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Education for loyalty in prewar and postwar Japan Redekop, William Bernard 1964

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EDUCATION FOR LOYALTY IH PREWAR AND POSTWAR JAPAN by WILLIAM BERNARD REDEKOP B.A.,'Waterloo University College A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Education We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1964 In presenting t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study * I furth e r agree that per-mission for extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department pr by h i s representatives. I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i -c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my wr i t t e n permission* •n„^ 0>,+,„„„J. „.p Education Department of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8. Canada Date September 5, 1964 ABSTRACT The study consisted of an analysis and comparison of Japanese moral education before and after World War Two in terms of i t s teachings in loyalty. The samples on which the study was based were two elementary school morals courses dated 1940 19&2; they are referred to in Japan-ese as Shushin and Dotoka respectively. The problem was to determine whether the postwar version of the morals course—introduced twelve years after World War Two ended—reintro-duces the attitudes toward loyalty for which Shushin had been famous and which were allegedly repudiated after the War. The hypothesis was that the course does, in fact, represent a return to the old values. For analytical purposes the term loyalty was defined i n the nar-row sense as an attitude of obedience, respect, reverence, and allegiance toward the Emperor. In the broader sense the definition included the same attitude with reference to the nation, government, law, teachers, and parents. Qualitative distinctions in the teaching of loyalty, such as i t s sanctions, i t s purposes, i t s functions or demands, i t s origin or formation, i t s focus, and i t s emotional tone provided the basis for further analysis of the a t t i -tudes implied in loyalty as taught in the two courses. Shushin was analyzed f i r s t ; two courses, dated 1925 and- 1940, were used for the purpose. By our definition of loyalty one of the text-books in the Shushin course was more than four-fifths devoted to the subject of loyalty; the others also contained a strikingly high proportion of l e s -sons on i t . These were analyzed further as to the qualitative distinctions they revealed with regard to loyalty. i i i ';• I n i t i a l l y the same c r i t e r i a of analysis were also applied to the lessons in the postwar Dotoku course. It was found, however, that the quanti-ty of material on loyalty as originally defined was almost n i l . Hence the tern: was redefined to include any reference at a l l to the nation, govern-ment, law, teachers, and parents. In addition, a survey was made to deter-' mine what had been included in Dotoku to replace the lessons on loyalty. Some of this data was included in the report. On the basis of this analysis we concluded that Dotoku, the post-war course, teaches a concept of loyalty which i s based on the humanistic principles of rights, individuality, and i n i t i a t i v e . Shushin, on the other hand, taught a concept of loyalty based on divine, incontrovertible author-i t y and sanction. The area of greatest resemblance between the two course was their emphasis on the improvement of family l i f e . Both devoted about one tenth of the lessons at the elementary level to this subject. An important distinction, however, i s that Dotoku teaches the value of agreement reached through dis -cussion while Shushin taught submission to the w i l l of one's parents of ancestors. One of the areas of greatest contrast was the function of loyalty. In Dotoku loyalty i s expressed as service which i s a responsibility to be assumed voluntarily. By service i t means various contributions made by individuals toward the improvement of local conditions; the national orientation as regards service i s disproportionately lacking. Shushin, on the other hand, stressed the inseparability of loyalty and service for ad-vancing the national purpose. The obligation to serve was unconditional; taxation and military service were repeatedly named as the most important duties of the Japanese citizen. More significant i s the attempt in Dotoicu to broaden the basis for morality. It refers to the Imperial Institution as a symbol of h i s t o r i -cal importance but rejects that Institution as an appropriate basis for the national morality today. It holds forth the idea that a community of people, not the state or some other p o l i t i c a l entity, i s the proper basis for morality as well as the proper focus for loyalty. Freedom and responsi-b i l i t y exercised within the framework of this community i s the essence of morality i n general and of loyalty to that community in particular. On the basis of the above analysis we rejected the hypothesis that the new morals course reintroduces the concept of loyalty as taught i n prewar Shushin. v i i ACKNOWLEDGMENT A number of individuals have given invaluable assistance i n the preparation of th i s thesis. Professor Kenneth Argue, through his stimu-l a t i n g seminars i n philosophy of education, contributed greatly to the author's better understanding of many basic educational concepts involved i n t h i s study. Professor John Howes assisted i n the f i n e points of trans-l a t i o n and i n the s t y l i s t i c improvemt of the manuscript. Professor Joseph Katz supplied important advice i n the techniques of comparative study and also suggested the topic f o r t h i s paper. A number of others assisted i n gathering and interpretating data from Japanese sources; p a r t i c u l a r l y h e l p f u l i n t h i s regard was the author's wife who, i n addition, provided constant encouragement. To these and many others who have helped to interpret the prob-lems i n Japanese education the author wishes to express his thanks. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES vi:.:. Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1 Statement of the Problem . . . . 1 Scope and Limitations of the Study 2 Terms and Definitions 3 Methods and Procedures 9 I I . HISTORICAL SURVEY OF MORAL EDUCATION IN JAPAN . . . .10 Shushin; 1872-1945 10 Social Studies; 1946-I964 15 Dotoku; 1957-1964 19 I I I . EDUCATION FOR LOYALTY IN THE PREWAR PERIOD 25 Brief Outline of the Shushin Course 23 Loyalty as Taught in Shushin; 1925 24 Loyalty as Taught in Shushin; 1940 30 Changes in Shushin Between 1925 and 1940 . . . . 3 0 Mythological Basis for Loyalty 35 Loyalty and the Shinto Heritage m • 37 Loyalty and F i l i a l Piety 39 Loyalty and the National Purpose . . . . . .42 Loyalty and Rights 44 Disloyalty. 47 Loyalty and the Enemy 51 Summary of Loyalty as Taught in Shushin # . # # .53 i v V IV. EDUCATION FOR LOYALTY HT THE POSTWAR PERIOD 55 The Curriculum During the Occupation 55 Loyalty as Taught i n Dotoku: 1957-1964 65 Introduction 63 Loyalty and the Imperial Institution 67 Loyalty and the Shinto Heritage 69 Loyalty and F i l i a l Piety 72 Loyalty and the National Purpose 74 Loyalty and Rights 79 Disloyalty 80 Loyalty and the Enemy 82 Dotoku as a New Synthesis of Shushin Morals . . 85 Summary of Loyalty as Taught in Dotoku 84 88 V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 88 BIBLIOGRAPHY 96 APPENDICES 100 I. THE IMPERIAL RESCRIPT ON EDUCATION 100 I I . SHUSHIN: "A GOOD JAPANESE" ( i l l : 27) 101 I I I . DOTOKU: "SHIMAZU GENZO" (PROPER NAME) (IV : 10) . . .102 IV. DOTOKU: "AKARUI GAKKYUM (PLEASANT CLASSROOM). . . . 104 (IV:14) V. DOTOKU: "MEIJI NO AKEBONO" (THE DAWN OF THE MEIJI PERIOD) (VI:14) . . . 105 VI. ALLOCATION OF ELEMENTARY SCHOOL HOURS— PREWAR AND POSTWAR . . . . 109 v i LIST OF TABLES Table Page I. GRADE TV/O LESSON TITLES IN TWO SHUSHIN COURSES . . 32 I I . ANALYSIS OF FIVE TEXTBOOKS IN THE 1940 COURSE IN TERMS OF LOYALTY 34 I I I . COMPARISON OF SHUSHIN AND DOTOKU (GRADE 3) ACCORDING TO SUBJECT MATTER RELATED TO LOYALTY 66 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Statement of the Problem One of the most effective means used i n prewar Japanese schools to achieve s o c i a l unity was the course i n morals ca l l e d Shushin. Its use as an instrument f o r inculcating l o y a l t y to the state i s a well documented f a c t . 1 Japan's experience of defeat, however, has presumably caused Japanese educators to reconsider the functions of the school and to effe c t major changes with regard to educational theory and practice. What are the changes they have made, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the area of educationnfor l o y a l t y to the state? Since I872 the Japanese schools have systematically inculcated l o y a l t y by means of Shushin; t h i s was a separate and highly standardized course of study. Although the course was banned by the Occupation author-i t i e s and replaced by s o c i a l studies, the Japanese Ministry of Education O f f i c i a l s l a t e r considered the systematic moral i n s t r u c t i o n to be so urgent that they drew up a new separate morals course. This they named Dotoku. a word almost synonymous i n meaning with Shushin but lacking i t s unpopular n a t i o n a l i s t i c connotations. What are the teachings embodied i n the new course? Does i t seek to " . . . r e i n s t i l l the tested values of the t r a d i t i o n a l way," as one •^UKi H a l l , Shushin; The Ethics of a Defeated Nation (New York; Columbia University Press, 1949)* 1 2 2 authority has suggested? What s p e c i f i c a l l y i s the concept of l o y a l t y as taught i n the course? F i n a l l y , how does the postwar moral:: education course compare with i t s prewar counterpart with regard to the concept of loyalty? This study evaluates the hypothesis that the postwar morals course (Dotoku) does, i n f a c t , seek to reintroduce the prewar teaching of l o y a l t y as enunciated i n the Shushin course. Scope and Limitations of the Study The study divides i t s e l f into two major parts: one i s an analysis, i n terms of l o y a l t y , of the Shushin course as taught i n prewar years; the other i s a similar analysis of the Dotoku course as taught at the present time. Such an analysis should afford a sound basis f o r comparative evalu-ation of the two courses. In order to evaluate the hypothesis, the base of the study w i l l be broadened to include an h i s t o r i c a l survey of moral education from approxi-mately I872 u n t i l the present. The curriculum f o r moral education during a f i f t e e n year i n t e r v a l both preceding and following World War Two w i l l then be analyzed i n greater d e t a i l . F i n a l l y , two s p e c i f i c samples of courses i n morals w i l l be analyzed i n s t i l l greater d e t a i l . They are: ( l ) Shushin as taught at about the year 1940? and (2) Dotoku as taught at the present time. The sample f o r the former i s translated i n f u l l i n R.K. Hall's Shushin: The Ethics of a Defeated Nation; the sample f o r the l a t t e r i s Akarui Michi ("Bright Way"),^ one of approximately twelve sets of Dotoku 2 Don Adams and M. Oshiba, "Japanese Education—After the Americans Left," Peabody Journal of Education, XXXIX (July, 196l), p. 16. ^Masao Yamamoto, Akarui Michi ("Bright Way") (6 vols.; Osaka: Osaka Shoseki Co., Inc., 1962) . 3 texts approved by the Ministry of Education and used extensively in the elementary schools in Japan. Both of these samples consist of six volumes, one volume corresponding to one grade. Quotations from or references to the lessons are to be documented in this study by use of Roman numerals to designate the grade (or volume) and an Arabic numeral to designate the l e s -son number. Terms and Definitions Loyalty. Loyalty i s a protean word; i t i s used constantly yet i s seldom defined, for loyalty i s never comprehended in the same way by any two people. This i s in part because the concept of loyalty covers many shades of meaning. According to Schaar these meanings range from patriotism, which i s uncritical adulation of one's land, to obligation, which:is formal obedience to law.^ Patriotism may be understood as loyalty of a "closed" variety which i s nationally oriented. It results when the assertion "I belong" i s extended to "you do not," when one's consciousness of kind becomes a con-sciousness of difference in quality, and when one's consciousness of unique-ness i s transformed to consciousness of superiority. When someone feels this way about his own country we often say that he i s patriotic. Thus patriotism i s l o y a l t y — o r a multiplicity of loyalties—which are nationally oriented. Obligation reflects the phenomenon of moral authority. Much of human behavior i s determined by custom and law both of which are external to the individual. But not a l l behavior i s the direct result of external forces. The individual himself becomes involved at some point i n choice-making and behavior. He forms his own set of attitudes toward the standards ^John HI Schaar, Loyalty i n America (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1957)» P« 2 . set by custom and law and, depending on his agreement or disagreement with these standards, he internalizes the customs and laws i n the form of moral imperatives such as "I ought to" and " I ought not t o i " We may c a l l this inner sense of "oughtness" obligation. Compared to patriotism, which en-closes broad and shifting objects of nation-oriented loyalty, " . . . o b l i -gation i s usually limited i n i t s objects to p o l i t i c a l authority as expressed in validly enacted laws." The antecedent of loyalty i s identification with an individual, group or cause. Loyalty i s an expression of this identification. One may begin to define the content of loyalty by specifying the object of i d e n t i -fication, or the referent group, upon which loyalty i s focussed. The army demands a certain type of loyalty which i s quite different from that de-manded by a social club, for example. One loyalty i s tightly binding while the other i s relatively loose. Furthermore, each group employs i t s own set of sanctions to maintain i t s solidarity and to assure that i t s demands are being met. Thus the nature of sanctions also determines the kind of loyalty one w i l l feel toward any particular group. Similarly, each group i s charac-terized by a degree of voluntariness; this determines to some extent the formation ws well as endurance of loyalty to that group. One may also define the content of loyalty by specifying the objectives of the particular referent group and the behavior required by the group in order to attain those objectives. Thus loyalty to one's family always implies certain activities which w i l l promote the family's social and economic objectives; loyalty to onefe country always implies specific services and sacrifices which w i l l promote the national objectives. Ibid., p. 3. 5 Another d i s t i n c t i o n among l o y a l t i e s i s t h e i r emotional tone. The int e n s i t y of emotional tone depends on the degree to which the ind i v i d u a l i s absorbed i n the object of l o y a l t y . His absorption may be heightened, f o r example, by the convergence of s o c i a l pressures or by the consciousness of an external threat. One may go mechanically through the motions of l o y a l t y to his country i n peacetime yet f i g h t f o r i t with passionate l o y a l t y i n wartime. We can d i f f e r e n t i a t e among l o y a l t i e s i n s t i l l another dimension by ind i c a t i n g whether the attitude i s one of respect, rever&nce or allegiance on the one hand or sympathy, love or understanding on the other. Implied i n the above d e f i n i t i o n of l o y a l t y i s changeability. New l i f e - s i t u a t i o n s and experiences generate a set of new l o y a l t i e s which d i f f e r from the old ones i n content and emotional i n t e n s i t y . For example, l o y a l t i e s which i n one century are diffused or focused on l o c a l objects of devotion may i n the next century be concentrated on the nation. Such was the case i n the process of nationalism of which Machiavelli was a modern exponent. In the twentieth century the process of nationalism culminated i n the t o t a l i -t a r i a n state; t h i s was i n essence a redirection of l o y a l t i e s witij the object of state supremacy. The f i r s t p r i n c i p l e of the t o t a l i t a r i a n state, says Grodzins, i s " . . . to destroy—or to incorporate within the state or s t a t e - p a r t y — a l l independent s o c i a l organization;" But even t o t a l i t a r i a n systems d i f f e r i n th e i r patterns of l o y a l t y . For example they deal d i f f e r e n t l y with the family. Many systems seek to assure the primacy of l o y a l t y to the state by attacking the family. Others, notably the prewar Japanese system, seek to reinforce l o y a l t y to the state by fusing family l o y a l t i e s with i t . The Japanese, however, objected to being la b e l l e d a t o t a l i t a r i a n state because of th e i r b e l i e f i n the f a m i l i a l Slorton Grodzins, The Loyal and the Di s l o y a l (Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1956) , p. 70 . . 6 structure of the Japanese nation. The r e a l difference i n the i r own system 7 was that i t exploited rather than destroyed family l o y a l t i e s . The Japanese concept of Loyalty. Ruth Benedict has attempted to categorize various aspects of Japanese l o y a l t y i n terms of certain d e f i n i t e obligations (called on) which a Japanese person inevitably incurs i n the 8 course of s o c i a l intercourse and which he must repay. The f i r s t , c a l l e d g i r i , are those which one can and must repay with mathematical equivalence. Examples of these are the innumerable kindnesses of r e l a t i v e s and acquaint-ances or, a l t e r n a t i v e l y , t h e i r i n s u l t s . One naturally hates to be involved unnecessarily i n t h i s sort of obligation. The second category of obligations which Benedict distinguishes i s called gimu. Gimu i s automatically incumbent upon every Japanese by virtue of having a country, parents, ancestors, and an Emperor. To one's parents and ancestors one owes ko (usually translated f i l i a l p i e t y ) ; to the Emperor, the law, or Japan one owes chu (usually translated l o y a l t y for want of more precise terms). Because gimu i s inherited, and therefore not the r e s u l t of anything which one might be able to control, i t can never be repudiated or f u l l y repaid. In e f f e c t , gimu i s thus a t i e that binds one i n perpetual indebtedness to one's parents and ancestors, the Emperor, the state, and the country. The disposition to repay or to f u l f i l one's o b l i -9 gations to these parties i s the essence of "virtue." 7 'See quotations from Kokutai no Hongi i n R. Tsunoda, W.T. DeBary, and D. Keene (comps.), Sources of Japanese Tradition (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958) , pp. 785-789. Q Ruth Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword (Bostonj Houghton M i f f l i n Co., 1 9 4 6 ) , p. 116. Q For a f u l l e r discussion of the Japanese chu and ko see F.N. K e r l i n -ger, "The Modern Origin of Morals Instruction i n Japan,!1 History of Educa-t i o n Journal, I I (Summer, 1951), p. 122. The concepts of chu and ko were both adopted from Chinese culture. But i n China their meanings di f f e r e d i n one important aspect. One was o b l i -gated to practice ko and chu only so long as the other party reciprocated with "benevolence" ( j i n i n Japanese). I f , f o r example, the Emperor lacked benevolence then the people were at l i b e r t y to rebel. The Japanese, however, interpret chu and ko as unconditional imperatives. This i s the context, at any rate, i n which l o y a l t y has t r a d i t i o n -a l l y been understood i n Japan. One important development, however, was the tendency to interpret l o y a l t y to the Emperor ( i . e . , chfi) as the a l l - i n c l u s i v e l o y a l t y . This trend was accentuated by the so-called " M e i j i Restoration" (1868) i n which the Emperor retrieved his r i g h t f u l position as the head of the Japanese state and the Japanese people. Much of the l i t e r a t u r e from that period extols the preeminence of Imperial l o y a l t y . Two outstanding examples, Yamaga Soko's H i s t o r i c a l Evidence and Aizawa Seishisaits New Proposals. were acclaimed before the Second World War as immortal essays on patriotism. Three key emphases i n these writings became the nucleus of what was l a t e r c a l l e d the "national p o l i t y " or kokutai; ( l ) That the Emperor and the people are of divine o r i g i n ; (2) that l o y a l t y to the Emperor and f i l i a l piety to parents form the basis of a l l morality; and (3) that people w i l l l i v e and die happily f o r the sake of the Emperor and t h e i r parents."'"^ The primacy of l o y a l t y to the Emperor over f i l i a l piety was brought out strongly i n a pamphlet published by the Ministry of Education e n t i t l e d Fundamentals of our National P o l i t y (Kokutai no Hongi). 1 1 This was an-'official interpretation of morals; i t acknowledged the observance of 1C"R. Tsunoda, W.T. De Bary, and D. Keene (comps.), p. 594* "^J.O. Gauntlett and R.H. H a l l , Kokutai no Hongi (Cardinal  Pr i n c i p l e s of the National P o l i t y of Japan) (Cambridge; Harvard University Press, 19 4 9 1 7 8 f i l i a l piety in China, India and elsewherebut stressed the idea that in Japan alone f i l i a l piety converged with loyalty to form the basis for the 12 national morals. It taught in effect that the practice of f i l i a l piety or any other virtue was an expression of loyalty to the Emperor and, contrari-wise, that the lack of virtue was an expression of disloyalty. One could only be a good, loyal Japanese by f u l f i l l i n g the whole gamut of one's social obligations. For this reason many of the lessons in the morals text-books—even those teaching such homely virtues as honesty or d i l i g e n c e — ended with a note on loyal service to the country and the Emperor. Indeed by the time of the attack on Pearl Harbor most of the lessons in the morals course were written so as to inculcate some aspect of loyalty. But definitions of loyalty are always dated and i t i s the problem of this paper to determine how, i f at a l l , the concept of loyalty in Japan has changed. The Term Loyalty as Used i n this Paper. The Japanese concept of chu i s the main topic of this paper. Chu i s primarily the relationship of the Japanese subject toward the Emperor but in i t s broader sense includes his relationship toward the nation, the government, law, civic authorities, one's school and teachers, and one's family including parents and ancestors. "Loyalty" to these parties i s expressed by a number of related attitudes: obedience, respect, reverence, faithfulness, honor, allegiance, etc. In a less authoritarian context loyalty might be defined as understanding, appreciation, and sympathy, for example. Both aspects of the term loyalty form an integral part of this study. R. Tsunoda, W.T. De Bary, and D. Keene (comps.), pp. 788-789. 9 Methods and Procedures In analyzing the lesson material for loyalty we use the definition given above. That i s , we attempt to distinguish the qualities of loyalty as expressed i n the lessons i n terms of the sanctions for loyalty, the purpose or function of loyalty, i t s origin or formation, i t s focus, and i t s emotional tone. We also attempt to assess the morals textbooks for the amount of space they devote to the problem of loyalty. Here we distinguish among the various objects of devotion such as the Emperor, government, laws, and parents; we then make our assessment i n terms of the categories thus defined. Interpretation of the data requires at least some understanding of the historical context in which moral education developed. We therefore begin with a survey of moral education in Japan: i t s origins, traditions, and achievements. CHAPTER II HISTORICAL SURVEY OF MORAL EDUCATION IN JAPAN Shushin; 1872-1945 Shushin means "cultivation of the self." An expression i n the Analects of Confucius reads in Japanese: shushin, chikoku, heitenka ("Man should f i r s t cultivate himself, then govern his country, then bring peace into the world."). A man should cultivate himself in order to govern his country, which in turn makes for peace—in that time sequence. In other words, the purpose of self-cultivation i s the well-being of society. 1  Shushin as a course of studies and the principles i t embodied were intr o -duced into the curriculum in 1872; between then and 1945 i t formed the core 2 of the Japanese curriculum. The earliest moral instruction i n Japan was based on that of China, especially the teachings of Confucius. This ethical system arranged society into a hierarchy; a l l i t s members had fixed norms of duty and affec-tion i n accordance with their class. To have the students read and interpret the Confucian classics was the chief aim of the Japanese schools; a coordinate aim was the dally practice of virtue for which the masters were expected to 3 provide an example. Hlichiya Shimbori, "A Historical and Social Note on Moral Education in Japan," Comparative Education Review, IV (October, i 9 6 0 ) , p. 98 . 2 For a f u l l e r discussion of the circumstances surrounding the introduction of Shushin see F.N. Kerlinger, "The Modern Origin of Morals Instruction in Japan," History of Education Journal, II (Summer, 195l)> pp. 119-126. M^.E. Sadler (ed.), Moral Instruction and Training i n Schools, Re- port of an International Inquiry,, Vol. II (London: Longman's, Green, and Co., 1908), p. 346. 10 11 The details of instruction varied considerably according to one's social class. The higher classes received their instruction in private schools or in the clan schools of the Shogunate, and the others, whose role was primarily to obey and not to question, received theirs in the terakoya or "temple schools." The latter were l i t t l e church schools dating from about the sixteenth century; they were generally conducted by Zen monks. Their purpose was to teach the local young people to read and write and also to give them simple moral lessons.^ In the i n i t i a l enthusiasm for Westernization after 1868, the traditional emphasis on moral education was abandoned for a time; men l i k e Tanaka Fujimaro, the f i r s t minister of education, were under strong French and American influence. But the new system which they created was a peculiarly Japanese synthesis, as may be seen in the famous Gakusei (Educational System) ordinance passed by the Ministry of Education soon after i t s formation in I871. The ordinance emphasized in a special way two elements: the u t i l i -tarian motive for education (e.g., "Learning i s the key to success in l i f e , and no one can afford to neglect i t . " ) ; and the national scope of the pro-posed educational program (e.g., "Every man shall of his own accord subor-dinate a l l other matters to the education of his children.").^ The same ordinance only mentioned Shushin incidentally as one of the courses of study. Gradually Shushin assumed increasing importance. The centralized Ministry of Education li s t e d Shushin f i r s t among the courses to be taught in ^See G.B. Sansom, JapanrA Short Cultural History (New York; D. Appleton-Century Co., 1943) , P. 373. 5 Japanese personal names used in the text w i l l be given in the standard Japanese form, i.e., the surname followed by the given name. G^.B. Sansom, gke- Western World and Japan (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1 9 5 0 ) , p. 456. 12 in the primary schools, and almost a l l i t s important educational ordinances from I89O emphasized the importance of moralistic training. The most important single development i n moral education was the promulgation of the Imperial Rescript on Education i n I89O. It marked a break away from Westernization and a return to older values. The Rescript combined Shinto and Confucian ideology and thereby resolved the conflicts 7 of a l l the major schools of educational thought. It stressed loyalty, f i l i a l piety, benevolence, and righteousness (chu-ko-.jin-gi); from that time Q these tra i t s undergirded Japan's philosophy of education. The Rescript was regarded as divinely inspired and was always handled with extreme care; misreading or mishandling of i t was considered an insult to the Imperial Family. In the Shushin course the Ministry of Education propagated the teachings of the Rescript. It compiled a standard set of textbooks for use in a l l primary schools, and the concepts of the course came to permeate the whole educational system. National unity and strong central leadership were the chief goals of both the Shushin course and education generally. Perhaps this was because the government leaders had never been able to free themselves from a passion for regulating every detail in the l i f e of the citizens; in any case they created with great deliberation a system which centralized control and de-manded a high degree of standardization. In i t s content the Shushin course l a i d strong emphasis on the national purpose. Mori Arinori, one of the f i r s t educationaministers, expressed well the feeling of educators when he said: ^R.K. Hall, Education for a New Japan (New Havens Yale University Press, 1949)5 pp. 162-166 contain a detailed discussion. 3 Kerlinger, History of Education Journal, I I , p. 122. 13 "In the administration of a l l schools, i t must he kept in mind, what i s done 9 i s not for the sake of the pupils, but for the sake of the country." This early predilection to emphasize national purpose led to excesses i n later decades. Studies of the course material i n Shushin and the educational ordinances, many of which were Imperial rescripts, show l i t t l e change except an increasing stress on the elusive "national polity" and on the necessity of subordinating one's interests to those of the s t a t e . 1 0 The concept of loyalty developed in modern Japan along with the concept of "national polity" (also translated "national constitution," "national char-acter," and "national entity"). According to Yanaga this term includes three main ideas; they are: the divine origin of the Imperial Family and the Japan-ese people; Japan's single, unbroken dynasty; and the loyalty of the Japan-ese people. In spite of these various elements, "national polity," and hence also loyalty, came to mean simply faith in the Emperor-State and i t s divine . . 11 mission. Even the Imperial Rescript on Education needed to be interpreted and reinterpreted, not only because of rising nationalism but also because of a resurgence of interest in Western ideas. After World War One, particular-l y , interest in liberalism, socialism, democracy and communism increased; the peace plans of President Wilson caught the imagination of the intellectuals; John Dewey, Helen Dalton, William Kilpatrick and others strongly influenced some of the leading educators through their writings and lecture tours. It was this trend that the Ministry Of Education sought to reverse during the 9 Sansom, The Western World and Japan, p. 435. 1 0Tomitaro Karasawa, "Changes in Japanese Education as Revealed in Textbooks," Japan Quarterly, II (July-September, I960),-pp. 3 6 5 - 3 8 3 . 1 1Chitoshi Yanaga, Japan Since Perry (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1949), p. 48. 14 two decades before World War Two. It did this through a series of o f f i c i a l exegeses on the Imperial Rescript on Education; by revision of the curriculum including the Shushin course; and by the creation of a special agency (the Thought Control Bureau) to counteract dangerous thoughts about foreign ideol-ogies and to strengthen nationalistic feeling. One authority assesses the historical importance of these events in the following way* There are three historical events which are fundamental to the development of Shushin. Each of the three i s connected with- the production of an important o f f i c i a l policy document. They are: the creation of a national education policy, canonized i n the 1890 Imperial Rescript on Education of Emperor Meiji: the development of a theory of the Japanese State as a national polity based on the Emperor I n s t i -tution, culminating i n the 1937 Kokutai no Hongi ("Cardinal Principles of the National Entity of Japan"), issued by the Thought Control Bureau of the Ministry of Education; and the development of the con-cept of the submersion of the individual i n Japanese society, f i n a l l y reduced to o f f i c i a l writ in the 1941 Shinmin no Michi ("The Way of the Subject"), also issued by the Ministry of Education. These docu-ments are three of the cornerstones of the prewar p o l i t i c a l philosophy of K6do ("The Imperial Way"). The Shushin texts constitute the fourth, and are i n many ways the expression of the other three.12 The newly created Thought Control Bureau drew up a l i s t of recom-mendations in 193& which, along with the pamphlet Kokutai no Hongi mentioned ' above, represented o f f i c i a l educational policy during the f i r s t phase of the wartime period. They distributed i t to a l l teachers at a l l levels i n -cluding university with instructions that they exert every effort to place i t before the public. The teachings i t emphasized were those already intro-duced i n perhaps too mild a form for the Japan of 1937. Revisions were subse-quently made in the curriculum to bring i t into line with the goals of what was termed the "New Order i n East Asia". This program of indoctrination molded the outlook of Japanese R.K. Hall, Shushin; The Ethics of a Defeated Nation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1949)} PP. 2 0 - 2 1 . 13 See footnote, p. J. 15 teachers with great effectiveness. This is evident from a number of reports given at the Conference of the World Federation of Education Associations held in Tokyo in 1937. P° r example, one of the Japanese reporters endeavored to explain how moral instruction i s diffused among a l l the courses of the curriculum. His view of "moral" education i s apparently synonymous with teaching children to serve their country. 1^ A content analysis of the Shushin course and other o f f i c i a l documents published by the Ministry of Education at this time shows that i t considered loyalty and patriotism the highest virtues and associated individualism, internationalism, and pacifism with treason. Social Studies: 1946-1964 The curriculum at a l l levels of schooling i n the postwar years i s a legacy of basic revisions or innovations introduced during the Occupa-tion period either directly by the Supreme Commander for the All i e d Powers (SCAP) or indirectly as a result of SCAP's policies. The most important of these w i l l be outlined in the following paragraphs; content of the social studies course i t s e l f w i l l be discussed in a succeeding chapter. During the f i r s t four months of the Occupation SCAP issued four policy directives; these l a i d the groundwork for educational reform. The f i r s t of these directives, called the "Administration of the Educational System of Japan," was issued in October, 1945. It outlined future educational policy under two general aims: (l) To prohibit dissemination of what i t called m i l i t a r i s t i c and ultranationalistic ideology and (2) to encourage democratic educational concepts and practices in order to develop a peaceful 1^Education in Japan, Vol. I (Tokyo: World Conference Committee of the Japanese Education Association, 1938), S E E J P P . 401-407. 16 15 and responsible citizenry. ^ The second and third directives ordered the re-moval from the school system of undesirable personnel and of State Shinto respectively. The fourth directive suspended courses i n morals (Shushin), geography and Japanese history, the textbooks for which had already been mutilated through censorship. New textbooks for geography and history were written and put into use in the following school year; the morals course was not reintroduced u n t i l 1957» Five other events helped to determine the content of curriculum materials in postwar years. F i r s t , the Emperor on New Year's Day, 1946 publicly renounced his divinity; this removed the basis of the sanctions on which the Imperial Rescript on Education had been based. O f f i c i a l l y , however, the Rescript remained in force u n t i l June, 194^ when i t was rescinded by a 16 resolution .of both Houses of the Diet. Second was the v i s i t of the U.S. Education Mission and their submission of a l i s t of recommendations in March, 1946. Partly as a result of their recommendations the Ministry of Education was decentralized and social studies replaced the morals course. Third was the adoption of the new Constitution i n November, 1946; this spec-i f i c a l l y revoked previous rescripts and ordinances in conflict with i t . It also guaranteed fundamental human rights (Article 1 4 ) , freedom of thought and conscience (Article 19), and freedom of religion (Article 2 0 ) . Of more direct bearing oh curriculum content was SCAP's o f f i c i a l definition of "ultranationalism" and "militarism," the two elements which had been denounced in several preceding directives but not clearly spelled out. The definitions are quoted by Anderson as follows: 15 Ronald Anderson, Japan, Three Epochs of Modern Education (Washington; U.S. Office of Education, Bulletin 1959, No. 1 1 ) , p. 2 0 . l 6 I b i d . , p. 27 . 17 Ultranationalism - subject matter . . that (l) promotes the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere doctrine or any other doctrine of expansion; (2) advocates the idea that the Japanese people are superior to other races or nationalities; (3) teaches concepts and attitudes contrary to the principles set forth i n the Charter of the United Nations; (4) propagates the idea that the Emperor should be obeyed with unquestioning loyalty or that the Emperor i s superior to the heads of other states or that the Emperor system i s sacred or immutable. Militarism - subject matter shall be deleted from textbooks which i s designed to promote (l) . . . the glorification of war as a heroic and acceptable way of settling disputes; (2) g l o r i f i -cation of dying for the Emperor with unquestioning loyalty; (3) i d e a l -ization of war heroes by glorifying their military achievements; (4) development of the idea that the military service i s the only patriotic manner of serving one's country; and (5) glorification of military objects such as guns, warships, tanks, fortresses, etc. ' Finally the Fundamental Law of Education and the School Education Law, both passed in March, 1947, went far toward implementing the Consti-tution. In the f i r s t place they put into law the principles of democratic practices for the classroom. The School Education Law stated specifically that "The principals and teachers of schools may, whenever they deem i t necessary for the purpose of education, impose disciplinary punishment on students and pupils, as prescribed by their supervisory authorities. But there shall be no physical penalty." "Physical penalty," according to a 1948 o f f i c i a l interpretation, included not only the slapping and kicking accepted in prewar days, but any form of detention which caused hunger and fatigue. In the second place the laws enforced decentralization of control in education, notably control over the compiling of textbooks. Until 1941 19 the policy had been somewhat as follows: a l l textbooks used at the element-1 7 I b i d . , p. 2 2 . l 8 I b i d . , pp. 105-106. 1 9 I b i d . . p. 101. 18 ary level were compiled, published, and distributed directly by the Ministry of Education. The Ministry's appropriate section had to do the compiling after which the manuscript had to be approved by an investigation board of about twenty people representing the professions, business, the Army, the Navy, and professional educators. Prom 1941 "the military representatives on the board played the leading role i n approving of textbooks; they insisted that a l l materials be sympathetic to their purposes. Under the postwar plan the Textbook Authorization Committee pub-lishes a l i s t of textbooks needed by the schools. Any individual writer or publisher may compile a textbook manuscript and submit i t to the Textbook Authorization Committee for review. Five anonymous reviewers, chosen from a panel of 1 , 5 0 0 , grade the manuscript against the course of study and subject standards as previously defined. Once a textbook i s approved i t i s published and placed on exhibit for the scrutiny of interested teachers, administrators, and other persons. Some changes toward centralization have been made since the new system was f i r s t put into effect, but the basic procedure i s un-changed. This system assumed a high degree of local i n i t i a t i v e ; yet few teachers had ever written textbooks. Almost none had any experience with social studies which required a technique quite distinct from that of the rig i d l y compartmentalized history and geography. In addition, social studies had been charged with the task of replacing the Imperial Rescript on Education as a basis of instruction in democratic morality. On the whole, social studies was considered ineffective; too few teachers were prepared for the added functions of writing textbooks and of interpreting a loosely structured ^^For a detailed description of the revised textbook system see Marius Jansen, "Educational Values and Politics in Japan,". Foreign Affairs, XXV (July, 1957) , PP. 666-78. See also Anderson, pp. 119-20. 19 social studies course. Thus a number of factors contributed to the revival of a separate course in morals. Many teachers lacked the independence, i n i t i a t i v e and s k i l l needed to make social studies a success; the public was greatly con-cerned about moral laxity among the youth of postwar Japan; the Education Ministry and an important sector of the public feared the increasing i n -fluence i n schools of a l e f t i s t oriented teachers' union; and education policy was strongly influenced by a generally conservative government. Various committees made studies of the effectiveness of social studies; they also studied public opinion' regarding the course. By 1954 "the Curriculum Council, which had been established in 1949 "to study curriculum reforms, was prepared to have a separate morals course reintroduced. The Ministry of Education, in 1957> conducted a major curriculum revision of which the post-war morals course Dotoku was one of the chief results. The word Dotoku, as we have seen, does not differ fundamentally from the word Shushin. Eotokut 1957-1964 When Dotoku was introduced at the beginning of the 1957 school year i t was on a voluntary basis. But i n 1958 the Ministry of Education de-cided on a wholesale revision of the curriculum; i t was to be carried out beginning i n 1961 at the elementary level and i n 1962 at the junior high school level. The f i r s t principle on the l i s t of reforms wass "Emphasis on moral education." The morals course was to be mandatory. This shift was significant because i t reversed the Occupation policy of suggesting courses of study from which teaching units could be built to meet local needs. By 1963 courses for moral education from the elementary to the See p. 1. 20 upper secondary school levels were completed and in use. Thanks to the new textbook authorization system various alternative textbooks were available but complete exemption from the use of the courses could be obtained only by schools which had a satisfactory substitute for the o f f i c i a l courses. Much preparation went into the Dotoku course. One member of the committee which prepared the course reports that the teachers' manuals were 22 the result of experimentation with numerous approaches. The content of Dotoku i s based on the principles set forth i n the Fundamental Law of Education of 1947; these are quoted as follows i n the Revised Curriculum for Elementary and Lower Secondary Schools} " . . . Moral education shall aim at rearing such Japanese as w i l l never lose the consistent s p i r i t of respect for the human being; realize this s p i r i t in family l i f e , school and other actual social l i f e , of which each individual i s a member; endeavour to create the culture rich in individuality and to develop the democratic state and society; and contribute i n i t i a t i v e l y to a peaceful 23 international society." ' From these principles the Ministry of Education drew up thirty-six objectives for.the Dotoku course; i t l i s t s them under the following four categories? (l) fundamental patterns of behavior; (2) moral sentiment and moral judgment; (3) development of personality and creative attitude toward l i f e ; (4) the concept that good manners and "practical w i l l " 24 are indispensible for the members of a community or nation. In summary, the history of Japanese moral education dates back to the earliest Japanese schools; i t was, and s t i l l i s , an integral part of 22 A Noboru Hakamura, Dotoku no Kenkyu Jigyo (Classes for the Study of Moral Education) (Tckyos Meiji Tosho Co., Ltd., 1959) , p. 198. 23 Japan, Ministry of Education, Revised Curriculum for Element-ary and Lower Secondary Schools (September, i 9 6 0 ) , p. 51 . 2 4 I b i d . , pp. 3 8 - 4 3 . 21 the curriculum. It gained special significance in the late nineteenth cent-ury when the Ministry of Education used the schools as a means for rapid modernization and effective unification. After 1872 Shushin was the o f f i c i a l course of studies in morals and from 1890 i t s basis was the Imperial Rescript on Education. A l l schools were required to inculcate the teachings thus de-fined. The conservatively inclined Ministry of Education, alarmed at the effects of l i b e r a l ideology and eager to intensify patriotism, later took steps to revise the course and to strengthen i t s own powers of indoctrin-ation and control. The war experience and the Occupation in particular removed what had been the primary bases of moral education: belief in the divinity ot the Emperor, the institution of State Shinto, and the ideology of militarism and ultranationalism. In place of geography and Japanese history SCAP intro-duced the course in social studies which emphasized democratic precepts and practices. However, by 1957» allegedly by popular demand, the Ministry of Education had reintroduced the separate morals course. Although the course was i n i t i a l l y on a voluntary basis i t was subsequently made mandatory from the elementary to the upper secondary school level. How does the substance of the new course compare with the ethics of the Imperial Rescript on Education for which i t was partly intended as a replacement? One writer in the Japanese press describes i t as a \irelcome departure from the old ethics. He notes particularly that while patriotism is being taught i t i s of a less ethnocentric variety; more than half of i t s illustrations are taken from foreign countries. A non-Japanese reviewer says that Dotoku contains practically a l l the specific teachings of the Rescript but differs from i t by omitting i t s two preeminent specifications 'Nippon Keizai, February 2 , 1964? p. 2 . 22 of loyalty and f i l i a l piety. On the other hand, he says, the course has added more significant items of the new ethical code not found in the Rescript. These are the principles of the Fundamental Law of Education cited above.2^ In chapters three and four we analyze the Shushin and the Dotoku courses i n order to ascertain how the two compare in their teaching of loyalty. Arthur K. Loomis, "Moral Education in Japan," Education Forum, XXVI (May, 1962), p. 401. CHAPTER III EDUCATION POR LOYALTY IN THE PREWAR PERIOD Brief Outline of the Shushin Course The external features of the Shushin course were f a i r l y well crystallized "by 1908 when Baron Kikuchi reported in London to an inter-national seminar on moral education. On that occasion he gave the outline of the course at a l l the grade levels in the lower elementary as well as the middle schools. 1 Each grade included about twenty-six lessons; each of them required two to four hours of classroom time. The f i r s t grade began with eight lessons oil the relationship of the child to the school. Kikuchi listed their t i t l e s as follows: "The School"; "The Teacher"; "Attitude"; "Orders"; "Punctuality"; "Hard Work"; "Classroom and Playground"; and "Play." Then followed four lessons on relations i n the home: "Father and Mother"; " F i l i a l Piety"; "Brothers and Sisters"; "Pleasures of the Home." Then came one entitled "Friends," eleven others on miscellaneous topics, and a f i n a l lesson called "Good Children," which summarized a l l the moral training given during the year. The f i r s t grade devoted just one lesson specifically to the duties of the subject; i t was called "His Majesty the Tenno." But i n grade two this was doubled by the addition of a lesson called "The Flag of the Rising Sun." In grade three s t i l l more emphasis was placed on the subject of loyalty; the f i r s t three lessons were: "Her Majesty the Kogo"; "Loyalty"; 1M.E. Sadler (ed.), Moral Instruction and Training in Schools, Report of an International Inquiry, Vol. II (London; Longman1s, Green, and Co., 1908), pp. 319-45. 23 24 and "Reverence for the Ancestors." And in grade four the year began with three lessons concentrating on loyalty: "The Great Japanese Empire"; "Patriotism"; and "Loyalty to the Emperor." Very l i t t l e change from this basic format i s evident i n the Shushin textbooks of 1925. Shigeshi Obama, who analyzed the Shushin textbooks 2 in a thesis in 1932, gives a detailed outline of the course used at that time. According to his report the topics for grades one and two are almost identical with those used in 1908. Differences between the two sets of text-books even for the middle school were slight, i f one may judge by comparing their lesson t i t l e s and the order i n which the lessons were taught. Loyalty as Taught in Shushin: 1925 Lack of a complete set of textbooks used in 1925 precludes any precise evaluation of loyalty as taught at that time. But the material available i s sufficient to give evidence of certain basic emphases. They may be summarized as follows; (l) The Emperor i s of divine descent and governs as the head of a profound and mystical "national entity"; the Japanese are thus a unique people. (2) The Japanese people are eternally loyal to their Emperor; they strive to obey their parents and ancestors and teachers as a gesture of that loyalty. The f i r s t point i s illustrated in a lesson for the f i r s t graders entitled "The Duties of the Subject." The lesson centers around a picture of the Emperor and the teacher i s to give the following explanation; Shigeshi Obama, "The Fundamental Characteristics of Moral Education i n Japan" (unpublished Master's thesis, New York University, 1932) . 25 The palace in which His Majesty the Tenno usually lives in Tokyo; this picture represents His Majesty the Tenno going out of his place; this is the palace seen in the distance; His Majesty i s in that carriage; people by the roadside are making the profoundest obeisance. His Majesty is named Hirohito, and i s a son of Emperor Taisho" and succeeded to the throne immedidately after the demise of Emperor TaishS. His Majesty the TennS i s the personage who rules over us; he loves his people most deeply. You are fortunate in being brought up under his warm and bene-volent rule.3 The last line suggests that the Emperor provided some sort of re-ward for the loyalty of his people, yet this does not appear to be the prime motive for loyalty; rather loyalty i s based on the assumption of the Emperor's divine worth. He i s the object of "the profoundest obeisance" and is therefore worthy of the implicit loyalty of his subjects. That the learn-ing of such a lesson was i t s e l f an exercise of the deepest devotion is made clear by instructions to the teacher that his "Words and attitudes . . . dur-ing this lesson should be grave and weighty and very respectful."^ Although loyalty i s not conditional upon the benevolence of the Emperor, he i s nevertheless described as a person who always has the deepest concern for his people and for the; welfare of the country. The country's military well-being i s of particular concern to him according to a number of descriptions in lessons. The following i s an example: You w i l l no doubt remember what I told you about what sort of personage i s His Majesty the Tenn6; now^  I shall t e l l you something more. We understand that His Majesty the Tenno goes about different parts of the country to see personally how people are getting on. He orders the manouvers of Army and Navy to see the conduct and the bearing of soldiers and sailors, ever anxious to advance the military affairs of our country. He has been known on these occasions Ibid., p. 64 . Ibid., p. 64 . Punctuation lacking in original. 26 to address even,privates, and ask them questions. His Majesty the Tenno i s always so diligent in trying to promote the welfare of our country. We, his subjects, must reverence his il l u s t r i o u s virtues." Obama comments elsewhere in connection with the Emperor's interest in military affairs that " . . . a l l boys are prospective soldiers or sailors." The prospect of such service i s probably more significant than the fact that the Emperor has a deep concern for them; for no doubt the main intent of such a lesson i s to i n s t i l l the idea that a l l male subjects are obliged to render military service. Very early in the course pupils are introduced to the mystical profundities of the Japanese state of Kokutai. The Kokutai stands for the glories of the great Empire but i t also stands for the profound familial ties between the Imperial Family and the loyal subjects. Pupils are made to feel their essential unity and Japaneseness by frequent use of such expres-sions as "our country" and " our Empire." To i l l u s t r a t e , there i s one lesson with the high sounding purpose of letting children " . . . know something of the Fundamental Character of Our Empire." It i s " . . . an account of the establishment of the Empire and the relationship between the Imperial House 7 and the people." A loyal subject, as described in the Shushin course, i s by impli-cation also an obedient son or daughter. In fact, according to Shushin theory the two virtues of loyalty (chu) and f i l i a l piety (k6) are identical. Identification of f i l i a l piety with loyalty to the Emperor i s the basis for a complex pattern of intermediate loyalties which therefore share the sanction and gravity of the Imperial Institution. Illustrating this are several l e s -^Ibid., p. 66. 7 I b i d . , p. 68. sons in which a father or mother sends a son to help fight a war; they imply that the son's obedience to his parents i s , in fact, disolved in loyalty to the Emperor. Q It was noted above that loyalty to the Emperor was an uncon- . ditional requirement. The Emperor's divinity rather than his benevolence was the grounds for loyalty. Is f i l i a l piety also unconditional or i s i t the repayment for parental kindness? Most lessons on f i l i a l piety stress the feeling of gratitude for kindness one has received from parents but i n -evitably conclude on the theme of duty and obligation. One example entitled "Father and Mother" i s typical. The teachers' manual summarizes the contents Obama quotes i t as follows: You also have a father and mother; or, i f , unfortunately, you have lost them, there i s somebody who has fostered you in their place. You also have been tended kindly l i k e this child by them. Think of that and never forget the great debt of gratitude you owe them . . . . 9 School i s an area in which the child must learn to obey. At home he may be allowed certain liberties and even be pampered by his parents and elders, but at school the child i s made aware from the beginning that he is destined for manhood and that this requires his complete obedience. In fact this i s the theme of the child's f i r s t lesson in morals in the 1925 sample. You have now f i r s t entered the school. For what have your parents made you enter the school? It i s to make you good men. You a l l want to become good men, of course^ then you must not neglect to come to school regularly . . . . ^ The teacher, likewise, i s clearly instructed to "make good men" of his pupils-as3the following quotation points out: ^See page 25 . Q Obama, p. 63. 1 0 I b i d . , p. 6 l . 28 As children f i r s t coming to school w i l l be anxious to know what sort of a place a school i s , and what sort of things teachers w i l l t e l l them, the teacher must make use of this curi-osity, and by repeatedly t e l l i n g them that the school i s a place to make them good men, let them comprehend this fact.H Moral training in the middle schools was patterned after that in the elementary school described in the preceding paragraphs. Although the Ministry of Education was less explicit regarding the aims of moral educa-tion at this level, i t did stipulate that education should follow the teaching l a i d down in the Imperial Rescript on Education of 1890. The f o l -lowing excerpt from the Departmental Ordinance Relating to the Middle Schools of 1900 illustrates this fact: The teaching of morals must be based on the percepts of the . Imperial Rescript. Its objective i s to foster the growth of moral ideas and sentiments, and to give boys culture and character neces-sary for men of middle and higher social standing, and to encourage and promote the practice of virtues. The tea-cher should begin with an explanation of essential points of morals in connection with the daily l i f e by means of good words, or maxims and examples of good deeds, to be followed by a l i t t l e more systematic exposition of the duties to self, to family, to society, and to the State.12 Teachers at the middle school level received a syllabus which suggested subjects for study; i t was not obligatory but most teachers f o l -13 lowed i t closely. The syllabus for the morals course covered the same broad areas of moral training which had already been introduced to the pupils at the elementary level, but i t made ajustments for the greater maturity of the older students in the middle schools. Por the f i r s t and second years of study the syllabus li s t e d nine "Things to be Borne in Mind in Relation to the State." Among these were: reverence for the fundamental character of the Empire; observance of laws; sacrifice for public good; courage and 1 1 I b i d . . p. 6 2 . 1 2 I b i d . , p. 72. 1 5 J b i d . , p. 73. l o y a l t y . 1 4 For the third and fourth years the syllabus l i s t e d six categories of "obligations." The most prominent of the six categories was that called "Obligations to the State." The subjects i t included were: (l) The nationality or the fundamental character of the Empire (Kokutai); (2) the Imperial House, the Founder and other ancestors of the Imperial House, the Throne, Loyalty; (3) the State, the Constitution and laws, military service, taxation, edu-15 cation, public duties, public rights, and international relations. On the basis of the above sampling of the lesson content in the Shushin course of 1925, one may conclude that the teaching of loyalty to the Emperor was based on an assumption of his divinity and, secondarily, on his personal benevolence. It was assumed that the Emperor governs as head of the profound Japanese state or "national entity." However this concept was not clearly analyzed; i t consisted of a divinely instituted Imperial House and a nation-family of loyal subjects. From these assumptions a pattern of obligations was deduced. These obligations governed the relationship of a child to his parents, a pupil to his teacher, and a servant to his master. Obedience on the part of the inferior was sometimes described as a debt one owed in return for kindness received, but the superior from whom kindness was received was not necessarily required to reciprocate loyalty by con-tinued kindness. There was no indication that loyalty could be stopped when one's superior ceased to exercise benevolence. 1 4 I b i d . , pp. 73-74. 1 5 I b i d . , pp. 74-75. 30 Loyalty as Taught i n Shushin; 1940 Changes i n Shushin Between 1925 and 1940. Since the same Imperial Rescript on Education was the basis for a l l Shushin courses since 1890, one would expect few important revisions in the course over a short span of fifteen years. But there are a number of reasons why a change of interpre-tation was possible and did, in fact, occur. One i s the emotional nature of the Rescript, which made i t highly susceptible to changing attitudes. Obama commented in this regard that "The message that this Rescript conveys to a Japanese must, to a large extent, be different from what i t does to one who has not inherited the same traditions . . . . The very words of the Rescript have associations beyond their simple connotations.""^ If a person with d i f -ferent traditions understands the Rescript differently, the feelings of the Japanese toward i t may also vary under differing circumstances. Hall has observed that whereas the Rescript was originally con-ceived by Japanese leaders who were fearful of adverse Western influence in Japan, by 1930 their feeling had changed to an overwhelming conviction of superiority. This was because the Japanese had tasted industrial, com-mercial , and military success and had been carried away by their own propa-ganda. They had accepted verbally the idea of the benevolent and omnipotent Imperial Line and their unique government of rulers who had physically de-17 scended from the Gods. ' This change of attitude i s clearly reflected i n the Ministry of Education's pamphlet Kokutai no Hongi (Fundamentals of our National Polity) which was published i n 1937. As we shall see i t was also reflected in the lesson material of the Shushin course for 1940. ^ I b i d . , p. 39. "^ R.K. Hall, Shushin; The Ethics of a Defeated Nation (New York; Columbia University Press, 1949)? pp. 48-51 . 31 A sample from the 1940 course compared with an equivalent sample from the 1925 course illustrates some of these changes in emphasis. Since the t i t l e s of lessons in the Shushin textbooks are usually chosen to express the basic moral incorporated in the lesson, a survey of the contents can readily be made simply by reading the t i t l e s . In Table I (see page 3 2 ) a l i s t of the grade two lesson t i t l e s of the earlier set i s given alongside that of the later set to demonstrate the chief comparisons. Both samples are from the curriculum for the "Ordinary Elementary School" course. They required an equal amount of instruction time and are thus comparable. Several differences in content are evident from the t i t l e s . Whereas the older set provided for only two lessons on the Emperor or the national symbols, the later edition increased i t to four i f we include Les-son 27 which repeated much of the content of Lessons 21 and 2 2 . Lesson material on obeying regulations was also doubled and a lesson each on re-paying one's obligations and honoring one's ancestors was introduced. The addition of a lesson specifically on loyalty i s also significant; i t desribes the death of a war hero and i s typical in this respect of other lessons entitled "Loyalty." The revision of Shushin during the 1930's resulted in a pattern for a l l grades similar to that shown for grade two in Table I j more lessons per grade; more emphasis on the Imperial Family and the Shinto Heritage; more emphasis on the "national polity" or Kokutai; greater stress on obedi-ence to laws; much more emphasis on national objective, prosperity of the Empire, and the symbols of the Japanese nation including the flag and the annual celebrations. A l l of these lessons stressed the subservience of the individual to the state; in contrast, they neglected freedoms and rights. 32 TABLE I GRADE TWO LESSON TITLES IN TWO SHUSHIN COURSES 1 9 2 5 1 8 1 9 4 0 1 9 1. Parents and Children 1. On Becoming Second Graders 2. Mother 2 . Do Your Own Things By Yourself 3 . Father 3 . Plans 4. Help Yourself 4. Keep Your Body Clean 5. The Teacher 5 . Keep Your Body Healthy 6. Old People 6. F i l i a l Piety 7. Brothers and Sisters 7. Harmony Between Brothers and Sisters 8. Foods 8. Relatives 9. Cleanliness 9. Honor Your Ancestors 10. Hone sty- 1 0 . Respect Your Elders 11. Regularity 11 . Don't Be Lazy 12. Speech etiquette 12. Strengthen Your Patience 13. Promises 13. Ujigami-samas Guardian of the Place 14. Other People's Faults 14. Dutyj Obey Regulations 15. Bad Advice 15. Obey the Regulations 16. Friends 16. Don't Do Ill-bred Things 17. Taking Care of Things 17. Be Kind to Friends 18. On Finding Lost Articles 18. Forgive the Mistakes of Others 19. Living Things 19. Don't Yield to Bad Persuasion 2 0 . The Flag of the Rising Sun 2 0 . Help a Person in Distress 21 . Regulations 2 1 . His Imperial Majesty the Emperor 2 2 . His Majesty the Tenno 2 2 . Empire Day 2 3 . Courage 2 3 . Loyalty 24. Don't Do Anything Likely 2 4 . Keep Your Promises to Hurt Other People 2 5 . Honesty 2 5 . Being a Good Child 2 6 . Don't Forget Your Obligations 27. Being a Good Child (in other grades 1 8 From information reported by Shigeshi Obama, "The Fundamental Characteristics of Moral Education i n Japan" (unpublished Master's thesis, New York University, 1932) , passim. 19 From information reported by R.K. Hall, Shushint The Ethics of a Defeated Nation (New York* Columbia University Press, 1949)> passim. 55-This emphasis implied that loyalty was unconditional, and there was no hint of the possibility of sincere disagreement with the given norms of behavior or the p o l i t i c a l views of the government. Finally, loyalty as taught in the later Shushin course implied the existence of a potential enemy and therefore was usually discussed i n connection with a war situation. These points w i l l be dealt with in greater detail below. An analysis of lesson content related to loyalty as taught from grades two to six i s given in Table II (see page 3 4 ) . The analysis i s i n terms of the eighteen headings as indicated. Figures along the line marked "Emperor," for example, indicate the number of lessons in which the attitude of obedience, reverence, or respect toward the Emperor i s a main theme; those in the line marked "Independence as Service to Nation" indicate the number of lessons which stress the cultivation of independence as a service to the nation in achieving i t s goals. Some of the categories overlap and some of the lessons have" therefore been placed in several of the categories. However, in the totals appearing at the foot of the table such lessons are counted only once. Although the analysis cannot be precise, i t does indicate the strong emphasis placed on various aspects of loyalty. Out of a total of 135 lessons i n morals for grades two to six, 62 or almost 46 percent are devoted to loyalty. These figures contrast sharply with those obtained from a similar analysis of the 1925 course; in that analysis the amount of lesson space (as estimated from lesson t i t l e s ) on the subject of loyalty was about one third of this proportion or 15 percent. The last lesson in each grade (Lesson 27) summarized the year's learning and was therefore considered the most important lesson of the year. 34 TABLE II ANALYSIS OF FIVE TEXTBOOKS IK THE 1940 SHUSHIN COURSE IN TERMS OF LOYALTY2 Grade Main Theme of Lesson 2 3 4 5 6 Totals for each Category 1. Emperor 1 1 2 1 5 10 2 . Imperial Family 1 3 2 5 11 3. Shinto Heritage 2 2 2 1 4 11 4. Government, Constitution, Kokutai 3 3 5. National Laws 2 1 1 2 2 8 6 . Nation, Empire, National Purpose 2 1 2 5 17 27 7. National Symbols, Holidays 3 3 6 8. F i l i a l Piety 1 2 2 3 2 10 9. Ancestors 1 2 3 10. Obligations 1 1 11. Teacher, School 2 1 3 12. Education as Service to Nation 1 1 13. Courage, Valor for Nation 1 1 2 14. Independence as Service to Nation 1 1 15. Duty to Nation 1 1 16. Creative Work for Nation 1 1 17. Talent and Virtue for Nation 1 1 18. "Good Japanese" (year's summary) 1 1 1 1 4 Totals 10 16 16 15 47 104 Adjustment for Double Counting - 0 - 4 - 7 - 6 -25 - 42 Total Lessons on Loyalty per grade /27 10 12 9 9 22 62 Based on complete translations in R.K. Hall, Sfausfoaaii The Ethics  of a Defeated Nation, passim. 35 2 1 For this reason i t invariably stressed loyalty to the Emperor. As lesson 27 was the most important of the year, so grade six was the most important in the elementary school program. It concluded compulsory education; the vast majority of pupils would leave school and take positions in the adult world. The school therefore had to exert every effort to pre-pare the pupils for the tasks that lay ahead. This probably accounts for the stress l a i d on loyalty in the sixth year of the Shushin course. Lessons emphasizing devotion to Japan's economic and military expansion comprise the 2 2 majority of these lessons and w i l l be analyzed in greater detail below. Mythical Basis for Loyalty. Education, religion, history and politics are inextricably woven together in the Shushin course. The concept of loyalty in Shushin i s therefore rooted in a combination of mythsi the Emperor's divine origin and authority, the uniqueness of the Japanese race, and the Sacred Mission of the Japanese. The following excerpt from a lesson entitled "Our Country" expresses these myths. The Emperor i s a very sacred person, His Ancestor being the Great Sun Goddess Amaterasu. In a very ancient time, the Great Sun Goddess sent Her grandson Prince Ninigi to earth and had Him rule this country. At that time the Great Sun Goddess told the Princes "The Luxuriant Land of Reed Plains [Toyoashihara-^io-Chiihoaki-no- Mizuho-no-Kuni1 i s to be governed by my descendants. Thou shalt go there now and rule. Thy Imperial Throne Pamatsu-hitsuigi 1 shall be prosperous and coeval with heaven and earth." For one example of these lessons see Appendix I I , p. 101. See pagest;42-44. 36 Because we are fortunate in having been born in such a blessed country, with such an August Imperial Family over us, and since we are the descandents of subjects who have handed down such beautiful traditions, we must become good Japanese subjects and devote ourselves to the cause of building a prosperous country.23 Nowhere do the lessons explain what the "Divine Instructions" to the Prince were, but they are probably connected with the mystical concept of Kokutai, which sometimes refers to the unique and sacred family relation between the Emperor and his subjects and at other times to the glorious destiny or Mission of Japan. The most concrete explanation of this Mission is given in a series of lessons called "National Development.11 The follow-ing excerpts indicate the main ideas of this doctrine. At the beginning of the Meiji period Emperor Meiji pledged five things to the Gods of Heaven ^and Earth and indicated that these would be the main policies [goals] of the nation which the people should strive to realize. By this means the Emperor open-ed the way for every subject in the country to participate i n the great responsibility of developing the national fortune . . . . Under the Tokugawa Shogunate our country was shut off from the outside world for a very long time, and because of that we were behind the times i n comparison with the other countries of the world u n t i l the beginning of the Meiji era . . . . We then accomplished our aim of securing revision of the treaties and have since enjoyed having international relations on equal terms. Along with our national development our position i n foreign re-lations has grown more important, and we have come to plan for world peace because of our peculiar and independent position in East Asia. . . . Our territory has been expanded, but i t s expansion has not been compatible with the increase in population. Consequently many people have l e f t the country to live i n Manchukuo and others have gone out to China and other countries to engage in various occupations. It i s needless to say that our national development in the future w i l l make great strides.24 2 5 H a l l , Shushin: The Ethics of a Defeated Nation, pp. 118-19. 24 A note in the teachers' manual adds: "Our people should further go abroad with great ambitions." Ibid., pp. 82^ -84-37 This Great Mission of expanding the borders of Japanese influence and presence i s not just a goal proposed by mere politicians. It i s the sacred Will of the Emperor, and loyalty to the Emperor implies self-effacing de-votion to that Mission. . . . Our industries have developed and our national wealth has increased tremendously, but our land area i s small and our natural resources poor. Our neighboring countries, Manchukuo and China, have wide territories and rich natural resources. In spite of this fact their development has been slow and they have no industries. Therefore these countries are desirous of developing their natural resources and bringing prosperity to their countries with the aid of our country. It i s important to»have the cooper-ation of Japan, Manchukuo, and China to have prosperity in East Asia.[The Teachers' Manual addss "In the future as we are engaged in the fields of industry, we must be diligent and hard working, and f u l f i l the Great Mission of bringing prosperity to Asia."] 25 It has not been an easy matter for us to make such national progress. This has been accomplished as a result of our Emperors personally leading the people toward national development and as a result of our people endeavoring assiduously to realize the Imperial Wi l l . . . . 26 Loyalty and the Shinto Heritage. How was religion related to loyalty? A number of lessons specifically on the Shinto heritage were intro-duced i n the 1930 l s; these were included undoubtedly to secure religious sanction for national objectives and hence also to secure the cooperation of subjects in various national campaigns. It i s the p o l i t i c a l philosophy 27 of national Shinto, however, rather than the traditional religion, which Quotation and brackets added by this author. 2 6 H a l l , Shushin: The Ethics of a Defeated Nation, pp. 86-87. 27 'D.C. Holtom, in his volume The P o l i t i c a l Philosophy of Modern  Shinto. A Study of the State Religion of Japan (Chicago: Private ed. of the University of Chicago Libraries, 1922), draws a distinction between Shinto as a religious sect (Shuha Shinto) and Shinto as an o f f i c i a l , avowedly "non-religious" cult (Jinja Shint6). A government degree in 1869 established the latter a s ^ n e o f f i c i a l p o l i t i c a l philosophy. See Hall, Education for a New  Japan, pp. 146-147. 33 comes out most strongly. In the fourth grade there i s a lesson on the Yasukuni Shrine, which commemorates the death of Japanese who gave their lives for the Emperor and the country. Pupils are tolds "It i s the desire of the Emperor that those courageous heroes who have fought [and died] for their country and their Emperor should be enshrined there . . . . We must think of the great benevolence of our Emperor and, like the heroes here 28 enshrined, we must serve our country and our' Emperor." The lesson well illustrates how loyalty in military service was linked with the Shinto heritage in order to secure religious sanction as well as religious i n -centive for war.' Shinto religion can be understood both as a simple form of private worship and as an elaborate system of thought which combines Japanese P o l i -t i c a l and religious ideas with the concept of "national polity." It was the po l i t i c a l idea of Shinto which inspired the frequent references in Shushin lessons to Shinto shrines, particularly the Great Imperial Shrine at Ise. The o f f i c i a l prewar interpretation of Shinto as a state religon and i t s relationahip to education i s found in the pamphlet Kokutai no Hongi (Funda-mentals of our Hational Polity). This pamphlet sought to provide a '^standard philosophy of divinity: divine origin, divine leadership, divine mission, and chosen race; i t also sought to link this philosophy with the older and simpler religious worship -of the Japanese people. Some excerpts from the Kokutai no Hongi show how this linkage was explained. Our shrines served, from of old, as the center of the s p i r i t of ceremonial rites and functions. Shrines are expressions of a great Way of the deities and places where one serves the deities,., and repays the source of a l l things and return to their genesis. 28 Hall, Shushin: The Ethics of a Defeated Nation, p. 110. 29 / J.O. Gauntlett and R.K. Hall, Kokutai no Hongi (Cardinal-Princi-ples of the National Polity of Japan) (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1949) , pp. 139-40. (Translation appearing in the text i s equally common to that used by Gauntlett and Hall.; 39 As,Shinto shrines have their basic significance in being national existences, they have, since the establishment of the Bureau of Shinto Shrines in the Code of Laws, come down to us as national organs and institutions; so that they are differently treated from a l l the Shinto sects and other religions of a general nature.30 Reverence toward deities in our country i s a national f a i t h based on the s p i r i t of a founding of the Empire, and i s not a fai t h toward a transcendental God in the world of Heaven. 31 Thus in the sixth grade there i s a lesson which describes the celebration of the Harvest Thanksgiving Day as essentially a state function; the Emperor begs the God's instructions concerning the problems of national l i f e . Part of the lesson reads as follows j On Harvest Thanksgiving Day, the Emperor holds a solemn cre-mony in the Palace. And at the beginning of the state function every year, the Emperor, before doing anything else, prays to the Gods of the Great Imperial Shrine, begging their instructions; and when there arise c r i t i c a l moments involving the Imperial Household and the nation, the Emperor reports to the Great Imperial Shrine.32 Loyalty and F i l i a l Piety. Shushin, l i k e the Kokutai no Hongi, describes f i l i a l piety and loyalty as one and the same thing. For a f u l l comprehension of this concept one needs to understand some basic features of the Japanese family system (kazoku seido); this was always referred to as the pattern for national l i f e . It was based on the Chinese p o l i t i c a l theory that i f each individual punctiliously cultivated his own family duties a good state would be the automatic result. But in Japan the family system had a special meaning. The Japanese applied the Chinese theory to a l l their social structures, as pointed out by Dore: Hall, ShusKihieThe Ethics of a Defeated Nation, p. 141. •Ibid., P. 142. 'ibid., pp. 108-109. 40 . . . In Japan the habit of modelling the structure of social groups outside the family—occupational, educational, recreation-a l , p o l i t i c a l , a r t i s t i c , criminal—on the pattern of the family, has been developed with a consistency rare in other societies. The terms for positions in such groups are formed by analogy with terms for positions in the family (e.g. oyabun and anikibun— "father-part" and "elder-brother part", iemoto—"family chief," etc.), the duty of obedience in these non-kinship structures (chu— loyalty) i s equated with f i l i a l piety; and the love, the favours, shown by the superior to the inferior are designated by the same term—on—whether i t i s parent, teacher, master, or feudal lord who confers them.33 The stress l a i d on the maintenance of these relationships i s indicated in the eighth-century c i v i l codes which subordinate lack of f i l i a l piety only 34 to treason i n the hierarchy of crimes. ^ It i s not surprising, therefore, that in Shushin the chief duty of a man i s not to safeguard his own i n d i -vidual interests but rather those of his house, and that these i n turn are linked closely with one's duties as a loyal subject of the Emperor. If everybody i n the family does his best on his own assigned task and serves the Emperor's country f a i t h f u l l y , not only w i l l the prosperity of his family be increased but also, in turn, the honorable position of his family and relatives . . . . In this manner a person's conduct w i l l immediately reflect upon the hap-piness of his family and also reflect upon the good name of his ancestors. Therefore, everyone in the family should be of the same mind, to prosper and to honor the family's name, and to be a good descendant of his ancestors and a good ancestor for his own descendants.35 An example of how Shushin identified the two virtues of loyalty and f i l i a l piety i s seen in a sixth grade lesson entitled " F i l i a l Piety," the story of Rusunoki Masashige and his son Masatsura. When news reached the son that his father had been k i l l e d while fighting the enemies of the Emperor he in turn f e l t obliged to k i l l himself. But his mother quickly prevented him from carrying out his intention, saying, "Though you may be Dore, City Life in Japan (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1 9 5 8 ) , p. 94. 5 4 I b i d . , p. 441. -"Hall, Shushin: The Ethics of a Defeated Nation, p. 133. 41 young, you are your father's son. Listen well to me. Your father wanted you to follow in his footsteps, to destroy the enemies of the Emperor, and to set His August Mind at ease. That was your father's last w i l l . So you must accomplish your father's ambition and serve the Emperor loyally." The account concludes with the statement saying that when the boy grew up he served bravely under Emperor Godaigo and never once brought shame on his 36 father's good name. The meaning that must be attached to the son's service in this case i s clearly indicated i n a note i n the teachers' manual: "The purpose of this chapter i s to teach the pupils that in pur country loyalty and f i l i a l duties are one and the same thing, and to encourage them in the idea of loyalty and f i l i a l piety." A second note i s even more explicit; i t requires the loyalty of parents also i n that they strive to bring up chi l d -ren who are loyal subjects. There i s not a parent who does not hope to raise his or her child properly and who does not wish him to become a respectful and loyal subject . . . . F i l i a l piety means to set at ease the uneasiness of your parents and to follow the w i l l of your ances-tors. And when emergency arises in our country, we should give our l i v e s for the sake of our country . . . . When you devote yourself to loyalty, f i l i a l piety i s automatically performed.37 The numerous lessons given in the lower grades on obeying parents are in effect the inculcation of a loyalty which has much broader ramifi-cations. Such loyalty consists of respect for age and authority, behavior according to a l l the requirements of courtesy and obligation, and in general a l l the virtues one learns i n the home and employs in society. Without these i . one can be neither a loyal subject of the Emperor nor a creditable member of one's family, one's firm, or one's school. By thus linking f i l i a l Ibid., pp. 116-18. 42 piety with loyalty Shushin taught a l l the prescribed social relationships and backed them with sacred Imperial sanctions. Loyalty and the National Purpose. Our analysis of the lesson con-tent suggests that the p o l i t i c a l regime which devised the Shushin course of 1940 was conscious of an oncoming national emergency, for i t interpreted loyalty as a means to the attainment of certain definite national goals. Twenty-seven of the lessons which we have classified under loyalty (Table I I , page 34) have as their chief aim to i n s t i l l devotion to some aspect of the "national purpose." In the sixth grade a l l but five of the lessons are of this kind. The theme i s variously referred to as "prosperity of our native land," "national prestige," "national development," the "Great Mission of bringing prosperity to Asia," and "national unity." A quotation from a les-son entitled "National Unity" w i l l i l l u s t r a t e the way in which the theme of national purpose i s brought out. Our country was established by the ancestors of the Imperial Household. The people, ever since the time of their ancestors, have guarded the interest of this splendid country by guarding and maintaining the prosperity of the Throne. In national emer-gencies the people have manifested their conviction of loyalty and patriotism by presenting a united front without considering their personal interest. The people who did not go on the battlefields were united loyally and patriotically and exerted themselves i n the true s p i r i t of loyalty and patriotism . . . . Although the taxes be-came much higher than in former years on account of the war ex-penses, the people gladly took on the burden and there was no one who was negligent in paying his taxes.3^ As shown in the above quotation, Shushin taught the dignity of the Imperial Household and the loyalty of past generations as the b;ases for devotion to Ibid., pp. 106-107. 43 the national purpose in the present. Then i t specified what form this de-votion should take: service on the battlefield, and payment of taxes. The virtue of service for -the welfare of the country may also take the form of getting an education, developing one's talents, or develop-ing courage. One lesson extols a certain Tanaka Hisashige's service to the nation through his creativity. F i r s t he invented small things such as a convenient box for his brush-writing equipment; ultimately he constructed steam engines for warships and made cannons and r i f l e s . When a man offered to pay him any price to make an elaborate marionette he f l a t l y refused. "Making such a thing i s not worth a man's energy," he explained. He offered to do anything which would help the country, but refused to make things 3 9 just for people's amusement. Contribution to the national welfare, particularly military wel-fare, i s thus frequently given as the test for the deeds of one who would claim to be a loyal subject. However august or benevolent the Emperor might be, or however xrorthy of emulation the ancestors might have been, they are not the only sanction for loyalty. The more immediate and tangible goal of national prosperity demands i t . Frequently the theme i s developed in a very militant approach as the following lines from a sixth grade lesson i l l u s t r a t e : "The duty of sending military supplies to the battle fronts must be performed under any hardship. And the people must bear a l l hardship, bear the military expenses, and guard against deterioration in production no matter how long the war may last." The tone of such lessons as this leaves no doubt as to the intent of the repeated calls for loyalty. As suggested in 1890 by the 5 9 I b i d . , p. 147-4°Ibid., pp. 94-95. 44 Imperial Rescript on Education, and as stated directly in numerous Shushin lessons such as the one just quoted, the intent i s to secure s e l f - s a c r i f i c i a l military service for the country from every Japanese subject. Loyalty and Rights. Baron Kikuchi, a former Minister of Education, made the remark in the international seminar on moral education mentioned above 4 1 that "In Japan we talk very l i t t l e of rights. In the elementary schools, when they [the pupils] are just about to leave school we teach them a l i t t l e citizenship. We teach voting as a duty; they are taught that 42 they must, as a duty vote for whom they think best." The idea of rights, although embodied in the Imperial Constitution, received very l i t t l e atten-tion in Shushin. It6 Hirobumi, the chief figure in the dafting of the Consti-tution, had sought to acquire certain "rights" on behalf of the people; these he described as a very valuable concession on the part of the Emperor, These rights were, nevertheless, a gi f t of the Emperor, and were therefore subject to interpretation by the Imperial Government. Both in theory and in practice they were understood only to apply to certain qualified people who would "assist the Emperor" in governing the nation. Certainly the idea of a "loyal opposition" was incomprehensible to the Japanese, as It8 himself recognized. There was no p o l i t i c a l right to disagree on such basic issues as the nature of Imperial authority, as the famous debate between Minobe 45 Tatsukichi and Baron Kikuchi Takeo later proved. And what rights may have 4 1See p. 2 5 . 4 2Sadler, p. 527. 4^Minobe, in 1956, argued that the Emperor was an organ of the state and thereby drew harsh criticism from those who claimed the Emperor was the state. For details of the "organ theory" of the Emperor see Ryusaku Tsunoda, W.T. De Bary, and D. Keene (comps.), Sources of Japanese Tradition (New York: Columbia University Press, 195 8 )? PP« 746-55* 45 been implied in the Constitution were practically n u l l i f i e d through the 1925 Peace Preservation Law which " . . . made i t a crime to advocate any change in either the national polity or the capitalist system." 4 4 In the area of c i v i l law, too, rights were understood in the limited context of Japan's r i g i d family structure. The conservative C i v i l Code of I898 had l i t t l e to say regarding rights. Yet the reactionaries condemned this Code for not retaining Japan's "noble moral customs"; they b i t t e r l y op-posed the progressive minority who struggled to liberalize i t . Historical and biographical data from this period of struggle over liberalization could have been used to discuss loyalty from the viewpoint of rights had the textbook compilers been so inclined. Shushin i s silent about these contro-versies or even about the possibility that a sane controversy over personal rights might be possible. It seems to follow the assumption that every Japanese i s born a debtor to his superior; that the superior may out of bene-volence bestow certain rights or he may withhold them; that the Emperor him-self had presented certain rights as a g i f t in the form of the Imperial Constitution and the laws; but that every g i f t also implies an obligation, and that in this case the duty i s to support the government by compliance with i t s laws. A sixth grade lesson on the Japanese Constitution clearly brings out this passive attitude toward rights; the following excerpts are repre-sentative: In any communal l i f e there i s the necessity of establishing rules of conduct for the people to obey. If there are no such rules of conduct and i f the people do as they please, a communal l i f e as such cannot be expected. Ibid., p. 723. 46 The Imperial Japanese Constitution, by which the Emperor governs the nation, i s the basic lav/ of the country. It i s the foundation on which a l l our rules of conduct are established. In accordance with the ancestral precepts and with the hope of bringing happi-ness to His subjects and prosperity to His country, Emperor Meiji established this Constitution for the people to obey and to guard eternally . . . . In the Constitution i t i s pointed out that the line of Emper-ors, unbroken for ages eternal, shall rule the Empire of Japan, thus making clear the main basis of our national entity fKokutai ], which has never been changed during ages past. It also gives the people power to participate i n our national p o l i t i c a l function; i t fixes the principle of protecting the people's personal liberties and property rights in accordance with the lav?; and i t establishes the people's obligations i n regard to military service and taxation . . . . Every Japanese subject should make i t his duty to expand the national fortune by respecting the Imperial House Law and the Impe-r i a l Constitution and thus guard and maintain the prosperity of our Imperial Throne.45 The lesson just quoted i s not a study of civic rights and responsi-b i l i t i e s . Of a total of forty lines only five refer to rights or other bene-f i t s for the individual, and even these are not mentioned among the six 46 teaching points l i s t e d in the teachers' manual. On the other hand sixteen lines bear directly on duties of the subject, of which military service and taxation are the only ones specifically mentioned. Loyalty, as reflected in this particular lesson, appears to mean support of any particular government and unquestioning obedience to i t s policies. Admission of a conflict i n loyalties because of personal convictions or any other reason means disobe-dience to the Emperor, for he had not only invested that government with authority but had himself granted the Constitution. Only one lesson discusses the significance of representative Hall, Shushin; The Ethics of a Defeated Nation, pp. 1 0 2 - 1 0 J . 'Ibid., p. 103. 47 government. If loyalty connoted any freedom of choice or freedom of se l f -expression, the lesson should contain some reference to this fact. One sentence seems to hint that such a principle of freedom i s involved in loyalty: "Therefore, when exercising the privilege of voting one must be careful to vote for those candidates who one thinks have the best characters and the best idea." But the next sentence reverses the meaning and i s more in keeping with the theme of the lesson, which i s the "importance of correct voting": "Do not vote for any man merely from the point of view of se l f -interest . . . . " I n other words one must always put the interests of the group over one's own interests. The lesson instructs representatives, l i k e -wise, to "Cast aside their personal opinion: and f a i t h f u l l y abide by decisions 47 reached . . . ." The assumption i s that personal opinions are inferior to group opinions and that one should conform to the decisions of the group which in the case of the Imperial Government usually emanated from the Imperial Cabinet and, in particular, the Ministry of War. Disloyalty. If loyalty was described as such an impelling o b l i -gation, did Shushin also have something to say regarding disloyalty? The word i t s e l f does not seem to occur in the 1940 textbooks. In fact there are very few instances which ill u s t r a t e how the idea of badness i s understood and how i t s occurrence i s dealt with. In one of the few, a second grade story, Taro and his friend were playing in the town park one day when his friend suddenly decided to break off one of the beautiful maple branches and take i t home. Taro tried to stop him; he pointed to a nearby sign which warned people not to pick branches from the trees. When Taro explained that one must obey the regulations whether people are looking or not his friend 47 Ibid., p. 99. 48 A ft saw reason i n his argument and did not break the branch. A second reference to unlawfulness i s the story of the great Matsudaira Sadanobu. On one of his inspection tours in the provinces he had to pass by one of the inspec-tion posts (sekisho) in order to enter the boundary of the next admini-strative area. When he proceeded unthinkingly to pass through i t with his rain hat on, one of the officers of the post cautioned him and said, "Please take off your rafe-hat—it i s a regulation of the post." Sadanobu on hearing him said, "Of course! So i t i s , " and immediately took off his rain hat and passed through. Later Sadanobu approached one of the higher officers there and said, "That was certainly an indiscretion on my part . . . . I want you to give my warmest thanks to the officer who was kind enough to caution 49 me about i t . " t y In both cases the assumption i s that the existence of a law or regulation i s i t s own justification. Hence the purpose of a course in Shushin i s to induce obedience to the laws and regulations without pro-voking questions on their origin or purpose. What the state has decreed i s beyond the realm of debate. A few lessons show that disobedience i s not always settled quite so amicably; they indicate that when someone persists in disobedience swift punishment may await him. Takasaki Masakaze was the nine year old son of a warrior (samurai). One day the boy refused to eat his breakfast, saying, "I hate this food." Therservant proceeded to cook him some other food but his mother, who had witnessed the scene, scolded him thoroughly! "You are the son of a samurai! And yet you express your likes and dislikes in food. You w i l l never be a good samurai i f you do not endure any hardship. Ibid., p. 183. 49 If you do not l i k e this food, you can go hungry!" Later Masakaze realized he had been self-indulgent and made repeated apologies to his mother as 50 well as a pledge never to express his likes or dislikes again. Tax evasion i s one of the misdeeds most often referred to. One strongly worded lesson states "It i s important that we pay taxes without delay . . . . If one f a i l s to f i l e reports concerning taxation or i f one has to be reminded that the time for payment of taxes has elapsed, one i s unnecessarily causing extra troubles for public o f f i c i a l s . F i l i n g of false taxation reports or being penalized for not paying the taxes when they are due i s not only a personal disgrace but i s injurious to the national develop-ment."51 Incidents of direct opposition or disobedience to the Emperor are rarely mentioned. One lesson, however, offers a flashback to the period when Emperor Jimmu miraculously conquered the many "bad people" who were 52 making others suffer. Another lesson goes so far as to hint that dis-loyalty toward the Emperor was at one time commonplace. As the story goes, Emperor Godaigo in the fourteenth century summoned his loyal subjects to come forward and subjugate Hojo Takatoki. But since the people were afraid of HiSjo's power " . . . there were only a few generals who answered the Imperial summons." The same lesson goes on to say, however, that the loyalty of a certain Kusunoki Masashige eventually inspired a royalist revival; the 53 Emperor's "enemies" were destroyed and his sacred name was vindicated. A conflict of loyalties necessarily arises in an instance such 5 0Jbid., p. 182. 5 1Ibid., p. 97. 5 2Ibid., p. 93. 5 5Ibid., pp. 113-15. 30 as that just described. Could those who had once pledged loyalty to Hojo now transfer their loyalty to the royalists? Can loyalty to one's master ever be terminated according to the Shushin ethics? The extreme seriousness surrounding loyalty in Japanese thought makes this one of the knottiest problems and the theme for innumerable tragedies i n Japanese literature. Shushin states that one must be loyal to one's master whoever he may be as of the time of one's birth. In pre-Meiji Japan one's highest loyalty was, in effect, to one's feudal lord fdaimyo), as numerous lessons point out. One of these relates the story of Kato Kiyomasa as an example; i t praises him for his continued loyalty to the House of Hideyoshi even after that House was superceded as a military force by Ieyasu. Kato had been born a vassal .to the House of Hideyoshi and, regardless of the merits of that particular House, he was obliged to remain loyal to i t . 54 But in post-Meiji Japan one's highest loyalty was to the Emperor, for in 1869, according to Shushin, a l l the feudal lords voluntarily pledged allegiance to the Emperor. By this act they proved that the Japanese were fundamentally loyal to the EmperorJ they thereby also!:.restored the prestige whichi was due to the Emperor and enabled a l l Japanese to love and serve their Imperial Family with singleness of heart. Shushin praised people for being loyal to their feudal lord under pre-Meiji conditions but extolled in even l o f t i e r terms those who displayed loyalty to the Emperor since the "Meiji Restoration" in 1868. No true Japanese can be free from the obligation of loyalty to some master. As one might expect, none of the lessons mentions heroism on the part of a ronin. Ronin were the free lance warriors who, for one reason Ibid., pp. I 8 3 - 8 6 . 51 or another, were not serving any one particular master. A survey of the examples used to i l l u s t r a t e loyalty i n Shushin indicates a strong preference for examples of moral "goodness11 to the almost unrealistic exclusion of "badness." Disloyalty, disobedience, treason and ^ the l i k e do not figure much in Shushin textbooks; examples of conflicting loyalty are even fewer. The impression i s conveyed to pupils that a l l Japan-ese with few exceptions are of one mind in discerning their obligations and of one w i l l in f u l f i l l i n g them. Authors of the Shushin textbooks appear to lack any conception even of a theoretical possibility that disagreement may arise over given norms of behavior or the p o l i t i c a l views of the govern-ment. Loyalty and the Enemy. Does loyalty, as taught in Shushin, imply the existence of an "enemy"? Or i s loyalty a spontaneous desire to see the country expand without reference to other countries of the world? Several references have already been given to i l l u s t r a t e the Japanese Shinto concept of Divine Mission. In concrete terms this Mission consisted of Japan's am-bition to create an "East Asian Co-prosperity Shere." In the discussion of this Mission the textbooks were careful to avoid the implication that war was necessary to carry out this ambition and stressed mutual cooperation and friendship instead. Witness the following excerpt from a sixth grade lesson: It i s now important to cooperate with China and Manchukuo and to develop a great c i v i l i z a t i o n of East Asia. . . . However, the world powers, on the basis of their own individual cultures, are also trying a l l the more to develop their national strength. It i s devoutly hoped that we shall not lag be-52 hind in time, but that we shall develop our national destiny and shall cooperate with other powers to work for international peace and cultural progress . . . .55 But there was no apology in Shushin for those wars which Japan had already fought in order to realize her Mission. They were accepted as the inevitable course of Japan's development which other countries were trying to impede. Nearly every account of wars in which Japan had engaged was carefully writ-ten so as to plead the nation's cause against that of a particular "enemy." The loyalty of the Japanese people in supporting these wars was therefore praised in the highest terms as the following quotation showss When the China incident broke out in the 12th year of Showa [1937] J "the people worked together to serve the country. Stories of their loyalty and devotion are too numerous to mention.5° Indeed, the epitome of loyalty, as the writer of the textbooks understood i t , was displayed in a battle against some enemy of the nation; this i s seen in a review of those lessons which were entitled "Loyalty." It cannot be accidental that a l l but one are war situations. Three of these have already been quoted i n another connection and a fourth i s noteworthy for the f r e -quency with which i t speaks of "the enemy." During the War of Meiji 37-38 [1904-1905:,- the Russo-Japanese War], a cavalry captain, Kobayashi Tainaki, on orders from his superior officer, did a magnificent deed by scouting the enemy position, many times going into enemy territory. Once the captain, in order to escape enemy eyes, changed his appearance to that of a poor Chinese and went barefooted. He blended into the darkness as .he set out. On the way he was sus-pected by the enemy and any number of times was challenged and Ibid.. p. 8 7 . Ibid., p. 107. 53 seized, and he suffered very much. However, he imitated a deaf-and-dumb person, passed through dangerous places, and after suc-cessfully scouting the enemy positions always came back. 57 The account continues to describe how the captain and his subordinate were caught by the enemy on an extremely d i f f i c u l t spying assignment. At their execution they both shouted fearlessly "Tenno Heika banzai!" ("Hurrah for His Majesty the Emperor!") and died heroically. The enemy, greatly impressed, cried, "Excellent! They are ideal soldiers." Undoubtedly an account such as this with the caption "Loyalty" gave most boys and g i r l s of elementary school age the impression that loyalty was identical xirith militant patriot-ism and that a loyal subject must have a strong sense of "my country" and "our enemy." The selection just quoted i s probably intended to f i r e young school boys with the ambition some day to exercise their talents in out-smarting the enemy of Japan,, whoever he may be. And the lesson urges them with this incentive to be better students. Summary of Loyalty as Taught in Shushin The Shushin course remained unchanged from 1903 u n t i l 1940 as far as i t s basic features are concerned. It consisted of about twenty-five l e s -sons per grade requiring three to four hours of teaching time each and there were two hours of school lessons in Shushin per week. In content, however, there was some change over the years u n t i l 1940. Although the 1890 Imperial Rescript on Education was considered as the basis for a l l school courses, an examination of the Shushin textbooks themselves shows that the authors tended to put increasing emphasis on the loyalty aspects of the Rescript;. The basic assumptions underlying loyalty Ibid., pp. 122-23. 54 as taught in the textbooks and their implications can be summed up in the following points: 1. The Emperor i s of divine descent and his loyal subjects, the Japanese people, are a unique, Chosen Race with a Sacred Mission. This i s propounded as a historical fact on which every facet of the nation's re-ligious and p o l i t i c a l l i f e i s based. 2. Japan's great Shinto heritage is the underpinning for the Japan-ese state or Kokutai. Loyalty to the Kokutai in peace and war i s thereby given a religious sanction. Shinto i s viewed as a state religion which serves the nation rather than the individual. 3. F i l i a l piety and loyalty are inseparable. A loyal subject always obeys his parents; every parent wants his children to be loyal sub-jects. The obligations of f i l i a l piety and loyalty are f u l f i l l e d simultane-ously by self-sacrifice for the state. 4. Loyalty i s not chiefly one's personal affection for the Emperor or for one's parents, teachers or ancestors; nor i s i t obedience rendered because of their kindness. The ultimate sanctions for loyalty are rather the tangible goals of national development as articulated by the Imperial Government. 5. Rights are subordinated to duties. Loyalty i s rendered as a duty; freedom of choice, such as might be expressed in a voluntary oath of allegiance, i s not shown as a factor in forming loyalty. Loyalty i s rather an obligation which i;s contingent upon the circumstances of one's birth. 6. The concept of disloyalty rarely appears in Shushin. It i s not a subject for discussion. Shushin considers i t s own teachings undebatablej it- considers unallowable any rational disagreement with the given norms of behavior or the p o l i t i c a l views of the government. CHAPTER IY EDUCATION FOR LOYALTY HT THE POSTWAR PERIOD The Curriculum During the Occupation Basic revisions made in the curriculum by the Allied Occupation have been outline above (see pages 15-17). This section deals specifically with the content of social studies. The course was never r i g i d l y defined; i t changed frequently during the six years of the Occupation, and such a large number of different textbooks were in use that none of them can be considered representative of the entire period. 1 This section w i l l therefore consist of excerpts from the o f f i c i a l c r i t e r i a of deletion which were used by the Occupation authorities for censoring wartime textbooks and from the 1952 social studies course outline. These are presented as evidence that moral education of the Shushin variety was discontinued. They also provide an estimate of what content was introduced into the curriculum to take the place of Shushin• Censorship ":.;6f textbooks and teaching materials for a l l courses was carried out on the basis of a set of c r i t e r i a which were drawn up early in 1946. Prom the c r i t e r i a i t w i l l be seen that the Occupation authori-ties were opposed to most of those doctrines which, as already pointed out, were at the heart of the Shushin courses that the Emperor was of divine o r i -gin, ruling over a chosen people who had a sacred mission; that the myths of 1Tomitar8 Karasawa, "Changes in Japanese Education as Revealed in Textbooks," Japan Quarterly, II (July-September, 1955), p. 3 Q 1 . 55 56 the Shinto heritage were indeed historical facts which sanctioned se l f -sacrifice for the Emperor and Japan's mission; and that the Japanese subjects had no rights hut the right to obey. The c r i t e r i a of deletion are quoted by Wunderlich as follows: In order to bring about the eventual establishment of a peace-f u l and responsible government in Japan which w i l l respect the rights of other states, the following c r i t e r i a are established, thereby marking for deletion i n school textbooks those expressions of the s p i r i t of militarism and agression: (1) The glorification of war as heroic and normal activity of man. (2) The glory of dying for the Emperor and Nippon. (3) Soldierhood and the idealization of war heroes as the highest form of manhood. In order to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principles of equal rights and self-deter-mination of peoples, the following c r i t e r i a are established for deletion of ultra-nationalistic materials from school textbooks: (1) Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity sphere doctrine of expansion. (2) Japan-centrie, "world under one roof," (Hakko Ichiu) doctrine of Japan leading the world. (3) Yamato Spirit of sacrificing one's l i f e , as the cherry blossoms lose petals, i n defense of the Emperor and for advancement of the nation. (4) Subject-matter which conflicts with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. In order to revive and strengthen democratic tendencies among the Japanese people and encourage a desire for individual l i b e r -ties and respect for fundamental human rights, the following c r i t e r i a are established for deletion of materials in school textbooks which relate to the Emperor system: (1) Emperor as one of divine origin compelling worship. (2) Civic duty to die for the Emperor in his defense. (3) Unquestioning obedience and w i l l to follow theEmperor's orders.2 These c r i t e r i a of censorship firmly opposed the teaching of militarism, ultranationalism and the Emperor system in the textbooks. The Emperor's own denial of his divinity, made public in his address on New Year's Day, 1946, and the initial,SCAP directive banning State Shinto a l l reinforced the educational policy embodied in these c r i t e r i a . Shintoist teachings were among the f i r s t to be removed from the curriculum, for there was general agreement on the necessity of this step, says Wunderlich, one of the Occupation o f f i c i a l s connected with the censorship project. The subject of divine origin and mythological history, however, presented a different problem. Did not every country have some mythological re l i c s in i t s culture? And yet no one had ever advocated their complete removal. In consideration of this and other circumstances myths and legends were approved provinding they were represented as such. 4 As for national songs and anthems, they were l e f t untouched in the textbooks. The social studies course was a synthesis of the separate courses in morals, geography and Japanese history. Social studies was required at the various levels through the twelfth grade. At the elementary level the course consisted of units built around the immediate environment of the child: home, school, community; and then i t broadened to include the Nation and foreign countries. At the secondary level i t covered the careers of great contemporary leaders, both Japanese and foreign, and broadened at the higher level to include a study of the Constitution and civics. One of the 2 J.H. Vtoderlich, "The Japanese Textbook Problem and Solution 1945-1946" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, School of Education, Stanford University, 1952) , pp. 261-62. 5 I b i d . , p. 206. 4 I b i d . , p. 266. . . . 58 most widely distributed textbooks written by Japanese scholars was the two-volume Primer of Democracy. An outline of the theory of social studies methods i s given i n al Ministry of Education document entitled "A Tentative Suggested Course of Studys General." That the Ministry had departed—in theory at least—from the prewar textbook centered approach to the child-centered curriculum advocated by education advisors of the Occupation government, i s evident in the following quotation from the course of study; The child must f i r s t of a l l set up his aim, make plans . . . to attain i t , carry forward his learning therewith, and . . . reflect on the results of his efforts . . . real learning does not result from memorizing . . . fact. The teaching methodology must be contrived on the basis of the understanding that real knowledge and s k i l l w i l l never be acquired through other means than the child's activities . . . [ i t i s necessary] to satisfy ^ the wants springing from the purposes set up by the child himself. ( In place of the teachers' manual, by which the Ministry of Education had maintained a careful check on individualistic interpretations of teachers, the Ministry issued outlines of suggested pupil experiences and allowed the teacher to develop the details in accordance with local needs. One such outline for the 1952 social studies i s quoted in Dore's City Life i n Japan. Some excerpts are quoted here to il l u s t r a t e the content of the new social studies. Clearly i t heralded the brief period of child-centered education in Japan. Teachers were urged to "take up real problems which concerned the children in their own lives and encouraged them to i n -vestigate them on their own i n i t i a t i v e . " They were to "foster an independent attitude to l i f e . " Instead of teaching unrelated facts teachers were urged to expand the problems to include their broader implications in ethics, p o l i t i c a l science, economics, and sociology. Problems were also to be 5 As quoted in Ronald Anderson, Japan Three Epochs of Modern  Education (Washington! U.S. Office of Education, Bulletin 1'959, No. 11 , 1959) , PP. 104-105. 59 studied with more attention paid to historical facts i n contrast, pre-sumably, to traditional myths and legends. The same document then lis t e d five specific objectives of social studies. These implied several important changes in the teaching of loyalty. As might have been expected the earlier assumptions of a divine Emperor with divine authority and a society with hierarchical relationships was completely rejected.' Improvement of group l i f e , which had been one of the aims of Shushin, was retained i n social studies. Teachers were also i n -structed, however, to encourage cooperative participation on the part of children. This approach was presumably based on acceptance of a higher de-gree of social equality and individual choice. The aims of the new course included making pupils appreciate the traditional social groups—family, school, community, nation. Loyalty to these groups, however, was to be conditional upon an understanding of one another's individuality and per-sonality rather than upon coercion or manipulation. Furthermore the object-ives did not include, as Shushin did, a definitive statement as to the nature of these groups and the way in which members of these groups must act toward one another; preeminence was to be given to "understanding" and "improving" these groups and not to passive conformity for the sake of social harmony. Finally, the f i f t h objective appeared to reflect a change in the interpretation of Japanese history. Customs and traditions which governed society "developed"; they were not pre-ordained nor did they have divine sanction or authority. The five objectives are quoted by Dore as follows; 1. To give an understanding of the importance of onels own and;Ofcher people's personality and individuality, and to foster an independent attitude to l i f e . 60 2. Concerning such social groups as the family, the school, the local community, and the nation, to give an understanding of the nature of relations between individuals within the group, between the group and the individual, and between group and group, and to foster the attitudes and a b i l i t i e s which w i l l promote individual adaptation to and the improvement of group l i f e . 3. To give an understanding concerning the mutual inter-relationships between such social functions as production, con-sumption, i transport and communications, insurance of l i f e and property, welfare f a c i l i t i e s , education, culture and p o l i t i c s , concern-ning the operation of these functions and their meaning for human l i f e . And to foster the attitudes and a b i l i t i e s which promote active participation in cooperative social activity. 4. To give an understanding of the close relationship between human l i f e and the natural environment, and to foster the a t t i -tudes and a b i l i t i e s which promote adaptation to the natural en-vironment and i t s effective use. 5. To give an understanding of the nature and the develop-ment of social institutions, f a c i l i t i e s and customs, and to foster the attitudes and a b i l i t i e s which promote adaptation to them and their improvement. The same document then outlined each year's course in terms of the basic ideas to be taught. We quote the outlines for grades one and five be-low to i l l u s t r a t e their main features. One can note a number of similarities i n them between Shushin and the social studies course. Some of these are: stress on health, public welfare, care for property, proper use of money, and kindness to others. An important difference, however, i s that the teaching of these moral precepts in social studies i s combined with the teaching of basic information about social conditions. The theory behind social studies was to impart knowledge with moral theory and thereby to foster "understanding" of morals rather than mere conformity to rules. This was a reversal of Shushin theory in which moral precepts were taught before the facts were given. Also to be noted in the course outlines i s the repeated R.P. Dore, City Life in Japan (Londons Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1958), pp. 407-408. use of the term "society." This i s i n sharp contrast to the emotionally charged expressions, "our country" and "our Empire," which were generally used in Shushin. The ideas to be taught in the f i r s t year, (age six) are liste d by Dore as follows': Adults a l l have some work to do. Members of the family a l l have some function. Parents are always concerned with the happiness of their children. Our basic needs for clothes and food and shelter are provided in the home. If we are kind to each other, then we can a l l be happy. If rules are carefully obeyed, games are more enjoyable. If we are careful to keep things tidy, and to decorate the home and the school, they become pleasant places. The home and the school have special f a c i l i t i e s for pre-serving health and safety. A healthy body means a happy l i f e . People use a l l sorts of means of transport for travel and for carrying goods. In order to liv e with other people i t i s necessary to be punctual. In order to l i v e with other people i t i s necessary not to make a nuisance of oneself to others.7 A similar l i s t of ideas to be taught in the f i f t h year (age ten) i s quoted by Dore as follows: The development of industry i s largely determined by the natural conditions of climate, topography and resources. Industrial methods have vastly improved with the progress of science. The use of material resources has improved with the development of industry. With the development of industry, forms of food, housing 7Ibid.. p. 408. 62 and clothing have changed. As the use of natural resources improves, there i s a danger that these resources might be wasted or exhausted. The greater the division of labour, the more efficient l i f e becomes. The greater the division of labour, the greater the mutual dependence of individuals in society and hence the greater one's responsibility to one's fellows. The development of machine industry owes a great deal to new sources of power. By development of machine industry, men have come to have sufficient margin to concern themselves with welfare, recreation and cultural a c t i v i t i e s . Mass production should contribute to the general welfare. Machines help to preserve l i f e and property, but at the same time can sometimes damage them. It i s desirable to use science to promote human happiness. The development of industry tends to lead to the concen-tration of population. Methods of trade change with social development. The greater the scarcity of goods, the greater the neces-sity to make some adjustments between production and consumption. The routes by which products reach the consumer are an important factor in determining their price. It i s necessary to plan one's personal expenditure. When purchasing i t i s important to examine carefully before choosing. The development of commerce and industry has kept i n stepp with the development of transport. The development of commerce and industry i s often stimulated by special local conditions. Unless people take' care not to do things which they cannot thoroughly approve of, a good society i s impossible. 8 Ibid., pp. 4 O 8 - 4 0 9 . 63 The Allied Occupation enforced a number of curriculum changes which affected the teaching of loyalty. Negatively they removed from the curriculum a l l those teachings which rested upon the ultranationalistic doctrines of divinity. Sanctions for loyalty based on the Emperor's divinity, the Kokutai, or the Great Mission of the Japanese race were thereby elimi-nated. Japan's mythological history as such was not directly attacked; myths and legends could be retained i n the textbooks providing they were re-presented as such. The most important positive change was the "democratization" of teaching practice; o f f i c i a l education policy as well as the new legal code enforced this. Moreover the new child-centered social studies course taught a loyalty which was based on individual rights. This included the right to "understand" the meaning of social groups, not merely the duty to obey their demands. Loyalty as Taught in Dotokut 1957-1964 Introduction. Dotoku, as already noted, was the result of ten years of moderate p o l i t i c a l reaction among conservative o f f i c i a l s of the Ministry of Education. A statement made in 1957 hy the Minister of Education at that time illustrates this point. He said, "It i s necessary to hammer morality, national s p i r i t , and to put i t more clearly, patriotism, into the Q heads of our younger generations."^ Some observers have construed such statements i n support of education for patriotism as a return to the values once taught in Shushin. To what degree, i f any, i s the new Dotoku course a 9 ' ^Ronald Anderson, Japan, Three Epochs of Modern Education (Wash-ington? U.S. Office of Education, Bulletin 1959, No. 1 1 ) , p. 31. 6 4 reintroduction of loyalty as taught in Shushin? This can best be determined by analyzing a set of Dotoku textbooks in terms of the c r i t e r i a we used above to analyze Shushin. Our sample i s assumed to be a f a i r representative of the children's textbooks approved by the Ministry of Education for use in the elementary schools. There are at least ten such sets; this one i s in extensive use in Osaka, Japan's second largest metropolis. Outwardly Dotoku i s similar to Shushin. There i s one volume cor-responding to wach grade in the elementary school; each volume has from seventeen to twenty-two separate lessons which vary i n length from one to four pages. This reduction in the number of lessons per grade i s accounted for by the reduction i n teaching time for the morals course from two hours per week before the War to one hour per week at present. 1 1 Dotoku differs from Shushin, however, in that i t s teaching i s less definite. Many lessons end with several open-ended questions for class discussion; this implies that the lesson i s but an introduction to the moral problem i t poses and that i t offers no f i n a l conclusions. In addition to the lesson text and the set of study questions there i s a brief state-ment of objectives (nerai) accompanying each lesson. This frequently lends some r i g i d i t y of interpretation to the lessons although i n general the Dotoku course i s much more flexible than i t s prewar counterpart. The content of Dotoku i s prescribed in the Ministry of Education's Revised Curriculum i n Japan published i n I960. Of the thirty-six points list e d in the outline the last twelve apply directly to our analysis; they pertain to the training of a.member " . . . of a community or nation." The 1(^To date there are no pupils' Dotoku textbooks in schools above the elementary level; instruction there i s based on the teachers' manuals and course outlines. l-'-See Appendix VI, p. 109 for courses and time allocation in schedule. 65 following i s a summary of these pointss (24) Be kind. (25) Respect those who devote themselves to the public welfare. (26) Be cooperative, friendly and faithf u l (i.e., do not betray another's trust). (27) Be f a i r , impartial. (28) Understand and forgive others; respect their opinions. (29) Understand and keep rules. (30) Assert your rights within reason; perform your duty fa i t h f u l l y . (31) Work hard; appreciate labor. (32) Protect public property, develop a public morality and respect the rights of others. (33) Respect and be grateful for your parents, brothers and sisters; f u l f i l your role in the family and try to build a good family. (34) Respect and love your teachers and friends and respect your school and establish good school traditions. (35) " . . . Love the nation with a pride as a Japanese . . ." Cultivate " . . . the germ of the patriotic s p i r i t ; . . . " Respect the Japanese land, culture and traditions; desire the country's prosperity; recognize responsibilities as a Japanese; desire the " . . . development of Japan as a li n k in international society." (36) Understand the people of the world; cooperate with them;; know the contribution of individuals to 12 world peace and human welfare. Many of the terms used here express objectives l i k e national prosperity, pride as a Japanese, and patriotic s p i r i t . Shushin also made frequent reference to the same terms. Their meanings differ in the postwar context, however; they must be understood on the basis of their application in postwar courses, specifically Dotoku. That the precepts contained i n Dotoku are totally different from those of Shushin can be demonstrated by a comparison of equivalent lessons; let us look at grade three. Table III l i s t s the t i t l e s of a l l the lessons 12 Japan, Ministry of Education, Revised Curriculum i n Japan for  Elementary and Lower Secondary Schools.(Tokyot September, I960J, pp. 41-43. 66 in Shushin \*hich were devoted to various aspects of loyalty. Alongside them are t i t l e s of Dotoku lessons, or the gist of lessons, which most closely approximate the Shushin counterpart. When the two are thus quantitatively compared a sharp contrast appears. Indeed, the idea of loyalty as understood in Shushin with i t s basis in the Imperial Institution, the Shinto religion, the idea of divine mission and of the Kokutai i s hardly found in Botoku. TABLE III COMPARISON OP SHUSHIN AND DOTOKU (GRADE 3) ACCORDING TO SUBJECT MATTER RELATED TO LOYALTY SHUSHIN} 1940 DOTOKU; 1962 1. Emperor Meiji's Birthday No Equivalent 2 . Her Majesty the Empress No Equivalent 3 . The Great Imperial Shrine No Equivalent 4. The National Flag No Equivalent 5 . Loyalty and Patriotism No Equivalent 6. Good Japanese No Equivalent 7. Don't Forget Obligations No Equivalent 8. Respect the Teacher No Equivalent 1. Love and Affection for Family 9. F i l i a l Piety 2 . Understand Father's Work 3. Attitude of Obedience and Helpfulness 9 Lessons out of 27 3 Lessons out of 20 67 This phenomenon has two possible explanations which we attempt to explores (l) that Dotoku accepts the Shushin idea of loyalty but only as an unexpressed assumption; and (2) that Dotoku rejects the Shushin idea of loyalty, i n which case we may expect to find other teachings which directly or by implication refute those of Shushin. We may find, i n addition, that Dotoku rejects certain aspects of Shushin as being too narrow and in their place seeks to establish a broader base while maintaining many of the same.moral precepts as taught in Shushin. To determine which i s the more adequate explanation we need to examine in greater detail some of the relevant lessons in the Dotoku course. Loyalty and the Imperial Institution. What does Dotoku teach as the proper relation of subjects toward the Emperor or the Imperial I n s t i -tution? In our sample there are no lessons which deal with the Imperial 15 Institution as such. In fact only one lesson refers to the Emperor at a l l . The lesson describes the "voluntary surrender" of Tokugawa Yoshinobu (or Tokugawa Keiki, the last Shogun) to the Imperial Army. By thus surrendering, Yoshinobu i s credited by implication with the peaceful i n i t i a t i o n of the Meiji period; for the teaching objective of the lesson i s given as "To train students in the feeling of love for their country and for peace." Since the lesson just referred to i s the only one in which the Emperor i s mentioned, a closer examination of i t i s necessary. Actually the lesson does not refer to the Emperor himself but to the Imperial "camp" (chotei); i t consisted of powerful clan leaders who were attempting in the mid-nineteenth century to restore the Emperor to a position of real p o l i t i c a l authority. To them the Emperor provided a symbol for modernization. In the 13 See Appendix Vs "Meiji no Akebono" (The Dawn of the Meiji Period), Vis 14-68 lesson, the Imperial Institution i t s e l f i s mentioned only because of i t s significance for that particular period of history; i t provides h i s t o r i c i t y for the story. But the lesson does not attempt to glorify or even to justify the Imperial cause simply because i t has Imperial sanction. The Imperial cause i s justified rather on the grounds that i t represents a common goal of national peace' and security. The Emperor himself i s never directly mentioned. '. Yoshinobu and not the Emperor emerges as the chief figure i n the lesson. He loves national peace and security more than his own family; he i s patriotic. He i s also courageous and magnanimous; he w i l l fight or sacrifice as the occasion demands. He Is also a worthy master because he commands a large and loyal army. Being a man with a l l these noble characteristics Yoshinobu's "voluntary surrender" to the Imperial forces i s an act of un-excelled patriotism. 1 4 ' The lesson does not present the Emperor as a powerful p o l i t i c a l figure. I f , for example, Yoshinobu's campaign against the Emperor i s a nor-mal reaction under the given conditions—and the lesson suggests that i t is—then i t appears that the Emperor can be contradicted without evoking the charge of treason. A more plausible interpretation of the lesson i s that the Emperor i s a symbol of unity for modern Japan. But i f the intention i s to picture him as a symbol of unity why i s the discussion confined to the happenings ^Whether Yoshinobu should be so highly credited i s perhaps doubtful. Sansom gives a somewhat pathetic description of hims after a digni-fied resignation he was persuaded at the last moment by some of his uncom-promising o f f i c i a l s to punish one of the opposing clans; he failed i n this venture but suffered the indignity of complete defeat in a brief c i v i l war which ensued. G.B. Sansom, The Western World and Japan (New Yorks Aired A. Knopf, 1 9 5 0 ) , pp. 305-307. 69 of nearly one hundred years ago? There i s only a very faint suggestion that 15 the Emperor provides a symbol of unity for Japan today. Regarding the Emperor as a religious figure the lesson i s some-what clearer in i t s implications. It offers no support for the notion of Imperial divinity and, in fact, suggests the Emperor's humanness. The l e s -son's failur e , for example, to vindicate f u l l y the campaign of the Imperial Army i s in striking contrast to Shushin where even the allusion to the Imperial Institution was a occasion for worship of the Emperor. The lesson concludes by merely noting that the Imperial Army occupied Edo Castle and a new period of history began. If the lesson had been written to exalt the majesty of the Emperor more would certainly have been said about the g l o r i -ous aftermath of his triumph. The fact that the entire curriculum i n the elementary Dotoku course had nothing further to say regarding the Emperor or the Imperial Family suggests that i t rejects the doctrine which makes the person of the Emperor the ultimate sanction for morality. Instead i t teaches a much broader basis for morality; love for the country and love for peace are to be the guiding motives i n the behavior of the Japanese people. Just as Yoshinobu surrendered voluntarily to the Imperial Army in order to safeguard Japan's unity and independence, pupils are to strive for national peace and harmony by voluntary service in whatever ways they think appropriate. Loyalty and the Shinto Heritage. One of the directives issued by 15 This does not mean, of course, that the Japanese have in fact lost their affection toward the Emperor. Stoetzel concludes, on the basis of his 1955 studies of young people's attitudes in Japan,that " . . . they re-main extremely attached to the person of the Emperor, and s t i l l more so to the Imperial regime and to the symbols, memories, traditions and values which go with i t . " Jean Stoetzel, Without the Chrysanthemum and the  Sword (New Yorks Columbia University Press, 1955)»' p. 162. 70 the Allied Occupation put a s t r i c t ban on Shinto as a state religion. Since the Japanese school system was state supported the ban had particular meaning for school instruction. But Shinto as a form of private worship was not legally affected. It i s somev/hat surprising, therefore, that the author of our sample of Dotoku avoided the subject of religion almost completely. Allusion to religion in the textbooks i s confined to two i n c i -dental references to "God." A fifth-grade lesson describes a Japanese doctor's return from Taiwan amidst public praise for his work in the devel-opment of a new variety of rice. He had spent f i f t y years in brirging pros-perity to Taiwanese farmers. But when asked about his great achievement the doctor humbly replied, "Maybe i t just happened; maybe i t was an accident! No, God must have made i t . " The doctor's humility and international s p i r i t i s the main point in the s t o r y . I n another lesson Gandhi's mother i s ex-plaining to the young Gandhi why some human beings are "untouchable." She 17 says, "I can't t e l l you why, but what God decided we must obey." Neither of these lessons can be construed as allusions to Shintoism. One lesson deals with what i t calls superstition 1 8 and somewhat resembles a lesson of that ti t l e i n Shushin. But neither of the two lessons suggests a concern with the beliefs of Shintoism. The example in Dotoku dis-cusses superstition i n connection with the popular fallacies of the Chinese zodiac, miraculous healing and curing of the eyes with dirty water which i s thought to be holy. As an antidote for this kind of superstition the lesson recommends thinking " s c i e n t i f i c a l l y through science and social studies," l6"Kome no Chichi" (The Father of Rice), V i l ^ . 1 7 " P a r i a " (The Untouchables), V j l l . l 8"Meishin" (Superstition'), V:15. 71 but does not go ipito detailed interpretation of this concept. UndoiJbtedly the lesson i s not a discourse on the : merits or demerits of religion as a form of worship. The paucity of material on religion in Dotoku i s perhaps not so striking. Attitude studies of postwar youth in Japan reveal a low "need for religion" i n the lives of the young people. In one recent study the question was asked, "Do you feel that you require some sort of religious outlook or belief i n order to achieve a f u l l y mature philosophy of l i f e ? " Replies to this question as well as to another question investigating the respond-ents' range of activities indicates that religion plays only the most negli-19 gible part in their li v e s . One must recognize, however, that religion in the sense of Western Christianity i s unfamiliar to the Japanese. Many ad-herents to Shintoism do not consider themselves religious. Obama Shigeshi, for example, whose study of Shushin was quoted in Chapter Three, asserts that the Japanese always maintain a secular and scient i f i c approach, even 20 in moral instruction. He finds Japanese morality to be based on a unique set of a p r i o r i principles, but these are not regarded as religious. More striking i s the fact that Dotoku omits any reference to Shintoism. It implies that morality i s independent even of that set of be-l i e f s which formed the basis for Shushin. In other words, Dotoku rejects the body of assumptions which characterized Shushin morality and leaves the way open for a more broadly based moral system. What the basis i s , however, Dotoku does not reveal clearly. 1 9Jean Stoetzel, pp. 191-92. 20 Shigeshi Obama, "The Fundamental;.-' Characteristics of Moral Education i n Japan" (unpublished Master's thesis, New York University, 1932) , p. 8 4 . 72 Loyalty and F i l i a l Piety. Is the concept of f i l i a l piety taught in Dotoku as i t was taught i n Shushin? In our sample there are eleven lessons out of a total of 115 which bear on this subject, a pro-portion only slightly under that found in Shushin. But the treatment of f i l i a l piety differs markedly from that in Shushin. It rejects the idea that the father i s absolute ruler of the house. Instead i t teaches the idea that harmonious home l i f e i s based on mutual affection and under-standing. In Dotoku children are taught the idea of mutual affection; this begins in the lowest grades. For example they should "feel the love of mother who cares for them ( l l j 8 ) . For that reason they should try to be helpful at home (is 15);; they should "understand father's work" ( i l l : 1 2 ) , and "sympathize with mother who has an evening job" (VI : 3 ) . Instead of bringing out the onerous duty of obedience as Shushin did, the lessons emphasize mutual understanding and affection between children and parents. Two examples are quoted below to il l u s t r a t e this point; both are from the fourth grade: Shushin: " F i l i a l Piety" (lV : 4 ) Watanabe Noboru, whose pen name was Kazan, served the feudal lord Tahara. He was very obedient from childhood, always did as his parents ordered, and never did anything to make his parents worry. His parents were very poor, and when [Noboru] was about fourteen, his father became so i l l that it-was very d i f f i c u l t for him to make a l i v i n g . Noboru helped nurse his father by rubbing his back and giving him medicine . . . .21 Dotoku: "K6ba no OtSsan" (Father at the Factory),(17:12) [This i s the story of a boy who comes to observe his father at work i n the factory.] 21R.K. Hall, Shushin: The Ethics of a Defeated Nation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1949)? pp. 136-37' 7 3 "Hold the ladder t i g h t l y ! " said my father. "Huh," the men said with a laugh. "We're holding i t t i g h t l y . Hurry and climb up!" I wanted to say, " I t ' s a l l right f o r you to say hurry up, ..but who can climb that fast?" Father began to climb. Step by step he climbed to the top. Sometimes the ladder shook a l i t t l e . I f e l t l i k e saying to the men, "You said you'd hold i t t i g h t l y . Nov/ hold i t ! " But I didn't say i t . If I said such a thing the men would get angry and l e t go of the ladder. Then my father would f a l l down with the ladder . . . . Questions: ( l ) . . . . (2) Do you know a l l about your father's w o r k ? ( 5 ) What do you suppose you can do f o r your father when he comes home from work? Note the q u a l i f i c a t i o n f o r f i l i a l piety i n the second quotation. Children are taught to t r y to "understand" t h e i r parents; they should know t h e i r parents' work and th e i r hardships and thus develop an affection f o r them. In the f i r s t example, taken from Shushin, there i s no suggestion that one should "understand" parents. Watanabe Noboru i s praised simply f o r obeying his father unconditionally and at a l l times. Problems a r i s i n g within the family are also to be solved on the basis of mutual understanding. A fifth-grade lesson describes how the c h i l d -ren and parents of a certain family decide which radio program they w i l l hear by voting on the issue. The children, of course, command a majority and can therefore name th e i r programs as they wish. But after considering the fact that father has worked a l l day at his job and has so l i t t l e free time they a l l decide to l i s t e n to h i s favorite program. The point i s that they decide to do so not because they respect father, but because they 22 have learned to sympathize with him. S i m i l a r l y children should obey th e i r father because of what he does f o r the family rather than because of "Yunango no Rajio" (The Radio after Supper), V:14. 74 his position as head of the house. The lesson does not make clear, however, whether they would have been equally considerate toward their father i f he were an indolent man. Very l i t t l e i s said i n Dotoku concerning the clan or the ancestors. Shushin taught that these were to be held in high respect as part of the duty for f i l i a l piety. The one lesson in Dotoku which mentions ancestors i s written in a feudal setting and leaves the impression that the worship of ancestors i s a thing of the past. However, as i n most of the lessons, Dotoku does not prescribe any definite attitudes on the subject. One might reasonably infer that the subject of clan solidarity or obedience to ances-tors i s of very l i t t l e importance i n Dotoku; the lesson neither condemns nor condones the practice. One might go further to conclude that Dotoku rejects the notion, so prominent in Shushin, that Japan i s centered around the Imperial House-hold and constitutes " . . . a great nation of families a l l devoting their 23 utmost effort to serving the country." Instead, by taking i t s examples from the nuclear family and ignoring altogether the relationship between individual families and the Imperial Household, Dotoku encourages the idea that both the family and the nation are democratically structured units and ought therefore to maintain democratic relationships. At the same time Dotoku teaches that mutual affection and understanding i s the basis for a give-and-take harmony within the family. Loyalty and the National Purpose. Is there any parallel to the strong emphasis in Shushin on promotion of the national purpose? Quanti-tatively, in terms of the number of lessons devoted directly or indirectly 2 ^ H a l l , Shushin; The Ethics of a Defeated Nation, p. 133. 75 to the subject, there appears to be l i t t l e similarity. In Shushin approxi-24 mately seventeen percent of the lesson space was of this category whereas in Dotoku i t i s slightly over four percent; i t i s mentioned in only five of the lessons. Two of the five lessons in Dotoku which stress the national pur-pose also promote the idea of peace; they teach that peace rather than war serves the national purpose best. One example has already been cited. It seeks to discourage wars and disputes between "bad brothers" and praises those who have fostered national progress by making peace.25 .: ., ; , . ,, • ^ Another lesson i s rather a comprehensive study of Nehru as a peacemaker.2^* The selection i s noteworthy because a large part of i t deals with India's wars of independence. Inde-pendence and national sovereignty have always been watchwords of Japanese nationalism andappeared frequently in Shushin. It i s therefore of interest that in the objectives of the lesson on Nehru and India's struggle for inde-pendence Dotoku does not mention independence or the Japanese nation. It simply statess "Familiarize them with Nehru's personality; increase their interest in peace." One may conclude on the basis of these two samples that Dotoku rejects the militant form of nationalism which was so prominent i n Shushin and instead places emphasis on the general principle of peace both national and international. At the same time Dotoku, while stressing the importance of peace, does not state clearly what peace means, how i t i s to serve the nation, and what specific demands this makes on the individual. A third lesson on national purpose deals with economic progress. 2 4See Table I I , p. 34. 25 ^See Appendix V; "Meiiji no Akebono" (The Dawn of the Meiji Period), VI:14. 2^"Heiwa no Hikari" (The Light of Peace), 7 :15. • . 76 it describes the construction of a tunnel cm the. famous Tpkaidp Eailroad -during vjhich s i x t y men l o s t t h e i r l i v e s . Most of the account deals with the crew foreman's heroic leadershipi He inaintained calmness among the workmen when they were trapped i n the tunnel as a r e s u l t of a cave>in» She teaching • Objective f o r the lesson is to impress students with the "bravery of leaders who faced danger and d i f f i c u l t y i n developing t h e i r country*".If,one may • judge the importance of a lesson by i t s length then t h i s lesson should be rated as one of the most important in the course* I t s maija smphasis does not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y from that i n Shushin lessons on national economic development* Young people* yhen choosing t h e i r vocations, are. to think be* yorid t h e i r personal ambitions and seek to be of service i n the development of t h e i r native country*. though on the sxtcfafie t h i s appears s i m i l a r to the Shushin attitude on t h i s t o p i c , when analysed f o r i t s i n c i d e n t a l teachings? t h i s lesson appears to be dif f e r e n t * For example the model f o r emulation i s not one of the great Japanese pa t r i o t s so, often referred to i n Shushin lessons:, he i s an ordinary c i t i z e n * Kie foreman i s not a dpmineertog tyrant but a compassionate fellow workman. And the tunnel i s not described as an addition to the poweroand glory Of the nation but &.m.j&&±ty&%- 'tttiiMy'" serving people i n that part of the country* ' . • , Very similar to the lesson Just ref erased tp |S which t e l l s of a community project undertaken by the l o c a l junior high,school^ ,fhf students planted a row of apple trees near the een.ter of t h e i r v i l l l t g e * She t^ees , helped beautify the t i l l a g e and the money • gained s e l l i n g the applis helped pay expenses i n a l o c a l brphinage* ilh t h i s way* adcofding to the l e s -sen, the students-demonstrated t h e i r ' " -*•  4 . heafrt of love fpf fbe|£ native. 2^»Tanna onneru" (The§nn#. Tunnel),, ff 13*. v ^ - - _ . 76 It describes the construction of a tunnel on the famous Tokaido Railroad during which sixty men lost their lives. Most of the account deals with the crew foreman's heroic leadership. He maintained calmness among the workmen when they were trapped in the tunnel as a result of a cave~in. The teaching objective for the lesson.'is to impress students with the "bravery of leaders who faced danger and d i f f i c u l t y i n developing their country." If one may judge the importance of a lesson by i t s length then this lesson should be rated as one of the most important in the course. Its main emphasis does not differ significantly from that in Shushin lessons on national economic development. Young people, when choosing their vocations, are to think be-yond' their personal ambitions and seek to be of service i n the development of their native country. Though on the surface this appears similar to the Shushin attitude on this topic, when analyzed for i t s incidental teachings this lesson appears to be different. For example the model for emulation i s not one of the great Japanese patriots so often referred to in Shushin lessons; he i s an ordinary citizen. The foreman i s not a domineering tyrant but a compassionate fellow workman. And the tunnel i s not described as an addition to the power'..and glory of the nation but as an important u t i l i t y 27 serving people in that part of the country. Very similar to the lesson just referred to i s one which t e l l s of a community project undertaken by the local junior high school. The students planted a row of apple trees near the center of their village. The trees helped beautify the village and the money gained from selling the apples helped pay expenses in a local orphanage. In this way, according to the l e s -son, the students demonstrated their " . . . heart of love for their native 27 "Tanna Tonneru" (The Tanna Tunnel), Vsl3. 77 land." A f i f t h lesson also related to national development i s a bio-graphical sketch of Shimazu Genzo, nicknamed "Japan's Thomas Edison"." In this lesson Shimazu is-represented as an uneducated boy with a desire to "make something which would be useful to the people." Thus inspired he f i r s t developed his own remarkable talent as an inventor and then created the 29 many inventions for which he later became famous. Actually the lesson aims to train students to persevere in achieving their objectives and does not apply directly to service for the country. But the example i s remarkably well chosen to link personal ambition and public service. Japanese people have often been praised for their emphasis on service. Gillespie gave a favorable comment in this regard when he discussed the results of his 1955 cross-cultural study of youth. The lesson just noted indicates that this traditional value w i l l not be neglected as a teaching objective. It also indicates, however, that public service w i l l be taught as self-fulfillment and not as sheer self-denial. A l l the lessons in Dotoku to which we have referred under "national development" give "love for the native land" as the motivation for service to one's country. The notion of service as an obligation i s nowhere evident. Specific forms of compulsory service x^hich had been emphasized in Shushin as duties—military service and taxation—are never mentioned in Dotoku. Incidentally, this fact has come to the attention of the Ministry of Finance; i t i s understandably concerned about the omission of taxation as a subject 28 "Yume wa Minoru" (A Dream Come True), VIslO. 2 9 "See Appendix III : "Shimazu Genzo" (proper name), IV:10. 7.Q J J.M. Gillespie and G.W. Allport, Youth's Outlook on the (New York: Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1955) , pp. 28-29. 7 8 for study in the morals course. Other interest groups have also been quick to point out what they regard as serious omissions. Instead of stressing the obligatory nature of services Dotoku discusses service as a voluntary expression of one's loyalty. Shushin empha-sized service as a duty which arose from membership i n a group. In fact membership was i t s e l f a dutyj "We can liv e and be worthy of l i v i n g only as 31 members of a country, as members of a community, and of a family," as one of the lessons expressed i t . Dotoku also emphasizes the importance of member-ship but i t describes service for the group rather as a spontaneous outcome of l i v i n g i n the group to which one belongs. And for this reason Dotoku does not prescribe but rather suggests the type of service one might perform. It addresses the student as an individual who i s capable of personal choice. Again, i n contrast to Shushin where lessons on national development usually concluded with a challenge to work for the greater glory of Japan, Dotoku lessons end in a discussion of community improvement. It teaches that making oneself useful through even the most mundane services at the local level i s an expression of loyalty to the nation equal to any other service no matter how spectacular. With this interpretation, young and old alike are equally capable of loyal deeds. Furthermore, when loyalty i s defined in terms of everyday activities i t s scope becomes much broader. Thus as the child increases his conception of loyalty he w i l l recognize that a human community and not the state or some other institution i s the proper focus for loyalty. Eventually he w i l l recognize that even his international r e-sponsibilities are bound up with local services. 51 • • J RaK.^ffaM'UShushin; The Ethics of a Defeated Nation, p. 145. 79 Finally Shushin stressed national development in the context of Japan's competetive struggle with other nations; i t taught that Japanese must intensify their sense of patriotism so that the country could attain a domi-nant position in the world. Dotoku, i n contrast, stresses national develop-ment in the context of the equally important concept of peace within and between nations. Loyalty and Rights. Neither in Shushin nor in Dotoku i s there a lesson specifically on rights. In Shushin this was because rights were subordinated to duties; even voting was described as a duty rather than a right. In Dotoku this emphasis i s reversed; the term duty or obligation (gimu) appears in only one lesson as a specific teaching objective. J The lesson attempts to show that duty and rights are opposite sides of a coin. For example, i f one claims the right to public services one must also co-operate with the authorities who provide them; i f one claims the right to enjoy efficient lunchroom service in school one must remain seated while the food i s distributed. One always has the "right" to do as one pleases, but at the same time one must pay duly for any abuse of these rights in the form, for example, of commensurately poor service. Other lessons dealing with obedience to rules and regulations seem to follow a similar pragmatic approach. A grade two lesson instructs 33 children not to run i n the corridor of the school. The lesson i s partly in the form of a questions "why do you suppose we can not run i n the cor-ridor?" By stating i t as a question the lesson draws attention to the results ^2See Appendix IVs "Akarui Gakkyu" (Pleasant Classroom), Vs4jP.104. ^5"R6ka»« (The School Corridor), II J3. 80 of behavior rather than to a l i s t of arbitrary regulations. It also implies thereby that rules do not contradict rights; instead they protect them. Dotoku also ascribes certain rights to the group. Two of these groups, the general assembly of a l l the students in a school (.jidSkai) and the class assemblies (gaklcyukai), can deliberate on various problems which occur among students. A fourth grade lesson describes how one of these as-34 semblies disciplines a trouble-snaking student; i t illustrates how the students as a group can exercise rights which in prewar times were the sole prerogative of the teachers. Closely related to rights i s the idea of equality. In contrast to Shushin, which had nothing at a l l to say regarding equality, Dotoku devotes two lessons to the subject. One of these deals with equality of the sexes, i It suggests that g i r l s should speak up in support of their own rights rather than accept abuse from the boys. The other lesson deals with equality among social groups; i t draws i t s example from India, and Gandhi's leadership i n 36 the movement to abolish the caste system. At the conclusion of the lesson pupils are asked to think about this questions "Are we being unfair in any way because we do not see things correctly?" The lesson calls for a sur-prising degree of intellectual maturity. If carried far enough, the question would lead to an examination of why some people must always obey while others always command; in this way i t would subject to thorough criticism the Shushin idea of loyalty based on a ri g i d l y stratified society. Disloyalty. Occasional disagreement and conflict i s considered normal in Dotoku. The selections from Dotoku which have been quoted or re-"^See Appendix IVs "Akarui Gakkyu" (Pleasant Classroom), 7 : 4 f p. 1 0 4 . 55"Otoko to Onna" (Male and Female), 71 :4. 5 6 " P a r i a " (The Untouchables), 7:11. 81 ferred to above amply ill u s t r a t e this fact. Pupils are entitled to disagree and even to quarrel occasionally subject to the limitations set by the student assembly and other organized groups; teachers also take a certain amount of this for granted as a number of lessons show. In the home ch i l d -ren discuss their disagreements with their parents i n an atmosphere of frankness. Both the frequency with which quarrels and disagreements are seen in the lessons as well as the frankness with which they are discussed evidence their acceptance as part of the normal situation. Disagreements naturally accompany personal rights; they are not, as in Shushin, the out-come of disobedience, disloyalty or disrespect. The essence of morals, according to some of the Dotoku lessons, i s reflective action. In every grade there are at least two lessons centered around self-evaluation. In the lessons objectives they are designated by such terms as "correcting our shortcomings" ( ¥ 1 : 6 ) , "our attitude to faults" (l¥:5), "examining our self-willfulness" ( l l : 1 7 ) , "apologizing for mistakes" ( l : 1 4 ) . The contrast with Shushin lessons, in which moral behavior was reduced to unquestioning obedience, can be seen i n the following comparison. The f i r s t example is quoted in f u l l from Shushin; the second i s summarized from a lesson in Dotoku. Shushin: "Heed Your Parents' Advice" (l ; 2 4 ) Mother said, "Rake the yard." Umeko and Ichiro said, "Yes," and cleaned the yard. The yard became tidy and clean.37 Dotoku; "Otsukai" (Running an Errand) ( i l l : 7 ) The children began to play together. Akira's mother called him and asked him to go on an errand for her. He said, "No." ^R.K. Hall, Shushin: The Ethics of a Defeated Nation, p. 139. 82 Then his mother turned away and started towards home. Ai i r a began to play again but f;elt bad somehow for not being more helpful. Then he called to her. His mother said, "So, you want to go to the store for me," and f e l t very happy. Freedom of choice and the normality of occasional disagreement i s not only recognized, as this example from Dotoku shows, but i s actively encouraged. Moreover, whereas Shushin prescribed the thought and behavior of pupils, Dotoku lessons teach pupils to subject their behavior to c r i t i c a l evaluation. Freedom i s the basis for morals and the way in which one exercises one's freedom i s the qualitative measure for morality. Loyalty and the Enemy. There are no lessons in our sample of Dotoku xfhich suggest that loyalty implies a reaction to an actual or poten-t i a l "enemy." However in two of the lessons there i s an indirect reference to the subject. Both lessons have been referred to above; one i s an account 38 of India's struggle for independence from Britain, and the other de-scribes the beginning of the Meiji period when Japan's independence seemed 39 to be threatened by the West. In both of these instances considerable attention i s given to the idea that fighting for independence i s equivalent to "fighting for the truth." Yet in spite of these arguments, apparently directed at countries with imperialistic policies, neither of the two l e s -sons mentions this as a teaching objective. Instead, the lessons are centered around the idea of national and international peace. It i s significant that Dotoku also includes a frank discussion of the cold war and nuclear arms as a part of the lesson series on Nehru and international peace. 4 0 What is 3 8See p. 75. 5 9See pp. 67-68. 40, "Heiwa no Hikari" (The Light of Peace), V:15. more significant i s the positive tone of the discussion. It recognizes that merely deploring world tensions does not solve them; to allay these tensions one needs a positive devotion to the cause. Dotoku as a New Synthesis of Shushin Morals. It i s impossible for two courses in morals to be totally different. In the f i n a l analysis both Shushin and Dotoku seek to mold thinking and behavior according to certain preconceived moral ideals. We have noted Dotoku's omission of sub-jects l i k e the Great Imperial Shrine, the Emperor, the Empress, the National Flag, national festivals, the ancestors, the Imperial Rescript on Education, and the Imperial Constitution; a l l of these were closely associated with the teaching of loyalty in Shushin. These were the symbols of the prewar ideal. In a sense the ideals themselves are unchanged; Dotoku s t i l l seeks to create an orderly and productive society and to maximize the happiness of the individual. But i t chooses a different approach and in so doing yields some entirely different results. A comparison of the grade three textbooks4"'" illustrates the d i f -ference. Both the Shushin and the Dotoku textbooks contain lessons which teach, for example, obedience to public regulations. But the Shushin injunctions to obey regulations suggest formidable and incontrovertible sanctions against disobedience. The pupil i s given no alternative to passive conformity. He i s l e f t without the freedom to make choices and without the feeling of personal responsibility. Should the sanctions be l i f t e d , as they were at the end of World War Two, this person might justifiably disobey a l l the regulations. This i s , in fact, the explanation given by many authorities for the wave of postwar lawlessness. Tsurumi Kazuko notes that as soon as See Table I I I , p. 66. 34 people lost the feeling of loyalty to the Emperor they gave up the idea 42 of loyalty altogether. A l l public morality suffered since a l l moral sancti had been bound up with the concept of a divinely instituted Emperor system. In Dotoku—again using the grade three textbook as an example— obedience to regulations i s taught as part of the broad concept of public morality. This includes rights, responsibilities, reconciliation of differe-ences, conscience (ryoshin) and voluntary service. Lessons on these various aspects of public morality comprise eight of the twenty lessons in the grade three textbook. It i s easy to see, then, that Dotoku establishes a much broader basis for the moral concept of obedience to regulations. In the lessons on acceptance of responsibility a pupil w i l l learn that others depend on him to lock up the sports equipment ( l l l s l 2 ) or to report a bro-ken flower vase ( i l l : 4 ) ; in the lesson on conscience he w i l l learn that admission of dishonesty makes him happier in the long run than concealment of i t (111:6); another lesson w i l l help him understand why scribbling on walls i s indecent ( l l l : l l ) ; s t i l l another w i l l suggest contributions to social welfare: in this case picking up the nails that l i e on the road and cause punctures (111:14). The pupil can apply a l l these lessons himself, not only in the restricted sense of obedience but i n the broader sense of social responsibility. Summary of Loyalty as Taught in Dotoku Compulsory instruction i n morals was reintroduced in 1957 by an increasingly conservative Ministry of Education. The Ministry's intentions were i n i t i a l l y expressed in a statement of objectives for moral instruction Kazuko Tsurumi, Suchibusuton Monogatari (Tales of Steveston) (Tokyo; Chuo Koron Publishing Co., 1962), p. I84. 85 in the elementary and lower middle schools. Used i n stating the objectives were terms which had been common in Shushin. Expressions l i k e "love the nation," "pride as a Japanese," "germ of the patriotic s p i r i t , " and the "country's prosperity" a l l sounded l i k e prewar moral education. Thus the new course in morals seemed, on the face of i t , to reintroduce the Shushin concept of loyalty. However, a quantitative sample analysis revealed that the amount of lesson material related to loyalty was about half of that found i n Shushin. In the grade three Dotoku textbook, for example, only three lessons out of twenty appeared to stress anything li k e the loyalty taught i n Shushin. When a l l the lessons were analyzed in terms of the qualities of loyalty they promoted a concept of loyalty quite different from that found in Shushin emerged. Its main elements can be summarized in the following pointss 1. Dotoku apparently rejects, and certainly neglects, the mytho-logical ideas underlying Imperial divinity; i t thereby also rejects the whole idea of divinity as a sanction for loyalty. The Imperial Institution appears only once in a very general reference. The Institution no longer qualifies today as an absolute basis for national morals. Nor can the national morals be dictated by the state. Dotoku establishes a much broader frame of reference for morality; i t teaches that the people who form a community are the proper focus for national loyalty. 2« Dotoku avoides the subject of religion almost completely. It neither refers nor alludes to Japan's great Shinto heritage; thus i t obvious-l y rejects Shinto as a sanction for loyalty to the state or to any other entity. The word "God" i s used i n two lessons in a way which may suggest acceptance of the idea of a universal, benevolent but non-sectarian God. 86 3. The concept of f i l i a l piety in Dotoku. rests on mutual affection and understanding between parents and children; the idea of the father as an absolute ruler in the family i s implicitly rejected. Problems arising be-tween children and parents are settled by consideration of one another's needs. F i l i a l piety i s never mentioned in conjuntion with other loyalties l i k e loyalty to the state or to the Emperor. This implies that loyalties should be broadly diffused to correspond with one's total relationship or responsibility to society. Self-sacrifice to the Emperor or the state i s not mentioned as an extension of f i l i a l piety. 4. Loyalty to one's country i s sometimes expressed in the form of service for causes which are of national importance. But this theme appears infrequently. Love for the native land or voluntary service to one's com-munity appears as the proper motivation for nationally oriented loyalty; obligation to advance national glory i s not mentioned. 5. Dotoku assumes individual rights as the necessary counterpart of duty. This i s implicit in the pragmatic manner in which i t teaches obedi-ence to regulations; pupils should understand the purpose of regulations and should not merely be forced to obey them. Rights are also implied i n Dotoku's treatment of f i l i a l piety; sympathy and understanding rather than obligation are taught as the basis for harmony in the family. In i t s empha-sis on equality of the sexes and equality of social groups Dotoku also assumes the idea of equal rights. Finally, Dotoku ascribes to student groups certain rights. These include the right of some self-government; previously the teacher made a l l the decisions. 6. Occasional disagreements and conflicts in the home and in school are considered the concomitant of personal rights. They are treated 87 as normal and are not considered disobedience or treason. The essence of morality i s reflection upon the rightness or wrongness of one's own action; i t i s not merely the acquisition of prescribed behavior patterns. Such a concept of morality assumes freedom as the basis for morals; the way in which one exercises his freedom expresses the quality of his morals. 7. Dotoku describes no particular act as of "supreme loyalty." It makes no attempt to group loyalties into any hierarchy. Stated positively this means that morality in Dotoku i s founded on a much broader basis than i t was in Shushin. It does not distinguish any person or p o l i t i c a l i n s t i -tution as a f i n a l authority. 8. The idea that loyalty i s necessary to strengthen the nation's defenses against an actual or potential enemy does not appear in Dotoku. National independence i s mentioned as threatened by foreign powers• in two lessons. This aspect of the lessons in question, however, i s not mentioned in their teaching objectives and must be regarded as incidental. 9. The morality of Dotoku i s much more broadly based than that of Shushin. Dotoku seeks to implant a broad concept of public morality which has the xrelfare of the public as well as the happiness of the i n d i -vidual as i t s aim. The means whereby i t teaches this concept are, likewise, the pupil's own experiences. CHAPTER V SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Moral education has always been assigned a central place in the curriculum in Japan. Its basic principles were well established at a very early date. The influence of several competing religious philosophies caused some disunity in the nineteenth century; since I872, however, with the onset of compulsory education and the introduction of Shushin as the o f f i c i a l course in morals, the content of moral training in Japan ^became set. From the beginning the concept of loyalty featured prominently i n the l e s -sons; the I89O Imperial Rescript on Education, which named loyalty and f i l i a l piety as the basic principles of a l l education, set the standard for instruction in Shushin during the next f i f t y - f i v e years. Historical events in Japan and an upsurge of nationalistic feeling united to bring about an increasing emphasis on loyalty in the Shushin course. This fact i s borne out, for example, in a comparison of content in a course dated 1925 with that dated 1940. If loyalty i s defined in the broad sense of obedience or allegiance to the Emperor, Imperial Family, Shinto heritage, government, national purpose, laws, teacher and one's family and ancestors, then the 1940 course i s approximately 46 percent devoted to the subject of loyalty. In the 1925 course the proportion i s about one third of this amount. It i s in the quality rather than quantity of instruction in l o y a l -ty that the Shushin course of 1940 really becomes significant. It is based on the notion of a divine Emperor and a unique, Chosen Race with a Sacred 88 89 Mission. This combined with elements from the Shinto heritage to form the structural basis for the so-called Kokutai or national entity. 3h this way Shushin combined a whole body of traditional Japanese beliefs to create a formidable sanction for loyalty to the state. Without making any attempt to examine c r i t i c a l l y the h i s t o r i c i t y of these assumptions, the lessons then went on to define the behavior which was appropriate for such a unique and exalted people; i t taught the solidarity of Japan as a nation-family; i t taught obedience to parents as a virtue inseparable from loyalty to the Emperor; i t taught selfless devotion to the national purpose i n peace and particularly in war; i t also taught that a Japanese owed unconditional loyalty and that he must subordinate rights to duties. In i t s stress on loyalty the course frequently referred to or implied the existence of an "enemy"; i t thus exemplified loyalty with illustrations taken from wars. Conversely, the lessons offered very l i t t l e discussion about the possibility of deviation from the standards i t set. It equated deviation in thought or in deed, on any grounds whatever, with disobedience and disloyalty. It even interpreted the "rights" of the Japanese citizen, which had been written into the Imperial Constitution, as a privilege never to be exer-cised in one's own behalf} when voting, for example, one must vote according to the highest demands of the country. When dealing with specific*behavior or virtues the lessons, frequently concluded with an appeal to serve the national purpose. This ap-proach made i t clear that the acquisition and exercise of any virtue whatever helped the country. On the contrary i t implied that as a loyal Japanese one must always seek to acquire virtue and thereby serve his country; neglect of one's duty in this regard was disloyalty. Furthermore, in i t s numerous 90 injunctions to serve the country, Shushin nearly always referred to the nation rather than the local community. The directness with which i t enunci-ated specific duties, l i k e taxation and military service, l e f t no doubt as to the practical application of loyalty and i t s national orientation. Defeat in war brought to an end the regime as well as much of the ideology which had leant significance to the Shushin course. This fact was accentualed when the Emperor publicly admitted that he lacked divinity. By doing so he also admitted that the teachings of Shushin were based on a falsehood. The postwar successor to Shushin, social studies, aimed to i n s t i l l and perpetuate democratic principles in education; i t was based on the idea that children can and must understand the meaning of social groups, not merely conform to their demands. It claimed to make no other assumption but the right and a b i l i t y oT children to understand their proper role in society. It therefore spoke l i t t l e about respect or obedience and more about responsi-b i l i t y . It stressed individual i n i t i a t i v e to improve social groups rather than passive conformity for the sake of harmony. Its lessons frequently employed the words "society" but rarely the emotionally charged words "nation" or "our country." But the success of social studies depended upon the i n i t i a t i v e of teachers, not only i n the interpretation of lessons but i n the compiling of necessary textbooks; for according to the postwar textbook system the Ministry of Education prepares outlines of courses for instruction in the f i r s t twelve grades of school but does not compile or issue the actual text-books. The success of social studies also depended upon teachers' experience in similar studies and on public confidence that the course would impart 91 adequate moral training. In a l l these respects social studies seemed weak and Dotoku was therefore developed to supplement i t . Dotoku resembles Shushin outwardly except that i t i s shorter and less r i g i d l y structured. The open-ended ^questions for discussion at the conclusion of each lesson and the generally suggestive approach also set i t apart from Shushin. Dotoku lessons provoke thought and discussion, whereas Shushin lessons prescribed behavior. But the c r i t i c a l difference between the courses i s in their sub-stance. To determine more precisely how they d i f f e r , we analyzed the six volumes of Akarui Michi (Bright Way), which i s one of several versions of Dotoku now i n extensive use. We found that Dotoku makes no reference, either directly or i n -directly, to the Shinto religion, the idea of divine origin or divine mission of the Japanese, or to the Kokutai; only i n one lesson does i t men-tion the Imperial Institution. In the lesson referred to, the Emperor i s recognized as a symbol of historical importance; he was a r a l l y i n g symbol for unity i n modern Japan. But whether he performs this function today the lesson does not clearly state. Least l i k e l y of the possible interpreta-tions of the lesson i s that the Emperor provides an appropriate basis for morality in contemporary Japan. The tenor of teachings 5.11 Dotoku i s that morality in Japan today must have a broad base, both i n i t s sanctions and in the focus of loyalties. What the sanctions of Dotoku are, however, i s not made clear. According to the Ministry of Education's most recent cur-riculum report (i960) Dotoku embodies the democratic principles of the 1947 Fundamental Law of Education. That law specified respect for human beings, individuality and i n i t i a t i v e as the aims of education in J;&pan. 9 2 Concealed in the omission of reference to sanctions, then, i s the belief that these three humanistic tenets of faith w i l l provide both a rationale and a kind of sanction for morality. Dotoku clearly rejects the peculiar combination of p o l i t i c a l and religious sanctions upon which Shushin rested. But how i s the humanistic basis for morality interpreted in Dotoku? Lessons bring out the idea of respect for individual dignity particularly well when they discuss f i l i a l piety. In Shushin, lessons were direct injuctions to obey one's parents; in Dotoku they are usually descriptions of family l i f e in which mutual understanding, sympathy and affection predominate. One lesson brings out especially clearly the basic equality between parents and children; i t describes them in a frank discussion of family affairs. Dotoku devotes the same proportion of i t s lessons to f i l i a l piety as Shushin did (about ten percent). But while Shushin sought to i n -grain the attitude of.respect for superiors in one's family, Dotoku seeks to i n s t i l l mutual respect. By describing the family as an arena for the exercise of mutual respect on a basis of equality Dotoku suggests that a similar relationship ought also to exist in society. Shushin described the family as a training ground for exercising duties; the family was r i g i d l y stratified and the nation was an enlargement of the family. One of the most outstanding contrasts between our prewar and postwar samples i s their treatment of the idea of service for the national purpose. By our categories Shushin devoted about twenty percent of i t s lessons to this theme while Dotoku devotes only four percent to i t . Moreover, Shushin taught service as an imperative;•Dotoku teaches i t as a respnsibility to be assumed voluntarily. In Shushin, service usually meant contribution to national aggrandizement, while in Dotoku the scope for service i s the 93 local community. Whereas Shushin was bold and forthright in i t s presentation of the national orientation, Dotoku presents i t timidly. In the third grade, for example, i t provides no lesson on love for one's country. Shushin frequently specified the services which the nation expect-ed of i t s citizens; military service figured prominent among them. Indeed there were many lessons in Shushin which reminded students that their loyalty was made necessary by the existence of an "enemy." In Dotoku there are faint suggestions that "national independence" i s desirable for Japan and even that one should resist the nations which threaten world peace. In each of these cases, however, the lessons bear a positive tone; they en-courage students to think internationally. Dotoku is more forthright on the subject of rights and i t brings out this idea in a number of ways: i t encourages student groups to govern certain areas of school l i f e ; i t teaches the basic equality of the sexes and of social groups; i t tolerates disagreement and even a measure of quarreling; and i t encourages students to exercise their freedom of choice. To balance this emphasis on rights, Dotoku teaches students to subject their own behavior to c r i t i c a l evaluation and to make necessary amendments in their attittid.es and behavior. Shushin had l i t t l e to say about these aspects of individual rights and offered no specific lessons on any of them. Our hypothesis stated that Dotoku seeks to reintroduce the prewar teaching of loyalty as enunciated i n Shushin. This hypothesis must be re-jected. Shushin based a l l i t s teachings on the assumption of divine incontro-vertible authority. In this authority Shushin found both the sanction and the focus for loyalty. Dotoku by strong implication rejects this as too narrow a base for the morality of present day Japan. Instead %t substitutes 94 certain humanistic principles which are thought to form the essence of "democratic morality." By taking different stands on fundamental issues the two moral systems diverge even further in the means and ends they adopt. Shushin, in keeping with the authoritarian sanctions i t proposed, dealt with the whole question of individual rights as though i t were merely a legal techni-cality without any immediate practical function in the lives of people.. Against the concept of individualism i t counterpoised a formidable and a l l -consuming entity called Kokutai which few could comprehend and none could contradict. Loyalty based on this premise l e f t no role for the individual but conformity to social demands which were clearly defined before his birth. It was the task of Shushin f i r s t to gain the pupils' uninhibited devotion to this principle of loyalty and after that to specify in detail what behavior was required in each possible situation. Dotoku, on the other hand, in keeping with i t s claim to the human-i s t i c principles of rights, individuality and i n i t i a t i v e , exemplifies these principles by constant allusion to freedom and respnnsibility. We have shown, for example, that Shushin represented a hierarchical system of loyalty with the Imperial Institution as 4-ts center; the teaching of public morality hardly found a place i n such a grandiose system. Loyalty and f i l i a l piety were the predominant virtues and whatever also was taught needed to be re-lated somehow to the two cardinal virtues. When the catastrophe of war de-stroyed the people's-belief in the divine authority,of that system i t also invited abandonment of the idea of loyalty altogether. Dotoku seeks to overcome this defect through a broader concept of loyalty; i t insists that the people of a community, and not a p o l i t i c a l entity such as the state, form 95 the proper focus for national loyalty. When this view of loyalty and of morality i s accepted, then even the most mundane services to the community are understood as expressions of loyalty. This, then, forms the basis for a comprehensive public morality which was lacking in Shushin and which seems to be absent in Japan today. Seidensticker and others have observed that the mystique of the family-state in Japan is practically dead, at least in the large c i t i e s , and that the mystique of the family i t s e l f i s dying. 1 The results of a recent study as reported by Amano Aichi support this view. Young people in Germany, England, Prance and Japan were asked the questions Would you sacrifice everything to rescue your own parents? In Japan only 56.6 percent of the young people polled answered "Yesj" whereas in Europe the proportion was 2 over 90 percent in each of the three countries. The Japanese morality which has traditionally been rooted in values associated with the family i s i n jeopardy. Gradually talcing i t s place, perhaps, i s the more comprehensive morality rooted in values associated with the public. We have analyzed Shushin and Dotoku in terms of various teachings: the sanctions for moral behavior, the formation, purpose, focus and duration of loyalties; we have also spelled out some of the behavioral implications of the two moral systems. We conclude that in no important point do they resemble each other. Shushin had a character of i t s own which in some ways suited a peculiar situation; Dotoku. has another character and answers different needs. The outstanding question today i s whether Dotoku w i l l contribute to public morality in the postwar Japan what Shushin morality contributed to family solidarity and national unity in prewar Japan. -'-Edward Seidensticker, "Japan's Life Without Father," The Common- weal, LXXIV (June 30, 1 9 6 l ) , pp. 346-48. . 2Sandei Mainichi, June 2 1 , 1964, p. 29 . BIBLIOGRAPHY English-Language Sources Adams, Don, and Oshiba, Mamoru. "Japanese Education—After the Americans Left," Peahody Journal of Education, XXXIX (July, 1961), pp. 9-19. Anderson, Ronald. Japan Three Epochs of Modern Education. Washington; U.S. Office of Education, Bulletin 1959, No. 11 , 1959). Belding, Robert E. "I am a Japanese Textbook," Education LXXX (February, I 9 6 0 ) , pp. 359-63. Benedict, Ruth. The Chrysanthemum and the Sword. Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Co., 1946. Brown, Delmer M. Nationalism in Japan. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1955. Dore, R.P. City Life in Japan. 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"Educational Values and Politics in Japan," Foreign  Affairs, XXV (July, 1957) , pp. 666-78. Japan. Ministry of Education. A General Survey of Education in Japan. Tokyo: Ministry of Education, 1930. Japan Times Weekly (international Edition), 1962-1964. Karasawa, Tomitaro, "Changes in Japanese Education as Revealed in Text-books ," _Jj£an _Qaua£terlv_, II (July-September, 1955) , PP. 365-83. Kerliriger, Fred N. "The Modern Origin of Morals Instruction in Japan," History of Education Journal, II (Summer, 1 9 5 ! ) , PP. 119-26. Kikuchi, Dairoku. Japanese Education Lectures Delivered in the University , of London. London: John Murray, 1909. Loomis, Arthur K. "Moral Education in Japan," Education Forum, XXVI (May, 1962) , pp. 395-402. Makino, Tatsumi. "Japanese Education," Unesco International Social  Science Journal, XIII (1961), pp. 44-57. Morris, I.I. Nationalism and the Right Wing in Japan. London: Oxford University Press, 196*0. Obama, Shigeshi. 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Shogakko Dotoku Shido Shiryo (Evaluation of Morals i n Element-ary Schools. Teaching Materials for Moral Education in Ele-mnentary Schools). Vol. II I . Osaka: Nihon Bunko Publishing Co., Inc., 1962. Japan. Ministry of Education. Shogakko Dotoku no Hyoka. Shoto Kyoiku  Jikken GakkS Hokokusho (Evaluation in Elementary Moral Education. First Report of the Elementary Model School). Tokyo: TSyokan Publishing Co., Inc., 1961. 99 Japan. Ministry of Education. Shogakko Dotoku Shido Keikaku no J i r e i to Kenkyu (A sample Plan in Moral Instruction and Study). Vols. I-II. Tokyo: Kofu Publishing Co., Inc., 1961. Japan. Ministry of Education. Shogakko Dotoku Shido keikaku no J i r e i ta Kenkyu (A Sample Plan in Moral Instruction and Study). Vol. I I I . Tokyo: Kofu Publishing Co., Inc., 1962. Nakamura, Noboru. Dotoku no Kenkyu Jigyo (Classes for the Study of Moral Education"]7 Tokyo: Meiji Tosho Co., Inc., 1959. Nippon Keizai. September, 1963-to July, 1964-Ono, Rentaro. Shogakko Dotoku Shido no Keikaku (Teaching Plan for Morals in the Elementary Schools). Tokyo: Meiji Toshokan'Publishing Co., Inc., 1959. Sandei Mainichi. October, 1963 to August, 1964. Shukan Asahi. September, 19^3 to August, 1964. 100 Appendix I The Imperial Rescript on Education 1 Know ye, Our subjects: Our Imperial Ancestors have founded Our Empire on a basis broad and everlasting, and have deeply and firmly implanted virtue; Our subjects ever united i n loyalty and f i l i a l piety have from generaMonto generation illustrated the beauty there-of. This i s the glory of the fundamental character of Our Empire, and herein also l i e s the source of Our education. Ye, Our sub-jects, be f i l i a l to your parents, affectionate to your brothers and sisters; as husbands and wives be harmonious, as friends true; bear yourselves in modesty and moderation; extend your benevolence to a l l ; pursue learning and cultivate arts, and thereby develop intellectual faculties and perfect moral powers; furthermore, advance public good and promote common interests; always respect the Constitution and observe the laws; should emergency arise, offer yourselves courageously to the State; and thus guard and maintain the prosperity of Our Imperial Throne coeval with heaven and earth. So shall ye not only be Our good and faithfu l subjects, but render ill u s t r i o u s the best traditions of your forefathers. The. Way here set forth i s is indeed the teaching bequeath-ed by Our Imperial Ancestors, to be observed alike by Their Descendants and the subjects, i n f a l l i b l e for a l l ages and true in a l l ••.places. It i s Our wish to lay i t to heart in a l l rever-ence, in common with you, Our subjects, that we may a l l attain to the same virtue. October 30, I89O •^R. Tsunoda, W.T. De Bary, and D. Keene, Sources of Japan-ese Tradition (Hew York: Columbia University Press, 195 S)? pp. 646-47. 101 APPENDIX II SHUSHIN: "A GOOD JAPANESE" ( i l l : 2 7 ) 2 In order to become a good Japanese, one must always look up to the virtues of His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor, and Her Imperial Majesty, the Empress, must respect and esteem the Great Shrines of Ise [dedicated to the Sun Goddess Amaterasu Omikami], and must strengthen one's loyalty and patriotism. Aj.so, in order to be a [good] Japanese, i t i s important to understand the meaning of Empire Day, the Birthday of the Emperor, the Anniversary of the Birthday of the Emperor Meiji, and other such National Holidays; and furthermore to hold the National Flag precious. Rendering f i l i a l piety to one's father and mother, re-specting one's teachers, loving one's school, cooperating with friends and helping one another out; and doing kindnesses to one's neighbors, a l l these are :,of primary consideration. One must always be honest in one's feelings, must remem-ber one's manners whether at home or away, must never forget patience, must deal with people cooperatively, must ordinarily maintain t h r i f t , must help the sufferings of others with a deep feeling of benevolence, and must not only not forget the kindnesses received from others, obey the regulations, and re-frain from doing things which w i l l cause trouble for others, but one must also do positive things for the sake of the welfare of the people. It i s also important that one watch one's health to keep one's father and mother from worrying, and with a healthy body must devote oneself to education and work with s p i r i t . One must also keep things in order; keep one's s p i r i t calm and not become confused on any occasion; and during normal times develop cour-age so that one can do anything, however d i f f i c u l t , in times of emergency. It Is important, in becoming a good Japanese, to get along with people, to work hard for the sake of the people, and to en-deavor to serve the Emprror for His Goodness. Finally, i n order to show these feelings in one's actions, one must perform a l l of them with sincerity. As quoted by R.K. Hall, Shushin: The Ethics of a Defeated  Nation (New York: Columbia Univeristy Press, 1949) , pp. 232—33. 1 0 2 APPENDIX I I I DOTOKU; "SHIMAZU GENZO" (Proper Name) ( l V : 1 0 ) 3 One day a spendid machine was brought into a small, shack-l i k e factory in N i j i Kiyamachi in Kyoto. Umejiro, turning the bright, brass tubes, desired to make and repair such fine ma-chinery. When he looked underneath the machine he saw some writing. But Umejiro could hardly read because he had stopped school in grade two; so he asked his father where i t was made. Father said i t was made in France. So Umejiro asked again, "If they can make such machinery in France, why can't we make i t in Japan?" Father said, "There hasn't been anyone in Japan who could invent such machines." So Umejiro determined to study hard and become the invent-or that would be able to do i t . At that time his father was talcing lessons from Mr. Wagner, a German, and was also making and repairing the instruments for the science classes in schools. Fourteen year old Umejiro asked his father to write a letter to the municipal office to let him have a book on science. When Umejiro came to get the book he had ordered, the man in charge said to him, "This was a request from Shimazu, so there can't be any mistake, but I can't give the book to you. I want Mr. Shimazu Umejiro to come and get i t himself." "But I am Shimazu Umejiro," said the boy. "A l i t t l e boy l i k e you couldn't understand a book lik e this," the man answered scornfully. But eventually he l e t Umejiro have the book anyway. Umejiro was so happy. From that evening on, with the help of a dictionary, he started to read the book. But i t was a foreign book and he could understand only words and not the sentences. However, he thought, since i t i s a book written by human beings, I should be able to understand i t . He tried hard to get i t s meaning using the help of i t s pictures and photographs. Around that time street.cars were coming into use; they needed storage batteries, but these were not made anywhere in Japan. "I would li k e to make storage batteries which w i l l be useful to the people," Umejiro thought. And for the next five to six years he put so much effort into studying that he almost forgot to eat and sleep. At last he finished about eighty of the storage bat-^Translated from Masao Yamamoto, Akarui Mi chi (Bright Way) ( 6 vols.; Osaka Shoseki Co., Ltd., 1 9 6 2 ) , 103 teries. Unfortunately they were inferior to the foreign, makes and so could hardly be of any commercial use. So Umejiro started over again and studied the problem further. Early one morning Umejiro entered his laboratory and studied the manufacture of powdered lead which i s used to make storage batteries. As he was going to throw a lump of lead' into his machine he noticed black powder around the hole. When he picked up some of i t in his finger-tips and had a look at i t his eyes brightened. "This is i t ! " he exclaimed. There was the powder which had been the goal of his studies. But how i t had formed he did not know. Again he resumed his studies, and after extended effort he succeeded in making a lead powder which no one else in the world could make. Here was a man with character; he could not compromise or give up. No matter what the problem was he would think about i t seriously and examine i t . And the result was success. After his father's death he changed his name to Genzo, his father's name. He named his storage battery "G.S.," taking the "S" from Shimazu and the "G" from Genzo. Now the battery he made i s used in cars, trains and steamships. Besides the stor-age battery he made an X-ray machine, an electric microscope and about 270 other machines and devices which are used by people throughout the world. Thus he became the wonderful i n -ventor whom'we c a l l "Japan's Edison!" Questions: (l) With which part of the story are you most impressed? (2) What kind of a man do you want ; to be when you grow up? What do you have to do to f u l f i l that purpose? 104 APPENDIX 17 DOTOKU; "AKARUI GAKKYU" (PLEASANT CLASSROOM) (17:14) Kiyoshi's Diary; October 13; Monday; Weather - Pair. Saburo is vice-president of the classroom. He's good at fighting. Everybody plays up to him so he's been pretty selfish lately. But today Saburo was absent so I brought up. this sub-ject in the classroom assembly. I said, "I don't think i t ' s good for everybody to try to be on the good side of a strong fighter. I think our class would be much better i f we could decide everything as a class." I wanted to say more, but that was a l l I could say. Masao and Miyoko expressed very well what I wanted to say: "At cleaning time Saburo always gets lazy; he neglects his work and bothers others." "If anyone doesn't do what Saburo says, he won't have any friends." "He's vice-president but he i s selfish and picks on the weaker ones." There were other things said about him too. Saburo's friends, Susumu and Ichiro, remained silent and hung their heads. But I was a l i t t l e worried that Saburo might get after me. Masao's Diary: October 14; Tuesday; Weather - Pair. At lunchtime we always play dodgeball with Saburo as the center of attraction. But Saburo was absent for a time so we discussed this matter; we decided on certain days for kickball, for dodgeball, and for prisoners' base. If Saburo isn't around Susumu and Ichiro are not bossy so we had a very good time with kickball today. Miyoko and the other g i r l s joined in; up to now the g i r l s never played with us. Somehow the class i s changing. Saburo's Diary: October 20; Monday; Weather - Cloudy. I li k e dodgeball but I was angry so I didn't join the others. As. I was watching, the b a l l rolled to the corner of the play-4 I b i d . Clean-up i s a daily affair in every Japanese elementary and secondary school. It i s a time for hard work as well as occasion-al sporting. It i s also an ideal setting for brief moral discourses by the teacher. 105 ground. Susumu went to get i t , but the sixth graders started to kick the b a l l around and didn't return i t . I f e l t sorry for Susumu and thought I better go and help him. I ran toward them and said, "That ball belongs to grade four!" But one of the boys knocked me down saying, "You keep out of this!" I said, "What do you mean?" "Do you want to fight?" Three boys came towards me. They seemed to be very strong even for sixth graders and I knew I was no match for them. I was scared and almost started to cry. Just then Kiyoshi, Masao and some gi r l s came running. " I ' l l t e l l the teacher!" " I ' l l bring this up in the students' assembly!" each of them shouted. The sixth graders went away saying, "We'll let you go this time, but don't forget . . . ." Kiyoshi said, "Oh, i t ' s bleeding!" He looked at my hand anxiously. Everyone came with me to the f i r s t aid room. They were a l l so kind that I f e l t sorry and tears came to my eyes. I had held a grudge against Kiyoshi and the others. Miyoko's Diary; December 15; Monday; Weather - Rain. The class has been getting noticeably more pleasant lately. Until now the same people have always been doing the talking in class meetings. Now everybody feels free to say what he wants because there i s no worry about being tormented. At clean-up time the boys who used to play around work even harder than the g i r l s . "Saburo was so good today}' the teacher had said. "You de-served to be vice-president after a l l . " Questions: (l) Was i t a good idea to discuss Saburo's bad points at the meeting during his absence? (2) Let's discuss how Kiyoshi and Masao f e l t while doing this [i. e . , presenting Saburo's case at the meeting]? (3) Are there some^problems which are spoiling the atmosphere of the classroom [at our school]? What can we do.to make i t more pleasant? Every student keeps a diary as part of his regular school work. These may be considered samples. 106 APPEND LX V DOTOKU; "MEIJI NO AKEBONO" (THE DAWN OP THE MEIJI PERIOD) (VI:14) Shogun Tokugawa Yoshinobu [also pronounced Keiki] was in one of the rooms of the Kanei Temple in Ueno. He was in an apologetic mood toward the ancestors. Katsu Kaishu, his army general, came to report. "The Emperor [ c h o t e j J 7 has given the command to attack Edo Castle. Reports say that they started from Kyoto under the command of Arisugawa no Miya." Yoshinobu bit his l i p s and stared at one spot. His face gave one the vivid impression of suffering. "My ancestor;; Tokugawa Ieyasu founded the Bakufu Government in Edo 270 years ago. The same family has continued on as Shogun for fifteen generations and I have to apologize for seeing i t destroyed while I am in power . . . . I am confident that I can win against the Imperial Army; I s t i l l have many soldiers under me who would fight for me. And the French Ambassador Roches said he would l e t me have some money for weapons and war-ships. If I tried I could defeat them, but I don't want to cause a division in our nation by acquiring foreign aid. It would just show our weakness, and that i s just what they are waiting for. I would hate to see the result of my opposition to them . . . . If I think of the future •' of Japan I can't be concerned about our Tokugawa family. That i s why I wrote a letter to the Emperor [chotei] and am now in con-finement in this room. Why doesn't the Emperor [chotei] under-stand my feeling about i t ? Katsu Kaishu can understand Yoshinobu's feeling, but their command to attack Edo Castle shows that the Imperial authorities do not understand Yoshinobu's good intentions. "Kat'su!" Yoshinobu turned to him with tears i n his eyes. "If they can't understand me, I suppose we w i l l have to fight as hard as possible without foreign aid. We w i l l die when i i becomes nece-ssary." "Master, what do you mean?" Katsu was in tears also. "Let's not give up hope. Please trust me and depend upon me. I ' l l do my The nearest translation i s "Imperial Office" or "Imperi-al Headquarters" but not necessarily the Emperor as a person. 107 best to let them know your feelings and thereby try to stop such a useless war." The Imperial Army which had set out to destroy the Bakufu came [to Edo, or Tokyo] in f u l l force on the 12th of the third month in 1868. Some of the force had already arrived at Shinagawa [in the suburbs]. They were planning to attack Edo Castle on the 15th. As the reports came in Katsu Kaishu re-mained calm. Every effort to solve the dispute peacefully and without war had been in vain, but there was one more possibi-l i t y . That was to go to the enemy headquarters and request an interview with Saigo Takamori.8 Katsu wrote a letter to Takamori asking for his consent. The answer was "Yes." So on the l j t h at noon the two smet at the mansion of the Satsuma family. The house was guarded a l l around. Katsu did not pay much attention to the soldiers who stood ready with their bayonets pointed at him. "I am Katsu of the Bakufu," he began. "I have come to see Mr. Saigo. Where i s he?" He shouted once and the soldiers opened the way for him. He was shown the proper room. Presently USaigo came to meet him. His soldiers, a l l of them tense, surrounded the room, but Katsu remained calm and fearless. He explained to Saigo the ideas of the Bakufu so that he himself was moved by his own words. Saigo, listening intently, was beginning to be aroused. "At present the problem i s not whether the Bakufu dies out or not. While we in this country are fighting among ourselves foreign powers attempt to enter the country. This i s a dangerous period for Japan, and we can't be fighting each other as bad brothers. We must think f i r s t about the security of Japan's future." Saigo nodded deeply. Katsu continued: "Master Saigo, the Shogun refused the offer of help from foreign countries and he i s now confining himself to one room to show his concern for the future of Japan. If the war begins the Bakufu soldiers w i l l fight their hardest and then the whole of Edo w i l l be under f i r e . We do not want a million innocent people of Edo to be involved in war. I, Katsu Kaishu, ask your favor from the bottom of my heart." Saigo, thinking for a while, nodded quietly and said, "I "understaand, Master Katsu. But I cannot decide this on my own. I must consult Arisugawa no Miya. But I w i l l stop our plan to attack Edo Castle tomorrow. I w i l l take the responsibility." Katsu was moved by the great decision Saigo had thus made; the problem was a serious one. "Master Saigo, thank you very much," he said. And Saigo respnded with a smile.' Saigo Takamori was the leading military figure of the powerful Satsuma clan and a staunch Royalist. 108 Katsu's desire to let Saigo know of Yoshinobu1s real feeling moved Saigo. As a result a million people of Edo escaped war. l\Tot only that, the security of> a l l Japan was preserved. It was thus that the Imperial Army took over Edo Castle and the Meiji Period B'awned. Questions.: (l) After reading this story, what points about Saigo and Katsu can you appreciate? Let's exchange our opinions about i t . 109 APPENDIX VI ALLOCATION OP ELEMENTARY SCHOOL HOURS-—PREWAR AND POSTWAR Grade 1 2 3 4 5 6 Subjects (1.930)" 1. Morals (Shushin) 2 2 2 2 2 2 2. Japanese Language . 10 12 12 12 9 9 3. Arithmetic 5 5 6 6 4 4 4. Japanese History 2 2 5. Geography 2 2 6. Science 2 2 2 7. Drawing (Boys) (Girls) 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 8. Singing, Gymnastics 4 ' 4 1 1 2 2 9. Sewing (Girls Only) 2 3 3 TOTAL Boys: 21 HOURS PER WEEK Girls: 21 23 ' 23 25 25 27 29 28 30 28 30 Subjects ( i 9 6 0 ) 1 0 1. Japanese Language 7 9 8 8 7 7 2. • Social Studies 2 2 3 4 4 4 3- Arithmetic 3 4 5 6 6 4. Science 2 2 3 3 4 4 5 . Music 3 2 2 2 2 2 6. Arts and Handicrafts 3 2 2 2 2 2 7. Homemaking 2 2 8. Physical Education 3 3 3 3 3 9 . Moral Education (Dotoku) 1 1 1 1 1 1 TOTAL HOURS PER WEEK 24 25 27 29 31 31 "'Japan, Ministry of Education, A General Survey of Education in Japan (Tokyo: Ministry of Education, 1930TJ p. 19* 1 0Japan, Ministry ?of Education, Revised Curriculum in Japan fpr  Elementary and Lower Secondary Schools (Tokyo: Ministry of Education, i 9 6 0 ) , P. 2 9 . 

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