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Public housing and welfare services : a comparative review of community experiences, 1947-1963 Brown, James Secord 1963

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PUBLIC HOUSING AND WELFARE SERVICES; A Comparative Review o f Community Exp e r i e n c e s 1947-1963 by JAMES SECORD BROWN DAVID KOGAWA RAYMOND EDWIN PETERS A T h e s i s Submitted i n P a r t i a l F u l f i l m e n t o f the Requirements f o r the Degree o f MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK i n the School o f S o c i a l Work Acce p t e d as Conforming to the Standard Req u i r e d f o r the degree o f j Master o f S o c i a l Work School o f S o c i a l Work THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 1963 In presenting t h i s t h esis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree that per-mission for extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s representatives. I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i -c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Department of ScJL^o^ c^ocu_«>JL — The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia,. Vancouver 8 , Canada. Date r,U Uc^ V^G^ I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r a n a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l m a k e i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r -m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s m a y b e g r a n t e d b y t h e H e a d o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r b y h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i -c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t b e a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f S c h o o l o f S o c i a l W o r k . T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a . D a t e K a y 3 , 1 9 6 3 : I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r a n a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l m a k e i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r . e e t h a t p e r -m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s m a y b e g r a n t e d b y t h e H e a d o f m y D e p a r t m e n t o r b y h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i -c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t b e a l l o w e d w i t h o u t m y w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , . V a n c o u v e r 8 , C a n a d a . D a t e A B S T R A C T Public housing, a f t e r a long delay, has become an accepted feature i n the urban renewal plans of many Canadian c i t i e s , notably Vancouver which i s now b u i l d i n g (1963) i t s fourth u n i t . On the subject of welfare services i n r e l a t i o n to public housing, however, there are two divergent approaches. One i s that by t h e i r very nature, housing projects should be understood as a welfare service with appropriate provisions (which range very widely from, e.£., minimum s o c i a l assistance l i a i s o n to a highly developed community program). The other i s that public housing should be a purely managerial or r e a l -estate operation, the tenants being completely " l e f t alone" apart from standard management provisions. The-rent and e l i g i b i l i t y p r i n c i p l e s of Canadian public housing are d i f f e r e n t from those which govern United States projects; but the decisive trend of American experience makes i t timely to examine i t for the l i g h t i t can throw on the issues above stated. B r i t i s h developments i n the d i r e c t i o n of integrating s o c i a l services to l o c a l community development are also highly relevant. The present study i s an intensive review of the most relevant recent l i t e r a t u r e , including reports of surveys and demonstration services, and the recommendations of l o c a l and national committees of housing administrators, planners, s o c i a l workers, and c i t i z e n s . A major statement of t h i s l a t t e r kind was adopted as a general point of reference. Various methods of c l a s s i f y i n g the d e t a i l e d references were eventually brought together under three heads: (1) the welfare services required by public housing tenants; (2) the issues of community relationships of several kinds, and-(3) administrative implications. Before developing a f i n a l chapter on needs and methods of coordination, meetings were held with housing, c i t y planning, and Community Chest repre-sentatives. The extent to which low-income families require welfare services, and the type of welfare services which are appro-p r i a t e , are c l a s s i f i e d by several surveys. "Problem" families and "normal" families need to be understood,•as well-as d i s -tinguished ,- i n provisions made for them. I t i s clear that rel o c a t i o n and rehousing sever neighbourhood t i e s for adults and children, and that resettlement problems cannot be solved without examination of the extent to which e x i s t i n g d i s t r i c t s are properly equipped as neighbourhoods. "Community b u i l d i n g " i i i involves social as well as physical f a c i l i t i e s ; and the need may not be confined to the housing project. Administration must, likewise, be distinguished at several levels of res-ponsibility. The coordination of community services is such a major and complex issue that comparative experience i s marshalled (in a concluding chapter), distinguishing five principal-methods of coordinations which are further illustrated by examples from several American c i t i e s . Examples are used throughout to illuminate special as well as general programs which have been evolved in recent years to meet welfare, recreational, "self-help", educational, and other "community building" needs. In sum, a concentration of low-income families in high-density public housing projects creates neighbourhood stress and family welfare needs, requiring a wide range of community services. Even i f rehousing i s not solely a low-income pro-gram, however, urban renewal makes clearer the common goals of housing, family rehabilitation, and neighbourhood develop-ment. In conclusion, the relation of this to some current Vancouver proposals for "area coordination" service i s reviewed. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A thesis represents the contributions of many people. We wish to thank especially Mr. E. H i l l of the Community Chest and Councils of Greater Vancouver, Mr. A. Geach of the Vancouver City Planning Department, and Mr. C. Sutherland of the Vancouver Housing Authority for their time and interest. Also, Dr. Albert Rose for giving us the opportunity to tour the local housing projects with him when he was on a v i s i t to Vancouver. We are greatly indebted to Dr. Leonard Marsh for his guidance and constant encouragement. His wide experience in social welfare has given us a broader perspective than would otherwise have been possible. We consider i t a privilege to have studied under him. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Chapter I. Public Housing: New Problems, New Perspectives Review of l o c a l studies and developments. The "New Stage" i n public housing. B r i t i s h experience: from slum clearance to "New Towns". Scope and method of study 1 Chapter I I . Facing Family Welfare: What Kind of Services? Better understanding of "low income" concept. General c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of low-income families i n public housing. Special handicaps and problems of low-income fa m i l i e s . How f a r are they problem families? The service needs of low-income f a m i l i e s . . . 25 Chapter I I I . "Community Building" Challenges Recognition of community and neighbourhood. How i s community and neighbourhood to be defined? The essentials of a neighbourhood. Community b u i l d i n g i n public housing: Chicago and Boston experience. Achievements and b a r r i e r s . Community problems i n urban renewal (including r e l o c a t i o n ) . Community buil d i n g i n New Towns 83 Chapter IV. Housing Administration - Its Welfare Implications Planning stages. The experience of e x i s t i n g projects. Admissions and terminations. Responsibility for welfare services. How are families i n need of counsel to get i t ? Who should be e l i g i b l e ? Welfare r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of management. E l i g i b i l i t y and admission procedure. Introducing tenants to the project. The "landlord function". Tenant councils. Community r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . S t a ff t r a i n i n g . Organization for s o c i a l services. Role of the s o c i a l worker. L i a i s o n with community. Volunteer services 126 V Page Chapter V. Coordination of S o c i a l Services for Public  Housing Public housing i n a wider context. Concepts of coordi-nation. A l t e r n a t i v e methods of coordination. (1) Social worker as " r e f e r r a l " person for welfare services. (2) Direct agency (welfare) service i n the project. (3)-Generic s o c i a l worker or mobilizer of community services. (4) A Community coordinating body. (5) A neighbourhood coordination program. Implications for coordination i n Canada - the l o c a l area. Coordination for s o c i a l welfare 171 Appendix A. The Relation of Low-Rental Housing Develop-ments to S o c i a l Welfare Services (A B r i t i s h State-Appendix B. A Statement of P r i n c i p l e s : The Role of the  Soc i a l Worker i n Public Housing and Urban Renewal ment. 1962) 201 Programs (A United States Statement. 1961) 204 Appendix C. Bibliography 207 v i TABLES AND CHARTS Page Table I. Proportion of Agency Caseloads I d e n t i f i e d as Multi-Problem, Vancouver C i t y , June 1960 53 Figure 1. Al t e r n a t i v e Types of Program i n Public Housing . 179 PUBLIC HOUSING AND WELFARE SERVICES: A Comparative Review of Community Experiences 1947-1963 CHAPTER I PUBLIC HOUSING: NEW PROBLEMS, NEW PERSPECTIVES In the great story of North American urbanization, new chapters i n public housing have been opened since the end of the war i n 1945. In sp i t e of l e g i s l a t i o n providing fo r c e r t a i n types of subsidized low-rental b u i l d i n g to be made availa b l e i n Canada before the war, no projects came to f r u i t i o n i n those years. In Canada, the new phase, i n which low-rental housing, not merely apartment b u i l d i n g or mortgage assistance to prospective homeowners, became a p r a c t i c a l part of downtown housing p o l i c y , can be dated only from 1947 i n Toronto and 1955 i n Vancouver. Canada has been a l a t e s t a r t e r . Some countries, such as B r i t a i n and Sweden, have f i f t y or s i x t y years of experience i n the basic f i e l d s of public housing. The United States inaugurated subsidized low-rental housing i n 1937, and exten-sive urban renewal and redevelopment programs a f t e r the war. What can be learned from t h i s experience? This i s one benefit which Canadians may derive from an otherwise slow s t a r t . I t w i l l be e s s e n t i a l i n so doing, of course, to keep i n mind differences of conditions and of p o l i c y ; and some of these are important. As a beginning, however, examination of the public housing f i e l d suggests that there are two schools of thought on welfare services. One i s that by t h e i r very nature, housing projects should be understood as a welfare service with appropriate provisions (which range very widely from minimum s o c i a l assistance l i a i s o n to a highly developed community program)• The other i s that public housing should be completely on a l l fours with any other kind of housing ( p a r t i c u l a r l y commercial apartments), the tenants being completely " l e f t alone" apart from standard management pro-v i s i o n s . This has sometimes been characterized i n American l i t e r a t u r e as the " r e a l estate" view of housing. I f anything, Canadian public housing at present has elements of both. Neither problems nor p o l i c y have c r y s t a l l i z e d i n one d i r e c t i o n . But many more projects are due to be b u i l t i n the next decade or so. I t i s not too early to take stock. The delay i n Canadian public low-rental housing programs i s , according to A l b e r t Rose,^ explainable i n terms of both economic and philosophical considerations. He points out 1 A l b e r t Rose's Regent Park documents the slum clearance and redevelopment experience from the time a group of c i t i z e n s f i r s t banded together to press the c i t y council into action i n 1946, to the time the l a s t b u i l d i n g as completed i n 1957. Dr. Rose describes s u c c i n c t l y the conditions of the slum, the people who were rehoused and those who were not, and what happened to the health, family welfare, s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , recreation and education of the inhabitants of Regent Park. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the human aspects i n urban redevelopment comes through c l e a r l y i n the book. 3 that "economics has become much les s important than our philosophy of economic action", and that " . . . s o c i a l need has become much les s important than our view of s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " . Br. Rose finds that there i s an aura " . . . 2' of profound apathy with respect to housing i n Canada". This apathy he attributes i n part to attitudes that f i n d d i f f i c u l t y i n accepting that there are a great many forces, beyond the powers of the i n d i v i d u a l , a f f e c t i n g h i s a b i l i t y to support himself and h i s family. There are s t i l l more factors preventing the supply of decent, new r e n t a l housing at low cost. Even the supply of o l d housing i s being reduced at several points. Another main d i f f i c u l t y i s the reluctance of m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , not alone on f i n a n c i a l grounds, to extend t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Added to the staggering facts of possible urban growth i n the near future, there i s a thorny bundle of dilemmas to be resolved here. To what extent must society i n the '60's take c o l l e c t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for i t s casualties? In what areas must government give leadership? These are now major questions, i n which housing i s a v i t a l part. I t w i l l be useful to s t a r t the present study by a b r i e f 2 Albert Rose, Regent Park - A Study i n Slum Clearance. University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1958, page 215. review of events i n the l o c a l scene. The f i r s t exhaustive 3 survey of a s p e c i f i c area i n Vancouver to demonstrate modern housing p r i n c i p l e s was undertaken i n 1 9 4 7 . But many repre-sentations had been made before t h i s by the Vancouver Housing Association, the Community Chest, and other agencies. The 1 9 4 7 - 4 8 survey, published under the t i t l e Rebuilding a  Neighbourhood. i n 1 9 5 0 made a series of proposals. I t also gave examples i l l u s t r a t i n g two p r i n c i p l e s which are important issues today. F i r s t , " . . . that slum clearance for the modern c i t y i s not simply a welfare measure f o r the wretchedly housed, but must be r e l a t e d to a r a t i o n a l r e d e f i n i n g and s t a b i l i z a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l and downtown areas", and secondly that " . . . the provision of housing (even well-administered low-rental housing) i s not enough - the only stable and constructive kind of r e s i d e n t i a l redevelopment must be of neighbourhoods - i n terms of the s i z e of the project and 4 the f a c i l i t i e s " . As w i l l be indicated, both American and B r i t i s h programs, i n t h e i r own p a r t i c u l a r ways, are increasingly r e f l e c t i n g the acceptance of these p r i n c i p l e s . 3 L. C. Marsh, Rebuilding a Neighbourhood. U. B. C. Research Publ i c a t i o n s , Number 1 , 1 9 5 0 . The area chosen f o r the demon-s t r a t i o n study comprised about 40 blocks east of Main Street, bounded by Hastings, Gore Street, Glen Drive and False Greek F l a t s . 4 L. G. Marsh, "Housing and Neighbourhood Improvement Through Community Planning Action", 3 9 - 4 0 , Vancouver Housing Associa-t i o n , Houses for A l l . Vancouver, 1 9 5 4 , page 4 0 . 5 In Vancouver, the evidence f o r the need for low-rental housing i n general was documented i n a study completed as a thesis at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1955."* This study was directed p a r t i c u l a r l y to the housing and income circumstances of the families who applied for entrance to the L i t t l e Mountain housing project. " L i t t l e Mountain" was the only p u b l i c l y subsidized low-rent project, and there was a large w a i t i n g - l i s t . The great proportion of these families were occupying accommodation unsuited to t h e i r needs. A high incidence of overcrowding, and of general inadequacy and i n e f f i c i e n c y of accommodation was reported. Although many families were paying moderate rents, the q u a l i t y of t h e i r accommodations was very low: the fact that some of the families were paying higher rents d i d not necessarily mean that adequate shelter was assured. I t i s noteworthy that at a time when there was only one housing project b u i l t , yet evidence of considerable need, t h i s study r a i s e d several important issues which are s t i l l relevant today. For example, i t was pointed out that e l i g i -b i l i t y for L i t t l e Mountain was not based e n t i r e l y on such objective c r i t e r i a as income l e v e l s , family composition and residence q u a l i f i c a t i o n , but involved also an assessment 5 Michael Wheeler, Evaluating the Need fo r Low-Rental Housing. Master of S o c i a l Work Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1955. 6 of the applicant's s u i t a b i l i t y as a tenant. Reasonable as t h i s may seem at f i r s t sight, i t nevertheless r a i s e s the whole question of the objectives of tenant s e l e c t i o n , and consequently the objectives of public housing. I f some families are excluded, where are they to l i v e ? Is public housing only for " s u i t a b l e " tenants? I f so, what contribution can i t make to r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and improvement? I t also pointed out that a proportion of people from substandard accommodations and slum areas with l i m i t e d incomes and possible family handicaps would undoubtedly bring a quota of fa m i l i e s with health and behavior problems. I f appropriate help i s to be extended to these f a m i l i e s , t h i s means there w i l l be required " . . . the services of suitably trained personnel i n the management of the project".** In United States' housing experience t h i s has been not an i n c i d e n t a l , but an increasingly important, issue. " L i t t l e Mountain" i n Vancouver was supplemented by a second instalment of public housing, named "Orchard Park",^ i n 1958. Both of these projects were surveyed by Master of 6 Elaine Fromson, Joy Hansen, Roger Smith, The L i t t l e Mountain  Low-Rental Housing Project: A Survey of I t s Welfare Aspects. Master of S o c i a l Work Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1959, page 100. 7 E l l a May Reid, Orchard Park: A Tenant Survey of the  Second Instalment of Public Housing i n Vancouver. Master of S o c i a l Work Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1960. 7 S o c i a l Work students, attempting to assess the family welfare, recreation and s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s of the residents, and t h e i r comparisons with t h e i r previous l i v i n g . Host families were found to be generally s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r new accommodations; but p a r t i c u l a r reference was made to the lack of community f a c i l i t i e s i n the L i t t l e Mountain project and i n meeting places where neighbourhood a c t i v i t i e s can take place. In sp i t e O f t h i s , economies of construction and possibly some unwilling-ness to assess neighbourhood f a c i l i t i e s , repeated t h i s s i t u a t i o n i n the Orchard Park project. There was evidence that for most f a m i l i e s , rehousing means removal to another d i s t r i c t and s t a r t i n g a new l i f e among strangers. There i s a gain made i n terms of improved accommodations, but a loss sustained i n that f a m i l i a r amenities of a former neighbourhood are l e f t behind. I t i s possible that Vancouver experience i s less than c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , for some American surveys have shown t h i s as an acute feature. I t i s necessary to remember that the density of Vancouver public housing, while considerably higher than most of the tenants knew before, i s low by the standards of c i t i e s such as New York and Chicago. The " L i t t l e Mountain" study argued f o r c e f u l l y that, because public housing i s necessary to provide decent accommodation for important sections of the population that would otherwise be i l l - h o u s e d , p ublic housing i n e v i t a b l y becomes i n part a 8 s o c i a l s e r v i c e . I t r a i s e d t h e q u e s t i o n f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e i n V a n c o u v e r o f t h e p o s s i b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n t h a t s o c i a l work -i n c l u d i n g casework c o u n s e l l i n g a n d group work - c o u l d make i n l o w - r e n t a l h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s . A t t h i s t i m e , t h e immediate i s s u e seemed t o be t h e employment o f s o c i a l w o r k e r s as members o f t h e s t a f f . The p o s s i b i l i t y o f c o o r d i n a t i o n o f w e l f a r e s e r v i c e s w i t h t h e w i d e r community was n o t p u r s u e d . The " O r c h a r d P a r k " s t u d y p r o v i d e d f u r t h e r d a t a p e r t a i n i n g t o t h e e f f i c a c y w i t h w h i c h v a r i o u s " w e l f a r e " n e e d s a r e b e i n g met b y t h e p r o v i s i o n o f p u b l i c h o u s i n g . W h i l e t h e d e s i g n and a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e u n i t s was g r e a t l y i m p r o v e d , t h e l a c k o f community a m e n i t i e s s t o o d o u t - no s p a c e o r f a c i l i t i e s f o r t e n a n t g a t h e r i n g s , no a p p r o p r i a t e l y p l a n n e d f a c i l i t i e s f o r c h i l d r e n , a major " t h r o u g h " s t r e e t w h i c h was o p p o s e d t o a l l n e i g h b o u r h o o d p r i n c i p l e s a n d a p o t e n t i a l h a z a r d f o r b o t h young and o l d . Above a l l , a t t e n t i o n must now be d i r e c t e d t o t h e g r o w i n g p r o p o r t i o n o f l o w e r - i n c o m e f a m i l i e s i n h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s - a g r o w i n g c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f f a m i l i e s i n n e e d o f some form o f w e l f a r e s e r v i c e s a n d , as i n L i t t l e M o u n t a i n , a v e r y l a r g e number o f c h i l d r e n . More o l d p e o p l e a r e i n c l u d e d s p e c i f i c a l l y i n O r c h a r d P a r k a n d a h i g h e r p r o p o r t i o n o f s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e f a m i l i e s has been a c c e p t e d . S i n c e t h e s e r e p o r t s were w r i t t e n , two f u r t h e r h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s have b e e n b u i l t i n V a n c o u v e r . " M c L e a n P a r k " i s t h e 9 f i r s t u n i t i n the central part of the c i t y , where the o r i g i n a l survey of the Strathcona area was made sixteen years before; and the extensive "Skeena Terrace" project located i n the eastern section of the c i t y i s the second one. The four projects now have a combined t o t a l of 786 u n i t s . The Vancouver Housing Authority, i n i t i a l l y a small o f f i c e i n the f i r s t project, now has a special o f f i c e on one of the main streets of the lower section of the c i t y . In 1956 the Ci t y of Vancouver undertook the surveys which began i t s o v e r a l l redevelopment plan. A twenty-year redevelopment program i s now "on the map", and present housing projects are the f i r s t instalments. I t i s recognized that i f redevelopment i s to take place " . . . the f i r s t p r i o r i t y must be given to the rehousing of the displaced. I t i s pro-posed to meet t h i s by erecting, p r i o r to any clearance, the f i r s t series of housing 'banks'." These include the present projects " . . . of houses and apartments b u i l t either on vacant land (as the f i r s t would have to be) or on s i t e s „8 cleared for redevelopment. McLean Park brings t h i s projec-t i o n to r e a l i t y . Rehousing i s , likewise, i n a much wider context than the demolition of slum blocks. The basic Vancouver Redevelopment 8 C i t y of Vancouver Planning Department, Vancouver Development  Study. Vancouver, B. C , 1957, page 11. plan distinguished two kinds of areas, according to the extent and i n t e n s i t y of b l i g h t , which are termed (1) "compre-hensive redevelopment areas" and (2) " l i m i t e d redevelopment areas". The former, i t i s proposed, should be involved i n a program of reconstruction during which a l l e x i s t i n g housing w i l l be removed and the cleared land developed for whatever purpose i s most sui t a b l e . This, however, i s to be spread over twenty years. The " l i m i t e d redevelopment areas" are areas susceptible to deteri o r a t i o n , usually with scatterings of b l i g h t e d structures. "Spot clearance" i s proposed for these areas, i n addition to various kinds of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n measures. But both of these plans e x p l i c i t l y recognize that r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and conservation i s more than simply improving buildings. "Common to both i s the need to consider the area as a whole, for instance by the improvement of community f a c i l i t i e s and street patterns and by the recognition of the 9 importance of public morale and education." To achieve these objectives, the Vancouver Development Study proposes a v a r i e t y of expedients. Not the l e a s t impor-tant of these i s the "provision of community f a c i l i t i e s " , which are seen as important factors i n b l i g h t prevention. These f a c i l i t i e s include such public amenities as parks and playgrounds. Public education and morale are important 9 I b i d . . page 5, underlining added. 11 because, " i n the l a s t analysis, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and conservation programs depend on the attitudes and actions of the c i t i z e n s themselves". The report"*"^ points out that groups such as the "Ratepayers Councils and other neighbourhood groups have an important r o l e to play and should be able to count on the support of the C i t y government. A C i t i z e n s ' Urban Renewal Committee could perhaps provide the necessary l i n k between f ,11 l o c a l groups and the o f f i c i a l agencies." In other words, the awareness and i n i t i a t i v e of the residents themselves are extremely important i f the goals of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and conserva-t i o n programs are to be achieved. Is i t possible to apply t h i s p r i n c i p l e i n comprehensive redevelopment ( i . e . , slum clearance) areas? That t h i s i s now coming slowly into recog-n i t i o n can be i l l u s t r a t e d by a few examples from American c i t i e s reviewed i n the present study. The "New Stage" i n Public Housing On the l o c a l scene, progress has obviously been made, i n several d i r e c t i o n s . The major surveys have been completed; several kinds of housing projects have been b u i l t ; a Housing Authority has been constituted, and i s enlarging i t s operations and experience; the wider environs of housing and renewal 10 The preliminary studies of the f i n a l redevelopment report were c i r c u l a t e d to various organizations, such as the Vancouver School Board, Community Planning Association, Vancouver Housing Association, Board of Trade, etc. 11 I b i d . , page 5• 1 2 are coming into view. But what may be hard to r e a l i z e i s that public housing, i n countries where i t has a longer h i s t o r y , has moved on. Much of Vancouver's i n i t i a t i v e s have been r e a l i z e d under the assumptions of what might be c a l l e d the " f i r s t stage". United States' evidence shows c l e a r l y there have been so many changes as to j u s t i f y the description of the present period as a "second stage", at l e a s t a "second look". B r i t a i n and some other European countries, by the same token, are i n a t h i r d or even fourth stage. The factors by which to judge t h i s are not only the amount of such housing b u i l t , but the types and experiments i n group and "estate" planning, aspects of management p o l i c y , and above a l l the degree and kind of community relationships which are link e d with the projects and the planning. I t i s highly s i g n i f i c a n t that, within the l a s t three years, representative groups, i n both the United States and Great B r i t a i n , have come together i n conference and formulated a set of p r i n c i p l e s which i n t h e i r judgment, c r y s t a l l i z e present-day experience and point the way to sound operations i n the future. I t i s proposed to u t i l i z e these as a bench mark and point of reference for the present study. Before proceeding to these, advantage may be taken of a review of public housing to date made t h i s year by one of the best-known Canadian aut h o r i t i e s on t h i s subject, Dr. Albert Rose, of the School of S o c i a l Work of the University of Toronto, who has been associated with Toronto slum clearance projects since t h e i r inception, and who i s the author of the d e f i n i t i v e book, 1 2 Regent Park - A Study i n Slum Clearance. Referring mainly to American experience i n housing, Rose observes that ". . . slum clearance and rehousing proved not to be the panacea we had hoped f o r . " Although a good proportion of people improved t h e i r situations s i g n i f i c a n t l y as a r e s u l t of better accommodation, the fact remains that for many families the rehousing provided d i d not r e s u l t i n changed l i v e s , improved health conditions, or better neighbourhoods. R e f l e c t i n g the reaction of many s o c i a l agencies, he records that " . . . the f a i l u r e of public housing has been a great blow to the s o c i a l services i n the metropolis". I t has been a disappointment to many ind i v i d u a l s and groups who have been active i n urban renewal programs and who envisaged public housing as a major force i n the attack on poverty and s o c i a l disorganization. There are some sp e c i a l reasons for t h i s which have not appeared i n Canada i n the same degree, namely, the great wave of immigrants from Puerto Rico, Mexico, etc., and of course the high proportion of negro tenants, some from the South. Nevertheless, two major factors can be distinguished that account for t h i s l i m i t e d success. F i r s t , "there was never 14 enough housing provided"; and second, " . . . i t s administration as a r e a l estate rather than a s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n , helped to confound i t s objectives. The f i r s t c r i t i c i s m i s one to which many other references w i l l have to be made. The second c r i t i c i s m has already been re f e r r e d to. Since i t w i l l undoubtedly remain a subject of debate i n Canada for some time, i t i s es s e n t i a l to understand how fa r current trends i n urban renewal and public housing c i r c l e s are going, to re-evaluate objectives i n this d i r e c t i o n . A review of American and B r i t i s h housing experience shows that the issues now include the p o l i c i e s and procedures of administration, the concept of welfare services i n the community as well as the nature of "community" i n the physical sense, and questions of personnel, whether the q u a l i f i e d s t a f f required are described as " s o c i a l workers" or not. In numerous l o c a l housing operations i n the U. S., experience demonstrated again and again that low-income families require a wide range of s o c i a l services. On the national l e v e l , t h i s experience has been brought to a head i n the program resolutions for 1963 of the U. S. National Association of Housing and Redevelopment O f f i c i a l s , collabo-r a t i n g on t h i s occasion with the National S o c i a l Welfare 13 Albert Rose, "The So c i a l Services i n the Modern Metro-p o l i s " , unpublished manuscript of a lecture delivered at University of B r i t i s h Columbia, March 1963. 15 14 Assembly. The N. A. H. R. 0. statement urges federal, state, and l o c a l action working together to achieve extension of the urban renewal and public housing programs, and recommends that "the s k i l l s of those trained to work toward meeting a community's s o c i a l needs must be u t i l i z e d on the executive s t a f f of housing and renewal agencies, to insure adequate consideration of the s o c i a l aspects of the housing and urban renewal program i n a l l i t s phases." They urge that " f e d e r a l and state agencies i n housing and urban renewal should provide encouragement and leadership to assure the e f f e c t i v e implementa-t i o n of these goals at the community l e v e l . " ^ Of equal i n t e r e s t i s the announcement i n 1962 by the U. S. Housing and Home Finance Agency and the Department of Health, Education and Welfare that the two departments are now engaged i n a j o i n t e f f o r t of teamwork i n urban renewal 16 and public housing. The purpose of the team approach i s to stimulate s o c i a l services i n housing and urban redevelopment projects - ranging from basic educational programs and s k i l l e d group services for youth, to s p e c i a l services for multi-problem f a m i l i e s . A further recent development on the American scene 14 "1961-63 Program Resolution", Journal of Housing. November 1961, page 441. 15 I b i d . 16 "Housing and Welfare Get Together", Journal of Housing, March-April, 1962. 16 i s the establishment of a " J o i n t Task Force" i n several communities, whereby urban renewal agencies and community service agencies coordinate t h e i r e f f o r t s i n a l l phases of renewal and rehousing operations. The Joi n t Task Force approach has made planning possible on a wider scale than has been found possible with purely l o c a l bodies, since i t represents national and state housing and welfare organizations i n l o c a l planning for renewal projects. Also, the concern of the Joi n t Task Force i s not r e s t r i c t e d to only those areas and persons affected by urban renewal, but i s able to focus on the wider d i s t r i c t or neighbourhood i n terms of the more i n c l u s i v e kinds of needs evident (education, health, welfare, recreation, e t c . ) . A most s i g n i f i c a n t step was the amendment of the U. S. S o c i a l Security Act i n 1962, to provide for a more concerted "family r e h a b i l i t a t i o n " focus i n public welfare, which has made availab l e to the state agencies f i n a n c i a l resources for the development of l o c a l planning and action organizations. This, coupled with the closer integration of the national government bodies concerned, points to the increased develop-ment of i n c l u s i v e and cooperative action on the l o c a l l e v e l i n a l l phases of urban renewal and public housing programs. How can the best possible working r e l a t i o n s h i p be deve-loped between housing authorities and s o c i a l welfare agencies i n the l o c a l community? This was the issue over which o f f i c i a l s of the American housing and welfare departments met i n 1959, and resulted i n the creation of a s p e c i a l subcommittee, on Community Services and Public Housing. This Committee was charged with the task of studying the re l a t i o n s h i p s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of housing au t h o r i t i e s and s o c i a l welfare agencies i n public housing. The recommendations and p r i n -c i p l e s f i n a l l y formulated were published i n 1961, and must be regarded as the most d e f i n i t i v e statement to date on national public housing experience. These recommendations cover a wide range of a c t i v i t i e s i n the t o t a l urban renewal and public housing program. These begin at the l e v e l of federal departmental p o l i c y and make e x p l i c i t how national p o l i c y i s r e l a t e d to l o c a l housing administration, and relevant to the p r a c t i c a l questions of integr a t i n g public housing with l o c a l resources. They begin with the acceptance of the p r i n c i p l e , That s o c i a l welfare planning be recognized at the n a t i o n a l , state, regional, and l o c a l l e v e l of government and by priva t e organizations, incorpora-t i n g s o c i a l goals at the planning stage of any program a f f e c t i n g low-income families or other disadvantaged groups.18 17 Community Services and Pu b l i c Housing. Seven Recommenda- tions for Local Housing Authority Action. Subcommittee on Community Services and Public Housing of the J o i n t Committee on Housing and Welfare, N. A. H. R. 0. Publication No. N459, October 1961. 18 I b i d . , Recommendation 7, page 10. 18 Im p l i c i t here i s the recognition that the success of programs at the "grass roots" l e v e l i s dependent upon the e f f e c t i v e i n t e r e s t of the federal government as w e l l as the l o c a l l e v e l s of government i n s o c i a l planning and p o l i c y formulation. This means that housing and welfare personnel must not only be able to work together, but must have an adequate knowledge of community resources without which coordinated action would be d i f f i c u l t to achieve. I t i s therefore recommended . . • that housing authority personnel develop a working knowledge of t h e i r community's s o c i a l welfare resources and that, s i m i l a r l y , s o c i a l welfare agencies acquaint themselves with the operating procedures and l i m i t a t i o n s of the public housing program.19 I t should be noted that a r e c i p r o c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s here indicated. I t i s not f a i r to place the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y s o l e l y on the new "agencies" i n the picture - the housing a u t h o r i t i e s . S o c i a l agencies are frequently not as aware of housing authority p o s s i b i l i t i e s and l i m i t a t i o n s as they should be. I t i s doubtful i f , i n Canada, better housing i s included i n the "community resources" to which frequent reference i s otherwise made. High p r i o r i t y i s given to programs aimed at improving the low housekeeping standards and s o c i a l l y unacceptable 19 I b i d . , Recommendation 1, page 4. l i v i n g habits which seem to mark a substantial proportion of low-income f a m i l i e s . This i s a more f a m i l i a r area, but i t has come to the fore i n American experience of l a t e . To i n i t i a t e such a program, i t i s recommended . . . that the l o c a l housing authority encourage and a s s i s t a suitable community organization to e s t a b l i s h a continuing homemaking or housekeeping c l i n i c i n each housing development.^ I t i s also recognized that r e l y i n g s o l e l y on a one-to-one helping r e l a t i o n s h i p has serious l i m i t a t i o n s , and that group a c t i v i t i e s are e s s e n t i a l i n helping families to develop a sense of "belonging" and to a i d t h e i r integration with the neighbourhood. I t i s therefore recommended that the l o c a l housing authority management . . . encourage and support tenant or community organizations and the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of tenants i n each housing developing i n such organizations.21 Furthermore, i t i s recognized that i f a wide range of services are to be made availa b l e to residents of public housing, t h i s can best be done by a public welfare agency. The recommenda-ti o n i s . . • that l o c a l housing authorities consider collabo-r a t i o n with the l o c a l p u b lic assistance agency towards decentralizing public assistance services, with the purpose of e s t a b l i s h i n g a service u n i t within each housing development.22 20 I b i d . , Recommendation 5; page 9. 21 I b i d . , Recommendation 6, page 10. 22 I b i d . , Recommendation 4, page 7. 20 There i s ample evidence coming i n the whole his t o r y of public housing for the need of q u a l i f i e d workers i n the planning, administration, and operation of housing and urban renewal programs. There i s a wide array of programs, which can p r o f i t from the u t i l i z a t i o n of s o c i a l work s k i l l s i n casework, group work, community organization, and s o c i a l research. In recognition of t h i s , i t i s recommended That a statement of p r i n c i p l e s on the r o l e of the s o c i a l worker i n public housing and urban renewal programs be accepted as i n d i c a t i v e of the scope of desirable s o c i a l welfare coordination i n the carrying out of these programs.23 In addition, i t i s also recommended That the organizational structure of each l o c a l housing authority include a high l e v e l p o s i t i o n to be occupied by a person with t r a i n i n g and experience i n s o c i a l welfare and/or community service f i e l d , to develop and maintain the neces-sary l i a i s o n ' between housing and welfare planning at the l o c a l level.24 B r i t i s h Experience: From Slum Clearance to "New Towns" Slum clearance i s an o l d story i n B r i t a i n ; from the f i r s t mass-tenement replacements i n the congested centres there has been a great v a r i e t y of experimentation i n a l l types of housing, group lay-outs, and large "estates". From central-area " c o u n c i l housing", the plans have progressed to large suburban dormitories (of which "Dagenham" i n London 23 I b i d . , Recommendation 3, page 7. 24 I b i d . , Recommendation 2, page 6. i s one of the best known), to c a r e f u l l y designed and landscaped projects, to a completely emancipated type of new community bu i l d i n g - the New Town (at f i r s t known as " s a t e l l i t e towns"). I t i s properly described as emancipated, because i t i s no longer housing alone, but concerned to b u i l d a l l the elements of a community, ensuring t h e i r s i t e s and provisions i n advance; and because i t makes a decisive break with "urban sprawl" by interposing a "greenbelt" (an area reserved from any b u i l d i n g other than for r u r a l purposes) between the main metropolis and the new r e s i d e n t i a l centre. S t a r t i n g with the pioneer developments of Letchworth (1903-4) and Welwyn (1920), the long-resisted arguments of planners, s o c i o l o g i s t s , a r c h i t e c t s , and enlightened c i t i z e n s have now won out. Nearly twenty, b u i l t or projected, New Towns are now i n actual operation i n B r i t a i n , and the p r i n c i p l e s are accepted and put into p r a c t i c e i n many other countries - Sweden, India, B r a z i l among them. In t h i s context, slum clearance becomes integrated not merely with c i t y welfare, but with metropolitan and even regional planning. This must be remembered i n reviewing a recent statement of p r i n c i p l e s which should govern the develop-ment of s o c i a l services i n New Towns: Dr. J . H. Nicholson, "New Communities i n B r i t a i n " , Housing Review. March-April, >1962. They are reproduced i n f u l l i n Appendix A. Since t h i s 22 degree of extension i s a far cry f o r agencies and governments concerned with welfare services i n Canada at present, not a l l the recommendations need be examined i n d e t a i l here. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to see, however, that the key person recommended for t h i s new dimension i n s o c i a l welfare coordination i s a "community development o f f i c e r " . Because of the enormous task involved i n planning the "New Towns", but also the major s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n s involved i n the transfer of large popula-tion s , there has been a very keen appreciation of the funda-mental r o l e of s o c i a l services i n a l l phases of planning and administration. The keynote i s provision within a community setting; but i t i s , of course, for ,a r e l a t i v e l y normal popula-t i o n not necessarily low-income, though wage earners are i n the majority. The Towns must furnish a wide array of services fo r a l l residents of a community, not only schools, parks, etc., but the provision of industry and employment as w e l l . As services and amenities are recognized as normal adjuncts to housing, t h i s means that close cooperation between housing and s o c i a l service i s almost taken f o r granted. The "community development o f f i c e r " i s perhaps as much a " g e n e r a l i s t " as a s p e c i a l i s t i n community organization. Scope and Method The present study s t a r t s from the assumption that with new as well as increased a c t i v i t y i n public housing and urban renewal a c t i v i t i e s i n England, the United States, and Canada, the time i s r i p e to review some of t h i s experience and assess i t s relevance to Canada. A l i b r a r y survey of the various publications now ava i l a b l e yielded a wide v a r i e t y of indepen-dent reports from many American c i t i e s , as we l l as c o l l e c t i o n s of a r t i c l e s , and national reports. The Journal of Housing (U. S.) and the Housing Review (Britain) are p a r t i c u l a r l y valuable as recorders of contemporary developments. The B r i t i s h material was not d i r e c t l y focussed on public housing; rather, they have emphasized the New Town approach to the needs for urban expansion and renewal. Wherever t h i s approach has p a r a l l e l s to American and Canadian public housing programs, i t has been incorporated i n the t o t a l study. Canadian experi-ence, p r i n c i p a l l y from Regent Park i n Toronto and conferences with welfare planning and housing personnel i n Vancouver, i s included. Because of the wealth of material a v a i l a b l e , i t became e s s e n t i a l to give the bulk of the time to American public housing reports, but t h i s seems j u s t i f i e d i n view of the greater s i m i l a r i t i e s between U. S. and Canadian condi-tions • To f a c i l i t a t e comprehension of the many divergent ques-tions which public housing now presents, i t was decided a f t e r experimentation to present the major experiences under three headings: a) welfare services, b) community implications, and _c) administrative implications, respectively. But i t was recognized, and i t w i l l be clear from the context, that there are many interconnections between these "subjects"• Chapter II thus attempts to answer: What are the social welfare implications of low-income families in the context of subsidized public housing, today? Chapter III reviews the neighbourhood and community implications of urban renewal and public housing in a comparative context of British, American, and Canadian experience. Chapter IV brings together a series of issues important for administration in public housing at local, community, and governmental levels. In the concluding chapter, an attempt i s made to c l a r i f y systematically the possible methods of coordinating urban renewal, public housing, and social welfare. Some local developments are brought into this in view of their relevance to the total comparative experience now coming into clearer light on this continent. * * * Since this study was initiated and in part financed under a Housing Bursary from Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, the director of the project, Dr. L. C. Marsh, has contributed editorial assistance to the report. 25 CHAPTER II FACING FAMILY WELFARE: WHAT KIND OF SERVICES? Better Understanding of the "Low-Income" Concept There has been a tendency i n the h i s t o r y of public housing i n North America to measure the value of the public housing program mainly i n economic terms. Urban renewal, low-rent housing developments, and subsidized home improvements have a l l been associated with the high costs of s e r v i c i n g deteriorated neighbourhoods and the i n a b i l i t y of the residents to a t t a i n better physical standards of housing by t h e i r inde-pendent e f f o r t s . Subsidization and public provision of housing have s i m i l a r l y been defined as primarily economic measures designed to supplement the purchasing power of the low-income group of f a m i l i e s , i n providing for t h e i r basic needs for food, clothing, and shelter. E s p e c i a l l y i n the United States with i t s longer experience i n providing subsidized housing, and i n Canada, there has been a growing awareness that the r e s t r i c t e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of public r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the economic welfare of low-income families does not take account of the s p e c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and needs associated with low-income status. We have, as a r e s u l t , been confronted with a degree of f a i l u r e i n a t t a i n i n g 26 t h e k i n d s o f c o m m u n i t i e s e n v i s a g e d when t h e l o w - r e n t p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o g r a m was i n i t i a t e d i n b o t h Canada and t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . T h i s p r o p e n s i t y f o r a s s i g n i n g a n a r r o w i n t e r p r e t a t i o n t o t h e g o a l s o f t h e l o w - r e n t h o u s i n g p r o g r a m has i t s o r i g i n s i n t h e a t t i t u d e s p r e v a i l i n g t o w a r d t h o s e i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s who a r e , f o r v a r i o u s r e a s o n s , u n a b l e t o p r o v i d e i n d e -p e n d e n t l y f o r t h e i r b a s i c n e e d s . T h a t i s , v e s t i g e s o f s u s p i c i o n and c o n d e m n a t i o n s t i l l l i n g e r t o w a r d t h o s e c i t i z e n s who a r e f i n a n c i a l l y dependent a n d who a r e u n a b l e t o move o u t o f c o n d i -t i o n s o f p o v e r t y . F a m i l i e s who a r e u n a b l e t o p u r c h a s e homes o r who c a n n o t pay t h e c o m p e t i t i v e r e n t s o f t h e p r i v a t e h o u s i n g m a r k e t f o r a d e q u a t e accommodation a r e o f t e n c o n s i d e r e d , f o r v a r i o u s r e a s o n s , t o be i r r e s p o n s i b l e and unworthy c i t i z e n s . They r e p r e s e n t " s o c i a l f a i l u r e s " b e c a u s e f i r s t l y , t h e y demon-s t r a t e v a r y i n g d e g r e e s o f f i n a n c i a l i n a d e q u a c y and s e c o n d l y , t h e y do n o t o r c a n n o t a s p i r e t o home o w n e r s h i p and must depend on t h e r e n t a l h o u s i n g m a r k e t w i t h i n t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f t h e i r r e s t r i c t e d i n c o m e s . The f a c t o f low income means t h e y a r e h a n d i c a p p e d on t h e r e n t a l h o u s i n g m a r k e t , and t h e y a r e t o t h i s e x t e n t u n a b l e t o demand accommodation o f a c c e p t e d s t a n d a r d s . T h e l o w - i n c o m e f a m i l y , u n a b l e t o compete o n t h e p r i v a t e r e n t a l m a r k e t and dependent on p u b l i c h o u s i n g f o r adequate s h e l t e r , i s t h e r e f o r e o f t e n s u b j e c t t o t h e a t t i t u d e s p r e v a i l i n g t o w a r d 27 d e p e n d e n t p e r s o n s a s " s e c o n d - r a t e " a n d " i n a d e q u a t e " c i t i z e n s . B e c a u s e o f t h e s e a t t i t u d e s p r e v a i l i n g t o w a r d l o w - i n c o m e f a m i l i e s , t h e p u r p o s e s a n d a i m s o f t h e h o u s i n g p r o g r a m h a v e t o some e x t e n t b e e n i n i t i a l l y l i m i t e d . U n t i l r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t l y , t h e r e h a s b e e n some h e s i t a n c y i n r e c o g n i z i n g a n d c o n s i d e r i n g t h e n a t u r e o f t h e p r o b l e m s e v i d e n t i n f a m i l i e s b e n e f i t t i n g f r o m t h e l o w - r e n t h o u s i n g p r o g r a m , a n d some u n c e r -t a i n t y i n d e l i n e a t i n g t h e b a s i c s o c i a l p u r p o s e s i t i s h o p e d t o a c h i e v e b y t h e p r o g r a m . A n a s s o c i a t e d d i f f i c u l t y w i t h t h e l o w - i n c o m e g r o u p o f f a m i l i e s i s t h e p a r t i c u l a r d e v e l o p m e n t o f s o c i a l w e l f a r e s e r v i c e s , b o t h i n C a n a d a a n d t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . T h i s h a s t e n d e d t o f o l l o w t h e l i n e s o f s p e c i a l i z a t i o n a n d i n d i v i d u a l i z e d s e r v i c e s , a r i s i n g f r o m e a r l i e r e x p e r i e n c e w i t h p r i v a t e c h a r i t y a n d v o l u n t a r y w e l f a r e m o v e m e n t s . T h e r e a r e c o n s e q u e n t l y p a r t i -c u l a r d i f f i c u l t i e s i n d e v e l o p i n g a n i n t e g r a t i o n o f e f f o r t a n d p u r p o s e a n d i n f o c u s s i n g o n c o m m u n i t y n e e d s a s d i s t i n c t f r o m s p e c i a l o r i n d i v i d u a l n e e d s . U r b a n r e n e w a l p r o g r a m s , a s w i t h o t h e r m o r e i n c l u s i v e a n d n a t i o n a l s o c i a l w e l f a r e p r o g r a m s , m e t w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e r e s i s t a n c e a n d a p p r e h e n s i o n b e c a u s e o f t h e i r n o v e l t y a n d t h e i r c o n t r a s t t o p r e v i o u s s p e c i a l i z e d a n d i n d i v i d u a l i z e d p r o g r a m s . U r b a n r e n e w a l p r o g r a m s r e p r e s e n t a m a j o r c o n c e r t e d e f f o r t t o o v e r c o m e t h e p e r s i s t e n c e o f s l u m n e i g h b o u r h o o d s a n d a b j e c t p o v e r t y , b u t t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e 28 l i e s i n the purpose they hold - that of community betterment rather than simply the improvement of the i n d i v i d u a l families who l i v e i n these deteriorated neighbourhoods. This marks a major development i n the attack on the problem of poverty, but i t has not been followed through to a complete and con-certed program of action. Urban renewal or slum clearance has tended to be defined i n terms of removal of deteriorated physical surroundings and the construction of new, planned structures. Low-rent public housing has followed as a suitable second step i n the urban renewal program, as a means of supplying adequate and modern housing for the poverty-stricken families displaced from the slum neighbourhood. What has occurred, consequently, i s that the program, while embodying the p r i n c i p l e of public r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the broad community welfare, has r e s t r i c t e d i t s e l f to attacking the economic and physical aspects of the slum environment. The families who are displaced by t h i s program are, accordingly, dealt with i n these terms; the s o c i a l and neighbourhood needs they exhibit have not been of d i r e c t and ce n t r a l concern. This dilemma i s now being recognized to some extent by the reaffirmation of purposes on the part of both the public housing organizations and public welfare agencies. Both have as t h e i r goals the achievement of sound community and family l i f e ; both point to sim i l a r problems as t h e i r objects of 29 concern. Both the urban renewal program and the pub l i c wel fare serv ices are d i rec ted to the a l l e v i a t i o n of the e f fec ts of poor housing, inadequate neighbourhoods and underdeveloped community f a c i l i t i e s . Understanding of the concept of "low-income" when appl ied to fami l ies d isp laced by the at tack on deter iorated neighbour-hoods, then, must include more than the economic problems they present . Experience wi th low-rent pub l i c housing develop-ments has emphasized t h i s w i th pa in fu l c l a r i t y when the develop-ments have f a i l e d to produce in tegra ted, s tab le communities fo r the fami l i es inhab i t ing them. The f i r s t step i s to take a c loser look at the cha rac te r i s t i c s associated w i th low-income f a m i l i e s . Low income can be a resu l tan t of severa l fac tors but i t i s poss ib le to spec i fy the d i f f i c u l t i e s that are most f requent ly found. Housing pro jects suggest s i x that are important: 1. Low income as poor earn ing-capaci tv . In t h i s ins tance, r e s t r i c t e d income i s the r esu l t of lack of marketable work s k i l l s , or a r esu l t of poor economic and employment opportuni-t i e s i n the community. Poor educat ion, lack of vocat iona l t r a i n i ng and experience, lack of mob i l i t y because of fami ly t i e s , and poor mot ivat ion to improve or s t a b i l i z e vocat iona l competence may be among the cons t i tuen ts . 30 2. Low income due to excessive dependents. The family with many dependent children, or excessive expenses due to medical, educational, n u t r i t i o n a l or other needs of the members, or both, may be forced into insolvency or into slum l i v i n g . A "middle range" income i n such a family may be rendered "low income" because of siz e or spe c i a l needs of i t s members. The housing needs of such a family are p a r t i c u -l a r l y hard to s a t i s f y at adequate rents, and are often inade-quate i n standard when found. 3. Low income due to absence of breadwinner. The family which i s "broken" due to separation, divorce, or death i s most obviously deprived of the income of the normal bread-winner. The wife l e f t without resources may enter the labor market but i s not l i k e l y to earn much, and her working may handicap the home l i f e of the children. 4. Low income due to incapacity of breadwinner. The family with chronic i l l n e s s , physical or mental handicaps where the breadwinner i s affected, i s dependent on public funds and has, as a r e s u l t , r e s t r i c t e d f i n a n c i a l capacity. 5. Low income due to poor management. The family where budgetting and long-range planning of income i s absent has r e s t r i c t e d f i n a n c i a l capacity for meeting i t s needs for food, shelter, and clothing. 6. Low income due to marginal employment. This family i s subject to seasonal v a r i a t i o n s i n employment and i n monthly income. For instance, persons employed on a part-time basis or i n seasonal industries are affected i n t h i s way. These conditions, i n varying combinations, are found i n the low-income families displaced by urban renewal or who apply on t h e i r own for subsidized public housing. They present varying needs above and beyond physical shelter at a cost appropriate to t h e i r a b i l i t y to pay, ranging from medical, vocational, educational, homemaking, and employment services, to mention a few. Many who move into low-rent housing present no s p e c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s beyond the need for adequate shelter at a reasonable cost, while i n several cases, they present "problems" for t h e i r neighbours, the management, and the wider community. The f a c t of low income and r e s t r i c t e d purchasing power i n these families means that they are more c r i t i c a l l y dependent on public or community services. They are dependent on the Housing Authority for low-rent housing that i s adequate for t h e i r needs and proportionate to t h e i r income. They are i n varying proportions dependent on public welfare funds, accord-ing to the incidence of broken, handicapped, or unemployed families i n each project. They are dependent on the community's health services, such as the out-patient departments of 32 hospitals or the health services of the public welfare agency. Because of the large number of dependent children, they are more dependent than most on the community's educational system and i t s r e c r e a t i o n a l resources. Because of the basic vocational handicaps, prognosis for increased income or greater indepen-dence i s poor. Excessive family s i z e , families broken by death, desertion, divorce, parents handicapped by physical or mental conditions, and poor work s k i l l s are not conditions which can be d i r e c t l y improved by subsidized housing. "Public housing" for these f a m i l i e s means apartment l i v i n g i n most cases, and presents for them a c e r t a i n amount of "exposure" or v i s i b i l i t y of t h e i r problems and d i f f i c u l t i e s . In addition, p u b l i c housing developments tend to be situated i n c e n t r a l c i t y areas where high land values are apt to r e s t r i c t the amount of physical space provided. Multi-family dwellings i n close proximity, often i n one major l o c a t i o n , concentrates the d i f f i c u l t i e s of low-income families and i n some cases, creates new problems. Apartment l i v i n g , for instance, i n t e n s i f i e s the need for greater r e l i a n c e on public r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s and community spaces outside the project. One v i v i d l y - p u t view comes from New York where t h i s concentration i s at i t s highest: Too often the towering masonry of a public housing project has become the modem symbol of the poor-house. I t s r i g i d income l i m i t a t i o n s have branded the occupants as poor i n r e l a t i o n to the community. 33 By d e f i n i t i o n , no family was there that had been able to improve i t s circumstances to the point of r i s i n g beyond i t s l i m i t s for e l i g i b i l i t y , , Those who f e l t they must stay, because nothing else was available within reach of any income they might hope to command, had an incentive not to improve t h e i r l o t . Moreover, occupants are a group weighted by the various adversities asso-cia t e d with c h r o n i c a l l y low income families broken by death, desertion and divorce; impoverished by chronic d i s a b i l i t i e s , p h y s i c a l , mental and emo-t i o n a l ; handicapped as newcomers by t h e i r ignorance of the s k i l l s and other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s desired i n the community.^ There has not been enough public housing i n any c i t y i n Canada, even i n Toronto where the developments are largest, to make t h i s an obtrusive s i t u a t i o n i n t h i s country. Never-theless, the danger exists that the gathering of families i n one housing development by v i r t u e of low incomes may inten-s i f y c e r t a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to the detriment of the families and of the surrounding community. Poverty, f i n a n c i a l depen-dency or inadequacy may be accentuated i f low-income families are segregated; the purpose of "i n t e g r a t i n g these families into the t o t a l community l i f e " i s harder rather than easier. I f the families exhibit various degrees of disorganization and "problem" behavior, so much the worse. In the United States some public housing developments have already been stigmatized as "hotbeds" and "breeding grounds" for problem behavior• 1 National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, A New Look at Public Housing. New York, 1958, pages 4-5. 34 In the face of these opinions, i t i s e s s e n t i a l to recog-nize that not a l l low-income families are necessarily "problem" f a m i l i e s . Public housing families have low incomes or moderate incomes, i n some Canadian developments. The "problems", how-ever, need discriminating attention. Experience i n public housing indicates the following descriptions are u s e f u l : 1. Low-income families with no "problems" that concern the housing management or the community. Their main need iis decent housing; with t h i s provided, they are "normalized", and "no trouble to anybody". 2. "Problem f a m i l i e s " , so designated from a management point of view. Experience shows that three categories of these problems can be distinguished: (a) housekeeping stan-dards and property maintenance, (b) rent-paying habits, and (c) r e l a t i o n s h i p s with neighbours, where behaviour of adults and children i s disturbing to other tenants and leads to complaints to the management. 3. "Multi-problem f a m i l i e s " proper. These families are both management and community problems, e x h i b i t i n g severely disorganized behaviors which c a l l for s p e c i a l i z e d professional attention from community agencies. These families usually exhibit a long h i s t o r y of contacts with several agencies p r i o r to t h e i r a r r i v i n g i n the housing development. There are, then, d i f f e r e n t kinds of low-income families i n public housing. To focus simply on the fac t of low income overlooks the m u l t i p l i c i t y of factors underlying t h i s condi-t i o n , and to provide purely an economic solution to these families overlooks the p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that a f f e c t t h e i r adjustment to the low-rent public housing development. General C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Low-Income Families i n Public Housing Low-rent public housing i n North America has been an innovation by a l l l e v e l s of government: i t s int e n t i o n i s to improve the standards of family l i f e of low-income f a m i l i e s . This statement, simple as i t sounds, has been poorly understood and improperly interpreted by the welfare agencies, housing bodies, some government spokesmen, and the general community over the past several years of experience with t h i s program, U. S, writers are increasingly suggesting the fact of low income has been overemphasized at the expense of considering the factors creating or maintaining t h i s s i t u a t i o n , and at the expense of considering the implications of the fact that the cent r a l issue i s family welfare. not simply f i n a n c i a l capacity. By and large, the families found i n low-rent public housing exhibit p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n composition not found to the same extent i n the general community. To begin with, these families on the whole have several dependent children, and are usually i n the e a r l i e r stages of family l i f e of educating and bringing up t h e i r c h i l d r e n . An analysis 36 of the tenant population i n the public housing developments of Metropolitan Boston indicated that, i n comparison with the general population, the tenants exhibited a notably higher proportion of dependent children and low incomes and a pro-portionately lower incidence of parents per family. The implications are that, A public housing project has some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a community, although i t may lack some of the most e s s e n t i a l features of a normal community. Public housing projects, however, d i f f e r markedly from small towns with the same population. Public housing residents cannot exercise the same degree of control over the services with which they are provided (education, p o l i c e , f i r e , e t c . ) . Their lower economic and s o c i a l status, combined with an imbalanced age and family composition, make them a more vulnerable community. The existence of serious s o c i a l problems among some residents has further created a negative image i n the eyes of the r e s t of the community - and perhaps more important - i n the eyes of the residents themselves.^ A s i m i l a r analysis recently conducted i n Boston by the 4 Community Services Center indicated that i n t h e i r South End Housing Project they had 507 apartment units serving a t o t a l population of 1850 persons. Of these, 300 were under age 5, 450 were between ages 5 to 12, 380 were between ages 12 to 21, 2 Robert Perlman, A Review of S o c i a l Service Programs Conduc  ted bv Settlement Houses i n Public Housing Developments i n the  Boston Area. United Community Services of Metropolitan Boston, Boston, Mass., February 1962. 3 I b i d . , page 6. 4 F i r s t Evaluation Report of the Community Services Center  Operating i n the South End Housing Project. September 1960 to October 1961, Boston, Mass., 1961. and 170 were over age 65, This gives a proportion of 470 persons between age 21 to 65 as against 1210 persons below the age of 21. In C i n c i n n a t i , ^ a survey of eight projects serving 4988 families comprising a t o t a l population of 19,500 showed that of t h i s population, 10,935 were between the ages of 1 to 17. Forty-three per cent of the families were wholly or i n part dependent on public welfare. These rough analyses appear reasonably consistent i n showing the proportion of the tenant populations i n the various age ranges f o r most public housing developments i n other areas, and point to the fa c t that these housing developments comprise a unique age and family composition, e s p e c i a l l y when considered i n the context of high density multi-dwelling buildings. Housing developments are i n t h i s sense "created communities" which, while embodying modern and adequate standards of space and layout i n apartment design for family u n i t s , are p a r t i c u l a r l y prone to a form of "project poverty" by which community and public spaces and f a c i l i t i e s may be poorly provided. A s o c i a l worker 5 Mrs. Mary Gray Couzins, " C i n c i n n a t i - Coordinating Tenant A c t i v i t i e s and Referrals", pages 51-54, i n Change f o r the  Better - Helping People Change Through Housing and Urban  Renewal, N. A. H. R. 0., Washington, D . C , 1962. 38 6 employed i n New York's M i l l Brook Houses, i n analyzing the families r e f e r r e d to her department during a one-year period, found that out of a t o t a l of 1254 f a m i l i e s , 363 or roughly t h i r t y per cent required professional help for a wide range of "problems". Out of these 363 f a m i l i e s , 58 were "broken" or one-parent f a m i l i e s . Another s o c i a l worker reporting from Syracuse, New York7 found that of the 24 families she served i n a one-year period i n public housing, a dispropor-tionate number of children r e l a t i v e to adults i n the families was evident. The 24 families represented a t o t a l number of 139 persons, 105 of which were dependent ch i l d r e n . Thirteen, or over h a l f , of the families had no fathers. Also, one-half of a l l the family heads i n t h i s group of 24 were under 29 years of age. Three problems consistently recurred i n the families by which they were c l a s s i f i e d as "problem f a m i l i e s " - money management, low education and vocational s k i l l , and unsatis-factory family r e l a t i o n s h i p s and c h i l d - r e a r i n g standards. In comparing the experiences of these two s o c i a l workers i n p u blic housing and the "problem" families encountered, i t i s clear that broken f a m i l i e s , young parents and many 6 Mrs. Zetta Putter, "New York: Report of Contact with Fami-l i e s - M i l l Brook Houses", pages.67-76 i n Change for the  Better.... op. c i t . 7 Mrs. Janet Weinandy, "Syracuse: Families under Stress", pages 77-93 i n Change for the Better.... op. c i t . 3 9 children recur as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of families known as "problems". The proportion of adults to children i s var i a b l e according to s p e c i f i c projects, as i s the incidence of broken or one-parent f a m i l i e s . The families r e f e r r e d to s o c i a l workers, i t must be remembered, are not necessarily "multi-problem f a m i l i e s " nor are they necessarily representative of the whole tenant popula-t i o n . In some projects the s o c i a l worker may provide a " r e f e r r a l " service to those families r e q u i r i n g professional agency services, and be d i r e c t l y involved i n working with those families who are only "management problems". In another project, s o c i a l workers may be providing d i r e c t casework services to seriously disorganized families i n which case t h e i r " c l i e n t e l e " might very w e l l r e f l e c t a much d i f f e r e n t range of "problems" dealt with, and a much d i f f e r e n t propor-t i o n of broken and handicapped f a m i l i e s . This indicates the need for a general survey of the families i n public housing i n order that the "problem f a m i l i e s " can be seen i n the cleare r perspective of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s evident i n the t o t a l tenant population. U n t i l now there does not seem to be such a general survey which incorporates both the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a l l families i n public housing and those characterizing the "problem" f a m i l i e s . The observation to be underlined i n considering these families i s not so much the f a c t of low income i n r e l a t i o n to housing as i t i s the r e s u l t s of low income for family l i f e and the factors present i n these families which make low income a continuing part of t h e i r l i v e s . Large f a m i l i e s , one-parent families and a concentration of children and adolescents point to the necessity for considering the s p e c i a l needs of these families beyond the necessity for adequate 8 shelter at low r e n t a l s . I r v i n g K r i e g s f i e l d , w r i t i n g about San Francisco, on what he terms the " f a l l a c i e s " about low-income families i n public housing points out a contrasting view - the tendency to assume that " a l l poor people are •good' people". He argues we must now r e a l i z e that many people i n "poverty" are incapable of changing t h e i r p o s i t i o n s , whether they are c h r o n i c a l l y handicapped p h y s i c a l l y , emotionally, or mentally. He points to s i m i l a r r e a l i t i e s i n regard to three very important assumptions. These are (a) that community agencies can supply the needed s o c i a l services to public housing, (b) that management can control tenant "problems" through regulations and d i r e c t i v e s , and (c) that e v i c t i o n of severely disorganized problem families i s a v a l i d answer to continued d i f f i c u l t y . These are issues which are c l e a r l y a r i s i n g i n Canadian low-rent public housing now, and require 8 Executive D i r e c t o r , Mission Neighborhood Centers Inc., San Francisco. Views on Public Housing. Housing and Home Finance Agency, Washington, D. C , 1960, page 76. 41 further exploration i n t h i s chapter. Special Handicaps and Problems of Low-Income Families Not a l l low-income families present "problem" behavior. V a r i a b i l i t y i n standards of i n d i v i d u a l and family behavior i s as true of the low-income family as i t i s of the middle-or high-income families i n our communities. For instance, mental disease, physical i l l n e s s e s and handicaps, delinquency and many other conditions occur i n wealthy neighbourhoods as they do i n poorer ones. The tendency i s , however, to f i n d a higher incidence of s o c i a l problems and s o c i a l disorganiza-t i o n i n low-income and le s s prosperous neighbourhoods. There are obvious reasons when, as already indicated, low income can be a t t r i b u t e d to broken or one-parent f a m i l i e s , to r e s t r i c -ted vocational s k i l l and low education, to ph y s i c a l and mental handicaps, and to casual, i r r e g u l a r or seasonal employ-ment . Perhaps the greatest handicap of the low-income family i s the framework of attitudes directed toward i t . The associa-t i o n of inadequacy and "low c l a s s " status with.low income i s one of the most p e r s i s t i n g problems i n s o c i a l welfare and has handicapped the extent to which preventive, remedial and r e h a b i l i t a t i v e measures have been developed. In public housing, an economic in t e r p r e t a t i o n of the low-income family's "need" has s i m i l a r l y exerted a serious r e s t r a i n t on considera-tions of the conditions and limitations evident in these fami-l i e s that create, perpetuate and aggravate their low-income status. There has been a developing awareness on the part of housing and social work staffs in various public housing developments that low-income families exhibit special problems and special needs. From this experience i t has been possible to distinguish the non-problem low-income family, the "manage-ment problem" family, and the multi-problem family. This last i s more particularly the concern of the specialized community agencies, although housing management i s presented with an equally perplexing problem by their presence in public housing. We have mentioned that low-income status can often be attributed to physical and mental handicaps, broken marriages, nonmarketable work s k i l l s and an excessive number of young children in a family unit relative to income. This, in turn, points to the dependence of low-income families on publicly- sponsored services and f a c i l i t i e s , ranging from their housing need to medical, educational and recreational services. In addition, low-income families who have previously lived in deteriorated and disorganized neighbourhoods often present special problems of individual aid family behavior which are of concern to housing managements and community agencies alike. 4 3 Several housing developments in the United States have noted particular d i f f i c u l t i e s in their low-income families which are indicative of a more widespread concern in public housing in both the United States and Canada. In Syracuse, New York, a l i s t i n g of the most problematic conditions in their public housing families included i l l i t e r a c y , illegitimate children, child care methods and standards, various forms of marital conflict, employment, financial and household management, 9 and individual behavior disorders. The presence of many children in a family and the necessity for some mothers to work outside the home presents a particular problem for the care and supervision of young children. Low levels of educa-tion and much unemployment present a serious handicap to a family's prospects for achieving independence of public welfare funds and public housing. Domestic problems of poor house-keeping standards are directly of concern to the housing manager, and poor financial management presents a serious problem both for the housing manager and the families concerned. Associated with poor financial management i s the often found accumulation of debts and payments which exerts an extra pres-sure on the low-income family. 9 Mrs. Janet Weinandy, "Syracuse: Families under Stress", pages 7 7 - 9 3 in Change for•the Better.... loc. c i t . 44 In B o s t o n , ^ the s t a f f of the Community Services Center compiled a l i s t of the major problems presented by low-income families i n the South End Housing Project. While the problems singled out f o r attention are s u b s t a n t i a l l y the same as f o r the Syracuse report c i t e d e a r l i e r , there i s some further refinement evident. They l i s t e d as the main problems the following: 1. Homemaking and housekeeping. Domestic budgetting and household standards were found as frequent d i f f i c u l t i e s . 2. A n t i - s o c i a l behavior by teen-agers and young adults. Vandalism, gambling, and general rowdiness were frequent complaints. 3. Problems with non-supervised children. Here both fi g h t s among children and among t h e i r parents were found. 4. Complaints against management, e s p e c i a l l y a t t r i b u t i n g blame for the v a r i e t y of s o c i a l problems between tenants and between children. 5. Rac i a l f r i c t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y among teen-agers who divided the project grounds into " t e r r i t o r i e s " . 6. School drop-outs, e s p e c i a l l y among boys. They found the c i t y average drop-out rate for boys was 35%, while i n public housing i t was 45%. 10 F i r s t Evaluation Report of the Community Services Center  Operating i n the South End Housing Project. Boston, Mass., 1961, page 5. 7. Problems in the public schools. Especially prominent was a discipline problem with children from public housing, and poor communication between project parents and the schools. 8. Lack of recreational f a c i l i t i e s . This included both outdoor f a c i l i t i e s for the under-21 age group, and indoor f a c i l i t i e s for the winter. As a result, much "hanging around" and vandalism was found. 9« Leadership. Tenant leadership was d i f f i c u l t to develop, since i t was found that those who took leadership roles usually l e f t public housing earliest. 10. Dependency. Some forty per cent of families were in receipt of social allowance. Aside from this, they found heavy reliance on public medical resources, and continuing need for the rent subsidy. 11. Availability of community services. While Boston has a complex of agencies and community services, they were poorly integrated and often not readily available. In addition, i t was noted that, on the whole, low-income families in public housing are reticent to seek public social services in the community, especially those with marital, financial management, teen-ager and other behavior problems. The Boston study also indicated that teen-agers were a particular problem in that employability was poor for most, the school drop-out rate was higher than the city average, and drinking, gambling, 46 and sexual promiscuity were evident. They found that twenty-two per cent of their teen-age boys had at some time been before the Juvenile Court, and f i f t y per cent of them lacked fathers. 11 In a survey of those families who l e f t low-rent public housing, the following observation was made on the special characteristics of low-income families. Broken families, for example:, are over-represented among low-income families; the project as a social entity i s affected by such families when the mother, necessarily absent as breadwinner, i s unable to supervise her children during her working hours. Families drawing public benefits or assistance are - though not necessarily "problem" families -at least "different", by virtue of the handicaps which create their dependency. Their presence in force differentiates the project from an average residential cluster, i f only by a relative concentra-tion of non-worker adults and the effect of this upon the social situation of the project.12 . . . . i • . This tendency to find a higher proportion of non-employed adults, of working mothers and unemployed teen-agers in public housing may exert an undermining influence on the total tenant population in general and on individual families in particular. The public housing development, by virtue of the characteristics associated with low-income status families, can present a marginally functioning adult community as a model for the youth and children residing in i t , and can exert 11 Mobility and Motivations: Survey of Families Moving from  Low-Rent Housing, Public Housing Administration, Housing and Home Finance Agency, Washington, D. C , April 1958. 12 Ibid., page 26. 47 serious limitations on the aspirations and achievements of both the youth and the adults. There has been increasing awareness that these special characteristics and handicaps of low-income families do not change simply by the provision of low-income housing and removal from a deteriorated neighbourhood into a new and modern one. The converse i s often more repre-sentative of actual experience, where the low-income family's characteristics exert a negative and undermining influence on other tenant family members, thereby actually negating the positive benefits that might accrue from subsidized accommodation in a modern environment. How Far Are They Problem Families? Low-income families have generic characteristics of inadequate income, large or excessive size of family in rela-tion to income, and poor earning-capacity in relation to family size or needs, in varying combinations. These characteristics are, in themselves, not "problems" in the sense that i s commonly referred to. A definition of the "problem family" in low-rent public housing must include some reference to situations, conditions, behaviors or handicaps that in some way re s t r i c t the family's functioning as a unit in accomplishing i t s goals and purposes in relation to the total community in which i t exists. In this context, low-income of the family i s alleviated as a "problem" by the provision of subsidized low-rent housing. Other problems such as unsound household and money management, anti-social behavior of children, persistent physical and mental diseases, chronic unemployment and broken families have important social implications for the youth, individual families, total tenant community and the neighbourhood surrounding the public housing project. To a great extent, "problem families" in public housing is a new name for an old problem. Low-income families moving into public housing developments are faced with a certain amount of exposure, since behaviors previously not considered problematic in older neighbourhoods are more clearly unaccept-able and inappropriate in the new one. The public, generally, sets a higher standard of behavior for the public housing development than for the slum, and in this way obligates the low-income family to alter some of i t s previous patterns as a condition of residence in subsidized housing. Associated with this better standard of behavior expected in public housing i s a certain amount of confusion and contro-versy as to how to achieve this in low-income families being admitted to a housing development. In part this i s a result of incomplete planning and a lack of readily available informa-tion on the problems and needs of low-income families. The term "problem family" creates a certain amount of confusion in the minds of many persons, since there are varying 49 interpretations of what i s a "problem" - for the family, for the housing manager, and for the community. I t may be a "complaining family" from the point of view of other tenants, or an a n t i - s o c i a l family from the point of view of the community. The d i f f i c u l t i e s that constitute a "problem family" are f a r from uniform, and the numbers of such families i s not accurately known. Among the best known, and c e r t a i n l y one of the most compre-hensive d e f i n i t i o n s of problem families i s that developed by 13 the "Family Centered Project" of St. Paul, Minnesota, con-ducted under the auspices of Community Research Associates, Inc. This d e f i n i t i o n was developed for purposes of conducting a survey of the incidence of multi-problem families i n St. Paul and has subsequently been u t i l i z e d i n several c i t i e s , including Vancouver. A "family" i s defined as one or more parents l i v i n g with a dependent c h i l d or children under the age of 18. A "problem" was defined as a formally recognized and recorded s i t u a t i o n , usually by community health, welfare, l e g a l and education agencies, i n three major areas. These were (1) economic dependency, (2) health problems, and (3) behavior maladjustment i n adults or children, or both. Each "problem area" was operationally defined so that family situations 13 L. L. Geismar and Beverly Ayres, Patterns of Change i n Problem Families, Family Centered Project, Greater St. Paul Community Chest and Councils, Inc., St. Paul, Minnesota, 1959. 50 defined as "problems" met with some standard of uniformity i n extent and seriousness. This was accomplished by r e l y i n g on agency records, so that each "problem" was recognized by agencies as one requiring o f f i c i a l attention and help. "Economic dependency" i n a family was therefore r e f l e c t e d by the fact that the family was r e c e i v i n g f i n a n c i a l assistance from the p u b l i c welfare o f f i c e . "Health problems" were r e f l e c -ted by the current records of a l l health (including mental health) agencies p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the survey. "Behavior maladjustment" i s a more i n c l u s i v e area, and includes such factors as records of crime, delinquency, mental i l l n e s s , alcoholism, c h i l d neglect and truancy as continuing problems i n a family. A "multi-problem" family i s defined as one i n where two or more "problems" are current, out of the three areas possible. By using t h i s c r i t e r i o n , such a survey i s immediately l i m i t e d to those families who are currently and obviously under stress i n at least two very s i g n i f i c a n t areas of family functioning. By documenting these "multi-problem f a m i l i e s " and analyzing the h i s t o r y of agency contacts, the m u l t i p l i c i t y of problems present i n them and the number of agencies cur-r e n t l y providing services to each family, i t was possible to demonstrate the very close i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between problem areas i n any one family and the lack of planning and cooperation 51 between the several s p e c i a l i z e d agencies serving the f a m i l i e s . The St. Paul project indicated that the multi-problem family required a disproportionate amount of the community's resources and that t y p i c a l l y several s o c i a l and community agencies were involved i n providing services to the same family, without substantial improvement i n the families even where service had extended over several generations. Similar studies have since been conducted i n major centers i n the United States and Canada, and treatment programs employing new techniques and methods of s e r v i c i n g these families have been developed. Since the multi-problem families are frequently also low-income fa m i l i e s , they are e l i g i b l e f o r and admitted to public housing. In Vancouver, a survey conducted i n June, 1960 of fourteen public and priva t e agencies i n the c i t y indicated that these 14 agencies were serving 1407 d i f f e r e n t multi-problem f a m i l i e s . On the basis of the June 1960 findings, the authors estimated that some 2100 to 2800 multi-problem families are served i n t h i s community i n any one year. The Vancouver survey used an adapted form of the d e f i n i t i o n of multi-problem families as developed i n St. Paul, but which r e f l e c t s e s s e n t i a l l y the same data. A "family" was i d e n t i f i e d as one or more parents with at l e a s t one c h i l d r e s i d i n g at home who was under the age 14 Beverly Ayres and Joseph C. Lagey, Checklist Survey of  Multi-Problem Families i n Vancouver C i t y , Research Department, Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, Vancouver, B. C , 1961, page 3. 52 of 18. Each family had to be registered with the reporting agency,and give evidence of two or more "problems". These were defined as (1) a serious behavior problem i n at l e a s t one of the following areas: (a) v e r i f i e d c h i l d neglect, (b) j u v e n i l e delinquency, (c) any other serious current behavior problem of adults or children, or both; and (2) either a serious health or economic problem. Thus a multi-problem family, using t h i s d e f i n i t i o n , would have recognized problems i n at l e a s t two and as many as f i v e v i t a l areas of family functioning. In the June I960 sample i n Vancouver, i t was found that the average length of time a family was active with the reporting agency was 3.7 years. Of the 1407 multi-problem families i d e n t i f i e d , 88.1 per cent had an "economic" problem, 43.4 per cent had a "health" problem, 27.5 per cent were families with " c h i l d neglect" and 20.3 per cent had a j u v e n i l e delinquency problem. In 89.8 per cent of the f a m i l i e s , a "serious behavior problem" i n either adults or children was found. '~ The Vancouver Checklist Survey included an analysis of the proportion of agency caseloads i d e n t i f i e d as multi-problem i n June 1960, which i s i n s t r u c t i v e i n showing that not a l l families registered with agencies are "multi-problem", and that the proportion of caseloads dealing with these families varies by agencies, both public and p r i v a t e . 53 TABLE I PROPORTION OF AGENCY CASELOADS IDENTIFIED AS MULTI-PROBLEM, VANCOUVER CITY, JUNE, 1960 Agency To t a l Number  "Caseload" M-P Per  June. 1960 Families Cent D e f i n i t i o n Of "Caseload" Gordon Neigh-borhood House Ci t y S o c i a l Ser-v i c e Department Alexandra Neigh-borhood House Big Brothers 17 597 99 95 Metropolitan Health Committee 1,569 14 82.4 Integrated Ser-v i c e cases only Only "unemployed-259 43.4 unemployable" with 3 or more family members Join t family 42 42.4 service cases 35 36.8 A l l active and pending cases Three mental 420 26.8 hygiene cate-gories and family h i s t o r i e s Juvenile and Family Court Alcoholism Foundation 1,348 84 358 26.6 A l l open cases 22 26.2 Cases seen during month Family Service Agency 372 Catholic Children's A i d Society 123 84 22.6 A l l open cases A l l open family 23 18.7 cases Children's A i d Society 1,100 195 17.7 A l l open family cases (continued) TABLE I (Continued) To t a l Number Agency Mental Health Center Boys' Clubs Catholic Family Services "Caseload" M-P  June. 1960 Families 98 1,415 100 12 132 Vancouver General Hospital S o c i a l Service Department 1,000 79 A l l Agencies: 8,017 1,684 Per  Cent 12.3 9.3 9.0 7.9 21.0 54 D e f i n i t i o n Of "Caseload" A l l open cases A l l boys registered A l l open cases A l l active s o c i a l service cases Source: Checklist Survey of Multi-Problem Families i n Vancouver  C i t y , op. c i t . , page 23. The authors point out that some agencies reporting only " p a r t i a l " caseloads or selected cases i n the survey n a t u r a l l y show a higher proportion of multi-problem f a m i l i e s . On the other hand, the Big Brothers have a very high proportion considering that the t o t a l caseload has been analyzed. The o v e r a l l average for a l l agencies, 21 per cent of caseloads, represents a substantial proportion of families receiving service. These examples point up the importance of d e f i n i t i o n i n deciding the "weight" of multi-problem families - t h i s i s equally -important f o r public housing projects. The Vancouver survey pl o t t e d the multi-problem families by residence on a c i t y map to indicate the d i s t r i b u t i o n s and incidence of the families by census t r a c t s and geographical loc a t i o n s . This revealed a s i g n i f i c a n t trend, since the multi-problem families resided i n the "False Greek C i r c l e " which has f i r s t p r i o r i t y i n the c i t y ' s plan for urban redevelop-ment, and i n the two d i s t r i c t s where low-rent public housing projects have been b u i l t . The authors found that " i n the eastern and southern areas of the c i t y the incidence of fam i l i e s increases, but does not approach the density of the "False Creek C i r c l e " except i n two rather noticeable places, one i n Tract 33, the L i t t l e Mountain low r e n t a l housing develop-' 1 5 ment and another i n Tract 48, the Orchard Park development." The authors comment on "one obvious implication, that location  of low r e n t a l housing w i l l l a r g e l y determine the loc a t i o n of  multi-problem f a m i l i e s , most of whom are i n marginal or sub- marginal economic circumstances."^ This i s c l e a r l y evidence to suggest that while low-income families are by no means a l l multi-problem f a m i l i e s , the loc a t i o n of housing f o r persons of low income w i l l n a t u r a l l y a t t r a c t the multi-problem family because of i t s low income. I t suggests further that urban redevelopment programs that provide low-rent accommodation for displaced families are immediately involved with these 15 Ibi d . , page 34. 16 I b i d . , page 34, underlining added. f a m i l i e s , as are the housing authorities who are charged with the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of providing the new accommodation. For t h i s reason, i t i s of v i t a l importance for planning bodies, as i t i s f o r welfare agencies and housing a u t h o r i t i e s at a l l l e v e l s , to have accurate and informative data on the families being displaced by urban renewal and being admitted to public housing. Unfortunately, the Vancouver Checklist Survey does not s p e c i f i c a l l y pinpoint the incidence of multi-problem families i n the public housing projects i n proportion to the t o t a l tenant population, but t h i s should c e r t a i n l y be pursued i n a further general survey. A study of "hard core" families i n New York's St. Nicholas Houses, a low-rent public housing p r o j e c t , ^ employed s i m i l a r categories of problem behavior to define the problem family as used i n the studies above. The problem family i n t h i s study was characterized by serious problems i n one or more of the following areas: (a) M a r i t a l (b) Housekeeping and Rent Delinquency (c) Major Misconduct of Children (d) Physical or Mental Conditions of Parents C a l l i n g f o r Protective Measures for Children . (e) Parent Behavior Each category was defined as a "problem" where the behavior 17 Elizabeth Wood, The Small Hard Core. C i t i z e n s ' Housing and Planning Council of New York, Inc., New York, 1957. in question was serious or chronic. Thus, a "marital problem" was counted when families were broken or in violent marital conflict, marked by conspicuousness such as open fights, calling the police, desertion. Housekeeping and rent problems included " f i l t h y " housekeeping, and rent delinquency of more than three months. Misconduct of children included unmarried minor mothers, use of narcotics, rapes, assaults, robberies. Misconduct of parents included mental and physical problems where the children's welfare was questionable as a result. Parent behavior included neglect of children, alchol-ism, promiscuity, sale of liquor and drugs, cohabitation and presence of prostitutes. Using these somewhat severe c r i t e r i a , the study found 109 families out of a total of 1526 exhibited one or more "problem" behaviours, or roughly seven per cent. Commenting on the significance of this proportion, the study noted: Although seven percent may seem to be a small percentage, the fact i s that the impact of the problem families is far greater than the s t a t i s t i c would seem to warrant. F i r s t , in the opinion of housing managers, the number of such families in any project represents only the present level of a rapid trend. Second, i t takes only a very few, very anti-social families, to make a floor or a building or a project unsatisfactory to parents who are concerned about their c h i l d r e n . " In analyzing the agency registrations for these 109 18 Ibid., page 1. 58 problem f a m i l i e s , i t was found that only seven (or about six per cent) were not registered with any agency: 18 had singl e r e g i s t r a t i o n s , and 84 (about 80 per cent) had two or more agency r e g i s t r a t i o n s . In the category of "marital" problems, 75, or 69 per cent, of families were broken, while 14 were unbroken but i n v i o l e n t c o n f l i c t . Sixty-one, or 56 per cent, of the families demonstrated some form of major misconduct of parents. T h i r t y of the families showed major misconduct on the part of ch i l d r e n . Seventy-four (68 per cent) were i n the category "Housekeeping and Rent Delinquency". Sixteen of the families had parents of questionable mental and physical capacity. Using t h i s frame of reference for defining a "problem family" i t i s clear that not a l l "welfare" or dependent families are multi-problem f a m i l i e s . Perhaps the d i s t i n c t i o n should be further r e f i n e d using the terms suggested by Albert 19 Rose, between the "poor" family, the "troubled" family, and the "troublesome" family. The poor family i s the one that exists on a low income but i s able to function without serious detriment to i t s e l f or the community. The troubled family i s also poor, but has one or more di s a b l i n g s o c i a l conditions which i n t e r f e r e with i t s family r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The troublesome 19 Albert Rose, "Public Housing and Public Welfare", Journal  of Housing. A p r i l 1957. 59 family is similar to the multi-problem or "hard core" family, marked by severe handicaps and conflicts which affect family relationships, neighbours, and the surrounding community. 20 In Boston the Community Services Center came into being in response to a greater awareness of "problems" in their housing projects. This was manifested i n i t i a l l y by three persisting problems: awareness of more disorganized families; vandalism and abuse of property; and juvenile problems involving project teenagers and outsiders. In dealing with these symptoms of disorganization, they developed a complex program of services which included a l l categories of families in public housing. 21 In Baltimore, an attempt was made to measure the factors present in problem family situations. Their description of a multi-problem family follows: Multiple problem families are those who show a variety of forms of disorganized behaviours, includ-ing the following: truancy and delinquency among children and adolescents; chronic unemployment; promiscuous sexual behaviour; illegitimacy; desertion; lack of supervision of minor children by parents; destructive public (housing) property; disturbing other residents; unsolved health problems; faulty budgetting and chronic tardiness in paying rent and other b i l l s , etc. Although no family displays a l l these behaviours (hereinafter referred to as "problem behaviour") the families do show two or more of them. They are hard to reach because they 20 F i r s t Evaluation Report of the Community Services Center  Operating in the South End Housing Project, op. c i t . 21 Community Welfare Services to Residents of Public Housing. Report to the Board of Directors, Baltimore Council of Social Agencies, 1959. 60 resist help offered through usual channels. They are apt to be hostile and suspicious of social workers and housing project o f f i c i a l s who come to them; and either do not know how or are unwilling to seek help by going to various social agencies which would give them aid in finding r e a l i s t i c solutions to their problems. . . . They are particularly vi s i b l e in public housing projects. Almost by definition, public housing projects are restricted to persons of marginal income; and are, therefore, attractive residence to multiple problem families. The con-centration of dwelling units and the physical layout of the project means that problem behaviors w i l l have a greater negative effect on others than the same behaviors in other residential units.22 In analyzing the factors present in problem family situations i n the Baltimore study, a predominantly similar situation was found as that common to other studies of problem families or multi-problem families. Although the proportions or incidence of one factor over another may vary from one city to another or from one project to another, the nature and seriousness of the problem behaviours remains constant. In Baltimore these factors in problem femilies bear close resemblance to the now classical "multi-problem family" c r i t e r i a by which severe 23 disorganization is identified and defined. The three factors showing the highest incidence in the Baltimore "problem" families were (a) financial d i f f i c u l t i e s , when defined as "over and above 'low income* status", in 59 per cent of 22 Ibid., page 21. 23 Ibid., page 6, Table 3 adapted. families; (b) health problems in 40 per cent of families; and (c) d i f f i c u l t y with neighbours in 31 per cent of families. In 29 per cent of the families, parents were classifi e d as "inadequate"; while in 28 per cent of households, poor house-keeping was a serious problem. In 21 per cent of families, behavior of children was disturbing to the extent of requiring o f f i c i a l attention. In lesser proportions, the families demon-strated poor morals, drinking, neglect of children, desertion, gambling and marital d i f f i c u l t i e s to the extent of requiring o f f i c i a l attention. It is necessary to bear in mind that these factors of "problem family" situations are representative of those families who come to the attention of housing managers, social workers and other personnel. They are not necessarily representative of the general public housing population, although i t i s not possible to document this further at this time pending a more general survey of public housing tenants incorporating both "problem" and other c r i t e r i a . The situation in New York which motivated the study we 24 have referred to was in many respects similar to that in Baltimore, Boston, and other centers. The experience in New York was described in this way: But housing managers know that there are an increas-ing number of families where conditions of mental retardation or physical or mental d i s a b i l i t i e s are 24 Elizabeth Wood, ap_. c i t . 62 reflected in disorderly behavior and low standards of home l i f e . There i s juvenile delinquency, prostitution and crime. The presence of problem families in some projects i s evidenced by the deteriorated appearance of buildings and grounds and by excessive maintenance costs. But a more serious result of their presence i s that public housing i s getting a bad reputation; i t i s being stigmatized as a bad place to l i v e by normal low-income families of good standards.25 The multi-problem family exists in public housing in varying proportions according to time and place. The experience with these families points to the fact that in low-rent public housing, they tend to have a marked and disturbing effect on  the total tenant population and are perplexing tenants for the housing manager. Social work experience i s not too different, for these families are normally so severely and chronically beset with problems that prognosis for change i s , at best, poor, and agencies have tended to overlook this family and focus their attention on the less disorganized, better motivated families who respond to help more readily and more quickly. Housing managers have been as unsuccessful in helping these families, on the whole, as havetthe many agencies who were in contact with them in the past. Eviction has in many cases been the only method available to the housing manager for dealing with this family. Referring to the responsibility of the housing authority 25 Ibid., page 1. 63 to the problem family, Abner D. Silverman and Alvin L. Schorr, Co-Chairmen of the Joint Task Force on Health, Education and Welfare Services and Housing in the United States, stated the following: 1. The problems of families in public housing are not caused by either providing housing or by providing health and welfare services. They are caused by poverty and i t s concomitants. Public housing w i l l not be identified with welfare because of services but because of problems. In many places i t has already been so identified, most clearly where the services that might help are absent. We are trying to provide the services, among other reasons, pre-cisely i n order to avoid the identification. 2. There i s an implication . . . that there are two kinds of people in public housing - the poor and the troubled. The f i r s t seems to be a legitimate concern of public housing and the second a diversion. The distinction i s misleading. Practically any family that i s poor in our country today i s at risk, so to speak, of needing and (properly approached) wanting to use such services as vocational training, well-baby c l i n i c s , job placement, day-care, etc. at some length. Poverty i t s e l f i s quite a problem and i s entangled with other problems. 3. . . . . . The suggestion . . . that local housing authorities may withdraw from the present level of service, as l i t t l e as that i s , i f acted upon, would diminish by just that much the capacity of the lo c a l i t y to deal with i t s families in need.26 The question of responsibility to the problem family has been the subject of great controversy and much confusion in Canada and the United States. The issue involves defining the 26 Abner D. Silverman and Alvin L. Schorr, in Letters to the Editor, Journal of Housing. June 1962. 64 l i m i t a t i o n s of the housing authority's function and i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to tenants, and a s i m i l a r procedure with the community agencies. In t h i s regard, Abner D. Silverman, w r i t i n g as the Acting Deputy Gommissioner of the U. S. Public Housing Administration, observed that, The "good business" aspect of modern s o c i a l service i s overlooked and not brought home to our c i t i z e n s . The thought that expanded homemaker services might prove a mighty t o o l i n rescuing problem f a m i l i e s , i f presented as a "maid service" for the unwashed and the unworthy, would be shouted down i n a storm of c r i t i c i s m . I f presented i n the l i g h t that a tax d o l l a r spent to r e h a b i l i t a t e a problem family can save two, three or more tax d o l l a r s spent to take care of children i n foster-homes, orphanages, or co r r e c t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , then, as a matter of "good business", great community support can be generated. E s s e n t i a l l y t h i s i s a problem of seman-t i c s ; i t can be solved. Perhaps l o c a l housing authorities need to bring home to l o c a l welfare councils the needs that are not being served and the consequences, both f i n a n c i a l and s o c i a l , of e v i c t i o n - the only remedy the l o c a l housing author-i t y has.27 In i t s statement of p r i n c i p l e s on public housing, the 28 National Federation bf Settlements and Neighborhood Centers stated: We do not believe that public housing should be reserved for "good" families and denied to families with many problemsj On the other hand, too great a concentration of "multi-problem" families tends 27 Abner D. Silverman, Journal of Housing. February 1961, page 70. 28 National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, A New Look at Public Housing, New York, 1958. to aggravate both the d i f f i c u l t i e s within the group and i t s relationships with the surrounding community. Skilled and persistent social services in the public housing and the surrounding community can enable many "problem" families to cope with personal and community responsibilities of which they may be ignorant because they have come from a totally different setting in another country, from a part of our own country where f a c i l i t i e s are meager and educational standards low, or from a long demoralized slum in one of our own c i t i e s . It i s at least equally important to the education and regeneration of these disadvantaged families that they have at hand the example of neighbors who do know how to li v e in a city neighborhood.^9 The problem family in public housing raises complex issues of social policy and social responsibility which we •. • • • • / -have been notably unsuccessful in resolving in Canada. To some extent the same situation prevailed earlier in the United States but in very recent years there has been local, state and national activity in stating policies and developing programs of a complex and sophisticated nature to overcome this d i f f i c u l t y in public housing and in the community. It is notable that the policies and programs developed in relation to problem behaviors in public housing developments share many similarities in design, method, and auspices as those developed for dealing with the multi-problem family in the larger community. These w i l l become evident in our consideration of services and programs developed for the low-income family in public housing. 29 Ibid., page 5 66 From the point of view of community agencies who have worked, though frequently unsuccessfully, with the multi-problem family before their presence in public housing, a distinct rehabilitation opportunity is provided by the provision of low-rent housing. The housing project represents a f i r s t step in removing these families from a disorganized and deter-iorated neighbourhood and provides accommodation adequate in size and quality for the family 1s needs at a cost proportionate to i t s income. The community f a c i l i t i e s and social services directed to public housing projects, i f well organized and integrated, provide a sharp contrast to those found in the slum environment and can become a c r i t i c a l support in helping the family adjust to the new environment and the new standards of public housing with some degree of success. A major d i f f i c u l t y at this time i s the fact that there has been a notable lack of cl a r i f i c a t i o n of the incidence and extent of "problems" whether defined by housing managers^ or social workers, in public housing projects. It would be wrong and invalid to assume that public housing can be reserved for families that have "no problems", since the fact of low income i s most intimately associated with the several factors which, in concentrated form, define the disorganized or multi-problem family. By the same token, the close relation-ship between low-income status and the need for welfare services 6 7 i s marked, though the distinction between a "low income" and a "dependent" or "welfare" family i s sometimes f e l t to demarcate families with totally different needs and characteristics. Experience with public housing indicates clearly that the distinction i s unreal, and that the similarities outweigh by far the differences. The Service Needs of Low-Income Families What kinds of services and what extent of services are required by public housing? This question raises complex issues which are at present not always clear, and certainly not resolved. In large part, the question i s not completely answerable, since neither public nor private welfare can claim to have developed a comprehensive method of service to low-income families that brings complete rehabilitative success, or that meets the complex range of needs they exhibit. Nor have clear-cut c r i t e r i a been developed of what i t i s hoped to accomplish by serving these families. Rehabilitation i s i t s e l f a complex concept, definable only when we have clearly defined goals in relation to methods of service. Whether we are striving for rehabilitation or for r e l i e f in these families i s a fundamental question as yet not clearly settled. The problem posed by the low-income family i s primarily the problem of poverty, which has as yet not been mastered in any part of the world. 68 Galbraith comments on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between public services and the condition of poverty as follows: The f i r s t and s t r a t e g i c step i n an attack on poverty i s to see that i t i s no longer self-perpetuating. This means ensuring that the investment i n children from families presently a f f l i c t e d be as l i t t l e below normal as possible. I f the children of poor families have f i r s t - r a t e schools and school attendance i s properly enforced; i f the children, though badly fed at home, are well nourished at school; i f the community has sound health services, and the p h y s i c a l well-being of the children i s v i g i l a n t l y watched; i f there i s opportunity for advanced education for those who q u a l i f y regardless of means; and i f e s p e c i a l l y i n the case of urban communities, law and order are well enforced and recreation i s adequate - then there i s a very good chance that the children of the very poor w i l l come to maturity without grave disadvantage. In the case of i n s u l a r poverty t h i s remedy requires that the services of the community be a s s i s t e d from outside. Poverty i s self-perpetuating because the poorest communities are poorest i n the services which would eliminate i t . To eliminate poverty e f f i c i e n t l y we should invest more than proportionately i n the children of the poor community. I t i s there that high-quality schools, strong health services, s p e c i a l provision for n u t r i t i o n and recreation are most needed to compensate for the very low investment which families are able to make i n t h e i r own offspring.30 Low-income families are consumers of a wide range of public s o c i a l services by v i r t u e of t h e i r l i m i t e d f i n a n c i a l capacity. In addition, they are dependent on public f a c i l i t i e s and programs by v i r t u e of tenancy i n low-rent public housing. The presence of a high proportion of children and young people i n a public housing development, the high school drop-out rate, 30 J . K. Galbraith, The A f f l u e n t Society, V i c t o r i a , A u s t r a l i a , Penguin, 1958, page 266. 69 the high incidence of broken families and the density of popula-tion in public housing point to the high value of children's and youth services to these families. Low incomes and inflex-ible budgets in many cases point to the desirability of adult education in homemaking s k i l l s and financial management. Broken families, physical and mental d i s a b i l i t i e s and handicaps point to vocational training and employment services, and in the case of working mothers to the need for child-caring services. The disturbing effect on other tenants and on children of disorganized and problem behaviors in families points to the necessity for s k i l l e d professional counselling and treatment services. In addition educational and recrea-tional services and f a c i l i t i e s to various age groups are neces-sary in many cases to supplement or alleviate the strain placed on the f a c i l i t i e s in the d i s t r i c t surrounding a housing project. Often these services are essential to effective prevention of delinquency, vandalism and further disorganization in tenant families. Responsibility for providing public social services as those suggested above is normally the responsibility of the agencies and organizations in a community who usually provide specialized community services. In fact, however, i t has been the general experience in public housing that effective service to tenant families has not been possible 70 without making special provision, whether through decentralized services or through some medium by which tenants are directed to the appropriate service agency. In part this i s attribut-able to the general lack of community services and f a c i l i t i e s in the neighbourhoods surrounding public housing projects, and in part to the nature of the tenants in public housing. Most community agencies are operating at optimum capacities and are unable to extend their services without expanded staff and financial resources. Low-income tenants, on the other hand, tend not to "reach out" to service agencies for a variety of reasons. In addition, there is a certain sensitivity on the part of public housing tenants to statements about their "needs", in part a reflection of the negative attitudes directed toward public housing. This situation has been further aggra-vated by misconceptions that housing authorities, as part of their management function, are responsible for the direction and provision of social services to their tenants, when in practice the purely managerial functions in large projects present heavy responsibilities and complex problems. The range of services now provided in some housing projects presents a colorful array that in part reflects the particular aspirations of housing authorities in develop-ing their projects. For this reason, a brief review of particular service arrangements w i l l be presented to il l u s t r a t e 71 the v a r i e t y and extensiveness of some programs i n comparison to others. In C i n c i n n a t i , O h i o , 3 1 the C i n c i n n a t i Metropolitan Housing Authority i n i t i a t e d conferences involving churches, schools, recreation agencies and community councils. In addition, conferences with s o c i a l welfare agencies were held to develop working relationships with them. As a r e s u l t , a r e f e r r a l service was established by the housing authority and welfare o f f i c e s were established i n the larger projects. These decentralized o f f i c e s provide intensive counselling services to selected project problem f a m i l i e s . A group program has been organized to serve the following tenant groups: a l c o h o l i c s , chronic unemployed persons, poor household managers and housekeepers, and parents with parent-child problems. The housing authority has developed a co-operative arrangement with the j u v e n i l e court whereby project children coming before the court can be employed by the housing authority i n i t s projects as part of a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n plan. Volunteer programs are operating for educational and t r a i n i n g classes, and as a v i s i t i n g service f o r "shut-ins". Cooking, sewing and budgetting are examples of t h i s program. Various group organizations are active i n the project, ranging from the G i r l and Boy Scouts, 31 Mrs. Mary Gray Couzins, " C i n c i n n a t i : Coordinating Tenant A c t i v i t i e s and Referrals", in-Change for the Better . . . , op. c i t . , pages 51-54. C i t i z e n s Committee on Youth, Y. W. C. A. and Y. M. C. A., and a Neighborhood House. The C i n c i n n a t i Public Recreation Commis-sion i s operating programs for youth aged 6 to 18, ranging from group work, handicrafts, games, dances, to movies and team games. A public l i b r a r y bookmobile service has been arranged. The public health and school nurse provide infant welfare c l i n i c s , immunization programs and prenatal classes. The p o l i c e and f i r e departments have been active i n public r e l a -tions work with tenants. The housing authority sponsors a monthly newsletter f o r each project, and has i n i t i a t e d tenant council organizations i n projects. This p a r t i c u l a r program embraces several needs of tenants, ranging from educational, r e c r e a t i o n a l , health and welfare services to promoting better r e l a t i o n s of tenants with law enforcement and other community agencies. In St. Louis a committee was established by the housing authority representing the c i t y ' s private and public s o c i a l welfare, health, education, and recreation agencies. As a r e s u l t , a D i v i s i o n on Youth Services was established to develop educational, vocational, and r e c r e a t i o n a l services for teen-agers. Day-care programs for working mothers, homemaker services and home management education services were i n s t i t u t e d . 32 "St. Louis Housing-Welfare Tie-Up Already under Way - May Be F i r s t -Demonstration C i t y ' " , Journal of Housing, March-A p r i l , 1962, pages 123-124. • Big Brothers were involved to serve those broken families where fathers were absent. A s o c i a l worker p o s i t i o n was established to provide r e f e r r a l services f o r (a) health and medical needs, (b) education on c h i l d care methods, (c) homemaker classes, (d) money management and budget services, (e) family casework, (f) development of better work s k i l l s for f a m i l i e s ; and to improve (g) l i a i s o n with schools, (h) usage of s o c i a l and r e c r e a t i o n a l services by tenants, and ( i ) use of community f a c i l i t i e s by tenants. Not a l l , services to public housing tenants are as compre-hensive as those described above, and many are much simpler i n organization. In Gary, Indiana, f o r example, a program involving only the schools i s oriented to the educational 33 needs of low-income tenants. Classes are held i n elementary housekeeping, budgetting, n u t r i t i o n and household p r a c t i c e s . There are courses i n c h i l d care, sewing, cooking, home manage-ment, "Making Family L i v i n g Fun", English reading, w r i t i n g , and speaking. 34 In New York's M i l l Brook Houses the service program embraces four major purposes or functions. A tenants' 33 "Gary, Indiana: Schools Get into the Act", Journal of  Housing, December 1959. 34 Mrs. Zetta Putter, "New York: Report of Contacts with Families - M i l l Brook Houses", pages 67-76 i n Change for the  Better . . . , OP— c i t . organization was a main goal of the Social and Community Services Center, and the social worker was actively involved in v i s i t i n g families to encourage their participation. A second service was the sponsorship of a case conference committee to coordinate agencies and plan services for tenant problem families. The center provided group services to tenants with housekeeping, rent delinquency and child-caring problems. Orientation of new tenants and leadership development groups have been instituted. Also, a variety of group programs for children and youth were developed, such as play groups for tots, teenage leadership clubs, g i r l s ' clubs and others. The total program was developed by a social work supervisor hired by the housing authority, and six social work students. 35 A program division of labor developed in Chicago demonstrates the complementary functions of social agencies and housing management. The Rockwell Gardens housing develop-ment became the scene of a demonstration project by the Cook County Department of Public Aid by arranging for job training and placement, homemaking and youth services in a local office on the project s i t e . Closer working relationships between housing management and the social welfare agency were made possible. In addition, the Housing Authority initiated a 35 Irving M. Gerick, "Chicago, I l l i n o i s : Family Rehabilita-tion in a Public Housing Setting", pages 47-50 in Change for  the Better . . . , op. c i t . "Good Neighbor" program by which a more active tenant organiza tioh was developed. Various rewards, such as a month's free rent to the "Good Neighbor of the Year" and contests for "Top Teen of the Month" provided special events in which a l l tenants could participate. Group meetings, tours, excursions, groups for "Patrols" were tangible results of this program oriented to developing better tenant relations. As a result, public welfare offices and staffs have now been established in each of the housing projects to develop integrated service programs for tenants. A specific service developed in public housing for the multi-problem family has been that of "interim" or " t r i a l " housing for the most severely disorganized families. Associa-ted with this form of housing i s a highly organized system of social and community services designed to effect improve-ment in these families with the goal of preparing them for residency in the regular supply of low-rent housing. While this service i s essentially similar to the coordination and intensive casework service provided in the more comprehensive social service programs in housing projects, i t differs in that the families are segregated for a period of time from other low-income families. In Rochester, New York, the Housing Authority arranged for purchase of separate houses and e n l i s t e d s o c i a l agency cooperation i n planning intensive service to the families selected. Gase aides from a settlement house were u t i l i z e d as helpers f o r the families i n matters of housekeeping and home management. Problems exhibited by the families included excessive number of dependents r e l a t i v e to income, inadequate parents, health problems, unemployment, marital c o n f l i c t , criminal records, mental i l l n e s s and disturbing behaviour of c h i l d r e n . S o c i a l casework services were provided by one agency for a l l problems faced by a s i n g l e family. The general r e s u l t of the program has been that improvement i n several problem areas has occurred and the families are gradually being r e h a b i l i t a t e d to the point of q u a l i f y i n g for regular public housing accommodation. In B r i t a i n , a s i m i l a r program for problem families i s 37 well established. Older housing i s u t i l i z e d as a "halfway house" for families applying for public housing who exhibit "multi-problem" c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s or who, presently i n public housing, are threatened with e v i c t i o n . Services to these 36 Manuel D. Goldman and James A. P o r c a r i , J r . , "Rochester: Housing Authority Experiments with Special Housing'', pages 35-39 i n Change for the Better . . . , op_. c i t . 37 Abner D. Silverman, "'Problem Families' - E f f o r t s at R e h a b i l i t a t i o n Y i e l d Results i n B r i t a i n " , Journal of Housing, February 1961, pages 63-70. 77 families involve a complex network including health and home-maker services from the Health Department, child-care and counselling from the Children's Department, and financial aid from the National Assistance office. Voluntary agencies are included in the rehabilitation program where their services are of use, as in homemaking education. A set of principles has been developed which governs the rehabilitation program, 38 as follows: 1. A belief in the value of preserving the family, both for the sake of the children's emotional development as well as for the sake of preserving our society. 2. A conviction that, in many cases, the strains and ten-sions that tend to cause family break-up are both pre-ventable and curable by family-centered casework effort, varying in intensity with the degree of problems in the family - or, i f not curable, at least, further deterioration may be forestalled. 3. Such an effort i s a total community responsibility, to be carried out by effective coordination of a l l i t s social service f a c i l i t i e s , with responsibility for the channeling of the specialized services placed, insofar as possible, at one point of contact with the family. 4. The "problem family" i s entitled to be housed as a family. The housing authority undertaking this res-ponsibility i s to receive f u l l support and assistance from the statutory and voluntary agencies for the amelioration or solution of the financial and behavioral problems of the family. 5. Eviction, break-up of the family, receiving children into care, are ultimate actions to be taken, reluctantly, when a l l else f a i l s . 38 Ibid., page 68. 6. Segregation of problem families i n housing except for l i m i t e d periods of t r a i n i n g i s unsound. Broken families should be dispersed among families of somewhat better standards, but i n houses of older character, and i n neighborhoods where such families w i l l not f e e l uncom-for t a b l e . 7. Acceptance of the fact that the job of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s time-consuming, r e s u l t s are uncertain, and support of problem families may have to continue for a long period, even a f t e r intensive casework i s ended. 39 An "interim" housing experiment i n Toronto, Ontario, using s i m i l a r p r i n c i p l e s has r e s u l t e d i n substantial r e h a b i l i -t a t i o n r e s u l t s . Coordination and integration of services for the problem family along with provision of adequate housing has served to help the families s u b s t a n t i a l l y reduce t h e i r problem behaviors. In the United States there i s now provision for federal assistance to housing and s o c i a l agencies embarking on s i m i l a r 40 programs for family r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . Under t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n , federal a i d w i l l cover 75 per cent of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n costs and vocational r e t r a i n i n g , and provide assistance for the establishment of day-care centers for working mothers, s p e c i a l services to children i n troubled f a m i l i e s , community work or t r a i n i n g projects for the unemployed and funds for l o c a l and 39 S. J . A l l i n , "Toronto Experiments with Interim Housing f o r Troublesome Families", Journal of Housing, June 1959, pages 200-208. 40 Journal of Housing, February 1962. state welfare agencies to recruit and train personnel for this program. Of equal interest i s the announcement in 1962 of a teamwork approach on the part of the American federal housing and welfare agencies - the Housing and Home Finance Agency 41 and the Health, Education and Welfare Bureau. The purpose of this teamwork approach i s to stimulate social services, educational programs and home economics instruction, and programs for children and teen-agers. Commenting on the significance of this development, the Journal of Housing states that, What i t means to the public housing program i s the establishment on the local level of social services "headquarters" in public housing projects from which health,•education and welfare services can be made available, not only to a project's problem families, but to a l l tenants.^2 The question of what kinds of services are most needed in low-rent public housing are, in summary, the services needed by families of low income to overcome or adjust to the factors associated with their restricted earning capacity and to alleviate the stresses resulting from their restricted income. Services to youth, while of v i t a l importance and general underdevelopment in the wider community, are among the special needs of public housing tenants due to their specific age and family composition. A statement of aims 41 Journal of Housing, March-April, 1962. 42 Ibid.. page 121. 80 by the National Association of Housing and Redevelopment O f f i c i a l s through t h e i r Committee on Soc i a l Work i n Housing and Urban Renewal describes a pr o v i s i o n a l l i s t i n g of s p e c i f i c services which the national body seeks to provide for public housing. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that these services take into account not only the problem families found i n public housing and t h e i r needs for successful r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , but general needs of families of low income with attention directed to a l l age groups. The l i s t includes (a) preventive services for j u v e n i l e delinquency, including a youth commission and gang worker services, and the development of employment services and t r a i n i n g f a c i l i t i e s f or school drop-outs; (b) vocational t r a i n i n g programs for adults; (c) r e h a b i l i t a t i o n for the disabled, including sheltered workshops for the e l d e r l y and the handicapped; (d) health programs, including homemaker services and t r a i n i n g d i v i s i o n ; (e) money management and house-keeping i n s t r u c t i o n programs; (f) day nurseries and c h i l d - c a r i n g f a c i l i t i e s ; and (g) aid to the e l d e r l y , including r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s and programs. While e l d e r l y persons have not o r d i n a r i l y been included i n housing projects designated for families with children, some developments make provision for them i n order to achieve a "balanced" community. When t h i s 43 N. A. H. R. 0. Committee on Soc i a l Work i n Housing and Urban Renewal. Journal of Housing, March-April, 1962, pages 121-122. 81 i s the case, the needs of elderly people must be included in the consideration of needed services. What appears to be reflected in the programs developed for low-income families in public housing i s the fact that services must be directed to both the "normal" and the "special" needs arising from low-income status. Also, services are extended to the multi-problem family as well as to the tenants who exhibit no troublesome behavior, as part of an integrated and planned effort to develop a well functioning tenant community that w i l l be accepted into the d i s t r i c t surrounding the housing project with a minimum of strain. The programs made possible by the 1962 Amendments to the Social Security Act in the United States reflect national concern with the problem of rehabilitation of low-income families and make specific provi-sion for the development of programs that can be developed for a l l public housing projects, both for adults and children on a preventive and rehabilitative basis. The statements of a "Housing-Welfare Teamwork" by the national agencies of housing and public welfare indicate a changing concept in the United States of "public housing" as an independent program to that of one which i s very closely related to the needs of families and the contemporary developments in modern ci t i e s in trying to reduce both deteriorated neighborhoods and widespread social disorganization. The practical necessity of such close cooperation on a l l levels of planning and action i s further defined in subsequent chapters, and underlines the fact that coordination at a l l levels and in a l l areas is indeed a valid need in both the United States and Canada* Without such cooperative effort, the most expensive and admirable aspirations of social policy can result in disappointing and quite unintended consequences in the local area. 83 CHAPTER I I I "COMMUNITY BUILDING" CHALLENGES Public understanding of housing programs must be extended beyond the l i m i t e d picture of unfortunate groups of people involved i n "slum clearance". Housing needs to be seen as a planned and coordinated development that benefits the whole community. Equally, i t must be recognized that a housing project changes the area i n which i t i s situated. In short, i t i s necessary to 'think less i n terms of projects and more in terms of communities and neighbourhoods. As American and Canadian urban redevelopment programs follow the paths pioneered by B r i t a i n and other European countries, they too are f i n d i n g that b u i l d i n g housing projects without s u f f i c i e n t regard for the human needs, values and c u l t u r a l patterns involved, can lead to disappointing i f not abortive r e s u l t s . Part of the lesson i s that sanitary housing per se does not eliminate the s o c i a l problems of a community. This i s as unreasonable as to expect that the j u v e n i l e court or the probation service, taken by themselves, w i l l eliminate crime. P u l l i n g down the slums and ending overcrowding, of course, are good even i f l i m i t e d objectives. Better n u t r i t i o n and improved houses are a l l on the credit side of the balance towards abolishing social and physical blight. But they are not enough. Housing must become more than a remedial service devoted to patching-up: this issue indeed, faces a l l health and welfare services today. It i s possible even to build houses around families, and to design communities to give them l i f e . But the object must be to design and plan in such a way as to promote the health and welfare of a community - in short, to create the kind of social milieu which strengthens families, enhances aspiration, reduces the causes of mental breakdown, child neglect and anti-social behavior. What are the factors which make a community a satisfying and enjoyable place to live? The reports examined in this study support the clear realization of two sets of categories: the one broadly embracing the physical f a c i l i t i e s of the neighbourhood, and the other embracing the social a c t i v i t i e s , amenities and relationships. Even in the poorest of slum neighbourhoods, people enjoy some conveniences which they take for granted u n t i l they move into a new housing area. As i t i s pointed out in A New Look at Public Housing,*" many families in public housing developments have found themselves bereft of some or a l l the 1 A New Look at Public Housing, National Federation of.Settle-ments and Neighborhood Centers, New York, 1958. 85 c o m m u n i t y r e s o u r c e s o f t h e i r f o r m e r n e i g h b o u r h o o d s - t h e n e a r b y c h u r c h a n d m o v i e h o u s e , t h e p o o l p a r l o r , c o r n e r g r o c e r y , h a r d w a r e s t o r e . C h i l d r e n may h a v e t o c r o s s d a n g e r o u s t r a f f i c l a n e s t o g e t t o s c h o o l . A h o u s e w i f e may h a v e t o t a k e a b u s t o d o h e r m a r k e t i n g . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , o u r u n i m a g i n a t i v e p r o j e c t s may s e p a r a t e t h e i r o c c u p a n t s f r o m t h e n o r m a l l i f e o f b e i n g i n a c o m m u n i t y . T h i s i s b a d e n o u g h . B u t t o o m u c h o f i t may s t i g m a t i z e t h e m f u r t h e r a n d w o r s e n t h e a l r e a d y b a d e f f e c t s o f e c o n o m i c s e g r e g a t i o n . T h e r e i s a s m a l l m i n o r i t y o f p e o p l e who a r e r e h o u s e d i n t h e same n e i g h b o u r h o o d a s t h e o n e t h e y l i v e d i n b e f o r e , a n d w h o s e n e i g h b o u r h o o d i s a t l e a s t n o t a l l o w e d t o d e t e r i o r a t e f u r t h e r . B u t f o r o t h e r s , t h e e f f e c t o f r e h o u s i n g i s t o lemove p e o p l e f r o m a s i t u a t i o n i n w h i c h t h e y e n j o y e a s y a c c e s s t o c e r t a i n a m e n i t i e s a n d n e e d s , t o a n o t h e r i n w h i c h t h e o n l y c e r t a i n p l a n n e d a d v a n t a g e i s t h e s u p e r i o r l i v i n g a c c o m m o d a t i o n s p r o v i d e d i n t h e new h o u s e . A d m i t t e d l y , f o r m o s t p e o p l e , e s p e c i a l l y i f t h e y h a v e l i v e d i n w r e t c h e d , c r a m p e d a c c o m m o d a t i o n b e f o r e , t h i s i s i n i t s e l f s o g r e a t a n a d v a n t a g e t h a t t h e y a r e w i l l i n g t o p u t u p w i t h t h e l o s s o f many o f t h e s a t i s f a c t i o n s t h e y d e r i v e d f r o m t h e i r o l d n e i g h b o u r h o o d . B u t m u c h b r o a d e r - b a s e d p l a n n i n g , i n c l u d i n g f u l l c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f e a s i l y a c c e s s i b l e n e i g h b o u r h o o d a m e n i t i e s , w o u l d m o r e t h a n d o u b l e t h e a d v a n t a g e s o f t h e new 86 s i t u a t i o n and c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y r e d u c e i t s d i s a d v a n t a g e s . P e o p l e l i v e t h e i r l i v e s as s o c i a l b e i n g s . They may have b e e n even more d e p r i v e d o f good a s s o c i a t i o n s t h a n o f good h o u s i n g . P e o p l e l i v e i n n e i g h b o u r h o o d s even when t h e y do n o t r e a l i z e i t , and t h e p l a n n i n g o f n e i g h b o u r h o o d f a c i l i t i e s has as i m p o r t a n t a p a r t t o p l a y i n r e m e d y i n g u n h e a l t h y s i t u a t i o n s as t h e p l a n n i n g o f h o u s e s . I t f o l l o w s t h a t h o u s e s and n e i g h -b o u r h o o d s s h o u l d be complementary a s p e c t s o f t h e same p l a n n i n g o p e r a t i o n . How o f t e n i s t h i s t r u e ? The N a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n o f H o u s i n g and Redevelopment O f f i c i a l s and t h e N a t i o n a l S o c i a l W e l f a r e A s s e m b l y i n t h e i r r e c e n t r e p o r t , sum t h i s up i n a manner w h i c h c h a l l e n g e s n o t o n l y h o u s i n g a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , b u t l o c a l governments and p o s s i b l y s o c i a l a g e n c i e s as w e l l : The t h e o r y has been h e l d t h a t i m p r o v e d s t a n d a r d s o f l i v i n g w o u l d r e s u l t from t h e c r e a t i o n o f a more wholesome h o u s i n g e n v i r o n m e n t , i n w h i c h s o c i a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n c o u l d be more e f f e c t i v e l y a d m i n i -s t e r e d b y e s t a b l i s h e d s o c i a l s e r v i c e a g e n c i e s o r g a -n i z e d and f i n a n c e d f o r t h i s p u r p o s e i n t h e community as a w h o l e . V a l i d as t h i s t h e o r y may b e , t h e r e i s ample e v i d e n c e t h a t s o c i a l b e t t e r m e n t does n o t  a u t o m a t i c a l l y f o l l o w w i t h o u t c o n s c i o u s a c t i o n on  t h e p a r t o f r e s p o n s i b l e o f f i c i a l s and a g e n c i e s , n o r w i t h o u t g u i d a n c e a n d c o o r d i n a t i o n between t h e h o u s i n g and s o c i a l w e l f a r e i n t e r e s t s , and c o o r d i -n a t i o n w i t h i n t h e s o c i a l w e l f a r e f i e l d i t s e l f . 2 2 C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s and P u b l i c H o u s i n g : Seven Recommenda-t i o n s f o r L o c a l H o u s i n g A u t h o r i t y A c t i o n . N . A . H . R. 0. p u b l i -c a t i o n N o . N459, page 3 ( u n d e r l i n i n g a d d e d ) . 8 7 How Are "Community" and "Neighbourhood" to Be Defined? Bradley B u e l l reminds us of the simple truth that i t i s i n the "community" that people have troubles and seek solutions for them. The "community" i s the place i n which people l i v e : i n which they benefit much or l i t t l e from services provided on t h e i r behalf. The community may be large or small. I t may be r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e : i t may be very vague. But somehow, here must converge a l l the p a r t i c u l a r ideas about what services are required, what degree of protection they should a f f o r d against the hazards of modern l i v i n g , and what enhance-3 ment they should bring to family and personal well-being. The physical f a c i l i t i e s of a "community", e s p e c i a l l y i n r e l a t i o n to public housing, w i l l be r e f e r r e d to i n what follows. I t i s the more intangible elements of community that give people a sense of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and belonging, that are p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant to "services". Is i t possible to make modern c i t i e s consist of communities where the i n d i v i d u a l can f e e l a sense of p a r t i c i p a t i o n and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ? Most students of the subject agree that i n some way t h i s must s t a r t with the neighbourhoods. For i t i s the neighbourhood, the smaller or " l o c a l " u n i t which i s the u n i t within which the most immediate and basic family needs are met. 3 Bradley B u e l l and Associates, Community Planning for Human  Services, Columbia University Press, New York, N. Y., 1952. 8 8 By c o n t r a s t , a l o c a l community or a d i s t r i c t i n a c i t y i n c l u d e s a much l a r g e r number o f p e o p l e . I t may be a grouping o f neighbourhoods, t y p i c a l l y t he d i s t r i c t o f the h i g h s c h o o l which draws from s e v e r a l elementary s c h o o l s . T h i s i s n a t u r a l l y , t h e r e f o r e , the u n i t which v a r i o u s c i t i e s use as the b a s i s f o r o r g a n i z i n g community c o u n c i l s , made up o f l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s and a g e n c i e s . The- term "neighbourhood" i s open to f a i r l y wide i n t e r p r e -t a t i o n , and the r e a l i t y o f the modern m e t r o p o l i s i s th a t the neighbourhoods range a l l the way from planned modern s e c t i o n s o r suburbs to c h a o t i c d e t e r i o r a t e d , d i s o r d e r e d t r a c t s o f s t r e e t s and b u i l d i n g s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , a sense o f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h a l o c a l i t y i s u s u a l l y seen as the core o f neighbourhood l i f e . I d e n t i f i c a t i o n i n c l u d e s a f e e l i n g o f b e i n g a t home, o f accep-tance, o f ha v i n g f r i e n d s , a s s o c i a t e s and neighbours - a t b e s t , a f e e l i n g o f p r i d e i n the p l a c e . P a r t o f the t a s k o f b u i l d i n g neighbourhoods i n c i t i e s i s to f i n d out how to f o s t e r such sentiments. While i t i s t r u e t h a t such a t a s k i s not easy under mobile urban c o n d i t i o n s , and i t i s not r e a l i s t i c to n o s t a l g i c a l l y hope f o r something from the p a s t , i t should s u r e l y be p o s s i b l e t o evolve a form o f o r g a n i z a t i o n a p p r o p r i a t e to c i t y l i f e i n which the f a m i l y u n i t can meet i t s b a s i c needs. I t i s here t h a t B r i t i s h and European expe r i e n c e has most t o c o n t r i b u t e . T h i s widespread expe r i e n c e i s a housing chapter 89 in i t s own right which cannot be included in the present study. Some of the implications of the New Town approach are con-sidered in the following pages. But unfortunately l i t t l e of this experience has been applied to North American housing projects as yet. Canadian developments certainly may profit from both American and Brit i s h lessons. The Essentials of a Neighbourhood Common interests of neighbours have to do with such things as street lighting, play space, t r a f f i c , health hazards. Often i t i s the welfare of children which motivates people to act, and the schooling and recreation of the younger members of families is most of a l l l i k e l y to be neighbourhood-based, however much adults may go off into specialized and scattered acti v i t i e s further af i e l d . Neighbourhood in the sense of the area within walking distance of the typical elementary school, or i t s equivalent, is usually what settlements or neighbourhood centres mean when they describe their local base of service as a "constituency". For women, especially mothers with young children, i t i s even clearer. How far do they have to go to shop? Can they take the children with them? Is i t a pleasant walk; or a long boring "trek", down dubious streets, or across dangerous t r a f f i c arteries? The school i s one of the basic ingredients of a neighbour-hood. The neighbourhood boundaries are generally based on the 90 public elementary school d i s t r i c t . If local custom accepts large schools, the neighbourhood unit w i l l be large, and vice versa. Parks are also an essential urban ingredient which every average neighbourhood should have. There should be available both landscaped and recreational parks for passive and active enjoyment. They may well be linked with the local school or with the community centre which i s another of the important neighbourhood f a c i l i t i e s . Open space for playgrounds and tot lots for younger c h i l -dren are also important ingredients. Lack of open space i s 4 said to be the major complaint of tenants in public housing. Inadequacies in play space are also creating administrative problems - children play in the halls and elevators and hang around in the corridors more than they would i f adequate f a c i l i t i e s were available outside. Open space, playgrounds in locations where children can benefit from them, appropriate play f a c i l i t i e s , a l l relieve stress for both tenants and management. Related to this i s the v i t a l role that community centres and settlement houses play in the neighbourhood. With the growth of public low-rent housing, settlement houses in parti-cular are challenged with the task of creating communities 4 P. E. H. Brady, "What Have We Learned from South Regent Park?". Community Planning Review (Ottawa), Vol. XI, No. 2. 91 out of the social vacuums which exist when strangers are thrown together. Indeed, i t i s arguable that neighbourhood houses, settlement houses, community centres, boys and g i r l s clubs, and young adult associations may have a new lease of l i f e , and more important functions, because of public housing and urban redevelopment^projects in the modern city. The shopping centre, churches, li b r a r i e s , health c l i n i c , art galleries, postal f a c i l i t i e s : these and other " f a c i l i t i e s " add up to a l i v i n g neighbourhood. These may depend on the wisdom and foresight of the builders, the planners, the city authorities; they may reflect the in i t i a t i v e s and interests of the residents. Obviously, they can serve or help supply the most important ingredient - human relationships in the neighbourhood. It i s a t r i t e and well-worn saying that men are social animals, but i t i s a true one, and one that has been neglected - or at least misunderstood - in far too many housing programs. Most housing schemes seem to assume that the basic social unit i s the small family of husband, wife and children, and that this i s transportable, as a self-contained unit, into new neighbourhoods without serious strain, and without serious loss of social satisfaction by the family concerned. What best to do with old people, with broken 5 Arthur Hillman, Neighbourhood Centres Today - Action Pro-grams for a Rapidly Changing World. National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centres, New York, N. Y., 1960, page 2. 92 families, with very large families, frequently remain unsolved puzzles. However, we are now learning from experience that in older urban neighbourhoods, people move in a varied network of relationships in the "extended family" and the wider neighbour-hood, and that i t i s through their patterns of relationships that people satisfy their social needs. They get the feeling of belonging to a community; they may find comfort and support in time of stress. A l l these relationships are broken, or at least attenuated, when they move into a new house in another and perhaps quite distant neighbourhood. Naturally, the impact of this varies in each case accord-ing to the previous family and neighbourhood background, social class, and the composition by age and sex of each individual family. It may be l i t t l e f e l t by many young married couples, especially i f they are without children and i f the wife goes out to work. It i s l i k e l y to be f e l t most by women who do not go out to work, by wives with young children, and by old people. The gaps are f e l t most acutely where circumstances of the new housing situation provide relatively few opportunities for making new social contacts and friends, aid for membership in congenial groups. Douglas Haskell, editor of The Forum, the professional magazine of the American Institute of Planners, has said: 93 Urban redevelopment, the great post-war experi-ment i n c i t y rebuilding, has developed one serious, and p o t e n t i a l l y f a t a l , flaw. The planners and redevelopers are, by and large, ignoring the single greatest fact about the c i t y : that i t consists of an i n t r i c a t e l i v i n g network of r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and i s made up of an enormously r i c h v a r i e t y of people and a c t i v i t i e s . . . . This network of human relationships i s , i n f a c t , a l l that the c i t y has which i s of unique value. A l l that the c i t y possesses - of magnetism, of opportunities to earn a l i v i n g , of leadership, of the a r t s , of glamour, of convenience, of power to f u l f i l l and assimilate i t s immigrants, of a b i l i t y to r e p a i r i t s wounds and r i g h t i t s e v i l s - depends on i t s great and wonderful c r i s s c r o s s of r e l a t i o n -s h i p s . 6 Haskell accordingly argues that a c i t y should not be treated as though i t were a c o l l e c t i o n of physical raw materials such as land, space, roads and u t i l i t i e s . He reminds us that slum clearance involves not only removal of deteriorated buildings but the uprooting of people from t h e i r f a m i l i a r settings as w e l l . Thinking of some of the large-scale "rehousing" blocks, Haskell says . . . the newly b u i l t projects themselves tend to s t i f l e the growth of new s o c i a l r elationships . . . what we may be less aware of i s that t h i s s t i f l i n g of v a r i e t y and of economic and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s inherent i n the massive project approach i t s e l f . . . . We must become much more astute, too, about where we locate schools, health centres, welfare o f f i c e s , shopping areas, and parks, so that these f a c i l i t i e s strengthen our p i t y communities and r e i n f o r c e the l i v i n g network of r e l a t i o n s h i p s . We must avoid f o s t e r i n g communities composed only 6 Douglas Haskell, "What Is a C i t y ? " , A r c h i t e c t u r a l Forum. CIX, No. 1, 1958, pages 63, 65. 94 of the transient - either the publicly housed transient poor, or the childless transient rich.' The "community" which has to be considered takes on very different scope according to the type of rebuilding. It may be (a) a single housing project, whether following a demolition in the same area, or buil t to help the removal of former r e s i -dents of a deteriorated area to better housing elsewhere. Vancouver now has both examples, the MacLean Park project being the f i r s t unit in the downtown area (though demolition has not yet occurred), whereas Orchard Park and Skeena Terrace are several miles from the centre. It may be (b) part of the "redevelopment" of a sizeable d i s t r i c t , which may include many other types of construction besides housing. Or, as in a growing number of European examples, i t may be (c) a whole new town or community, whether or not this i s a variety of suburb, or a self-contained urban unit. So far, there are few examples of the latter in Canada or the United States. But the principles are important. To investigate them, some experience of a l l types demands review. 7 Ibid A. "COMMUNITY BUILDING" IN PUBLIC HOUSING I t i s becoming increasingly evident that housing projects are communities with needs extending f a r beyond t h e i r own resources. For the lower income groups, these needs derive from families who have met constant economic defeat, and who often lack the inner strengths and outer bonds that are necessary to t i e people strongly to t h e i r families and to t h e i r neighbours. Also, the continuing migration from the r u r a l to the urban centres means that some of these families w i l l encounter d i f f i c u l t i e s adjusting to a c i t y way of l i f e . (This has been more important i n the United States than i n Canada, but i s by no means n e g l i g i b l e as a p o s s i b i l i t y to be remembered.) There i s l i t t l e doubt about the general need for "community b u i l d i n g " coming from the cumulative experiences of North American housing a u t h o r i t i e s . The Chicago experience i s p a r t i c u l a r l y valuable not only because i t covers one of the longest h i s t o r i e s i n t h i s c o n t i -nent (now over twenty-five years), but because t h e i r rehoused population i s very large, and one of the most extensive programs i n housing services anywhere has been evolved. The f i r s t housing projects were b u i l t early i n 1938 when the nation was s t i l l i n the throes of a severe depression. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that 95.1 per cent of the families l i v i n g i n the 2,400 apartments of the three projects at that time had at l e a s t one working member and were self-supporting. Even among the remaining 4.9 per cent, only a small portion were public assistance r e c i p i e n t s , the remainder obtaining subsistence from savings, pensions or other private sources. The small family was t y p i c a l . Only 8 per cent had more than 5. persons per family. For the most part, these families were victims of depressed economic conditions, and t h e i r only basic need was decent shelter at a p r i c e within t h e i r budgets. But times have changed. In 1962, only 49 per cent of the residents i n Chicago's housing projects are said to be self-supporting, and whereas i n 1938 only 8 per cent of the households con-tained more than 5 persons, i n 1962, 36 per cent are more g than five-person households. As economic conditions improved, the majority of the o r i g i n a l tenants "graduated" from public housing and resumed t h e i r " s e l f - r e l i a n t " positions i n the larger community. The new families that have taken t h e i r places are more and more apt to be those whose needs go f a r beyond shelter at a p r i c e they can pay. Large numbers of them are u n s k i l l e d and conse-quently unable to take advantage of expanding opportunities. Many were products of the slums, and brought to the housing communities the habits and h o s t i l i t i e s of deprivation. 8 Martin J . Dwyer, Chairman of the Chicago Housing Authority, i n his report to the Chicago Chapter of the National Associa-t i o n of Housing and Redevelopment O f f i c i a l s , September 11, 1962. 97 They were people who for most of t h e i r l i v e s had been "pushed around" and consequently had acquired a d i s t r u s t of any attempts to e n l i s t them i n cooperative a c t i v i t i e s . They were tagged "problem f a m i l i e s " and as t h e i r number increased, the "better" families moved out. I t was at t h i s point that the Chicago Housing Authority came to the conclusion that there was another side to the coin where r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for housing was concerned. The Chicago Authority recognized that i t s market for tenants i s confined to the lowest one-third of the c i t y ' s income groups, the majority coming from blighted or slum neighbourhoods. In many instances, these families bring with them to the public housing community habits and h o s t i l i t i e s bred i n t h e i r former environments, such as lack of respect for property, i n d i f -ference to housekeeping, lack of control over children, d i s t r u s t of cooperative e f f o r t s , d i s i n t e r e s t i n community a c t i v i t i e s . Such families require r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , both s o c i a l  and economic. This implies the need for t r a i n i n g , and i t i s i n t h i s area that the Chicago Authority has assumed an active r o l e during the past f i v e years. The methods used by the Chicago Authority i n i t s attempts to elevate the l i v i n g standards of i t s tenants are both i n -d i r e c t and d i r e c t . ^ 9 From the report of The Chicago Housing Authority year ended June 30, 1962, e n t i t l e d , Highlights of Operation. 98 The Good Neighbour program, inaugurated in 1957, i l l u s -trates the indirect approach. "Cornerstone of the plan i s the fact that every man wishes to be counted worthy by his peers. Our f i r s t attempts in the program were an appeal to the resident's p r i d e . T h i s approach involved a series of competitions for beautiful grounds, for good housekeeping, for personal achievement: in short, groups and individuals were given an opportunity to be singled out for honours and rewarded for their efforts with prizes and rewards. The Chicago Authority has found this approach very encouraging. A number of examples from Chicago programs are worthy of mention: 1. Giving a prize (a flag) to the housing project voted the best in appearance for a season. Residents, especially children, have responded with overwhelming interest in the competition, and the authority maintenance staff got an "unbelievable amount of assistance in keeping the grounds free of debris and rubbish". 2. Contest for "Good Neighbour of the Year". A prize of a month's free rent is given to a family chosen for the honour on the basis of good housekeeping - one family in a management area. The prize i s financed by a private Foundation. 10 Martin J. Dwyer, op_. c i t . 9 9 3. Tenant councils. building clubs, and floor clubs have been formed for the purpose of beautifying the community and improving l i v i n g conditions within the building. Mothers take turns supervising playgrounds, and during rush hours when children are going to or coming from school, the mothers monitor the t r a f f i c in and out of the buildings. 4 . Small boys - usually the bane of landlords, both private and public - are enrolled in Good Neighbour Patrols. Teen-agers compete for the t i t l e "Top Teen" in Public Housing. A large and active Boy Scout and G i r l Scout program i s operating. A l l these competitions emphasize personal achievement, family responsibility and contributions to the community. Illustrative of direct training i s a cooperative experi-ment, conducted with the Cook County Welfare Department, to determine the effect of intensive casework among resident families receiving public aid. Space within the project i s leased to the Department. The i n i t i a l experiment i s considered so successful in helping families make social readjustments and return to work, that site offices have been opened in five additional public housing communities, and there are plans for more. Another example i s the Chicago Authority's home economics program. Its effectiveness has attracted the attention of the Board of Education, which is now cooperating in an expansion 100 of the service. Glass instruction i s made available to "good housekeepers" among residents, in such basic subjects as cooking, meal planning, budgetting, time and work planning, sewing and housekeeping, plus special instruction in teaching techniques. These newly qualified teachers, in turn, set up their own classes to which neighbours are invited, or they work with management staff to offer counsel for other house-wives who are facing d i f f i c u l t i e s with home-making chores. A special i l l u s t r a t i o n of the direct approach i s the provision and use of a community building. A l l of the larger Chicago developments contain such a unit, which i s leased to Community Fund-sponsored agencies at one dollar per year. In return, the agencies provide recreational and educational programs for the residents and their neighbours in the area, giving people of a l l age groups an opportunity to learn, to expand their interests, and to develop their talents. In an atmosphere of friendliness, exposure to constructive acti v i t i e s makes them aware of their potentialities, and puts them on the road to becoming contributing citizens again. An almost equally developed program has grown up in Boston, though with the special approach here that the Boston Housing Authority has (since 1956) solicited the services of the nearest Settlement House as a means of extending i t s services to one of their public housing projects. According to a recent 101 report prepared by Robert Perlman, six such programs appear to be active in metropolitan Boston.*"1" Six settlement houses are now involved. The following are specified as the general goals accepted by a l l agencies: 1. To help individuals and families identify their needs, interests and problems, and to use existing resources to meet them. This includes referring people to specialized agencies, and "reaching out" within the project to people who need but do not ask for help. 2. To effect the close cooperation of a l l agencies serv-ing the project residents. 3. To develop new services as needed. 4. To help people take part in cooperative efforts within the project and to participate in community l i f e outside the project, thereby reducing the isolation of project tenants from the surrounding neighbourhood. This involves the develop-ment of leadership, encouraging a s p i r i t of local pride, and reducing inter-group tensions. 5. To strengthen family l i f e and the capacity of self-help and self-discipline, particularly as a means of prevent-ing or reducing juvenile delinquency. The actual programs di f f e r , but one or other of the 11 Robert Perlman, A Review of Social Service Programs Con-ducted by Settlement Houses in Public Housing Developments in  the Boston Area. February 1962, United Community Services of Metropolitan Boston, 14 Somerset Street, Boston, Mass. 102 following means are u t i l i z e d toward achieving the goals: 1. Recreational and education programs, designed in part to widen cultural horizons. 2. Casework s k i l l s for short-term service to individuals and families, for making referrals to other agencies, and for consultation with other members of the staff. 3. Community organization s k i l l s for the development of activities and i n i t i a t i v e s among tenant groups. 4. Group work services for small groups, particularly those with special needs and problems. With regard to program, the six units share many common elements, but tend to be oriented in one of two directions. The major stress i s either on (1) activity-centred recreation and informal education, or (2) more intensive services to individuals, families or groups, often those with special needs. Both orientations are present to some degree in each program, as also i s an emphasis on self-help projects. Examples to i l l u s t r a t e this are worth quoting. Some programs consist largely of classes and groups interested in sports, crafts, home-making s k i l l s , trips, etc., with only a minor part of their resources devoted to counsel-l i n g and guidance. Other programs invest much of their time and effort in helping people with their social and community relationships, in such matters as employment, problems within 103 the family or with neighbours, inter-group relations, etc., though they may also sponsor recreational a c t i v i t i e s . The programs generally make contacts with elementary school children, teen-agers, adults and older adults. The youngest and oldest groups receive the most service. The age groups with whom there had been the least contact so far, are the twenty to twenty-five-year-old adults. It i s note-worthy that there have been some programs in home economics or home-making (cookery, budgetting, house decoration, etc.) conducted by "extension agents", who are now shifting from work in agricultural areas to the c i t i e s . Without attempting to catalogue a l l the ac t i v i t i e s , two kinds of programs should be singled out. Summer programs, particularly for children, have been important in a setting where distance and limited money make isolation in a housing project especially unsatisfying^ Day camps, country camping, trips to places these children would be unlikely to v i s i t , swimming parties - a l l these have been developed, and are now enjoyed by hundreds. Another aspect of programming concerns the exchange of information, opinions, and feelings among project residents. Printed guides to community f a c i l i t i e s and resources have been used, but even more productive have been v i s i t s to new families to welcome them to the project. Several programs have developed 104 mimeographed newspapers, written largely by residents, and these have been worthwhile, both for the readers and the writers, in providing news of local events and in affording a channel for the expression of hopes and fears, "gripes" and commenda-tions. In a number of instances, people have been brought together to work toward some immediate, tangible end (.e.g. raising funds for children's a c t i v i t i e s , establishing a curfew to prevent loitering and mischief by teen-agers from outside the project). Apart altogether from their particular detailed achievements, they have been successful in helping people to mobilize their own strengths. Achievements and Barriers Any benefits that accrue to the tenants of the projects naturally benefit the community. In Chicago, Irving M. Gerick reports that the isolation of the welfare recipient from the 12 community i s slowly breaking down. Previously, the welfare recipient's c i r c l e of friends would be those who reflected the same pattern of social problems. Now, as a result of group membership, and from participating in activities with the "well adjusted" people, the welfare recipient i s deriving new learning experiences and a more positive way of l i f e . It i s true that the reverse effect can occur, and usually 12 Irving M. Gerick, Chicago Housing Authority, "Family Rehabilitation in a Public Housing Setting", in Change for  the Better . . May 1962, N. A. H. R. G.•Publication No. N468. 105 does so without intervening help. But the "positive" aspects may come out the victors over the "negative" qualities because of the support given to the clients by the community-based caseworker. Also, the enabling activity of the worker has increased the number of "natural" community leaders, and these add progressively to the strengthening of the project community. Such results are in some degree measurable. The Chicago Housing Authority Report states that there was an 89 per cent increase i n 1962 in requests for public housing accommodations, 13 coupled with a record low turnover rate of 8.1 per cent. This is an indication that people are beginning to think that public housing represents "a good place to l i v e " . The Author-ity's regular housekeeping inspections also disclose that 90 per cent of a l l households are rated "satisfactory", 5 per cent "outstandingly excellent", and only 5 per cent "unsatis-factory". These latter families are given further advice and training, and so long as they give evidence of cooperating, they w i l l be permitted to remain. The degree to which these programs succeed in their objectives w i l l not always yield s t a t i s t i c s . However, i t must be conceded that a program of services that prevents social deterioration is surely a step in the right direction. 13 The Chicago Housing Authority, year ended June 30, 1962, Highlights of the Operation. 106 The results of these programs show that the inhabitants of these projects are acquiring a measure of self-confidence as well as coming closer to "community building". A major problem l i k e l y to be encountered by most housing projects dependent upon the casework services of a public welfare department, i s the high staff turnover of the public welfare workers and the large caseloads they carry. This has been much exhibited in Chicago. It means that social workers with limited experience may have only brief contacts with their clients. In addition, an overburdened social worker is unable to maintain adequate working contact with the housing authority or with other community agencies serving the same client. At worst, the benefits that the client could and should obtain through the concerted efforts of the service personnel may be n u l l i f i e d . Another problem in this instance, arising from the Boston experience as the Housing Authority there moved into operation, and which w i l l bear upon most service programs, is that many tenants look with reserve or suspicion on professional workers representing agencies. Social workers find this quite under-standable, for many tenants of housing projects have frequent contact with agencies, and social workers come to represent an "authority figure". Consequently there has been some concern on the part of agencies about the "image" of the 107 programs among residents. Consideration i s being given to emphasizing the recreational and group work services, and lessening the emphasis on problem-centred service. An example is Chicago's "good neighbour program" where the emphasis i s shifted from the problem families to the "good" families. Many think, and with good reasons, that a program that is identified primarily with helping the people most obviously in trouble w i l l have d i f f i c u l t y in achieving i t s wider objec-tives. It i s significant that this lesson - the need to direct programs to a l l residents, not the "problem" ones alone -supports the similar one derived from welfare service experi-ences reviewed in the previous chapter. B. "COMMUNITY BUILDING" IN URBAN RENEWAL AND "RELOCATION" "Urban renewal" i s the overall term that embraces a l l activ i t i e s both public and private, aimed at the elimination and prevention of urban blight. Where the intent of urban renewal i s to preserve an existing neighbourhood, the neighbour hood improvement program is known as either "rehabilitation" or "conservation". Clearance and rebuilding of a neighbourhood is called "redevelopment". Although some are apt to minimize i t , public housing i s invariably an important aspect of urban renewal.^ 14 Working Together for Urban Renewal. September 1958, N. A. H. R. 0. Publication No. 407. 1G8 Since c i t i e s are in essence people, i t follows that urban redevelopment w i l l not really "work" unless i t includes in i t s plans, the best knowledge and insight into human rela-tions that can be produced. In other words, the program must aim at contributing in every way i t can to producing and maintaining a healthy person, both physically and emotionally, regardless of his colourincome, religion or social status. Unfortunately, there is a long history of over-emphasizing the physical aspects of the community in attempts to achieve better l i v i n g conditions for people. Willard E. Downing states a frequent criticism of the urban planner - which should sometimes be directed not at qualified planners (who nowadays are trained with due reference to sociology), but at real estate developers and some members of city governments: • . . the physical planner seems more concerned about land re-use, values, and tax returns than he i s about people. Each city cherishes the dream of a revitalized central business d i s t r i c t sur-rounded by luxury apartments. The dream embraces the idea that the amenities of suburbia w i l l be recaptured, accomplishing the miracle of bringing back the expatriates and their income. There is also the hope that removal of the slums may provide more room for commerce and industry -most welcome, for they pay the highest tax and produce no children to consume costly services. . . . The city i s changing and the maximum change w i l l occur in the areas where we have a concentra-tion of slum dwellers. Many of these people w i l l desperately need help. Who i s there to help? This i s a mass problem. Yet problems associated with relocations must be dealt with on an i n d i v i -dual basis, for each problem w i l l be unique. The planner is dreaming of the grand plan, the nice 109 people, the new cit y . But who i s planning for the people who l i v e in our slums? Canadian history is not free enough of mistakes or inadequate programs to ignore this warning. The problems start with relocation. Moving to a new area for the majority of the people from a "slum area" means improvement of their lives, but for some i t means an intensification of problems, which, unless resolved, could exact a t o l l from both the individuals concerned and the new communities to which they move. This at least, seems to be the lesson learned by Americans in their urban renewal programs. The Boston Redevelopment Authority, for example, in their 1957 federally sponsored redevelopment program found that the morale of almost a l l families was affected as they were uprooted 16 from an area with which they had strong tie s . For people seldom realize they have roots, or what meaning i t has for them, u n t i l they are uprooted and suddenly discover how d i f f i -cult i t can be to re-establish themselves in new ground. The earlier pattern of l i v i n g i s destroyed, and the families 15 Willard E. Downing, "Community Organization in Public Housing and Urban Renewal: Special Problems of the Urban New-comer", GommunjU^ University Press, New York, N. Y., 1959, pages 76-78. 16 Jane Dale, "Families and Children in Urban Redevelopment -A View from a Settlement House", pages 17-24 in Change for the  Better .~. ..National Association of Housing and Redevelopment O f f i c i a l s , May 1962, N. A. H.'R. 0. Publication No. N468. have the task of creating new ones in strange and often what may appear to be frightening conditions. Relocation means among other things, a loss of old habits and old friends, and having to learn one's way in a new environment. For example, dislocated families must acquaint themselves with a new school, a doctor, shops, a church and in general, must get to know a new neighbourhood. Experience has shown that the anxiety resulting from this host of strangeness resulting from relocation, coupled with the fear of illness and possible unemployment, is particularly damaging to some families. The Boston Authority found that during the relocation period, there seemed to be a general abnegation of parental responsibilities. Many parents seemed to feel that their children's school and behavior problems were relatively unimportant in comparison to their own problems of moving. Regard for property almost disappeared, and destruction became a favourite game among the children. Vandalism and truancy became particularly acute. The adolescents, i t seemed, were acting out a l l the insecurities and antagonisms that their parents were feeling. Unless these problems are nipped in the bud, they w i l l be inherited by the new neighbourhoods to which the teenagers move. I l l Leadership i n "Involving the Community" The lessons learned from American redevelopment experiences point out that cer t a i n s o c i a l problems a r i s i n g out of re l o c a t i o n can be anticipated, and measures taken to prevent or at l e a s t attenuate i t s e f f e c t s . In Boston for example, because there were various s o c i a l agencies and churches involved i n a renewal area p r i o r to actual r e l o c a t i o n , a basic framework for prevention was a v a i l a b l e . These groups not only had a good knowledge of the community, but had established l i n e s of communication with each other through t h e i r association i n the area's neighbourhood co u n c i l . The neighbourhood council i n turn was able to es t a b l i s h communication with The Boston Housing Authority, and l a t e r the Redevelopment Authority, long before the actual land-taking i n 1958. The council stressed the need for c l a r i t y regarding d e f i n i t e plans for the area, and the redevelopment representatives informed the council members of the exact nature of redevelopment and the timing of i t s various phases. In t h i s way, through t h e i r combined e f f o r t s , they were able to i n i t i a t e measures to prevent or minimize confusion, doubt, and d i s t r u s t that usually arises when a neighbourhood i s involved i n renewal a c t i v i t i e s . Furthermore, the redevelopment authority was provided with a community group on which i t could c a l l when problems of actual r e l o c a t i o n demanded active working with 112 groups of agencies and individuals. It i s important that neighbourhood councils be represented by local "leaders" who command the sympathy of the people involved, i f the council i s to achieve i t s goals. This i s particularly important when the barriers separating the neigh-bourhood from the larger community are not only physical and social separation, but ethnic and cultural separation. This i s a particularly acute problem in the United States where great numbers of negroes are involved in rehousing pro-grams. Also the recent influx of people of Puerto-Rican descent, particularly in New York City, i s also bringing this new dimension into housing problems. So far at least, this i s a much more limited problem in Canada. In Vancouver, some conflict occurred as the city's redevelopment program has come to involve a section of "China Valley". The problem i s perhaps economic as well as social, but there are at least real overtones of the ethnic element. It i s hardly f a i r to say that " . . . Vancouver planners have stirred up a dragon's 17 nest in Chinatown with their re-development schemes." Others besides "the planners" have been responsible for actions taken, or not taken. The local people were said to fear that redeve-lopment plans would mean ". . . the collapse of the social structure of the Chinese community and the strangulation of 17 C l i f f Mackay, "Chinatown Fights Slum Clearance", an ar t i c l e appearing in The Vancouver Sun, January 19, 1963. 113 Chinatown commerce." Since there are few positive plans in action as yet, i t i s perhaps premature to brand the redevelop-ment plans as being " . . . too ambitious and without regard for the human element". But the need for consultation and information has been convincingly demonstrated. Both the Vancouver Housing Association and the Vancouver Branch of the Community Planning Association have been concerned with the issues and have called for " . . . more social and personal understanding". Meantime, comparative experience should be consulted. Experience in the United States has shown some of the positive results which can be obtained from working with the local people in renewal planning. The Baltimore Harlem Park renewal program i s a good example of how the involvement of the residents started a program r o l l i n g when i t was apparently in severe d i f f i c u l t i e s due to conflict between "the planners" and the local people. When the Baltimore program was f i r s t initiated, i t seems that the city o f f i c i a l s in charge of the program were well aware of the need for adequate city participation, and they appointed a chairman and co-chairman to form the nucleus of a Neighbourhood Council. Although the people who made this decision were sincerely concerned about the neighbourhood, however, the residents were highly wary of city o f f i c i a l s and skeptical of their 114 motivations. The mayor-appointed leaders were seen as "stooges" of the city government. Much of the activity turned out to be "doing things for people", and the program lacked grass-roots leadership. Moreover, the neighbourhood leaders became increasingly disillusioned with the urban renewal agency and " i t s " program with which they f e l t l i t t l e or no identification. It seemed that the sincere attempts by agency staff to gain community support sometimes made matters worse. For instance, in the frantic attempts to work with the community, the agency sometimes did not differentiate properly between situations which called for s t r i c t l y technical judgment and those which the lay people could appropriately contribute. Albert Rosenberg of the Baltimore Urban Renewal and Housing Agency points to this: "There must be c l a r i t y about the d i v i -sion between lay and professional roles in urban renewal planning and execution. Certain decisions are appropriate for citizen groups; others can only be made by specialized technicians. To confuse the two leads to frustration for 18 both sides." Unfortunately, i t i s not an easy distinction to make. Community issues moved l i t t l e towards a solution as the relationship between the neighbourhood and the Baltimore 18 Albert G. Rosenberg, "Community Organization and Urban Renewal: A Case History and Its Evaluation", page 15 in Change for the Better . . op. c i t . 115 went renewal agencyAfrom bad to worse. Not u n t i l a person with community organization s k i l l s was employed did the program forge ahead. Rosenberg observes that . . . a marked change occurred when the agency employed and assigned to Harlem Park professionally trained and experienced social workers, who set out to tackle the community organization job in a manner quite different from the previous non-social-work staff approach. The main difference being that now the principles, methods, and tech-niques of professional social work community organi-zation practice were being employed. Emphasis was placed on leadership development, and act i v i t i e s revolved around getting people in the community to  learn how to do things for themselves.19 The eventual result was that, for citizens in this area, . . . urban renewal has become something more than a program that i s being imposed upon the neighbour-hood. Through their active, meaningful participa-tion, i t has changed into a "community" program . . . . It i s to the agency's credit that i t was willing to lay aside the plan that had been worked out by planners in over a year's time and to start from scratch with the lay community. Step by step, the citizens and technicians went over each part of this multi-million dollar plan, and after months of sharing ideas and concepts and with honest give and take on both sides, the f i n a l plan was outlined - a plan that boasts considerable knowledgeable support by those who helped create it.20 The need for social workers who are s k i l l e d in community organization and group relations has been argued in other c i t i e s . Their job i s to work with local groups and committees in order to develop latent leadership, and to help members 19 Ibid., page 12 (underlining added) 20 Ibid.. page 13. to be more effective in carrying out their responsibilities in renewal a c t i v i t i e s . In Boston, where relations between the renewal agency and the people of the local renewal area were not as strained as in Baltimore, the Neighbourhood Council nevertheless profited from the use of a person trained in community relations. This particular Boston neighbourhood council formed two committees to cope with some of the problems arising out of relocation. F i r s t , a "public interpretation" committee, composed of lay leaders from various social and church groups, was set up, and their function was to communi-cate facts about relocation from the relocation agency to the community, and also to relay the neighbourhood's concerns to the agency staff. The second committee, composed of staff members of the neighbourhood's social agencies was a coordina-ting agent: i t s job was to interpret the agency's services to the relocation staff, and to refer to the appropriate agencies the families found by the relocation staff to be in need of help. Both of these committees were staffed by a social worker provided by the United Community Services. The worker's function centred around developing indigenous leaders and helping the members to work as committee members. Rosenberg states from his experience that . . . A sound community organization program requires the ava i l a b i l i t y of adequate qualified staff. By this, I mean persons with knowledge, and a b i l i t y to use that knowledge, in the area of individual, group, and community dynamics. In addition to these professional qualifications, the staff person must have personality t r a i t s enabling him to effec-tively establish "rapport" with people.21 Not a l l of this liaison and development work need be directed only to adults. Working with young people should be a matter of concern in urban renewal planning far more than i s usually supposed. Experience has shown that the insecurity and confusion with which adults are faced i s immediately trans-lated to the children, and i t may be particularly evident in the "acting out" by the teen-age groups. In Boston, a community worker was assigned to a local settlement house to help teenagers as they moved to new commu-nit i e s , to find and participate in whatever constructive ac t i v i t i e s the new neighbourhood had to offer. It did not take the Boston renewal agency long to realize that the most urgent requirement of the remaining teenagers was a place to congregate as their familiar meeting places were torn down. But, in addition, the youngsters required preparation for new experiences. Consequently, services were offered to them in terms of friendship clubs and increased supervised social evenings. Leadership of teenage groups during the demolition period required the best in s k i l l s - leaders who were able through acceptance, understanding, interest and helpfulness, 21 Ibid.. page 15. 118 to establish positive relationships with teenagers. The youths were helped to plan their own programs along lines that would aid their transition to new neighbourhoods, such as trips to youth-serving agencies, v i s i t s to members of other agencies, and increased use of the larger community resources. It was also learned that women s t i l l in the neighbourhood did not wish to come to meetings solely to discuss problems about relocation. What they really wanted was an opportunity to have an informal chat, perhaps around crafts or interests, perhaps just a "get together" over a cup of coffee. The relaxed atmosphere created by this form of gathering enabled them to eventually bring up their problems to the agency staff, who were in this way able to maintain touch with the neighbourhoods and begin to identify areas where help might be required. Parents were also invited to meetings with a United Community Services information staff member, who could then help by acquainting the people with the different resources available in the community. Also reunion meetings with former residents who had made successful moves were held, and group trips to different housing projects in the community were made. For the younger children, group activities such as games, arts and crafts and so forth were devised, aimed at giving them a sense of security at a time when the whole environment was l i t e r a l l y f a l l i n g apart. 119 This experience clearly points to the fact that the success of urban renewal depends, to a very substantial degree, on the extent to which the people themselves participate. Yet, such citizen participation cannot be brought into existence by mere wishful thinking. A considerable amount of time and effort are required to help a community reach a level of functioning such that the residents are able to carry a responsible role. Furthermore, experience confirms that the autonomy of local citizen's groups i s essential, and that they should not be set up as "creatures" of the agency. There i s a place here for qualified social workers to contribute their s k i l l s in human relations, thereby helping both citizens and agencies accom-pli s h the goals which are so much debated and desired in urban renewal programs. C. "COMMUNITY BUILDING" IN NEW TOWNS In Britain, a very much longer history and experience in the housing f i e l d i s now reflected in their relatively advanced stage in community development. Planning, housing, and welfare policies alike reflect the recognition that the larger c i t i e s are too large. It i s not enough to reduce slum areas; i t i s necessary to reduce central area congestion. It i s not enough to rebuild houses, but to develop new com-munities. This i s a radical policy for dealing with over-120 crowded c i t i e s , which in North America have been "alleviated" only through unplanned expansion of suburbs - some of which have merely added to the physical, economic and social problems. The B r i t i s h have built fifteen entirely new towns since the 1946 Town Development Act, and more are planned. Most of them are near the larger c i t i e s but separated from them by areas preserved as open countryside - the now well recognized "green-belt" principle. Though the main object of a l l but four of these New Towns was to absorb population from London and Glasgow, the secondary hope i s that those who l i v e in them w i l l also work there, an object which i s being realized by actively encouraging the establishment of industries in these new locations. The New Towns are buil t by development corporations 22 established for that sole purpose. (The development of local self-government i s provided for, in time.) Although the building of New Towns is intended to aid decentralization, the primary object i s seen as creation of a satisfactory self-contained town, where i t s inhabitants both l i v e and work -not merely dormitories. The aim is to create a community as complete as i s possible, with a l l the economic, social and cultural amenities associated with such communities. "The  keynote of British social policy today i s specialized provision 22 W. 0. Hart, "New Communities", Social Service Quarterly. Winter 1959. - -121 within a community s e t t i n g . " But with t h i s has now come the recognition that such a p o l i c y w i l l make " . . . increasingly heavy demands on the s o c i a l services, which must be adequately s t a f f e d and equipped to take the s t r a i n . I t w i l l also make demands on the community which imply both knowledge and a sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . In the new communities, with no backing of outworn buildings and vested i n t e r e s t s , there i s an unprecedented opportunity to make t h i s p o l i c y a success, but only i f the e s s e n t i a l means, and leadership, are a v a i l a b l e . 23 within a framework of constructive planning'.' The much wider scope which must be given to t h i s concept of welfare services i s at once evident i n the B r i t i s h aim to b u i l d a "balanced" community with an optimum degree of s e l f -containment. This also means that there should be a balance of age groups, including provisions for the next generations. There i s a heavy emphasis placed upon the provision of employ-ment along with housing - a need that Americans and Canadians have not yet coped with. I t must not be forgotten that t h i s i s not only a d i r e c t solution to the economic needs of the family; i t cuts down commuting fr u s t r a t i o n s and t r a f f i c costs. A v a r i e t y of industries and other types of employment for both the s k i l l e d and l o w - s k i l l e d (including youths and women) are 23 J . H. Nicholson, "New Communities i n B r i t a i n " , Housing Review, V o l . 11, No. 2; March-April, 1962, page 62 (underlining added). seen as adjuncts to a rehousing plan: and sooner or later this brings housing into a regional plan. The Development Corporations, regarding i t as essential to parallel housing with employment, have worked out programs through the Industrial Selections Scheme, whereby tenants are selected directly because of their s u i t a b i l i t y for employment in the industry established in a new town. The fact that a majority find themselves in the same line of work, i t is reported, has helped establish community relationships and, to an extent, eased the feelings of loneliness which are so apparent in a l l new settings. Sites for churches, meeting places and places of entertainment become basic parts of the plan, as well as industries. The "whole community" approach that Britain i s taking i s evident from the following recommendations, which particularly relate to "services": 1. Services and amenities should be provided concurrently  with the houses. There should be close cooperation between the developing authority and the authority responsible for social services. 2. The need for community services should be kept constantly under review, and agreement in principle should be arrived at between the authorities responsible. 3. A meeting-place suitable for small groups should be pro-vided with the f i r s t houses, of a type capable of exten-sion when the need for this i s proved. 4 . The community associations and their National Federation should continue to review their organization and policies in the light of the changing situation in new communities. 5. The churches should keep continually under review the balance between their own social activities and the work of their members in the general community, 6. Close touch should be kept between the authorities and agencies concerned with social development, both at officer level and through appropriate local bodies such as community or neighbourhood associations or councils of social services. 7. There i s a need for further f i e l d surveys to ascertain the problems and desires of particular local communities. In most New Towns, the Corporation has appointed an officer to look after "social development". It i s recognized that although a good housing manager has essential roles in the social f i e l d , there is s t i l l required a separate worker, who on the one hand i s not closely identified with the landlord, and on the other, is concerned specially with the task of building a social community. The "community development officer" is a new term. It i s interesting to note that the same term i s being used as the one now internationally in vogue because of the programs of aid for "undeveloped countries". Nicholson points out that community development.?calls for the following steps: (a) A social development officer should be appointed in - - every community of size of a new town, and neighbour-hood workers for smaller communities. (b) Housing management should be in the hands of an ade-- quate staff of qualified officers. 24 J. H. Nicholson, o£. c i t . , page 62 (underlining added). 124 (c) The normal range of s o c i a l agencies, voluntary as well as statutory, should be provided as early as possible. (d) There should be a grant-aided scheme for t r a i n i n g . community centre wardens, and schemes f o r t r a i n i n g voluntary workers i n many f i e l d s should be extended. (e) Every e f f o r t should be made to e l i c i t leadership from the community i t s e l f . 2 5 The essence of the s o c i a l development o f f i c e r ' s job i s to develop community cohesion through the w i l l i n g cooperative e f f o r t of the c i t i z e n s themselves. The worker merely acts as a ca t a l y s t to arouse a sense of cohesion, purpose, and achieve-ment i n the community. He i s selected for h i s p r a c t i c a l know-ledge of techniques of communication and of working with groups. He l i v e s i n the community, finds out i t s s p e c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , problems, and needs, discovers and brings out latent leader-ships. He then stimulates the people, f i r s t to recognize t h e i r needs, and then to f u l f i l l them by t h e i r own e f f o r t s . G. Brooke Taylor, who has observed t h i s job i n action, states that i n a New Town where there i s e x i s t i n g no pattern of r e l a t i o n s h i p between tenants and the corporation, the s o c i a l development o f f i c e r takes the lead i n c a l l i n g meetings or organizations, and i n guiding the formation of d i f f e r e n t neighbourhood organizations.26 He not only a s s i s t s i n the forming of neighbourhood group structures but serves to 25 J . H. Nicholson, ap_. c i t . . page 62. 26 G. Brooke Taylor, "Community L i f e i n a New Town", So c i a l  Service Quarterly. Spring 1959. 125 interpret Corporation policy to tenants and to take back the tenants' views to the Corporation. The social development officer i s aware that neighbourhood groups offer a variety of different satisfactions. Some people join groups for a practical purpose, e..£. to learn gardening, handicraft and so forth, and others join groups merely to make friends. Some join because they want a position in a group through which they can express themselves, and some are drawn into group activity in order to attack society. The motives may be entirely unconscious or may have as their roots some basic frustrations - but whatever the case, the social develop-ment officer can recognize that these needs are met by a variety of different groups, and a variety of different satis-factions in the community. It is obvious that there are many differences between a cleared slum, a redeveloped area, and a New Town. But i t should be obvious also that the New Town puts the goals of "rehabili-tation" in a new ligh t . And when viewed in this light, these become not only statements of experience in Britain, but a statement of enlightened leadership in the f i e l d of housing. The question that we need to ask is how many of these lessons have been learned in Canada. 126 CHAPTER IV HOUSING ADMINISTRATION - ITS WELFARE IMPLICATIONS Public housing may be seen as a social institution of great strength and scope and one which may provide unequalled opportunities for amelioration of conditions under which so many families l i v e . In the early days of public housing, i t s opponents argued that "slum dwellers produce the slums", and that new dwellings would soon become slums unless occupants were sufficiently educated to make good use of them. This prophecy has not been borne out, though i t is also true that some advocates of public housing have been disappointed with the results achieved so far. But housing authorities can now verify that, although there are some families who remain problems, a majority of people are not necessarily problems. Their response to attempts to provide them with a better l i v i n g environment depends very much on the policies pursued by the administration and by the extent to which housing i s reinforced by "community". Rehousing has meant a major change in l i v i n g standards for many families. Although many have been rehabilitated wholly or in part as a result of rehousing, the changes 127 which have occurred are not to be attr i b u t e d simply to the changes i n phy s i c a l environment. The Manager, the housing s t a f f , and various helping f a c i l i t i e s have played an important r o l e i n a s s i s t i n g these changes. The time has come when c i t i e s must concern themselves not only with the physical aspects of public housing, and the environment i n which the housing i s located, but with a l l t h e i r e f f e c t s on the l i v e s of the tenants. This requires planning i n advance; and i t requires the most earnest consideration of what i s implied i n "coordination". A. PLANNING STAGES Planning has been defined i n >one of the key references examined i n t h i s study as "an evaluation of present conditions and trends, followed by purposeful a c t i v i t y to a t t a i n desired goals. These goals are promoted by e f f i c i e n t l y organizing a l l pertinent community resources." 1  The Experience of E x i s t i n g Projects The consensus i s that i n the early planning stages of any development, housing agencies should e n l i s t the cooperation of the appropriate community service agencies to check on the adequacy of e x i s t i n g community f a c i l i t i e s (schools, playgrounds, 1 Edward Aronov, "Milwaukee: Community Planning f o r Public Housing f o r the E l d e r l y i n Milwaukee", pages 61-65 i n Change  for the Better . . op. c i t . , page 65. 128 l i b r a r i e s , health c l i n i c s , etc.) available to the proposed housing development. Ideally, these f a c i l i t i e s should be available both to project residents and to other people in the neighbourhood. A public housing program may easily suffer from having less than vigorous and sympathetic support from the public and from the agencies in the community at large. To achieve the f u l l objectives of the program, the project authorities should be prepared to u t i l i z e a l l available social resources. This i s easier said than done; yet i t i s true, not only in the sense of accrued benefits to the project i t s e l f , and to disadvantaged families, but also in the sense that one of the basic justifications for subsidized housing i s the contribution which i t can make to the welfare of the whole community. With regard to citizen participation, the Baltimore experience brings out convincingly that this cannot be deve-loped overnight by the waving of a magic wand. Instead, a considerable amount of time and effort i s essential i f the community is to achieve a high level of community participation. "Especially in view of timing and deadline requirements in an urban renewal program, we face grave d i f f i c u l t i e s i f the community organization process has not started well in advance 129 of other a c t i v i t i e s . " The Baltimore experience also points to the autonomy of l o c a l c i t i z e n s ' groups as being an e s s e n t i a l element i n success-f u l public cooperation. The name " c i t i z e n s group" i s not enough to ensure acceptance. The groups must not be set up as "creations" of the agency which i s responsible for the housing project; or act i n a way which makes some of the residents, not represented on i t , suspect that i t i s a group imposed from above. The Boston West End experience has demonstrated how important i t i s for the s o c i a l agencies i n a redevelopment area to attempt to determine, ahead of time, the needs of the community during r e l o c a t i o n . I t i s e s s e n t i a l that some attempt be made to plan s o c i a l agency programs i n accordance with these anticipated needs - even, i f necessary, at the expense of previous patterns of service. These projected needs are d i f f i -c u l t to assess, and therefore, f l e x i b i l i t y i n programming w i l l be necessary i n order to achieve greatest service to the ne ighbourhood. The Boston West End experience indicates that three kinds of assistance must be provided to the residents of a redevelopment area: (1) Help i n accepting the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of t h e i r move; (2) Information and a i d i n a c t u a l l y getting 1 Albert G. Rosenberg, "Baltimore: Community Organization and Urban Renewal r A Case History and Its Evaluation", pages 7-15 i n Change for the Better . . ., op. c i t . 130 themselves moved to the new community; (3) Help i n making an adjustment to t h e i r new lo c a t i o n . " ^ Housing authorities are usually r e s t r i c t e d from engaging i n any program of d i r e c t service on t h e i r own account. They can, however, take the i n i t i a t i v e i n c a l l i n g together repre-sentatives of voluntary organizations and various kinds of s o c i a l agencies serving the community. Agencies administering low-rent public housing programs should at lea s t be prepared to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the planning of needed services. As they become more experienced, indeed, t h e i r a i d and information i n t h i s task may be invaluable. A reporter of the Detroit experience sums up i t s planning process i n t h i s way: Three basic steps were immediately necessary: (1) To determine the requirements of the community; (2) To determine the t o t a l resources of the commun-i t y ; (3) To serve the established needs through the f u l l e s t possible use of e x i s t i n g resources and through expansion of these resources."3 When a housing authority begins a public housing project there should be concern about two kinds of planning - physical and s o c i a l . As already outlined i n the preceding chapter, both of these are fundamental to the e f f e c t i v e functioning of 2 Jane Dale, "Boston: Families and Children i n Urban Redeve-lopment - A View from a Settlement House", pages 17-24 i n Change  fo r the Better . . OP. c i t . 3 Emeric Kurtagh, "Detroit: The Story of the Cass Community P i l o t Project", pages 55-59 i n Change for the Better . . .. op. c i t . • 131 the housing authority, and emphasis on one to the exclusion of the other may result in a project which i s unsatisfactory to tenants, the housing authority and the wider community. The concept of "integrated planning for social and physical needs" must be a goal for public housing projects, no less than for other really effective community services, d i f f i c u l t though i t may be to achieve. It must be admitted, nevertheless, that planning for the social needs of public housing tenants has received much less attention than planning for physical needs. In the United States, and i t would seem also in Canada, there i s l i t t l e agreement as to whether a community program can be j u s t i f i e d under housing legislation, while also, some authorities have fai l e d to acknowledge or examine the related questions which arise alongside with housing. Such problems include, for example, the kind and amount of community space needed, the sources from which professional staff should be sought or trained, the kind of relationship which should be developed between the project management and social agency personnel, and the coordination of housing authority objectives with public and private welfare agency objectives. The Housing Authority of the City of Milwaukee i s one example of a project arrangement which engaged in planning for social needs before even the architects were employed, 132 and when only the site was known.^ The authority sought and obtained advice from community organizations, and i t is also notable that public and private agencies actually designed the community space and formulated the community program. A brief hist o r i c a l account of the Milwaukee planning process w i l l serve to il l u s t r a t e a number of relevant concepts. This i l l u s t r a t i o n of "integrated physical and social planning" i s derived from a public housing project for the elderly, but i t i s obviously applicable to public housing projects catering for a wider range of tenants. F i r s t , certain general agreements were canvassed as to what constitutes proper physical planning for housing the elderly. It i s generally accepted, for example, that the site should be centrally located with respect to transportation, community f a c i l i t i e s and shopping. Also, a housing project for the elderly should be located in a neighbourhood having a character familiar to those persons being housed. It i s fre-quently assumed (although this i s now being questioned) that old people's residences should be near, though not necessarily part of, an area with children and playgrounds. Many physical amenities are now being buil t into these projects, to reduce accidents, and to make day-to-day l i f e more pleasant for the occupants. 4 Edward Aronov, op_. c i t . 133 Physical planning of this kind i s now an accepted part of the public housing picture; but planning for social needs remains a relatively uncharted course. The Housing Authority of the City of Milwaukee, believing that many answers to these questions could be otained from social welfare personnel and organizations, directed a letter to the United Community Services of Greater Milwaukee some eight months before the local governing body authorized the development of the housing project. The letter suggested that representatives of the United Community Services and the Housing Authority meet together to discuss problems involved in providing health, recreational and counselling services for the future residents. After a description of the preliminary physical plan and housing authority objectives had been presented, the Community Services Committee on Aging offered i t s subcommittee on housing as participants in planning for health, recreational and counselling services. This subcommittee directed letters and questionnaires to nineteen public and private agencies asking, in essence: If this project i s developed, (i) what services i f any would your agency be able to provide, and ( i i ) what space and equipment w i l l be required?"* I n i t i a l l y , only four agencies responded, but when the authority c l a r i f i e d 5 Ibid., page 63. 1 3 4 i t s position by conference, i.e., that the authority was authorized to provide community space, that responsibility for staffing and programming rested with the agencies, and that the authority would be guided by the recommendations of the agencies in determining the kind and amount of space to be provided, the response was complete and enthusiastic. Later, the interested agencies met with the housing authority architects to work out space requirements. Finally, the housing authority wished to obtain the services of an organization which could coordinate the act i v i t i e s of the participating agencies. A church offered i t s services for this purpose and further proposed to employ a social worker to coordinate community services and to provide individual service to the project residents. There i s l i t t l e doubt that, with such a procedure, the prospects for a well rounded community program are better assured; and i t i s significant that what was accomplished was not "spontaneous" or accidental, but the result of foresight and careful social planning. The Housing Authority supplied i n i t i a t i v e ; community services engineered coordination. Planning for physical amenities, as already mentioned (Chapter III), has many precedents. The amenities may be created by the correct handling of the natural characteristics of the site; the social amenities have to be brought into being through the people l i v i n g in the neighbourhood or, 135 perhaps, in a larger urban scheme. There are fewer precedents for this, although the New Towns developments in Britain (Chapter IV) are now supplying some. It i s clear that professional town planners may be a l l i e s of social workers and of housing authorities in these matters -i f the links are forged. A broad extension of adequate city and regional planning i s an absolutely necessary prerequisite for a sound program of housing development. The larger the program, the greater the need. Even at present rates of production, suburban sprawl i s defacing the environs of most of our c i t i e s . Without strong planning on a metropoli-tan basis, large new development programs w i l l only make matters worse.6 North American c i t i e s could profitably follow the successful example of European c i t i e s , especially in Scandinavia, in acquiring municipal land reserves. It i s probably too late to build up reserves on the large scale and at the low costs which were achieved in some European countries, but in the light of present rates of growth, i t i s obvious that the costs w i l l be higher and the d i f f i c u l t i e s greater in the years to come. This i s the case for greenbelts and the orderly develop-ment of s a t e l l i t e communities. Social workers, as well as c i t i e s , need to be more aware of them. 6 Metropolitan Housing and Planning Council of Chicago; and ACTION, Inc., Interim Report on Housing the Economically and  Socially Disadvantaged Groups in the Population, Part II, page 4 9 . 136 Unfortunately, physical and social planning can s t i l l take separate paths. Plans for social services and housing are often regarded as constituting the sum total of "community planning". They are essential, but for modern c i t i e s a truly comprehensive social plan i s an integration which w i l l not be achieved without imagination, and probably some education and give and take from a l l concerned. Howard W. Hallman^ i s one writer who has attempted to put social planning in the community renewal program context and he emphasizes five main requirements: 1. A social plan should rest on an analysis of the characteristics of the population and i t s various subcultures, including the different values and norms to be found among the subgroups; 2. Behind the plan should be studies of the basic human needs of the city's residents - for food, clothing, shelter, work, play, education, religion, friendship, a r t i s t i c expres-sion, etc., as well as some indication of the extents to which these needs are presently being met; 3. The social plan should give considerable attention to employment, including the avai l a b i l i t y of work opportunity, and training f a c i l i t i e s for re-employment; 7 Howard W. Hallman, "Social Planning for a City", in Journal of Housing, February 1962. 137 4. The social plan should indicate the role which public education should play in moving towards the goals of the city; 5. The plan should be concerned with public and private expression of the arts. This may seem too wide a perspective for persons whose concern i s focused particularly on "welfare services". But is i t so incompatible? The goals of comprehensive planning and social planning meet in the desire that the city should be the best possible place in which to l i v e . Urban renewal programs provide the opportunity for social workers, city planners and interested citizens to work together; and this i s particularly f r u i t f u l in matters relating to housing quality and quantity. There are various means of effecting better liaison, such as cross-representation on boards, joint commit-tees, conferences and the sharing of research results. There are many areas of administrative responsibility that could be more efficient from the standpoint of human relations i f more time and attention were devoted to the planning stage. Analytical study i s the c r i t i c a l element. For example, the relocation trauma could be eased i f planning would follow from a study of the cultural characteristics of various ethnic groups. The aid of social scientists could be enlisted in university towns, to consider the behavioral patterns and attitudes of the families to be relocated, the strength of ties in their former 138 l i f e and t h e i r expectations of what l i f e w i l l be l i k e i n the new housing project* Correct information seldom reaches these f a m i l i e s , and even the best methods of providing t h i s informa-t i o n to assuage t h e i r fears might need to be worked out. This i s obviously p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant for minority ethnic groups and migrants but i t i s sometimes forgotten how important i t may be f o r men, women and children who have been l i v i n g at low economic and deprived l e v e l s . Furthermore, "the possible r e l a t i o n s h i p that may develop among families and neighbours under various b u i l d i n g arrange-ments and apartment layouts can be predicted, and procedures for minimizing s o c i a l or ethnic c o n f l i c t s and feelings of d i s c r i m i -nation worked out. Also, possible consequences i n new housing areas i n terms of increased or decreased demands f o r d i f f e r e n t g types of community services can be considered." A conviction strongly represented by United States Housing o f f i c i a l s (the N. A. H. R. 0. group) i s that an important means of assuring the s t a b i l i t y of a neighbourhood and the l a s t i n g effectiveness of renewal i s through active and resourceful  neighbourhood organizations. preferably operating on a permanent bas i s . The best c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , however, arises from groups that are informed, i n t e l l i g e n t and constructive, and that operate i n support of programs that are consistent with 8 Walter E. Boek, "An Anthropologist Suggests How His Profes-sion Can Help i n Renewal.Job", Journal of Housing. November 1961. 139 sound housing and renewal programs for the c i t y as a whole. I t i s for t h i s reason that the provision of s t a f f assistance fo r t r a i n i n g neighbourhood organization and leadership should be accepted as part of project costs - whether f e d e r a l l y or l o c a l l y or i n some combination of accounting. The need fo r emphasis on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n at the neighbourhood l e v e l i s also repeatedly affirmed. N. A. H. R. 0. commits i t s members to the following premises upon which sound community organization should be developed: 1. C i t i z e n organizations should be established upon the basis of voluntary action, each person acting out of an i n t e r e s t and concern for h i s neighbourhood as i t r e l a t e s to the o v e r a l l improvement of the c i t y ; 2. Community organizations should be representative of a l l interest-groups to be found i n the neighbourhood; 3. C i t i z e n organizations should p a r t i c i p a t e i n esta-b l i s h i n g the long-term goals of the program, and should be allowed to express themselves f r e e l y . I f these groups f e e l t h e i r acceptance i n t h i s way, they w i l l the more w i l l i n g l y share i n the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for bringing the program to ultimate success. But the most important p r i n c i p l e , which has already been i l l u s t r a t e d i n preceding material, i s number 3. 140 B. ADMISSIONS AND TERMINATIONS In the early English public housing programs, working men's housing was open and available to any family who wished to l i v e i n housing of that p a r t i c u l a r q u a l i t y . No means tes t of any kind was necessary since the rents were f i x e d according to s i z e of rented u n i t , rather than income. As the quantity of public housing increased, t h i s kind of housing has more and more been considered "normal". The rents are low, and the low rents are the product of subsidy. But the subsidy i s i n general a s o c i a l cost to provide r e n t a l housing, rather than directed to s p e c i a l or disadvantaged groups. In the United States, however, a d i f f e r e n t r a t i o n a l e developed. Income l i m i t s were low, and have been retained at low l e v e l s ( i n s p i t e of upward charges to meet r i s i n g cost of l i v i n g ) , to r e s t r i c t occupancy of public housing to families i n the lowest income group, and on the grounds that public housing should not compete with private b u i l d i n g . P a r t l y as a compromise, Canadian public housing has been b u i l t on a wider income range, f i r s t i n Toronto's pioneer Regent Park project, and i n several v a r i e t i e s since. Some units are i n e f f e c t subsidized, some are not. The projects vary i n the degree to which they pay "economic rent" or permit " f u l l recovery". Low rents, however measured, are of course the essence of public housing. Canadian public housing p o l i c y has recognized the importance of low rent to family welfare by adopting the system f i r s t worked out i n the Carver-Hopwood study at the 9 University of Toronto School of S o c i a l Work i n 1948. The rent scale formulated here varies according to income range and also family s i z e . In essence, the rule-of-thumb "20 per cent for rent" i s accepted, but given d e t a i l e d graduated f l e x i b i l i t y . I t permits rents as high as $75 a month or thereabouts; i t also permits a large family to pay only as l i t t l e as $40 for a sizeable s u i t e . What i s important i n i n t e r p r e t i n g welfare matters i s that the p o l i c y has tended to confine the project to marginal and s o c i a l assistance groups to an extent amounting to a form of segregation. Special ethnic groups have made t h i s seem more obvious. When the rents are set i n r e l a t i o n to income, of course, i t i s necessary to check on incomes, both at admission and annually thereafter. As a r e s u l t , " r i g i d i t i e s and over-regulation often seem inherent i n public operations, and i n the housing program have tended to increase as the proportion of problem families has mounted. The complexity of the pre-ferences and other requirements for admission, and the long waiting period before f i n a l acceptance, discourage applicants, while repeated examinations of income, coupled with the threat 9 Humphrey Carver and A l i s o n L. Hopwood, Rents for Regent Park, Toronto, C i v i c Advisory Council of Toronto, 1948. 142 of eviction, disturb tenants after admission." 1^ In addition to having incomes within the prescribed limits, families eli g i b l e for public housing must, according to many authorities, have been l i v i n g in substandard dwellings or have been displaced by slum clearance or other public activity. Most commonly, displaced families are given f i r s t preference in admission. (The United States Housing Act specifically provides that preference shall be given in the selection of tenants to families who have the most urgent housing needs. It further emphasizes that there be no discrimination against families receiving r e l i e f . ) Maximum income limits for admission are often set in terms of " e l i g i b i l i t y income", that i s , net family income less exemptions. Maximum income limits for the admission of average-size families in 1958 showed-a median of $2,900 for a l l authorities in the United States. In contrast, however, the median ' e l i g i b i l i t y income' of the families admitted had incomes well down in the allowable range, though some changes are now appearing. In the lower part of the income scale i t i s hardly sur-prising to find a large proportion of broken families - families without wage earners, or families whose primary wage-earned i s unemployed or incapacitated. The concentration of these 10 Metropolitan Housing and Planning Council of Chicago; and ACTION, Inc., op_. c i t . , page 30. 143 low-income fami l i es i n large i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d pro jec ts has tended to aggravate the i r d i f f i c u l t i e s . Indeed, i t has been charged by some c i t i e s that housing pro jects have tended to become " s o c i a l and economic ghet tos" . I t i s of course important to point out that a low income fami ly i s not necessar i l y a "problem" fami ly . "Problem f a m i l i e s " requi re d e f i n i t i o n ; but they may be anything from 5 per cent to 10 per cent of the t o t a l pub l ic housing popula t ion. How far deprived fami l i es a f fec t others i s , of course, a re levant quest ion. Even more to the po in t , i f problem fami l i es g ive a "name" to the p ro jec t , some tenants may leave and segre-gat ion appears to be increased. But ca re fu l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s e s s e n t i a l . Some people l i v e i n slum areas because of personal ly uncont ro l lab le hardships (phys i ca l , mental , economic or s o c i a l ) ; o thers , because the i r behavior i s acceptable only i n t h i s area. How far can they be adjusted or r ehab i l i t a t ed i n a housing pro ject? Frequent ly , a f te r many attempts are made to work w i th these people, the dec is ion i s made to exclude those who do not meet ce r ta in behaviora l requirements. But i s i t he lp fu l to force them out of the pro ject to seek residence i n another low-rent area somewhere else? As Dr. Rose, commenting on Canadian experience as w e l l as American, has put i t : " In the beginning we had to prove that people wouldn't rever t back, and we had to p i ck and choose. Now that we have proved that 144 people can change and improve, we can take a step further and see what we can do with families who require assistance, not 11 only with housing but with s o c i a l problems." 12 Pursuing t h i s further, Dr. Rose also raises f i v e c r u c i a l questions, most of which are s t i l l f ar from d e f i n i t i v e answers: 1. How can a balance be achieved within the public housing project, as between families of diverse s o c i a l and economic position? 2. What i s the appropriate proportion of tenants i n re c e i p t of public assistance? 3. What i s an appropriate d i s t r i b u t i o n of tenants i n various categories of s o c i a l class and economic grouping? 4. What i s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of public housing authori-t i e s i n a s s i s t i n g the s o c i a l adjustment of those tenants who are "troubled" to the extent that they require the assistance of s o c i a l agencies? 5. What p o l i c i e s might or should the public housing authority adopt with respect to the new families who prove to be "troublesome" following admission to the public housing project? 11 Albert Rose, Regent Park, A Study i n Slum Clearance, op. c i t . , page 125. 12 Idem. "Public Housing and Public Welfare", Habitat, May-June, 1959. 145 These are certainly the issues of social policy which come closest to management in contending with the problems "on the doorstep". Maintenance of income limits at relatively low levels i t must be noted, may result in the eventual loss of the more energetic families who better their economic position so that they no longer "qualify"; and the result i s further concentration of less successful and, perhaps, more maladjusted families in the projects. Families who leave because of improved income, however, are often forced back into the slums. The threat of eviction for this reason can be a dis-turbing factor to a l l tenants. The Canadian income-range avoids some of these d i f f i c u l t i e s . But tenants in the upper income ranges may be more disposed to move out. The United States public housing program has tended to provide new housing of good standard for the more dependent families of very low income while families with slightly higher incomes, who are also in need of better housing, are excluded from public housing because of income e l i g i b i l i t y regulations. This i s a special source of unfavourable public opinion against the public housing program. Canadian public housing, by contrast, with i t s policy of moderately wide income range, allows some discretion to Housing Authorities, but in effect, encourages them to accept higher-income families to avoid d e f i c i t s . Thus i t has been subject to public c r i t i c i s m on the grounds that public housing i s not f u l -f i l l i n g i t s primary purpose to the most economically depressed f a m i l i e s . R e s p o n s i b i l i t y for Welfare Services During 1960, the s t a f f s of the Metropolitan Toronto Housing Authority, the Metropolitan Toronto Planning Board, and the S o c i a l Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto j o i n t l y conducted a study of the need for health, welfare and r e c r e a t i o n a l services i n the public housing projects. 13 The study indicated that although a public housing project tends to concentrate a considerable number of low-income families into a r e l a t i v e l y small area, t h i s does not seem to cause an undue burden on the e x i s t i n g community service f a c i -l i t i e s . In f a c t , the reverse seems to be the case, i n that, i f the project management i s able to bring the needs of project tenants to the attention of the community's s o c i a l agencies at an early stage, the services provided may prevent more serious deterioration of the f a m i l i e s . The r e s u l t i s that project tenants may cost the community less than other low-income families l i v i n g i n other areas. "There i s no i n d i c a t i o n that a public housing project creates any community service needs which did not ex i s t before, although r e l o c a t i n g 13 "Health, Welfare and Recreation Costs", Ontario Housing, December 1961. 147 families from other parts of the Metropolitan Toronto area in t o the project area, may s h i f t pre-existing needs from one n 14 area of the municipality to another. Awareness of such findings as these would promote a more p o s i t i v e public opinion of public housing programs. How Are Families i n Need of Counsel to Get It? A study of the problem families i n New York City''""' reveals that the most seriously damaged families i n public housing could not obtain casework services. (Whether or not they were aware of the need or the a v a i l a b i l i t y of the service, and what t h e i r willingness was i n the matter, i s not clear.) I t would be f u t i l e to r e f e r these f a m i l i e s , not known as seeking help, to agencies. I t might be equally f u t i l e for the Authority to set up i t s own complete service as a new agency i n the commun-i t y . One "s o l u t i o n " , of course, i s that the Authority could r e j e c t a l l problem f a m i l i e s , and not allow them to become tenants; but t h i s group i s the most d i f f i c u l t to relocate, and the pressure on the Authority to admit them i n order to avoid delay i n public improvements can be very great. I f the Authority accepts them, and then evicts them as soon as they f a i l to comply with regulations, t h i s course has neither the family nor community welfare i n mind. I f the Authority l e t s 14 I b i d . 15 Elizabeth Wood, The Small Hard Core, op. c i t . 148 them l i v e i n the projects " i n the s t y l e to which they are accustomed", t h i s tends to force out the "normal" families; sooner or l a t e r t h i s could jeopardize the program. What i s the proper answer to these dilemmas? Elizabeth Wood, a respected authority i n public housing matters, asserts: The only acceptable a l t e r n a t i v e to these d r a s t i c go-it-alone choices i s for the Authority to develop new programs and p o l i c i e s i n cooperation with e x i s t i n g s o c i a l agencies, where the assets of the Authority Management p o l i c i e s are shaped i n accord with sound s o c i a l welfare concepts. The Authority, as a public agency, has the duty and the responsi-b i l i t y to c a l l for every possible assistance from the public and private a g e n c i e s . ^ P a r t i c u l a r l y i n the United States, there may be s p e c i a l complicating factors here. The question of race r e l a t i o n s has had serious implications for public housing admission p o l i c y . In the se l e c t i o n of occupants there has been no formalized discrimination on the basis of race, colour or creed; never-theless, t h i s l e g a l requirement has aroused some sections of public opinion against public housing i n many neighbourhoods. "There i s no short-cut to the solution of r a c i a l problems. Despite a l l the progress which may be possible, i t i s c e r t a i n that the r a c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s which a r i s e i n finding project 16 I b i d 149 sites w i l l persist for years to come."1^ Who Should Be Eligible? One solution to the consequences of selection of only the lowest income tenants i s a better cross-section of families who are in need of better housing. The inclusion of families with a somewhat higher income level, i t i s argued, would give a much more healthy balance to the public housing population. The resultant provision of higher rents would ease financial costs and help reduce the subsidy proportion from the federal and other governments. In Baltimore, representatives of both public and voluntary community agencies have urged r i g i d public housing managerial policies, so that people and families with problems may have a better opportunity to improve themselves. They suggest, for example, the projects should: 1. Permit young people without families to be eligi b l e for public housing; 2. Permit single people not yet sixty-five to be eligible; and 3. Permit families who are behind with their rent payments 18 to re-enter public housing under certain conditions. 17 Metropolitan Housing and Planning Council of Chicago; and ACTION, Inc., op_. c i t . , page 30. 18 Albert Rosenberg, op_. c i t . 150 Public housing literature tends to place primary emphasis on the housing of families. Other "categories", of course, have legitimate claim to subsidized housing. Old persons have been more generally accepted than other non-family groups although provision for the single aged s t i l l lags in practical provision. In Bri t i s h Columbia great efforts have been made by non-profit societies, with the assistance of provincial and municipal subsidies, to meet the housing requirements of elderly people on pension, although some estimates suggest that only one-tenth of the total need has been met. A recent brief intended for the Minister of Public Works, approved by the Vancouver Housing Association, makes a strong plea for the removal of restrictions which limit the number of old people's units in public housing to 20 per cent of the t o t a l . The brief states in part: "The purpose of the National Housing Act i s , we believe, to ensure a minimum standard of housing for a l l our citizens. Elderly people require good housing no less than other age groups, and there appears to be no logical 19 ju s t i f i c a t i o n for the present discrimination by age." The brief also recommends that aid be made available by the Federal Government, both through public housing and private societies, for the construction of units specially designed for handicapped persons of a l l ages. 19 Vancouver Housing Association, Proposed Brief to Minister  of Public Works, undated. There i s now much more general acceptance of the view that single persons, e l d e r l y f a m i l i e s , and other s p e c i a l groups should a l l be served as part of one u n i f i e d and f l e x i b l e pro-gram, without separate statutory provisions applicable to them. But the categorical view dies hard. There are p a r a l l e l s i n s o c i a l assistance. Housing should be avail a b l e because there i s not enough housing or good enough housing i n the commercial market; i . e . , on the grounds of incomes and rents for a l l c i t i z e n s ; not as a sp e c i a l service for sp e c i a l "categories". The p a r a l l e l with health services, and with education i s also relevant. U n t i l adequate housing i s accepted as a basic community need, these conditions and anomalous r e s t r i c t i o n s w i l l p e r s i s t . C. WELFARE RESPONSIBILITIES OF MANAGEMENT Good housing requires management, whether i t be sin g l e -family dwellings requiring maintenance, gardening, budgetting and other management decisions, or the private apartment block which i s regarded without question as a business requiring a landlord. Public housing i s much more than either of these since i t s management and administration i s concerned so much more with the welfare and s o c i a l l i f e of i t s tenants. And, i n addition of course, since tax-supported funds are involved, good management i s a public r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . There are at l e a s t 152 t h r e e d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e k i n d s o f a u t h o r i t y a n d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n p u b l i c h o u s i n g : T h e m a n a g e r i a l s t a f f h a s t h e d a y - t o - d a y h a n d l i n g o f t h e p r o j e c t ; t h e y h a v e t h e d u t i e s o f l a n d l o r d s , b u t o f s o m e t h i n g m o r e t h a n t h i s . I n d e e d , t o t h e e x t e n t t h a t t h e y a r e n o t s o l e l y r e g a r d e d a s t h e l a n d l o r d , t h e m o r e i t m i g h t b e s a i d t h e i r s o c i a l w e l f a r e a n d c o m m u n i t y f u n c t i o n s a r e r e c o g n i z e d . T h i s i s t h e c r u x o f p u b l i c h o u s i n g m a n a g e m e n t , a s r e p e a t e d e x p e r i e n c e i n B r i t a i n , E u r o p e , a n d m o r e r e c e n t l y , N o r t h A m e r i c a , h a s s h o w n . T h e H o u s i n g A u t h o r i t y , a n a p p o i n t e d B o a r d o f C i t i z e n s ( i n C a n a d i a n p r a c t i c e s o f a r , u n p a i d ) , r e p r e s e n t s t h e p u b l i c i n t e r e s t i n t h i s s p e c i a l a r e a o f h o u s i n g . T h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h t h e A u t h o r i t y h a s d i s c r e t i o n a n d s c o p e , o r b y c o n t r a s t , h a s n a r r o w l y d e f i n e d p o w e r s a n d r e g u l a t i o n s , i s a c r i t i c a l m a t t e r a s s o o n a s i s s u e s a r i s e w h i c h r e q u i r e m o d i f i c a t i o n o f e l i g i -b i l i t y , o r p e r s o n n e l , s e r v i c e s , e t c . T h a t s u c h i s s u e s a r e g r o w i n g h a s b e e n made c l e a r a t many p o i n t s i n t h e p r e s e n t s t u d y . I t i s s o m e t i m e s f o r g o t t e n t h a t t h e C i t y C o u n c i l i s a p o w e r -f u l f a c t o r i n h o u s i n g a u t h o r i t y a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . I t h a s t h e l a r g e s t s h a r e i n i n i t i a t i n g l o c a l a c t i o n . W h i l e i t i s a " p a r t n e r " , i n C a n a d i a n p r a c t i c e , w i t h p r o v i n c i a l a n d f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t s , a n d may t h e r e f o r e b e r e g a r d e d a s t o o l i m i t e d i n 153 i t s r a n g e o f a c t i o n , i t can u n d o u b t e d l y be a most i n f l u e n t i a l v o i c e i n m a t t e r s o f l o c a l p o l i c y i f i t c h o o s e s t o b e . I n s h o r t , w h e t h e r t h e c i t y c o u n c i l t a k e s an a c t i v e i n t e r e s t i n t h e p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s o f t h e community, o r r e g a r d s them as a s e p a r a t e and somewhat s e l f - s u f f i c i n g o p e r a t i o n , once an A u t h o r i t y has been s e t up and managers i n s t a l l e d , i t may make a l l t h e d i f f e r e n c e between a p r o g r e s s i v e h o u s i n g d e v e l o p -ment and a s t a g n a n t , r o u t i n i z e d o n e . D . E L I G I B I L I T Y AND ADMISSION PROCEDURE A b r i e f r e v i e w o f l o c a l a d m i s s i o n p r o c e d u r e s w i l l s e r v e t o i n t r o d u c e t h i s a s p e c t o f a d m i n i s t r a t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . A f t e r an a p p l i c a t i o n has b e e n made, t h e a p p l i c a n t ' s home i s v i s i t e d . The home and s u r r o u n d i n g s a r e e v a l u a t e d a c c o r d i n g t o f a c t o r s o f o v e r c r o w d i n g , i n a d e q u a c y o f h e a t i n g , p l a y s p a c e f o r c h i l d r e n , d i s t a n c e s from p l a c e o f employment, p r e s e n c e o f smoke o r n o i s e n u i s a n c e s , e t c . T h e i n s p e c t o r g r a d e s t h e s e i t e m s b y p o i n t s , and t h e t o t a l p o i n t r a t i n g c o n s t i t u t e s t h e p r i m a r y c r i t e r i o n f o r e n t r a n c e e l i g i b i l i t y . The i n s p e c t i o n r e p o r t s a r e t h e n c o n s i d e r e d by t h e seven-member B o a r d (The H o u s i n g A u t h o r i t y ) and from h e r e , p a s s e d on t o a w a i t i n g l i s t . A p p l i c a t i o n s and i n s p e c t i o n r e p o r t s a r e i d e n t i f i e d b y number o n l y , so t h a t t h e s e l e c t i o n i s f a i r and o b j e c t i v e . The r e q u i r e m e n t o f B o a r d a c t i o n has been f o u n d t o be t h e b e s t method for offsetting the possibility of anyone's bringing pressure to bear on the project manager, or a board member, for admission of a particular family. Introducing Tenants to the Project Community representatives on boards and committees, whether for urban renewal programs or social agencies involved with housing, relocation, etc., have substantial obligations i f they are to understand the people with whom they are concerned or the importance of the new environment to which they are coming. Biases stemming from their own social backgrounds may well prevent them from being objective or understanding about why people in the poorer areas l i v e there as they do. It is easy when people are rehoused as tenants of a public housing project to treat them in a paternalistic manner on the one hand, or a condescending manner on the other. There i s a tendency to "do for" rather than do with, and this may lead to serious blockages in public relations for the project manager or the housing authority, or both. As many housing managers have learned, people who have lived without the conveniences which modern housing provides do not change their way of l i f e easily. For example, when water i s f i r s t piped into homes, the level of use i s very low in comparison with homes who have been accustomed to this provision. A second stage may ensue in which the water i s wasted. Training in maintaining equipment and in keeping ari apartment in good shape may have to be given potential r e s i -dents of public housing. It i s necessary to determine what kind of training would serve best and the methods which would be most effective, since teaching people how to l i v e with modern f a c i l i t i e s would reduce the d i f f i c u l t i e s of administer-ing a public housing project. It may come as a surprise to some to be told that "classes in use and care of modern sanitary f a c i l i t i e s can be as important as training a family in bud-getting, in preparation of proper diets, caring for children. This training should be provided both during the development 20 of housing projects and afterward." Much depends, of course, upon a judicious assessment of the kinds of tenants, and the range of education and experience they have. Is i t reasonable to expect the Manager to do a l l this? It i s an important aspect of tenant i n i t i a t i o n to define clearly at the outset the responsibilities of both tenant and management. This is most often done by means of the lease as a legal document requiring the signatures of the tenant and representatives of the Housing Authority. It i s the responsi-b i l i t y of the Authority to be sure that the tenants understand the terms and the importance of the lease. The lease spells out notice of vacating responsibility on the part of the 20 Walter E. Boek, op_. c i t . 1 5 6 tenant; the amount, place and time of payment of rent; regula-tions pertaining to subletting a portion of the dwelling and the taking i n of roomers and r e s t r i c t i o n s against a l t e r a t i o n s . To give weight to administrative rules pertaining to responsi-b i l i t y f or window breakage and repairs r e s u l t i n g from abnormal wear and tear, the Authority often c o l l e c t s a deposit from new tenants. Effectiveness w i l l depend on whether t h i s i s given to the tenant as an edict or as a cooperative or educational matter. The Authority's f i r s t chance to give tenants a h e l p f u l o r i e n t a t i o n to public housing and to the project i s at the stage of a p p l i c a t i o n . Thoughtful wording of the application may help the prospective tenant understand the reason for the questions and introduce him to some i n i t i a l understanding of the values of public housing. Printed and mimeographed docu-ments may contain a l l the information, but personal explanation counts for much more i f there i s someone av a i l a b l e to give i t . The second opportunity for h e l p f u l " i n i t i a t i o n " i s the occasion of the inspection of the applicant's e x i s t i n g housing before he becomes a project tenant. " I t i s important that the person who makes the inspection be the same person who w i l l see the applicant about any s o c i a l problems a f t e r he enters the proje c t . This i s to take advantage of the e a r l i e s t possible 1 5 7 2 1 opportunity for furthering a helpful relationship." The third orientation opportunity i s the tenant's arrival at the project on moving day. Providing the new tenant with a Tenant Handbook may offer many helpful suggestions as to house-keeping techniques, but again, the printed word f a l l s far short of the person-to-person relationship with a representative of the Authority or some form of cooperative education. A l l these considerations, of course, add point to the argument for inclu-sion of the social worker as part of the public housing staff. The "Landlord Functions": Rent Collections, Maintenance. Etc. The project manager, on behalf of the Authority, i s respon-sible for the legal details of lease agreements with the tenants and the orientation of tenants to their responsibilities with regard to rules, rent collection and maintenance. The way in which these responsibilities are performed is of welfare importance, not just a real estate matter, and w i l l do much to create a favourable or unfavourable image of the Authority to the tenants. Rent collection may present a very real problem to project managers since i t i s often a popular misconception among tenants that the rent i s something which may be paid when i t i s con-venient for them to do so. Project rules with regard to this 2 1 E. Fromson, J . Hansen and R. Smith, The L i t t l e Mountain  Low-Rental Housing Project, Master of Social Work Thesis, University of Brit i s h Columbia, 1 9 5 9 . _ 158 o b l i g a t i o n are often thought to have a two-way str e t c h . This a t t i t u d e , of course, i s not true of a l l tenants - some take great pride i n a record of prompt payment. The project manager may be successful, i f a good r e l a t i o n s h i p has developed, i n convincing the tenant that food and rent come f i r s t and that rules must be followed. Properly handled, the l i m i t s and authority on t h i s matter can be a h e l p f u l device, not only i n getting the rents paid but also for the security i t provides the immature tenant. Change for the Better, the compendium on United States' experience, says on t h i s subject: "Probably the single most e f f e c t i v e measure i n improving the l a t e rent s i t u a t i o n i n the project i s a concerted e f f o r t i n which a l l delinquent tenants are t o l d p o l i t e l y but f i r m l y that one of the few things expected of them was that they pay rent i n f u l l during the f i r s t f i v e business days of the month. The landlord 22 could accept no excuse." Maintenance i s an almost equally important issue i n public housing management, and here there are two schools of thought. One i s that for maximum e f f i c i e n c y , a l l work ought to be done by paid s t a f f ; the other i s that tenant cooperation i n some kinds of maintenance (e..£, cleaning and gardening) promotes a sense of belonging. The degree of maintenance requirements, however, w i l l vary very much according to the type of accommo-22 Janet E. Weinandy, "Syracuse: Families under Stress", pages 77-93 i n Change for the Better . . ., op. c i t . , page 83. 159 d a t l o n . Row house tenants have r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e i r e n t i r e u n i t s , whereas apartment b l o c k s have f a c i l i t i e s i n common (h e a t i n g u n i t s , entrance h a l l s , e t c . ) , and thus the A u t h o r i t y must assume g r e a t e r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r maintenance. There i s much room f o r d i f f e r e n c e s here: i t i s an area i n which e x p e r i -ences should be p o o l e d b e f o r e any one p o l i c y i s c r y s t a l l i z e d . A c c i d e n t a l and w i l l f u l d e s t r u c t i o n done by s m a l l c h i l d r e n who are n o t adequately s u p e r v i s e d must be r e a l i s t i c a l l y a s s e s s e d . G e n e r a l l y speaking, the amount o f breakage and damage i s to be expected a t r o u g h l y the same l e v e l as w i l l be found i n s c h o o l s and o t h e r p l a c e s w i t h a h i g h c h i l d popula-t i o n . But t h e r e may be o c c a s i o n s f o r s p e c i a l study and a c t i o n . The o p e r a t i o n o f a Neighbourhood House may be more r e l e v a n t than those o f s c h o o l s , and a group worker w i t h such e x p e r i e n c e would f i n d no d i f f i c u l t y i n c o p i n g w i t h this problem. Some degree o f tenant maintenance, i t has been argued, i s o f t e n d e s i r a b l e to keep r e n t s down. "But can tenants be persuaded to do such work, even i n t h e i r own economic i n t e r e s t , i f they are not g i v e n c o n s i d e r a b l e freedom and o v e r a l l r e s p o n s i -b i l i t y a t the same time? J u s t where i s the f i n e l i n e between r e g i m e n t a t i o n and the k i n d o f r e s t r i c t i o n on i n d i v i d u a l freedom 23 t h a t i s unavoidable i n any c l o s e - p l a n n e d development." P r o j e c t abuse and v a n d a l i s m has been found e a s i e r to 23 E. Fromson, J . Hansen, and R. Smith, op_. c i t . 160 correct by the employment of such management techniques as getting children's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n project a c t i v i t i e s , parental cooperation and education, and also by using the "personal touch" i n management's r e l a t i o n s with children. I t ought to be obvious that i f project managers were brought into conferences on the design of projects at a very early stage, many operational d i f f i c u l t i e s could be avoided. But t h i s i s s t i l l something of an exception. Tenant Councils Gradually, growing public investment i n housing has resulted i n some exceptional administrators, and there have been some very creative innovations. The success or f a i l u r e of public housing may, i n the f i n a l analysis, depend upon the degree of pride, pleasure, freedom, s a t i s f a c t i o n and development experienced by the tenants. A summary report of the C i n c i n n a t i public housing experi-ence stresses that the most important phase of any housing project community organization program i s the establishment of a tenant c o u n c i l . "Active p a r t i c i p a t i o n by residents i n com-munity a f f a i r s , the seeking out of those with leadership a b i l i t y , the b u i l d i n g of pride i n the neighbourhood - a l l of these e f f o r t s can do much to o f f s e t a lack of public accep-tance of our program."^ An active tenant p a r t i c i p a t i o n at the 24 Mary Gray Couzins, " C i n c i n n a t i : Coordinating Tenant A c t i v i t i e s and Referrals", pages 51-54 in.Change for the Better . .  op. c i t . , page 54.-161 project l e v e l i s the only means, according to t h i s report, whereby neighbourhood s p i r i t can be aroused. A group worker could provide an important service by recognizing those tenants with leadership a b i l i t y . Personal i n t e r e s t , f r i e n d l y c a l l s , encouragement, and recruitment of individuals to a s s i s t manage-ment i n c e r t a i n areas, can be the beginning for good council work. 25 A Chicago report r e f e r s to a two-year period of bad public housing p u b l i c i t y r e s u l t i n g from disturbances caused by some of the more troubled f a m i l i e s . One of the f i r s t actions of the committee, i t states, was to get tenants of the two "troublespot" projects "into the act" through newly-formed tenant associations. In New York, one project reports that i t wanted to accom-p l i s h the following: "The establishment of a tenants' organi-zation to assume gradually increasing r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for tenants' own organizational l i f e for p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n project-or wide and l a t e r , community-wide, a c t i v i t i e s . " The best public r e l a t i o n s are those which develop as a r e s u l t of the behaviour and attitudes of the public housing 25 Irving M. Gerick, "Chicago: Family R e h a b i l i t a t i o n i n a P u b l i c Housing Setting" -t pages 47-49 i n Change for the Better  . . «, op. c i t . 26 Zetta Putter, "New York: Report of Contact with Families - M i l l Brook Houses1-', pages 67-76 i n Change for the Better . .  op. c i t . 162 tenants. I t i s the function of the Authority to stimulate the best type of public r e l a t i o n s by f o s t e r i n g attitudes and behaviour which w i l l do the projects proud. Community R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s There i s an obvious source of p o t e n t i a l help at hand i n the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l , health and welfare services of the commun-i t y . Throughout the Pittsburgh Authority's h i s t o r y , these services had been used by the administrator and the tenant selection and management s t a f f s , but i n a hit-and-miss fashion, and as the need arose. A f t e r discussion l a s t i n g over a year, i t was r e a l i z e d that a mass re l o c a t i o n was properly the concern of the t o t a l community and not j u s t that of the housing authority. An advisory committee was set up with the under-standing that i t s i n t e r e s t would be a continuing matter. The j o i n t approach was effected, b r i e f l y , as follows: 1. The health and welfare federation records the family s i t u a t i o n as summarized, the family's housing arrange-ments at the time of presentation, and the agency ac-cepting the case. 2. The agency rendering service records the dates of con-tacts with the family's acceptance or r e j e c t i o n of service, a diagnostic statement of the p r i n c i p a l prob-lems focussing the concern of both agency and c l i e n t , and an evaluation of progress i n the case six months l a t e r . 3. The housing authority records a description of the family's housing s i t u a t i o n six months a f t e r the review 27 Wilson Borland, "Pittsburgh: 'Slums of the Mind' Must Be Cleared as Well as Slum Structures", pages 25-29 i n Change for  the Better . . ., op. c i t . 163 and, i f the family has been placed in public housing,, an evaluation of the family's adjustment as a tenant. 4. Final evaluation i s made by the committee of the success or failure of the action taken.28 Such a formulation would certainly not have been arrived at by sheer improvization at the beginning. Once i t was agreed on, the agencies responded enthusiastically to this joint approach to the problem family. An executive of a family and children's agency i s quoted in the report as saying: "We have known these same families for years, and have expended large amounts of money and help for l i t t l e of lasting value. Now, working together, with adequate housing available, we can pool our resources and even see the possibility of permanent rehabilitation." In defining the role of the project manager, the Cincinnati Authority suggests that the best method by which he assumes his responsibility without resorting to paternalism and overprotec-tion i s to encourage the growth of a real "tenant community". "There i s every reason to believe that this type of management w i l l reduce maintenance costs but, what is more important, i t w i l l help the housing program come closer to achieving the goal for which i t was intended." oo The Cincinnati Authority* defines some of the measures 28 Ibid., page 27. 29 Mary Gray Couzins, ap_. c i t . , page 52. 164 that management should take to promote a healthy community as follows: 1. The establishment and maintenance of a d i r e c t and e f f e c t i v e working re l a t i o n s h i p with neighbourhood i n s t i t u t i o n s - churches, schools, recreation f a c i l i t i e s , community councils, etc. 2. The provision of f a c i l i t i e s for strengthening and promoting strong family l i f e , recognizing and taking note of family and i n d i v i d u a l problems that a c t i v e l y or p o t e n t i a l l y may a f f e c t the community welfare. As a r e s u l t of the manager's awareness of the needs within t h e i r areas, and t h e i r recognition that c e r t a i n groups need sp e c i a l i z e d services, the C i n c i n n a t i Authority with the co-operation of the l o c a l health and welfare agencies has promoted intensive casework service i n public housing. "Because i t was not able to meet many of the needs of the residents, the housing authority established a r e f e r r a l service. This action c l a r i f i e d for agencies the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s they share with the housing authority i n the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of 30 families i n need of s o c i a l services." Where the co-ordinator i s placed a f f e c t s the c l a r i t y of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ; willingness to co-operate; the purpose and philosophy of the housing authority and the ease of working rel a t i o n s h i p s with s o c i a l 30 I b i d . , page 52. 164a agencies• A f i n a l quotation may be taken from the report of public housing in Portland, Maine, in which the following appears: "Every available local and federal resource should be used in a comprehensive human rehabilitation program in helping the "hard core" human failures to acquire a new outlook on l i f e . " A director of humanities should be appointed for each public housing project, to direct, coordinate and control these many sources of assistance. Whether the coordinator of welfare services should be called a "director of humanities" might be questioned. Perhaps the fact that such terminology and similar t i t l e s , such as the "community development officers" now favoured in England, i s being explored i s the best evidence that the need i s r e a l . Perhaps the indications from other sources that some housing authorities are afraid of employing "social workers" should be matched against i t . Staff Training and the Role of the Social Worker A report of the Baltimore experience emphasizes the need for certain housing personnel to be adequately trained, s u f f i -ciently sk i l l e d and objectively sensitive to help encourage and direct problem families to the point when they can use professional s k i l l s to the maximum benefit. The additional 31 Gordon E. Martin, "Portland, Maine: Human Blight Sur-, passes Housing Blight", pages 31-34 in Change for the Better . . .. op. c i t . , page-33. 165 professional t r a i n i n g suggested was s o c i a l work. "The impact of large renewal and housing programs on l o c a l communities has pointed out i n bold r e l i e f the need f o r s k i l l e d persons to give services to families affected by slum clearance. The current controversy revolves around the place i n an authority's organization f o r s o c i a l services." Organization for S o c i a l Services Creation of a s o c i a l service d i v i s i o n i n a housing author-i t y which combines casework, group work, community organization and s o c i a l research can have a number of e f f e c t s . Needs may be i d e n t i f i e d and attention can be given to both "normal" and "problem" f a m i l i e s . Tenant leadership can be developed more f u l l y and programs can be developed to influence and a t t r a c t "better" families to housing programs. "Tenant morale can be heightened through the knowledge that there i s a s p e c i a l d i v i -sion i n an authority, not to molly-coddle, but to work for the best i n t e r e s t s of the tenant family and the community. Such help i s free of the authoritative function of providing or withholding s h e l t e r . " " ^ In summary, there are three main methods of meeting tdpx,J: 32 Osborne McLain, "Background Statement: S o c i a l Services i n Housing Authority and Urban Renewal Organization", pages 43-46 i n Change for the Better . . .. op. c i t . 33 I b i d . , page 45. 166 social service needs of a public housing project. F i r s t , the project management may refer cases to the community's agencies. This method has several disadvantages - i t perpetuates the negative "welfare" attitude, poses problems of coordination and fosters the concept of the project manager as a real estate operator. Second, a social worker coordinator on the Housing Authority staff may help to coordinate the community's services and the project, and brings the concept of welfare somewhat closer. The management role i s also broadened but the best method is a comprehensive program which effects an integration of the project into the larger community. If the social work function i s divided between the execu-tive director and the manager, there i s confusion created for community service agencies and persons to whom referrals are made. The Role of the Social Worker Some authorities have made the social worker directly answerable to the executive director in an advisory capacity. Other authorities have placed the social worker in already established divisions, such as relocation bureaus in urban renewal authorities or management divisions of housing authori-se, a~ P i e -t i e s . If/-worker is in/line position on ^ housing authority, the tenant's concept of "management" interest broadens to include their welfare and total interests. If not, the worker 167 i s "separate" - and ca r r i e s the "welfare" stigma. The r o l e of the s o c i a l worker was spelled out at the 1960 Conference of the National Association of Housing and Redevelop-ment O f f i c i a l s . A review of the minutes from these meetings indicates a recognition of the need for s p e c i a l i z e d services such as s o c i a l casework, group work, community organization and s o c i a l research, i f we are to meet human needs and to imple-ment various programs fo r providing better l i v i n g . The statement of p r i n c i p l e s issued by the National Federation of Settlements and Neighbourhood Centres includes: "We believe the f u l l p o t e n t i a l i t i e s of public housing w i l l be r e a l i z e d only when the plan for development includes i n management s t a f f persons with t r a i n i n g i n community organiza-t i o n , s o c i a l work and home economics to a i d tenants i n making maximum use of public housing and other community resources and i n bridging the gap between the development and the sur-rounding neighbourhood." In the recommendations for l o c a l housing authority action issued by the National Association of Housing and Redevelopment O f f i c i a l s the commendation i s found: "That the organizational structure of each l o c a l housing authority include a high l e v e l p o s i t i o n to be occupied by a person with t r a i n i n g and experience i n the s o c i a l welfare and/or community service f i e l d , to develop 34 A New Look at Public Housing, 1958, page 7. 168 and maintain the necessary liaison between housing and welfare planning at the local level." The rationale behind this N. A. H. R. 0. recommendation i s , in brief, as follows: There are a number of examples and demonstrations of effective coordination of housing and social welfare services in specific l o c a l i t i e s . A review of such demonstrations clearly indicates that, beyond the necessity for informed personnel, there i s an important link that must be forged to assure coordination of services for those who are to be served. Inasmuch as the housing authority can achieve i t s f u l l objective only by the f u l l u t i l i z a t i o n of community and social welfare services, i t i s the responsibility of housing agencies to cooperate with the community's coordinated social agency programs. It i s therefore recommended that a local housing authority's minimum recognition of the above responsibilities should be the provision of a high level position in i t s organizational structure for a person trained in the community and/or social welfare f i e l d . Liaison with Community: Volunteered Services Since many public housing agencies seek the f u l l u t i l i z a -tion of the community welfare services to meet the needs of the project occupants, the welfare agencies should assist the authorities in this effort. This points up the need for 35 Community Services and Public Housing: Seven Recommenda-tions for Local Housing Authority Action, op..cit., page 6. effective liaison between the community and the project. It i s a two-way street - social welfare agencies must become ful l y informed on policies and procedures of public housing agencies and the housing agencies in turn must be informed about the welfare resources of the community. The Housing Authority of Washington, D. C , for example, brings together i t s management staff by (1) a, series of monthly meetings of the f u l l management staff and a representative of some social agency; (2) individual housing managers meeting with social caseworkers; and (3) by encouraging a manager to 36 participate in neighbourhood councils. Social welfare agencies can participate in formulation of public housing policy on planning new developments and on management. As an example, the Welfare Council of Metro-politan Chicago gains such participation through the Advisory Committee on Community Services, which i t appointed jo i n t l y 37 with the Chicago Housing Authority. The Committee consists mainly of top executive staff of the Council, other social welfare agencies and the Authority. The Role of the Volunteer Volunteer groups, especially i f directed by a professional worker, can accomplish much through their a b i l i t y to recognize 36 N. A. H. R. 0., Working Together for Urban Renewal - A Guidebook, Chicago, 1958. 37 Ibid., page 20. 1 7 0 needs and plan accordingly. Space may be assigned for the use of volunteers to promote educational and training classes (e.g. sewing, budgetting, cooking). Volunteers may also provide a valuable service in visiting shut-ins and providing transportation to c l inics . 171 CHAPTER V COORDINATION OF SOCIAL SERVICES FOR PUBLIC HOUSING The main issues and questions involved in integrating social services with public housing have now been examined in some detail. The guidelines of "family welfare", "community building", and "administration which i s alive to human welfare, and to community collaboration" seem to be established. In housing projects (Chapter II), not a l l families are problem families: but problem families need rehabilitation services i f they are not to prejudice the total project; and a l l families need some help in adjusting to new situations which are meant to be constructive and restorative. The danger of isolating projects from the neighbourhood in the surrounding community (Chapter III) whether physically, or by compartmenta-lized or "category" thinking, is very real when public housing i s restricted severely to low-income brackets. It i s less so when the income range i s wide; but in this latter event, concern with making the project "part of the community" may be even more necessary. In any case, there i s a rich variety of activities, some very "normal" (such as youth clubs), some distinctly directed to deprived or maladjusted (such as family casework services, money management classes), which can be developed in an enterprising project. They are helpful not only for the morale of tenants, but for forging links between project and neighbourhood; also for encouraging self-help and a sense of social or community responsibility. Finally, i t i s obvious that a l l of these matters, whether problems or achievements, have implications for management (Chapter IV). "Management" and "administration" and "govern-ment" are not necessarily the same; there are several levels of administrative responsibility which must be recognized. Nor is i t enough to underline the responsibilities of the Housing Authority: Authorities are dependent on local and senior governments; likewise, social agencies, whether sepa-rately or through Community Chests, Welfare Federations, or special committees, need to be alert to their opportunities to take advantage of housing f a c i l i t i e s and urban renewal programs, and also to collaborate with one another. Methods of coordination and collaboration are so important, and there has been such a development of experience in recent years in American c i t i e s , that special attention has been reserved for this part of the story. Concepts of Coordination The similarity between the kinds of services that have come to be provided for low-income tenants in American public housing, and the comprehensive and integrated programs now 1 7 3 being proposed for multi-problem families in the community at large, i s notable. There are certain common features of organization and administration, in particular (a) the "reach-ing out" nature of the programs - the plan being to bring services directly to the families in their own residential neighbourhoods, and (b) coordination of services, by u t i l i z i n g various devices by which inter-agency cooperation i s achieved. These innovations of service patterns and methods are a response on the part of community agencies to an awareness that specia-lized agencies operating independently of one another do not reach a l l families requiring their services. Also, they do not provide effective service due to the family's involvement with several, rather than one, agency representative. This situation applies equally to public housing developments, where lack of coordination on the part of agencies and removal of the agencies from direct service in the projects result in poor usage of services by families and haphazard provision of services by the agencies. The idea of coordinated services for the most severely disorganized families in the community or a section of i t , i s , as yet, in the nature of an experiment. In the United States there have been a number of "demonstration" projects in recent 174 years, A recent survey (December 1962) of 260 North American communities revealed that i n 143 of them, projects are either underway, recently concluded, or i n the planning stages. Underlining the v a r i e t y of programs which has been developed, the authors comment on the methods employed as follows: These projects represent a wide spectrum of a c t i v i t y ranging from the " d i f f i c u l t case" conference -pri m a r i l y a case-focussing device - to the t r a d i t i o n a l casework approach, to the multi-service approach, and f i n a l l y to the community development approach where casework, group work and recreation and commu-n i t y organization are being t r i e d out i n a v a r i e t y of combinations and permutations. These programs do not break with the past but present s u f f i c i e n t boldness i n t h e i r conceptualizations as to lend an a i r of expectation and hope pending t h e i r f i n a l r e s u l t s . Several projects are using volunteers as treatment agents, another project i s teaching budgetting s k i l l s , another the preparation of menus made up of surplus foods as well as other homemaking s k i l l s . Nurses, home economists, detached group workers and community organizers have joined the ranks of the t r a d i t i o n a l caseworker i n a v a r i e t y of imaginative attacks on the multi-problem family. When the f u l l impact of these programs i s r e a l i z e d , i t i s more than possible that the concept of " s o c i a l worker" w i l l be considerably modified.2 Several of the projects included i n t h i s large scale net-work of "family treatment" programs include both the welfare services and the community b u i l d i n g effofcts which have been 1 Community treatment Programs with Multi-Problem Families - A Survey of 260 North American Communities, Joseph C. Lagey and Beverly Ayres, Research Department, Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, Vancouver, December 1962, page 2. 2 Ibid . , page 2. 175 referred to as public housing needs, in preceding chapters. This trend may be significant for the future, since tenancy in public housing for many families represents their f i r s t opportunity to leave the deteriorated neighbourhood or the slum, and to overcome the frustrations of inadequate housing or excessive rents, or both. Naturally, a considerable variety of service forms and social work methods are involved; but this also bears close resemblance to the needs manifested when low-rent public housing problems are examined. The administrative question of how to organize social services in public housing and the implications for service effectiveness of various forms of organization i s complex and controversial, since there i s as yet much confusion about the goals of public housing, and hesitancy about whose respon-s i b i l i t y i t i s to bring service programs to bear on housing projects. In addition, the ways in which this issue has been resolved in various communities in the past present a variety of alternative solutions, and a complex and variable range of services in the specific programs about which we now have descriptions. Osborne McLain, director of the Social Service Department of the Philadelphia Housing Authority, has reviewed their experiences in this regard. He summarizes the issues usefully by distinguishing "internal" and "external" effects of reorganizing for social services. Analyzing the internal 176 e f f e c t s , he argues that "the creation of a s o c i a l service d i v i s i o n i n a housing authority combining the s k i l l s of case-work, group work, community organization and s o c i a l research" can have the following e f f e c t s : 1. A concentration of s o c i a l service development can be i n i t i a t e d i n cooperation with community agencies by s p e c i a l i s t s i n the f i e l d . S p e c i f i c a l l y , a. Attention can be given to both "problem" families and "normal" families through i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of needs. b. Tenant leadership can be developed more f u l l y . c. Programs can be constructed to influence and a t t r a c t "better" families to housing programs. d. Tenant morale can be heightened through the knowledge that there i s a s o c i a l service d i v i s i o n i n the authority. 2. C o n f l i c t of d i v i s i o n a l i n t e r e s t within a housing authority can be avoided, with each d i v i s i o n collaborating, yet developing i t s own s k i l l s or s p e c i a l i z a t i o n s to maximum e f f i c i e n c y . 3 He adds that the function of the s o c i a l service d i v i s i o n i s "not to mollycoddle; but to work for the best i n t e r e s t s of the tenant family and the community". Moreover, "such help i s free of the authoritative function of providing or withholding shelter". In analyzing the external or wider community implications of not reorganizing for s o c i a l services, he points out: 3 Osborne McLain, "Background Statement: S o c i a l Services i n Housing Authority and Urban Renewal Organization", pages 43-46, i n Change for the Better . . .., A p r i l 1961, page-45. 177 The public's concept of renewal and housing agencies -perhaps especially housing authorities - can be that the agency i s primarily concerned with i t s own service and not with people. This attitude results in -a. a reluctance to provide welfare services; b. a "ganging up" - sometimes with the client -against the authority; c. referral of maladjusted families to the authority; d. perpetuation of the unsavory image of urban renewal and housing programs. He points out that the attitudes and working relationships between welfare agencies and housing authorities can be nega-tively influenced by failure to develop agreement on the complementary functions of each and by not reflecting this in a formalized administrative structure. This, of course, i s a basic step in helping tenant families to develop a positive and r e a l i s t i c conception of the housing authority's function and the complementary functions of welfare agencies. He emphasizes that this administrative structure is equally important for community agencies. "When the social work function i s divided between the executive director and the manager - confusion is created for community service agencies and persons when referrals are to be made: Who i s responsible for what? What interest i s paramount as reflected by the authority's organization?" This can permeate other areas of the public housing program, since "other types of structures may not adequately reflect an authority's 178 concern for people nor the authority's willingness to do i t s share as part of the community serving a social purpose".^ These are clearly r e a l i s t i c "directives", influenced by practical experience. The effectiveness of a social service program in public housing i s influenced by the way in which i t i s organized (in relation to the housing authority's land-lord functions) and by the manner in which the variety of participating agencies are brought together to provide better planned services. It is clear, also, that the attitudes and relationships between tenants, housing managers, and social workers are influenced by the manner in which each i s organized in the administrative structure. Alternative Methods of Coordination In order to provide a framework for perceiving, and perhaps classifying, the different kinds of service programs which may apply to public housing, the following skeleton i s suggested to distinguish the different degrees of comprehen-siveness and emphasis in programs. Such a scheme does not necessarily indicate the specific content of different programs, but examples w i l l serve to demonstrate the alternative forms. 4 Ibid., page 4 5 . 179 Alternative Types of Program in Public Housing Welfare Services Recreation Education \ 1 Health Community Co-ordinating Bodies (Community Chests, Welfare Councils, United Good Neighbours, etc.) z Others Housing l Public Housing Authority J Projects Neighbourhood or District (including public housing.) Figure 1. Diagram to aid in classifying alternative types of program for co-ordinating welfare services in re-lation to public housing. The "methods" (1) to (5) in the diagram are explained in the succeeding text. 180 The fact must be faced that what appear to be simple methods of organization may well involve complicated relationships, E and these w i l l be reflected in the actual programs found in the housing project. It i s possible, for example, for a social work coordinator on the housing authority staff to develop a comprehensive network of community services for a housing project, by securing the cooperation of several agencies for one housing project. On the other hand, a sizeable staff of social workers hired by a housing authority could provide a relatively specialized family counselling service for the families in the housing project, yet not be directly concerned with developing other services of an educa-tional or recreational nature for the total tenant population. The actual division of responsibilities in any one project i s l i k e l y to reflect the av a i l a b i l i t y of services in the community as well as the resources and philosophy of the housing authority. The latter may or may not be an active participant in the program of services. 1. Social worker as "referral" person for welfare services In one type of organization, there is a direct working relationship between the housing authority and the social work  agencies in the community. Characteristically, a position on the housing authority staff i s created for a consultant, coordi-nator or liaison person; however, his main function i s re f e r r a l . 181 Varying techniques of case conference can be ut i l i z e d , whether under the auspices of the housing authority staff or the social agencies. But the distinguishing point of this form of program i s that tenants are "referred out" to the agencies in the community, whereas in other forms, the agencies provide their services on the site of the project. Experience with this form of service program has apparently been both favorable and unfavorable; and the reasons are worth examining. In some cases, tenants are in contact with several agencies, so that i f the community agencies are poorly coordinated, quality of service may suffer. Many tenants do not follow through with referral to some agencies. Also, some agencies are unable to give immediate service due to waiting l i s t s . Although tenants are "referred out" to community agencies, in many cases the agencies extend their services into the housing project. For example, a referral for group work pro-grams for the young people in the project may result in a program's being established on the project s i t e . If several agencies become thus engaged, the program form changes from a purely "referring out" type to an "extension" form operated by the social agencies in the projects (shown as form " 2 " on the skeleton)• 182 For example, i n Detroit the "Cass Community P i l o t Project"** was guided by a coordinator for welfare services on the housing authority s t a f f . The development of coordination with community s o c i a l agencies led to the establishment of a Neighborhood House on the project grounds. In addition, a wide range of community services was e n l i s t e d and developed into a more compre-hensive program for the t o t a l tenant population. This i s an example of form "1" developing into form "3" on the skeleton o u t l i n e . A v a r i a t i o n i n the coordinating r o l e has been used i n Washington, D. C. 6 where a s o c i a l worker combines casework, group work and community organization s k i l l s with her r e f e r r a l functions. Here d i r e c t services are given to families and groups i n the project, but these are supplemented by r e f e r r i n g families to community agencies for extended service, and the attempt i s also made to coordinate the agencies who are working with tenant f a m i l i e s . 2. Direct agency (welfare) service i n the project In the second form, one or more s o c i a l agencies provides d i r e c t services i n the housing projects, usually by establishing 5 Emeric Kurtagh, "Detroit: The Story of the Cass Community P i l o t Project", pages 55-59..in Change for the Better . . .. op. c i t . 6 "Washington, D. C " , Journal of Housing. December 1959, page 363. 183 an "extension worker" there, or having a branch office located in the project. A variety of services i s possible, combining casework, group work and community organization s k i l l s . Group programs and classes for several age groups, and the develop-ment of tenant organizations and tenant leadership, are fre-quently found. Since this program may be expanded to include recreation, education, health and other services, i t may lead to the development of a total neighbourhood program encompassing the d i s t r i c t surrounding the housing project, as in forms "4" and "5". In Chicago^ the housing authority cooperated on a multi-problem family "demonstration project" conducted by the county welfare department, known as the Rockwell Gardens Project. The av a i l a b i l i t y of services and staff directly in the project produced excellent results with tenant families, and the experi-ment has been adopted as a permanent arrangement, welfare branch offices now being established in other projects with both direct service and coordination functions. A similar 8 arrangement in Cincinnati involved establishing decentralized branch offices of the Public Welfare Department in six housing 7 Irving M. Gerick, "Chicago: Family Rehabilitation in a Public Housing Setting'*', pages 47-49 in Change for the Better . . j., op. c i t . ~ 8 Mrs. Mary Gray Couzins, "Cincinnati: Coordinating Tenant Activities and Referrals", op. c i t . 184 projects. As other community agencies were interested, i t was possible to develop a comprehensive program of services -group programs for education, counselling, recreation and health, as well as the development of tenant councils and other " s e l f - h e l p " programs. These are examples of welfare services developing into multi-agency programs. Similar programs are i n evidence i n New York, Syracuse, Boston, and other large c i t i e s ; and t h i s form i s now developed around Toronto's Regent Park. 3. Generic s o c i a l worker or mobilizer of community services The t h i r d form of program represents a d i r e c t attempt to develop a comprehensive program by appointing a s o c i a l worker not confined to welfare services but acting as a group worker and community organizer as w e l l . His job i s to act as a mobilizer of a l l relevant community services. In t h i s case, the housing authority through i t s coordinator or r e f e r r a l person i s active i n drawing on the t o t a l resources of the community and mobilizing them i n an integrated fashion for tenant f a m i l i e s . Extension workers or branch o f f i c e s are frequently used but are under the guidance of the coordinator. For example, i n San Antonio, g C a l i f o r n i a a s o c i a l work coordinator for the housing authority has been active i n mobilizing s o c i a l agencies providing casework, group work and community organization services and i n 9 "San Antonio, C a l i f o r n i a " , Journal of Housing, November 1960. 185 supplementing these by health, educational, r e c r e a t i o n a l , homemaking and other services. The Ci n c i n n a t i program re f e r r e d to above u t i l i z e s a si m i l a r approach. In some projects, decentralized s o c i a l agency o f f i c e s providing generic s o c i a l work s k i l l s and services, because they are a f f i l i a t e d with the community chest, have been able to u t i l i z e t h i s broader background of services to develop a comprehensive program i n public housing. This has been the 10 experience i n Dallas, Texas, where the employment of f u l l -time s o c i a l work consultants and the establishment of a branch o f f i c e of the Public Welfare Department resulted i n health, education and welfare services being a v a i l a b l e from one bu i l d i n g . Services are established to deal with the following areas: health and medical needs, homemaking education, c h i l d care methods, school truancy and drop-outs, money management, family casework, s o c i a l and community i s o l a t i o n of tenants and the project, work s k i l l s , s o c i a l and recrea-t i o n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n of tenants, and use of community f a c i l i -t i e s , 4. A community coordinating body The fourth v a r i a t i o n i s the provision of a comprehensive and integrated service program to public housing under the 10 "Dallas Housing Authority - Stresses Health, Education and Welfare Services to Tenants", Journal of Housing, March-April, 1962, page 127. . . auspices of a specially appointed community coordinating body (typically the Community Chest). This may or may not include the establishment of a branch office of a "service centre" 11 in the project. In Pittsburgh, an advisory committee repre-senting the health and welfare federation of agencies acts as a case conference group for a l l families in public housing. The continuing committee represents a broad consensus of a l l the community agencies. 12 In New York, a "Social and Community Services Division" established within the Housing Authority with i t s own office provides recreational and educational services as well as social services. Mental health services and youth services, especially for juvenile delinquency, have also been included in this program. Where the coordinating body for community agencies, for example the Community Chest, establishes a Special Committee to develop a program of services for public housing, there is the danger that this planning and development can exceed the capacity and willingness of the housing authority to cooperate. This raises the issue of how far the housing project i s a 11 Wilson Borland, "Pittsburgh: 'Slums of the Mind' Must Be Cleared as Well as Slum Structures", pages 25-30 in Change for  the Better . . ., op. c i t . 12 Mrs. Zetta Putter, "New York: Report of Contact with Families - M i l l Brook Houses", op_. c i t . 187 r e n t a l operation or a service base for community services. For t h i s reason, close working relationships between the coordinating committee and the housing authority are e s s e n t i a l , i n order that the two bodies are able to develop harmonious purposes and working relationships for the benefit of project tenants. Such a program may have to go i n stages, and only so far as proper interpretation permits. In Boston, J the united Community Services of Metropolitan Boston established a "Committee on Recreation, Health and Welfare Services to Public Housing Development Neighborhoods". This came under one of the d i v i s i o n s of U. C. S. (Group Work) but was meant to serve as a coordinator for a l l the work with the housing authority. The Committee, after conducting surveys of various s o c i a l problems and needed f a c i l i t i e s to selected public housing projects, was instrumental i n the establishment of l o c a l settlement houses i n three housing projects to provide the services of the settlement house as well as other s o c i a l services to the tenants. By 1962 six such projects were established, with v a r i a t i o n s i n program emphasis according to the needs and f a c i l i t i e s of each housing project. The s p e c i f i c content of these programs i s described i n d e t a i l i n Chapter I I I . 13 F i r s t Evaluation Report of the Community Services Center  Operating i n the South End Housing; Project, op. c i t . 188 The Boston programs vary in the extent to which they offer one or another of the following: (a) recreational and educa-tional programs; (b) casework s k i l l s for short-term service to individuals and families, and for referrals; (c) community organization s k i l l s for the development of tenant groups; (d) social group work services to small groups, particularly for tenants with special needs and problems. An inter-agency council service i s provided by the Settlement House i f two or more auxiliary community agencies are serving the housing project. The establishment of the Settlement House on the project site in conjunction with the United Community Services' Committee has enabled the development of a program of services that is comprehensive, flexible, and geared to the total tenant population - not only to specific "problem groups". 5. A neighbourhood coordination program The extension of services to the neighbourhood in which the public housing project happens to be situated represents the most complete form of program. This is doubly interesting because i t offers program coordination, and the po s s i b i l i t i e s of combined rehabilitation whether or not public housing i s part of the area. The element of exclusiveness for public housing tenants only, i s eliminated; and the stated goals of these programs come closest to the ideal of "community develop-ment" of the total neighbourhood. At this point also, i t 189 must be noted, "community development" comes closest to the kind of program envisaged in the New Towns of Britain. The difference i s t h a t the New Towns "start from scratch" whereas area coordination projects in North America are intended for old areas not necessarily run down or due for urban renewal, but certainly with a variety of welfare problems, some of which have "neighbourhood" elements. Such a neighbourhood-based program requires active participation at three levels. F i r s t , at the "policy level" the Community Chest or other major coordinating body for community services i s involved in the development of a policy statement in conjunction with the urban renewal and housing authority o f f i c i a l s . Second is the appointment of a special council or committee responsible for the study of needed f a c i l i t i e s and mobilizing total community resources for the local neighbourhood. Where public housing i s included in the local d i s t r i c t , the needs present in the projects must be included in study and planning at this level. The third level of activity i s that of the various workers in the local d i s t r i c t , representing a range of agencies and services. Teachers, social workers, public health nurses, clergymen, recreation o f f i c i a l s and several others may be found in the "team" that brings a planned and integrated program of services to bear in the local d i s t r i c t . 190 One of the settlement houses i n the Boston area,**^ organized to mobilize t o t a l community services as i n forms "3" and "4" described e a r l i e r , d i f f e r s i n that services are extended by the settlement house to the neighbourhood sur-rounding the housing project. The settlement house s t a f f , c onsisting of a d i r e c t o r , a family worker, a youth worker and a home economist, focus t h e i r main attention on the tenants. The youth worker has found that i n c l u s i o n of teen-agers from the surrounding neighbourhood i n the group programs has a b e n e f i c i a l e f f e c t because i t overcomes the s o c i a l d i s -t i n c t i o n f e e l i n g s , and the i s o l a t i o n of "project people" from the surrounding community. The "Community Services Center" has put forward as one of i t s goals the integration of the tenant families with the surrounding neighbourhood. This i s further r e f l e c t e d i n programming by the development of tenant associations, the sending of representatives to neighbourhood councils, the j o i n t use of community f a c i l i t i e s and j o i n t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n community projects. A v a r i a t i o n of t h i s form exists i n New Haven,*"* where a services d i r e c t o r acting as a coordinator of community agencies i s developing an integrated program of services for each neighbourhood, including the public housing f a m i l i e s . This 14 F i r s t Evaluation Report o f the Community Services Center  Operating i n the South End Housing Project, op. c i t . 15 "New Haven", Journal of Housing, June 1962. 191 represents a " t o t a l " approach to social and community problems by coordinating and integrating health, welfare, family, youth, homemaking, legal and other services. It i s a comprehensive service program that is "neighbourhood-based" rather than housing project-based. Implications for Coordination in Canada - The Local Area In Canada, both the financial arrangements and the admini-strative authority for local public housing projects are regarded as a "partnership" between a l l three levels of govern-ment. The request for a project must be initiated by the city government and directed to the partnership of the Province of Bri t i s h Columbia (as represented by the Provincial Housing Commissioner who reports directly to the Minister of Finance) and the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation (which i s , in effect, an agent of the Canadian Government). These requests may be of two types, stemming from either the city's plan to provide additional housing for the groups in need, or an urban redevelopment plan requiring the rehousing of dis-placed citizens. In the latter case, the National Housing Act requires that the partnership offer accommodation which i s safe, sanitary, and at a rent which can be afforded by those displaced by the rebuilding operation. Following the request initiated by the city government, Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation and the provincial 192 government in partnership conduct a survey to determine the size of the project required and the distribution of the sizes of accommodation within the project. The C. M. H. C , with the approval of the provincial government, is responsible for the design, approval of the site, and the contracting and supervision of construction of the project. When the project has been built, i t i s handed over to the Housing Authority which i s set up to manage projects under arrangements l a i d down by the partnership. The agreement, in effect, makes the Housing Authority a tenant at the w i l l of the partnership. The manager, on behalf of the Authority, i s responsible for the legal details of lease agreements with tenants and the orientation of tenants to their responsibilities with regard to rules, rents and income reviews, and periodic inspection. The Housing Authority deals directly in policy matters with the provincial government which in turn takes up matters with the C. M. H. C. To assist the Housing Authority and the manager in their day-to-day operation, C. M. H. C. has developed a manual covering details of accounting, administration and maintenance. This manual i s , in effect, the governing document for the local Authority. The manual sets out a number of recommended procedures and a series of legal forms and documents for the everyday operation of the housing project, such as application 193 forms, notices to tenants to vacate premises, etc. The Housing Authority is expected to exercise i t s own judgment in dealing with local questions. Questions relating to the welfare of the residents at present! are not precisely defined in the procedural manual. Perhaps i t might be better i f they are not too precisely set out: but the discretions of the Authority in this area may need to be made clear. Project managers are usually well aware of their welfare responsibilities, but the question arises as to whether the Housing Authority Boards are equally acquainted with these needs, or motivated towards seeking community help in i n i t i a t -ing cooperative arrangements to meet them. Even i f they are, the three-level system of housing government could give rise to complications of authority. These d i f f i c u l t i e s are not insurmountable, however, and i t is significant that the largest housing developments have been the most inclined to take the i n i t i a t i v e and launch into welfare programs. This i s true of Toronto in Canada, just as i t is of Chicago and New York, in the United States. The Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation must of course assume some responsibility. A "new look" at the manual of procedures and general regulations would assist in clarifying i t s philosophy as to whether public housing should be admini-stered as "real estate", or take account of the welfare needs 194 of tenants and the welfare "links" between housing and the rest of the community. The Housing Authority i s no more of a revolution in manag-ing and developing public enterprise than the Parks Board or the School Board, although i t i s obviously a more d i f f i c u l t undertaking than either of these on the human side. It w i l l require sympathetic study and some experimenting before expan-sion and development can be accomplished. The city government represents a major level of responsibi-l i t y and i f i t actively assumes the i n i t i a t i v e , i t could be a powerful force in bringing about greater coordination. As men-tioned earlier, i t i s the City Council which has the largest share in i n i t i a t i n g local action. The Council retains direct responsibility, selects the site, and i s financially involved in the construction of streets, sewage, and other f a c i l i t i e s , as well as assuming i t s share (25 per cent in Vancouver) of the operating d e f i c i t . The city government, through i t s Planning Department, may create as v i t a l a link with public housing as is possible in welfare matters between City Council and the City Social Service Department. In Vancouver, urban renewal and public housing developments have so far been primarily influenced by two committees repre-senting local government and planning bodies. The f i r s t committee, the Mayor's Consultative Committee, has been initiated 195 by the Vancouver City Council to perform liaison and consulta-tive functions with local groups and neighbourhoods which w i l l be affected by urban renewal activity. A second committee is more representative of technical personnel and includes federal, provincial and city departments. This committee has, for instance, been instrumental in developing the twenty-year plan for redevelopment in the ci t y . Since this Committee assumes major responsibilities in planning and i n i t i a t i n g urban renewal and public housing developments, i t must to a large extent assume responsibility for the f i n a l outcome of the program on the local scene. It i s clear from the experience considered in other North American communities (in earlier chapters) that the representation and composition of such a local planning committee goes far in determining the kind and quality of urban renewal and public housing program i t is possible to achieve. The executive membership of the local planning committee, judging from the experience of other c i t i e s , should be representative of a wide variety of community interests and agencies. The composition of the local committee i s in part a reflection of the extent to which the local program has incorporated the experience of other more experi-enced communities. In Vancouver, the Housing Authority has had intermittent experience with social work personnel as part of the administra-196 tive structure. In addition, the local urban renewal program has u t i l i z e d professional social work staff in relocation activities; but this does not seem to have gained complete acceptance, as evidenced by the current discontinuance of this service. There is evidence of some controversy and mis-understanding in local programs of the contribution of social welfare personnel in both the planning and continuing management of public housing developments. The question of responsibility for social welfare matters in public housing administration and the proper position of this function in relation to housing administration i s marred in local discussion by uncer-tainties about auspices and mutual responsibilities. Fears of identifying public housing as a "welfare institution", c r i t i -cisms of proposed social service programs, and hesitancy in developing close working relationships between housing and welfare o f f i c i a l s at a l l levels, are symptomatic of the need for clarif i c a t i o n and perhaps some reconsideration of the issues involved. The experience of several American communities and Bri t i s h developments indicates that an integrated and well functioning program i s achieved only when cooperative working relationships are developed at three distinct levels. This i s perhaps the most appropriate way of bringing to a conclusion this extensive review. 197 The f i r s t , and probably the most fundamental, l e v e l i s t h a t o f f o r m a l l y s t a t e d p o l i c y . T h i s i n v o l v e s a l l governmental and v o l u n t a r y bodies who have a c l e a r i n t e r e s t i n urban renewal and p u b l i c housing programs. For i n s t a n c e , i n Canada, t h i s would p r o p e r l y i n v o l v e the C e n t r a l Mortgage and Housing Corpora-t i o n , the Department o f H e a l t h and W e l f a r e , the p r o v i n c i a l departments o f h e a l t h and e d u c a t i o n , and i n the l o c a l scene, the C i t y r e c r e a t i o n , p u b l i c h e a l t h and s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies - to mention o n l y a few. T h i s has been the s u b j e c t o f an encouraging change i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s , where the Housing and Home Fina n c e Agency and the Department o f H e a l t h , E d u c a t i o n and W e l f a r e have f o r m a l l y s t a t e d t h e i r i n t e n t i o n to develop a teamwork approach to p u b l i c housing and urban renewal programs. T h i s i s s i m i l a r l y demonstrated by the s e v e r a l l o c a l or o p e r a t i n g b o d ies reviewed i n p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r s , whose p o l i c y statements w i t h r e f e r e n c e to p u b l i c h ousing p r o j e c t s on the p a r t o f many d i f f e r e n t agencies show c l e a r r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e i r common concern and interdependency. A t the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l e v e l , the a c t u a l composition and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s o f f o r m a l l y c o n s t i t u t e d p l a n n i n g and admini-s t r a t i v e bodies has b a s i c i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the k i n d s o f working r e l a t i o n s h i p s between v a r i o u s a g e n c i e s . The c l a r i t y o f purpose o f p u b l i c housing and the meaning i t has to community agencies and the community at l a r g e are s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by the 198 structure of these o f f i c i a l bodies. A t h i r d l e v e l of concern to any program that deals with people i s that of the actual day-to-day working procedures by which administration and p o l i c y statements are translated into action. S o c i a l work experience has been that unless a l l three l e v e l s are functioning w e l l , the best intentions of po l i c y and the most sophisticated of administrative organiza-tions can f a i l to achieve t h e i r objectives. Objectives have to be translated into actual working practice and the day-to-day performance of duties. This, i n e f f e c t , i s what i s implied i n the term "coordination" - many e f f o r t s must be combined to achieve a common purpose. In public housing, t h i s means that such services as recreation, health, education and s o c i a l work are meaningfully related to each other i n close working relationships for the benefit of public housing tenants, and that these e f f o r t s are combined with the provision of public housing for the benefit of the t o t a l community. There are p a r a l l e l s here, i n recent developments i n the f i e l d of ju v e n i l e delinquency, where remedial and preventive programs have been recognized to require a highly cooperative or "coordinated" approach on the part of a wide range of community agencies i n order to achieve any degree of success. In the l o c a l area (Vancouver), Community Chest i n i t i a t i v e i n the f i e l d of service to the multi-problem family has resulted i n substantial 199 planning being advanced for an "area demonstration project" which reflects an increased awareness of this inclusive concept of coordination. The fact that housing projects are part of the area, and not the sole reason for i t , i s an extremely salutary feature. The variety of programs now to be found in different com-munities, a l l of which aim at greater inclusiveness, perhaps raises the great contemporary issue in social welfare. It w i l l be necessary to re-assess the effectiveness of inde-pendent and specialized agencies as against integrated neigh-bourhood-based units. By the same token, the desirability of decentralizing agencies into branch offices - which may be located in neighbourhoods or housing projects - i s receiving increased attention. It i s both a useful coordinating measure, and an effective solution to the problem of families who are not using available services. This has been described in many cit i e s as the "reaching out" approach. The tendency for low-income families - whether problem families or not, whether in housing projects or not - to need a more aggressive approach from social agencies seems to find a satisfactory solution only when the services are locally based, and when they are clearly available for a l l families. The wheel has perhaps turned f u l l c i r c l e . Public housing, which was at f i r s t thought of as being "beyond welfare", clearly needs i t -200 but on a wider basis. Neighbourhood services everywhere need coordination and sometimes extension. And the issues of better focus, and of economy when money and resources are scarce, are also part of the pi c t u r e . The development of comprehensive service programs for neighbourhoods, including public housing projects, w i l l bring housing into the perspec-t i v e which i t r e a l l y demands - that of a community service; and one which cannot stand alone. 201 APPENDIX A THE RELATION OF LOW-RENTAL HOUSING DEVELOPMENTS TO SOCIAL WELFARE SERVICES (A B r i t i s h Statement, 1962) PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE The keynote of s o c i a l p o l i c y today i s sp e c i a l i s e d provision  within a community s e t t i n g . This p o l i c y w i l l make increasingly  heavy demands on the s o c i a l services, which must be adequately sta f f e d and equipped to take the s t r a i n . I t w i l l also make  demands on the community which imply both knowledge and a sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . In the new communities, with no backing of outworn buildings and vested i n t e r e s t s , there i s an unprece-dented opportunity to make t h i s p o l i c y a success, but only i f the e s s e n t i a l means, and leadership, are available, within a  framework of constructive planning. The findings and recommendations may be summarised as follows: GENERAL RECOMMENDATIONS: These f a l l within the sphere of planning, which includes not only layout and design but the selection of the population on which the types of accommodation to be provided depends. 1. The needs of the newcomers should have p r i o r i t y . The aim should be a balanced community with the optimum degree of self-containment. 2. The master-plan should provide for a balance of age groups, including provision f o r the next generation. 3. There should be an adequate v a r i e t y of types of accommodation. 4. Employment should be provided with housing, as i n the new towns. Further plans should include the possi-b i l i t y that a new town might be b u i l t by l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . 5. There should be a va r i e t y of industries and other types of employment, including commerce, service industry and shops, with work for s k i l l e d and un s k i l l e d men, women, and ju v e n i l e s . 6. A town centre adequate to the needs of the community when f u l l y grown should be provided for i n the master-plan. 202 7. There should be room on the s i t e for na tura l growth, and s i t es for churches, meeting-places, pub l i c houses and places of entertainment should be pro-vided and safeguarded. SPECIAL DEVELOPMENT 8. Services and amenities should be provided concurrent ly wi th the houses. There should be c lose co-operat ion between the developing author i ty and the author i ty responsib le for s o c i a l se rv i ces . 9. The need for community serv ices should be kept con-s tan t l y under review, and agreement i n p r i n c i p l e should be ar r ived at between the au thor i t ies r es -pons ib le . 10. A meeting-place su i tab le for small groups should be provided wi th the f i r s t houses, of a type capable of extension when the need for t h i s i s proved. 11. Community development c a l l s for the fo l lowing steps: a . A s o c i a l development o f f i c e r should be appointed i n every community of the s i ze of a new town, and neighbourhood workers for smaller communi-t i e s . b. Housing management should be i n the hands of an adequate s ta f f of q u a l i f i e d o f f i c e r s . c . The normal range of s o c i a l agencies, voluntary as w e l l as s ta tu tory , should be provided as ear ly as poss i b l e . d . There should be a grant-aided scheme fo r t r a i n i ng community centre wardens, and schemes for t r a i n -ing voluntary workers i n many f i e l d s should be extended. e. Every e f fo r t should be made to e l i c i t leadership from the community i t s e l f . 12. There should be fur ther experiment to discover the types of p rov is ion a t t r ac t i ve to adolescents, both "c lubbable" and "unclubbable" . 13. The community associat ions and the i r Nat iona l Federa-t i on should continue to review the i r organisat ion and p o l i c i e s i n the l i g h t of the changing s i t ua t i on i n new communities. 203 14. The churches should keep continually under review the balance between t h e i r own s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s and the work of t h e i r members i n the general community. 15. Close touch should be kept between the authorities and agencies concerned with s o c i a l development, both at o f f i c e r l e v e l and through appropriate l o c a l bodies such as community or neighbourhood associations or councils of s o c i a l service. 16. There i s a need for further f i e l d surveys to ascertain the problems and desires of p a r t i c u l a r l o c a l communities. (The Carnegie United Kingdom Trust, as a r e s u l t of these recom-mendations, have announced that they have set aside -£100,000 to a s s i s t , over the next f i v e years, pioneer schemes designed to implement the major recommendations on s o c i a l development, i n p a r t i c u l a r the provision and equipment of community buildings and schemes for the t r a i n i n g of voluntary leaders.) Extracted from New Communities i n B r i t a i n , a report by Dr. J . H. Nicholson made for the Carnegie (U.K.) Trust, and the (U.K.) National Council of S o c i a l Service. (Under l i n i n g added.) See also Housing Review, March-April, 1962. 204 APPENDIX B A STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES: THE ROLE OF THE SOCIAL WORKER IN PUBLIC HOUSING AND URBAN RENEWAL PROGRAMS (A United States Statement, 1961) ..Prepared by NAHRO Committee on So c i a l Work and Urban Renewal.. BASIC CONCEPTS OF SOCIAL WORK Socia l work i s based upon the following concepts: Society as a whole cannot be healthy i f any s i g n i f i c a n t proportion of the population i s not healthy. A minimum standard of l i v i n g must be maintained for a l l people. Health, education, and s o c i a l services must be made available to a l l people. The personal q u a l i t i e s of i n i t i a t i v e , s e l f - r e l i a n c e , and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y can be nurtured and developed i n each i n d i v i d u a l for the good of a l l . GENERAL PRINCIPLES IN HOUSING-RENEWAL-WELFARE COOPERATION There are six areas i n which s o c i a l work s k i l l s must be applied f o r e f f e c t i v e urban renewal and housing programs: (1) administration, (2) community organization, (3) research, (4) s o c i a l action, ( 5 ) - s o c i a l casework, (6) social-group work. The six following p r i n c i p l e s underlie this-statement. 1 The s o c i a l gains to be r e a l i z e d through housing and urban renewal programs w i l l be achieved to the degree that these programs are developed as part of the t o t a l community pattern of services to meet the needs of people. Since experience has shown that inattention to s o c i a l problems i n housing and urban renewal fosters the creation of more such problems, the s o c i a l work s p e c i a l i s t i s e s s e n t i a l i n the proper planning, administration, and operation of these programs. The s o c i a l worker should be on the executive s t a f f of the agency, to insure adequate consideration of the s o c i a l aspects of the housing and urban renewal program i n a l l i t s phases. 205 2 The urban renewal process touches the very heart of the s o c i a l and economic l i f e of the c i t y and affects a l l people d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y . For t h i s reason a s o c i a l work consul-tant should p a r t i c i p a t e i n i t s planning and execution from the very outset. The s k i l l s of community organization and casework are basic to the success of the re l o c a t i o n , conservation, and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n elements of urban renewal. I t i s therefore desirable that a s o c i a l worker with administrative and community organization experience, plus a strong respect for environmental treatment, p a r t i c i p a t e i n these phases of the urban renewal program. Community organization, i n p a r t i c u l a r , i s a prerequisite to obtaining e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n by project area residents i n planning t h e i r r e l o c a t i o n , i n working out the i r r e h a b i l i t a -t i o n problems, and i n preserving the good values of th e i r neighborhoods. Casework services should be made available to project area families to a s s i s t them i n overcoming the many s o c i a l problems with which they are faced and which may often become aggravated through t h i s disruptive process. Of equal importance i s the a v a i l a b i l i t y of these s o c i a l services to help families make good adjustments to th e i r new homes and neighborhood. Better and more l a s t i n g r e s u l t s can be expected from t h i s approach than any amount of l e g a l pressure to obtain correction of non-conforming uses and abatement of nuisances. 3 Public housing i s another f o c a l point for s o c i a l work. Public housing i s , and should be, more than a r e a l estate and f i n a n c i a l operation. I t i s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of public hous-ing to provide shelter and an environment for low-income families that i s s a t i s f a c t o r y both p h y s i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y . Thus, as i t seeks, i n a "shelter-plus" program to improve the well-being of i t s tenants, to combat delinquency, promote family r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and a better standard of l i v i n g and personal well-being, the housing authority becomes a s o c i a l agency of f i r s t - l i n e importance. 4 As each authority and the community i t serves w i l l present a d i f f e r e n t set of needs and problems, the r o l e of the s o c i a l worker w i l l be p r i n c i p a l l y one of establishing e f f e c t i v e l i a i s o n with the ex i s t i n g community agencies and the develop-ment and maintenance of l i n e s of inter p r e t a t i o n and communica-ti o n with the t o t a l community. 206 5 Extended services and various cooperating arrangements for the provision of social welfare and community services can be stimulated by the social worker who not only knows the agencies' programs and needs f i r s t hand, but has the knowledge and understanding of the objectives and structure of the social work agencies, so that helpful relationships with these community resources can be developed, 6 Federal agencies in housing and urban renewal should provide encouragement and leadership through appropriate channels to assure the effective implementation of these principles at the local level. Source: Community Services and Public Housing: Seven Recom-mendations for Local Housing Authority Action, pre-pared by Subcommittee on Community Services and Public Housing, of the Joint Committee on Housing and Welfare, sponsored by the National Association of Housing and Redevelop-ment Officials and the National Social Welfare Assembly, N. A..H. R. 0. Publication No. N459, October 1961, pages 12-15. 207 APPENDIX C BIBLIOGRAPHY I. REPORTS, PAMPHLETS, COLLECTIONS Associated Engineering Services Ltd. Prince Rupert - Economic  Prospects and Future Development. Vancouver, B. C , 1963. Ayres, Beverly. The Family Centered Project of St. Paul. A Series of Three Seminars on a Demonstration Project  with Multi-Problem Families. Research Dept., Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, Vancouver, B. C , 1960. Baltimore Urban Renewal and Housing Agency. Types of Families  L i v i n g i n Baltimore's Low-Rent Projects 1951-1961. Baltimore, Md., September 1962. Bloomberg, Lawrence (ed.). M o b i l i t y and Motivations: Survey  of Families Moving from Low-Rent Housing. Public Housing Administration, Housing and Home Finance Agency, Washing-ton, D. C., 1958. Brueckner, William H. "Emerging Concepts of Neighbourhood". National Federation of Settlements Midwest Regional Conference, Minneapolis, Minn., May 1961. Brussat, William K. C i t i z e n Organization for Neighbourhood  Conservation. National Association of Housing and Redevelopment O f f i c i a l s , Publication N398, 1957. Canadian Association for Adult Education. Citizens Forum - Resolved That: We Need More Subsidized Public Housing. Toronto, February 1960. Carter, Genevieve W. "Better Ways of E s t a b l i s h i n g Program P r i o r i t i e s " . C a l i f o r n i a State Conference of Settlements and Neighbourhood Centers, A p r i l 1960. Central O f f i c e of Information, Reference D i v i s i o n . Housing i n  B r i t a i n . London, 1960. Chicago Housing Authority Times. September 1961. 208 Ci t y of Vancouver, Planning Department. Vancouver Redevelop-ment Study. Vancouver, December 1957. Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area. Proposal for an Area Demonstration Project. Vancouver, B. C , June 1962. Community Services Center, Boston, Mass. Community Services  Center - A Service Program of United South End S e t t l e -ments i n Cooperation with the Boston Housing Authority. Boston, Mass., 1961. Community Welfare Services to Residents of Public Housing. Report to the Board of Directors, Baltimore Council of Social Agencies, Baltimore, Md., 1959. Dwyer, Martin J . Report to the Chicago Chapter of the National  Association of Housing and Redevelopment O f f i c i a l s . Chicago Housing Authority, September 11, 1962. Geismar, L. L., and Ayres, Beverly. Patterns of Change i n  Problem Families. Family Centered Project, Greater St. Paul Community Chest and Councils, Inc., St. Paul, Minn., 1959. "Highlights of Operation: A Report of the Chicago Housing Authority, Year Ended June 30, 1962". Chicago Housing Authority, 1962. Hillman, Arthur (ed.). Neighborhood Centers Today - Action Programs for a Rapidly Changing World. National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, New York, 1960. Housing and Home Finance Agency. Views on Public Housing:  Symposium of L e t t e r s . Washington, D . C , 1960. Housing Authority of the C i t y of Newark, N. J . Public Housing  i n Newark. Newark, N. J . , 1944. Jones, Richard G. "The Importance of Housing i n a Neighbour-hood". National Federation of Settlements, Southwest Regional Conference, Mt. Wesley, Texas, September 1961. Keyserling, Mary Dublin. "Changing Neighbourhood Needs and National Goals". A t l a n t i c Seaboard Regional Conference of National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, Portsmouth, New Hampshire, 1961. 209 Lagey, Joseph C , and Ayres, Beverly. Checklist Survey of  Multi-Problem Families i n Vancouver C i t y . Research Dept., Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, Vancouver, B. C , March 1961. Lagey, Joseph C , and Ayres, Beverly. Community Treatment  Programs with Multi-Problem Families - A Survey of  260 North American Communities. Research.Dept., Com-munity Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, Vancouver, B. C , December 1962. MacRae, Robert H, The Challenge of Change to Community  Welfare Councils. National S o c i a l Welfare Assembly, Inc., New York, 1962. Mahaffey, Maryann. "Serving Multi-Problem Families". National Federation of Settlements, Central Lakes Regional Con-ference i n Pittsburgh, Pa., June 1961. Mansur, D. B. Urban Renewal and Urban Redevelopment. Metro-p o l i t a n Toronto Housing Authority, Toronto, Ont., 1960. Marsh, Leonard C. Rebuilding a Neighbourhood. University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Research Publications, 1950. Metropolitan Housing and Planning Council of Chicago and ACTION, Inc. Interim Report on Housing the Economically  and S o c i a l l y Disadvantaged Groups i n the Population. Chicago, 1960. N. A. H. R. 0. Working Together for Urban Renewal - A Guide-book on Why, When, and How Soc i a l Welfare Agencies and  Urban Renewal Agencies Should Work Together. Chicago, Publication No. 407, 1958. N. A. H. R. 0. Committee on So c i a l Work and Urban Renewal. Change for the Better - Helping People Change Through  Housing and Urban Renewal. N. A. H. R. 0., Washington, D, C , May 1962. A c o l l e c t i o n of urban renewal and public housing experiences. National Federation of Settlements and Neighbourhood Centers. A New Look at Public Housing. New York, 1958. National Federation of Settlements and Neighbourhood Centers. Know Your Neighbourhood - A Guide to Program Development  i n Neighbourhood Centers. New York, 1962. 210 National Housing Act 1954. Amended to 1961. Ottawa, Queen's Pr i n t e r , 1961. Ontario Department of Economics and Development. The New Plan  for Public Housing i n Ontario. Toronto, Ont., 1962. Perlman, Robert. A Review of S o c i a l Service Programs Con-ducted by Settlement Houses i n Public Housing Develop-ments i n the Boston Area. United Community Services of Metropolitan Boston, Boston, Mass., February 1962. Rose, Albert. "Adequate Housing - Does I t Make Better C i t i z e n s ? " Reprinted,- Canadian Planning Association of Canada, Ottawa,-Ont., 1954. Rose, Albe r t . "The S o c i a l Services i n the Modern Metropolis". Unpublished Manuscript, March 11, 1963. Subcommittee on Community Services and Public Housing of the Joint Committee on Housing and Welfare. Community  Services and Public Housing: Seven Recommendations for  Local Housing Authority Action. N. A. H. R. 0. and the National S o c i a l Welfare Assembly, Washington, D. C , 1961. "'Teamwork i n Public Housing' - Twenty-fifth Annual Conference, N. A. H. R. 0." Journal of Housing, December 1958. United Community Funds and Councils of America, Inc. Welfare  Council Relationships to Urban Renewal: An Exchange  Report. New York, 1960. United Community Funds and Councils of America, Inc., and the National S o c i a l Welfare Assembly. Great Lakes I n s t i t u t e - The S o c i a l Components i n Urban A f f a i r s - 1961. New York, 1961. Vancouver Housing Association. Houses for A l l - Proceedings  of the Housing Conference. Vancouver, 1954. Vancouver Housing Association. Proposed B r i e f to Minister of  Public Works. Vancouver, B. C , undated. Wood, Elizabeth. The Small Hard Core. C i t i z e n s ' Housing and Planning Council of New York, Inc., New York, 1957. 211 I I . BOOKS Brown, Robert K. Public Housing i n Action - The Record of Pittsburgh. University of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh, 1959. B u e l l , Bradley, and Associates. Community Planning for Human Services. Columbia University Press, New York, 1952. Burns, Eveline M. So c i a l Security and Public P o l i c y . McGraw-H i l l , Toronto, 1956. Carver, Humphrey. Houses for Canadians. University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1948. Cullingsworth, J . B. Housing Needs and Planning P o l i c y . Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd., London, 1960. Donnison, D. V. Housing P o l i c y since the War. The Codicote Press Ltd., London, 1960. Dunham, H. Warren (ed.). The Ci t y i n Mid-Century. Wayne State University Press, Detroit, 1957. Fisher, Robert M. Twenty Years of Public Housing. Harper and Brothers, New York, 1959. Galbraith, John K. The Affluent Society. Penguin, V i c t o r i a , A u s t r a l i a , 1958. Graham, John, J r . Housing i n Scandinavia. Chapel H i l l , University of North Carolina Press, 1940. Oliv e r , Michael (ed.). S o c i a l Purpose f o r Canada. University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1961. Rose, Albe r t . Regent Park - A Study i n Slum Clearance. University of Toronto Press, Toronto, Ont., 1958. Straus, Nathan. The Seven Myths of Housing. A l f r e d A. Knopf, New York, 1944. Wilensky, Harold L., and Lebeaux, Charles N. I n d u s t r i a l  Society and So c i a l Welfare. Russell Sage Foundation, New York, 1958. 212 I I I . ARTICLES, JOURNALS** (Abbreviations: J . of H. - Journal of Housing) * "A New Look i n Welfare Programs Proposed to Congress". J» of H.. February 1962. A l l i n , S. J . "Toronto Experiments with Interim Housing for Troublesome Families". J . of H., June 1959. * "Baltimore's Housing C l i n i c " . J . of H.. August 1962. Batten, T. R. " S o c i a l Aspects of Rehousing Londoners". Social Service Quarterly, Spring 1958. Bergeron, William E. "Public Housing Move-outs - Why They Happen Is Subject-to P.H.A. Study". J . of H., August-September, 1958. ( Boek, Walter E. "An Anthropologist Suggests How His Profes-sion Can Help i n a Renewal Job." J . of H., November 1961. Brady, P. E. H. "What Have We Learned from South Regent Park?" Community Planning Review, V o l . XI, No. 2. Chatterjee, B. "India Applies Rural Techniques of Self-Help to Rapidly Growing C i t y Neighbourhoods". J . of H..-May 1961. "Churches and Public Agencies - Why, How Can They Team Up f o r Housing Renewal?" J . of H., June 1959. Clark, Robert S. "Problems of People Examined". J . of H,, December 1958i Cullingsworth, J . B, "Public Housing Rent-Income Relationship Established i n Many Ways i n England". J . of H., June 1961. * "Dallas Housing Authority - Stresses Health, Education and Welfare Services to Tenants". J . of H.. A p r i l 1962. Davis, R. E. G. "Housing L e g i s l a t i o n i n Canada". Canadian  Welfare - Special Number, "Housing for Canada", December 1952. ** including small items reported i n Journal of Housing, i n d i -cated by *. 213 Dick, Kenneth and Strand, Lydia J . "The Multi-Problem Family and Problems of Service". S o c i a l Casework, June 1958. Diecks, Louise. "How Set Rents for Welfare Families i n Public Housing?" J . of H.. A p r i l 1958. Downing, W i l l a r d E. "Community Organization i n Public Housing and Urban Renewal: Special.Problems of the Urban New-comer". Community Organization 1959, Columbia University Press-, New York, 1959. * "Ford Grant to N. A. H. R. 0. Enables Doxiadis Review -U. S. A. Renewal". J . of H., July 1960. * "Four Renewal Agencies Contract for S o c i a l Services". J . of H., November 1961. . • _ Goulding, William S. "Housing for Older People". Canadian Welfare: Special-Number, "Housing for Canada", December 1952. . _ -Hallman, Howard W. " S o c i a l Planning for a C i t y " . J . of H., February 1962. -Hallman, Howard W. " S o c i a l Planning Should Be Part of a Community Renewal Plan". J . of H., February 1962. Hart, W. 0. "New Communities". S o c i a l Service Quarterly, Winter 1959. Haskell, Douglas. "What Is a C i t y ? " A r c h i t e c t u r a l Forum, CIX, No. 1, 1958. "Health, Welfare and Recreation Costs". Ontario Housing, December 1961. * "Helping Families i n Trouble". J . of H.. December 1959. * "Hints to the Housing Manager". J . of H., May 1960. * "Holyoke T r i e s 'Working Together' with Community". J . of H., AugustrSeptember, 1960. * "Housing-Welfare Team Up to Bring S o c i a l Services to Public Housing". J . of H., March-April, 1962. "Housing and L i f e " . Canadian Welfare: Special Number, "Housing for•Canada", December 1952. 214 * "Housing and Welfare Get Together". J . of H., March-April, 1962 (Special E d i t i o n ) . "Housing i s People". Special Issue of J . of H.. March 1958. Katz, Sidney. "A Blueprint to Stop Our C i t i e s 1 Decay". Maclean's Magazine. 4 August 1956. King, Marjorie M. "Housing Survey". Canadian Welfare: Special Number; "Housing for Canada", December 1952. * " L a f o l l e t t e , Tennessee Cites Experiences i n Providing S o c i a l Services for Public Housing Tenants". J . of H., March-April, 1962. Lewis, Gerda. " C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Renewal Surveyed". J . of H., March 1959. Loring, W. C. "Housing Charact e r i s t i c s and So c i a l Disorgani-zation". S o c i a l Problems, January 1956. Loshbough, Bernard E. "Rural Extension Techniques Getting Try i n Pittsburgh Self-Help Renewal Area". J . of H., May 1961. Lynes, J . P. "Public Welfare Services i n a Housing Project". S o c i a l Casework, October 1962. McConnell, R. S. "The Neighbourhood", Community Planning  Review, September 1959. Mackay, C l i f f . "Chinatown Fights Slum Clearance". The Vancouver  Sun. January 19, 1962. McKibbin, B e a t r i E e . " S o c i a l Services for Public Housing -Syracuse Authority Hires a Professional to Guide Them", J . of H.. November 1960. Marsh, L. C, " I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and Urbanization i n Canada and Their Implications f o r Housing". Lecture 3 i n Series "Planning Canadian Towns and C i t i e s " , University of Toronto, 1943-44. Mausner, Bernard. "A So c i a l Psychologist Suggests How His Profession Can Help i n the Renewal Job". J . of H., October 1961. 215 Meyer, Agnes. "A C i v i c Leader Speaks Out on the Human Side of Housing-Problem". J . of H., December 1959. Morrel, Ruth T. "'Housing i s People' Demonstrated at Dallas Anniversary Party". J . of H.. March 1958. Morry, Rose (Reporter). "What's i n Store for Public Housing?" J . of H.. December 1958. Nenno, Mary. "Public Housing Studies Evidence Program's V i t a l i t y ; Point New Directions". J . of H., August-Septem-ber, 1960. Nenno, Mary. "Unmet Housing Needs - Three Reports Propose Some Answers". J . of H., March 1961. * "New Haven Receives Grant for C i t i z e n Betterment". J . of H., June 1962. "New Towns i n B r i t a i n " . Ontario' Housing, A p r i l 1962. Nicholson, J . H. "New Communities i n B r i t a i n " . Housing Review, March-April, 1962. * "Ontario Takes New Look at Housing". J . of H., 10 August 1962. Pickett, Stanley H. "Beyond Development - What?" Ontario  Housing, June 1962. * "Program Resolution - 1961-1963 N. A, H. R. 0." J . of H., November 1961. * "Public Recreation Lends a Hand". J . of H., August-September, I960. Ravitz, M. J . "A Sociologist Suggests How His Profession Can Help i n Renewal Job". J . of H., January 1962. Ringer, Paul. "The Housing Project Manager". Canadian Welfare, 15 September 1961. Rose, Albe r t . "Housing Administration i n Canada". Canadian Welfare: Special Number, "Housing for Canada", December 1952. Rose, Albe r t . "Public Housing and Public Welfare". Habitat, May-June, 1959. 216 Rose, A l b e r t . "Services for the Changed C i t y " . Canadian  Welfare. March-April, 1963. * "St. Louis Housing - Welfare Tie-Up Already Under Way: May Be F i r s t 'Demonstration C i t y ' " . J . of H.. March-April, 1962. • Seasons, Jean Cameron. "Newfoundland Builds Low-Rental Project". Canadian Welfafe: Special Number, "Housing for Canada", December 1952. * "Settlement Houses Link Public Housing to Community". J . of H., August-September. 1960. Silverman, Abner D. "Problem Families - E f f o r t s at Rehabili-tation Y i e l d Results i n B r i t a i n " . J . of H., February 1961. * Silverman, Abner D. and Schorr, A l v i n L., Chairmen, Jo i n t Task Force on Health, Education and Welfare Service and Housing, i n Letters to the Editor, J . of H., June 1962. Simey, T. S. " S o c i a l P o l i c y and S o c i a l Administration". So c i a l Service Quarterly, Spring 1962. * "Single Family Houses - Are They 'In' i n Public Housing, Renewal Program?" J . of H., November 1961. * "Skid Row and Urban Renewal". J , of H., August-September, 1961. Smout, A l i c e . "Housing and So c i a l Work". Canadian Welfare. 15 September 1961. Soc i a l Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto, " S o c i a l Needs". Canadian Welfare, 15 September 1962i Spark, Dorothy, "The Importance of Administration i n Public Housing". of H., May 1947. Stratton, P. R. U. "Why Subsidized Rental Housing?" Canadian  Welfare: Special Number, "Housing for Canada1', December 1952. . Taft, Charles. "The Human Side of Housing and Urban Renewal". J . of H., December 1959. Taylor, G. Brooke. "Community L i f e i n a New Town". Soc i a l  Service Quarterly, Spring 1959. 217 * "The 'Problem Family' - New Devices Are Being Tested for Prevention and Cure". J . -of H.. November 1959. Titchener, Dorothy. "Binghamton T r i e s Working with Tenants". J . of H.. August-September, 1960. Vaughan, John G. "'Urbanizing' C i t y Newcomers - Whose Job? What Can 'Physical' Technicians Do?" J . of H., July 1961. Whitney, Henry D. "Needed: Better Public Planning". J . of H.. XIV, 1957. - -Woodbury, Coleman. "Human Relations i n Urban Redevelopment", i n H. Warren Dunham, The C i t y i n Mid-Century. Wayne State University Press, Detroit, 1957. IV. SOCIAL WORK THESES Fromson, E., Hansen, J . , and Smith, R. The L i t t l e Mountain  Low-Rental Housing Project. Master of S o c i a l Work Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1959. Wheeler, Michael. Evaluating the Need for Low-Rental Housing. Master of So c i a l Work Theses, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1955. Reid, E l l a Mary. Orchard Park: A Tenant Survey of the Second  Instalment of Public Housing i n Vancouver (December 1958  - May 1960). Master of So c i a l Work Thesis,-University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1962. Wilson, Warren A. Housing Conditions among Soc i a l Assistance  Families. Master of So c i a l Work Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1955. 

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