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Work-residence relations in Vancouver Wolforth, John Raymond 1965

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WORK-RESIDENCE RELATIONS IN VANCOUVER by JOHN RAYMOND WOLFORTH B.Sc. f University of S h e f f i e l d , S h e f f i e l d , England, 1958 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Geography We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to•the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1965 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r  m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s u I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i  c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Geography Department of The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada September 28 9 1965 ( i i ) ABSTRACT Among the l i t e r a t u r e on work-residence r e l a t i o n s two perspectives contribute to a po t e n t i a l geographical point of view. Of these, the demographic approach has been larg e l y de s c r i p t i v e i n i t s attempt to dis t i n g u i s h areas which are d e f i  cient i n labour from those which have a labour surplus. The ecolo g i c a l approach i s considered to be more promising but i n i t s present form has certain inadequacies. In essence, t h i s approach proposes a theory of urban s p a t i a l structure i n terms of a p r i o r i assumptions. The major assumption with respect to the journey to work i s that the f r i c - t i o n a l e f f e c t of distance r e s u l t s i n the r e s i d e n t i a l concentra ti o n of workers about t h e i r place of work. I t then follows that the r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of urban populations w i l l be deter mined by the dominance of the central d i s t r i c t r e l a t i v e to p e r i  pheral workplaces. The major thesis of t h i s study i s that the e f f o r t s df workers to minimize the costs of work-travel operates within the context of an e x i s t i n g urban s p a t i a l structure, which i s i t s e l f uniquely determined by the conditions of s i t e and the sequence of growth. The ecologist's argument i s that workers of high socio economic standing w i l l t r a v e l further to work than those of low socioeconomic standing because of t h e i r enhanced a b i l i t y to bear the cost of work-travel. In Vancouver, v a r i a t i o n i n the length of the journey to work i s shown to be a function of the r e l a t i v e concentration of workplaces and residences for each occupational ( i i i ) group, rather than of the socioeconomic standing of the worker. A model i s developed to describe the orientations of commuting patterns i n Vancouver for each major occupational group. This suggests that these are the r e s u l t s of the varying q u a l i t y of r e s i d e n t i a l space rather than a crude distance determinism. Downtown Vancouver employs a growing proportion of the c i t y ' s labour force as Vancouver increasingly assumes the role of regional c a p i t a l . Although the r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the labour force embraces the entire c i t y as e c o l o g i c a l theory suggests, each occupational group i s drawn from a d i s t i n c t r e s i  d e n t i a l area. More rigorously, a high c o r r e l a t i o n i s found be tween the income of workers and costs of housing i n the residen t i a l area from which they come. In contrast, the c o r r e l a t i o n be tween the worker's income and the distance he travels to work downtown i s not c l e a r . These findings throw some l i g h t on the v a r i a t i o n i n automobile work-trips generated to downtown from each r e s i d e n t i a l zone. A greater proportion of automobile work-trips originate i n those high-cost r e s i d e n t i a l areas i n which the majority of the high-income downtown workers l i v e . Not only are the o r i g i n s of these t r i p s l o c a l l y concentrated, but they are generated more strongly to c e r t a i n parts of downtown than others. The r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the workers of p e r i  pherally located workplaces i s clustered i n the way suggested by e c o l o g i c a l theory. However, c l u s t e r i n g occurs only i n areas of uniformly low housing costs and only for i n d u s t r i a l workers. Of f i c e workers of peripheral workplaces are drawn from a generally (iv) city-wide r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n . In Vancouver, i t would appear that distance from the workplace i s a less important determinant of r e s i d e n t i a l location than the costs of housing. The concentrative e f f e c t s of the cost-minimization process have less relevance than has been sup posed, and even where they are applicable, operate only where housing costs are uniform. In b r i e f , commuting patterns are superimposed upon a pre-existing, uniquely-determined urban spa t i a l structure. Further research should indicate the extent to which t h i s i s true for other c i t i e s . (v) TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PLACE OF WORK AND RESI DENCE 1 Some Working Hypotheses 3 The Area of Study 9 Sources of Data 11 II A CRITICAL REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON THE JOURNEY TO WORK 14 The Journey to Work as a Feature of Urbanization . 14 The Journey to Work as a Soci a l Problem 17 The Journey to Work as a Problem of Demography . . 21 Conflux and Dispersion as Concepts 24 The Journey to Work as a Problem of Human Ecology . 29 Towards a Theory of the Journey to Work 34 Descriptive and Explanatory Models . . . 37 The Approach of the Present Study towards the Prob- lem . . . 40 III PATTERNS OF WORK AND RESIDENCE IN VANCOUVER . . . . 4 2 Residential D i s t r i b u t i o n of the Labour Force . . . 42 Variati o n i n the Length of the Journey to Work . . ^ 5 Variation According to the Location of Residence ^8 Variation According to the Location of Workplace 55 Variation by Socioeconomic Status 56 Variation According to Type of Workplace . . . . 59 Variation by Sex and Marital Status 61 A Model of Commuting Patterns i n Vancouver . . . . 62 Development of the Model 62 Application of the Model 68 (vi) IV CONFLUX AT THE CENTRAL AREA 75 The Growing Dominance of the Central Area as a Cen tre of Employment 75 The Components of the Central Area Labour Force . . 76 Conflux at the Central Area 79 The Sp a t i a l D i s t r i b u t i o n of Central Area Workers . 80 Implications of Theories of Urban Structure . . . . 84 Residential Structure i n Vancouver 86 The Components of the Downtown Labour Catchment Area 92 A) Variation i n the D i s t r i b u t i o n of Downtown Workers by Income 92 B) The D i s t r i b u t i o n of Work-trips by Car to Down town 99 General Conclusions I l l V A COMPARISON OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF WORKERS OF CEN TRAL AND PERIPHERAL WORKPLACES 114 Generic Differences i n Labour Catchment Areas . . . 114 The D i s t r i b u t i o n of Work Concentrations i n Vancou ver 117 Generalized Labour Catchment Patterns i n Vancouver 120 Labour Force D i s t r i b u t i o n of Sample Workplaces . . 124 Conclusions 13 2 VI THE NEED FOR A NEW APPROACH 135 BIBLIOGRAPHY 139 APPENDICES l'4r4 t A) The Vancouver C i t y Directory 1'4'4 B) The Downtown Parking Survey 149 ( v i i ) LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE I Mean Work-Residence Separation by Place of Employ ment 56 II Mean Work-Residence Separation by Occupational Group 56 III Correlation C o e f f i c i e n t s : Work-Residence Separation, Socioeconomic Index and Employment Po t e n t i a l , White- C o l l a r and Manual Workers, Vancouver, 1963 57 IV Mean Work-Residence Separation by Type of Industry . 60 V Mean Work-Residence Separation by Sex and Marital Status 62 VI Percentage of Workers i n Major Occupational Categor i e s , Vancouver (1951 and 1961) 76 VII Rate of Residential Selection and Distance from Down town 95 VIII Rate of Residential Selection and Costs of Housing . 97 IX P a r t i a l Correlation C o e f f i c i e n t s : Number of Work- t r i p s per 1000 Residential Population from a Given Zone vs. Mean per Capita Income of Residents, Dis tance Ratio and Log distance to Downtown 104 X Number of Automobile Work-trips to the Core per 1000 Residential Population by Distance from Downtown . . 105 XI Origin-Destination Matrix for the Core I l l XII D i s t r i b u t i o n of Workers of Five Selected Workplaces 131 ( v i i i ) LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE 1 Residential D i s t r i b u t i o n of the Labour Force, Van couver, 1961 43 2 Residential Segregation of Three Major Occupational Groups, Vancouver, 1961 46 3 Employment i n Vancouver, by T r a f f i c Zone, 1963, with Isolines of Equipotential i n Jobs per mile 51 4 Relationship Between Mean Distance Travelled to Work and Employment Pot e n t i a l , Vancouver, 1963 53 5 A Spa t i a l Model of Labour Catchment Areas 66 6 Origin-Destination Matrices, Vancouver, 1963 . . . . 70 7 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Central Area Employees, Vancouver, 1963 81 8 Median Value of Owner-Occupied Homes, Vancouver, 1961 89 9 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Origins of Automobile Work-trips to Downtown by Distance, Vancouver, 1962 102 10 Automobile Work-trips to Downtown by Distance, Van couver, 1962 106 11 Automobile Work-trips to Downtown by Destination, Vancouver, 196 2 109 12 In d u s t r i a l Workplaces i n Vancouver With More than 100 Employees 118 13 Generalized Labour Catchment Areas, Vancouver, 1963 121 14 Residential D i s t r i b u t i o n of Employees, MacMillan, Bloedel and Powell River Head O f f i c e , May 1965 . . .121 15 Residential D i s t r i b u t i o n of Employees, Hudson's Bay Company Store, May, 1965 125 16 Residential D i s t r i b u t i o n of Employees, B.C. Sugar Refineries, May, 1965 125 17 Residential D i s t r i b u t i o n of Employees, Dominion Bridge Ltd. , May, 1965 128 18 Residential D i s t r i b u t i o n of Employees, Canadian White Pine, May, 1965 128 (ix) 19 T r a f f i c Zones, Vancouver, Burnaby, North Vancouver, West Vancouver 1-416 20 T r a f f i c Zones, Downtown Vancouver 15(0 (x) ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I should l i k e to thank Dr. Walter G. Hardwick and Dr. David Ward for c r i t i c a l l y evaluating t h i s t h e s i s . Among my co- students Mr. Edward Gibson, Mr. Roger Leigh and Mr. Ross McKinnon have been a source of both i n s p i r a t i o n and p r a c t i c a l advice. The personnel o f f i c e r s of MacMillan, Bloedel and Powell River Company Limited, B.C. Sugar Refineries Limited, The Hudson's Bay Company, and Dominion Bridge Limited made the data used i n Chap ter V accessible to me. Mr. Carlo Hansen drew many of the maps. The research f o r t h i s thesis was supported i n part by the Canadian Council on Urban and Regional Research. 1 CHAPTER I THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PLACE OF WORK AND RESIDENCE The long journey to work is an unpleasant fact of l i f e for many modern urhanites. Each day large numbers of people travel ever increasing distances between homes and work. It has been suggested by many writers that the costs incurred in work-travel are a major determinant of residential location and that ceteris paribus most workers attempt to minimize the length of the journey to work. Yet the distance from work is but one of several factors which conditions the individual's choice of where he w i l l l i v e . The journey to shop, or to school, or to the park and theatre are a l l important in his weekly schedule and w i l l a l l presumably be considered in the choice of residen t i a l location. Why people live where they live in c i t i e s is a question which has not been satisfactorily answered. It i s recognized that work and residence are areally segregated in c i t i e s . In the contemporary large American city, writes Foley, a mosaic of functional areas has evolved seemingly as an inevitable counterpart of the broad fact of economic specialization. Ecologists term this process segrega^;-- tion. So long as the city i s characterized by special ization, and specifically, by segregation, we can ex pect that movement among divergent functional areas w i l l be necessary i f £hat city is to function as an integrated community * Thus the journey to work in aggregUtfron may be consid ered as the movement of people from residential areas to those in which economic activity i s dominant. *D. L. Foley, "Urban Daytime Populations—A Field for Demogra phic-Ecological Research", Social Forces, 32 (May, 1954) pp. ::323a33Q. 2 I t i s often assumed that these movements are analogous to a t i d a l ebb and flow about a central mode. Although the movement from outlying suburbs to the central area i s c e r t a i n l y dominant i n many c i t i e s , import cross- and counter-currents -r; add to the complexity of rush-hour t r a f f i c patterns. The movements from home to work have been described 2 by Dickinson and others as movements of conflux and dispersion. These movements, when considered from the viewpoint of the dwelling place and the work-place respectively, may be regarded as movements of dispersion from the former—inhabitants of a neighbourhood leaving each morning on journeys of very d i f f e r e n t lengths—and as movements of conflux to the l a t t e r . 3 Are the journeys to work generated by a given neigh bourhood i n f a c t of "very d i f f e r e n t lengths"? I t would seem equally l i k e l y that a s p e c i f i c r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood w i l l  be linked by the d a i l y journey to work of large numbers of i t s inhabitants to a s p e c i f i c centre of employment. I f the minimi zation of the journey to work i s important, t h i s centre of employ ment must be the c l o s e s t . I f i t i s not the cl o s e s t , then other factors must be involved. These would include the other deter minants of r e s i d e n t i a l location mentioned above, and the a b i l i t y of one group of workers to assume p r i o r i t y over another by r e s i d  ing i n an area where these determinants are best f u l f i l l e d . Residential areas are themselves segregated and each major occupational group concentrated i n s p e c i f i c neighbourhoods. The question arises--are these concentrations fu n c t i o n a l l y related 2 R. E. Dickinson, C i t y Region and Regionalism (London: Rou£l*edge and JCegfan Paul, 1946), p. 124. 3 I b i d . 3 t o t h e p l a c e o f work f o r each group, o r t o some o t h e r f a c t o r o r group o f f a c t o r s . T h i s s t u d y w i l l a t t e m pt t o i d e n t i f y t h e l i n k a g e s be tween s p e c i f i c p l a c e s o f employment and s p e c i f i c r e s i d e n t i a l n e i g h  bourhoods. The e x e r c i s e o f r e l a t i n g a r e a s o f s u p p l y t o a r e a s o f demand i s f a m i l i a r t o g e o g r a p h e r s , b u t i s seldom a p p l i e d t o t h e q u e s t i o n o f l a b o u r . Y e t i t i s a p p a r e n t t h a t some p a r t s o f t h e c i t y have more j o b s t h a n homes, and o t h e r s more homes t h a n j o b s . I t i s e q u a l l y o b v i o u s , even from a p e r f u n c t o r y a n a l y s i s , t h a t some a r e a s have a preponderance o f c e r t a i n k i n d s o f j o b s , and o t h e r s a preponderance o f c e r t a i n k i n d s o f homes. I t w i l l be t h e purpose o f t h i s s t u d y t o i d e n t i f y t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s l i n k  i n g such a r e a s . Some Working Hypotheses I n d u s t r i a l p l a n t s r e q u i r e a s p e c i f i c range o f commodi t i e s d e r i v e d f r o m f a i r l y d i s c r e t e a r e a s — t h i s s o u r c e o f raw ma t e r i a l s and energy. The a r e a s from w h i c h l a b o u r i s drawn may be o f more l i m i t e d e x t e n t , b u t w i l l n o n e t h e l e s s have d i s c r e t e s p a t i a l c o - o r d i n a t e s . Whether o r n o t a s p e c i f i c p l a n t draws l a b o u r from a s p e c i f i c r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a w i l l be dependent upon two p r i n c i p a l f a c t o r s . F i r s t , t h e distan.ce o f t h e r e s i d e n t i a l n eighbourhood from t h e p l a n t w i l l n o t be f u r t h e r t h a n a r e a s o n a b l e d a i l y j o u r  ney t o work o f t h e p l a n t ' s w o r k e r . Second, t h e r e s i d e n t i a l n e i g h  bourhood must o f c o u r s e c o n t a i n w o r k e r s who may be employed i n the p l a n t ' s o p e r a t i o n s . 4 A major difference arises between the distances from which labour w i l l be drawn, and the distance from which raw ma t e r i a l s and energy w i l l be drawn. The cost of transporting the l a t t e r commodities i s borne by the plant, while the cost of trans porting labour i s borne by the workers themselves. I t i s more over, a cost which i s repeated from day to day and one which must be measured i n s o c i a l as well as f i n a n c i a l terms. As an i n i t i a l hypothesis then i t may be stated that other things being equal the worker w i l l attempt to minimize the costs of work-travel. This i s an hypothesis which has been framed 4 5 by several workers, notably C a r r o l , Schnore, and ( i m p l i c i t l y ) Vance.*' However, the costs of the j.ourney to work may be mini mized not only by minimizing the separation between home and work, as Carrol at le a s t has assumed, but by varying the mode of trans portation. One may question that f o r workers who drive t h e i r own cars to work i n a c i t y as small as Vancouver, the length of the journey to work i s accorded much importance i n any case. For those who use t h e i r cars to get to and from work, what then are l i k e l y to be the major determinants of r e s i d e n t i a l location? A major f a c t o r would seem to be the costs of housing. I t may then be hypothesized that the length of the journey to 3 J . Douglas Ca r r o l , "The Relationships of Home to Work and the Sp a t i a l Pattern of C i t i e s " , S o c i a l Forces, 30 (March, 1952), pp. 271-282. 5 Leo F. Schnore, "The Separation of Home from Work: A problem for Human Ecology", S o c i a l Forces, 32 (May, 1954), pp. 336-343. James Vance, "Labour-SHed, Employment F i e l d , and Dynamic Anal y s i s i n Urban Geography", Economic Geography, 36 (July, 1960), pp. 189-220. 5 work i s for most workers a less important determinant of r e s i  d e n t i a l location than the cost of housing. This hypothesis does not contradict that framed i n i t i a l l y . The i n i t i a l hypothesis assumed that workers w i l l attempt to min imize work-travel other things being equal. C l e a r l y , other things w i l l not be equal i n many cases. Certainly i n a uniformly low- cost r e s i d e n t i a l area a c l u s t e r i n g of the labour force about a place employing low-income workers w i l l be expected. Where, how ever, the structure of residence i s not homogeneous, the varying costs of housing may be expected to come into play. S p e c i f i c a l l y , workers of high income w i l l be drawn from areas of high cost hous ing, and workers of low income from areas of low cost housing, i r r e s p e c t i v e of the distance of these areas:.from the place of work. There iis a mutual i n t e r a c t i o n between ce r t a i n types of economic a c t i v i t y and the cost of housing p r e v a i l i n g i n ad jacent areas which i t would be unwise to ignore. The noxious smells attending cert a i n kinds of i n d u s t r i a l plants r e s u l t i n a lessening of the amenity value of adjacent r e s i d e n t i a l areas which i s r e f l e c t e d i n lower housing costs. In addition, these r e s i d e n t i a l areas often contain older homes which have declined i n value over the years. I t i s thus d i f f i c u l t to determine whether low-income i n d u s t r i a l workers are attracted to such areas by t h e i r proximity to suitable employment per se or by the fact that, by v i r t u e of t h e i r proximity to i n d u s t r i a l plants, they provide less expensive accommodation. This would seem to be a case i n which i t would be d i f -6 f i c u l t to i d e n t i f y the major determinant of r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n — c o s t s of the journey to work or costs of housing. The two hypotheses framed to t h i s point suggest certain c o r o l l a r i e s through which, i n f a c t , they w i l l be tested. It has been suggested by several writers, notably Car- •7 8 9 10 r o l , Burtt, Reinemann, and Taafe, Garner and Yeates, that the central area draws i t s labour from a city-wide d i s t r i b u t i o n compared with the more clustered labour catchment areas of per i p h e r a l l y located workplaces. However, i f the hypotheses framed above are v a l i d , then i t w i l l follow that although the central  area draws labour from throughout the c i t y , 1) i t s labour force  i s r e s i d e n t i a l l y clustered towards the centre, and 2) low income  workers are drawn from low-cost r e s i d e n t i a l areas while high i n   come workers are drawn from high-cost r e s i d e n t i a l areas. A major generic difference between the central area and peripheral work concentrations i s that while the former has a varied labour force the l a t t e r employ predomanantly i n d u s t r i a l workers. 1 1 Thus, c l u s t e r i n g of the labour force about peripheral  workplaces w i l l be expected where the costs of housing i i i ad j a- cent areas are low. ____________ J . Douglas C a r r o l , op• c i t . o Martin Reinemann, The L o c a l i z a t i o n and the Relocation of Manu  facturing Within the Chicago Metropolitan Area (unpublished Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n . Dept. of Geog., Northwestern University, 1955), c i t e d by E. J . Taafe, B. J . Garner and M. H. Yeates, The Peripheral Journey to Work (Evanston, 111.: Northwestern University Press, 1963). g Everett J . Burtt, J r . , Labour Supply Characteristics of Route 12 Firms, Research Report No. 1 (Boston: Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, 1958) . 1 0 E . J . Taafe et a l . , op. c i t • Ibid., p. 14. 7 Obviously, some further corollaries may be framed which w i l l concern the length of the journey to work. Except for the observation stated above that the housing close to industrial plants may be of low cost because of the a r t i f i c i a l site' factors induced by contiguity with noisy or smelly economic ac t i v i t i e s , there i s no reason why industrial workers are more likely to seek residential locations closer to work than white-collar workers. 12 Duncan has suggested that the degree of work-residence separa tion varies with the worker's socioeconomic standing. It i s sug gested here that the length of the journey to work varies not  necessarily with the workers socioeconomic status but with the  degree of centralization of his workplace. Thus central area workers of a l l kinds are expected to have a greater degree of work-residence separation than those employed in peripheral work places, irrespective of the socioeconomic standing of the worker. These views may then be summarized as follows. Urban spatial structure i s uniquely determined for each city. It i s the result of the characteristics of the site which the city oc cupies and i t s sequence of growth. The result i s a mosaic of discrete areas with varying social and economic attributes. Pat terns of commuting are superimposed upon this spatial structure. This i s not to say that there i s no possibility of a "theory of the journey to work", but rather that what theories exist must be applied to each generic class of c i t i e s in a different manner. This present study w i l l attempt *to identify patterns of commuting I"2 Beverly Duncan, "Factors in Work-Residence Separation: Wage and Salary Workers, Chicago, 1951", American Sociological Re view (February, 1956), pp. 48-56. 8 i n Vancouver and to show that they are determined not by the ag gregated processes of cost-minimization, but by the e x i s t i n g spa t i a l structure. To t h i s major hypothesis the following may be suggested as c o r o l l a r i e s . A Workers attempt to minimize the costs of work t r a v e l only where other things are equal. This w i l l be indicated by 1) A c l u s t e r i n g of the labour force about the place of work where suitable housing i s available close to the workplace. 2) Where suitable housing i s not available close to the work place workers w i l l be drawn from the nearest r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood where i t i s a v a i l a b l e . B The length of the journey to work i s a less important deter minant of r e s i d e n t i a l location than the costs of housing. Thus for both central and peripheral workplaces 1) Low income workers w i l l be drawn from low-cost housing areas, and, 2) High-income workers w i l l be drawn from high-cost housing areas, i r r e s p e c t i v e of the distance of these areas from the place of work. C The central area draws i t s labour force from a city-wide d i s  t r i b u t i o n but 1) Central area employees are r e s i d e n t i a l l y clustered about the centre, and, 2) D i f f e r e n t components of the labour force are drawn from d i s t i n c t sectors of the c i t y . D Since peripheral workplaces have a predominantly i n d u s t r i a l labour force, workers w i l l be r e s i d e n t i a l l y clustered about the place of work where adjacent low-cost housing i s av a i l a b l e . 9 E The length of the journey to work does not vary with the work ers' socioeconomic standing, but with the location of his work place within the city. Workers employed in the central area w i l l travel further to work on the average than those employed elsewhere, irrespective of socioeconomic standing. The Area of Study Metropolitan Vancouver i s an urban area of some three- quarters of a million people. Its role i s increasingly that of a regional capital. Generically, i t f a l l s into the same class as the other c i t i e s of the Pacific Coast. Its origins, like those of Seattle or Los Angeles, are in the streetcar era and, unlike the c i t i e s in the east, Vancouver has never really experienced a time when the journey to work had to be made by foot. The f i r s t streetcar lines struck out into the bush in the 1890's and were followed by workingmen's homes. The location of the latter, i t would seem, was never determined by distance from zones of eco nomic activity. The same fare brought the worker from forty blocks as from four. Vancouver thus forms an appropriate vehicle for the present argument. Within a generation i t has passed from village status to that of a major metropolis. There has been l i t t l e time for the slow processes of succession and decay which have given the older eastern c i t i e s their apparently more ordered structure. As in the wider region of which Vancouver i s the focus, land-use has changed through a rapid sequence of t r i a l and error. The re sults of some of yesterday's errors remain as small incongruities 10 i n the urban landscape. A few decaying mansions remind us that the West End has not long been Vancouver's "Gold Coast" of high- r i s e apartments. They have relevance no longer i n the context of geography, but of h i s t o r y . This apparent lack of structure i s as noticeable, in-.the b u i l t up areas of the c i t y as i n i t s recent suburbs. I t i s upon the former area that the present study focusses. The immediate area of study comprises the c i t y of Vancouver, Burnaby, North and West Vancouver, New Westminster, and the areas of Richmond, Delta, Surrey, Coquitlam, and Port Moody which have experienced the most recent e f f e c t s of urban sprawl are excluded. The choice of t h i s area has been determined by two p r i n c i p a l f a c t o r s . 1) This i s the area included within the Vancouver C i t y Directory, one of the primary sources of data. Where other sources w i l l be referred to, some attention w i l l be given to those areas l y i n g outside the immediate area of study. 2) Apart from t h i s p r a c t i c a l consideration, the area may be jus  t i f i e d on methodological grounds. Its boundaries, except i n the east, are well defined by natural features. To the north, the mountains of the North Shore l i m i t r e s i d e n t i a l growth, as does, of course, the coastline to the west. The southern boundary i s the North Arm of the Fraser River. Although there i s i n t e r a c t i o n across t h i s boundary, i t may conveniently be i s o l a t e d at the crossing points. In addition, r e s i d e n t i a l growth to the south i s largely i n the form of urban sprawl to which i t may not be metholologically sound to apply the same considerations as to the comparatively i n t e n s i v e l y b u i l t 11 up area of study. To the east, the influence of New Westmin ster as a place of employment i s increasingly f e l t , the labour shed between Vancouver and New Westminster l y i n g somewhere i n Burnaby. The study i s thus set i n the f a i r l y l i m i t e d context of an intraurban s i t u a t i o n . The intraurban scale has larg e l y been ignored i n the past by those writers who have r e l i e d on o f  f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s . The reasons undoubtedly l i e i n the unsuita- b i l i t y of t h i s source of data for comparatively fine-grained studies. Census data i s not provided on commuting i n Canada and even i n those centers where i t i s (Sweden, the U.K., and since 1960, the U.S.A.) the areal units for which data are given are of a coarser grain than would be required for an intraurban study. Origin-destination studies, of which every large Amer ican c i t y has a plethora, since they are c a r r i e d out with the pragmatic purposes of the t r a f f i c engineer i n mind, have r e f e r  ence to commuters using a s p e c i f i e d single mode of transportation. Sources of Data In t h i s study, three primary sources of data have been used i n addition to those available from published census mater i a l s . 1) The Vancouver C i t y Directory for 1963 A systematic sample was taken from the Vancouver C i t y  Directory f o r 1963 of 1775 persons, representing 0.78 percent of the r e s i d e n t i a l labour force of Vancouver, Burnaby, North Van couver and West Vancouver. The occupation, sex, marital status, 12 employer, zone of residence, and zone of employment were recorded for each person in the sample. For a partial sample of 825 per sons, the air-li n e distance between work and residence was mea sured and information pertaining to the employer interpolated from the Dun and Bradstreet directory and from Contacts Influen- 13 t i a l . This information was coded on IBM cards and sorted me chanically. The use of this data source was of value for the f o l  lowing tasks: (a) The identification of major linkages between specific r e s i  dential areas and areas of economic activity. (b) The analysis of the mean length of the journey to work for specific categories of worker and of workplace. (c) The identification of labour catchment areas of specific zones of economic activity, especially the downtown area. Since the sample i s relatively small, only one dimen sion of disaggregation was possible, except in the case of down town workers who are sufficiently numerous to permit further dis aggregation without serious loss of validity. 14 2) The 1962 Downtown Parking Survey This survey was carried out in May and June of 1962 by the Vancouver City Engineering Department. Its primary pur pose was to determine parking needs in downtown Vancouver, and i t s findings are presented in Vancouver Downtown Parking. 1 5 In a l l 13 See Appendix A. 14 See Appendix C. 15 Transportation Engineering Branch, Vancouver Downtown Parking (Vancouver: City Engineering Department, 1962) . " 13 some 60,000 interviews were carried out, representing the total number of vehicles entering the downtown area in working hours on an average working day. The information recorded during these interviews had been coded on IBM cards and i t was possible to isolate those pertaining to work-trips downtown. 3) Personnel Elles of Select Firms A large sample was selected from the personnel f i l e s of five selected employers and the residences of workers plotted. The literature on the journey to work i s not abundant. Attempts have only recently been made to treat this topic on a theoretical basis. In the following chapter, a review of the literature w i l l suggest that among these attempts, those with an ecological perspective have been most influential. In many ways, this perspective has enhanced the theoretical basis of urban geography and has led to the formulation of "laws" of spatial structure. The major inadequacy of the writings of ecologists has been in their attempt to frame a theory of urban spatial struc ture in terms of the journey to work. This present study w i l l present the alternative view that commuting patterns are condi tioned by an existing urban spatial structure. In the following chapter, the major themes of the literature w i l l be traced and a proposal suggested for the departure of the present study from these themes. 14 CHAPTER II A CRITICAL REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON THE JOURNEY TO WORK The Journey to Work as a Feature of Urbanization The long journey to work is of recent origin. Accord- 1 2 3 mg to such writers as Pirenne, Weber, and Sjoberg a charac t e r i s t i c feature of the preindustrial town was the close conti guity of work and residence. Economic activity and domesticity often in fact shared the same building. "Except where the indus try was small and noisy . . . this intimate connection of indus- 4 t r i a l and domestic l i f e long remained normal." Even in the early industrial period, economic activity was carried on in the cot tages of the workers—which together formed a kind of dispersed factory. Thus, industry and residence were interwoven into the fabric of the preindustrial and early industrial town alike. New forms of energy and industrial technology required the concentration of workers in one location, and greater indus t r i a l specialization led to the areal segregation of industrial a c t i v i t i e s . The individual craftsman working in his own home be came increasingly dependent upon the larger organization in most industries. Henri Pirenne, Medieval Cities (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1962) . 2 Max Weber, The City trans. D. Martindale and G. Newirth (New York: Collins Books, 1962). 3 . Gideon Sjoberg, The Preindustrial City (Glencoe, 111,: The Free Press, 1960). 4 Lewis Mumford, The City in History (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1961), p.284. 15 Weavers who worked in their own cottages found them selves dependent upon supplies of raw materials: as new technology was introduced, they were forced to rent the new equipment, thereby relinquishing ownership of the means of production. Ultimately the technical advantages of the eighteenth century made the factory system dominant."5 The site characteristics of particular zones of the city gave them advantages for particular types of industrial ac t i v i t y , and the morphology of the city as a whole became a mosaic of zones each of which associated with a particular industrial enterprise or group of related enterprises. Even the dominant commercial areas began increasingly to require special situational characteristics, those with great est accessibility to the mass of the urban population being es pecially favoured. The areas which were not required either for industrial or commercial uses were l e f t to residential uses and the locally oriented services which residential areas support. Thus, the city in i t s segregated aspects came to reflect the p l u r a l i s t i c nature of evolving industrial society. Distinctions could even be made between one residential area and another. The concentration of economic activities re sulting in economies of scale for the entrepreneur: these were compensated for by diseconomies borne by the worker. "External" as well as "internal" economies accrued to the firm, writes Lampard, but not the diseconomies created by the firms own operations. Some of the l a t  ter no doubt f e l l on other firms . . . others were transferred to the household which was now separated institutionally as well as spatially from the place James Beshers, Urban Social Structure (Glencoe, 111.: Free Press, 1962) , p. 72. 16 of work.** The a b i l i t y to bear these diseconomies varied with the income of the worker, a fact which has affected considerations oflthe theoretical basis of the journey to work in current writ ings. In the early industrial era, when the mil-hand*s home was s t i l l adjacent to his place of work, his long working day was not unnecessarily attenuated by time spent in the journey to work, nor his low wage effectively diminished by the cost of travelling to work. In fact, the transportation technology of the time pre cluded the location of residence beyond a reasonable walking dis tance from work. His employer on the other hand was able to avoid the unpleasant environment created by his own industrial activity by residing at some distance away and travelling each day to work by carriage. The introduction of modes of mass transportation (the railroad and the streetcar) extended the advantage of residing at some distance from work down through the social spectrum. How- ever, i t was not until later that increased personal prosperity and a reduction of the working day extended this advantage to a l l workers, and decreased the validity of the purely economic deter minant of the length of the journey to work. The widespread use of the automobile in more recent times has rendered even greater freedom to the worker in the location of residence with respect to his workplace. Eric E. Lampard, "Urbanization and Social Change", in Oscar Hand- l i n and John Burchard _(eds.), The Historian and the City (Boston: M.I.T. and Harvard University, 1963), pp. 225-247. The Journey to Work as a S o c i a l Problem 17 In the modern m e t r o p o l i s , the costs of the journey t o work are s o c i a l as much as economic. "Estimates made f o r both the London c e n t r a l area and lower Manhattan i n d i c a t e t h a t the time spend i n the journey to work lengthens the workday by a gross 7 amount of almost 20 percent." Time spent i n the journey to work does not produce economic gain and, moreover d e t r a c t s from the time spent i n l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s . I t thus represents a s o c i a l d e f i c i t which must be borne by s o c i e t y at l a r g e . . . and of which s o c i e t y i s becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y aware. The P r e s i d e n t of the United S t a t e s , i n a l i s t of domestic problems under c o n s i d e r a t i o n by h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , . g i v e s high p r i o r i t y t o t h a t of c u t t i n g the commuter's t r a v e l time i n the nation's congested urban ce n t r e s . I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g then that w i t h i n t h i s context, pioneer*- s t u d i e s of the journey to work were concerned p r i m a r i l y w i t h i t s costs t o s o c i e t y . One of the most i n f l u e n t i a l s t u d i e s which has considered q the journey to work as a s o c i a l problem i s t h a t of Liepman. The major c o n t r i b u t i o n of t h i s work i s i t s a n a l y s i s of the s o c i a l and economic f u n c t i o n s of the journey t o work. Although alarmed by the i n c r e a s i n g time spent i n commuting i n pre-war B r i t a i n and the consequent burdens placed upon an already overloaded p u b l i c t r a n s  p o r t a t i o n system, Liepman was a l s o aware of the b e n e f i t s to s o c i e t y 7 Howard S. Lapm, S t r u c t u r i n g the Journey to Work, ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : U n i v e r s i t y of Pennsylvania Press, 1964), p. 14. g Time (Canadian E d i t i o n ) , December 25, 1964, p.11. 9Kate Liepman, The Journey to Work, (London: Routledge and Kegan P a u l , 1944). 18 implied by a highly mobile labour market. She suggests that the causes of the journey to work are twofold. F i r s t , there are the topographic causes resulting from the spatial segregation of industrial, commercial, and residential areas in a burgeoning and relatively unplanned industrial society. Second, there are the social and economic causes which carry with them important benefits to employer and employee alike. 1. The economies of scale effected by modern industry require a large and varied labour force, which may be supplied, she main tains, only from an extensive labour catchment area. "Daily travelling by the workers has . . . become necessary to secure the concentration of labour in plants of the size demanded by technical and economic considerations." 1^ 2. A highly mobile labour force requires that each worker should have access to alternative work places at which he may find employment. The advantages accruing to the employer are that he may expand, reorganize, or relocate his plant without serious disrup tions of his labour supply. The employee on the other hand has a greater choice of employment within the extended range of the daily journey to work brought about by public transport f a c i l i t i e s of the ownership of a car. However, i t does not follow that large scale commuting is desirable in i t s e l f . The advantages for both employer and em ployee would s t i l l exist, maintains Liepman, were alternative work places brought within closer reach of each employed person in a Ibid., p.11. 19 regional pattern of distinct small towns about a central nucleus. This scheme, which recalls Ebenezer Howard's Welwyn Garden City and Letchworth, was influential in Britain's post-war New Towns Policy. Although Liepman's study represented an important step towards the consideration of the pattern of work-trips as an im portant component of the structure of urban areas, her lack of regard for what she herself called topographic causes of the jour ney to work contributes l i t t l e towards the viewpoint which w i l l be taken in this study. Later British writers added force to Liepman's argument by postulating the existence of labour-deficient and labour-surplus areas and by commenting on the power of certain areas to attract labour from very extensive catchment areas. Westergaard's re port of a study on commuting in the Greater London area suggested, for example, that "only the Central Area, and to a lesser extent the subsidiary centre depend for their labour supply on a widespread 12 catchment area." Unfortunately, the nature of the data used by Westergaard did not permit him to comment on the occupational groups which would be drawn long distances to the central areas, or to identify the residential zones from which they. come. The existence of a complex system of surface and underground railways permits workers to commute to central London from as far away as f i f t y miles with comparative ease and speed. However, the prohibitive costs in travelling such distances would suggest that only higher John Westergaard, "Journeys to Work in the London Region", Town  Planning Review, 28 (April, 1957), pp. 37-62. 12.,., Ibid. 20 income workers are able to avail themselves of these services. 13 In support of this view, Chaline has shown the existence of a belt of higher income workers on the outer fringes of the conurba tion in what is often called the "stockbroker belt", taking advan tage of the pleasant site characteristics of the dip-slope of the North Downs and the Chi Items. Similarly, Westergaard*s finding that those who live in the main and subsidiary centres of employment more often work near their homes than those who live elsewhere may provoke l i t t l e surprise, but certainly leads one to question the occupation of those about whom this observation is made. The finding that the status of the County of London's day population i s higher than that of i t s night population suggests that they may indeed be em ployed in the low income occupations. The question which remains unanswered in the works of both Liepman and Westergaard is the nature of the equation between the social and economic, and the topographic determinants of the journey to work. Do those who both live and work in the London central area do so because they cannot afford a long journey to work or because the quality of residential accommodation available there i s more appropriate to their earnings than that found in the outer suburbs? However, both studies obliquely suggest a chorological division of urban areas which may contribute towards a potential geographical viewpoint. Westergaard's in particular would suggest the existence of four distinct types of urban area on the basis of n C. Chaline, "Nouveaux Aspects de l a Cite" de Londres", Ann a less  de Geographie, 70e. Ann£e (1961), pp. 273-286. 21 t h e i r l a b o u r d e f i c i e n c y o r a b u n d a n c e . 1. S e l f - s u f f i c i e n t l a b o u r m a r k e t s i n w h i c h t h e l o c a l r e s i d e n t s a r e e m p l o y e d e x c l u s i v e l y , t h e r e b e i n g n o i n f l o w f r o m o t h e r a r e a s . 2. A r e a s w h e r e t h e d a i l y i n f l o w a n d o u t f l o w o f w o r k e r s i s i n a s t a t e o f b a l a n c e . I n t h i s c a s e , t h e n u m b e r o f r e s i d e n t s w ho m u s t f i n d e m p l o y m e n t e l s e w h e r e i s t h e s a m e a s t h e n u m b e r o f i n - c o m m u t e r s . 3. A r e a s w h e r e t h e r e s i d e n t i a l p o p u l a t i o n i s m u c h g r e a t e r t h a n t h e a v a i l a b l e e m p l o y m e n t a n d t h e r e f o r e , t h e i n f l o w g r e a t e r t h a n t h e o u t f l o w . 4. A r e a s w h e r e t h e a v a i l a b l e e m p l o y m e n t i s m u c h g r e a t e r t h a n t h e r e s i d e n t i a l p o p u l a t i o n a n d t h e r e f o r e t h e i n f l o w g r e a t e r t h a n t h e o u t f l o w . T h e J o u r n e y t o W o r k a s a P r o b l e m o f D e m o g r a p h y W h a t we h a v e h e r e t h e n i s e v i d e n t l y a p r o b l e m o f d e m o  g r a p h y . Some p a r t s o f t h e c i t y h a v e a l a r g e r w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n t h a n a r e s i d e n t i a l p o p u l a t i o n , o t h e r s a l a r g e r r e s i d e n t i a l p o p u l a  t i o n t h a n a w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n . T h e j o u r n e y t o w o r k i s t h e l i n k b e t w e e n s u c h a r e a s . S e v e r a l w r i t e r s h a v e f o c u s s e d o n t h e a r e a s t h e m s e l v e s r a t h e r t h a n o n t h e l i n k s b e t w e e n t h e m . S u c h a f o c u s h a s b e e n i n l a r g e p a r t d e t e r m i n e d b y t h e n a t u r e o f o f f i c i a l s t a  t i s t i c s . F o r e x a m p l e , s e v e r a l s t u d i e s o r i g i n a t i n g f r o m S w e d e n h a v e a t t a c k e d t h e p r o b l e m t h r o u g h a c h o r o l o g i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n b e  t w e e n a r e a s o f l a b o u r a b u n d a n c e a n d o f l a b o u r d e f i c i e n c y a s a k e y t o i n t e r - c i t y c o m m u t i n g . 22 14 Kant has suggested two d i f f e r e n t indices which may be employed to make such a d i s t i n c t i o n i n quantitative terms, but i n the l a s t analysis such a d i s t i n c t i o n i s afte r a l l between areas of economic a c t i v i t y and r e s i d e n t i a l areas, and may thus be made on an intraurban scale, on a simple morphological basis. I f a regi o n a l i z a t i o n i s to be of value at t h i s scale, i t must surely be based upon the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the labour catchment areas of p a r t i c u l a r workplaces or groups of workplaces. Both Kant and Forbat have stressed i n Migration i n Swe- 15 den that more meaningful studies of work-residence re l a t i o n s would be forthcoming were information on the catchment areas of s p e c i f i c work places available from o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s . The coarse- scale r e g i o n a l i z a t i o n attempted by these writers leaves two ques tions unanswered. F i r s t , what i s the importance of commuting within the areas considered? This i s termed "pseudocommuting" according to Kant, but the d i s t i n c t i o n between t h i s kind of commuting and commuting across administrative boundaries i s not generically d i f  ferent. Second, the gross figures give no in d i c a t i o n of the d i  rection of commuting. Do for example the residents of a p a r t i c u l a r administrative d i v i s i o n who f i n d employment outside converge on a pa r t i c u l a r work zone or are they d i s t r i b u t e d throughout a l l the work zones i n a random fashion? The same c r i t i c i s m as may be l e v e l l e d against Kant's 1 4Edgar Kant, Suburbanization, Urban Sprawl and Commutation, "Mi gration i n Sweden (Lund: The Royal University, 1957), pp. 244- 309 and: Edgar Kant, "Zur Frage der Inneren Gliederung der Stadt", I.G.U. Symposium i n Urban Geography (Lund: The Royal University, 1962), pp. 321-383. 15_ Op. ext. work applies also to the various studies of day and night popula tions of American c i t i e s . """^  In a l l the functional aspects are not apparent except by inference, and the picture presented is a static one. This i s a criticism which may be levelled against a l l work in which the plotting of populations per se i s dominant. The inadequacies of static cartography have been pointed out by Hagerstrand. As the human geographer produces his dot maps of popula tion distribution he i s f u l l y aware that this method, however useful, gives an inadequate impression of the population in geographical space. The dot maps give a static picture, as i f each individual has his given place. In reality, the reverse i s the most obvious fea ture of the population—fluidity. Each individual has a moving pattern of his own, with turning points at his home, his place of work and his shopping centre during the week, and his recreation grounds on a holiday or Sunday.1' This is a problem which is at the root of much geogra phical methodology, not least that of regional subdivision. Geo graphers have traditionally distinguished between two different kinds of region: 1. The region which has homogeneous characteristics among certain specified components. These may include i t s geology, natural vegetation, s o i l s — o r in the case of the present study, the nature of i t s residential labour force or the fact of i t s hav- For example, see G. W. Breese, The Daytime Population of the  Central Business District of Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1949): F. S. Chapin and P. H. Stewart, "Popu lation Densities Around the Clock", The American City (October, 1963): D. L. Foley, "Urban Daytime Populations—A Field for Demographic-Ecological Research", Social Forces 32 (May, 1954), pp. 323-330: R. C. Schmitt, "Estimating Daytime Populations", Journal of the A.I.P., 22 (Spring, 1956), pp. 83-85. Torsten Hagerstrand, "Migration and Area", Migration in Sweden (Lund: The Royal University, 1957), pp. 27-159. ing a labour deficiency or surplus. 2. The region which i s given unity by v i r t u e of the f a c t that i t i s f u n c t i o n a l l y linked to a p a r t i c u l a r node—the hinterland, umland, or i n t h i s present case, the labour catchment area. The analysis of t h i s l a t t e r type of region i s more de manding, but i n the end i s l i k e l y to be more f r u i t f u l f o r the type of study i n hand. Even here, however, there i s a problem since regions of t h i s kind may either be distinguished on the basis of d e s i r e - l i n e s which encompass the entire area of study, or points which have some functional relationship to a s p e c i f i e d node. Into the former category would f a l l the flow-lines of com modities to a port or i n d u s t r i a l c i t y , the bus-routes beloved of a generation of B r i t i s h urban geographers, or origin-destina t i o n l i n e s of commuters. The l a t t e r would include the sources of the commodities used i n an i n d u s t r i a l centre, or the ori g i n s of commuters fo r a s p e c i f i e d destination. Conflux and Dispersion as Concepts The terms conflux and dispersion occur f a i r l y frequently i n the l i t e r a t u r e and may have a pote n t i a l as tools which has not been:.fully r e a l i z e d . In p a r t i c u l a r they would seem to provide the l i n k which i s missing from purely demographic studies. The 18 terms were coined by Liepman who used them as capsule descrip tions of the gross movements of commuters i n an urbanized area. Residential areas are areas from which people disperse on journeys of d i f f e r e n t lengths towards workplaces of d i f f e r e n t types and 187 ~~~ Op. c i t . locations. In the simplest terms, they may be regarded as zones - 19 of dispersion, a term coined by Vance. But the term implies something more than a simple description of the fact that there i s net outflow, i t implies also a sense of d i r e c t i o n . One may speak of a p a r t i c u l a r r e s i d e n t i a l area being a zone of dispersion towards one, two, three or more places of work. The d a i l y move ments of population described by the term, when viewed from the place of work i t s e l f are movements of conflux and the l a t t e r may 20 be regarded as a zone of conflux. Here too i s the implication of d i r e c t i o n since a p a r t i c u l a r place of work may be seen as a zone of conflux from one, two, three or more r e s i d e n t i a l areas. If i t could be ascertained that a p a r t i c u l a r r e s i d e n t i a l area supplied workers to several d i s t i n c t places of work t h i s might be found to be due to; 1) the d i f f e r i n g nature of these places of work, and 2) the d i f f e r i n g nature of the residents themselves. These differences could then be related to the occupa t i o n a l category, sex, mode of transportation used, etc. for the residents involved. A more meaningful understanding of the the o r e t i c a l basis of commuting patterns might i n fact a r i s e from the disaggregation of movements of dispersion. S i m i l a r l y , If i t were found that a s p e c i f i c place of work drew i t s labour force from several r e s i d e n t i a l areas associa tion might be found between the intervening distance, the q u a l i t a  t i v e differences between the r e s i d e n t i a l areas and the occupational 15 James E. Vance, "Labor-Shed, Employment F i e l d , and Dynamic An a l y s i s i n Urban Geography", Economic Geography 36. (July, 1960), pp. 189-220. 20.,., ., Ibid. 26 category, sex, mode of transportation, etc. of the workers. Using the concept i t is possible to bridge the gap be tween the demographic approach which distinguishes areas by virtue of their homogeneity and an approach which recognizes areas which are functionally linked to a specific node. Such an approach has 21 recently been adopted by Vance in the work referred to above. The major value of this work li e s in i t s development of a theore t i c a l description of labour catchment areas based on an evolution ary process through changes in transportation technology. To summarize this sequence, Vance stresses that the re lationship between work and residence may be explained only in terms of i t s historical development. He postulates an original zone of conflux as the i n i t i a l site of an urban area. It is a site above a l l which contains certain economic advantages—because of the location of a resource, a source of energy, or f a c i l i t i e s which encourage the gathering together of resources for processing and exchange. As the economic activity in question increases so also does the labour force unti l i t can no longer be accommodated at the i n i t i a l site. At this stage the community divides into two distinct zones, a zone in which work is performed (the zone of conflux) and another in which those who perform the work reside (the zones of dispersion). The presence of a growing population i t s e l f attracts further industry and commerce, which unable now to locate at the i n i t i a l zone of conflux, locates at the periphery. The effect is to increase to total employment of the area and to provide for secondary zones of conflux at the periphery. The ex pansion of employment, Vance points out, in fact takes place in 27 two ways: the expansion of the CBD through the accretion of ad joi n i n g areas, and the external reproduction of manufacturing and transportation f a c i l i t i e s at the periphery. Improvements i n trans portation technology themselves have the e f f e c t of widening poten t i a l labour catchment areas and maintaining the dominance of the CBD when transportation focusses upon t h i s zone. The changing int e r a c t i o n between the zones of conflux and of dispersion, Vance proposes, may be understood i n terms of a simple s p a t i a l model which describes changes i n labour sheds and employment f i e l d s through changes i n the transportation tech nology. These two terms require some d e f i n i t i o n : 1. Labour shed i s defined by Vance as the area from which a par t i c u l a r place of work derives i t s labour force. The obvious analogy with watersheds may be f e l t to lead to some confusion and the term "labour catchment area" i s f e l t by the present writer to express t h i s idea more exactly. 2. Employment f i e l d i s a term coined by Vance to define the work zone to which workers come from a s p e c i f i c r e s i d e n t i a l zone. Vance's model of urban growth consists of an hexagonal grid of zones, the dimensions of which are those of a reasonable d a i l y journey to work on foot or on horseback. Each i s thus a poten t i a l labour-shed or employment f i e l d i n the i n i t i a l stages of transportation technology. The coming of the railway and the street railway r e s u l t s i n an expansion of both, labour shed and employment f i e l d through the l i n k i n g of contiguous zones i n a l i n e a r fashion. The most recent phase of transportation technology, that characterized by widespread use of the automobile, sees a return to the i n i t i a l 28 situation, modified only by an extended range to the daily journey to work. "By breaking down ,.the compartmentalized organization within the complex", writes Vance, "automobile transportation has made the geographical city an intimately tied economic and func- 22 tional agglomeration". However, this view assumed that a l l members of the pop ulation "and of the labour force take maximum advantage of each successive stage of transportation technology upon i t s introduc tion. In the present city i t may well be that a l l three stages, foot, streetcar and railroad, and automobile, are represented by different sectors of the work force, and that consequently d i f f e r  ent residential areas have different connotations for workers of different socio-economic status. In this respect, Vance's study may be cr i t i c i z e d for placing undue emphasis upon distance as a variable and less upon the evolving structure of the city i t s e l f . For this reason» Vance's study may perhaps be most ap propriately placed within the context of the work of those sociolo gists who were influenced by the ecological school of the Univer sity of Chicago, and for whom too distance was the dominant var iable. Vance's statement that, "the areal structure of economic activity along with the dependent urban areal structure would re sult from two irreducible variables, 1) absolute distance from an i n i t i a l or s a t e l l i t i c zone of conflux, and 2) transportation 23 technology", may be compared with a view expressed by Amos Haw- 24 ley, one of the chief spokesmen of this school. The latter sug-22 * Ibid. 23 Ibid. 24 Amos Hawley, Human Ecology (New York: Ronald Press, 1950), es pecially Chapter 13. 29 gested that the distributional patterns are the result of the i n  terdependence of man's activities within the limitations set by the varying character of space and the f r i c t i o n of distance. If anything, Vance places more stress upon the latter than upon the former. The Journey to Work as a Problem of Human Ecology The ecological approach towards the journey to work is in many ways the most promising for a possible geographical point of view. This school, which had i t s origins in the Chicago school of sociology in the 1930's had as i t s aim, "to discover the princi ples and factors involved in the changing patterns of spatial ar rangement of population and institutions resulting from the inter- 25 play of living beings in a continuously changing culture." The major principle of the ecologists is that man exists in a competi tive environment (the analogy with Darwinism i s apparent) in which adjustments are made between individuals and institutions such that the city represents a closely inter-related functional whole. "In spite of i t s errors, ecology s t i l l is the closest we have come to a systematic theory of the city." Studies of the journey to work which may be placed in the ecological context have generally, like that of Vance, assumed the pervading influence of the length of the journey to work. 25 R. D. McKenzie, "Human Ecology", Encyclopaedia of the Social  Sciences (New York: Macmillan, 1931). Quoted by Leonard Reiss- man, The Urban Process (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1964), p.93. "^Leonard Reissman, loc. c i t . 30 27 An early study by Carrol employed hypotheses largely 2 8 based upon Z i p f s principle of least effort. These hypotheses suggested that: 1. "Forces are in operation tending to minimize distances between home and place of work", and 2. "the concentrative effect of these forces i s an important fac tor conditioning total residential arrangement of urban popu lations . The findings of a previous study had indicated that, "the bulk of factory workers live close to work, and beyond two or three miles the proportion of factory workers decrease as dis- 29 tance from the factory increases". The findings of both studies were summarized into three, broad generalizations: 1. "total urban area population is residentially distributed about the central business d i s t r i c t of the principal city", 2. "residential distribution of persons employed in central dis t r i c t s tends to approximate that of the entire urban population", and 3. "residences of persons employed in off-center work-places are concentrated most heavily in the immediate vicinit y of the place of work."30 2 7 J. Douglas Carrol, "The Relations of Homes to Workplaces and the Spatial Pattern of Cities", Social Forces 30 (March, 1952), pp. 271-282. 2 8 G. K. Zipf, Human Behaviour and the Principle of Least Effort (Cambridge, Mass.: Edison Wesley Press, 1949). 29 John Douglas Carrol, "Some Aspects of the Home-Work Relation ships of Industrial Workers", Land Economics, 25 (November, 1949), pp. 414-422. 3 0John Douglas Carrol, op. c i t . (1952). The r e s u l t i n g pattern of urban s p a t i a l structure i s one that occurs frequently i n the ecological l i t e r a t u r e - - t h a t of dom inance and sub-dominance. The pattern i s one i n which, ". . . population, and the residences of central d i s t r i c t employees are arranged about the core areas i n a constantly declining density (and) off-center work concentrations, on the other hand, have re sidences grouped about them so that they seem to resemble nuclea- 31 ted sub-clusters within the larger whole." 32 Schnore has pointed out with some j u s t i f i c a t i o n that the a b i l i t y to minimize e f f o r t varies among the population: i t has been suggested e a r l i e r that the a b i l i t y to meet the disecon omies transferred from the plant to the worker by the necessity of a journey to work are borne with varying ease by d i f f e r e n t sec tors of the labour force. While the lower income manual worker might f i n d i t necessary to minimize the journey to work, the high er income white-collar worker has presumably greater a b i l i t y to meet the costs of commuting from further a f i e l d . This returns of course to the problem stressed e a r l i e r of disentangling the costs of the journey to work per se from the str u c t u r a l features of the c i t y which would encourage the s e t t l e  ment of low income workers close to zones of employment. 33 Beverly Duncan has shown i n Chicago that work-residence separation i s higher for "white-collar" than f o r manual workers 31 J Ibid. 32 'Leo Schnore, "The Separation of Home from Work: A Problem for Human Ecology", S o c i a l Forces 32 (May, 1954), pp. 336-343. 33 Beverly Duncan, "Factors i n Work-Residence Separation: Wage and Salary Workers, Chicago, 1951", American S o c i o l o g i c a l Re view (February, 1956), pp. 48-56. and that: 1. the degree of work-residence separation varies directly with the socioeconomic level of the worker, 2. the degree of work-residence separation is directly related to the centralization of workplaces, and consequently, 3. "work-residence separation is greatest for workers of high so cioeconomic status with centralized workplaces. However, the question remains unanswered as to whether this is the result of those in low wage occupations being unable to meet the higher costs of the journey to work, especially i f employed in off-center workplaces with d i f f i c u l t public transport connections, or of urban structure i t s e l f . 34 Whiting has shown that, following the relocation of Chicago families from the central area (actually the so-called "black belt") to scattered public housing, the a f f i n i t y for work places within or near the loop remained. This was particularly apparent at one public housing project located some distance from downtown, to which more than 80 percent of the tenants had to move ten miles or more, but in which the change of jobs was slight. What is in operation in this case i s evidently a set of locational "preferences" which are independent of the distance from the place of work. The case of the public housing tenants in Chicago may be explained by their apparent failure to find em ployment close to their new homes—a fact that i s not surprising when the random processes which led to the location of public hous- 34 R. F. Whiting, "Home-to-Work Relationships of Workers Living i n Public Housing Projects in Chicago", Land Economics 28 (August, 1952), pp. 283-290. ing in that city are considered. But i t does bring the analy sis of the journey to work solely in terms of cost and distance into question. Workers locational preferences are not a unique and i n  terdependent portion of the totality of the workers' labour-market preferences. A related set of propensi ties are those involving worker's choices between labour and leisure.36 Proximity to shopping f a c i l i t i e s , to parks and other recreational f a c i l i t i e s , and the operation of traditional patterns of residential occupance must a l l be taken into question. Even in the USSR, where the possibilities of the relocation of popula tion according to rational ideas of space economy would be expected 37 to be at a maximum, Lyubovnyy reports that in the industrial city of Kolomna, different factories, and even different departments within the same factory, may be staffed with workers from completely different residential villages, some of which are traditional sources of labour for a particular industrial operation. It would thus seem that in addition to the consideration of distance as a variable other factors are involved including: 1) the positive or negative effects of planning, 2) the operation of bases of preference other than proximity to work, and 3) what might be termed "traditional" patterns of work and residence. In this latter case, by a process similar to that of industrial iner- 3*5 ~ Martin Mayerson and Edward C. Banfield, Po l i t i c s , Planning and  the Public Interest (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1955). 3 6 William Goldner, "Spatial and Locational Aspects of Metropolitan Labour Markets", American Economic Review 45 (1955), pp. 113- 128. 37 V. Ya. Lyubovnyy, "Some Questions Relating to the Formation of Urban Populations", Soviet Geography 11 (December, 1960), pp. 51-57. 34 t i a , the linkages between certain residential areas and workplaces persist, even though the causal factors have ceased to have rele vance . Towards a Theory of the Journey to Work From the above discussion, i t seems clear that the re search methods used depend upon the researcher's a p r i o r i concep tualization of urban structure. It may be asked with some j u s t i  fication whether the process of conceptualization i s invalidated by the very complexity of the variables involved. 38 39 40 Liepman, Westergaard, and Thompson in Britain were absolved from the responsibility of describing a general theory of commuting. Their task at that time was after a l l simply to draw attention to the need for planning in order to minimize the journey to work in a burgeoning urban-industrial society. Perhaps closer to the geographer's concern were the attempts of sociolo gists, particularly those with an ecological cast, to formulate a view of urban spatial structure in terms of the journey to work. Forces which tend to minimize and maximize the journey to work have 41 42 been dealt with by Carrol and Schnore respectively, while among 43 geographers, an ecological perspective has been adopted by Vance 3 8 Kate Liepman, op. c i t . 39 John Westergaard, op. c i t . 40 Jean Thompson, "The Journey to Work--Some Social Implications", Town - and Country Planning (November, 1950), pp. 441-446. 41 J. Douglas Carrol, op. c i t . 42 Leo F. Schnore, op. c i t . 43 James E. Vance, op. c i t . in a sequential model of the changing pattern of labour shed and employment f i e l d through changes in transportations technology. These latter studies, although intellectually more satis- 44 45 fying than the descriptive demographies of Kant, Breese, and 46 Foley , take l i t t l e or no account of the discrete variable of particular site characteristics which may be the result of plan ning, of certain amenity factors, or of established preferences. Yet such factors are the traditional concern of geographers and may be ignored only at the p e r i l of formulating a theory of urban structure that has no relation to r e a l i t y — a mathematical abstrac tion which is never expressed in bricks and mortar. The attributes of a unit of residential space are de termined not only by cits physical site (its aspect, view, etc.) but by the succession of uses to which i t has been put. These factors may be conveniently aggregated in to price i t commands upon the open market. Involved in this also however are i t s si t u  ational characteristics, i t s linkages with certain amenities and with employment. These are essentially an aggregation of the mov ing pattern of i t s occupants, occurring in different forms, fre quencies, and functions. The journey to work is a necessary, fre quent, and recurrent movement, more necessary than the journey to the park, more frequent than the journey to the store, and recur rent where the journey to the hospital is not. If distance is important at a l l in determining residential preferences proximity 2R[ Edgar Kant, op. c i t . 45 G. W. Breese, op. cit, 46 D. L. Foley, op. c i t . 36 to work w i l l surely be a prime situational determinant of residen t i a l location. - In essence, this present study attempts to assess the relative importance of a site factor (the cost of housing) and a situational factor (the cost of the journey to work). This i s a task which has not been attempted to date. 1. The Causes of the Journey to Work 47 Liepman and other British sociologists were concerned with the social and economic costs of work-travel for the individ ual and~the ways in which work-travel i t s e l f could be minimized by planning. Although Liepman refers to the topographic causes of the journey to work, she makes no attempt either to define them in detail or to examine their effects. She recognizes, as do other British writers, that the journey to work is an inevitable conco mitant of large concentrations of economic activity making use of economies of scale, and by a dispersed labour force with diverse occupational s k i l l s . From this early emphasis upon the causes of the journey to work, research diverged along two channels. 2 * The Demographic Consequences of the Journey to Work It was possible in the f i r s t case to distinguish between areas of labour supply and of labour demand in f a i r l y gross terms. The availability of suitable census data encouraged research in these directions in Britain, Sweden, and some other European coun t r i e s . This in turn led to the notion that some areas (those with very great labour needs) must draw labour from widespread catch ment areas. in ~ Kate Liepman, op. c i t . 3. The Ecological Approach This view f e l l on f r u i t f u l ground in Chicago where i t was adapted by the human ecologists into a useful theory of urban 48 spatxal structure. Westergaard*s conclusion that the central area of London draws i t s labour supply from throughout the metro- 49 politan area was formalized into Carrol's views of urban spatial structure. According to this view, cit i e s are eco-systems of func tionally related parts. Within this system, central work concen trations and peripheral work concentrations assume a dominance and sub-dominance according to their respective a b i l i t i e s to draw labour from long distances. The causal mechanism for such a struc ture is seen as the desire to minimize the journey to work leading to a clustering of the labour force about workplaces. Further re finement was added by Schnore^0 and Duncan^1 who suggested that the desire to minimize the journey to work is tempered by the workers' a b i l i t y to meet the costs of work travel. Although this approach even now would appear to be the most f r u i t f u l , i t s de ficiencies l i e mainly in the limited number of variables i t i n  cludes . Descriptive and Explanatory Models Recently, some approaches have been followed which would appear to give greater mathematical refinement than has been achieved 48 John Westergaard, op. ext. 49 J. Douglas Carrol, op. c i t . 50 Leo F. Schnore, op. cxt. ^Beverly Duncan, op. c i t . 38 to date. These attempt to construct models which take account of several variables, both continuous and discrete. 1. Gravity and Potential Models In the concepts of gravity and potential, a f u l l account 52 of which are given by Isard, the interaction between two zones is seen as varying directly with some function of their populations and inversely with some function of the intervening distance. Im plied in this model is the f r i c t i o n a l effect of distance which may only be accepted with some reservations in a limited intraurban context. Even i f distance were found to exercise such an effect, the most proper question might then be not "how?" but "why?". 2. Probability Models A recent modification of a basic gravity model has been 53 developed by Taafe, Garner, and Yeates. This model has been used with notable success to predict the spatial distribution of workers from a peripheral workplace in Chicago. In a static ver sion of the Monte Carlo simulation of diffusion used by Hagerstrand, these writers modify the i n i t i a l P/d model by assigning a range of low or high probability factors to each residential zone on the bas i s of their location relative to that of the workplace in question. This procedure may be summed up in the statement that "the rela tion between distance and the probability of commuter origination 54 52 Walter Isard, Methods of Regional Analysis (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T., 1960), especially pp. 493-566. 53 Edward J. Taafe, Barry J. Garner, and Maurice H. Yeates, The Per  ipheral Journey to Work—A Geographic Consideration (Chicago: Northwestern University Press, 1963). 54 Torsten Hagerstrand, "On the Monte Carlo Simulation of Diffusion", Mimeo. 39 55 is not a continuous one". This model has the advantage that, while predicting the distribution of workers with satisfying ac curacy, i t yet enables statements to be made about the effect of such factors as the race, occupation, and income of workers and the proximity to alternative sources of employment on the r e s i  dential patterns, through a comparison of the model and reality. 3• Systems of Work-Trips Howard Lapin 5^ has suggested an empirical method which may be of some value in that i t enables areas of residential seg regation to be identified. Systems of trips may be described in the method suggested by this writer in terms of an origin-destina tion matrix from which a single alebraic expression may be derived to describe the relationship between the length of t r i p and devia tions from the average proportion of trips to the destination. In a pilot study made in Philadelphia, " i t was inferred that points located above the curve (describing this alebraic expression) cor responded with a close matching of the work capabilities of the resident workers with job opportunities in the destination zone, 57 together with at least adequate transportation service". In the two works mentioned above i t i s f e l t that methods have been achieved which enable generalizations to be made about both work-residence relations and urban structure without the ne cessity of an a p r i o r i conceptualization of the latter. Essen t i a l l y empirical methods such as these are thought to accord more 53 Edward J. Taafe et a l . , op. c i t . 56 Howard S. Lapin, op. c i t . 57 Ibid., p.136. 40 with the traditional methods of geographers than methods placed in an ecological frame. The Approach' of the Present Study Towards the Problem In the present study, the journey to work is not seen as a prime cause of urban spatial structure. Patterns of commut ing are rather superimposed upon an existing suburban structure, the determinant of which li e s in the city's growth sequence over a-unique site. The f i r s t task then w i l l be to identify the pre sent patterns of work and residence in terms of both functional segregation, and the linkages between functionally segregated zones. This w i l l be done through: 1. A consideration of the distribution of employment and residence in the city in gross terms. 2. A consideration of the variation in the length of the journey to work. 3. The development of a descriptive model of commuting patterns for Vancouver for each major occupational group. The second task w i l l then be the evaluation of the views put forward by other writers on the journey to work in the light of the findings for Vancouver. In particular, the costs of work- travel as a factor tending to minimize the journey to work w i l l be weighed against the varying costs of residential space in the city. Finally, some attempt w i l l be made to plot the co-ordi nates of the labour catchment areas of both central and peripheral workplaces and to ascertain from these which of the two above-41 mentioned cost factors i s a stronger determinant of r e s i d e n t i a l location. 42 CHAPTER III PATTERNS OF WORK AND RESIDENCE IN VANCOUVER In this chapter, consideration w i l l be given to the distributional patterns of employment and of residence in Van couver and the linkages between them. The latter w i l l be consid ered through a discussion of the variation observed in the mean length of the journey to work, and the development of a model of commuting patterns for Vancouver. Residential Distribution of the Labour Force Fig. 1 indicates that the residential labour force is f a i r l y evenly distributed throughout the area of study. There is a slightly marked local clustering in the areas of greatest employment opportunities (especially the Central Area and to a lesser extent the North Arm of the Fraser) which would perhaps indicate greater pressures on residential land in these areas. Of greater significance however, is the larger propor tion of females in the labour force in the areas adjacent to the Central Area, although not in the Central Area i t s e l f . This raises questions concerning the occupations of females residing in these areas, and their mode of transportation in getting to work. Residential Segregation of Occupational Groups In Fig. 2, i t i s apparent that of these areas, the West End 1 has a predominant proportion of c l e r i c a l workers. Another ^The West End in the area between the downtown and Stanley Park. 43 FIGURE 1 RESIDENTIAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE LABOUR FORCE, VANCOUVER, 1961 0-5 0 05 tO 1-5 20 25 SCALE" IN MILES D I S T R I B U T I O N OF L A B O U R F O R C E B Y C E N S U S T R A C T , 1961 1000 2000 SOOO 4000 SOURCE: D.B.S, CAT. 95-537 [JOHN WOLFORTH 1964 45 2 study has indicated that this is not an accidental correspondence: the West End is indeed an area favoured by usually single g i r l s employed in c l e r i c a l occupations. Since this i s a class of worker which rarely has access to automobiles, the contiguity of work and residence is preferred. This does not apply to other classes of worker shown in Fig. 2. The concentration of managers on Point Grey and especially towards Southwest Marine Drive would seem to be related more to the greater amenities offered by these areas, while the concentration of industrial workers in the east ern parts of the City of Vancouver may perhaps be related either to the cheaper housing available in these areas, or to the prox imity to employment. The above account raises more questions than i t answers. Subsequent paragraphs w i l l attempt to provide some of the answers to these questions. Variation in the Length of the Journey to Work The problems concerning the linkages between residen t i a l areas and places of work may be approached through an anal ysis of variation in the mean length of the journey to work. Variation may be ascribed to the attributes of the worker, or to the attributes of his workplace. The attributes of the worker which may be isolated are 1) the location of residence, 2) the occupation, and 3) the sex and marital status of the worker. 2 Ann McAfee, Residences on the Margins of the Urban Core: A Case  Study of the West End, Vancouver, B.C. (Unpublished M.A. thesis, Department of Geography, University of B.C., 1965). 46 FIGURE 2 RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION OF THREE MAJOR OCCUPATIONAL GROUPS, VAN COUVER, 1961 DISTRIBUTION OF THREE CATEGORIES OF THE VANCOUVER LABOUR FORCE (NORMALIZED DATA) • • OVER 3 2 TO 2.9 I TO 1.9 0 TO 0.9 - I TO 0 - 1.9 TO -I UNDER - 2 J > P - P < Or WHERE. P= % OF WORKFORCE IN GIVEN CATEGORY IN CENSUS TRACT P= UNIVERSE MEAN FOR GIVEN CATEGORY <y= STANDARD DEVIATION The attributes of the workplace are 1) i t s location, 2) the type of economic activity carried on, and 3) the number of employees 3 on the payroll. Variation According to Location of Residence It i s observed that variation occurs in the mean length of the journey to work.forcworkers residing in different parts of the ci t y . This areal variation does not correspond to areal differences in socioeconomic status. Neither does i t increase with the distance from the central area, as would be expected i f a l l workers were employed downtown. It does, however, seem to be affected by proximity to other sources of employment. It was hypothesized then that the mean length of the  journey to work varies areally with the proximity to employment  opportunities. An index i s now required which w i l l express the prox imity to jobs in gross terms. Although the central area undoubt edly forms a major node of employment, a measure of distance (air line, time taken to travel by car, etc.) from the central area w i l l f a i l to take into account the pull of other employment nodes. For this purpose, two indices were considered. """The source of data used in this chapter has been the Vancouver  City Directory for 1963 from which a systematic sample of 1775 persons was taken, representing 0.78 percent of the residential labour force of Vancouver, Burnaby, North and West Vancouver, the area covered by the directory. The occupation, sex, marital status, employer, zone of residence and zone of employment were recorded for each person in the sample. For a partial sample of 825 persons, the air-line distance between work and residence was measured and information pertaining to the employer inter polated from Dun and Bradstreet and Contacts Influential. See Appendix A. 49 4 1) Hansen has suggested a measure of accessibility to employment which would seem to be of value. It has been found by Laksh- 5 manan for example to correlate highly with residential growth rates in Baltimore. Hansen's measure of accessibility i s given by: A, = - — + —L. + 4 • n 1 r n ^ r p X n , X x l - 2 i l - 3 A l - 4 x l - n Where: A^ = the accessibility of zone (1) to employment S 2 = the number of jobs in zone ( 2 ) T^_2 = the travel time between zones (1) and ( 2 ) x = an empirically derived exponent which describes the effect of travel time between zones Since we are concerned primarily with the accessi b i l i t y to work in general rather than by some specified mode of transportation, implied in the Hansen model by the term T x, the similar but more "neutral" potential model w i l l be used. 2 ) In the potential model, a f u l l account of which are given by Isard, accessibility to employment of each residential zone is given by: 4 W. G. Hansen, "How Accessibility Shapes Land Use", Special Issue of the Journal of the American Institute of Planners (May, 1959), pp. 73-76. 5 T. R. Lakshmanan, "An Approach to the Analysis of Intraurban Location Applied to the Baltimore Region", Economic Geography, 40 (October, 1964), pp. 348-370. ^Walter Isard, Methods of Regional Analysis (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T., 1960), pp. 493-566. Where, A^ = the accessibility of zone (1) to employment = the number of jobs on zone (1) D 1 - 2 = the straight line distance between zones (1) and (2) 7 In practice, employment within the 87 t r a f f i c zones was grouped at fifteen control points, each at the approximate centre of gravity of employment in each aggregated group of zones. The potential was computed for each of these'control points: distances were measured along straight lines between the points except where a journey would involve crossing a body of water, in which case the distance was measured across the nearest bridge. Isolines in equi-potential in jobs per mile were now constructed upon the fifteen control points ( f i g . 3). It w i l l be seen in this that the accessibility gradient is steep close, to the Central Area, becomes more shallow to wards the periphery and especially where there are areas of alternative employment (the North Arm of the Fraser, and New Westminster). It could now be hypothesized that the mean work-resi dence separation of workers in each residential zone varies i n  versely with the accessibility to employment of that zone. The regression line ( f i g . 4) indicates that this hypothesis holds although the correlation i s far from close. This indicates the following tendencies: 51 FIGURE 3 EMPLOYMENT IN VANCOUVER BY TRAFFIC ZONE, 1963, WITH ISOLINES OF EQUIPOTENTIAL IN JOBS PER MILE 53 FIGURE 4 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MEAN DISTANCE TRAVELLED TO WORK AND EMPLOY MENT POTENTIAL, VANCOUVER, 1963 MEAN WORK-RESIDENCE SEPARATION BY ZONE OF RESIDENCE VS. EMPLOYMENT POTENTIAL -| 1 r 1 40 60 80 100 120 EMPLOYMENT POTENTIAL 1) Since the labour force i s residentially dispersed the distance travelled to work is a function of the concentration of em ployment opportunities. Zoning policies in Vancouver have tended to further the concentration of employment. If a short journey to work were seen as a benefit, i t could be achieved by dispersing the employment opportunities. Despite the views o of Liepman and others, i t i s doubtful whether this i s in fact a benefit which should be brought about by planning in a city the size of Vancouver and with a large proportion of car owners. 2) No zone of the city i s completely self-sufficient in labour. In each there i s a proportion of workers who find employment elsewhere, although the mean distance travelled to work by a l l employed residents decreases toward employment concentra tions . Variation According to Location of Workplace The most highly concentrated employment is of course in the Central Area and thus workers are drawn here, i t would seem, from a city-wide distribution. This w i l l be examined in more detail at a later stage, but i t i s possible to point out at least that Central Area workers on the average travel further to work than those employed in.other parts of the city (Table I ) . 9 These results support those of Beverly Duncan for Chicago, which are presented for purposes of comparison. The Vancouver results would of course be increased somewhat were values for workers _____________ Kate Liepman, The Journey to Work (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1944). g Beverly Duncan, op.cit. 56 from outside the immediate area of study included. Table I Mean Work-Residence Separation by Place of Employment City Central Area Outside Central Area Vancouver, 1963a Chicago, 1951b 4.0 miles 6.6 miles 3.4 miles 4.0 miles ci Vancouver City Directory Sample. b Beverly Duncan, op. c i t . It has also been suggested by Beverly Duncan that there i s variation in mean work-residence separation by socioeco nomic status. This however was not found to be the case in Van couver, when tested at the same level of aggregation. Variation by Socioeconomic Status In Chicago, the city upon which Duncan based her research, variation in the mean length of the journey to work with socio economic status may be the result of Chicago's urban structure. This city is after a l l the home of the famous "concentric zone theory" of urban structure. White-collar workers may be expected to travel long distances to work since the white collar residen t i a l areas are largely outlying suburbs. It is significant that in Vancouver both white-collar and manual workers on the average travel the same distance to work (Table II). Table II Mean Work-Residence Separation by Occupational Group City Manual Workers "White-Collar" Vancouver, 1963a Chicago, 1951b 3.9 miles 3.9 miles 3.9 miles 5.7 miles aVancouver City Directory Sample. ^Beverly Duncan, op. c i t . Ibid. I t may be of course that i n a period of twelve years an increase i n automobile ownership has reduced the "economic" lim i t a t i o n s placed upon the length of the journey to v/ork. Research car r i e d out i n Chicago at the present time might indeed show less v a r i a t i o n than was shown i n 1951. As Reeder points out, "the r a  ther widespread ownership of the automobile, and i t s use as the major vehicle of transportation i n the d a i l y journey to work ap pears to render greater f l e x i b i l i t y to the breadwinner with re gard to the location of residence i n terms of his place of work."1"'" A more detailed analysis suggests, however, that var i a t i o n not revealed i n the gross means does i n f a c t occur. It was hypothesized that work-residence separation does indeed (as 12 suggested by Duncan ) vary d i r e c t l y with the socio-economic sta tus of the worker, and (as has already been suggested) inversely with the employment poten t i a l of the zone i n which he resides. This hypothesis was now tested by standard co r r e l a t i o n and re gression procedures, for both "white-collar" and manual workers, with the r-esults:,shown. In,:TableLIII.; „ V a r i a t i o n i n the length of the journey to work i s great er among manual than among white-collar workers; most white c o l  l a r workers t r a v e l about 4 miles to work while, although for man ual workers the mean i s the same, some have much shorter distances to go to work and others much longer. For manual workers, there i s no c o r r e l a t i o n between the length of the journey to work and L. G. Reeder, "Social D i f f e r e n t i a l s i n Modes of Travel, Time and Costs i n the Journey to Work", American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 21 (February, 1956), pp. 56-63. 12 Beverly Duncan, op. c i t . 58 Table III Correlation C o e f f i c i e n t s ; Work-Residence Separation, Socioeconomic Index and Employment Potential, White- C o l l a r and Manual Workers, Vancouver, 1963 d Occupational Group W-Rb c o d r xy F e f rxz F e White-Collar g Manual 3.9 3.9 2.5 4.5 -0.35 -0.31 43.34 35.71 0 .23 14.61 The index of socioeconomic status used was that suggested i n A. J. Reiss, Occupations and S o c i a l Status (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1961~n The scale of indices presented here represents an extension of the much-used North-Hatt Prestige Scale. I t would have, of course, been preferable to use a Canadian scale for the present study, but the only one known to the writer (Bernard Blishen, "The Construction and Use of an Occupational Class Scale", i n Canadian Society (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1961) con- tains only a p a r t i a l l i s t of occupations and i s therefore less suitable for present purposes. However, as might be expected, the co r r e l a t i o n between the Canadian and American scales i s high. W^-R i s the mean work residence separation obtained from analysis of the Vancouver City Directory sample. Q a i s the standard deviation. ^ r i s the c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t between the log of work-resi dence separation and employment poten t i a l ( i . e . a c c e s s i b i l i t y to employment i n labour market). F shows J " V r at 1 0 s . Values do not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y from 0 at the 0.01 l e v e l : degrees of freedom are 1 and 359, and 1 and 229 for white-collar and manual workers respectively. r i s the c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t between the log of work-resi dence separation and socioeconomic index of the worker. g t h e regression l i n e for white-collar workers i s : Log (W-R) = -0.0136y + 0.0105z + 3.669 the worker's socioeconomic l e v e l , although there i s between the length of his journey to work and the employment poten t i a l of his r e s i d e n t i a l zone. For white-collar workers, the c o r r e l a t i o n be tween the length of the journey to work and the worker's socio economic l e v e l i s low, but s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t ; i n e f f e c t t h i s represents the tendency for workers i n t h i s occupational group to minimize the length of the journey to work with increasing em-ployment potential and with decreasing socioeconomic level. Even were a labour force of diverse occupations r e s i - dentially distributed in a random fashion, and employment oppor tunities similarly distributed, there would be variation in the length of the journey to work by virtue of the number of oppor tunities in each occupational category. When the labourer changes jobs, he is likely to be able to find suitable employment close to home, a skilled operative less so, the professional worker 13 least of a l l . As Goldner points out, nuclear physicists do not keep cyclotrons in their basements! There is in fact a heir- archy of job opportunities which has strong spatial connotations: even in a residentially homogeneous situation, a longer journey to work is to be expected from those whose s k i l l s are specialized. Add the fact of the concentration of economic ac t i v i t i e s , and the journey to work w i l l be yet further extended. There i s certainly no clear indication of variation in the length of the journey to work with socioeconomic status. Variation According to Type of Workplace Some economic activities are more concentrated than others, particularly those which are oriented towards specific site advantages or reap the benefits of areal association with similar or related a c t i v i t i e s . Typically, industrial activities are concentrated, not only because of their demand for transpor tation f a c i l i t i e s , but because of zoning policies. Retail trade act i v i t i e s , on the other hand, are relatively dispersed in order n William Goldner, "Spatial and Locational Aspects of Metropoli tan Labour Markets", American Economic Review, 45 (1955), pp. 113-128. 60 to serve a dispersed r e s i d e n t i a l population. The mean work-residence separation for employees of i n  d u s t r i a l plants i s consequently greater than that for employees of r e t a i l stores. Wholesale trade establishments f a l l between these two extremes, but the fact that the number of workers i n wholesale trade i s comparatively small reduced the v a l i d i t y of th i s r e s u l t (Table IV). Table IV Mean Work-Residence Separation by Type of Industry 5 Industry Work-Residence Separation MANUFACTURING Food Industries Forest Industries Metal Industries TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATIONS WHOLESALE TRADE RETAIL TRADE 4.1 miles 4.1 miles 4.2 miles 4.7 miles 3.6 miles 3.4 miles Vancouver City Directory sample, The fact that workers i n three d i f f e r e n t manufacturing industries have e s s e n t i a l l y the same mean work-residence separa t i o n indicates that t h i s i s not a function of the d i f f e r e n t wage structure applying to each. One of the central arguments of t h i s thesis i s that the economic determinants of the length of the journey to work has a f a i r l y minor r o l e . This has been indicated by: 1. The mean work residence separation of urban residents varies inversely with t h e i r distance from employment concentrations, but not with the socioeconomic status of the zones i n which they reside. 2. For individ u a l s there appears to be l i t t l e or no v a r i a t i o n i n 61 the length of the journey to work with socioeconomic status. White-collar and manual workers t r a v e l the same order of d i s  tances to work. Among the white-collar group, there i s some l i t t l e v a r i a t i o n with socioeconomic status but i t i s equally possible t h i s i s related to other differences (e.g. of sex, concentration of workplaces). 3. Variation i n the mean length of the journey to work occurs from workplace to workplace, but according to the concentration of the workplace i t s e l f rather than the presumed socioecono mic status of i t s employees. Thus workers i n i n d u s t r i a l es tablishments t r a v e l further to work than those i n r e t a i l stores. One case w i l l now be considered where the economic de terminant of the length of the journey to work would seem to be of importance. Variation by Sex and Marital Status Women would seem to be more dependent on public trans portation than men. For single women, lower wages and a d i f f e r  ent s t y l e of l i f e preclude the use of a car. For married couples in which both husband and wife are employed, the family car w i l l of course only be used by one partner to get to work. The other w i l l r e l y on public t r a n s i t f a c i l i t i e s , or w i l l f i n d work within walking distance. A comparison of mean work-residence separation according to sex and marital status (Table V) indicates that; 1) On the average men t r a v e l further to work than women, and 2) Married men whose wives are working t r a v e l over twice as far as employed mar-r i e d women. Table V Mean Work-Residence Separation by Sex and Mar i t a l Status Sex and Marital Status Work-Residence Separation A l l men 4.2 miles Men with working wives 5 . 7 miles A l l women 3.0 miles Women with working husbands 2.5 miles 'Vancouver City Directory sample. In summary, i t may be said that the length of the jour ney to work i s i n general a function of the r e l a t i v e concentration of employment opportunities and the residences of workers. There seems i n Vancouver to be l i t t l e v a r i a t i o n according to socio-eco nomic status—except among "white-collar" workers, and even t h i s i s not c l e a r l y marked. For the labour force i n toto no part of the c i t y would appear to be a self-contained labour market since those l i v i n g furthest from concentrations of employment not unex pectedly have to t r a v e l further to t h e i r own p a r t i c u l a r job. In order to determine the labour s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y of each part of the c i t y i n terms of the major occupational categories however, a d i f f e r e n t kind of research t o o l i s required. This i s found i n the concepts of conflux and dispersion. A Model of Commuting Patterns i n Vancouver Development of the Model If the structure of residence and employment i s reduced to i t s simplest components, i t w i l l be seen that both may hypothe- t i c a l l y display a scattered or a concentrated pattern, e x i s t i n g i n the following possible combinations: 1. Residence and employment scattered; 2. Residence and employment concentrated; 3. Residence scattered and employment concentrated; 4 . Residence concentrated and employment scattered. These combinations may be described by a simple model, which may then be applied to the major occupational groups i n order to describe deviations i n the pattern of commuting for each from the four i d e a l types. The model which w i l l be used i s i n the form 1 of a simple rectangular matrix i n which the ori g i n s of commuters appear i n a row at the top of the table, and the destinations i n a column at the l e f t of the table. In each c e l l , a figure may be entered which indicates the number of t r i p s from a p a r t i c u l a r o r i g i n to a p a r t i c u l a r destination. Let an urbanized area be assumed, i n which both residences and employment have an even d i s t r i b u t i o n , and i n which there i s no occupational d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among-workers. If i t i s further as sumed that workers have no l o c a t i o n a l preferences as to t h e i r place of work, the ori g i n - d e s t i n a t i o n matrix M ("^j) i n which (i) i s a r e s i d e n t i a l zone containing 10 percent of the labour force and (j) i s a workzone i n which 10 percent are employed, i s given by: 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I f the d i s t o r t i o n i s now introduced that workers by pre- M l = 64 ference work close to home, the origin-destination matrix becomes: ;D 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 30 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 003D 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 O O 0 B 0 O O O 0 O 0 0 0 0 B 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 010 0 0 0 0 O O O 0 0 O B O 0 O 0 0 0 0 0 0 O D 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 030 This s i t u a t i o n may be described i n a s p a t i a l model (Fig, 5 a ) . In t h i s case the area becomes a mosaic of labour catchment areas of limited dimensions and which do not overlap. If residence and employment are concentrated, but not necessarily i n the same zone, the origin-destination matrix now becomes: 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3000 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 In t h i s case 100 percent of the labour force resides in zone (i) and finds employment i n zone ( j ) . In t h i s case the residences of workers are clustered about the place of work, the remainder of the area not being occupied by workers. A more usual s i t u a t i o n i s that i n which residence i s scattered and employment concentrated. In t h i s case the o r i g i n - destination matrix becomes: 65 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 ] 0 ] 0 ] D ] D I ) ] 0 3 0 ] 0 _ ) ] 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 To use Liepman's terminology once more, i t could be said that t h i s represents strong conflux at zone (j) from a region-wide zone of dispersion (Fig. 5b). The converse of t h i s case i s found when employment i s scattered and residence concentrated: here zone (i) represents a sole zone of dispersion sending workers throughout.the entire region. The origin-destination matrix i s di f f e r e n t i a t e d from that shown above i n that the values are ar ranged v e r t i c a l l y rather than h o r i z o n t a l l y . These i d e a l situations w i l l not obtain in r e a l i t y . It may be expected however, that the pattern of work-residence for each major occupational group w i l l approximate to one or other of the id e a l cases. In toto, the patterns of work-residence w i l l represent a complex aggregation of the patterns f o r each occupa t i o n a l group (Fig. 5c). There are also implications here for the length of the journey to work. Mean work-residence separation w i l l be least when residence and employment are both evenly d i s t r i b u t e d with workers' l o c a t i o n a l preferences operating as indicated ( i . e . work ers seeking employment at the place of work closest to home). On the other hand, the mean length of the journey to work i s at a maximum both when the residences of workers are concentrated and employment dispersed, and when employment i s concentrated and the FIGURE 5 SPATIAL MODEL OF LABOUR CATCHMENT AREAS IDEALIZED LABOUR CATCHMENT ARE.^ S \ a) Employment and the residences of work ers evenly d i s t r i b  uted b) Employment concentrated and the residences of workers dispersed. c) Several different occ upational categories with, overlaid patterns of commuting. DU Occupation 1 fc=_ Occupation 2 Occupation 3 Work Places • Occupation 1 • Occupation 2 • Occupation 3 68 residences of workers dispersed. When employment and the residen ces of workers are both dispersed, and where there i s no prefer ence for the work place closest to home, the mean work-residence of a l l workers f a l l s between the maximum and minimum values. Where employment and the residences of workers are both concentrated, mean work-residence separation varies between the maximum and min imum t h e o r e t i c a l values, depending upon the distance between the areas of concentration for each. Application of the Model In F i g . 6 a through g, origin-destination matrices have been constructed for each of the major occupational categories. Rather than entering values, percentages have been computed and the c e l l s choroplethed using fixed ciSss i n t e r v a l s . I t i s thus possible to compare the patterns of commuting i n one occupation with those i n another with greater ease. Since the concern here i s for gross movements of commuters from one major part of the c i t y to another i n each occupational category, the vaiation i n size of the zones does not matter. The zones were selected on the basis of t h e i r o v e r a l l homogeneity as follows: A The Central Area, grouped for convenience with the West End. B The generally working class r e s i d e n t i a l area along the south C shore of Burrard I n l e t . D Burnaby. E The eastern part of the C i t y of Vancouver. F The " t r a n s i t i o n a l " section straddling Main Street. G The Point Grey Peninsula, i n the western part of the C i t y of Vancouver. 60 H K i t s i l a n o . I The False Creek i n d u s t r i a l area, but including also the hospi t a l complex on 12th Avenue. J The North Arm of the Fraser i n d u s t r i a l area. K North Vancouver. L West Vancouver. The boundaries of these areas are shown i n Appendix A. 1. Professional, Technical, and Kindred Workers Both employment and residences of professional and tech n i c a l workers tend to be concentrated. The Central Area would seem to be the p r i n c i p a l node towards which workers i n t h i s cate gory are drawn—especially from the West End, the Point Grey Pen in s u l a , and the North Shore. Apart from these major movement of conflux, workers i n t h i s category tend to f i n d employment i n the zone i n which they reside. This i s e s p e c i a l l y true of the Point Grey peninsula considered as a whole, and i n North Vancouver. 2• Managers, O f f i c i a l s , and Proprietors For managers, o f f i c i a l s , and proprietors, the patterns of commuting are somewhat d i f f e r e n t . Although there i s conflux at the Central Area, i t i s from a c i t y wide d i s t r i b u t i o n , the Point Grey peninsula only providing a s l i g h t l y higher proportion of workers i n t h i s category than other parts of the c i t y . However, as indicated by the census also (see F i g . 2) the Point Grey penin sula i s a favoured area of residence for workers i n t h i s category — t h e y are however dispersed f a i r l y widely for the purposes of employment. False Creek draws f a i r l y widely i n t h i s category of employment—except from the areas to the north and east along the 70 FIGURE 6 ORIGIN-DESTINATION MATRICES VANCOUVER, 1963 K E Y T O O R I G I N - D E S T I N A T I O N M A T R I C E S P r o f e s s i o n a l , T e c h n i c a l , 8 K i n d r e d W o r k e r s C e n t r a l A r e a B u r r a r d In le t B u r n a b y C i t y E a s t of M a i n o C i t y W e s t o f M a i n w K i t s i l a n o F a l s e C r e e k F r a s e r R i v e r N o r t h V a n c o u v e r W e s t V a n c o u v e r E F G H J K o a> c a> O k- O CD a .5 'o a UJ cr "a <D o a> a> a> > o c o o CO a O R I G I N > O O c a > > o o c > CO P e r c e n t a g e of L a b o u r F o r c e in G i v e n C a t e g o r y MM i t o 3 mm 4 t o 9 MM O v e r 10 A B C D E F G H 1 J K L A B C D E F G H 1 J K L A B C D •E F G H 1 J K L A m $? & A m m tm i'i-i-S A m B B B C C C D m m D 1 D E E E F F m F G — G G H H H 1 ! 1 J J J K K K L L L Managers, O f f i c i a l s , 8 Proprietors Craftsmen, Foremen,SKindred Workers Clerical 8 Kindred Workers Operatives 8 Kindred Workers Sales Workers Service Workers A B C D E F G H 1 J K L A B c D E F G H 1 J K L A B C D E F G H 1 J K L A A A m B B ®& B C C C D D D m E E E F F F G G G H H H 1 m 1 1 J J J K m K K L L L 72 south shore of Burrard I n l e t . 3. C l e r i c a l and Kindred Workers A somewhat si m i l a r pattern i s found for c l e r i c a l workers, both the Central Area and False Creek forming major areas of con f l u x . Although the Point Grey peninsula i s s t i l l an important zone of dispersion for t h i s category, commuting i s more l o c a l — to the Central Area, the Burrard Inlet i n d u s t r i a l zone, and the North Arm of the Fraser. Burnaby, North Vancouver, and West Van couver f i n d t h e i r workers i n t h i s category from the l o c a l area. 4• Sales Workers As would be expected, sales workers are drawn to the Central Area, e s p e c i a l l y from the Point Grey peninsula, North Van couver, and Burhahy. The l a t t e r i s a favoured r e s i d e n t i a l area for t h i s category, and workers commute from here not only to the Central Area, but to the City east of Main Street. 5. I n d u s t r i a l Workers Craftsmen and foremen are distinguished from other op eratives i n order to show s i m i l a r i t i e s rather than differences i n t h e i r commuting patterns. For both, the major zones of conflux are i n the Central Area, the Burrard Inlet i n d u s t r i a l area, False Creek, and to a lesser extent the North Arm of the Fraser indus t r i a l area. For i n d u s t r i a l workers residing i n the c i t y , there seems to be a tendency to work within the broadly-defined zone of residence, although t h i s i s not strongly marked. Largely, the most favoured r e s i d e n t i a l areas are east of Main Street (cp. F i g . 2) and i n Burnaby. 6. Service Workers The f i n a l category to be considered, that of service workers, shows strongly marked conflux upon the Central Area, es p e c i a l l y from east of Main Street, and also of False Creek. I t must be remembered that t h i s l a t t e r zone includes also the hos p i t a l complex on 12th Avenue, and that ward attendants, etc. w i l l be drawn here from a f a i r l y wide area. Summary and Conclusions The following conclusions may be drawn from the present chapter: 1. The Vancouver metropolitan area contains two p r i n c i p a l nodes of commuting—Vancouver City and New Westminster. Settlement of the North Shore and the Fraser Delta i s "suburban" i n the sense that i t i s largely r e s i d e n t i a l settlement supplying l a  bour to these two areas. Burnaby, halfway between the two, also f a l l s into t h i s category since i t has a larger r e s i d e n t i a l labour force than employment. 2. In the more lim i t e d area of study the r e s i d e n t i a l segregation of the major occupational categories i s marked--in general man ual workers residing l a r g e l y east of Main Street and white-col l a r workers on the Point Grey peninsula and the North Shore. Within t h i s category, c l e r i c a l workers are highly concentrated towards the Central Area. 3. The length of the journey to work i s more a function of the r e l a t i v e concentration of employment opportunities and the res idences of workers than of any economic determinants. On the average workers i n a l l categories i n Vancouver t r a v e l about 74 four miles to work. 4. Commuting to the central area i s strongly marked i n a l l cate gories of employment and. from a l l parts of the c i t y . Even so, currents cut across and run counter to the dominant c e n t r i p e t a l and c e n t r i f u g a l movements, depending upon occupational categor ies . 75 CHAPTER IV CONFLUX AT THE CENTRAL AREA This chapter w i l l attempt to p l o t the labour catchment area of Vancouver's Central Area. This area i s the main focus of commuting i n Vancouver and employs a numerically greater and more varied labour force than any other concentration of employ ment i n the c i t y . The Growing Dominance of the Central Area as a Centre of Employment The Central Area accounts for a growing proportion of the employment offered i n the c i t y . In 1955, some 28 percent of the working population of the C i t y of Vancouver, Burnaby, North and West Vancouver were employed here."*" In 1963, t h i s had r i s e n 2 to 35 percent, the increase being l a r g e l y due to the addition of a considerable number of jobs i n the c l e r i c a l categories. This eight year period has seen the construction of several multi-storey o f f i c e buildings i n the Central Area, e s p e c i a l l y along Georgia Street West and Pender Street West. The growing dominance of the Central Area as a zone of employment r e f l e c t s s l i g h t changes i n the t o t a l employment structure of the c i t y at large. As Vancouver expands i t s functions as a regional centre, the percentage of wor kers employed i n administrative enterprises increases. Thus from 1951 to 1961 the proportion of professional, technical, service, and c l e r i c a l workers has increased (Table VI). Estimates made by Vancouver City Planning Department. City Directory sample. 76 Table VI Percentage of Workers in Major Occupational Categories Vancouver (1951 and 1961) a Employment Category 1951 1961 Managerial 11.2 11.4 Professional and Technical 8.9 11.8 Clerical 16.3 18.2 Sales 10.5 9.4 Service and Recreational 12.6 14.0 Industrial Workers*3 35.4 31.4 Labourers 6.2 3.7 Vancouver, Burnaby, North and West Vancouver. From Dominion Bur eau of Statistics, Census of Canada, 1951 and 1961: Population  and Housing Characteristics, Vancouver (Bull. CT-22). 'Transport and Communications, Primary, Craftsmen, etc. It is largely the workers in these expanding categories who find employment in Vancouver's Central Area. Thus the Central Area represents a zone in which not only are employment opportunities greater than the residential population, but also in which the difference i s likely to increase as the employment structure of the city at large changes. More over, the opportunities for employment are largely in those cate gories of employment not occupied by those who reside here. The Components of the Central Area The Central Area of Vancouver has boundaries which are capable of f a i r l y exact geographical definition. Both to the north and to the south i t is bounded by bodies of water (Burrard Inlet and False Creek respectively) which, even i f they have not limited growth, have controlled i t s orientation. In some cases, growth has taken place parallel to the boundary where access to the water front has been desired; in others, i t has occurred perpendicular to the boundary and towards the rather limited crossing points 77 which give access to the city's main residential areas. The core- 3 frame concept of Horwood and Boyce would seem to have relevance to Vancouver's Central Area. According to these writers, "the primary feature of the core-frame concept is not so much that ac t i v i t i e s in the core and frame are distinct from each other, but rather that different functional, geographical, and historical attributes are ascribed to the core and the frame respectively". Thus, in Vancouver, the Central Area (core-frame) comprises a var ied mix of economic a c t i v i t i e s . In the core i t s e l f are found the departmental and other r e t a i l stores, the financial establishments, the main entertainment centres, and the head offices of major com panies. The frame contains some residences, often in a poor state of repair, vacant lots used for parking, warehouses, and some i n  dustrial uses. Considerable interdigitation occurs, however, and makes the drawing of precise chorological boundaries somewhat f r u i t  less. In particular, the uses generally ascribed to the core have extended into the frame in a linear fashion either in a north-south or east-west orientation depending upon the importance accorded to waterfront accessibility and accessibility to crossing points re spectively. Linear growth has been particularly marked in recent years to the west, where these two considerations are complementary rather than in opposition, although for the office buildings along West Pender and West Georgia, accessibility to the waterfront is an aesthetic rather than economic consideration. Since the distinction between these zones is made on functional rather than geographical grounds, the areal units upon 3" E. M. Horwood and R. Boyce, Studies of the Central Business Dis t r i c t and Urban Freeway Development (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1959) . 78 which t h i s study w i l l be based are defined a r b i t r a r i l y upon the sources of data a v a i l a b l e . In general t h i s chapter w i l l focus upon successively smaller scales. The s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the work force of the following areas w i l l be considered. 1. The Central Area 4 The Central Area i s defined as t r a f f i c zone 900. I t i s bounded on the north by Burrard Inle t and on the south by False Creek and comprises the greater part of the Burrard Peninsula ex cluding the West End. 2. The Core Within the Central Area i s a core of more intensive use which may be equated with the CBD defined by Murphey and Vance. 5 "Here one finds the greatest concentration of o f f i c e s and r e t a i l stores, r e f l e c t e d i n the c i t y ' s highest land values and i t s t a l l e s t buildings. Here pedestrian t r a v e l on the streets reaches i t s max imum proportions. And, i n one way or another too, the transpor t a t i o n net of the c i t y , and that of a considerable area around the c i t y , i s oriented towards the CBD."6 T y p i c a l l y also, i t may be added, the CBD provides the dominant workplace i n terms of the number employed here. I t w i l l be one of the purposes of t h i s chapter to determine whether i n t h i s sense also "the CBD assemblage 7 serves the entire c i t y rather than any section of i t " . However, 4 . See Appendix A. 5 Raymond E. Murphey and James E. Vance, "Delimiting the CBD", Ec onomic Geography 30 (July, 1954), pp. 189-222. g Raymond E. Murphey, "Central Business D i s t r i c t Research", IGU  Symposium i n Urban Geography (Lund: The Royal University, 1962), pp. 473-483. 7 I b i d . i t i s not a part of this study to attempt a precise definition of this zone and in this case again the arbitrary definition based upon t r a f f i c zones w i l l be used. 3. Sample Studies The distribution of the work force of two typical places of work within the core w i l l be examined in the following chapter. Conflux at the Central Area The resulting dominance of the Central Area as a zone of conflux is accentuated by the fact that, contiguous with i t are areas which provide employment for a further one-third of the g labour force in manufacturing establishments grouped around False Creek and the south shore of Burrard Inlet. These areas together with the Central Area form what might be termed an "Inner City" providing employment for about two-thirds of the labour force of Vancouver, Burnaby, North and West Vancouver. Their location with respect to the Central Area is a response to unique site conditions. At both False Creek and Burrard Inlet, access to tidewater and to r a i l f a c i l i t i e s encouraged the location of industrial enterprises here at an early stage of Vancouver's history, and before the de velopment of the Central Area in i t s functional role. Their pre sence may perhaps be regarded as a distortion of the concentric zone theory of urban structure advocated by the Chicago ecologists and once again point up the theme of uniquely applied site char acteristics. Although these zones may be excluded from a consid eration of the Central Area per se, i t is clear that their presence augments centripetal t r a f f i c and potentially distorts the Central Labour force of Vancouver, Burnaby, North and West Vancouver. 80 Area labour shed. The employment they provide i s largely in the industrial category, and since the areas in question are bounded by the shore of False Creek and the Central Area i t s e l f to the west, and by the shore of Burrard Inlet to the north, labour in this category is most lik e l y to be drawn from the south and east. There w i l l thus be competition for residential space here between industrial workers employed at False Creek and Burrard Inlet, and (largely white-collar) workers employed in the Central Area. The Spatial Distribution of Central Area Workers 9 It has been suggested by Carrol that persons employed in the Central Areas of c i t i e s have a distribution approximating that of the entire urban population--i.e. " . . . that the popula tion and the residences of central d i s t r i c t employees are arranged about the core area in a constantly declining density". Analysis of the City Directory sample indicates that this statement may be accepted only with reservation for Vancouver. 1. The proportion of Central Area employees to the total population varies areally (Fig. 7). 2. This variation may be explained in terms of the residential structure of the city as well as distance from the Central Area. Some general features of the distribution of Central Area workers are immediately apparent. Workers from the West End and from West Vancouver are particularly drawn to the Central Area, John D. Carrol, "The Relations of Home to Workplaces and the Spa t i a l Pattern of Cities", Social Forces 30 (March, 1952), pp. 271- 282. 81 FIGURE 7 DISTRIBUTION OF CENTRAL AREA EMPLOYEES, VANCOUVER, 1963 83 there being no s i g n i f i c a n t intervening opportunities for employ ment. The concentration of Central Area workers i n these areas has been both cause and e f f e c t of r e s i d e n t i a l growth—in p a r t i c u  l a r i n the West End, where the burgeoning high-rise apartments provide accommodation above a l l for the unmarried female o f f i c e worker. West Vancouver, and p a r t i c u l a r l y B r i t i s h Properties, would seem to f u l f i l l a somewhat d i f f e r e n t r o l e — t h a t of providing a prestigious location for the homes of Central Area executives. Old Shaughnessy and B r i t i s h Properties have at d i f f e r e n t times i n Vancouver's history been developed s p e c i f i c a l l y for t h i s r o l e , and i n both areas, the factors of s i t e and of commanding view would seem to be pre-eminent. North Vancouver, on the other hand, i s less influenced by the employment opportunities of the Central Area of Vancouver than i s West Vancouver. I t feels the a t t r a c t i o n of the Central Area as a place of work not only towards the Lion's Gate Bridge, but also towards the Second Narrows Bridge, but the core of North Vancouver forms a f a i r l y self-contained labour area, experiencing neither extensive outflow towards Vancouver's Central Area, nor inflow from r e s i d e n t i a l areas other than those of North Vancouver i t s e l f . Occupying a somewhat anomalous position are those areas immediately adjacent to the Central Area i n the east. The prox imity of manufacturing industry, of a r a i l r o a d complex and of docks i n t e r a c t to produce s i t e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s quite d i f f e r e n t from those of the West End. The poorer natural amenities of the eastern area diminish i t s appeal for Central Area workers and, conversely, the 84 proximity of other types of employment reduces the a t t r a c t i o n of the Central Area as a place of work for those who l i v e here. In both cases the e f f e c t of intervening opportunity """^  would seem to be c l e a r . For residents of the West End there are no opportunit ies for employment between home and the Central Area, for r e s i  dents of the east end there are opportunities i n abundance. The Implications of Theories of Urban Structure The r e s i d e n t i a l growth and structure of c i t i e s have t r a  d i t i o n a l l y been described i n terms of a concentric or a s e c t o r a l zonation. The concentric zone typdlogy had i t s origins i n the Chicago school of the 1920*s, i t s most consistent advocates being those s o c i o l o g i s t s l i k e Park, Burgess, and McKenzie^"" who saw the metropolitan community as an eco-system of fu n c t i o n a l l y interde pendent parts. E s s e n t i a l l y , the "concentric zone c i t y " was seen to consist of: 1. The Central Business D i s t r i c t i n which the highest land values became manifest i n high density construction of those a c t i v i  t i e s (department stores, o f f i c e buildings, f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u  tions, etc.) whose revenues would be s u f f i c i e n t l y high to pay high rents. 2. A "zone i n t r a n s i t i o n " i n which once well-kept residences had deteriorated as t h e i r prosperous ..owners had moved outwards, to "^Samuel Stouffer, "Intervening Opportunities: A Theory Relating Mobility and Distance", American Journal of Sociology 14 (Aug ust, 1949), pp. 845-852. ''""'"These views are presented i n Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Bur gess (eds.) The City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925). This contains a group of essays which i n general support the e c o l o g i c a l perspective. 85 be replaced by new immigrant areas and the c i t y ' s skid road. 3. A "zone of workingmen's homes" containing i n d u s t r i a l uses which had lined the periphery of the c i t y before being engulfed by l a t e r r e s i d e n t i a l accretions, and the homes of the workers em ployed i n i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s . 4. A "zone of middle-class residences" containing the residences of white-collar workers and the s a t e l l i t e business d i s t r i c t s which provided shopping f a c i l i t i e s l o c a l l y . 5. The so-called "commuters' zone" occupied by the higher incomes 12 groups who t r a v e l d a i l y to business i n the downtown area. It was ra r e l y suggested, even by the strongest advocates of the concentric zone typology, that every c i t y conformed to t h i s description. Even i n Chicago, i t s c i t y of o r i g i n , the id e a l con centric zonation i s truncated by the shore of Lake Michigan. I t was, however, suggested as a description to which many, i f not most, c i t i e s i n very general terms conformed. The v a l i d i t y of t h i s view was challenged i n the 1930's 13 by Hoyt, who suggested as an alternative interpretation that r e s i d e n t i a l growth i n c i t i e s takes place i n sectors which straddle the major l i n e s of communication. S p e c i f i c a l l y , Hoyt's c r i t i c i s m s of the concentric zone description were that: 1. The r e t a i l shopping area, and not the f i n a n c i a l area; forms the f o c a l point of most c i t i e s , and "where the f i n a n c i a l and 12 The above summary i s adapted from Leonard Reissman, The Urban  Process (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1964), pp. 105-107. 13 Homer Hoyt, Structure and Growth of Residential Neighbourhoods  in American C i t i e s (Washington, D.C.: Federal Housing Commis sion, 1939) . 86 r e t a i l shopping areas are separated, i t is the r e t a i l shopping center that l i e s nearest the converging lines of transportation that bring people from a l l points on the periphery of the city 14 to the center". 2. Although contiguous with i t , the light manufacturing and whole saling area described as the "zone of workingmen's homes" does not necessarily surround i t in a continuous zone. 3. Heavy industry tends to follow major transportation lines and for both of these a c t i v i t i e s , the use of the automobile no longer necessitates the close proximity of workingmen's homes to i n  dustrial workplaces. 4. Many high rent areas have arisen close to the CBD (e.g. the Gold Coast of Chicago and Vancouver's West End)'which have changed the nature of the "zone of transition", and tended to stabalize residence. In reality, then, ci t i e s would seem to l i e along a con tinuum, of which the concentric zone and the sectoral zone types are the poles. Residential Structure in Vancouver In Vancouver, the site factor tends to distort the re sidential structure from either or these two extreme positions. In the Point Grey peninsula and on the North Shore, cer tain areas, usually with a high elevation or some other natural amenity, are highly valued residential locations. Since the ad vantages of view and aspect they offer are seldom duplicated else where they have been favoured by high income residents. 1 4 I b i d , p" 19. 87 The low-lying lands of the Fraser delta i n which some of Vancouver's most recent r e s i d e n t i a l growth i s taking place can not o f f e r the same advantages, and thus have been developed largely f o r residences priced to s u i t the medium or low income worker. This area i s generally lacking i n many of the amenities (both na t u r a l and planned) which are found i n many other r e s i d e n t i a l areas closer to downtown. In t h i s sense then, Vancouver i s not t y p i c a l of the concentric zone type of c i t y i n which the outer periphery i s the "commuters' zone" of r e l a t i v e l y high value suburban homes. The peninsular nature of Vancouver's s i t e has resulted i n certain areas becoming accessible for r e s i d e n t i a l development at s p e c i f i c times i n the c i t y ' s h i s t o r y . Thus, i n many instances, the d i r e c t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l growth has been dependent upon the construction of appropriate crossing points from the North Shore to the Burrard peninsula, from the Burrard peninsula to the Point Grey peninsula, and from the Point Grey peninsula to the Fraser delta. Growth has then taken place i n a sporadic manner i n some r e s i d e n t i a l areas. The best example of t h i s i s the high prestige r e s i d e n t i a l development of the B r i t i s h Properties area which had to await the construction of the Lion's Gate Bridge i n the 1930's. In t h i s area the advantage of a commanding view was exploited spe c i f i c a l l y for high cost r e s i d e n t i a l growth. At the present time, Vancouver's r e s i d e n t i a l areas con s i s t of a patchwork of varying q u a l i t i e s which conform neither to the concentric, nor the sectoral pattern. Although they might seem at f i r s t sight to conform to the l a t t e r more cl o s e l y than to the former, t h i s i s related to the varying natural s i t e conditions rather than to a sequence of growth along major a r t e r i e s . 88 I f the median value of owner-occupied homes may be taken as a measure of the p r e v a i l i n g costs of accommodation i n each cen sus t r a c t , then Main S t r e e t appears as a sharp d i v i s i o n between areas of low- and high-cost housing. The census t r a c t s i n which the median value of owner-occupied homes i s l e s s than 13,000 d o l  l a r s l i e almost without exception between Main S t r e e t and Boundary Road ( F i g . 8). On the other hand, the median value of owner-occu p i e d homes on the Po i n t Grey peninsula west of Main S t r e e t and on the North Shore i s g e n e r a l l y much higher, w h i l e Burnaby f a l l s some where between the two extremes. I t i s not p a r t of t h i s study to describe i n d e t a i l the reasons f o r t h i s marked separation at Main S t r e e t between low- and high-cost housing. I t would appear however, t h a t i t i s c e r  t a i n l y r e l a t e d t o ; 1) the va r y i n g s i t e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the r e  sp e c t i v e areas, and 2) the sequence of r e s i d e n t i a l growth. On the P o i n t Grey p e n i n s u l a , the b e t t e r r e s i d e n t i a l areas ( i . e . those census t r a c t s i n which the median value of owner oc cupied homes i s high) l i e g e n e r a l l y above the 200-foot contour and command a view e i t h e r of Burrard I n l e t and the North Shore mountains, or of the Fraser d e l t a and Georgia S t r a i t . The import ance accorded t o view i s w e l l i l l u s t r a t e d along Southwest Marine Drive where the homes on the south (view) side are among the best i n Vancouver, w h i l e those of the north (non-view) s i d e are of me dium q u a l i t y . Old Shaughnessy i s the e a r l i e s t of these high p r e s  t i g e areas and s t i l l i n many ways the most p r e s t i g i o u s . I t com bines easy access w i t h downtown along G r a n v i l l e S t r e e t (which i t st r a d d l e s ) w i t h a sequestered suburban atmosphere. The generous p l a n t i n g of tr e e s has to some extent reduced the e a r l y advantage 89 FIGURE 8 MEDIAN VALUE OF OWNER-OCCUPIED HOMES, VANCOUVER, 1961 of a commanding view for many parts of the area, but t h i s i s a small matter i n comparison with the aura of prosperity which has been b u i l t up over the years. Even i n other parts of the Point Grey peninsula, the streets are generally t r e e - l i n e d and the homes substa n t i a l . Some o u t l i e r s of early Vancouver (including parts of K i t s i l a n o and of Marpole which originated as street car sub urbs) e x i s t today as islands of older frame houses i n a state of comparative d i s r e p a i r , but these are exceptions. The area between Main Street and Boundary Road presents a d i f f e r e n t complexion. Residential growth here began as discrete v i l l a g e s c c l u s t e r e d about the stations of the B.C. E l e c t r i c Railway to New Westminster. These may be distinguished even on the street map by the orientation of streets at r i g h t angles to the railway l i n e , rather than i n an east west d i r e c t i o n . The subsequent sprawl of speculative building which took place from 1910 onwards i s gen e r a l l y of poorer q u a l i t y than that found i n the western parts of the c i t y . The entire area suffers from not having the advantages of s i t e offered west of Main Street. F i r s t , i t s access to the waterfront i s r e s t r i c t e d by the main railway l i n e following the shore of Burrard Inlet and the i n d u s t r i a l and warehouse complex which straddles i t . Second, i t i s to the leeward side of the major i n d u s t r i a l area of False Creek and experiences a greater degree of a i r p o l l u t i o n iihan areas to the west or with high elevation. Third, since i t i s generally low-lying, few parts of i t command a view. 92 The Components of the Downtown Labour Catchment Area A Variation in the Distributions of Downtown Worked by Income It is hypothesized here that although the downtown area draws workers from a l l parts of the city, the high income component of i t s labour force comes from the high-cost residential sector to the west and on the North Shore, and its low-income component from the low-cost residential sector to the east. It w i l l be noted that this hypothesis is in contradiction with views put forward elsewhere on the distribution of downtown workers. For example, i t has been suggested by Carrol that, " . . . population and the residences of central d i s t r i c t employees are 15 arranged about the core areas in a constantly declining density". However, the concentric zone view of urban spatial structure posits a commuters zone on the outer fringes of the city from which higher income workers are drawn to downtown. In conformity with this view, Beverly Duncan has suggested that the distance travelled to 16 work varies with the workers socioeconomic standing. It w i l l be remembered that this has not been found to apply to Vancouver where both white collar and manual workers have the same work-residence separation. This is not surprising in a city where, as i t has been shown, the most expensive residential areas are not on the periphery of the metropolitan area, nor are the least expensive clustered around the core area. Even i f the city's residential structure were arranged in a concentric manner, i t is unlikely that, 15 J. Douglas Carrol, op. c i t . 16 Beverly Duncan, "Factors in Work-Residence Separation: Wage and Salary Wo kers, Chicago, 1951", American Sociological Re view (February, 1956), pp. 48-56. 93 given the greater dominance of white c o l l a r workers i n the down town labour force, the density of downtown workers would decrease i n a constant manner as Carrol suggests. I t seems rather that i t would reach maximum proportions i n the commuters/' zone on the per iphery . In a recent study, Kain has i n fact shown t h i s to be 17 the case f o r Detroit. This study has suggested that the choice of r e s i d e n t i a l location i n each major occupational group i s related to the presumed a b i l i t y of t h i s group to meet the costs of work- t r a v e l . Thus, i f the c i t y i s a r b i t r a r i l y divided into concentric rings, each ring w i l l be occupied by the major occupational groups i n a sequence determined by the income of the worker and the d i s  tance from the ri n g i n which he i s employed. Low income workers employed i n the core area w i l l be more dominant i n the r e s i d e n t i a l rings closest to the core area, while high income workers w i l l be more dominant i n the r e s i d e n t i a l rings furthest away. The central hypothesis of Kain's study i s that, "house holds substitute journey to work expenditures f o r s i t e expendi^ 1 18 tures." This may be compared with the view expressed e a r l i e r by Schnore that, "the maximum distance from s i g n i f i c a n t centers of economic a c t i v i t y at which a unit ( i . e . a household) tends to l o  cate i s fixed at that point beyond which further savings i n rent 19 are i n s u f f i c i e n t to cover the added costs of transportation." 17 John Kain, "The Journey to Work as a Determinant of Residential Location", Papers and Proceedings, Regional Science Association, 9 (1962), pp. 137-160. 18,. Ibid. 19 Leo F. Schnore, "The Separation of Home From Work: A Problem f o r Human Ecology", S o c i a l Forces 32 (May, 1954), pp. 336-343. What i s being suggested here as an alternative hypothesis i s that the expenditures involved i n the journey to work are not s u f f i c i e n t to r e s t r i c t the choice of r e s i d e n t i a l location to the immediate neighbourhood of the place of work, even for low-income workers, and that there i s r e a l l y no question of compensating for high costs of r e s i d e n t i a l space with low t r a v e l costs f o r most workers. Workers l i v e i n areas where they are able to f i n d accom modation they can afford i r r e s p e c t i v e of the distance from t h e i r place of employment, and meet the costs of work t r a v e l as best they can. Testing the Hypothesis In order to test the hypothesis, the City Directory-data were arranged i n two d i f f e r e n t forms. 1. The f i r s t form i s s i m i l a r to that used by Kain i n the work c i t e d 20 above. The area of study was divided into coocentric rings each one mile wide and centred on the in t e r s e c t i o n of Georgia and Granville Streets. The downtown labour force was disaggre gated according to six major occupational groups of the census. The percentage of each occupational group residing i n each r i n g was computed. The percentages f o r each ring were now ranked and t h i s ranking compared with the ranking of the occupational groups according to t h e i r mean incomes by means of the Spearman Rank Correlation c o e f f i c i e n t (Table VII). The c o e f f i c i e n t s were" found to be s i g n i f i c a n t and negative i n the r e s i d e n t i a l rings one to two, and two to three miles from the in t e r s e c t i o n of Georgia and Granville Streets, and s i g n i f i c a n t and p o s i t i v e 2 (^John Kain, op. c i t . Table VII Rate of Residential Selection and Distance from Downtown Occupational ID Mean Income Group Man. $6203 Prof. $4714 Prod. $3812 Sales $3239 C l e r . $2766 Serv. $2320 Coefft. Distance A B A B A B A B A B A B Ring 1 7.6 5 10 .9 2 9.0 3 4.4 6 8.7 4 12.2 1 -0 .31 Ring 2 10.1 5 10.9 3.5 7.7 6 10.9 3.5 15.1 1 14.6 2 -0.76* Ring 3 11.4 6 16.4 5 20.5 3 26.1 2 19 .8 4 26.8 1 -0.83* Ring 4 22.8 3 16.4 6 26.9 2 21.7 4 27.8 1 19.5 5 -0.06 Ring 5 35.4 1 27.3 2 20.5 5 23.9 3 16.7 6 22.0 4 +0.77* Ring 6 6.3 3 3.6 5 9.0 1 4.4 4 8.7 2 2.4 6 +0.26 Beyond 6.3 4 14.5 1 6.4 3 8.7 2 3.2 5 2.4 6 +0 .80* Spearman's rank correlation c o e f f i c i e n t . Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Census of Canada, 1961, "Earnings . . . by Occupations, Metropolitan Areas", Catalogue 94-540 (Vol. I l l — P a r t 3 ) . A - Percentage of occupational group working i n Central Area (Zone 900) and residing i n spe c i f i e d ring. B - Ranking of percentages. • S t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . i n the ri n g four to f i v e miles from t h i s point. These are sim i l a r but less s a t i s f y i n g r e s u l t s than those achieved by Kain. The implication i s that lower income downtown workers are r e l a  t i v e l y more concentrated r e s i d e n t i a l l y between one and three miles from downtown, while higher income downtown workers are more concentrated r e s i d e n t i a l l y between four and f i v e miles from downtown. 2. Much more sa t i s f a c t o r y results were obtained when the same pro cedure was followed not for concentric rings centred upon down town, but for areas i n which the costs of housing were assumed to be generally uniform. The median value of owner-occupied homes i n each census t r a c t was taken to be a measure of the housing costs i n that t r a c t . Spearman Correlation c o e f f i c i e n t s were again computed comparing for each group of census t r a c t s , (i) the major occupational groups ranked according to the per centage of each residing i n the zone, and ( i i ) the major occu pational groups ranked according to t h e i r mean incomes. In t h i s case, c o e f f i c i e n t s were found to be s i g n i f i c a n t and p o s i t i v e f o r each group of census tr a c t s i n which the median value of owner occupied homes i s greater than 15,000 d o l l a r s , and s i g n i f i c a n t and negative for each group i n which the median value of owner occupied homes i s less than 13,000 do l l a r s (Table VIII). Seventy-nine percent of the downtown workers employed i n occupational categories i n which the mean annual income i s less than 4000 do l l a r s were found to l i v e i n the group of census tracts i n which the median value of owner occupied homes i s less than 14,000 d o l l a r s , compared with only twenty-nine percent of those employed i n categories with a mean annual income of greater than Table VIII Rate of Residential Selection and Costs of Housing Occupational Group Mean Income"":! '"Man. $6203 Prof. $4714 Prod. $3812 Sales $3239 Cler. $2766 Serv. $2320 Coefft.' Housing Type A B A B A B A B A B A B Apartments 17.9 6 20.8 3 19.5 5 20.4 4 25.2 2 33.3 1 -0.83* Median Value $26,000 and over 15.4 1 ." Hi3 3 2.6 5 12.2 2 8.9 4 0 6 +0 .71* $18,000-$25,999 29.5 1 20.8 2 7.8 4 6.1 5 12.2 3 2.4 6 +0.83* $15,000-$17,999 12.8 3 22 .6 1 11.7 4 16.3 2 10.6 5 4.8 6 +0.71* $13,000-$14,999 16.7 3 9.4 6 24.7 2 32.6 1 13.0 4 9.5 5 0 $12,999 and under 7.7 6 15.1 4 33.8 2 12.2 5 30.1 3 50 .0 1 -0.71* aSpearman's rank cor r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t . Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Census of Canada, 1961, "Earnings . . . by Occupations, Metropolitan Areas", Catalogue 94-540 (Vol. I l l — P a r t 3). c • Areas i n which more than 50 percent of dwelling units are apartments. Median value of owner-occupied homes from Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Census of Can ada, 1961, "Population and Housing Char a c t e r i s t i c s , by Census Tract: Vancouver", Cata- logue 95-537. A - Percentage of occupational group working i n central area and residing i n s p e c i f i e d housing type. B - Ranking of percentages. • S t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . VO 98 4000 dollars. These findings may be summarized as follows: 1. The cost of housing i s a stronger determinant of residential location for downtown workers than the distance from downtown. 2. There is some tendency for lower income workers to live closer to downtown than higher income workers, provided they are able to find residential accommodation of suitable costs. Those census tracts in which residential accommodation is mainly in the form of apartments (i.e. in which more than f i f t y - percent of the dwelling units are apartments) would seem to present a special case. With two exceptions, they are grouped around the downtown area. The correlation between the ranking of the percen tages of each occupation living in this zone and the ranking of occupations according to their mean incomes i s significant and negative. This indicates that the apartment areas are favoured by the lower income downtown workers. In particular, one quarter of the downtown c l e r i c a l labour force, one f i f t h of the downtown sales labour force, and one third of the downtown service labour force lives in these areas. Of course, i t can only be assumed that these workers actually live in apafctments. In this case above a l l , the substitution would seem to have been made between journey to work expenditures and site ex penditures . High apartment rents may be compensated for by low travel costs since these areas are within walking distance, or a short bus ride from downtown. In addition, i t should be noted that many of the workers in these occupations are young, single women who w i l l be less likely to possess cars in any case than the family man. 99 T h e o n l y o c c u p a t i o n a l g r o u p w h i c h i s r a n k e d d i f f e r e n t l y i n t h i s z o n e f o r i n c o m e a n d f o r t h e p e r c e n t a g e o f t h e t o t a l g r o u p r e s i d i n g h e r e i s t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l a n d t e c h n i c a l w o r k e r s . I t i s now p o s s i b l e t o s u g g e s t t h e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h e w e s t w a r d b i a s o f t h e t o t a l d o w n t o w n l a b o u r c a t c h m e n t a r e a . 1. T h e P o i n t G r e y p e n i n s u l a w e s t o f M a i n S t r e e t a n d W e s t V a n c o u v e r a r e a r e a s i n w h i c h t h e m e d i a n v a l u e o f o w n e r o c c u p i e d homes i s h i g h . T h e h i g h i n c o m e c o m p o n e n t s o f t h e d o w n t o w n l a b o u r f o r c e come p r e d o m i n a n t l y f r o m t h e s e a r e a s . 2 . T h e l o w - i n c o m e c o m p o n e n t o f t h e d o w n t o w n l a b o u r f o r c e i s d r a w n B o t h f r o m t h e r e l a t i v e l y few c e n s u s t r a c t s o f t h e P o i n t G r e y p e n i n s u l a ( m a i n l y i n K i t s i l a n o ) i n w h i c h t h e m e d i a n v a l u e o f o w n e r o c c u p i e d homes i s r e l a t i v e l y l o w , f r o m t h e z o n e s i n w h i c h o v e r o n e - h a l f o f t h e d w e l l i n g u n i t s a r e a p a r t m e n t s , a n d f r o m t h e a r e a b e t w e e n M a i n S t r e e t a n d B o u n d a r y R o a d . T h e l a t t e r a r e a p r o v i d e s o n l y l o w - i n c o m e w o r k e r s t o t h e d o w n t o w n e m p l o y m e n t c o n c e n t r a t i o n a n d o n l y a s m a l l p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e t o t a l l o w - i n  come w o r k e r s e m p l o y e d d o w n t o w n . L o w - i n c o m e w o r k e r s l i v i n g i n t h i s a r e a m a y , a f t e r a l l , f i n d a l t e r n a t i v e e m p l o y m e n t i n t h e i n d u s t r i a l p l a n t s w h i c h a r e c l o s e r l a t h a n d . B T h e D i s t r i b u t i o n o f W o r k - T r i p s b y C a r t o Downtown T h e u s e o f t h e a u t o m o b i l e f o r j o u r n e y s t o w o r k i n d o w n  t o w n V a n c o u v e r i s p e r h a p s m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n i n s u c h o t h e r m a j o r C a n a d i a n c i t i e s a s M o n t r e a l a n d T o r o n t o . A l t h o u g h V a n c o u v e r a s y e t h a s n o f r e e w a y s p r o v i d i n g a c c e s s t o d o w n t o w n a s i n T o r o n t o , a c c e s s b y c a r i s s t i l l r e l a t i v e l y e a s y e s p e c i a l l y f r o m t h e s o u t h a n d f r o m t h e P o i n t G r e y p e n i n s u l a b y way o f m u l t i p l e l a n e a r t e r i a l 100 roads. Although False Creek does indeed present a b a r r i e r i t i s more adequately surmounted by bridges (relative to the amount of t r a f f i c that crosses i t ) than, say, the St. Lawrence River at Mont r e a l . Even i n rush periods, the Granville Street, Burrard Street, and Cambie Street Bridges seldom experience excessive t r a f f i c . There i s not i n Vancouver, as i n Toronto, a rapid t r a n s i t system providing a suitable alternative to work-trips by private car. In addition, due to an over-optimistic evaluation of the growth pote n t i a l of the Core area, an abundance of parking spaces i s available i n the form of l o t s which have not been taken up f o r other uses. A l l these factors then tend to maximize the use of the private car for work-trips to the downtown area. 21 The Parking Survey data may be referred to f o r i n f o r  mation on downtown workers who commute by car. S t r i c t l y speaking, 22 these data r e f e r to the Core area rather than to downtown as a whole. Although the destination area i s more lim i t e d i n extent than that about which the discussion has already taken place i t provides the greatest number of employment opportunities. Generally speaking, a greater percentage of the residen t i a l population tra v e l s to the Core for work by car from the Point Grey peninsula and the North Shore than from the area between Boun dary Road and, Main Street (Fig. 9) . This confirms the observations already made concerning the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the t o t a l downtown labour force ( i . e . the labour force,of the "Central Area"). Par t i c u l a r l y high percentages are found i n Old Shaughnessy and the areas extending southwards to Marine Drive. Surely i t i s no coin- 21 . See Appendix B. 2 2 T r a f f i c Zones 910, 920, 930, 940, 970, 980. 101 cidence that t h i s area contains a high proportion of the c i t y ' s managers and proprietors (Fig. 2b), who i f working downtown may be expected to use t h e i r cars to get there. East of Main Street, on the other hand, are the main concentrations of i n d u s t r i a l wor kers (Fig. 2a) who would be expected to f i n d employment i n areas other than downtown, and, as has been observed, of the lower income downtown workers. This l a t t e r group may be expected to r e l y more on the bus f a c i l i t i e s provided. The r e l a t i v e absence of a r t e r i a l roads providing quick access to downtown from t h i s area provides a further discouragement to the use of the automobile f o r work- t r i p s . I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that the number of work-trips generated per 1000 residents i s somewhat higher along the Kingsway route than elsewhere i n t h i s area (Fig. 9). A s l i g h t r i s e i n the number of work-trips generated per 1000 residents i n Burnaby may also be observed. An attempt to explain t h i s v a r i a t i o n has been framed i n terms of a standard regression model i n which i t i s hypothesized that the number of work-trips by car generated per 10 00 residents from a given zone varies d i r e c t l y with the average per capita i n  come of residents of that zone, d i r e c t l y with the r a t i o of the distance from nearest si m i l a r zone (North Vancouver, New Westmin ster) to the distance from the Core, and d i r e c t l y with the logar ithm of the distance from the Core. Standard c o r r e l a t i o n and regression procedure suggests the following equation: D2 T. = 3.59X + 60.54 ^ + 98.50 log D 0 - 177.15 3 D 2 2 Where T_. - Number of work-trips by car generated per 1000 residen t i a l population from zone (j) to the Core area; 102 FIGURE 9 DISTRIBUTION OF ORIGIN OF AUTOMOBILE WORK-TRIPS TO DOWNTOWN, 1962 10:4 X = Mean per capita income of that zone; = Distance from zone (j) to the nearest zone similar to the Core (North Vancouver, New Westminster); D ? = Distance of zone (j) from the Core ( i . e . the intersec t i o n of Georgia and Granville Streets). In a l l , f i f t y - n i n e percent of the v a r i a t i o n i n the num ber of work-trips by car to the Core per 1000 r e s i d e n t i a l popula ti o n i s "explained" by these variables. P a r t i a l c o r r e l a t i o n coef f i c i e n t s are low but s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t (Table IX). Table IX P a r t i a l Correlation C o e f f i c i e n t s : Number of Work-Trips per 1000 Residential Population from a Given Zone vs. Mean Per Capita Income of Residents Distance Ratio and Log Distance to Downtown Variables a r F-Ratios Per Capita Income 0.225 4.21 Distance Ratio 0.690 71.84 Log. Distance 0.338 10.20 Va lues do not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y from 0 at the 0.05 l e v e l . Degrees.of freedom are 1 and 79. The form of the equation i s suggestive. Since i t has already been shown that the proportion of downtown workers to the t o t a l r e s i d e n t i a l population tends to decrease with-; distance from downtown (Fig. 8), the d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between the number of automobile work-trips per 1000 r e s i d e n t i a l population and the log. of the distance from the core suggests merely that increased d i s  tance from the core encourages the use of the automobile over other forms of transportation. In more d e t a i l , i t would appear that i n fact the number of automobile work-trips generated per 1000 r e s i d e n t i a l population increases to i t s maximum at 4 miles from the Core and then decreases 105 outwards (Table X) . Table X Number of Automobile Work-trips to the Core per 1000 Re s i d e n t i a l Population by Distance from Downtown Distance from Georgia/Granville Number of Work-Trips Ring 1 (less than 1 mile) 11.3 Ring 2 (1.0 to 1.9 miles) 15.3 Ring 3 (2.0 to 2.9 miles) 16.4 Ring 4 (3.0 to 3.9 miles) 23 .0 Ring 5 (4.0 to 4.9 miles) 18.3 Ring 6 (5.0 to 5.9 miles) 13.3 Ring 7 (6.0 to 6.9 miles) 21.2 Ring 8 (7.0 to 7.9 miles) 11.7 Ring 9 (8.0 to 8.9 miles) 11.6 Ring 10 (9.0 to 9.9 miles) 6.6 Ring 11 (10.0 to 10.0 miles) 3.1 The peak between six and seven miles from the Core may be ascribed to the greater number of work-trips generated from the North Shore. When the destinations within the Core are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d (Fig. 10) i t may be seen that a smaller proportion of work-trips are generated to the eastern zones (970, 980) and the southern zone (940) than to those i n the centre and on the west. The cen t r a l and western zones (910, 920, 930) are those i n which the f i  nancial and business i n s t i t u t i o n s are largely concentrated and so may be expected to draw greater proportions of those i n mana g e r i a l and executive occupations. For these three zones, not only are the proportions of work-trips generated greater, but the var i a t i o n with distance i n the proportions of work-trips i s more marked. To summarize, the equation of the regression l i n e sug gests : 1. The s i g n i f i c a n t l y high r-value between the proportion of work- t r i p s generated from each zone and the r a t i o of the distance of that zone from an alternative s i m i l a r zone of employment to 106 FIGURE 10 AUTOMOBILE WORK-TRIPS TO DOWNTOWN, BY DISTANCE, VANCOUVER, 1962 T R I P S G E N E R A T E D P E R 1,000 R E S I D E N T S 108 the distance from the Core suggests that i f similar employment is available closer to home, then the Core loses much of i t s attractive force. 2. Work-trips by car to downtown in general increase with increas ing distance but more detailed analysis suggests that they in fact increase up to four miles and then decrease with a local peak at seven miles. 3. That the proportion of work-trips generated is directly related to the a b i l i t y of the residents of each residential zone to operate an automobile as measured by the mean per capita income of the zone. The Parking Survey data, unlike those derived from the City Directory permit analysis by destinations within the Core. The central part of the Core (zone 920 and 930) draws from a gen erally city-wide distribution. Each of the two t r a f f i c zones which comprise this central part are the destinations for a greater num ber of work-trips than any other downtown zone in widely dispersed zones of origin (Fig. 11). Not only are these zones at the point of maximum accessibility by public transport, but they contain the main r e t a i l establishments which, with their varied labour forces, may be expected to draw from a city wide distribution. The residential zones which generate greater proportions of work-trips to the eastern zones of the Core than to any other are entirely in  the east between Main Street and Boundary Road. On the other hand, the residential zones which generate greater proportions of work- trips to the western part of the Core are found in the higher cost residential areas of the Point Grey peninsula west of Main Street, the North Shore and Burnaby. 109 FIGURE 11 AUTOMOBILE WORK-TRIPS TO DOWNTOWN BY DESTINATION, VANCOUVER, 1962 I l l In toto, almost one-third of the automobile work-trips generated to the Core have the Point Grey peninsula as t h e i r o r i g i n , and of these almost three-quarters have t h e i r destinations i n cen t r a l and western zones of the Core (Table XI). Table XI Origin-Destination Matrix for the Core Percentages of Total Work-Trips Origins From a Given Origin Going to a Total Percent Given Destination 9 10 9 20 930 9 40 9 70 9 80 N. Vancouver 31 .5 23 .6 22 .2 7 .6 7 .5 7 .1 1129 8, .8 W. Vancouver 30 .2 31 .4 19 .7 6 .3 5 .7 6 .1 1361 10. .6 W. of Main 24 .3 26 .8 24 .4 6 .4 9 .4 8 .1 3995 31, .3 E. of Main 18 .1 19 .9 21 .5 10 .8 20 .6 13 .1 1617 12, .7 Core & W. End 18 .8 19 .1 24 .7 16 .3 14 .9 5 .3 1125 8, .8 Burnaby 24 .4 18 .4 18 .0 8 .9 13 .6 8 .8 1044 8, .2 New Westminster 29 .9 19 .6 22 .4 10 .3 8 .4 8 .4 107 0. .8 Richmond & Delta 27 .9 21 .1 20 .2 12 .6 11 .3 6 .8 470 3 . 8 Surrey 14 .5 21 .5 24 .2 9 .7 13 .4 15 .1 186 ." 1. 5 Other Areas 13.5 100.0 S i m i l a r l y large percentages of the work-trips from North Vancouver (77.3 percent), West Vancouver (81.3 percent), Burnaby (60.8 percent), and New Westminster (71.9 percent) terminate i n these same work-zones, although the t o t a l numbers are of course much l e s s . Only the area between Main Street and Boundary Road, from which thirteen percent of the t o t a l automobile work-trips to the Core originate, generates work-trips more equitably to each work-zone of the Core. General Conclusions To recapitulate at t h i s point, i t would seem, that several generalizations may be made about the r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of Vancouver's downtown labour force. 112 1. The labour force of downtown i s r e s i d e n t i a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d throughout the c i t y , but i s more strongly represented on the Point Grey peninsula west of Main Street and on the North Shore than elsewhere. 2. The area between Main Street and boundary road has r e l a t i v e l y small proportions of i t s t o t a l r e s i d e n t i a l population working downtown, even i n those parts which are immediately adjacent to downtown. 3. Workers employed... i n occupational categories i n which the mean annual income i s greater than 4000 d o l l a r s are drawn to the downtown area predominantly from the Point Grey peninsula west of Main Street and the North Shore. Downtown workers employed i n occupational categories with a mean annual income of less than 4000 d o l l a r s are drawn predominantly from the Area between Main Street and Boundary Road. 4. Since the higher income workers are more dominant i n the down town labour force than i n that of other work concentrations, t h i s f a c t may be invoked to explain the general orientation of the t o t a l downtown labour shed towards the better r e s i d e n t i a l areas of the Point Grey peninsula and the North Shore. 5. As would be expected from the above, the proportions of the t o t a l r e s i d e n t i a l population making work-trips to downtown by car are greater i n the Point Grey peninsula and on the North Shore than elsewhere. This i s because downtown workers are more numerous here anyway, and also, being employed i n higher income occupa t i o n a l categories are more l i k e l y to get to work by car than workers from the eastern part of the c i t y . 6. The proportion of work-trips by car to downtown generated from 113 each r e s i d e n t i a l zone i s a function of that mean per capita income of the residents of that zone, the distance of the zone from downtown up to four miles, and the r a t i o of the distance to an alternative zone of employment to the distance from down town. 7. Beyond four miles the average proportion of worktrips by car to downtown decreases, i f the North Shore i s excluded. 8. The western parts of the Core area of downtown have a labour catchment area oriented towards the west, while the eastern parts have a labour catchment area oriented towards the east. 9. Much the greater proportion of work-trips by car to the down town area terminate i n the western parts of the Core. 10. Residential zones are occupied by downtown workers of varying incomes i n a sequence determined by the proximity of these zones to downtown, and more c l e a r l y , by the p r e v a i l i n g costs of hous ing i n the zone. The rela t i o n s h i p between the downtown labour catchment area and that of peripherally located work concentrations w i l l be considered i n the following chapter. 114 CHAPTER V A COMPARISON OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF WORKERS OF CENTRAL AND PERI PHERAL WORKPLACES Generic Differences in Labour Catchment Areas Recent studies have recognized generic differences be tween the residential distribution of the labour forces of centrally and peripherally located work-places. It is generally agreed that, while central workplaces draw from a city wide distribution, the labour force of peripheral workplaces is residentially clustered about the place of work. The earliest concise statement of this view has been put by Carrol. " . . . Population and the residences of central d i s t r i c t employees", he suggests, "are arranged about the core areas in a constantly declining density (and) off-center work concentrations, on the other hand, have residences grouped about them so that they seem to resemble nucleated sub-clusters in the larger whole.1.'1 The dominance of the central area Carrol suggests may be due to the greater volume and variety of employment found there, or to the nodal position the central area has with respect to transportation f a c i l i t i e s . The central area of Vancouver has been dealt with in some detail already. The major focus of this chapter w i l l be upon peripherally located workplaces, in which there is neither the volume nor the variety of employment offered by the central area, nor the convergence of public transit f a c i l i t i e s . "^J. Douglas Carrol, "The Relationship of Home to Workplaces and the Spatial Pattern of Cities", Social Forces 30 (March, 1952), pp. 271-282. Some recent studies have confirmed the residential clus tering of the labour force of such workplace's. In particular the 2 study of Boston's Route 128 by Burke, and that of Chicago's west suburban industrial area by Taafe, Garmer, and Yeates, may be cited. The latter study in particular suggests that the workers of peripheral workplaces are clustered residentially but about a radial axis.. As the writers of this study remark, "the journey- to-work to peripheral employment centers would not be worth study ing as a separate component of the aggregated pattern of metropol itan t r a f f i c flow, i f i t did not differ in several significant respects from the journey-to-work to places of employment in the 4 central business d i s t r i c t . " The major difference found by these writers were that the use of the automobile is greater among com muters to peripheral workplaces, the labour force of peripheral workplaces is predominantly industrial and that the distance tra velled to work is less than that for central area employees. It has already been shown in Vancouver that the central area employee on the average travels further to work than those employed elsewhere. It has been shown also that the central area does indeed draw from a city-wide residential distribution, albeit with a westward bias. It now remains to determine whether the residential distribution of the labour force of peripherally lo- 2 Everett J. Burke, Jr., Labour Supply Characteristics of Route 128  Firms, Research Report No. I (Boston: Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, 1958) . 3 E. J. Taafe, B. J. Garner, and M. H. Yeates, The Peripheral Jour ney to Work: A Geographic Consideration (Evanston, 111.: North western University Press, 1963). 4 I b i d . 116 cated workplaces shows a s i m i l a r bias towards d i s t i n c t r e s i d e n t i a l areas. The westward bias of the downtown labour force, i t has been observed, i s a function of; 1) the greater numbers of higher income workers i n the downtown labour force, and 2) the better q u a l i t y and higher cost of the r e s i d e n t i a l accommodation i n the Point Grey peninsula and the North Shore. Higher income workers seek accommodation i n these areas, and since they are more numerous i n the t o t a l donwtown labour force than i n that of peripheral workplaces, t h e i r presence tends to d i s t o r t the downtown labour shed towards the west. I t i s hypothesized i n t h i s chapter than since peripherally located workplaces are largely i n d u s t r i a l i n type, they w i l l have a predominance of lower income workers i n t h e i r labour force and that, consequently, the r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the labour force w i l l be biased towards the areas of low cost r e s i d e n t i a l ac commodation ( i . e . the area between Main Street and Boundary Road). Since the sample from the City Directory i s too small numerically to permit disaggregation according to the place of work, apart from the central area, i t w i l l be referred to only i n a very general way. The major sources of data for t h i s chapter have been, the personnel f i l e s of f i v e major employers, two with a downtown and three with an eccentric location. These are: 1. MacMillan, Bloedel, and Powell River Ltd. (Head O f f i c e ) . 2. Hudson's Bay Company Ltd. (Department Store). 3. B.C. Sugar Refineries Ltd. (Sugar Refinery). 4. Dominion Bridge Ltd. (Metal Fabricating Pla n t ) . 5. Canadian White Pine Ltd. (Sawmill). 117 The f i r s t two c i t e d are t y p i c a l of downtown a c t i v i t i e s — b u s i n e s s and r e t a i l a c t i v i t i e s . The l a s t three are chosen i n that they represent three d i f f e r e n t types of i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y and occupy three d i f f e r e n t but t y p i c a l locations for i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y i n Vancouver. The D i s t r i b u t i o n of Work Concentrations i n Vancouver Work concentrations i n Vancouver are i n f a i r l y d i s t i n c t locations. The downtown area, which employs about one-third of the c i t y ' s labour force, has already been described i n some d e t a i l . The i n d u s t r i a l establishments grouped around False Creek and the south shore of Burrard Inlet developed i n i t s i n d u s t r i a l role i n response to the access to tidewater and to r a i l f a c i l i t i e s . The e a r l i e s t industries there were those which processed imported raw materials or those from the B.C. coast. The forest industry i n p a r t i c u l a r was concentrated here at an early time, but i s r e l a  t i v e l y less important today. Its persistence i s s t i l l evident i f only from the constant t r a f f i c of scows removing chips and hog f u e l from the False Creek sawmills. The major employers today, however, are the food processing and metal and machinery industries (Fig. 12) . In North Vancouver, old established forest products i n  dustries and marine engineering works are found along the water front. The biggest i n d u s t r i a l employer i n the area i s the Burrard Dry Dock Company. A newer i n d u s t r i a l area l i n e s the North Arm of the Fraser River. Tidewater location i s obviously of advantage to some of 118 FIGURE 12 INDUSTRIAL WORKPLACES IN VANCOUVER WITH MORE THAN 100 EMPLOYEES MANUFACTURING FIRMS EMPLOYING MORE THAN 100 WORKERS VANCOUVER, BURNABY, NEW WESTMINSTER, NORTH 8 WEST VANCOUVER) l^ a Lumber ond Wood Products EH] Food and Kindred Products Source: List of Manufacturing firms in 8.C , of Economics 9 Statistics, J .R .W 1 9 6 4 120 the plants here> while for others the r a i l f a c i l i t i e s of the B.C. E l e c t r i c Railway may have been of importance. This i s the major present day concentration of the forest products industry, i n c l u d  ing the Eburne sawmills, Western Plywood, Canadian White Pine (both di v i s i o n s of MacMillan, Bloedel and Powell River), and Red Band Shingle to name the largest employers. Other industries, includ ing some food processing plants and the P a c i f i c Bolt Manufacturing Company have also located here. New Westminster has rather the same i n d u s t r i a l mix, a l  though the plants here are usually of older establishment. Here again, the major employers tend to be located close to the water front. In North Burnaby are several f a i r l y scattered plants. The largest employers here are Sh e l l O i l at i t s refinery on Burrard Inlet, Standard O i l at i t s Bitumen and Asphalt Plant, Dominion Bridge, and Fraser Valley Milk Products. In addition to these major concentrations are scattered r e t a i l and service a c t i v i t i e s generally d i s t r i b u t e d i n a li n e a r fashion along the major a r t e r i e s . Generalized Labour Catchment Patterns i n Vancouver The City Directory sample was used i n a general way to show crude labour shed patterns. Each r e s i d e n t i a l zone was assigned to the work zone to which it:;contributes the greatest number of workers, excluding the central area and the re s u l t i n g patterns generalized (Fig. 13). For t h i s purpose the work zones are defined as; 1) West Vancouver, 2) North Vancouver, 3) False Creek, 4) South 121 FIGURE 13 GENERALIZED LABOUR CATCHMENT AREA, VANCOUVER, 1963 FIGURE 14 RESIDENTIAL DISTRIBUTION OF EMPLOYEES, MacMILLAN, BLOEDEL AND POW ELL RIVER CO., HEAD OFFICE, MAY, 1965 123 Shore of Burrard I n l e t , 5) Point Grey Peninsula, and 6) Burnaby. Surprisingly, no r e s i d e n t i a l area was found to generate more work-trips to the North Arm of the Fraser River than to any other zone so t h i s zone was not included. This i s no doubt due to the smallness of the sample. The zones i n which there was no clea r majority were not assigned (Fig. 13). 1. The area of Point Grey west of Main Street largely forms a s e l f - contained labour market, i f those residents who are employed i n the central area are ignored. Workers who are employed here also reside here, es p e c i a l l y i n the better q u a l i t y r e s i d e n t i a l areas to the south and west. 2. S i m i l a r l y , those residing i n Burnaby largely f i n d employment there, the area even assuming precedence over downtown Vancou ver as the most important destination for most r e s i d e n t i a l zones i n Burnaby. 3. West Vancouver residents f i n d employment i n West Vancouver i t  s e l f (in the western section) and i n Burnaby (in the eastern section) as a poor second to downtown Vancouver. 4. North Vancouver c i t y i s a self-contained labour market on the whole i n that the majority of workers residing there f i n d em ployment l o c a l l y . In the municipality of North Vancouver, the Vancouver central area again assumes dominance with North Van couver i t s e l f second. 5. The south shore of Burrard Inlet draws workers from a f a i r l y l o c a l catchment area. After downtown employees are excluded, t h i s area draws workers from downtown and from zones adjacent to Burrard In l e t . 6. The False Creek i n d u s t r i a l concentration draws workers from a 124 labour catchment area which extends along three axes. One of these extends westward into the poorer r e s i d e n t i a l areas of K i t s i l a n o , the second southeastwards along Kingsway, and the t h i r d southward along Cambie Street and then southeastwards. Once again i t should be emphasized that i n most of these r e s i  d e n tial zones, the downtown area i s the largest employer and the False Creek area the second largest. Since these data are of doubtful r e l i a b i l i t y , reference i s made here to the addresses of employees gathered from the per sonnel f i l e s of the employers l i s t e d above. Labour Force D i s t r i b u t i o n of Sample Workplaces The d i s t r i b u t i o n of workers f o r both the MacMillan, Bloe del and Powell River head o f f i c e and the Hudson's Bay Company de partment store confirm some of the observations made with respect to the r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the downtown labour force as a whole. Workers are drawn to these workplaces from a city-wide d i s  t r i b u t i o n , but with a westward bias (Figs. 14 and 15). The r e l a t i v e paucity of workers between Main,Street and Boundary Road i s more marked i n the case of the MacMillan, Bloedel and Powell River head o f f i c e than f o r the Hudson's Bay Company store. In a l l , some twenty percent of the store employees are drawn from t h i s area, compared with nine percent for the head o f f i c e employees. This may be ascribed to the fact that the head o f f i c e labour force consists e s s e n t i a l l y of two classes of worker—secre t a r i a l s t a f f largely concentrated i n the West End, and executive o f f i c e r s of the company di s t r i b u t e d throughout the high prestige areas of the Point Grey peninsula and the North Shore. In contrast, 125 FIGURE 15 RESIDENTIAL DISTRIBUTION OF EMPLOYEES, HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY DOWN TOWN STORE, MAY, 19 65 FIGURE 16 RESIDENTIAL DISTRIBUTION OF EMPLOYEES, B.C. SUGAR REFINERIES, MAY, 1965 127 the Hudson's Bay Company labour force i s more diverse, at least with respect to the incomes drawn by i t s members, and consequently has a less r e s t r i c t e d r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n . There seems to be a greater tendency i n t h i s case, however, for workers to c l u s t e r r e s i d e n t i a l l y close to the place of work. This may perhaps be ascribed to the large proportion of female employees who may be expected to r e l y on public transport f a c i l i t i e s . I t may be s i g  n i f i c a n t also that the employer provides no employee parking space at the place of work. A quite d i s s i m i l a r pattern i s presented by the r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the employees of workplaces with an eccentric l o  cation. From the three cases considered here (Figs. 16, 17, and 18), two generalizations would seem to be immediately forthcoming. 1. The i n d u s t r i a l workers of these three plants are rarely found to l i v e outside the area bounded on the west by Main Street, excluding for the moment those who reside outside the main built-up area i n Richmond, Surrey, and Delta. 2. There i s a f a i r l y marked tendency for workers to c l u s t e r around the place of work i n the case of the two workplaces (Dominion Bridge and Canadian White Pine) furthest from downtown. A B r i t i s h Columbia Sugar Refineries B.C. Sugar Refineries i s an old-established plant founded on t h i s s i t e i n the 1890's with the obvious orientation towards the waterfront demanded by the nature and source of i t s raw materials at that time. The i n d u s t r i a l labour force i s f a i r l y widely scat tered i n the area between Main Street and Boundary Road. About sixty percent of the workers l i v e here and a further twenty percent •128 FIGURE 17 RESIDENTIAL DISTRIBUTION OF EMPLOYEES, DOMINION BRIDGE,LTD., MAY, 1965 FIGURE 18 RESIDENTIAL DISTRIBUTION OF EMPLOYEES, CANADIAN WHITE PINE, MAY, 1965 13.0 i n Burnaby. As recently as f i f t e e n years ago the labour force was clustered more t i g h t l y about the plant than at present and the reliance on public transport was such that a bus s t r i k e neces sit a t e d the organization of special services to bring workers to 5 the plant by truck. Today the great majority of the workers Use cars to get to work, and i n t h i s connection i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that twenty-two percent of the plant workers are females. The r e l a  t i v e l y few o f f i c e workers (not shown i n F i g . 16) are d i s t r i b u t e d f a i r l y evenly both east and west of Main Street. B Dominion Bridge Dominion Bridge Ltd. i s a s t e e l construction firm loca ted i n North Burnaby. Its plant personnel number about 400 and i t s o f f i c e personnel 220. The r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the plant workers once again i s f a i r l y well scattered east of Main Street. Over one-third l i v e between Main Street and Boundary Road and one-quarter l i v e in Burnaby. There i s a tendency to c l u s t e r r e s i d e n t i a l l y towards the plant, over one-third of the i n d u s t r i a l workers l i v i n g within a distance of two miles. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the o f f i c e workers (not shown i n F i g . 17) l i k e those of the B.C. Sugar Refineries plant, have a less r e s t r i c t e d r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n . A greater percent age ( t h i r t y percent) are drawn from Burnaby than from the area be tween Main Street and Boundary Road ( f i f t e e n percent) i n contrast with the i n d u s t r i a l workers. I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d that the median value of owner-occupied homes i s generally higher i n Burnaby than i n the l a t t e r area. In addition, s i g n i f i c a n t percentages are drawn 5 Personnel Manager, B.C. Sugar Refineries Ltd., personal communi cation. 131 from the c i t y west of Main Street (nine percent), from North Van couver (ten percent), from West Vancouver (nine percent) and from Surrey, Richmond, and Delta (eleven percent). C Canadian White Pine Canadian White Pine i s one of the two large plants oper ated on the North Arm of the Fraser River by MacMillan, Bloedel and Powell River Ltd. Once again, the i n d u s t r i a l workers l i v e east of Main Street. Between Main Street and Boundary Road are found thirty-seven percent, and a further fourteen percent l i v e i n Burnaby. Twenty percent of the workers l i v e within two miles of the plant, excluding those on the south side of the r i v e r . As would be expected from the location of the plant, a s i g n i f i c a n t proportion (nineteen percent) i n f a c t , commute from suburban Rich mond, Delta, and Surrey. These results are summarized i n Table XII. Table XII D i s t r i b u t i o n of Workers of Five Selected Workplaces Area of Residence Dom. Bdg. B.C. Sug. C.W.rP. H. B . C • M.B.P.R. Downtown and W.E. 3.5% 1.6% : 1.0% 11.1% 12.4% City East of Main 36.6 59.5 36.7 20.0 9.1 City West of Main 6.9 6.4 9.7 38.2 31.2 North Vancouver 5.0 4.0 0.5 9.8 11.8 West Vancouver - - - 4.9 9.6 Burnaby 25.2 21.4 13.8 7.1 10.8 New Westminster 4.5 - 13.8 0.4 4.3 Surrey, Richmond, and Delta 8.9 2.4 19.4 6.6 7.0 Coquitlam, Port M. 2.5 2.4 1.0 1.3 1.1 Other Areas 6.9 2.4 5.1 0.4 2.7 Personnel f i l e s of Dominion Bridge Limited, B.C. Sugar Refiner ies Limited, Canadian White Pine, Hudson's Bay Company, and Mac Mi l l a n , Bloedel and Powell River. 13_ Conclusions Certain conclusions may be drawn from this discussion of the labour force distributions of centrally and eccentrically lo cated workplaces. In general terms the labour force of centrally located workplaces had a wider residential distribution than that of eccentrically located workplaces. This would seem to confirm 6 7 the observations of Carrol, Burke, and Taafe, Garner, and Yeates, although with certain clear reservations. Above a l l , the cluster ing effect would seem to be related to the nature of the residen t i a l accommodation available locally rather than to the public transportation network. This is indicated by: 1. The suggestion that the majority of workers both in plant and office occupations use cars to get to work. Parenthetically, this is typical of peripherally located workplaces, as Taafe, 9 Garner and Yeates have shown. 2. The residential distribution of office workers straddles zones of varying residential quality and cost. Obviously in this connection, the workers current income may not be of supreme importance. Many industrial workers w i l l in fact draw higher wages than those of many office workers in the same plant. Several other factors should perhpas be borne in mind here. First, the office worker is in a l l probability not the sole or chief breadwinner of his/her household. Second, the jobs of Douglas Carrol, op. c i t . 7 Everett J. Burke Jr., op. c i t . o E. J. Taafe, B. J. Garner, and M. H. Yeates, op. c i t . 9 yIbid. 133, i n d u s t r i a l workers are frequently less secure than those of o f f i c e workers and consequently t h e i r a b i l i t y to finance the purchase of an expensive home i s reduced. Third, the style of l i f e of indus t r i a l workers i s often d i f f e r e n t from that of white-collar workers and a d i f f e r e n t system of p r i o r i t i e s determines the apportionment of the weekly wage packet. A further reservation which must be borne i n mind i s that, although the labour force of downtown workplaces i s residen t i a l l y widely d i s t r i b u t e d , compared with that of peripheral work places, t h i s i s l i k e l y to be due as much to the type of employment offered by downtown workplaces as by c e n t r a l i t y per se. This has been indicated already by the marked separation at Main Street of the residences of high- and low-income downtown workers and by the r e s u l t i n g bias of the downtown labour catchment area towards the west. I t i s confirmed by the labour force d i s t r i b u t i o n of two s p e c i f i c downtown workplaces. That with a labour force of f a i r l y varied incomes (the Hudson's Bay Company store) draws i t s workers from a more varied area r e s i d e n t i a l l y than that i n which there are e s s e n t i a l l y only two categories of employee (MacMillan, Bloe del and Powell River head o f f i c e ) . In conclusion, i t may be affirmed that the cost of r e s i  d e n t i a l space i s a prime determinant of r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n . Proximity to the place of work would seem to carry greater weight for peripheral rather than central workplaces. This i s , however, i n large measure due to the close juxtaposition of i n d u s t r i a l work places and r e s i d e n t i a l accommodation,the costs of which are within the reach of i n d u s t r i a l workers. There i s obviously an i n t e r a c t i o n here which i t i s d i f -f i c u l t to disentangle. Proximity to industrial activity may i t  self be a factor which discourages high cost construction and the clustering of industrial workers about their peripheral place of work may simply be the result of this a r t i f i c i a l site condition. However, given uniform costs of housing in an area, i t seems likely that there w i l l be some desire to minimize the journey to work i f possible. This desire w i l l be easier to pursue in areas which are furthest from main centres of economic activity, since in such areas there is less competition (in the ecological sense) for residential space. Thus the clustering of workers is greatest in those plants which are furthest from the downtown area. 13:5 CHAPTER VI THE NEED FOR A NEW APPROACH The majority of attempts to formulate a theory of urban s p a t i a l structure have assumed the f r i c t i o n a l e f f e c t of distance. Liepman*s 1 pioneer study suggested that s o c i a l and economic costs accrue to the worker who undertakes a journey to work of any length. Later writers have suggested that the s p a t i a l structure of urban residence results from the attempt of individuals i n competition fo r r e s i d e n t i a l ; space to minimize the length of the journey to 2 work. Carrol's study i s the d e f i n i t i v e statement of th i s view and uses as i t s basis the p r i n c i p l e of least e f f o r t . In the same ecological school of thought, Duncan 3 and Schnore 4 have concurred with Carrol's use of the minimum equation, but have added r e f i n e  ment by suggesting that the need to minimize the journey to work i s greater with workers of low than with high socio-economic stand ing. More recently, studies have explained labour force d i s t r i  butions i n terms of gravitation concepts i n which the number of t r i p s generated to a given workplace varies inversely with the distance from that workplace. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h i s respect "'"Kate Liepman, The Journey to Work (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1944) . 2 J. Douglas Ca r r o l , "The Relationship of Home to Workplace and the Spatial Pattern of C i t i e s " , S o c i a l Forces 30 (March, 1952), pp. 271-282. 3 Beverly Duncan, "Factors i n Work-Residence Separation: Wage and Salary Workers, Chicago, 19 51", American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review 21 (February, 1956), pp. 48-56. 4 Leo F. Schnore, "The Separation of Home from Work: A Problem for Human Ecology", Social Forces 32 (May, 1954), pp.-336-343. 1-315 that Taafe, Garner, and Yeates found distance not to be an import- 5 ant factor withxn a distance of four miles. The findings of the present study suggest that distance from work has l i t t l e e f f e c t as a determinant of r e s i d e n t i a l loca t i o n i n Vancouver, except for limited groups of workers. 1. Females employed i n c l e r i c a l occupations downtown would seem to prefer r e l a t i v e l y expensive apartment l i v i n g close to downtown. Even i n t h i s case, apartment-living may be valued for other reasons than that i t permits a short journey to work. 2. Married women who are employed, on the average t r a v e l short journeys to work. Since the husband makes a correspondingly long journey to work, t h i s f a c t i s not i n d i c a t i v e of r e s i d e n t i a l location being chosen close to employment, but rather of the wife's employment being sought close to home. 3. More s i g n i f i c a n t l y , a c l u s t e r i n g of workers was observed about peripheral workplaces. This l a s t mentioned observation evidently demands further comment. Clustering occurs only among plant workers and i s strong est- i n areas i n which the costs of housing are uniformly low. No clustering i s observed for- o f f i c e workers i n peripheral workplaces who tend, i f anything, to favour high-cost r e s i d e n t i a l locations at some distance from the place of work. The findings of the present study suggest that theories pertaining to the d i s t r i b u t i o n of central area workers should be modified. Although downtown draws workers from a city-wide d i s - bution as suggested by C a r r o l , 6 and others, there i s a marked ten-5 • • . E. J . Taafe, B. J . Garner and M. I-I. Yeates, The Peripheral Jour ney to Work (Evanston, 111.: Northwestern University, 1963). 6 J . Douglas Carrol, op. c i t . dency for i t to draw more strongly from some sectors of the c i t y than from others. In addition, the higher-income component of the downtown labour force i s drawn more strongly from the high-cost r e s i d e n t i a l areas, and the low-income component from the low cost r e s i d e n t i a l areas, e s p e c i a l l y those which are not close to alternative work concentrations. These two facts together account for the westward bias of Vancouver's downtown labour catchment area. Both West Vancouver and the Point Grey peninsula west of Main Street are areas of predominantly high-cost.housing and r e l a t i v e l y few employ ment opportunities. In Vancouver, the pattern of residence i s sectoral rather than concentric. The reasons for t h i s are to be found not i n growth patterns along major a r t e r i e s , but as a response to l o c a l l y favourable or unfavourable s i t e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The central conclusion of t h i s study i s that workers of high income l i v e i n high-cost r e s i d e n t i a l areas, while workers of low income l i v e i n low cost r e s i d e n t i a l areas i r r e s p e c t i v e of the  distance of these areas from centres of employment. In Vancouver at least i t would appear that the distance from employment i s not a major determinant of r e s i d e n t i a l location. Commuting patterns are superimposed upon an e x i s t i n g urban s p a t i a l structure the determinants of which are the c i t y ' s s i t e and sequence of growth. Theories of commuting based upon the minimization of e f f o r t may be applied i n a meaningful way only within the context of t h i s uniquely determined urban structure. Even the ecological concepts of the dominance of central workplaces and the sub-dom inance of peripheral workplaces apply i n t h e i r i d e a l form i n a 138 homogeneous r e s i d e n t i a l matrix. In Vancouver, they are distorted once again by the vagaries of r e s i d e n t i a l structure. Further research should be directed towards an examina tio n of other c i t i e s i n order to determine whether the same con siderations apply. In c i t i e s with a concentric r e s i d e n t i a l zona- t i o n , i t may well be that high income workers commute longer d i s  tances than low income workers. The reason i s to be found not i n t h e i r greater a b i l i t y to meet the costs of work-travel, but i n the nature of the r e s i d e n t i a l structure i t s e l f . High cost housing i s usually found on the periphery, low cost housing at the centre. Where t h i s tendency i s reversed as f o r example with low cost public housing, there i s no marked tendency for low-income workers trans planted to the periphery to f i n d , or i n many cases to seek, employ ment closer to home.7 In conclusion, the journey to work i s a r e s u l t rather than a cause of urban s p a t i a l structure. A further consideration g i s required of what Liepman termed the topographic causes of work- t r a v e l . An understanding of these factors i s to be achieved through the analysis of the unique s i t e conditions and sequence of growth i n each c i t y . R. F. Whiting, "Home-to-Work Relationships of Workers L i v i n g i n Public Housing Projects i n Chicago", Land Economies 2 8 (August, 1952) , pp. 283-290. Kate Liepman, op. c i t . 1<3'9 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, L. P. and MacKesey, T. W. Commuting Patterns of In d u s t r i a l  Workers (Research Publication No. 1) Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Housing Research Center, 1955. Alonso, William. "A Theory of the Urban Land Market", Papers and  Proceedings, Regional Science Association (1960) . Blishen, Bernard. "The Construction arid Use of an Occupational Class Scale", i n Canadian Society, ed. Bernard Blishen et a l . Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1961, pp. 477-484. Breese, G. W. The Daytime Population of the Central Business Dis t r i c t of Chicago. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1949. Caplow, Theodore. "Incidence and Direction of Residential Mobility i n ar.Minneapolis Sample", Social Forces 27 (May, 1949), pp. 413- 417. Caplow, Theodore. The Sociology of Work. New York: University of Minnesota Press, 1954. Carrol, J . Douglas. "Some Aspects of the Home-Work Relations of Indu s t r i a l Workers", Land Economics 25 (November, 1949), pp. 414- 422. Carrol, J . Douglas. "The Relationship of Home to Workplaces and the Sp a t i a l Pattern of C i t i e s " , Social Forces 30 (March, 1952), pp. 271-282. Carrol, J . Douglas and Bevis, H. W. "Predicting Local Travel i n Urban Regions", Papers and Proceedings, Regional Science Asso c i a t i o n (1957) . Chaline, C. "Nouveaux Aspects de l a Cite" de Londres", Anna les de  Geographie 70e, Annee (1961), pp. 273-286. Corbally, J . E. "Measures of Intra-Urban Mobility", Sociology and  Social Research 14 (July-August, 1930), pp. 547-552. Davis, Beverly and Duncan, Otis D. Spa t i a l Patterns of Labour  Force Industry Groups i n Chicago, By Place of Work, 1947 and Place of Residence, 1940. (Urban Analysis Report No. 5) Chi cago! University of Chicago Population Research and Training Center, May, 1952. Davis, Beverly. Degree of Work-Residence Separation for Wage and  Salary Workers: Chicago, 1950-51 (Urban Analysis Report No. 17) Chicago: University of Chicago Population Research and Training Center, A p r i l , 1953. Dickinson, Robert E. Ci t y Region and Regionalism. London: Rout-14 (0 ledge and Kegan Paul, 1946. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . Census of Canada, 1961. (Popula ti o n and Housing Characteristics by Census Tracts, Vancouver) B u l l e t i n CT-22. Dornbusch, S. M. and White, E. L. Commutation Movement and Urban ism (Urban Analysis Report No. 11) Chicago: University of C h i - cago Population Research and Training Center, September, 1952. Duncan, Otis D. and Davis, Beverly. Inter-Industry Variations i n  Work-Residence Relations of the Chicago Labour Force (Urban Analysis Report No. ITJ Chicago: University of Chicago Popu l a t i o n Research and Training Center, October, 1952. Duncan, Otis D. and Davis, Beverly. "Residential D i s t r i b u t i o n and Occupational S t r a t i f i c a t i o n " , American Journal of Sociology 60 (March, 1955), pp. 493-503. Duncan, Beverly. "Factors i n Work-Residence Separation: Wage and Salary Workers, Chicago, 1951", American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review (February, 1956), pp. 48^56. Duncan, Beverly. "Intra-Urban Population Movement", C i t i e s and  Society, ed. Paul K. Hatt and Albert J . Reiss, J r . , 2nd ed. Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1957, pp. 297-309. Duncan, Beverly. "Variables i n Urban Morphology", Contributions  to Urban Sociology, ed. Ernest W. Burgess and Donald J . Bogue. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964, pp. 17-30. Foley, D. L. and Breese, G. W. "The Standardization of Data Show ing Daily Population Movements into Central Business D i s t r i c t s " , Land Economics 27 (November, 1951), pp. 348-353. Foley, D. L. "The Daily Movement of Population into Central Busi ness D i s t r i c t s " , American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review 17 (October, 1952), pp. 538-543. Foley, Donald L. "Urban Daytime Populations: A F i e l d for Demo graphic-Ecological Analysis", Social Forces 32 (May, 1954), pp. 323-330. Forbat, Fred. "Migration, Journey to Work and Planning", Migration  i n Sweden, ed. David Hannerberg, Torsten Hagerstrand, and Bruno Odeving. Lund Studies i n Geography, Ser. B, No. 13. Lund: The Royal University, 1957, pp. 310-319. Garrison, William L. "Towards Simulation Models of Urban Growth and Development", I.G.U. Symposium i n Urban Geography, ed. Knut Norborg. Lund: The Royal University, 1960, pp. 91-107. Hagerstrand, Torsten. "Migration and Area", Migration i n Sweden, ed. David Hannerberg, Torsten Hagerstrand and Bruno Odgving. Lund Studies i n Geography, Ser. B, No. 13. Lund: The Royal 141 University, 1957, pp. 27-159. Hansen, W. G. "How A c c e s s i b i l i t y Shapes Land Use", Special Issue  of the Journal of the American In s t i t u t e of Planners, ed. A. M. Voorhees (May, 1959), pp. 73-76. Hawley, Amos. Human Ecology. New York: Ronald Press, 1950. Hirsh, Werner Z. (ed.) Urban L i f e and Form (Papers presented and the Faculty Seminar on the Foundation of Urban L i f e and Form) St. Louis: Washington University, 1963. Hodge, G. and Robinson, I. Jobs, People and Transportation (Re port to the Metropolitan Joint Committee) Vancouver, 1960. Hoyt, Homer. The Structure" and Growth of Residential Neighbour hoods i n American C i t i e s . Washington, D.C.: Federal Housing Commission, 1939. Ikle, F. C. "Sociological Relations of T r a f f i c to Population and Distance", T r a f f i c Quarterly 8 ( A p r i l , 1954), pp. 123-136. "Jobs and Occupations: A Popular Evaluation", National Opinion Research Center, Opinion News 9, No. 4 (September, 1947), pp. 12-28. Kain, John F. "The Journey to Work as a Determinant of Residen t i a l Location", Papers and Proceedings, Regional Science Asso c i a t i o n , 9 (1962), pp. 137-161. Kant, Edgar. "Suburbanization, Urban Sprawl and Commutation", Migration i n Sweden, ed. David Hannerberg, Torsten Hagerstrand, and Bruno Odeving. Lund Studies i n Geography, Ser. B, No. 13. Lund: The Royal University, 1957, pp. 244-309. Kant-, Edgar. "Zur Frage der Inneren Gliederung der Stadt", I .G.U.  Symposium i n Urban Geography, ed. Knut Norborg. Lund: The Royal University, 1962, pp. 321-383. Lakshmanan, T. R. "An Approach to the Analysis of Intra-Urban Location Applied to the Baltimore Region", Economic Geography 40 (October, 1964), pp. 348-370. Lapin, Howard S. Structuring the Journey to Work. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964. Liepman, Kate. The Journey to Work. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1944. Lyubovnyy, V. Ya. "Some Questions Relating to the Formation of Urban Populations", Soviet Geography 11, (December, 1960), pp. 51-57. MacGregor, D. R. "Daily Travel: A Study i n Time and Distance around Edinburgh", Scottish Geographical Magazine 69 (September, 14'2 1953), pp. 117-127. Muraford, Lewis. The City i n History. New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1961. Park, Robert E. and Burgess, Ernest W. (ed.) The C i t y . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925. Pendakur, V. S. T r a f f i c Generation i n the North Arm In d u s t r i a l  Area. Report on a project submitted i n l i e u of a thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements of the degree of M.Sc. Vancouver, B.C.: University of B.C., 1958. Reeder, L. G. "Social D i f f e r e n t i a l s i n Modes of Travel, Time and Cost i n the Journey to Work", American So c i o l o g i c a l Review 21 (February, 1956), pp. 56-63. Reiss, A. J . et a l . Occupations and Soc i a l Status. Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1961.1 Riessman, Leonard. The Urban Process. Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1964. Schmitt, R. C. "Estimating Daytime Populations", Journal of the American Inst i t u t e of Planners 22 (Spring, 1956), pp. 83-85. Schnore, Leo F. "The Separation of Home from Work: A Problem for Human Ecology", So c i a l Forces 32 (May, 1954), pp. 336-343. Sjoberg, G. The Pre-Industrial C i t y . Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1960. Stevens, George P. "Sample Study of the Residential D i s t r i b u t i o n of I n d u s t r i a l Workers i n an Urban Community", Land Economics 28 (August, 1952), pp. 278-283. Taafe, E. J., Garner, B. J . , and Yeates, M. H. The Peripheral  Journey to Work: A Geographic Consideration. Evanston, 111.: Northwestern University Press, 1963. Thompson, Jean. "The Journey to Work—Some Social Implications", Town and Country Planning (November, 1950), pp. 441-446. Vance, James E. "Labor-Shed, Employment F i e l d and Dynamic Analysis i n Urban Geography", Economic Geography 36 (July, 1960), pp. 189-220. Watson, J . E. "Travelling Time to Work: Some Notes from the New Zealand Census of 1945", So c i a l Forces 30 (March, 1953), pp. 283-292. Westergaard, John. "Journeys to Work i n the London Region", Town  Planning Review 28 ( A p r i l , 1957), pp. 37-62. Whiting, R. F. "Home-to-Work Relationships of Workers L i v i n g i n 14l3 Public Housing Projects i n Chicago", Land Economics 28 (August, 1952) , pp. 283-290. Wingo, Lowdon. Transportation and Urban Land. Washington, D.C.: Resources for the Future, Inc., 1961. Zipf, G. K. "The hypothesis of the 'Minimum Equation' as a Uni fying S o c i a l P r i n c i p l e " , American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review 12 (De cember, 1947), pp. 627-650. l."44 APPENDIX A THE VANCOUVER CITY DIRECTORY The Vancouver City Directory for 1963 was used as a ba sic source of data. A sample of 1775 persons was taken by select ing the persons closest to the top of the f i r s t and third columns on each page. Persons not shown as being employed were omitted. This sample represents 0.78 percent of the residential labour force of Vancouver, Burnaby, North Vancouver, and West Vancouver, the area covered by the Directory. Persons are listed in the directory as follows: Doakes, Joe, mechanic, ABC Garage, h, 2000 Main. From entries of this kind i t was possible to record the following: 1. Occupation The occupation of each individual was coded according to nine categories of employment; professional and technical workers (coded as 1), managers, o f f i c i a l s , and proprietors (2), c l e r i c a l workers (3), sales workers (4), craftsmen and foremen (5), indus t r i a l operatives (6), service workers (7), primary workers (8), and labourers (9) . 2. Sex and Marital Status From the name of the individual the sex was inferred. Married women are so designated. By cross-reference to the street directory i t was possible to infer the marital status of men. Similarly, i t was possible to determine whether the spouse was 1:45 working i n each case. Six categories were now distinguished accord ing to sex and marital status; married men (1), married men with working wives (2), single men (3), married women (4) , married wo men with working husbands (5), single women (6). Those assigned to category 4 were women l i s t e d as Mrs. , but for whom i t was not possible to trace a spouse. 3. Home and Work Address The house address of each person i n the sample and the work address, obtained by cross-reference to the employer, were recorded. These were coded by t r a f f i c zone (Fig. 19). In cases where the address of the employer could not be found, where the employer car r i e d on a c t i v i t i e s at several locations (e.g. T. Eaton Co.), or where no employer was l i s t e d , a d i s t i n c t coding was used. 4. Work-Residence Separation For the persons l i s t e d closest to the top of the f i r s t column on each page of the Ci t y Directory and for whom an address of the workplace could be recorded, the distance was measured be tween work and home. Air»~line distances were used except where a journey would involve crossing a body of water, i n which case the distance was measured across the nearest bridge. This par t i a l sample included 82 5 persons. 5. Workplace Information For each person i n t h i s p a r t i a l sample, the f i r s t two d i g i t s of the standard I n d u s t r i a l C l a s s i f i c a t i o n (S.I.C.) index were recorded. This information was derived from Dun and Brad- street 's directory, from Contacts I n f l u e n t i a l , or was i n a few 1:4:6 FIGURE 19 TRAFFIC ZONES, VANCOUVER, BURNABY, NORTH VANCOUVER, AND WEST VAN COUVER TRAFFIC - ZONES Vancouver . Core Centrol^Area (900) ( » « ( 9 6 4 1'4S cases i n f e r r e d . The information for each person i n the sample was coded onto IBM cards and sorted mechanically. 1!.4'9 APPENDIX B THE DOWNTOWN PARKING SURVEY The Downtown Parking Survey was carried out i n May and June of 1962 by the Vancouver C i t y Engineering Department. Its findings with respect to parking are presented i n the report Van  couver Downtown Parking.^ The survey was concerned with parking i n downtown Vancouver from 8 a.m. to 6 p.m. Monday to Friday. The following information was e l i c i t e d from parkers. 1. Parking loca t i o n . 2. Day the interview was made. 3. Type of vehic l e . 4. Type of parking space occupied. 5. Time of a r r i v a l and departure. 6. P r i n c i p a l destination of the dr i v e r . 7. Other destination of the dr i v e r . 8. P r i n c i p a l purpose of the driver's t r i p . 9. The number of passengers. 10. The p r i n c i p a l purpose of the passengers' t r i p . 11. Origin of t r i p . 12. Home address of the d r i v e r . The area of primary i n t e r e s t for the survey was the Core, consisting of zones 910, 920, 930, 940, 970, and 980 (Fig. 20). A l l " parkers were interviewed within t h i s area, but parkers" destined for the Core were also interviewed i n surrounding areas. In a l l , ''"Transportation Engineering Branch, Vancouver Downtown Parking (Vancouver: City Engineering Department, 1962). FIGURE 20 TRAFFIC ZONES, DOWNTOWN VANCOUVER 15'2 some 60,000 interviews were carr i e d out, representing the t o t a l number of vehicles entering the Core from 8 a.m. to 6 p.m. on an average working day. The items of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t to t h i s present study were: 6. The p r i n c i p a l destination of the d r i v e r . 8. The p r i n c i p a l purpose of the driver's t r i p . 12. Home address of the d r i v e r . The t o t a l data array was sorted by o r i g i n and destination for each of the four purposes recorded; work, shopping, business, and recreation. The r e s u l t i n g raw value for each r e s i d e n t i a l zone could thus be taken as the number of automobile t r i p s to the Core for each of these purposes on an average workday. This raw value was now divided by the t o t a l r e s i d e n t i a l ' population, interpolated from census enumeration d i s t r i c t s to give the number of t r i p s per 1000 r e s i d e n t i a l population i n each r e s i d e n t i a l zone. I t should be noted 1 that since the interview area of the survey was the Core rather than what has been termed the Central Area, i t i s t h i s f o r  mer term that has been used i n a l l parts of the present study deal ing with the Parking Survey data. Observations a r i s i n g from the Survey are not therefore s t r i c t l y comparable with observations a r i s i n g from the City Directory sample. 

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