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UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

The expansion of urban fringe communities : a case study of the Lower Mainland Region of British Columbia. Grimmer, Dennis McLean 1965

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THE EXPANSION OP URBAN FRINGE COMMUNITIES: A CASE STUDY OF THE LOWER MAINLAND REGION OF BRITISH COLUMBIA by DENNIS MCLEAN GRIMMER B.A., University of British Columbia, 1963 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard. THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April, 1965 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requ i rements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study* I f u r t h e r agree that p e r -m i s s i o n f o r ex tens i ve copy ing of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood that copy ing or p u b l i -c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l ga in s h a l l not be a l lowed without my w r i t t e n pe rm i s s i on * Department of (3^^v>^A^ c<^~J (f^>\^-U .(f/iu~wv<Aj The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumbia, Vancouver 8 5 Canada Date A ^ - J ^ f j ' L ^ ABSTRACT The phenomenon of urban fringe service centres and their relationship to patterns of existing and future metropolitan land uses constitutes the basic material of this thesis. It is considered that existing communities on the periphery of the central city grew because of the specific functions they performed. Whether or not these functions have diminished over time, these communities should be utilized in allocating future metropolitan land use patterns because of the investment in human and material resources represented within them, from both the public and the private sector. In this regard i t is hypothesized that: In a metropolitan region where expansion from the core is s t i l l taking place, predominantly on a horizontal plane, older urban service centres on the metropolitan fringe demand consideration as foci for new urban growth, provided their s u i t a b i l i t y in terms of location vis-a-vis the core area, and general socio-physical environment can be demonstrated. An attempt is made to assess fringe communities in the light of regional considerations. It is recognized that these communities owe their original existence to specific factors, such as, an agricultural service centre to an agricultural hinterland, or a resort centre to a recreational resource, and that such communities are inextricably related to the core city of a metropolitan region. The community has evolved to satisfy the range of human needs and wants and has grown as a result of the process of i i industrialization with i t s attendant division of labour. The process of industrialization has manifested i t s e l f in an amb-ivalent manner. Fi r s t , increased mechanization has eliminated much of the demand for farm labour but at the same time inc-reased the demand for labour in factories. That this originally occurred in a time when mechanized transport was unavailable contributed to the growth of c i t i e s . The form of the city or the urban region has evolved from a dense arrangement of residential, commercial, and ind-ustria l functions to a sprawling decentralization of these same functions. Two major factors have contributed to this phenomenon. Fir s t , mechanized transportation, particularly in the form of the private automobile and second, the appar-ent universal goal of low density livi n g , manifested by the single family house. The central city has "burst i t s con-tainer" and the periphery is becoming suburbanized at an alarming rate. Commensurate with this has been an apparent demise of the older urban service centres located on the periphery. There would appear to be a good opportunity to retain these communities and u t i l i z e them as the "centre" for expanded communities. Such uti l i z a t i o n , i f fringe comm-unities were suitably located with respect to the metropolitan core, would theoretically result in a rational pattern of metropolitan land use. An investigation of the above possibility utilizes the i i i Lower Mainland Region of Bri t i s h Columbia as a case study. The established communities of Cloverdale and White Rock are examined in detail so as to ascertain their v i a b i l i t y from a socio-physical viewpoint and to assess their validity for retention and expansion as new metropolitan towns. The thesis is based on the regional development concept of the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board which recommends the creation of a pattern of separate communities with an ult-imate population of 100,000 persons each, to accommodate met-ropolitan population expansion in the Vancouver area. After analyzing physical and social c r i t e r i a for Cloverdale and White Rock i t Is concluded that the v i a b i l i t y per se of these communities is only a secondary asset i f their location with respect to the metropolitan core is adequate. Rather i t be-comes the specific site that is deemed desirable as the locale for new communities. If their commercial cores are viable and in the case study communities i t is f e l t that they are, then Cloverdale and White Rock could satisfactorily be utilized as the nucleus of new town centres. This assumes that potential problems regarding urban renewal and rehabilitation are not too great, although specific judgment of such is beyond the scope of this thesis. The conclusions are predicated on an improved system of local administration, that i s , a regionally oriented system. New planning legislation in Bri t i s h Columbia and a conceptual i v regional administrative framework i s assessed with a view to implementing regional land use proposals. Such a system i s essential i f metropolitan decentralization, v i r t u a l l y a nec-e s s i t y , i s to proceed on a r a t i o n a l and e f f i c i e n t scale. Thus, i t i s f e l t the hypothesis has been adequately demonstrated. v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The writer is grateful to a number of individuals who gave freely of their time to assist the author in preparing this thesis project. F i r s t , a special thanks to Dr. H. P. Oberlander who provided the writer with the opportunity to write the thesis and cl a r i f i e d many theoretical points during i t s formulation. Also, Dr. K. J . Cross was most helpful through his constructive criticism and through his clarifying many significant points relevant to orienting the thesis in a proper direction. Finally, Mr. Felix Raymond of the Surrey Planning Division and Mr. Graham Stallard, a fellow student, deserve a hearty Thank You for the many ways in which they assisted the author. TABLE OP CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. INTRODUCTION 1 Problem of accommodating urban growth 3 Hypothesis 6 Relationship of the problem to community and regional planning 9 Preview and summary 10 I I . PATTERNS OF URBAN GROWTH 14 Impact of the Indu s t r i a l Revolution on urbanization 15 Central c i t y congestion 18 Forms of c i t y expansion 20 The Urban-Rural fringe 25 I I I . THE METROPOLITAN CONCEPT 28 I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the metropolitan region 29 Metropolitan structure 3 2 Possible metropolitan structures 37 Functional analysis of metropolitan regions.... k2 Manufacturing 43 R e t a i l trade 44 Residential 45 The Central Business D i s t r i c t 46 CHAPTERS IV EXPANSION POTENTIAL OP SELECTED FRINGE COMMUNITIES IN THE LOWER MAINLAND REGION OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 50 The Lower Mainland Region as i t is today. . . . 51 Concept of the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board 59 Description of case study communities 63 Cloverdale 63 The growth of Cloverdale 66 The present functions of Cloverdale 69 An inventory of Cloverdale 1s r e t a i l and service functions fl Conclusion 79 White Rock 79 The growth of White Rock 82 The present functions of White Rock Qk An inventory of White RockJs r e t a i l and service functions 85 Adaptability of existing nuclei to proposed metropolitan structure in terms of transportation linkages 9 1 Criteria delineating positive and adequate reasons for continued, expand-ed existence of existing communities. . . . 9^ CHAPTERS V EVALUATION OP THEORETICAL CONCEPTUALIZATIONS AS APPLIED TO THE LOWER MAINLAND REGION OP BRITISH COLUMBIA. . Introduction 99 Adequacy of expanding Cloverdale and White Rock in terms of c r i t e r i a 100 Validation of cr i t e r i a and relationship to hypothesis 113 Policy implications 117 VI BIBLIOGRAPHY 123 LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE I. Percentage of Population in Urban and Rural Jurisdictions, U.S.A., 1790-1960 17 II. Population Increase of the Lower Mainland Region and the Vancouver Metropolitan Area, 1921-1961 52 III. Distribution of Population within the Vancouver Metropolitan Area by Urban Centres and Suburban Communities,'1921-1961 53 TV. Types of Commercial Establishments in Cloverdale 72 V. Types of Commercial Establishments in White Rock 86 LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS ILLUSTRATION PAGE 1. Metropolitan Vancouver, 19&5 5° 2. Metropolitan Vancouver, Community Location. . . 57 3. Metropolitan Vancouver, Chance and Challenge Regional Concept 6 0 k. Surrey and White Rock, Location Map 6k CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The general subject area of t h i s thesis investigation i s r elated to the changing r o l e of fringe communities i n the l i g h t of metropolitan expansion from the viewpoints of function and loc a t i o n . An attempt i s made to trace the socio-physical development of these centres i n the past and to determine t h e i r socio-physical context i n the present i n order to esta b l i s h whether or not they have p o s i t i v e and adequate reasons f o r continued existence, given a metro-p o l i t a n s e t t i n g . Advances i n a g r i c u l t u r a l and i n i n d u s t r i a l production techniques plus s i m i l a r advances i n transportation and communication technology have s i g n i f i c a n t l y altered the h i s t o r i c urban arrangements wherein man "worked, l i v e d and played" i n centralized urbanized c l u s t e r s . Rather these technological advances have permitted widespread decentralization of the above-mentioned functions but being lar g e l y on an unplanned basis, i n e f f i c i e n t , i r r a t i o n a l and uneconomic settlement and land use patterns have evolved. However, i n the l i g h t of further s o c i a l and technological achievements such problems of decentralization are now perceptible, thus i n e f f i c i e n c i e s presently inherent i n decentralization can, through sound metropolitan and regional planning be minimized. Planning i s fatuous i f i t 2 i s not r e l a t e d t o human needs and wants, thus a resume of why man chooses t o l i v e i n c i t i e s i s pre s e n t e d below. Man has c o n s i s t e n t l y congregated i n groups g e n e r a l l y f o r both m a t e r i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l r e a s o n s . Examples would i n c l u d e , j o i n t human e f f o r t In h a r n e s s i n g a stream t o e x p l o i t some form of energy or j o i n t human e f f o r t as a means of p r o v i d i n g u n i f i e d defence a g a i n s t a common enemy. Such needs cannot g e n e r a l l y be met through the a c t i o n s of a s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l . Furthermore, man i s a s o c i a l animal and d e s p i t e e x c e p t i o n s , he i s normally i n c l i n e d t o s a t i s f y h i s p h y s i c a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs through i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h h i s f e l l o w s . Mumford e x p l o r e s these concepts at l e n g t h and i l l u s t r a t e s them by drawing examples from the animal world, e.g., f i s h who "come t o g e t h e r i n herds and sch o o l s f o r mating and r e a r i n g t h e i r young". 1 I t can be argued t h e r e f o r e t h a t animals i n c l u d i n g man come t o g e t h e r t o s a t i a t e the need f o r s e c u r i t y as w e l l as t o f u l f i l l some f u n c t i o n a l purpose. Thus, d e s p i t e d i f f e r e n c e s i n degree, the f a c t t h a t needs and wants may be s a t i s f i e d through group or communal a c t i o n s e t s the stage f o r the urban agglomeration, which i n i t s u l t i m a t e form i s the c i t y or the m e t r o p o l i t a n r e g i o n . Inherent i n such a s o c i e t a l arrangement i s a d i v i s i o n of labour p r o v i d i n g i n th e o r y some form of optimum e f f i c i e n c y , e n a b l i n g t h e r e i n , the s a t i s f a c t i o n of man's most important p s y c h o l o g i c a l and 3 physical needs. The relevance of the foregoing to contemporary urban form i s twofold. F i r s t i t provides some i n t u i t i v e insight i n t o comprehending how, over time, the c i t y has grown, and second, i t suggests that the urban agglomeration i s need-centered, that i s , i t s a t i s f i e s man's basic psychological need, s o c i a b i l i t y ! I. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM Problem of accommodating urban growth. O r i g i n a l l y urban development consisted of diverse types of urban agglomerations each generally surrounded by an a g r i c u l t u r a l hinterland. The functions of these nodes varied but e s s e n t i a l l y they acted as meeting places f o r either governmental, commercial, r e l i g i o u s , c u l t u r a l or defensive purposes. However, the technological advances fostered by the I n d u s t r i a l Revolution necessitated a d i v i s i o n of labour, and t h i s had a marked impact on the e x i s t i n g urban structure. The urban agglomeration acquired a large r e s i d e n t i a l function and human i n t e r a c t i o n became more s i g n i f i c a n t than at any previous time i n h i s t o r y . Also transportation, being of a rather primitive nature i n terms' of today's modes, necessitated a close s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between In d u s t r i a l , commercial and r e s i d e n t i a l functions, thus urban settlement was dense and compact. The c i t y was 4 prevented from expanding by such transportation l i m i t a t i o n s , thus i n t e r a c t i o n between i t and the surrounding a g r i c u l t u r a l hinterland was more or less confined to normal trading channels. Contained within the hinterland as an adjunct to both, the a g r i c u l t u r a l uses of the hinterland and to the trading patterns of the central c i t y , were a series of small urban agglomerations performing service functions. Their locations could be accounted f o r i n a v a r i e t y of ways but i t was usually a function of convenient transportation connections between the central c i t y and the a g r i c u l t u r a l hinterland. Recently however, improved transportation and communication networks plus further i n d u s t r i a l progress, p a r t i c u l a r l y on the farm has had two e f f e c t s . F i r s t population movement from r u r a l areas to urban areas has increased s u b s t a n t i a l l y and second, the resultant urban growth has created both a horizontal and a v e r t i c a l expansion of the central c i t y . Vast land areas surrounding the ^ central c i t y have been converted from a g r i c u l t u r a l uses to r e s i d e n t i a l uses, generally without provision of further needed services such as commercial and c u l t u r a l f a c i l i t i e s . Commensurately, the o r i g i n a l function of the small a g r i -c u l t u r a l service centres has diminished to the point where these communities have become either the equivalent of ghost towns or seriously deteriorating communities. 5 A pattern of mixed a g r i c u l t u r a l and r e s i d e n t i a l land uses abutting the central c i t y Is not considered a desirable way of accommodating metropolitan population increases, due to the high expense of servicing such mixed land uses. This phenomenon coupled with the functional decline of many fringe communities not to mention increased congestion within the metropolitan region has led those concerned with land use problems to turn towards more e f f i c i e n t methodological alternatives of solving land use problems. In t h i s regard, the following three i d e a l patterns are possible: 1. Creation of new s a t e l l i t e towns surrounding the central c i t y but separated from i t by either public uses or a g r i c u l t u r a l uses. 2. Expansion of e x i s t i n g r u r a l service centres located on the periphery of the central c i t y . 3. A combination of both. The problem of accommodating urban growth i s one of universal concern. The l i t e r a t u r e i s replete with examples documenting observations on expanding central c i t i e s with consequent changes i n peripheral land use patterns. For example, the United Kingdom, attempting to eliminate the congestion of London, adopted a p o l i c y of creating new towns aligned around London, f a r enough away to deter large scale commuting yet close enough to allow the central c i t y to be reached within a reasonable time. Obviously such new towns are designed to be r e l a t i v e l y s e l f s u f f i c i e n t i n the 6 a v a i l a b i l i t y of employment and in daily social, cultural and recreational a c t i v i t i e s . Recently, however, policy has been directed towards not only the creation of new towns, but also the retention and expansion of existing towns as a means of accommodating metropolitan expansion. Among arguments favouring this policy is the following, that within old urban centres there is a semblance of social and economic organization representing a significant degree of public and private investment and retention of this i s deemed desirable, particularly when i t is recognized that these older centres tend to deteriorate and decline as new metropolitan transportation patterns bypass them. Thus i t is proposed in this thesis, using the Lower Mainland region of Br i t i s h Columbia as a case study, to attempt to assess the v i a b i l i t y of these older centres in order to determine whether they should be retained and expanded as a means towards accommodating anticipated urban growth, or whether, because of functional inefficiency, they should be eliminated. The Hypothesis. Any work purporting to be of sc i e n t i f i c quality requires the formulation of an hypothesis or a set of hypotheses which define the scope and frame of reference of the study. Defining and testing an hypothesis in this manner ensures the objectivity of the study (or in other words, the 7 p o s s i b i l i t y of an emotional bias influencing the r e s u l t i s more or less minimized). Subsequent to the formulation of an hypothesis, the objective i s to t e s t i t , normally empirically, with the ultimate end being the establishment of i t s r e l a t i v e v a l i d i t y . In t h i s thesis, the objective i s to determine the p o t e n t i a l usefulness of e x i s t i n g urban f r i n g e communities as f o c i f o r development i n the wake of metropolitan expan-sion. Such expansion i f l e f t to natural forces r e s u l t s i n various land uses being located i n a sprawling, i n e f f i c i e n t , and uneconomic pattern. No central com-munal focus emerges. Yet some ex i s t i n g f r i n g e communities may be suitably located with respect to accommodating urban growth as well as providing a community centre, thus to determine whether or not t h i s i s a v a l i d p o s s i b i l i t y and using the Lower Mainland region of B r i t i s h Columbia as a case study, an attempt i s made to t e s t the following hypothesis: In a metropolitan region where expansion from the core i s s t i l l taking place, predominantly on a horizontal plane, older urban service centres on the metropolitan fringe demand consideration as f o c i f o r new urban growth, provided t h e i r s u i t a b i l i t y i n terms of lo c a t i o n v i s - a - v i s the core area, and general socio-physical environment can be demonstrated. The hypothesis i s to be tested following a review of rural-urban population s h i f t s and a l t e r n a t i v e metropolitan structures, by selecting two Lower Mainland fri n g e communities 8 and analyzing them within the perspective of their location with respect to existing and potential metropolitan transportation linkages. Also assessed is the nature of their original functions vis-a-vis their present functions and their relationship in this regard to anticipated metro-politan needs. An attempt is also made to assess their economic base as well as to determine the degree of public and private investment in each community on the assumption that this w i l l contribute to an understanding of whether or not i t would be more economical to retain these fringe communities, ignore them, or phase them out and favour a policy of creating new sa t e l l i t e communities on the urban fringe, or a combination of these. In a case study of this nature, i t is d i f f i c u l t to structure the programme in such a manner that i t s results can be applicable to a l l metropolitan regions as questions of scale become relevant. For example, accommodating the population increases of the Vancouver metropolitan region poses somewhat different problems than accommodating the population increases of, say, the Los Angeles metropolitan region. Sheer numbers not to mention potential value differences mitigate against the universal applicability of u t i l i z i n g existing fringe communities as a means of accommodating metropolitan expansion. However, principles oftentimes provide a common thread such that problems can 9 be assessed i n a s i m i l a r manner, goals formulated and alternative goal forms selected. In t h i s regard, the reader would do well to recognize that the hypothesis being tested i n t h i s study i s a function of the goal to decentralize functions within the metropolitan region on a r a t i o n a l , planned basis and the method under analysis here i s but one possible goal form. I I . RELATIONSHIP OP THE PROBLEM TO COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING The community and regional planner i s fundamentally concerned with the problems of urban growth and metropolitan expansion. The h i s t o r i c conception that the planner was b a s i c a l l y concerned with providing a e s t h e t i c a l l y pleasing c i v i c design has given way to the conception of planning as being a comprehensive process with s o c i a l aims. Chapin regards i t as "a means f o r systematically a n t i c i p a t i n g and achieving adjustment i n the physical environment of a c i t y consistent with s o c i a l and economic trends and sound pr i n c i p l e s of c i v i c design." 2 Good planning creates a physical environment which consists of e f f i c i e n t and economic land use. As Keeble suggests, "planning i s needed to prevent I n t r i n s i c a l l y bad uses of land."3 U t i l i z i n g the preceding as the c r i t e r i o n , the r o l e of the planner in regard to urban growth is obvious. He i s concerned with anticipating future land use arrangements, the location of space using functions plus the allocation of land for such purposes. His frame of reference includes both the private and the public sector, yet his objectives are those of society's as expressed through i t s elected representatives. Relevant in this context is the pattern of land development and land use within a given area, be i t a city or a metropolitan region. Currently concerned with expanding metropolitan areas and the transportation and other land use problems therein, not to mention the problem of declining rural-urban fringe agglomerations of varying sizes, the metropolitan planner is attempting to solve such problems and create a balance or harmony of land uses consistent with society's broad goals of economy, efficiency and public safety. Thus the concern of the planner with urban growth problems, either in the Lower Mainland region of British Columbia, or any other metro-politan region, i s , as has been stated, a broad one and a prime example of his function. III. PREVIEW AND SUMMARY Preview. The remainder of this thesis describes the problems of urban growth from a social and physical point of view and concludes by testing the hypothesis. No review of the problem of metropolitan government i s presented, other than an indication of a possible conceptual administrative frame-work for implementing metropolitan land use plans, a broad description of the historical patterns of urban growth is given in Chapter II as well as an Indication of- probable causes of urban expansion. The concept of the metropolitan region is explored in Chapter III and consists of a discussion of alternative metropolitan structures. Further, i t w i l l emphasize the significance of the concepts of Interaction and inter-dependence as providing the c r i t e r i a for delimiting and evaluating the extent of a metropolitan region. Chapter IV consists of the case study analysis and begins by describing both the Lower Mainland region of British Columbia and the concept for i t s development as proposed by the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board. The case study communities are then assessed in terms of this concept. A broad discussion of the policy implications of the material presented in Chapter IV, as well as an evaluation of these implications concludes the thesis. Nummary. The basic purpose of the thesis, i s to test the possibility of u t i l i z i n g existing urban fringe communities as f o c i for metropolitan expansion, provided such communities have p o s i t i v e and adequate reasons f o r continued existence. The problem i s that expanding central c i t i e s have resulted i n settlement of the rural-urban fringe i n a sprawling, uneconomic, i n e f f i c i e n t , haphazard and perhaps s o c i a l l y undesirable manner. Vast t r a c t s of a g r i c u l t u r a l land have been given over to r e s i d e n t i a l land uses and these new uses seem to be established i n such a manner that no community focus emerges. I t i s essential therefore to entertain among possible solutions to t h i s problem, the concept of a series of p a r t i a l l y or t o t a l l y s e l f contained communities located i n the rural-urban f r i n g e . These communities would be separated from each other by either a g r i c u l t u r a l uses or public recreation uses and linked with each other by a network of super highways, as well as d i r e c t l y linked to the central c i t y . One method of achieving such an objective i s by expanding e x i s t i n g fringe communities. FOOTNOTES 1 Lewis Mumford, The C i t y i n H i s t o r y (New York: H a r c o u r t , B r a c e and World, I n c . , 1 9 6 1 ) , p . 5 « 2 F. S t u a r t C h a p i n , J r . , Urban Land Use P l a n n i n g (Urbana: U n i v e r s i t y o f I l l i n o i s P r e s s , 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 6 . 3 L e w i s K e e b l e , P r i n c i p l e s and P r a c t i c e o f Town and  Country P l a n n i n g (London, U.K.: The E s t a t e s G a z e t t e , L t d . , 1961)/ P. 9-CHAPTER I I PATTERNS OP URBAN GROWTH One of the most s i g n i f i c a n t phenomena of the nine-teenth and twentieth centuries has been the growth and expansion of c i t i e s . I t has been during t h i s period of history that large scale i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n has evolved. Pr i o r to the nineteenth century the world was characterized by an agrarian economy and land occupence r e f l e c t e d a r u r a l pattern of development. C i t i e s as exemplified by the contemporary metropolitan form of urbanization were v i r t u a l l y non-existent, with the possible exceptions of Rome and Peking. This i s at t r i b u t a b l e to the lack of technology and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n as commercial, i n d u s t r i a l , a g r i -c u l t u r a l and economic conditions were nowhere near the stage of maintaining large urban agglomerations i n the form of providing basic and service employment or consumer goods. In addition, the demand f o r mass production of consumer goods was more or less n e g l i g i b l e as an agrarian economy implies, by d e f i n i t i o n , a r e l a t i v e state of s e l f s u f f i c i e n c y . E x i s t i n g urban agglomerations were small i n size and those a g r i c u l t u r a l needs a r i s i n g within them could e a s i l y be s a t i s f i e d by the area's immediate hinterland. The need f o r , and production of, consumer goods i n a massive way did not occur u n t i l the I n d u s t r i a l Revolution per se, began, and i t was at t h i s point i n time that the urban agglomeration as expressed in con-temporary form began to take form. I. IMPACT GP THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION ON THE PROCESS OP URBANIZATION The following four variables indicate the techno-logical conditions leading to urbanization. 1. An improvement in agricultural efficiency. 2. The development of power machine Industry. 3. The application of power to transportation. 4. The development of modern sanitation.1 Ehe invention of the steam engine in l~[6o is widely interpreted as marking the beginning of the industrial revolution. It provided mechanical power which f a c i l i t a t e d among other things, transportation, coal mining and large scale production of iron and steel, with the latter generally regarded as the backbone of an industrialized urban economy. At this time England for example achieved the transition from an agrarian to an industrialized economy. Industrial progress and profit were the prime objectives with social progress important only in so far as i t assisted in the attainment of the former objective. The prime product of the industrial revolution was mass production i.e. the factory system, which to be functionally successful required a large supply of and division of labour. Commensurate with and a l l i e d with the factory system, was greater efficiency in agricultural production d u e t o m e c h a n i z a t i o n a n d t h i s c r e a t e d a d e c l i n e i n t h e d e m a n d f o r f a r m l a b o u r . T h i s t h e r e f o r e p r o v i d e d a n u c l e u s o f l a b o u r f o r i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n , a n d c r e a t e d t h e p u s h o f t h e f a r m p o p u l a t i o n t o w a r d s t h e c i t i e s . T h e e f f e c t o f t h e I n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n o n t h e c i t y f o r m a n d i t s r a t e o f g r o w t h was i n c r e d i b l e , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e e a r l y s t a g e s w h e r e i n E n g l a n d , f o r e x a m p l e , p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e s p r i o r t o l 8 0 0 a p p r o x i m a t e d 6 p e r c e n t p e r d e c a d e , b u t b e t w e e n 1801 a n d 1811 t h e i n c r e a s e was 29 p e r c e n t , w i t h t h e b u l k o f t h i s i n c r e a s e o c c u r r i n g i n c i t i e s . A m o r e r e a l i s t i c i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e e f f e c t s o f t h e a d v a n c e m e n t o f t e c h n o l o g y o n u r b a n i z a t i o n i s p r o v i d e d b y T a b l e I o n p a g e 1 7 . " T h e g e n e r a l i n c r e a s e i n n u m b e r s w a s a c c o m p a n i e d b y a d r a w i n g o f t h e s u r p l u s i n t o c i t i e s , a n d i n i m m e n s e e n l a r g e m e n t o f t h e a r e a o f t h e b i g g e r c e n t r e s . U r b a n -i z a t i o n i n c r e a s e d i n a l m o s t d i r e c t p r o p o r t i o n t o i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . V i l l a g e s e x p a n d e d i n t o t o w n s , t o w n s b e c a m e m e t r o p o l i s e s . " 2 T h e l a y o u t o f t h e c i t y f o l l o w e d a g r i d - i r o n p l a n w i t h t h e d o m i n a n t b u i l d i n g b e i n g t h e r a i l w a y s t a t i o n , f o l l o w e d b y f a c t o r i e s w i t h t h e l a t t e r s u r r o u n d e d b y s l u m s . T h i s was p a r t i c u l a r l y s o i n N o r t h A m e r i c a a n d l e d t o t h e 6 i t y B e a u t i f u l m o v e m e n t a t t h e e n d o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . E s s e n t i a l l y m a c h i n e - o r i e n t e d , t h e c i t y c o n t a i n e d l i t t l e i n t h e way o f p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s , s c h o o l s , s h o p p i n g f a c i l i t i e s and places of recreation. Land use within the city was not functionally differentiated, thus mixed land uses tended to congregate around the central core which was generally the railroad station and the factory. Adjacent to these uses were residential and commercial functions such that the general tone of the city was one of drabness, a result created essentially by industrial soot, which provided an unsafe and unhealthy livi n g environment. In this regard, i t is prudent to recognize that "any interpre-tation of the growth of cities during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries must necessarily recognize the indust-r i a l revolution as a causative factor."3 TABLE I PERCENTAGE GP POPULATION IN URBAN AND RURAL JURISDICTIONS, U.S.A., I 7 9 O - I 9 6 O CENSUS YEAR URBAN RURAL 1790 5.1 94.9 1600 6.1 93.9 1810 7.3 92.7 1820 7.2 92.8 I83O 8.8 §1.2 1840 10.8 89.2 1850 15.3 84.7 i860 19.8 80.2 1870 2§.7 74.3 l8«0 28.2 71.8 I89O 35.1 64.9 1900 • 39.7 60.3 1910 45.7 1920 51.2 48.8 1930 56.2 43.8 1940 56.5 43.5 1950 58.7 41.3 I960 6V.1 ^6.9 Source: Scott, Jr., J., and Spangle, Jr., W.E. The growth and Development of Cities. University of California, unpublished monograph. 18 II. CENTRAL CITY CONGESTION The growth of a city i s a function of the services i t performs be they economic or social and the extent and quality of these services w i l l dictate 3bhe size and character of the city. These services or activities require a high degree of interaction i f they are to operate effectively and this ensures their location in a somewhat concentrated fashion. Thus, there has usually evolved in the urban agglomeration, a central core, generally referred to as the Central Business District and this in turn i s surrounded by high density residential land uses. If a city meets the economic and social needs of the community effectively, inertia ensures a continuation of this process such that "once started a city acts as a nucleus for similar or related ac t i v i t i e s , and functions tend to pyramid (...), H^ regardless of the city's original function. A process of functional attraction and convenience tends to be operative here, with, for example, heavy Industrial establishments tending to attract tertiary industrial establishments in the same locale or similarly, transport operations in a port city tending to attract a labour supply that elects to reside nearby. In regard to labour supply and the need thereof, techniques of mass production require such, consequently growth of an area adjacent to a significant production centre i s definite, particularly i f the inducement to settlement i s economically oriented. The relationship between the industrial revolution and urban growth is accounted for by recognizing that i n i t i a l industrial growth is a result of this revolution and is historically oriented to a time when settlement was restricted by transportation c r i t e r i a . Thus ci t i e s tended to grow on a relatively dense scale and continued as such until i n i t i a l l y , public transit and then widespread ownership and use of individual motor vehicles became feasible as well as until the forces of congestion became so strangling that decentralization was the only alternative. The preceding does not mean to imply that two or more forces can be used to account for decentral-ization of urban functions but rather, that they are both interacting forces with an interdependent Influence on urban form. Suggested above is the condition that widespread ut i l i z a t i o n of the automobile has influenced city congestion and indeed i t has. Cities that have acquired status as dominant metropolitan centres or central cities have done so over time, thus their physical layout is far from oriented to the automobile, hence in the light of the diverse act i v i t i e s cities perform, congestion i s inevitable. Not only in North America, but throughout the world, metropolitan centres are comparatively old ci t i e s , built essentially at a time when automobile travel was rare. Roadways in such cit i e s are equipped to accommodate only mass transit and perhaps a minimum of private vehicle movement, but by no means are they able to accommodate individual automobile use from the perspectives of both movement and storage. Thus, i f contemporary values of individual transportation are to be retained, decentralization of industry and people is not only inevitable but also warranted. This is further enhanced because of the demands on central core land vis-a-vis costs of operation, particularly when peripher-al land is generally available at relatively cheaper prices. But must decentralization occur i n such a manner that the heterogeneous urban form i s forgotten? Must i t result in destroying the historic balance between urban and rural land uses? Must i t create unbalanced single function communities? It shouldn't and doesn't have to, i f i t is planned for on a rational, objective basis subject to metropolitan goals and objectives. III. FORMS OF CITY EXPANSION Taking as given that urban growth generally infers horizontal expansion from a central city, i t remains to be described what is understood by the central city and how this expansion takes place. Within any given metropolitan regional setting, a series of urban agglomerations exists and among these centres, there is normally a dominant area, performing a central function for the entire region. For example, the City of Vancouver meets this description with respect to the Lower Mainland region of British Columbia. A dominant city may emerge as a result of historical ac-cident or as a result of superior location with respect to commercial, industrial and transportation functions. Nevertheless, so long as this condition is consistant over a period of time, the dominant centre w i l l expand and reinforce i t s functional advantage. Other small agglomerations within the immediate locale of the dominant centre w i l l either grow or decline depending on function, and they w i l l always be in the shadow of the dominant centre, with the possibility of any one of them achieving a role of dominance neglible except perhaps in the short run. Historical inertia is such a powerful agent that once a dominant centre reaches a proportionately large size, only a drastic change in the urban way of l i f e w i l l contribute to i t s demise. Further i t s dominance is consistent and continuing in proportion to i t s functional significance within the metropolitan region. Perhaps only congestion in the dominant centre w i l l operate to create i t s demise and this w i l l In turn lead to the deconeentration and the decentralization of functions, although other forces such as resource development may be operative. As suggested, many functions performed in the central city contribute to i t s position of dominance and these functions are generally spatially related in the Central Business District or adjacent thereto. Here is the financial centre of the community and consequently the financial centre of a city region and this incorporates, among other things, "the largest banks, business counselors, loan companies, credit rating agencies and the offices of security brokers."5 Located in the G.B.D. as well, are the largest r e t a i l , administrative, wholesale and industrial centres of the region serving "the region of which the city c. is only a part. ° The C.B.D. i s also the centre for pro-fessional services and cultural functions. The preceding being a brief historical analysis of the C.B.D. indicates that the interaction of several functions contributed to the dominant position of the central city. A further Important aspect of city structure is residential land use. The non-existence of individual automobile transportation late in the nineteenth century and early in the twentieth century necessitated reliance on mass transit in the form of horse cars, streetcars and later, buses. This lack of an individual mode of transportation resulted in residential location close to or adjacent to the Central Business District or other employment centres. Here both workers and shoppers could satisfy their relevant needs in a pleasant manner. But Inevitably as a result of population increases, including migration, expansion w i l l occur, and this, combined with mass ut i l i z a t i o n of private individual transportation, namely, the automobile, generally results in a horizontal expansion of the central c i t y . What is relevant here i s what form central city expansion takes. There are three well known theories that explain city 1. Concentric Zone Theory 2. Sector Theory 3. Multiple Nuclei Theory The concentric zone theory conceived by E.W. Burgess in the "twenties" conceptualizes five zones within an urban area. The zones as presented below, spread outwards from the Central Business D i s t r i c t . 1. Central Business Di s t r i c t . 2. Zone of Transition. 3. Zone of Workingmen's Homes. 4. Zone of Better Residences. 5. Commuters1 Zone. The sector theory developed by Homer Hoyt suggests that the community comprises five zones also and essentially postulates that residential areas are a function of transpor-tation linkages. expansion as described below:7 The five zones are as follows: 1. Central Business District. 2. Wholesale and Light Manufacturing. . Low-Class Residential. . Medium-Class Residential. 5- High-Class Residential. Multiple Nuclei Theory. This concept recognizes that a series of nuclei exist within the urban community, with each one performing a somewhat specialized function. Not exp l i c i t l y oriented to the central core the multiple nuclei concept nevertheless implies i t s existence and posits that i t w i l l be located in the area of easiest accessibility from each of the nuclei. The inherent sug-gestion is that areas between the nuclei are ultimately f i l l e d in by urban expansion. While the three theories may be somewhat oversimpli-fied in the light of contemporary knowledge, they are useful as yardsticks in accounting for urban growth. Por example, i t is recognizable, that urban expansion seems originally to be a privilege of the more affluent, presumably because historically they have been the f i r s t to possess the necessary wherewithal! pertaining to automobile ownership or to engage In commuting by some form of mass transit. As personal incomes rise however, population shifts outward become more consistent. What the theories don't explain and what is important, are the forms urban growth takes on the periphery of the central city or in the urban-rural fringe. Providing a possible solution to t h i s aspect of urban growth, i s of course, the primary objective of t h i s t h e s i s . IV. THE URBAN-RURAL FRINGE Related to urban expansion and a function of the a g r i c u l t u r a l hinterland surrounding the c i t y i s the oft referred to urban-rural f r i n g e . I t can be defined as that area adjacent to the central c i t y , possessing a high degree of non-urban uses. In the words of W.T. Martin, "the r u r a l -urban f r i n g e , that area of interpenetrating r u r a l and urban land uses peripheral to the modern c i t y , i s today the most r a p i d l y growing area of residence." 0 I t i s not a new phenomenon, but an accelerating one, growing because of the i n d i v i d u a l d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the congested central c i t y plus widespread ownership and use of the automobile. But unlike the usual series of small communities scattered throughout the fringe over time and att r i b u t a b l e to i n t e r -urban r a i l l i n e s , the urban fringe i s now a function of mass r e s i d e n t i a l decentralization. In the former instance, small n u c l e i served the function of either small a g r i -c u l t u r a l service centres of bedroom communities for central c i t y workers or a combination of both. However i n the contemporary sense, the fringe i s becoming one amorphous mass containing at least o r i g i n a l l y : a motley c o l l e c t i o n of t r a i l e r camps, motels, markets, service stations, taverns, auto-wrecking yards, junk shops . . . . an untidy hodge-podge of miserable, unpainted shacks, with hand-pumps and backyard p r i v i e s , spacious country estates with landscaped grounds, intensively c u l t i v a t e d commercial farms, straggling unkept gardens and s o l i d blocks of middle class and working men's homes. Inconsistent and incompatible land uses p r e v a i l on every side.9 Generally, development of the urban fringe has been chaotic, unplanned and i r r a t i o n a l . The problems i t has created transcend s o c i a l and economic perspectives. S o c i a l , because, an amorphous mass of r e s i d e n t i a l homes, centred occasionally by shopping centres provides no r e a l com-munity form or no semblance of community organization. Economic, because the pattern of scattered r e s i d e n t i a l development i n the fringe has forced perplexed, inexper-ienced mun i c i p a l i t i e s to provide sewers, water, schools and other urban type services, but without the aid of both a broad, d i v e r s i f i e d tax base and high enough density to economically support these services economically. Psycho-l o g i c a l l y , such development has had an effe c t on fringe residents as w e l l , for commuting to and from the central core d a i l y i s according to some psychologists, having a deleterious effect on the human psyche. The advantages of compactness, such as d i v e r s i t y of services, minimization of the journey to work, school and shopping are non-existent i n the urban f r i n g e . Decentral-i z a t i o n has produced "sprawl" and alternatives to t h i s land use arrangement are required. 27 FOOTNOTES 1 M. Scott, Jr., and W.E. Spangle, Jr., The Growth and  Development of Cities and the Evolution of City Planning (Los Angeles: University of California, 1958), p. 17 (mimeographed). 2 ibid., p. 18. 3 ibid., p. 18. 4 N.P. Gist and L.A. Halbert, Urban Society (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1933)* P« 79* 5 R.B. Andrews, Urban Growth and Development (New York: Simmons-Boardman Publishing Corporation, 1962), p. 57* 6 ibid.. p. 58. 7 Chauncy D. Harris and Edward L. Ullman, "The Nature of Cities," Readings in Urban Geography. Harold M..Mayer and Clyde F. Kohn, editors (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1959), pp. 277-286. 8 W. T. Martin, The Rural-Urban Fringe (Eugene: University of Oregon Press, 1953), P« 9 ibid., p. 5. CHAPTER I I I THE METROPOLITAN CONCEPT The term "metropolitan region" possesses an ambiva-lent q u a l i t y as s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s and j o u r n a l i s t s have used i t to convey a var i e t y of meanings thus "an investigator has both the l i b e r t y and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to define i t 4n a way that seems suitable f o r his purposes.""*" No attempt at a precise and i n f l e x i b l e d e f i n i t i o n i s made here, but rather a documentation of the various descrip-t i v e meanings applied to the term i s presented. This i s necessary to r e s t r i c t e f f e c t i v e l y the frame of reference of t h i s thesis from being expanded into a generalized h i s t o r i c account of the "metropolitan region" and i t s future form. Further, i t i s necessary to indicate e f f e c t i v e l y what the general structure of a metropolitan region i s so that the reader can r e l a t e i t s relevance to ex i s t i n g communities within a region. Within any metro-p o l i t a n region there are several urban nodes, some of which are i n effect small towns and as stated before i t i s the purpose of t h i s thesis to determine whether or not these small towns may be suitable as f o c i f o r metropolitan growth. Thus, presented below, i s a b r i e f resume of the thoughts of Gras, McKenzie and Chapin, among others, as to what constitute the ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a metropolitan region. I. IDENTIFICATION OF THE METROPOLITAN REGION 29 A precise definition of the metropolitan region i s beyond the scope of this paper, thus reliance must be placed on the identification of features that are characteristic of them. One of the more superficial means of conceptual" izing a metropolitan region i s to regard i t as the total urbanized area surrounding and including a given urban agglomeration. However such conceptualizations can be deceptive i f for no other reason than that a precise definition of "urbanized" has yet to be formulated. Students of "metropolitanism" have thus derived concepts such as "dominance", described in Chapter Two, "inter-dependence" and "interaction", among others, to improve the techniques of identifying and describing the metropolitan region. A recent a r t i c l e by Friedmann and Alonso, which appears in Regional Development and Planning contains the following definition of the metropolitan region: they are large urban centres of industry, commerce and administration that, together, with their immed-iate region of influence, possess high potentialities for further economic expansion.2 This is a somewhat vague and inconclusive definition since there is neither reference to "structure" and "form" nor is there any consideration given to the possible importance of transportation linkages and their effects on urban expansion. Similarly, i s potential for economic expansion an important criterion in an already established metropolitan region? The preceding indicates the problems inherent i n trying to define per se the metropolitan region and further indicates the advantage of developing c r i t e r i a to describe the phenomenon. In 1926, Gras conceptualized five types of economic organization consisting of the collectional economy, the cultural nomadic economy, the settled village economy, the town economy and the metropolitan economy with the latter comprising "a great commercial city as nucleus and a large surrounding area as hinterland."3 He suggests that the metropolitan region arises through commerce and organization in the central city. This implies interdependence between the hinterland and the central city and consequent functional specialization, with in Gras* viewpoint, four essential functions, namely: 1. Organizing the market. 2. Industrial development. Development of transportation. . Development of financial organization.^ MacKenzie, writing in 1933 extended the notion of functional specialization and interaction and introduced the phenomenon of automobile transportation as being in a large way responsible for the growth of a metropolitan region. The concept of central city dominance can also be attributed to McKenzie as the following suggests: geographically i t extends as far as the city exerts a dominant influence. It is essentially an expanded pattern of local communal l i f e based upon motor transportation.5 He recognizes that within a metropolitan region there are a series of urban nodes, in addition to a central or primate city, with the former assuming a role of sub-dominance and the latter a role of dominance, with functional specialization and interdependence present between the two. The subdorainant centres are reflections of the dominant centre and in the words of Chapin, they: must specialize in the direction indicated by the dominant centre, particularly in the trade and service functions but to a less extent in manufactur-ing a c t i v i t y . " It is therefore possible to perceive of the metro-politan region as a large urban region consisting of a central city and a hierarchy of settlements. The central city acts as both a supply centre for settlements within the region and as a market centre for diversified products produced within the region. This mutual interdependence is reinforced by transportation f a c i l i t i e s linking the central city with the remainder of the region. In addition each urban node exhibits functional specialization particularly with respect to residential land use. The central city assumes i t s position of dominance by virtue of providing a ready market as well as through i t s control of transportation and communication f a c i l i t i e s . Thus urban 32 nodes within a metropolitan region can be classified. In conclusion, Priedmann has provided an effective summary with respect to describing the metropolitan region; The new city (the metropolitan region) may be identified as a density configuration that i s measured by the flows of interaction within a given "matrix". This matrix, however, has no firm boundaries but represents a continuum of densities of interaction where the actual lines of division become more or less arbitrary symbols put down for convenience.? The above brief analysis, although not specific, indicates that interaction, interdependence and functional specialization, are the essential c r i t e r i a relevant to identifying the metropolitan region. Finally, within a metropolitan region, there are, in addition to a dominant city, several smaller identifiable communities whose functional existence may be a result of either a special purpose, such as an agricultural service centre, or, historic growth of the central city. Paramount however, i s the notion that the metropolitan region is identifiable more by function than by structure and this suggests the investi-gator ex p l i c i t l y recognize such concepts as dominance. II. METROPOLITAN STRUCTURE Having reviewed generally the concepts and the characteristics that identify a metropolitan region, the alternative forms of metropolitan structures are reviewed in this section. Regardless of the structure a metropolitan area exhibits, three functional forces provide the sole raison d'etre. These are f i r s t , residential land use, second, commercial land use and third, industrial land use. (For simplicity, administrative and educational functions are included in the commercial classification). Metropolitan land use patterns w i l l be dictated by the interaction of the three above forces. They in turn w i l l derive their form as a result of transportation linkages within the region. Thus the concept of accessibility to functional land uses may be regarded as an important determinant of metropolitan land use. The concept of act i v i t i e s is related to the concept of accessibility. Activities for the purpose of this section refers to the "innumerable interactions between people and groups which occur—always changing, always requiring accommodation."B Activities are a function of the physical setting. Therefore the interactions of individuals, i.e., a c t i v i t i e s , w i l l be a function of their diverse needs and wants. The environment is defined here as the total spatial area involved in satiating individual needs and wants. Obviously there i s a concentration of ac t i v i t i e s , but the degree of concentration w i l l be a function of technological capabilities. For example, historically, individuals could satisfy their needs and wants within a f a i r l y limited area. However, modern transportation techniques have enabled man to journey previously unheard of distances in the quest for need satisfaction. To give an example: The decline for farm labour in an agricultural area has not prevented an unemployed individual from journeying to another concentration, say, a lumber m i l l , to obtain a l i v i n g . But whether or not this individual w i l l return to the agricultural area to reside depends upon the distance between the two points and related to this is accessibility. If accessibility i s conveniently provided in the form of a f i r s t class highway and the time differential between two concentrations is not excessive, an individual may commute to and fro. Assume further that the time distance does not exceed ninety minutes by automobile. Then individuals residing in the agricultural area who find that their needs and wants cannot be satisfied w i l l journey to another concentration, such as a commercial area. Here accommoda-tions in the form of buildings provide the necessary goods and services desired. To conclude this example, imagine an entrepreneur who perceives the need for his merchandise with-in the agricultural area. He may locate an outlet at that point in order to service the agricultural community, but his success in the venture w i l l be not only a function of the local demand for the product, which w i l l manifest i t s e l f in a new activity pattern and a new concentration, but also, h i s a c c e s s i b i l i t y with respect to sources of supply which involves transportations costs, w i l l also be important. The objective i n deriving the preceding model involving the concepts of a c c e s s i b i l i t y and a c t i v i t i e s i s to aid i n conceptualizing the structure of a metropolitan region. Such a region consists almost exclusively of a series of a c t i v i t i e s performed by I t s t o t a l population and the i n t e n s i t y of the i n t e r a c t i o n of these a c t i v i t i e s i s c l e a r l y a function of a c c e s s i b i l i t y . A c c e s s i b i l i t y may be of varying modes, e.g., r a i l and motor vehicle: but within these two variables the structure of land use may vary considerably. H i s t o r i c metropolitan regions, such as New York, Chicago and London, owe t h e i r structure to r a i l transportation. Communities evolved adjacent to railway stations along main l i n e routes emanating from the c i t y centre and because of the ultimate r e l a t i o n s h i p to the central c i t y , the l a t t e r * s p o s i t i o n of dominance was i n t e n s i f i e d . A c t i v i t i e s were concentrated i n small suburban communities to be sure, however, only the central c i t y provided the accommodations; f o r example, commercial and i n d u s t r i a l establishments to a t t r a c t the majority of human a c t i v i t i e s . Thus the metropolitan pattern grew out of an o r i g i n a l land use arrangement consisting of a central c i t y and a series of communities strun along major r a i l l i n e s . Continued population growth ultimately, because of 36" poor land use controls, f i l l e d in the vacant land between such communities and the central city. This implies that within a metropolitan region, there is a high degree of interdependence. The preceding can be contrasted with the Los Angeles metropolitan region or any region that has experienced the bulk of i t s growth during the automobile era. Here, the central city expanded in such a manner that subsequent development reflected the automobiles1 a b i l i t y to penetrate any land area connected to the central city by a roadway. Thus metropolitan growth evolved in the form of a single sprawling amorphous mass, however needs and wants were satisfied to a large degree in the central city. A high degree of interdependence is is implicit here as well. Other metropolitan regions may not reflect the characteristic of a solid mass of urbanization, but rather consist of a series of communities separated by distinct agricultural land uses. Although such regions apparently exist in the United Kingdom, perhaps the best known example is the Piedmont region of North and South Carolina as discussed by Chapin and Weiss.9 Here there is a hierarchy of cities but the inhabitants of the region rely on a l l of them for goods and services and as Chapin and Weiss suggest, a high degree of interdependence is perceptible. III. POSSIBLE METROPOLITAN STRUCTURES As suggested in the preceding section, the historic metropolitan region was limited by the extent of r a i l transit lines that linked an individual's home with his place of work and major commercial and recreation-a l centres. But because of increased individual mobility as a result of the automobile, metropolitan regions have expanded rapidly such that to-day's pressing needs include determining improved patterns of metropolitan form to over-come the alleged maladaptive effects of urban sprawl. This problem of congestion rampant in metropolitan regions of today has been partly the result of increased white collar employment in the central city and the apparently almost universal desire for single family homes. A balance of these two variables must be sought but "until we establish our long range metropolitan-wide goals and express them as regional plans for metropolitan structure, i t is not l i k e l y that we can intelligently solve our current problems". 1 0 Consequently planners and other students of the urban community including architects and geographers have been designing a l l manner of possible metropolitan land use arrangements, but they are largely Utopian in concept reflecting only the values of the individual "architect", "that reject the complexities of the economy and of urban cultures." 1 1 Nevertheless, continued inefficiency originating from current metropolitan structures is bringing about a gradual merger of three of the most well known metropolitan concepts. The three concepts range from Le Corbusier's "¥ille Radieuse" to Wright's "Broadacre City" and Howard and Stein's "Garden or Regional C i t y . " 1 2 The most plausible seems to be an adaptation of Howard's concept of self-contained communities surrounding a comparatively dominant central city. It envisages a series of self-contained s a t e l l i t e c i t i e s , limited in size, and separated from the central city, by a permanent green belt of varying wjjdth. The central city would be prevented from expanding hori-zontally, rather, urban growth would be directed to satel-l i t e c i t i e s . Stein's own concept varies somewhat as indicated by the following: The regional city consists of a group of communities which, in the aggregate, should be large enough to support economically the essential equipment of a modern American city. Each community, in addition to i t s residential function, may serve one or more specialized functions . . . . Because the unit of scale of the Regional City is the free safe use of the automobile, the residents of any community within the city are as near in time to other communities. 1-3 Recognizing that "urban growth patterns are no longer narrowly restrained by their dependence upon the location of raw materials, port f a c i l i t i e s and r a i l transportation," 1^ Stein's proposal i s essentially an arrangement providing max-imum amenity and minimum congestion within the metropolitan region. However, the possibility of creating self-contained s a t e l l i t e c i t i e s , while a desirable goal, may be dubious given North American values and industrial location patterns. But retention of the existing arrangement does not provide the optimum, so perhaps a compromise between the two i s the most desirable solution, with self-containment being the ultimate goal. In this regard the Nation's  Capital.!5 a plan for the Washington, D.C. metropolitan region, prepared by the National Capital Planning Commis-sion in 1961 merits analysis. This document describes a series of alternative metropolitan forms any one of which could be adopted by a regional authority. Beginning with the conception that the future popu-lation of the region would inevitably settle outside of the central city, the National Capital Planning Commission formulated a series of goals to achieve this end in an effective, efficient manner. The f i r s t alternative incorporated retention of the existing pattern, i.e. unplanned sprawl. Suburban areas would continue as single family residential areas rather than as integrated, self-contained communities. Industrial location would be a function of subjectively determined considerations, and transportation to and from the central city would be more or less l e f t to piecemeal planning. The alternative to the above is the dispersed city concept, which in i t s e l f involves several alternatives. Essentially the concept involves the creation of suburban communities designed around individual business d i s t r i c t s . Self-contained communities i s a long term goal thus within each community, certain lands would be designated as future industrial use. Dispersed communities would be designed to accommodate a specified ultimate population at specified densities. Once this population level was attained additional new communities would be created. The land area between the various suburban communities and the central city would be subject to three uses, agri-cultural, recreational and unoccupied. Transportation to the central city would be provided in the form of both rapid transit by r a i l for mass commuting and by freeways, to accommodate individual automobile transportation. The advantages of the Washington conception and others of a similar nature are numerous. By mixing the types of housing and by allocating land for industrial purposes, "each resident of the Region could find housing suitable to his needs within a reasonable distance of his job; and conversely, each would have a variety of alternative job opportunities within easy reach of his home."1^ In addition, heterogeneous communities of the nature anticipated would theoretically provide more in the vein of social and cultural phenomena than would mass residential suburbs. A pattern of dispersed ci t i e s could take a variety of forms according to the National Capital Planning Commission report. One alternative would designate a series of communities circumferentially located to the central area, but at a distance of ten or more miles from the periphery of the central city. The advantage of this alternative i s that i t may ensure self-contained communities in the long run particularly once a distance of forty to sixty miles from the central city is approached. This would involve a curtailment of the journey to work, but contemporary travel speeds and modes would also ensure that the centralized functions performed by the central city could be reached within an acceptable time span. A second proposed alternative would result in the location of either new communities or expanded existing communities at the periphery of the central city. Such an arrangement i s advantageous in that i t embraces continued interaction with the central city, but, without extremely stringent land use controls, the possibility of creating the proverbial amorphous mass of urbanization is most l i k e l y . The f i n a l proposal was the "Radial Corridor Plan". In this alternative, new, ultimately self-contained commun-i t i e s would be created within transportation "corridors 42 radiating outward from the center of the Region. "17 Transportation linkages seem to provide the ingred-ient leading to the success of any one of the p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Obviously a system of dispersed cities w i l l require not only a highly integrated system of high speed highways linking each city. Also, the problem of t r a f f i c congestion can-not possibly be solved without the availability,; of rapid transit. This was perceived by the National Capital Planning Commission and led to their recommending the acceptance of the "Radial Corridor Plan". Two major advantages to future metropolitan form occur under such a plan, namely a highly effective system of communication between the central city and the s a t e l l i t e communities, also, a considerable amount of open space between fthe various communities and radial sectors would be provided. IV. FUNCTIONAL ANALYSIS OF METROPOLITAN REGIONS An attempt has been made in the preceding sections of this chapter to describe the theoretical aspects of the metropolitan region. In addition, a section describing the possible future forms of the metropolitan region was pre-sented. This section attempts to indicate post-war trends of land use patterns in metropolitan regions from the point of view of function. For convenience, the analysis delimits the relevant functions into the following categories; "3 manufacturing, r e t a i l trade and r e s i d e n t i a l . In addition, some data regarding the importance of the Central Business D i s t r i c t are introduced. Manufacturing. Generally speaking, a l l of the above functions have over time been the major inputs leading to the form of a metropolitan region, focusing on a central c i t y . "Of these a c t i v i t i e s , manufacturing has shown the greatest tendency to suburbanize."^ I t i s f e l t that t h i s change i s due e s s e n t i a l l y to the congestion apparent i n most central c i t i e s . The increasing perfection of motor vehicle transportation has provided the impetus for i n d u s t r i a l i s t s to move outward toward cheaper land and greater room. Further inducements to decentralize manufacturing establishments have come i n the form of economic incentives emanating from the administrators of small towns located i n the periphery. There i s some evidence that t h i s decentralization i s occurring almost exclusively i n small towns. S t a t i s t i c a l support for the above contention i n d i -cates that since 19^8, between 35 and 6 0 per cent of metropolitan manufacturing establishments have located beyond central c i t i e s . S i m i l a r l y , i n f i v e large American c i t i e s , manufacturing employment has declined at an average of 6 per cent between 1947 and 1 9 5 H . 1 9 Contributing to the increase of manufacturing a c t i v i t y beyond the central c i t y has been the extensive development of planned Industrial Estates. Such estates to function require large amounts of cheap, vacant land, the availability of which is non-existent in the central city with the possible exception of areas slated for urban redevelopment. Retail Trade. The extent of shopping centres in suburban areas i s well known. Generally speaking new commercial establishments have grown more rapidly in the urban fringe than in the central city. Whether or not they follow residential expansion or precede i t i s irrelevant in this context; the point remains, the fringe abounds with shopping f a c i l i t i e s . However, the type of commercial establishments migrating to the fringe seem to be those that can effect maximum standardization. This includes grocery establishments, automobile service and repair stations, and department stores. Using department stores as an index, the following figures indicate the extensiveness of suburban commercial development. The percentage of department store sales in central business di s t r i c t s approached 90 per cent in 1 9 2 0 , 69 per cent in 1948 and 59 P e r cent in 195^' Suburban department store sales as long ago as in 1957* exceeded C.B.D. department store sales in Los Angeles metropolitan region. 2 0 Thus i t is possible to suggest that, in general, r e t a i l f a c i l i t i e s of a non-specialized nature are growing more rapidly in the fringe than in the central c i t i e s and are in many cases, reporting sales of a greater magnitude. Generally, their provision tends to follow population movements to the fringe, thus providing urban goods and services to fringe residents. Residential. The great numbers of people moving into the urban fringe i s well known. In the United States in i960, "39.5 per cent of nearly 96 million people in 213 urbanized areas were l i v i n g in the urban f r i n g e . " 2 1 Generally speaking, the single family home accounts for 65$ of the total dwelling units in fringe areas as opposed to 3°$ in the central c i t i e s . Population composition and characteristics vary considerably between the central city and the urban fringe. The population of the fringe is generally younger, the married proportion is higher, families are larger, and a higher proportion of dwelling units are owner occupied. An ar t i c l e by Schnore and Varley in 1955 indicated that in metropolitan regions with a central city population of 500,000 or more median family income is higher in the fringe areas as i s the median school year completed, than in the central c i t y . 2 2 Fringe residential areas are, as Harris has indicated, essentially residential (approximately 55$) o r industrially oriented. 23 The latter include suburban areas consisting of either industrial and residential functions or exclusively industrial functions. The location of fringe 46 residential development is to repeat, essentially related to transportation networks. The Central Business Dis t r i c t . This portion of a metropolitan region has, as mentioned before, been losing a high percentage of i t s functions to fringe areas. The question remains therefore: What functions are remaining i n the central area, and what are the possibilities for the central area? Wissink has suggested that white collar employment w i l l continue to increase in the C.B.D., in addition to specialty goods and services as well as recreational and cultural f a c i l i t i e s . 2 4 It is inevitable that the C.B.D. will retain i t s position of dominance so long as regional transportation networks converge on i t . The growth in white collar employment is most apparent in the New York region where office space increased by 14 per cent between 1947 and 1 9 5 6 . FOOTNOTES *7 1 Otis Dudley Duncan et a l , Metropolis and Region (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, I960), p. 82. 2 John Friedmann and William Alonso, editors, Regional  Development and Planning (Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1964), p. 3-3 Duncan et a l , op., c i t . . p. 83. 4 ibid., p. 84. 5 ibid., p. 84. 6 F. S. Chapin, Jr., Urban Land Use Planning (Urbana: University of I l l i n o i s Press, 1965), p. 129. 7 John Friedmann "Regional Planning as a Field of Study", Regional Development and Planning. Friedmann and Alonso, ojp_. c i t . . p. 66. 8 John Rannells, The Core of the City (New York: Columbia University Press, 195&), p. 1. 9 F. S. Chapin and S. Weiss, Urban Growth and  Dynamics (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1962). 10 Melvin M. Webber, "Alternative Metropolitan Struc-tures, " The Nature and Control of Urban Dispersal. Ernest A. Engelbert, editor (California Chapter of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. 2, Los Angeles: University of California, i960), p. 6. 11 ibid.. p. 6. 12 i b i d . . p. 5. 13 ibid.. p. 8. 14 ibid.. p. 8. 15 National Capital Planning Commission, A Policies  Plan for the Year 2000 (Washington, D.C, 1961), p. v. 16 ibid.. p. 46. 48 17 Dr. G. A. Wissink, American Cities in Perspective (Assen, Holland: Royal VanGorcum Ltd., I°,b2), p. 137, citing E.M. Kitagawa and D.J. Bogue, Suburbanization of Manufactur- ing Activity Within Standard Metropolitan Areas. Scripps Foundation, Oxford, Ohio, 1955, p. 129. 18 ibid.. p. 138. 19 Homer Hoyt, Classification and Significant Characteristics of Shopping Centers, "Readings in Urban eograohv. Harold M. Mayer and Clyde F. Kohn, editors Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1959)* P* ^59* 20 Wissink, op_. c i t . . Section 7, Chapter 2. 21 op_. c i t . . Section 7, Chapter 2. 22 Leo F. Schnore and David W. Varley, "Some Con-comitants of Metropolitan Size," The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. LXIII, 1957-58, pp7~408-4l4. 23 Gha'uney Harris, "Suburbs", Readings in Urban  Geography. Mayer and Kohn. op. c i t . , pp. 544-555. 24 Wissink, op., c i t . . p. 128 CHAPTER IV EXPANSION POTENTIAL OP SELECTED FRINGE COMMUNITIES IN THE LOWER MAINLAND REGION OF BRITISH COLUMBIA At this point, the emphasis of this thesis turns toward the case study communities, hence a restatement of the hypothesis is warranted; In the metropolitan region where expansion from the core i s s t i l l taking place, predominantly on a horizontal plane, older urban service centres on the metropolitan fringe demand con-sideration as fo c i for new urban growth, provided their suitability in terms of location vis-a-vis the core area, and general socio-physical environment can be demonstrated. Thus far an attempt has been made to describe the phenomena of urban growth and to indicate alternative forms of metropolitan organization. In the remainder of this thesis, the hypothesis w i l l be tested. This w i l l be accomplished by means of a case study analysis of two existing fringe communities in the Lower Mainland of Brit i s h Columbia. These communities are the City of White Rock and the town of Cloverdale; indicated on page 50. White Rock, approximately 30 miles south of Vancouver, is located immediately south of the Municipality of Surrey. It is bounded on the east and west by the Municipality of Surrey and on the south by Semiahmoo Bay. Until 1957* White Rock was part of Surrey, but i t seceded at that time. Metropo l i t an Vancouver 1965 F r e e w a y M a j o r H i g h w a y Cloverdale, also 3° miles from Vancouver i s an urban node within the Municipality of Surrey and is located in the south eastern portion of the municipality at the junction of the Pacific Highway and the No. 10 Highway. The two communities are described below in terms of their history, their functions, their existing land use patterns plus quality of structures and their relationship to the core of the Lower Mainland Region, the Burrard Peninsula including the north bank of the Praser River. I. BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF THE LOWER MAINLAND REGION OF BRITISH COLUMBIA AS IT EXISTS TODAY Essentially the Lower Mainland Region of Bri t i s h Columbia comprises the Fraser River Valley stretching "90 miles inland from Georgia Strait to the Cascade Mountains (Hope, B.C.)" 1 (...). It contained in 1961 approximately 900,000 people, 55 per cent of Bri t i s h Columbia's total population. Ninety per cent of the region's population l i e s within the western one-third of the region, defined by the Dominion Bureau of Statistics in the 195& a n d t n e 19^ 1 Federal Census as the Vancouver Metropolitan Area. The metro-politan area includes the following municipal units: Vancouver, North Vancouver City, New Westminster, Port Moody, Port Coquitlam, White Rock, Delta, Surrey, Burnaby, Richmond, Coquitlam, West Vancouver, North Vancouver District and Fraser Mil l s . The population of the region has shown a phenomenal increase since 1921 as i s indicated in Table II, below. TABLE II POPULATION INCREASE OF THE LOWER MAINLAND REGION AND THE VANCOUVER METROPOLITAN AREA, 1921-1961 Vancouver Metro. Lower Mainland Area Year Region 221,600 1921 249,331 336,100 1931 391,319 392,900 1941 440,052 560,400 1951 636,548 663,600 1956 752,983 790,165 1961 892,619 910,650 1966 1,034,000 1,035,850 1971 1,188,300 1,157,350 1976 l , 3 4 g , 7 5 0 1,278,700 1981 1,518,400 Source: Robinson, I. and Hodge, G., Jobs. People  and Transportation. A Report to the Metropolitan Joint Committee, Vancouver, B.C., February, i960. The most significant aspect revealed by this table is the high proportion of the region's population l i v i n g within the Vancouver Metropolitan Area. Also of interest and relevant is the historical division of population within the Metropolitan Area, between established urban centres or the core and suburban communities as indicated in Table III, on page 53-TABLE I I I D I S T R I B U T I O N O F P O P U L A T I O N W I T H I N T H E V A N C O U V E R . M E T R O P O L I T A N A R E A B Y U R B A N C E N T R E S . . A N D SUBURBAN C O M M U N I T I E S . 1921 1931 Population 194I 1951 URBAN CENTRES: 1 8 5,400 2 7 2 , 6 0 0 3 0 6 , 3 0 0 3 8 9 , 1 0 0 Vancouver 1 6 3 , 2 0 0 2 4 6 , 6 0 0 2 7 5 , 4 0 0 3 4 4 , 8 0 0 New Westminster 1 4 , 5 0 0 1 7 , 5 0 0 2 2 , 0 0 0 2 8 , 6 0 0 North Van. (City) 7 , 7 0 0 8 , 5 0 0 8 , 9 0 0 1 5 , 7 0 0 S U B U R B S : 3 6 , 2 0 0 6 3 , 5 0 0 8 6 , 6 0 0 1 7 1 , 3 0 0 North Van. (Dist.) 2 , 9 0 0 4 , 8 0 0 5 , ? ° ° 1 4 , 5 0 0 West Vancouver 2 , 4 0 0 4 , 8 0 0 8 , 4 0 0 1 4 , 0 0 0 Richmond 4 , 8 0 0 8 , 2 0 0 1 0 , 4 0 0 1 9 , 2 0 0 Surrey 5 , 8 0 0 8 , 4 0 0 1 4 , 8 0 0 3 3 , 7 0 0 Delta 2 , 8 0 0 3 , 7 0 0 4 , 3 0 0 6 , 7 0 0 Port Moody 1 , 0 0 0 1 , 3 0 0 1 , 5 0 0 2 , 2 0 0 Port Coquitlam 1 , 2 0 0 1 , 3 0 0 1 , 5 0 0 3 , 2 0 0 Coquitlam 2 , 4 0 0 4 , 9 0 0 7 , 9 0 0 1 5 , 7 0 0 Fraser Mills 600 6 0 0 6 0 0 4 0 0 Univ.End.L. - - 600 2 , 1 0 0 D.L. 172 - - 1 , 0 0 0 1 , 5 0 0 Burnaby 1 2 , 9 0 0 2 5 , 6 0 0 3 0 , 3 0 0 5 8 , 4 0 0 Suburbs as % of Metropolitan Area 17 19 22 31 1956 4 1 7,500 3 6 5 , 8 0 0 3 1 , 7 0 0 2 0 , 000 2 4 6 , 1 0 0 2 6 , 3 0 0 1 9 , 2 0 0 2 6 , 0 0 0 4 9 , 4 0 0 8 , 8 0 0 2 , 7 0 0 4 , 6 0 0 2 0 , 8 0 0 2 0 0 3 , 0 0 0 1 , 4 0 0 8 3 , 7 0 0 37 1961 4 4 1 , 8 3 2 3 8 4 , 5 2 2 33,$5^ 2 3 , 6 5 6 3 4 8 , 3 0 0 3 9 , 0 0 0 2 5 , 5 0 0 4 3 , 0 0 0 7 0 , 8 3 8 1 4 , 6 0 0 4 , 8 0 0 8 , 1 0 0 2 9 , 0 0 0 200 3 , 3 0 0 1 , 4 0 0 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 4 4 Source: Robinson, I . and Hodge, G., Jobs. People and Transportation. A Report to the Metropolitan Joint Committee,. Vancouver, B.C. February, i 9 6 0 . 54 The extent of horizontal expansion of the region 1s population i s more than apparent in Table III, and i t indicates the very urgent need to consolidate future growth, particularly in view of the anticipated population for the year 2000, which is 2.2 million persons. Although population nodes or small communities are interspersed throughout the metropolitan area, urban type development achieves i t s strongest degree of concentration in the Vancouver, Burnaby and New Westminster area, " i t i s here that the major downtown business and shopping f a c i l i t i e s , transportation terminals and factories are located." 2 Sub-urban development i s of a somewhat high density in West and North Vancouver but in Richmond, Delta and Surrey i t is of a low density and includes "a mixture of urban subdivisions, small holdings, large scale agriculture and much vacant land."3 The following l i s t adapted from Jobs. People and  Transportat ion suggests the functional organization of the Vancouver Metropolitan Area: 1. Business and Financial Administration Downtown Vancouver 2. Government Administration Vancouver and New Westminster 3. General Manufacturing Vancouver, New Westminster, Burnaby, North Vancouver 4 . General Shopping Downtown Vancouver and New Westminster, Regional centres in Vancouver, Burnaby and Surrey 5 . Trade and Distribution Vancouver, New Westminster, Burnaby 55 6 . Educational Institutions Vancouver, New Westminster, and Research. Coquitlam 7. Tourist and Convention Vancouver 8. Cultural and Entertain- . ment Vancouver 4 Robinson's l i s t i n g suggests that the Vancouver-New Westminster axis, and particularly the former, provides the dominant core of both the region and the metropolitan area. The chief industrial and manufacturing establishments are located either in the downtown Vancouver area or immediately adjacent to i t as well as along the New Westminster waterfront and the Marpole area. This situation coupled with the large population l i v i n g in suburban areas indicates the inter-dependence between the suburbs and the core of the Vancouver Metropolitan Area. Expansion of the Lower Mainland region has been largely dependent on transportation f a c i l i t i e s . Excepting expansion into Burnaby the metropolitan population migrated essentially to North and West Vancouver, particularly after the completion of the Lions Gate Bridge in 1937* Then, in 1939, bhe Patullo Bridge, linking New Westminster to Surrey and Delta provided the impetus for movement to these latter municipalities. However, i t wasn't t i l l the end of World War II when coupled with rapid population expansion and increasing use of the automobile, that North Surrey began to develop. Until 1959* then, metropolitan growth was 56 chiefly directed towards Burnaby, Coquitlara, Richmond and the North Shore. At this time, however, the Deas Island Thruway was completed, providing a four lane, divided high-way between Vancouver and the International Boundary at Douglas, B.C. The completion of this f a c i l i t y provided quick access to the Vancouver core from such fringe locations as White Rock, Ladner, Tsawassen, Cloverdale, Panorama Ridge, Sunshine H i l l s and the li k e , as illustrated on page 57* The pattern and the problems of urban sprawl were significantly magnified at this time, but one must recognize that this needn't be the only effect of the Deas Thruway; rather, i t could be used to provide quick access to the core from select, designated fringe communities given recognition of a need for this. Such a development pattern would theoretically check the problem of misusing agricultural land in the fringe as well. Finally, the completion in 196k of the new Trans Canada Highway including the Port Mann bridge, which links the north and south banks of the Fraser river, has paved the way for further metropolitan expansion, this time to the east, including Northeast Surrey and Langley. This highway, too, could be util i z e d to provide quick access to the core from select, designated fringe communities. Thus "inter-connectedness of the whole region w i l l become more pronounced as a l l parts of the area become linked together by these new transportation facilities."5 58 Finally the pattern of railway lines in the region and their implications for mass transit warrants mention. The C.P.R. main line essentially follows the north bank of the Fraser River to the Coquitlam area, thence through Port Moody and on to Vancouver. Here there is a right of way that could link the communities of Port Coquitlam and Haney among others. The C.N.R. main line approaches the metropolitan area on the north side of th§ Fraser River, crossing i t at New Westminster, then enters Vancouver by passing through the centre of the Burrard Peninsula. Such an alignment may not be conducive to future rapid transit. Two other r a i l lines pass through the area, the B.C. Hydro line, running southeast through Surrey and east to Chilliwack and the Great Northern Railway, running from the International boundary, through White Rock, the rim of Boundary Bay and into New Westminster where i t mer-ges with the C.N.R. The preceding review is intended to describe the phy-sica l aspects of the Lower Mainland region as i t currently exists, and to indicate the need, in view of i t s past and ant-icipated population growth, for rational organizationof i t s spatial resources. The need for such i s particularly pressing, considering the narrow topographical limits placed on the width of the region, and the need to preserve enough agric-ultural land so the region may provide the majority of i t s own food supply. II. CONCEPT OF THE LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD Planning regionally within the Lower Mainland of British Columbia comes within the jurisdiction of the Lower Mainland Begional Planning Board, although i t s powers are as yet advisory. The Board was formed in 1951 under the j u r i s -diction of the British Columbia Town Planning Act, later incorporated into the Municipal Act. It and any other regional planning board's authority is now prescribed in Sections 720 and 721 of the British Columbia Municipal Act. The composition of the Board includes a representative from the councils of each member municipality, a further representative appointed by the Lieutenant Governor in Council and a paid technical staff. The Board's functions vary but i t s essential objectives are "to prepare regional plans applicable to the planning area."^ The planning area within the jurisdiction of the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board comprises the Fraser Valley from i t s mouth to the village of Hope on the east. This includes the Burrard Peninsula and the municipalities of North and West Vancouver. After completing a series of technical background reports on land use and land use problems within the region, the Board in December 1963, published Chance and Challenge.  A Concept and Plan for the Development of the Lower Mainland M e t r o p o l i t a n Vancouver Chance and Cha l lenge Regional Concept F r e e w a y • 1 — — r ~ M a j o r R a i l w a y , 6i Region of B r i t i s h Columbia (see the i l l u s t r a t i o n on page 6o).7 It is an element of this concept that is being tested in this thesis. Based on a projected population of 2,000,000 in the Lower Mainland by 2000, the concept presents a schematic land use arrangement designed to accommodate the projected population. The prime objective is as follows: (the region) should develop as a series of cities in a sea of green - a valley of separate c i t i e s surrounded by productive countryside and linked by a regional freeway network. This Regional Concept is based on two ideas: 1. the need to BUILD LIVEABLE CITIES, and 2. the need to RESPECT.THE- LAND." . A number of principles are embodied in the Board's concept, the most significant of which is the conservation principle. This emphasizes the retention and expansion of existing urban centres to accommodate the region's anticipated population increase. Through the processes of rehabilitation and renewal i t is f e l t that the existing investment in material and human resources in such communities can be preserved, writes the Board . . . . Since the older urban areas contain the cores of our communities, we can neither ignore their needs nor write them off when their age begins to show. However, each being a special case, they cannot be dealt with generally. Instead, every municipality concerned should, as part of i t s normal planning program, give serious and continuing attention to the f u l l development, conservation and, i f necessary, renewal of i t s older urban areas.9 The Board further envisages that each community would be 62 designed for an ultimate population of 100,000, based on the. following five principles: 1. -limited size to prevent over-congestion and to fa c i l i t a t e adequate services. 2 . -distinctive c i t i e s with some industrial base of their own but also with some economic independence. 3. -variety of housing types, no reliance on single family housing only. 4. -well-organized structure, e.g., shopping f a c i l i t i e s , community f a c i l i t i e s , adequate transportation and the l i k e . 5. -access to major parks and open spaces. o. -transportation network linking a l l the c i t i e s . 1 0 The Board advocates one important principle that can be utilized as a partial basis or criterion for selecting town sites; namely, that no urban development should be tolerated on floodplains, but rather such areas should be retained for agricultural purposes. While not a l l non-urban land i s flood-plain land, the implication is that land areas between cit i e s , i.e., the "sea of green", would be utiliz e d for agricultural purposes, recreational and institutional purposes, or would simply be l e f t undeveloped. That this is a practical concept was demonstrated in Chapter III, i t now remains to assess the validity of retaining existing urban centres as foc i for metro-politan population expansion. It was mentioned earlier that the case study w i l l assess White Rock and Cloverdale. With respect to these two commun-i t i e s , the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board envisages considerable expansion. For White Rock, the Board indicates that urban expansion should be channeled west, north and east, 6 3 but with particular emphasis on the west. For Cloverdale, expansion is recommended to proceed north and east towards Langley City, effecting an ultimate merger between the two. III. DESCRIPTION OF CASE STUDY COMMUNITIES Cloverdale. The community of Cloverdale, appriximately 3° miles from Vancouver, located in the Distric Municipality of Surrey comprises as presently defined by the Surrey Planning Divi-sion, two sections of land bounded on the north by Bose Road, the east by Halls Prairie Road, the south by No. 10 Highway and the west by Coast Meridian Road. (See the i l l u s t r a t i o n on page 6 4 ) . It is bisected by two important Provincial highways; the north-south Pacific Highway and the east-west No. 10 Highway. The former provides a direct link between the Trans Canada Highway and the Canadian-American border, while the latter acts as a connector between the Deas Thruway ( # 9 9 ) and the Trans-Canada Highway. B.C. Hydrops Fraser Valley railway line l i e s astride the southern border of the community. Cloverdale 1s population in 1964 was approximately 23OO, but including the surrounding urbanized area It approximates 3200. Specific analysis of the composition of Cloverdale 1s residents is not readily available, however. Census Tract 188, of which i t is a part can be regarded as indicative, as 5° P e r cent of it's total population resides in Cloverdale. Here the 65 characteristics are much like that of the municipality, e.g., a high proportion of young children and young married couples. Family size in CT. 188 averages 3.6 persons; similar to the average for the highly urbanized Whalley area. Generally speaking, the population of Cloverdale represents the stereo-typed suburban complex, that i s , a high proportion of young married couples, of essentially middle class status. The topography of Cloverdale varies from f l a t , at the core to h i l l y on the western and eastern extremities. The grade of the h i l l s is in the order of 4 to 8 per cent. South of the community l i e s the f l a t floodplain of the Nicomekl River, which along with the Serpentine River on the north and west provides natural drainage for the Cloverdale area. "Because of contour formation and southern exposure, Cloverdale possesses a distinct natural advantage in the form of amenity." 1 1 Stands of trees are frequent, particularly on the east side of the community; indeed, on the eastern upland, poor agricultural s o i l combined with many treed areas, good drainage and a pleasant aspect, offers much in the way of physical quality for future urban development. Land use within Cloverdale is representative of a small agriculturally oriented town, i.e., a small but efficient commercial core, surrounded by residential and agricultural uses. The northern rim and the slopes on the east and the west are devoted almost exclusively to residential uses. 66 interspersed with derelict agricultural f i e l d s . Commercial and professional uses abut the Pacific Highway between 58A Avenue, and No. 10 Highway. This latter area acts as the core of the community in terms of a c t i v i t i e s . Further, commercial uses have expanded east and west of the Pacific Highway on 56th, 56A, 57th, 57A and 58th Avenues, for approximately one block. There i s some residential use within the central core, particularly east of the Pacific Highway. However, i t s quality can best be described as minimal. Also i t s future is limited as i t stands in the path of future commercial expan-sion. IV. THE GROWTH OF CLOVERDALE Cloverdale 1s original function was that of an agri-cultural service centre catering "for the special needs of surrounding farm areas as well as for the domestic and social wants of the farm population."12 xta immediate trade area approximates ^0 square miles and includes the Hazelmere Valley and the floodplains of the Nicomekl and Serpentine Rivers. How i t has maintained i t s status as a significant centre considering the existence of two potentially competitive centres, Ladner and Langley, is related to a series of events that have occurred over the past 60 years. (At the outset, i t is necessary to mention that Ladner and Langley have succeeded as minor service centres as they have their own hinterland to tap, but i t is submitted that Cloverdale i s the dominant service 67 centre). The following are the most significant events that have contributed to Cloverdale 1s status. 1. Cloverdale 1s strategic location. 2. The establishment of a permanent agricultural f a i r in Cloverdale. 3. The establishment of the Surrey Co-operative. 4. The establishment of a regional office for the Provincial Department of Agriculture in Cloverdale. Cloverdale 1s strategic location. The north-south Pacific Highway bisecting Cloverdale 1s core is an historic transportation link tn the Lower Mainland in that i t was one of the f i r s t overland routes from New Westminster and subse-quently Vancouver, to the International boundary at Douglas. Thus, in 1 9 0 9 , when the old B.C. Electric built i t s Vancouver-Chilliwack railway line, i t was natural that the point of intersection between the railway and the Pacific Highway should become a major stop. Here farmers could load their products on the train for shipment to the urban market in Vancouver. Thus, a concentration evolved at this point. The establishment of a permanent agricultural f a i r . In 1888, the Lower Fraser Valley Exhibition Association selected Cloverdale as the site of i t s annual agricultural f a i r , an event continued to the present day. A permanent exhibition ground was established in the community and permanent exhi-bition buildings were erected. The purpose of an agricultural f a i r being the exhibition of new techniques and equipment u t i l i t i e s in farming operations created a natural market 68 place for farmers of the Fraser Valley. Thus ancillary services geared to the farmer were located in Cloverdale ensuring a second concentration of a c t i v i t i e s . Although the primary purpose of the f a i r grounds is to house the Surrey Fair, which is held for on&y two days annually, the grounds have come to be used throughout the year for many other Surrey-oriented ac t i v i t i e s , a l l of which tend to draw consumers to Cloverdale. These activities are described later in the text. The establishment of the Surrey Co-operative. Founded in 1 9 2 1 , this organization has become the largest producer and consumer co-operative in the Lower Mainland Region. Its membership in 1964 was approximately 9^00 persons. The oper-ation of the Co-op involves a feed mi l l for livestock and poultry, as well as a r e t a i l outlet dispensing hard goods and farm supplies. Its size and range of goods has attracted members from a l l over the Fraser Valley with the obvious result of intensifying Cloverdale 1s service sector, for i t can be assumed that the farmer from Abbotsford, for example, who journeys to Cloverdale to take advantage of the Co-op's services w i l l more than l i k e l y make some non-agricultural purchases, given their availability. The establishment of a regional office of the Provincial  Department of Agriculture. This office, established twenty-five years ago, services the Richmond—Delta—Surrey agri-69 cultural areas. Thus the services provided to farmers by the Provincial Government were located in Cloverdale, ensur-ing a further concentration of activities in the Sommunity. Further relevant factors contributing to the growth of Cloverdale are as follows. One factor was the early designat-ing of the community as the Municipality of Surrey's administrative centre, containing the Municipal Hall, the Municipal Court House and the Municipal works yard. Another was the early designation of Cloverdale as the site of Surrey's f i r s t junior and senior high school. Thus not only does Cloverdale act as a service centre for i t s immediate and surrounding agricultural hinterland, i t has become an administrative centre, creating within i t a not inconsiderable residential function in addition to a commercial function. Its ascendancy with respect to Ladner and Langley is therefore, not only because of i t s relative centrality in relation to the south western farming belt of the Lower Mainland, but also because of certain specified functions i t assumed in the early years of the Fraser Valley's development. V. THE PRESENT FUNCTIONS OF CLOVERDALE Cloverdale's position as an agricultural service centre has continued to the present, although on a somewhat declining scale. It is s t i l l the site of the annual agricultural f a i r and the Provincial Department of Agriculture's regional office is s t i l l located in the community. It is now the centre of the 70 Fraser Valley's livestock auctions but the Surrey Co-operative has plans to transfer i t s operations to Abbotsford sometime in 1965. In addition, the Municipality of Surrey has moved i t s administrative centre out of Cloverdale, thus reducing another significant input of the past. Its strategic location has been maintained and reinforced, particularly with respect to metro-politan travel patterns as implied in an earlier section, which pointed out the community's accessibility to two regional free-ways . Considerable eastward expansion of the region's urban population is producing an ambivalent result in regard to Cloverdale. F i r s t , such expansion is usurping what has been in the past agricultural land both in BeIta and in Surrey, thereby reducing the magnitude of Cloverdale's services and second, such expansion is amplifying the community's potential as a quasi-satellite community of Vancouver, thereby increas-ing i t s service sector. That the community is in an enviable position to assume an expanded role seems most plausible, especially considering the site p o s s i b i l i t i e s of the area immediately norfch and east known locally as Clayton. Cloverdale's trade area s t i l l consists of the Hazelmere Valley and the floodplains of the Nickomekl and Serpentine Rivers, a l l three of which are s t i l l agricultural in function. In addition, urban development in Clayton, Panorama Ridge and Newton has increased the population immediately adjacent to SXoverdale. This population is to some extent, dependent on Cloverdale for commercial (at least in the convenience good category) and social f a c i l i t i e s . However, the range of goods available in Cloverdale is naturally not as extensive as that in either Vancouver or New Westminster, thus the effects of new highways are serving not only to attract urban residents, but also to provide them with quick accessibility to the comm-ercial and service centres of Vancouver and New Westminster. Nevertheless, individuals w i l l rely on Cloverdale for personal services such as doctors, dentists and lawyers, etc., as well as convenience goods such as groceries and drugs. Cloverdale*s industrial base is slim indeed, as is described in the next section. VI. AN INVENTORY OP CLOVERDALE1S RETAIL AND SERVICE FUNCTIONS To adequately determine the sui t a b i l i t y of Cloverdale for urban expansion requires an inventory of i t s existing commercial and employment functions. Due to limitations of time, as complete a survey as desired, particularly in gauging the employment sector is impossible. Thus, to suffice, some data collected by the Surrey Planning Division are presented. Commercially, Cloverdale contains a wide variety of r e t a i l and personal service establishments and as such i t has become a centre for not only the surrounding agricultural community, but also for the urban residents of Newton, Clayton, Panorama Ridge, and to some extent Port Kells and Sunnyside. 72 Locally, that i s , not considering metropolitan centres, Clov-erdale' s only significant competitor would appear to be Lang-ley City, where a comparable range of goods is apparent, excepting anything of the nature of the Surrey Co-operative. In Cloverdale, there are 108 commercial establishments of one sort or another and adapting the Surrey Planning Division's classification, they are distributed in the manner indicated by Table IV below. TABLE IV TYPES OF COMMERCIAL ESTABLISHMENTS IN CLOVERDALE Group No. of Function Establishments Percent of Establishment 1 Light Retail - drugs supermarkets, etc. 30 27.8 2 Personal Services--barber, doctor, etc. 31.5 3 Heavy R e t a i l — f u r n -iture, appliances, etc. 13 12.0 4 Commercial Recrea-tion—bowling alley cinema, etc. 4 3.7 5 Hotel 1 •9 6 Auto Oriented—storage repair, gas station 26 24.1 Source: Cloverdale Study. Surrey Planning Division,. Suruey, B.C., April, 1964. 73 The f a c i l i t i e s listed above include among other things the following: Group 1. three drug stores, three supermarkets, two shoe stores, three ladies' wear stores. Group 2. two barbers, one law firm, two doctors, two banks, three real estate—insurance offices. Group 3- three furniture and appliance establishments, two lumber yards. Group 4. one bowling alley, one theatre Group 5' o n e hotel, complete with beer parlour, cocktail lounge and dining room. Group 6 . six gas stations, two auto repair and farm implement repair establishments. Thus, i t is evident a diversity of services exists in Cloverdale, but probably not to the extent necessary to service an ultimate population of 60,000 to 100,000 persons. Cloverdale's industrial base Is slim indeed, thus i t would appear that most of its working population commutes to the industrial centres of either New Westminster or Vancouver. The only establishments with significant employment totals are the Surrey Co-operative with approximately 200 employees, the Department of Highways maintenance yard with 85 employees and a dairy with 40 employees. It is quite l i k e l y that the majority of these individuals are not resident in the study area. Thus, apart from the above functions, Cloverdale's employment sector is presumably related to the r e t a i l and service establishments located therein. 74 Community, social and recreational f a c i l i t i e s within the Cloverdale area are comparatively numerous and extensive. This i s presumably a reflection of the community's being a service centre for the surrounding farming and to some extent urban area, such as the Hazelmere Valley in the case of the former and Panorama Ridge in the case of the latter. For convenience, these f a c i l i t i e s w i l l be detailed in the following three categories: 1. Public 2. Private commercial 3. Private social Public. The Municipality of Surrey has a significantly large investment In community f a c i l i t i e s in Cloverdale. There are two major parks. The f i r s t is the Cloverdale Ball Park, located Immediately west of Cloverdale's commercial core. This park contains a baseball diamond, a soccer f i e l d and a "tot l o t " . The second is the Cloverdale Exhibition Ground, the most extensive recreational establishment in the munici-pality. It contains a grandstand capable of seating 3,000 persons, an agricultural building, the Surrey Museum, a curling rink and a modern community centre building. This park is the site not only of the annual agricultural f a i r , but also of the annual Cloverdale Rodeo, which is the second largest event of i t s type in Canada. These contribute socially and materially to the identification of Cloverdale as a community; indeed the Rodeo is so popular that proprietors of the local r e t a i l establishments customarily 75 "dress up" the store fronts in a manner depicting the "old west", during "Rodeo Week". In addition to a 20 room elementary school within Cloverdale, there are two modern secondary schools, a junior high school and a senior high school. The junior high school l i e s astride the Exhibition Ground and a recreation plan currently being implemented w i l l result in a further recreational complex for the joint use of the school popu-lation and the adult population of the community. This project includes a baseball and football stadium, tennis courts and hopefully both a community swimming pool and community arena. Other public f a c i l i t i e s within Cloverdale include a small branch of the Surrey Library and brance office of the Boundary Health Unit; the regional manifestation of the Provincial Department of Health and Welfare. In addition, the Municipal Court is s t i l l located in Cloverdale, although It w i l l ultimately be relocated at the site of the new Municipal Hall. Community participation in the above f a c i l i t i e s would appear to be significantly high. The community centre re-ceives constant use as does the curling rink, and student performances of plays and musicals are apparently well attended. The Cloverdale Rodeo enjoys a high degree of success. Running for three days, i t usually enjoys an attendance of 15,000 to 76 20,000 persons. Private Commercial. The extent of private f a c i l i t i e s in Cloverdale is minimal to say the least, presumably because of both the low population and the proximity to a greater choice of events in Vancouver and New Westminster. There is one bowling alley which receives consistent organized use and one movie theatre, normally well attended, but suffering from the disadvantage of competing movie theatres in the metropolitan core which consistently exhibit f i r s t run films. In addition there are two b i l l i a r d parlours and a branch of the Canadian Legion in Cloverdale. Finally, there is the hotel, which is a community rallying force, through i t s ancillary functions of a dining room, cocktail lounge and beer parlour. In addition there are six restaurants in Cloverdale. Also, touring musicians often come to Cloverdale. The above is the extent of private social or recreational f a c i l i t i e s in Cloverdale and while i t seems minimal, the small surrounding population coupled with metropolitan attractions seems to manifest i t s e l f in the demand and supply of local commercial recreational f a c i l i t i e s . Private Social. There would appear to be a considerable degree of participation in private organizations in Cloverdale. The community supports a very active Board of Trade and an even more active Junior Chamber of Commerce. The former is composed entirely of the business community and takes an 77 active part in both betterment and expansion of the commercial core, while the latter is composed of young men from a l l occupations and promotes diverse community ac t i v i t i e s . The Surrey Co-operative also promotes the occasional social function. The remainder of private social activity in Clov-erdale is manifested through participation in the social functions of religious organizations, such as bingo games and women's organizations. The preceding description of community f a c i l i t i e s and social participation within Cloverdale must perforce be some-what descriptive as time does not permit an elaborate socio-logical analysis of the patterns of individual interaction. To conclude this section on an inventory of the community of Cloverdale, i t is necessary to detail the extent of public physical services and building conditions. Public physical services relate to the degree and the extent of municipal services such as streets, waterlines, and sewers. Cloverdale's street pattern is of the grid-iron type, north-south, and east-west streets. Seventy-three per cent of these streets are finished with asphalt paving but excepting the commercial core, none have adjoining sidewalks. This creates a conflict of pedestrian and vehicular t r a f f i c on the roadway, a dangerous condition at any time. The sewered area of Cloverdale consists almost exclus-7 8 ively of the commercial core, although plans c a l l for complete sewering in the next five to ten years, Water mains cover the entire community, although some improvement in the system w i l l ultimately be required. A l l of Cloverdale 1s streets are provided with overhead lighting, although, as the following suggests, i t s quality is minimal: In Cloverdale lighting intensity is approximately G.l foot candle. The standard of lighting recommended by the Canadian Standards Association is 0 . 6 foot candle for urban type development . Private. This category is designed to indicate the age and condition of buildings in the Cloverdale study area. Most of the buildings within the community's commercial core have been remodelled or altered over the last five years, but as the following indicates there is a high proportion of older buildings. The following figures are adapted from the results of a building condition survey conducted by the municipality^ Building Department in 1 9 6 3 , a n d applied to the Cloverdale study area. Before 1940 1941 to 1950 1951 to i 9 6 0 After i 9 6 0 42$ 100$ Condition Residential Buildings Commercial Buildings Good Fair Poor 22.8$ 24 .0$ 44 .0$ 32_j0$ 1 0 0 . 0 $ 79 Conclusion. The above material regarding the town of Cloverdale, provides by way of inventory, an indication of the v i a b i l i t y of the community in terms of functions and institutions. Cloverdale has performed the role of an agri-cultural service centre for the surrounding farming community for over f i f t y years and in so doing has acquired a releatively high degree of service functions. In addition the community represents a relatively high degree of^private and public investment; in the form of r e t a i l establishments and dwelling units, as well as in the form of public f a c i l i t i e s such as the exhibition ground. It appears that Cloverdale lacks sufficient broadness of functions to support a population greater than 10,000, however this is to be expected. Rather the point i s , that the community as i t exists is viable, but theoretically liable to decline i f metropolitan expansion, manifested in the form of urban sprawl persists. And to quote the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board, as written in Chance and Challenge, "even as purely financial investments, our communities deserve conservation and f u l l u t i l i z a t i o n . " 1 ^ The problem of how to conserve existing communities may be solved, by u t i l i z i n g them as the nucleus of future metro-politan centres. This point with respect to Cloverdale is examined in Chapter V. White Rock. The City of White Rock occupies a small parcel of land 8 0 located at the southern edge of Surrey, B.C., 3 0 miles south—west of Vancouver. Comprising three sections of land, just under half of which are in Semiahmoo Bay, the city was originally a summer resort centre, but i t could now be best described as a "bedroom" community of Vancouer. Until 1957, It was part of the Municipality of Surrey, but a plebiscite calling for secession was passed by the r e s i -dents of White Rock and Surrey at this time, thus the former became a separate corporate entity. The city is a small, compact, independent area, very suitable for planning purposes. The city's growth is more or less a function of i t s being the scene of considerable recreational activity by virtue of i t s comparatively excellent climate (its annual r a i n f a l l is one-third that of Vancouver) and beachfront. Its emphasis has broadened from a resort community to that of both a r e t i r e -ment community and "bedroom" suburb. White Rock is bounded on the south by Semiahmoo Bay, the north by l 6 t h Avenue, the west by 1 3 6 t h Street, and the east by 1 5 6 t h Street, (see map on page 6 4 ) . Adjacent to the city, but not within i t s limits is the Deas Island Thruway, aligned diagonally from the north-west to the south-east. Two interchanges provide access to and from the city. In addition the north-south King George Highway links White Rock with New Westminster. Finally, the Seattle-Vancouver branch of the Great Northern Railway passes through the 81 city on the shore of Semiahmoo Bay. White Rock's population according to the 1961 Federal Census was 6500 persons, an increase of 1100 persons over the 1956 census and 29OO over the 195 1 census. The composition of the population is unique in that k~J per cent of i t s residents are over 55 years of age. The next largest groups are the O-19 and 35~5^ age groups, supporting the contention that the city i s rapidly attracting a suburban type popu-lation. !5 The topography of White Rock is generally sloping. At the beach front the land rises to the extent that i t produces a sloping c l i f f over 3OO feet in height. At the top of this c l i f f , the land rises another 5° feet northward to l6th Avenue. Because the slope faces south looking over the Georgia Strait, i t affords a pleasant aspect for the cityAs residents. Land use within White Rock is typical of a resort community subject to suburban expansion. Along the beach front, the city's original commercial core, there are in addition to diverse commercial establishments, several tourist oriented establishments, in the form of restaurants, motels, summer cottages and recreation establishments. Scattered along the c l i f f face are residential uses and at the point where the c l i f f levels off, the city's newer commercial core Is located. This is a ribbon type development, extending 82 north along Johnston Road, from Buena Vista Avenue to l 6 t h Avenue, and going beyond that for two blocks into Surrey. Adjacent to this commercial development on either side are residential uses, including some recently constructed apartment dwellings. There are no industrial sites and establishments within the City of White Rock, nor does the city appear interested in attracting same. VII. THE GROWTH OP WHITE ROCK The f i r s t settlement in the White Rock area consisted of a group of Royal Engineers engaged in ex p l i c i t l y defining the International Boundary between Canada and the United States. They were followed by logging operators which resulted in a series of small lumber mills, the largest of which was located at the mouth of the Campbell River, near the eastern limits of the city. Once the Great Northern Railway completed i t s line through the city to Vancouver, the recreational aspects of the community were manifested. Day-trippers and others travelled from Vancouver to the community. Small summer cottages soon dominated the h i l l s i d e along the entire beach front. This function was reinforced when about 1 9 3 0 , the King George Highway was b u i l t . By 1 9 4 1 , population in White Rock has reached l 6 0 0 persons. These residents were either elderly individuals who had chosen to retire in the city, or individuals engated in recreation dspiented services. 8 3 Precise details regarding the growth of White Rock in terms of functions are not readily available. In addition the* bulk of the city's growth has occurred since 1950 and is a result of metropolitan expansion coupled with wider use of the automobile. The White Rock-Sunnyside area has provided an alternative to eastward metropolitan expansion, particu-l a r l y since the completion of the Deas Island Thruway in 1959. This f a c i l i t y puts White Rock within 30 minutes of the Vancouver core area, thus i t has grown rapidly in terms of population and function since the middle f i f t i e s , but especially since 1959' Also the Sunnyside area, adjacent to White Rock, but more or less dependent on the city for comm-ercial services has shown a considerable increase in population since 195^ and this population has been essentially composed of young, married couples. As a f i n a l point in regard to White Rock's growth, mention should be made of the city's recreational function. There are 3 miles of sandy beach front in White Rock, a l l of which must be maintained by the city. The use of this beach and i t s consequent effect on service functions has increased in proportion to the population of the metropolitan area. The beach is so popular now that i t is really serving a regional need inasmuch as i t attracts a high proportion of individuals from throughout the Lower Mainland Region. In summary then, the growth of the White Rock-Sunnyside 84 area can be attributed to the construction of the Great Northern Railway's Vancouver-Seattle line through the city in 1909, the construction of the King Geogge Highway in 193°, the increased use of the automobile in post war years permitting efficient commuting between White Rock and other regional centres and the construction of the Deas Island Thruway in 1959' T w o physical conditions have contributed to i t s growth as well, namely, the advantage of 3 miles of sandy beach front and the quality of a warm dry climate attracting elderly citizens as permanent residents and 'holidayers'. VIII. THE PRESENT FUNCTIONS OF WHITE ROCK White Rock's function as both a resort community and a suburban community continues at an increasing scale. The imp-rovement of i t s accessibility due to the Deas Island Thruway has contributed to an expansion of not only the city's pop-ulation, but also a subsequent expansion of the goods and services available therein. Fortunately, the expansion of White Rock into the Sunny-side area is not occurring at the expense of agricultural land uses, howgver, a worse e v i l , namely, urban sprawl, is prevalent. If growth in the White Rock-Sunnyside area was organized and directed in a specific manner, the waste and the inefficiency produced by such urban sprawl could be minimized. The White Rock Chamber of Commerce estimates the city has sufficient commercial f a c i l i t i e s to service an area of 8 5 14,000 persons. The services available in the city for i t s surrounding residents are however, not/extensive beyond the range of convenience goods, thus journeys to either Vancouver or New Westminster are necessary. The recreational function of the city i s , as has been mentioned, expanding in proportion to metropolitan population growth. New apartments, in addition to existing summer cot-tages are beginning to appear on the beach front. IX. AN INVENTORY OP WHITE ROCK'S RETAIL AND SERVICE FUNCTIONS The quality of the inventory of White Rock's commercial and service functions, was, as in the Cloverdale inventory limited by time. The results are therefore, subject to some criticism as the data gathering was carried out by means of a windshield survey. White Rock's r e t a i l and personal service establish-ments reflect a high ava i l a b i l i t y of convenience goods, but a low degree of such items as furniture or household appliances. There are approximately 140 commercial establishments of one sort or another in White Rock, only 40 per cent of which are located in the city's older commercial core along the beach front (this count includes obvious motels, but doesn't include small aprtment buildings). Applying the classification used on page 72 for Cloverdale. the distribution of commercial functions is indicated in Table V below! The f a c i l i t i e s in order of group include among other things the following: Group 1. three supermarkets, two shoe stores, three drug stores. Group 2. two law firms, six banks, five real estate--insurance offices. Group 3* three lumber yards. Group 4. two bowling alleys, two dance halls, one theatre. Group 5' one hotel, several motels. Group 6. eight gasoline stations. TABLE V TYPES OP COMMERCIAL ESTABLISHMENTS WHITE ROCK Group Function No. of Establishments Percent of Establishments 1 Light Retail 34.5 2 Personal Services 51 36.7 3 Heavy Retail 8 5.8 4 Commercial Recrea-tion 13 9.5 5 Hotel 8 5.8 6 Auto Oriented 9 6.6 Source: Windshield Surrey by the author, March 31, 1965. There is a diversity of establishments in White Rock, however, the range of merchandise available would appear 8 T sparse, considering the relative absence of outlets re t a i l i n g such items as furniture and household appliances. There is no industrial employment in the White Rock--Sunnyside area, thus most of i t s employed residents commute to metropolitan centres. Community social and recreational f a c i l i t i e s within the White Rock area are comparatively numerous and extensive and this is presumably related to the city's being an ex-tensive retirement and resort centre. These f a c i l i t i e s are described under the following three categories. 1. Public 2. Private commercial 3. Private social Public. White Rock's recreation function has forced the city's administration to provide a great deal in the way of f a c i l i t i e s for tourists. Semiahmoo Park is perhaps the most notable. Here are well maintained camping and picnic grounds as well as a baseball diamond. In addition, there are both houses and washrooms for the public. Similarly, the city also maintains the beach front. Because of the heavy investment in the beaches, which in effect, provide a regional function the city has not been able to provide an adequate system of city parks and playgrounds. The only developed f a c i l i t y is the junior-senior high school ground which contains a football f i e l d and baseball diamond. A shortage of available sites w i l l hinder future park development, unless the city either expropriates land within i t s own boundary or joins with Surrey in jointly providing park sites in the Sunnyside area. There are within the city three elementary schools in addition to the junior-senior secondary school. These f a c i l i t i e s are jointly operated by White Rock and Surrey, through the Surrey School Board. In addition, there is a community library located in the city hall building. Private commercial. Provision of private f a c i l i t i e s in White Rock are essentially geared to the recreational function of the city. There are a number of " f i s h and chip" establishments located on Marine Drive, the east-west street that abuts the city's beach. Also, two service clubs, the Canadian Legion and the Army, Navy and Air Force Veterans Association are operative in White Rock. These organizations essentially provide drinking f a c i l i t i e s for both tourists and residents, a function also performed by the city's main hotel. There are also two dance halls near the city's beach front and one movie theatre, with the latter appearing to suffer from the availability of f i r s t -run films available in both Vancouver and New Westminster. Finally, there are two large bowling alleys in the city. Private social. The high proportion of elderly residents within White Rock seems to be reflected in the number of organizations within the city. A complete l i s t i n g of them is unavailable, however, the major ones are noted here. There is the usual Chamber of Commerce, an 8 9 organization composed of the city's businessmen, whose most stirring achievement is the annual White Rock "Sea Festival", an annual event that allegedly draws upwards of 3 0 , 0 0 0 persons during the week in July in which i t is held. A second organization is the White Rock Players Club, a group of amateur actors, who have achieved a favourable reputation over the years as to the quality of drama presented. Also located within the city are branches of service clubs, such as the Lions Club and the Kiwanis Club. Finally, the older residents of the community are represented by two organizations; the Senior Citizens Association and the Old Age Pensioners Association. These groups participate very strongly in local politics and are allegedly beginning to show signs of being a strong lobby with respect to p o l i t i c a l decisions in White Rock. The religious organizations within the city also play a social role in the community through various organizations within them, such as the ladies and youth organizations. In addition the Baptist church operates an extensive home for the elderly. The f i n a l category relating to an inventory of White Rock relates to the extent of physical services provided by the city and the condition of buildings within the city. White Rock's street pattern is essentially grid-iron and equals k6 miles in length, of which 39 miles or 85 per cent are paved. The grid-iron street pattern, supplanted over the entire city creates some d i f f i c u l t y on the c l i f f face leading to the beach front, although there are some streets following the contours which f a c i l i t a t e movement. Virtually a l l of the city i s sewered and connected to water lines. Street lighting covers the entire city although i t s quality is not known. Thus White Rock's servicing problems are small indeed, however, the Sunnyside area of Surrey, the logical site for future urban growth is without a public water system and a sewer system. But as w i l l be suggested later, the physical d i f f i c u l t y of providing these services is virtually non-existent. No building survey has been conducted in the city of White Rock, although the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board estimates that one third of the city's housing is of poor quality. Conclusion. A complete inventory of the City of White Rock is d i f f i c u l t to complete due to a lack of ready information; however, a few generalizations are possible. It is evident the commercial core is adequate for the present population in terms of providing convenience goods and in terms of providing for the tourist population. Similarly, the community because of i t s small^size has been able to keep abreast of the demand for physical services. Finally, the hitherto relatively homogeneous population, actively 91 participates in a variety of community ac t i v i t i e s , thus the nucleus of a thriving, active community is readily apparent. X. ADAPTABILITY OP EXISTING NUCLEI TO PROPOSED METROPOLITAN STRUCTURE IN TERMS OF TRANSPORTATION LINKAGES A further consideration requiring c l a r i f i c a t i o n before a decision on the possibility of expanding fringe communities is warranted, relates to the location of such communities in terms of metropolitan arrangements. In this regard, although functional differentiation is important, existing and anticipated metropolitan transportation linkages are perhaps more important. Both the t r a f f i c engineer and the city planner have their own perceptions as to the role of trans-portation linkages in a given region. The former considers land use to be a function of transportation while the latter regards transportation as a function of land use. In other words, the planner holds that specified functional land uses wil l generate certain transportation patterns, therefore, transportation linkages should be geared to land use. However, in many circumstances, particularly in the regional setting, fixed assets in the form of existing transportation patterns may exist before land use objectives and master land use plans are created. Thus a compromise between the planner's values and the t r a f f i c engineer's values may be required. 9 2 Justification of the concept that land use is a function of transportation emanates from the condition where-in certain transportation f a c i l i t i e s have been located with respect to inter-regional considerations rather than intra-regional considerations. This factor is most evident in the Lower Mainland region of British Columbia, with respect to two freeways constructed since 1 9 5 9 , namely the Deas Island Thruway and the Trans Canada Highway. (No doubt intra-regional considerations were assessed on an "ad hoc" basis in the locational choice of these f a c i l i t i e s , but the prime objective seems to have been inter-regional). In the case of the Deas Island Thruway, the publicly stated objective was consistently oriented to providing a high speed link between Vancouver and the International Boundary. With respect to the Trans Canada Highway, the prime objective i t is suggested, was to minimize travel time between Vancouver and the interior of British Columbia. The above can be considered inter-regional objectives. Such objectives are a reflection of the Provincial Government's goal as i t finances and constructs the f a c i l i t i e s (although the Federal Government participated in the financing of the Trans Canada Highway), thus, municipal considerations appear somewhat secondary. For example, the decision as to the location of a given interchange is allegedly the result of an application of the Highway Department's c r i t e r i a . 93 Locating highways in terms of f u l f i l l i n g inter-regional objectives results in a fixed f a c i l i t y being (in the case of the Lower Mainland at any rate) imbedded in the metropolitan region. The effect of highways, particularly freeways, on land use, has been well documented in a number of studies. Commercial, residential and industrial land use decisions by the private sector are often made on the basis of proximity to a given highway. Thus, in a way, acces-i b i l i t y shapes future land use. The result is probably more often than not, inefficient, irrational land use in the form of urban sprawl, whereas planned ut i l i z a t i o n of the land based on the existence of modern transportation f a c i l i t i e s is a secondary consideration. The planner must recognize this phenomenon and prepare plans cognizant of i t , although his role as an innovator is s t i l l retained, particularly with respect to future transportation patterns. In this regard, the more desirable alternative of land use shaping accessibility can be implemented. The relevance of the preceding cannot be overemphasized in relation to the Lower Mainland Region of British Columbia. Comprising essentially the valley of the Fraser River and the Burrard Penninsula, the region is geographically confined. Although long, ninety miles, i t s width never really exceeds forty miles, indeed, the greater the distance up the valley, the narrower i t becomes. Its northern boundary consists of the southern rim of British Columbia's Coast Mountain Range 94 and i t s southern boundary consists of two effective barriers; the northern rim of Washington State's Cascade Mountain Range and the International Boundary. Currently the Lower Mainland is traversed by two major highways, the Deas Island Thruway which follows a north-south alignment and the Trans Canada Highway, which follows an east-west alignment. Both of these highways, as mentioned earlier, converge on the region's functional centre; downtown Vancouver and the Vancouver Metropolitan Area. Consequently, both metropolitan population and functional expansion w i l l orient i t s e l f in terms of these inter-regional transportation links, which a l l too easily become essentially inter-regional in scope. In the light of the above, i t would seem imperative to guide future land use development cognizant of these two f a c i l i t i e s , assuming the tendency to private automobile trans-portation continues to increase and assuming the validity of the Chance and Challenge concept. XI. CRITERIA DELINEATING POSITIVE AND ADEQUATE REASONS FOR EXPANDING EXISTING COMMUNITIES The importance of fixed transportation linkages was indicated in the preceding section. It was implied that given these fixed f a c i l i t i e s , a l l locations within a given distance of these f a c i l i t i e s are theoretically suitable. The latter portion of the hypothesis of this thesis is hereby 95 presented below: ....urban service centres on the metropolitan fringe demand consideration as foci for new urban growth, provided their s u i t a b i l i t y in terms of location vis-a-vis the core area, and general socio-physical environment can be demonstrated. The above implies a necessity to derive cr i t e r i a applicable to a specific region to rationalize the selection of sites for either a dispersed population or dispersed functions. The relationship between the dispersal of population and function to existing urban service centres is reflected in two key phrases of the hypothesis .... "in terms of location" and "general socio-physical environment". The objective is to demonstrate this. Thus i f an existing centre meets the crite r i a i t shall be utilized as foci for new urban growth, or i f i t doesn't meet a l l the requirements, i t should be phased out of existence. However, a qualification is necessary here in view of the fact that the objective of Chance and Challenge is to conserve existing communities and yet at the same time create within the metropolitan area, communities with an ultimate population ranging from 6 0 , 0 0 0 to 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 persons. This qualification involves the phrase "general socio-physical environment." Por example, accommodating even 5 0 , 0 0 0 persons on the site of an existing community of 3>000 persons is 96 bound to ultimately eliminate or at least minimize the existing social structure and interaction patterns of such a community. What, in effect, is being decided is the suitability of the site with respect to i t s becoming a f a i r l y large centre. Thus criteria related to "location with respect to the metropolitan core" and "general physical environment" become the important variables. The "social environment" is important in only two ways. Fir s t , in determining whether or not a suitable core nucleus exists in order to provide at the outset, a range of services required by not only the existing population, but also, the f i r s t stage of the new population. Beyond this point, radical alterations and additions to the existing core would probably be required. Second, the social environment is an important consideration in that the existing community could form a neighbourhood in the new town, thus conserving existing investment and resources, such as, for example, the secondary schools and the exhibition grounds in Cloverdale or the neighbourhood shopping centre in White Rock. In summary therefore, i t would theoretically appear desirable to retain and in fact incorporate existing urban fringe service centres i f from the physical point of view, their immediate and adjoining site met needed requirements. This, theoretically would preserve existing private and public investment in the community. Thus below, a l i s t of cri t e r i a is presented. It is f e l t that by applying this l i s t in selecting sites for urban expansion in a region 97 would rationalize selection. The writer recognizes that a more detailed inventory of existing communities is required to maximize such site selection, but such a detailed inventory is beyond the scope of this thesis. Criteria for selecting new town sites in a metropolitan  region, given the Chance and Challenge objective of "con- serving existing community values". Physical: 1. Convenient and quick access to existing and anti-cipated regional transportation arteries. 2. Adequacy of site from the perspective of physical services, such as water, sewers and drainage. 3- Adequacy of site from the perspective of size, in view of an ultimate population ranging from 66,000 to 100,000 persons. 4 . Adequacy of site from the perspective of amenity, including aspect and topography to minimize monotony. 5. Adequacy of site from the perspective of foundation conditions, in order to f a c i l i t a t e some industrial development with a goal of ultimate self containment. 6. Adequcy of site from the perspective of ultimate ease of internal access. Social: 1. Existence of a viable community representing a high degree of public and private investment in conjunc-tion with the objective of "preserving existing community values." The above is in no way to be confused with the goals and objectives relating to the design and the function of a new town. These are of course ideal objectives, but their relevance to the hypotheses of this thesis is minimal. In conclusion, suffice i t to say that the foregoing analysis has been restricted to emphasizing a regional perspective and is in no way related to the probable urban renewal and rehabilitation problems of existing fringe urban centres. This would be something re-quiring further research. FOOTNOTES 98 1 Dennis M. Churchill, Local Government and Adminis- tration in the Lower Mainland Community (A report to the Metropolitan Joint Committee, Vancouver, B.C.; Volume 1, 1 9 5 9 ) , P- 1 (Mimeographed). 2 Ira Robinson and Gerald Hodge, Jobs. People and  Transportation. (A Report to the Metropolitan Joint Committee, Vancouver, B.C., i 9 6 0 ) , p. 2 5 . 3 ibid.. p. 2 6 . 4 ibid.. p. 26 5- ibid. 6 Province of British Columbia, R.S.B.C., Ch. 2 5 5 , Municipal Act (Victoria. B.C.: Queens Printer), Division 6 , s. 7 2 1 , ss. 1, p. 3 2 4 5 . 7 Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board, Chance and  Challenge (new Westminster: December, 19^3) 8 ibid., p. 6 9 ibid.. p. 15 10 ibid., p. 9 11 Surrey Planning Division, Cloverdale Study (Municipality of Surrey, B.C.: April, 1 9 6 4 ) , p. 4 (Mimeographed). 12 ibid., p. 2 0 13 ibid.. p. 54 14 Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board, op. c i t . , p . 15 15 Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Census of Canada, Bulletin CT—2 2 . Vancouver, (Ottawa, Ont.: Department of Trade and Commerce, 1 9 6 1 ) , p. 1 1 . CHAPTER V EVALUATION OF THEORETICAL CONCEPTUALIZATIONS APPLIED TO THE LOWER MAINLAND REGION OF BRITISH COLUMBIA I. INTRODUCTION The preceding chapters of this thesis have attempted to demonstrate some of the inherent problems of city growth, metropolitan expansion and existing urban fringe communitis. The objective has been to determine a rationale for con-sidering fringe communities as foci for new urban growth. Chapter IV consisted of an inventory of two existing fringe communities in the lower Mainland Region of British Columbia (Cloverdale and White Rock). In addition the chapter concluded by describing the effect of fixed, permanent, transportation f a c i l i t i e s on metropolitan structure and posited a scries of crit e r i a that would aid the decision-maker in rationalizing the site of future urban growth cognizant of existing fringe communities. This chapter presents an application of the c r i t e r i a to Cloverdale and White Rock concludes with an evaluation of the c r i t e r i a as applied to these communities. The f i n a l section of the chapter includes a discussion of the possible tech-niques of implementing the hypothesis on a regional scale. 100 II. ADEQUACY OP EXPANDING CLOVERDALE AND WHITE ROCK IN TERMS OP CRITERIA This section consists of an application to Cloverdale and White Rock of the cri t e r i a presented in Chapter IV. Cloverdale. Before a deaailed application of the cri t e r i a to Cloverdale is presented, i t is necessary to indicate briefly, the probable area that would constitute an expansion of the community. The f l a t , broad floodplains of the Nicomekl and Serpentine Rivers abut Cloverdale on i t s south and west. The current use of these floodplains is agricultural, generally vegetable farming, thus urban development here would be at the expense of this agricultural use. Such urban development would violate a major principle outlined by the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board in Chance and Challenge; namely, no urban type development should be tolerated on floodplain land. The only exception to the above occurs imm-ediately west of Cloverdale 1s commercial core, where the topography is upland and ro l l i n g , for a distance of one to two miles. Beyond this point however, the floodplain of the Serpentine River reappears, effectively preventing any northward expansion. The area east and northeast of Cloverdale, almost to the Trans-Canada Highway, constitutes the Clayton upland, a 5000 acre site of r o l l i n g topography topography ranging from 20 to 300 feet above sea level. This upland slopes downward into the Nicomekl and Serpentine Valleys. Present land use in Clayton consists essentially of small holdings or is vacant. Its gross population density in 1961 varied from .25 persons per acre on i t s eastern extremity to 2.0 persons per acre near the commer-c i a l core of Cloverdale. Any expansion of Cloverdale would of necessity have to be directed towards the Clayton area. Criterion 1, presented in Chapter IV was "convenient and quick access to existing and anticipated transportation arteries." Cloverdale*s stretegic location has been established, but to reiterate, the community is situated at the junction of the north-south Pacific Highway and the east-west No. 10 highway. The distance from Cloverdale, via the Pacific Highway to i t s junction with the Trans-Canada Highway is approximately five and one-half miles. Travel time from this junction to the metropolitan core approximates 30 bo ko minutes. The distance from Cloverdale to i t s junction with the Deas Island Thruway is approximately 11 miles and from this point to the metropolitan core involves approximately 20 minutes driving time. Thus, with respect to existing metropolitan transpor-tation linkages, Cloverdale seems well situated. This condition would be reinforced i f the community were to be expanded in the direction of the Clayton area for i t s eastern boundary would then correlate with Carvolth Road, a north-south concession road that, as does the Pacific Highway, connects with the Trans Canada Highway. The su i t a b i l i t y of the Cloverdale—Clayton site is also contingent upon future regional transportation arteries (this condition is most crucial, depending on whether the regional goal is to build self-contained communities or "bedroom" communities. This subject w i l l be approached in a succeeding section). Two important future " i f s " enter into the situation at this point. The f i r s t involves the apparent construction of a high speed limited access highway linking the Trans Canada Highway and the Deas Island Thruway. The tentative alignment of this f a c i l i t y indicates that i t w i l l cut diagonally through the Cloverdale—Clayton area, with the result that the potential expanded town site w i l l become, in terms of time, even more accessible to other points in the Lower Mainland Region. The second " i f " refers to the possibility of a second east-west oriented regional freeway. Conceived in Chance and Challenge, (and no doubt a necessity i f new Fraser Valley communities become "bedroom" communities) as a long range objective, this f a c i l i t y would originate in downtown Vancouver, following Boundary Road to Marine Drive, 103 thence along Marine Drive to a point near Annacis Island, where i t would cross the Fraser River. From this point i t would follow the existing B.C. Hydro Railway line through Surrey to Cloverdale, where i t would veer south and east to Aldergrove and ultimately merge into the Trans-Canada Highway at Abbotsford (see map 3 on page 60). While this alignment is long range and schematic i t s implications for the Cloverdale--Clayton area are significant. It would provide another access point for the area that would result in Cloverdale being but 20 - 25 minutes from the metropolitan core. The f i n a l consideration in respect of future transpor-tation arrangements concerns the possibility of rapid r a i l transport within the region and how such would affect the Cloverdale—Clayton area. Two po s s i b i l i t i e s exist here. The f i r s t , involves the possibility of connecting the Canadian National Railway mainline with a new r a i l line to Cloverdale. Such a possibility would seem impractical. The second however, seems very practical in the long run and would be related to the freeway between Cloverdale and the metro-politan core. Such a system could u t i l i z e the existing B.C. Hydro railway through Surrey with a new line being built through Burnaby and Vancouver. It is Interesting to note that the proposed third regional freeway follows this r a i l alignment through Surrey. In conclusion, i t would appear that the Cloverdale-104 -Clayton area would be, from the perspective of existing and anticipated regional transportation linkages more than adequate for expansion into a city of 60,000 to 100,000 persons. Thus, criterion 1 is successfully met by the community. Criterion 2 relates to the adequacy of the Cloverdale-Clayton site from the point of view of physical servicing, such as water and sewers. It is d i f f i c u l t to judge this condition explicitly without assessing alternative sites within the region and the latter is beyond the scope of this thesis, however, a few generalizations are possible. The Cloverdale—Clayton upland area is drained by both the Serpentine and the Nicomekl Rivers* system and because of i t s upland characteristics, drainage is not considered as a potential problem.1 Similarly, i t s plateau-like topography minimizes sewering d i f f i c u l t i e s . Water ser-vices would presumably come within the scope of operations of the Greater Vancouver Water Board and would involve a pipeline from the North Shore. Thus, in terms of c r i t -erion 2, no potential problems seem manifest. Criterion 3 refers to the size of the anticipated expansion area and i t s suitability with respect to accomm-odating 60,000 to 100,000 persons. As mentioned earlier, the Cloverdale—Clayton area comprises approximately 5*000 acres. Therefore, assuming even single family density 105 conditions - k dwelling units per acre and ^.6 persons per dwelling unit; the site would easily accommodate 65,000 persons. Recognizing that one of the principles outlined in Chance and Challenge postulates a variety of housing types within a community, the Cloverdale—Clayton area could easily accommodate upwards of 100,000 persons. Thus, in terms of criterion 3, the Cloverdale—Clayton site seems adequate. Criterion 4, relating to physical amenity considerations is perhaps the most d i f f i c u l t to measure, owing to i t s relatively subjective nature. However, for purposes of this thesis, true amenity w i l l be regarded as consisting of sloping topography, covered by stands of treed areas. The Surrey Planning Division in Preface to a. Community Plan l i s t s eight major treed areas in the Cloverdale--Clayton area and these would appear to comprise 15 - 20 per cent of the total s i t e . 2 A further quality of amenity is related to aspect, a very d i f f i c u l t concept to apply to a large area. However, generally speaking, the Cloverdale—Clayton area overlooks two river valleys, both broad and f e r t i l e in appearance, and i t is submitted, albeit subjectively, that this is sufficient ground on which to consider Cloverdale as having potential for expansion, on the assumption that residential monotony can and would be more or less eliminated. The foundation conditions of an area, the subject of criterion 5, are important considerations i f the relevant area is expected ultimately to contain heavy buildings, particularly i f they are industrial in function. Only a slim 106" p o r t i o n of the C l o v e r d a l e — C l a y t o n area i s c o n s i d e r e d t o possess good f o u n d a t i o n c o n d i t i o n s . T h i s area comprises the r i m of the slope towards the Nickomekl and Serpentine R i v e r v a l l e y s . Foundation c o n d i t i o n s i n the remainder of the area would r e q u i r e treatment t o s u c c e s s f u l l y accommodate heavy s t r u c t u r e s . 3 F i n a l l y , a B r i t i s h Columbia Department of A g r i c u l t u r e s o i l survey r a t e s over 85 per cent of the s o i l i n the C l o v e r d a l e — - C l a y t o n upland i n the f o l l o w i n g manner; "poor t o d o u b t f u l s o i l s f o r the most p a r t not s u i t e d f o r g e n e r a l farming purposes. The f i n a l p h y s i c a l c r i t e r i o n , 6, r e l a t e s t o i n t e r n a l access w i t h i n the C l o v e r d a l e - - C l a y t o n a r e a . T h i s i n t u r n r e l a t e s to f u t u r e development p a t t e r n s . The area i s sub-d i v i d e d on a g r i d - i r o n p a t t e r n and the m a j o r i t y of the c o n c e s s i o n roads are y e t to be b u i l t . Consequently, there i s scope f o r u t i l i z i n g some roads as a r t e r i a l s t r e e t s and c r e a t i n g the remainder to conform with whatever s u b d i v i s i o n p a t t e r n i s planned. No problem of s i g n i f i c a n c e would appear f o r t h -coming i n t h i s aspect of expanding C l o v e r d a l e . C r i t e r i o n 1, under " s o c i a l " r e f e r s to the v i a b i l i t y of a g i v e n community and i n v o l v e s the d e s i r e t o r e t a i n i t s e x i s t i n g core. T h i s c r i t e r i o n cannot be c o n s i d e r e d s i n g l y , r a t h e r i t i s i n e x t r i c a b l y r e l a t e d t o a c c e s s i b i l i t y and f u n c t i o n , and comparisons between i t and a v i r g i n town s i t e , a d e c l i n -i n g community and a d i s t a n t community. I t i s submitted 1 0 7 h e r e i n i n l i g h t of the evidence presented i n Chapter IV, t h a t C l o v e r d a l e i s a v i a b l e e n t i t y , although perhaps i n l i m i t e d way. I t s range of goods i s r e l a t e d somewhat, t o s t a n d a r d i z e d o f f e r i n g s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , C l o v e r d a l e appears t o be a t h r i v i n g community, not one about to "go under" because of changing a g r i c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s , but r a t h e r , i t appears to be expanding i t s commercial f a c i l i t i e s due t o the i n c r e a s i n g s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n of i t s t r i b u t a r y a r e a . I t i s a l s o s u i t a b l y l o c a t e d with r e s p e c t t o the m e t r o p o l i t a n core and perhaps i n the f u t u r e may even be more so, thus goods and s e r v i c e s and above a l l , employment u n a v a i l a b l e i n the C l o v e r d a l e area i s a s h o r t d i s t a n c e away. Consequently, i t would appear p r a c t i c a l t o u t i l i z e C l o v e r d a l e and expand i t as a means of accommodating new urban growth. Such expansion would only be s a t i s f a c t o r y and r a t i o n a l i f i t were d i r e c t e d onto the C l a y t o n upland. The community's e x i s t i n g commercial core and p u b l i c f a c i l i t i e s , not to mention s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e m i t i g a t e s a g a i n s t the a l t e r n a t i v e s o l u t i o n - e l i m i n a t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , the e x i s t i n g commercial core would p r o v i d e an immediate nucleus f o r the expanded community and could, depending on the d e c i s i o n of the r e l e v a n t p l a n n i n g a u t h o r i t y , be r e t a i n e d i n the u l t i m a t e form, as a neighbourhood shopping c e n t r e . Or, i t could, g i v e n some urban renewal and expansion, be des i g n a t e d as the permanent town c e n t r e f o r the expanded town of C l o v e r d a l e . 108 White Rock. Many of the conditions attributable to Cloverdale are equally applicable to the City of White Rock and in some cases more so. White Rock and the area under consideration f a l l s within two municipal jurisdictions; White Rock and Surrey, thus for simplicity i t w i l l be referred to as the White Rock--Sunnyside area. Any expansion of White Rock must perforce be to the north and west of the city. To the south, Semiahmoo Bay prohibits expansion and to the east, beyond the Deas Island Thruway li e s the Hazelmere Valley. Urbanization of the latter would contravene Chance and Challenge Js principle of avoiding urban type development on floodplain lands. Potential ex-pansion to the north is suitable for some two and one-half miles at which point the Sunnyside area merges with the floodplain of the Nicomekl River. On the west, expansion is possible for approximately 2 miles, at which point the shoreline of Boundary Bay is reached. The area regarded suitable for expansion comprises some 6,000 acres. Like the Clayton upland i t too is a gently r o l l i n g plateau type land mass featuring on i t s southern and western boundaries, slopes in excess of 20 per cent. Land use in White Rock is essent-i a l l y commercial and residential. In Sunnyside development is sparse and sprawling, with urban nodes at Crescent Beach (essentially of the summer cottage variety) and on the 109 south-western tip of the area. The population of the Sunny-side area in 1961 approximated 35^0 persons and the gross population density varied from .25 persons per acre to six persons per acre. Thus there is a total of approximately 10,000 persons in the study area. The f i r s t criterion outlined in Chapter IV is related to accessibility. The White Rock—Sunnyside area is per-fectly oriented to regional transportation linkages because of the Deas Island Thruway forming i t s eastern boundary. The area is directly served by the Thruway via two interchanges; the Crescent Beach interchange on i t s north-eastern boundary and the Campbell River interchange on i t s south-eastern boundary. The alignment of the Thruway puts White Rock—Sunny-side within 20 - 30 minutes travel time of the metropolitan core. In addition, the area is directly linked with New Westminster via the King George Highway. The possibility of anticipated regional transportation arteries directly affecting White Rock's accessibility is n i l , although i t may be necessary to construct a third direct Interchange on the Deas Island Thruway sometime in the future. One worthy long term possibility, howe¥er, is related to the potential of rapid r a i l transit (assuming the area grew large enough to warrant such a service). The Vancouver - Seattle r a i l line passes through White Rock and Crescent Beach and could perhaps be utilized for commuter passenger t r a f f i c in the future. The railway presently follows an alignment 110 leading to New Westminster where i t merges with the main line of the Canadian National Railway, however, given the possibility of a r a i l line adjoining a second east-west freeway as suggested earlier, such a branch line to White Rock could easily be implemented, i f warranted. Thus, the White Rock—Sunnyside area is suitable for expansion in terms of criterion 1. Criterion 2, physical services, would presumably pose no significant problems in the White Rock--Sunnyside area. The study area's plateau-like land mass forms a high (340 feet) east-west ridge about midway between the Nicomekl River and Semiahmoo Bay. Run-off as a result is not an appreciable problem, although two small areas along this ridge are considered "areas of d i f f i c u l t drainage".5 Similarly, because of the terrain, sewering should not be a problem. Consequently, the requirements of criterion 2 are met within the study area. The White Rock—Sunnyside area more than meets the requirement of criterion 3 . With 6,000 acres, even at the single family density level, an ultimate population of 85,000 persons could be accommodated. No doubt, the prov-ision of a variety of housing types would enable the area to accommodate 100,000 persons. Criterion 4, adequacy of amenity, i s most applicable to the White Rock—Sunnyside area. The sharp drop of the I l l plateau to the sea on i t s southern and western boundaries provides, on the upland, a spectacular view of Washington State's Cascade Mountains, Semiahmoo Bay, the Gulf Islands and the waters of Georgia Strait. To the north, a pleasant view of the Nicomekl and Serpentine River valleys as well as the north shore mountains is possible. In addition, the study area, according to the Surrey Planning Division abounds with natural vegetation in the form of major treed areas.^ Over one third of the Sunnyside area is in this condition. Thus, an interesting and pleasing residential environment could be created in the White Rock—Sunnyside area. Foundation conditions, criterion 5, within the White Rock—Sunnyside area would generally require treatment i f the erection of heavy structures was contemplated. One or two sections of good foundation land exist, notably in the Crescent Beach recreation area. With respect to criterion 6 , the White Rock--Sunnyside area is in a position not unlike the Cloverdale--Clayton area, because of the original subdivision system and because of sparseness of development. Thus in the portion of the study area with potential for the most extensive expansion there is considerable scope for designing an effective circulation system. However, the White Rock—Sunnyside area poses a special problem because of the areas recreational attractions. Thousands of motorists motor to White Rock or Crescent Beach during summer weekends and this creates considerable congestion. However, providing a solution to this problem is beyond the scope of this paper. In conclusion, suffice i t to way that the White Rock—Sunnyside area meets the requirement of criterion 6 , but a special problem does exist, due to the attractive recreational f a c i l i t i e s of the area. Criterion 1 under "social" is more or less met in the White Rock—Sunnyside area, despite any possible shortcomings the areas commercial area may have. F i r s t , the beaches of White Rock and Crescent Beach are a permanent asset. They wi l l continue to attract urbanites from the metropolitan area. Secondly, servicing these beach areas for tourists must, perforce be improved and increased in the future. This w i l l require additional employees to adequately exploit the service function. Thirdly, the amenity of the White Rock--Sunnyside area, plus i t s accessibility to regional transportation linkages indicates i t s future growth, since 1951 in general and 1956 in particular. Thus, i t appears that the White Rock—Sunnyside area is an active, viable community and assuming regional administration of i t s regional recreation resource, the waterfront, the existing nucleus appears ideal in so far as the beginning of a new town is concerned. H3 III. VALIDATION OF CRITERIA AND RELATIONSHIP TO HYPOTHESIS This section involves an evaluation of the recom-mendation to u t i l i z e the existing communities of Cloverdale and White Rock as the nucleus of new towns in the Lower Mainland Region. The Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board has recinmended both the preservation of existing communities to absorb future population growth within the region. A number of theoretical principles are applicable to making decisions of this nature. The f i r s t problem to solve involves whether or not new communities within a metropolitan region should be self sufficient, i.e, should possess their own economic base or whether they should simply serve the function of "bedroom" communities. Great Britain has attempted the former, while natural development has achieved the latter. Sweden in post war years, has attempted to decentralize i t s largest city, Stockholm, by creating new communitiesclinked by rapid transit and the highway system and in so doing, has implemented a compromise between the goal of self sufficiency and the goal of "bedroom" communities, ffheir new towns are designed such that each have an economic base capable of employing approximately one third of the working population. The remainder commute to the central city. At any rate, i t is sub-mitted that the debate of self sufficiency versus dormitory is secondary to the importance of providing a "town centre" to avoid the natural pattern of massive housing tracts. This is essentially what Carver pleads for in his book Cities in the Suburbs.7 namely, the avoidance of what Krutch has called, "sloburbs", as the following excerpt indicates: A suburb implies a city to which i t is attached, but what we are increasingly developing are huge agglomerations that cannot be called suburbs because there are no urbs to own them. If a sloburb is analogous to any livi n g thing i t must be, I think, to one of the myxomycetes or slime molds. These remarkable blobs, found especially in damp, rotting logs, have no shape^ no characteristic size and no community centre." Absent is the town centre, something Carver advocates so as to provide identity to suburban communities, a focal point, a point where social intercourse can reach the peak of intensity historically available in the core of the central city. Thus, whether the suburban community is a self suffic-ient entity or not is irrelevant to the objective of this thesis, which has been to assess the possibility of existing urban fringe communities providing the town centre for a surrounding suburban community. The second problem to solve involves the decision as to whether or not new towns are preferable to existing towns. An analysis of this principle must, perforce, follow an evaluation of the crit e r i a presented in Chapter IV. It can be seen that essentially the c r i t e r i a presented, represent with one exception, a form of the c r i t e r i a usually used to select the site of a new town in a metropolitan 115 region. Thus, i t is apparent that the i n i t i a l conception of u t i l i z i n g a site relates to an intuitive feeling that i t is a desirable site for urban development and this in turn is related to whatever principles regarding town sites are utilized by the investigator. In other words, i t would seem that the decision to expand an existing centre becomes relevant only when one or more alternative virgin sites are weighted equally, in terms of the necessary qualifications of development. However, a regional goal to u t i l i z e existing centres would then require the investigator to assess such centres f i r s t when allocating future metropolitan land use patterns. It is submitted that In these circumstances the c r i t e r i a outlined in Chapter IV could be validly applied. This wouldn't necessitate an ultimate retention of the existing communities1 commercial cores, rather i t would only bind the relevant authority to using them as the nucleus of new towns. Such considerations naturally lead to questions as to the advantages and disadvantages of new towns versus expanded towns. What are the advantages of expanding existing towns? The following arguments are often used: 1. The value of established tradition and character. 2. The benefits conferred on an old town by i t s enlargement. . The advantages of existing services and amenities. . Less loss of land to agriculture. In addition i t is important to consider the social and 1 1 6 economic effects on the relevant area in determining whether to expand a town or start from scratch. Those opposed to expanding towns point out the possibility of vested interests slowing the progress of expansion and the advantages in design presented by a new site, among others. Such arguments mitigate against the importance of considering existing social and economic conditions, i.e., the construc-tion of a new town may lead to the demise of an existing small town, which has a good locational advantage with respect to the metropolitan core. The argument relative to design ease is insignificant at least in the case of the communities considered herein, as the expansion of a community of 3,000 persons to one of 60,000 persons implies in the long run, the complete physical renewal of the existing f a c i l i t i e s . It is simply that f a c i l i t i e s in the existing community may be adequate to support the f i r s t wave of new population, and ultimately to support say, a neighbourhood of the new town. Finally, the very existence of a viable commercial core negates the need to construct at the outset a commercial centre. In the case of Cloverdale and White Rock, i t was apparent that both have an adequate commercial core that would be sufficient for an i n i t i a l wave of population increase and that both provide sufficient public f a c i l i t i e s , e.g., schools (although i t may be repeated that White Rock's park system requires extensive development). Finally, social p a r t i c i -pation in both communities is of an extent that can be considered desirable and would be reinforced i f the communities were enlarged. Expansion could be directed to ensure a balanced community in terms of population compo-sition. It was noted that 47 per cent of White Rock's population exceeded 55 years of age whereas Cloverdale*s population is beginning to consist largely of young married couples. Neither extreme is perpetually desirable. In conclusion therefore, i t would seem that the c r i t e r i a outlined in Chapter IV would suitably determine the socio-physical environment of a given community as well as the location of a given community vis-a-vis the core area. IV. POLICY IMPLICATIONS A system of metropolitan decentralization, be i t population or function cannot function rationally unless some form of regional or metropolitan authority plans and implements the process. It was noted in Chapter IV that the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board has no power of implementation unless i t s proposals are approved by two thirds of i t s member municipalities. In this regard two alternatives means of implementation are presented below. The f i r s t is a synopsis of legislation passed at the 1965 session of the Br i t i s h Columbia Legislative Assembly and the second is a synopsis of a conceptual regional administrative 118 framework designed by the present writer and two fellow students in connection with other academic duties. The new legislation in British Columbia provides for the formation of regional dis t r i c t s and the creation of a three part board known as the Regional Board. These boards wi l l consist of an executive composed of appointed councillors from member municipalities, a technical planning board composed of regional representatives of government departments and a joint service board, an inter-municipal agency carrying out selected joint functions. A planning staff presumably forms the executive staff of the board. Its function is to prepare regional plans, but the advantage of this new arrangement is that plans produced wi l l consist of greater depth and consistency thus implementation should be facilitated, Consequently, i f a regional plan is prepared and i t calls for a new town in the form of either an expanded existing town or a completely new town, the process of implementation should Be fa c i l i t a t e d because of the power of the regional board, which, although s t i l l subject to clar i f i c a t i o n , indicates that matters obviously of a regional nature can be implemented. To ensure this, the regional board is authorized to borrow money on behalf of the member municipalities and i t is authorized to expropriate real or personal property in the course of i t s operations. This implies tacit approval of regional decisions 119 with municipal objections being relegated to either personal interaction or the polls. Unfortunately, the operation of the regional board comes within the jurisdiction of the Department of Municipal Affairs, a functional department with no extra authority at the Cabinet level. The concept noted above attempts to remove thos obstacle. Essentially the concept recommends the creation of a Provincial Development Department at the Cabinet level. It further recommends this department assume in some way the operations of the Department of Finance and that the Premier be the permanent p o l i t i c a l head of the new department. He has veto power in addition to authority consequently the might of the Development Department would be significant. The function of the Development Department would be to formulate provincial development goals in so far as they related to industrialization and urbanization. It would ensure i n i t i a t i n g co-ordination among the functional departments and among the Federal Departments engaged in province-wide a c t i v i t i e s . The Provincial Development Department would also act as arbiter in disputes between planning agencies and the functional departments. At the regional level the Provincial Development Department would be represented by Regional Development Commission. These agencies would prepare regional plans based on provincial goals and policies and attend to their 120 Implementation. In addition, they would provide "operating co-ordination" between the province's functional departments and Federal Departments engaged in regional a c t i v i t i e s . The above is essentially a concept, but i t s impli-cations for regional and metropolitan development are many. For example, planning for urban dispersal would be a function of the Regional Development Commission whose decision would be binding subject to the review of the Provincial Development Department and the Cabinet. Municipal units would be represented on the Regional Development Commission, however, i t is contemplated that on regional matters, relating to population dispersal, i t would be the municipal units that would be acting in an advisory manner. However to ensure redress i f regional decisions impinge too heavily on a given municipal unit, such could be achieved through the p o l i t i c a l process and through a provision that regional decisions must be approved by a majority of the member municipalities. The above conceptualization of regional or metro-politan administration seems drastic and to an extent i t i s , but in planning regionally i t is essential that a new orientation develop. The notion that functions transcend municipal boundaries is a well worn cliche, but a true notion. In matters as important as allocating anticipated metropolitan population increases, co-operation may have to be forced rather than hoped for, as the expense of tolerating insular municipal decision-making is incredible. 121 The change towards "regional thinking" is becoming more and more apparent. As mentioned, British Columbia has made a start in this direction, as has the Province of Ontario, via legislation unanimously approved in the 19&5 session of the Legislative Assembly. The Provinces of Manitoba and Alberta have also implemented legislation similar to that of British Columbia. Such legislation is most essential i f the phenomenon of urban sprawl is to be eliminated. Similarly, the alternative to sprawl, balanced communities, i s merely a dream i f legislation enforcing regional decisions is not implemented. 122 FOOTNOTES 1 Surrey Planning Division, Preface To a. Community  Plan (Municipality of Surrey, B.C., November, 1964) p. 41. 2 ibid.. p. 32 3 ibid., p. 35 4 ibid.. p. 37. 5 ibid., p. 40 6 ibid., p. 35 7 Humphrey Sarver, Cities in the Suburbs (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1962J7 8 The Vancouver Sun (Vancouver: Pacific Press, April 7, 1965), p. 5. 123 BIBLIOGRAPHY A. BOOKS Andrews, R.B., Urban Growth and Development. New York: Simmons-Boardman Publishing Corporation, 1 962. Carver, Humphrey.. Cities in the Suburbs. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1 962. Chapin, Jr., P. Stuart, Urban Land Use Planning. Urbana: University of I l l i n o i s Press, 1965. Chapin, Jr. P. Stuart and Shirley P. Weiss (eds.). Urban Growth Dynamics. New York: John Wiley and Sons Inc. 1962. Dickinson, Robert, E. City Region and Regionalism. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd., 1 947-Duncan, Otis, Dudley et a l . Metropolis and Region. Baltimore: The John Hopkins Press, 1 960. Dunning, John, H. Economic Planning and Town Expansion. South Hampton: Workers' Education Association, 1963-Elias, Jr., C.E., et a l . Metropolis: Values in Conflict. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth Publishing Co. Inc., 1 964. Engelbert, Ernest, A., The Nature and Control of Urban Dispersal. Los Angeles: University Extension. Univer-sity of California, i 9 6 0 . Priedmann, John and William Alonso, (eds.) Regional Oeyelop-ment and Planning. Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1964. Gallion, Arthur, B. The Urban Pattern. New York: D. Van Nostrand Company, . Inc., 1 95°-Gist, N.P. and L.A. Halbert. Urban Society. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1933. Hirsch, Werner, Z., (ed.) Urban Life and Form. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1963. Isard, Walter. Location and Space-Economy. Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1956. 124 Keeble, Lewis. PrinciplesCand Practice of Town and Country  Planning. London: The Estates Gazette, Ltd., IJbl. Martin, W.T., The Rural-Urban Fringe. Eugene: The University Press, 1959. Mayer, Harold, M. and Clyde F. Kohn (eds.). Readings in Urban Geography. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1 9 5 * Mumford, Lewis. The City in History. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1961. Rannells, John. The Core of the City. New York: Columbia University Press, 195^" Rodwin, Lloyd. The British New Towns Policy. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1956. Self Peter. Cities in Flood. London: Faber and Faber, Ltd., 1957-Wissink, Dr. G.A., American Cities In Perspective. Assen, The Netherlands: Royal Vangorcum Ltd., 1962. B. PUBLICATIONS•OF THE GOVERNMENT Corporation of the District of Surrey. Cloverdale Plan Pro- posal. Cloverdale: Surrey Planning Division, £ug., 1964. Corporation of the District of Surrey. Perspective * 8 l . Clov-erdale: Surrey Planning Division, March, 19&5• Corporation of the District of Surrey. Preface To A Community Plan. Cloverdale: Surrey Planning Division, December, 1964. Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board. Chance and Challenge. New Westminster: December, 1963• National Capital Planning Commission. A Policies Plan for the Year 2000. Washington, D.C, 1961. Province of British Columbia, R.S.B.C, Municipal Act. Chapter 255« Victoria: Queens Printer. C. ESSAYS AND ARTICLES IN COLLECTIONS 125 Friedmann, John. "Regional Planning As A Field of Study," Regional Development and Planning. John Friedmann and William Alonso, editors. Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1964. Harris, Chauncy, D. and Edward L. Ullman, "The Nature of Cities" Readings in Urban Geography. Harold M. Mayer and Clyde F. Kohn, editors. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1959. Webber, Melvin, M., "Alternative Metropolitan Structures", The  Nature and Control of Urban Dispersal. Ernest A. Engel-bert, editor. Los Angeles: University of California, i960. D. UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS Corporation of the District of Surrey, "Cloverdale Study", Surrey Planning Division. April, 196H. (Mimeographed). Scott, Jr., M. and W.E. Spangle, Jr., "The Growth and Devel-opment of Cities and the Evolution of City Planning". Los Angeles: University of California, 1958* (Mimeog-raphed). E. NEWSPAPERS Vancouver Sun, April ~], 1965. 


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