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Significance of kinship in rural-urban migration O'Rourke, Margaret Norah Joan 1965-10-25

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T H E S I G N I F I C A N C E O F K I N S H I P I N R U R A L - U R B A N M I G R A T I O N . by MARGARET NORAH JOAN O'ROURKE B.A., University of Alberta, 1947 A Thesis. Submitted i n P a r t i a l Fulfilment of The Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June, 1965 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r  m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i  c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f Anthropology and Sociology The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date .Tnnp i Q f i S ABSTRACT Throughout the world a greater proportion of the popu l a t i o n are l i v i n g i n c i t i e s which are growing because of in-migration. Many accounts of the migrations and of migrants i n c i t i e s have been written. While most accounts emphasize the alienation and disorganization of the migrant, there are a growing number of accounts which indicate that the migrant helps and i s helped by his kin group. These l a t t e r accounts have been analyzed i n an attempt to discover the significance of kinship i n rural-urban migration. The l i t e r a t u r e relating to migration theory has been b r i e f l y reviewed. The theory of William Petersen was found most useful but the typology he proposed i s too general to contribute much understanding to the problem of rural-urban migration. The two types of Petersen's theory into which the rural-urban migration f i t have been expanded into four types or levels of rural-urban migration. Each of the four types i s characterized by different control of land resources, pa r t i c i p a t i o n i n ceremonial l i f e and recognition of kinship rights and obligations. These are assumed to be interdepen dent. Case studies are used to i l l u s t r a t e types. These cases confirm that while there i s a considerable lessening i n the range of economic obligations to kin, the size of the potential - i i i - kin group does not shrink. While the potential kin c i r c l e i s large, the member of the kin group i n the c i t y selects, on the basis of personal preference, those whom he considers effective kin. - i v - TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE INTRODUCTION ' 1 I. 3 I I . PRIMITIVE MIGRANTS IN THE CITY 13 I I I . PEASANT RAIDERS OF THE URBAN ECONOMY 22 IV. THE MIGRANT WITH TWO WORLDS 39 V. THE RE-ESTABLISHED KIN GROUP IN THE CITY . . . . 56 VI 62 BIBLIOGRAPHY - SOURCES CITED IN TEXT 74 BIBLIOGRAPHY - OTHER SOURCES CONSULTED 77 -1- INTRODUCTION Migration i s a process which has been the raw material of much of the world's history oral or written, factual or mythical. Over the centuries i t has taken many forms. In the twentieth century one of the most common forms i s rural-urban migration. This rural-urban migration has been the subject of much study i n the United States and an increasing amount of study i n other parts of the world. In the predominantly ag r i c u l t u r a l countries this movement brings to the urban centres peoples whose way of l i f e , attitudes and values are markedly different from those of the urban population. Accounts of these migrations are usually based on h i s t o r i c a l sources and f r e  quently use theories a r i s i n g from Redfield's f i e l d work i n Yucatan. Both emphasize the disorganization i n the l i v e s of migrants and the loss of their culture which accompanies the disorganization. One of the casualties frequently singled out i s the kinship system which had supported, p r a c t i c a l l y or emotionally, the rural group from which the migrant came. The purpose of this paper i s to examine accounts of migrations i n which this loss of kinship did not occur, determine the role of kinship i n the process of migration from the decision to move to the adaptation, accommodation or assimilation to an urban community. Most accounts of migrations are descriptive rather than ana l y t i c a l with the result that, to quote Petersen, "the theoretical framework into which these limited data are f i t t e d i s ordinarily rather primitive".^ Nevertheless the theories and typologies of migration devised by F a i r c h i l d , Becker and Petersen are pertinent -2- to this study, as are several current definitions of urbanization. Because kinship receives no attention i n these theories a typology based on Petersen's but including kinship w i l l be proposed. The method of construction of the types i s that followed by Redfield. Each type i s a mental construction i n that "no known society pre ci s e l y corresponds with i t , but the societies ... (chosen) most closely approximate i t . ... The complete procedure requires us to gain acquaintance with many ... societies i n many parts of the world and to set down i n words general enough to describe most of them those characteristics which they have i n common".^ Four types of migrant groups are proposed and the characteris t i c s of each outlined. The characteristics selected were those which appeared s i g n i f i c a n t i n an examination of one hundred and twenty accounts of migrations. Brief summaries of from three to five migrations assigned to each type w i l l be given with sources of information and method followed by the author. Each case study has been selected because i t described groups of migrants, provided i m p l i c i t or e x p l i c i t data on kinship, and when viewed with the others in the sample meet the c r i t e r i a proposed for the type. NOTES William Petersen, "A general typology of migration," American  Sociological Review 23: 1958, .p. 256. •Robert Redfield, "The folk society," American Journal of Sociology 52: 1947, p. 294. - 3 - CHAPTER. I Since migration has been a recurrent theme i n the oral and written history of the world, the li t e r a t u r e r e l a t i n g to i t i s indeed voluminous. In 1915 Fairchild"'" proposed a typology of migrations which i s weakened by his rather obvious b e l i e f that the settlement of the western United States i n the nineteenth century marked the end of si g n i f i c a n t human mi grations. In spite of this weakness he has provided the best known model to the present time. The four types of migration E a i r c h i l d proposed are: 1. Invasion which i s a mass movement, involving whole or large portions of tribes of low culture which overcome a more highly developed culture. 2. Conquest which i s the invasion of a low culture by mem bers of a more complex culture. Few of the conquerors l i v e i n the region but gradually elements of their culture are adopted by the conquered peoples. 3. Colonization which i s the peaceful invasion of settle r s i n an area under ..the p o l i t i c a l control of a foreign power. The purpose i s to achieve the commercial exploitation of the area rather than the sub jugation of the o r i g i n a l inhabitants. 4. Immigration which i s the movement of people, in d i v i d u a l l y or i n families, undertaken of their own free w i l l between two countries which are similar i n stage of culture, climate and conditions of l i f e . The receiving country i s newer and much less thickly settled than the country of or i g i n . The c r i t e r i a for the assignment of cases to the different types appear simple but often are not easy or pa r t i c u l a r l y satisfactory to apply. Es s e n t i a l l y the c r i t e r i a are the presence or absence of coercion and the l e v e l of culture of the societies involved. The problems raised are: Is colonization ever a peaceful movement? Can the colonization of North America be considered a good example of this? Is mili t a r y and/or technical superiority an indication of higher culture? In spite of these drawbacks the same typology has been used by many authors including Taft and Robbins^ who i n 1955 viewed the developments since 1915 and added a f i f t h type which had been mentioned by F a i r c h i l d but not defined. 5. Compulsory migration and exchange of population which includes slave t r a f f i c , indenture, and the movement of refugees associated with the recent wars. While the authors are concerned with the people and processes involved i n migration, the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s essentially a tool for p o l i t i c a l rather than sociological analysis of population movement. Looking at the problem from a t o t a l l y different point of view Becker^ decided to isolate a l l the factors which are si g n i f i c a n t to an understanding of population movements. From case studies of migra tions he worked out a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n scheme against which the details of a migration could be checked. The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n consists of thirteen main categories each with three to six sub-categories. Categories one to three deal with the people who migrate: do they travel alone, or i n groups, do the groups share similar goals or not, are they i n limited age groups or varied, equal or limited sex proportions. Categories four - 5 - and five deal with the rate of migration and the type of settlement which follow i t , while categories six to nine deal with the migration i n politicogeographic terms. The last four categories deal with the levels of culture of the migrating•groups and their destination, the presence or absence of v o l i t i o n , the p o s s i b i l i t y or probability that the migration w i l l be reversed. While not every rubric would be appli cable i n the analysis of a given migration, use of the scheme might result i n fewer uninformative statements such as: the migration i s cl e a r l y caused by both "push and p u l l factors". In proposing a new typology of migration Petersen noted the dearth of migration theory. He f e l t that to some extent this resulted from the s t a t i s t i c s on which so many analyses of population movement are based. The s t a t i s t i c s of international and internal migrations are compiled and published by different organizations. S t a t i s t i c s of immigration and emigration are the most readily available with the result that the fact that the population movement has been across national borders has assumed undue importance. The census provides information on the numbers of people l i v i n g i n locations other than their place of b i r t h . This sta t i s t i c a l information i s of far less significance than details about the so c i a l conditions which prevail i n the area which i s losing population. These details cannot be deduced from the s t a t i s t i c s ; nor can the motives of the migrants. Petersen also attempts to distinguish between the s o c i a l causes of migration and the motives of the individual. Causes as varied as r e l i  gious persecution, economic or a g r i c u l t u r a l c r i s i s , development of shipping and over-population have been mentioned for migrations. But not a l l people l i v i n g under these conditions migrate. The personal - 6 - aspirations of the migrant are usually different from those of the person who stays. Differences i n motives among those who migrate account for two types of migration - innovative and conservative. "Some persons migrate as a means of achieving the new. Let us term such migration innovating. Others migrate i n response to a change i n conditions, i n order to re t a i n what they have had; they move geographically i n order to remain where they are i n a l l other respects. Let us term such migration conservative."^ A person may migrate to s a t i s f y personal aspirations but his action often leads to a chain of migration as he sends for members of his family who may not share his aspirations. This i n turn may develop into an established pattern i n a society and personal aspirations then become i n s i g n i f i c a n t . The features of Petersen's typology show i n the paradigm:-^ Relation Migratory force Class of migration Type of Conservative migration Innovating Nature and man Ecological push Primitive Wandering Ranging Flight from the land State (or equi valent) and man Migration policy Forced Displacement Slave trade j Impelied Flight Coolie trade Man and his norms Higher „ . . . Free aspirations i i Group Pioneer Collective behavior Social • Mass momentum Settlement Urbanization Primitive migration when conservative involves the movement of whole groups rather than a selected few. It occurs when the group i s unable to cope with the physical environment. If these peoples were food gatherers, hunters or cattle owners moving about a t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y Petersen termed then 'Wandering'. The innovative primitive - 7 - migration i s the desertion of the land for a completely different way of l i f e , as i n the case of the rural I r i s h immigrants who settled i n c i t i e s of the United States. Forced or impelled migrations have been the result of state action. In 'impelled' migration, the migrant retains some power to choose to go or to stay, as i n the case of the Jews i n pre-1939 Germany; in post-1939 years their migration was forced. Included i n this type are the migra tions of labourers induced to move to new locations and the transferring of population to eliminate national minorities as occurred with the separation of India and Pakistan. Free -migration of Petersen's typology d i f f e r s greatly from free immigration of F a i r c h i l d . It i s the movement of a few individuals, often alienated from society, strongly motivated to improvement or at least change, who risked the unknown. These adventurers provided the example for others to follow u n t i l the movement became an accepted pattern of the society and thus mass migration i n Petersen's typology. He uses the example of the few migrants from Uppsala who journeyed to the United States i n the 1830's, wrote home about the new land, and their example led to the s e t t l i n g of Minnesota by large numbers of Swedish people. Mass migration does not refer to the movement of large numbers of people or entire societies. It indicates that a pattern of migration has been accepted by the society so that an individual i s now breaking with the expected pattern i f he does not migrate. Ireland has this pattern of migration; migration now occurs because i t has i n the past. Over a period of time migrations of members of a society w i l l change in type. F i f t y years ago many men of Central A f r i c a were f o r c i b l y moved to the mines of Rhodesia - impelled migration. Today -8- men of the same societies migrate to the areas but this i s mass migra ti o n . The immigration from Ireland, has changed from primitive migration to mass migration. The outcome of both primitive and mass migration when innovative i s urbanization. Petersen's typology is concerned with the out-migrant, his motiva tions and the conditions i n the society which made his move desirable and possible. Unlike e a r l i e r theorists such as TBnnies and Becker, his scheme does not consider the p o s s i b i l i t y of return of the migrant nor the social conditions i n the community which receives migrants. In the extension of Petersen's typology which i s outlined below the concern i s with the in-migrant and the extent to which he becomes urbanized. The typology i s applicable only to migrations i n which loss of kinship did not occur. While the aspirations of the migrant and s o c i a l momentum were selected as the s i g n i f i c a n t factors i n Petersen's typology of out- migration, aspirations and land tenure are proposed as the c r i t i c a l factors i n in-migration. On these, together with the kinship system, w i l l depend the adjustment the migrant w i l l make to the urban setting. In the extended typology four types of in-migrants w i l l be con sidered. They are: 1. Rural migrants i n the c i t y . In Petersen's terms these migrants are " i n f l i g h t from the land". The land they cultivated formerly was not owned by them indi v i d u a l l y or as members of a corporate group. With severely limited resources and aspirations, they migrate and settle i n denuded kin groups, l i v i n g what i s essentially v i l l a g e l i f e i n the midst of the c i t y . This settlement pattern frequently found i n Asia and Latin America, i s also referred to as the r u r a l i z a t i o n of the city.6 -9- 2. Peasant raiders of the urban economy. These are sojourners i n the c i t y . They are a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s , and most would choose to be so even i f i t were possible to s e l l their land. V/hile they are i n the city earning, kinsmen protect their interests i n the corporately-owned land. Their degree of urbanization i s limited by the relative shortness of their stay i n the city and their desire to save money which w i l l be invested i n the rura l home, against the day when they are no longer absent members of the kin group. 3. Migrants with two worlds. Unlike the "Raiders" these migrants are able to forsake the l i f e of an a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t yet remain members i n good standing of a kin group centered i n a rural community. Their t i e to the land exists but i s often senti mental rather than economic. The kinship structure of this society i s f l e x i b l e enough to include both rural and urban members and each member has obligations to kinsmen regardless of place of residence. Sharing ceremonial occasions i s one of the important features of his co-operation with kin. 4. Re-Established kin group i n the c i t y . This category consists of members who no longer have connections with the land or rura l community from which they came. Although they recog nize the existence of kin i n the country, their obligations are limited to those members of the re-structured kin group i n the c i t y . They show a preference for association with kin both i n s o c i a l a f f a i r s and i n business. These four types can be explained very succintly i n an extension to the paradigm used by Petersen: Class of migration * • Type Innovating cOut-migrants 3 Type In-migrants Kin group Land tenure Primitive F l i g h t from the land Rural migrants in c i t y Denuded kin group i n c i t y No control over land Forced Slave trade not applicable Impelled Coolie trade not applicable Free Pioneer Peasant raiders Absentee member of rural group Corporate ownership non-alienable land Migrants with two worlds Flexible kin structure Individually owned, alienation possible Re-established kin group Re-structured kin group No connection with land -11- Although urbanization i s the f i n a l outcome of innovative migration, Petersen does not give a d e f i n i t i o n of the term. Four definitions which are frequently encountered i n the current l i t e r a t u r e are: 1. "From a demographic point of view, urbanization occurs when the proportion of the population l i v i n g i n 'urban' agglomera- tions increases." In i t s report of Urbanization i n Asia and  the Far East, Unesco used as an index of urbanization the per centage of people l i v i n g i n c i t i e s of 20,000 or more.inhabitants. 2. For Beals^ urbanization was the process of adaptation or modi f i c a t i o n of behaviour to f i t i n an urban society. 3. For Wirth and Redfield, "Urbanization no longer denotes merely the process by which persons are attracted to a place called the c i t y and incorporated into i t s system of l i f e . It refers also to that cumulative accentuation of the characteristics d i s t i n c t i v e of the mode of l i f e which i s associated with the growth of c i t i e s , and f i n a l l y to the changes i n the direction 9 of modes of l i f e recognized as urban". 4. Mayer distinguished between two modes of urbanization. One i s structu r a l : a person i s urbanized when he ceases to play a role i n his home community but has a l l his s o c i a l ties i n the c i t y . The second mode i s c u l t u r a l : a person i s urbanized when he i s " f u l l y confirmed i n 'urban' modes of behaviour — private l i f e included — and (above a l l ) i n valuing these p o s i t i v e l y " . ^ u These four types can be viewed as representing a scale of urbaniza t i o n against which various migrating groups may be measured. While the "Rural migrants i n the c i t y " are urbanized i n the sense that they reside i n an urban area, the "Re-established kin group" would meet or nearly meet the c r i t e r i a of Mayer's d e f i n i t i o n . -12- NOTES '''Henry P. F a i r c h i l d , Immigration, New York, Macmillan, 1914, pp. 10-22. p Donald R. Taft and Richard Robbins, International Migrations, New York, Ronald Press, cl955, p. 20. ^Howard Becker, "Forms of population movement," Social Forces 9: 1931, pp. 357-358. ^William Petersen, "A general typology of migrations," American Socio l o g i c a l Review 23: 1958, p. 258. 5_Ibid., p. 266. ^T. G. McGee, "The rural-urban continuum debate," P a c i f i c Viewpoint 5: 1964, p. 176-177. "If the purely physical d e f i n i t i o n of urbanisation as the process of physical growth of c i t i e s i s accepted, then r u r a l i s a t i o n i s part of urbanisation because i t does involve the movement of people from rural to urban areas. I f , however, the wider d e f i n i t i o n of urbanisation as a process which sees the urban area, as providing an.environ ment i n which s o c i a l , economic and psychological changes inevitably occur, i f accepted, i t may be then argued that the swamping of c i t i e s by large numbers of rural migrants produces a situation i n which they are too numerous for the supposedly deterministic q u a l i t i e s of the urban area to operate." Urbanization i n Asia and the Far East, Calcutta, Unesco, 1957, p. 96. Q Ralph Beals, "Urbanism, urbanization and acculturation," American  Anthropologist 53: 1951, p. 5- ^Louis Wirth, "Urbanism as a way of l i f e , " American Journal of  Sociology 44: 1938, p. 5. '^Philip Mayer, Townsmen or Tribesmen, Cape Town, Oxford University Press, 1961, p. 6. -13- CHAPTER II PRIMITIVE MIGRANTS IN THE CITY Much of the migration which takes place today f i t s into Petersen's type "primitive innovative". The people involved are a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s who are deserting the land to settle i n c i t i e s . While they have liv e d i n what were s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t communities, they have not "been unaffected by the rest of the world. Most w i l l migrate because there i s an o.bvious imbalance of wants and resources i n their community. The imbalance may have been the result of an increase i n population i n turn resulting from such disparate causes as the introduction of new medical and public health services and the banning of i n t e r - t r i b a l warfare by colonial or national governments. A shortage of food supply may have developed gradually with the increase of population or the slow loss of f e r t i l i t y of the s o i l and lack of alternative lands. Some lands may have been lost to production as they became battlegrounds, or the sites of new airports, dams, roads or f a c t o r i e s . A characteristic of many of the migrants i s that they have not had control of the land owner who demanded more i n rent than the cultivator could pay, or i t may have been owned by the cultivator who lost i t because of mounting debts. Given these problems which they are unable to solve, some members of the community w i l l stay on the land; others w i l l attempt to join kin i n other communities where they can carry on much the same l i f e . Some w i l l migrate. In the small s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t community the kinship system provided each person with his s o c i a l position. It also functioned as the economic -14- system, controlled many jointly-owned resources, assigned labour and allocated the production. It was responsible for the t r a d i t i o n a l edu cation of the young, as well as the care of the children, aged and infirm. Much of the ceremonial l i f e of the community centered around l i f e crises of members, respect paid to ancestors, and their p r i n c i p a l occupation, agriculture. The p o l i t i c a l power may also have been wielded by the same organization. With the migration of a substantial portion of the population, the community breaks up. Since not a l l the members of the community are migrating, the i n i t i a l break w i l l be made by young males who w i l l journey to the c i t y . If they can establish themselves they w i l l send word or go back to get other members of the group. The rest w i l l tend to move i n small family groups but the elderly are l i k e l y to remain behind. Once they have reached the ci t y they w i l l probably congregate either i n the decaying center i n crowded tenements which have been l e f t by the more successful c i t y inhabitants or, i f they have walked or come by truck, they are l i k e l y to be found i n tents or shacks on the outskirts of the town. They w i l l settle with or close to other people from the same vi l l a g e or area. In this way they w i l l avoid some of the problems caused by their lack of knowledge of the language used i n the ci t y and may be i n i t i a t e d into the few urban ways which impinge on l i f e i n the slum area. Having liv e d i n a'community where a relationship to every other inhabitant could be traced and the web of relationship spread over many communities, they w i l l f ind i n the slum areas relatives to substitute for those whom they have l e f t . Marriage w i l l link families i n the urban area rather than descent groups. Descent groups and ancestor worship -15- w i l l lose their importance. The kinship system w i l l no longer he associated with the economic system. The wage earner w i l l control his own resources and provide for his own family. Women w i l l not make the same contribution in labour but w i l l be dependent on a man's earnings. The education of the young may be l e f t to parents, rarely to schools, and lack of elders i n the group w i l l l i m i t the amount of t r a d i t i o n a l knowledge passed on to the young. What remains of the kinship and of the culture are: 1) a preference for dealings and association with kin and suspicion of non-kin. 2) a habit of co-operation with kin-members. Primitive migrations may be innovative from the point of view of Petersen but the migrants undergo deculturization while lacking the resources to make much progress i n the direction of urbanization. / / •• The societies whose migration f i t s into the type are: Iraq The rural-urban migration i n Iraq has been to the c i t i e s of Baghdad which grew from 600,000 to 800,000 and to Basra which grew from 120,000 to 175,000 between 1947 and 1956. During this time the sourthern liwas (administrative areas) showed a reduction in population. The migrants s e t t l e i n semi-rural vill a g e s on the fringes of Baghdad, although cer t a i n slum areas i n the center of the cit y are occupied by Kurds. Phillips'*" did household surveys i n four of these suburbs. In one, Asima, 88.5$ had been landless peasants ( f a l l a h ) , 2.4% had been ag r i c u l t u r a l foremen, but none had been land owners before migrating. -16- The migration to the c i t i e s of Egypt has been to the large c i t i e s while smaller c i t i e s (20,000 to 30,000) have experienced loss of popula t i o n . The migration began during the 1940's and has gained momentum. Cairo, the destination of many of the migrants, has grown from 2,724,290 i n 1957 to 3,348,000 i n I960. 2 In the 1947 census more than a t h i r d of the Cairo population had not been born i n the c i t y ; i t i s probably even higher today. The census material for Cairo does not correlate place of b i r t h with current residence. Abu-Lughod^ plotted the ecological d i s t r i b u t i o n of the population by assuming that people settle i n aggregates i n proximity to the off i c e of their v i l l a g e benevolent associations, more than a hundred of which are l i s t e d i n a Directory of Social Agencies. Offices of associations of vi l l a g e s of Lower Egypt are i n the areas close to transportation to the c i t y i n the old densely b u i l t section. Offices of associations of villag e s of Upper Egypt are close to the central business section. B r a z i l It has been estimated by the United Nations that during the decade 1940-1950,' 4-9% of the urban growth i n B r a z i l resulted from internal migration.^ The numbers of residents l i v i n g i n the favelas of Rio de Janeiro grew from 400,000 i n 1949 to 650,000 i n 1957.5 The favelas, groups of f i f t y or more huts or rustic barracks lacking a l l urban amenities and b u i l t on h i l l s considered too steep for settlement, are usually close to factories which employ untrained rural migrants. Pearse collected data from interviews of 279 families i n the favela of Esqueleto, as well as a random sample of the entire favela population -17- of the c i t y . None of the migrants interviewed had owned land. Some had been labourers, others sharecroppers, but a l l had been dependent on a land owner. While the information given i n the studies i s inadequate to support a l l of the c r i t e r i a mentioned i n the description of the type, the f o l  lowing features are pertinent. Of the migrants i n the sample at Asima, 92% were from two south: cen t r a l liwas where i r r i g a t i o n was practised. Warriner, as quoted by P h i l l i p s , "estimated that the southern land-lord takes between three- f i f t h s and two-thirds of the crops i f i t i s pump-irrigated".^ The house hold- survey showed that most migrated i n family groups consisting of husband, wife and three to four children. The population sample showed 46.5% males and 53.5% females. More s t r i k i n g was the fact that 43.6% were.under age 13. The 1947 census of Cairo indicated that there were 400,000 migrants from Lower Egypt with approximately equal numbers of males and females, while the proportions from Upper Egypt were 80% male to 20% female. "Nearly a third of the v i l l a g e r s coming to Cairo from Lower Egypt se t t l e i n an area very close to the terminus of the bus line connecting the Delta with Cairo. The area contains narrow.unpaved streets and a l l e y s , deteriorating two and three storey buildings. Another large group i s located near the r a i l terminal i n the most densely populated slums in the c i t y . Their v i l l a g e associations are i n these neighbor hoods. In contrast, the offices of associations of Upper Egypt v i l l a g e s are located i n the commercial d i s t r i c t . This d i s t r i c t has accommodation for single men and i s close to entertainment which i s of more interest to the men whose families are not with them in the c i t y . - 1 8 - The migrants at Rio come to the c i t y from depressed rural areas where there was l i t t l e hope for a better future. The government has promoted new industries for which the migrants provide a pool of cheap labour. In these jobs, however, they are protected by minimum wage laws. The migrants build their huts i n favelas close to the factories because their earnings are so low they cannot afford to pay rent or transportation. The average hut costs aboxit two to three months' wages. The usual household consisted of parents and children: a few contained the parent of either spouse and a few the"sibling of either spouse who might reside there temporarily having just migrated from the country. The suburb of Asima is on the outskirts of Baghdad adjacent tq the dyke protecting the c i t y from the waters of the r i v e r . The dyke makes the unhealthful conditions which prevail i n the settlement less obvious to the inhabitants of the c i t y . The migrants l i v e i n mud and reed huts b u i l t on empty lots where they now have established a v i l l a g e complete with i t s own bazaar. P h i l l i p s mentions that i n making the move to the c i t y their way of l i f e has been altered somewhat because of the breaking of family and t r i b a l t i e s . In Cairo, i n contrast, new immigrants seek out people from their own v i l l a g e and depend on them for accommodation and help. Of the families surveyed i n Rio those which had been formed before migration reported they had been helped by members of their kin group both i n their place of origin and i n the c i t y . They were links i n a chain of migration moving toward the c i t y , with the result that favelas tended to contain numerous kin groups. Migrants from the country have few s k i l l s to offer, and the most usual occupations for the Delta migrants are as government and manual workers while those from Upper Egypt are most frequently working as -19- servants, porters and messengers. Of the Asima sample 55% were unskilled labour, 10% s k i l l e d labour and 20% were engaged i n commerce. The men tend to look for others from their own vi l l a g e to help find jobs. Most of the commercial and i n d u s t r i a l firms which employ them i n Cairo are small, often employing only a few people from the same family or the same v i l l a g e . The migrants i n Rio were.unskilled labourers i n manufacturing. In the country v i l l a g e s the women and frequently the children of these societies had helped i n the agr i c u l t u r a l work. A few families i n Asima had cows or water buffalo which were tended by women who also sold the milk products. But for most there was a great deal more leisure in the cit y than i n the country. There was also a loss i n the so c i a l l i f e which accompanied many of the labours for which women were responsible i n the v i l l a g e . Of the ninety-five young boys i n Asima only fourteen boys were attending state schools, while three boys and three g i r l s were being taught by a mulla. The village areas of Cairo had about the same l i t e r a c y rate as the truly rural v i l l a g e s , 5-7%, but there was no fur ther information as to school attendance. There were few elderly people who could teach the young their t r a d i t i o n a l lore but this might be possible i n Cairo where the vi l l a g e associations might provide an impetus to t h i s . The v i l l a g e benevolent associations of Cairo provide a means of giving moral support to new-comers as well as help i n time of distress. Asima lacked, this degree of organization. In Rio only members of the small kin group provide t h i s . Women do not associate with non-kin; men who do have so c i a l a c t i v i t i e s with fellow workers and i n bars tend to b e l i t t l e these. In Cairo and Asima the leisure a c t i v i t i e s of the men focus on coffee houses which are run by a v i l l a g e r and where much news -20- i s exchanged and business conducted. "For the women no such informal association i s available. While within the vi l l a g e there are also no purely female informal associations, religious f e s t i v a l s , b irths, deaths, marriages, circumcisions, etc., are a l l village-wide events i n which women have important roles to play. Within the c i t y , however, these events become more private, and the role of women as f u l l p a r t i  cipants i s probably reduced."''' These three societies i n widely separated areas of the world i l l u s t r a t e the type "Rural migrants i n the c i t y " . Originating i n areas where they did not own land, they have escaped from dire poverty i n the country to poverty i n the c i t y . Here their l i v i n g quarters and style are viewed as a blight on the c i t y , but the migrants consider i t an improvement on l i f e i n the rural areas. The wages they earn are not su f f i c i e n t to allow them a higher standard of l i v i n g . Although most have l e f t many kin i n the country, they associate almost exclusively with kin i n the c i t y , and often view non-kin with suspicion. While the wage earner must adapt somewhat to the new working situation, the rest of his family adapt even less to the c i t y . While they extend help to kin who are migrating to the ci t y they are not attached to or contributing to a rural community as the next type of migrants., the Peasant Raiders. -21- NOTES "'"Doris G. P h i l l i p s , "Rural-to-urban migration i n Iraq," Economic  Development and Cultural Change 7: 1959* p. 410. o Demographic Yearbook 1963, New York, United Nations, 1964, p. 23. ^Janet Abu-Lughod, "Migrant adjustment to ci t y l i f e : the Egyptian case," American Journal of Sociology 67: 1961, p. 25. ^Economic Commission for Latin America, "Demographic aspects of urbanization i n Latin America," E/CN12/URB/18, p.'45. ^Andrew Pearse, "Some characteristics of urbanization i n the c i t y of Rio de Janeiro," E/CN12/URB/17, p. 17. P h i l l i p s , op. c i t . , p. 406. 7 Abu-Lughod, op. c i t . , p. 32. -22- CHAPTER III PEASANT RAIDERS OF THE URBAN ECONOMY1 The movement of "peasant raiders of the urban economy" f i t s into mass migrations of Petersen's typology. The process of acculturation has been going on for more than f i f t y years and members of the society have acquired wants which cannot be met without money. Their lands do not produce a sur plus for which there i s a market. The land i s held by the' lineages or vi l l a g e groups and al l o t t e d to members for their use. A man does not own a share he can freely s e l l . He therefore leaves temporarily to earn money. The kinship system i s f l e x i b l e enough to allow him to leave without severing his connection with the group. As an absent member of a kinship system he has both rights and o b l i  gations. His rights include his retention of a claim to lineage land when he returns. His obligations include the support with money of his kin group, helping of members either i n the city or country, participa tion i n the r i t u a l of l i f e c r i s e s . He w i l l tend to associate with members of his own society when he i s away both during working and leisure hours. In many cases he w i l l succeed to a job held by a kinsman and i n turn w i l l be replaced by a kinsman. He w i l l attempt to adjust to conditions i n urban centers i n as much as this makes i t easier to earn money. To many he w i l l appear to be not adjusting because he does not aspire to the standards of l i v i n g to which an urban dweller does. This would interfere with his main purpose i n being i n town - to earn money. He w i l l remain adept i n his own culture and find his security only i n the country. - 2 3 - The societies chosen to i l l u s t r a t e this typology are: Mambwe The Mambwe people who number nearly 23,000 reside on the plateau of Northern Rhodesia south of Lake Tanganyika. The fieldwork on which this study was based was carried out by William Watson^ between 1952 and 1955. The Mambwe had been active traders before the a r r i v a l of the B r i t i s h i n 1880 and were anxious to work for them and for the mission aries who followed. When the mines began to operate in.the Rhodesias and the Congo the men, pa r t i c u l a r l y those who had no s k i l l s to offer, were quick to take advantage of a chance to earn. While migrations of a few months were common before the war, now the average migrant i s away for two years and repeats the migration several times. Most men have ceased working away from the reservation by the time they are forty. Their t e r r i t o r i e s are divided among sixteen - t r a d i t i o n a l c h i e f t a i n  cies with each chief nominally owning a l l the land i n his chieftaincy. He grants the land to the v i l l a g e headman who i n turn grants i t to v i l l a g e r s to cultivate. The core of each vil l a g e i s a segment of an agnatic lineage but other men who are connected to lineage members may be attached to the v i l l a g e and also receive land. A man's obligations are to others i n his v i l l a g e . Bechuanaland The study of Bechuanaland^ d i f f e r s from most others included i n th i s survey i n that i t deals with the problem of labour migration i n one t e r r i t o r y which has many t r i b a l groups. Before the European traders and missionaries came some groups were "wanderers" while others raised c a t t l e and crops. The country i s ar i d and at the time of the survey, 1942, the population could not support i t s e l f by agriculture. Men have - 2 4 - been migrating since the opening of the Kimberley diamond mines i n 1870. Close to 40$ of males under forty-four years of age were away.^ Of these about 90$ were i n the Union of South A f r i c a . The societies are p a t r i l i n e a l i n organization with land granted by the chief or headman to each married man i n the v i l l a g e ( i d e a l l y ) . How ever, i n some of the smaller reserves there i s a shortage of land and people are forced to migrate.5 Xhosa East London, the ci t y where fieldwork was conducted by Dr. Mayer^ during the years 1956-1960, has been the goal of migrating peoples for more than a century. Its population i n I960 was over 115,000, of whom approximately three-fifths are Bantu. A survey of the locations i n d i  cated that 90$ of those l i v i n g there were Xhosa-speaking. Most have migrated from reservations i n Ciskei and Transkei, usually with the intention of staying only a few years. The permit laws make i t almost impossible for a Bantu to migrate permanently. The usual migrant leaves his wife on the homestead in the reser vation where she works for his father. The society i s p a t r i l i n e a l , but only one son inherits the father's land; others have to buy and stock their own farms. Fieldwork for this study was carried on both i n the country and the c i t y . Its purpose was to discover whether the two groups of Xhosa - Red and School - adjusted to town l i f e d i f f e r e n t l y . In this survey I have used the information relating only to the Xhosa Red, the conservative group. -25- Tonga The Tonga were studied by J. Van Velsen? who l i v e d among them from 1952 to 1955 i n their t r i b a l reservations i n northern Nyasaland. There i s no shortage of productive land but there are no markets for surplus production. Men migrating to earn money have to travel one to two thou sand miles to employment centres i n Rhodesia and South A f r i c a . At the time of Van Velsen's study the figure for absent labour was 60-75% of the adult male population. During the absence of the men their wives are able to support themselves by cu l t i v a t i o n of cassava. While lineage membership and office are inherited m a t r i l i n e a l l y , wives l i v e v i r i l o c a l l y . As i n many African societies, the actions of the administration--have tended to undermine the matrilineal structure which i s now i n state of flux. Ammeln The Ammeln^ are a North African Islamic Berber society of twenty to twenty-two thousand l i v i n g i n a valley of the Anti-Atlas mountains of southern Morocco. The slopes of the mountains are bare, the valleys stoney and ar i d . There i s l i t t l e r a i n f a l l , so that the successful r a i s i n g of crops and livestock require s k i l l e d and devoted attention. Small numbers of the Ammeln have been migrating for close to a century. After the Protectorate was established i n 1912 the rate of migration increased. Most migrants are established i n small businesses, their specialty being the grocery trade. The p o l i t i c a l power i s i n the hands of six maximal lineages but the largest group in the kinship structure i s afus, a descent group whose ancestor i s known and whose members stand i n a relationship of - 2 6 - mutual obligation to one another. The economic unit i s the tigemmi which contains the joint agnatic family, a l l of whom have a claim to be supported by the patrimony. The pattern of migration i s found i n accounts of a great many soc i e t i e s . Those following have been chosen to show some factors which are common to most socieites having the pattern and a few unique features which only one society has. Migration as a pattern - the t i e to the society i s not severed: "Temporary migration of tribesmen, unless i t i s for adventure or pilgrimage, i s conditioned by economic necessity."9 The migration for adventure i s found in many societies and often serves as an introduc t i o n to the non-tribal world. If the society has a large proportion of adults away working, the r i t e of i n i t i a t i o n into the adult society has become attenuated and may be supplemented or replaced by a migra t i o n of short duration. Migration has become a tra d i t i o n with many groups and takes several forms. Schapera-1-'-' speaks of the attractions of the big ci t y for young men. Since the boys spend much of their time herding at cattle posts from which they are rarely relieved due to the absence of many of the men, the thought of a break from the humdrum becomes most desirable. Among most of the tribes i n the area (Bechuanaland) the r i t e of i n i t i a  tion has been abandoned, but a youth who i s recruited for labour away from the society i s regarded as an adult - and as a taxpayer. The f i r s t migration i s usually for a short period of time, less than a year. Among the Kgatla "a young man, i t was said, goes out to work for .the f i r s t time i n order to acquire a suit and other clothes;.his next t r i p - 2 7 - i s usually made for the trousseau he must give to his bride; and after marriage he goes again to work for such things as a plough, a bedstead, and a 'tank'". 1 1 Among the Mambwe, Watson reports that the i n i t i a l working experi ence was organized and simple. Most youths went i n small groups from the same v i l l a g e under the guidance of a leader who had been there before. They travelled a short distance from the reserve to a labour bureau of the Tanganyika S i s a l Growers Association where they had signed on, were given free rations and transportation to the s i s a l f i e l d s . "It i s i n fact a kind of apprenticeship to labour conditions made i n the helpful company of kin and friends." The usual duration i s a year or less and i t gives the young man useful experience and some ca p i t a l . The Xhosa older boys also go away to work for a short period of time to show their manliness and earn money for their personal use. In a l l three societies, the f i r s t migration i s for personal benefit of the migrant while later migrations are related to kin obligations. The f i r s t migration of the Ammeln display a very different purpose. The young boy leaves his home and goes to the c i t y at about age twelve, usually i n the care of his father's brother. Here he learns to trade i n a shop owned by a kinsman and also completes his education i n French and Arabic. Among the four societies there are economic reasons for seeking employment. These include taxes, increase of population putting greater pressure on the land, limited production of foodstuffs from over-used land, acquired needs for materials which cannot be produced but must be purchased. In each case the society i s able to function, i f not e f f i c i e n t l y at least passably, without the men who are away. The -28- percentage of young men away at a given time i s high. Watson in his census of eight vill a g e s found that 54$ of the men from age twenty to twenty-four years were absent and about 37.5$ of the t o t a l number of adult m a l e s . i n a study of the Ammeln, Marquez found that there were two thousand tigemmi (joint agnatic household) from which there were two thousand men absent.14 j n their valley of the Atlas mountains the slopes are almost denuded of growth and there i s an extreme shortage of rain and s o i l "so the ecological basis for human settlement i s very slender".15 Similarly the Xhosa come from reserves which tend to be overcrowded by people and stock and the f e r t i l i t y of the s o i l i s gradually dimini shing. Almost a l l the groups see their migrations to the c i t y as being limited i n duration though the reasons for this varies. Since the war and the development of the Copperbelt, the length of time that Mambwe were away has tended to increase. While two years used to be the maxi mum time, Watson found that for his sample of eight vill a g e s 25$ had been away more than three to four years. Most of them were young men who could offer only unskilled labour v/hich put a premium on youth. The Tongans tend to go further to labour - usually to the Union of South A f r i c a more than 1500 miles away from their reserve and which they frequently enter i l l e g a l l y i n order to avoid signing a contract for work i n the mines. At any one time between 60 and 75$ of the male adult population w i l l be absent from the reserve. Van Velsen indicates that the migrants are absent from their t r i b a l t e r r i t o r y for long periods of time and seldom v i s i t home as a long absence from the c i t y would endan ger a well-paid job which many Tongans have, to say nothing of the dangers inherent i n trying to enter the Union i l l e g a l l y . 1 6 -29- The Xhosa working i n East London are often close enough to home to be able to v i s i t frequently. Although the ideal i s usually to return to the country after a year or two, some men have stayed i n East London as long as t h i r t y years. Unlike most other Africans working i n the c i t i e s , at least some Xhosas are able to stay at a job long enough to earn a pension but ultimately most return to the homestead. Schapera too noted the tendency of migrants to be away for longer periods of time. While i n the early days, c i r c a 1905, the period of absence was four months, now i t i s usually close to a year. However, while only 3.2% of those who were miners had been away for more than two years, more engaged i n other occupations (approximately 15% of a l l migrants) 40% had been away two years or more."'"''' The Ammeln, li k e the Xhosa, tend to spend a great portion of their l i v e s as migrants but unlike them intersperse years spent i n the country. Each man retains his claim to a share of his lineage patrimony. When he i s i n the c i t y he i s contributing something to this home and when he i s i n the country for a year he works and receives his share of the produce of the property. The migrant's obligations: How he maintains his connection with the country: Since most men leave the reserve because they need money for them selves and families the connection i s kept intact by the sending or bringing of money home. Young men of the Mambwe need to earn money for marriage payments or to repay debts already incurred for these. Since the best paid jobs go to men who can offer a s k i l l and the most useful s k i l l i s the a b i l i t y to read and write English well, many Mambwe youngsters are sent to a -30- school some distance from their v i l l a g e s . Older brothers often give the fees to boys to keep them at school for three years or more and this debt i s one which a migrant must repay. Occasionally a man has to borrow from relatives for suitable clothes and bus fare to get him to .a job i n the Copperbelt. Watson found that i n the pre-war years (1914-1918) a large assortment of goods were used as marriage payments but since then cattle and money have replaced them. In a survey of tv/enty-seven primary marriages i n 1950-1953 he found the payments ranging from £1-0-0- and three head of cattle to £17-2-6. As the average unskilled worker earns between 30s and 15 a month, he must labour for a considerable length of time to clear this debt. Money i s also needed to pay for taxes, bicycles, household goods, clothes for himself, wife and family, and even i n many villages for houses of brick instead of the wattle and thatch which had been the standard home. By the time a man i s forty he has achieved this and retires from the labour market. The money that the Tongans send back i s largely available for the purchase of goods rather than basic subsistence. A husband must, how ever, send money to his wife to buy s a l t , cloth and the basic necessi t i e s which are a husband's re s p o n s i b i l i t y . But Van Velsen reports that money i s sent home to help relatives pay fines, buy clothes, bridewealth or to help kinsmen to go abroad. His wife largely main tains herself during his absence. The Red migrant puts up with the ci t y only to support his wife or his parents i n the country so he sends money home regularly. Mayer t e l l s of men sending £4 or £5 each month although earning l i t t l e over £10 per month. Those who v i s i t home, and these are numerous, also take packets of food with them. In the Bechuanaland survey Schapera was not able to get much detailed information on the support; i n fact his concern i s the pro portion of money earned abroad which reaches the t e r r i t o r y . Taxes were collected from the men working i n the mines by a government represen tative who v i s i t e d the mines. Mine operators also had a system of deferred pay. This was paid to the employee when he completed his contract which gave him a sum of money to bring home with him. Most migrants returning home brought both cash and store goods purchased for themselves and families. The regular sending of money home Is harder to ascertain and Schapera seems to think i t is infrequent enough to be of minor importance. Families i n the country: The l o c a l unit of the Mambv/e society i s a v i l l a g e , the core of v/hich i s a segment of an agnatic lineage with the headman usually the senior member. Other kin who are members of other lineages may join the v i l l a g e with the permission of the headman and be given rights to the land. When the migrant has retired to the v i l l a g e , or i s home temporarily, he w i l l perform services for families of kin. While the man i s away his wife carries on the gardening and a l l the men i n the v i l l a g e co-operate on men's tasks which are mainly the heavy jobs of clearing new land for c u l t i v a t i o n . If there are more than two women to every man i n the vi l l a g e the system w i l l not work well. In 1953 Watson found that of thirty-eight married men absent, tv/enty-nine had taken their wives with them. This seems to be more common than i n the past and much preferred by the women. If a woman does accompany her husband to town he has no objection to her working there. Watson makes no mention of children i n town. -32- Tonga men going abroad usually do not take their wives with them. Although descent i s reckoned p a t r i l i n e a l l y , residence i s v i r i l o c a l . The man going abroad may leave his wife i n the care of his own kin or she may return to her family. But both groups of kin have responsibility f o r her. In some cases the migrant may send for his wife, although the d i f f i c u l t y of housing and low salary discourages t h i s . Children are not kept i n town but raised by the mother or kin i n Tongaland. The Xhosa Red marriage i s arranged by the two families and i n extreme cases the migrant may discover he has been married i n absentia. The duties of the wife are seen as duties owed'to the homestead she has joined and to her parents-in-law rather than to her husband. She may v i s i t her husband i n the ci t y but not for long as her services are needed i n the country. She and her children would be an economic bur den i n the ci t y while they are useful workers i n the country. Most men leaving Bechuanaland leave their wives nominally under the control of his senior rel a t i v e s . However a wife usually enjoys more freedom than she would i f her husband were home; she may also experience hardship as many men do not send money to their wives. Most husbands keep in touch by writing or sending messages back with returning migrants, but the problems resulting from the neglect of wives seemed to be growing. Alport mentions that the wives remain i n the vi l l a g e with other members of his patrimony; very few come i n to the ci t y as predicted i n e a r l i e r studies. V i s i t i n g : V i s i t i n g i s a method of reinforcing attachment to the home com munity but i t i s not practi c a l i n a l l of the societies being compared. -33- Most of the Mambwe labourers are too far away to v i s i t home but return only at the end of a contract. One vi l l a g e near the admini str a t i v e center had eleven of twenty-two adult males earning wages but just three were so far away that they could v i s i t on weekends only. This v i l l a g e , however, was an unusual one; most Mambwe are some dis tance from centers where jobs are available. Van Velsen f e l t that the Tonga men tend to have better paid jobs (not specified) which were i n c i t i e s a long distance from the reserva tio n so that v i s i t i n g was not usual. They fe e l that to take too much holiday time i s to risk their jobs. In a survey of 207 Xhosa, Reader found that ninety, or more than a t h i r d , went home weekly or oftener.-^ Those whose homesteads were a distance v i s i t e d less frequently because of the time and expense involved. As many of the Bechuanaland men were working on contracts, the holiday or home v i s i t comes only at the conclusion of the contract. However the duration of v i s i t s has been shortening over the period for which Schapera^ has s t a t i s t i c s (1931-1943). One of the characteristics of the baqqala noted by Alport was that i t never seemed to close but i t did appear to change hands fr e  quently. The proprietor gets the pr o f i t s of the business. He does not plow these back into the business but when he has accumulated enough he takes a year off and goes back to the country. He returns for a f u l l year because this f i t s into the cycle of a c t i v i t i e s i n the country. -34- Keeping with kinsmen when away: The i n i t i a l working experience of the Mambwe i s i n Tanganyika i n a group of young men from the same v i l l a g e ( i . e . agnatic kin) with a guide who has been there previously. They l i v e and work together. When they go to the Copperbelt a considerable proportion go to the town of Mufulira. "The Mambwe attempt to overcome the is o l a t i o n and d i f f i c u l t i e s of town l i f e by supporting one another i n the i n d u s t r i a l s i t u a t i o n , and by operating kinship t i e s . " 2 ! This support i s p a r t i  c u l a r l y necessary i n time of sickness when relatives care for the sick. When a person i s unemployed or unemployable they provide him with trans portation to the home v i l l a g e . The Tonga are less l i k e l y to stay i n obvious kin groups p a r t i  c u larly i f they have entered the Union i l l e g a l l y . Their longer periods of migration and their more responsible jobs make them less dependent on r e l a t i v e s . Van Velsen mentions several who had worked in f a i r l y responsible jobs and spoke several European,.languages. Mayer found that one of the characteristics of the Xhosa Red i n town was his incapsulation. By this he meant that the migrant attempted to use the same network of kin i n the c i t y as i n the country. He f r e  quently shared accommodation with close kin- and his friends with whom he spent his leisure time were his amakhaya - men who came from the same rural location. But more important was their conviction that 99 association with. non-Red people was morally wrong. Schapera, i n dealing with, the natives of Bechuanaland, was con cerned with men from many t r i b a l groupings who entered a variety of occupations at a time when the war altered the employment situation markedly. The 53.8$ who were l i v i n g i n compounds were working i n the gold mines of the Union of South A f r i c a . But the more than 40% who were i n other occupations he could not check. Alport reports that the Ammeln i s usually an independent operator. He i s not a member of a large or v i s i b l e community. He usually had a younger kinsman working with him i n the baqqala or fin i s h i n g his edu cation i n the c i t y . Keeping himself adept i n his own culture: Mambwe men i n e a r l i e r days were absent for shorter periods of time, often just a matter of six to seven months as contrasted with the usual term of two years today. The highest percentage absent from the v i l l a g e i s i n the twenty to twenty-nine age group and most men have finished their wage labour by age forty. The r e l a t i v e l y short working period combined with the certainty that he w i l l be going back to his own vi l l a g e make i t highly unlikely that a man w i l l forget his language or cultural mores. Watson found that the Mambwe were frequently mem bers of labour unions and p o l i t i c a l parties during their working days. Rather than alienating them from their tribe or encouraging them to be troublemakers when they returned, he found that their p o l i t i c a l interests seemed to bolster their regard for and support of the chiefs. The Tongan who i s abroad expects his kin to look after his interests, especially with regard to land. When home on holidays he i s apt to be come involved i n p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s and keep up-to-date on loc a l events when away. Tongans frequently write to members of the administration protesting p o l i t i c a l events i n Tongaland. "When they return from an urban l i f e abroad they settle again i n the pattern of Tonga l i f e which i s s t i l l dominated by tr a d i t i o n a l values."23 - 3 6 - For most Xhosa Red there i s no problem keeping adept i n the culture. The eschewing of contact with non-Red people i n the c i t y , frequent home v i s i t i n g and the sanctions of his amakhaya guarantee his faithfulness to his own group. Schapera's impression of the returning migrant was that he might be c r i t i c a l of the authority of the chief and not too anxious to work but reverted very easily to t r i b a l l i f e . The exceptions were those who had had a superior education before leaving or while away. These migrants, i f they came back, formed a small e l i t e maintaining their interest i n European i n s t i t u t i o n s and ideas. These generally upheld t r i b a l i n s t i t u  tions but supported change, p a r t i c u l a r l y educational and economic development. These few samples i l l u s t r a t e the type Peasant Raiders of the Urban Economy. They are raiders i n the sense that they enter the c i t y for l i m i  ted periods of time and the money they can manage to save is taken back and invested i n the rural area. Most migrants leave their families i n the country but work and l i v e with other kin i n the c i t y . Most have no s k i l l s to offer an employer (the Ammeln d i f f e r i n this respect) and per form heavy labouring jobs which put a premium on youth. During their ab sence their land i s cultivated by kin who keep alive the migrant's right to the land. When he has earned enough or has kin to replace him i n the c i t y he w i l l i n g l y returns to the country. Most are a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s not only because the land provides them with their basic security but also because they prefer the l i f e . If the land tenure system permitted them to realize something from .their interest i n the land and the kinship sys tem f l e x i b l e enough to afford them f u l l membership while resident i n the c i t y , there would probably be very few ready .to become urban residents. -37- Very few have the educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s which migrants i n the next group of societies possess. NOTES "^Watson applied the phrase "Peasant raiders of the economy" to the Mambwe. With the addition of the word "urban" i t more aptly describes the a c t i v i t i e s of this type who earn i n the urban economy but spend i n the r u r a l . William Watson', T r i b a l Cohesion  i n a Money Economy, Manchester University Press, 1958. o ^Ibid., p. x x i i . 3 Isaac Schapera, Migrant Labour and T r i b a l L i f e , London, Oxford University Press, 1947, p. 1. ^L. P. Mair, "African marriage and s o c i a l change," i n Arthur W. P h i l l i p s , ed., Survey of African Marriage and Family L i f e , London, Oxford University Press, 1953, p. 21. ^Schapera, op. c i t . , p. 35. P h i l i p Mayer, Townsmen or Tribesmen, Cape Town, Oxford University Press, 1961, p. x i i i . ^ J . Van Velsen, "Labor migration as a positive factor i n the con t i n u i t y of Tonga t r i b a l society," Economic Development and  Cultural Change 8: I960, p. 265. Also printed i n Aidan Southall, Social Change in Modern A f r i c a , Oxford University Press, 1961. Q E. A. Alport, "The Ammeln," Royal Anthropological Institute Journal 94: 1964, p. 162. 9 I b i d . , p. 168. "^Schapera, op. c i t . , p. 116. i : L I b i d . , p. 142. l^Watson, op. c i t . , p. 52. 1 5 I b i d . , p. 60. "^Alport, op. c i t . , p. 162. 1 5 I b i d . , p. 163-- 3 8 - l bVan Velsen, 1961, op. c i t . , p. 230. •^Scnapera, op. c i t . , p. 58. 1 8Watson, op. c i t . , p. 41. ^Mayer, op. c i t . , p. 95. 2 0Schapera, op. c i t . , p. 56. 2 1Watson, op. c i t . , p. 195. 2 2 A simil a r incapsulation though lacking the moral sanction i s noted among the Pedicab drivers i n Bangkok. The drivers from North eastern Thailand do not associate with Bangkokians but share accommodation and leisure a c t i v i t i e s with Northeasterners who are usually kin. Robert B. Textor, From Peasant to Pedicab  Driver, New Haven, Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, 1961, p. 21-28. 2 5Van Velsen, I960, op. c i t . , p. 277--39- CHAPTER IV THE MIGRANT WITH TWO WORLDS The. migrant i n this category has a choice of residing i n the c i t y or the country, but i s a f u l l member rather than an absent member when he chooses the former. He i s tied to a rural community but the t i e i s more sentimental than economic. He often owns land i n the country - corporate ownership i s not usual to this group of societies - but he prefers to rent rather than s e l l i t . He had some education or training which may not be highly rated by others i n the c i t y but does enable him to obtain work and be s e l f - supporting. His departure from H E country relieves pressure on the land and results i n better economic conditions for his kin group who do not migrate. But so c i a l distinctions based on wealth and non-farm occupations have not developed. His kin group remains important to him although he recognizes a narrower range of obligations. Improved economic conditions permit the kin group to continue and often to increase ceremonial a c t i v i t y . Literacy and modern communications f a c i l i t i e s make participation i n this a c t i v i t y possible. A kinsman i n the ci t y i s both a model of change for his rural relative and a source of help when he migrates. The attitudes and ideas flow from the ci t y to the country so the kin group as much as commerce i s contributing to the urbanization of rural areas. Maori The fieldwork on which the relevant study of the Maori people i s based was carried out during the years 1952-1955 and b r i e f l y again i n -40- 1958. It included work in a remote rur a l community as well as i n Auckland. The Maori formed 5.9$ of the t o t a l New Zealand population i n 1951. In 1936 approximately 13$ l i v e d i n urban areas; i n 1958 23$ were l i v i n g i n urban and semi-urban areas. The average migrant i s a young adult with the result that 45$ of the Auckland Maoris are between f i f t e e n and t h i r t y - f i v e years of age. While some migrants stay i n the c i t y only a short time many others have been residents for years. Maoris are members by birth and descent to one or more iwi (tribe) and hapu (sub-tribe) connected with a definite t e r r i t o r y and having a dialect and customs which distinguish i t from others. A person could claim membership i n any descent group to which an ancestor belonged. "The transmission of Maori land was governed by special l e g i s l a t i o n ... which.provided for ind i v i d u a l i s a t i o n at the request of the owners and established the principle of b i l a t e r a l succession."1 Toba Batak The Toba Batak 2 l i v e i n the highland d i s t r i c t s of northern Sumatra. Their resources are limited to the land which i s divided i n small plots on which rice i s the principal crop. In the v i l l a g e studied by Bruner, no farmer could support himself by agriculture alone. People from Toba have been migrating to the capital c i t y Medan for more than f i f t y years.5 The e a r l i e r migrants were young men who had been educated i n the mission ary schools and were able to qualify for lower level administrative posts. They settled i n the c i t y permanently. Now young people go to Medan to l i v e with relatives i n order to take advantage of the educational f a c i l i t i e s i n the c i t y . -41- The basic economic unit in Toba i s the hamlet, which consists of an average of six households, the core of this being a patrilineage based on descent from one male ancestor.^ Members of the lineage remain active participants i n lineage a c t i v i t i e s whether they are l i v i n g in the ci t y or the country. Although land i s individually owned, a c i t y Batak i s not w i l l i n g to s e l l his land. Instead he rents i t to a lineage mate and receives a share of the crop. Greek The d r i f t of population of Greece from villages to the larger c i t i e s (20,000 or greater i n population) has been gaining momentum since 1940. In the decade 1951-1961 the proportion of the nation's population residing in Athens grew from 18% to 22%.5 Almost half the population l i v e i n small villages one of which, Va s i l i k a , in Boeotia was studied by F r i e d l in 1955-1956. The village i s located on the plains with good s o i l and water supply. The main cash crops are wheat, cotton and tobacco. Land i s individually owned but ..the holdings of one farmer are small and often widely scattered. The land holdings of a father are rarely passed intact to a son, for the Greek laws of inheritance require that the property of parents be divided equally among the sons and daugh ters. Aware of the dangers of further fragmentation of land holdings, farmers try to give their children an education which w i l l permit them to earn a l i v i n g i n the c i t y . By law, the expenses of education beyond the elementary school level may be counted as part of the inheritance. V/ith the advantage of training the young man or woman then migrates to the c i t y . This group of societies i s characterized by having a more f l e x i b l e system of kinship which allows for members both i n the ci t y and the country. -42- The communications between the two strengthen the feeling of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n which i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important for the small group who l i v e i n daily contact with other often more numerous and alien ethnic groups. Good communications also enable the knowledge of the urban world to reach the country kin. Attachment to a rural community: The pressure on the land i s a factor i n each of these societies: Maori, Batak and Greek. A l l three societies have individual ownership of land. In the case of the Maori the land has been divided and re- divided as generations passed, so that many holdings are too small to provide the owner with a l i v i n g . But because land rights were closely related to b i r t h into the tangata whenua (the people to whom this land belongs), the urban Maori kept his claim to ho s p i t a l i t y and p a r t i c u l a r l y to the marae• In the Toba Batak society the major so c i a l group i s the localized lineage based on p a t r i l o c a l residence and p a t r i l i n e a l descent and i n  heritance. Since membership i s determined by descent, the Batak l i v i n g i n the ci t y does not lose his a f f i l i a t i o n and does not relinquish pro perty rights. In his absence the land i s rented to a lineagemate but the owner returns to the v i l l a g e to c o l l e c t a share of the harvest. If a Greek father owns land a l l his adult sons and daughters and, through the dowry, his sons-in-law have some rights over i t . Therefore i f there are any decisions to be made regarding i t , a l l are consulted and F r i e d l says that discussion may go on for years.^ The opportunity to migrate to other parts of the country, rural or small centers i s and has been available to both the Greek and Maori -43- people. The system of reckoning descent among the Maori i s b i l a t e r a l or, as Metge following F i r t h c a l l s i t , ambilateral. Anyone desiring a change usually had relatives i n other areas who would receive him and help him. The Greek have been an upwardly mobile society so the movement of individuals from the small vi l l a g e to the small c i t i e s has been going on for a long period. Only the Batak of the three was l i m i  ted, for his rights to land were localized and the rural society sur rounded by unfriendly societies. In the pre-war years most of the Maori migration was to other rural areas. During the war many went to the c i t y to engage i n war work and many were able to enter types of jobs which had never before been open to them, and i n the process acquire new s k i l l s . Most of these jobs were i n Auckland and i t was expected that after the war large numbers would leave the c i t y for the rural areas. However the inf l u x has con tinued and the greater number of Maoris who migrate now are to be found i n Auckland. Metge reports that this decision to migrate to the c i t y does not usually come after long deliberation and preparation; i t i s very much a spur of the moment decision which often leaves no time at a l l to warn the kin i n Auckland that they are coming. But they do expect the kin to receive them, supply them with accommodation often for lengthy periods of time and to help them find jobs. Some have few kin, may f e e l isolated i n the c i t y or d i s l i k e the l i f e so that the moving goes both ways. But because the individual Maori feels an attachment for some rural community, he feels he w i l l go home eventually. As there i s no marae in the c i t y , there were i n the time Metge studied the community no Maori buried i n the c i t y . Instead the deceased i s - 4 4 - taken back to the community in whose marae he has rights where the funeral i s held. The Greek farmer who wants his children to have an education beyond the sixth grade must send them to the high schools i n the towns. This means a considerable outlay, less of course i f the farmer has relatives with whom the children can l i v e while attending school. If a farmer i s land-poor i t i s even more important for his son to receive an education or training although i t involves great s a c r i f i c e for the family. Depending on the training he has received, the child w i l l return to the v i l l a g e or go on to the c i t y . But the scarcity of land and the fact that the farm w i l l be inherited by only one member of the family means that i t i s necessary for the migrants to plan a lifetime away. Daughters as well as sons are educated, for an educated daughter usually requires less of a dowry to be married. The Toba Batak came into contact with Europeans i n the l a t t e r half of the last century. German missionaries converted them from ancestor worship to the Christina r e l i g i o n but did not attempt to disrupt other aspects of their culture. Under Dutch administration the v i l l a g e head men were used as representatives of the colonial government and western business firms. When they f i r s t migrated to Medan, the Batak were regarded as less than human by the preponderantly Islamic population and had to practise t h e i r r e l i g i o n i n secret and to l i v e i n enclaves. The situation has improved so that they are able to practise their r e l i g i o n freely and do not meet discrimination i n the working world. As opportunities are i n the ci t y and prospects i n the country poor, the t r a f f i c i s one-way except in times of c r i s i s such as the invasion of Indonesia by the -45- Japanese. The Batak do not mix s o c i a l l y with the Medan population but depend on people from their own villages and frequent v i s i t s to supply their s o c i a l l i f e . V i s i t i n g : V i s i t i n g i s one of the main ways that migrants reinforce their sense of belonging to the same society. Maori adults usually t r i e d to go home at least once a year for holidays but often they were not able to do so. The longer they were i n the ci t y the less l i k e l y they were to keep up the yearly v i s i t s . But this was often the result of the added r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of young families and other kin than the lessening of interest. Since most .of the people studied by Metge came from areas several hundred miles from the cit y , time and expense were involved i n a t r i p home. The Batak community.in Medan was connected by road to the high lands. The journey which took several hours was made frequently by the citizens of Medan, less frequently by the v i l l a g e r . Whenever an urban Batak performs an important l i f e ceremony he either returns to his v i l l a g e or the rural members of his lineage and a few a f f i n a l relations come to attend the ceremony. The v i s i t i n g of relatives i s a favourite recreation i n Greece. Town dwellers are apt to v i s i t home vi l l a g e s at Easter and at the time of celebrations of the patron saint's day, i n addition to personal l i f e c r i s i s ceremonies. Kinship obligations: Paradoxically the v i s i t i n g of the home community for pleasure may be curtailed by the greater obligations to the kin group. Among the - 4 6 - Maori the obligation of attendance at the tangi (funeral) i s s t i l l f e l t and because of the time and distance involved attendance may be costly. Many of the Auckland Maori report that they attend tangi of a narrower range of relatives than when they were l i v i n g i n the country as jobs have been lost i f too much time i s taken-for attendance at these cere monies. Since the c i t y people usually arrive last and are unable to contribute their services tothe preparation of the ceremonies and the meal which follows they make contributions i n cash to cover the expenses of the ceremonies. Next i n importance to the tangi i s the attendance at the unveiling of gravestones of deceased rel a t i v e s . Since these occa sions can be planned i n advance and a convenient date selected, i t i s often possible to combine several days v i s i t i n g with the ceremony which brings more migrants home than does the sudden c a l l to a tangi• The other occasion for a v i s i t i s a wedding. Although most of the migrants are now married in the c i t y and the country relatives attend them, there are s t i l l the weddings of rural kin to be attended. So while limited f i n a n c i a l resources and possibly lessening of interest result i n a decrease i n the holiday v i s i t i n g over the years, most of the Maori studied by Metge in Auckland recognized their obligations to their kin group at the time of c r i s i s and made great personal s a c r i f i c e s to sup port them. The ceremonies demonstrated the oneness of the group and the i r ideal of co-operation. To do less than this would be to risk the p o s s i b i l i t y that a tangi of their own close kin would not be supported or that they might be accused of having " l o s t their Maori aroha (love)".^ A similar but more drastic pressure i s on the Batak who might be tempted to be less than punctilious with regard to his duties. It i s the adat, "a term used by the people to refer to ceremonial procedures, - 4 7 - customary c i v i l law, the kinship and value systems, and the norms of behavior toward relatives".9 While the c i t y people have c r i t i c i z e d the burden that adat places on them, most of them f u l f i l l the kinship o b l i  gations and perform the ceremonials i n the same manner as i s the custom i n the country. While their conversion to Ch r i s t i a n i t y presumably ended ancestor worship, the result of f a i l u r e to meet adat obligations i s to i n v i t e the wrath of the s p i r i t s of deceased ancestors. But whether or not the ancestors punish, the other members of the community w i l l not hesitate to c r i t i c i z e the person who does not support the adat. They may refuse to eat at ceremonies (a great insult) or even refuse their support i n time of c r i s i s . In extreme cases the name of the person who does not f u l f i l l his obligations w i l l be erased from the genealogies and he i s no longer a member of the society. In contrast to the Maori whose ceremonies most frequently take place i n the country, Batak take place i n either c i t y or v i l l a g e so long as the members of a lineage are gathered. Before the ceremony the men of the lineage decide on the d e t a i l s . The s t i c k l e r s for the adat, usually the v i l l a g e r s , i n s i s t on the proper performance. In the Greek v i l l a g e , the kin group i s often no larger than an elementary family. The potential kin group of the v i l l a g e r i s large and widely dispersed in other v i l l a g e s , the towns and c i t i e s . From this larger group, the v i l l a g e r selects certain kin who can be helpful to him. He may send his son to board with a cousin while he attends the gymnasium, or ask a son-in-law to help with his tax problems. He reciprocates favours received from his kin. "A V a s i l i k a farmer expects to establish voluntary relationships with a number of different i n d i v i  duals from each of whom he expects the f u l f i l l m e n t of a limited set of - 4 8 - obligations to himself, and toward each of whom he w i l l f u l f i l l an equivalent "but usually not id e n t i c a l set of obligations." ^ 0 The relationship once established may continue but i t may cease after the favour i s received and reciprocated. An obligation which i s common to a l l three societies and which i s important for the continual linkage of the city and the country i s the extension of help and hos p i t a l i t y to relatives. Most frequently th i s means being ready to receive and care for any re l a t i v e , or indeed anyone from the same v i l l a g e , who happens to come along. In the case of the Maori, whose wages i n the c i t y are usually not large and who often i s l i v i n g i n very cramped quarters, to maintain his ideal of Maori h o s p i t a l i t y may work considerable hardship. New migrants come to the c i t y without arranging accommodation or learning about jobs in advance and stay with kin u n t i l they are able to establish themselves. The Batak highland i s constantly providing new migrants to Medan, most of whom depend on relatives for support and accommodation. Frequently the c i t y Batak take young relatives to li v e with them i n the ci t y where they assi s t i n the home and have the advantage of education i n the c i t y schools. Very similar to this i s the Greek pattern of sending young children who have completed the six years of schooling offered i n the vi l l a g e to l i v e with relatives while they attend secondary school. The ide a l of hospita l i t y i s one to which the Greeks l i v e up and F r i e d l remarks on the absence of the word "privacy" i n the modern Greek lan guage . Adaptation to urban l i f e : By migrating to the ci t y from a rural area the migrant theoretical -49- has the opportunity to become acquainted with and assimilate to another culture. But does this happen? The Maori in Auckland knew many Pakehas (whites) usually because they were members of the same sports clubs or because they worked with them. They often had cordial relations with them, were invited to v/eddings, etc., but they did not become close friends with them or mix with them in groups. Most of the youngest ( i . e . under twenty-five years) Maori chose their friends from among the Maori community of their own age groups with similar interests. Many of these friendships were across t r i b a l l i n e s . These young people formed gangs for a c t i v i t i e s such as going to a movie or attending a hui (gathering) at the home community of one of the gang. After marriage the c i r c l e of friends narrowed and the kin group became more important. Many belonged to family clubs which were of two types. One Metge called the b i l a t e r a l extended family whose members descended from, or were married to persons descended from, a l i v i n g person or persons active in the club. The other type she called the kin-cluster - people who could trace relationships to one another but were not descent groups. The members paid fees and were organized to be able to meet any l i f e c r i s i s with s u f f i c i e n t f i n a n c i a l resources and a co-operative group. But many of the clubs did more than t h i s . Among their a c t i v i t i e s were the organization of trips back to v i s i t the home town, s o c i a l events i n town, so that for many of the older people the family clubs furnished them with their s o c i a l l i f e . H Not very many Maori belonged to clubs or formal associations which were not exclusively Maori i n membership. About 10-15% of the younger age group belonged to sports clubs - basketball, baseball or rugby - which, i f they were not mixed i n membership, at least played against -50- teams of non-Maori players. Very small numbers belonged to Maori organizations such as Haka clubs or the Maori Women's Welfare League. Few attended church regularly and when they did usually chose Maori language services. The Batak also interact with non-Batak at work, in recreation and i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . Instead of the family clubs, urban Batak form a neighbourhood club, the dongan sahuta, which i s a mutual aid group. In some areas of the ci t y there are also street clubs organized i n the same way - dongan sastraat. These societies based on residence cut across descent groupings but the urban Batak belongs to yet another association - the dongan samarga or clan association. This group serves as a mutual assistance group, but more importantly assists i n the organi zation and performance of ceremonies.^ 2 But the help and the attendance of the dongan samarga does not supplant the t r a d i t i o n a l rights and o b l i  gations of the lineage and a l l i e d lineages from the v i l l a g e . Although the Maori both i n the c i t y and country express a preference for marriage within the tr i b e , most of the marriages i n the c i t i e s involve members of different t r i b e s . Of the thirty-three marriages of members of Metge's sets, six were contracted between members of the same tri b e , another four members of the same t r i b a l group, and eighteen with members of other t r i b a l groups. There were only four marriages with non- Maori. The choice was made by the young people not parents and l i t t l e attention was paid to the economic prospects of the husband-to-be nor to rank or so c i a l status. The tomo (the formal c a l l of a young man and his kin to ask for the g i r l ) was made i n most c i t y weddings. However i t was usually a small a f f a i r attended by close kin and often a spokesman for the prospective bridegroom. . If the g i r l ' s parents l i v e d i n the country and were of another tribe the v i s i t i n g party was usually larger. The purpose of the tomo, though, has changed from seeking approval of him to make a marriage v a l i d to making plans for the wedding. The localized lineage of the Batak vi l l a g e society was an exogamous group. The man's lineage, that lineage from which he has taken a wife and that to which his lineage has gixen wives, form an alliance group exchanging goods and services. A l l three are represented at ceremonies for l i f e crises. Although there was a stated preference for matrilateral cross-cousin marriage, Bruner found this ideal was seldom met. However marriage did l i n k many lineages and provide a network of relationships through the society. In the c i t y the preference for matrilateral cross- cousin marriage was prohibited. Lineages with a f f i n a l ties continue to exchange goods and services, the most important of which i s support i n the r i t u a l ceremonies. Unlike the v i l l a g e r whose choice i s motivated by a desire to continue a f f i l i a t i o n with the lineage i n strategic v i l l a g e s , c i t y Batak attempt to choose wives i n lineages controlling either wealth or p o l i t i c a l power. The bride-price negotiations are carried on by representatives of the lineage and intermarriage between v i l l a g e and c i t y i s frequent. The Batak apply strong pressure to prevent marriages between Batak and members of other ethnic groups. Children of Batak women marrying out w i l l have no clan a f f i l i a t i o n so this type of marriage i s p a r t i c u l a r l y condemned. Since most of the people of Medan have been converted to Islam, the Batak form a religious as well as an ethnic minority. The v i l l a g e r s of V a s i l i k a respect an educated person and believe that the urban occupations open to an educated man have greater prestige -5 2- than farming has. Life in town i s usually easier and therefore desirable for their daughters. Since marriage i n Greece i s exogamous, the woman usually leaves her vi l l a g e to l i v e i n the v i l l a g e of her husband or i n town. If a father can provide a substantial dowry, his daughter i s more l i k e l y to marry a man who has a position i n town. One effect of the town marriages of the v i l l a g e g i r l s i s that rural wealth i s supporting l i f e i n urban centres. Most Maori migrating to Auckland had no problem i n finding kinsmen from their own community as well as others. The range of effective kin i n the c i t y was from five to f i f t y but-the number of intimate kin was more re s t r i c t e d than i n the rural areas. The knowledge of genealogies, rank and hapu are common in the country but are not characteristic of the Maori found i n the c i t y . Most Maori when asked to insert their hapu on regi s t r a t i o n forms are unaware of i t or confuse hapu with t r i b e . Most do know their iwi and notice the differences between the tribes i n dia l e c t s , customs. But the differences were less important than the fact that they were Maori. The fact too that many of the marriages were across t r i b a l lines might give a much wider kinship network but the difference i n custom and language and the shyness of the individual make him select few of the possible kin to establish effective relations. The Batak i n the c i t y also has a small number of his lineage but by means of his neighbourhood and clan groups established i n the c i t y he i s linked to a much larger number of people. He may also belong to his wife's clan association i n the c i t y so the number of his potential kin i s greater than i f he remained i n the v i l l a g e . F r i e d l ' s study written more from the point of view of the v i l l a g e r than the urban dweller does not explore the size of the effective kin -53- group. However she does point out that the network of relations and their associations i n town and c i t y make i t possible for the v i l l a g e r to conduct business with kin or near-kin on a personal basis. This the v i l l a g e r considers much more desirable than conducting business on an impersonal basis. How adept are urban dwellers i n their culture: The Auckland Maori, although adjusted to living, i n an urban setting with close contact with Pakehas, were very conscious oft their identity. They preferred the company of other Maori and few t r i e d to pass as Pakehas. However they were not anxiously preserving many features of the Maori culture. Although the Maori language was s t i l l used on cere monial occasions, i t was not used i n much of the conduct of daily a f f a i r s and few of the children were learning the language. The younger members were incl i n e d to be impatient with the t r a d i t i o n a l ceremonial while those approaching middle age were becoming more interested. The lack of s u i t  able quarters i n the c i t y i n which to hold ceremonials such as hui meant that many changes were made i n the t r a d i t i o n a l forms - they were of shorter duration and less open i n h o s p i t a l i t y . But they were adjusted to f i t the new conditions, not dropped. Traditional crafts were not retained but there was some interest i n the songs and dance. The Batak language i s used for the f i r s t years of school, v i l l a g e and ceremonial l i f e . Dutch was formerly the language of government and commercial world and i s s t i l l used by many of the Medan Batak i n their homes but i s being replaced by Indonesian. Interest i n the retention of thei r own culture in Toba Batak revolves around the adat. Bruner found that support of the adat was general i n both the c i t y and the v i l l a g e . The c i t y dwellers are c r i t i c a l of the ceremonials and would shorten them as well as lighten the burden of kinship obligations. Rituals i n the c i t y are attended by lineage members and affines from the vil l a g e who are the experts on adat and take part i n the decisions as to the details of the procedures. Since the adat applied only to the Batak in his relations with other Batak, the ci t y Batak depends on the Dutch model and other Christian ceremonies which enrich rather than denigrate Batak ceremonials. The t i e which links the urban Greek to the v i l l a g e i s sentimental but often reinforced by an economic interest in lands transferred as dowry. -Urban l i f e has high status i n the eyes of the v i l l a g e r and new ways adopted by the ci t y dweller are soon copied by his kin i n the v i l l a g e . The v i l l a g e r i n Greece i s not very like the reactionary character associated with rural l i f e i n other so c i e t i e s . The Batak, Maori and Greek societies i l l u s t r a t e many of the charac t e r i s t i c s of the type "Migrants with two worlds". The migrants who leave the country have some qualifications which enable them to find positions i n the urban areas. They do not see their time i n the city-as limited nor their f i n a l goal the saving of money to invest i n agriculture. While they are tie d to a rural community, land represents an economic asset rather than a most desirable way of l i f e . Land may be rented to a lineage mate (Batak), leased to kin (Maori) or even sold outright (Greek) because i t i s the property of an individual rather than a corporate group The kin group includes both rural and urban members who. extend help to one another and share many r i t u a l s . The urban members provide a model of change for the rural members i n contrast to the French Canadian parish described by Miner,-^ migrants from which belong to the fourth type, "Re-established kin group i n the c i t y " to be described i n the next chapte - 5 5 - NOTES •'-Joan Metge, A New Maori Migration, London, Athlone Press, 1964, p. 13. 2Edward Bruner, "Urbanization and ethnic.identity i n North Sumatra," American Anthropologist 63: 1961, p. 508. ^Edward Bruner, "Kinship organization among the urban Batak of Sumatra," New York Academy of Sciences Transactions 22: 1959/60, p. 121. ^Edward Bruner, "The Toba Batak v i l l a g e , " i n G. W. Skinner, ed., Local, Ethnic and National Loyalties i n Village Indonesia, =New Haven a, Yale University, 1 9 5 9 , p. 54. ^Irwin T. Sanders, Rainbow in the Rock, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1962, p. 9. ^Ernestine F r i e d l , V a s i l i k a ; A Village i n Modern Greece, New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, cl962-, p. 7. ^Ernestine F r i e d l , "The role of kinship i n the transmission of national culture to rural villages i n mainland Greece," American Anthropolo g i s t 61: 1959, p. 30-38. ^Metge, op. c i t . , p. 50. ^Bruner, 1961, op. c i t . , p. 509. 1 0 F r i e d l , 1962, op. c i t . , p. 7. i : LMetge, op. c i t . , p. 179-180. 1 2Bruner, 1959/60, op. c i t . , p. 121-122. Horace Miner, St. Denis: A French-Canadian Parish, University of Chicago Press, 2d imp. 1963, p. 250-252. -56- CHAPTER V THE RE-ESTABLISHED KIN GROUP IN THE CITY The member of this group may be of the generation born i n the c i t y or he may have migrated but his roots are firmly planted i n the c i t y . He recognized the existence of kin i n the country but not any o b l i  gation to them unless the kin are his parents. His children w i l l pro bably be t o t a l l y unfamiliar with his country home and rel a t i v e s . The member depends on his kin for a variety of minor services and help i n the time of need; He patronizes his kin i n business and expects their support. He prefers their company in s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s . The societies- 1- chosen to i l l u s t r a t e this type are: French-Canadian This study was based on interviews of more than f i f t y persons l i v i n g i n the c i t y of Montreal i n the mid n i n e t e e n - f i f t i e s . 2 To ascer tain the extent of their kinship knowledge, t h i r t y informants were asked to compile complete genealogies. A l l were earners of medium incomes i n a highly i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c i t y . The French-Canadian kinship system is patronymic b i l a t e r a l i n structure with a formal pattern of expected obligations .between genera tions. The French-Canadian father has the obligation to establish his children. Farms are inherited by one son, not usually the eldest.^ With the shortage of new lands many gave their children training and sent them to the c i t y . Italianate This study^ was based on interviews and the c o l l e c t i o n of genea l o g i c a l data from twenty-five informants l i v i n g i n London. Included -57- were newly arrived migrants who had no kin i n England as well as some Ita l i a n s who had been born i n England and consider English their mother tongue. The I t a l i a n kinship system i s patrinominal with a stress on the male l i n e . Unlike the previous migrants, members of the Re-established kin group have only one v/orld - that of the c i t y . Although some members have been born i n the country, for many the ties to the rural community are s l i g h t , while for others they do not exist. Exchange of services between country and ci t y kin are not important to them for the kin group i n the c i t y i s large enough to offer support and companionship. While the Italianate community i s growing by the addition of new migrants who often are helped to settle i n London, the French-Canadian group has well-defined borders. Range of kinship knowledge: The figures given by Garigue i n the tables of known kin for the Italianate study were ordered by household rather than individual. The t o t a l kin recognized ranged from 123 to 386; i n ten of twelve cases, 50$ of the known kin were "in Ego's and the f i r s t ascending generations. The depth of the genealogy was never more than six generations. The largest networks were those of persons who had relatives i n the vi l l a g e of origin i n Italy; i n many cases the kin mentioned were c l a s s i f i c a t o r y kin. In the study of the Montreal group the number of kin known to the informants ranged from 75 to 484. This number i s not comparable to that above because i t represents the knowledge of an individual rather than a household. Men had a greater knowledge of the father's line while women knew more regarding their mother's l i n e . Occasionally, however, a woman would know more about her spouse's line than he did. On the whole the women were more knowledgeable about kin than were the men. While Garigue does not give a table indicating the depth of generations and l a t e r a l d i s t r i b u t i o n , he stressed the importance of the parent- c h i l d , s i b l i n g and affines relations. These form the core of the sys tem. Recognition of other relatives as kin operates according to descent l i n e s . In both studies i t was found that there were certain pivotal kin who were much better informed, or experts, i n the kinship network and had status because of t h i s . In Montreal this person was l i k e l y to be a woman, but i n London i t was often an older man who had conducted business on behalf of other members of the community. Kinship obligations: The most cru c i a l obligation among the I t a l i a n community i s that between parents and children for support of children while young and parents when aged. Widows and orphans should be brought up by the kin of the deceased parents. Siblings have a responsibility to pro vide a home for unmarried s i s t e r s . Children are expected to li v e with parents u n t i l they marry and often after. The extended family house hold or business i s frequent. Many members of the community help relatives migrate .'to England whereupon the newcomers are often pro vided with both jobs and accommodation. They may also borrow money, often without interest, to get started i n business. The core group consisting of Ego's parents, siblings and their spouses and his affines i n the same generation are those to whom Ego has special obligations and for whom he w i l l make great efforts or -59- s a c r i f i c e s . Although a l l Montreal informants reported that they had received important services from relatives there i s a definite pre ference for help from members of one's own line and also one's own sex. Nearly a quarter of the households either contained three genera tions or included kin who were not members of the conjugal unit. Many of the group worked for or knew of kin working for re l a t i v e s . S o c i a l relations: In both societies there was frequent contact between members of the kin group. One Italianate household i n London selected for detailed exposition was a self-contained unit and so c i a l contacts were almost en t i r e l y within the I t a l i a n community. No member had close English friends or belonged to English organizations. Those families who had been i n England longer and were less firmly linked with Italy gradually became integrated into B r i t i s h l i f e , but not by intermarriage. The only English-Italian marriages reported were wartime marriages i n Italy be tween B r i t i s h army personnel and It a l i a n s . Church organizations and a c t i v i t i e s of the I t a l i a n community provided them with most of their s o c i a l l i f e and the opportunity to meet possible spouses. The obliga tions to v i s i t r elatives, provide h o s p i t a l i t y and keep a l l members i n  formed of family happenings reinforced the kin t i e . The informant i n Montreal, chosen by Garigue as ty p i c a l , was a young married man with l i v i n g kin numbering over two hundred. In a month he met an average of forty to f o r t y - f i v e r e l a t i v e s , and many more during the holiday season.. Family reunions provided an opportunity to meet more relations but they did not occur often. His pattern of f r e  quent contact with male siblings and affines with less frequent v i s i t s to parents was quite different from a woman's pattern which would include -60- more contact with her ov/n parents and female siblings but less with female affi n e s . The network lost active members through the upward mobility of some as well as by the marriage "out" to someone who was not French-Canadian or not Catholic. Because the s i b l i n g group was large, there was a large group from which to select those kin with most con genial tastes and interests. But the group did not have replacements i n the wings as the London group did with i t s connections with v i l l a g e s i n Italy, nor did i t include cousins unless there had been a cousin marriage, which i s not infrequent. The economic ties among the Italianate group included i n a few cases the sending of money to support relatives or to purchase property i n I t a l y . Many helped relatives migrate to England and supported them when they had d i f f i c u l t i e s . The members worked for one another and brought relatives from Italy to help them i n a business rather than hire non-Italians. They patronized one another's business and co-operated to the extent that i t was noticed and i n cases resented by non-Italians. The economic tie s i n the French-Canadian group are very similar, with the added feature that Ego would prefer to get help from the kin group of bi r t h rather than the kin group of marriage. The incidence of working for relatives i s well known. Persons i n business can depend on patronage from r e l a t i v e s . Professional services are sought from members of the kin group. Both the Italianate and the French-Canadian groups are members of the Catholic church. Their l i f e crises are marked by religious cere monies often celebrated by a kin member. Such occasions as a marriage or a funeral are supported by a large number of the kin network. A • lesser occasion such as a baptism or f i r s t communion i s attended by a smaller group of closer kin. Repudiation of their r e l i g i o n would lead i n most cases to a reduction i n the numbers of people who acknowledged themselves as effective kin and would fe e l obliged to offer help i n time of need. The feature which characterizes the French-Canadian and Italianate groups and distinguishes them from the other migrant types i s the s e l f - sufficiency of the group. The members are urbanized i n the terms of Mayer's d e f i n i t i o n which was that a person i s urbanized when he ceases to play a role i n his home community but has a l l his social t i e s i n the c i t y . With many of the problems of migration behind them, they s t i l l depend on kin for both emotional and economic support but only on kin who are also i n the c i t y . NOTES While accounts by different authors would have been preferred, these have been selected because the kinship data i s comparable. The data i n F i r t h ' study "Kinship i n South Borough" in Two studies of kinship i n London, (London, Athlone Press, 1956) i s comparable but the subjects haven't a history of migration. For this same reason the studies by M. Young and P. Willmott, Family and kinship i n East London, and P. Townsend, The  family l i f e of old people were not found useful. On the other hand the a r t i c l e s by Eugene Litwok, "Occupational mobility and extended family co hesion," American Sociological Review 25:9-21 I960 and "Geographical mobility and extended family cohesion," American Sociological Review 25: 385-394 I960 which deal with families who have or expect to migrate lacks s u f f i c i e n t kinship data, p a r t i c u l a r l y a de f i n i t i o n of the term "extended family". An indication of the work being done on this subject i s pro vided i n a review a r t i c l e by Marvin B. Sussman and Lee Burchinal "Kin family network: unheralded structure i n current conceptualization of family functioning," Marriage and Family Living 24:231-240 August 1962. 'Philip Garigue, "French Canadian kinship and urban l i f e , " American  Anthropologist 58: 1956, p. 1090. *H. M. Miner, St. Denis: a French Canadian Parish, University of Chicago Press, 1963, pp. 79-80. "Philip Garigue and Raymond F i r t h , "Kinship organization of Italianates • in London," in Raymond F i r t h , ed., Two Studies of Kinship i n London, London, Athlone Press, 1956, p. 67. - 6 2 - CHAPTER VI The survey of rural-urban migration indicates that for.many of the migrants the new l i f e i n the ci t y i s not characterized by anonymity, lack of intimate personal acquaintanceship, or the weakening of the bonds of kinship. Instead we found that many migrants are able to re place a r e l a t i v e l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t community in the country with one which i s s o c i a l l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t though not economically or physically s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t . The migrant goes with groups he knows, settles with them, helps and receives help from them. The limited numbers from his own community who may be i n the c i t y make i t necessary to him to replace close kin with more distant, to associate with people of the same society but different v i l l a g e s , or even in a few cases, people from other tr i b e s . He widens the boundaries of his social group: the size of the group to which he has obligations of support cannot grow and probably w i l l become narrower as more members of the society are integrated into a money economy. The fact that a migrant sees himself as a member of a community (or of two communities) means he views some people with favour, others with, suspicion. He tends to l i m i t his association with the out-group i f he does not ignore them altogether. "A member of one community may pass daily through the physical site of communities other than his own, neither 'seeing' them nor admitting their relevance to his own l i f e . But, within his own community, there i s l i t t l e i f any anonymity.""'" The basis of the group i s kinship but i t never includes a l l of the migrants from a given rural community to the c i t y . Some never join the ci t y group, others do but later break away or are expelled. - 6 3 - "One type, q u a l i t a t i v e l y the cream but numerically the less s i g n i  f i c a n t , consists of bright youths who migrate i n search of education or wider opportunities. These have both the drive and the f a c i l i t y of rapid assimilation into the culture of the c i t y . " 2 Those who enter the new community are cushioned from the potential harassments but must also accept the standards of the community. The Xhosa have a term itshipha which they apply to the man who disappears i n town, leaving his parents and family without any word. (The word i s supposedly derived from the English for 'Cheap'). They have another, also derogatory, term irumsha which i s applied to the man who speaks English rather than his own language.3 Xhosa are more con servative than most other societies i n the survey but fa i l u r e to meet one's obligations to kinsmen i s one way to cut the bond to the society. Bruner has noted that the urban Batak are c r i t i c a l of some aspects of their adat, p a r t i c u l a r l y when kinship obligations impose a heavy burden. But most prefer to meet the obligations rather than r i s k the loss of kin support. This loss could take the form of having kin refuse to eat when attending his ceremonies, or i n extreme cases the s t r i k i n g of his name from the genealogies.^ The French-Canadian lose contact with those who have "gone English" by marrying a non-French-Canadian or a non-Catholic.5 In writing of the migration of the Ammeln, Alport states that "migration of tribesmen, unless i t i s for adventure or pilgrimage, i s conditioned by economic necessity".^ This was found to be true i n the survey of migrations and the typology ref l e c t s four stages of economic development. In the rural setting the major economic resource is.land: the relationship of the migrant to the land i s the main feature which distinguishes one type of migration from another. The "Rural migrants i n the c i t y " have liv e d i n the country but at the time of their migration do not have control over land. Some had rented land which they cultivated, others were hired labourers. Their migration results from the poverty i n the country rather than the attrac t i o n of the c i t y . The migration does not solve the problem of poverty. Although a l l think they are better off i n the c i t y , their style of l i v i n g i s e s s e n t i a l l y ' r u r a l . They associate almost exclusively with kin who are very res t r i c t e d i n number as compared with a rural community so that there i s a diminution i n s o c i a l contacts and s o c i a l l i f e . These migrants have neither resources nor training so they tend to get the lowest paid jobs and to develop few s k i l l s . Among the sample groups, lack of land tends to be associated with poverty, few s k i l l s and l i t t l e or no education, lack of interest i n education or s o c i a l services available i n the c i t y . The adjustment or adaptation of these migrants to urban l i v i n g conditions i s minimal. The "Peasant raiders" are a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s for whom the migration to the c i t y provides an interesting interlude. Because of i t s limited dura tion, most migrations involve men but not their families. The peasant cannot s e l l his land, i t i s usually corporately owned. He depends on his close kin to farm i t and thereby both support themselves and protect his rights. In return the kin expect to share i n his earnings. To maintain his status as an absentee member of the kin group he sends money for cur rent expenses, for ceremonial occasions, brings back store goods and money to be invested i n the farm. In the c i t y the migrant associates with kin and usually works at a poorly paid labouring job. -65- There i s some indication of change in that education i s beginning to be available and valued. Some investment i n urban properties i s re placing the exclusively rural pattern of the past. Restrictiveness of the land tenure system, together with r i g i d i t y of the kinship system distinguish this type from the next. The "Migrants with two worlds" are those migrants who have an interest i n land but are not a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s . With the help of kin as well as some education, they are able to make their way i n the c i t y . The land tenure system permits them to s e l l but most are not so secure i n the city that they are w i l l i n g to take this step. By renting land to kinsmen they keep their place i n the rural community. Renting of land tends to offset the d i f f i c u l t i e s caused by land fragmentation and too small holdings. It therefore improves the economic circumstances of both the a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t and the migrant. Unlike the peasant he invests i n the urban rather than the rural community, yet he s t i l l recognizes his obligations to rural kin. The improved economic circumstances of these migrants i s reflected i n v i s i t i n g between groups of kin and i n  creased support for ceremonial l i f e . The migrants who make up the "Re-established kin group i n the c i t y " have been absorbed into the c i t y economy and no longer depend on rural land holdings or rural kin. The kin group includes several generations and the migrant's potential kin group i s large because i t includes af f i n e s . From this group of potential kin he chooses a c i r c l e of effec tive kin on the basis of congeniality of interests or usefulness. He usually associates with k*in, extends help to them and expects them to reciprocate. - 6 6 - The main purpose of the thesis has been the preparation of the typology which sets out the role of kinship among migrating groups. This theoretical framework can be used for the comparison and c l a s s i  f i c a t i o n of other rural-urban migrations. There may even be a need to employ this extended typology to analyse the one case. Thus i t may be needed to compare the same migration at different points i n time. As the social conditions i n the community which permit or en courage migration change, the type of migration also changes. This can be i l l u s t r a t e d by referring to the migrations of the Overseas Chinese to various parts of South Asia. Migrations have been made from Southeastern China to various parts of South Asia for many centuries. The e a r l i e s t migrants were merchants whose adventures, freely undertaken, would be considered innovative pioneer migrations i n Petersen's typology. The great num bers of peoples, varying economic conditions i n the home country and the variety i n the countries and areas to which the Chinese migrated resulted i n many different types of migration occurring contemporaneously. For example: i n the nineteen t h i r t i e s when some migrations of Chinese to c i t i e s i n Indonesia would f i t into the type "Migrants with two worlds", impelled migrations of Chinese indentured labourers were s t i l l a feature i n the development of the rubber plantations of the outer islands.^ An example to i l l u s t r a t e "Rural migrants i n the c i t y " was not located i n the li t e r a t u r e dealing with the Overseas Chinese but i t i s most l i k e l y that migrations f i t t i n g this type would be found i n Hong Kong. The other three types can be i l l u s t r a t e d by referring to the migrations to the Philippines. - 6 7 - The e a r l i e s t migrants to the Philippines were merchants. Coolie labour was ended by the application of the American "Exclusion Act" i n 1899,' which encouraged the entry of migrants who would not compete with Q l o c a l a g r i c u l t u r a l workers. While most of the migrants originate i n the Southeast coastal regions their choice of areas to which to migrate i s not unrestricted. Communities i n China are associated with sp e c i f i c migrant-receiving countries. "The Philippine Chinese Community i s associated with two such centers, one i n Kwangtung and one i n Fukien."^ V/ithin this century the type of migration has been mass migration with people migrating because i t i s the established pattern i n their community. The Chinese population of the Philippines increased very slowly during the early years of the American administration. It grew from 41,005 i n 1903 to 43,802 i n 1 9 1 8 . D u r i n g these years the migrations f i t the type "Peasant Raiders" as the migrant's purpose was to work hard, l i v e frugally and r e t i r e to China as soon as possible. They were helped to migrate by their close kin (not lineage) and i n turn helped others. Their sojourns i n the Philippines were interspersed with v i s i t s to the home community i n China, where they married, and where their families were raised. When the sons were ready to work they joined the father and often succeeded to his business when the father re t i r e d to China. After 1918 this pattern began to change. Although the migrants continued to support the home community, their improved f i n a n c i a l c i r  cumstances permitted them to invest in business i n the city as well as agriculture i n China. The business was often a joint venture v/ith c a p i t a l provided by a group of kin. The success of many of these con cerns i s attributed to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of credit from kin. The pattern of v i s i t i n g China continued and most Chinese i n Manila born before 1935 -68- were born i n China. Sons and other male kin were brought out to help i n the business. But gradually some migrants brought their wives and children. "In 1918 the proportion of Chinese females to males i n the Philippines was one female to thirteen males. By 1939 the proportion had become one female to six males."-'-''- While there was s t i l l an attach ment to the home community, the Chinese had become "Migrants with two worlds". The lineage included members of both communities. In Manila small groups of closely-related male kin and later families provided emotional support and an effective cooperating group, while many of the welfare duties of the lineage i n China were taken over by d i s t r i c t and clan associations. The war and subsequent change of government in China severed the connections between the two communities. There i s a sentimental attach ment, some support of kin i n China, but the takeover of lineage property as well as r e s t r i c t i o n s on travel and immigration have forced the Over seas Chinese i n Manila to become "Re-established kin groups i n the c i t y " . The four types have been formulated i n the hope that they would overcome some of the drawbacks of the typologies of Petersen and Redfield on which :they are based. Petersen said of his own "The most useful dis t i n c t i o n i n the typology, perhaps, i s that between mass migration and a l l other types, for i t emphasizes the fact that the movement of Europeans to the New World during the 19th century,- the migration with which we are most familiar does not constitute the whole of the phenomenon." Most users of the typology w i l l agree with the author that "Migration ... must be differentiated with respect to relevant social conditions". But a typology which i s s u f f i c i e n t l y comprehensive to provide for every migration cannot at the same time be specific enough to distinguish the s o c i a l -69- conditions which enter into many migrations. Since rural-urban migra tions are always innovative i n terms of Petersen's typology, f i t t i n g into two types "Flight from the land" or "Urbanization", this c l a s s i f i  cation does not t e l l us much about the relevant social conditions. The extension to the typology of Petersen used i n this survey attempted to shed more l i g h t on the process of change, which migration i s , by l i m i t i n g i t s scope to those migrations i n which kinship loss i s not experienced, and by li n k i n g kinship, land tenure and urbanization. Although the method followed by Redfield was used i n formulating the types, the rural-urban dichotomy or continuum did not prove useful i n the analysis or rural-urban migration. In part this was because of Redfield's types. He characterized folk societies as being small, i s o  lated, i l l i t e r a t e , homogeneous and possessing group s o l i d a r i t y , while the c i t y was the l o g i c a l opposite.14 None of the societies surveyed f i t either pole. The stages i n between have not been characterized so that the extent to which a group f i t s a type cannot be ascertained. In his Yucatan study Redfield developed four types, t r i b a l v i l l a g e , peasant v i l l a g e , town and c i t y . Each one i s characterized by being "less isolated; i s more heterogeneous; i s characterized by a more complex di v i s i o n of labor; has a more completely developed economy; allows a greater freedom of action and choice to the individual"-^ than the com munity which precedes i t on the continuum. These types are used and useful to show how communities change through time as a result of an inf l u x of population and increased contact with other communities. The continuum implies a unilinear pattern of evolutionary change. Although the four types of migrations used i n this survey bear some resemblance to the Yucatan model they are used to show how and why -70- migrants leave rural communities, move to urban centers and become urbanized. The extent to which this change i s possible i s governed by s o c i a l conditions i n both the losing and receiving communities and does not follow a unilinear pattern. The fact that the migrations used i n the sample exist refutes Redfield's assumption, and that of the majority of fieldworkers since his time, that kinship as a self-perpetuating system i n h i b i t s change and i s destroyed by a major change such as migration. The survey indicated that a society from which migrants derive i s a changing society, no longer isolated, whose members lack homogeniety of experi ence and have problems which cannot be solved by t r a d i t i o n a l means. In the.city the migrant•adapts to very different conditions of l i f e and adopts cultural items which are unknown in the rural area. But he i s not an anonymous person i n a heterogeneous mass. Instead, by keeping with kin, he belongs to a group characterized by being small, sharing conventional understandings, possessing group s o l i d a r i t y and to some degree isolated from similar and dissimilar groups i n the c i t y . A c i t y which has many such groups, and this includes any cit y having or receiving a large proportion of i t s population migrants, is very unlike the model of Wirth and Redfield. It exhibits a cu l t u r a l diversity which makes the dichotomy between groups i n the cit y greater than that between the rural and urban branches of the same society. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true i n Asian c i t i e s where there i s not a dominant urban majority which acts as the model towards which other groups are changing. In much of the li t e r a t u r e r e l a t i n g to migration the stress i s on what appears to the observer to be disorganization i f not disintegration. It i s expressed i n statements such as: These people are accustomed to l i v i n g i n small towns where their elders r e a l l y control them; They are used to having kin help them and can't stand up for themselves; They have never worked for wages, just for kin. These statements are often s u p e r f i c i a l l y and factually correct but cloud or ignore the many ways i n which kinship operates among these groups i n the c i t y . For the Rural Migrants the pr i n c i p a l use of the kin i s as a reference group. These people were economically disadvantaged i n the country with no con t r o l over land and are often the disadvantaged i n the c i t y . Pearse remarked on the constant v i s i t i n g to the exclusion of a l l non-kin with the result that the group was the dominant and almost exclusive sanction group for the behaviour of i t s members.-^ What may be considered appro priate by the kin group might however be considered t o t a l l y inappropriate by other urban dwellers. The sojourn of the "Peasant raider" i n the cit y i s i n a very real sense a cooperative investment on the part of his kin group. The migrants are usually young men, often selected and financed by the kin group, t r a  v e l l i n g with kin to join others in the c i t y . While they are away, the group compounds i t s investment by caring for the land rights and kin of the absent member. The migrant is expected to earn and save and return the investment with store goods, and money invested i n the rural com munity. In recent years i t i s becoming less unusual for a wife to accompany the migrant. But children are not usually kept i n the c i t y but are sent back to the country to be raised by kin. In the t h i r d type of migration where there i s a relaxation of the t i e to the land, there i s also less r i g i d i t y i n rights and obligations of kinship. The system i s gradually changing i n the direction of a mutual assistance association. Friendship may replace association with -72- close kin. The cooperation pattern i s s t i l l prevalent. Migrants now f e e l free to invest i n something other than land. Often this i s a busi ness concern started with capi t a l contributed by a number of kin. Eco nomic cooperation i n business i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important. Education becomes more important and children are now sent from the country to l i v e with kin to be educated i n the c i t y . Chain migration, which does occur among the "Rural Migrants" and "Peasant Raiders" becomes most highly developed. The migrants send money to rural kin not to have i t spent i n the rural community but to bring kin to the c i t y . It i s now that the kin group and i t s wider kin network i s recognized as a community or sub-community in the c i t y . The fourth type of kin group i n the c i t y i s re-established i n the sense that i t i s a complete system which functions without reference to rural kin or community. Economic cooperation i n business and mutual help are important. Although many .alternatives are open to these people i n the urban community, a preference for kin i s shown i n their choice of personal associates, business concerns patronized and professional ser vices consulted. -73- NOTES -'-Janet Abu-Lughod, "Migrant adjustment to city l i f e ; the Egyptian case," American Journal of Sociology 67: 1961, p. 31. 2 I b i d . , p. 23- ^ P h i l i p Mayer, Townsmen or Tribesmen, Cape Town, Oxford University Press, 1961, p. 6. ^Edward Bruner, "Urbanization and ethnic identity i n North Sumatra," American Anthropologist 63:1961, p. 510. ^ P h i l i p Garigue, "French Canadian kinship and urban l i f e , " American  Anthropologist 58: 1956, p. 1098. ^E. A. Alport, "The Ammeln," Royal Anthropological Institute Journal 94: 1964, p. 168. ^Victor. P u r c e l l , The Chinese i n Southeast Asia, London, Oxford . University Press, 1951, p. 541. ^Jacques Amyot, The Chinese Community of Manila, University of Chicago, Department of Anthropology, I960, p. 17-18. . 9 I b i d . , p. 38. 1 0 I b i d . , p. 18. i : L I b i d . , p. 58. l 2 W i l l i a m Petersen, "A general typology of migrations," American  Sociological Review 23: 1958, p. 265-266. 1 3 i b i d . , p. 265. •^Robert Redfield, "The folk society," American Journal of Sociology 52: 1947, p. 293-294. 15R 0-bert Redfield, The Folk Culture of Yucatan, University of Chicago Press, cl941, p. 338. -^Andrew Pearse, "Some characteristics of urbanization i n the c i t y of Rio de Janeiro," E/CN 12/URB/17, p. 18. -74- BIBLIOGRAPHY SOURCES CITED IN TEXT Abu-Lughod, Janet. "Migrant adjustment to c i t y l i f e : the Egyptian case," American Journal of Sociology 67:22-32 1961. Alport, E. A. "The Ammeln," Royal Anthropological Institute Journal 94:160-171 1964. Amyot, Jacques. The Chinese community of Manila: a study of adapta tion of Chinese familism to the Philippine environment. University of Chicago, Department of Anthropology, Philippine Studies Program I960. 181 pp. mimeog. Beals, Ralph L. "Urbanism, urbanization and acculturation," American  Anthropologist 53:1-10 1951. Becker, Howard. "Forms'of population movement: prolegomena to a study of mental mobility," Social Forces 9:147-160 December 1930, 351- 361 March 1931. Bruner, Edward M. "Kinship organization among the urban Batak of Sumatra," New York Academy of Sciences, Transactions 22:118-125 1959. Bruner, Edward M. "The Toba Batak v i l l a g e , " i n Local, ethnic and  national l o y a l t i e s i n v i l l a g e Indonesia; a symposium, by G. William Skinner, ed. N^ew Havens, Yale University, 1959. Pp. 52-64. Bruner, Edward M. "Urbanization and ethnic identity i n North Sumatra," American Anthropologist 63:508-521 1961. Demographic yearbook 1965. 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Chinese family and marriage i n Singapore. London, H.M.S.O.. , 1957. 249 pp. (Colonial Research Studies no. 20). Mangin, W. P. "The role of regional associations i n the adaptation of rural population i n Peru," Sociologus 9:23-36 1959- Morse, Richard M. "Latin American c i t i e s : aspects of function and structure," Comparative Studies i n Society and History 4:473-479 1961/62. Siegel, Bernard. "The role of perception i n urban-rural change: a B r a z i l i a n case study," Economic Development and Cultural Change 5:244-256 1956. United Nations. Economic Commission for Latin America. Inquiry into  the s o c i a l effects of urbanization i n a working-class sector of  greater Buenos Aires, by Gino Germani. Santiago, Chile, United Nations, 1958. 77 pp. 'E/CN 12/URB/lO. United Nations. Economic Commission for Latin America. Migration  and urbanization: the "barriados" of Lima, ... by Jose Matos Mar. Santiago, Chile, United Nations, 1958. 35 pp. E/CN 12/URB/ll. 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(Overseas Research Publication no. 8). 151 pp. Gulliver, P. H. "Nyakyusa labour migration," Rhodes-Livingstone Journal 21:32-63 1957. L i t t l e , K. "The urban role of t r i b a l associations i n West A f r i c a , " African Studies 21:1-9 1962. Lombard, J. "Le problemes des migrations 'locales', leur role dans les changements d'une societe en tran s i t i o n (Dahomey)," L'Institut Francais d'Afrique noire B u l l e t i n 22:455-466 I960. Skinner, E. P. "Labour migration and i t s relationship to socio-cultural change i n Mossi society," A f r i c a 30:375-401 I960. The Migrant with Two Worlds Ablon, Joan. "Relocated American Indians i n the San Francisco Bay area: so c i a l interaction and Indian identity," Human Organization 24:296- 304 1964. Lewis, Oscar. "Urbanization without breakdown," S c i e n t i f i c Monthly 75:31-41 1952. Orans, M. "A t r i b a l people i n an i n d u s t r i a l setting," Journal of American Folklore 71:422-445 1958. 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