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Significance of kinship in rural-urban migration O'Rourke, Margaret Norah Joan 1965

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THE  S I G N I F I C A N C E  IN  R U R A L - U R B A N  OF  K I N S H I P  M I G R A T I O N  by  MARGARET NORAH JOAN O'ROURKE B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of A l b e r t a , 1947  A Thesis. Submitted i n P a r t i a l F u l f i l m e n t of The  Requirements f o r the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Anthropology and Sociology  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard  THE  UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June, 1965  .  In p r e s e n t i n g the  this  thesis  Columbia,  I agree that  the Library  a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . mission  f o rextensive  representatives.  cation  of this  w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n  Department o f  forfinancial  Anthropology  iQfiS  thesis  that  gain  per-  f o r scholarly  and S o c i o l o g y  Columbia  copying o r p u b l i -  shall  permission.  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada .Tnnp  make i t f r e e l y  by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by  I t i s understood  thesis  shall  I further agree that  copying o f t h i s  p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d  Date  fulfilment of  r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f  British  his  in partial  n o t be a l l o w e d  ABSTRACT  Throughout the world a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n of the popul a t i o n are l i v i n g i n c i t i e s which are growing because of in-migration.  Many accounts  of the migrations and of migrants  i n c i t i e s have been w r i t t e n .  While most accounts  emphasize  the a l i e n a t i o n and d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n of the migrant, a growing number of accounts  there are  which i n d i c a t e that the migrant  helps and i s helped by h i s k i n group.  These l a t t e r  accounts  have been analyzed i n an attempt to discover the s i g n i f i c a n c e of k i n s h i p i n r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n . The briefly  l i t e r a t u r e r e l a t i n g to migration theory has been reviewed.  The theory of W i l l i a m Petersen was found  most u s e f u l but the typology he proposed i s too general to c o n t r i b u t e much understanding migration.  to the problem of r u r a l - u r b a n  The two types of Petersen's  theory i n t o which  the rural-urban migration f i t have been expanded i n t o four types or l e v e l s of r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n .  Each of the four  types i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by d i f f e r e n t c o n t r o l of land resources, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n ceremonial r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s . dent.  life  and r e c o g n i t i o n of k i n s h i p  These are assumed to be interdepen-  Case s t u d i e s are used to i l l u s t r a t e  types.  These cases  confirm that while there i s a considerable l e s s e n i n g i n the range of economic o b l i g a t i o n s to k i n , the s i z e of the p o t e n t i a l  -iii-  kin  group does not shrink.  While the p o t e n t i a l k i n c i r c l e  i s l a r g e , the member of the k i n group i n the c i t y  selects,  on the b a s i s of personal preference, those whom he considers effective kin.  -iv-  TABLE OF CONTENTS  CHAPTER  PAGE  INTRODUCTION  ' 1  I. II. III. IV. V.  3 PRIMITIVE MIGRANTS IN THE CITY  13  PEASANT RAIDERS OF THE URBAN ECONOMY  22  THE MIGRANT WITH TWO WORLDS  39  THE RE-ESTABLISHED KIN GROUP IN THE CITY  VI  . . . .  56 62  BIBLIOGRAPHY - SOURCES CITED IN TEXT  74  BIBLIOGRAPHY - OTHER SOURCES CONSULTED  77  -1-  INTRODUCTION M i g r a t i o n i s a process which has been the raw m a t e r i a l of much of the world's h i s t o r y o r a l or w r i t t e n , f a c t u a l or m y t h i c a l . the c e n t u r i e s i t has taken many forms.  Over  In the twentieth century one  of the most common forms i s rural-urban m i g r a t i o n .  This  rural-urban  migration has been the subject of much study i n the United States and an i n c r e a s i n g amount of study i n other parts of the world.  In  the predominantly a g r i c u l t u r a l countries t h i s movement brings to the urban centres peoples whose way of l i f e ,  a t t i t u d e s and values are  markedly d i f f e r e n t from those of the urban p o p u l a t i o n .  Accounts of  these migrations are u s u a l l y based on h i s t o r i c a l sources and f r e quently use t h e o r i e s a r i s i n g from R e d f i e l d ' s f i e l d work i n Yucatan. Both emphasize  the d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the l i v e s of migrants and the  l o s s of t h e i r c u l t u r e which accompanies  the d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n .  One  of the c a s u a l t i e s f r e q u e n t l y s i n g l e d out i s the k i n s h i p system which had supported, p r a c t i c a l l y or emotionally, the r u r a l group from which the migrant came.  The purpose of t h i s paper i s to examine accounts  of migrations i n which t h i s l o s s of k i n s h i p d i d not occur, determine the r o l e of k i n s h i p i n the process of migration from the d e c i s i o n to move to the adaptation, accommodation or a s s i m i l a t i o n to an urban community. Most accounts of migrations are d e s c r i p t i v e rather than anal y t i c a l with the r e s u l t that, to quote Petersen, "the t h e o r e t i c a l framework i n t o which these l i m i t e d data are f i t t e d i s o r d i n a r i l y rather p r i m i t i v e " . ^  Nevertheless the t h e o r i e s and typologies of  migration devised by F a i r c h i l d , Becker and Petersen are p e r t i n e n t  -2-  to  t h i s study, as are s e v e r a l current d e f i n i t i o n s of u r b a n i z a t i o n .  Because k i n s h i p receives no a t t e n t i o n i n these t h e o r i e s a typology based on Petersen's but i n c l u d i n g k i n s h i p w i l l be proposed.  The  method of c o n s t r u c t i o n of the types i s that followed by R e d f i e l d . Each type i s a mental  c o n s t r u c t i o n i n that "no known s o c i e t y pre-  c i s e l y corresponds with i t , but the s o c i e t i e s c l o s e l y approximate  it.  ... The complete  ... (chosen) most  procedure  r e q u i r e s us to  gain acquaintance with many ... s o c i e t i e s i n many parts of the world and to s e t down i n words general enough to describe most of them those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which they have i n common".^ Four types of migrant groups are proposed t i c s of each o u t l i n e d . appeared  The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s s e l e c t e d were those which  s i g n i f i c a n t i n an examination  accounts of migrations.  and the c h a r a c t e r i s -  of one hundred and twenty  B r i e f summaries of from three to f i v e  migrations assigned to each type w i l l be given with sources of i n f o r m a t i o n and method f o l l o w e d by the author.  Each case study has  been s e l e c t e d because i t described groups of migrants, provided i m p l i c i t or e x p l i c i t data on k i n s h i p , and when viewed with the others i n the sample meet the c r i t e r i a proposed  f o r the type.  NOTES W i l l i a m Petersen, "A general typology of m i g r a t i o n , " American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review 23: 1958, .p. 256. •Robert R e d f i e l d , "The f o l k s o c i e t y , " American Journal of Sociology 52: 1947, p. 294.  -3CHAPTER. I  Since migration  has been a r e c u r r e n t theme i n the o r a l and w r i t t e n  h i s t o r y of the world, the l i t e r a t u r e r e l a t i n g to i t i s indeed voluminous. In 1915 Fairchild"'" proposed a typology his  of migrations  rather obvious b e l i e f that the settlement  States i n the nineteenth grations.  of the western United  marked the end of s i g n i f i c a n t human mi-  In s p i t e of t h i s weakness he has provided  to the present 1.  century  which i s weakened by  time.  Invasion  the best known model  The four types of migration E a i r c h i l d proposed are: which i s a mass movement, i n v o l v i n g whole or l a r g e portions of t r i b e s of low c u l t u r e which overcome a more h i g h l y developed c u l t u r e .  2.  Conquest  which i s the i n v a s i o n of a low c u l t u r e by members of a more complex c u l t u r e . conquerors l i v e  Few of the  i n the region but g r a d u a l l y  elements of t h e i r c u l t u r e are adopted by the conquered peoples. 3.  C o l o n i z a t i o n which i s the peaceful i n v a s i o n of s e t t l e r s i n an area under ..the p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l of a f o r e i g n power.  The purpose i s to achieve the commercial  e x p l o i t a t i o n of the area rather than the subj u g a t i o n of the o r i g i n a l 4.  Immigration  inhabitants.  which i s the movement of people, i n d i v i d u a l l y or i n f a m i l i e s , undertaken of t h e i r own f r e e w i l l between two countries which are s i m i l a r i n stage of c u l t u r e , climate and c o n d i t i o n s of l i f e . The  r e c e i v i n g country i s newer and much l e s s  t h i c k l y s e t t l e d than the country of o r i g i n .  The c r i t e r i a f o r the assignment  of cases to the d i f f e r e n t  types  appear simple but o f t e n are not easy or p a r t i c u l a r l y s a t i s f a c t o r y to apply.  E s s e n t i a l l y the c r i t e r i a are the presence or absence of c o e r c i o n  and the l e v e l of c u l t u r e of the s o c i e t i e s i n v o l v e d . are:  Is c o l o n i z a t i o n ever a peaceful movement?  The problems r a i s e d  Can the c o l o n i z a t i o n of  North America be considered a good example of t h i s ?  Is m i l i t a r y and/or  t e c h n i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y an i n d i c a t i o n of higher c u l t u r e ? In s p i t e of these drawbacks the same typology has been used by many authors i n c l u d i n g T a f t and Robbins^ who i n 1955 viewed  the developments  since 1915 and added a f i f t h type which had been mentioned by F a i r c h i l d but not d e f i n e d . 5.  Compulsory m i g r a t i o n and exchange of p o p u l a t i o n which i n c l u d e s slave t r a f f i c ,  indenture, and the  movement of refugees a s s o c i a t e d with the recent wars. While the authors are concerned with the people and processes i n v o l v e d i n migration, the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s e s s e n t i a l l y a t o o l f o r p o l i t i c a l r a t h e r than s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s of population movement. Looking at the problem Becker^  from a t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t p o i n t of view  decided to i s o l a t e a l l the f a c t o r s which are s i g n i f i c a n t to  an understanding of p o p u l a t i o n movements.  From case s t u d i e s of migra-  t i o n s he worked out a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n scheme against which the d e t a i l s of a m i g r a t i o n could be checked.  The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n c o n s i s t s of t h i r t e e n  main c a t e g o r i e s each with three to s i x sub-categories. to three deal with the people who migrate: groups,  Categories one  do they t r a v e l alone, or i n  do the groups share s i m i l a r goals or not, are they i n l i m i t e d  age groups or v a r i e d , equal or l i m i t e d sex p r o p o r t i o n s .  Categories four  -5and f i v e deal with the rate of migration and the type of settlement which f o l l o w i t ,  while c a t e g o r i e s s i x to nine deal with the m i g r a t i o n  i n p o l i t i c o g e o g r a p h i c terms.  The  l a s t four categories deal with the  l e v e l s of c u l t u r e of the migrating•groups and t h e i r d e s t i n a t i o n , the presence  or absence of v o l i t i o n , the p o s s i b i l i t y or p r o b a b i l i t y that  the m i g r a t i o n w i l l be reversed.  While not every r u b r i c would be  appli-  cable i n the a n a l y s i s of a given migration, use of the scheme might r e s u l t i n fewer uninformative c l e a r l y caused  statements  by both "push and p u l l  In proposing a new of m i g r a t i o n theory.  such as:  the m i g r a t i o n i s  factors".  typology of m i g r a t i o n Petersen noted  the dearth  He f e l t that to some extent t h i s r e s u l t e d from the  s t a t i s t i c s on which so many analyses of p o p u l a t i o n movement are based. The  s t a t i s t i c s of i n t e r n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a l migrations are compiled  p u b l i s h e d by d i f f e r e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n s .  S t a t i s t i c s of immigration  and  and  emigration are the most r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e with the r e s u l t that the f a c t that the p o p u l a t i o n movement has been across n a t i o n a l borders has assumed undue importance. people  The  census provides i n f o r m a t i o n on the numbers of  l i v i n g i n l o c a t i o n s other than t h e i r place of b i r t h .  This s t a -  t i s t i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n i s of f a r l e s s s i g n i f i c a n c e than d e t a i l s about the s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s which p r e v a i l i n the area which i s l o s i n g p o p u l a t i o n . These d e t a i l s cannot be deduced from the s t a t i s t i c s ; nor can the motives of the  migrants.  Petersen a l s o attempts to d i s t i n g u i s h between the s o c i a l causes of m i g r a t i o n and the motives of the i n d i v i d u a l .  Causes as v a r i e d as  gious p e r s e c u t i o n , economic or a g r i c u l t u r a l c r i s i s ,  development of  shipping and over-population have been mentioned f o r m i g r a t i o n s . not a l l people  reli-  l i v i n g under these c o n d i t i o n s migrate.  The  But  personal  -6a s p i r a t i o n s of the migrant are u s u a l l y d i f f e r e n t from those who  stays.  two  types  D i f f e r e n c e s i n motives among those who of migration - innovative and  of the person  migrate account f o r  conservative.  "Some persons migrate as a means of achieving the new. Let us term such migration i n n o v a t i n g . Others migrate i n response to a change i n c o n d i t i o n s , i n order to r e t a i n what they have had; they move g e o g r a p h i c a l l y i n order to remain where they are i n a l l other r e s p e c t s . Let us term such migration c o n s e r v a t i v e . " ^ A person may  migrate to s a t i s f y personal a s p i r a t i o n s but h i s a c t i o n  o f t e n leads to a chain of migration as he sends f o r members of h i s family who  may  not share h i s a s p i r a t i o n s .  This i n turn may  develop i n t o an  e s t a b l i s h e d p a t t e r n i n a s o c i e t y and personal a s p i r a t i o n s then become insignificant.  The  Relation  Nature man  and  features of Petersen's  typology  Migratory force  Class of migration  Ecological push  Primitive  State (or equi- M i g r a t i o n v a l e n t ) and man p o l i c y  show i n the paradigm:-^  Type of migration Conservative  Innovating  Wandering  F l i g h t from the land  Ranging Forced  Displacement  Slave trade  Impelied  Flight  Coolie  Group  Pioneer  Settlement  Urbanization  Man and h i s norms  Higher „ . . . Free aspirations i i  Collective behavior  Social momentum  • Mass  trade  P r i m i t i v e migration when conservative involves the movement of whole groups rather than a s e l e c t e d few.  I t occurs when the group i s  unable to cope with the p h y s i c a l environment.  I f these  peoples were  food gatherers, hunters or c a t t l e owners moving about a t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y Petersen  termed then 'Wandering'.  The  innovative p r i m i t i v e  j  -7m i g r a t i o n i s the d e s e r t i o n of the land f o r a completely of l i f e ,  different  as i n the case of the r u r a l I r i s h immigrants who  way  settled in  c i t i e s of the United S t a t e s . Forced or i m p e l l e d migrations have been the r e s u l t of s t a t e a c t i o n . In 'impelled' migration, the migrant  r e t a i n s some power to choose to go  or to stay, as i n the case of the Jews i n pre-1939 Germany; i n post-1939 years t h e i r migration was  forced.  Included i n t h i s type are the  t i o n s of labourers induced to move to new  l o c a t i o n s and the  migra-  transferring  of p o p u l a t i o n to e l i m i n a t e n a t i o n a l m i n o r i t i e s as occurred with the s e p a r a t i o n of India and P a k i s t a n . Free -migration of Petersen's immigration  of F a i r c h i l d .  typology d i f f e r s g r e a t l y from f r e e  I t i s the movement of a few i n d i v i d u a l s , o f t e n  a l i e n a t e d from s o c i e t y , strongly motivated change, who  r i s k e d the unknown.  to improvement or at l e a s t  These adventurers  provided the example  f o r others to f o l l o w u n t i l the movement became an accepted p a t t e r n of the s o c i e t y and thus mass m i g r a t i o n i n Petersen's example of the few migrants  from Uppsala who  typology.  journeyed  States i n the 1830's, wrote home about the new  He uses the  to the United  land, and t h e i r example  l e d to the s e t t l i n g of Minnesota by large numbers of Swedish people. Mass m i g r a t i o n does not r e f e r to the movement of large numbers of people  or e n t i r e s o c i e t i e s .  I t i n d i c a t e s that a p a t t e r n of migration  has been accepted by the s o c i e t y so that an i n d i v i d u a l i s now with the expected  p a t t e r n i f he does not migrate.  p a t t e r n of migration; migration now  I r e l a n d has  breaking this  occurs because i t has i n the past.  Over a p e r i o d of time migrations of members of a s o c i e t y w i l l change i n type.  F i f t y years ago many men  of C e n t r a l A f r i c a were  f o r c i b l y moved to the mines of Rhodesia - impelled m i g r a t i o n .  Today  -8men  of the same s o c i e t i e s migrate to the areas but t h i s i s mass migra-  tion.  The immigration from Ireland, has changed from p r i m i t i v e migration  to mass m i g r a t i o n .  The outcome of both p r i m i t i v e and mass m i g r a t i o n  when i n n o v a t i v e i s u r b a n i z a t i o n . Petersen's typology i s concerned with the out-migrant, h i s motivat i o n s and the c o n d i t i o n s i n the s o c i e t y which made h i s move d e s i r a b l e and p o s s i b l e .  Unlike e a r l i e r t h e o r i s t s such as TBnnies and Becker, h i s  scheme does not consider the p o s s i b i l i t y of r e t u r n of the migrant nor the s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s i n the community which r e c e i v e s migrants.  In the  extension of Petersen's typology which i s o u t l i n e d below the concern i s with the in-migrant and the extent to which he becomes urbanized.  The  typology i s a p p l i c a b l e only to migrations i n which l o s s of k i n s h i p d i d not occur.  While the a s p i r a t i o n s of the migrant and s o c i a l momentum  were s e l e c t e d as the s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r s i n Petersen's typology of outm i g r a t i o n , a s p i r a t i o n s and land tenure are proposed as the  critical  f a c t o r s i n i n - m i g r a t i o n . On these, together with the k i n s h i p  system,  w i l l depend the adjustment  setting.  the migrant w i l l make to the urban  In the extended typology four types of in-migrants w i l l be considered. 1.  They are: Rural migrants i n the c i t y .  In Petersen's terms these migrants  are " i n f l i g h t from the l a n d " . formerly was  The land they c u l t i v a t e d  not owned by them i n d i v i d u a l l y or as members of  a corporate group.  With severely l i m i t e d resources and  a s p i r a t i o n s , they migrate and s e t t l e i n denuded k i n groups, l i v i n g what i s e s s e n t i a l l y v i l l a g e l i f e i n the midst of the city.  This settlement p a t t e r n f r e q u e n t l y found i n A s i a and  L a t i n America, i s also r e f e r r e d to as the r u r a l i z a t i o n of the c i t y . 6  -92.  Peasant r a i d e r s of the urban economy. the c i t y . to  These are sojourners i n  They are a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s , and most would choose  be so even i f i t were p o s s i b l e to s e l l t h e i r land.  they are i n the c i t y earning, kinsmen p r o t e c t t h e i r i n the corporately-owned  land.  V/hile  interests  T h e i r degree of u r b a n i z a t i o n  i s l i m i t e d by the r e l a t i v e shortness of t h e i r stay i n the c i t y and  t h e i r d e s i r e to save money which w i l l be i n v e s t e d i n the  r u r a l home, against the day when they are no longer  absent  members of the k i n group. 3.  Migrants with two worlds.  Unlike the "Raiders" these  are able to forsake the l i f e  migrants  of an a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t yet remain  members i n good standing of a k i n group centered i n a r u r a l community.  T h e i r t i e to the land e x i s t s but i s o f t e n s e n t i -  mental rather than economic.  The k i n s h i p s t r u c t u r e of t h i s  s o c i e t y i s f l e x i b l e enough to i n c l u d e both r u r a l and urban members and each member has o b l i g a t i o n s to kinsmen regardless of place of residence. of the important 4.  Sharing ceremonial occasions i s one  features of h i s co-operation with k i n .  Re-Established k i n group i n the c i t y .  This category c o n s i s t s  of members who no longer have connections with the land or r u r a l community from which they came.  Although  they  recog-  n i z e the existence of k i n i n the country, t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s are l i m i t e d i n the c i t y . kin  to those members of the r e - s t r u c t u r e d k i n group They show a preference f o r a s s o c i a t i o n with  both i n s o c i a l a f f a i r s and i n business.  These four types can be explained very s u c c i n t l y i n an extension to the paradigm used by Petersen:  *  C l a s s of  •  Type  Type  Innovating migration  Kin  cOut-migrants 3  In-migrants  F l i g h t from  Rural migrants  group  Denuded k i n group  Land  tenure  No c o n t r o l over  Primitive the land  Forced Impelled  Free  in  city  in  Slave  trade  not a p p l i c a b l e  Coolie  trade  not a p p l i c a b l e  Pioneer  city  Absentee member  land  Corporate  ownership  Peasant r a i d e r s of  Migrants two  with  worlds  Re-established kin  group  r u r a l group  non-alienable  land  Flexible kin  I n d i v i d u a l l y owned,  structure  alienation possible  Re-structured  No connection  kin  group  with land  -11-  Although u r b a n i z a t i o n i s the f i n a l outcome of innovative Petersen  does not give a d e f i n i t i o n of the term.  migration,  Four d e f i n i t i o n s which  are f r e q u e n t l y encountered i n the current l i t e r a t u r e are: 1.  "From a demographic p o i n t of view, u r b a n i z a t i o n occurs when the p r o p o r t i o n of the population l i v i n g i n 'urban' agglomerations increases."  In i t s report of Urbanization i n A s i a and  the Far East, Unesco used as an index of u r b a n i z a t i o n the percentage of people l i v i n g i n c i t i e s of 20,000 or 2.  For B e a l s ^ u r b a n i z a t i o n was the process  more.inhabitants.  of adaptation  or modi-  f i c a t i o n of behaviour to f i t i n an urban s o c i e t y . 3.  For Wirth and R e d f i e l d , "Urbanization no longer denotes merely the process  by which persons are a t t r a c t e d to a place  the c i t y and incorporated i n t o i t s system of l i f e . a l s o to that cumulative accentuation  called  I t refers  of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  d i s t i n c t i v e of the mode of l i f e which i s a s s o c i a t e d with the growth of c i t i e s , and f i n a l l y to the changes i n the d i r e c t i o n  9 of modes of l i f e 4.  recognized  as urban".  Mayer d i s t i n g u i s h e d between two modes of u r b a n i z a t i o n . structural:  a person i s urbanized  One i s  when he ceases to play a  r o l e i n h i s home community but has a l l h i s s o c i a l t i e s i n the city.  The second mode i s c u l t u r a l :  a person i s urbanized  he i s " f u l l y confirmed i n 'urban' modes of behaviour — life  included —  and (above a l l ) i n v a l u i n g these  when  private  positively".^  These four types can be viewed as representing a scale of urbanizat i o n against which various migrating groups may be measured. "Rural migrants i n the c i t y " are urbanized in  an urban area, the "Re-established  While the  i n the sense that they reside  k i n group" would meet or nearly  meet the c r i t e r i a of Mayer's d e f i n i t i o n .  u  -12-  NOTES '''Henry P. F a i r c h i l d , Immigration, New York, Macmillan, 1914, pp. 10-22.  p Donald R. T a f t and Richard Robbins, I n t e r n a t i o n a l M i g r a t i o n s , New York, Ronald Press, cl955, p. 20. ^Howard Becker, "Forms of population movement," S o c i a l Forces 9: 1931, pp. 357-358. ^ W i l l i a m Petersen, "A general typology l o g i c a l Review 23: 1958, p. 258. 5  of migrations," American Socio-  _ I b i d . , p. 266.  ^T.  G. McGee, "The r u r a l - u r b a n continuum debate," P a c i f i c Viewpoint 5: 1964, p. 176-177. " I f the purely p h y s i c a l d e f i n i t i o n of u r b a n i s a t i o n as the process of p h y s i c a l growth of c i t i e s i s accepted, then r u r a l i s a t i o n i s part of u r b a n i s a t i o n because i t does involve the movement of people from r u r a l to urban areas. I f , however, the wider d e f i n i t i o n of u r b a n i s a t i o n as a process which sees the urban area, as p r o v i d i n g an.environment i n which s o c i a l , economic and p s y c h o l o g i c a l changes i n e v i t a b l y occur, i f accepted, i t may be then argued that the swamping of c i t i e s by large numbers of r u r a l migrants produces a s i t u a t i o n i n which they are too numerous f o r the supposedly d e t e r m i n i s t i c q u a l i t i e s of the urban area to operate."  U r b a n i z a t i o n i n A s i a and the Far East, C a l c u t t a , Unesco, 1957, p. 96. Q  Ralph Beals, "Urbanism, u r b a n i z a t i o n and a c c u l t u r a t i o n , " American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 53: 1951, p. 5^Louis Wirth, "Urbanism as a way of l i f e , " American Journal of Sociology 44: 1938, p. 5. ' ^ P h i l i p Mayer, Townsmen or Tribesmen, Cape Town, Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1961, p. 6.  -13CHAPTER I I  PRIMITIVE MIGRANTS IN THE CITY  Much of the m i g r a t i o n which takes place today f i t s i n t o Petersen's type " p r i m i t i v e i n n o v a t i v e " . who  The people i n v o l v e d are a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s  are d e s e r t i n g the land to s e t t l e i n c i t i e s .  i n what were s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t  communities,  While they have l i v e d  they have not "been unaffected  by the r e s t of the world. Most w i l l migrate because  there i s an o.bvious imbalance  and resources i n t h e i r community.  The imbalance may  of wants  have been the  r e s u l t of an increase i n population i n turn r e s u l t i n g from such disparate causes as the i n t r o d u c t i o n of new  medical and p u b l i c health s e r v i c e s and  the banning of i n t e r - t r i b a l warfare by c o l o n i a l or n a t i o n a l governments. A shortage of food supply may  have developed g r a d u a l l y with the  increase of p o p u l a t i o n or the slow l o s s of f e r t i l i t y of the s o i l l a c k of a l t e r n a t i v e lands.  Some lands may  have been l o s t to production  as they became battlegrounds, or the s i t e s of new or f a c t o r i e s .  a i r p o r t s , dams, roads  A c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of many of the migrants i s that they  have not had c o n t r o l of the land owner who the c u l t i v a t o r could pay, or i t may who  and  l o s t i t because  demanded more i n rent than  have been owned by the c u l t i v a t o r  of mounting debts.  Given these problems which they are unable to s o l v e , some members of the community w i l l stay on the land; others w i l l attempt to j o i n k i n i n other communities where they can c a r r y on much the same l i f e .  Some  w i l l migrate. In the small s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t  community the k i n s h i p system provided  each person with h i s s o c i a l p o s i t i o n .  I t a l s o functioned as the economic  -14-  system, c o n t r o l l e d many jointly-owned resources, assigned labour and a l l o c a t e d the production.  I t was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the t r a d i t i o n a l edu-  c a t i o n of the young, as w e l l as the care of the c h i l d r e n , aged and infirm. life  Much of the ceremonial  c r i s e s o f members, respect paid to ancestors, and t h e i r  occupation, a g r i c u l t u r e .  principal  The p o l i t i c a l power may also have been wielded  by the same o r g a n i z a t i o n . of  l i f e of the community centered around  With the m i g r a t i o n of a s u b s t a n t i a l p o r t i o n  the population, the community breaks up. Since not a l l the members of the community are migrating, the  i n i t i a l break w i l l be made by young males who w i l l If  journey to the c i t y .  they can e s t a b l i s h themselves they w i l l send word or go back to get  other members of the group.  The r e s t w i l l tend to move i n small f a m i l y  groups but the e l d e r l y are l i k e l y to remain behind. Once they have reached  the c i t y they w i l l probably  congregate  e i t h e r i n the decaying center i n crowded tenements which have been l e f t by the more s u c c e s s f u l c i t y i n h a b i t a n t s or, i f they have walked or come by truck, they are l i k e l y to be found i n tents or shacks on the o u t s k i r t s of  the town.  They w i l l s e t t l e with or close to other people from the  same v i l l a g e or area.  In t h i s way they w i l l avoid some of the problems  caused by t h e i r l a c k of knowledge of the language used i n the c i t y and may be i n i t i a t e d i n t o the few urban ways which impinge on l i f e i n the slum area. Having l i v e d i n a'community where a r e l a t i o n s h i p to every  other  i n h a b i t a n t could be t r a c e d and the web of r e l a t i o n s h i p spread over many communities, they w i l l f i n d i n the slum areas r e l a t i v e s to s u b s t i t u t e for  those whom they have l e f t .  area rather than descent groups.  Marriage  w i l l l i n k f a m i l i e s i n the urban  Descent groups and ancestor worship  -15will  lose t h e i r  importance.  The k i n s h i p system w i l l no longer he a s s o c i a t e d with the economic system. his  own  The wage earner w i l l c o n t r o l h i s own family.  resources and provide f o r  Women w i l l not make the same c o n t r i b u t i o n i n labour but  w i l l be dependent on a man's earnings.  The  education of the young  may  be l e f t to parents, r a r e l y to schools, and lack of e l d e r s i n the group w i l l limit  the amount of t r a d i t i o n a l knowledge passed  on to the young.  What remains of the k i n s h i p and of the c u l t u r e are: 1) a preference f o r dealings and a s s o c i a t i o n with k i n and s u s p i c i o n of  non-kin. 2) a h a b i t of co-operation with kin-members. P r i m i t i v e migrations may  Petersen but the migrants  be i n n o v a t i v e from the point of view of  undergo d e c u l t u r i z a t i o n while l a c k i n g the  resources to make much progress i n the d i r e c t i o n of u r b a n i z a t i o n . //  The  ••  s o c i e t i e s whose migration f i t s i n t o the type are:  Iraq The  r u r a l - u r b a n migration i n Iraq has been to the c i t i e s  of Baghdad  which grew from 600,000 to 800,000 and to Basra which grew from 120,000 to  175,000 between 1947  and 1956.  During t h i s time the sourthern liwas  ( a d m i n i s t r a t i v e areas) showed a r e d u c t i o n i n p o p u l a t i o n .  The  migrants  s e t t l e i n s e m i - r u r a l v i l l a g e s on the f r i n g e s of Baghdad, although cert a i n slum areas i n the center of the c i t y are occupied by Kurds. Phillips'*"  did household  surveys i n four of these suburbs.  88.5$ had been l a n d l e s s peasants  (fallah),  2.4%  In one, Asima,  had been a g r i c u l t u r a l  foremen, but none had been land owners before m i g r a t i n g .  -16-  The m i g r a t i o n to the c i t i e s of Egypt has been to the large c i t i e s while smaller c i t i e s tion.  (20,000 to 30,000) have experienced l o s s of popula-  The m i g r a t i o n began during the 1940's and has gained momentum.  C a i r o , the d e s t i n a t i o n of many of the migrants, has grown from 2,724,290 in  1957 to 3,348,000 i n I960.  2  In the 1947 census more than a t h i r d of  the Cairo p o p u l a t i o n had not been born i n the c i t y ; i t i s probably even higher  today.  The census m a t e r i a l f o r Cairo does not c o r r e l a t e place of b i r t h w i t h current r e s i d e n c e . of  Abu-Lughod^ p l o t t e d the e c o l o g i c a l  distribution  the p o p u l a t i o n by assuming that people s e t t l e i n aggregates i n  p r o x i m i t y to the o f f i c e of t h e i r v i l l a g e benevolent  a s s o c i a t i o n s , more  than a hundred of which are l i s t e d i n a D i r e c t o r y of S o c i a l  Agencies.  O f f i c e s of a s s o c i a t i o n s of v i l l a g e s of Lower Egypt are i n the areas c l o s e to t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to the c i t y i n the o l d densely b u i l t  section.  O f f i c e s of a s s o c i a t i o n s of v i l l a g e s of Upper Egypt are close to the c e n t r a l business s e c t i o n . Brazil It has been estimated by the United Nations that during the decade 1940-1950,' 4-9% of the urban growth i n B r a z i l r e s u l t e d from migration.^  internal  The numbers of r e s i d e n t s l i v i n g i n the f a v e l a s of Rio de  J a n e i r o grew from 400,000 i n 1949 to 650,000 i n 1957.  5  The f a v e l a s ,  groups of f i f t y or more huts or r u s t i c barracks l a c k i n g a l l urban amenities and b u i l t on h i l l s  considered too steep f o r settlement, are  u s u a l l y close to f a c t o r i e s which employ untrained r u r a l  migrants.  Pearse c o l l e c t e d data from interviews of 279 f a m i l i e s i n the f a v e l a of Esqueleto, as w e l l as a random sample of the e n t i r e f a v e l a p o p u l a t i o n  -17of  the c i t y .  None of the migrants interviewed had owned land.  Some  had been l a b o u r e r s , others sharecroppers, but a l l had been dependent on a land owner.  While  the information given i n the s t u d i e s i s inadequate  to support  a l l of the c r i t e r i a mentioned i n the d e s c r i p t i o n of the type, the  fol-  lowing f e a t u r e s are p e r t i n e n t . Of the migrants  i n the sample at Asima, 92% were from two  t r a l liwas where i r r i g a t i o n was  practised.  Warriner, as quoted  south: cenby  P h i l l i p s , "estimated that the southern land-lord takes between threef i f t h s and two-thirds of the crops i f i t i s pump-irrigated".^  The house-  hold- survey showed that most migrated i n f a m i l y groups c o n s i s t i n g of husband, wife and three to four c h i l d r e n . 46.5%  males and 53.5%  were.under age The  1947  females.  The p o p u l a t i o n sample showed  More s t r i k i n g was  the f a c t that  43.6%  13. census of Cairo i n d i c a t e d that there were 400,000 migrants  from Lower Egypt with approximately  equal numbers of males and  while the proportions from Upper Egypt were 80% male to 20%  females,  female.  "Nearly a t h i r d of the v i l l a g e r s coming to Cairo from Lower Egypt s e t t l e i n an area very close to the terminus the D e l t a with C a i r o .  of the bus l i n e  connecting  The area contains narrow.unpaved s t r e e t s  a l l e y s , d e t e r i o r a t i n g two and three s t o r e y b u i l d i n g s .  and  Another large  group i s l o c a t e d near the r a i l t e r m i n a l i n the most densely populated slums i n the c i t y . hoods.  T h e i r v i l l a g e a s s o c i a t i o n s are i n these  In c o n t r a s t , the o f f i c e s of a s s o c i a t i o n s of Upper Egypt  are l o c a t e d i n the commercial d i s t r i c t . for to  neighbor-  s i n g l e men the men  villages  This d i s t r i c t has accommodation  and i s close to entertainment which i s of more i n t e r e s t  whose f a m i l i e s are not with them i n the  city.  -18The migrants at Rio come to the c i t y from depressed r u r a l areas where there was promoted new labour. laws.  little  hope f o r a b e t t e r f u t u r e .  The government has  i n d u s t r i e s f o r which the migrants provide a pool of cheap  In these jobs, however, they are protected by minimum wage The migrants b u i l d t h e i r huts i n f a v e l a s close to the f a c t o r i e s  because t h e i r earnings are so low they cannot a f f o r d to pay rent or transportation.  The average hut costs aboxit two to three months' wages.  The usual household  c o n s i s t e d of parents and c h i l d r e n :  a few contained  the parent of e i t h e r spouse and a few t h e " s i b l i n g of e i t h e r spouse  who  might r e s i d e there temporarily having j u s t migrated from the country. The suburb  of Asima i s on the o u t s k i r t s of Baghdad adjacent tq the  dyke p r o t e c t i n g the c i t y from the waters  of the r i v e r .  The dyke makes  the u n h e a l t h f u l c o n d i t i o n s which p r e v a i l i n the settlement l e s s to  the i n h a b i t a n t s of the c i t y .  The migrants l i v e i n mud  b u i l t on empty l o t s where they now with i t s own  bazaar.  c i t y t h e i r way of  of l i f e  and reed huts  have e s t a b l i s h e d a v i l l a g e  complete  P h i l l i p s mentions that i n making the move to the has been a l t e r e d somewhat because of the breaking  family and t r i b a l t i e s .  out people from t h e i r own and help.  obvious  In C a i r o , i n c o n t r a s t , new  immigrants  seek  v i l l a g e and depend on them f o r accommodation  Of the f a m i l i e s surveyed i n Rio those which had been formed  before m i g r a t i o n reported they had been helped by members of t h e i r k i n group both i n t h e i r place of o r i g i n and i n the c i t y . in  a chain of migration moving toward  They were l i n k s  the c i t y , with the r e s u l t  that  f a v e l a s tended to contain numerous k i n groups. Migrants from the country have few s k i l l s  to o f f e r , and the most  usual occupations f o r the D e l t a migrants are as government and manual workers while those from Upper Egypt are most f r e q u e n t l y working  as  -19servants, p o r t e r s and messengers.  Of the Asima sample 55% were u n s k i l l e d  labour, 10% s k i l l e d labour and 20% were engaged i n commerce.  The men  tend to look f o r others from t h e i r own v i l l a g e to help f i n d jobs.  Most  o f the commercial and i n d u s t r i a l firms which employ them i n Cairo are s m a l l , often employing only a few people from the same family or the same village.  The migrants i n Rio were.unskilled  labourers i n manufacturing.  In the country v i l l a g e s the women and f r e q u e n t l y the c h i l d r e n of these  s o c i e t i e s had helped  i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l work.  A few f a m i l i e s i n  Asima had cows or water b u f f a l o which were tended by women who also s o l d the milk products.  But f o r most there was a great deal more l e i s u r e i n  the c i t y than i n the country.  There was a l s o a l o s s i n the s o c i a l  life  which accompanied many of the labours f o r which women were r e s p o n s i b l e i n the v i l l a g e .  Of the n i n e t y - f i v e young boys i n Asima only  fourteen  boys were attending state schools, while three boys and three g i r l s were being taught  by a mulla.  The v i l l a g e areas of Cairo had about the same  l i t e r a c y rate as the t r u l y r u r a l v i l l a g e s , 5-7%, but there was no f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n as to school attendance.  There were few e l d e r l y people  who could teach the young t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l l o r e but t h i s might be p o s s i b l e i n Cairo where the v i l l a g e a s s o c i a t i o n s might provide an impetus to  this. The v i l l a g e benevolent a s s o c i a t i o n s of Cairo provide a means of  g i v i n g moral support  to new-comers as w e l l as help i n time of d i s t r e s s .  Asima lacked, t h i s degree of o r g a n i z a t i o n . small k i n group provide men  this.  In Rio only members of the  Women do not a s s o c i a t e with non-kin;  who do have s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s with f e l l o w workers and i n bars  to b e l i t t l e  these.  tend  In Cairo and Asima the l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s of the men  focus on coffee houses which are run by a v i l l a g e r and where much news  -20-  is  exchanged and business conducted.  association i s available.  "For the women no such i n f o r m a l  While w i t h i n the v i l l a g e there are also no  p u r e l y female i n f o r m a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l s ,  births,  deaths, marriages, c i r c u m c i s i o n s , e t c . , are a l l v i l l a g e - w i d e i n which women have important r o l e s to p l a y .  events  Within the c i t y , however,  these events become more p r i v a t e , and the r o l e of women as f u l l  parti-  c i p a n t s i s probably reduced."''' These three s o c i e t i e s i n widely separated areas of the world illustrate  the type "Rural migrants i n the c i t y " .  O r i g i n a t i n g i n areas  where they d i d not own land, they have escaped from d i r e poverty i n the country to poverty i n the c i t y . are  Here t h e i r l i v i n g quarters and s t y l e  viewed as a b l i g h t on the c i t y , but the migrants consider i t an  improvement on l i f e i n the r u r a l areas. sufficient  The wages they earn are not  to allow them a higher standard of l i v i n g .  Although most  have l e f t many k i n i n the country, they a s s o c i a t e almost  exclusively  with k i n i n the c i t y , and often view non-kin with s u s p i c i o n .  While  the wage earner must adapt somewhat to the new working s i t u a t i o n , the r e s t of h i s f a m i l y adapt even l e s s to the c i t y .  While they extend  help to k i n who are migrating to the c i t y they are not attached to or c o n t r i b u t i n g to a r u r a l community as the next type of migrants., the Peasant R a i d e r s .  -21-  NOTES "'"Doris G. P h i l l i p s , "Rural-to-urban migration i n I r a q , " Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change 7: 1959* p. 410. o  Demographic Yearbook 1963, New York, United Nations, 1964, p. 23. ^Janet Abu-Lughod, "Migrant adjustment to c i t y l i f e : the Egyptian case," American Journal of Sociology 67: 1961, p. 25. ^Economic Commission f o r L a t i n America, "Demographic aspects of u r b a n i z a t i o n i n L a t i n America," E/CN12/URB/18, p.'45. ^Andrew Pearse, "Some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of u r b a n i z a t i o n i n the c i t y of Rio de J a n e i r o , " E/CN12/URB/17, p. 17. Phillips,  op. c i t . , p. 406.  7  Abu-Lughod,  op. c i t . , p. 32.  -22-  CHAPTER I I I  PEASANT RAIDERS OF THE URBAN ECONOMY  1  The  movement of "peasant r a i d e r s of the urban economy" f i t s i n t o mass  migrations  of Petersen's typology.  The process  of a c c u l t u r a t i o n has been  going on f o r more than f i f t y years and members of the s o c i e t y have acquired wants which cannot be met without money.  T h e i r lands do not produce a sur-  plus f o r which there i s a market. The  land i s held by the' lineages or v i l l a g e groups and a l l o t t e d to  members f o r t h e i r use. A man does not own a share he can f r e e l y He therefore leaves temporarily  to earn money.  sell.  The k i n s h i p system i s  f l e x i b l e enough to allow him to leave without severing h i s connection with the group. As an absent member of a k i n s h i p system he has both r i g h t s and o b l i gations.  His r i g h t s i n c l u d e h i s r e t e n t i o n of a claim to lineage land  when he r e t u r n s . kin  His o b l i g a t i o n s i n c l u d e the support  with money of h i s  group, h e l p i n g of members e i t h e r i n the c i t y or country,  t i o n i n the r i t u a l of l i f e  participa-  crises.  He w i l l tend to a s s o c i a t e with members of h i s own s o c i e t y when he i s away both during working and l e i s u r e hours.  In many cases he w i l l succeed  to a job held by a kinsman and i n turn w i l l be replaced by a kinsman. He w i l l attempt to adjust to conditions i n urban centers i n as much as t h i s makes i t e a s i e r to earn money.  To many he w i l l appear to be not  a d j u s t i n g because he does not a s p i r e to the standards of l i v i n g to which an urban dweller does.  This would i n t e r f e r e with h i s main purpose i n  being i n town - to earn money. He w i l l remain adept i n h i s own c u l t u r e and f i n d h i s s e c u r i t y only i n the country.  -23The  s o c i e t i e s chosen to i l l u s t r a t e t h i s typology are:  Mambwe The Mambwe people who number nearly 23,000 reside on the plateau of Northern Rhodesia south of Lake Tanganyika.  The fieldwork on which  t h i s study was based was c a r r i e d out by W i l l i a m Watson^ between 1952 and 1955.  The Mambwe had been a c t i v e traders before the a r r i v a l of the  B r i t i s h i n 1880 and were anxious a r i e s who f o l l o w e d .  to work f o r them and f o r the mission-  When the mines began to operate in.the Rhodesias  and the Congo the men, p a r t i c u l a r l y those who had no s k i l l s to o f f e r , were quick to take advantage of a chance to earn. a few months were common before the war,  While migrations of  now the average migrant i s  away f o r two years and repeats the m i g r a t i o n s e v e r a l times.  Most men  have ceased working away from the r e s e r v a t i o n by the time they are T h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s are d i v i d e d among s i x t e e n - t r a d i t i o n a l  forty.  chieftain-  c i e s with each c h i e f nominally owning a l l the land i n h i s c h i e f t a i n c y . He  grants the land to the v i l l a g e headman who i n turn grants i t to  v i l l a g e r s to c u l t i v a t e .  The core of each v i l l a g e i s a segment of an  a g n a t i c lineage but other men who are connected  to lineage members may  be attached to the v i l l a g e and a l s o receive l a n d .  A man's o b l i g a t i o n s  are to others i n h i s v i l l a g e . Bechuanaland The study of Bechuanaland^ d i f f e r s from most others i n c l u d e d i n t h i s survey i n that i t deals with the problem of labour migration i n one  t e r r i t o r y which has many t r i b a l groups.  Before the European traders  and m i s s i o n a r i e s came some groups were "wanderers" while others c a t t l e and crops. 1942,  The country i s a r i d and at the time of the  the p o p u l a t i o n could not support i t s e l f by a g r i c u l t u r e .  raised  survey, Men have  -24-  been migrating since the opening of the Kimberley  diamond mines i n 1870.  Close to 40$ o f males under f o r t y - f o u r years of age were away.^  Of these  about 90$ were i n the Union of South A f r i c a . The  s o c i e t i e s are p a t r i l i n e a l i n o r g a n i z a t i o n with land granted by  the c h i e f or headman to each married man i n the v i l l a g e  (ideally).  ever, i n some of the smaller reserves there i s a shortage people  How-  of land and  are forced to migrate.5  Xhosa East London, the c i t y where fieldwork was conducted by Dr. Mayer^ during the years 1956-1960, has been the goal of migrating peoples f o r more than a century. approximately  I t s population i n I960 was over 115,000, o f whom  t h r e e - f i f t h s are Bantu.  A survey of the l o c a t i o n s i n d i -  cated that 90$ of those l i v i n g there were Xhosa-speaking. migrated  from r e s e r v a t i o n s i n C i s k e i and Transkei, u s u a l l y with the  i n t e n t i o n of s t a y i n g only a few years. impossible f o r a Bantu to migrate The  Most have  The permit  laws make i t almost  permanently.  usual migrant leaves h i s wife on the homestead i n the r e s e r -  v a t i o n where she works f o r h i s f a t h e r .  The s o c i e t y i s p a t r i l i n e a l , but  only one son i n h e r i t s the f a t h e r ' s land; others have to buy and stock t h e i r own farms. Fieldwork city.  f o r t h i s study was c a r r i e d on both i n the country and the  I t s purpose was to d i s c o v e r whether the two groups of Xhosa - Red  and School - adjusted to town l i f e  differently.  In t h i s survey I have  used the information r e l a t i n g only to the Xhosa Red, group.  the conservative  -25Tonga The Tonga were s t u d i e d by J . Van Velsen? who l i v e d among them from 1952  to 1955 i n t h e i r t r i b a l r e s e r v a t i o n s i n northern Nyasaland.  There  i s no shortage of productive land but there are no markets f o r surplus production.  Men migrating to earn money have to t r a v e l one to two thou-  sand miles to employment centres i n Rhodesia and South A f r i c a . time of Van Velsen's study the f i g u r e f o r absent the a d u l t male p o p u l a t i o n .  At the  labour was 60-75% of  During the absence of the men t h e i r wives  are able to support themselves by c u l t i v a t i o n of cassava. While lineage membership and o f f i c e are i n h e r i t e d wives l i v e v i r i l o c a l l y .  matrilineally,  As i n many A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s , the actions of  the administration--have tended  to undermine the m a t r i l i n e a l s t r u c t u r e  which i s now i n s t a t e of f l u x . Ammeln The Ammeln^ are a North A f r i c a n Islamic Berber s o c i e t y of twenty to  twenty-two thousand l i v i n g  of  southern Morocco.  stoney and a r i d .  i n a v a l l e y of the A n t i - A t l a s mountains  The slopes of the mountains are bare, the v a l l e y s  There i s l i t t l e  r a i n f a l l , so that the s u c c e s s f u l  r a i s i n g of crops and l i v e s t o c k require s k i l l e d  and devoted a t t e n t i o n .  Small numbers of the Ammeln have been migrating f o r close to a century. A f t e r the P r o t e c t o r a t e was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1912 the rate of migration increased.  Most migrants  are e s t a b l i s h e d i n small businesses,  their  s p e c i a l t y being the grocery trade. The p o l i t i c a l power i s i n the hands of s i x maximal lineages but the l a r g e s t group i n the k i n s h i p s t r u c t u r e i s afus, a descent group whose ancestor i s known and whose members stand i n a r e l a t i o n s h i p of  -26mutual o b l i g a t i o n to one another. which contains be supported  The  The economic u n i t i s the tigemmi  the j o i n t agnatic f a m i l y , a l l of whom have a claim to  by the patrimony.  p a t t e r n of migration i s found i n accounts of a great many  societies.  Those f o l l o w i n g have been chosen to show some f a c t o r s  which are common to most s o c i e i t e s having  the p a t t e r n and a few unique  f e a t u r e s which only one s o c i e t y has.  M i g r a t i o n as a p a t t e r n - the t i e to the s o c i e t y i s not severed: "Temporary migration of tribesmen,  unless i t i s f o r adventure or  p i l g r i m a g e , i s conditioned by economic necessity."9  The migration f o r  adventure i s found i n many s o c i e t i e s and often serves as an i n t r o d u c t i o n to the n o n - t r i b a l world.  I f the s o c i e t y has a large p r o p o r t i o n  of adults away working, the r i t e of i n i t i a t i o n i n t o the adult s o c i e t y has become attenuated  and may be supplemented or replaced by a migra-  t i o n of short d u r a t i o n . M i g r a t i o n has become a t r a d i t i o n with many groups and takes s e v e r a l forms. men.  Schapera- -'-' speaks of the a t t r a c t i o n s of the b i g c i t y f o r young 1  Since the boys spend much of t h e i r time herding at c a t t l e  posts  from which they are r a r e l y r e l i e v e d due to the absence of many of the men, the thought of a break from the humdrum becomes most d e s i r a b l e . Among most of the t r i b e s i n the area (Bechuanaland) the r i t e of i n i t i a t i o n has been abandoned, but a youth who i s r e c r u i t e d f o r labour away from the s o c i e t y i s regarded  as an adult - and as a taxpayer.  The  f i r s t migration i s u s u a l l y f o r a short p e r i o d of time, l e s s than a year. Among the K g a t l a "a young man, i t was s a i d , goes out to work f o r .the f i r s t time i n order to acquire a s u i t and other c l o t h e s ; . h i s next t r i p  -27i s u s u a l l y made f o r the trousseau he must give to h i s b r i d e ; and marriage he goes again to work f o r such things as a plough, and a  'tank'".  after  a bedstead,  11  Among the Mambwe, Watson reports that the i n i t i a l working e x p e r i ence was  organized and simple.  Most youths went i n small groups from  the same v i l l a g e under the guidance of a leader who before.  had been there  They t r a v e l l e d a short distance from the reserve to a labour  bureau of the Tanganyika S i s a l Growers A s s o c i a t i o n where they  had  signed on, were given free r a t i o n s and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to the  sisal  fields.  " I t i s i n f a c t a k i n d of apprenticeship to labour c o n d i t i o n s  made i n the h e l p f u l company of k i n and f r i e n d s . " i s a year or l e s s and i t gives the young man capital. of  The  usual duration  u s e f u l experience  and some  The Xhosa older boys also go away to work f o r a short period  time to show t h e i r manliness and earn money f o r t h e i r personal  use.  In a l l three s o c i e t i e s , the f i r s t migration i s f o r personal b e n e f i t of the migrant while l a t e r migrations are r e l a t e d to k i n o b l i g a t i o n s . The The  f i r s t migration of the Ammeln d i s p l a y a very d i f f e r e n t purpose.  young boy  leaves h i s home and goes to the c i t y at about age  u s u a l l y i n the care of h i s f a t h e r ' s brother. in  twelve,  Here he learns to trade  a shop owned by a kinsman and also completes h i s education i n French  and A r a b i c . Among the four s o c i e t i e s there are economic reasons employment.  f o r seeking  These include taxes, increase of population p u t t i n g greater  pressure on the land, l i m i t e d production of f o o d s t u f f s from  over-used  land, acquired needs f o r m a t e r i a l s which cannot be produced but must be purchased.  In each case the s o c i e t y i s able to f u n c t i o n , i f not  e f f i c i e n t l y at l e a s t passably, without  the men  who  are away.  The  -28-  percentage of young men  away at a given time i s high.  census of eight v i l l a g e s found that 54$ twenty-four  years were absent  adult m a l e s . i  n  of the men  Watson i n h i s  from age  and about 37.5$ of the t o t a l number of  study of the Ammeln, Marquez found  a  twenty to  that there  were two  thousand tigemmi ( j o i n t agnatic household) from which there  were two  thousand men  absent.14  j  n  t h e i r v a l l e y of the A t l a s mountains  the slopes are almost denuded of growth and there i s an extreme of r a i n and s o i l "so the e c o l o g i c a l  shortage  b a s i s f o r human settlement i s very  slender".15 S i m i l a r l y the Xhosa come from reserves which tend to be overcrowded by people shing.  and  stock and the f e r t i l i t y of the s o i l i s g r a d u a l l y d i m i n i -  Almost a l l the groups see t h e i r migrations to the c i t y as being  l i m i t e d i n d u r a t i o n though the reasons  for this varies.  and the development of the Copperbelt,  the length of time that Mambwe  were away has mum  tended to i n c r e a s e .  time, Watson found that f o r h i s sample of eight v i l l a g e s 25$  could o f f e r only u n s k i l l e d The  war  While two years used to be the maxi-  been away more than three to four years. who  Since the  had  Most of them were young  labour v/hich put a premium on  men  youth.  Tongans tend to go f u r t h e r to labour - u s u a l l y to the Union  of South A f r i c a more than 1500  miles away from t h e i r reserve and which  they f r e q u e n t l y enter i l l e g a l l y i n order to avoid s i g n i n g a contract f o r work i n the mines.  At any one  p o p u l a t i o n w i l l be absent the migrants are absent  time between 60 and 75$  from the reserve.  of the male a d u l t  Van Velsen i n d i c a t e s that  from t h e i r t r i b a l t e r r i t o r y f o r long periods of  time and seldom v i s i t home as a long absence from the c i t y would endanger a w e l l - p a i d job which many Tongans have, to say nothing of the dangers inherent i n t r y i n g to enter the Union i l l e g a l l y . 1 6  -29-  The Xhosa working i n East London are o f t e n close enough to home to be able to v i s i t  frequently.  Although  the country a f t e r a year or two, long as t h i r t y years. at  the i d e a l i s u s u a l l y to r e t u r n to  some men have stayed i n East London as  Unlike most other A f r i c a n s working i n the  cities,  l e a s t some Xhosas are able to stay at a job long enough to earn a  pension but u l t i m a t e l y most r e t u r n to the homestead. Schapera  too noted the tendency  periods of time.  of migrants  to be away f o r longer  While i n the e a r l y days, c i r c a 1905,  the p e r i o d of  absence was four months, now i t i s u s u a l l y close to a year.  However,  while only 3.2% of those who were miners had been away f o r more than two  years, more engaged i n other occupations  (approximately 15% of a l l  migrants) 40% had been away two years or more."'"''' The Ammeln, l i k e the Xhosa, tend to spend a great p o r t i o n of t h e i r l i v e s as migrants but u n l i k e them i n t e r s p e r s e years spent i n the Each man r e t a i n s h i s claim to a share of h i s lineage patrimony.  country. When  he i s i n the c i t y he i s c o n t r i b u t i n g something to t h i s home and when he is  i n the country f o r a year he works and r e c e i v e s h i s share of the  produce of the property. The migrant's  obligations:  How he maintains h i s connection with the  country: Since most men leave the reserve because they need money f o r thems e l v e s and f a m i l i e s the connection i s kept i n t a c t by the sending or b r i n g i n g of money home. Young men of the Mambwe need to earn money f o r marriage or  to repay debts already i n c u r r e d f o r these.  go to men who can o f f e r a s k i l l to  payments  Since the best p a i d jobs  and the most u s e f u l s k i l l  i s the a b i l i t y  read and write E n g l i s h w e l l , many Mambwe youngsters are sent to a  -30-  s c h o o l some distance from t h e i r v i l l a g e s .  Older brothers o f t e n give  the fees to boys to keep them at school f o r three years or more and t h i s debt i s one which a migrant must repay. to  O c c a s i o n a l l y a man has  borrow from r e l a t i v e s f o r s u i t a b l e c l o t h e s and bus fare to get him  to .a job i n the Copperbelt.  Watson found  (1914-1918) a large assortment  that i n the pre-war years  of goods were used as marriage  but since then c a t t l e and money have replaced them. tv/enty-seven primary marriages  payments  In a survey of  i n 1950-1953 he found the payments  ranging from £1-0-0- and three head of c a t t l e to £17-2-6.  As the  average u n s k i l l e d worker earns between 30s and 15 a month, he must labour f o r a considerable length of time to c l e a r t h i s debt. i s also needed to pay f o r taxes, b i c y c l e s , household for of  Money  goods, clothes  himself, wife and f a m i l y , and even i n many v i l l a g e s f o r houses b r i c k i n s t e a d of the wattle and thatch which had been the standard  home.  By the time a man i s f o r t y he has achieved t h i s and r e t i r e s  from the labour market. The money that the Tongans send back i s l a r g e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r the purchase of goods rather than b a s i c s u b s i s t e n c e .  A husband must, how-  ever, send money to h i s wife to buy s a l t , c l o t h and the b a s i c n e c e s s i t i e s which are a husband's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y .  But Van Velsen reports  that money i s sent home to help r e l a t i v e s pay f i n e s , buy c l o t h e s , bridewealth or to help kinsmen to go abroad.  His wife l a r g e l y main-  t a i n s h e r s e l f during h i s absence. The Red migrant  puts up with the c i t y only to support h i s wife  or h i s parents i n the country so he sends money home r e g u l a r l y .  Mayer  t e l l s of men sending £4 or £5 each month although earning l i t t l e  over  £10 per month. packets  Those who v i s i t home, and these are numerous, also take  of food with them.  In the Bechuanaland  survey Schapera was  not able to get much  d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n on the support; i n f a c t h i s concern i s the prop o r t i o n of money earned abroad which reaches the t e r r i t o r y . c o l l e c t e d from the men t a t i v e who  working i n the mines by a government represen-  v i s i t e d the mines.  d e f e r r e d pay.  Taxes were  This was  Mine operators also had a system of  paid to the employee when he completed h i s  c o n t r a c t which gave him a sum  of money to b r i n g home with him.  Most  migrants r e t u r n i n g home brought both cash and store goods purchased f o r themselves and f a m i l i e s .  The r e g u l a r sending of money home Is  harder to a s c e r t a i n and Schapera seems to think i t i s i n f r e q u e n t enough to be of minor  importance.  F a m i l i e s i n the country: The l o c a l u n i t of the Mambv/e s o c i e t y i s a v i l l a g e , the core of v/hich i s a segment of an agnatic lineage with the headman u s u a l l y the s e n i o r member.  Other k i n who  are members of other l i n e a g e s may  join  the v i l l a g e with the permission of the headman and be given r i g h t s to the l a n d .  When the migrant has r e t i r e d to the v i l l a g e , or i s home  temporarily, he w i l l perform s e r v i c e s f o r f a m i l i e s of k i n . man  While the  i s away h i s wife c a r r i e s on the gardening and a l l the men  i n the  v i l l a g e co-operate on men's tasks which are mainly the heavy jobs of c l e a r i n g new  land f o r c u l t i v a t i o n .  I f there are more than two women  to every man  i n the v i l l a g e the system w i l l not work w e l l .  Watson found that of t h i r t y - e i g h t married men taken t h e i r wives with them.  1953  absent, tv/enty-nine had  This seems to be more common than i n the  past and much p r e f e r r e d by the women.  I f a woman does accompany her  husband to town he has no o b j e c t i o n to her working there. makes no mention  In  of c h i l d r e n i n town.  Watson  -32-  Tonga men going abroad u s u a l l y do not take t h e i r wives with them. Although descent i s reckoned p a t r i l i n e a l l y ,  residence i s v i r i l o c a l .  The  man going abroad may leave h i s wife i n the care of h i s own k i n or she may r e t u r n to her f a m i l y . f o r her.  But both groups of k i n have r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  In some cases the migrant may send f o r h i s wife, although the  d i f f i c u l t y of housing and low s a l a r y discourages t h i s .  C h i l d r e n are not  kept i n town but r a i s e d by the mother or k i n i n Tongaland. The Xhosa Red marriage  i s arranged by the two f a m i l i e s and i n  extreme cases the migrant may d i s c o v e r he has been married i n a b s e n t i a . The duties of the wife are seen as duties owed'to the homestead she has j o i n e d and to her parents-in-law r a t h e r than to her husband.  She may  v i s i t her husband i n the c i t y but not f o r long as her s e r v i c e s are needed i n the country.  She and her c h i l d r e n would be an economic bur-  den i n the c i t y while they are u s e f u l workers i n the country. Most men l e a v i n g Bechuanaland  leave t h e i r wives nominally under  the c o n t r o l of h i s s e n i o r r e l a t i v e s .  However a wife u s u a l l y enjoys  more freedom than she would i f her husband were home; she may also experience hardship as many men do not send money to t h e i r wives. Most husbands keep i n touch by w r i t i n g or sending messages back with r e t u r n i n g migrants, but the problems r e s u l t i n g from the neglect of wives seemed to be growing. A l p o r t mentions that the wives remain i n the v i l l a g e with other members of h i s patrimony; very few come i n to the c i t y as p r e d i c t e d in earlier  studies.  Visiting: V i s i t i n g i s a method of r e i n f o r c i n g attachment  to the home com-  munity but i t i s not p r a c t i c a l i n a l l of the s o c i e t i e s being compared.  -33-  Most of the Mambwe labourers  are too f a r away to v i s i t home but  r e t u r n only a t the end of a c o n t r a c t . s t r a t i v e center had eleven but  One v i l l a g e near the  of twenty-two adult males earning wages  just three were so f a r away that they could v i s i t  T h i s v i l l a g e , however, was an unusual one; tance from centers where jobs are Van  Velsen  admini-  on weekends only.  most Mambwe are some d i s -  available.  f e l t that the Tonga men tend to have b e t t e r paid  (not s p e c i f i e d ) which were i n c i t i e s a long distance from the t i o n so that v i s i t i n g was not u s u a l . h o l i d a y time i s to r i s k t h e i r  jobs  reserva-  They f e e l that to take too much  jobs.  In a survey of 207 Xhosa, Reader found that ninety, or more than a t h i r d , went home weekly or oftener.-^  Those whose homesteads were a  distance v i s i t e d less f r e q u e n t l y because of the time and expense involved. As many of the Bechuanaland men were working on c o n t r a c t s , the h o l i d a y or home v i s i t  comes only at the conclusion  However the duration of v i s i t s has been shortening which S c h a p e r a ^ has s t a t i s t i c s One  of the  contract.  over the p e r i o d f o r  (1931-1943).  o f the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the baqqala noted by A l p o r t was  that i t never seemed to close but i t did appear to change hands f r e quently.  The p r o p r i e t o r gets the p r o f i t s of the business.  He does  not plow these back i n t o the business but when he has accumulated enough he takes a year o f f and goes back to the country. for  He returns  a f u l l year because t h i s f i t s i n t o the cycle of a c t i v i t i e s i n the  country.  -34Keeping with kinsmen when away: The  i n i t i a l working experience of the Mambwe i s i n Tanganyika i n  a group of young men from the same v i l l a g e guide who has been there p r e v i o u s l y .  ( i . e . agnatic kin) with a  They l i v e and work together.  When they go to the Copperbelt a considerable p r o p o r t i o n town of M u f u l i r a .  "The Mambwe attempt  go to the  to overcome the i s o l a t i o n and  d i f f i c u l t i e s of town l i f e by supporting one another i n the s i t u a t i o n , and by operating k i n s h i p t i e s . " ! 2  industrial  This support i s p a r t i -  c u l a r l y necessary i n time of sickness when r e l a t i v e s care f o r the s i c k . When a person i s unemployed or unemployable they provide him with t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to the home v i l l a g e . The Tonga are l e s s l i k e l y to stay i n obvious k i n groups p a r t i c u l a r l y i f they have entered the Union i l l e g a l l y . of  T h e i r longer periods  migration and t h e i r more r e s p o n s i b l e jobs make them l e s s dependent  on r e l a t i v e s .  Van Velsen mentions s e v e r a l who had worked i n f a i r l y  r e s p o n s i b l e jobs and spoke s e v e r a l European,.languages. Mayer found that one of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Xhosa Red i n town was h i s i n c a p s u l a t i o n . to  By t h i s he meant that the migrant  use the same network of k i n i n the c i t y as i n the country.  attempted He f r e -  quently shared accommodation with c l o s e kin- and h i s f r i e n d s with whom he spent h i s l e i s u r e time were h i s amakhaya - men who came from the same r u r a l l o c a t i o n .  But more important was t h e i r c o n v i c t i o n that 99  a s s o c i a t i o n with. non-Red people was morally wrong. Schapera,  i n d e a l i n g with, the n a t i v e s of Bechuanaland, was con-  cerned with men from many t r i b a l groupings who entered a v a r i e t y of occupations at a time when the war a l t e r e d the employment s i t u a t i o n markedly.  The 53.8$ who were l i v i n g i n compounds were working i n the  g o l d mines of the Union of South A f r i c a .  But the more than 40% who  were i n other occupations he could not check. A l p o r t reports that the Ammeln i s u s u a l l y an independent operator. He i s not a member of a large or v i s i b l e community.  He u s u a l l y had a  younger kinsman working with him i n the baqqala or f i n i s h i n g h i s educ a t i o n i n the c i t y .  Keeping h i m s e l f adept i n h i s own c u l t u r e : Mambwe men i n e a r l i e r days were absent f o r shorter periods of time, often just a matter of s i x to seven months as contrasted with the  usual term of two years today.  The highest percentage absent from  the  v i l l a g e i s i n the twenty to twenty-nine age group and most men have  f i n i s h e d t h e i r wage labour by age f o r t y .  The r e l a t i v e l y short  working  p e r i o d combined with the c e r t a i n t y that he w i l l be going back to h i s own v i l l a g e make i t h i g h l y u n l i k e l y that a man w i l l f o r g e t h i s language or  c u l t u r a l mores.  Watson found that the Mambwe were f r e q u e n t l y mem-  bers of labour unions and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s during t h e i r working  days.  Rather than a l i e n a t i n g them from t h e i r t r i b e or encouraging them to be troublemakers when they returned, he found that t h e i r  political  i n t e r e s t s seemed to b o l s t e r t h e i r regard f o r and support of the c h i e f s . The Tongan who i s abroad expects h i s k i n to look a f t e r h i s i n t e r e s t s , e s p e c i a l l y with regard to land.  When home on h o l i d a y s he i s apt to be-  come involved i n p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s and keep up-to-date on l o c a l events when away.  Tongans f r e q u e n t l y w r i t e to members of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  p r o t e s t i n g p o l i t i c a l events i n Tongaland.  "When they return from an  urban l i f e abroad they s e t t l e again i n the pattern of Tonga l i f e is  still  dominated  by t r a d i t i o n a l values."23  which  -36-  For most Xhosa Red there i s no problem keeping adept i n the c u l t u r e . The eschewing of contact with non-Red people i n the c i t y , frequent home v i s i t i n g and the sanctions of h i s amakhaya guarantee his  own  h i s f a i t h f u l n e s s to  group.  Schapera's  impression of the r e t u r n i n g migrant was  that he might be  c r i t i c a l of the a u t h o r i t y of the c h i e f and not too anxious to work but r e v e r t e d very e a s i l y to t r i b a l l i f e .  The exceptions were those who  had a s u p e r i o r education before l e a v i n g or while away. if  had  These migrants,  they came back, formed a small e l i t e maintaining t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n  European i n s t i t u t i o n s and i d e a s .  These g e n e r a l l y upheld t r i b a l  institu-  t i o n s but supported change, p a r t i c u l a r l y educational and economic development. These few samples i l l u s t r a t e the type Peasant Raiders of the Urban Economy. ted  They are r a i d e r s i n the sense that they enter the c i t y f o r l i m i -  periods of time and the money they can manage to save i s taken back  and i n v e s t e d i n the r u r a l area.  Most migrants leave t h e i r f a m i l i e s i n  the country but work and l i v e with other k i n i n the c i t y .  Most have no  s k i l l s to o f f e r an employer (the Ammeln d i f f e r i n t h i s respect) and perform heavy l a b o u r i n g jobs which put a premium on youth. sence t h e i r land i s c u l t i v a t e d by k i n who to  the land.  During t h e i r  keep a l i v e the migrant's  ab-  right  When he has earned enough or has k i n to replace him i n the  c i t y he w i l l i n g l y returns to the country.  Most are a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s not  only because the land provides them with t h e i r basic s e c u r i t y but a l s o because they p r e f e r the l i f e . to  r e a l i z e something  I f the land tenure system permitted them  from .their i n t e r e s t i n the land and the k i n s h i p sys-  tem f l e x i b l e enough to a f f o r d them f u l l membership while r e s i d e n t i n the c i t y , there would probably be very few ready .to become urban  residents.  -37-  Very few have the educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s which migrants i n the next group of s o c i e t i e s possess.  NOTES "^Watson a p p l i e d the phrase "Peasant r a i d e r s of the economy" to the Mambwe. With the a d d i t i o n of the word "urban" i t more a p t l y describes the a c t i v i t i e s of t h i s type who earn i n the urban economy but spend i n the r u r a l . W i l l i a m Watson', T r i b a l Cohesion i n a Money Economy, Manchester U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1958. o  ^ I b i d . , p. x x i i . 3  Isaac Schapera, Migrant Labour and T r i b a l L i f e , London, Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1947, p. 1. ^L. P. Mair, " A f r i c a n marriage and s o c i a l change," i n Arthur W. P h i l l i p s , ed., Survey of A f r i c a n Marriage and Family L i f e , London, Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1953, p. 21. ^Schapera, op. c i t . , p. 35. P h i l i p Mayer, Townsmen or Tribesmen, Cape Town, Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1961, p. x i i i . ^ J . Van Velsen, "Labor migration as a p o s i t i v e f a c t o r i n the cont i n u i t y of Tonga t r i b a l s o c i e t y , " Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change 8: I960, p. 265. Also p r i n t e d i n Aidan S o u t h a l l , S o c i a l Change i n Modern A f r i c a , Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1961. Q  E. A. A l p o r t , "The Ammeln," Royal A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e J o u r n a l 94: 1964, p. 162. I b i d . , p. 168.  9  "^Schapera, op. c i t . , p. 116. i : L  I b i d . , p. 142.  l^Watson, op. c i t . , p. 52. 1 5  I b i d . , p. 60.  " ^ A l p o r t , op. c i t . , p. 162. 1 5  I b i d . , p. 163-  -38-  l b  V a n Velsen, 1961, op. c i t . , p. 230.  •^Scnapera, op. c i t . , p. 58. 18  Watson, op. c i t . , p. 41.  ^ M a y e r , op. c i t . , p. 95. 20  Schapera,  21  W a t s o n , op. c i t . , p. 195.  2 2  2 5  A  op. c i t . , p. 56.  s i m i l a r i n c a p s u l a t i o n though l a c k i n g the moral s a n c t i o n i s noted among the Pedicab d r i v e r s i n Bangkok. The d r i v e r s from Northe a s t e r n Thailand do not a s s o c i a t e with Bangkokians but share accommodation and l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s with Northeasterners who are u s u a l l y k i n . Robert B. Textor, From Peasant to Pedicab D r i v e r , New Haven, Yale U n i v e r s i t y Southeast A s i a Studies, 1961, p. 21-28.  V a n Velsen, I960, op. c i t . , p. 277-  -39CHAPTER IV THE  The. or  MIGRANT WITH TWO WORLDS  migrant i n t h i s category has a choice of r e s i d i n g i n the c i t y  the country, but i s a f u l l member r a t h e r than an absent member when  he chooses  the former.  He i s t i e d to a r u r a l community but the t i e i s  more sentimental than economic. corporate ownership  He o f t e n owns land i n the country -  i s not usual to t h i s group of s o c i e t i e s - but he  p r e f e r s to rent rather than s e l l i t . He had some education or t r a i n i n g which may not be h i g h l y rated by others i n the c i t y but does enable him to obtain work and be s e l f supporting.  H i s departure from H E country r e l i e v e s pressure on the  land and r e s u l t s i n b e t t e r economic c o n d i t i o n s f o r h i s k i n group who do not migrate.  But s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s based on wealth and non-farm  occupations have not developed. His narrower kin  k i n group remains range  important to him although he recognizes a  of o b l i g a t i o n s .  Improved economic c o n d i t i o n s permit the  group to continue and often to increase ceremonial a c t i v i t y .  L i t e r a c y and modern communications f a c i l i t i e s make p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n this activity  possible.  A kinsman i n the c i t y i s both a model of change f o r h i s r u r a l r e l a t i v e and a source of help when he migrates.  The a t t i t u d e s and  ideas flow from the c i t y to the country so the k i n group as much as commerce i s c o n t r i b u t i n g to the u r b a n i z a t i o n of r u r a l areas.  Maori The fieldwork on which the r e l e v a n t study of the Maori people i s based was c a r r i e d out during the years 1952-1955 and b r i e f l y again i n  -40-  1958.  I t i n c l u d e d work i n a remote r u r a l community as w e l l as i n  Auckland. i n 1951.  The Maori formed 5.9$ In 1936  of the t o t a l New  Zealand p o p u l a t i o n  approximately 13$ l i v e d i n urban areas; i n 1958  23$  were l i v i n g i n urban and semi-urban areas. The average migrant i s a young a d u l t with the r e s u l t that 45$ of the Auckland Maoris are between f i f t e e n and t h i r t y - f i v e years of age. While some migrants stay i n the c i t y only a short time many others have been r e s i d e n t s f o r years. Maoris are members by b i r t h and descent to one or more i w i ( t r i b e ) and hapu ( s u b - t r i b e ) connected with a d e f i n i t e t e r r i t o r y and having a d i a l e c t and customs which d i s t i n g u i s h i t from o t h e r s .  A person could  c l a i m membership i n any descent group to which an ancestor belonged. "The  t r a n s m i s s i o n of Maori land was  governed by s p e c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n  ...  which.provided f o r i n d i v i d u a l i s a t i o n at the request of the owners and e s t a b l i s h e d the p r i n c i p l e of b i l a t e r a l succession."1 Toba Batak The Toba B a t a k  2  l i v e i n the highland d i s t r i c t s of northern Sumatra.  T h e i r resources are l i m i t e d to the land which i s d i v i d e d i n small p l o t s on which r i c e i s the p r i n c i p a l crop.  In the v i l l a g e studied by Bruner,  no farmer could support himself by a g r i c u l t u r e alone.  People from Toba  have been m i g r a t i n g to the c a p i t a l c i t y Medan f o r more than f i f t y years.5 The e a r l i e r migrants were young men  who  had been educated i n the mission-  ary schools and were able to q u a l i f y f o r lower l e v e l posts.  They s e t t l e d i n the c i t y permanently.  Now  administrative  young people go to  Medan to l i v e with r e l a t i v e s i n order to take advantage f a c i l i t i e s i n the c i t y .  of the e d u c a t i o n a l  -41The  basic economic u n i t i n Toba i s the hamlet, which c o n s i s t s of  an average of s i x households, the core  of t h i s being a p a t r i l i n e a g e  based on descent from one male ancestor.^  Members of the lineage  remain  a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t s i n lineage a c t i v i t i e s whether they are l i v i n g i n the c i t y or the country.  Although land i s i n d i v i d u a l l y owned, a c i t y Batak  i s not w i l l i n g to s e l l his land. and  Instead  he rents i t to a lineage mate  receives a share of the crop.  Greek The cities  d r i f t of population  of Greece from v i l l a g e s to the l a r g e r  (20,000 or greater i n population)  has been g a i n i n g momentum  since 1940. In the decade 1951-1961 the proportion  of the nation's  population  r e s i d i n g i n Athens grew from 18% to 22%.5  population  l i v e i n small v i l l a g e s one of which, V a s i l i k a , i n Boeotia  was  studied by F r i e d l i n 1955-1956.  Almost h a l f the  The v i l l a g e i s located on the  p l a i n s with good s o i l and water supply.  The main cash crops are wheat,  cotton and tobacco. Land i s i n d i v i d u a l l y owned but ..the holdings small and often widely s c a t t e r e d . r a r e l y passed i n t a c t to a son, that the property ters.  of one farmer are  The land holdings  of a f a t h e r are  f o r the Greek laws of i n h e r i t a n c e  of parents be d i v i d e d e q u a l l y among the sons and daugh-  Aware of the dangers of f u r t h e r fragmentation of land  farmers t r y to give t h e i r c h i l d r e n an education earn a l i v i n g i n the c i t y . elementary school  require  holdings,  which w i l l permit them to  By law, the expenses of education  beyond the  l e v e l may be counted as part of the i n h e r i t a n c e .  V/ith  the advantage of t r a i n i n g the young man or woman then migrates to the c i t y . This group of s o c i e t i e s i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by having a more f l e x i b l e system of k i n s h i p which allows  f o r members both i n the c i t y and the country.  -42-  The  communications between the two  strengthen the f e e l i n g of  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n which i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important f o r the small group  who  l i v e i n d a i l y contact with other o f t e n more numerous and a l i e n e t h n i c groups.  Good communications also enable the knowledge of the  urban  world to reach the country k i n .  Attachment to a r u r a l  community:  The pressure on the land i s a f a c t o r Maori, Batak and Greek. of land.  i n each of these  societies:  A l l three s o c i e t i e s have i n d i v i d u a l  ownership  In the case of the Maori the land has been d i v i d e d and r e -  d i v i d e d as generations passed, so that many holdings are too small to provide the owner with a l i v i n g . related  to b i r t h i n t o  But because land r i g h t s were  closely  the tangata whenua (the people to whom t h i s land  belongs), the urban Maori kept h i s c l a i m to h o s p i t a l i t y and  particularly  to the marae• In the Toba Batak s o c i e t y the major s o c i a l group i s the  localized  lineage based on p a t r i l o c a l residence and p a t r i l i n e a l descent and i n heritance.  Since membership i s determined  by descent, the Batak l i v i n g  i n the c i t y does not lose h i s a f f i l i a t i o n and does not r e l i n q u i s h  pro-  perty r i g h t s .  but  In h i s absence the land i s rented to a lineagemate  the owner returns to the v i l l a g e to c o l l e c t a share of the h a r v e s t . I f a Greek f a t h e r owns land a l l h i s adult sons and daughters through the dowry, h i s sons-in-law have some r i g h t s if  over i t .  and,  Therefore  there are any d e c i s i o n s to be made regarding i t , a l l are consulted  and F r i e d l says that d i s c u s s i o n may  go on f o r years.^  The opportunity to migrate to other parts of the country, r u r a l or small centers i s and has been a v a i l a b l e to both the Greek and  Maori  -43people.  The  system of reckoning descent among the Maori i s b i l a t e r a l  or, as Metge f o l l o w i n g F i r t h c a l l s i t , a m b i l a t e r a l . a change u s u a l l y had r e l a t i v e s i n other areas who and help him.  Anyone d e s i r i n g  would receive him  The Greek have been an upwardly mobile  s o c i e t y so the  movement of i n d i v i d u a l s from the small v i l l a g e to the small c i t i e s been going on f o r a long p e r i o d .  Only the Batak of the three was  has limi-  t e d , f o r h i s r i g h t s to land were l o c a l i z e d and the r u r a l s o c i e t y surrounded by u n f r i e n d l y s o c i e t i e s . In the pre-war years most of the Maori migration was areas.  to other  rural  During the war many went to the c i t y to engage i n war work and  many were able to enter types of jobs which had never before been open to them, and i n the process acquire new were i n Auckland  and i t was  expected  skills.  that a f t e r the war  would leave the c i t y f o r the r u r a l areas. t i n u e d and the greater number of Maoris who i n Auckland.  Most of these  jobs  large numbers  However the i n f l u x has migrate  now  con-  are to be  Metge reports that t h i s d e c i s i o n to migrate  to the  found city  does not u s u a l l y come a f t e r long d e l i b e r a t i o n and p r e p a r a t i o n ; i t i s very much a spur of the moment d e c i s i o n which o f t e n leaves no time at all  to warn the k i n i n Auckland  that they are coming.  But they  do  expect the k i n to receive them, supply them with accommodation o f t e n f o r lengthy periods of time and to help them f i n d k i n , may  jobs.  f e e l i s o l a t e d i n the c i t y or d i s l i k e the l i f e  moving goes both ways.  Some have  few  so that the  But because the i n d i v i d u a l Maori feels an  attachment f o r some r u r a l community, he f e e l s he w i l l go home e v e n t u a l l y . As there i s no marae i n the c i t y , there were i n the time Metge studied the community no Maori b u r i e d i n the c i t y .  Instead the deceased i s  -44-  taken back to the community i n whose marae he has  r i g h t s where the  funeral i s held. The  Greek farmer who  wants h i s c h i l d r e n to have an  education  beyond the s i x t h grade must send them to the high schools T h i s means a considerable  i n the towns.  outlay, l e s s of course i f the farmer  r e l a t i v e s with whom the c h i l d r e n can l i v e while attending  has  school.  If a  farmer i s land-poor i t i s even more important f o r h i s son to receive education family.  or t r a i n i n g although i t involves great s a c r i f i c e f o r the Depending on the t r a i n i n g he has  received, the c h i l d  r e t u r n to the v i l l a g e or go on to the c i t y . and  an  But  will  the s c a r c i t y of land  the f a c t that the farm w i l l be i n h e r i t e d by only one member of  the  f a m i l y means that i t i s necessary f o r the migrants to plan a l i f e t i m e away.  Daughters as well as sons are educated, f o r an educated daughter  u s u a l l y requires l e s s of a dowry to be married. The  Toba Batak came i n t o contact with Europeans i n the l a t t e r h a l f  of the l a s t century.  German m i s s i o n a r i e s  converted them from  ancestor  worship to the C h r i s t i n a r e l i g i o n but did not attempt to d i s r u p t aspects of t h e i r c u l t u r e . men  Under Dutch a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  were used as representatives  other  the v i l l a g e head-  of the c o l o n i a l government and  western  business f i r m s . When they f i r s t migrated to Medan, the Batak were regarded as l e s s than human by the preponderantly Islamic population t h e i r r e l i g i o n i n secret and  to l i v e i n enclaves.  and had The  to p r a c t i s e  s i t u a t i o n has  improved so that they are able to p r a c t i s e t h e i r r e l i g i o n f r e e l y and not meet d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n the working world. the  c i t y and prospects  do  As o p p o r t u n i t i e s are i n  i n the country poor, the t r a f f i c i s one-way  except i n times of c r i s i s such as the i n v a s i o n of Indonesia by  the  -45Japanese. but  The Batak do not mix s o c i a l l y with the Medan population  depend on people from t h e i r own v i l l a g e s and frequent  supply  their social  v i s i t s to  life.  Visiting: V i s i t i n g i s one of the main ways that migrants r e i n f o r c e t h e i r sense of belonging  to the same s o c i e t y .  Maori adults u s u a l l y  tried  to go home at l e a s t once a year f o r holidays but often they were not able  to do so.  The longer  they were i n the c i t y the l e s s l i k e l y  were to keep up the y e a r l y v i s i t s .  they  But t h i s was often the r e s u l t of  the added r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of young f a m i l i e s and other k i n than the l e s s e n i n g of i n t e r e s t .  Since most .of the people s t u d i e d by Metge  came from areas s e v e r a l hundred miles  from the c i t y , time and expense  were i n v o l v e d i n a t r i p home. The lands. the  Batak community.in Medan was connected by road to the highThe journey which took s e v e r a l hours was made f r e q u e n t l y by  c i t i z e n s of Medan, l e s s f r e q u e n t l y by the v i l l a g e r .  urban Batak performs an important l i f e his  Whenever an  ceremony he e i t h e r returns to  v i l l a g e or the r u r a l members of h i s lineage and a few a f f i n a l  r e l a t i o n s come to attend The  the ceremony.  v i s i t i n g of r e l a t i v e s i s a f a v o u r i t e r e c r e a t i o n i n Greece.  Town dwellers  are apt to v i s i t home v i l l a g e s at Easter and at the time  of c e l e b r a t i o n s of the patron crisis  s a i n t ' s day, i n a d d i t i o n to personal  life  ceremonies.  Kinship obligations: P a r a d o x i c a l l y the v i s i t i n g of the home community f o r pleasure be  c u r t a i l e d by the greater o b l i g a t i o n s to the k i n group.  may  Among the  -46Maori the o b l i g a t i o n of attendance at the tangi ( f u n e r a l ) i s s t i l l and because  of the time and distance i n v o l v e d attendance may  felt  be c o s t l y .  Many of the Auckland Maori report that they attend tangi of a narrower range of r e l a t i v e s than when they were l i v i n g i n the country as jobs have been l o s t i f too much time i s taken-for attendance at these ceremonies.  Since the c i t y people u s u a l l y a r r i v e l a s t and are unable to  c o n t r i b u t e t h e i r s e r v i c e s tothe p r e p a r a t i o n of the ceremonies and the meal which follows they make c o n t r i b u t i o n s i n cash to cover the of the  the ceremonies.  Next i n importance  expenses  to the tangi i s the attendance at  u n v e i l i n g of gravestones of deceased r e l a t i v e s .  Since these occa-  s i o n s can be planned i n advance and a convenient date s e l e c t e d , i t i s o f t e n p o s s i b l e to combine s e v e r a l days v i s i t i n g with the ceremony which brings more migrants home than does the sudden c a l l to a t a n g i • other occasion f o r a v i s i t are  now  are  still  i s a wedding.  The  Although most of the migrants  married i n the c i t y and the country r e l a t i v e s attend them, there the weddings of r u r a l k i n to be attended.  So while l i m i t e d  f i n a n c i a l resources and p o s s i b l y l e s s e n i n g of i n t e r e s t r e s u l t i n a decrease i n the h o l i d a y v i s i t i n g over the years, most of the Maori s t u d i e d by Metge i n Auckland recognized t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s to t h e i r k i n group at the time of c r i s i s and made great personal s a c r i f i c e s to support them.  The ceremonies  demonstrated  t h e i r i d e a l of co-operation.  the oneness  of the group and  To do l e s s than t h i s would be to r i s k the  p o s s i b i l i t y that a tangi of t h e i r own  close k i n would not be supported or  that they might be accused of having " l o s t t h e i r Maori aroha A s i m i l a r but more d r a s t i c pressure i s on the Batak who tempted the  (love)".^ might be  to be l e s s than p u n c t i l i o u s with regard to h i s d u t i e s .  It i s  adat, "a term used by the people to r e f e r to ceremonial procedures,  -47customary  c i v i l law, the k i n s h i p and value systems, and the norms of  behavior toward  relatives".9  While the c i t y people have c r i t i c i z e d the  burden that adat places on them, most of them f u l f i l l  the k i n s h i p  obli-  gations and perform the ceremonials i n the same manner as i s the custom in  the country.  While t h e i r conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y presumably  ended  ancestor worship, the r e s u l t of f a i l u r e to meet adat o b l i g a t i o n s i s to i n v i t e the wrath of the s p i r i t s of deceased ancestors.  But whether or  not the ancestors punish, the other members of the community w i l l not h e s i t a t e to c r i t i c i z e the person who may  refuse to eat at ceremonies  support i n time of c r i s i s . does not f u l f i l l  does not support the adat.  (a great i n s u l t ) or even refuse t h e i r  In extreme cases the name of the person  who  h i s o b l i g a t i o n s w i l l be erased from the genealogies  and he i s no longer a member of the s o c i e t y . whose ceremonies  They  In contrast to the Maori  most f r e q u e n t l y take place i n the country, Batak  take  place i n e i t h e r c i t y or v i l l a g e so long as the members of a l i n e a g e are gathered.  Before the ceremony the men  details.  The s t i c k l e r s f o r the adat, u s u a l l y the v i l l a g e r s , i n s i s t  the proper In  of the lineage decide on the  performance.  the Greek v i l l a g e , the k i n group i s o f t e n no l a r g e r than an  elementary f a m i l y .  The p o t e n t i a l k i n group of the v i l l a g e r i s large  and widely d i s p e r s e d i n other v i l l a g e s , the towns and c i t i e s . t h i s l a r g e r group, the v i l l a g e r s e l e c t s c e r t a i n k i n who to  him.  He may  From  can be h e l p f u l  send h i s son to board with a cousin while he attends  the gymnasium, or ask a son-in-law to help with h i s tax problems. r e c i p r o c a t e s favours received from h i s k i n . to  on  He  "A V a s i l i k a farmer expects  e s t a b l i s h v o l u n t a r y r e l a t i o n s h i p s with a number of d i f f e r e n t  indivi-  duals from each of whom he expects the f u l f i l l m e n t of a l i m i t e d set of  -48-  o b l i g a t i o n s to h i m s e l f , and toward  each of whom he w i l l f u l f i l l an  e q u i v a l e n t "but u s u a l l y not i d e n t i c a l set of o b l i g a t i o n s . " ^0  The  r e l a t i o n s h i p once e s t a b l i s h e d may continue but i t may cease  after  the favour i s r e c e i v e d and r e c i p r o c a t e d .  An o b l i g a t i o n which i s common to a l l three s o c i e t i e s and which i s important f o r the c o n t i n u a l linkage of the c i t y and the country i s the extension of help and h o s p i t a l i t y to r e l a t i v e s .  Most f r e q u e n t l y  t h i s means being ready to r e c e i v e and care f o r any r e l a t i v e , or indeed anyone from the same v i l l a g e , who happens to come along.  In the case  of the Maori, whose wages i n the c i t y are u s u a l l y not large and who o f t e n i s l i v i n g i n very cramped q u a r t e r s , to maintain h i s i d e a l of Maori h o s p i t a l i t y may work considerable hardship.  New migrants come  to the c i t y without arranging accommodation or l e a r n i n g about advance and stay with k i n u n t i l they are able to e s t a b l i s h  jobs i n  themselves.  The Batak highland i s c o n s t a n t l y p r o v i d i n g new migrants to Medan, most of whom depend on r e l a t i v e s f o r support and accommodation.  Frequently  the c i t y Batak take young r e l a t i v e s to l i v e with them i n the c i t y where they a s s i s t i n the home and have the advantage of education i n the c i t y schools.  Very s i m i l a r to t h i s i s the Greek p a t t e r n of sending young  c h i l d r e n who have completed  the s i x years of s c h o o l i n g o f f e r e d i n the  v i l l a g e to l i v e with r e l a t i v e s while they attend secondary  s c h o o l . The  i d e a l of h o s p i t a l i t y i s one to which the Greeks l i v e up and F r i e d l remarks on the absence of the word " p r i v a c y " i n the modern Greek l a n guage .  Adaptation to urban  life:  By migrating to the c i t y from a r u r a l area the migrant  theoretical  -49has the opportunity to become acquainted with and a s s i m i l a t e to another culture.  But does t h i s happen?  The Maori i n Auckland knew many Pakehas (whites) u s u a l l y because they were members of the same sports clubs or because they worked with them.  They o f t e n had c o r d i a l r e l a t i o n s with them, were i n v i t e d to  v/eddings, e t c . , but they did not become close f r i e n d s with them or mix with them i n groups.  Most of the youngest  ( i . e . under twenty-five years)  Maori chose t h e i r f r i e n d s from among the Maori community of t h e i r age groups with s i m i l a r i n t e r e s t s . tribal lines.  own  Many of these f r i e n d s h i p s were across  These young people formed gangs f o r a c t i v i t i e s such as  going to a movie or attending a hui (gathering) at the home community of one  of the gang.  A f t e r marriage  k i n group became more important. were of two types.  One  the c i r c l e of f r i e n d s narrowed and the Many belonged to f a m i l y clubs which  Metge c a l l e d the b i l a t e r a l extended  f a m i l y whose  members descended from, or were married to persons descended from, a l i v i n g person or persons a c t i v e i n the club. the k i n - c l u s t e r - people who but were not descent groups. to be able to meet any l i f e and a co-operative group.  The other type she  could trace r e l a t i o n s h i p s to one  called  another  The members p a i d fees and were organized c r i s i s with s u f f i c i e n t f i n a n c i a l resources  But many of the clubs d i d more than t h i s .  Among t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s were the o r g a n i z a t i o n of t r i p s back to v i s i t  the  home town, s o c i a l events i n town, so that f o r many of the o l d e r people the f a m i l y clubs f u r n i s h e d them with t h e i r s o c i a l Not very many Maori belonged  life.H  to clubs or formal a s s o c i a t i o n s which  were not e x c l u s i v e l y Maori i n membership.  About 10-15% of the younger  age group belonged to sports clubs - b a s k e t b a l l , b a s e b a l l or rugby which, i f they were not mixed i n membership, at l e a s t played against  -50-  teams of non-Maori p l a y e r s .  Very small numbers belonged to Maori  o r g a n i z a t i o n s such as Haka clubs or the Maori Women's Welfare  League.  Few attended church r e g u l a r l y and when they d i d u s u a l l y chose Maori language  services.  The Batak also i n t e r a c t with non-Batak at work, i n r e c r e a t i o n and in political activities. a neighbourhood  Instead of the family clubs, urban Batak form  club, the dongan sahuta, which i s a mutual a i d group.  In some areas of the c i t y there are also s t r e e t clubs organized i n the same way - dongan s a s t r a a t .  These s o c i e t i e s based on residence cut  across descent groupings but the urban Batak belongs to y e t another a s s o c i a t i o n - the dongan samarga or c l a n a s s o c i a t i o n .  This group serves  as a mutual a s s i s t a n c e group, but more importantly a s s i s t s i n the organiz a t i o n and performance  of ceremonies.^  2  But the help and the attendance  of the dongan samarga does not supplant the t r a d i t i o n a l r i g h t s and o b l i gations of the lineage and a l l i e d lineages from the v i l l a g e . Although the Maori both i n the c i t y and country express a preference f o r marriage w i t h i n the t r i b e , most of the marriages i n the c i t i e s i n v o l v e members of d i f f e r e n t t r i b e s .  Of the t h i r t y - t h r e e marriages of  members of Metge's sets, s i x were contracted between members of the same t r i b e , another four members of the same t r i b a l group, and eighteen with members of other t r i b a l groups. Maori.  There were only four marriages with non-  The choice was made by the young people not parents and l i t t l e  a t t e n t i o n was paid to the economic rank or s o c i a l  prospects of the husband-to-be  nor to  status.  The tomo (the formal c a l l of a young man and h i s k i n to ask f o r the g i r l ) was made i n most c i t y weddings.  However i t was u s u a l l y a small  a f f a i r attended by close k i n and often a spokesman f o r the prospective  bridegroom. . I f the g i r l ' s parents l i v e d i n the country and were of another t r i b e the v i s i t i n g party was  usually larger.  The purpose  of  the tomo, though, has changed from seeking approval of him to make a marriage v a l i d to making plans f o r the wedding. The l o c a l i z e d lineage of the Batak v i l l a g e s o c i e t y was group.  an exogamous  The man's l i n e a g e , that lineage from which he has taken a wife  and that to which h i s lineage has gixen wives, form an a l l i a n c e exchanging goods and s e r v i c e s . for l i f e  crises.  A l l three are represented at  Although there was  group  ceremonies  a stated preference f o r m a t r i l a t e r a l  c r o s s - c o u s i n marriage, Bruner found t h i s i d e a l was  seldom met.  However  marriage d i d l i n k many lineages and provide a network of r e l a t i o n s h i p s through the s o c i e t y . cousin marriage was  In the c i t y the preference f o r m a t r i l a t e r a l prohibited.  cross-  Lineages with a f f i n a l t i e s continue to  exchange goods and s e r v i c e s , the most important of which i s support i n the r i t u a l ceremonies.  Unlike the v i l l a g e r whose choice i s motivated  by a desire to continue a f f i l i a t i o n with the lineage i n s t r a t e g i c v i l l a g e s , c i t y Batak attempt to choose wives i n lineages c o n t r o l l i n g e i t h e r wealth or p o l i t i c a l power.  The b r i d e - p r i c e n e g o t i a t i o n s are  c a r r i e d on by r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the l i n e a g e and intermarriage between v i l l a g e and c i t y i s frequent.  The Batak apply strong pressure to prevent  marriages between Batak and members of other ethnic groups.  C h i l d r e n of  Batak women marrying out w i l l have no c l a n a f f i l i a t i o n so t h i s type of marriage i s p a r t i c u l a r l y condemned.  Since most of the people of Medan  have been converted to Islam, the Batak form a r e l i g i o u s as w e l l as an ethnic m i n o r i t y . The v i l l a g e r s of V a s i l i k a respect an educated person and b e l i e v e that the urban occupations open to an educated man  have greater p r e s t i g e  -5 2-  than farming has.  L i f e i n town i s u s u a l l y e a s i e r and therefore d e s i r a b l e  f o r t h e i r daughters.  Since marriage i n Greece  i s exogamous, the woman  u s u a l l y leaves her v i l l a g e to l i v e i n the v i l l a g e of her husband or i n town.  I f a f a t h e r can provide a s u b s t a n t i a l dowry, h i s daughter i s more  l i k e l y to marry a man  who  has a p o s i t i o n i n town.  One  e f f e c t of the town  marriages of the v i l l a g e g i r l s i s that r u r a l wealth i s supporting l i f e i n urban c e n t r e s . Most Maori m i g r a t i n g to Auckland had no problem from t h e i r own i n the c i t y was  community as w e l l as others.  i n f i n d i n g kinsmen  The range of e f f e c t i v e k i n  from f i v e to f i f t y but-the number of i n t i m a t e k i n was  more r e s t r i c t e d than i n the r u r a l areas.  The knowledge of genealogies,  rank and hapu are common i n the country but are not c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Maori found i n the c i t y .  Most Maori when asked to i n s e r t t h e i r hapu on  r e g i s t r a t i o n forms are unaware of i t or confuse hapu with t r i b e .  Most  do know t h e i r i w i and notice the d i f f e r e n c e s between the t r i b e s i n d i a l e c t s , customs.  But the d i f f e r e n c e s were l e s s important than the f a c t  that they were Maori.  The f a c t too that many of the marriages were across  t r i b a l l i n e s might give a much wider k i n s h i p network but the d i f f e r e n c e i n custom and language  and the shyness  of the i n d i v i d u a l make him  few of the p o s s i b l e k i n to e s t a b l i s h e f f e c t i v e  select  relations.  The Batak i n the c i t y also has a small number of h i s lineage but by means of h i s neighbourhood  and c l a n groups e s t a b l i s h e d i n the c i t y  he i s l i n k e d to a much l a r g e r number of people.  He may  a l s o belong to  h i s wife's c l a n a s s o c i a t i o n i n the c i t y so the number of h i s p o t e n t i a l k i n i s g r e a t e r than i f he remained  i n the v i l l a g e .  F r i e d l ' s study w r i t t e n more from the point of view of the v i l l a g e r than the urban dweller does not explore the s i z e of the e f f e c t i v e k i n  -53group.  However she does p o i n t out that the network of r e l a t i o n s and  t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n s i n town and c i t y make i t p o s s i b l e f o r the v i l l a g e r to  conduct business with k i n or near-kin on a personal b a s i s .  This  the v i l l a g e r considers much more d e s i r a b l e than conducting business on an impersonal b a s i s .  How adept are urban dwellers i n t h e i r  culture:  The Auckland Maori, although adjusted to l i v i n g , i n an urban with close contact with Pakehas, were very conscious oft t h e i r  setting  identity.  They p r e f e r r e d the company of other Maori and few t r i e d to pass as Pakehas.  However they were not anxiously preserving many features of  the Maori c u l t u r e .  Although the Maori language  was s t i l l  monial occasions, i t was not used i n much of the conduct and few of the c h i l d r e n were l e a r n i n g the language.  used on cereof d a i l y  affairs  The younger members  were i n c l i n e d to be impatient with the t r a d i t i o n a l ceremonial while those approaching middle age were becoming more i n t e r e s t e d .  The lack of s u i t -  able quarters i n the c i t y i n which to hold ceremonials such as h u i meant t h a t many changes were made i n the t r a d i t i o n a l forms - they were of s h o r t e r d u r a t i o n and l e s s open i n h o s p i t a l i t y . to  f i t the new c o n d i t i o n s , not dropped.  But they were adjusted  T r a d i t i o n a l c r a f t s were not  r e t a i n e d but there was some i n t e r e s t i n the songs and dance. The Batak language and ceremonial l i f e . commercial  i s used f o r the f i r s t years of school, v i l l a g e  Dutch was formerly the language  world and i s s t i l l  of government and  used by many of the Medan Batak i n t h e i r  homes but i s being replaced by Indonesian.  I n t e r e s t i n the r e t e n t i o n of  t h e i r own c u l t u r e i n Toba Batak revolves around the adat.  Bruner  found  t h a t support of the adat was general i n both the c i t y and the v i l l a g e . The  c i t y dwellers are c r i t i c a l of the ceremonials and would shorten them  as w e l l as l i g h t e n the burden of k i n s h i p o b l i g a t i o n s .  R i t u a l s i n the  c i t y are attended by lineage members and a f f i n e s from the v i l l a g e who are  the experts on adat and take part i n the d e c i s i o n s as to the  d e t a i l s of the procedures.  Since the adat a p p l i e d only to the Batak  i n h i s r e l a t i o n s with other Batak, the c i t y Batak depends on the Dutch model and other C h r i s t i a n ceremonies  which enrich r a t h e r than denigrate  Batak ceremonials. The t i e which l i n k s the urban Greek to the v i l l a g e i s sentimental but often r e i n f o r c e d by an economic i n t e r e s t i n lands t r a n s f e r r e d as dowry. -Urban l i f e has high status i n the eyes of the v i l l a g e r and new ways adopted by the c i t y dweller are soon copied by h i s k i n i n the village.  The v i l l a g e r i n Greece i s not very l i k e the r e a c t i o n a r y  c h a r a c t e r a s s o c i a t e d with r u r a l l i f e  i n other s o c i e t i e s .  The Batak, Maori and Greek s o c i e t i e s i l l u s t r a t e many of the charact e r i s t i c s of the type "Migrants with two worlds".  The migrants who leave  the country have some q u a l i f i c a t i o n s which enable them to f i n d p o s i t i o n s in  the urban areas.  They do not see t h e i r time i n the c i t y - a s  limited  nor t h e i r f i n a l goal the saving of money to i n v e s t i n a g r i c u l t u r e . While they are t i e d to a r u r a l community, land represents an economic asset rather than a most d e s i r a b l e way of l i f e .  Land may be rented to a  lineage mate (Batak), leased to k i n (Maori) or even s o l d o u t r i g h t because  (Greek)  i t i s the property of an i n d i v i d u a l rather than a corporate group  The k i n group includes both r u r a l and urban members who. extend help to one another and share many r i t u a l s .  The urban members provide a model of  change f o r the r u r a l members i n c o n t r a s t to the French Canadian  parish  described by Miner,-^ migrants from which belong to the f o u r t h type, "Re-established k i n group i n the c i t y " to be described i n the next  chapte  -55-  NOTES •'-Joan Metge, A New 2  Maori Migration, London, Athlone Press, 1964,  Edward Bruner, "Urbanization and e t h n i c . i d e n t i t y i n North American Anthropologist 63: 1961, p. 508.  p. 13.  Sumatra,"  ^Edward Bruner, "Kinship o r g a n i z a t i o n among the urban Batak of Sumatra," New York Academy of Sciences Transactions 22: 1959/60, p. 121. ^Edward Bruner, "The Toba Batak v i l l a g e , " i n G. W. Skinner, ed., L o c a l , E t h n i c and N a t i o n a l L o y a l t i e s i n V i l l a g e Indonesia, =New Haven a, Yale U n i v e r s i t y , 1 9 5 9 , p. 54. ^ I r w i n T. Sanders, Rainbow i n the Rock, Cambridge, Press, 1962, p. 9.  Harvard U n i v e r s i t y  ^ E r n e s t i n e F r i e d l , V a s i l i k a ; A V i l l a g e i n Modern Greece, New Rinehart and Winston, cl962-, p. 7.  York, H o l t ,  ^ E r n e s t i n e F r i e d l , "The r o l e of k i n s h i p i n the transmission of n a t i o n a l c u l t u r e to r u r a l v i l l a g e s i n mainland Greece," American Anthropolog i s t 61: 1959, p. 30-38. ^Metge, op. c i t . , p. 50. ^Bruner, 1961, op. c i t . , p. 509. 1 0  Friedl,  i:L  1 2  1962, op. c i t . ,  p. 7.  Metge, op. c i t . , p. 179-180.  B r u n e r , 1959/60, op. c i t . , p. 121-122. Horace Miner, S t . Denis: A French-Canadian P a r i s h , U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 2d imp. 1963, p. 250-252.  -56-  CHAPTER V  THE RE-ESTABLISHED KIN GROUP IN THE CITY  The member of t h i s group may or he may  be of the generation born i n the c i t y  have migrated but h i s roots are f i r m l y planted i n the  city.  He recognized the existence of k i n i n the country but not any g a t i o n to them unless the k i n are h i s parents.  His c h i l d r e n w i l l  bably be t o t a l l y u n f a m i l i a r with h i s country home and  oblipro-  relatives.  The member depends on h i s k i n f o r a v a r i e t y of minor s e r v i c e s and help i n the time of need; t h e i r support. The  He patronizes h i s k i n i n business and  He p r e f e r s t h e i r company i n s o c i a l  expects  activities.  societies- - chosen to i l l u s t r a t e t h i s type are: 1  French-Canadian This study was  based on i n t e r v i e w s of more than f i f t y  l i v i n g i n the c i t y of Montreal i n the mid n i n e t e e n - f i f t i e s .  persons 2  To ascer-  t a i n the extent of t h e i r k i n s h i p knowledge, t h i r t y informants were asked to compile  complete  genealogies.  incomes i n a h i g h l y i n d u s t r i a l i z e d The French-Canadian  A l l were earners of medium  city.  k i n s h i p system i s patronymic  bilateral in  s t r u c t u r e with a formal p a t t e r n of expected o b l i g a t i o n s .between generations.  The French-Canadian  children.  f a t h e r has the o b l i g a t i o n to e s t a b l i s h h i s  Farms are i n h e r i t e d by one son, not u s u a l l y the e l d e s t . ^  With the shortage of new sent them to the  lands many gave t h e i r c h i l d r e n t r a i n i n g and  city.  Italianate This study^ was  based on i n t e r v i e w s and the c o l l e c t i o n of genea-  l o g i c a l data from twenty-five informants l i v i n g i n London.  Included  -57were newly a r r i v e d migrants who had no k i n i n England as w e l l as some I t a l i a n s who had been born i n England and consider E n g l i s h t h e i r mother tongue. The I t a l i a n k i n s h i p system i s patrinominal with a s t r e s s on the male l i n e .  Unlike the previous migrants, members of the Re-established k i n group have only one v/orld - that of the c i t y .  Although some members  have been born i n the country, f o r many the t i e s to the r u r a l community are s l i g h t , while f o r others they do not e x i s t .  Exchange of s e r v i c e s  between country and c i t y k i n are not important to them f o r the k i n group i n the c i t y i s large enough to o f f e r support and companionship. While the I t a l i a n a t e community i s growing by the a d d i t i o n of new migrants who often are helped to s e t t l e i n London, the French-Canadian group has w e l l - d e f i n e d borders.  Range of k i n s h i p knowledge: The f i g u r e s given by Garigue i n the tables of known k i n f o r the I t a l i a n a t e study were ordered by household rather than i n d i v i d u a l .  The  t o t a l k i n recognized ranged from 123 to 386; i n ten of twelve cases, 50$ of the known k i n were "in Ego's and the f i r s t ascending generations. The depth of the genealogy was never more than s i x generations.  The l a r g e s t  networks were those of persons who had r e l a t i v e s i n the v i l l a g e of o r i g i n i n I t a l y ; i n many cases the k i n mentioned were c l a s s i f i c a t o r y k i n . In the study of the Montreal group the number of k i n known to the informants ranged from 75 to 484.  This number i s not comparable  to that  above because i t represents the knowledge of an i n d i v i d u a l rather than a household.  Men had a greater knowledge of the f a t h e r ' s l i n e while women  knew more regarding t h e i r mother's l i n e .  O c c a s i o n a l l y , however, a  woman would know more about her spouse's l i n e than he d i d .  On the  whole the women were more knowledgeable about k i n than were the men. While  Garigue  does not give a t a b l e i n d i c a t i n g the depth of generations  and l a t e r a l d i s t r i b u t i o n , he s t r e s s e d the importance c h i l d , s i b l i n g and a f f i n e s r e l a t i o n s . tem.  of the parent-  These form the core of the sys-  Recognition of other r e l a t i v e s as k i n operates according to  descent  lines.  In both s t u d i e s i t was found that there were c e r t a i n p i v o t a l k i n who were much b e t t e r informed, or experts, i n the k i n s h i p network and had status because of t h i s .  In Montreal t h i s person was l i k e l y to be  a woman, but i n London i t was often an o l d e r man who had conducted business on behalf of other members of the community.  Kinship  obligations:  The most c r u c i a l o b l i g a t i o n among the I t a l i a n community i s that between parents and c h i l d r e n f o r support of c h i l d r e n while young and parents when aged.  Widows and orphans should be brought  k i n of the deceased  parents.  vide a home f o r unmarried  S i b l i n g s have a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to pro-  sisters.  C h i l d r e n are expected  parents u n t i l they marry and o f t e n a f t e r . hold or business i s frequent.  up by the  The extended  to l i v e with  f a m i l y house-  Many members of the community help  r e l a t i v e s migrate .'to England whereupon the newcomers are o f t e n prov i d e d with both jobs and accommodation.  They may also borrow money,  o f t e n without i n t e r e s t , to get s t a r t e d i n business. The  core group c o n s i s t i n g of Ego's parents, s i b l i n g s and t h e i r  spouses and h i s a f f i n e s i n the same generation are those to whom Ego has s p e c i a l o b l i g a t i o n s and f o r whom he w i l l make great e f f o r t s or  -59sacrifices.  Although  r e c e i v e d important  a l l Montreal  informants  reported that they had  s e r v i c e s from r e l a t i v e s there i s a d e f i n i t e  pre-  ference f o r help from members of one's own l i n e and a l s o one's own sex.  Nearly a quarter of the households e i t h e r contained three genera-  t i o n s or i n c l u d e d k i n who were not members of the conjugal u n i t . of  Many  the group worked f o r or knew of k i n working f o r r e l a t i v e s .  Social  relations:  In both s o c i e t i e s there was frequent contact between members of the k i n group.  One I t a l i a n a t e household i n London s e l e c t e d f o r d e t a i l e d  e x p o s i t i o n was a s e l f - c o n t a i n e d u n i t and s o c i a l contacts were almost e n t i r e l y w i t h i n the I t a l i a n community.  No member had close E n g l i s h  f r i e n d s or belonged to E n g l i s h o r g a n i z a t i o n s .  Those f a m i l i e s who had  been i n England longer and were l e s s f i r m l y l i n k e d with I t a l y g r a d u a l l y became i n t e g r a t e d i n t o B r i t i s h l i f e ,  but not by i n t e r m a r r i a g e .  The only  E n g l i s h - I t a l i a n marriages reported were wartime marriages i n I t a l y between B r i t i s h army personnel  and I t a l i a n s .  Church organizations and  a c t i v i t i e s of the I t a l i a n community provided them with most of t h e i r social life  and the opportunity to meet p o s s i b l e spouses.  t i o n s to v i s i t  The o b l i g a -  r e l a t i v e s , provide h o s p i t a l i t y and keep a l l members i n -  formed of f a m i l y happenings r e i n f o r c e d the k i n t i e . The  informant  i n Montreal,  chosen by Garigue  as t y p i c a l , was a  young married man with l i v i n g k i n numbering over two hundred.  In a  month he met an average of f o r t y to f o r t y - f i v e r e l a t i v e s , and many more during the h o l i d a y season.. Family reunions  provided an opportunity to  meet more r e l a t i o n s but they d i d not occur o f t e n .  His p a t t e r n of f r e -  quent contact with male s i b l i n g s and a f f i n e s with l e s s frequent to  visits  parents was quite d i f f e r e n t from a woman's p a t t e r n which would i n c l u d e  -60-  more contact with her ov/n parents and female s i b l i n g s but l e s s with female a f f i n e s .  The network l o s t a c t i v e members through the upward  m o b i l i t y of some as w e l l as by the marriage "out" to someone who was not French-Canadian or not C a t h o l i c .  Because  the s i b l i n g group was l a r g e ,  there was a large group from which to s e l e c t those k i n with most cong e n i a l t a s t e s and i n t e r e s t s .  But the group d i d not have replacements  i n the wings as the London group d i d with i t s connections with v i l l a g e s i n I t a l y , nor d i d i t include cousins unless there had been a cousin marriage, which i s not i n f r e q u e n t . The economic  t i e s among the I t a l i a n a t e group i n c l u d e d i n a few  cases the sending of money to support r e l a t i v e s or to purchase property in Italy.  Many helped r e l a t i v e s migrate to England and supported them  when they had d i f f i c u l t i e s .  The members worked f o r one another and  brought r e l a t i v e s from I t a l y to help them i n a business rather than h i r e non-Italians. the  They p a t r o n i z e d one another's business and co-operated to  extent that i t was n o t i c e d and i n cases resented by n o n - I t a l i a n s . The economic  t i e s i n the French-Canadian group are very s i m i l a r ,  with the added feature that Ego would p r e f e r to get help from the k i n group of b i r t h rather than the k i n group of marriage. working f o r r e l a t i v e s i s w e l l known. patronage from r e l a t i v e s . of  The incidence of  Persons i n business can depend on  P r o f e s s i o n a l s e r v i c e s are sought from members  the k i n group. Both the I t a l i a n a t e and the French-Canadian groups are members of  the  C a t h o l i c church.  Their l i f e  c r i s e s are marked by r e l i g i o u s  monies often celebrated by a k i n member.  Such occasions as a marriage  or a f u n e r a l are supported by a large number of the k i n network. • l e s s e r occasion such as a baptism or f i r s t  cere-  A  communion i s attended by a  smaller group of c l o s e r k i n . in  Repudiation of t h e i r r e l i g i o n would lead  most cases to a r e d u c t i o n i n the numbers of people who  acknowledged  themselves as e f f e c t i v e k i n and would f e e l o b l i g e d to o f f e r help i n time of need. The f e a t u r e which c h a r a c t e r i z e s the French-Canadian  and  Italianate  groups and d i s t i n g u i s h e s them from the other migrant types i s the s e l f s u f f i c i e n c y of the group.  The members are urbanized i n the terms of  Mayer's d e f i n i t i o n which was to  that a person i s urbanized when he  ceases  play a r o l e i n h i s home community but has a l l h i s s o c i a l t i e s i n the  city.  With many of the problems of migration behind them, they  still  depend on k i n f o r both emotional and economic support but only on k i n who  are also i n the c i t y .  NOTES While accounts by d i f f e r e n t authors would have been p r e f e r r e d , these have been s e l e c t e d because the k i n s h i p data i s comparable. The data i n F i r t h ' study " K i n s h i p i n South Borough" i n Two studies of k i n s h i p i n London, (London, Athlone Press, 1956) i s comparable but the subjects haven't a h i s t o r y of m i g r a t i o n . For t h i s same reason the studies by M. Young and P. Willmott, Family and k i n s h i p i n East London, and P. Townsend, The f a m i l y l i f e of o l d people were not found u s e f u l . On the other hand the a r t i c l e s by Eugene Litwok, "Occupational m o b i l i t y and extended family cohesion," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review 25:9-21 I960 and "Geographical m o b i l i t y and extended f a m i l y cohesion," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review 25: 385-394 I960 which deal with f a m i l i e s who have or expect to migrate lacks s u f f i c i e n t k i n s h i p data, p a r t i c u l a r l y a d e f i n i t i o n of the term "extended f a m i l y " . An i n d i c a t i o n of the work being done on t h i s subject i s provided i n a review a r t i c l e by Marvin B. Sussman and Lee B u r c h i n a l "Kin f a m i l y network: unheralded s t r u c t u r e i n current c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of f a m i l y f u n c t i o n i n g , " Marriage and Family L i v i n g 24:231-240 August 1962. ' P h i l i p Garigue, "French Canadian k i n s h i p and urban l i f e , " A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 58: 1956, p. 1090.  American  *H. M. Miner, S t . Denis: a French Canadian P a r i s h , U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1963, pp. 79-80. " P h i l i p Garigue and Raymond F i r t h , "Kinship o r g a n i z a t i o n of I t a l i a n a t e s • i n London," i n Raymond F i r t h , ed., Two Studies of K i n s h i p i n London, London, Athlone Press, 1956, p. 67.  -62CHAPTER VI  The migrants  survey of r u r a l - u r b a n migration i n d i c a t e s that for.many of the the new  life  i n the c i t y i s not c h a r a c t e r i z e d by anonymity,  l a c k of intimate personal acquaintanceship, or the weakening of the bonds of k i n s h i p .  Instead we  found that many migrants  place a r e l a t i v e l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t which i s s o c i a l l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t self-sufficient.  The migrant  community i n the country with  community who  may  one  though not economically or p h y s i c a l l y  goes with groups he knows, s e t t l e s with  them, helps and r e c e i v e s help from them. own  are able to r e -  The  l i m i t e d numbers from h i s  be i n the c i t y make i t necessary to him to replace  close k i n with more d i s t a n t , to a s s o c i a t e with people of the same s o c i e t y but d i f f e r e n t v i l l a g e s , or even i n a few cases, people from other t r i b e s . He widens the boundaries  of h i s s o c i a l group: the s i z e of the group to  which he has o b l i g a t i o n s of support cannot grow and probably w i l l become narrower as more members of the s o c i e t y are i n t e g r a t e d i n t o a money economy. The of  two  f a c t that a migrant  sees h i m s e l f as a member of a community (or  communities) means he views some people with favour, others with,  suspicion.  He tends to l i m i t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n with the out-group  i f he  does not ignore them a l t o g e t h e r . "A member of one of  community may  communities other than h i s own,  t h e i r relevance to h i s own is  little  life.  pass d a i l y through  the p h y s i c a l  site  n e i t h e r 'seeing' them nor admitting But, w i t h i n h i s own  community, there  i f any anonymity.""'"  The b a s i s of the group i s k i n s h i p but i t never i n c l u d e s a l l of the migrants  from a given r u r a l community to the c i t y .  Some never  the c i t y group, others do but l a t e r break away or are e x p e l l e d .  join  -63"One type, q u a l i t a t i v e l y the cream but numerically the l e s s  signi-  f i c a n t , c o n s i s t s of b r i g h t youths who migrate i n search of education or wider o p p o r t u n i t i e s .  These have both the drive and the f a c i l i t y of  r a p i d a s s i m i l a t i o n i n t o the c u l t u r e of the c i t y . "  2  Those who enter the new community are cushioned from the p o t e n t i a l harassments  but must also accept the standards of the community.  The Xhosa have a term i t s h i p h a which they apply to the man who disappears i n town, l e a v i n g h i s parents and f a m i l y without any word. (The word i s supposedly derived from the E n g l i s h f o r 'Cheap').  They  have another, also derogatory, term irumsha which i s a p p l i e d to the man who speaks E n g l i s h rather than h i s own language.3  Xhosa are more con-  s e r v a t i v e than most other s o c i e t i e s i n the survey but f a i l u r e to meet one's o b l i g a t i o n s to kinsmen i s one way to cut the bond to the s o c i e t y . Bruner has noted that the urban Batak are c r i t i c a l of some aspects of  t h e i r adat, p a r t i c u l a r l y when k i n s h i p o b l i g a t i o n s impose a heavy  burden.  But most p r e f e r to meet the o b l i g a t i o n s rather than r i s k the  l o s s of k i n support.  This loss could take the form of having k i n refuse  to  eat when a t t e n d i n g h i s ceremonies,  of  h i s name from the genealogies.^  or i n extreme cases the s t r i k i n g  The French-Canadian  with those who have "gone E n g l i s h " by marrying a or  lose contact  non-French-Canadian  a non-Catholic.5 In w r i t i n g of the migration of the Ammeln, A l p o r t states that  "migration of tribesmen, unless i t i s f o r adventure or pilgrimage, i s c o n d i t i o n e d by economic n e c e s s i t y " . ^  This was found to be true i n the  survey of migrations and the typology r e f l e c t s four stages of economic development.  In the r u r a l s e t t i n g the major economic resource i s . l a n d :  the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the migrant to the land i s the main feature which  d i s t i n g u i s h e s one type of migration from The  another.  "Rural migrants i n the c i t y " have l i v e d i n the country but at  the time of t h e i r migration do not have c o n t r o l over land.  Some had  rented land which they c u l t i v a t e d , others were h i r e d l a b o u r e r s .  Their  m i g r a t i o n r e s u l t s from the poverty i n the country r a t h e r than the a t t r a c t i o n of the c i t y .  The migration does not solve the problem  of poverty.  Although a l l think they are b e t t e r o f f i n the c i t y , t h e i r s t y l e of l i v i n g is  essentially'rural.  They a s s o c i a t e almost e x c l u s i v e l y with k i n who  are  very r e s t r i c t e d i n number as compared with a r u r a l community so that there i s a diminution i n s o c i a l contacts and s o c i a l l i f e .  These migrants have  n e i t h e r resources nor t r a i n i n g so they tend to get the lowest p a i d jobs and to develop few s k i l l s . to  Among the sample groups,  be a s s o c i a t e d with poverty, few s k i l l s  and l i t t l e  l a c k of land tends or no education,  l a c k of i n t e r e s t i n education or s o c i a l s e r v i c e s a v a i l a b l e i n the The adjustment is  or adaptation of these migrants to urban l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s  minimal. The  "Peasant  r a i d e r s " are a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s f o r whom the migration to  the c i t y provides an i n t e r e s t i n g i n t e r l u d e . t i o n , most migrations i n v o l v e men  Because of i t s l i m i t e d  but not t h e i r f a m i l i e s .  cannot s e l l h i s land, i t i s u s u a l l y c o r p o r a t e l y owned. close k i n to farm i t and thereby both support themselves rights. his  The  dura-  peasant  He depends on h i s and p r o t e c t h i s  In r e t u r n the k i n expect to share i n h i s earnings.  To maintain  status as an absentee member of the k i n group he sends money f o r cur-  rent expenses, to  city.  f o r ceremonial occasions, brings back store goods and money  be i n v e s t e d i n the farm.  In the c i t y the migrant a s s o c i a t e s with k i n  and u s u a l l y works at a poorly paid l a b o u r i n g job.  -65There i s some i n d i c a t i o n of change i n that education i s beginning to be a v a i l a b l e and valued.  Some investment i n urban p r o p e r t i e s i s r e -  p l a c i n g the e x c l u s i v e l y r u r a l p a t t e r n of the past. the land tenure system,  R e s t r i c t i v e n e s s of  together with r i g i d i t y of the k i n s h i p  system  d i s t i n g u i s h t h i s type from the next. The  "Migrants with two worlds" are those migrants who have an  i n t e r e s t i n land but are not a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s .  With the help of k i n  as w e l l as some education, they are able to make t h e i r way i n the c i t y . The  land tenure system permits them to s e l l but most are not so secure  i n the c i t y that they are w i l l i n g to take t h i s step.  By r e n t i n g land  to kinsmen they keep t h e i r place i n the r u r a l community.  Renting of  land tends to offset the d i f f i c u l t i e s caused by land fragmentation and too small h o l d i n g s .  I t t h e r e f o r e improves  both the a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t and the migrant.  the economic circumstances of Unlike the peasant he i n v e s t s  i n the urban r a t h e r than the r u r a l community, yet he s t i l l h i s o b l i g a t i o n s to rural k i n .  The improved  recognizes  economic circumstances of  these migrants i s r e f l e c t e d i n v i s i t i n g between groups of k i n and i n creased support f o r ceremonial  life.  The migrants who make up the "Re-established k i n group i n the c i t y " have been absorbed  i n t o the c i t y economy and no longer depend on r u r a l  land holdings or r u r a l k i n .  The k i n group i n c l u d e s s e v e r a l generations  and the migrant's p o t e n t i a l k i n group i s large because i t i n c l u d e s affines.  From t h i s group of p o t e n t i a l k i n he chooses  a c i r c l e of e f f e c -  t i v e k i n on the b a s i s of c o n g e n i a l i t y of i n t e r e s t s or usefulness.  He  u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e s with k*in, extends help to them and expects them to reciprocate.  -66The main purpose of the t h e s i s has been the p r e p a r a t i o n of the typology which sets out the r o l e of k i n s h i p among migrating groups. T h i s t h e o r e t i c a l framework can be used f o r the comparison and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of other rural-urban migrations.  There may even be a need  to employ t h i s extended typology to analyse the one case.  Thus i t  may be needed to compare the same migration at d i f f e r e n t points i n time.  As the s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s i n the community which permit or en-  courage m i g r a t i o n change, the type of migration also changes.  This  can be i l l u s t r a t e d by r e f e r r i n g to the migrations of the Overseas Chinese  to various parts of South A s i a .  Migrations have been made from Southeastern parts of South A s i a f o r many c e n t u r i e s . merchants whose adventures,  China to various  The e a r l i e s t migrants  f r e e l y undertaken,  innovative pioneer migrations i n Petersen's  were  would be considered  typology.  The great num-  bers of peoples, v a r y i n g economic c o n d i t i o n s i n the home country and the v a r i e t y i n the countries and areas to which the Chinese  migrated  r e s u l t e d i n many d i f f e r e n t types of migration o c c u r r i n g contemporaneously. For example: i n the nineteen t h i r t i e s when some migrations of Chinese to c i t i e s i n Indonesia would f i t i n t o the type "Migrants with two worlds", impelled migrations of Chinese  indentured labourers were s t i l l a feature  i n the development of the rubber p l a n t a t i o n s of the outer i s l a n d s . ^ An example to i l l u s t r a t e "Rural migrants  i n the c i t y " was not l o c a t e d  i n the l i t e r a t u r e d e a l i n g with the Overseas Chinese  but i t i s most l i k e l y  t h a t migrations f i t t i n g t h i s type would be found i n Hong Kong.  The other  three types can be i l l u s t r a t e d by r e f e r r i n g to the migrations to the Philippines.  -67The e a r l i e s t migrants to the P h i l i p p i n e s were merchants.  Coolie  labour was ended by the a p p l i c a t i o n of the American " E x c l u s i o n Act" i n 1899,' which encouraged  the entry of migrants who would not compete with Q  l o c a l a g r i c u l t u r a l workers.  While most of the migrants o r i g i n a t e i n  the Southeast c o a s t a l regions t h e i r choice of areas to which to migrate i s not u n r e s t r i c t e d .  Communities i n China are a s s o c i a t e d with s p e c i f i c  migrant-receiving countries.  "The P h i l i p p i n e Chinese Community i s  a s s o c i a t e d with two such centers, one i n Kwangtung and one i n Fukien."^ V/ithin t h i s century the type of migration has been mass m i g r a t i o n with people migrating because i t i s the e s t a b l i s h e d p a t t e r n i n t h e i r community. The Chinese population of the P h i l i p p i n e s i n c r e a s e d very slowly during the e a r l y years of the American a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . I t grew from 41,005 i n 1903 to 43,802 i n 1 9 1 8 . D u r i n g fit  the type "Peasant  these years the migrations  Raiders" as the migrant's purpose was to work hard,  l i v e f r u g a l l y and r e t i r e to China as soon as p o s s i b l e .  They were helped  to migrate by t h e i r close k i n (not l i n e a g e ) and i n turn helped others. T h e i r sojourns i n the P h i l i p p i n e s were i n t e r s p e r s e d with v i s i t s to the home community i n China, where they married, and where t h e i r were r a i s e d . often succeeded  families  When the sons were ready to work they j o i n e d the father and to h i s business when the f a t h e r r e t i r e d to China.  A f t e r 1918 t h i s p a t t e r n began to change.  Although the migrants  continued to support the home community, t h e i r improved  financial  cir-  cumstances permitted them to i n v e s t i n business i n the c i t y as w e l l as a g r i c u l t u r e i n China.  The business was often a j o i n t venture v/ith  c a p i t a l provided by a group of k i n .  The success of many of these  cerns i s a t t r i b u t e d to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of c r e d i t from k i n .  con-  The p a t t e r n  of v i s i t i n g China continued and most Chinese i n Manila born before 1935  -68-  were born i n China. i n the business. children.  But g r a d u a l l y some migrants brought  "In 1918  P h i l i p p i n e s was  Sons and other male k i n were brought  the p r o p o r t i o n of Chinese females  one female to t h i r t e e n males.  had become one female to s i x males."-'-''-  out to help  t h e i r wives and to males i n the  By 1939  While there was  the p r o p o r t i o n still  an a t t a c h -  ment to the home community, the Chinese had become "Migrants with worlds".  The lineage i n c l u d e d members of both communities.  two  In Manila  small groups of c l o s e l y - r e l a t e d male k i n and l a t e r f a m i l i e s provided emotional support and an e f f e c t i v e cooperating group, while many of the welfare d u t i e s of the l i n e a g e i n China were taken over by d i s t r i c t  and  clan associations. The war  and subsequent  change of government i n China severed the  connections between the two communities.  There i s a sentimental a t t a c h -  ment, some support of k i n i n China, but the takeover of lineage property as w e l l as r e s t r i c t i o n s on t r a v e l and immigration have f o r c e d the Overseas Chinese i n Manila to become "Re-established k i n groups i n the  city".  The four types have been formulated i n the hope that they would overcome some of the drawbacks of the t y p o l o g i e s of Petersen and R e d f i e l d on which they :  are based.  Petersen s a i d of h i s own  t i n c t i o n i n the typology, perhaps,  "The most u s e f u l  dis-  i s that between mass migration and a l l  other types, f o r i t emphasizes the f a c t that the movement of Europeans to the New  World during the 19th century,- the migration with which we  most f a m i l i a r does not c o n s t i t u t e the whole of the phenomenon."  are Most  users of the typology w i l l agree with the author that "Migration ... must be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d with respect to r e l e v a n t s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s " .  But a  typology which i s s u f f i c i e n t l y comprehensive to provide f o r every m i g r a t i o n cannot at the same time be s p e c i f i c enough to d i s t i n g u i s h the s o c i a l  -69-  c o n d i t i o n s which enter i n t o many m i g r a t i o n s .  Since rural-urban migra-  t i o n s are always innovative i n terms of Petersen's into  typology,  fitting  two types " F l i g h t from the land" or "Urbanization", t h i s  classifi-  c a t i o n does not t e l l us much about the r e l e v a n t s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s . extension to the typology  of Petersen  shed more l i g h t on the process its  scope to those migrations  used i n t h i s survey  The  attempted to  of change, which migration i s , by l i m i t i n g i n which k i n s h i p loss i s not experienced,  and by l i n k i n g k i n s h i p , land tenure  and u r b a n i z a t i o n .  Although the method followed by R e d f i e l d was used i n formulating the types, the rural-urban dichotomy or continuum d i d not prove u s e f u l in  the a n a l y s i s or r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n .  In part t h i s was because of  R e d f i e l d ' s types.  He c h a r a c t e r i z e d f o l k s o c i e t i e s  lated,  homogeneous and possessing group s o l i d a r i t y , while  illiterate,  the c i t y was the l o g i c a l opposite.14 either  pole.  as being small, i s o -  None of the s o c i e t i e s  surveyed f i t  The stages i n between have not been c h a r a c t e r i z e d so that  the extent to which a group f i t s a type cannot be a s c e r t a i n e d . In h i s Yucatan study R e d f i e l d developed four types, t r i b a l v i l l a g e , peasant v i l l a g e , town and c i t y . isolated;  Each one i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by being  "less  i s more heterogeneous; i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a more complex  d i v i s i o n of labor; has a more completely  developed economy; allows a  g r e a t e r freedom of a c t i o n and choice to the i n d i v i d u a l " - ^ munity which precedes i t on the continuum.  than the com-  These types are used and  u s e f u l to show how communities change through time as a r e s u l t of an i n f l u x of population and increased contact with other communities. continuum implies a u n i l i n e a r  The  p a t t e r n of evolutionary change.  Although the four types of migrations  used i n t h i s survey  bear  some resemblance to the Yucatan model they are used to show how and why  -70-  migrants leave r u r a l communities, move to urban centers and become urbanized.  The extent to which t h i s change i s p o s s i b l e i s governed  by s o c i a l conditions i n both the l o s i n g and r e c e i v i n g communities  and  does not follow a u n i l i n e a r p a t t e r n . The f a c t that the migrations used i n the sample e x i s t  refutes  R e d f i e l d ' s assumption, and that of the majority of fieldworkers since h i s time, that k i n s h i p as a s e l f - p e r p e t u a t i n g system i n h i b i t s change and i s destroyed by a major change such as migration.  The survey  i n d i c a t e d that a s o c i e t y from which migrants derive i s a changing s o c i e t y , no longer i s o l a t e d , whose members lack homogeniety  of e x p e r i -  ence and have problems which cannot be solved by t r a d i t i o n a l means. In t h e . c i t y the migrant•adapts to very d i f f e r e n t c o n d i t i o n s of l i f e and adopts c u l t u r a l items which are unknown i n the r u r a l area. i s not an anonymous person i n a heterogeneous mass.  But he  Instead, by  keeping with k i n , he belongs to a group c h a r a c t e r i z e d by being small, s h a r i n g conventional understandings, possessing group s o l i d a r i t y and to some degree i s o l a t e d from s i m i l a r and d i s s i m i l a r groups i n the c i t y . A c i t y which has many such groups, and t h i s includes any c i t y having or r e c e i v i n g a large p r o p o r t i o n of i t s population migrants, i s very u n l i k e the model of Wirth and R e d f i e l d .  It exhibits a cultural diversity  which  makes the dichotomy between groups i n the c i t y greater than that between the r u r a l and urban branches o f the same s o c i e t y .  This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y  true i n Asian c i t i e s where there i s not a dominant urban majority which a c t s as the model towards which other groups are changing. In much of the l i t e r a t u r e r e l a t i n g to migration the s t r e s s i s on what appears to the observer to be d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n i f not d i s i n t e g r a t i o n . I t i s expressed i n statements such as:  These people are accustomed to  l i v i n g i n small towns where t h e i r elders r e a l l y c o n t r o l them;  They  are used to having k i n help them and can't stand up f o r themselves; They have never worked f o r wages, just f o r k i n .  These statements  are  o f t e n s u p e r f i c i a l l y and f a c t u a l l y c o r r e c t but cloud or ignore the many ways i n which k i n s h i p operates among these groups i n the c i t y .  For  the Rural Migrants the p r i n c i p a l use of the k i n i s as a reference group. These people were economically disadvantaged i n the country with no t r o l over land and are o f t e n the disadvantaged i n the c i t y .  con-  Pearse  remarked on the constant v i s i t i n g to the e x c l u s i o n of a l l non-kin with the r e s u l t that the group was  the dominant and almost e x c l u s i v e s a n c t i o n  group f o r the behaviour of i t s members.-^  What may  be considered appro-  p r i a t e by the k i n group might however be considered t o t a l l y i n a p p r o p r i a t e by other urban d w e l l e r s . The sojourn of the "Peasant sense a cooperative investment are u s u a l l y young men,  r a i d e r " i n the c i t y i s i n a very r e a l  on the part of h i s k i n group.  The  migrants  o f t e n s e l e c t e d and financed by the k i n group,  v e l l i n g with k i n to j o i n others i n the c i t y .  tra-  While they are away, the  group compounds i t s investment by c a r i n g f o r the land r i g h t s and k i n of the absent member.  The migrant i s expected to earn and save and r e t u r n  the investment with store goods, and money i n v e s t e d i n the r u r a l community.  In recent years i t i s becoming l e s s unusual f o r a wife to  accompany the migrant.  But c h i l d r e n are not u s u a l l y kept i n the c i t y  but are sent back to the country to be r a i s e d by k i n . In the t h i r d type of migration where there i s a r e l a x a t i o n of the t i e to the land, there i s also l e s s r i g i d i t y i n r i g h t s and of k i n s h i p .  obligations  The system i s g r a d u a l l y changing i n the d i r e c t i o n of a  mutual a s s i s t a n c e a s s o c i a t i o n .  F r i e n d s h i p may  replace a s s o c i a t i o n with  -72-  close k i n .  The cooperation pattern i s s t i l l p r e v a l e n t .  f e e l free to i n v e s t i n something  other than land.  Migrants  now  Often t h i s i s a b u s i -  ness concern s t a r t e d with c a p i t a l c o n t r i b u t e d by a number of k i n . nomic cooperation i n business i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important. becomes more important and c h i l d r e n are now l i v e with k i n to be educated i n the c i t y .  Eco-  Education  sent from the country to Chain migration, which does  occur among the "Rural Migrants" and "Peasant Raiders" becomes most h i g h l y developed. it now  The migrants send money to r u r a l k i n not to have  spent i n the r u r a l community but to b r i n g k i n to the c i t y .  It i s  that the k i n group and i t s wider k i n network i s recognized as a  community or sub-community i n the c i t y . The f o u r t h type of k i n group i n the c i t y i s r e - e s t a b l i s h e d i n the sense that i t i s a complete  system which f u n c t i o n s without reference  to r u r a l k i n or community.  Economic cooperation i n business and mutual  help are important.  Although many .alternatives are open to these people  i n the urban community, a preference f o r k i n i s shown i n t h e i r choice of personal a s s o c i a t e s , business concerns p a t r o n i z e d and p r o f e s s i o n a l serv i c e s consulted.  -73NOTES -'-Janet Abu-Lughod, "Migrant adjustment to c i t y l i f e ; the Egyptian case," American Journal of Sociology 67: 1961, p. 31. I b i d . , p. 23-  2  ^ P h i l i p Mayer, Townsmen or Tribesmen, Cape Town, Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1961, p. 6. ^Edward Bruner, "Urbanization and ethnic i d e n t i t y i n North Sumatra," American Anthropologist 63:1961, p. 510. ^ P h i l i p Garigue, "French Canadian k i n s h i p and urban l i f e , " A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 58: 1956, p. 1098.  American  ^E. A. A l p o r t , "The Ammeln," Royal A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e 94: 1964, p. 168. ^Victor. P u r c e l l , The Chinese i n Southeast A s i a , London, . U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1951, p. 541.  Journal  Oxford  ^Jacques Amyot, The Chinese Community of Manila, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago, Department of Anthropology, I960, p. 17-18. . 9  1 0  I b i d . , p. 38.  Ibid.,  i : L  p. 18.  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