table V: Knowledge of the Reeve vs Knowledge of the Prime Minister Prime Minister Reeve chi-square = 12.88  Knows 110 94  Does not Know 3 19 p .001  The data allow, however, the use of slightly more refined indices of p o l i t i c a l information discriminable by system.  Each  respondent was asked to identify, by public position, a fairly long l i s t of p o l i t i c a l figures, including members of the local, provincial,  46 national, and international elites.  On the basis of these data,  each respondent was then assigned a score on four indices tapping knowledge at each of these levels.  Details about the items contained  in each index, and justification for including persons in them can be found i n the Appendix. Because each index contains different numbers of items, there i s an astonishing variety of ways i n which these data can be presented.  In the "raw", or unweighted form, however, the  differences between obtained scores on each index are most striking. (Table VI and VII)  In Tables VI and VII, a "Low" score on a l l  indices means identifying no items correctly, "Medium-Low" on a l l indices means identifying one item correctly; "Medium-High" on a l l indices means identifying two items correctly; "High", however, means identifying three items correctly on the local and provincial indices, but two or three additional items on the national and international indices. Table VI:  High Medium-High Medium-Low Low Total N=118  International, National, Provincial, and Local Indices of knowledge of System Elites (New Westminster data only) International 98% 2% 0% 0% 100%  National 48.2 31.3 16.1 4.4  Provincial 21.1 37.2 37.2 4.5  100%  100%  Local 16.9 26.2 46.6 10.3 100%  47 Table VII:  International, National, Provincial, and Local Indices of knowledge of System Elites (Burnaby data only)  High Medium-High Medium-Low Low  International 100% 0% 0% 0%  Total N=92  100%  National 89.1 10.0 .9 0% 100%  Provincial 30.4 36.9 31.8 .9 100%  Local 3.0 7.9 76.0 13.0 100%  Note: In this table, for the New Westminster data, Low means no figures correctly named in a l l four indices; Medium-Low means one item correct for a l l four indices; Medium-High means two items correct on a l l four indices; High means three items correct on the Local and Provincial index; High means three, four or five items correct on the national index; high means three or four items correct on the international index. For the Burnaby data, Low means no items correctly named on a l l four indices; Medium-Low means one item correctly named on a l l four indices; Medium-High means two items correct on a l l four indices; High means three items correctly named on the local and provincial indices; high means three, four, or five items correct on the international index; high means three, four, five, or six items correct on the national index. The data may, however, be manipulated so that each respondent must name more items on the national and international indices than he must name on the provincial and local indices in order to be considered i n the same category.  Thus, those knowing no items  on the local index are s t i l l considered as scoring low, but those scoring none or one correct on the national and international indices are also scored as "low".  In this way, we can make i t  "more d i f f i c u l t " for the respondent to obtain a high score on the national and international indices, "less d i f f i c u l t " to get a high score on the local index.  These adjusted or "weighted" scores are  compared in Tables VIII and IX.  48 Table VIII: Weighted International, National, Provincial and Local indices of knowledge of system elites. (New Westminster only) High Medium-High Medium-Low Low  International 66.97. 30.57. 2.67. 07.  National 26.27. 53.37. 16.17. 4.47.  Provincial 21.17. 37.27. 37.27. 4.57.  Total N=118  1007.  1007.  1007.  Local 16.97. 26.27. 46.27. 10.37. 1007.  Table IX: Weighted International, National, Provincial and Local indices of knowledge of system elites. (Burnaby only) High Medium-High Medium-Low Low Total N=92 Note: I n items a r e be p l a c e d indices.  International 43.47. 36.97. 19.77. 07. 1007.  National 39.17. 50.07. 10.97. 07.  Provincial 30.47. 36.97. 31.87. .97.  1007.  1007.  Local 3.17. 7.97. 76.07. 13.07. 1007.  the weighted i n t e r n a t i o n a l and n a t i o n a l i n d i c e s , more r e q u i r e d t o be a n s w e r e d , c o r r e c t l y f o r a respondent t o i n the same s c o r e c a t e g o r y as on t h e p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l D e t a i l s about t h e w e i g h t i n g a r e t o be found i n t h e Appendix.  These indices are, at best, crude measures of differential p o l i t i c a l cognition.  The variability i n scores between testings  is one weakness, although this effect partially results from.the use of different items i n the two test cases.  Thus, the use of  five items on the Burnaby international index (as opposed to four in the New Westminster case) clearly has the effect of discriminating more finely between knowledge categories (see column 1, row 1 i n both tables). Furthermore, the manipulability of data of this type does tend  49 to detract from i t s general validity.  However, I believe that  i t s presentation here i n this form does no harm whatsoever to the sense of the data. Moreover, no amount of manipulation can possibly disguise the essential message of these pieces of information: respondents i n both test groups quite clearly know considerably more about elite personnages i n p o l i t i c a l situations far removed from themselves than they do about persons i n roles ostensibly "closer" to them. Geography seems completely irrelevant.  In fact,  i f anything, a reverse geographical effect seems i n evidence: the closer the elite figures are,, the less i s known about them. It may be, of course, that the effects observed here are some simple construct of the test: i n building the local index, I may have quite accidentally selected the three least-known local p o l i t i c a l figures.  This is,, i n the main, implausible since this  index consisted of (in the Burnaby case) Reeve Emmott, another municipal councillor widely believed to be one of the most prominent leaders of the Burnaby Citizens' Association (the dominant "party") and another councillor who had sought the reeveship i n 1963 as the candidate of the powerful Burnaby Nonpartisan Association and who was again seeking that position in municipal elections to take place one week after the study was completed. However, when another index of local p o l i t i c a l knowledge i s substituted for the i n i t i a l one, l i t t l e changes.  The figures i n  column 4, Table X, are derived from the responses to the item:  50 "Name some members of the Burnaby Municipal Council".* Table X is identical i n every other way with Table IX. Table X: International, National and Provincial indices of knowledge of system elites compared with a new index of local knowledge: "Name the Members of the Burnaby municipal Council". (Burnaby data only) High Medium-High Medium^Low Low Total N=92 Note:  International 43.4% 36.9% 19.7% 0%  National 39.1% 50.0% 10.9% 0%  100%  100%  Provincial 30.4% 36.9% 31.8% .9% 100%  Local 7.1% 21.9% 61.4% 9.6% 100%  Low means "named none"; Medium-Low means "named one"; Medium-High means "named two"; High means "named three or more". (Local index only)  Thus, the use of this "open-ended" local index does permit many respondents to move into a higher category, but does not change the essential pattern of the data.  Such i s , however, not the  case when the same index of local knowledge i s used for the New Westminster data (i.e. the responses to "Name the members of the New Westminster City Council").  There, the modal category for  local scores becomes "Medium-High". This alteration reflects, I think, both the greater cohesiveness of New Westminster as a p o l i t i c a l unit and the generally higher level of p o l i t i c a l cognition at the local level.  But i t also reflects the fact that two members  of the City Council are on the teaching staff of the secondary  * This index gives more freedom to respondents to "find their , own level" of knowledge.  51 school i n which the testing was conducted (the effects of this point w i l l be examined i n a later chapter).  It becomes very  d i f f i c u l t , therefore, to factor out the contaminating effects of this presence. This information may also be organized i n another way, in order to extract s t i l l more meaning.  I f the indices are plotted  on a graph, as i n Figure 3, some interesting effects can be observed.  It w i l l be noted that the local index has a much  sharper slope than the others.  The International Index remains  at a high level for the three best-known figures (John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Charles DeGaulle), then plunges slightly for the remaining figures.  Similar, but steeper curves are obtained for  the National and Provincial Indices. The graph i s a cumulative distribution of scores.  In the  case of the International Index, i t means that a l l 92 respondents scored 3 or better; 74 scored 4 or better, eighteen being "lost"; 40 scored 5 or better. For the Local Index, i t means that 80 respondents scored 1 or better; only 10 scored 2 or better, seventy being "lost" along the way. The extension from the last (most right-hand) non-zero point to the zero point i s a mythical extension (i.e. the number of items i n each index i s indicated by the last non-zero point crossed by each line). In large measure, this effect reflects the\\ much greater v i s i b i l i t y of the chief executive at a l l levels and corroborates what both Greenstein^ and Easton and Hess^ have noted:  that the  51 a  F i g u r e 3: Cumulative D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Scores on Four C o g n i t i o n I n d i c e s (Burnaby data)  IOJ'I  52 role of the chief executive, at a l l levels, i s learned more quickly and sooner than those of his "helpers". The present data suggest, however, that this effect may occur i n more exaggerated form in the local p o l i t i c a l system than i n other polities. Other Studies These data appear, however, to be in conflict with Fred I. Greenstein's remarkable study on the socialization of children 4 in New Haven.  In that study very nearly 100% of children i n grades  four through eight, at a l l socio-economic levels, knew both the President and the Mayor, while considerably fewer (on the order of our differences between the Prime Minister and the Premier on the one hand, and the Reeve on the other) knew the name of the Governor.  He concludes that "Children clearly are f i r s t aware of  federal and local government." 5 on the basis of this data, he tentatively concludes . . . i t i s possible not only that children learn f i r s t of executives and of federal and local government because adults takes these institutions seriously, but also that adults are attentive to these institutions, in part, because these were the f i r s t about which they learned. I am, however, somewhat inclined to doubt the universal applicability of Greenstein's findings on the v i s i b i l i t y of local government.  F i r s t , I think i t i s quite clear from Robert Dahl's  study of New Haven Mayor Lee's f i r s t three terms of office that he was no ordinary local o f f i c i a l .  Second, there i s some information  53 in the Greenstein study which i s more like the present data i n i t s general implications (Table XI).  It i s clear that, in New  Haven, the roles of the Congress and the State Legislature are substantially better understood than is the role of the Board of Aldermen.  Finally, Greenstein reports that "In East Haven, a  neighbouring community, pre-test findings were that only 40 per cent of the f i f t h graders (in contrast to over 95 per cent of New Haven f i f t h graders) knew the city executive's name."? Referring to the Hess and Easton studies of p o l i t i c a l socialization, he also notes that "Chicago children, unlike New Haven children, knew l i t t l e about city o f f i c i a l s " .  8  I have, however, been unable  to find supportive information for this point i n any of the published reports on the Hess-Easton research. Table XI: Children's "reasonably accurate" knowledge of the Congress, the State Legislature, and the Board of Aldermen (New Haven, Connecticut): Upper Socio-economic status only (lower-3 SES differs in no important way).9 Grade: 4 5 6 7 8 Congress 10% 307. 227. 507. 627. State Legislature 167. 27. 77. 117. 327. Bd. of,Aldermen 27. 67. 47. 107. 197. Note: 7. entry i n each cell mean "7. having a 'reasonably accurate' knowledge of that body." It could, be plausibly argued that adolescents (my study) and pre-adolescents (Greenstein's and Easton and Hess's research) are not the most suitable subjects for assessing the cognitive importance of various levels of government.  This argument would discount  54 Greenstein's suggestion of the importance of "early learning"^ and stress interest in local politics as a function of growing older, "settling down", buying a home, etc.  However, the  sociologist Scott Greer, studying four urban areas in Los Angeles discovered that only 37% of their adult respondents could name one or more Los Angeles civic leaders.H  In a later study, Greer  found that in a sample of adults in suburban St. Louis only 48% could name even one municipal official.12 Finally, i t is worth noting that there i s one fragmentary morsel of cross-cultural information that would seem to support the relation obtained in the Vancouver study between the International and National Indices.  Administering a test of p o l i t i c a l  information to young people in France, Lapierre and Noizet report that their respondents appear to have more knowledge about broad international problems than about the purely domestic politics of France.*^  Arguing against the depolitisation thesis, they conclude N'est-ce pas le signe d'un deplacement dans l'interet pour la politique plutot que de son affaiblissment? ....II semble que le cadre d'attention s'elargisse, que les centres d'interet se deplacent: les questions strictement nationales sont moins familieres et plus mai connues gue les questions d'importance continentale ou mondiale.  A Guttmann Scale? Let us now return to the Burnaby-New Westminster data.  It  would be of some interest and significance i f these cognitive data could be found to possess the attributes of a Guttmann scale.  55 Unfortunately, the way in which the data have been collected and stored means that they do not lend themselves to a strict application of Guttmann scaling techniques. It i s possible, however, to remark that much of this data has Guttmann-type qualities.  Thus, in the Burnaby data, there  were nineteen respondents who could not name the Reeve; but a l l nineteen could name the Prime Minister and the Premier, as well as President Johnson. In short, i f these items were arranged i n a Guttmann order, i t i s found that the 110 knowing the Prime Minister are completely contained within the set of 113 knowing the President; the 109 knowing the Premier are completely contained within the set knowing the Prime Minister; the 94 knowing the Reeve are completely contained within the set knowing the Premier.  In this  way, i f we know that a respondent correctly named the Reeve, we also know that he correctly named the Premier, the Prime Minister, and the President.  Of course, the very small differences between  the f i r s t three items, and even the fourth, suggest the possibility that this effect i s i n some sense an artifact of the study. However, the four index scores, more complex measures with finer grades of distinction, also possess these Guttmann qualities to a limited degree.  From Table XII i t w i l l be observed that  in the New Westminster data (the Burnaby data have too few cases in the High Local category to be meaningful), a high score on the local index i s invariably predictive of a high score on the International Index. Fully 90% of the cases ranking high on the local  56 index, attain the very highest rank on the International Index, while only 657. of the total group reach this score on the International Index. Table XII:  The Local Index as a Predictor of Scores on the International Index (New Westminster data only)  No. of items correctly named on International 0 1 2 3 4  No. of items correctly named on Local 1 0 2 Total 3 0% 07. 07. 427. 587. 1007.  N=  12  07. 07. 07. 07. 07. 07. 47. ,37. 07. 367. ?07. 107. 607. /677. 907. 1007. •1007. 1007. 55  31  20  07. 07. 37. ' 317. 667. 1007. 118  The converse, however, does not hold true. That i s , a high score on the International Index i s not a'tT)all predictive of either a high or a low score on the Local Index.  This i s suggested by  the manner i n which the per cent entries i n the bottom two rows, except for those i n the last column, are very close numerically to the entries i n the totals column. Thus, a high scorer on the International 0  Index may end up at any position on the Local Index, while high scorers on the local Index tend to also be high scorers on the International Index. The relationships between the other indices do not attain anything like this degree of "clarity". Part of the difficulty with these data results, I think, from the way the indices combine knowledge of chief-executive figures and their "helpers" (Greenstein's term) which, i f Greenstein's observations about the cognitive differentials between these two  57 types i s c o r r e c t , should  i n f a c t confound the results.•*•-> S i n c e ,  as we have observed, i t may be t h a t knowledge o f t h e c h i e f "helpers"  falls  o f f at d i f f e r e n t rates for d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i e s i n  which t h e i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a t e s , t h e i s s u e i s f u r t h e r I have t h e i m p r e s s i o n ,  and t h e i r " h e l p e r s "  i n t o d i f f e r e n t , but r e l a t e d , c o g n i t i v e s c a l e s . t h a t much o f t h e p r e s e n t  l i n e a r s c a l e s , one f o r c h i e f e x e c u t i v e s ,  Q  3  1 2  B O  12  - may  fall  That i s , I b e l i e v e  ambiguity may come from the squeezing o f  Guttmann s c a l e s on t o one a r t i f i c i a l  A  complicated.  t h e r e f o r e , t h a t these two s e t s o f  p u b l i c f i g u r e s - c h i e f executives  two  executive's  construct.  one f o r t h e i r  4 3  Imagine two  (chief 4  "helpers".  executives)  ("helpers")  I f we assume t h a t these S t a l e s have more o r l e s s t h e same i n t e r v a l s , we may read  i t something l i k e t h i s : knowledge o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l  " c h i e f executives"  ( S c a l e A, p o i n t  "chief executives"  ( S c a l e A, p o i n t 2) and i n t e r n a t i o n a l " h e l p e r s " ;  ( S c a l e B, p o i n t  1) l o c a l " c h i e f e x e c u t i v e s  both p r o v i n c i a l " c h i e f e x e c u t i v e s " "helpers"  ( S c a l e B, p o i n t 3 ) .  ( S c a l e A, p o i n t 4)  ( S c a l e A, p o i n t 3) and p r o v i n c i a l  s p e c u l a t i v e (although  I doubt  caveat i s r e a l l y n e c e s s a r y ; t h e d e f e c t s a r e o b v i o u s ) .  t h e l e s s , I am a l t o g e t h e r  follow  I c a u t i o n the r e a d e r t h a t t h i s i s  h i g h l y i m p r e s s i o n a l i s t i c and v e r y any  1) precedes both n a t i o n a l  that  Never-  c e r t a i n t h a t an arrangement o f t h i s  type  does no harm a t a l l t o t h e sense o f the data. Some data which p a r t i a l l y f i t t h i s model may come from the r e s p o n s e s t o the open-ended q u e s t i o n ,  "Name some p e o p l e you know o r  58 may have heard about who are involved in politics or government." In a sample of twenty of the 210 fully completed questionnaires, i t was found that thirty-six figures were mentioned a total of 162 times.  Ten figures account for 114 of these mentions: Prime  Minister Pearson (19) , Opposition Leader Diefenbaker (18) , Premier Bennett, (17), New Democratic Leader Douglas (16), the local MP (10), the Mayor/Reeve (9), President Johnson (8) , B.C. Highways Minister Gaglardi (7), Creditiste Leader Caouette (5), Senator R. Kennedy (5). The dominant impression that emerges i s that, over the whole sample, there i s a tendency to mention the chief executive at one level, then, on the other dimension, his "helpers", then the chief executive at the next level, then his "helpers", and so on.  The chief deviation from the expected pattern occurs i n  the lack of international responses to this question. This effect, largely inconsistent with the other cognitive measure used, may result from the particular associative net related to the stimulus "politics and government". Among the ranks of the "helpers" should be included the representatives of the local area i n the Parliament and Provincial legislature.  The relative i n v i s i b i l i t y of representatives has 16  long been observed in the United States.  Some recent data  suggests, not surprisingly, that the same effect occurs in Great Britain.  Thus, i n the study of Burnaby and New Westminster students,  only 57% of the latter, and 58% of the former couldCname their Member of Parliament (many less than could name any chief executive,  59 s u g g e s t i n g t h a t the M.P. l i e s , on t h e B s c a l e , t o t h e r i g h t o f p o i n t 4 on t h e A s c a l e .  Approximately  t h e same number i n both  samples, i n c i d e n t a l l y , c o u l d name t h e p r o v i n c i a l o r t h e U.S. V i c e - P r e s i d e n t ) . sample (Burnaby), minster)  Attorney-General  However, o n l y a h a n d f u l o f one  and l e s s than a t h i r d o f t h e o t h e r (New West-  c o u l d i d e n t i f y t h e i r member o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l  legislature.  Thus, t h e g r e a t e r v i s i b i l i t y we have noted here f o r n a t i o n a l r a t h e r than p r o v i n c i a l e l i t e f i g u r e s may be g e n e r a l l y a p p l i c a b l e t o t h e l o c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s f o r each o f the systems.  I t should be  remembered, on t h e o t h e r hand, t h a t both s t u d i e s were made o n l y a few weeks a f t e r a f e d e r a l  election.  Some E x p l a n a t i o n s  Why s h o u l d a l l t h i s be so? Why s h o u l d c i t i z e n s have s i g n i f i c a n t l y l e s s knowledge about t h e p o l i t i c a l system which i s o s t e n s i b l y " c l o s e r " t o them, than about more " d i s t a n t " systems?  One f a c i l e  answer would, o f c o u r s e , be s i m p l y t o p i n t h e whole blame on t h e "mass media", and t h i s p o i n t s h a l l be taken up i n a l a t e r  chapter.  I have t h e i m p r e s s i o n , however, t h a t o t h e r v a r i a b l e s may w e l l be a t work. I t i s f a i r l y c l e a r , f o r instance, that l o c a l a c r o s s both samples, thought than o t h e r p o l i t i c a l may observe  figures.  leaders are,  t o be c o n s i d e r a b l y l e s s  important  Thus, i n T a b l e s X I I I and XIV, we  t h a t , f o r the Prime M i n i s t e r , P r e m i e r ,  and Reeve/Mayor,  t h e r e i s s u b s t a n t i a l agreement on a h i e r a r c h y which p l a c e s them i n  60 that order.  In both tables, incidentally, the only clear deviation  from this pattern occurs i n the dyad Prime Minister-President of the U.S., strong testimony to the persistence of the nation-state frame of reference.  In both studies, more than half of the  respondents gave indication of using a consistent Prime MinisterPremier-Mayor/Reeve hierarchy. If this general agreement on the place of local government i s related to low scoring on the Local Index (and there is no evidence that i t i s , other than the appearance of the two effects within the same two studies), the problem might be analyzable i n terms of the theory of cognitive dissonance.^ : "I know l i t t l e about this thing, therefore i t must not be important."  Alternatively, i t could be  that the citizens reasons: "This i s not very important, therefore, I w i l l not learn much about i t . " Table XIII:  "Importance" rankings of the U.S. President, the Prime Minister, the Premier, and the Reeve (Burnaby)  President more important than Prime Minister " " Premier " " " Reeve " " "  President 25 15 12  Prime Minister Premier Reeve 59 90 95 87 100 13 99 8 5 -  Ambiguous dyads ("About equal" or "Don't know") President-Prime Minister Prime Minister-Premier Premier-Reeve President-Premier President-Reeve Prime Minister-Reeve  30 14 10 9 7 6  61 Table XIV:  "Importance" rankings of the U.S. President, the Prime Minister, Premier, and Mayor (New Westminster)  ;J President more important than Prime Minister " " Premier " " " Mayor " " "  President Prime Minister Premier (Mayor50 88 99 19 83 100 19 11 94 10 6 9  Ambiguous dyads ('About equal" or "Don't know") President-Prime Minister Prime Minister-Premier Premier-Mayor Prime Minister-Mayor President-Premier President-Mayor  51 26 17 13 12 10  Method: Each respondent was asked to rank each public office against the other in a series of six paired comparisons. Each comparison also offered the option "about equal" and "don't know". It may also be that the motivation for learning about p o l i t i c a l systems differs from system to system.  I have the impression that  "politics" i n our culture has a strong emotive or affective content to i t , and that this quality acts as one incentive for the citizen to learn about politics.  Such a formation would be consistent with  psychological learning theories about the role of emotion i n , . 18 learning. There i s some evidence i n the present data that these respondents view municipal politics i n a different light than they see politics i n other arenas. Thus, when provided with four items, three relating to municipal, provincial, and national government , and a fourth relating to United States government, and asked to strike out the "one that does not belong with the others", about two-thirds, quite naturally, chose the obvious alternative  62 and struck out the American item.  However, nearly a l l the  remaining respondents opted to strike out the municipal government item.  This, I think, i s fairly clear evidence that these  respondents were cognizant of "something different" about local politics.  These results are summarized in Table XV.  Table XV:  "Something different" about local government. (Combined Burnaby and New Westminster data)  A. Which one does not belong? No response 3% Reeve/Mayor 29% U.S.President 66% Premier 1.5% Prime Minister .5% B. Which one does not belong? No response 47» City/Municipal Councillor 31% U.S.Senator 62% MLA 1% MP 2% N = 236 \ The large number of respondents who see "something different" about local government may, however, simply be thinking that these local symbols are "close" to them, while the others are more "distant".  Or more correctly, they may be respondent to the norm  or myth that i t i s so, since their responses to the cognitive questions appear to reveal that they think otherwise. One suggestive bit of information concerns these groups' response to the open-ended question, "Name some people you know or may have heard about who are involved i n politics or government."  63 These responses are summarized in Table XVI. Table XVI:  Open-ended naming of p o l i t i c a l figures (Combined data)  No response Named 4 or less but no local leader Named 5 or more but ho local leader Named one local leader Named more than one local leader Named no local leader but mentioned MP or MLA  2% 14% 26% 19% 22% 177. 100% N = 236 .  Question: Name some people you know or have heard about who are involved i n politics or government. We can see, then, that 41% of the total respondent group did name one or more local government leader. Yet, nearly as many mentioned no local figure, and the model response category consists of those who named more than five, but no local personnage.  This  suggests to me the possible presence of a feeling that local politics to these people i s not "really politics",. caused perhaps by a non-affective tone to this class of p o l i t i c a l activity.  Such  an hypothesis would certainly be consistent with the widespread faith, not only i n Canada but i n the United States as well, i n "non-partisan" local government, and the slogan "There's no^ Republican or Democratic way to collect garbage."  Finally, i t i s  worth noting that there was not one single case i n these data of naming only local figures.. In other words, every respondent consistently mentioned world, national, or provincial figures, but only a minority of those mentioned local leaders.  64 These l a s t data,  r e g a r d l e s s of what they  s u b j e c t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of p o l i t i c s  say about  i n a systemic  the  framework,  remind us once a g a i n o f the Guttmann-type q u a l i t i e s of a l l t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n on p o l i t i c a l  cognition.  T h i s p o i n t may  have  considerable  significance.  " L o c a l i s m " and  Political  Cognition  More than twenty years  ago  Robert K. Merton i n t r o d u c e d 'the  " l o c a l - c o s m o p o l i t a n d i m e n s i o n " i n t o the study Observing  influence patterns  that l o c a l  of community  i n a medium-size town, he  l e a d e r s c o u l d be u s e f u l l y c l a s s i f i e d  were " l o c a l " i n t h e i r o r i e n t a t i o n s , and  politics.  observed  i n t o those.who  those who  were more "cosmo-  19 politan".  W i l l i a m Dobriner,  t h i s a t t r i b u t e , has terms - may Dye  has  be  on m e t r o p o l i t a n  found t h a t " l o c a l i s m " - conceived  r e l a t e d to l e n g t h of r e s i d e n c e  discovered  communities he  that a t t i t u d i n a l  and  l o c a l i s m was,  tap  in attitudinal  ethnic  grouping.  for sixteen  s t u d i e d i n the P h i l a d e l p h i a area, r e l a t e d to a t t i t u d e s 21 government.  localism i n s t r i c t l y of t a p p i n g  u s i n g an a t t i t u d i n a l s c a l e to  One  attitudinal  d i f f i c u l t y w i t h measuring terms, however, i s t h a t , i n s t e a d  l o c a l i s m , the s c a l e may  norms" or " c u l t u r a l t r u i s m s " . ^ In t h i s study,  be  touching  adherence to "dead  No b e h a v i o r a l i n f e r e n c e i s p o s s i b l e . ^  a q u e s t i o n a s k i n g respondents to s e l e c t  p r e f e r r e d place o f r e s i d e n c e when they  finish  used as a measure of l o c a l i s m .  About 75  to leave t h e i r home community.  But  83  their  t h e i r education  per cent  was  i n d i c a t e they  per cent o f those  scoring  intend  65  low on l o c a l p o l i t i c a l knowledge, and o n l y 65 p e r cent o f those s c o r i n g h i g h on l o c a l p o l i t i c a l knowledge have such an i n t e n t i o n . T h e r e i s a l s o a v e r y crude of and  tendency f o r persons  h i g h on t h e index  l o c a l p o l i t i c a l knowledge t o have been born i n t h e l o c a l i t y , t o have l i v e d t h e r e f o r some time.  Thus, i f l o c a l i s m i s  d e f i n e d i n these terms, i t may be thought  t o have an impact  on  l o c a l p o l i t i c a l knowledge. But clearly  these data s h o u l d be i n t e r p r e t e d c a u t i o n s l y . not evidence  They a r e  f o r b e l i e v i n g t h a t two r i g i d types  " l o c a l s " w i t h a knowledge o n l y o f l o c a l a f f a i r s , and w i t h a knowledge o n l y o f n o n - l o c a l a f f a i r s .  exist:  "cosmopolitans"  They o n l y  suggest  t h a t l e n g t h o f r e s i d e n c e and p r e f e r r e d p l a c e o f f u t u r e r e s i d e n c e may b r i n g about a g r a d u a l a c c r e t i o n o f l o c a l p o l i t i c a l knowledge. the Guttmann q u a l i t i e s  And  o f t h e whole a r r a y o f c o g n i t i v e data remind  us t h a t t h e r e i s a s t r i n g  counter-tendency  for local p o l i t i c a l  knowledge t o be simply a f u n c t i o n o f g r e a t e r o v e r a l l p o l i t i c a l knowledge.  I t would, then, not be amiss t o t h i n k t h a t i n t e r e s t i n  l o c a l p o l i t i c s (as measured by t h e c o g n i t i v e data) t o be a  joint  f u n c t i o n o f g r e a t e r p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t and " l o c a l i s m " v a r i a b l e s , w i t h r a t h e r more emphasis on the f i r s t  than t h e second.  Geography and C o g n i t i o n : t h e I n d i a n Case  E a r l i e r we remarked on t h e p e c u l i a r manner i n which p o l i t i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n i n t h e Vancouver a r e a data remained independent o f ,  66 or even reversed, the influence of geography; mere proximity was no guarantee of a high level of cognition. In stark comparison to this stands a study of p o l i t i c a l information made i n rural India in the early nineteen f i f t i e s . ^  These data, summarized i n Table XVII  clearly indicate quite the reverse of the North American case: geographical distance i s a central determinant of the level of knowledge. Further more, the more distant a village i s from the urban centre, the less likely i t i s to have knowledge about provincial and national leaders, and facts about the international scene.  Although the researchers do not explicitly examine the  problem of local p o l i t i c a l information, i t i s clear from the text of their report that, expectedly, nearly a l l respondents were fully cognizant of local leaders, problems, etc. Table XVII: P o l i t i c a l Communication i n Rural I n d i a  26  Village and Distance i n Miles from Poona 1. leaders known A(0) B(ll) C(24) D(26) -provincial a a a a -national a a b b 2. Division of world into two camps b b 3. know world leaders b* 4. heard of America b b Britain b b -  City E(20) F(80) G(72) b . b b b b -  -  a = many people in the village knowing the item b - some people i n the village knowing the item * In the text, Damle discloses that this entry derives from one person who had heard of Churchill, Pakistani Prime Minister Mohammed A l i , and "Isenhover".  67 T h i s p a t t e r n has it  been more or l e s s confirmed  i s a characteristic pattern of p o l i t i c a l  areas o f d e v e l o p i n g  countries - although  by o t h e r  research;  information i n r u r a l  probably  the e f f e c t  of  g e o g r a p h i c d i s t a n c e i s exaggerated i n the I n d i a n case because o f  the  inadequate s t a t e o f mass media development i n I n d i a at the time. phenomenon i s , of course, one landmark work. The P a s s i n g  of the c h i e f burdens o f D a n i e l  of T r a d i t i o n a l  This  Lerner's  Society. ? 2  Summary  I n t h i s chapter, we political  have examined the comparative p a t t e r n s  c o g n i t i o n which o b t a i n f o r o v e r l a p p i n g p o l i t i c a l  i n the " c o n c e n t r i c model".  We  have observed, from both  c o l l e c t e d e s p e c i a l l y f o r t h i s study and data researchers  o f the l o c a l p o l i t y i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . r e l a t e to low chapter.  We  systems  data  c o l l e c t e d by  t h a t , i n the developed w o r l d , a low  other  l e v e l of c o g n i t i o n  T h i s a t t r i b u t e may  well  l e v e l s of v o t i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n observed i n the have a l s o noted t h a t , i n these  of  first  c o u n t r i e s , i n f o r m a t i o n about  the l o c a l p o l i t y i s n o r m a l l y much l e s s than f o r o t h e r p o l i t i e s i n which the i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a t e s . F i n a l l y , we  have seen t h a t the  p a t t e r n appears to h o l d t r u e i n l e s s - d e v e l o p e d A t t h i s p o i n t , we may  reverse  r e g i o n s o f the w o r l d .  w e l l begin to wonder i f the same model can be used  to e x p l a i n l o c a l p o l i t i c s under both c o n d i t i o n s . be s y s t e m a t i c a l l y examined i n a l a t e r  chapter.  This question  will  68 Footnotes: Chapter 4 1  Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1963, Chapter 3.  2  Fred I. Greenstein, Children and Politics, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1965, pp. 61-64.  3  Robert D. Hess and David Easton, "The Child's Image of the President", Public Opinion Quarterly, 24 (1960), pp. 630-645.  4  Greenstein, op. c i t . , pp. 58-59.  5  Ibid., p. 60.  6  Ibid., p. 81.  7  Ibid., p. 63.  8  Ibid., p. 62.  9  Adapted from Ibid., p. 58.  10  Ibid., pp. 75-84.  11  Scott Greer, Urbanism Reconsidered: A Comparative Study of Urban Areas i n a Metropolis" American Sociological Review, 21 (1956), pp. 19-25, p. 22.  12  Scott Greer, "The Social Structure and P o l i t i c a l Process of Suburbia: An Empirical Test", Rural Sociology, 27 (1962), pp. 438-450.  13  Jean-William Lapierre and Georges Noizet, "L'Information Politique des Jeunes Francais en 1962", Revue Francaise de Science Politique, 14 (1964), pp. 480-504. Unfortunately, their methodology leaves something to be desired for purposes of theoretical inference. Additionally we have no comparative data, and are not likely to get any, on more "nationalistic" eras.  14  Ibid., p. 503.  15  Supra.  16  Daniel Katz and Samuel Eldersveld, "The Impact of Local Party Activity Upon the Electorate", Public Opinion Quarterly, 25 (1961), pp. 1-24.  69 17  See Leon Festinger, A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance, New York, Row Peterson, 1957.  18  See Sarnoff Mednick, Learning, Englewood C l i f f s , Prentice-Hall, 1964, pp. 68-87.  19  Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, Glencoe, The Free Press, (Revised Edition), 1957, pp. 387-420.  20  William M. Dobriner, "Local and Cosmopolitan as Contemporary Suburban Character Types", in Dobriner (ed.) The Suburban Community New York, Putnam, 1958, pp. 132-143.  21  Thomas R. Dye, "The Local-Cosmopolitan Dimension and the Study of Urban P o l i t i c s " , Social Forces, 41 (1963), pp. 239-246.  22  E.g. "I have greater respect for a man who is well established in his community than a man who is widely known in his field but who has no local roots." Taken from Dye, op. c i t .  23  The classic case of the gap between adherence to cultural truisms and behavioral situations i s , of course, Samuel Stouffer, Communism, Conformity and C i v i l Liberties, New York, Doubleday, 1955.  24  Y. B. Damle, "Communication of Modern Ideas and Knowledge in Indian Villages", Public Opinion Quarterly, 20 (1956), pp. 257-270.  25  I do not wish to distort the central message of Mr. Damle's research. He contends that " . . . i t is not merely the distance from or nearness to the city that facilitates communication of ideas and knowledge. The social structure also determines the qualitative and quantitative content of the communications that are assimilated." (p. 267) Other studies have also pointed to the importance of social structure in the diffusion of information. See T.L. Blair, "Social Structure and Information Exposure in Brazil", Rural Sociology, 25 (1960), pp. 65-76. However, these writers.are merely trying to undermine the simple-minded notion that distance determines a l l , i.e. that geography is surely important, but not the only factor. For our purposes, knowing only that i t has a significant impact in these countries is interesting, since i t appears to have very l i t t l e in the North American setting.  26  Adapted from Damle, op. c i t . , p. 265.  27  Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1958.  PART I I I : SOME INFRASTRUCTURAL FEATURES OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM  CHAPTER 5:  In  THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA  one sense, communications may be thought t o be the c e n t r a l  process o f a l l s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l l i f e . a n i m a l s , no l e s s than man.^ " I t may be presumed  T h i s i s true o f the s o c i a l  Thus, T a l c o t t Parsons i s moved t o say,  t h a t d i s r u p t i o n o f the communication system o f  a s o c i e t y i s u l t i m a t e l y j u s t as dangerous as d i s r u p t i o n of i t s system 2 of  order..." Within' p o l i t i c a l  systems i t might be s a i d t h a t  communications  perform many u s e f u l f u n c t i o n s , r e g a r d l e s s o f the s i z e o f the system or  medium of communication.  system d e c i d e s are  (1) who  will  t o be pursued, and how  They may  be the means by which the  p l a y what p o l i t i c a l  roles;  they are to be a t t a i n e d ;  (2) what g o a l s  (3) i t s b o u n d a r i e s .  More s p e c i f i c a l l y , we might suggest t h a t the media o f communication will  (1) t e l l  political  people who  elite;  (2) t e l l  e l i t e what i t must do to m a i n t a i n i t s p o s i t i o n ;  and l e g i t i m i z e g o a l s ; goals;  make up the p o l i t i c a l  the  (3) announce  (4) m o b i l i z e r e s o u r c e s f o r the implementation o f  (5) t r a n s m i t i n t e g r a t i v e symbols  ( i . e . p r o v i d e more or l e s s  r e g u l a r r e i n f o r c e m e n t s reminding the members t h a t a system e x i s t s ) . Political  Communications  Media: D e f i n i t i o n s and H y p o t h e s i s  As M a r s h a l l McLuhan has p o i n t e d out, a l l media are " e x t e n s i o n s 3 of  man".  I t may be u s e f u l , however, to d i v i d e these e x t e n s i o n s  into  two b a s i c forms: (1) the " p e r s o n a l medium", by which we mean t h a t communication which takes p l a c e between 70  i n d i v i d u a l s i n the p h y s i c a l  71 presence o f one another - the spoken word, the g e s t u r e ; and (2) the "non-personal media", by which we mean any " e x t e n s i o n " , or medium o f communication which does not r e q u i r e the contiguous presence o f the communicators, and t e l e v i s i o n .  - drums, semaphore,  physical telegraph, print,  Almost w i t h o u t e x c e p t i o n , man i s the o n l y s o c i a l  animal which has made use o f the " n o n - p e r s o n a l " media.  And i t i s  modern man who has developed the non-personal media i n t o  instruments  by which c o l o s s a l aggregates o f humans can s i m u l t a n e o u s l y  communicate  4 w i t h one another.  T h i s l a s t development has o c c u r r e d as a r e s u l t  of the i n v e n t i o n o f the "mass media". Among p o l i t i c a l been foremost brilliant  s c i e n t i s t s , K a r l Deutsch and h i s students have  i n the study o f communications  and p o l i t i c s . " *  N a t i o n a l i s m and S o c i a l Communication  r e l a t i o n s h i p between o f communications.  changing Working  i s a treatise  nations.  i n the  s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and changing p a t t e r n s  i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l  field,  h i s f o l l o w e r s have s t u d i e d the r o l e o f communications systemic framework)  Deutsch's  i n the study o f p o l i t i c a l  Deutsch and  (in a cybernetic  integration  between  I t i s a p e c u l i a r i t y o f the D e u t s c h i a n t h e o r y o f communications  (or, as they are more commonly known, " t r a n s a c t i o n s " ) t h a t i t has a strong sociometric q u a l i t y :  i t measures  communications  i n both the  p e r s o n a l medium and the non-personal media: t o u r i s t and student exchanges, l e t t e r s , like.  telephone c a l l s ,  t e l e g r a p h messages,  and the  I n so d o i n g , i t c o n s i s t e n t l y but i m p l i c i t l y de-emphasizes the  r o l e o f t h a t c l a s s o f non-personal media s a i d t o c o n s t i t u t e "mass media".  Thus, Bruce R u s s e t t ' s study o f B r i t a i n and America i n the  72 t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , ^ one  o f the c h i e f o p e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s o f the  D e u t s c h i a n t h e o r y , •analyzes t o u r i s t and student exchanges, telephone c a l l s , on.  f a m i l y t i e s , t r a d e and investment  But he devotes  o n l y a few  letters,  p a t t e r n s and  so  pages to mass media, n o t i n g con-  d e s c e n d i n g l y t h a t "Communication between two n a t i o n s i s not c o n f i n e d to Q  messages sent d i r e c t l y from one to me  person to another".  Thus, i t seems  t h a t Deutschian t h e o r y , w h i l e a t t a i n i n g c o n s i d e r a b l e soph-  i s t i c a t i o n i n i t s abstract to adequately i n t e r p r e t There  form, has  failed,  i n operational action,  the r o l e of the mass media.  i s a sense, moreover, i n which these two  (or t h r e e ) types  of communication can be c o n s i d e r e d under the same c o n c e p t u a l As a t h e o r e t i c a l n o t i o n encompassing b o t h , I would propose f o l l o w i n g dictum:  t h a t persons who  death o f P r e s i d e n t Kennedy.  the  are consumers o f the same mass  medium are i n communication w i t h each o t h e r . I t h i n k , a n o t i o n much l i k e  heading.  Wilbur Schramm, had,  t h i s i n mind when he wrote about Americans,  he  the  says  ....were weeping s e c r e t l y and openly, over the s i g h t s o f the n a t i o n a l t r a g e d y . They were p a r t i c i p a t i n g as much as they c o u l d i n memorial e v e n t s . They were going t o a f u n e r a l . And they were doing these t h i n g s • together'. The enormous, u n e q u a l l e d focus o f a t t e n t i o n t h a t o c c u r r e d around the t e l e v i s i o n s e t s o f America ...deserves more thought than i t has been g i v e n . How m a n y . . . a c t u a l l y f e l t they were s i t t i n g i n a c o n g r e g a t i o n o f 150 m i l l i o n Americans we do not know. Many... a p p a r e n t l y had a sense o f p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a n a t i o n a l act. 9 At f i r s t  g l a n c e , such a f o r m u l a t i o n might seem to be a  " r e t u r n " to the e a r l y view o f mass communications  (and mass s o c i e t y )  73  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the Chicago group of s o c i o l o g i s t s . recent  students o f mass communications w r i t e  Thus two  u  more  about the e a r l y t h e o r i s t s .  o f mass s o c i e t y : T h e i r image, f i r s t of a l l , was of an a t o m i s t i c mass o f m i l l i o n s of r e a d e r s , l i s t e n e r s , and movie-goers prepared to r e c e i v e the Message; and s e c o n d l y , they p i c t u r e d every Message as a. d i r e c t and powerful s t i m u l u s to a c t i o n which would e l i c i t immediate r e s p o n s e . In s h o r t , the media o f communication were looked upon as a new k i n d o f u n i f y i n g f o r c e - a simple k i n d of nervous system - r e a c h i n g out to every eye and e a r , i n a. s o c i e t y c h a r a c t e r i z e d by an amorphous s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and a paucity of i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s . ^ 1  I t was,  i n f a c t , i n r e a c t i o n to such models and  research  rising  empirical  from the v o t i n g s t u d i e s o f the n i n e t e e n  the concept o f the In b r i e f ,  to new  forties  "two-step f l o w " o f mass communication'was  t h i s theory  suggests t h a t "ideas  p r i n t to the o p i n i o n l e a d e r s  o f t e n flow  that  formulated.  from r a d i o  and  and, from them to the l e s s a c t i v e  13 s e c t i o n s of the Two  population."  comments are  mind t h a t the  "two-step" flow  of t e l e v i s i o n ^ before to the  i n order.  First  theory  was  p o i n t about the  step t h e o r y " .  derived  "two  force.  step t h e o r y "  C l e a r l y i t r e f u t e s o n l y the  messages flow d i r e c t l y mechanics o f how  kept i n  p r i o r to the  a l l the v a r i o u s media were f o r c e d to  impact of t h i s powerful s o c i a l  essential  o f a l l , i t must be  But,  i n any  age  adjust  case,  i s that i t i s a  the  "two  simple minded n o t i o n  that  from "media to mass", and merely s p e c i f i e s the  t h a t flow o c c u r s .  I t does indeed put back i n t o  our  t h e o r i e s about mass communication some f e e l i n g about the  mediating  importance of p e r s o n a l  opposite,  networks.  But  i t does not do  the  74  i.e.,  take  the mass media out o f the  picture.  Thus, I t h i n k there i s  no major t h e o r e t i c a l b a r r i e r to r e t a i n i n g the d i s t i n c t i o n ' suggested above between " p e r s o n a l " and a, v a r i e t y of the l a t t e r ) .  The  w i l l become c l e a r e r as we we  "non-personal" reason  media ("mass media" b e i n g  for offering this  formulation  attempt to account f o r some o f the  patterns  have observed so f a r . How  do men  l e a r n about p o l i t i c s ?  the g e n e r a l heading o f " p o l i t i c a l observes,  "The  r u b r i c we  might a l s o add  many other  family incubates  One  answer i s o b t a i n e d  socialization".  under  Thus, as Lane  p o l i t i c a l Man".'''"' Under the same  s c h o o l s , primary groups, o r g a n i z a t i o n s ,  and  i n f l u e n c e s that have been found to p l a y a r o l e i n p o l i t i c a l 16  socialization. political  I t seems, however, most i m p l a u s i b l e to t h i n k t h a t  knowledge(in the widest  f u n c t i o n of " s o c i a l i z a t i o n " .  sense)as  being a " o n c e - a n d - f o r - a l l "  (Or, at l e a s t ,  i t becomes  theoretically  v e r y clumsy t o t h i n k o f i t e n t i r e l y i n s o c i a l i z a t i o n t e r m s ) . i n p a r t i c u l a r , i n c o n s i s t e n t with theory to b e l i e v e t h a t , without  anything  we  know about l e a r n i n g  more or l e s s r e g u l a r  reinforcement,  responses do not move f a i r l y r a p i d l y towards e x t i n c t i o n . ^ it  does not seem reasonable  i s s u e s , and  Moreover,  to t h i n k t h a t , i n modern p o l i t i e s ,  p e r s o n a l i t i e s , may  change many times w i t h i n the  span o f a s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l , t h a t a c o n s t a n t i n f o r m a t i o n i s not needed.  It i s ,  flow o f  "communications".  life  political  Such c o n s i d e r a t i o n s can be more  thought o f under the heading o f  where  fruitfully  75  In  t h i n k i n g about p o l i t i c a l  communications, moreover, i t  becomes n e c e s s a r y t o c o n s i d e r the t o t a l  "media mix" which f a c e s the  i n d i v i d u a l - the sum t o t a l o f p o l i t i c a l  communications which bombards  him. of  D i s c u s s i n g t h i s v e r y problem i n the context o f the phenomenon  " s e l e c t i v e i n a t t e n t i o n " , Herbert Hyman comments . . . . c e r t a i n l y the prime c o n d i t i o n f o r such a phenomenon i s that he cannot expose h i m s e l f to e v e r y t h i n g a v a i l a b l e and p e r f o r c e must s e l e c t something. I n the s o c i e t y w i t h the l e s s l a v i s h media package, s e l e c t i v e exposure may not be n e c e s s a r y a t a l l , and the i n d i v i d u a l ' s need f o r s t i m u l a t i o n from the media may be nowhere near satiation.18  Thus, when d i s c u s s i n g the e f f e c t o f communications  i n the p r e s e n t  c o n t e x t t h a t t e l e v i s i o n , r a d i o , the p r i n t e d word, and messages are competing f o r the c i t i z e n ' s Finally,  i f we  systemic framework, "of" for  "personal"  attention.  are to t h i n k about p o l i t i c a l  theory i n a  i t becomes important to develop the i d e a o f media  the system, and perhaps, the s p e c i a l "mix" o f media which o b t a i n s t h a t system.  And,  i f we  are to i n v e s t i g a t e the phenomenon o f  c o n c e n t r i c a l l y organized p o l i t i c a l t h i s question attains a s p e c i a l  A Media-Structural  systems - "systems w i t h i n systems" -  significance.  Model  What determines which media w i l l be a t t a c h e d to which o r g a n i z e d systems?  concentrically  I n t u i t i v e l y , we would be probably c o r r e c t to  t h i n k t h a t the answer w i l l be a f u n c t i o n o f (1) the " g a t e k e e p e r s " of  the medium - who  they a s s o c i a t e w i t h , what k i n d s o f p o l i t i c s  they  76  b e l i e v e t o be important, e t c . ; and (2)  the audience o f the medium -  what the medium's policy-makers deem t o be o f i n t e r e s t watchers,  l i s t e n e r s , and r e a d e r s .  to t h e i r  Thus, i n the North American  s e t t i n g t e l e v i s i o n and r a d i o networks c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y d e a l w i t h political  events o f a n a t i o n a l o r i n t e r n a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r , as do the  g r e a t n a t i o n a l newsmagazines.  Similarly, local television stations,  s t a t i o n s , and m e t r o p o l i t a n newspapers concern themselves of  a regional significance.  press" t r i e s  with  radio  events  And, as Janowitz notes, "the community  t o " p l a y up the l o c a l  a n g l e " . ^ A l l t h i s , however, i s  not to say t h a t the v a r i o u s media do not d e a l with events t h a t  take  p l a c e a t a " h i g h e r l e v e l " , events and p e r s o n a l i t i e s o f a wider significance.  Schematically, this structure i s represented i n Figure 4 .  F i g u r e 4 : Media and t h e i r  Network T e l e v i s i o n  world news n a t i o n a l news  concerns Local Television, Radio, and M e t r o p o l i t a n Newspapers w o r l d news n a t i o n a l news r e g i o n a l news  Local  Press  world news n a t i o n a l news r e g i o n a l news l o c a l news  L o o k i n g a t t h i s model we see t h a t n a t i o n a l and r e g i o n a l mass media a r e media o f the n a t i o n a l and r e g i o n a l p o l i t i c a l axe consumed d i r e c t l y by the c i t i z e n r y i n s t i l l t h i s sense  lower  systems, and systems.  they may be s a i d t o " o v e r a r c h " the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l  In system.  Thus, a c i t i z e n o f Burnaby or New Westminster who was a consumer o n l y of  n a t i o n a l and r e g i o n a l media would be expected  i n f o r m a t i o n about more i n c l u s i v e  systems.  t o possess  political  The " o v e r a r c h i n g " media,  77  then, i g n o r e the l o c a l l o c a l press and The  p o l i t y - the l a t t e r i s served o n l y by  the  the p e r s o n a l medium.  i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s s t r u c t u r e are t w o f o l d .  I n the  first  p l a c e , i t i s c l e a r t h a t , i n terms o f sheer volume, the number o f s t i m u l i r e a c h i n g the average North American from the mass media are enormous.  In the study o f students  i n the Vancouver a r e a , more than  90% c l a i m e d to watch t e l e v i s i o n news "sometimes", and number s a i d they "sometimes" read The  Sun,  an'equivalent  a r e g i o n a l newspaper.  E i g h t y per cent claimed to read:Reader's D i g e s t "sometimes", 40 cent were o c c a s i o n a l r e a d e r s of Time, 75% o f L i f e , local  75% o f the  press. Secondly,  it  and  per  i f the h y p o t h e s i z e d  i s clear that p o l i t i c a l  s t r u c t u r e i s a true representation,  s t i m u l i from "world" and  "national"  sources  outnumber, across the whole range o f o f f e r i n g s , those which emanate from l o c a l or r e g i o n a l s o u r c e s . that p o l i t i c a l  P e r s o n a l Medium i n the L o c a l  Let  us now  surprising  i n f o r m a t i o n should be h i g h e r f o r i n t e r n a t i o n a l ,  n a t i o n a l , and r e g i o n a l p o l i t i e s  The  I t becomes, then, not  than f o r the l o c a l  system.  Polity  r e t u r n to the e a r l i e r d i s t i n c t i o n p o s t u l a t e d  between " p e r s o n a l " and  "non-personal"  media o f communication.  not i m p l a u s i b l e to assume t h a t , i n the c o n c e n t r i c model, b o t h w i l l be o p e r a t i v e .  Thus, the l a b o u r l e a d e r may  It is types  r e t u r n from Washington  to h i s l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i n , say, San F r a n c i s c o , to r e p o r t t h a t  78  " S e c t i o n 14-b o f the T a f t - H a r t l e y A c t has not been r e p e a l e d " .  In  p r a c t i s e , o f course, h i s p e r s o n a l i n t e r v e n t i o n i n the communications flow w i l l  not be n e c e s s a r y ,  almost anyone who  except i n a c l a r i f y i n g c a p a c i t y , s i n c e  cared about the i s s u e would s u r e l y have  learned  about i t v i a the mass media l o n g b e f o r e he had a chance to make h i s report.  Still,  the p e r s o n a l r o l e i n p o l i t i c a l  l e v e l , may be assumed  to p l a y a r o l e ,  communications at t h i s  i f o n l y a v e r y minor one.  I n t u i t i v e l y , however, we might t h i n k that"where s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s were more amenable say,  to p o l i t i c a l  i n the " l o c a l community",  communications o f the p e r s o n a l  type,  t h i s medium would be o f g r e a t e r  importance. The New Westminster data p r o v i d e us w i t h an o p p o r t u n i t y to check this latter  i d e a ( t h a t i s , o f course,  obvious r e q u i r e s v e r i f i c a t i o n ) .  i f anything  so i n t u i t i v e l y  There, i t w i l l be remembered, two  c i t y aldermen were on the t e a c h i n g s t a f f o f the secondary s c h o o l i n which the t e s t was the question:•"Name  conducted.  Tabl e XVIp r e p r e s e n t s  the r e s u l t s t o  the members o f the C i t y C o u n c i l o f New Westminster."  As might be expected, Aldermen A and B are the s c h o o l  Table X V I I I : The P e r s o n a l Medium f o r P o l i t i c a l  Respondents Naming '1U0 Respondents Not Naming20  The r e s u l t  49  81  85  teachers.  Communication  108  113  f o r Alderman A i s not e n t i r e l y s u r p r i s i n g : he takes many  c o n t r o v e r s i a l p o s i t i o n s and i s f r e q u e n t l y mentioned i n the l o c a l  79  press. way  Aldermen B i s , I am r e l i a b l y informed however, not i n any  e x c e p t i o n a l to the remaining members o f the C o u n c i l - except  f o r t h i s p o p u l a t i o n , i n w h i c h he has average v i s i b i l i t y  the a t t r i b u t e  o f h a v i n g above  i n the p e r s o n a l medium.  I do not, o f c o u r s e , t h i n k f o r a moment t h a t the process i s at a l l as simple as t h i s  s t y l i z e d a n a l y s i s suggests.  both the p e r s o n a l and non-personal  ( i n t h i s case, c h i e f l y o f the "mass"  v a r i e t y ) operate i n c l o s e c o n c e r t . may  Undoubtedly,  I n t h i s case, p e r s o n a l p r o x i m i t y  make the students aware o f Aldermen A and B i n t h e i r r o l e s  s c h o o l t e a c h e r s , w h i l e t h e i r p e r s o n a l knowledge o f these  local  p o l i t i c i a n s l e a d s them to be more a t t e n t i v e to mentions i n the press.  as  local  Thus, once a g a i n the key p o i n t to be kept i n mind i s t h a t i t  i s a two-step the p e r s o n a l  p r o c e s s , !in which, i n t h i s case, the c h i e f one.  E a r l i e r , we more scope  relation is  noted t h a t the p e r s o n a l medium would p r o b a b l y have  f o r o p e r a t i o n i n the s p a t i a l l y contiguous l o c a l  than i n o t h e r systems o f the c o n c e n t r i c model.  Yet, i t should be  remembered t h a t , i n North American communities at l e a s t , we 1  d e a l i n g w i t h aggregates the case o f the two  are  o f people o f t e n i n the many thousands.  examples s t u d i e d h e r e , New  than 30,000 c i t i z e n s ; Burnaby, about  100,000.  i s reached at about  i n which each member "knows" every  1000  other).  20  In  Westminster has more Now  the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t  Ward Goodenough has e s t i m a t e d t h a t the l i m i t s o f group s i z e to-face interaction  polity  persons  i n face-  ( i . e . the group  80 T h i s i s not t o say, o f course,  t h a t i n f o r m a t i o n c o u l d not  pass e v e n t u a l l y through i n t e r p e r s o n a l networks w i t h • a g g r e g a t e s o f the o r d e r mentioned h e r e .  There a r e , i n f a c t , some r a t h e r  s p e c t a c u l a r examples o f p o l i t i c a l  i n f o r m a t i o n passed v e r y q u i c k l y  a l o n g the i n t e r p e r s o n a l grapevine  ( e . g . the death o f Gandhi) i n v e r y  l a r g e groups. democratic,  Still,  i t seems most i m p l a u s i b l e t h a t the modern  dynamic, and p a r t i c i p a t o r y p o l i t y c o u l d s u s t a i n i t s e l f  on i n t e r n a l i n f o r m a t i o n a l nets o f the p e r s o n a l minimum, we might suspect  type a l o n e .  At a  t h a t a good d e a l o f the i n f o r m a t i o n a l  flow would be s u b j e c t t o c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s t o r t i o n a c c o r d i n g  t o the  21 "laws o f rumour".  And probably,  a good d e a l o f f a i r l y  important  i n f o r m a t i o n would not reach many c i t i z e n s simply because o f the 22 lack of motivation  i n many u n i t members t o "pass i t a l o n g " .  Thus, i f the data. inTabJ£^OTI/are testimony the p e r s o n a l medium, they are a l s o evidence  to the impact o f  o f the l i m i t s o f t h a t  medium.  I n t h a t data,  there i s a v e r y c l e a r break between the knowledge  o f those  aldermen who are p e r s o n a l l y connected w i t h  the students and  those who, we might presume, a r e n o t . The r e l a t i v e l y low l e v e l o f knowledge o f those  local  l e a d e r s C t o F undoubtedly r e f l e c t s the media-  s t r u c t u r a l problems d i s c u s s e d political The  above: the volume and d i s t r i b u t i o n o f  s t i m u l i from v a r i o u s  sources.  Non-Personal Media i n the L o c a l  It  i s p o s s i b l e , o f course,  Polity  that f a c t o r s of s e l e c t i v e a t t e n t i o n  w i l l be i n o p e r a t i o n , i n s p i t e o f the outnumbered s t a t u s o f l o c a l  81 stimuli.  That i s , i t c o u l d be t h a t consumers o f these media  out n o n - l o c a l  stimuli  and s e l e c t  l o c a l ones.  Morris  screen  Janowitz  study  1  of community newspapers i n the Chicago a r e a has i n d i c a t e d t h a t are v e r y  significant  d i f f e r e n c e s i n the l o c a l press  reading  there  habits  between those who score h i g h , medium, and low on an "index o f Community I n t e g r a t i o n " .  Table  XIX:  (Table  XIX).  •  - •'•  •  -••  Community I n t e g r a t i o n and Readership o f the L o c a l  '  23  Press  Index o f Community I n t e g r a t i o n High Medium Low  Readership Fans Readers P a r t i a l Readers Non-Readers  .  N = chi  Nevertheless,  9.47, 35.47, 34.2.7, 21.07, 1007, 371  67, 257, 39.37, 29.77, 1007c 84  square t e s t  .01  s i g n i f i c a n t beyond  Janowitz c o n c l u d e s ,  media p a t t e r n s ,  20.07, 49.77, 2 6.,9.7, 3.47, .1007, 145  on the b a s i s o f h i s study o f whole  t h a t , "The amount o f exposure o f the non-readers  of the community t o the d a i l y p r e s s , and r a d i o , was not s t r i k i n g l y different  from the v a r i o u s  In short, attentiveness in a 1  types o f community newspaper  t o the l o c a l media does not a t a l l imply,  zero-sum f a s h i o n , l a c k o f a t t e n t i v e n e s s I n any case,  readers."  the c o g n i t i v e data  presented  " f i t " much b e t t e r t o the m e d i a - s t r u c t u r a l to any model which p o s i t s s e l e c t i v e  t o n o n - l o c a l media. i n the l a s t  chapter  model proposed above than  attention to l o c a l  stimuli.  There, i t w i l l be remembered, we noted t h a t knowledge o f w o r l d  82  political and,  f i g u r e s was  much g r e a t e r than f o r n a t i o n a l ,  in particular, local elites.  t h a t , because  provincial  Using t h i s model, we would  predict  " o v e r a r c h i n g media" pay much more a t t e n t i o n to w o r l d ,  n a t i o n a l , or r e g i o n a l e l i t e s and t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s ,  the l o c a l  political  s t i m u l i , b e i n g g r e a t l y outnumbered, would have l e s s impact on the . . 25 citizenry. It  i s important, n e v e r t h e l e s s , to a v o i d making any h a s t y  c a u s a l i n f e r e n c e s from t h i s model o f media content and cognition.  I n the f i r s t  p l a c e , we  may  not assume t h a t the  model o f m e d i a - s t r u c t u r e , even i f a v a l i d always  political proposed  representation, w i l l  either  a p p l y or be a t r o o t c a u s a t i v e o f the c o g n i t i v e p a t t e r n s .  Laurence Wylie has s  p o i n t e d out t h a t i n a s m a l l v i l l a g e o f s o u t h e r n  F r a n c e , the items o f g r e a t e s t i n t e r e s t i n the r e g i o n a l newspaper (and those t h a t f i l l e d  the pages) were r e f e r e n c e s to events i n the many  26 s m a l l towns s e r v e d by t h a t medium.  We  a l s o know t h a t b r o a d c a s t i n g  media i n the d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s d i v i d e t h e i r content so as t o 27 appeal p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c a l l y  to t h e i r d i v e r s e a u d i e n c e s .  On a. w o r l d  s c a l e , the g r e a t propaganda media, such as V o i c e o f America  and  Moscow, make c a r e f u l appeals to t h e i r multi-communal a u d i e n c e s . p a t t e r n s are p r o b a b l y based on r e a l i s t i c assessments  Radio These  of the t a s t e s o f  t h e i r audiences and, c o n s e q u e n t l y , none o f these types o f media are " o v e r a r c h i n g " i n the sense e l a b o r a t e d above. c o n t e n t o f the " o v e r a r c h i n g " media may  Thus, the more " u n i v e r s a l "  simply r e p r e s e n t the  gatekeepers'  r e a l i s t i c knowledge o f the k i n d s o f s t i m u l i t h a t t h e i r audiences  wish  83 to r e c e i v e , and may  not be s a i d t o be alone c a u s a t i v e o f the  presence o f l a r g e numbers o f n o n - l o c a l p o l i t i c a l I t may  a l s o be t h a t both audiences  d e c i s i o n s operate i n an i n t e r a c t i v e o f n o n - l o c a l s t i m u l i may,  stimuli.  p r e f e r e n c e s and  fashion.  gatekeepers'  That i s , the number  over a number o f years or even g e n e r a t i o n s ,  be s l o w l y r a i s e d to a t h r e s h o l d , past which the audience b e g i n s to p r e f e r them to the l o c a l v a r i e t y .  I n the l a s t c h a p t e r , some crude  r e l a t i o n s between c o g n i t i o n and e v a l u a t i o n s o f s y s t e m i c  importance  were o f f e r e d .  a f f e c t , which  was  thought  I f this variable  to be a, motive  (and the attendant - one,  to p o l i t i c a l  l e a r n i n g ) were i n c o r p o r a t e d  i n t o the p r e s e n t model o f media s t r u c t u r e , we would s t i l l  not know  which preceded which from t h i s type o f c r o s s - s e c t i o n a l r e s e a r c h . I n p a r t i c u l a r we would not know i f e v a l u a t i o n s of importance caused by the p e r v a s i v e n e s s o f w o r l d and n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l and d i f f e r e n t i a l ance.  n a t i o n a l s t i m u l i was  assessments  (and t h e i r p e r v a s i v e n e s s simply a f u n c t i o n o f o f audience  preferences).  i s s u e cannot be s a i d to be (I am  and  gatekeepers'  C l e a r l y , s e v e r a l causal chains i n t e r a c t i v e ones, and  the  i n any sense r e s o l v e d i n the p r e s e n t  assuming h e r e , o f c o u r s e , t h a t these v a r i a b l e s are i n  f a c t the r e l e v a n t ones.  Summary  import-  preceded by a b e l i e f t h a t these were more  might be p o s i t e d , i n c l u d i n g c i r c u l a r and  context.  stimuli,.  l e v e l s o f c o g n i t i o n • c a u s e d by e v a l u a t i o n s o f  A l t e r n a t i v e l y , i t might be t h a t a t t e n t i o n to world  important  were  T h i s assumption  may  not be e n t i r e l y  valid).  84  I n t h i s chapter,  I have t r i e d  to s k e t c h  a crude p i c t u r e o f  the media s t r u c t u r e o f the c o n c e n t r i c - "systems w i t h i n systems" model.  T h i s model takes account o f the n o t i o n o f "media o f  system" and incorporated  notes t h a t the i d e a o f " o v e r a r c h i n g  media" should  i n t o any model which attempts to e x p l a i n the  o f "systems w i t h i n  systems".  the be  operation  85 F o o t n o t e s : Chapter  5  1  M a r t i n L i n d a u e r , Communication Among S o c i a l Bees, Cambridge, Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1961.  2  T a l c o t t Parsons, The S o c i a l System, Glencoe, (Paperback E d i t i o n ) , 1964, p. 33.  3  M a r s h a l l McLuhan, Understanding Media: The E x t e n s i o n s o f Man, New York, McGraw H i l l (Paperback E d i t i o n ) , 1964, pp. 7-21.  4  Thus one w r i t e r has d e f i n e d mass communication way: "...a nation-wide t e l e c a s t o f a p o l i t i c a l communications; c l o s e d c i r c u i t t e l e v i s i o n over m e d i c a l s t u d e n t s observe an o p e r a t i o n i s n o t . " " F u n c t i o n a l A n a l y s i s and Mass Communications", Q u a r t e r l y , 24 (1960), pp. 605-620.  5  See K a r l W. Deutsch, F r e e P r e s s , 1963.  6  K a r l W. Deutsch, e t a l , P o l i t i c a l Community i n the North A t l a n t i c A r e a , P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press.,. 1957; see a l s o h i s P o l i t i c a l Community a t the I n t e r n a t i o n a l L e v e l , New York, Doubleday, 1954, e s p e c i a l l y pp. 33-45.  7  Bruce R u s s e t t , Community and C o n t e n t i o n : B r i t a i n and America the Twentieth Century, Cambridge, M.I.T. Press, 1963.  8  I b i d . , p.  9  W i l b u r Schramm, "Communication i n C r i s i s " , , i n Bradley. ..S. Gr.ee nberg. and Edwin Parker ( e d s . ) , The Kennedy A s s a s s i n a t i o n and the American P u b l i c , S t a n f o r d , S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1965, pp. 1-28.  10  See, f o r example, L o u i s W i r t h , "Consensus and Mass Communications", i n W i l b u r Schramm ( e d . ) , Mass Communications, Urbana, U n i v e r s i t y o f I l l i n o i s P r e s s , 1949.  11  E l i h u K a t z and Paul L a z a r s f e l d , P e r s o n a l I n f l u e n c e , Glencoe, F r e e P r e s s , 1955, p. 16.  12  I b i d . ; Paul L a z a r s f e l d , Bernard B e r e l s o n , and H a z e l Gaudet, The People's Choice, New York, Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1948; E l i h u K a t z , "The Two-Step Flow o f Communication: An Up-to-date r e p o r t ; o n an H y p o t h e s i s " , P u b l i c O p i n i o n Q u a r t e r l y , 21 (1957), pp. 61-78.  The F r e e  Press  i n the f o l l o w i n g speech i s mass which a group o f C h a r l e s R., Wright, Public Opinion  The Nerves o f Government, New  York,  The  in  146.  The  86 13  L a z a r s f e l d , B e r e l s o n , and Gaudet, op. c i t . ,  14  The  15  Robert  16  W i l l i a m C. M i t c h e l l , The American P o l i t y , P r e s s , 1962, Chapter 7.  17  See G. A. Kimble, H i l g a r d and Marquis' C o n d i t i o n i n g and New York, A p p l e t o n - C e n t u r y - C r o f t s , 1961, pp. 281-327.  18  H e r b e r t Hyman, ^The Mass Media and P o l i t i c a l S o c i a l i z a t i o n : the Role o f P a t t e r n s o f Communication", i n L u c i a n Pye ( e d . ) , Communication and P o l i t i c a l Development, P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1963, pp. 128-148, pp. 136-137.  19  M o r r i s Janowitz, The Community Press i n an Urban S e t t i n g , Glencoe, The Free P r e s s , 1952, p. 104.  20  C i t e d i n Anthony F. C. W a l l a c e , Random, 1961, p. 73.  21  Gordon W. A l l p o r t and Leo Postman, The New York, R u s s e l l and R u s s e l l , 1947.  22  I b e l i e v e , but cannot prove, t h a t these d i f f e r e n c e s i n communications p a t t e r n s and technology c o n s t i t u t e one o f the c h i e f d i f f e r e n c e s between the s a c r a l - m o n a r c h i c a l p o l i t y o f a n t i q u i t y and the " l e g a l r a t i o n a l " and " e g a l i t a r i a n " modern p o l i t y . The k i n g or emperor had t o be a God or God-appointed and surrounded w i t h ceremony, l e s s a person than an ins t i t u t i o n , c h i e f l y because o f slow communications and the consequent l a c k of immediate l e g i t i m a c y f o r h i s a c t s . I n c o n t r a s t , modern e l i t e s are immensely v i s i b l e to the populace, a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c which i s more conducive to l e s s s a c r a l forms o f government.  23  Janowitz,  24  I b i d . , p.  25  I t h i n k there i s a sense i n which the e f f e c t s o f the " o v e r a r c h i n g media" may be exaggerated i n the present d a t a . Canadians, and e s p e c i a l l y B r i t i s h Columbians, may be unique i n the e x t e n t to which they are "plugged i n " (to use a McLuhanesque term) to the "world" ( i . e . U n i t e d S t a t e s ) media. Thus 17 per cent o f the New Westminster group o f students c l a i m e d to watch o n l y Canadian TV news, 37 per cent watched Canadian and American b r o a d c a s t s , and another 37 per cent watched o n l y American b r o a d c a s t s , Many respondents wrote i n (without b e i n g asked to do so) t h e i r p r e f e r e n c e f o r the Columbia  Decatur  p.  151.  study o f Katz and L a z a r s f e l d began i n  E. Lane, P o l i t i c a l L i f e , New  York, The Free New  1945. P r e s s , p.  York, The  204.  Free  Learning,  :  op. c i t . ,  p.  C u l t u r e and  P e r s o n a l i t y , New  Psychology  York,  o f Rumour,  139.  169.  87  25  B r o a d c a s t i n g System's d a i l y programme f e a t u r i n g W a l t e r C r o n k i t e . The study d i d not attempt to d i s c o v e r respondents' a t t i t u d e s towards these v a r i o u s media, or the uses to which they put them in their cognitive f i e l d s . I am, however, reminded o f one pret e s t i n t e r v i e w I conducted i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the present s t u d y . The p i e c e o f d i a l o g u e t h a t f o l l o w s i s taken from an i n t e r v i e w w i t h a f i f t e e n y e a r o l d boy w i t h an above average i n t e r e s t i n , and i n f o r m a t i o n about, p o l i t i c s : Q: You seem to know a l o t about most o f your i n f o r m a t i o n ? A: Newscasts on TV, Q: Any  politics.  Where do you get  mostly.  ones i n p a r t i c u l a r ?  A: W e l l , . . , CBC  f o r news about  Canada,...CBS f o r the w o r l d .  26  Laurence W y l i e , V i l l a g e i n the V a u c l u s e , Cambridge, Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1957, pp. 226-227, 286-287.  27  See, f o r example, Hyman, op. c i t . , pp. 143-144.  \  CHAPTER 6: ORGANIZATIONS ,OF THE APPARATUS"  It  i s by  organizations ment and  now  widely believed  SYSTEM: THE  "PARAPOLITICAL  t h a t membership i n  i s c l o s e l y associated with p o l i t i c a l  p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a l l t y p e s .  s h i p i s taken to be  i n d i c a t i v e of  By  t h i s we  (or c a u s a t i v e  voluntary  interest, involve-  mean t h a t memberof) a  generalized  political interest. I f , however, we  wish to o r g a n i z e  our  knowledge of the  world i n t o a s y s t e m i c framework, i t seems n e c e s s a r y to ask question:  i n t e r e s t " i n " what?  importance when we  T h i s matter becomes of  in politics  interest  i n a p a r t i c u l a r system or systems?  question  to which we  At the  of the  i n general  now  t h a t we  considerable  are examining? or i s i t T h i s i s the t h e o r e t i c a l  turn.  system: Some General Examples  plane o f the n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l  system i t i s thought  t h a t armed f o r c e s are o f t e n above the average norm i n t h e i r i s t i c " attitudes.  Speaking of the  A s i a and A f r i c a , M o r r i s political  the  are d e a l i n g w i t h the c o n c e n t r i c model - i s i t  interest  Organizations  political  armed f o r c e s of the new  Janowitz has  "nationalnations  commented on t h e i r r o l e f i n  modernization. ...the army becomes a d e v i c e f o r developing a sense o f i d e n t i t y - a s o c i a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l element of n a t i o n a l u n i t y - which i s e s p e c i a l l y c r u c i a l f o r a n a t i o n which has s u f f e r e d because of c o l o n i a l i s m and which i s s t r u g g l i n g to i n c o r p o r a t e d i v e r s e e t h n i c and t r i b a l groups.1  88  of  89  Such r o l e s are not  e n t i r e l y l i m i t e d to s o c i e t i e s without a  preformed " n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y " . one  i n d i c a t e d , to take  example, t h a t the French Army i s prone to see  c a r r i e r of national values, National bureaucracies  the v e r y  the  itself  as  embodiment of French  are a l s o b e l i e v e d to p l a y an  " i n t e g r a t i v e r o l e " i n the new on  Edgar F u r n i s s has  states.  Selig Harrison  f u n c t i o n o f the u n i l i n g u a l I n d i a n  Civil  civilization. important  has  Service  the  in  reported maintaining  3 u n i t y i n m u l t i - l i n g u a l , multi-communal I n d i a .  On  the b a s i s  of  s t u d i e s conducted on both Europe and America, L i p s e t , L a z a r s f e l d , B a r t o n , and  L i n z conclude t h a t membership i n n a t i o n a l  bureaucracies (and  i s c o r r e l a t e d with higher  voter  turnout  (and  local)  i n national  l o c a l ) elections.^ " 1  How  can we  r e l a t e these f a c t s to a systemic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of  the p o l i t i c a l world?  One  view these o r g a n i z a t i o n s  way  of conceptualizing  at the n a t i o n a l l e v e l  c r a c i e s - as archetypes of o r g a n i z a t i o n s  to the n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l  g o a l s , names, and  other  national  - armies and  bureau-  "o_f" the n a t i o n a l system.  They are o r i e n t e d  community i n terms of  symbolic a t t r i b u t e s .  thought o f as d i r e c t i n g the  the matter i s to  As  such, they may  be  a t t e n t i o n of t h e i r members towards  the  system.  Organizations  of the L o c a l  S c o t t Greer and  Peter  importance o f v o l u n t a r y St. Louis metropolitan  System  Orleans have conducted r e s e a r c h  organizations area.-*  in local politics  They conclude t h a t these  into  the  i n the entities,  90  which they l a b e l the " p a r a p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e " o f the l o c a l p o l i t y , are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o c i t i z e n involvement p o l i t i c s o f the l o c a l  community.  i n the  U s i n g a t y p o l o g y o f "Community  A c t o r s " ("who are members o f , v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s based l o c a l a r e a " ) , "Neighbours" the neighbourhood"), level"),  p a r t i c i p a t e i n the s m a l l w o r l d o f  and " I s o l a t e s " ("who are i n v o l v e d a t n e i t h e r  they suggest t h a t the f i r s t  s t r u c t u r e o f the l o c a l suburban  ("who  political  named are a key element  system.  C i t y sample d i f f e r i n no important  i n the  Findings f o r their  sample are summarized i n Table XX.  Table XX:  i n the  ( T h e i r f i g u r e s f o r the  way.)  Per Cent D i s t r i b u t i o n o f P o l i t i c a l Involvement Types o f S o c i a l P a r t i c i p a t o r s  f o r Three  0  Political  Involvement Isolates 2 9% 57% 14%  None Low (1-2) High (3-4) Chi square = 2 7 . 8  p  Neighbours 23% 58% 20%  Community A c t o r s 10% 48% 41%  .001  The s c a l e o f involvement i s o f the Guttmann t y p e . I t i n c l u d e s f o u r i t e m s : (1) v o t i n g i n any one o f s i x l o c a l e l e c t i o n s ; (2) t a k i n g a p o s i t i o n on a l o c a l i s s u e ; (3) t r y i n g t o persuade o t h e r s on a l o c a l i s s u e ; (4) a t t e n d i n g p u b l i c meetings w i t h r e g a r d t o l o c a l i s s u e s . They r e p o r t no c o e f f i c i e n t s o f r e p r o d u c i b i l i t y b u t note t h a t " o n l y " 346 respondents (out o f 1,604) had any e r r o r i n s c a l e s c o r e s . They a p p a r e n t l y d i d not use a l l t h e i r d a t a because they wished to i n v e s t i g a t e some a s p e c t s o f urban sub-areas, which accounts f o r the d i f f e r e n c e s i n N between t h e i r t o t a l sample and those cases r e p o r t e d above. I n another a n a l y s i s o f s i m i l a r data, Greer has r e l a t e d the same t y p o l o g y o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n t o the separate items " v o t i n g i n any one o f s i x e l e c t i o n s " and "knowing one or more l o c a l l e a d e r s " . ? H i s  91  obtained r e s u l t s ,  summarized i n Table XXI,  s h i p between b o t h v o t i n g and  Table XXI:  c o g n i t i o n and  suggest  participational  relationtype.  Per Cent V o t i n g and Per Cent Naming L o c a l Leaders P a r t i c i p a t i o n a l Type"  Type  Voting  Isolates Neighbours Community A c t o r s  11%  •  279 174 417  =  870  q u i t e l e g i t i m a t e to suspect, however, t h a t  r e l a t i o n s h i p s might be simply products  337o 42 7o 62 %  N  704  N =  I t would be  %  208 153 343  447, 41 %  i n some sense s.purious - t h a t they  o f more b a s i c , u n d e r l y i n g v a r i a b l e s .  I n view o f other educated  s t a t u s than n o n - p a r t i c i p a n t s , ^ t h i s  s u s p i c i o n c o u l d w e l l be v a l i d . r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h i s  these  are  t h a t o r g a n i z a t i o n a l p a r t i c i p a n t s tend to be b e t t e r  and of h i g h e r socio-economic  By  Naming N  7o  evidence  a strong  There does appear to be some  t y p o l o g y and other s o c i a l  variables.  Community A c t o r s are somewhat o l d e r than both Neighbours and I s o l a t e s ( e s p e c i a l l y the f o r m e r ) ; Neighbours are d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y (though not g r e a t l y so) female r e l a t i v e  to the other  I n p a r t i c u l a r , e d u c a t i o n has two  types.  some e x p l a n a t o r y power.. Twenty-  per cent o f the Community A c t o r s , v e r s u s  34  and  32  per cent f o r  I s o l a t e s and Neighbours r e s p e c t i v e l y , have o n l y a grade s c h o o l education.  Similarly,  32  per cent of the Community A c t o r s , v e r s u s  20  92  per cent and  16 per cent r e s p e c t i v e l y , o f I s o l a t e s and Neighbours  have some c o l l e g e .  However, when age,  sex, and e d u c a t i o n are  c o n t r o l l e d , p a r t i c i p a t i o n a l types i s an even b e t t e r p r e d i c t o r of p o l i t i c a l behaviour. Table  Greer's data i n t h i s r e g a r d are summarized i n  XXII.  T a b l e XXII: P a r t i c i p a t i o n a l . Type and V o t i n g i n M u n i c i p a l E l e c t i o n s When Age, Sex, and E d u c a t i o n are Controlled.1° Per Cent V o t i n g i n Each Isolates Neighbours  Category Community A c t o r s  Age: 21-30 31+  31% 46%  27% 58%  47% 73%  Sex: Female Male  36% 52%  41% 66%  66% 77%  Education: 0-8 y e a r s 9-12 years 13+ y e a r s  39% 42% 56%  50% 52% 50%  59% 66% 82%  N S?208 It  = 153  =  343  i s , then, c l e a r t h a t the d i f f e r e n c e s between p a r t i c i p a t i o n a l  .types axe no simple f u n c t i o n s of age,  sex, or e d u c a t i o n ;  types are a s t r o n g d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n at a l l v a l u e s o f the variables.  Greer's  participational control  data on c o g n i t i o n ("knowing l o c a l l e a d e r s " ) d i f f e r  from those i n Table XXII o n l y i n producing even more extreme d i f f e r e n c e s between p a r t i c i p a t i o n a l Two  final  types at every v a l u e of the c o n t r o l  p o i n t s about these data should be noted.  variables.  First, i t  i s c l e a r t h a t a l l the i n f o r m a t i o n on the g e n e r a l l e v e l of v o t i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n and c o g n i t i o n of e l i t e s  i n completely c o n s i s t e n t w i t h  93  the data i n Chapters  3 and  4 from the Vancouver area study.  about 57 per cent o f Greer's any  one  total  sample claimed to have v o t e d i n  of s i x m u n i c i p a l e l e c t i o n s , and  o f the t o t a l c o u l d name even one Secondly,  we  should note  approximately  l o c a l leader  rather widely  (my  own  48 per  cent  calculations).  t h a t Community A c t o r s r e p r e s e n t a m i n o r i t y  (but a l a r g e m i n o r i t y ) o f the populace. be s u r p r i s e d to f i n d  Thus,  However, we  should  not  t h a t t h e i r p r o p o r t i o n o f the t o t a l would v a r y  from community to community.  I n the Vancouver suburb  examples, i t would not be u n l i k e l y t h a t the r a t i o of Community A c t o r s to t o t a l  p o p u l a t i o n would be  lower  i n Burnaby (a v e r y  new  11 community) than i n New we  Westminster  •  n  Further,  might t h i n k t h a t the number o f commuters i n a g i v e n community would  be a r e l e v a n t s t r u c t u r a l California,  feature.  S c h a f f , s t u d y i n g Claremonta,  (46 per cent commuter) found  commuter f a m i l i e s v e r s u s had  (a v e r y o l d community).  i  t h a t 31.3  per cent o f the  per cent of the non-commuter 1o " p a r t i c i p a t i o n scores" of zero.  Municipal Bureaucracies  We  may  a different  19.3  families  as O r g a n i z a t i o n s o f the L o c a l System  f u r t h e r i l l u m i n a t e t h i s problem w i t h r e f e r e n c e to q u i t e type o f " o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the system" i n l o c a l  municipal bureaucracies.  Now,  politics:  a number of o b j e c t i o n s might be  to c o n s i d e r i n g them as p a r t o f the " p a r a p o l i t i c a l  structure".  raised Voluntary  o r g a n i z a t i o n s and m u n i c i p a l b u r e a u c r a c i e s c l e a r l y have d i f f e r e n t g o a l s , both  c o l l e c t i v e l y and  on the p a r t of i n d i v i d u a l members.  The  94  i n c e n t i v e s to p a r t i c i p a t e i n one  or the o t h e r are  considerably  different. 13 C l a r k and W i l s o n associations:  have i d e n t i f i e d three types  of v o l u n t a r y  (1); m a t e r i a l : which aim at t a n g i b l e b e n e f i t s f o r t h e i r  members; (2) p u r p o s i v e : which attempt to g a i n symbolic (3) s o l i d a r y which f u l f i l l bureaucracies,  a f f i l i a t i v e needs.  e s p e c i a l l y when they  take  rewards;  C l e a r l y , municipal  the form of unions or  a s s o c i a t i o n s seeking m a t e r i a l b e n e f i t s f o r t h e i r members, f a l l the f i r s t  category  bureaucracies  of voluntary associations.  can r a t h e r c l e a r l y be  conceived  I n t h i s sense, of as p u r e l y  i n t e r e s t groups - o r g a n i z a t i o n s o f the system - o f importance i n the study of l o c a l I n s m a l l towns i n New f e a t u r e o f the p o l i t i c a l  landscape f o r c e n t u r i e s .  to be  s t r u c t u r e s i n which the c i t i z e n was  as B a n f i e l d and W i l s o n  p o i n t out,  considerable  This  institution  system which p o s t u l a t e d intimate set of  called  to  participate.  t h i s a n c i e n t i n s t i t u t i o n has  r e p l a c e d , i n Massachusetts at l e a s t , by a much m o d i f i e d  " p r i m a r i l y because s e l f - i n t e r e s t and,  local  England, the "town meeting" has been a  t h a t p o l i t y as the most i n t e r e s t i n g , p e r s o n a l , and  Yet,  had  form,  town employees packed the meeting"  i n the face o f widespread c i t i z e n i n d i f f e r e n c e to the  of the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l  municipal  politics.  has been based on a model of the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l  political  into  system, were a b l e to dominate  activities  them.^  Gladys Kammerer and her a s s o c i a t e s have uncovered, i n the  course  o f i n v e s t i g a t i n g the o p e r a t i o n of the C i t y Manager p l a n , an exaggerated,  95  but perhaps city  not e n t i r e l y a t y p i c a l , example o f the domination  p o l i t i c s by the employee i n t e r e s t group.15; "Center  a town o f 62,000 r e s i d e n t s i n c e n t r a l F l o r i d a . data  (mostly i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c  and based  of  City",  A study o f t h e i r  on i n t e r v i e w s w i t h  civic  politicians) is instructive. The  c i v i c employees, although c o n s t i t u t i n g o n l y 900  persons  (many o f them o u t s i d e w o r k e r s ) , were w i d e l y acknowledged to form most important  i n t e r e s t grouping i n the l o c a l  s i z e o f the c i t y employee vote c o u l d be counted  polity.  (employees themselves  on the vote w i t h them) ranged  the  "Estimates of the and those  from 3,000 up  who  to 6,000 1  i n normal e l e c t i o n s i n which the t o t a l vote u s u a l l y r a n around One  c i t y c o u n c i l l o r s t a t e d f l a t l y : "The  election."  Another  asset.  the employee group as the c o n t r o l l i n g He  The  c i t y manager  employees  identified  f a c t o r i n Center C i t y  politics.  a s s e r t e d : "They are so secure i n t h i s c i t y they w i l l buck anybody."  The Kammerer group r i g h t l y argues was  9,000.  c i t y employees c o n t r o l any g i v e n  c o n s i d e r e d h i s c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h the c i t y  as h i s most v a l u a b l e p o l i t i c a l  ft  t h a t the i n f l u e n c e o f the c i t y  " c l o s e l y l i n k e d to the s i z e o f the t u r n o u t " and i d e n t i f y  t u r n o u t " as one  source o f i n s t a b i l i t y  One  "large  i n the f a c t i o n a l r i v a l r y which  dominated the c o m p e t i t i v e p o l i t i c s o f Center C i t y . r e t u r n e d to i n l a t e r  employees  This point w i l l  be  analysis.  o f the c h i e f c o n c l u s i o n s o f the whole Kammerer study i s  t h a t , i n g e n e r a l , the r i s e and  fall  o f c i t y managers i s c l o s e l y  linked  96  to  the c l a s h o f p o l i t i c a l  factions!.  They comment on the  remarkably  long tenure enjoyed by Center C i t y manager and e x p l a i n i t i n terms of  h i s s t r o n g support from the c i t y employee group  thus brought  about  i n the f a c t i o n a l  and the  stability  struggle.  His power base was the c i t y employee o r g a n i z a t i o n . While the p o s s e s s i o n o f t h i s power base gave H i l l s t a b i l i t y i n a competitive p o l i t i c a l s e t t i n g , that s t a b i l i t y was not w i t h o u t i t s p r i c e . Dependence on the c i t y employees l i m i t e d h i s power to push f o r changes i n the c i v i l s e r v i c e system, e s p e c i a l l y p r o v i s i o n s r e g a r d i n g promotion by s t r i c t s e n i o r i t y . ^ When asked why  the manager had  r e p l i e d : "His employees. heads are H i l l  men."  lasted  so l o n g , one  ex-councilman  He kowtows to t h e m . . . a l l o f those  Another  councilman  department  noted:  ...anybody r u n n i n g on a "beat H i l l " p l a t f o r m would surely lose. There i s a l o t of s l a c k i n the system and anybody who opposes H i l l would r e a l l y b r i n g out the c i t y employees' v o t e i n support o f H i l l . - ^ ( u n d e r s c o r i n g mine) Thus, the c i t y manager - the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e head - had become almost independent  o f the p o l i t i c i a n s .  Additionally,  h i m s e l f had v e r y n e a r l y become the p r i s o n e r o f h i s own base: the " p u b l i c s e r v a n t s " o f Center C i t y . classical  t h e o r y o f democratic p o l i t i c a l  case are too The of  political  d e v i a t i o n s from the  systems r e p r e s e n t e d by  this  clear.  i n f l u e n c e o f m u n i c i p a l employees i n the p o l i t i c a l  l o c a l p o l i t i e s extends  metropolitan c i t i e s . problem,  The  the manager  a l s o to the l a r g e r systems o f the g r e a t  Although they do not s p e c i f i c a l l y e x p l o r e t h i s  Sayre and Kaufman's massive  p o l i t i c s o f New  process  and d e f i n i t i v e study, o f the  York C i t y pays so much a t t e n t i o n t o the r o l e o f the  97  c i v i c bureaucracies  t h a t i t stands  i n silent  testimony  t o the  importance o f employees and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s i n the p o l i t i c s o f America's l a r g e s t urban c e n t r e . ^ which Robert  There,  great administrators, of  Moses i s s u r e l y the ar.chetype,  r o l e i n the c i t y ' s l e a d us t o s u s p e c t . Michael Q u i l l ,  politics  p l a y a much g r e a t e r  than c l a s s i c a l democratic  Quite a d i f f e r e n t  sort of c i v i c  t h e o r y would employee,  f o r many years head o f the T r a n s p o r t Workers' Union, 20  was a New York C i t y councilman But,  from 1939 t o 1948.  as B a n f i e l d and W i l s o n  p o i n t out, the p o l i t i c a l weight o f  c i t y employees "depends l a r g e l y upon the nature o f t h a t c i t y ' s political  structure."  Thus, they remark t h a t Chicago's  mayor,  backed by the independent Democratic machine, "can a f f o r d t o r i s k the 22 d i s p l e a s u r e o f the c i t y employees." Decentralized, non-partisan Los A n g e l e s , however, presents q u i t e a d i f f e r e n t p i c t u r e . There, ...organized employees f i n d i t e a s i e r t o o r g a n i z e and to e x e r t p r e s s u r e . A u t h o r i t y i s h i g h l y d e c e n t r a l i z e d and p a r t y o r g a n i z a t i o n i s a l t o g e t h e r l a c k i n g . . . T h e A l l C i t y Employees' A s s o c i a t i o n o f LosyfAngeles c l a i m s t o r e p r e s e n t n e a r l y 30,000 workers, and there a r e many o t h e r a s s o c i a t i o n s r e p r e s e n t i n g s p e c i a l c l a s s e s o f employees, l i k e t e a c h e r s . I n the average Los Angeles e l e c t i o n d i s t r i c t there are about 175,000 people, o f whom o n l y 25,000 to 30,000 vote i n c o u n c i l m a n i c e l e c t i o n s . Thus, the members o f the A l l - C i t y Employees' A s s o c i a t i o n , who are w e l l - d i s c i p l i n e d and f a i r l y evenly spread among e l e c t i o n d i s t r i c t s . . . . a r e a preponderant f o r c e . To the mayor, who i s e l e c t e d a t l a r g e , the o r g a n i z e d employees are (~^) a somewhat l e s s f o r m i d a b l e f o r c e than t o the councilmen, and when the employees f a i l t o get what they want, i t i s o f t e n because he vetoes a measure approved by the c o u n c i l . ^ 3  98  There i s no hard data which would l e a d us to t h i n k t h i s e f f e c t was examples.  also operative  However, I am  i n the New  that  Westminster and  r e l i a b l y informed that l o c a l  i n both m u n i c i p a l i t i e s b e l i e v e c i v i c employees to be  Burnaby  politicians an  important  v o t i n g b l o c , exaggerated i n i n f l u e n c e because o f the n o r m a l l y turnout. over the was  In one  recent  e l e c t i o n i n Burnaby, i n v o l v i n g a  f i r i n g o f a popular p l a n n i n g  thought to be  official,  low  controversy  the employee v o t e  a d e c i s i v e f a c t o r i n the defeat  of the  governing  Non-Partisan A s s o c i a t i o n .  The  L o c a l Press as Part of the  I t should  be  "Parapolitical  kept i n mind t h a t , when we  s h i p between a community s t r u c t u r e b u r e a u c r a c y , e t c . ) and instance  political  of a more g e n e r a l  socio-political  sense  organizations  an  s t r u c t u r e ) and a, We  are  not,  p r e d i s p o s i t i o n to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a  employees, who  might be  somewhat l e s s v a l i d  are c l e a r l y i n v o l v e d  for rather  reasons.)  can be  and  municipal  are s t u d y i n g  involvement " i n " the system.  I n a d d i t i o n to these examples, there community press  relation-  organization,  p a r t i c i p a t i o n we  (this contention  i n the case o f m u n i c i p a l tangible material  (voluntary  (a p a r a p o l i t i c a l  then, c h i e f l y concerned w i t h the narrow p o l i t i c a l  speak of the  e f f e c t : the r e l a t i o n s h i p between membership  i n a s t r u c t u r e of the system generalized  Structure"  placed  municipal  i n the  i s a sense i n which  same c a t e g o r y as  bureaucracies.  the  voluntary  Readership of the  local  O  press i s c l e a r l y a " v o l u n t a r y " a c t and,  99  i n the context of our  remarks i n the p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r about the g e n e r a l f u n c t i o n s o f the mass media, has  a tendency  non-sociometric  i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h each o t h e r .  Thus, i f we may  to b r i n g i t s "members" i n t o a type of  are w i l l i n g  to accept the two  r e - i n t e r p r e t some o f the data, o f f e r e d  c i t e d n o t i o n s , we  i n the p r e v i o u s  chapter  as a d d i t i o n a l evidence of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s t r u c t u r e s of the system and we  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the system.  There,  remembered,  c i t e d data r e l a t i n g an "index o f community i n t e g r a t i o n " to  i n t e n s i t y of community press r e a d e r s h i p . ^ 2  Only 6 per cent of the  group r a n k i n g low on t h i s index were c l a s s i f i e d local  p r e s s ; 29.7  w h i l e 20 per cent were " f a n s "  per cent were " r e g u l a r r e a d e r s " (see Table XIX).  not appear to be, u n f o r t u n a t e l y , any measures of p o l i t i c a l of e l i t e s , strict  non-readers.  per cent o f those r a n k i n g h i g h on the index of  community i n t e g r a t i o n were non-readers, and 49.7  as " f a n s " of the  per cent o f those r a n k i n g low were  S i m i l a r l y , but 3.4  and  i t w i l l be  and  literature relating  There does specific  i n t e g r a t i o n - frequency o f v o t i n g , c o g n i t i o n  the l i k e - to r e a d e r s h i p of the community p r e s s .  comparisons o f these d a t a w i t h t h a t o f f e r e d by Greer and  presented i n the e a r l y p a r t o f t h i s c h a p t e r , are not However, Janowitz  correlation s h i p and  Thus Orleans,  possible.  does r e p o r t t h a t he d i s c o v e r e d a p o s i t i v e  ( c h i square,  significant  p a r t i c i p a t i o n and  at the  .02  l e v e l ) between r e a d e r -  l o c a l voluntary o r g a n i z a t i o n s , while  also  f i n d i n g a h i g h l y s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p between r e a d e r s h i p and frequency o f church  attendance.  These c o r r e l a t i o n s ,  together with  100  the Greer-Orleans  data, may  w e l l l e a d us to t h i n k t h a t a l l these  ( r e a d e r s h i p , membership, n e i g h b o u r i n g , v o t i n g ) are a l l r e l a t e d I n my  own  c o g n i t i o n , i n t e g r a t i o n , and  i n an i n t e r e s t i n g and  significant  study o f secondary s c h o o l s t u d e n t s '  o r i e n t a t i o n s , I had  hoped to make a b e g i n n i n g  way.  political  towards r e s o l v i n g t h i s  q u e s t i o n by o b t a i n i n g data r e l a t i n g exposure to the l o c a l c o g n i t i o n of l o c a l e l i t e s .  items  press  However, the experiment f a i l e d  to  and  confirm  or d i s c o n f i r m the h y p o t h e s i s because of the p e c u l i a r s t r u c t u r e o f media exposure: i n one  community, exposure was  there were almost no cases  to speak o f the non-readership  i n the o t h e r m u n i c i p a l i t y , the l o c a l ephemeral t h a t o n l y a v e r y readership category, the v e r y low  I n any valid  respondents c o u l d be  c o g n i t i o n scores i n t h i s  case,  i f what i s suggested  these people  life  so  placed i n a towards e x p l a i n i n g  community.  Structure  here i s i n some sense  community o r g a n i z a t i o n s - m u n i c i p a l  community press r e a d e r s  i n v o l v e d i n the p o l i t i c a l  go a l o n g way  the P a r a p o l i t i c a l  that p a r t i c i p a n t s i n l o c a l  employees, and  expect  few  category;  p r i n t media are a p p a r e n t l y  a f a c t which may  A t t a c k s on the System and  so widespread t h a t  - are much more l i k e l y  to be  of the l o c a l community, then we  would  to respond p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r o n g to t h r e a t s to  e x i s t i n g l o c a l government system.  The  fragmentary evidence  s t u d i e s of m e t r o p o l i t a n government referendums i n the U n i t e d i n d i c a t e t h a t t h i s might be  so.  the  from States  101 I n both ' N a s h v i l l e and Miami, when m e t r o p o l i t a n government referendums were o f f e r e d to the c i t i z e n r y , municipal  the p a r t i c i p a t i o n  of  employees i n a n t i - m e t r o p o l i t a n a c t i v i t i e s became something  o f a. p u b l i c s c a n d a l .  And  Greer  were at work i n S t . L o u i s and  i n d i c a t e s that s i m i l a r  C l e v e l a n d at the time of  processes  their  27 metropolitan  referenda.  Summarizing the c h a r a c t e r of the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l o p p o s i t i o n to m e t r o p o l i t a n schemes, Greer a s s e r t s : ...the o p p o s i t i o n , i n c e n t r a l c i t y and suburb, was simply the s t a t u s quo m o b i l i z e d . The e x t e n s i v e net work of v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s and p r o f e s s i o n a l communities, the " p a r a p o l i t i c a l system" of the suburbs, was already-made communications c h a n n e l . The m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , w i t h s p e c i a l i z e d personnel committed to t h e i r maintenance, dominated the p u b l i c d i s c o u r s e in their l o c a l i t i e s . T h i s d i s c o u r s e was f u r t h e r e d i t e d by the community newspapers.^8 In an e a r l i e r  study, Greer  S t a t e s m e t r o p o l i t a n reform out t h a t "the t y p i c a l l y m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a had "Metro" was  accounts  f o r the one  - the v e r y new  success  i n United  c i t y o f Miami - by p o i n t i n g  fragmented o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of  no chance to get s e t and  c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y weak."  9  the  the o p p o s i t i o n to  Q  Some T h e o r e t i c a l Notes  There i s , then, not a l t o g e t h e r inadequate t h a t the " p a r a p o l i t i c a l an important Can we  apparatus"  reason  for believing  o f l o c a l communities c o n s t i t u t e  element i n the s t r u c t u r e o f the l o c a l  political  system.  account f o r t h i s e f f e c t i n some moderately r i g o r o u s and  fashion?  theoretical  102  Two p o i n t s come t o mind.  First,  i t i s worth  has become one o f the c h i e f themes o f t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p s by themselves  study; t h a t  I t was noted i n the l a s t  interaction, sociometric  spatial  are not n e c e s s a r i l y good guides t o the  inference of p o l i t i c a l l y relevant a c t i v i t i e s , feelings.  r e i t e r a t i n g what  p e r c e p t i o n s , and  chapter t h a t s p a t i a l l y  defined  i n q u a l i t y , i s probably not the c h i e f means  by which  political  remarked  then t h a t n o n - s o c i o m e t r i c " i n t e r a c t i o n " , or t h a t which  by consumption  a c t i v i t y i n the l a r g e - s c a l e system i s l i n k e d .  We occurs  i n common o f the same non-personal medium, i s l i k e l y  to be o f c e n t r a l importance  i n these modern s i t u a t i o n s .  C l e a r l y , one o f the c h i e f f u n c t i o n s o r g a n i z a t i o n s  o f the system  can perform i s to s t r u c t u r e human r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n such a way as to increase  the p r o b a b i l i t y o f f a c e - t o - f a c e  (sociometric) i n t e r a c t i o n  between i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n . increase  By so d o i n g , they  the p r o b a b i l i t y the i n d i v i d u a l s concerned w i l l  p o l i t i c a l l y r e l e v a n t encounters one another t o v o t e , and so o n ) .  ( t a l k about l o c a l  engage i n  politics,  encourage  I n the case o f l o c a l l y - b a s e d (and,  i n the main, s p a t i a l l y - d e f i n e d ) o r g a n i z a t i o n s , we may then say that such e n t i t i e s i n c r e a s e  the p r o b a b i l i t y o f p o l i t i c a l  between i n d i v i d u a l s r e l e v a n t to the system t o which relates.  the o r g a n i z a t i o n  I n h a g i o g r a p h i c form: "A, who l i v e s on F i f t y - f i r s t  and works on F i r s t Avenue, i s more l i k e l y (of l o c a l  encounters  Stree£  to engage i n an encounter  p o l i t i c a l r e l e v a n c e ) w i t h B, who l i v e s on F i r s t  S t r e e t and  works on F i f t y - f i r s t Avenue, i f they both belong to the same Rotary Club, than i f they d i d n o t . "  103  Although  common r e a d e r s h i p o f the same l o c a l newspaper does  not n e c e s s a r i l y enhance the p r o b a b i l i t y o f i n t e r a c t i o n i n q u i t e the same way, a case c o u l d be made f o r a s s e r t i n g t h a t common consumership o f the same medium does, e v e n t u a l l y , i n c r e a s e the p r o b a b i l i t y o f chance e n c o u n t e r s .  I n the main, however, I suspect t h a t the main  c o n t r i b u t i o n o f l o c a l mass media t o l o c a l be o f the n o n - s o c i o m e t r i c  political  integration w i l l  s o r t d i s c u s s e d i n the p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r .  Secondly, we might t h i n k t h a t membership i n l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s of the system and r e a d e r s h i p o f the l o c a l on the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f ego-involvement a minimum, we would expect  press would have an impact  with the l o c a l community.  t h a t a. member o f the " J o n e s v i l l e E l k s Club",  a r e a d e r o f the "Smithtown H e r a l d " , o r an employee o f "Center would be somewhat more l i k e l y t o be aware o f t h a t minimal symbol: the place-name.  City",  integrative  And Crouch and Dinerman remind us, w i t h  data from the Los Angeles  a r e a , how ubiquitous the place-name  o r g a n i z a t i o n can be, even i f there i s o n l y the s l i g h t e s t community" or no l e g a l  At  "sense o f  j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the e x i s t e n c e o f a s e p a r a t e  30 community. A t a maximum, however, i t i s not u n l i k e l y t h a t persons p a r t i c i p a n t c a t e g o r i e s might have g r e a t e r than average more complex s e t s o f i n t e g r a t i v e symbols. would be brought  i n these  exposure t o  Thus, l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s  i n t o the c e l e b r a t i o n o f "Burnaby Week" and Janowitz  recounts how one Chicago  community newspaper marked with some ceremony 31 the o c c a s i o n o f "Roseland's" one hundredth a n n i v e r s a r y . I would  104  suggest,  then, t h a t the s t r u c t u r e s d i s c u s s e d i n these pages, q u i t e  independently  o f t h e i r i n t e r a c t i v e p o t e n t i a l , may a c t to i n c r e a s e  the l e v e l o f community e g o - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n among persons  The  " P a r a p o l i t i c a l s " and the "Standing  In Chapter  Core"  they  Hypothesis  3, we remarked on Lawrence O'Rourke's s u g g e s t i o n t h a t  a " s m a l l core o f c i t i z e n s s u s t a i n m u n i c i p a l government." C l a r e n c e N. Stone, w h i l e acceptance  touch.  Recently  s t u d y i n g the i n f l u e n c e o f v o t e r turnout on  o r r e j e c t i o n o f l o c a l r e f e r e n d a , has put forward  some 32  hypotheses which may shed some l i g h t on the present  problem.  Examining p l e b i s c i t e s i n one s m a l l town, he observes  that  low-turnout  referendums are n e a r l y always passed, b u t t h a t the r e s u l t s o f h i g h t u r n o u t r e f e r e n d a are v e r y v a r i a b l e .  He concludes  that:  A low-turnout referendum i s l i k e l y t o c o n s i s t p r i m a r i l y o f v o t e s c a s t by i n d i v i d u a l s who are a c t i v e i n c i v i c a c t i v i t i e s , b u s i n e s s and p r o f e s s i o n a l men. These i n d i v i d u a l s o f t e n have p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the f o r m u l a t i o n o f the p r o p o s a l to be v o t e d upon, and almost c e r t a i n l y t h e i r support has been sought e a r l y and strenuously....Referendum p r o p o s a l s thus tend to be r e c e i v e d f a v o u r a b l y by these c i v i c a c t i v i s t s , so t h a t the outcome o f l o w - p a r t i c i p a t i o n e l e c t i o n s i s p o s i t i v e i n most c a s e s . . . A h i g h - t u r n o u t referendum n e c e s s a r i l y i n v o l v e s p a r t i c i p a t i o n by those who are u s u a l l y i n a c t i v e and almost always p o o r l y informed. F o r these c i v i c i n a c t i v i s t s the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l scene i s l a r g e l y uns t r u c t u r e d ... .Consequently t h e i r a t t i t u d e s are m a l l e a b l e and t h e i r v o t i n g p r e f e r e n c e s are v o l a t i l e . 3 3 Stone makes no s p e c i f i c r e f e r e n c e s t o the s t r u c t u r e s we have been examining i n t h i s c h a p t e r .  But h i s h y p o t h e s i s , and h i s s u p p o r t i n g  d a t a , weigh s t r o n g l y i n support  o f the " s t a n d i n g c o r e " h y p o t h e s i s  105  of municipal And,  politics.  f o r our present purposes,  i t i s only necessary  t h a t a s t a n d i n g core o f c i v i c a c t i v i s t s  t o observe  i s e n t i r e l y consistent with  a, n o t i o n o f a m i n o r i t y o f c i t i z e n s who p a r t i c i p a t e i n l o c a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s , are a t t e n t i v e t o the l o c a l p r e s s , o r who are members o f the m u n i c i p a l bureaucracy greater-than-average  - a l l o f whom appear t o e x h i b i t a  interest  Since i t i s not a l l l i k e l y  i n the o p e r a t i o n o f l o c a l government.  t h a t these people w i l l v a r y g r e a t l y i n  the s h o r t - r u n , i t appears probable  t h a t the " s t a n d i n g c o r e " o f the  l o c a l e l e c t o r a t e c o n s i s t s l a r g e l y o f these r e s e a r c h techniques  "parapoliticals".  Survey  c o u l d be used t o v a l i d a t e o r d i s c o n f i r m t h i s  hypothesis.  Summary o f the Present Chapter  and I t s R e l a t i o n t o P r e v i o u s  I n Chapters 3 and 4 we observed  that i n t e r e s t  Chapters  i n the l o c a l  political  system - as measured by v o t i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n and l e v e l o f  political  i n f o r m a t i o n - was lower  than was the case  i n which the i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a t e s . been noted  And i n t h i s chapter  (with l e s s d e f i n i t i v e evidence)  i n what we have c a l l e d  f o r other  systems  i t has  that i n d i v i d u a l s involved  the " p a r a p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s " - l o c a l l y based  o r g a n i z a t i o n s , the community p r e s s , m u n i c i p a l b u r e a u c r a c i e s have a h i g h e r l e v e l o f l o c a l  political  interest  than persons  - may w e l l not so  involved. I n the p r e v i o u s chapter  i t was p o i n t e d out t h a t the low l e v e l o f  106  participation  i n the  l o c a l p o l i t y may  outnumbering of l o c a l p o l i t i c a l a. f u n c t i o n i n t u r n of it  the  s t i m u l i by  presence of  appears t h a t l o c a l p o l i t i e s may  because t h e i r political  A m i n o r i t y of  experienced involvement w i t h the directed  their  these p a r a p o l i t i c a l  "residuals" as  of  to  the  declining  i t were, from which the  c i t i z e n r y whose c h i e f •the mass media - has  the  noh-local stimuli  " o v e r a r c h i n g media".  have been rendered l e s s  the  structure".  a t t e n t i o n towards the  Thus, salient  inclusive  l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n has,  "parapolitical  i n c r e a s i n g i t s s a l i e n c e f o r them. speak o f  related  p o p u l a t i o n s have been m o b i l i z e d to more  systems.  e x p e r i e n c e has  w e l l be  however, This  local polity  I t then becomes meaningful  s t r u c t u r e s , and local polity.  " f l e s h " - the  the  to  people i n them,  as  They are  the  "skeleton",  m a j o r i t y of  the  unorganized  c o n t a c t w i t h p o l i t i c s of been s t r i p p e d away.  by  any  sort  i s through  107  Footnotes:  Chapter 6  1  M o r r i s Janowitz, The M i l i t a r y i n the P o l i t i c a l Development of New N a t i o n s , Chicago, U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago Press, 1964, p. 80. (To put the q u e s t i o n t h i s g r o s s l y i g n o r e s many f a c t o r s and subtle d i s t i n c t i o n s . I n p a r t i c u l a r , I am t h i n k i n g o f the d i s t i n c t i o n s Rapoport makes between (1) the " P r a e t o r i a n S t a t e " ; (2) the " c i v i l i a n - a n d - m i l i t a r y p o l i t y " ; (3) the "nation-in-arms". See David C. Rapoport, "AJComparative Theory of M i l i t a r y and P o l i t i c a l Types", i n Samuel P. H u n t i n g t o n (ed .)•,., Changing P a t t e r n s o f M i l i t a r y P o l i t i c s , The Free Press, 1962.)  2  Edgar F u r n i s s , D e G a u l l e and Century Fund, 1964.  3  S e l i g H a r r i s o n , I n d i a : the Most Dangerous Decades, P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1957.  4  Seymour L i p s e t , Paul L a z a r s f e l d , A l a n B a r t o n , and Juan L i n z , "The Psychology of V o t i n g " , i n Gardner L i n d z e y ( e d . ) , Handbook of S o c i a l Psychology, Cambridge, Addison-Wesley, 1954, Volume I I , pp. 1122-1175. See a l s o D. Anderson and P. E. Davidson, B a l l o t s and the Democratic C l a s s S t r u g g l e , S t a n f o r d , S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1943.  5  S c o t t Greer and Peter O r l e a n s , "The Mass S o c i e t y and the P a r a p o l i t i c a l S t r u c t u r e " , American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 27 (1962), pp. 634-646.  6  Adapted from I b i d .  7  S c o t t Greer, "The S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e and P o l i t i c a l Process o f Suburbia: an E m p i r i c a l T e s t " , R u r a l S o c i o l o g y , 27 (1962), pp. 438-459. See a l s o S c o t t Greer, "The S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e and P o l i t i c a l Process of Suburbia", American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 25 (1960), pp. 514-526.  8  Adapted from Greer, "The S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e and o f Suburbia: an E m p i r i c a l T e s t " .  9  See John M. F o s k e t t , "The I n f l u e n c e of S o c i a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Community Programs and A c t i v i t i e s " , i n M a r v i n B. Sussman ( e d . ) , Community S t r u c t u r e and A n a l y s i s , New York, C r o w e l l , 1959, pp. 311330.  10  the French Army, New  Adapted from Greer, "The S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e and o f Suburbia: an E m p i r i c a l T e s t " .  York, Twentieth  Political  Political  Process  Process  108  11  A r e c e n t survey study i n New Westminster r e v e a l e d t h a t 7 per cent o f the sample belonged to v o l u n t a r y l o c a l l y - b a s e d o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Seven per cent o f the a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n (20,000) equals 1400 p e r s o n s . A l t h o u g h one should p r o b a b l y not r e a d too much i n t o the f a c t , i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to observe t h a t t h i s f i g u r e i s about the rock-bottom minimum t h a t have turned out f o r c i v i c e l e c t i o n s i n the l a s t decade. The Columbian, March 1, 1966.  12  A l v i n H. S c h a f f , "The E f f e c t o f Commuting on P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Community O r g a n i z a t i o n s " , American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 17 (1952), pp. 215-220.  13  Peter B. C l a r k and James Q. W i l s o n , " I n c e n t i v e Systems: a Theory of O r g a n i z a t i o n " , A d m i n i s t r a t i v e S c i e n c e Q u a r t e r l y , 6 (1961), pp. 129-166.  14  Edward C. B a n f i e l d Harvard U n i v e r s i t y  15  Gladys Kammerer, e t a l , The Urban P o l i t i c a l Houghton M i f f l i n , 1963, pp. 45-70.  16  Ibid.,  p.  56.  17  Ibid.,  p.  59.  18  Ibid. ,  19  Wallace S. Sayre and H e r b e r t Kaufman, Governing New York C i t y , New York, R u s s e l Sage Foundation, 1960, e s p e c i a l l y c h a p t e r s 8,9,10,11.  20  Banfield  21  Ibid.,  22  Ibid.  23  and James Q. W i l s o n , C i t y P o l i t i c s , Press, 1963, p. 210.  and W i l s o n , op. c i t . , p.  Community,  Cambridge  Boston,  212.  p.  214.  Ibid.,  p.  215.  24  Supra,  Chapter  25  M o r r i s Janowitz, The Community Press i n an Urban S e t t i n g , The F r e e P r e s s , 1952, p. 137.  5. Glencoe,  109 26  D a n i e l Grant, "Suburban Vote Downs N a s h v i l l e Metro C h a r t e r " , N a t i o n a l M u n i c i p a l Review, 47 (1958), pp. 399-400; Edward Sofen, Miami M e t r o p o l i t a n Experiment, Bloomington, Indiana U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1963, p. 111. In N a s h v i l l e , the " b u r e a u c r a t i c " o p p o s i t i o n to Metro appears to have come l a r g e l y from p r i v a t e f i r e and water companies. In Miami, c i t y employees openly p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the campaign. C i t y t r u c k s c a r r i e d s i g n s , p a i n t e d i n c i t y workshops, i n o p p o s i t i o n to the metro p r o p o s a l .  27  S c o t t Greer, M e t r o p o l i t i c s , New  28  Ibid.  29  S c o t t Greer, The p. 183.  30  Winston W. Crouch and B e a t r i c e Dinerman, Southern C a l i f o r n i a M e t r o p o l i s , B e r k e l e y and Los A n g e l e s , U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1963, p. 278. " V o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s w i t h community o r i e n t a t i o n pervade every s e c t o r of the Los Angeles m e t r o p o l i t a n area. I f one can v i s u a l i z e a map of the county denoting the l o c a t i o n o f each Chamber o f Commerce, c o o r d i n a t i n g c o u n c i l , and r e l a t e d s e r v i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s , one would see a d i s t i n c t c l u s t e r i n g of such community a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h i n the numerous l o c a l , p l a c e name areas t h a t comprise t h i s p o l i t i c a l e n t i t y . V i r t u a l l y every local-name community i n the county, i r r e s p e c t i v e of l e g a l boundary l i n e s has, w i t h i n i t s b o r d e r , an independent community c o o r d i n a t i n g c o u n c i l , chamber o f commerce, Kiwanis Club, Rotary, or s i m i l a r voluntary organization."  31  J a n o w i t z , op.  32  Clarence N. Stone, " L o c a l Referendums: an A l t e r n a t i v e to the A l i e n a t e d - V o t e r Model", P u b l i c O p i n i o n Q u a r t e r l y , 29 (1965), pp. 213-222.  33  I b i d . , p.  34  I t should be p o i n t e d out t h a t a " s t a n d i n g c o r e " h y p o t h e s i s i s not at a l l i d e n t i c a l w i t h an " e l i t e - m a s s " f o r m u l a t i o n . A l t h o u g h the two are undoubtedly s i m i l a r phenomena, i t should be kept i n mind t h a t we are here d e a l i n g w i t h something l i k e 10 to 25 per cent of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n .  York, W i l e y , 1963,  Emerging C i t y , Glencoe, The  c i t . ; , p.  p.  32.  Free Press,  1962,  83.  222.  CHAPTER 7 :  POLITICAL ATTITUDES AND POLITICAL AFFECT  G a b r i e l Almond and Sidney Verba have r i g h t l y i d e n t i f i e d political  " a f f e c t " (or emotion) as one of the c e n t r a l  i n the study o f comparative p o l i t i c s . ' ' " f i v e nonoverlapping p o l i t i c a l interesting findings  systems,  variables  And, i n t h e i r study of some of t h e i r most  concern the d i f f e r e n t i a l  l e v e l s of a f f e c t  2 t o be found w i t h i n  these systems.  arrangement of p o l i t i c a l an important v a r i a b l e .  In the study of the c o n c e n t r i c ,  systems, p o l i t i c a l a f f e c t can be no l e s s Some o f the q u e s t i o n s t h a t might  be r a i s e d  i n t h i s c o n n e c t i o n a r e : does a f f e c t accrue d i f f e r e n t i a l l y t o d i f f e r e n t s y s t e m i c " l e v e l s " ? or i s t h e r e a g e n e r a l i z e d  affective  o r i e n t a t i o n towards p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s a t a l l l e v e l s ? chapter w i l l  attempt  Some C o n c e p t u a l  t o answer these  queries.  Difficulties  Almond and Verba o p e r a t i o n a l l y d e f i n e p o l i t i c a l responses t o a s e t o f q u e s t i o n s - t h a t I t might  a f f e c t as the  i s , a political  attitude.  a l s o be s a i d , however, t h a t a f f e c t i s an a t t i t u d e i n  r e a l i t y , as w e l l as o p e r a t i o n a l l y . in a p o l i t i c a l political  political  Thus, when we speak about  affect  system, we mean the presence o f a f f e c t i v e l y c l o t h e d  attitudes.  But what, e x a c t l y ,  The  This  do we mean by an " a f f e c t i v e l y - c l o t h e d  a t t i t u d e " , o r , f o r t h a t m a t t e r , by a " p o l i t i c a l  attitude"?  c o n t r o v e r s y over the d e f i n i t i o n o f an a t t i t u d e i s by no means  settled,  3  b u t , f o r the p r e s e n t purpose, the Hovland, J a n i s , and K e l l e y  110  •. - ft--.-.  Ill  formulation'will A political political  s u f f i c e : an a t t i t u d e i s an " i m p l i c i t  attitude, therefore,  (or p u b l i c ) o b j e c t  response". * 1  i s an i m p l i c i t response t o a  (or p e r s o n ) .  D a n i e l Katz has o f f e r e d an extremely u s e f u l c o n c e p t u a l framework. A c c o r d i n g t o the Katz f o r m u l a t i o n , i n t o four c a t e g o r i e s , functions The  depending on t h e i r m o t i v a t i o n a l  they perform w i t h i n first  utilitarian  a l l a t t i t u d e s may be c l a s s i f i e d  the p e r s o n a l i t y .  type i s r e l a t e d to the " i n s t r u m e n t a l ,  function".  b a s e s , or the  A t t i t u d e s which f u l f i l l  a d j u s t i v e , or  t h i s f u n c t i o n are  d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o need s a t i s f a c t i o n , even when they have a m i l d a f f e c t i v e component. the worker f a v o r i n g  By way o f example, Katz c i t e s "The a t t i t u d e s o f a political  p a r t y which w i l l  advance h i s economic  lot." The  second f u n c t i o n which a t t i t u d e s may f i l l  "ego-defense".  i s that o f  Thus, "when we cannot admit t o o u r s e l v e s  t h a t we  have deep f e e l i n g s o f i n f e r i o r i t y we p r o j e c t those f e e l i n g s onto some convenient m i n o r i t y  group...".  The c e n t r a l p o i n t  the  a t t i t u d e s o f t h i s type are "not c r e a t e d  the  i n d i v i d u a l ' s emotional c o n f l i c t s . "  with s p e c i f i c reference  In contrast  t h i s type o f  type which "are formed  t o the nature o f the a t t i t u d i n a l  A t t i t u d e s may a l s o p l a y a t h i r d , o r function.  by the t a r g e t b u t by  He c o n t r a s t s  a t t i t u d e w i t h the aforementioned u t i l i t a r i a n  i s that  t o the d e f e n s i v e  object."  "value-expressive"  nature o f the second type  of a t t i t u d e s , these are p o s i t i v e e x p r e s s i o n s o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s c e n t r a l v a l u e s and the "type o f person he c o n c e i v e s h i m s e l f  t o be".  112  C l e a r l y , i t was Lasswell  a t t i t u d e s of the second and  spoke of when he  third  types  that  f o r m u l a t e d , more than t h i r t y years  h i s famous d i c t u m t h a t " p r i v a t e needs are p r o j e c t e d  ago,  onto p u b l i c  6 objects." The  f o u r t h , or "knowledge f u n c t i o n " may  which s a t i s f y the "need to know" and t o the  individual's cognitive  D i s t i n c t i o n s very  g i v e s t a b i l i t y and  d i f f e r e n t i a t e d according  ( 2 ) " s o c i a l adjustment":  i n the L a s s w e l l i a n The  i n t e r n a l and  In  (1)"object  e x t e r n a l demands.  Opinions s e r v i n g here are  autonomous of o t h e r s "  h o s t i l i t y toward o t h e r s " :  the  develop a t t i t u d e s t h a t are a c r e a t i v e  s o l u t i o n to the problems posed by  problem."  to  on the "economy of the p e r s o n a l i t y " . ^  a p p r a i s a l " : the p e r s o n may  serve  other  Smith, Bruner, and White have  p a r t i c u l a r , they suggest the f o l l o w i n g f u n c t i o n s :  a "need to be  attitudes consistency  l i k e these have been proposed by  proposed t h a t a t t i t u d e s must be they serve  by  universe.  students of s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s .  functions  be p l a y e d  those t h a t  or those i n which we  (3)"externalization":  express  "indulge  Here a t t i t u d e s  sense of r e l i e v i n g an " u n r e s o l v e d  s i m i l a r i t i e s w i t h the Katz f o r m u l a t i o n s  inner  are  obvious.  Other p s y c h o l o g i s t s , however, have found both of these schemes t o be  o p e r a t i o n a l l y clumsy ( o r , r a t h e r , that o p e r a t i o n a l  are too clumsy t o make r e f i n e d use d i s t i n c t i o n s have been simply  of them).  confined  techniques  Thus, more f r e q u e n t l y  to a t t i t u d e s which are e i t h e r Q  (1) e g o - i n v o l v e d ;  or  (2) not  ego-involved.  c l e a r l y i n c l u d e s both the f i r s t  and  The  former  the f o u r t h of K a t z '  category categories,  113 w h i l e the  l a t t e r subsumes the  Political The  second and  third.  s c i e n t i s t s have long observed analagous  distinctions.  authors of V o t i n g , f o r example, have d i s t i n g u i s h e d between  9 "position  issues"  and  "style issues".  The  former has  as  its  presumed m o t i v a t i o n a l appeal " s e l f - i n t e r e s t of a r e l a t i v e l y d i r e c t k i n d " ; the  l a t t e r , " s e l f - e x p r e s s i o n of a r a t h e r i n d i r e c t ,  k i n d . " . Sidney Verba has i n p u t s and variety,  commented t h a t p o l i t i c a l  outputs of b.othj the  and  laments t h a t the  t h o r o u g h l y . "^ Lewis Froman J r . has  used the  dichotomy t o wider g e n e r a l i t y . "^ He are and  systems have  " i n s t r u m e n t a l " and l a t t e r have not  has  projective  "affective"  been s t u d i e d more "style-position"  theorized that " s t y l e  issues"  c h i e f l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h "the d i s t r i b u t i o n of symbolic rewards punishments."; " p o s i t i o n i s s u e s " , w i t h "the d i s t r i b u t i o n of  m a t e r i a l rewards and  punishments."  f u r t h e r m o r e , seems to be  12  Some such d i s t i n c t i o n ,  s t r o n g l y p r e s e n t i n the  recent writings  13 of Murray Edelman on p o l i t i c a l Edelman seems a l s o t o these t y p e s , the  symbolism.  to t h i n k there i s a s o r t one  In p a r t i c u l a r ,  Professor  of "zero-sum"  implying "not-the-other".  quality  Thus, he  observes t h a t  The most i n t e n s i v e d i s s e m i n a t i o n of symbols commonly a t t e n d s the enactment of l e g i s l a t i o n which i s mos^ meaningless i n i t s impact on r e s o u r c e a l l o c a t i o n . It  i s proposed i n the  dimension e v i d e n t i n the treat  the  unified  s t u d i e s mentioned so  varying definitions  or e q u i v a l e n t .  political  d i s c u s s i o n t h a t f o l l o w s to use  attitude"  as  of t h i s phenomenon as  That i s , we one  f a r , and,  shall treat  which f a l l s i n t o K a t z  an 1  t h i s double  moreover, to  essentially "affective  "ego-defensive"  114 or " v a l u e - e x p r e s s i v e " is  c a t e g o r i e s , assume t h a t i t s more g e n e r a l  an e g o - i n v o l v e d - a t t i t u d e ,  and  assert that i t i s  form  characteristically  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h symbolic g r a t i f i c a t i o n . . C o n v e r s e l y , a t t i t u d e s which are not  a f f e c t i v e l y - c l o t h e d are thought to f a l l i n t o K a t z  and  "knowledge f u n c t i o n " c a t e g o r i e s , assumed to be  and  believed  to be  utilitarian"  1  not-ego-involved,  associated with material g r a t i f i c a t i o n .  It is  f u r t h e r assumed throughout, of c o u r s e , t h a t these d i s t i n c t i o n s are of the  c l a s s i c a l " i d e a l type"  L e t us now  form.  r e t u r n to the f o r m u l a t i o n s  contained  i n Almond and  systems.  There, the authors d i v i d e t h e i r  three.''--'  The  first  a t t i t u d e s about the and  the  about p o l i t i c a l a f f e c t  Verba's study of f i v e n a t i o n - s t a t e conceptual  political  categories  into  i s "system a f f e c t " , meaning, " g e n e r a l i z e d system as a whole".  t h i r d , "output a f f e c t " .  The  I , f o r one,  second i s " i n p u t  affect",  have some r e s e r v a t i o n s  about the d i s t i n c t i o n , e i t h e r o p e r a t i o n a l l y or i n r e a l i t y , between the  latter  are not  the  two  - i n p a r t i c u l a r I am not  same phenomenon looked  I at a l l convinced t h a t our l i k e the  sure t h a t  a n a l y t i c models have reached to use  Because of these r e s e r v a t i o n s , I f i n d  amalgamate these two  - output and  concepts  at s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t l y .  t h e o r e t i c a l r i g o u r which would a l l o w us  categories.  the two  Nor  anything such r e f i n e d  i t preferable  i n p u t a f f e c t - i n t o one  to  notion,  which I propose to c a l l , " i n t e r n a l a f f e c t " or " i n t r a s y s t e m i c  affect".  T h i s type of a f f e c t w i l l be  thought of c o n s i s t i n g of a f f e c t i v e  a t t i t u d e s towards p o l i t i c a l  i s s u e s and  Thus, i n the d i s c u s s i o n t h a t f o l l o w s we  am  combatants w i t h i n the  system.  s h a l l examine the e x i s t e n c e  of  115 differential  l e v e l s of p o l i t i c a l  affect  ( f o l l o w i n g Almond and Verba  and, I t h i n k , "common sense" and i n t u i t i o n as w e l l ) f o r p o l i t i c s c o n c e n t r i c a l l y a r r a n g e d , i n two a n a l y t i c c a t e g o r i e s : affect;  (2) i n t e r n a l  (1) system  affect.  Almond and Verba t r e a t system a f f e c t a s , e s s e n t i a l l y , . " p r i d e 1  in political  ft  and governmental i n s t i t u t i o n s " .  There a r e , however,  a number of d i f f i c u l t i e s w i t h t h i s f o r m u l a t i o n .  In p a r t i c u l a r ,  we should note t h a t i t t r e a t s system a f f e c t as an a t t r i b u t e of the. s p e c i a l i z e d goal-attainment s t r u c t u r e s .  T h i s , of c o u r s e , i s  c o n s i s t e n t w i t h David Easton's n o t i o n o f the "system" as b e i n g a t a p o s i t i o n i n t e r m e d i a t e between "community" and "regime"."''^ seems t o me, however, t h a t no d e f i n i t i o n of system a f f e c t  It  can i g n o r e  the component p a r t t h a t r e l a t e s t o a f f e c t a t the l e v e l of the community  ( t o use Easton's t e r m ) .  general a f f e c t  towards  C o n c e p t u a l l y , t h i s type of  the community may be handled by a model of 18  the s o c i a l system o f the P a r s o n s - M i t c h e l l type  and t h i n k i n g of  t h i s type of system a f f e c t as b e i n g a " s u b - s y s t e m i c exchange" the p o l i t y and the " i n t e g r a t i v e system".  between  T h i s i s tantamount t o  s a y i n g t h a t the p o l i t y a s s i s t s i n t h e s o c i e t a l problem of i n t e g r a t i o n by the p r o d u c t i o n of "we-group", e g o - i n v o l v i n g symbols.  This  upon which the d i s c u s s i o n i s based, i s thus somewhat d i f f e r e n t  schema, from  t h a t employed by Almond and Verba. Some Measures of "System A f f e c t "  As w i t h a l l v a r i a b l e s i n v o l v i n g ego-involvement and a f f e c t , an o p e r a t i o n a l measure i s a c e n t r a l d i f f i c u l t y .  One such, however, may  116 be the e x t e n t to which the respondent his  expects  l i f e w i t h i n the community i n q u e s t i o n .  and d e s i r e s to  Table XXIII  live  summarizes  the r e s u l t s of a q u e s t i o n on p r e f e r r e d p l a c e to l i v e posed t o the secondary  s c h o o l students  Table X X I I I :  i n my  Vancouver a r e a  study.  "When you f i n i s h your e d u c a t i o n , where do you would l i k e t o l i v e ? "  t h i n k you  Burnaby/New Westminster I n t h i s g e n e r a l a r e a , but o u t s i d e Burnaby/New Westminster Another p a r t of B.C. Another p a r t of Canada Outside Canada  24.57 28.5% 13.5% 13.5% 20.0% 100.0% N - 230  I t may  not be assumed from the responses  some s e t s of responses is,  a  to t h i s q u e s t i o n t h a t  are n e c e s s a r i l y i n c l u d e d w i t h i n another.  i t i s not m e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y l e g i t i m a t e , without  a lengthy  That  test  w i t h , say, p a i r e d comparisons of each i t e m w i t h e v e r y other i t e m , t o i n f e r t h a t an i n d i v i d u a l whose f i r s t p r e f e r " I t a l y " n e x t , then "another randomly. . On  c h o i c e i s "Burnaby" w i l l  p a r t of Canada", and  so  not  on  the other hand, t h e r e i s , I t h i n k , a c e r t a i n s u r f a c e  v a l i d i t y to b e l i e v i n g t h a t t h e r e are c e r t a i n i m p l i c a t i o n s to each of  these  c h o i c e s , which were undoubtedly c l e a r to these  Thus, i t i s not almost  One  i m p l a u s i b l e to argue t h a t a p r e f e r e n c e f o r Burnaby  c e r t a i n l y i m p l i e s a p r e f e r e n c e f o r not l e a v i n g Canada.  With these at  respondents.  l e a s t two  caveats  fairly  i n mind, we may  having  c l e a r i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the p r e s e n t r e s e a r c h purpos  i s t h a t more than 75% do not express  t h e i r present m u n i c i p a l i t y . respondents  i n t e r p r e t the t a b l e as  The  a preference for l i v i n g i n  other p o i n t i s t h a t 807» of the  i n d i c a t e d a p r e f e r e n c e f o r remaining w i t h i n Canada, f u r t h e  117 testimony  to the r e l a t i v e importance of the n a t i o n - s t a t e frame of  reference.  Now,  to some e x t e n t , these  the s t u d y :  the o p t i o n s  given  ( i t was  r e s u l t s may  be a r t i f a c t s  a closed, multiple  of  choice 19  q u e s t i o n ) , and would be  the " e x t e r n a l anchorages" of those  i n t e r e s t i n g to o f f e r t h i s same q u e s t i o n  forms - open, c l o s e d , few,  and many o p t i o n s .  Now  i n a v a r i e t y of present  b e l i e v e to be a h i g h  i n t r a - n a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y of p e r s o n s .  i t w i l l be remembered from Chapter 4 t h a t l e v e l of  about the l o c a l p o l i t y was  s l i g h t l y g r e a t e r f o r those who,  q u e s t i o n , p r e f e r r e d to l i v e i n the m u n i c i p a l i t y of t h e i r residence. caught up  It  However, the  f i n d i n g s are c e r t a i n l y i n accord w i t h what we r a t e of inter-community and  options.  And,  i n the l a s t  chapter,  i t was  information on  this  present  observed t h a t persons  i n the e g o - i n v o l v i n g p a r a p o l i t i c a l apparatus a l s o seem  t o have g r e a t e r  l e v e l s of p o l i t i c a l  Thus, i t may  thought t h a t those who  be  interest  political  i n t e g r a t i v e symbols also, tend  political  interest.  Two  tendency i s s l i g h t and of l o c a l p o l i t i c a l  polity.  are the r e c i p i e n t s of to have a g r e a t e r  by the  i n f o r m a t i o n to be  (1)  counter-tendency f o r h i g h simple  citizenry.  be r e l e v a n t to t h i s problem  comes from the somewhat p u z z l i n g responses to the q u e s t i o n ,  f e a t u r e of these  levels  political  i n t e g r a t i v e symbols are c l e a r l y a m i n o r i t y of the t o t a l  i s the most important  the  f u n c t i o n s of g e n e r a l l y  (2) Those r e c e i v i n g l o c a l  Another p i e c e of d a t a which may  local  local  warnings a r e , however, i n o r d e r :  i s met  h i g h p o l i t i c a l knowledge.  i n the l o c a l  "Who  p e r s o n i n t h i s area?-!- The most prominent  d a t a i s the v e r y  l a r g e "no  response" c a t e g o r y  more than o n e - t h i r d of the t o t a l group-! a t r i b u t e to the  -  ambiguity  118  of  that question.  The r e s u l t s are summarized i n Table XXIV.  The  e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r t h i s p a t t e r n of responses i s c l e a r l y not a simple T a b l e XXIV:  "Who  i s the most important p e r s o n i n t h i s a r e a ? "  Mayor, Reeve, or other l o c a l f i g u r e Prime M i n i s t e r Premier Others  "No  response",  6% 34% 46% 14% 100% N = 150 N = 86  I t might be t h a t the respondents r e a s o n t h a t "the Prime (or  one.  Minister  the Premier) i s the most important p e r s o n i n Canada (or B.C.), 20  t h e r e f o r e he i s the most important f i g u r e i n t h i s a r e a . " l i k e l y i n f e r e n c e i s t h a t the responses t e l l us something the it not  about what  s t i m u l u s " t h i s a r e a " means t o the g r e a t m a j o r i t y of the respondents; appears  to mean B r i t i s h Columbia  seem t o mean the l o c a l An  of  A more  and Canada.  I t d e c i d e d l y does  community.  i n t e r e s t i n g s i d e l i g h t on these d a t a i s r e v e a l e d by the s t r u c t u r e  the q u e s t i o n n a i r e i n v o l v e d .  I t was 21  a r t i f i c i a l l y r a i s i n g the s a l i e n c e  c o n s t r u c t e d so as t o a v o i d  of any r e f e r e n c e group, or even  any s p e c i a l p a t t e r n of thought, b e f o r e i t was  necessary.  Thus,  these respondents were asked the q u e s t i o n d i s c u s s e d above b e f o r e they were asked t o answer q u e s t i o n s about the r e l a t i v e r a n k i n g of individual p o l i t i c a l community" was  introduced.  were a g a i n asked "Who A goodly  l e a d e r s , or b e f o r e any i d e a of the " l o c a l At the end of the q u e s t i o n n a i r e , they  i s the most important p e r s o n i n t h i s  (though not a g r e a t ) number moved i n t o the " l o c a l  c a t e g o r y a f t e r the s a l i e n c e of these a f f i l i a t i o n s had been r a i s e d .  community?" figure"  (presumably)  119  What do these b e i n g used h e r e . as and  data mean i n terms of the s y s t e m i c  framework  One i n t e r p r e t a t i o n c o u l d be t h a t l o c a l  compared w i t h broader p o l i t i c a l e g o - i n v o l v i n g symbols.  polities,  systems, produce few i n t e g r a t i v e  T h i s i s tantamount t o s a y i n g t h a t most  c i t i z e n s do not f e e l s t r o n g l y and a f f e c t i v e l y about t h e i r communities.  Such an h y p o t h e s i s  the d a t a presented  beliefs and  would be c o n s i s t e n t w i t h a l l of  here on p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n ,  cognition, preferences  local  political  as t o p l a c e o f l i v i n g , as w e l l as bur g e n e r a l  about the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e a d i n e s s  s e t t l e down somewhere e l s e .  t o leave any one community  In terms of the P a r s o n s - M i t c h e l l  model mentioned e a r l i e r , t h i s h y p o t h e s i s s t a t i n g t h a t the p o l i t y , a t the l o c a l i n t o the i n t e g r a t i v e subsystem.  would be e q u i v a l e n t t o  l e v e l , does not d e e p l y  intrude  T h i s p o i n t would however, c o n t r a d i c t  what appears t o be i n t u i t i v e l y obvious a t the n a t i o n - s t a t e l e v e l a t least;  t h a t p o l i t i e s do i n f a c t h e l p t o f u l f i l l  f u n c t i o n of the s o c i a l  the i n t e g r a t i v e  system.  "Internal Affect"  I t has been suggested t h a t l o c a l p o l i t i e s produce l i t t l e affect.  Does the same h o l d t r u e f o r our second c a t e g o r y  affect:  "internal affect"?  of p o l i t i c a l  There do not appear t o be any s t u d i e s  which examine e x p l i c i t l y t h i s p o i n t and the d a t a c o l l e c t e d Vancouver a r e a d i d not d e a l w i t h to see how hypotheses r e l a t i n g e m p i r i c a l l y at a l l .  system  i t . Indeed, i t i s v e r y  i n the  difficult  t o t h i s n o t i o n could be t e s t e d  T h e r e f o r e , most of what i s s a i d here w i l l be v e r y  i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c and s p e c u l a t i v e .  120 The  first  political  s p e c i f i c h y p o t h e s i s t h a t I propose i s t h i s :  a t t i t u d e s concerning  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y be variety, rather political to be  of the  the  suggested by  political  " u t i l i t a r i a n " and  political  " p o s i t i o n " rather  system w i l l  "knowledge f u n c t i o n "  than o f the more e g o - i n v o l v i n g  i s s u e s of the l o c a l  of the  local  that  type,  system w i l l  than " s t y l e " k i n d .  the o b s e r v a b l e f a c t t h a t r e f e r e n d a  and  that  c o n s e q u e n t l y tend This point i s  on i s s u e s  usually  e x p e r i e n c e even lower v o t i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n than e l e c t i o n s c a l l e d 22 to f i l l  vacancies  r u l e might be  the  i n elected positions.  " f l u o r i d a t i o n " controversy,  to draw much g r e a t e r  e s s e n t i a l l y non-local  terms.  I have an i m p r e s s i o n ,  " p o l i t i c s " and  connotation.  "Political  Thus, i n Chapter 4,  question  this  which has been observed  other  notion i s  exceedingly  - c h i e f l y because measurement of emotional a r o u s a l  simple t a s k .  to the  to  i s s u e t h a t i s c o n s i s t e n t l y framed i n  O p e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of t h i s or any  stimulus  exception  c i t i z e n i n t e r e s t than most l o c a l i s s u e s but i t  i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c t h a t i t i s one 23  difficult  One  however, t h a t i n our  culture  i s s u e s " have an emotional we  "Name some people who  saw  that the  are  involved  i s no the  "style"  student responses in politics  or  government" tended s t r o n g l y towards mentioning p r o v i n c i a l , ^ n a t i o n a l , and  i n t e r n a t i o n a l f i g u r e s , and  reading local  t h a t was  put on  p o l i t i c s were not  away from naming l o c a l  t h i s r e s u l t then was "really  politics".  figures.  The  a dominant f e e l i n g t h a t  121  And,  p r i o r to the q u e s t i o n n a i r e  of f a i r l y long p r e - t e s t i n t e r v i e w s political  i n which one q u e s t i o n was "What  i s s u e s have you n o t i c e d l a t e l y ? "  interviews, not  t e s t i n g , I conducted a s e r i e s  I n one s e t o f f i v e  t h i r t y - o n e d i f f e r e n t i s s u e s were mentioned.  recognizable  issues to t h i s interviewer  Two were  (e.g. "the r i o t s i n  C e n t r a l America"), three more were events r a t h e r than i s s u e s (e.g. the death o f Nehru), two were not s t r i c t l y p o l i t i c a l o f Gemini V I ) .  (e.g. the f l i g h t  The remaining were d i v i d e d thus: n i n e t e e n  were i s s u e s  more o r l e s s p e r t a i n i n g to the n a t i o n a l o f the i n t e r n a t i o n a l system; f i v e were more or l e s s p r o v i n c i a l i s s u e s . of a l o c a l The  Not one mention was made  issue.  second h y p o t h e s i s i s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o the f i r s t :  political  that  "rewards and punishments" (to use the Froman t e r m i n o l o g y )  i n the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l  system w i l l be c h i e f l y o f the m a t e r i a l  than the symbolic s o r t : they tend t o d e a l w i t h a l l o c a t i o n o f and  objects  affective  rather  items.  rather resources  than the l e s s t a n g i b l e , but more symbolic and T h i s p r o p o s i t i o n i s borne out, i n a crude s o r t o f  way by the s t r e s s which students o f community d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g l a y on issues of a very studies  tangible quality.  such as Robert Dahl's  deal with d e c i s i o n s nothing  The g e n e r a l  impression  and Agger and G o l d r i c h ' s  like  l e f t by i s that  they  the h i g h l y symbolic and a f f e c t - l a d e n  " s t y l e " i s s u e s we a s s o c i a t e w i t h the n a t i o n a l  polity.  122  A t h i r d p r o p o s i t i o n i s : that l o c a l • p o l i t i e s , being laden, w i l l  tend t o a s t y l e o f g o a l - a t t a i n m e n t t h a t i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y  "administrative" rather "emotive".  less affect-  This point  than " p o l i t i c a l " ;  " r a t i o n a l " , rather  i s suggested by the widespread f a i t h  " C i t y Manager" p l a n ; i t i s i n d i c a t e d a l s o , once a g a i n  government" r a t h e r  than " l o c a l  politics",  two usages perhaps r e f l e c t i n g  the  object. i s , then, argued (here  political low  system.  on g e n e r a l i z e d  affect.  the semantic d i f f e r e n c e i n  the u n d e r l y i n g  t h a t the l o c a l  I t appears t o be, r e l a t i v e  o r i e n t a t i o n toward  p o l i t y i s a low-affect to "higher"  levels,  system a f f e c t and low on " i n t e r n a l " o r i s s u e  We may then speak o f i t as b e i n g  a p o l i t y having the a t t r i b u t e  o f the primacy o f pure, m a t e r i a l g o a l - a t t a i n m e n t .  To say t h i s i s , o f  course, not t o deny t h a t some people w i l l be deeply i n v o l v e d and  hence e m o t i o n a l l y  i n the l o c a l  political  awareness and i n t e r e s t .  be  public  But i t does argue t h a t , i n the long run, i n  the net l e v e l o f a f f e c t i n the l o c a l  lower than t h a t which o b t a i n s  Some T h e o r e t i c a l I m p l i c a t i o n s  The  personally  system, nor t h a t a few  " s t y l e " i s s u e s , i n a few p l a c e s , may not arouse c o n s i d e r a b l e  general,  government  as opposed t o " p o l i t i c s " : i t i s " l o c a l  the  It  i n the  i n a gross  manner, by the r e l a t i v e s t r e s s t h a t academic works on l o c a l l a y on a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  than  i n "higher"  political  system w i l l  polities.  o f the Low-Affect System  p o i n t s r a i s e d here have many r a m i f i c a t i o n s f o r the s t r u c t u r e  123 and  process o f p o l i t i c s a t the l o c a l  are  the t h e o r e t i c a l and normative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s made by students  o f "community power".  These w i l l be taken up i n Chapter 9.  are, however, a few i m p l i c a t i o n s i n the present  l e v e l , not the l e a s t o f which  which i t might be wise t o e x p l o r e  context.  I r e f e r i n p a r t i c u l a r to the p s y c h o l o g i c a l change.  As Katz observes,  the c o n d i t i o n s  Thus, a t t i t u d e s s e r v i n g  u t i l i t a r i a n attitudes require  o f need s a t i s f a c t i o n .  the "need t o know" w i l l  change  to the c o g n i t i v e  field,  a change i n the p e r c e i v e d  path  But e g o - d e f e n s i v e and v a l u e - e x p r e s s i v e  a t t i t u d e s probably require rather  only  of attitude  i t serves w i t h i n the  i n the face o f simple a d d i t i o n o f i n f o r m a t i o n and  theories  f o r change o f a g i v e n  a t t i t u d e w i l l v a r y depending on the f u n c t i o n personality.  There  s u b s t a n t i a l changes i n the p e r s o n a l i t y  itsel  than a l t e r a t i o n s o f the environment.,.  Muzafer S h e r i f and C a r l Hovland, s t u d y i n g  the e f f e c t s o f  p e r s u a s i v e communications on a t t i t u d e change, and u s i n g operational  the simpler  dichotomy o f e g o - i n v o l v e d and n o t - e g o - i n v o l v e d  attitudes,  state: . . . . i t i s our c o n c l u s i o n t h a t a s t r o n g stand on an i s s u e which i s p e r s o n a l l y i n v o l v i n g f o r the i n d i v i d u a l f u n c t i o n s as an anchor i n h i s judgments and renders him l e s s l i k e l y to be a f f e c t e d by h i g h l y d i s c r e p a n t p e r s u a s i v e communication on the i s s u e .27 And  Hovland and P r i t z k e r f i n d t h a t a t t i t u d e s on i s s u e s  regarded as  " f a c t u a l q u e s t i o n s " changed i n a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n w i t h the amount of change advocated by the communication.  28  Attitudes  on i s s u e s not  124  so regarded  ( i . e . i n our c o n t e x t , more "matters o f o p i n i o n " and  e g o - i n v o l v i n g ) , " c o n t r a s t " e f f e c t s were observed amount o f change advocated,  All  - the more the  the more the message was  p e r s o n a l a s s a u l t ; l e s s , even n e g a t i v e , change was  the  o f t h i s suggests t h a t the non-ego-involved,  or "knowledge f u n c t i o n " a t t i t u d e s o f the l o c a l  thus  seen as a result. utilitarian,  political  system  may  be much l e s s r e s i s t a n t to change, and much more i n c h o a t e and s u b j e c t to r e l a t i v e l y s l i g h t  s o c i a l cues.  A l l o f which i n t u r n i m p l i e s a  c o n s i d e r a b l e degree o f i n s t a b i l i t y on the p a r t o f those a t t i t u d e s when they are e x p r e s s e d . i n C l a r e n c e Stone's  T h i s p o i n t i s , o f course, p r e c i s e l y t h a t made study o f l o c a l r e f e r e n d a .  T h i s q u e s t i o n can be a n a l y z e d i n terms o f any o f the models o f a l t i t u d e change which use concepts of " c o n g r u i t y " , " b a l a n c e " or "dissonance", all  B r i e f l y s t a t e d , and at the r i s k o f grave  oversimplification,  these models use some n o t i o n o f a t t i t u d i n a l c o n s i s t e n c y .  i s : A l i k e s B, B l i k e s C, A d i s l i k e s be "unbalanced"  C.  That  T h i s s i t u a t i o n i s s a i d to  " i n c o n g r u o u s " or " d i s s o n a n t " , w i t h a tendency  towards " b a l a n c e " , " c o n g r u i t y " , or "consonance".  to change  A variety of  s o l u t i o n s to t h i s s i t u a t i o n are p o s s i b l e , a c c o r d i n g to which model i s b e i n g used.  A may  h i s thoughts about  change h i s o p i n i o n o f B, o f C, or he may these two  "partition"  figures.  But i f one o f these bonds i s s t r o n g e r than the o t h e r , i t c o u l d be p r e d i c t e d t h a t i t w i l l  resist  the one  t h a t "snaps".  One  predict  that something  very l i k e  change and the weakest bond w i l l  be  o f these models, the c o n g r u i t y model, does t h i s w i l l o c c u r : a person or o b j e c t  125  about which one has o n l y m i l d  f e e l i n g s w i l l respond much more than  one which one f e e l s s t r o n g l y about. These t h e o r i e s have a number o f i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the present purpose.  They suggest, f o r example,  that - c e t e r i s paribus -  l o c a l governments become embroiled w i t h q u a r r e l s w i t h " h i g h e r " l e v e l s of government  a t t h e i r own p e r i l , not j u s t because o f the rewards and  punishments t h a t these b o d i e s can bestow, but because t h e i r constituents are l i k e l y  t o have s t r o n g f e e l i n g s about the l o c a l  government's opponent, and i f they are f a v o u r a b l e , the l o c a l is  likely  own  t o l o s e much w i t h i t s own c i t i z e n s .  government  This implies that i f  C i t y government A, about which c i t i z e n s have m i l d f e e l i n g s ,  p u b l i c l y and  b i t t e r l y a t t a c k s p r o v i n c i a l , s t a t e , o r f e d e r a l government B, about which c i t i z e n s have s t r o n g p o s i t i v e f e e l i n g s , they w i l l the "home f r o n t " .  This r e s u l t ,  i t should be noted, would not be  p r e d i c t e d from models which i m p l i c i t l y government  l o s e s t a n d i n g on  p o s t u l a t e a model o f l o c a l  as b e i n g " c l o s e to the people"; t h i s l a s t model would  p r o b a b l y p r e d i c t the "we-them" r e s o l u t i o n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h  traditional  models o f , say, the i n t e r n a t i o n a l system. I n summary: l o c a l p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i v e to "higher" p o l i t i e s .  systems are l o w - a f f e c t  polities,  T h i s g e n e r a l i z a t i o n may h o l d true f o r  both "system a f f e c t " and " i n t e r n a l a f f e c t " dimension o f t h i s T h i s phenomenon has i m p l i c a t i o n s a t t i t u d e s about l o c a l  variable.  f o r the f o r m a t i o n and change o f  i s s u e s and about even l o c a l  governments.  126 • F o o t n o t e s ; Chapter 7  1  G a b r i e l Almond and Sidney \Verba, The C i v i c C u l t u r e , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1963, Chapter 4.  Princeton,  2  I b i d . , p.  3  See M e l v i n L . D e f l e u r and Frank R. Westie, " A t t i t u d e as a Concept", S o c i a l F o r c e s , 42 (1963), pp. 17-30.  102. Scientific  (<¥< C. I . Hovland, I . J a n i s , and H. H. K e l l e y , Communication and P e r s u a s i o n , New Haven, Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1953, p. 7. if-  .5? D a n i e l K a t z , "The F u n c t i o n a l Approach to the Study o f A t t i t u d e s " , P u b l i c O p i n i o n Q u a r t e r l y , 24 (1960), pp. 163-204. 6  H a r o l d L a s s w e l l , Psychopathology and P o l i t i c s , New York, V i k i n g , 1962, p. 263.  (Revised E d i t i o n )  7  M. Brewster Smith, Jerome S. Burner, and Robert W. White, Opinions and P e r s o n a l i t y , New York, W i l e y , 1956, pp. 1-30; M. Brewster Smith, " O p i n i o n s , P e r s o n a l i t y , and P o l i t i c a l B e h a v i o r " , American P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e Review, 52 (1958), pp. 1-26.  8  See, f o r example, C a r l I . Hovland and Muzafer S h e r i f , Judgment, New Haven, Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1961.  9  Bernard B e r e l s o n , Paul L a z a r s f e l d , and W i l l i a m McPhee, V o t i n g , Chicago, U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago P r e s s , 1954, p. 184.  Social  10  Sidney Verba, Small Groups and P o l i t i c a l B e h a v i o r , P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1961, p. 184.  11  Lewis A. Froman J r . , People and P o l i t i c s , P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1962, pp. 24-25.  12  I b i d . , pp. 67-79.  13  Murray Edelman, The Symbolic Uses o f P o l i t i c s , o f I l l i n o i s P r e s s , 1964, pp. 15-16.  14  I b i d . , p. 26.  15  Almond and Verba, op. c i t . , p.  16  Ibid.,  p.  102.  101.  Englewood  Cliffs,  Urbana,  University  127  17  David Eastern, A Systems A n a l y s i s o f P o l i t i c a l L i f e , New W i l e y , 1965, Chapters 11-12.  18  W i l l i a m C. M i t c h e l l , The American P r e s s , 1962, Chapter 1.  19  Hovland and S h e r i f , op. c i t . ,  20  Had t h i s chaim o f r e a s o n i n g been the case, then we might expect t h a t , s i n c e so many respondents ranked the U n i t e d S t a t e s P r e s i d e n t as "more i m p o r t a n t " than the Prime M i n i s t e r or the Premier, t h a t there would be at l e a s t some who would r e p l y to t h i s q u e s t i o n w i t h "the P r e s i d e n t " . In f a c t , t h e r e were none who so r e p l i e d .  21  Some p s y c h o l o g i s t s have found t h a t by m a n i p u l a t i n g the s a l i e n c e o f a g i v e n r e f e r e n c e group, they can cause e x p e r i m e n t a l s u b j e c t s to respond d i f f e r e n t l y under h i g h and low s a l i e n c e c o n d i t i o n s . See Hovland, J a n i a , and K e l l e y , op. c i t . , pp. 157-163.  22  See C l a r e n c e N. Stone, " L o c a l Referendums: an A l t e r n a t i v e to the A l i e n a t e d V o t e r Model", P u b l i c O p i n i o n Q u a r t e r l y , 29 (1965), pp. 213-222.  23  See W i l l i a m A. Gamson, "The F l u o r i d a t i o n D i a l o g u e : I s i t an I d e o l o g i c a l C o n f l i c t ? " , P u b l i c O p i n i o n Q u a r t e r l y , 25 (1961), pp. 526-537.  24  Robert A. Dahl, Who 1961, pp. 333-334.  25  Robert E. Agger, D a n i e l G o l d r i c h , and B e r t F. Swanson, The R u l e r s and the Ruled, New York, W i l e y , 1965, Chapter 6.  26  K a t z , op. c i t .  27  Hovland  28  C. I . Hovland and Howard P r i t z k e r , "Extent o f O p i n i o n Change as a. F u n c t i o n o f Amount o f Change Advocated", J o u r n a l o f Abnormal and S o c i a l Psychology, 54 (1957), pp. 267-271.  29  For e x c e l l e n t summaries o f these models, see Roger Brown, "Models of A t t i t u d e Change", i n Roger Brown, e t a l , New D i r e c t i o n s i n Psychology, New York, H o l t R i n e h a r t , 1962, pp. 1-86.  P o l i t y , Glencoe, The F r e e  pp. 99-126.  Governs?, New  and S h e r i f , op. c i t . ,  York,  p.  Haven, Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ,  171.  PART IV : A THEORY AND ITS IMPLICATIONS  CHAPTER;; 8 : THE THEORY OF THE PARTIAL POLITICAL SYSTEM In the last chapter, we observed that traditional ways of handling the problem of system-within-systems are i n large measure inadequate and unable to organize effectively most of the observed facts about a special type of system-within-a-system: local governments.  Here, an attempt w i l l be made to construct a  model which i s more i n accord with this observed reality, and which makes some verifiable predictions about other aspects of political structures and processess at the local level. The perceptive reader will by now have observed that some of the phenomena dealt with i n this study have a certain similarity 1 to the "mass society controversy" i n sociology.  The mass society  theorists reasoned that the conditions of modern l i f e had certain implications:  (1) society would become atomized, with each atom  having direct relations with mass communicators;  (2) there would  be a decline of "warm" interpersonal relations within the spatiallydefined community.  Recent empirical research has indicated that 2 the mass society theorists greatly overstated the case. As has 3  been true with the early theories of mass communication,  and i t s  impact, the interpersonal element has been restored to a place i n our understanding of how societies operate. I want to stress that the present study is not directed towards re-opening the mass society controversy. 128  It i s clearly  129  r e c o g n i z e d t h a t the s u b j e c t a t hand i s the p o l i t i c a l r e l e v a n c e o f the l o c a l community - p e r c e p t i o n s o f the p o l i t i c a l about  i t , participation i n i t .  community may life:  I t i s not d e n i e d t h a t the  feelings local  have s u b s t a n t i a l l y more meaning i n o t h e r spheres  f r i e n d s h i p s , c u l t u r a l and r e l i g i o u s , and so on.  between involvement  i n s o f a r as t h e s e two  and the n o n - p o l i t i c a l  - a r e concerned may  case o f the Vancouver area secondary  a s p e c t s - the  The  school students. age"  p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n any o f t h e s e p o l i t i c a l  of  gap  political  w e l l be exaggerated  t h e s e s u b j e c t s are not a t a t r u l y " p o l i t i c a l yet  system,  i n the  Most o f  - they do not  systems.  This  f a c t i s e s p e c i a l l y p e r t i n e n t where the l o c a l community i s concerned: they a r e not y e t t a x p a y e r s , a r e not " s e t t l e d down", e t c . they may of  w e l l be f a i r l y h i g h on p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n o t h e r  community l i f e :  the s c h o o l , young p e o p l e s ' church  And  spheres groups,  4 s p o r t s o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and so on. l i m i t a t i o n s on the g e n e r a l i t y  Thus, t h e r e are important  o f the survey data o f f e r e d i n t h i s  5 study. Still, political  i t s h o u l d be remembered t h a t , even f o r these  spheres o f l i f e ,  non-  the a t t a c k on mass s o c i e t y t h e o r y has  not c o m p l e t e l y i n v a l i d a t e d t h a t model, but o n l y r e s t o r e d some i d e a o f the importance  o f s p a t i a l l y - d e f i n e d communities.  As  M o r r i s J a n o w i t z has s u c c i n c t l y put i t : .... the g e n e r a l i z e d d e s c r i p t i o n o f the urban r e s i d e n t i a l community i m p l i e d by t h i s r e s e a r c h i s a community of " l i m i t e d l i a b i l i t y " . I n v a r y i n g degrees, the l o c a l community r e s i d e n t has a c u r r e n t p s y c h o l o g i c a l and s o c i a l investment i n h i s l o c a l community. In varying  130  degrees, use o f l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s i s accompanied by community o r i e n t a t i o n s . . . B u t , i n a l l c a s e s , these attachments a r e l i m i t e d i n the amount o f p s y c h o l o g i c a l and s o c i a l investment they r e p r e s e n t . . h i s r e l a t i o n . to the community i s such - h i s investment i s such t h a t when the community f a i l s to s e r v e h i s needs, he w i l l withdraw. Seldom i s the investment so g r e a t t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l i s permanently committed t o a community... The " P a r t i a l i t y "  Dimension  I t i s here proposed t h a t p o l i t i c a l  systems  on a " p a r t i a l i t y " dimension p o s s e s s i n g two first  can be p l a c e d  l i m i t i n g cases.  The  l i m i t i n g case - o r end p o i n t o f the dimension - i s the  "total" political  system.  I t i s d e f i n e d as a system which c o n t a i n s  w i t h i n i t s e l f a l l the l i f e - e x p e r i e n c e s - and e s p e c i a l l y l i f e - e x p e r i e n c e s - o f a l l o f i t s member i n d i v i d u a l s . i n concept t o P a r s o n s ' " t o t a l s o c i a l system",  political  It i s similar  thought t o be  "an  aggregate o f persons as t o t a l i n d i v i d u a l s . . . a c o m p l e t e l y s e l f 7 subsistent society." will  I n my  own  formulation, "life-experiences"  be d e f i n e d as any elements w i t h i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s c o g n i t i v e o r  memory f i e l d s ; these w i l l i n c l u d e not o n l y a c t u a l e x p e r i e n c e s but e x p e c t a t i o n s , a s p i r a t i o n s , and o t h e r forms o f v i c a r i o u s ience.  So c o n c e i v e d , the o n l y " t o t a l " p o l i t y f o r modern man  experwould  be " t h e w o r l d " . The o t h e r extreme l i m i t i n g case would be the p o l i t i c a l which c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n i t none  system  o f the l i f e - e x p e r i e n c e s o f i t s  members, the " i r r e l e v a n t " p o l i t i c a l  system.  H y p o t h e t i c a l examples  would be the " p o l i t y " o f a group o f u n r e l a t e d i n d i v i d u a l s - f e l l o w  131  travellers  on a subway t r a i n o r persons i n a t h e a t r e queue.  Between these two l i m i t i n g cases f a l l  the " p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l  system". So d e f i n e d , a l l known p o l i t i e s would s u r e l y be i n v a r y i n g degrees  "partial", i.e. fall  continuous dimension.  between t h e l i m i t i n g cases on a  These a r e thought  n o t i o n o f the " p a r t i a l s o c i a l system" is  thought  t o be s i m i l a r  t o Parsons*  a l l u d e d t o i n Chapter  1. I t  l i k e l y , however, t h a t t h i s continuous dimension o f  p a r t i a l i t y p o s s e s s e s a " t h r e s h o l d " , systems f a l l i n g above o r below t h i s p o i n t having f a i r l y d i s t i n c t i v e a t t r i b u t e s . transforms f o r a n a l y t i c a l  purposes  p a r t i a l i t y i n t o a dichotomous one. developed  This notion  t h e continuous v a r i a b l e o f The model t h a t w i l l be  i n t h i s Chapter w i l l concern p o l i t i c a l systems which  fall  below t h a t t h r e s h o l d and t h e name " p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l system" w i l l be r e s e r v e d i n t h i s c o n t e x t f o r t h a t s t y l i z e d model.. The u t i l i t y o f t h e p a r t i a l model f o r t h e study o f l o c a l politics  i n modernized  c o u n t r i e s i s obvious.  These a r e , t o b e g i n  w i t h , n o t t h e o n l y systems which have an impact  on t h e c i t i z e n ,  nor a r e they t h e o n l y ones i n which he i s l e g a l l y e n t i t l e d t o  * I n t h i s c h a p t e r , t h e r e w i l l be a t l e a s t t h r e e d i f f e r e n t usages o f t h e word " p a r t i a l " . I w i l l attempt t o s i g n a l t o t h e r e a d e r as c l e a r l y as p o s s i b l e when I am changing t h e usage. I n t h e p r e s e n t s e c t i o n , i t i s t r e a t e d as a dichotomous v a r i a b l e .  132  participate,  i . e . they encompass o n l y p a r t o f h i s p o l i t i c a l  experiences.  But  t h e r e are  s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n ( i . e . the  also  factors  s e p a r a t i o n o f work and  p r e s e n c e o f o v e r a r c h i n g media, and vicarious  experience.  system a r c h t y p i c a l  of  the p a r t i a l model a l t h o u g h , as we  shall  amenable to a n a l y s i s  system.  i s a l o w - a f f e c t system.  so i s not  tions of p o l i t i c a l most o f t e n , and  we  saw  f a s h i o n , may perceiver.  is attributed, i t may  be  stimuli  v  they may and  and  the system  t h i s i s thought  "internal" affect. I t may  be r e l a t e d  Those s t i m u l i which are  Why  be  the  clothed with a f f e c t  this  to p e r c e p -  received  to each o t h e r i n some coherent and  be more l i k e l y to be Or  i n Chapter 7,  entirely clear.  related  System  F i r s t , the p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l As  see,  t h i s model.  b a s i c to an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f  t r u e f o r both " i n t e g r a t i v e "  should be  by  the  non-local  local  Three p r o p o s i t i o n s a r e  to be  residence),  other p o s s i b i l i t i e s for  o f the P a r t i a l P o l i t i c a l  partial political  mobility,  A l l o f t h e s e combine to make the  some o t h e r types o f p o l i t i e s are Attributes  of personal  life-  by  systematic the  ones to which the most "importance"  a f f e c t a t t a c h e d i n t h a t way.  thought t h a t a f f e c t has  Alternatively,  a zero-sum q u a l i t y  most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y t o the most i n c l u s i v e  and  ( i . e . most  adheres "total")  perceived p o l i t y . Second, the p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l polity.  Thus the  system i s a l o w - v i s i b i l i t y  c i t i z e n r y w i l l n o r m a l l y know l e s s about p a r t i a l  than about t o t a l p o l i t i c a l  systems.  Part of  t h i s e f f e c t may  be  133  attributed to attention political  factors.  As we have seen t h e number o f  s t i m u l i bombarding t h e member o f the p a r t i a l p o l i t y i s  v e r y l a r g e , and the s t i m u l i from o u t s i d e  the system (by d e f i n i t i o n )  g r e a t l y outnumber those o r i g i n a t i n g from sources w i t h i n system. not  the p a r t i a l  A l t h o u g h s e l e c t i v e f a c t o r s may be a t work, they a r e c l e a r l y  strong  enough t o a v o i d  Motivational  t h e swamping o f t h e outnumbered s t i m u l i .  f a c t o r s may a l s o be r e l e v a n t .  As we have suggested,  the p a r t i a l system i s a "community o f l i m i t e d l i a b i l i t y " , low  l e v e l s o f i n t e g r a t i v e and i n t e r n a l a f f e c t .  arousal  i s an important element i n l e a r n i n g  having  S i n c e emotional  - v i a motivation -  we might expect t h a t m o t i v a t i o n t o s e l e c t f a c t s and l e a r n about the p a r t i a l  system i s r e l a t i v e l y low.  T h i r d , the p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l base.  That i s , t h e i n c e n t i v e s  about i t a r e r e l a t i v e l y  few.  of the democratic p a r t i a l  system has a low m o t i v a t i o n a l  t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n i t and l e a r n Thus, v o t i n g  turnout i n e l e c t i o n s  system, one type o f p a r t i c i p a t o r y  b e h a v i o u r , i s t y p i c a l l y low. The  s t r u c t u r a l and p r o c e s s u a l  r a m i f i c a t i o n s o f these p r o -  p o s i t i o n s a r e many, and concern both " e l i t e " and "mass" a s p e c t s . Some o f t h e s e have been d i s c u s s e d and  follow rather  cognition,  extensively  d i r e c t l y from t h e t h r e e p r o p o s i t i o n s (low  low p a r t i c i p a t i o n , m a t e r i a l  rewards, e t c . ) . Other f e a t u r e s  i n other chapters,  rather  Consequently, they w i l l o f the p a r t i a l  chains o f reasoning.  than symbolic  not be examined h e r e .  system, however, r e q u i r e more complex  134  The  p r o p o s i t i o n s may  be r e l a t e d to the f r e q u e n t l y noted 8 phenomenon o f " i s s u e - o v e r l a p " among e l i t e p a r t i c i p a n t s . This o b s e r v a t i o n p o i n t s out  that, i n local p o l i t i c a l  d e c i s i o n - m a k e r s are seldom p r e s e n t But  systems^ the same  i n more than one  issue-area.  i f the p a r t i a l model i s a v a l i d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f community  politics,  t h i s e f f e c t should not be s u r p r i s i n g .  Since  material  rewards are paramount i n t h i s system ( r a t h e r than symbolic and  ones),  s i n c e the i n c e n t i v e s to s u s t a i n e d e l i t e p a r t i c i p a t i o n are  few,  i t would be expected t h a t s p e c i a l i z e d " i s s u e - e l i t e s " would  " r a i d " the g o a l - a t t a i n m e n t  a p p a r a t u s , o b t a i n whatever p a r t i c u l a r  m a t e r i a l g o a l they sought, then r e t i r e from l o c a l p o l i t i c a l until  some new  m a t e r i a l g o a l a c t e d as an i n c e n t i v e f o r t h e i r  p a r t i c i p a t i o n at the e l i t e An  level.  i n t e r e s t i n g s i d e l i g h t on t h i s q u e s t i o n i s shed  Robert Eresthute/observation t h a t the degree o f tends to v a r y  crudely with  D a h l ' s study o f New  s i z e o f community.  rates of overlap.  by  issue-overlap He notes t h a t  Haven, a l a r g e , almost m e t r o p o l i t a n  shows the l e a s t o v e r l a p , w h i l e , higher  life  >.r  city,  i n the main, s m a l l e r c i t i e s have  To account f o r t h i s phenomenon, P r e s t h u s  suggests the p r o p o s i t i o n than an " i n v e r s e a s s o c i a t i o n " e x i s t s between " s i z e o f community and 10 among i t s l e a d e r s " .  But  the degree o f o v e r l a p on  decisions  t h i s p o s t u l a t e suggests t h a t minimum  o v e r l a p would be reached i n the case o f the l a r g e s t known p o l i t i c a l community - the n a t i o n - s t a t e .  While t h i s hypothesis  might not  e n t i r e l y u n t e n a b l e , i t has not been t e s t e d e m p i r i c a l l y and  be  does not  135  r e a l l y a c c o r d w i t h what we i n t u i t i v e l y  f e e l about d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g  i n these l a r g e p o l i t i e s . My hunch about t h i s e f f e c t i s , however, i n some complex way i s c e r t a i n l y one.  that i t i s r e l a t e d  t o s e v e r a l o t h e r v a r i a b l e s , o f which p a r t i a l i t y : ; Above, we have t r e a t e d , f o r m o d e l - b u i l d i n g  purposes, p a r t i a l i t y as a dichotomous a t t r i b u t e ; but i t s h o u l d be remembered t h a t i n r e a l i t y t h i s d i m e n s i o n i s thought t o be continuous.  I t t h e r e f o r e becomes p o s s i b l e t o speak o f one system as  being "more" or " l e s s " p a r t i a l  than another.  I n t h e case o f the  N o r t h American s e t t i n g , I would argue that - c e t e r i s p a r i b u s a system would become more p a r t i a l w i t h i n c r e a s i n g s i z e up t o a point.  That p o i n t would occur when non-personal mass media  systems began to f i l l  the gap l e f t by t h e n u m e r i c a l  on t h e p e r s o n a l medium as a v e h i c l e f o r p o l i t i c a l  limitations  communications.  A f t e r t h i s p o i n t , the system would become l e s s p a r t i a l and more t o t a l . S a l i e n c e would be r e s t o r e d t o the e n l a r g e d p o l i t y , m o t i v a t i o n t o s u s t a i n e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n would r i s e , and i s s u e - o v e r l a p would b e g i n to i n c r e a s e .  Thus, the f i n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between  and s i z e would be a c u r v i l i n e a r one.  (See F i g u r e  issue-overlap 5).  136  Figure 5:  Size and Issue-Overlap as a Function of P a r t i a l i t y  less  c r i t i c a l point at which new media systems begin to restore t o t a l i t y .  issue-overlap  more  smaller  larger  size of p o l i t i c a l system However, i t i s important to remember that this e f f e c t i s conceived largely i n terms of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s i z e and  issue-overlap,  without specifying whether or not the systems concerned are " l o c a l " polities.  In the North American s e t t i n g , the appearance of these  new media systems has not i n general worked to restore completely the t o t a l i t y of large l o c a l p o l i t i e s .  Rather the new media have  tended to be media of quite another system: international one.  the national or  Only i f the new mass media were s p e c i f i c a l l y  media of the l o c a l system  would complete t o t a l i t y be restored to  the l o c a l system and issue-overlap decrease dramatically. Because of the low motivational base of the p a r t i a l system, the natural l e v e l of "slack"  i n the use of p o l i t i c a l  should be accentuated i n the p a r t i a l model.  About New  resources Haven, Dahl  comments: ...most c i t i z e n s use their resources for purposes other than gaining influence over government decisions. There i s a great gap between t h e i r actual influence and their potential influence. Their p o l i t i c a l resources are, so to speak, slack i n the system. 11  137  But i f the p a r t i a l model i s a v a l i d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f community p o l i t i c s , we would expect  local  t h i s would be more the  i n t h i s system than w i t h o t h e r p o l i t i c a l  case  systems i n which the  i n d i v i d u a l a l s o p a r t i c i p a t e s . The p a r t i a l model being one  i n which  the c i t i z e n i s o n l y " p a r t i a l l y i n v o l v e d " (has o n l y a " l i m i t e d investment")  i s , almost  by d e f i n i t i o n , one w i t h a g r e a t d e a l o f  slack. T h i s s l a c k i s a source o f g r e a t p o t e n t i a l i n s t a b i l i t y i n the p a r t i a l system.  As  mass p o l i t i c a l behaviour  l o n g as p o l i t i c a l  involvement  i s f a i r l y predictable.^-.  i s minimal,  But, when, f o r  some r e a s o n , the c i t i z e n s a r e m o t i v a t e d t o mass a c t i o n , the r e s u l t s 12 a r e h i g h l y u n p r e d i c t a b l e . The e a r l i e r quoted comments o f Stone 13 and Kammerer's informant  are, i n t h i s context, h i g h l y relevant.  C l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the i d e a o f a r e s o u r c e s l a c k i s the n o t i o n o f a widespread  d i s p e r s i o n of p o l i t i c a l resources.  Thus, Dahl  comments: I n the p o l i t i c a l system o f today, i n e q u a l i t i e s i n p o l i t i c a l r e s o u r c e s remain, but they tend t o be noncumulative. The p o l i t i c a l system o f New Haven i s ^ one o f d i s p e r s e d i n e q u a l i t i e s . (underscoring his) By t h i s he means, o f c o u r s e , t h a t the s e v e r a l s o c i e t a l " v a l u e s " w e a l t h , power, knowledge, e t c . - tend t o remain a p a r t .  It is  l a r g e l y i n these terms t h a t Dahl i n t e r p r e t s the p o l i t i c a l o f New  history  Haven: W i t h i n a c e n t u r y a p o l i t i c a l system dominated by one c o h e s i v e s e t o f l e a d e r s had g i v e n way t o a system dominated by many d i f f e r e n t s e t s o f l e a d e r s , each h a v i n g access to a d i f f e r e n t combination o f p o l i t i c a l resources. I t was i n s h o r t , a p l u r a l i s t system.... An e l i t e no l o n g e r r u l e s i n New Haven. 15  138  On the face of i t , these points seem to be contradictory to Lasswell and Kaplan's dictum: The positions of a person or group i n d i f f e r e n t value patterns tend to approximate one another...The phenonmenon described i n t h i s hypothesis can be termed value agglutination, (underscoring t h e i r s ) . 16 Both propositions make much common sense.  Lasswell and  Kaplan's i s i n accord with what we believe to be true about politics:  those who are wealthy, or who possess some other  important  value, while not necessarily wielders of p o l i t i c a l  power, tend to have an advantage i n the pursuit of power. S i m i l a r l y , those who are powerful i n the p o l i t i c a l sense, seldom have f i n a n c i a l worries, and appear to gain other values as well. Yet, Dahl's data on New Haven points unmistakably i n the d i r e c t i o n he hypothesizes.  And, i t i s clear i n t u i t i v e l y that values at the  l o c a l l e v e l are not l i k e l y to be cumulative. The d i f f i c u l t y can, however, be resolved i f we are w i l l i n g to assert that both propositions are true, but under specified conditions.  These conditions are:  (1) Lasswell and Kaplan's  proposition i s true i n the " t o t a l " p o l i t y - that of a nation-state or equivalent entity.  (2) Dahl's hypothesis i s true i n the  p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l system - l o c a l communities l i k e New Haven, Burnaby, and New Westminster. This model may also be applied h i s t o r i c a l l y and developmentally. Dahl looks at the p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y of New Haven and concludes i t has been characterized by the progressive withdrawal of the  that  139  " p a r t r i c i a n s " ; no e x p l a n a t i o n , beyond the "impact 17 s o c i e t y " , e t c . , a r e suggested.  of i n d u s t r i a l  But the p a r t i a l model p o i n t s t o a  phenomenon which has o c c u r r e d between the "withdrawal P a t r i c i a n s " and the " r i s e o f the e x - P l e b e s " : " p a r t i a l l i n g out" o f the New The  local political  o f the  the g r a d u a l  Haven s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l  system.  system ceased t o have as much s a l i e n c e as i t  once d i d , and the m o t i v a t i o n t o p a r t i c i p a t e on the p a r t o f  those  p o s s e s s i n g o t h e r v a l u e s has d e c l i n e d f F i n a l l y , i t s h o u l d be noted t h a t the p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l has a d i s t i n c t i v e problem o f e l i t e r e c r u i t m e n t . b e i n g dependent on the f r a i l  system  T h i s process  m o t i v a t i o n a l base o f the p a r t i a l  model, i s much more s e l e c t i v e than i s the case w i t h more " t o t a l " systems.  A t a minimum we would expect  t h a t some persons who  would  o t h e r w i s e be i n v o l v e d i n the p o l i t i c s o f the p a r t i a l system would be i n v o l v e d i n the a c t i v i t i e s o f more i n c l u s i v e systems. maximum, i t may  At a  be t h a t the p a r t i a l system has so few m o t i v a t i o n a l  i n c e n t i v e s , and p r o v i d e s so l i t t l e  access t o o t h e r v a l u e s  l i m i t e d power over l o c a l g o a l - a t t a i n m e n t d e c i s i o n s , t h a t r e c r u i t m e n t would be v e r y d i f f i c u l t .  than elite  As B i r c h has commented about  Glossop: Today the p r e s t i g e c o n f e r r e d by C o u n c i l Membership i v a l u e d l e s s h i g h l y , because b u s i n e s s and p r o f e s s i o n a l p e o p l e a r e r a r e l y a t t a c h e d to t h e i r l o c a l community i n t h e way t h a t used t o be common....this has been one o f the main reasons f o r the d e c l i n e i n the number o f people wishing to stand f o r e l e c t i o n . 18 s  S i m i l a r l y , we  a r e sometimes l e d t o q u e s t i o n , and w i t h good r e a s o n ,  the " q u a l i t y " o f persons  i n local politics  than i s the case w i t h more " t o t a l "  systems.  - more o f t e n , a t 19  least,  140  Voluntary The  Organizations  as an Analogue to L o c a l  Polities  reader w i l l undoubtedly have n o t i c e d t h a t many of  t r a i t s of the p a r t i a l  political  s e c t i o n are s i m i l a r to those  system d i s c u s s e d  i n the  previous  a t t r i b u t e s o f the p o l i t i c a l  i n v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s noted by Robert M i c h e l s  and  the  process  discussed  20 by other w r i t e r s . i n the P a r s o n i a n the l i f e  Since o r g a n i z a t i o n s are p a r t i a l sense, and  experiences  collectivities  do not c o n t a i n w i t h i n themselves a l l  o f t h e i r members, t h i s should not  be  surprising. M i c h e l s ' study o f the German s o c i a l democratic p a r t y , and i t s tendencies the  to o l i g a r c h y , i d e n t i f i e s as one  political  o f the key v a r i a b l e s  i n d i f f e r e n c e o f the masses:  ....among the c i t i z e n s who enjoy p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s , the number of those who have a l i v e l y i n t e r e s t i n p u b l i c a f f a i r s i s i n s i g n i f i c a n t . . . . I t i s o n l y a, m i n o r i t y which p a r t i c i p a t e s i n p a r t y d e c i s i o n s , and sometimes t h a t m i n o r i t y i s l u d i c r o u s l y s m a l l . The most important r e s o l u t i o n s taken by the most democratic o f a l l p a r t i e s , the s o c i a l i s t p a r t y , always emanate from a h a n d f u l o f members. Seymour L i p s e t , w h i l e unions,  clarifies  this  studying  the p o l i t i c a l  systems o f  trade  point:  Only a s m a l l m i n o r i t y f i n d the rewards o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n union a f f a i r s and p o l i t i c s great enough to s u s t a i n a h i g h l e v e l of i n t e r e s t and a c t i v i t y . . . P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n any o r g a n i z a t i o n appears to be r e l a t e d to the number and sa.liency o f the f u n c t i o n s which i t performs f o r i t s members and the extent to which they r e q u i r e p e r s o n a l involvement.22  141  He a l s o p o i n t s o u t t h a t g e o g r a p h i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n union  i s o l a t i o n may a c c e n t u a t e  affairs:  T h i s frequent i n t e r a c t i o n o f u n i o n members i n a l l spheres o f l i f e . . . t r a n s l a t e s i t s e l f i n t o h i g h p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l organizations...23 Organizations,  then, c o n s t i t u t e another a r c h e t y p i c a l example  o f the p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l themselves a l l the l i f e  system - t h e i n a b i l i t y experiences  to contain w i t h i n  o f the members b r i n g s about  c e r t a i n unique c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s  i n the  organization.  fruitful  A l l o f t h i s suggests t h a t t h e r e a r e many  p o i n t s o f comparison between o r g a n i z a t i o n s and,  and l o c a l  governments  f u r t h e r , perhaps, t h a t n e i t h e r should be seen as n e c e s s a r y  microcosms o f l a r g e r p o l i t i e s . The  "Residual The  S t r u c t u r e " o f the L o c a l P o l i t y  c h i e f p o i n t s o f Chapters 5 and 6 were t h a t l o c a l  systems may w e l l have g r e a t e r voluntary organizations of municipal press.  political  s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r members o f  e x p l i c i t l y " o f " t h e l o c a l system, members  bureaucracies,  and, p o s s i b l y , consumers o f t h e l o c a l  These were thought t o p r o v i d e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r p o l i t i c a l  communications o f t h e p e r s o n a l  and non-personal types and thus  act  t o i n c r e a s e the g e n e r a l  s a l i e n c e o f the l o c a l  community.  The  p a r t i a l model can be s t r u c t u r e d so as t o take account o f these  observations. It  i s perhaps u s e f u l t o t h i n k o f these  "parapolitical"  elements as a s o r t o f " s i e v e " o r " f i l t e r " which, being o r i e n t e d t o  142  the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l system, a c t to " c a t c h " many i n d i v i d u a l s they are being m o b i l i z e d t h i s process F i g u r e 6:  may  to more i n c l u s i v e  be r e p r e s e n t e d  D;recV>an o?  These p a r a p o l i t i c a l  o f the " F i l t e r i n g " R o l e o f  /*\ot>t^».**i»»i,./  <  <  ti V  Diagrammatically,  6.  as i n F i g u r e  Schematic R e p r e s e n t a t i o n "Residual" Structures  <  polities.  % \ 1  \v  s t r u c t u r e s a c t , then, to d i r e c t  the a t t e n t i o n  towards the l o c a l p o l i t y f o r p e r s o n s "caught" by them. effect,  f o r these i n d i v i d u a l s ,  " p a r t i a l i t y " , and has  the e f f e c t  The neii;  i s to i n c r e a s e " t o t a l i t y " , reduce  to augment the s a l i e n c e o f the l o c a l p o l i t y .  i n systemic  p a r t i a l i t y o f the system. extensive p a r a p o l i t i c a l  terms o f d e c r e a s i n g  the  How  I t c o u l d t h e r e f o r e be a s s e r t e d t h a t  s t r u c t u r e w i l l have the e f f e c t  of  an  reducing the  o f t h i s h y p o t h e t i c a l dimension.  can t h i s h y p o t h e s i s  be o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d ?  be n e c e s s a r y to o b t a i n c o n s i s t e n t and membership (or r e a d e r s h i p )  F i r s t , i t would  d e f i n i t i v e evidence t h a t  o f the p a r a p o l i t i c a l  s t r u c t u r e s does  to the p o l i t i c a l s a l i e n c e o f the l o c a l community. be n e c e s s a r y to t e s t which have w i d e l y if  This  overall  o v e r a l l p a r t i a l i t y , i . e . o f moving the system more towards " t o t a l " end  while  the p r o p o s i t i o n w i t h  varying p a r a p o l i t i c a l  the r e l a t i o n s h i p  holds  f o r a l l types.  add  Second, i t would  several local  s t r u c t u r e s , and  communities to  discover  F i n a l l y , i t would be u s e f u l  143  to observe a single community over time - from i t s genesis to the present - to see i f the relationship holds i n a dynamic process. Precursors of the Present Theory The general phenomenon which has been investigated here has not, to say, the least, gone entirely unnoticed.  As i s the case  with so much modern social analysis, the present conceptual 24 framework owes an intellectual debt to Emile Durkheim.  Working  with concepts like "social volume" and "density", he attributed many social changes to the consequences of the increasing division of labour in modern society. The division of labour varies directly with the volume and density of societies, and i f i t progresses in.a continuous manner i n the course of social development, i t i s because societies become regularly denser and more voluminous. 25 Durkheim does not, however, systematically explore the consequences of this increasing volume and division of labour on the smallscale societies i t has made obsolete. More recently, the anthropologists Godfrey and Monica Wilson, studying social change i n Central Africa, interpreted that change 26 in terms of the Durkheimesque concept of increasing social scale. By scale, they meant both the number of people in relation to one another and the intensity of those relations.  "In comparing the  scale of societies....we compare the relative size of groups with 27 relations of similar intensity."  Intensity, i n the Wilson schema,  is identified with (1) proportion of economic cooperation within  144  the group t o t h a t without i t ; (2) p r o p o r t i o n o f communication o f f a c t i n speech and w r i t i n g w i t h i n t h e group t o t h a t without i t ; (3) t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f emotional e x p r e s s i o n  communicated w i t h i n the  group t o t h a t without i t . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e i r c a t e g o r i e s and those t h a t have been i n v e s t i g a t e d i n t h i s essay i s clear. Another o f t h e W i l s o n measures o f i n t e n s i t y has, not been examined here.  This item i s the extension o f generational  c o n t i n u i t y w i t h i n t h e group. volume o f m a t e r i a l c o o p e r a t i o n and  the non-material  however,  "By c o n t i n u i t y we mean both t h e and communication w i t h t h e p a s t ,  u n i t y t h a t e x i s t s when a p e o p l e a c t , speak, and 28  f e e l , as i f i t were a r e a l i t y . " s c a l e means e x t e n s i o n  Thus, an i n c r e a s e i n s o c i e t a l  i n both space and time.  s e v e r a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s f o r our present  study.  for instance, that the p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l  T h i s p o i n t has I t could  suggest  system i s v e r y much a  system o f t h e "here-and-now" - t h a t i t has l i t t l e m e a n i n g f u l " h i s t o r y " i n t h e sense i n which t h a t term has meaning f o r more i n c l u s i v e systems.  I n t h e context  o f t h e study o f t h e l o c a l  community, t h i s would be i n a c c o r d w i t h many common-sense impressions.  The h i s t o r y t h a t i s taught i n s c h o o l s , f o r example,  i s not t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e l o c a l community, and r a r e l y o f the r e g i o n , but r a t h e r o f the n a t i o n - s t a t e . I n t h e case o f Canada, i t might not be t r u e t h a t t h e h i s t o r y o f the n a t i o n - s t a t e formed t h e " r e s i d u a l " category.  I n the schools  145  system o f B r i t i s h Columbia, o n l y o n e - t h i r d o f the h i s t o r y c u r r i c u l u m i s devoted to Canadian h i s t o r y , the remaining "world" h i s t o r y , ancient, medieval,  being devoted to  and modern, and I am  told  t h a t t h i s p r o p o r t i o n i s not a t y p i c a l o f o t h e r Canadian p r o v i n c e s . I n Chapter 4 o f t h i s study,  i t was  about contemporary world p o l i t i c a l than f o r n a t i o n a l f i g u r e s .  observed t h a t knowledge  f i g u r e s was  somewhat h i g h e r  I t might w e l l be t h a t t h i s d i f f e r e n c e  would be extended to the p a s t ; t h a t i s , i t might r e v e a l i t s e l f i n a g r e a t e r knowledge o f " w o r l d " - o t h e r n a t i o n s ' - h i s t o r y than o f Canada's own.  I s i t i m p l a u s i b l e to t h i n k t h a t Washington,  Bonaparte, and L e n i n might be b e t t e r known among t h e Canadian populations  than,  say, S i r John A. MacDonald?  T h i s e f f e c t would  be expected not o n l y from o r i g i n a l l y more a t t e n t i o n t o  non-  Canadian h i s t o r y , but a l s o from the g r e a t e r c o n t i n u i n g  reinforcement  g i v e n to non-Canadian symbols by t h e " o v e r a r c h i n g The  " T o t a l - P a r t i a l Dimension" and One  media".  the Theory o f Comparative P o l i t i c s  o f the major t a s k s o f the s c i e n c e o f comparative  politics  s h o u l d be the d i s c o v e r y and v e r i f i c a t i o n o f dimensions on which political  systems may  be p l a c e d .  A number o f such dimensions  have been suggested, e x p l i c i t l y or i m p l i c i t l y i n the democratic-hierarchic; primitive-modern; and  so on.  "diffuse-diffracted",  T h i s suggests t h a t p o l i t i e s may  dimensions and  t h a t one  literature:  be ranked on many  o f the t a s k s o f comparative p o l i t i c s i s  the l o c a t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l  systems i n m u l t i - d i m e n s i o n a l  space.  146  I t would be n e c e s s a r y , o f c o u r s e , to be f i r s t  c e r t a i n that  each dimension used was more or l e s s independent o f the o t h e r s t h a t dimensions A and B were not s i m p l y d i f f e r e n t ways o f o b s e r v i n g the same a t t r i b u t e .  I t i s not l i k e l y , however, t h a t any o f t h e s e  dimensions would be e n t i r e l y independent o f each o t h e r ; even the c o n v e n t i o n a l l y "independent" dimensions o f h e i g h t and weight i n the measurement o f men  a r e independent o f each o t h e r o n l y w i t h i n  c e r t a i n l i m i t s , t h e r e b e i n g a s m a l l tendency f o r i n c r e a s i n g h e i g h t to be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i n c r e a s i n g weight.  Thus, when p l a c i n g  p o l i t i e s on any o f s e v e r a l dimensions i t would be n e c e s s a r y , t h e o r e t i c a l l y , to s p e c i f y i n some f a i r l y r i g o r o u s f a s h i o n interrelations.  their  F o r example:  Dimension A  =  x  +  Dimension B  =  x  +  2y(z) z  C l e a r l y , the two dimensions a r e not " r e a l l y " independent.  We  are  t h e n i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y , d e a l i n g w i t h a s o r t o f "bent" m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l space.  But such d i f f i c u l t i e s s h o u l d not d e t e r us from  the t a s k a t hand. The above d i s c u s s i o n has been p l a c e d i n t h i s c o n t e x t i n o r d e r to demonstrate the u t i l i t y o f the " t o t a l - p a r t i a l " d i m e n s i o n : it  can be a t o o l  f o r the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and comparison o f p o l i t i e s  and, by i n t r o d u c i n g s u b - n a t i o n - s t a t e p o l i t i c a l  systems, can extend  c o n s i d e r a b l y the o b j e c t s o f our study and comparison. c o n s i d e r the placement o f p o l i t i c a l  L e t us  systems a l o n g t h e t o t a l - p a r t i a l  dimension, t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e i r placement a l o n g another, f a i r l y s i m p l e  147  dimension:  size (number of participants).  discussion on issue-elites  As our previous  indicated, the two w i l l probably bear  some relation to one another:  the middle-size system without  i t s own mass media w i l l tend towards partiality.  However, let us  assume that they may be arranged orthogonally, as in F_igure_".;7_V^ Figure 7:  Locating P o l i t i c a l Systems i n Two-Dimensional Space large  (Quadrant 1) a. Total  s i z. e  (Quadrant 3)  (Quadrant 2) c. b.  Irrelevant  (Quadrant 4) e. small  In this diagram, the horizontal line i s the "totality" or "partiality" dimension; at the far left is the limiting case of the completely "total" (or completely inclusive) polity; at the far right, the completely irrelevant one.  Most p o l i t i c a l systems,  falling between the two extreme points, w i l l be "more" or "less" partial; the point of origin (where the "size dimension" crosses it) may be thought of as representing the "threshold" of partiality mentioned, earlier.  Polities falling to the left of i t may be  thought of as being "more" total (and "less" partial); those to the right, "less" total, and "more" partial.  These latter are generally  those having the attributes of the partial model.  148  There are four quadrants:  (1) Large-Total; (2) Large-Partial;  (3) Small-Total; (4) Small-Partial. The points a, b, c, d, and e represent hypothetical and real examples.  Point a represents the  characteristic and familiar nation-state; i t i s large and has considerable p o l i t i c a l salience for the individual.  Point b  represents the characteristic location of the partial p o l i t i c a l system which has been the major theme of this study; i t i s fairly large but only partially relevant for the individual.  Point c  represents the location on this surface of a less common entity; a large p o l i t i c a l system, but with poorly developed media "of" the system - thus being even more partial than most of the local communities studied here.  Real examples might be county political  systems i n Great Britain and the United States, or the polity of metropolitan Paris.  This last forms a p o l i t i c a l system which has  been deliberately stripped of powers by higher authorities for reasons of state and i s , once again with some deliberateness, ignored by the media which could increase i t s salience for i t s citizens., Point d represents the typical small-scale tribal or village polity, whose extinction was studied by the Wilsons.  In the  examples presented in this essay, this point would be represented by the Indian villages i n which p o l i t i c a l knowledge of the outside world was extremely limited.  149  Point e, in the "Small-Partial" quadrant would be the location of almost any small group within the modern setting: a club, voluntary organization, or other face-to-face group.  It would  also be the location of most of the experimental "small group" studies.  Thus we see that the generalization about cohesiveness  of small groups, and conflict between them, would be limited to p o l i t i c a l systems in this quadrant.  This point would be particularly  relevant to the several studies of "all-man" simulation.  Use  of this conceptual schema, then, points out that the generality of experimental  findings about group behaviour i s , for the  moment, limited to systems of this type. 29 A Different Interpretation of the Partial P o l i t i c a l System Hitherto, we have discussed the attribute of partiality in a s t r i c t l y Parsonian sense; a partial system has been defined as one which does not contain within i t a l l the life-experience of i t s members. In this section, a slightly different definition of partiality, and i t s ramifications, shall be offered. Let us think of a p o l i t i c a l system as being composed of a set of p o l i t i c a l roles. Let us further think of a p o l i t i c a l system as possessing, infrastructurally, three major nets of roles:  (1) a net composed of p o l i t i c a l roles which derive from  affective relationships between persons and objects ("an affective net"); (2) a net composed of roles derived from simple perceptual relationships between persons ("a cognitive net"); (3) a net  150  d e r i v e d from b e h a v i o u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s  ("a b e h a v i o u r a l n e t " ) .  L e t us f u r t h e r d i f f e r e n t i a t e t h i s l a s t c a t e g o r y ( t h e b e h a v i o u r a l net) i n t o (a) p a r t i c i p a t o r y behaviours officials,  (voting, contacting public  e t c . ) ; (b) a d m i n i s t r a t i v e behaviour  o f p u b l i c a c t i v i t i e s by o f f i c i a l s ) .  (administration  L e t us now r e - i n t e r p r e t  some o f our e a r l i e r d a t a on l o c a l community p o l i t i c a l i n terms o f t h i s  systems  framework.  From t h e e a r l i e r d a t a we can see t h a t c o g n i t i o n and a f f e c t i n t h e l o c a l community system a r e low; we a l s o see t h a t behaviours a r e l a r g e l y l a c k i n g . c a r r y on as u s u a l . all  participatory  Only a d m i n i s t r a t i v e b e h a v i o u r s  I f we t h i n k t h a t a "complete"  p o l i t y contains  these r o l e n e t s , then we may say t h a t t h e l o c a l system i s  " p a r t i a l " o r " i n c o m p l e t e " i n t h e sense t h a t i t l a c k s some important i n f r a s t r u c t r a l features. Conversely, i t i s possible to think of t h i s very  inclusive  "world p o l i t y " as a l s o being " p a r t i a l " o r " i n c o m p l e t e " . so because w h i l e i t has an a f f e c t i v e net ( p e o p l e f e e l  This i s  strongly  about w o r l d p o l i t i c s ) and a c o g n i t i v e net (people know much about world p o l i t i c s ) ,  i t l a c k s n e t s o f r o l e s i n t h e b e h a v i o u r a l sphere.  That i s , t h e r e a r e no r e g u l a r i z e d manner i n which persons c o g n i t i v e l y and a f f e c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n the world p o l i t i c a l *  can engage i n s a t i s f y i n g p a r t i c i p a t o r y behaviours i n t h a t  system system.  S i m i l a r l y , those who a r e "seen t o be" t h e w o r l d governors and "felt  t o be" the world g o v e r n o r s , have no r e g u l a r i z e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  151  system by which they can m o b i l i z e world p o l i t i c a l r e s o u r c e s , dispense p o l i t i c a l  f a v o u r s , and so on.  T h i s s i t u a t i o n i s f r a u g h t w i t h danger f o r t h e i n c i p i e n t world p o l i t y .  F o r without  the o u t l e t o f r e g u l a r i z e d  participation,  the d e s i r e t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e p o l i t y which one sees and f e e l s about, m a n i f e s t s i t s e l f i n anomic o u t b u r s t s o f mob  behaviour.  Thus the p o l i t i c s o f many d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s o f t e n seem t o depend l e s s on i s s u e s and p e r s o n a l i t i e s w i t h i n t h e c o u n t r y concerned  than on t h e g r e a t i s s u e s o f t h e w o r l d p o l i t y .  One  J a k a r t a mob a t t a c k s t h e Chinese Embassy w i t h t h e b a t t l e c r y "Long L i v e America!"  w h i l e another burns t h e USIA l i b r a r y  with  shouts o f "Down w i t h I m p e r i a l i s m ! " Research  I m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h e G e n e r a l Theory  L e t us now r e t u r n t o t h e e x p l i c i t l y P a r s o n i a n n o t i o n o f t h e partial  system used  partial political  i n previous sections.  system has s e v e r a l r e s e a r c h i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r  both t h e study o f l o c a l community p o l i t i c a l s c i e n c e o f comparative One  The theory o f the  systems and f o r t h e  politics.  o f t h e s e i s , t h a t , i n making c r o s s - s y s t e m i c  we s h o u l d , so t o speak, " h o l d p a r t i a l i t y  constant".  comparisons, What I mean  by t h i s a s s e r t i o n may be i l l u s t r a t e d w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o t h e o t h e r s i m p l e c l a s s i f i c a t o r y dimension size.  used i n an e a r l i e r  Thus, i n comparing t h e p o l i t i e s o f Belgium  we n o t e immediately  t h a t one i s a "developed"  section: and I n d i a ,  n a t i o n , the other  152  "undeveloped"; but we  i m p l i c i t l y take i n t o account  o f s i z e , i m p l i c i t l y holding s i z e constant.  the  That we  factor  do not do  so  n o r m a l l y i s i n d i c a t i v e o n l y o f the f a c t t h a t both a r e l a r g e enough so t h a t s i z e does not form an important  differentiating  variable.  P a r t i a l i t y does, however, appear to make c o n s i d e r a b l e d i f f e r e n c e i n the i n t e r n a l f u n c t i o n i n g o f p o l i t i e s .  Thus, when  we  should  compare, say, New  Haven, to the U n i t e d S t a t e s , we  e x p l i c i t l y t h a t " t h e New  Haven p o l i t i c a l  system l o o k s a b i t l i k e  t h a t o f the U n i t e d S t a t e s , but i t s h o u l d be remembered t h a t (New  Haven) i s c o n s i d e r a b l y more p a r t i a l than the o t h e r , and  g e n e r a l i t y o f the New i n a v e r y crude way,  Haven f i n d i n g s a r e l i m i t e d thereby". we  take account  say  of d i f f e r e n t i a l  one the Thus,  levels of  partiality. The g e n e r a l t h e o r y a l s o i m p l i e s something about s t u d i e s which p u r p o r t to examine the "power s t r u c t u r e " o f l o c a l  communities.  I t i s v e r y c l e a r , f o r example, t h a t the "power s t r u c t u r e " o f our I n d i a n v i l l a g e i s q u i t e -a.-different s o r t o f p o l i t i c a l phenomenon than t h e "power s t r u c t u r e " o f most communities i n the modern setting.  But,  even i n t h i s modern s e t t i n g i t i s p r o b a b l y  true  t h a t some communities w i l l be more p a r t i a l than o t h e r s ; the "bed-room suburb" p o l i t y would p r o b a b l y p o l i t y o f a much more i s o l a t e d and  be more p a r t i a l than  the  s e l f - c o n t a i n e d community.  I t t h e r e f o r e , becomes important, when comparing these, to s p e c i f y the degree o f p a r t i a l i t y i n a g i v e n l o c a l p o l i t y  - to i n d i c a t e  c r u d e l y , a t l e a s t , i t s l o c a t i o n on' the t o t a l i t y dimension.  As  153  we  have i n d i c a t e d , such a s p e c i f i c a t i o n might w e l l be  to the q u e s t i o n  of "issue overlap"  I n summary, then, the r e s e a r c h theory  i s t h a t we  should  i n local  relevant  polities.  s i g n i f i c a n c e o f the  general  a v o i d t h i n k i n g o f the l o c a l community i n  the modern s e t t i n g as a s o r t o f "microcosm" o f the l a r g e r p o l i t y . The  local political  s t r u c t u r e at a l l .  system may  not  be  - i s not  R a t h e r , h a v i n g the a t t r i b u t e o f  p a r t i a l i t y , they are q u i t e d i f f e r e n t e n t i t i e s systems.  - the same type o f considerable  from more i n c l u s i v e  154  Footnotes:  Chapter 8  1  See the classic statement of the mass society theorists, Louis Wirth, "Urbanism as a Way of Life", American Journal of Sociology,.44 (1938), pp. 1-24.  2  See Scott Greer and Ella Kube, "Urbanism and Social Structure; A Los Angeles Study", in Marvin.B. Sussman (ed.), Community Structure and Analysis, New York, Crowell, 1959, pp. 93-112.  3  Supra, Chapter 5.  4  Thus Janowitz observes: "... children...lead their parents to neighbourhood community participation and orientation..." Morris Janowitz, The Community Press i n an Urban Setting, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1952, p. 124.  5  Indeed i t would be surprising i f this sample did not generally exaggerate the low level of p o l i t i c a l information we would expect to find with adults. It i s d i f f i c u l t to see how the local polity could continue to operate i f these low levels of information among students were not slightly atypical. S t i l l , we do have information from United States studies indicating even lower levels of local cognition among adults. See Supra, Chapter 6.  6  Janowitz, op. c i t . , pp. 223-224.  7  Talcott Parsons, The Social System, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1964 (paperback Edition), p. 98.  8  Robert A. Dahl, Who Governs?, New Haven Yale University Press, 1961, pp. 180-184.  9  Robert Presthus, Men at the Top, New York, Oxford University Press, 1964, p. 95.  10  Ibid.  11  Dahl, op. c i t . , p. 305.  12  Supra, Chapter 6.  13  Supra, Chapter 6.  14  Dahl, op. c i t . , p. 85.  155  15  Ibid... p.  86.  16  H a r o l d L a s s w e l l and Abraham Kaplan, Power and S o c i e t y , New Haven Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1950, pp. 57-58.  17  D a h l , op. c i t . , pp.  18  A. H. B i r c h , Small Town P o l i t i c s : A Study o f P o l i t i c a l L i f e i n G l o s s o p , O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1959, pp. 122-123.  19  I mean by t h i s , o f c o u r s e , t h a t , g i v e n a s i m i l a r type o f c u l t u r a l p r e s c r i p t i o n about t h e v a l u e o f p o l i t i c s g e n e r a l l y , t h a t " b e t t e r " p e o p l e w i l l e n t e r on c a r e e r s i n t h e most i n c l u s i v e system.  20  Robert M i c h e l s , P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s , ( T r a n s l a t e d by Eden and Cedar P a u l ) , Glencoe, The F r e e P r e s s , 1958 E d i t i o n .  21  I b i d . , pp.  22  Seymour M a r t i n L i p s e t , P o l i t i c a l Man, New York, Doubleday, 1963 (Anchor Paperback E d i t i o n ) , p. 407.  23  I b i d . . p.  24  E m i l e Durkheim, The D i v i s i o n o f Labor i n S o c i e t y ( T r a n s l a t e d by George Simpson), Glencoe, The F r e e P r e s s , 1933, s p e c i a l l y  11-86.  54r55.  408.  pp. 256-282. 25  I b i d . . p.  262.  26  Godfrey and Monica W i l s o n , The A n a l y s i s o f S o c i a l Change, Cambridge, Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1965 E d i t i o n , pp. 24-44.  27  I b i d . , p. 25.  28  I b i d . , p. 27.  29  I am i n d e b t e d t o P r o f e s s o r J . A. Laponce f o r most o f t h e b a s i c i d e a s on which t h i s p a r t o f the a n a l y s i s i s founded. However, the use I have made o f these i n s i g h t s i s e n t i r e l y my own doing.  CHAPTER-; 9:  FURTHER IMPLICATIONS OF THE GENERAL THEORY  The g e n e r a l t h e o r y o f the p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l  system, o u t l i n e d  i n the p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r , has a number o f i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r f i e l d s somewhat removed from comparative p o l i t i c s . normative p o l i t i c a l  Two  o f these a r e  t h e o r y and i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s  theory.  I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r Normative P o l i t i c a l Theory S o c i o l o g i s t s who  have s t u d i e d "community power s t r u c t u r e s "  have f r e q u e n t l y brought t o l i g h t what appear to be d i s t u r b i n g f a c t s about the d e m o c r a t i c n a t u r e o f l o c a l p o l i t i c a l the American s e t t i n g .  systems i n  Presumably, much o f what t h e y say about  these s t r u c t u r e s i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s would p r o b a b l y h o l d f o r o t h e r modernized  true  countries.  The tone o f t h e s e s t u d i e s was  set e a r l i e r i n t h i s  ;  century  1 by Robert and H e l e n Lynd's o b s e r v a t i o n s about "Middletown". T h e i r c h i e f theme was  t h a t Middletown was dominated by a " b u s i n e s s  c o n t r o l group" whose power was based upon the " l o n g f i n g e r s o f c a p i t a l i s t ownership", and t h e i r t o o l s , the " p o l i t i c a l o f t h e dominant  class.  One group, t h e "X f a m i l y " was  a "reigning royal family".  lieutenants" s a i d t o be  L o o k i n g a t "Elmtown", August H o l l i n g s h e a d  .. 2  . .  saw an " i n n e r c i r c l e s o f top a r i s t o c r a t s " , w h i l e L l o y d Warner's study o f Yankee C i t y found s i m i l a r i n d i c a t i o n s o f a community  3 "ruling  class".  C l o s e r t o the p r e s e n t , F l o y d Hunter, s t u d y i n g " R e g i o n a l C i t y " w i t h t h e much-disputed " r e p u t a t i o n a l " method o f d i s c o v e r i n g powerh o l d e r s , found a c o v e r t group o f b u s i n e s s l e a d e r s who 156  " r e a l l y ran"  157  4 the c i t y .  U s i n g the same t e c h n i q u e s on " P a c i f i c C i t y " D e l b e r t  Miller  f i n d s a group o f "Key I n f l u e n t i a l s " and another o f "Top 5 Influentials". M i l l e r concludes t h a t "Businessmen do e x e r t a predominant i n f l u e n c e i n community d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g i n P a c i f i c 6 City". C. Wright M i l l s draws on data l i k e these when he a s s e r t s : I n every town and s m a l l c i t y o f America an upper s e t o f f a m i l i e s stands above the m i d d l e c l a s s e s and towers over the u n d e r l y i n g p o p u l a t i o n o f c l e r k s and wageworkers. ... they h o l d the keys t o l o c a l d e c i s i o n . . . . M i n g l i n g c l o s e l y w i t h one another, they a r e q u i t e c o n s c i o u s o f the f a c t t h a t they belong to the l e a d i n g c l a s s o f the l e a d i n g f a m i l i e s . 7  That M i l l s  s h o u l d d e c l a r e t h i s might  seem s u r p r i s i n g , i n view o f  the f a c t t h a t h i s c h i e f c o n t r i b u t i o n t o s o c i a l s c i e n c e has been h i s o b s e r v a t i o n o f the n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n However, h i s r e s o l u t i o n o f t h i s apparent by c l a i m i n g  o f the power e l i t e . conflict  comes about  that  ...the p r e s t i g e and the power systems a r e no l o n g e r made up o f d e c e n t r a l i z e d l i t t l e h i e r a r c h i e s . . . 8 The w o r l d o f the l o c a l u p p e r - c l a s s p e r s o n i s simply l a r g e r than i t was i n 1900 and l a r g e r than the worlds o f the m i d d l e and lower c l a s s e s today. 9 Thus, l o c a l e l i t e s have merged w i t h one another, the c o r p o r a t e c h i e f t a i n s , the p o l i t i c a l d i r e c t o r a t e , and the w a r l o r d s , i n t o a s i n g l e power system.  The masses appear not t o have p a r t i c i p a t e d  i n t h i s process. N e l s o n P o l s b y has r i g h t l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h i s  literature 10 p a r t o f a " s t r a t i f i c a t i o n t h e o r y " o f community power. He  as  158  summarizes the p o s t u l a t e s o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n theory a s : (1) The upper c l a s s r u l e s i n l o c a l community civic  life.  (2)  P o l i t i c a l and  l e a d e r s a r e s u b o r d i n a t e t o the upper c l a s s .  "power e l i t e " r u l e s i n the community. e l i t e rules i n its  own i n t e r e s t s .  (3) A s i n g l e  (4) The u p p e r - c l a s s power  Such assumptions do not a c c o r d  w i t h what we n o r m a l l y take to be "democracy" and, i f t r u e , would be a condemnation o f community p o l i t i c a l  l i f e i n modern America.  The c o u n t e r - a t t a c k on s t r a t i f i c a t i o n s t u d i e s has been l e d by Robert A. D a h l and h i s a s s o c i a t e s i n t h e New Haven study, N e l s o n P o l s b y and RaymondWolfinger.  T h e i r c r i t i c i s m s have been  s e v e r a l i n number and interwoven w i t h one a n o t h e r ; o n l y a few o f the  i s s u e s they r a i s e w i l l be d e a l t w i t h here. The f i r s t  major c r i t i c i s m r a i s e d by the New Haven group i s  t h a t t h e s t r a t i f i c a t i o n t h e o r i s t s have " d i s c o v e r e d " a n o n - e x i s t e n t "power e l i t e " . (1)  They have done t h i s f o r a number o f r e a s o n s : 11 They expected and, perhaps, wanted t o f i n d one. (2) They  have used a m i s t a k e n methodology, which always s u p p l i e s them w i t h a "power e l i t e " whether one e x i s t s or n o t : the " r e p u t a t i o n a l " 12 method. As P o l s b y p o i n t s o u t , the q u e s t i o n posed to l o c a l i n f o r m a n t s s h o u l d not be "Who  runs t h i s community?" b u t , i n s t e a d , 13 "Does anyone a t a l l r u n t h i s community?" (3) The s t r a t i f i c a t i o n 14 t h e o r i s t s have m i s t a k e n p o t e n t i a l f o r a c t u a l power. The second c h i e f c r i t i c i s m o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n t h e o r y concerns the  t r a n s i t i v i t y o f power r e l a t i o n s and the scope o f i n f l u e n c e .  159  The New Haven researchers believe community power i s much more diffused than might be expected and that many different people 15 have limited amounts of power over different issue-areas. This i s not in accord with "ruling elite" theorists who hold that power i s concentrated and that power relations have wide scope. The New Haven group maintain that this mistake has occurred because of the failure to study a variety of policy outcomes 16 over time. By examining these policy outcomes, they have evolved the "pluralist" or "polyarchal" model of the community 17 p o l i t i c a l system. A good deal of the conflict i n this controversy can, perhaps, be chalked up simply to the differing intellectual heritages of the two sets of combatants.  The "ruling e l i t e " theorists have  been chiefly sociologists, many avowed radicals, while the c r i t i c a l "pluralists" have been, of course, p o l i t i c a l scientists; the former are heirs to a much more "liberal" tradition than are 18 the latter.  This disciplinary division has also made for a  slight difference in the object of study.  Thus, the p o l i t i c a l  scientists have chiefly concentrated on studying purely p o l i t i c a l power and explicitly p o l i t i c a l decisions.  The sociologists, while  certainly emphasizing the p o l i t i c a l , have tended to interpret their object of study more generally, examining power, status, and prestige i n a l l aspects of community l i f e .  160  F i n a l l y , i t should has  be noted t h a t the r h e t o r i c o f the  c o n t r i b u t e d to some m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g .  o f the "power e l i t e "  The  very  t h e o r i s t s - "power", " e l i t e " ,  " r u l i n g c i r c l e s " , "business  dispute  terminology "dominant",  c o n t r o l group", e t c . - s u r e l y  c o n t r i b u t e s to an imagery which, a t the i n t e l l e c t u a l l e v e l anyway, i s c e r t a i n l y not always meant by them. The model o f the p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l  system can, I  make a c o n t r i b u t i o n towards c l a r i f y i n g t h i s d i s p u t e . it will  be remembered, i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a low  involvement, as measured by v o t i n g and a f f e c t , both i n t e g r a t i v e and few  l e v e l of  c o g n i t i o n ; a low  i s a p o l i t y o f low involvement and  low  ones.  The  citizen  level  of  slack;  In short i t  s a l i e n c e f o r the  t h i s i s so not because o f " a l i e n a t i o n " but p r o b a b l y  political  model,  the primacy o f m a t e r i a l  rewards and punishments, r a t h e r than symbolic  i n d i f f e r e n c e and  The  i n t e r n a l ; great resource  incentives for e l i t e recruitment;  think,  citizenry\  because o f  disengagement, o f g r e a t e r i n t e r e s t i n " h i g h e r "  systems which a r e deemed to have more "importance".  l o c a l community p o l i t i c a l  form o f the p a r t i a l This general populace having  system i s thought to be an a r c h t y p i c a l  polity.  l a c k o f involvement and  s a l i e n c e means t h a t ,  abandoned p o l i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y a t the  l e v e l , p o l i t i c a l power w i l l  fall  to whoever can whip up who  will  these be?  the  local  the  motivation  to p a r t i c i p a t e i n i t .  And  Character-  istically,  they w i l l be those who  do have a minimal m a t e r i a l  and  161  psychic  investment i n the community:  l o c a l press, the m u n i c i p a l  the l o c a l merchants,  the r e a l - e s t a t e agents, the Chambers o f Commerce, b u r e a u c r a t s - i n s h o r t , the "power e l i t e " ,  " b u s i n e s s c o n t r o l group" and p o i n t i s t h a t they have not some "undemocratic" way;  their "tools".  But  the  s u r e l y the whole  " s e i z e d " o r " i n h e r i t e d " t h i s power i n  they have t h i s "power" l a r g e l y because  nobody e l s e wants i t . M i c h e l s '  " i r o n law o f o l i g a r c h y " i s  operative  i n l o c a l communities j u s t as s u r e l y as i t i s i n  voluntary  organizations.  But what s o r t o f "power" i s i t t h a t these p e o p l e The  the  exercise?  imagery o f the power e l i t e t h e o r i s t s i m p l i e s t h a t i t i s some  t o t a l s o r t o f power over the p o p u l a c e - t h a t M i d d l e t o w r i \ ) and its  v  "X  family" represents  some broad analogy to the p o l i t i e s  of  m e d i e v a l I t a l i a n c i t y s t a t e s dominated by merchant p r i n c e s . Upon r e f l e c t i o n , none o f them would, I am g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s were t h i s sweeping. confident  At  sure,  the v e r y  claim that least, I  am  t h a t most o f them would admit t h a t the a u t h o r i t y  the l o c a l e l i t e was  l i m i t e d by the narrow scope o f powers  to l o c a l governments, and  by the extent  to which the  i s viewed by the p o p u l a c e as a "community o f l i m i t e d Still  their  the e v i d e n c e p r e s e n t e d i n t h i s study - and  of assigned  local  liability".  h e r e l want to  s t r e s s the v o t i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n d a t a r a t h e r than the  questionnaire  r e s p o n s e s , because o f the c l e a r l i m i t s on the g e n e r a l i t y o f l a t t e r - suggest t h a t the l o c a l community qua even l e s s s a l i e n c e and e l i t e t h e o r i s t s had  relevance  supposed.  area  political  the  system  has  f o r the c i t i z e n s than the power  162  I n the case o f one q u e s t i o n n a i r e data was  o f the Vancouver area communities i n which c o l l e c t e d , I have not the  slightest  i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c doubt t h a t a r u l i n g e l i t e t h e o r i s t ; , c o u l d d i s c o v e r a s i n i s t e r " c o n t r o l group". present:  A l l the elements f o r such a study  merchants, businessmen, " o l d f a m i l i e s " , and  so on.  are But,  from the i n f o r m a t i o n on v o t i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the q u e s t i o n n a i r e and  i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c knowledge, I b e l i e v e these  irrelevant  to an u n d e r s t a n d i n g  f a c t s are  data,  essentially  o f democracy i n t h i s community -  the c i t i z e n r y , i n s o f a r as they a r e p o l i t i c a l l y i n t e r e s t e d a t a l l , simply  do not  c a r e who  " r u l e s " them i n t h i s minor c i v i c  capacity.  Thus, the a p p r o p r i a t e r i p o s t e to the r u l i n g e l i t e t h e o r i s t s i s not the f o r m u l a t i o n o f P o l s b y ' s a resounding: But  " p l u r a l i s t a l t e r n a t i v e " , but  so what?  i f the p a r t i a l model sheds some l i g h t on t h i s  o f normative t h e o r y ,  be s a l i e n t .  What m e a n i n g f u l  o f democracy can be a p p l i e d i n a s i t u a t i o n where the i n the main disengaged i t s e l f  In short: present  question  i t does so at the expense o f r a i s i n g  which would not o t h e r w i s e  has  rather  from p o l i t i c a l  what i s democracy without  a demos?  another  definition  citizenry  involvement?  In p a r t i c u l a r ,  the  data and normative s u p p o s i t i o n s would appear to l e a d  towards a recommendation t h a t autonomous l o c a l governments a b o l i s h e d and r e p l a c e d w i t h u n i t s more c l e a r l y s u b j e c t i v e f e e l i n g s about p o l i t i c s .  representing  T h i s p o i n t would imply  government be c e n t r a l i z e d i n the n a t i o n - s t a t e o r , at the l e a s t , at t h e r e g i o n a l l e v e l .  be  that  very  163  I do not t h i n k the p a r t i a l model o f l o c a l n e c e s s a r i l y l e a d s to t h i s c o n c l u s i o n . j u r i s d i c t i o n s no l o n g e r correspond political  systems, the p r e s e n t  polities  F o r , even i f l o c a l  to " r e a l " ( i . e . t o t a l )  s t r u c t u r e does p r o v i d e a system  o f r e l a t i v e l y d e c e n t r a l i z e d decision-making  - a f e a t u r e which,  o p t i m a l l y a p p l i e d , I t h i n k most t h e o r i s t s would concede to be a democratic the p e o p l e " i n Chapter  virtue. i n any 2,  And,  i f l o c a l governments are not " c l o s e to  sense meant by the t r a d i t i o n a l models d i s c u s s e d  they a r e a t l e a s t p h y s i c a l l y c l o s e a t hand, and  are  p h y s i c a l l y more a c c e s s i b l e than a r e more " d i s t a n t " governments. Although  the p a r t i a l model would not l e a d us to t h i n k t h a t v e r y  many o f the c i t i z e n s would seek attainment through  of personal  l o c a l government, those t h a t do take up  goals  their option  should have no d i f f i c u l t y i n p h y s i c a l l y p r e s e n t i n g t h e i r F i n a l l y , i t i s important" to remember t h a t , most  case.  local  governments, being s u s t a i n e d by what appears to be a s m a l l band o f r e g u l a r s , s h o u l d be h i g h l y s e n s i t i v e to any d i s a f f e c t i o n on the p a r t o f persons  s i g n s o f mass  not n o r m a l l y  participating.  Thus, i f low v o t e r t u r n o u t works to the advantage o f narrow i n t e r e s t groups l i k e c i v i c b u r e a u c r a c i e s , i t a l s o works to the advantage o f o t h e r i n t e r e s t groups at the l o c a l l e v e l t h a t happen to be momentarily d i s e n c h a n t e d  with t h e i r l o c a l administration.  From the s t a n d p o i n t o f the normative democratic  theorist,  this  164 s i t u a t i o n i s p r e f e r a b l e to working f o r the d i s m i s s a l o f a  local  o f f i c i a l by a p h y s i c a l l y d i s t a n t government. Implications I t may  for International Relations  Theory  seem s t r a n g e at f i r s t g l a n c e to suggest t h a t  the  s u b j e c t o f t h i s study - the p a r t i a l model of the community system - might have some r e l e v a n c e  f o r so weighty a s u b j e c t  i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s and w o r l d p o l i t i c s . remember t h a t r e l a t i o n s between n a t i o n s more g e n e r a l  political as  However, when we  a r e simply  cases o f  the  phenomenon o f i n t e r - s y s t e m i c r e l a t i o n s , the  a s s o c i a t i o n becomes c l e a r e r . The  relevance  i s p a r t i c u l a r l y c l e a r when we  also  recall  t h a t i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s theory has most o f t e n been of " c l o s e d system" type.  That i s , i t has  f r e q u e n t l y assumed t h a t  " i n t e r n a t i o n a l system" i s composed o f i n t e r a c t i n g " t o t a l " Thus, Morton Kaplan has  the  a s s e r t e d : " I n the present  systems.  international  system, the n a t i o n s t a t e s have p o l i t i c a l systems, but i n t e r n a t i o n a l system i t s e l f l a c k s o n e . " ^  For him,  the  the  inter-  n a t i o n a l system i s composed o f a " s e t o f a c t o r s " , o f which a r e two The  types,  pioneer  "National  a c t o r s " and  "supranational  i n "simulation'Vstudies, Harold  the  there  actors".  Guetzkow, has  indicated  h i s b e l i e f t h a t i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s i s e s s e n t i a l l y a problem i n "intergroup  relations".^0  i n h i s remarkable study o f  n a t i o n a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , Gustavo Lagos makes the b a s i c " . . . t h a t the n a t i o n s  o f the w o r l d can be c o n s i d e r e d  inter-  assumption  a great  system  165  composed of different groups interacting and that these national 21 groups occupy various positions within that social system." And some implicit model of this type almost certainly lies behind 22 23 the formulations of Quincy Wright and Richard Snyder. The assumption of this model, then, is that which was referred to in Chapter 1 of this essay:  the assumption of the  universal existence of relatively discrete and p o l i t i c a l systems.  discontinuous  It presupposes a world social and p o l i t i c a l  system composed of a limited number of more or less closed and total collectivities. It is important to remember, however, that there are some important exceptions to the general use of this implicit model. 24 25 In particular, Karl Deutsch and his epigoni have stressed the importance of inter-personal "transactions".  Lamentably, their  theoretical point of view has so far found i t s chief use in the study of p o l i t i c a l integration and has not been elaborated into a general model of world politics.  Urban Whitaker Jr. has proposed  that "The individual is ... the central actor i n international relations, and the study of that subject logically begins with 26 the individual." And in a penetrating statement from outside the p o l i t i c a l science discipline, Talcott Parsons has pointed out: What now of the nation-state itself? The essential point...is that i t i s by no means such a monolithic either-or unit as i t has often been held to be. Just as there are many internal private groups with interests which cut across national lines, so the idea of the absolute sovereignty of governments is at  166  best o n l y an a p p r o x i m a t i o n o f t h e t r u t h . . . T h e broad c o n c l u s i o n seems t o be t h a t . . . a p l u r a l i s t i c i n t e r n a t i o n a l system has been d e v e l o p i n g . T h i s means t h a t t h e most s i g n i f i c a n t n e a r l y " u l t i m a t e " u n i t s do h o t f u n c t i o n simply as " i n d i v i d u a l ' u n i t s , or as a "mass", but a r e i n v o l v e d . i n a complex network o f s o l i d a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s which, however, a r e not c o m p l e t e l y m o n o l i t h i c but c r o s s - c u t each o t h e r i n s i g n i f i c a n t r e s p e c t s . 27 It  i s a l s o important t o keep i n mind t h a t t h i s model i s ,  i n v e r y many cases,  an a c c u r a t e  w i l l be many i n s t a n c e s  i n world p o l i t i c s  closed, t o t a l c o l l e c t i v i t i e s extremely u s e f u l . occasions  would be a p p r o p r i a t e .  considered:  i n which t h e image o f  r e l a t i o n s i n which some other  model  And i t i s c e r t a i n t h a t n e i t h e r model, by  lead to a general  and t r u e s c i e n c e o f w o r l d  politics.  c o n s i d e r what c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o t h e  of international or inter-systemic  by t h e t h e o r y  There  f u n c t i o n i n g as n a t i o n a l a c t o r s i s  I n t h i s s e c t i o n , we w i l l theory  reality.  But i t i s a l s o c l e a r t h a t t h e r e w i l l be many  of inter-systemic  itself, will  representation,of  o f the p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l  r e l a t i o n s can be made  system.  Two cases s h a l l be  (1) r e l a t i o n s between e q u i v a l e n t l y p a r t i a l  systems;  and (2) r e l a t i o n s between systems which a r e not e q u i v a l e n t l y partial  ( i . e . i n terms o f p a r t i a l i t y as a dichotomous a t t r i b u t e :  r e l a t i o n s between a t o t a l system and a p a r t i a l one). In connection  with the f i r s t  case, two hypotheses about  r e l a t i o n s between p a r t i a l systems a r e o f f e r e d . that violence c e t e r i s paribus and t h e l i k e .  The f i r s t i s  i n inter-systemic r e l a t i o n s i s relevant only - t o c o n f l i c t between  t o t a l systems - n a t i o n  states  T h i s i s so because (1) t h e members o f a p a r t i a l  167  system a r e i n t h e main disengaged system i s low i n a f f e c t , arousal.  from i t ; and (2) t h e p a r t i a l  and v i o l e n c e i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h  emotional  A t ' r o o t , a l l t h i s h y p o t h e s i s says i s t h a t n a t i o n s  sometimes go t o war w i t h one another, w h i l e c i t i e s ,  municipalities,  and o r g a n i z a t i o n s seldom do so. The  second h y p o t h e s i s i s t h a t c o n f l i c t  political  between p a r t i a l  systems has v e r y much t h e q u a l i t y o f pure e l i t e  That i s , when we say t h a t J o n e s v i l l e and Smithton  conflict.  disagree with  one another, we mean t o say t h a t " t h e l e a d e r s o f J o n e s v i l l e d i s a g r e e w i t h t h e l e a d e r s o f Smithton.  This proposition follows naturally  from t h e e a r l i e r p o s t u l a t e o f c o n s i d e r a b l e c i t i z e n disengagement from t h e p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l community. elite conflict state. of  Of c o u r s e , t h i s n o t i o n o f  i s a l s o t r u e o f more t o t a l p o l i t i e s , l i k e t h e n a t i o n -  But i n t h e l a t t e r case, t h e c o n f l i c t  f e e d i n g back t o t h e c i t i z e n r y  seems t o have a way  and becoming r e l e v a n t t o them.  Because o f t h e f r a i l media systems o f the p a r t i a l p o l i t y , level of affect,  and c i t i z e n disengagement, t h i s  n o r m a l l y be expected  t o occur i n p a r t i a l  systems.  effect  t h e low  would not  Thus, when  Simmel s a y s : A s t a t e o f c o n f l i c t . . . p u l l s t h e members so t i g h t l y t o g e t h e r and s u b j e c t s them t o such u n i f o r m impulse, t h a t they must e i t h e r g e t c o m p l e t e l y a l o n g w i t h , or c o m p l e t e l y r e p e l one another. 28 and when Coser  states:  C o n f l i c t w i t h another group l e a d s t o t h e m o b i l i z a t i o n o f t h e energy o f group members and hence t o i n c r e a s e d c o h e s i o n o f the group. 29  168  We may f e e l c e r t a i n t h a t  t h e groups t o which they r e f e r a r e , i n  the p r e s e n t t e r m i n o l o g y , t o t a l groups, l i k e n a t i o n - s t a t e s , than p a r t i a l ones, l i k e m u n i c i p a l i t i e s hypothesis also p r e d i c t s ,  and t r a d e unions.  rather This  f u r t h e r m o r e , that p u r e l y p e r s o n a l and  i d i o s y n c r a t i c o r i g i n s o f c o n f l i c t w i l l be r e l a t i v e l y more common i n r e l a t i o n s between p a r t i a l p o l i t i e s .  T h i s i s t r u e , once a g a i n ,  because o f t h e l a c k o f mass c i t i z e n involvement i n t h e p a r t i a l political  system.  A number o f i m p l i c a t i o n s  flow from these two hypotheses.  One concerns t h e i d e a  that  between i n t e r n a t i o n a l  r e l a t i o n s and r e l a t i o n s between l o c a l  governments.  c o n n e c t i o n , no l e s s an a u t h o r i t y  In this  W.T.R. Fox has d e c l a r e d :  t h e r e a r e important  "The o n l y t h e o r y t h a t  commonalities  than  can d e s c r i b e  i n t e r g o v e r n m e n t a l r e l a t i o n s i n a m e t r o p o l i t a n community i s a  30 theory o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s . " v a l i d way o f i n t e r p r e t i n g  But i f t h e p a r t i a l model i s a  the l o c a l p o l i t y ,  and i f t h e above  hypotheses about r e l a t i o n s between p a r t i a l p o l i t i e s  are correct,  then i t i s not  between  necessarily  t h e case t h a t r e l a t i o n s  l o c a l governments a r e l i k e r e l a t i o n s between n a t i o n s . f i r s t place, conflict  between p a r t i a l p o l i t i e s w i l l be much  intense; there i s neither violence. will  In the less  t h e c a p a b i l i t y nor the w i l l f o r the use o f  I n t h e second p l a c e , r e l a t i o n s between p a r t i a l  polities  take much more o f a p u r e l y e l i t e (and even p e r s o n a l , o r  idiosyncratic) systems.  q u a l i t y than i s t h e case between more t o t a l p o l i t i c a l  169  The  study o f r e l a t i o n s between p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l  not a t a l l developed  i n the p o l i t i c a l  science literature.  i n t e r e s t i n g arena which c o u l d be e x p l o r e d i n t h i s  One  connection  would be t h e s t r a n g e w o r l d o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l student The  systems i s  politics,  c h i e f s y s t e m i c a c t o r s i n t h i s " i n t e r n a t i o n a l system" a r e t h e  many " n a t i o n a l unions o f s t u d e n t s " , o r g a n i z a t i o n s which have so little  s a l i e n c e f o r t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l members t h a t they can w i t h o u t  h e s i t a t i o n be c l a s s i f i e d as p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l  systems.  These  c o n s t i t u t e a world where w i l d swings i n " n a t i o n a l " p o l i c y  occur  w i t h minor changes i n " n a t i o n a l " l e a d e r s h i p , where L a t i n American s t u d e n t s l e a v e t h e non-Communist I n t e r n a t i o n a l Student  Conference  because t h a t body r e f u s e d t o r e c o g n i z e t h e c l a d e s t i n e P u e r t o R i c a n Students  f o r Independence ("FUPI") as a " l e g i t i m a t e 31 . n a t i o n a l union", where t h e B r i t i s h n a t i o n a l u n i o n s e r i o u s l y c o n s i d e r s j o i n i n g t h e Communist-controlled 32 Students,  I n t e r n a t i o n a l Union o f  where t h e Canadian n a t i o n a l u n i o n "breaks o f f  r e l a t i o n s " w i t h i t s U n i t e d S t a t e s c o u n t e r p a r t c h i e f l y because o f p e r s o n a l a f f r o n t s a d m i n i s t e r e d t o o f f i c i a l s o f t h e former by leaders o f the l a t t e r . the a n a l y s t equipped  I n s h o r t , t h i s i s a b i z a r r e u n i v e r s e which  o n l y w i t h i n t e r n a t i o n a l models u s i n g o n l y  t o t a l systems as systemic a c t o r s simply cannot assumption  understand.  The  o f p a r t i a l i t y h e l p s t o p r o v i d e a c o n c e p t u a l framework.  But t h e r e may be cases i n t h e " r e a l " i n t e r n a t i o n a l i n which t h e assumption than t h e assumption  system  o f t o t a l systemic a c t o r s i s l e s s u s e f u l  of partiality.  I n the Canadian case, the  170  questionnaire  data  from t h e Vancouver area  knowledge o f w o r l d p o l i t i c a l was g r e a t e r  that  f i g u r e s - p r e e m i n e n t l y American -  than knowledge o f s t r i c t l y n a t i o n a l f i g u r e s , even  as t h e l a t t e r was g r e a t e r figures.  study r e v e a l e d  than knowledge o f r e g i o n a l o r l o c a l  I t w i l l a l s o be r e c a l l e d t h a t , i n response t o t h e  q u e s t i o n "Who i s t h e most important person i n t h e s e p a r t s ? " , a common answer was "Prime M i n i s t e r P e a r s o n " ( i m p l y i n g , o f course, t h a t he was t h e c h i e f f i g u r e i n t h i s area  - l e s s than the whole).  Would i t be i m p l a u s i b l e t o conclude that t h e Canadian p o l i t y was s u b j e c t i v e l y viewed as being p a r t i a l i n r e l a t i o n t o a more inclusive (total) p o l i t i c a l  system?  One cannot l i v e long i n t h i s  country without g a i n i n g t h e i m p r e s s i o n and  that the p o l i t i c a l  l o y a l t i e s which s t i r Canadians' h e a r t s ,  f a r from  issues  being  e x c l u s i v e l y Canadian, a r e those which concern t h e c o n t i n u i n g c o n f r o n t a t i o n between t h e American P r e s i d e n t  and h i s " h e l p e r s " ,  on t h e one hand, and t h e Communist " o p p o s i t i o n " on t h e other. The  present  s t a t e system o f Western Europe may a l s o be  amenable t o a n a l y s i s w i t h  the p a r t i a l model.  I t i s not a t a l l  i m p l a u s i b l e t o t h i n k t h a t , f o r many Europeans, the concept o f a u n i t e d Europe has superceded t h e i d e a o f the n a t i o n - s t a t e as  33 the " u l t i m a t e " community.  To put t h e matter another way, t h e  s e v e r a l n a t i o n - s t a t e s o f Western Europe may have become more partial were.  ( i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e "European Community") than they once  171  These l a s t two examples l e a d us t o c o n s i d e r  t h e second o f  the suggested cases o f i n t e r - s y s t e m i c r e l a t i o n s : o c c u r between a p a r t i a l  those which  system and a more t o t a l system.  I n an  e a r l i e r c h a p t e r i t was observed t h a t , i f a f f e c t tends t o a c c r u e to more t o t a l p o l i t i c a l  systems than t o p a r t i a l ones, then a t t i t u d e s  towards t h e p a r t i a l system s h o u l d  be more f r a g i l e ,  less resistant  34 to change, than a t t i t u d e s towards t h e more i n c l u s i v e system. Thus, we might expect, i n t h e European case, t h a t G e n e r a l De G a u l l e ' s  a t t a c k on Europe and t h e A t l a n t i c community a l i e n a t e s  some o f h i s c o n s t i t u e n t s .  S i m i l a r l y , i t might be t h a t a Canadian  government t h a t took a h o s t i l e s t a n c e towards t h e more i n c l u s i v e more t o t a l - system o f which Canada i s viewed a p a r t , would  35 a n t a g o n i z e r a t h e r than u n i t e the Canadian c i t i z e n r y .  Neither  r e s u l t would be e s p e c i a l l y s u r p r i s i n g ; t h e r e a r e examples o f both o c c u r r e n c e s and i t verges on t h e t r i v i a l partiality  t o say t h a t  assumption " p r e d i c t s " such s i t u a t i o n s .  But the  e s s e n t i a l p o i n t i s t h a t these r e s u l t s a r e not p r e d i c t a b l e from c o n f l i c t models which assume t o t a l i t y ; they may o n l y be p r e d i c t a b l e when assumptions o f p a r t i a l i t y a r e i n c o r p o r a t e d  into  the model. A l l o f t h i s suggests t h a t t h e p a r t i a l model has something t o say  about p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n .  transactions  theory,  Toscano, u s i n g  the Deutschian  examines s e v e r a l a d j o i n i n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and  comes to t h e a s t o u n d i n g c o n c l u s i o n  t h a t " i t may be h y p o t h e s i z e d  t h a t t h e p o t e n t i a l f o r p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n o f any k i n d between  172 36 the v a r i o u s conclusion already  sub-areas w i l l not be v e r y good...." i g n o r e s the obvious f a c t t h a t  integrated  within  But t h i s  these communities a r e  the s t a t e and n a t i o n .  And b e i n g  fairly  t y p i c a l o f N o r t h American communities, these a r e almost c e r t a i n l y h i g h l y p a r t i a l i n r e l a t i o n t o the more i n c l u s i v e p o l i t i e s . I t may then be t h a t  the p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n o f two o r more  systems i s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o t h e p r o c e s s o f " p a r t i a l l i n g o u t " o f t h e i n t e g r a t i n g c o l l e c t i v i t i e s and the e v o l u t i o n o f a more t o t a l political  system i n c o r p o r a t i n g  the i n t e g r a t o r s .  Of c o u r s e , we  must be c a r e f u l about i n f e r r i n g such a p r o c e s s from the study o f N o r t h American community p o l i t i c a l temporal sequence a r e o f g r e a t were e s t a b l i s h e d not  systems.  importance:  Obviously questions o f most l o c a l  systems  a f t e r the creation o f the nation-state  i n any sense "grow t o g e t h e r " .  and d i d  I n the case o f p o l i t i c a l  i n t e g r a t i o n a t t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l l e v e l , i t should be remembered that  t h e i n t e g r a t i n g p o l i t i e s always p r e - e x i s t  the more i n c l u s i v e  communi t y . I n summary:  the theory o f the p a r t i a l p o l i t i c a l  a model o f a p o l i t i c a l all  the p o l i t i c a l  gives  the p a r t i a l  system i s  system which does not c o n t a i n w i t h i n  l i f e - e x p e r i e n c e s o f i t s members.  This  system a number o f unique q u a l i t i e s .  itself  element The t h e o r y  has  i m p l i c a t i o n s , not o n l y  f o r t h e comparison o f p o l i t i c a l  but  a l s o f o r (1) normative d e m o c r a t i c t h e o r y ; (2) the g e n e r a l  theory o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s , or world p o l i t i c s ;  systems,  (3) t h e  p a r t i c u l a r problem o f p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n a t t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l  level.  173  Footnotes: Chapter 9 1 Robert S. Lynd and Helen M. Lynd, Middletown i n Transition, New York, Harcourt Brace, 1937. 2 August B. Hollingshead, Elmtown's Youth, New York, Wiley, 1949. 3 W. Lloyd Warner and Paul S. Lunt, The Social Life of a Modern Community, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1941. 4  Floyd Hunter, Community Power Structure, Chapel H i l l , University of North Carolina Press, 1953.  5 Delbert Miller, "Decision-Making Cliques i n Community Power Structures", American Journal of Sociology, 64 (1958), pp. 306-307; and "Industry and Community Pov/er Structure", American Sociological Review, 23 (1958), pp. 9-15. 6 Miller, "Industry and Community Power Structure". 7  C. Wright Mills, The Power E l i t e , New York, Oxford University Press, 1959, p. 30.  8  Ibid., p. 45.  9  Ibid., pp. 41-42.  10 Nelson W. Polsby, Community Power and P o l i t i c a l Theory, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1963, pp. 3-63. 11  Ibid., p. 107.  12  Ibid., p. 113; Nelson W. Polsby, "The Sociology of Community Power; A Reassessment", Social Forces, 37 (1959), pp. 232-236. Nelson W. Polsby, "Three Problems i n the Analysis of Community Power", American Sociological Review, 24 (1959), pp. 796-803; Raymond E. Wolfinger, "Reputation and Reality in the Study of 'Community Power'", American Sociological Review, 25 (1960), pp. 636-644.  13 Polsby, Community Power and P o l i t i c a l Theory, p. 113. 14 Robert A. Dahl, "Critique of the Ruling Elite Model", American P o l i t i c a l Science Review, 52 (1958) , pp.463-469. 15  Ibid.  16 Ibid; Polsby, Community Power and P o l i t i c a l Theory, pp. 69-95. Polsby, "Three Problems".  174  17  Polsby, Community Power and P o l i t i c a l Theory, pp. 112-121. Polsby, "How to Study Community Power: the Pluralist Alternative", Journal of P o l i t i c s , 22 (1960), pp. 474-484.  18  As Polsby comments, " . . . i t i s undeniably the case that i n large measure, each of the social sciences is a relatively independent boundary-maintaining system, each with i t s own venerated ancestors, literature, training procedures, professional journals, and standards of relevance. Thus the chances are very much greater that subsequent research i n community power w i l l be influenced by the stratification theory i f the researcher i s a sociologist, and by pluralist theory i f he is a p o l i t i c a l scientist." Community Power and P o l i t i c a l Theory, p. 13.  19  Morton Kaplan, "System and Process i n International Relations", in Stanley Hoffmann (ed.), Contemporary Theory i n International Relations, Englewood C l i f f s , Prentice-Hall, 1960, pp. 104-123, p.118.  20  Harold Guetzkow, "Isolationa nd Collaboration: A Partial Theory of Inter-Nation Relations", Journal of Conflict Resolution, 1 (1957) , pp. 48-68.  21  Gustavo Lagos, International Stratification and Underdeveloped Countries, Chapel H i l l , University of North Carolina Press, 1963, pp. 7-9.  22  Quincy Wright, The Study of International Relations, New York, Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1955.  23  Richard Snyder, H. W. Bruck, and Burton Sapin, Decision-Making as an Approach to the Study of International P o l i t i c s , Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1954.  24  See Karl W. Deutsch P o l i t i c a l Community at the International Level, New York, Doubleday, 1954.  25  See Bruce Russet, Trends i n World P o l i t i c s , New York, Macmillan, 1965, especially Chapter 3.  26  Urban G. Whitaker Jr., "Actors, Ends, and Means: A CoarseScreen Macro-Theory of International Relations", in James N. Rosenau (ed.), International Politics and Foreign Policy, The Free Press, 1961, pp. 438-447, p. 442.  27''"' Talcott Parsons, "Order and Community i n the International Social System", i n James N. Rosenau (ed.), International Politics and Foreign Policy, The Free Press, 1961, pp. 120-129, pp. 124-125.  175  28  George Simmel, Conflict (Translated by Kurt H. Wolff), Glencoe, The Free Press, 1955, p. 87.  29  Lewis Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1956, p. 95.  30  University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 105 (1957), p. 538, cited in James V. Toscano, "Transaction Flow Analysis i n Metropolitan Areas: Some Preliminary Explorations", i n Philip E. Jacob and James V. Toscano (eds.), The Integration of P o l i t i c a l Communities, Philadelphia and New York, Lippincott, 1964, pp. 98-119, pp. 99-100.  31  Coordinating Secretariat of National Unions of Students, Tenth International Student Conference, Leiden, 1962, p. 12.  32  National Union of Students, Britain's Students in Today's World, Report of the International Affairs Commission, London, 1965.  33  See, for example, Raymond Aron, "Old Nations, New Europe" i n Stephen R. Graubard, A New Europe?, Boston, Houghton M i f f l i n , 1964, pp. 38-61.  34  Supra, Chapter 7.  35  Thus, George Grant believes that the Canadian "ruling class" turned against John Diefenbaker because of his "nationalism" and implicit anti-Americanism. There may be something in what he says. See George Grant, Lament for a Nation, Toronto McClelland and Stewart, 1965, pp. 3-24.  36  Toscano, op. c i t . , p. 111.  BIBLIOGRAPHY: LITERATURE CITED  Bibliography:  Literature Cited  A. Primary Sources Chief Electoral Officer, Report, Twenty-fifth General Election, Queen's Printer, Ottawa, 1963. Chief Electoral Officer, Statement of Votes, General Election of.. 1945, 1949, 1952, 1953, 1956, 1960, Queen's Printer, Victoria, B. C. Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Census of Canada, 1961, Ottawa, Queen's Printer, 1961. Office of the City Clerk, Minutes of the New Westminster City Council, mimeographed, 1940 Office of the City Clerk, "Election Returns", unpublished, unofficial typescript, Vancouver, B. C., n.d. Office of the Municipal Clerk, "Municipal Elections", mimeographed, Burnaby, B. C., n.d. Office of the Municipal Clerk, Minutes of the Surrey Municipal Council, mimeographed, 1930 B. Secondary Sources Agger, Robert E., Daniel Goldrich, and Bert E. Swanson, The Rulers and the Ruled, New York, Wiley, 1964. Almond, Gabriel, and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1963. Anderson, D., and P.E. Davidson, Ballots and the Democratic Class Struggle, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1943. Aron, Raymond, "Old Nations, New Europe", in Stephen R. Graubard (ed.), A New Europe?, Boston, Houghton M i f f l i n , 1964, pp. 38-61. Banfield, Edward C., and James Q. Wilson, City P o l i t i c s, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, and the M.I.T. Press, 1963.  176  177  Barker, Ernest, "Burke and His Bristol Constituency", in Ernest Barker, Essays on Government, London, Oxford University Press, 1945, pp. 155-206. Belknap, George, and Ralph Smuckler, "Political Power Relations in a Mid-West City", Public Opinion.Quarterly, 20 (1956), pp. 73-80. Birch, A.H., Small-Town P o l i t i c s : A Study of P o l i t i c a l Life in Glossop, Oxford University Press, 1959. Bollens, John C., (ed.), Exploring the Metropolitan Community, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1961. Brown, Roger, "Models of Attitude Change", i n Roger Brown, et a l , New Directions i n Psychology. New York, Holt Rinehart, 1962, pp. 1-86. Campbell, Angus, Philip Converse, Warren Miller, and Donald Stokes, The American Voter, New York, Wiley, 1964 (Abridged Edition). Clark, Peter, B., and James Q. Wilson, "Incentive Systems: A Theory of Organization", Administrative Science Quarterly, 6 (1961), pp. 129-166.. Coordinating Secretariat of National Unions of Students, Tenth International Student Conference, Leiden, 1962. Coser, Lewis, The Functions of Social Conflict, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1956. Crouch, Winston W., and Beatrice Dinerman, Southern California Metropolis, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1963. Dahl, Robert A., "Critique of the Ruling Elite Model", American P o l i t i c a l Science Review, 52 (1958), pp. 463-469. • 1961.  , Who Governs?, New Haven, Yale University Press, ~~ ~ " rrr  r  Damle, Y.B. , "Communication of Modern Ideas and Knowledge i n Indian Villages", Public Opinion Quarterly, 20 (1956), pp. 257-270.  178 Defleur, Melvin, and Frank R. Westie, "Attitude as a Scientific Concept", Social Forces, 42 (1963), pp. 17-30. Deutsch, Karl W., The Nerves of Government, New York, The Free Press, 1963. , P o l i t i c a l Community at the International Level, New York, Doubleday, 1954. , et a l , P o l i t i c a l Community in the North Atlantic Area, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1957. Dobriner, William M. , "Local and Cosmopolitan as Contemporary Suburban Character.Types", in William M. Dobriner (ed.), The Suburban Community, New York, Putnam, 1958, pp. 132-143. Durkheim, Emile, The Division of Labor i n Society (translated by George Simpson, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1933. Dye, Thomas R., "The Local-Cosmopolitan Dimension and the Study of Urban Politics", Social Forces, 41 (1963), pp. 239-246. Easton, David, A Systems Analysis of P o l i t i c a l Life, New York, Wiley, 1965. Edelman, Murray, The Symbolic Uses of Politics, Urbana, University of I l l i n o i s Press, 1964. Etzioni, Amitai, Complex Organizations: A Comparative Analysis, The Free Press, 1961. Eulau, Heinz, and Peter Schneider, "Dimensions of P o l i t i c a l Involvement", Public Opinion Quarterly, 20 (1956), pp. 128-142. Festinger, Leon, A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance, New York, Row Peterson, 1957. Foskett, John M., "The Influence of Social Participation i n Community Programs and Activities", i n Marvin B. Sussman (ed.), Community Structure and Analysis, New York, Crowell, 1959, pp. 311-330. Froman, Lewis Jr., People and Politics, Englewood C l i f f s , PrenticeHall, 1962. Furniss, Edgar, De Gaulle and the French Army, New York, Twentieth Century Fund, 1964.  179  Gamson, William A., "The Fluoridation Dialogue: Is It an Ideological Conflict?", Public Opinion Quarterly. 25 (1961), pp. 526537. Goguel, Francois, "Les Elections Cantonales des 8 et 15 Mars 1964" Revue Francaise de Science Politique. 14 (1964), pp. 556Goldwater, Barry, Conscience of a Conservative, Shepheardsville, Kentucky, Victor Publishing Company, 1960. Grant, Daniel, "Suburban Vote Downs Nashville Metro Charter", National Municipal Review, 47 (1958) , pp. 399-400. . Grant, George, Lament for a Nation, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart, 1965. Greenstein, Fred I., The American Party System and the American People, Englewood C l i f f s , Prentice-Hall, 1963. , Children and Politics, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1965. Greer, Scott, "Urbanism Reconsidered: A Comparative Study of Urban Areas i n a Metropolis", American Sociological Review, 21 (1956), pp. 19-25. , The Social Structure and P o l i t i c a l Process of Suburbia", American Sociological Review, 25 (I960), pp. 514-526., , The Emerging City, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1962. , "The Social Structure and P o l i t i c a l Process of Suburbia: An Empirical Test", Rural Sociology, 27 (1962), pp. 438-456. '  Metropolitics, New York, Wiley,  1963.  , and Ella Kube, "Urbanism and Social Structure: A Los Angeles Study", in Marvin B. Sussman (ed.), Community Structure and Analysis, New York, Crowell, 1959, pp. 93-112. ;  180  , and Peter Orleans, "The Mass Society and the Parap o l i t i c a l Structure", American Socological Review, 27 (1962), pp. 634-646. Guetzkow, Harold, "Isolation and Collaboration: A Partial Theory of Inter-Nation Relations", Journal of Conflict Resolution, 1 (1957) , pp. 48 - 68. Harrison, Selig, India: The Most Dangerous Decades. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1960. Hess, Robert D., and David Easton, "The Child's Image of the President", Public Opinion Quarterly, 24 (1960), pp. 630645. Hollingshead, August B., Elmtown's Youth, New York, Wiley, 1949. Hoselitz, Bert F., "Levels of Economic Performance and Bureaucratic Structure", in.Joseph Lapalombara (ed.) Bureaucracy and P o l i t i c a l Development, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1963, pp. 168-198. Hovland, C.I., I. Janis, and H.H. Kelley, Communication and Persuasion. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1953. , and Howard Pritzker, "Extent of Opinion Change as a Function of Amount of Change Advocated", Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 54 (1957) , pp. 267-271. , and Muzafer Sherif, Social Judgment, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1961. Hunter, Floyd, Community Power, Chapel H i l l , University of North Carolina Press, 1953. Huntington, Samuel, and Zbigniew Brzezinski, P o l i t i c a l Power: USA/USSR, New York, Viking, 1964. Hyman, Herbert, "The Mass Media and P o l i t i c a l Socialization: the Role of Patterns of Communication", in Lucian Pye (ed.), Communication and P o l i t i c a l Development, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1963, pp. 128-148. Janowitz, Morris, The Community Press in an Urban Setting, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1952.  181  New  , The M i l i t a r y i n the P o l i t i c a l Development o f N a t i o n s , Chicago, U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago P r e s s , 1964.  Kahin, George, Guy Pauker, and L u c i a n Pye, "Comparative P o l i t i c s i n Non-Western C o u n t r i e s " , American P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e Review,  49 (1955), pp. 1022-1041.  Kammerer, G l a d y s , e t a l , The Urban P o l i t i c a l Community, Houghton M i f f l i n , 1963.  Boston,  Kaplan, Morton, "System and P r o c e s s i n I n t e r n a t i o n a l R e l a t i o n s " , i n S t a n l e y Hoffmann ( e d . ) , Contemporary Theory i n I n t e r n a t i o n a l R e l a t i o n s , Englewood C l i f f s , P r e n t i c e H a l l , 1960, pp. 104-123. K a t z , D a n i e l , "The F u n c t i o n a l Approach to the Study o f A t t i t u d e s " , P u b l i c O p i n i o n Q u a r t e r l y , 24 (1960), pp. 163-204. , and Samuel E l d e r s v e l d , "The Impact o f L o c a l P a r t y A c t i v i t y Upon the E l e c t o r a t e " , P u b l i c O p i n i o n Q u a r t e r l y ,  25 (1961), pp. 1-24.  K a t z , E l i h u , "The Two-Step Flow: an Up-to-date Statement on an H y p o t h e s i s " , P u b l i c O p i n i o n Q u a r t e r l y , 21 (1957), pp. 61-78. , and P a u l L a z a r s f e l d , P e r s o n a l I n f l u e n c e , The F r e e P r e s s , 1955. Kimble, G.A. , H i l g a r d and M a r q u i s ' C o n d i t i o n i n g and New York, A p p l e t o n - C e n t u r y - C r o f t s , 1961.  Glencoe,  Learning,  Lagos, Gustavo, I n t e r n a t i o n a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n and Underdeveloped C o u n t r i e s , Chapel H i l l , U n i v e r s i t y o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a P r e s s ,  1963.  Lane, Robert  E., P o l i t i c a l L i f e , New  York, The F r e e P r e s s ,  1959.  L a p i e r r e , J e a n - W i l l i a m , and Georges N o i z e t , " L ' I n f o r m a t i o n P o l i t i q u e des Jeunes F r a n c a i s en 1962",.Revue F r a n c a i s e de S c i e n c e P o l i t i q u e , 14 (1964), pp. 480r504^ ' L a s s w e l l , H a r o l d , Psychopathology New York, V i k i n g , 1962.  and P o l i t i c s ,  (Revised  Edition),  , and Abraham Kaplan, Power and S o c i e t y , New Yale University Press, 1950.  Haven,  182  Lazarsfeld, Paul, Bernard Berelson, and Hazel Gaudet, The People's Choice, New York, Columbia University Press, 1948. Lerner, Daniel, The Passing of Traditional Society, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1958. Lindauer, Martin, Communication Among Social Bees, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1961. Lipset, Seymour, P o l i t i c a l Man, New York, Doubleday, 1963 (Paperback Edition,). , Paul Lazarsfeld, Alan Barton, and Juan Linz, "The Psychology of Voting" i n Gardner Lindzey (ed.), Handbook of Social Psychology, Cambridge, Addison-Wesley, 1954, Volume II, pp. 1122-1175. Lynd, Robert S., and Helen M., Middletown in Transition, New York, Harcourt Brace, 1937. McLuhan, Marshall, Understanding Media: the Extensions of Man, New York, McGraw H i l l , (Paperback Edition), 1964. Matthews, Donald B., "Negro P o l i t i c a l Participation in the South", paper presented at the Meeting of the Western P o l i t i c a l Science Association, Victoria, B. C. , April, 1965. Mayo, Henry B., An Introduction to Democratic Theory, New York, Oxford University Press, 1960. Mednick, Sarnoff, Learning, Englewood C l i f f s , Prentice Hall, 1964. Merton, Robert K., Social Theory and Social Structure, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1957 (Revised Edition). Mial, Dorothy and Curtis, Our Community, New York, New York University Press, 1960. Michels, Robert, P o l i t i c a l Parties, (Translated by Eden and Cedar Paul), Glencoe, The Free Press (1958 Edition). M i l l , John Stuart, Considerations on Representative Government, New York, Harper, 1867.  183 , "Thoughts on Parliamentary Reform", i n John Stuart M i l l , Essays on Politics and Culture, (Gertrude Himmelfarb, editor), New York, Doubleday, 1962, pp. 327-358. Miller, Delbert, "Decision-Making Cliques i n Community Power Structures", American Journal of Sociology, 64 (1958), pp. 306-307. , "Industry and Community Power Structure" American Sociological Review, 23 (1958) , pp. 9-15. Mills, C. Wright, The Power Elite, New York, Oxford University Press, 1959. Mitchell, William C., The American Polity, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1962. National Union of Students, Britain's Students in Today's World; the Report of the International Affairs Commission, London, 1965. Parsons, Talcott, The Social System, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1951, (Paperback Edition), 1964. , "'Voting' and the Equilibrium of the American P o l i t i c a l System", i n Eugene Burdick and Arthur J. Brodbeck, American Voting Behavior, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1959, pp. 80-120. , "Order and Community i n the International Social System", i n James N. Rosenau (ed.), International Politics and Foreign Policy, The Free Press, 1961, pp. 120-129. Polsby, Nelson W., "Three Problems i n the Analysis of Community Power", American Sociological Review, 24 (1959), pp. 796-803. , "The Sociology of Community Power: A Reassessment",.Social Forces, 37 (1959), pp. 232-236. , "How to Study Community Power: The Pluralist Alternative", Journal of P o l i t i c s, 22 (1960), pp. 474-484. , Community Power and P o l i t i c a l Theory, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1963.  184  Presthus, Robert, Men at the Top, New York, Oxford University Press, 1964. Rapoport, David C., "A Comparative Theory of Military and P o l i t i c a l Types", i n Samuel P. Huntington (ed.), Changing Patterns of Military P o l i t i c s , The Free Press, 1962. Redfield, Robert, Peasant Society and Culture, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1956. Riggs, Fred W. , Administration i n Developing Countries, Boston, Houghton M i f f l i n , 1964. Rose, Arnold M., "Communication and Participation i n a Small City as Viewed by.its Leaders", International Journal of Opinion and Attitude Research, 5.(1951-52), pp. 367-390. Rosenberg, Morris, "Some Determinants of P o l i t i c a l Apathy", Public Opinion.Quarterly, 18 (1954-5). Russett, Bruce, Community and Contention: Britain and America in the Twentieth Century, Cambridge, M.I.T. Press, 1963. , Trends i n World Politics, New York, MacMillan, 1965. Rustow, Dankwart, "New Horizons in Comparative Politics", World P o l i t i c s , 9 (1957), pp. 530-549. Sayre, Wallace S., and Herbert Kaufman, Governing New York City, New York, Russel Sage Foundation, 1960. Schaff, Alvin H.,. "The Effect of Commuting on Participation in Community Organizations", American Sociological Review, 17 (1952) , pp. 215-220. Schmandt, Henry J., et a l , Metropolitan Reform i n St. Louis, New York, Holt Rinehart, 1962. Schramm, Wilbur, "Communication i n Crisis", i n Bradley S. Greenberg and Edwin Parker (eds.), The Kennedy Assassination and the American Public, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1965, pp. 1-28. Simmel, George, Conflict (Translated by Kurt H. Wolff), Glencoe, The Free Press, 1955.  185  Smith, M. Brewster, "Opinions, Personality, and P o l i t i c a l Behavior", American P o l i t i c a l Science Review, 52 (1958) , pp. 1-26. , Jerome Bruner, and Robert W. White, Opinions and Personality, New York, Wiley, 1956. Snyder, Richard, H. W. Bruck, and Burton Sapin, Decision-Making as an Approach to International Politics, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1954. Sofen, Edward J., Miami Metropolitan Experiment, Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1963. Stone, Clarence N., "Local Referendums: an Alternative to the Alienated_.Voter-.Model", Public Opinion Quarterly, 29 (1965) , pp. 213-222. Stouffer, Samuel, Communism, Conformity, and C i v i l Liberties, New York, Doubleday, 1955. Toscano, James V., "Transaction Flow Analysis in Metropolitan Areas: Some Preliminary Explorations", in Philip E. Jacob and James V. Toscano (eds.), The Integration of Political Communities, Philadelphia and New York, Lippincott, 1964, pp. 98-119. Van Riper, Paul, History of the U.S. C i v i l Service, Evanston, Row Peterson, 1958. Verba, Sidney, Small Groups and P o l i t i c a l Behavior, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 19-61. Verney, Douglas V., The Analysis of P o l i t i c a l Systems, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1959. Vidich, Arthur J., and Joseph Bensman, Small Town in Mass Society, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1958. Wallace, Anthony F. C., Culture and Personality, New York, Random, 1961. Warner, W. Lloyd, and Paul S. Lunt, The Social Life of a Modern Community, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1941.  186  Whitaker, Urban G. , Jr., "Actors, Ends and Means: A Coarse-Screen Macro-Theory of International Relations", in James N. Rosenau, (ed.), International Politics and Foreign Policy, The Free Press, 1961, pp. 438-447. Wilson, Godfrey and Monica, The Analysis of Social Change, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1965 Edition. Wirth, Louis, "Urbanism as a Way of Life", American Journal of Sociology, 44 (1938), pp. 1-24. , "Consensus and Mass Communication", i n Wilbur Schramm (ed.), Mass Communications, Urbana, University of I l l i n o i s Press, 1949. Wolfinger, Raymond, "Reputation and Reality in the Study of 'Community Power'", American Sociological Review. 25 (1960), pp. 636-644. Wraith, Ronald, and Edgar Simpkins, Corruption in the Developing Countries (Including Britain^ Until the 1880's), London, Allen and Unwin, 1958. Wright, Charles R., "Functional Analysis and Mass Communications", Public Opinion Quarterly, 24 (1960), pp. 605-620. Wright, Quincy, The Study of International Relations, New York, Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1955. Wylie, Laurence, Village in the Vaucluse, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1957.  APPENDIX  187  Appendix: METHODOLOGY OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE STUDY The Sample The sample consisted of 236 secondary school students in two schools in suburban Vancouver, one in the Municipality of Burnaby, one in the City of New Westminster.  The latter group totalled  120 and was 45% male; the former numbered 116 and was 69% male. The model age category for both groups was seventeen. The Questionnaire The questionnaire was designed to move from the general to the particular.  That i s , questions relating to generalized  attitudes toward authority and leadership were placed before questions dealing with more specific aspects of politics. Respondents were not told the subject of the questionnaire before beginning i t . Cognitive Indices Indices of p o l i t i c a l cognition at several systemic levels consisted entirely of the ability to identify p o l i t i c a l figures. For the Burnaby group, the Index of Local Cognition consisted of Reeve Allan Emmott and two Municipal councillors, Russell Hicks and Douglas Drummond. For the New Westminster group, the Index was made up of Mayor Stuart Gifford and two City Aldermen, Maude Corrigan and Jack Allison.  For both groups, a second Index  of Local Cognition consisted of the responses to the question "Name some members of the Burnaby(New Westminster) Municipal (City) Council".  188  F o r b o t h groups, t h e Index o f P r o v i n c i a l C o g n i t i o n  consisted  o f P r e m i e r W.A.C. Bennett, A t t o r n e y - G e n e r a l Robert Bonner, and L i b e r a l Leader Ray P e r r a u l t . F o r t h e Burnaby group, t h e Index o f N a t i o n a l C o g n i t i o n c o n s i s t e d o f Prime M i n i s t e r P e a r s o n , O p p o s i t i o n Leader D i e f e n b a k e r , former T r a d e M i n i s t e r George Hees, former F i n a n c e M i n i s t e r W a l t e r Gordon, New Democratic Leader T.C. Douglas, and E x t e r n a l A f f a i r s Minister Paul Martin.  F o r t h e New Westminster  group  the same Index was made up o f M a r t i n , Hees, Gordon, Douglas and Diefenbaker. The Index o f I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o g n i t i o n was made up o f former P r e s i d e n t John Kennedy, P r e s i d e n t Lyndon Johnson, P r e s i d e n t C h a r l e s de G a u l l e , U.N. S e c r e t a r y - G e n e r a l U Thant, f o r t h e New Westminster group.  F o r t h e Burnaby  group, i t c o n s i s t e d o f  Kennedy, Johnson, de G a u l l e , Thant, and S e c r e t a r y o f S t a t e Dean Rusk. Comparison  o f the Indices  The i n d i c e s were compared w i t h each o t h e r i n two ways: (1) s i m p l e comparison; (2) "weighted comparison".  I n both cases,  some d i f f i c u l t y was p r e s e n t e d because o f t h e d i f f e r e n t o f items composing  each Index.  numbers  189  For simple comparison, the following Table was used: International High Medium-High Medium-Low Low  3,4,5, 2 1 0  1  National  Provincial  Local  3,4,5,6, 2  3 2 1 0  3 2 1 0  0  The entry i n each c e l l means the number of items correctly named on each Index. For weighted comparison, the following Table was used: International High Medium-High Medium-Low Low  4,5 3 2 0,1  National  Provincial  Local  4,5,6, 3 2 0,1  3 2 1 0  3 2 1 0  The entry i n each c e l l means the number of items correctly named on each Index.  Thus, the weighted comparison makes i t "more  d i f f i c u l t " to obtain a high score on the National and International Indices.  

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0105316/manifest

Comment

Related Items