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Indians in Vancouver : an explorative overview of the process of social adaption and implications for… Collins, Barbara Rose 1966

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INDIANS IN VANCOUVER An Explorative Overview of the Process of S o c i a l Adaption and Implications f o r Research By Barbara Rose C o l l i n s William Douhaniuk Joyce Sumiko Ikeda Irene Veronic Malecky Harold Kenneth Matheson Winnifred Woon Yee So William Young-Soon A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK in the School of So c i a l Work Accepted as conforming to the Standard required for the Degree of Master of So c i a l Work School of So c i a l Work A p r i l , 1966 THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make . i t f r e e l y avai-l-able f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree that per-m i s s i o n f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r scholarly-purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s representatives.. I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i -c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of / The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date ABSTRACT This i s a study of the s o c i a l adaptation of native Indian people i n the c i t y of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia and the methodological implications for future research i n t h i s area. It was accomplished by reviewing the roots of the problem i n h i s t o r y , exploring the reserve system, defining the problem as i t now e x i s t s i n Vancouver and o u t l i n i n g some programmes designed to f a c i l i t a t e t h i s adaptation ( i n p a r t i c u l a r the Vancouver Indian Centre). In addition, i t i s an interview survey of the opinions of Indians and experts i n Indian A f f a i r s with respect to t h e i r perception of Indian problems and t h e i r suggestions for solution. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s study i s twofold. F i r s t of a l l , i t i l l u s t r a t e s that agencies which sponsor research may have a tendency to see i t s value only i n pragmatic returns rather than i n the contributions such research may make to generally improved understanding as a basis for sound planning. Secondly, i t adds to our fund of knowledge of the urban Indian population and indicates possible future areas of research. The method consisted of highly unstructured interviews with the persons noted above. Whereas the content of the interviews with experts r e l a t e d p r i m a r i l y to the need for research, the areas of possible research, and the suggested solutions, those with Indian people focussed on s p e c i f i c topics such as reserves, types of schools, use of the native language, i n t e g r a t i o n and amalgamation. I t was suggested by o f f i c i a l s and persons who have a great deal of contact with Indians that these were topics to which the Indian was p a r t i c u l a r l y s e n s i t i v e and that they were therefore not appropriate content for exploration after l i m i t e d contact with subjects. ( i i ) We concluded that t h i s i s not necessarily true. These li m i t e d contacts with Indians who have come to the c i t y also indicated that Indians are forsaking the reserves to seek opportunity and improved status i n the urban community. In the process they are making v a l i a n t e f f o r t s to adjust.to the white culture. This presupposes native strengths which should be recognized as a po s i t i v e basis upon which to b u i l d welfare services. Because of the exploratory nature of t h i s study, many of these strengths w i l l have to be more p o s i t i v e l y i d e n t i f i e d , v e r i f i e d and correlated by future research. The main conclusion i s that action-research i n several s p e c i f i c areas would meet the needs and expectations of the Indians, the experts i n Indian A f f a i r s and the urban-White population. ( i i i ) ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many people and agencies helped us complete t h i s study. We are p a r t i -c u l a r l y g r a t e f u l to the Indian A f f a i r s Branch which provided a large portion of the background material, the Vancouver Indian Centre, the C i t y Prosecutors Department, the Attorney-General's Department, and the Family Service Association. A large portion of our gratitude goes to those people who par t i c i p a t e d i n the interviews. They gave w i l l i n g l y of th e i r time and energy to provide us with many h e l p f u l and important ideas. F i n a l l y , we wish to thank Dr. Glen Hamilton of the School of Soci a l Work for h i s valuable suggestions and continuing support throughout the long process of de f i n i n g , r e - d e f i n i n g , and writing t h i s study. ( i v ) TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Chapter I H i s t o r i c a l Background of the Coastal Indians  and i t s Implications. Nature and T e r r i t o r i e s . C u l t u r a l Heritage and i t s Implications. The Coming of the White Man and E f f e c t upon Indian Culture. Chapter II The Reserve System Past and Present: A Means Toward Accommodation and A s s i m i l a t i o n . Structure of the Reserve System. Indian A f f a i r s Branch Administration. Reasons f or the Move Away from the Reserves. Chapter I I I The Meeting of Two Cultures i n Vancouver. Some Theory of Race Relations. The Facts of t h i s Meeting. Chapter IV Two Major Programmes to F a c i l i t a t e S o c i a l  Adaptation. Community Development on the Reserves. Friend-ship Centres. Chapter V Methodology: D e t a i l s of the Process of Change  of Design. Formulation of Research Design. Experiences Leading to a Change i n the Level of Design. The F i n a l Plan. Chapter VI Interviews with Experts i n Indian A f f a i r s . Methodology. Areas of Research. Sources of Information. Indian Problems. Solution of Problems. Chapter VII Indians Speak for Themselves. Methodology. Pre-Test Interviews. Casual Inter-views. Beverage Room Interviews. Summary Observations. Chapter VIII Conclusions. Page 1-2 3-21 22-35 36-51 52-68 69-85 86-112 113-145 146-155 Summary of Strengths and Weaknesses. Implications for Research. Action-Research. (v) TABLE OF CONTENTS - Cont'd. Page Appendices A. Interview Schedule 82-85 B. B i b l i o g r a p h y 151-155 -( v i ) TABLES AND GRAPHS A. Tables Table 1. B.C. Indian Population (1835-1963) Table 2. Number of Indian Students Attending Provincial, Private and I n s t i t u t i o n s of Higher Learning, U n i v e r s i t i e s , Technical and Commercial Schools between January 1, 1960 - 1965. Table 3. Number of Students Taking Grades 10, 11 and 12 Education between the 1st of January, 1960 - 1965. Table 4. Indian Population of B.C. Indicating Numbers on and o f f Reserves Between 1962 - 1966. Table 5. Areas of Suggested Research Indicated by Experts. Table 6. Problem Areas Indicated by Experts. Table 7. Problem Solutions Suggested by Experts. Table 8. Summary of Background of Subjects. Table 9. Summary of Subjects' Opinions and Expectations. Table 10. Suggested Areas for Research. Page 12 29 30 34-A 108 110 111 141 142 143 B. Graphs Graph 1. Trends i n Indian. Population i n B.C. (1962 - 1970). 34-B INTRODUCTION The adaptation of Indians i n the Vancouver community was chosen for t h i s explorative study on the basis of two assumptions. The f i r s t of these i s that there i s a process of s o c i a l adaptation taking place i n Vancouver be-tween Indians and urban Vancouverites. Our second assumption i s that t h i s process presents a p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t problem to the Indian people. As a t h e o r e t i c a l basis for these assumptions we used a study of the Spokane Indians by Prodipto Roy. He defined t h i s process of adaptation as Assimi-l a t i o n and further r e f i n e d i t into the three successive stages of "Acculturation, Integration and Amalgamation"} The problem seems to be many-faceted with h i s t o r i c a l , anthropological and s o c i o l o g i c a l meanings. The implications for the future of the problem are s t i l l unknown but we hope that our explorative study w i l l point the way to further research and thus increased understanding on the part of those who deal with t h i s problem. We believe that t h i s problem has s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e for s o c i a l workers because of the profession's concern with s o c i a l adaptation and s o c i a l prob-lems. It seems, too, that t h i s s i g n i f i c a n c e w i l l increase for s o c i a l workers i n the future as the population of Indians i n Vancouver increases. A f t e r l i m i t i n g the general physical area to be studied to the Vancouver community, i . e . , the Greater Vancouver area, we were faced with a multi-p l i c i t y of d i r e c t i o n s i n which explorative research could move. 1. Roy, Prodipto: "The Measurement of A s s i m i l a t i o n : The Spokane Indians", The American Journal of Sociology, v o l . 67 (March 1962), p. 541. - 2 -Our f i r s t choice f o r a l e v e l of design was a " d e s c r i p t i v e - d i a g n o s t i c " ^ one, and we o r i g i n a l l y planned to interview a s p e c i a l group of Indians i n the c i t y . For several reasons, however, i t was necessary to change both our l e v e l of design and the group interviewed. The reason f o r our f i n a l choice 2 of an "exploratory or formulative" design w i l l be discussed i n d e t a i l i n Chapter V because i t has important methodological implications. This change of plan re s u l t e d i n the use of casual interviews and our research focus became an explorative overview of the problem of the s o c i a l adap-t a t i o n of Indians i n Vancouver. Our exploration of the problem w i l l begin with a review of i t s roots i n hi s t o r y ; a study of the o r i g i n s of the reserve system and i t s present day r e a l i t y ; and a discussion of some of the theory of race r e l a t i o n s and some of the f a c t s of the present meeting of Indian and White cultures i n Vancouver. Then the methodology used and the implications of t h i s f o r future research i n t h i s area w i l l be discussed. This w i l l be followed by a d e s c r i p t i o n and analysis of the interviews with Indians and experts i n Indian A f f a i r s . F i n a l l y , our conclusions and suggestions for future research w i l l be presented. 1. Polansky, Norman, ed. S o c i a l Work Research. U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press. 1960. p. 50. 2. Ibid. p. 51. - 3 -CHAPTER I - HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE COASTAL INDIANS AND ITS  IMPLICATIONS. In order to gain a deeper insight into the d i f f i c u l t i e s of a s s i m i l a t i o n and s o c i a l adaptation which the Indians face i n the white urban community of Vancouver, i t i s necessary to look b r i e f l y at t h e i r c u l t u r a l heritage and h i s t o r i c a l background. The Indians of Vancouver who are mainly of the S a l i s h , B e l l a Coola, Nootka, Kwakiutl, Tsimshian, Haida and T l i n k i t t r i b e s , have a very d i f f e r e n t culture to other t r i b e s throughout Canada. This makes.it a l l the more d i f f i c u l t for them to integrate with the dominant white society. In f a m i l i a r i z i n g oneself with the old West Coast Indian customs, one would f i n d there are many instances when they are i n d i r e c t c o n f l i c t with the European culture. Some examples, as we see i n the course of t h i s chapter, are t h e i r Potlatch, family l i f e and s o c i a l organization. NATURE OF TERRITORIES The west coast, with i t s thousands of i s l a n d s , narrow f i o r d s and steep mountains i s p h y s i c a l l y i s o l a t e d from the rest of the continent. Generally, the climate i s wet, with heavy r a i n f a l l a l l along the west f l a n k of the Coast Range and deep snow i n the mountains. As a r e s u l t , innumerable streams and r i v e r s pour down the h i l l s i d e s . Most of them are short and swift, but other larger ones have t h e i r source far inland and break through the coast range to the sea; notable among these are the S t i k i n e , the Nass, the Skeena and the Fraser. The prevalent theory was that the Coastal Indians migrated from the eastern plains where there was a sudden s c a r c i t y of game, or a l t e r n a t i v e l y , as a - 4 -r e s u l t of the haphazard wanderings of some of the more i n t r e p i d hunting groups. They then s e t t l e d here and discovered the teeming food resources of the r i v e r deltas and coastal waterways and slowly created t h e i r own culture and adapted to th e i r surrounding environment. The rugged coast range mountains made t h e i r over land t r i p s rather d i f f i c u l t and the Coastal Indians were l e f t to themselves, with l i t t l e or no influence from other cultures.''" The t r a d i t i o n s and customs they brought with them were preserved and modified and passed down from generation to generation with l i t t l e change throughout the years. The cu l t u r e , as a whole, remained almost s t a t i c u n t i l the White men arrived. THEIR ECONOMY Fis h i n g : Being surrounded by d i f f e r e n t r i v e r s and i n l e t s , the Coastal Indians developed the f i s h i n g industry. Salmon was the predominant item i n t h e i r food economy whether they were r i v e r people or seashore dwellers. This economy demanded that f u l l advantage be taken of the l i m i t e d harvest season; hence methods were devised for taking the f i s h from the f i r s t moment they appeared i n groups or shoals u n t i l the spawning commenced. For t h i s purpose they excelled i n t h e i r techniques and equipment for catching salmon and other f i s h . Almost t h e i r e n t i r e economy was based on the f i s h i n g industry. A g r i c u l t u r e : These people knew nothing of farming and had no idea of planting and harvesting crops, although some of them did grow a l i t t l e tobacco i n small gardens near t h e i r v i l l a g e s . 1. B r i t i s h Columbia Heritage•Series: Our Native People. Coast S a l i s h . Series I, Vol. 2, V i c t o r i a , 1952, p. 15. - 5 -They grew wild clover i n large patches i n suitable places and these clover gardens were owned by c e r t a i n f a m i l i e s . The roots were dug up for food i n the autumn, but there was no attempt at c u l t i v a t i o n . As was stated above, the Coastal Indians were primarily fishermen and excelled i n t h e i r f i s h i n g s k i l l s and techniques; yet they knew l i t t l e or nothing about the basic s k i l l s of a g r i c u l t u r e . As f i s h i n g i s a seasonal job, done mostly i n the summer months, these sea foods, such as salmon, herring, and seaweeds were a l l preserved during the harvest months for use i n the winter. SOCIAL CLASS SYSTEM There were four classes evident i n the Coastal Indian society; the pr i n c e l y castes, the nobles, the commoners and the slaves. The p r i n c e l y castes set themselves apart from the rest of the community i n s o c i a l o b l i g a t i o n and marriage. They set the pattern of society and accepted without question t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , as well as t h e i r p r i v i l e g e s , and these, along with property and honours, passed through heredity from gener-ation to generation. The hereditary noble family had i t s own rules of descent and each of these f a m i l i e s had i t s own j e a l o u s l y guarded legend of the noble deeds of i t s ancestors. Members of t h i s c l a s s held the p r i v i l e g e of wearing masks at th e i r dances, a custom which was one of the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g marks of t h e i r s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . Among the commoners there were two subclasses; commoners-ordinary and commoners-middle class.. The d i s t i n c t i o n here was merely one of wealth and one which could be overcome by a t h r i f t y or fortunate i n d i v i d u a l . - 6 -Every f a m i l y w i t h any standing had s e v e r a l s l a v e s , both male and female, to do the d i r t y and l a b o r i o u s work. This custom p r e v a i l e d everywhere among the Coastal Indians. Slaves could be acquired by purchase or by war and were o f t e n of the same t r i b e as t h e i r owners. Slaves were property w i t h no s o c i a l status i n the community and t h e i r owners had complete power of l i f e or death over them. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION We have already seen that the n a t i v e t r i b e s of the west coast d i f f e r e d i n many ways from those l i v i n g i n other parts of Canada, but i t i s i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n of t h e i r s o c i e t y that they d i f f e r e d most of a l l . The n a t i v e s of the west coast b u i l t up a system of secret s o c i e t i e s w i t h i n t r i c a t e r u l e s governing; the i n h e r i t a n c e of c r e s t s , songs and r i t u a l s ; the r i g h t to marry i n t h i s group and not i n t h a t ; the r i g h t to perform c e r t a i n dramatic plays showing r e a l or imaginary i n c i d e n t s ; and the r i g h t to names and t i t l e s -- a l l i n a most bewildering tangle. There were three p r i n c i p a l ways i n which t h e i r s o c i e t y d i f f e r e d from that of other Canadian Indians: f i r s t l y , i n the r e c o g n i t i o n of a d e f i n i t e a r i s t o c r a c y ; secondly, i n the custom of accumulating large q u a n t i t i e s of goods and d i s t r i -buting them at great f e a s t s known as the p o t l a t c h e s ; and t h i r d l y , i n the w e l l -organized system of s l a v e r y . The a r i s t o c r a c y : As s t a t e d above, there were four d e f i n i t e c l a s s e s among Indian s o c i e t i e s . The c h i e f s of p r i n c e l y castes had p u b l i c d u t i e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n c l u d i n g the e r e c t i o n and ownership of the large houses i n which most of the people l i v e d . There was great r i v a l r y among the c h i e f s , - 7 -each seeking to outdo the others and to achieve greater prestige, which was based i n the long run on wealth. The a r i s t o c r a t i c trappings were a l l in h e r i t e d ; i n some t r i b e s through the mother's side of the family, i n others through the father's side, and i n some instances, through either side. Such r i g h t s could also be sold or given away as was frequently done. Other r i g h t s could be acquired through marriage, and i t was a matter of great concern to the older men and women to keep exact records of just who was allowed to do what. Men of the c l a s s of nobles, who were not quite of the a r i s t o c r a c y , often accumulated wealth by t h e i r own e f f o r t s , and, by giving great f e a s t s , could improve t h e i r p o s i t i o n and eventually be accepted by the true a r i s t o c r a t s . The r i v a l r y for prestige was intense and continuous, and a man who wanted to advance i n s o c i a l standing did so by shaming his r i v a l s by the profusion of his g i f t s at great winter feasts.*' The Potlatch Feast: The White man of the present age considers the acqui-s i t i o n of property as one of the e s s e n t i a l signs of success. The Indian i n his native state considered that the more he gave and impoverished himself, the better off he was. The custom arose i n distant times when slavery pre-v a i l e d . The slave was forced to work for the welfare of the community which had him i n charge, and more p a r t i c u l a r l y for the family i n whose custody he was placed. Occasionally, the f r u i t of h i s labours was divided amongst the members of the t r i b e and a c e r t a i n amount of prestige was given to the d i s -t r i b u t o r . This custom continued and grew into such proportions that f i n a l l y i t became the ambition of every Indian to be a Chief so that he could give 1. Douglas Leechman, Native Tribes of Canada. Toronto, W.J. Gage & Company Ltd., 1957, pp. 300-301. - 8 -Potlatches, and thus add to his prestige by doing so. I t was looked upon by the natives themselves as a sort of banking system whereby they loaned out t h e i r property to others at ruinous rates of i n t e r e s t . The r e c i p i e n t of the bounty might be c a l l e d on at any time for the f u l l amount of the g i f t with accrued i n t e r e s t often of two hundred per cent. Gradually the p r i v i l e g e of giving began to be abused and d i s t o r t e d u n t i l i t resembled a huge octopus, which held a l l customs and habits of the Indians i n i t s embrace. The word "pot l a t c h " i s a Chinook word, and s i g n i f i e s "a g i f t " . The potlatch to a c e r t a i n extent was the law and regulations of the Indians. A l l matters of business were s e t t l e d at these gatherings, and, as they had no written records, a l l transactions were made i n public so that the common people were witnesses of the business done or arrangements made. The negotiations often commenced s e c r e t l y , but before the conclusion i t was necessary for the prin-c i p a l s to give something away to the rest of the people who were present, i n order that they might witness the sealing of the contract. The g i f t s might be large or small, according to the means of the p r i n c i p a l s and the magnitude of the contract involved, but the more they gave away the more they rose i n t h e i r own estimation and also, they hoped, i n the estimation of the general pu b l i c . ^ System of Slavery: Slaves were not i l l treated as a r u l e . They did much of the work, but t h e i r condition was l i t t l e worse than that of t h e i r masters. Their s i t u a t i o n was bad because they must always remain slaves i f they were born of slave parents. A man who was captured and made a slave l o s t any rank he once had among his own people. Slaves had no opportunity to improve 1. W.M. H a l l i d a y , Potlatch and Totem. London and Toronto, J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1935, pp. 4 - 5 . - 9 -t h e i r condition by acquiring wealth or by marriage, for they could marry only other slaves. Slaves were a form of property and a chief or noble had complete r i g h t s over them. He could s e l l them or give them away at feasts or potlatches and he could even k i l l them to show his contempt for mere wealth.^ There was a good deal of f i g h t i n g among the Indians of the West Coast and slave r a i d i n g was one of the prime motives for wars between d i f f e r e n t t r i b e s . FAMILY LIFE In order to understand the family l i f e of the Coastal Indians, i t i s necessary to r e f e r to the type of housing or dwelling they l i v e d i n , b u i l t f o r protection against the weather and for help i n r e s i s t i n g raids from other t r i b e s . The houses of the Coastal Indians d i f f e r e d considerably from any other form used by the aborigines of North America. The chief c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of these houses were f i v e f o l d : 1. They were of great length, often several hundred feet long. 2. They were of lean-to or "shed" type. 3. Their i n t e r i o r s were divided into d e f i n i t e compartments. 4. Their i n t e r i o r s were supported on heavy i n d i v i d u a l framework independent of the walls. 5. The wall planks were held l o n g i t u d i n a l l y by sewing, or lashings c a r r i e d around pairs of uprights, one being i n s i d e the b u i l d i n g , and the other outside.^ As they were so large, a great many people could l i v e i n each house, a l l of 1. Leechman, op c i t . pp. 305 - 306. 2. B r i t i s h Columbia Heritage Series, op c i t . p. 25. - 10 -them under the authority of the Chief who had b u i l t the house and who was responsible for i t . Each separate family had i t s own section, which was closed off more or less from the others by a mat of cedar bark on rods, although the i n t e r i o r s d i f f e r e d from t r i b e to t r i b e . In the pre-White cul t u r e , husband, wife, and c h i l d r e n received some s p e c i a l s o c i a l recognition as a unit with defined r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s but they l i v e d within wider r e s i d e n t i a l , kinship and economic groupings that had more d e f i n i t e o u t l i n e s . Within a comprehensive kin u n i t , the conjugal family existed namelessly and r e l a t i v e l y unnoticed. Mothers loved t h e i r c h i l d r e n , or f a i l e d to; they were generally closer to them than were aunts, grandmothers or any of the other females of the group. A husband married a wife often expecting the r e l a t i o n -ship to endure for t h e i r l i f e time, and, although a marriage was usually arranged with reference to the wider k i n group, or even arranged by them, a f f e c t i o n and perhaps romantic love also held husband and wife together. Marriages were elaborate a f f a i r s among the wealthy and were considered most important because many crests and songs and names were transferred at a marriage, and g i f t exchanges between the kin of the bride and groom stressed t h e i r concern i n the union. A man might marry several wives and acquire new honour i n each marriage. Children were often betrothed when they were very young and presents were exchanged between the two f a m i l i e s to seal the bar-gain, so that the advantages of the marriage might accrue to both f a m i l i e s even before i t a c t u a l l y took place. It i s d i f f i c u l t to make an o v e r - a l l statement to describe the t r a d i t i o n a l d i v i s i o n of authority between husband and wife, and the forms of cooperation - 11 -expected from other k i n f o l k . Authority resided i n an i n d i v i d u a l because of his p o s i t i o n i n the larger k i n group, h i s achievements, or because of other grounds of endowment. A spouse, man or woman, l i v i n g with parental kin, would have an authority that was backed by k i n f o l k i n decisions and i n cases of c o n f l i c t s . E s p e c i a l l y where m a t r i l i n e a l rules of descent and inheritance pre-v a i l e d , many women became prominent as i n d i v i d u a l s . In such cultures also, the wife's brothers took on some defined r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f or her children and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the father diminished to some degree. The status of women, as of the aged, i n any society o r d i n a r i l y depends less on p r a c t i c a l s k i l l s and material factors than on other grounds. On the Coast, the c u l t u r a l stress on material possessions, on wisdom, on knowledge of the supernatural and on kinship bonds afforded opportunities for women and bi d people to hold high positions and o r d i n a r i l y ensured that they received adequate phy s i c a l care. In the t r a d i t i o n a l cultures the course of an in d i v i d u a l ' s l i f e was run within the confines of a group and k i n f o l k . Everywhere the envelope of k i n f o l k afforded protection and gave an extraordinary amount of sec u r i t y to the i n d i v i d u a l . Just as th i s large segment of the community supported the in d i v i d u a l , so also i t educated, guided and c o n t r o l l e d him. Through the household, extended family, or clan, each person r e a l i z e d many of his desires and met many of his needs, but both desires and needs received t h e i r d e f i n -i t i o n i n the education the group had given him. In most instances he had grown to maturity with a character developed i n conformance with the ways of the people nearest to him. And, because they stood behind him as he faced the external community, they t r i e d to r e s t r a i n any propensities for trouble by which he might have led them into unwanted involvement. The complete withdrawal of support from the extremely troublesome deviant removed him from the community i f not from l i f e i t s e l f . * ' MARRIAGE Marriage among the Indians was not binding; there were no vows entered upon by either of the p a r t i e s , and the marriage was merely one of convenience, the passing of property being the great feature. The intended groom, his parents or guardians or the head of the clan, as the case might be, gave the parents or guardians of the intended bride c e r t a i n properties which were to be returned la t e r with i n t e r e s t at from one hundred to f i v e hundred percent. Sometimes these marriages were very happy, and the couples continued to l i v e together u n t i l parted by death; but the guardians of the woman always had the r i g h t to demand more payment for her, and very often did so. If they kept demanding more and more u n t i l f i n a l l y the man was unable to keep up any more payments, he was obliged to l e t the woman go to somebody else, leaving him only a memory of her. The woman was thus made a subject of barter. The peculiar part of the marriage as seen by the White onlooker was the f a c t that although the woman was very seldom consulted i n the matter, she never refused to conform to the wishes of her parents i n so far as the so-called marriage was concerned, but she always reserved the r i g h t to leave the hus-band i f she f e l t so disposed, or to cohabit with any other man she desired 2 when she f e l t so disposed. 1. H.B. Hawthorn, C.S. Belshaw, S.M. Jamieson, The Indians of B r i t i s h  Columbia, Toronto, Un i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1958, pp. 274 - 276 2. H a l l i d a y , op c i t . p. 6. THE INDIAN CULTURAL HERITAGE AND ITS IMPLICATION TO THE INDIANS Having reviewed the c u l t u r a l heritage of these Coastal Indians, we are able to see some of the pertinent implications that would hinder these Indians from a s s i m i l a t i n g into the dominant white culture. Coming from an economy based s o l e l y on f i s h i n g , which i s a seasonal industry, the Indians were accustomed to only seasonal work. Their cooperation with others was short term, confined only to the harvest seasons. Because of t h i s , they found i t quite d i f f i c u l t to adjust to long-term cooperation with other Indians or Whites. Lacking basic s k i l l s i n d i f f e r e n t types of a g r i -c u l t u r a l work, they found i t a l l the more d i f f i c u l t to become farmers or to work i n the f i e l d s , as seen i n l a t e r years when they were given land to farm on t h e i r reserves. The very make-up of t h e i r s o c i a l organization, which was so r i g i d , prevented s o c i a l classes from mingling. The a b o l i t i o n of slavery by the Whites was another blow to t h e i r value system. The Potlatch f e a s t , which was the "huge octopus" that held a l l customs and habits of the Indians i n i t s embrace, was outlawed by the White man. The Potlatch had great s i g n i f i c a n c e f or a l l the Indians; i t i n i t i a t e d ambition to outdo the others, allowed them to gain prestige i n the eyes of t h e i r society, and was i n a way, the law and regulations of the Indians. Giving away goods was the r i g h t thing to do i n t h e i r society. When the White men came and i n s t i l l e d i n them the idea that the a c q u i s i t i o n and r e t a i n i n g of property i s one of the e s s e n t i a l signs of success, the Indians found i t d i f f i c u l t to comprehend.. - 1:4 -The Indians were accustomed to group l i v i n g . As a c h i l d , the Indian was not often brought up by his own mother, for there would always be someone around the household who would take care of him with the r e s u l t that his bond with his own parents was never a very strong one. The very f a c t that marriage was not looked upon as a l i f e - l o n g union between the couple i s another d r a s t i c d i f f e r e n c e between t h e i r culture and that of the Whites. The basis for marriage i n most cases was purely one of economic gain. The women, as a consequence, were sometimes denied t h e i r own r i g h t s , and seen merely as a subject for barter. Having a l l these implications i n mind, we w i l l now examine the d i f f i c u l t i e s that the Coastal Indians experienced when the White men, with a completely d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l o r i e n t a t i o n and value system, f i r s t a r r i v e d , took over t h e i r land, affected t h e i r culture and eventually forced the Indians to adapt to the White culture. THE COMING OF THE WHITE MAN AND THE EFFECT ON INDIAN CULTURE "The Indian seers and prophets had long predicted the coming of sky-beings from the east, of men l i k e ghosts and powerful l i k e manitous. Thus the t r i b e s anticipated uncanny v i s t a t i o n s . They could not be taken by surprise, f or 'nothing ever happens,' according to t h e i r own saying, 'but what has already been fore-t o l d . V1 These White men, being expert tradesmen, discovered the valuable fur goods i n t h i s part of the country and e n l i s t e d the Indians into bartering with them. They set up trading posts along the coast and did business with the Indians. In the beginning, these Indians showed t h e i r readiness by providing 1. * Marius Barbeau, Indian Days of the Western P r a i r i e s . Ottawa, The ' Queen's Prin t e r and Controller of Stationery, 1960, p. 3. - 153 -the f u r companies with coveted p e l t s . However, a f t e r e x p l o i t i n g the w i l d s f o r over 200 years to the advantage of the t r a d e r s , they found themselves i n the end starved f o r want of game and abandoned by t h e i r employers. A l s o the fu r trade business had, i n a way, upset t h e i r o l d economy f o r many Indians had become hunters i n s t e a d of fishermen. Firearms and t r i n k e t s were the usual payment f o r f u r s . The n a t i v e s o f t e n found themselves indebted to the t r a d i n g companies f o r a year ahead. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that they should have been l e f t d e s t i t u t e and s t a r v i n g , when one by one, owing to the growing s c a r c i t y of f u r s , most of the t r a d i n g posts were cl o s e d . The advent of the White men had changed the Indian economy from one based predominantly on f i s h i n g to one based on f u r hunting. The i n t r o d u c t i o n of firearms was welcomed by the Indians but r e s u l t e d i n much bloodshed among t h e i r enemies and t h e i r own people. Liquor was a l s o a welcome payment f o r f u r , but debauchery and murder were the frequent r e s u l t . Diseases such as smallpox, measles, i n f l u e n z a and tuber-c u l o s i s were introduced to the Indians by the White men. These diseases were not as f a t a l to Europeans, but new and l e t h a l to the Indians who had l i t t l e or no r e s i s t a n c e to them. Because of a l l these f a c t o r s , there was a marked populatidn"'dec.line i n 1835. The population i n a b o r i g i n a l times must have been c o n s i d e r a b l y l a r g e r than 70,000. By 1835, the Indians had already been i n contact w i t h Europeans f o r s i x decades. The i n t r o d u c t i o n of d i s e a s e s , firearms and a l c o h o l had taken a s u b s t a n t i a l t o l l . The o v e r a l l trend of the Indian population has been one of r a p i d d e c l i n e followed by slow recovery and then i n c r e a s i n g l y r a p i d growth - u -TABLE I. B.C. INDIAN POPULATION, 1835-1963. 1 1835 1885 LOW YEAR 1963 Haida 6000 800 588 (1915) 1224 Tsimshan 8500 4550 3550 (1895) 6475 Kwakut1 10700 3000 1854 (1929) 4304 Nootka 7500 3500 1605 (1939) 2899 B e l l a Coola 2000 450 249 (1929) 536 Coast S a l i s h 12000 5525 4120 (1915) 8495 I n t e r i o r S a l i s h 13500 5800 5348 (1890) 9512 Kootenay 1000 625 381 (1939) 443 Athapaskan 8800 3750 3716 (1895) 6912 T o t a l f o r B.C. 70000 28000 2.2605 (1929) 40800 Apart from the above-mentioned e f f e c t s of the coming of the White men, the l a t t e r , as conquerors, of the la n d , had als o begun to undermine the Ind i a n way of l i f e by t r y i n g to " c i v i l i z e " them. They d i d not qui t e appreciate the consequences of t h i s f o r the Indians. The work of c i v i l i z i n g the Ind i a n race was surrounded by innumerable hindrances, because.it i m p l i e d the f u l l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n and development of the nature of the i n d i v i d u a l , the complete overthrow of r e l i g i o u s , p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l customs and very many changes 2 i n the domestic r e l a t i o n s of the people. The White men had t r i e d to introduce to the Indians new ways of s e l f - s u p p o r t 1. Wilson Duff, The Impact of the White Man (The Indian H i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia, V o l . 1. Anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Memoir No. 5) V i c t o r i a , Queen's P r i n t e r , 1964, p. 39. 2. John Maclean, The Indi a n s , Their Manners and Customs, Toronto, 1907, p. 262. - 17 -by teaching them new and d i f f e r e n t kinds of work. This was unsuccessful and i n t h e i r discouragement the Indians returned to t h e i r old methods, thereby creating the stereotype of themselves as lazy. At the beginning of the 19th century the Indians were d e c l i n i n g i n numbers and i t was f u l l y expected that they would cease to be a d i s t i n c t element of the population within a couple of generations. As we have seen, such extinc-t i o n did not occur, and they are now r a p i d l y increasing. Most of t h e i r lang-uages are s t i l l spoken, and i n l i t t l e danger of being forgotten. However, thei r way of l i f e has undergone a profound upheaval, and i s s t i l l i n an unsettled state of rapid change. The old arts and technology have f a l l e n into disuse, except for vestiges which have been preserved and developed as arts and c r a f t s . Over a period of time the old forms of s o c i a l and ceremonial l i f e have a l l but disappeared. The old r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s and r i t u a l s yielded quickly to C h r i s t i a n i t y and now the Indians are nominally C a t h o l i c s , A n g l i -cans, Protestants or members of the Indian Shaker Church. New problems have induced them to adopt or create new forms of p o l i t i c a l organization, both on the l o c a l band l e v e l and on the i n t e r - t r i b a l l e v e l . A sense of Indian i d e n t i t y i s growing stronger and c u l t u r a l forms which may be c a l l e d "neo-Indian" are appearing and, i n some cases, t h r i v i n g . As we have seen, the coming of the White men had a great e f f e c t on the Indians, and t h e i r c u l t u r e , and the hardest blow to i t a l l was the a b o l i t i o n of the Potlatch. No doubt, to the White onlooker, t h i s feast had many e v i l s i n i t . It was a p a r t i c u l a r wasteful and destruetiLve custom, and created i l l - f e e l i n g , jealousy and i n most cases poverty among the Indians. Consequently, the Government - 18 -of Canada passed a law f o r b i d d i n g i t , but u n f o r t u n a t e l y , i n passing t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n , they d i d not p u b l i s h w i t h i t the reasons f o r i t s enactment. Hence, the strong c r i t i c i s m made by the p u b l i c with reference to t h i s p a r t i c u l a r s e c t i o n of the Indian Act. Such a step of abolishment might have been necessary, but the manner i n which i t was done hastened the breakdown of the Indian s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and i t s value system. When the Proclamation was issued i n 1883 and the P o t l a t c h Law passed i n 1884, Canadian o f f i c i a l s and l e g i s l a t o r s b e l i e v e d that the behaviour c a l l e d p o t l a t c h i n g was a b s o l u t e l y immoral. I t was, furthermore assumed that i t would take only a few years f o r the Indians to see the i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e harm caused by t h e i r p e r s i s t e n t p o t l a t c h i n g . The v a r i o u s consequences of the law were u n a n t i c i p a t e d . The c o n t r o v e r s i e s between the n a t i v e s and "experts" about the m o r a l i t y of p o t l a t c h i n g l e d to a comparison of the I n d i a n and European ways of l i f e which made the law u n j u s t i f i a b l e to the Indians and r e s u l t e d i n an unfavorable a t t i t u d e to-ward the White men. However, enforced a c c u l t u r a t i o n had some b e n e f i c i a l r e s u l t s . In attempting to suppress the p o t l a t c h , the Canadian government, through i t s agents and by c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h C h r i s t i a n denominations, was unable to pro-vide a s a t i s f a c t o r y s u b s t i t u t e . I n s p i t e of the l e n i e n t enforcement, the p u b l i c p o l i c y i n maintaining the P o t l a t c h Law came to be considered as a form of persecution. Thus the P o t l a t c h Law became a major f a c t o r i n the emer-gence of a sense of i n j u s t i c e and i n f e r i o r s t a tus i n the contemporary s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia. In r e a c t i o n , a sense of u n i t y , of being I n d i a n , emerged among those groups which found i t p o s s i b l e to maintain - 19 -v i t a l i t y and c o n t i n u i t y i n t h e i r changing s o c i a l system.^ In r e t u r n f o r the Indian ownership r i g h t s , the Indians r e c e i v e d t r a c t s of land f o r I n d i a n r e s e r v a t i o n s and compensation i n the form of money, s e r v i c e s and perpetual annual payment from the Canadian Government. The Government regarded t h i s as an attempt to solve many of the problems that the Indians were encountering. However, s e t t i n g up the reserve d i d not a u t o m a t i c a l l y r e s u l t i n a s s i m i l a t i o n or even a c c u l t u r a t i o n of the White c u l t u r e , and i n a way, segregated them i n t h e i r own ghetto. L i f e i n the reserves was not as rewarding as the White men pr e d i c t e d i t to be, and a d e t a i l e d examination of t h i s w i l l be discussed i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter. When the Government f i r s t attempted to set up the reserves i n B r i t i s h Columbia, the whole process took a very long period of time and encountered many ob s t a c l e s . The P r o v i n c i a l and F e d e r a l Governments had long disputes on how much land was to be given to the Indians f o r t h e i r use and how i t was to be d i s t r i b u t e d when they s t a r t e d to b u i l d reserves. Ottawa maintained that at l e a s t e i g h t y acres per f a m i l y of f i v e was re q u i r e d . The Province r e p l i e d that the Coas t a l t r i b e s would not use that much land and set a maximum of twenty acres per f a m i l y f o r f u t u r e reserves. The Province a l s o i n s i s t e d on i t s " r e v e r s i o n a r y i n t e r e s t " i n reserve land, i . e . , i f at any time land was cut o f f a reserve, or a band gave up the reserve land, i t s ownership was to r e v e r t to the Province. 1. F.E. L a V i o l e t t e , Struggle f o r S u r v i v a l , Toronto, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1961, pp. 96-97. - 2 0 -While the two governments argued, the Indians became more and more agitated., By 1877, the si t u a t i o n i n the i n t e r i o r was so tense that war seemed imminent." In Ottawa the Minister of the Interior thought the si t u a t i o n serious enough to warn the Provincial authorities by telegram that his government would side with the Indians i n any trouble. Douglas, Governor of B r i t i s h Columbia, at that time, appointed a Joint Committee on Indian reserves i n 1876. This committee was enpowered to lay out reserves, using no f i x e d basis of acreage and subject to the reversionary i n t e r e s t of the Province. The Committee was active for more than t h i r t y years and i t was during these three decades that most of the reserves i n the Province were 1 l a i d out. The history of the land disputes reveals a great deal about Provincial and Federal interest i n the Indians i n the past. I t also does much to explain 2 present Indian d i s t r u s t of the Whites i n other spheres. SUMMARY When we r e f l e c t on the Indians of the past, we can see that t h e i r methods and techniques of gaining t h e i r subsistence were e n t i r e l y i n harmony with the moral, ideological and recreational t r a d i t i o n of the group. In a l l cases the r e l i g i o u s and soc i a l aspects of l i f e were compatible with the economic aspects and were intimately related to them. Thus among the aboriginal peoples the l i n e of demarcation between "work" and "play" was f a i n t . The one was concomitant of the other and together they represented a closely integrated, t r a d i t i o n a l way of l i f e . The a r r i v a l of the European completely upset the existing condition. The f i r s t Indians to gain metal and firearms i n any quantity were naturally 1. Duff, op c i t , p. 65-66 . 2 . Hawthorn et a l , op c i t , p. 4 9 . - 2 1 -given a tremendous advantage. Trade, transportation and inevitably war, j. increased enormously. But apart from these more evident indications of cultural upheaval, the sudden impact of the European's sophisticated aggressiveness on a crude, food-gatipring, stone-age society cannot be f u l l y measured. Europe's cultural patchwork descended with a suddenness on the natives of the Northwest Coast. A hodge-podge collection of a thousand different ideas and ways o f l i f e were thrown open to them, either to make use of immediately, without modification or assessment as to their effect on Indian l i f e , or to suffer under drastically. For a short time the native was avid for the new things which allowed him to gain his subsistence and to vanquish his enemies more easily. But eventually he came to realize that the 'gift' of European culture was something of a boomerang. Likethe potlatch g i f t , the acceptance of i t required repayment, but unlike the potlatch g i f t , repayment was in new habits of l i f e totally at variance 1 with those to which he had traditionally adhered. Having examined the historical background of the Coastal Indians, we can then become aware of the significane of their problems i n the White community. They have come from a drastically different cultural background and their o process of social adaptation w i l l inevitably be lengthy. 1. British Columbia Heritage Series: Our Native People. Introduction  to Our Natives, Series I, Vol. 1, p. 5 ° . - 22 -Chapter II -THE RESERVE SYSTEM PAST AND PRESENT; A MEANS TOWARDS ASSIMILATION  AND ACCOMMODATION In the preceding chapter, the factors of the non-Indian and Indian culture that did not f a c i l i t a t e the a s s i m i l a t i o n of the two were delineated. In t h i s chapter, we w i l l f i r s t explore the Reserve System as administered by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch as a means towards the a s s i m i l a t i o n of the Indian population. Although the reserve system was a n t i c i p a t e d to l a s t only for a few generations, i t has lasted since 1867, the time of Confederation, to the present i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The reserve system i s f i r m l y entrenched and we expect that i t w i l l e x i s t i n one form or another for many more years. Further i n the chapter, the reasons for a large number of the Indians leaving the reserves w i l l be examined. We w i l l explore the exodus from the reserves i n the context of the past and present reserve s i t u a t i o n . When B r i t i s h Columbia joined Confederation the matters pertaining to the Indians were transferred to the Dominion. Canada had supported the idea of the Reserve System, for the Indians. Uppermost i n the mind of the Dominion was to help the Indians towards s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and a s s i m i l a t i o n . The Indian Act s t i p u l a t e d that the central government w i l l provide protection for Indian lands and properties, prevent e x p l o i t a t i o n of t h e i r r e a l and personal estate, provide for t h e i r education, for the administration of . t h e i r land and f i n a l l y for t h e i r f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a f u l l citizen.''" 1. Duff, W. The Impact of the White Man. V i c t o r i a , Queen's P r i n t e r , 1964. (The Indian History of B r i t i s h Columbia, v o l . 1. Anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Memoir No. 5, 1964.) - 23 -At the time of Confederation, the government of Canada contemplated that the reserves would serve as a t r a i n i n g ground for the Indians. I t was expected that i n four or f i v e generations the Indians could be allowed the p r i v i l e g e s and l i a b i l i t i e s of the status of the white man.^ There was then, i n r e a l i t y , two aims in the Indian A f f a i r s Branch, s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y on the reserves and the eventual a s s i m i l a t i o n of the Indians. In B r i t i s h Columbia, the reserve lands were to be a l l o t t e d i n terms of what was thought to meet the "needs" of the Indians. The province argued to the central government that the s i t u a t i o n was d i f f e r e n t i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and " a l l the people needed were small bases for residence, hunting and f i s h i n g , b u r i a l , and so forth; and that the basis for allotment should be one of need rather than set acreage per head". In the a l l o t t e d lands the Indians were encouraged to pursue f i s h i n g , trapping and hunting, or whatever they had previously done to be s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t . However, t o t a l a s s i m i l a t i o n of the Indian population was the eventual goal of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch. The means to t h i s end was through enforced a c c u l t u r a t i o n , that i s , the Indian A f f a i r s Branch was to educate and show the means by which the Indians could be assimilated i n t o the larger Canadian economic structure. The Indian A f f a i r s Branch interpreted i t s r o l e as that "of benevolent, but firm leader." The Indian A f f a i r s Branch aimed to help the Indians i n the t r a n s i t i o n process from t h e i r culture to in t e g r a t i o n i n t o the non-Indian culture. 1. Zeleny, C. Governmental Treatment of the Indian Problem i n Canada. Yale, U n i v e r s i t y of Graduate School, Master of Arts Thesis, 1941. p. 81. 2. Hawthorn, H. B., Belshaw, C. S., Jamieson, S. M. The Indians of  B r i t i s h Columbia: A Study of Contemporary Soc i a l Adjustment. Un i v e r s i t y of Toronto press. 1960. p. 53. 3. Patterson, I I , E. P. Andrew Paull and Canadian Indian Resurgence. Un i v e r s i t y of Washington, Ph.D. Modern History. 1962. p. x i . - 24 -Paternalism was apparent from the beginning of the reserve system. Inherent i n paternalism was the idea that the Indians were i n f e r i o r because of t h e i r lack of knowledge of the non-Indian cu l t u r e . They w i l l have to be educated to the ways of the White man. I t was f e l t that the a b o r i g i n a l culture w i l l be abolished, although i t was understood i t would take a few generations. The reserve system from the beginning fostered dependency on the part of the Indian population. And i n many cases the i s o l a t i o n of the reserves from the White communities perpetuated the ignorance of the Indians of the White way of l i f e . As time progressed the Indian A f f a i r s Branch became mired i n bureaucracy. Thus the Indian A f f a i r s Branch came to stand for the status quo. The dependency of the Indians upon the Indian A f f a i r s Branch increased rather than decreased. The Indians were not given control over the reserves. The head of whatever Department the Indian A f f a i r s Branch was attached to had been given control and management of the lands and property of the Indians i n Canada. "The Governor-in-Council has been given power to d i r e c t the disposal of moneys a r i s i n g from Indian lands or timber; he may d i r e c t how t h i s i s to be invested, how payment or assistance i s to be given the Indians and may provide for the general management of such moneys."*" 1. Zeleny, op. c i t . , p. 140 - 25 -The reserve system, to t h i s day, i s structured on a hierarchy from the Indian agent to the highest minister i n the department. Whatever an Indian requires or requests must go through t h i s h i e r a r c h i c a l structure. The Indian agent of a reserve i s the s p e c i f i c contact the Indian has with the hierarchy. The Indian agent i s " l e g a l l y , emotionally and economically •' 1 responsible to Ottawa and not to the people he administers." The reserve system i s a u t h o r i t a r i a n i n structure and procedure. The Indian must have approval for financing or beginning a venture as the money i s v i r t u a l l y i n the control of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch o f f i c i a l s . In most cases, the paternalism of the White o f f i c i a l s i s resented by the Indians. The o f f i c i a l s o f f e r what they f e e l i s best for the Indians i n terms of t h e i r White value system. "The b a r r i e r s set up i n opposition to p a t e r n a l i s t i c p o l i c i e s are l i k e l y to be higher and more formidable when misunderstanding increases because the White o f f i c i a l sees only the proferred b e n e f i t s , and 2 the Indian sees only the dominating p o s i t i o n of the White o f f i c i a l . " Formal education was imposed upon the Indians. Education was viewed by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch as a means towards a s s i m i l a t i o n . Very soon a f t e r Confederation, the Indian A f f a i r s Branch aided the e x i s t i n g missionaries i n . t h e i r work i n teaching English to the Natives. The missionary schools were also means of transmitting the c u l t u r a l values of the White society. The Indian A f f a i r s Branch was ready to take advantage of education as a way of a c c u l t u r a t i o n . Many Indian f a m i l i e s r e s i s t e d having t h e i r c h i l d r e n educated. 1. Presant, J.E. The Indian A f f a i r s Branch of Canada: An Aspect of  A c c u l t u r a t i o n . Graduate School of C o r n e l l , Master of A r t s , 1954. p. 61 2. Hawthorne, et. a l , op. c i t . , p. 61 - 26 -Because of the opposition of the families to education on the reserve, a r e s i d e n t i a l school was b u i l t at A l e r t Bay. Many of the young boys became homesick i n t h e i r new surroundings, and looked for opportunities to go home. In the early days of the A l e r t Bay r e s i d e n t i a l school, the school was nearly 1 burned by f i r e s , most of which were caused by the boys themselves. The c h i l d r e n wanted to return home to the reserve a f t e r t h e i r education rather than take a place i n the Canadian economic l i f e . I n d u s t r i a l schools were set up but i t was found that the s k i l l s learned were not being u t i l i z e d . Nearly a l l of those that went to the I n d u s t r i a l school returned to the Reserve. Only recently have the Indian people gradually become aware of the value of education i n terms of t h e i r own b e n e f i t . In 1939, Dr. Diamond Jenness gave h i s evaluation of the reserve system as i t existed: "The reserves, he says, were intended to be probationary, but they have degenerated into a system of permanent segregation. The reserves have outcast the Indians from the White communities around them and have destroyed the morale and health of the Indians. There i s no steady out flow of younger Indians i n t o the larger l i f e of c i v i l i z a t i o n . The reserves have 'a dejected', p r i s o n - l i k e population, despised by i t s White neighbour; and a 'barrier' to the development of the provinces 3 and a burden on the whole Dominion." 1. H a l l i d a y , W.M. Potlatch and Totem. London & Toronto, J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd. 19 p. 233. 2. Zeleny, op. c i t . , p. 87 3. I b i d . , p. 83 - 27 -Throughout the years, however, the reserve system has gradually made inroads i n the t r a d i t i o n a l culture of the Indian population. On the reserves a c u l t u r a l continum e x i s t s from the t r a d i t i o n a l Indian culture at one end to 1 a culture which i s not Indian although l i v e d by the Indians. Examples of the t r a n s i t i o n from the t r a d i t i o n a l culture to the white culture i s now more apparent i n many v i l l a g e s . One prime example of the change i s the structure of the households. The households on the reserves are tending to gravitate around the nuclear family as opposed to the kinship system: "To-day, the Indian Cultures of the province a l l possess the conjugal family as an important, perhaps, the major, unit of t h e i r s o c i a l structure. There are a number of variants i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p , but many of them f a l l within the Western family pattern. Some of the old values and arrangements have continued but an impressive number of new units and attitudes have been incorporated i n t o the Indian 2 Culture." Another example of the incorporation of the White culture i s r e f l e c t e d i n the manner one chooses one's spouse. In Rohner's study, he found that the younger people i n the v i l l a g e were i n c l i n e d to choose t h e i r own spouse and 3 also there was a trend away from the Indian form of wedding ceremonies. 1. Hirabayashi, G.K. ed. The Challenge of A s s i s t i n g the Canadian  Aboriginal People Adjust to Urban Environments. The U n i v e r s i t y of Alberta, 1962. p. 13. 2. Hawthorne,et a l , op c i t , p. 276 3. Rohner, R.P. Ethnoghraphy of a Contempory Kwakiutl V i l l a g e : G i l f o r d Island Band. Stanford U n i v e r s i t y , Ph. D. Anthropology, 1964. p. 153. - 28 -Another change that Rohner notes i n h i s study was that the t r a d i t i o n a l language of the Indian i s no longer pure. Many of the younger people are lo s i n g the a b i l i t y to speak the language. The pure Native language no longer e x i s t s . The chief of the Band concluded, he did not l i k e the Indian language as spoken by most of the Indian people. "It's 70 percent 1 E n g l i s h . Few people speak good Indian to-day." The reserve system was a factor i n the gradual disorganization of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure of the t r a d i t i o n a l Indian c u l t u r e . The i n t e r a c t i o n that takes place at the Indian agent-reserve l e v e l has been a factor i n d i r e c t a c c u l t u r a t i o n . "The Indian community and the representatives of the Government are r e l a t e d i n a s o c i a l structure, they automatically a f f e c t 2 one another and have been interdependent over a long period of time." The Indian A f f a i r s Branch's emphasis on education has been a factor i n the a c c u l t u r a t i o n of the Indian population. Although i t has been true for many years that the majority of the Indian population did not a t t a i n a high degree of education, i t i s becoming apparent that more and more of the Indian youth are continuing t h e i r education. The desire for further education i s one of the reasons for the exodus of the Indian population from the reserves. 3 In 1960, there were about 50 students attending vocational school. By 1964, the number increased to 179 pupils i n various vocational i n s t i t u t e s i n B.C. 4 Out of the 179 students, 104 were i n the Vancouver area, the prime focus of our t h e s i s . 1. I b i d . , p. 16. 2. Presant, op. c i t . , p. 96 3. Annual Report of the B.C. Indian Advisory Committee 4. I b i d . , 1964 - 29 -Without further research one cannot determine the reason for the r i s e i n the number. We can only speculate on the reasons for t h i s i n t e r e s t i n more education. The change from p r i m a r i l y r e s i d e n t i a l school education to more and more in t e g r a t i o n into the p r o v i n c i a l public school system may be a f a c t o r . The Indian children being i n contact with the non-Indian c h i l d r e n may have f e l t the incentive to continue t h e i r education as many of t h e i r non-Indian classmates have. Perhaps being i n contact with white c h i l d r e n has helped the Indian youth to overcome h i s shyness and f e e l i n g s of i n f e r i o r i t y . The following s t a t i s t i c s show the increase i n number of the 1 Indian youth going to non-Indian schools. Number of Indian Students Attending P r o v i n c i a l , Private and I n s t i t u t i o n s  of higher learning, U n i v e r s i t i e s , Technical and Commercial Schools, between  January 1, 1960 - 1965 As had been stated e a r l i e r i n the chapter, a continum of c u l t u r a l values ex i s t s on the reserves. Those Indians who are future-orientated rather than subsistence-orientated, see value i n leaving the reserves. They have gained material wealth i n the t r a d i t i o n of the White culture and u s u a l l y tend to 2 leave the reserve. 1. Annual Reports of the Department of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration. Ottawa, Queen's P r i n t e r , 1960-63. 1965. 2. Rohner, op. c i t . , p. 127. Table II Year Number Jan. 1, 1960 3,109 3,898 4,657 5,108 5,984 1960- 1961 1961- 1962 1962- 1963 1964-1965 - 30 -The future-orientated members of a v i l l a g e i n many cases have moved i n order to give t h e i r children a better opportunity for education: "Education... i s the r e a l key to success, and to get education for his family i t i s almost necessary for an Indian to leave the reserve. That takes a good deal of courage. I can speak from experience, for I l e f t the reserve f i f t e e n years ago, and i t was only the necessity of getting a proper education for my children that persuaded me to We can not state any s p e c i f i c reasons for the i n t e r e s t the young people are taking i n education to-day. Rather than one f a c t o r , i t i s due to the combination of those factors discussed. There i s evidence to show that there i s a gradual trend towards staying i n school to complete t h e i r grade 12 education. Grade 12 i s almost mandatory i n being accepted to higher i n s t i t u t i o n s of learning. The following s t a t i s t i c s show the increase i n number of Indian youth remaining i n school to complete t h e i r l a s t few years of high-school. Between January 1960 and March 1965, there has been almost a f i f t y percent increase. Table I II Number of Students taking grades 10, 11 and 12, education between the  years January 1, 1960 - 1965 1 leave. ii 2 Year Grade 10 Grade 11 Grade 12 Total Jan 1, 1960 1960 - 1961 1961 - 1962 1964 - 1965 160 200 259 251 99 143 167 209 51. 65 107 141 310 408 533 601 1. Statement by Guy Williams. A Conference of Indian Business Men. B.C. Indian Arts and Welfare Council. V i c t o r i a . 1958 p. 10 2. Annual Reports - Ci t i z e n s h i p and Immigration. 1960-63, 1965 - 31 -We may expect to see a much greater number of Indian youths coming to Vancouver to continue t h e i r education. Vancouver has the greatest number of higher educational and vocational i n s t i t u t i o n s i n B r i t i s h Columbia. I t w i l l r i s e considerably more i f the trend towards continuation of education p e r s i s t s . The great r i s e i n the number coming to Vancouver w i l l increase due to the large number of young Indians. This i s the r e s u l t of the rapid increase i n the Indian population since 1939 when i t was at the lowest point. Their median age i s between 15 years and 16 years; 25 percent are 6 years and under, 50 percent are under 16 years and 75 1 percent are under 32 years of age. The great increase i n the Indian population poses many problems for the reserve system as i t e x i s t s . The reserve Indian population depends mostly on the primary i n d u s t r i e s . In these i n d u s t r i e s the advancement in technology has reduced the capacity of the Indian population to compete. The larger companies are able to keep down the cost of pro-duction through mechanization. The Indians, because of the lack of c a p i t a l , are unable to compete. The lumber and farming i n d u s t r i e s are examples. The Indian population, therefore, are gradually l o s i n g t h e i r capacity to be s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t on the reserves. Another factor leading to the poverty of the reserves i s the depletion of resources on the land near them. This i s the r e s u l t of the growth i n Canada, i n population and i n industry. The resources which were ample 2 " for the need of the Indian population have now become inadequate. 1. Thirteenth Annual Report of B.C. Indian Advisory Committee. Dec. 1962. p. 9 2. Jamieson, S. "Capital and Credit Needs of Indians i n B.C." Indian Businessmen. B.C. Indian Arts and Welfare Council..p. 6 - 32 -The West Coast Indians who are engaged i n f i s h i n g are f i n d i n g that the amount of f i s h that can be caught i s being gradually reduced. This i s being done for conservation reasons. The r e s t r i c t i o n of time for f i s h i n g i s putting a s t r a i n on the fishermen. As a r e s u l t t h e i r net income i s being reduced each year. "In the past the f i s h i n g week was from 6:00 P.M. Sunday to 6:00 P.M. Thursday. At the end of the 1963 season the week was collapsed to 6:00 P.M. Sunday to 6:00 P.M. Tuesday for seiners and g i l l n e t t e r s . Occasionally 1 the week i s extended a day or two; more frequently, i t i s c u r t a i l e d . " I t i s more d i f f i c u l t for Indian people to be s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t on the reserves. Another factor leading to t h i s s i t u a t i o n i s the increase i n i n t e g r a t i o n and c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of the processing i n d u s t r i e s . While employment i s d e c l i n i n g i n the primary i n d u s t r i e s i t i s increasing i n the processing industries such as sawmills, plywood plants, pulp and paper m i l l s , f i s h canneries and f r u i t and vegetable canneries. These plants, as they become larger and more e f f i c i e n t , tend to move away from the more remote areas. "They are re-located where larger markets and a more ample labour supply i s a v a i l a b l e , and thus they become c e n t r a l i z e d i n c i t i e s and larger towns. In most cases these centres are beyond commuting distance from the reserves. The Indians who depended on such industries i n the past are either l e f t without employment or they must leave t h e i r reserves, with a l l the r i s k s and inconveniences that such a move involves, and f i n d new homes and new employment i n the towns and c i t i e s where the processing i n d u s t r i e s can be 2 found." 1. Rohner, op. c i t . , p. 83 2. Jamieson. op. c i t . , p. 7 - 33 -In the growing mechanization of i n d u s t r i e s the Indian people have not been able to obtain c r e d i t . The c r e d i t and loan companies are unable to have Indian land mortgaged or have any placed as s e c u r i t i e s . The banks are l i m i t e d i n t h e i r dealings with the Indian on the reserves. The Indian Act, l i k e the Bank Act i s a Federal Statute, and both measures are i n force throughout a l l Canada. When we came to study the Indian Act, we f i n d that i t imposes pretty s t r i c t l i m i t a t i o n on the kinds of transaction we can enter i n t o . Section 88 (1) of the Act, for example, protects property on reserve from seizure, so that an Indian cannot off e r any of h i s goods and chattels around h i s home as a security for a loan. Even i f he borrows on property which he owns o f f the reserve, the movement of that property on to the reserve may destroy the s e c u r i t y . I t i s true that Section 88 (2) does protect a s e l l e r ' s r i g h t s under a conditional sale agree-ment but t h i s protection i s seldom applicable to bank loans.^ The lack of resources and opportunities on the reserves places pressures on the Indian population to seek employment opportunities away from the reserves. The rapid i n d u s t r i a l growth and technological changes have put a premium on education and s k i l l e d labour. To seek employment and to gain further education the Indian population have had to leave the reserves for larger communities. Vancouver, being the largest c i t y i n B r i t i s h Columbia, has been one of the greater a t t r a c t i o n for the Indian population. The poverty e x i s t i n g on the reserves makes i t less a t t r a c t i v e for people to remain. The Indians i n contact with the White communities can see the benefits accruing to those l i v i n g o f f the reserve. The Indian youth w i l l be attracted by the display of material wealth. The following statement reveals the extent of the,culture of poverty e x i s t i n g on the reserves. Among the Indians, s i x t y percent of f a m i l i e s l i v e i n homes of three room or l e s s ; the national average i s eleven percent. Sewer services or septic tanks are a v a i l -able i n only nine percent of Indian homes; the nat i o n a l average i s ninety-two percent. Indoor bath are found i n seven percent of Indian homes; the national 1. Maclean, A. "The Banking .System and Indian Customers." Indian Business Men. B. C. Indian Arts and Welfare Council..p. 26 - 34 -average i s eighty-four percent.*" These s t a t i s t i c s are for a l l of Canada, but i t gives an i n d i c a t i o n of the conditions to be found on the reserves. Because of the poor conditions on the run.al reserves, we do not expect that the Indian youth w i l l desire to remain. Enfranchisement, or the loss of r i g h t s and status as written i n the Indian Act, i s another factor i n the Indians- leaving the reserves. It i s of i n t e r e s t to note the great number of enfranchisement of Indian women due to th e i r marriage to non-Indians, i n accordance to section 102 (2) of the Indian Act. In the f i s c a l year ending March 1965, there were 736 persons enfranchised. Out of that number, 656 were women enfranchised because of marriages to non-Indians. Although s t a t i s t i c s were not av a i l a b l e for 1965 i n B r i t i s h Columbia, i t was noted i n the study of B. C. Indians there was a considerable number of i n t e r - r a c i a l marriages. "Out of a t o t a l of 258 marriages i n the Province i n 1954, 64 involved marriages of Indian women to White men, and 27 White women to Indian men. That i s nearly 14 percent of a l l marriages Indian males were with White women who entered the band; and 35 percent of a l l marriages with a Indian partner had the other partner a white person (male or female)" In 1962, there were 5460 Indians o f f the reserve and by 1966, there were 10,532 Indians o f f the reserve. Between 1962 and 1966, therefore, there has been almost a f i f t y per cent increase i n the number of Indians leaving. The following table and graph projected to 1970 reveals t h i s trend. 1. Western, M. "War on Poverty Starts With Our Indians" Vancouver  Sun, March 1966. 2. Annual Reports - C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration. 1965 3. Hawthorn, et. a l . op. c i t . , p. 439 - 3 4 - A -I N D I A N P O P U L A T I O N - B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A Jan. 1 , 1 9 6 2 Jan. 1 , 1 9 6 3 Jan. 1 , 1 9 6 4 Jan. 1 , 1 9 6 5 Jan. 1 , 1 9 6 6 Pop. Increase % Inc. Pop. Increase % Inc. Pop. Increase % Inc. Pop. Increase %, Inc. Pop. Increase %, Inc. ON Reserve 3 2 9 4 2 3 3 0 8 6 1 4 4 . 3 3 2 9 5 8 - 1 2 8 2 8 3 2 5 4 7 - 4 1 1 - 1 . 2 5 3 2 4 4 1 - 1 0 6 0 3 OFF Reserve 5 4 6 0 6 2 1 4 7 5 4 1 3 . 8 7 6 0 1 1 3 8 7 2 2 3 9 3 9 3 1 7 9 2 2 3 . 6 1 0 5 3 2 1 1 3 9 1 2 . 1 TOTAL 3 8 4 0 2 3 9 3 0 0 8 9 8 2 . 3 4 0 5 5 9 1 2 5 9 3 1 4 1 9 4 0 1 3 8 1 3 . 2 4 2 9 7 3 1 0 3 3 2 4 6 % OFF Reserve 1 4 . 2 % 1 5 . 8 % 1 8 . 7 % 2 2 . 4 % 2 4 . 5 % These s t a t i s t i c s pertain to people of Indian status i n B r i t i s h Columbia only. They do not embrace the whole B.C.-Yukon Region because Indians i n the Yukon do not l i v e on reserves. The trend i n the Yukon, however, i s s i m i l a r to that i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Yukon Indians are also moving i n d i v i d u a l l y away from established Indian settlements into the broader community. In categorizing Indians "on" or " o f f " reserve, each case was c a r e f u l l y considered to determine i f the family was established rather than tem-p o r a r i l y resident o f f reserve. While the t o t a l Indian population of B.C. increased by 2 . 4 6 7 o i n 1 9 6 5 , the "on reserve" population decreased for the t h i r d year i n succession. Compiled by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch Vancouver, B.C. i n B.C 46900 45000 40000 -Xtv< 3 . 35000 32000 15000 -.B.C. Indians Reside nt on Reserves 31800 15100 10000 6©' 5000 1 Jan. 1962 Jan. 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 (March 1966) c - 35 -The Indian people are l e a v i n g the reserves f o r bett e r education and employ-ment o p p o r t u n i t i e s . The reserve l i f e has very l i t t l e to o f f e r them, i n terms of m a t e r i a l b e n e f i t s . As a l a r g e r number of Indians come to Vancouver to seek b e t t e r o p p o r t u n i t i e s , there w i l l be l e s s l i k e l i h o o d that they w i l l wish to r e t u r n . The reserves have been considered as home f o r the I n d i a n s , but i t i s probable that i n the f u t u r e as the Indians become s e t t l e d i n Vancouver, they w i l l not r e t u r n . They may r e t u r n home f o r v i s i t s but not to remain unless the reserves change d r a s t i c a l l y . Vancouver has b e t t e r educational and employment f a c i l i t i e s and the Indian population i s beginning to take advantage of these f a c t o r s . In summary we have i n d i c a t e d that the reserves are becoming l e s s a t t r a c t i v e f o r those who seek a b e t t e r standard of l i f e . The Indians leave the reserves i n order to reap the b e n e f i t s of an urban community. The f o l l o w i n g chapter w i l l explore the problems of s o c i a l adaptions the Ind i a n faces i n Vancouver. The Indians leave a r u r a l environment to f i n d t h e i r place i n an urban com-munity. - 36 -Chapter I I I - THE MEETING OF TWO CULTURES IN VANCOUVER In the previous chapter we have shown that each year an i n c r e a s i n g number of Indians are moving i n t o Vancouver from the res e r v e s . The ebb and flow of t h i s movement has made i t d i f f i c u l t to o b t a i n r e l i a b l e s t a t i s t i c s , but a u t h o r i t i e s i n Indian A f f a i r s suggest that there are approximately 2,000 Indians i n Vancouver, or roughly 1 f o r every 500 whites. This meeting of two c u l t u r e s , w i t h the Indian forming a m i n o r i t y group demands a greater s o c i a l adaptation on the part of the Indian. The p o s i t i o n of the Indian today i n Vancouver i s s i m i l a r to that of American immigrants who "had to adjust simultaneously to urban i n d u s t r i a l ways of l i f e and to American culture1.1.''' I t seems that, as was true f o r these immigrants, the Indians' problems of adaptation are c r e a t i n g a demand f o r welfare s e r v i c e s . In t h i s chapter we w i l l explore t h i s meeting and the r e s u l t i n g problem of adaptation from two points of view. F i r s t , some th e o r i e s about Indian-White race r e l a t i o n s w i l l be described and analyzed i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r a p p l i c a t i o n and v a l i d i t y i n the Vancouver area. F o l l o w i n g t h i s we w i l l d escribe some of the f a c t s which a r i s e from t h i s meeting of the two c u l t u r e s and the i m p l i c a t i o n s of these f a c t s f o r the p r o f e s s i o n of s o c i a l work. From a t h e o r e t i c a l p o i n t of view, Charles Hobart sees three main facets to t h i s problem of adaptation which he has c a l l e d " b i o l o g i c a l , m o t i v a t i o n a l and 2 c u l t u r a l - e t h i c a l " . We w i l l explore them i n that order. To Mr. Hobart i t 1. Harold Wilensky and Charles Lebeaux, I n d u s t r i a l S o c i e t y and S o c i a l  Welfare, Sm. T. F e l l Co., P h i l a d e l p h i a , Pa., 1958, p. 54. 2. Charles Hobart, "Non-Whites i n Canada; Indians, Eskimos, Negroes", S o c i a l Problems; A Canadian P r o f i l e , ed., Richard L a s k i n , McGraw-Hill Co. of Canada L t d . , New York, Toronto, London, 1964, p. 87. - 37 -i s a b i o l o g i c a l f a c t that, r e s u l t i n g from population growth, the Indians are almost forced o f f the reserves f o r l a c k of adequate subsistence on them. We have explored and documented t h i s p o p u l a t i o n growth i n the previous chapter. I t may be argued, though, that the awakening of the Indian i s also r e l a t e d to a world-wide awakening of p r i m i t i v e peoples who are oppressed m i n o r i t i e s . This i s due perhaps to b e t t e r forms of communication, as w e l l as the a t t r a c t i v e presence of a f f l u e n c e i n our c i t i e s and could a l s o be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the move away from the reserves. Often, though, as Mr. Hobart sees i t , the Indians are "drawn to the c i t y by b r i g h t l i g h t s and excitement, the promise of jobs, perhaps by the example of r e l a t i v e s or f r i e n d s who have gone e a r l i e r . . . (and) a r r i v e to s e t t l e i n the slum d i s t r i c t w i t h i t s rundown crowded quarters, i t s dingy r e s t a u r a n t s and bars, i t s l o n e l y d r i f t i n g crowds of men and i t s cheap p r o s t i t u t i o n . . . (They) face the condescending p i t y , the contemptuous d i s d a i n , or the d i s i n t e r e s t e d apathy of many Whites".^ According to Hobart, perhaps the f a c e t of the Indian problem where the s o l u t i o n i s the most d i f f i c u l t to foresee i s the m o t i v a t i o n a l one, i . e . , the Indian's motivation f o r change. "The s u l l e n a i r of shame and apathy of so many Indians'" suggests a hopelessness about change r e s u l t i n g i n something p o s i t i v e . The o r i g i n s of t h i s a t t i t u d e seem to l i e i n the f i r s t meeting w i t h Whites and the r e s u l t i n g establishment of the reserves and the c o l l a p s e of the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e . This has been f u l l y described i n the two previous chapters, but i t i s p o s s i b l e to see the impact of t h e i r past r a c i a l experiences when one i s d i s c u s s i n g the Indians i n Vancouver at the present time. ;^ \ \ The i s s u e i n the c u l t u r a l - e t h i c a l area, according to Hobart, i s whether or not the Indian should be encouraged to evolve h i s c u l t u r e along t r a d i t i o n a l l i n e s 3 or abandon i t and become an " o r d i n a r y . . . Canadian". The r e a l issue may be the 1. Loc. C i t . 2. I b i d . , p. 88 ^ 3. I b i d . , p. 87 - 38 -problem of c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y confusion. Mr. P h i l Thompson of the Canadian Native Friendship Centre, says that the "Indian moving into an urban area has i n e f f e c t three selves: an Indian s e l f , a White s e l f , and a s e l f i n Limbo. The Family Service Agency of Edmonton c a l l t h i s i d e n t i t y confusion Duo-Cultural adjustment and describe i t i n a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t way. In t h e i r project with Indian youths, they found that "many of the Indian persons i n the project faced t h i s adjustment i n moving into the urban culture s e t t i n g . It i s a culture c o n f l i c t of a s p e c i a l kind... This c u l t u r a l adjustment i s not simply moving from one culture to another, but i s compounded by the f a c t that they have l o s t much of t h e i r own past c u l t u r a l patterns and are now i n a c u l t u r a l vacuum i n which they have l i t t l e f e e l i n g of cohesiveness or group i d e n t i t y or group pride. This makes doubly d i f f i c u l t the move to another culture because of the lack of a f i r m background as a basis f o r change."2 In a s i m i l a r v e in, E r i k Erikson, speaking of the American Dakota Indians i explains the problem of i d e n t i t y i n t h i s way, "What was wrong ... was obvious enough. There were two rights f o r them, one White and one Indian."^ It seems then, that Indian people new to Vancouver, are struggling with t h i s problem of forming a new i d e n t i t y from the many selves they f i n d w i t h i n them. Whether i t i s c a l l e d a c u l t u r a l - e t h i c a l problem, one of duo-cultural adjustment, or one of i d e n t i t y confusion, i t remains a c r u c i a l adjustment problem for each Indian person. The stage of a s s i m i l a t i o n as indicated by ease of s o c i a l adap-t a t i o n may, i n f a c t , depend upon each Indian person's p a r t i c u l a r form of Indian - urban White i d e n t i t y . 1 Family Service ..Association, "Project Report - Indian Youth Counselling -Edmonton", January 4, 1965, p.9. 2 Ibid., p.9. 3 E r i k Erikson, Childhood and Society, W.W. Norton and Co. Inc., New York, 1963, p.114. - 39 -Whatever h i s own i d e n t i t y , the Indian as a part of a m i n o r i t y group "faces a sense of s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n " . ^ There seem to be two major aspects of t h i s problem of s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n - Indian a t t i t u d e s and White a t t i t u d e s . One of the reasons f o r t h i s s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n i s undoubtedly rooted i n past negative experiences of Indians. This can lead them to b r i n g a r e p e t i t i o n of negative experiences upon themselves simply from t h e i r own e x p e c t a t i o n . I t does seem though, that b a s i c a l l y the Indian i s f l e e i n g from an even more desperate form of s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n when he leaves the reserve and moves to the c i t y . W i t h i n o the c i t y there seems to be a d e s i r e f o r involvement w i t h the Urban - White s o c i e t y even though t h i s may be d i f f i c u l t and sometimes d e s t r u c t i v e to h i s Indian i d e n t i t y . An example of t h i s occurred at the refuge c a l l e d Sancta Maria House which i s operated by the Roman C a t h o l i c Church i n Vancouver. I t . was t h e i r experience when they f i r s t opened as a home f o r Indian g i r l s o n l y , that w i t h i n a day or two the g i r l s would leave, thereby f r u s t r a t i n g any attempts to provide more long term help f o r them. However, when the home was opened to White g i r l s from Skid Road, the Indian g i r l s stayed oni^ However, no matter how much Indians may t r y to i n v o l v e themselves i n Vancouver s o c i e t y and overcome t h e i r own negative expectations there i s undoubtedly a segment of Vancouver l i f e which i s not open to them. In a d d i t i o n there i s a large segment of the p o p u l a t i o n of Vancouver which l i k e l y has no c l e a r idea about Indians as people and continues to stereotype them. Charles Hobart t r i e d to i d e n t i f y a p e c u l i a r l y "Canadian p a t t e r n of race r e l a t i o n s " . ^ He concluded that the answer i s both yes and no f o r w h i l e there 1 Family Service A s s o c i a t i o n , op. c i t . , p. 11. 2 Hobart, op. c i t . , p.85. - 4 0 -are many Canadian s i m i l a r i t i e s to "American values, s t e r e o t y p e s , - p r e j u d i c e s and myths",*" there i s not the h i s t o r y of Indian-White animosity here that i s found i n the United States. However, we f e e l that the Americans cannot be blamed f o r our own patterns of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . E r v i n g Goffman says that when we meet w i t h anyone of a d i f f e r e n t race we " c o n s truct a stigma-theory, an ideology to e x p l a i n h i s i n f e r i o r i t y and account f o r the danger he represents". I f t h i s i s so i n Vancouver, a d i f f e r e n t k i n d of adjustment on the part of the urban-White pop u l a t i o n w i l l have to be made. The s t a t i s t i c s i n the previous chapter show that the Indian population i s i n c r e a s i n g and we have seen that they are moving to Vancouver i n i n c r e a s i n g l y large numbers. C e r t a i n l y , the Indian has the greater adjustment to make when we think of h i s i d e n t i t y problems and the subsequent s o c i a l adjustment. However, i t seems that the urban-White (and t h i s includes s o c i a l workers who o f t e n are the f i r s t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of Vancouver to meet the Indian) must also adapt d i f f e r e n t l y . We would suggest that understanding h i s confusion and a l l o w i n g him to be Indian and Urban would be the most s e n s i b l e k i n d of adaptation p o s s i b l e . We w i l l now attempt an overview of the present r e a l i t y i n urban Vancouver where Indian and white men are beginning to take some steps toward a new r e l a t i o n s h i p . As there are many fa c e t s to the urban community so are there many fa c e t s to the Indian p o p u l a t i o n w i t h i n t h i s community. One group w i t h i n t h i s p o p u l a t i o n i s made up of c h i l d r e n brought down from B e l l a Coola to go to school i n Vancouver because there i s no school f o r them on the reserve. They are i n Grade 8 when they are brought here and the c o n t r a s t i n l i v i n g surroundings i s great. One could speculate on whether they f i n d adjustment e a s i e r because of t h e i r youth. 1. I b i d . , p. 86. 2. E r v i n g Goffman, S'ti-gma, P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc., New Jersey, 1965, p.5. A large part of the Indian population i s made of up teenagers and young adults who have come to Vancouver for vocational t r a i n i n g and up-grading. They come and may plan to develop s k i l l s which they w i l l be able to use on the reserve, or they may plan to stay i n Vancouver and work on a f a i r l y permanent bas i s . According to one Indian youth there i s a very great d i f f e r e n c e i n the ease of adjustment depending on whether the person went to r e s i d e n t i a l school or reserve school or an integrated school. The integrated school Is apparently the best preparation for urban l i f e . The r e s i d e n t i a l school i s apparently the next best preparation for Vancouver as the s o c i a l values and mores are s i m i l a r i n the two. However, there i s also a great d i f f e r e n c e between reserve schools as some reserves are more urbanized than others. Added to these groups are the residents of the three reserves within the Greater Vancouver area; the Musqueam, the Capilano and the:iv> Miasibtt*. These « people have a unique adjustment to make for when the reserves are surrounded by c i t y they form a type of ghetto. There i s also a noticeable p h y s i c a l difference i n reserve and c i t y l i f e , as has been discussed i n the previous chapter. I t would be i n t e r e s t i n g to attempt to e s t a b l i s h whether involvement in urban l i f e i s simpler or more d i f f i c u l t for these people. There i s also the group of Indians who make occasional v i s i t s to Vancouver. We can only speculate about whether these people f i n d themselves more often i n c o n f l i c t with urban values and laws than those who are more or less residents of the c i t y . One o f f i c i a l of the Attorney General's department spoke of t h i s " d r i f t i n g " as a part of the Indian culture and s o c i a l l i f e which i s not under-stood by the majority of our urban population. I f t h i s i s a f a c t of Indian existence i t raises the question of whether or not adjustment could be made easier for the Indian by accepting this and working within i t rather than punishing him (often by j a i l i n g him for vagrancy, e t c . ) . - 42 -There a l s o i s w i t h i n Vancouver a segment of the Indian p o p u l a t i o n which i s s t a b l e , committed already to the white man's ways and making a g e n e r a l l y "good" adjustment. This includes mixed marriages which may have changed the Indians' l e g a l status - but not t h e i r r a c i a l s t a t u s . From these mixed marriages, should come an i n c r e a s i n g number of c h i l d r e n f o r whom the problems of adjustment w i l l l i k e l y be l e s s d i f f i c u l t . Although the segment of U n i v e r s i t y students and others r e c e i v i n g p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g i s a r e l a t i v e l y small one and could almost be incorporated w i t h i n the l a t t e r grouping, i t i s a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n t h i s q u e stion of Indian-urban adjustment. This i s because i n our c u l t u r a l system the most status i s attached to i n t e l l e c t u a l achievement and p r o f e s s i o n a l r o l e and f i n a n c i a l reward. These three things are o f t e n i n d i v i s i b l e ; but i t i s a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t that a small percentage of young Indians have achieved h i g h status i n the urban s e t t i n g . From t h i s group have come s e v e r a l outstanding Indian c i t i z e n s who are, among other t h i n g s , spokesmen f o r t h e i r race and who can be a bridge f o r the dev e l -opment of the understanding which i s necessary to enable both Indian and urban Vancouverites to meet and accept each other. When Indians from v a r y i n g backgrounds meet w i t h the many-faceted urban Vancouver community they discover that adjustments must be made i n many d i f f e r e n t areas. Education i s an important issue and one w i t h which a great many Indians i n Vancouver are in v o l v e d at present, so i t s h a l l be the f i r s t d i scussed. Bert Marcuse, i n h i s Community Chest study on the Indian i n Urban Vancouver, 1961, says that there are "strong f e e l i n g s around issues such as r e s i d e n t i a l schools, urban schools, v s . " i n t e g r a t e d " p u b l i c schools, r e l i g i o u s i n f l u e n c e s , nature of courses, e t c . , ... Indians s t i l l do not go as f a r i n t h e i r s c h o o l i n g as do - 43 -Whites, but they are making notable gains i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n . When an e a r l y l a g i s overcome, Indian c h i l d r e n can compete s u c c e s s f u l l y w i t h white children".''" An o f f i c i a l of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch s a i d i n January 1966 that over 50% of a l l Indian c h i l d r e n i n the province are attending r e g u l a r school. The o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch i s that "every Indian c h i l d ... can r e c e i v e the education he d e s i r e s and from which he i s capable of p r o f i t i n g , and 2 the f e d e r a l government w i l l pay the t o t a l costs ... r i g h t through u n i v e r s i t y " . In Vancouver C i t y there are Indian c h i l d r e n attending almost every type of school. There are a large number at the Vancouver V o c a t i o n a l I n s t i t u t e . In 1961, Mr. Marcuse noted that 1954-1960 i n c l u s i v e the student completion r a t e '3 was 78.8% f o r Indians as compared to 70% f o r non-Indians. In t h i s study, Mr. Marcuse commented on the f a c t that Indian students at the V.V.I, were a 4 s e l e c t e d group as only 177, has l e s s than Grade 11 education. Since that <, time an up-grading course has been e s t a b l i s h e d which has many Indian students e n r o l l e d i n i t . This f i l l s the gap which l e f t a l a rge number of young people without hope f o r f u t u r e l e a r n i n g of s k i l l s . A small number of Indian students are e n r o l l e d at the Vancouver A r t School and at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. In order to overcome the educational l a g which has made i t necessary f o r up-grading to begin, some reserves i n the Vancouver area are s t a r t i n g kindergartens which w i l l f a m i l i a r i z e c h i l d r e n w i t h books, i n s t r u c t i o n i n the E n g l i s h language and the impedimenta of schools. These seem s i m i l a r to the American Operation Headstart program f o r c u l t u r a l l y - d e p r i v e d c h i l d r e n . 1 Bert Marcuse, "Report to the Community Chest and C o u n c i l of the Greater Vancouver Area on the Canadian Indian i n an Urban Community (Vancouver)", May, 1961, p.54. 2 Indian A f f a i r s Branch Department of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration, Canada, "Indian i n T r a n s i t i o n : Education", Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, 1962, p.5. 3 Marcuse, op. c i t . , p.57. 4 Loc. c i t . - 44 -F o l l o w i n g the development of new s k i l l s the next adjustment to be made i s to the f i e l d of employment. The head of Adult Education f o r the Vancouver School Board reports that there i s no problem f i n d i n g work f o r Indians who have com-p l e t e d t h e i r t r a i n i n g . This i s borne out by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch who f i n d that Indians are much e a s i e r to place i n jobs i f they have the s k i l l e d t r a i n i n g r e q u i r e d . They f e e l that they have had good experiences w i t h employers and say that t h i s seems to be traced back to Canadian Immigration programs which brought a l o t of f o r e i g n people to Canada and f a m i l i a r i z e d employers w i t h employees of d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s . However, the C.B.C. mentioned r e c e n t l y that Vancouver Department Stores h i r e Indians as labourers only, not as store c l e r k s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y the s t a t i s t i c s a v a i l a b l e on the employment of Indians;, are compiled on a province-wide b a s i s and are incomplete i n that many Indian people f i n d t h e i r own j o b s . The o f f i c i a l s at the Indian A f f a i r s Branch remarked a l s o on a f a c t o f t e n seen i n the l i t e r a t u r e . This i s that the reserve i s always there as a haven f o r the Indian who decides he can no longer conform to the White man's expectations w i t h regard to h i s employment. Indians i n Vancouver l i v e i n a v a r i e t y of l i v i n g arrangements. There are youngsters i n f o s t e r homes, young people i n boarding homes, dormi t o r i e s and f a m i l i e s l i v i n g i n rented homes, housing p r o j e c t s and t h e i r own homes. Presumably, the Indians who l i v e on S k i d Road l i v e i n cheap h o t e l s or h o s t e l s provided by concerned groups, e.g. S a l v a t i o n Army. In 1960, Mr. Marcuse d i d a survey of two blocks i n the Skid Road area and found that approximately one h a l f of the desk c l e r k s expressed strong p r e j u d i c e against Indians. Those where "no prejudice"''" was expressed were a l l Chinese owned. There was an 1 Marcuse, o p . c i t . p.64. - 45 -u n c e r t a i n p o l i c y around whether or not they were allowed to stay i n these h o t e l s . He l a t e r discovered that most Indians there l i v e d o u t s ide the area surveyed, that "there i s ... a hidden group of Canadian Indians r e s i d e n t i n these h o t e l s and rooming houses".''" Presumably they are being protected from outside a u t h o r i t i e s . This area i s mainly a place to l i v e f o r the "non-student new a r r i v a l s " to Vancouver. Mr. Marcuse found that even the student newcomers have u n c e r t a i n accommodation as " i n some homes Indian youths are t r e a t e d very much as part of the f a m i l y ; i n other homes ... are t r e a t e d w i t h only a minimum of c o n s i d e r a t i o n ; they are 3 denied f u l l p r i v i l e g e s and g e n e r a l l y made to f e e l uncomfortable and unwelcome". Marcuse also says that the Indian r e s i d e n t s of Vancouver " u n l i k e c e r t a i n other ethnic groups ... are not congregated i n any p a r t i c u l a r area. Most of them l i v e i n lower middle c l a s s and working c l a s s d i s t r i c t s , a few l i v e i n middle c l a s s d i s t r i c t s " . ^ There i s no a v a i l a b l e research on the question of d i s c r i -mination w i t h regard to l i v i n g accommodation and one wonders what the f a c t s are. I t would be h e l p f u l to have more research i n t h i s area. Mr. Marcuse, commenting on a s p e c i a l housing problem, s t a t e d that there i s a need f o r b e t t e r accommodation f o r Indian p a t i e n t s and t h e i r escorts to Vancouver h o s p i t a l s R e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s are u s u a l l y of importance to the Indians i n Vancouver, because of the number who have attended r e s i d e n t i a l schools. Almost every denomination has been a c t i v e w i t h Indian work i n Vancouver. Mr. Marcuse found 1 I b i d . , p. 65. 2 I b i d . , p. 62. 3 I b i d . , p. 65. 4 I b i d . , p. 66. 5 I b i d . , p. 67. - 46 -that "to a considerable extent the Indian people themselves look to Church o r g a n i z a t i o n s f o r s p i r i t u a l , s o c i a l and, to a l e s s e r degree, m a t e r i a l help".''' I t seemed that a c o - o r d i n a t i n g body might be a h e l p f u l plan f o r maximum b e n e f i t s to accrue to the Indians from these sources. These s e r v i c e s i n c l u d e h o s t e l s such as Sancta Maria House, the East Enders H o s t e l and d i s c u s s i o n or r e c r e a t i o n groups such as that l e d by Miss Kay Cronin at St. Augustine's Church. Here, e a r l i e r a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h r e s i d e n t i a l schools u s u a l l y determine r e l i g i o u s groupin Recreation i s an area which seems to be c l o s e l y l i n k e d w i t h r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n That i s , there are church groups such as the abovementioned which have an element of r e c r e a t i o n i n v o l v e d . Mr. Marcuse found that Indians d i d not use the usual r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s such as the Y.M.C.A. very e x t e n s i v e l y . The Y.W.C.A. has had a r e c r e a t i o n a l program f o r Indian g i r l s , beginning i n 1959, which has been "more a c t i v e " . But, on the whole, Mr. Marcuse found that although Indians gave a p o s i t i v e response to the word "community", they do not use the community s e r v i c e s . Most Indians who are of age i n Vancouver turn to the h o t e l beer p a r l o u r s on *• s k i d road f o r t h e i r r e c r e a t i o n . These seem to be where they f e e l comfortable and welcome. N a t u r a l l y enough, i n some s i t u a t i o n s , t h i s leads to a chronic problem w i t h d r i n k i n g , as w e l l as p r o s t i t u t i o n , both of which w i l l be d e t a i l e d l a t e r . For the others, though, these are places of true companionship i n an otherwise b a f f l i n g c i t y . The young people l i k e to frequent the Embassy Ballroom and on evenings when i t i s open a very high number of them attend. When speaking to adults who are concerned f o r the young people, we heard views which v a r i e d from complete r e j e c t i o n of the p r a c t i c e to q u a l i f i e d acceptance of i t . 1 I b i d . , p. 77. -46-A -As a means of providing some gathering place, an Indian Centre was foWtted. This will be discussed in the next chapter. Financial problems also beset the Indian in Vancouver. In the beginning they came from a culture of poverty which gives them a l l the problems associated with "the most economically depressed segment of our population." This has been dealt with quite fully in the previous chapter. Any discussion of financial difficulties is elaaaly related to the problem of unemployment. This economic problem is tied up with their already stigmatized status as native Indians and their being confined to the paternalistic home of the reserve. The combination iie^an unbeatable one for causing difficulties for an Indian attempting to move into urban Vancouver. For some of those who manage to find work their own laissez-faire cultural attitudes conspires to harm them in their social adjustment. When an Indian decides to leave work, he soon finds himself branded a failure in hiB adopted society. This is a serious part of the problem because a financially dependent Indian (especially i f enfranchised) then joins another part of thfe culture of poverty - the city poor. William Morris explains part of the problem very clearrly when he says, "Let us bear in mind that the Indian >. Canadian has had only a few short years in which to become adjusted to our way of looking at wage employment quite beyond what we have any right to aspect. The students, however, do not have finacial troubles beyond those of others in a similar position. In fact, the students from the reserves are often better 1. Ibid., p. 75* 2. William Morris, "The Plight of the Indian in Canada," Social  Problems: A Canadian Profile, ed. Richard Laskin, McG-raw Hill Co. of Canada, Ltd., New York, Toronto, London, 1964, p. 101. 1 way of l i f e . Those of us who are employers expect of him a motivation and a - 47 -o f f than t h e i r urban counterparts because of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch p o l i c y of f r e e education which makes a v a i l a b l e fees and a l i v i n g allowance. Along w i t h adjustments demanded i n a l l of these areas, there i s another area which causes much concern, both f o r many Indians and f o r many urban Vancouverites. I t i s the behaviour expected according to the norms of urban Vancouver s o c i e t y . A l l c u l t u r e s have mores and taboos which, i n the modern world, become t r a n s -l a t e d i n t o l e g i s l a t i o n . I t then becomes a serious problem when these social-laws are broken. Along w i t h problems of law go other more s u b t l e s o c i a l problems which s o c i a l agencies are designed to help overcome. There are a m u l t i p l i c i t y of s o c i a l agency resources open to the p u b l i c i n Vancouver. The m a j o r i t y of c l i e n t s of these s o c i a l agencies come from the middle c l a s s e s and agencies are r e a l i z i n g that new techniques must be discovered to reach out to the people who are i n lower c l a s s e s and sometimes do not understand the f u n c t i o n of an agency or have much f a i t h i n them as a source of h e l p . Most Indians i n Vancouver f a l l w i t h i n t h i s group who do not understand and use the s e r v i c e s a v a i l a b l e . Mr. Marcuse i n h i s admittedly l i m i t e d survey of s o c i a l agencies found that the most f r e q u e n t l y used agency was the C a t h o l i c C h i l d r e n ' s A i d S o c i e t y . In 1961 that agency had approximately 250 c h i l d r e n w i t h some Indian background i n f o s t e r care. The Chil d r e n ' s A i d Society of Vancouver also has some c h i l d r e n of mixed Indian-White r a c i a l o r i g i n i n f o s t e r care. As has been widely p u b l i c i z e d , these c h i l d r e n are very d i f f i c u l t to place f o r adoption. Both agencies provide s e r v i c e s to unmarried mothers, the C a t h o l i c agency, through Our Lady of Mercy Home and the P r o t e s t a n t agency through Maywood Home ( S a l v a t i o n Army) and the United Church Home. Many Indian g i r l s who are i l l e g i t i m a t e l y pregnant a v a i l themselves of these s e r v i c e s . - 48 -Since Mr. Marcuse' study there has been a very s l i g h t increase i n the number of Indians using the resources of the Family Service Agency. Most of them had to be r e f e r r e d elsewhere, but one or two couples d i d make use of t h i s s e r v i c e . A c l u e to the non-use of most other resources might be found i n the a t t i t u d e of a very f r i g h t e n e d Indian man r e f e r r e d to the F.S.A. He seemed almost overwhelmed by anxiety that h i s r e f e r r a l by a United Church pastor was i n f a c t being reported to a p u n i t i v e a u t h o r i t y f i g u r e . He was given some help around t h i s but the worker f e l t that he could not r e a l l y b e l i e v e thathhe would be accepted there. The A l c o h o l i s m Foundation has apparently not had much success w i t h p r o v i d i n g treatment because i t i s reported that the Indians u s u a l l y drop out before anything i s accomplished. A man who has worked many years w i t h Indians i n the c i t y concurs w i t h t h i s p i c t u r e of f e a r f u l n e s s when t a l k i n g about h o s p i t a l i z a t i o n . St. Paul's H o s p i t a l has been used s o l e l y by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch u n t i l q u i t e r e c e n t l y . Althou the r e l i g i o u s aspect may have been comforting to some, very few are able to t a l k to the s o c i a l workers and thus r e c e i v e help i n planning for.-themselves. One could ponder t h i s question of communication d i f f i c u l t y , why i t occurs, whether i t i s a language problem or a c u l t u r a l one, or both. The area of l e g a l problems i s a very important one i n Vancouver. The kinds or problems shown are d r i n k i n g , a s s a u l t , p r o s t i t u t i o n and some use of b a r b i -t u r a t e s . In in t e r v i e w s w i t h two c i t y prosecutors they both c i t e d the problem of d r i n k i n g as bas i c to most of the i n f r a c t i o n s of the law. For example, i n the P o l i c e Court on one morning's drunk l i s t , which was comprised of twenty-three people, approximately s i x were Indians. This means that n e a r l y 25%, or one-quarter, were of Indian o r i g i n . This percentage i s much higher - 49 -than the percentage of Indians to Whites i n the Vancouver p o p u l a t i o n . On the same day we observed that out of twenty cases heard i n Courtroom Four-two were Indian. These two men presented a p i c t u r e of almost complete d i s -o r i e n t a t i o n . They were not knowledgeable of court proceedings, although one of them had had s e v e r a l previous a r r e s t s . The impression we r e c e i v e d was that the Indians had no background which would help them to make sense out of t h i s experience. An o f f i c i a l at the Attorney General's o f f i c e s t a t e d that there has been an increase i n the use of b a r b i t u r a t e s by Indians. He explained that the three • problems of d r i n k i n g , b a r b i t u r a t e s and p r o s t i t u t i o n o f t e n appear i n that order fo r many of the Indian g i r l s . They p r o s t i t u t e themselves i n order to buy l i q u o r and b a r b i t u r a t e s f o r themselves or t h e i r male f r i e n d s . These g i r l s sometimes die e a r l y and t r a g i c a l l y as a d i r e c t r e s u l t of t h i s l i f e . He described t h e i r r e a c t i o n to b a r b i t u r a t e s as being more intense than i t i s f o r the non-Indian. They seem to h a l l u c i n a t e more e a s i l y and o l d s u p e r s t i t i o n s are q u i c k l y aroused. They develop the idea that the a u d i t o r y h a l l u c i n a t i o n s are the v o i c e s of e v i l s p i r i t s . I t i s a very f r i g h t e n i n g experience for them. This same o f f i c i a l questioned the p o s s i b i l i t y of some r a c i a l p h y s i c a l i n t o l e r a n c e f o r both a l c o h o l and b a r b i t u r a t e s as the problem seems so i n t e n s e . The other s i d e of t h i s question could be the r e l a t i o n of these a d d i c t i o n s to an emotionally and c u l t u r a l l y deprived people w i t h intense dependency needs. There i s a l s o a group of teenage g i r l s who are r e l e a s e d from W i l l i n g d o n School and d r i f t downtown i n t o t h i s l i f e . On the whole, apparently, the p o l i c e do not bother the younger people unless they are making a nuisance of themselves. The remedies o f f e r e d by our urban s o c i e t y are j a i l , p r obation, treatment f o r d r i n k i n g problems (sometimes) and r e t u r n to the r e s e r v e s . In the opinion of - 50 -the c i t y prosecutors the most usual path i s beer p a r l o r s , court, j a i l and around again. The Attorney General's o f f i c i a l f e l t that r e t u r n to the reserves was the best answer f o r these people. C l e a r l y , none of these s e r v i c e s seem to be p r o v i d i n g much help. The S a l v a t i o n Army does provide a v a l u a b l e s e r v i c e i n an advisory c a p a c i t y to help smooth some of the wheels of the procedures of the law. Many of these people were described by the abovementioned o f f i c i a l as d r i f t e r s who are c a r r y i n g on ancient patterns of movement from one place to another. He expressed l i t t l e hope f o r change i n these p a t t e r n s . There are a l s o more or l e s s permanent Indian r e s i d e n t s who run a f o u l of the law. This remains a serious problem i n adjustment to urban l i f e . This c o l l i s i o n of two c u l t u r e s demands some s o r t of a c t i v i t y on the part of the urban s o c i e t y as w e l l as the Indian s o c i e t y . Research i s one k i n d of a c t i v i t y which could prove to be a very u s e f u l t o o l i n understanding t h i s problem. The incidence of problems of adjustment have been documented by B. Marcuse i n 1961. A more extensive survey to i s o l a t e not only the problems but the u n d e r l y i n g causative f a c t o r s would seem to be i n d i c a t e d . Perhaps t h i s type of study could a l s o u t i l i z e concepts of i d e n t i t y , of r o l e expectation and performance, information theory, communications theory and systems theory as aids i n understanding the problem of adaptation. P a r t i c u l a r s tudies i n t o freedom of work, to l i v e anywhere, to achieve s o c i a l l y and e d u c a t i o n a l l y would be h e l p f u l . This would i n v o l v e the ideas and p r a c t i c a l aspects of stigma and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . Follow-up studies on education and which type provides the best background f o r adaptation could perhaps be h e l p f u l . ' There would be some use i n examining the problem of Indians and a l c o h o l as i t i s one of the most - 51 -cl e a r l y - e v i d e n c e d areas of s o c i a l maladaptation. S o c i a l agencies would b e n e f i t from research to study how s o c i a l work can be more e f f e c t i v e and meaningful to Indian r e s i d e n t s . Could there be some r e l a t i o n s h i p s made between new concepts of reaching out or aggressive s e r v i c e s and the use of agency s e r v i c e s ! Could c r i s i s theory be u t i l i z e d i n understanding and h e l p i n g i n the process of adapta-t i o n to the urban c u l t u r e . There i s also the whole question of reserves and the moral question of the need fo r t h e i r existence, discussed i n the preceding chapter, which c a r r i e s w i t h i t the attendant question of the need f o r and uses of enfranchisement. Since there are l i k e l y s t udies done of the s u c c e s s f u l adaptation of a n a t i v e popula-t i o n to i t s urban s o c i e t y i n other parts of the world, could t h i s be studied and a p p l i e d to our country? An example of a s u c c e s s f u l adaptation of a m i n o r i t y n a t i v e c u l t u r e to a m a j o r i t y White c u l t u r e i s the Maori c u l t u r e of New Zealand. I n summary then, i n t h i s chapter we have presented a broad p i c t u r e of the dynamics and fa c e t s of the problem of Indians coming to Vancouver. We have argued that the s o c i a l adaptation of the n a t i v e Canadian Indians and the urban Vancouver pop u l a t i o n i s i n a f a i r l y p r i m i t i v e stage. There i s an increased awareness of the problem and a concern to do something about i t on the part of both c u l t u r e s . H o p e f u l l y t h i s w i l l lead to a more s u c c e s s f u l s o c i a l adaptation i n the f u t u r e . There are new programs and p r o j e c t s i n Vancouver, as w e l l as across Canada, to help f a c i l i t a t e s o c i a l adaptation. Although i t i s not p o s s i b l e to deal adequately w i t h a l l of these, we s h a l l , i n the next chapter, discuss one resource developed s p e c i f i c a l l y to serve Indians newly a r r i v e d i n Vancouver, that i s the Vancouver Indian Centre. We w i l l a lso discuss new p r o j e c t s t a k i n g place on the reserves which may prove h e l p f u l i n t h i s problem of adaptation. -52- ' Chapter IV - TWO MAJOR PROGRAMMES TO FACILITATE ADAPTATION In Chapter I I I , we discussed i n general some of the facets of the problem and attempts to deal with i t . In t h i s chapter we w i l l discuss i n greater d e t a i l two major programmes which have been introduced as ways of f a c i l i t a t i n g the adaptation of Indians into the mainstream of Canadian l i f e namely, Community Development and Friendship Centres. The concept of Community Development was f i r s t developed i n under-developed countries such as India and some A f r i c a n countries. Community Development has been described by the United Nations Secretariat i n a recent p u b l i c a t i o n as: "In very simple terms, community development s t a r t s out from the premise that a f a s t e r rate of development and more assurance of c o n t i n u i t y would be possible i f the vast u n d e r - u t i l i z e d human resources of l o c a l communities could be brought into more effec-t i v e play. I t further assumes that mere physical p a r t i c i p a t i o n i a not enough , by t h e i r l e a d e r s ^ but rather what i s needed i s wide p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the people i n a r r i v i n g at decisions that a f f e c t t h e i r l i v e s , and t h e i r i n t e l l i g e n t and responsible co-operation with the Government i n the planning and carrying out of programmes and a c t i v i t i e s f o r the common good. Community development sets out the objective of bringing about an increased capacity on the part of people, to think, plan, organize and act on t h e i r own behalves with increasing consciousness of t h e i r r o l e i n the network of economic and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s which constitute national life . " " ' " 1. Jean H. Lagasse, "Community Development i n Manitoba", Human  Organization. Volume 20-4., Winter 61-62 p.233 -53 T This concept has been r e c e n t l y introduced i n Canada by the Indian A f f a i r s Department. This programme aims to complement e x i s t i n g s e r v i c e s i n w e l f a r e , education, h e a l t h and economic development and to render them more e f f e c t i v e . I t i s a n t i c i p a t e d that i t w i l l be a major instrument f o r improving the economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l l i f e of Indians i n Canada. The community development approach i s i n d i r e c t c o n t r a s t to the t r a d i t i o n a l approach of "doing f o r " . This new emphasis of "doing w i t h " focuses on the economic development and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n "because i t i s i n those two areas that former Government s e r v i c e s have been most d e l i q u e n t " . Using t h i s approach, the community i s encouraged to p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n d e f i n i n g i t s own problems as they see them. The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s placed upon the Indians to formulate t h e i r own p l a n of a c t i o n at a pace that i s comfortable to them. In encouraging the Indian people to co-operate and c o l l a b o r a t e among themselves, an opportunity i s provided f o r growth i n the i n d i v i d u a l arid w i t h i n the whole community i t s e l f . As a method, the F e d e r a l and P r o v i n c i a l Governments have combined resources i n order to e s t a b l i s h a p a r t n e r s h i p approach to Community Development - according to the Hon. J.B. C a r r o l l , M i n i s t e r of Welfare, Manitoba: " I t must leave them w i t h the i n i t i a t i v e . The Government on the other hand must .be l i k e a s i l e n t partner ready to o f f e r a d v i s e , and guidance and t e c h n i c a l a s s i s t a n c e when r e q u e s t e d - i t i s a p a r t n e r s h i p based on the p r i n c i p l e of good c i t i z e n s h i p o and s o c i a l conscience". 1. United Nations S e c r e t a r i a t , "Community Development i n R e l a t i o n to ' N a t i o n a l Planning", ACC/WGRCD/ Working paper No. 4, United Nations, June 22, 1965, pp.2-3 2. Hon. J.B. C a r r o l l , M i n i s t e r of Welfare, Manitoba, "P a r t n e r s h i p i n Community Development", October 1963. -54- . The programmes o u t l i n e d and already i n existence i n some provinces are: 1. Education - a d u l t education, n a t i v e language, e t c . 2. Health - s a n i t a t i o n , dental c l i n i c s 3. S o c i a l and c u l t u r a l - i n c l u d i n g F r i e n d s h i p Centres 4. Housing committees and community improvements - e l e c t r i c i t y , telephones 5. Economical - c a t t l e r a i s i n g , sawmills, job t r a i n i n g , e t c . 6. Co-operatives - pulp, f i s h i n g , consumer and h a n d i c r a f t s . In B r i t i s h Columbia, Community Development i s r e l a t i v e l y new, s t a r t i n g only i n January 1965. The main e f f o r t s are concentrated i n communities w i t h a s i g n i f i c a n t Indian p o p u l a t i o n such as P r i n c e Rupert, Port A l b e r n i , Chase and Salmon Arm. According to reports from the Community Development Department here i n B r i t i s h Columbia, they are i n the f i r s t stage of g e t t i n g to know the communities. From here, h o p e f u l l y , they w i l l proceed to a s s i s t i n developing programmes. Viewing Community Development w i t h a c r i t i c a l eye, one might suggest that the Canadian Government has moved from the extreme p a t e r n a l i s t i c approach to the other extreme s e l f - h e l p approach i . e . from the "we do f o r you" to the "you do f o r y o u r s e l f " approach. Questionable i s the assumption u n d e r l y i n g Community Development, that the Indians are now able to decide what i s best f o r themselves, a f t e r decades of "paternalism". "The greatest success has been e s t a b l i s h e d where the l o c a l people have e s t a b l i s h e d the o b j e c t i v e s according to t h e i r own f e l t needs."*' We must recognize that the Indians l i k e most other groups of a low s o c i o -economic c u l t u r a l background need the advice and guidance of p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n c l a r i f y i n g and determining o b j e c t i v e s and needs. 1. I b i d . , p.4 -55-One might also suggest that the net e f f e c t of the Community Development approach w i l l be merely a "catching-up" with the dominant White cult u r e , a culture that i s r a p i d l y moving ahead. The po t e n t i a l danger inherent here i s the p o s s i b i l i t y that as soon as the Indian people have "caught up", the dominant culture w i l l have long advanced into the cybernation age, thereby leaving the Indian people behind once again. A conscious e f f o r t must be made to include the Indian people i n the long range planning since i t appears that Community Development i s , i n e f f e c t , short term planning. Some Indian writers have commented that the reserve i s an apartheid system which separates the Indians from the non-Indians.^ Is i t possible that the Community Development programmes on the reserves r e i n f o r c e t h i s observation? At the present time, Community Development i s mainly concentrated on reserves and i n r u r a l towns. However, there i s no reason why c e r t a i n programmes other than Friendship Centres cannot be extended to include those Indian residents i n the c i t i e s as the numbers increase. In f a c t , i f we apply the Community Development p r i n c i p l e s to parts of the c i t y where there i s a heavy concentra-t i o n of Indian people, we may be able to encourage Indians and non-Indians to p a r t i c i p a t e i n programmes b e n e f i c i a l to a l l c i t i z e n s . For example, we could encourage more Indians to p a r t i c i p a t e i n neighbourhood services s i m i l a r to those sponsored by the Area Development Project. These services following the community development p r i n c i p l e s aim to encourage and a s s i s t the neighbour-hood people to develop programmes such as adult education, nurseries and homemaker services using l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e and leadership a b i l i t y . In so doing, i t could o f f e r them the opportunity to accept each other as human beings and as i n d i v i d u a l s . This two-way process i s necessary i f the Indian people are to adapt s u c c e s s f u l l y to urban l i f e i . e . i t i s not s u f f i c i e n t to 1. Winnipeg Indian Friendship Centre, "The P r a i r i e C a l l " "The Indian i n T r a n s i t i o n " Nov-Dec Issue p. 7 educate only the Indian people, we must educate the non-Indian as well. Despite the lack of extensive community development programmes i n urban areas, one cannot deny that Community Development i s making a major con t r i b u t i o n towards the o v e r - a l l attempt to f a c i l i t a t e the adaptation of the Indian people to the mainstream of Canadian society. This i s consistent with community development's emphasis on m o b i l i z a t i o n of Indian i n i t i a t i v e and promotion of s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . The current War on Poverty Programme includes some major plans r e l a t i n g c l o s e l y to community development programmes with the Canadian Indians. Maurice Western, a newspaper commentator, has t h i s to say: "With the announcement by Arthur Laing (Northern A f f a i r s M i n i s t e r ) of a new five-year programme f o r physical development of Indian Communities, the so-called 'war on poverty' has ceased to be a nebulous concept and has become a welcome r e a l i t y - he (Mr. Laing) w i l l have a v a i l a b l e f o r t h i s purpose $112 m i l l i o n - having canvassed the s i t u a t i o n with the National Indian Advisory Board he proposes to use t h i s for housing, water and s a n i t a t i o n services, e l e c t r i f i c a t i o n of Indian reserves and bridges on the reserves. Of the housing budget, however, some funds w i l l be a v a i l a b l e to a s s i s t Indians who may wish to leave the reserves i n order to take advantage of employment opportunities elsewhere - Mr. Laing's programme - i s f l e x i b l e and takes account of widely d i f f e r i n g conditions on various reserves. There w i l l be an extension of community planning a c t i v i t i e s , with the Indians themselves determining the needs and p r i o r i t i e s to be served i n the develop-ment of the reserve improvement programme.""'" 1. Maurice Western, "War on Poverty Starts With Our Indians" Vancouver Sun, March, 1966 -57-Another promising approach towards f a c i l i t a t i n g the adaptation of Indian people i n Urban l i f e i s the development and growth of Friendship Centres across Canada. The bridging of two cultures as a path for people of Indian Ancestry i n the movement to urban l i f e and the movement to better under-standing by the non-Indian i s b a s i c a l l y the idea which motivated the development of most centres. This i s the basic premise from which others have developed. The Federal and P r o v i n c i a l Governments o f f e r grants for such centres. However they place a heavy emphasis upon f i v e points as a basis f o r grants. 1. that the centre has premises - physical l o c a t i o n 2. conducts i t s services and programmes according to established professional practice to ensure competence and effectiveness 3. provides persons of Indian Ancestry an important or s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n i t s programming and management 4. receives i n the community s u b s t a n t i a l co-operation from organiza-tion s , agencies or groups concerned with people of Indian Ancestry 5. receives from i t s community a l e v e l of f i n a n c i a l support i n l i n e with the community's a b i l i t y to r a i s e funds for projects of a s i m i l a r nature.^ Winnipeg, Manitoba, enjoyed the d i s t i n c t i o n of e s t a b l i s h i n g the f i r s t Friend-ship Centre i n Canada. Since i t opened i n A p r i l 1959, there have been at least twenty-five others formed across Canada. I t would appear that the Western Provinces have had a greater concern i n t h i s area. Since 1959, several conferences and'seminars have dealt with the growth and development of Friendship Centres. The most recent, c a l l e d the Third Friendship Centre  Training Course, was held at Western Co-operative College i n Saskatoon, Saskatchewan November 8 - 13, 1965. The report states that most questions dealt with the problem of p o l i c y , management, programming, finances, and 1. Report on the Third Friendship Centre Training Course, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan. Nov. 8 - 13, 1965 p. 20 -5 8-the function of Friendship Centres. The implications of two major functions of Friendship Centres were examined. This body representing government and private agencies and i n d i v i d u a l s , found that i f a centre adopted service as i t s major function, then the s t a f f had to be expanded to work i n the various f i e l d s as the needs increased. This meant i t s involvement i n almost every f i e l d of human endeavours, which could possibly lead to a d u p l i c a t i o n of services. The second case showed what would happen i f the Centre played a r e f e r r a l r o l e i n the community. As the problems increased, so did the urgency to develop community resources while performing an educational function. In r e a l i t y , most centres perform r e f e r r a l services as one of i t s major functions, a few centres are a c t i v e l y involved i n services i . e . Winnipeg Indian Centre has court workers and Vancouver Indian Centre now has authority to do r e h a b i l i t a t i v e work. In stating what the goals of a Friendship Centre i n a community are and how i t achieves them the report states: "Friendship Centres were seen as a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l i n s t i t u t i o n whose main goal was to a s s i s t Indians (both as an i n d i v i d u a l and as a group) to achieve h i s r i g h t f u l place i n society. The r e a l i z a t i o n of such a goal could be achieved through many ways. Interpr e t a t i o n to the community of the r o l e and function of the centre was seen as an e s s e n t i a l and i n t e g r a l part of i t s functions. It was also suggested that the development of leadership a b i l i t y within the Indian people and the encouragement of group pride i n the native ancestry and culture would be a s i g n i f i c a n t part i n achieving the desired goal. In essence, then, both the develop-ment within the Indian group as well as the development within -59-the broader community were seen as v i t a l f o r the Indian i n becoming an accepted member of the l a r g e r community."''' The methods suggested by which the centres can help the community understand the centres' r o l e and the communities' r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , are the use of mass media and p u b l i c speakers, and the involvement of other agencies i n e f f e c t i n g more e f f i c i e n t s e r v i c e s to the Indian people. With t h i s frame of reference i n mind we w i l l now discuss the s i t u a t i o n here i n Vancouver. THE VANCOUVER INDIAN CENTRE Marcuse, i n the Study of Problems of Canadian Indians i n Urban Communities, documents the prelude to the establishment of the Vancouver Indian Centre. The b e l i e f i n the need f o r an Indian Centre i n Vancouver was one of the primary reasons why the study was undertaken. This need was f i r s t formulated about 1953 by the Coqualeetza F e l l o w s h i p - an o r g a n i z a t i o n representing Indians i n the Vancouver d i s t r i c t . In 1954, the Native Indian Services C o u n c i l was e s t a b l i s h e d by or g a n i z a t i o n s ( i n c l u d i n g Coqualeetza F e l l o w s h i p ) and i n d i v i d u a l s concerned w i t h the o v e r - a l l problems faced by Indian people. One of the immediate p r o j e c t s set up by t h i s body was the establishment of a downtown o f f i c e to provide an in f o r m a t i o n and r e f e r r a l s e r v i c e to the Indian people. This o f f i c e was s t a f f e d by both Indian and non-Indian v o l u n t e e r s . The A n g l i c a n and United Church each provided one f u l l - t i m e worker. 1. I b i d p.5 -60-I n 1960, f u r t h e r impetus towards the s e t t i n g up of an Indian Centre was manifest, and through the Native Indian Service C o u n c i l , r e p r e s e n t a t i o n was made to the Department of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration, Ottawa, asking that research be undertaken to e s t a b l i s h the nature of Indian needs i n Vancouver and to i n v e s t i g a t e what other s o c i a l and economic data was re l e v a n t to these needs. Thus Marcuse's study was undertaken and i t i s acknowledged that t h i s study made a major c o n t r i b u t i o n towards the establishment of the Vancouver Indian Centre. The Centre was incorporated i n J u l y 1963, and e s t a b l i s h e d i n December 1963. I n i t i a l l y the Board membership was r e s t r i c t e d to people of Indian descent. However, i t was soon recognized that a broader involvement of c i t i z e n s on the board was d e s i r a b l e , and w i t h i n i t s f i r s t year of o p e r a t i o n , the c o n s t i t u t i o n was reorganized and amended to in c l u d e non-Indian c i t i z e n s from v a r i o u s backgrounds and pr o f e s s i o n s . O f f i c e r s of the s o c i e t y , s t a f f and an adviso r y committee make up the t o t a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e . The c o n s t i t u t i o n o u t l i n e s ten main o b j e c t i v e s . There are two major f u n c t i o n s of the Vancouver Indian Centre: a) to act as a meeting place and club room f o r Indians and t h e i r f r i e n d s , b) to act as a r e f e r r a l point to Government departments and s o c i a l agencies, and as a place where they r e c e i v e advice and as s i s t a n c e . The second annual report published i n June 1965, s t a t e d that the major part of r e f e r r a l s had to do wi t h m a t e r i a l a s s i s t a n c e , e i t h e r c l o t h i n g , f i n a n c i a l h e lp or accommodation. Planning and c o - o r d i n a t i o n of s e r v i c e s o f f e r e d to Ind i a n people i s an important f u n c t i o n of the Vancouver Indian Centre. Because of the tendency of Indian people to be more w i l l i n g to use agencies r e f e r r e d by the Centre, - 6 1 -the Centre provides very e f f e c t i v e l i a s o n between the Indians and the s o c i a l agencies. The Centre does not provide dormitory accommodation but a s s i s t s i n d i v i d u a l s i n f i n d i n g temporary and long term accommodation where possible. S o c i a l and r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s have of necessity been kept to a minimum, for lack of a programme d i r e c t o r . Perhaps one of the more promising developments within the Vancouver Indian Centre i s the establishment of a youth council which encourages the young people to become involved i n planning and organizing t h e i r own a c t i v i t i e s . The merits of such a council i s manifold. However, an e f f o r t must be made to promote t o t a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n to include a l l age groups. Among the a c t i v i t i e s promoted by the youth cou n c i l i n 1965 was basketball and soccer during the winter months and a s o f t b a l l team r e g i s t e r e d i n a c i t y league. There i s a volunteer v i s i t i n g programme to the Indian group at Oakalla prison farm, as well as a study programme for upgrading students f o r which volunteer teachers are re c r u i t e d . An A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous group i s i n existence. In addition, there i s an informal drop-in programme of games, records and T.V. A speakers' Bureau i s responsible for volunteer services recruitment, donations and community education on Indian A f f a i r s . In-service s e c r e t a r i a l t r a i n i n g of commercial graduates a s s i s t s the g i r l s i n developing confidence and s k i l l . This takes place over a period of three months and under supervision of a q u a l i f i e d secretary. In conjunction with the Indian A f f a i r s Branch and the Vancouver School Board, the Vancouver Indian Centre set up a family-aid t r a i n i n g course i n May 1965. The enrollment i s open to both Indians and non-Indians. The Centre i s now promoting a t h i r d c l a s s , a f t e r graduating two classes. -62-In the t h i r d annual report published February 5, 1965, the president reported that ; "The past year has been one of extensive r e o r g a n i z a t i o n and planning f o r the Vancouver Indian Centre. Basic to a l l t h i s has been the c a r e f u l r e v i s i o n of our c o n s t i t u t i o n f o r the purpose of e n l a r g i n g and developing the aims and o b j e c t i v e s of the s o c i e t y . E s s e n t i a l l y the Centre now has the a u t h o r i t y to do r e h a b i l i t a t i v e work among the Indian people as w e l l as f u r t h e r i n c r e a s i n g the c o u n s e l l i n g and r e f e r r a l s e r v i c e s , the r e c r e a t i o n a l and e d u c a t i o n a l s e r v i c e s which i t has o f f e r e d i n the past. Under the new c o n s t i t u t i o n , the Vancouver In d i a n Centre S o c i e t y now has an open membership a v a i l a b l e to any i n t e r e s t e d persons f o r the fee of one d o l l a r a n n u ally."* Very recent developments and programmes i n c l u d e : 1. The c r e a t i o n of a newsletter which i s being used to promote the work of the Centre, and p a r t i c u l a r l y to inform the reserves of i t s s e r v i c e s . 2. The formation of an Indian C o u n c i l whose members help to expand and d i v e r s i f y the s e r v i c e s o f f e r e d by the Centre. 3. A programme committee c o n s i s t i n g of two members each from the Board, the youth c o u n c i l , and the adult c o u n c i l . Thus the major development has been i n the area of committees i n response to c e r t a i n needs and proposals f o r expansion. EVALUATION As p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, the F e d e r a l and P r o v i n c i a l Governments place a heavy emphasis upon f i v e points as a basis f o r grants. How the Vancouver Indian. Centre meets these standards i s a matter of s p e c u l a t i o n . 1. Vancouver Indian Centre, T h i r d Annual Report, February 5, 1966, p . l -63-POINT 1. "That the Centre has premises." Although the present s i t e i s not very f a r from the downtown area, there has been suggestions by Indians and non-Indians that a centre be located d i r e c t l y i n the downtown area so that i t w i l l be more e a s i l y a c c e s s i b l e to strangers (Indians) newly a r r i v i n g i n the c i t y . The Centre i s now faced w i t h a request to vacate the present premises at the end of May 1966. The newly-created b u i l d i n g and p u b l i c i t y committee i s now reviewing a l t e r n a t i v e accommodations. The long range plan of t h i s committee i s to promote a b u i l d i n g campaign w i t h a view of having i t s own premises i n the f u t u r e . To d i g r e s s a l i t t l e , i t w i l l be very i n t e r e s t i n g to analyze the composition of the board p a r t i c u l a r l y regarding a balance among the non-Indian membership. I t i s hard r e a l i t y that there i s o f t e n a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between the number of i n f l u e n t i a l board members i n an agency and the progress of that agency, i n terms of expansion of programmes and s e r v i c e s . One might speculate that the presence of i n f l u e n t i a l non-Indian members on the b u i l d i n g committee could be a boost to the Vancouver Indian Centre. POINT 2. "That the Centre conducts i t s s e r v i c e s and programmes according to e s t a b l i s h e d p r o f e s s i o n a l p r a c t i c e to ensure competence and e f f e c t i v e n e s s . " The Vancouver Indian Centre seems to have had much d i f f i c u l t y i n a c q u i r i n g permanent q u a l i f i e d personnel. The f i r s t executive d i r e c t o r (non-Indian) was appointed i n A p r i l 1964. "His performance as d i r e c t o r was handicapped by h i s l a c k of experience on t r a i n i n g i n the s o c i a l work f i e l d and he resigned a f t e r eight months."''' The then programme d i r e c t o r was appointed a c t i n g d i r e c t o r on January 1, 1965. This 1. Second Annual Report, published June 12, 1965 -64-a c t i n g d i r e c t o r was of Indian background and had s e v e r a l years experience i n s o c i a l work and r e l a t e d f i e l d s . She resigned i n December 1965. An executive d i r e c t o r was appointed i n December 1965. This new d i r e c t o r of non-Indian background i s a q u a l i f i e d s o c i a l worker who has wide experience i n executive p o s i t i o n s i n other Indian c e n t r e s , and i n working w i t h Indian people on r e s e r v a t i o n s . The p o s i t i o n of a s s i s t a n t or programme d i r e c t o r has been d i f f i c u l t to f i l l . During t h i s year, 1965, there was a programme d i r e c t o r from May to September, so that the burden f e l l on the then a c t i n g d i r e c t o r to c a r r y on both responsi-b i l i t i e s f o r the other seven months. A new a s s i s t a n t of Indian background and w i t h wide experience, was h i r e d i n December 1965. She resigned i n March 1966 to accept a d i r e c t o r s h i p of a proposed home f o r Ind i a n G i r l s i n the Vancouver area. S p e c u l a t i v e l y , one may conclude that the problem of a c q u i r i n g t r a i n e d personnel i s a r e a l one a f f e c t i n g the t o t a l f u n c t i o n of the Centre. POINT 3. "That the Centre provides persons of Indian Ancestry an important r o l e i n i t s programming and management." On the board l e v e l there seems to have been a problem of a large and frequent turnover. Since the board i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the o v e r - a l l p o l i c y and f u n c t i o n i n g of the Centre, a s t a b l e board of d i r e c t o r s i s d e s i r a b l e as i n any other o r g a n i z a t i o n . As p r e s e n t l y c o n s t i t u t e d , there i s p r o v i s i o n f o r a m a j o r i t y of twelve Indian members and eight non-Indian members. The trend across Canada seems to be towards an Ind i a n m a j o r i t y on the boards. The d i f f i c u l t y of a c q u i r i n g q u a l i f i e d personnel of Indian background has been noted p r e v i o u s l y . At the moment, the executive d i r e c t o r and the c l e r i c a l -65- . s t a f f are of non-Indian background, and the maintenance s u p e r v i s o r i s of Indian background. The existence of a youth c o u n c i l of Indian members i s perhaps the nearest t h i n g to the above c r i t e r i a . However, the l i m i t a t i o n s of t h i s c o u n c i l are r e a l . For example, the previous a c t i n g d i r e c t o r expressed concern that the Centre was not s e r v i n g other age groups so t h a t , i n e f f e c t , the Centre was not doing what i t was o r i g i n a l l y set up to do. To remedy t h i s s i t u a t i o n , the new executive promoted the formation of an a d u l t c o u n c i l . POINT 4 . "That the Centre receives i n the community s u b s t a n t i a l co-operation from o r g a n i z a t i o n s , agencies or groups concerned w i t h people of Indian Ancestry In Marcuse's study, reports i n d i c a t e d that a l l the agencies made c l a i m to a concern w i t h the Indian problems and seemed anxious to do what they can to a s s i s t . However, Marcuse's report a l s o i n d i c a t e d that r e l a t i v e l y few of the s o c i a l agencies have much contact w i t h the Indians. Marcuse makes the assumption that the Indian does not use e x i s t i n g s e r v i c e s e i t h e r because he does not know about them or because he i s u n c e r t a i n about h i s p o s i t i o n w i t h respect to them. This assumption i s debatable as there i s no evidence to suggest that the Marcuse study thoroughly i n v e s t i g a t e d the a c t u a l a t t i t u d e arid treatment of Indians by these agencies. We must not f o r g e t t h a t , i n g e n e r a l , a l l previous contacts the Indians have had w i t h s o c i a l agencies have been of a subservient and d i s c r i m i n a t o r y nature. To be sure, the f a m i l y - a i d programme and the v i s i t i n g programme to Oakalla p r i s o n farm are good examples of j o i n t agency co-operation. But t h i s i s j u s t a small part of what appears to be a great need. I t i s commendable that there are some lay p r o f e s s i o n a l people i n the f i e l d s of law, medicine, and s o c i a l work, e t c . concerned enough to serve on the board. -66-However, key groups such as b i g business and labour seem to be l a c k i n g . The i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s l a c k was pointed out under Point 1. POINT 5. "That the Centre r e c e i v e s from the community, a l e v e l of f i n a n c i a l support i n l i n e w i t h the community's a b i l i t y to r a i s e funds f o r p r o j e c t s of a s i m i l a r nature." I t i s very i n t e r e s t i n g to review the f i n a n c i a l budgets f o r years ending March 31, 1964 and December 1965. March 31, 1964 December 31, 1965 F e d e r a l Government $5,000.00 P r o v i n c i a l Government P r o v i n c i a l Government Grant $4,000.00 Grant 5,500.00 Vancouver C i t y Vancouver C i t y Government 2,909.38 Government 7,296.00 Donations 9,284.78 Donations 1,243.00 We note i n p a r t i c u l a r the decrease i n the donations from $9,284.78 to $1,243.00. With a bank balance of $13,891.18 i n March 1964, the Centre had an operating budget of over $30,000.00 f o r March 1964 to March 1965. In c o n t r a s t , the operating budget of March 1965 to December 1965 was approximately $19,400.00. Thus, there was a r e d u c t i o n of approximately $10,500.00. Assuming that the Centre performs a major r o l e i n f a c i l i t a t i n g the adapta-t i o n of Indians to urban l i f e , one would not expect a decrease but r a t h e r an increase i n the operating budget. IMPLICATIONS FOR RESEARCH In reviewing the Vancouver Indian Centre i n r e l a t i o n to the standards set up by the F e d e r a l and P r o v i n c i a l Governments regarding g r a n t s , i t i s evident that there are s e v e r a l areas i n which the Centre does not meet the standards as pointed out. This i s not to say that the shortcomings are a t t r i b u t a b l e of c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s and groups. Rather, we have attempted to point out -67-the d i f f i c u l t i e s of developing and operating an o r g a n i z a t i o n as w e l l as to shed l i g h t to the t o t a l s i t u a t i o n regarding adaptation of Indian people to urban l i f e . Mr. A.G. Cue made a comprehensive c o n s u l t a t i v e study of the Centre i n February 1965, regarding standards and p o l i c i e s f o r personnel, and programmes and s e r v i c e s of a r e h a b i l i t a t i v e nature. Two major recommendations were made regarding the programming of the Centre. One recommendation was that the programme committee undertake a study of s e r v i c e s to be provided by the Centre. In November 1965, the then a c t i n g d i r e c t o r expressed concern about the programmes and s e r v i c e s provided by the Centre. For example, there was the concern that c e r t a i n groups were not using the s e r v i c e s of the Centre. The groups included Indians from the Capilano Reserve i n North Vancouver and the m a j o r i t y of Indian students who were supervised by the Ind i a n A f f a i r s Department. The Indian A f f a i r s Branch has not encouraged the high school students to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the a c t i v i t i e s of the Centre. We i n t e r -viewed one U n i v e r s i t y student from the Capilano Reserve who pointed out that since the Capilano Reserve i s nearby, there i s no need to go to the Centre f o r a s s i s t a n c e , etc. On the other hand, the Indians from the Musqueam a l s o l i v e nearby but they do attend the Centre r e g u l a r l y . Perhaps research i s needed to look i n t o the d i f f e r e n t i a l use of the Centre. Other issues r a i s e d i n connection w i t h Indian centres as a whole are: 1. White p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the ce n t r e s , not only on adviso r y s t a f f , and p a t r o n i z i n g l e v e l s but e s p e c i a l l y on the s o c i a l l e v e l which now appears to be minimal. 2. I n d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to point 1. i s the question of acceptance of White p a r t i c i p a n t s both by the Indians and non-Indians. I t - 6 8 -i s p o s s i b l e to have prejudice and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n reverse or community d i s a p p r o v a l against Whites who mix w i t h Indians. 3. The questions of an et h n i c ghetto and domination by a c e r t a i n group have been r a i s e d r e - I n d i a n Centres. 4 . The question of antagonism or even open c o n f l i c t among d i f f e r e n t sub-groups of the Indian C u l t u r e has been r a i s e d . Could t h i s be true w i t h i n the F r i e n d s h i p Centres as w e l l ? For example, Treaty vs Non-Treaty, Indian vs M e t i s , t r i b e r i v a l r y , e tc. What are the i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r personnel and s e r v i c e s ? In c o n c l u s i o n , then>, i t would appear from the foregoing d i s c u s s i o n of the Indian centres i n general and the Vancouver Indian Centre i n p a r t i c u l a r , that there are s e v e r a l areas of concern not only to the Centre i t s e l f but als o to the whole theme of adaptation of the Indians to urban l i f e . Our a n a l y s i s suggested that the Vancouver Indian Centre's problems represent the microcosm of the t o t a l Indian s i t u a t i o n . I t seemed l o g i c a l t h e r e f o r e f o r us to assume that d i s c i p l i n e d research on Indian centres i s necessary and d e s i r a b l e i n order to make p o s i t i v e progress i n the f i e l d of adaptation of Indians to urban l i f e . The next chapter w i l l d eal w i t h the research team's attempts to t r a n s l a t e t h i s assumption i n t o a p r a c t i c a l research design. -69-Chapter V - METHODOLOGY AND DETAILS OF PROCESS OF DESIGN CHANGE After extensive reading, discussion, and planning, the thesis group came to the conclusion stated i n the previous chapter. We hoped to follow up the Marcuse study bey re-evaluating the s o c i a l adaptation made by Indian persons coming to Vancouver, and by evaluating the r o l e played by the Vancouver Indian Centre i n f a c i l i t a t i n g t h i s adaptation. In other words we hoped to use the problems faced by members of the Vancouver Indian Centre as a microcosmic picture of the problems faced by a l l Indians coming to the c i t y , and further to determine what the Centre was doing now and perhaps could db^in the future to a l l e v i a t e these problems. With these two broad questions i n mind, the research group met with the Centre's Acting Executive Director on November 11, 1965, to discuss the p o s s i b i l i t y of expanding these questions into a useful study. The Acting Executive D i r e c t o r was e n t h u s i a s t i c and suggested that the following questions were of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t and that answers to them would be h e l p f u l i n evaluating the Centre's purposes and programmes: 1. What happens to those Indians who do not come to the Centre any longer? Are they not returning because -A. They do not f i n d the Centre successful i n meeting t h e i r needs? B. They have made a comfortable place i n the community for themselves and no longer need the Centre? 4 2. At what point do members no longer need the Centre? 3. What do the Indian people need and want from the Centre? 4. What about involvement with the community at large - should -70-p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Centre be open to the p u b l i c ? There was some d i v e r s i t y of o p i n i o n concerning the Centre's r o l e i n meeting the needs of the Indian people moving i n t o the c i t y . On one hand i t was thought by some members of the Board of D i r e c t o r s that c o u n s e l l i n g s e r v i c e s and more concrete a i d ( i n the form of c l o t h i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n f o r instance) should be given. On the other hand some members considered that t h i s would merely overlap the e x i s t i n g community s e r v i c e s and t h e r e f o r e the Centre's r o l e should be r e s t r i c t e d to r e c r e a t i o n w h i l e r e f e r r i n g the other needs to e x i s t i n g s e r v i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Permission and encouragement was given by the A c t i n g Executive D i r e c t o r and the President of the Board to go ahead w i t h the study. We were to be permitted to use the Centre's r e g i s t e r to o b t a i n the names and addresses of people that we could approach w i t h the view to determining t h e i r d e s i r e and w i l l i n g n e s s to p a r t i c i p a t e i n our study. With t h i s go ahead s i g n a l , we s t a r t e d i n earnest to p l o t out our methodology. Our main assumption was that the Indian i s experiencing a process of a s s i m i l a t i o n i n which he attempts to adapt to the c u l t u r e of the dominant White c u l t u r e . The design best s u i t e d to our questions was the d i a g n o s t i c - d e s c r i p t i v e l e v e l of design."*" A f t e r much d e l i b e r a t i o n , i t was decided we t e s t the main hypothesis that The Vancouver Indian Centre as a s o c i a l centre i s meeting the s o c i a l needs and s e r v i n g as an adequate br i d g e between the reserve and Vancouver. Subordinate hypotheses to be t e s t e d were that the Vancouver 1 A l f r e d J . Kahn. "The Design of Research". S o c i a l Work Research, ed. Norman Polansky. Chicago. The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press. 1960. p. 52. -71-Indian Centre i s not f o s t e r i n g an unhealthy dependency among Indians and that Indians prefer that programmes at the Vancouver Indian Centre be exclu s i v e l y Indian. We planned to gather our data by the use of an interview schedule and to obtain information from two sample groups. The f i r s t sample was to be drawn from the present and past members of the Centre and the second sample from non-members. The l a t t e r group of people were to be contacted through several channels - The Indian A f f a i r s Branch, the Indian Youth Leadership Club, etc. The interview schedule was b u i l t p a r t l y on the t h e o r e t i c a l model of the Spokane Study which defined the Indian's s o c i a l adaptation i n terms of a process of a s s i m i l a t i o n . This study postulated three progressive and defineable steps - a c c u l t u r a t i o n , i n t e g r a t i o n , and amalgamation. Also included i n our schedule were the questions suggested by the Acting Executive Director of the Vancouver Indian Centre. I t was hoped that these would bring information geared p a r t i c u l a r l y to the s u i t a b i l i t y of the present programme and suggestions for change which could t a i l o r the programme more c l o s e l y to the needs of Indians moving into Vancouver. An interview schedule was drawn up and tested when we learned that the Acting Executive Director had resigned from her p o s i t i o n , as had the President of the Board. This proved disastrous to our study since we had depended on t h e i r permission to go ahead. Further, we learned that the other members of the Board of Directors knew nothing about out study. Sanction to do the study had been informally given and i t appeared there had been no communication between the Acting Executive Director and the President and the Board of D i r e c t o r s . Thus there had been no further r a t i f i c a t i o n of our planned study. -72-We were back at stage one again! There was an a l l out e f f o r t by our group to speak to i n d i v i d u a l Board members and put our i n t e r e s t to them. We were advised to write a l e t t e r to the secretary of the Board and i t was to be discussed at t h e i r general meeting i n mid-December. Although none of the thesis group were i n v i t e d to the meeting, our purpose and method were explained thoroughly to an Indian member of the Board and i t was planned that i f , during the course of the meeting more information was required, one of the thesis group was to be contacted. The board of Directors approved the study and once again, only t h i s time formally, permission was given. The Indian Youth Council at the Indian Centre was also spoken to by a board member and apparently they too approved of our project. Further suggestion was given by a board member that we include i n our interview schedule a question which would determine what type of school each person attended as i t was thought t h i s would be useful knowledge to the Centre. The thesis group then went ahead with the research design. Four members of the group concerned themselves with the subjects: f i r s t contacts with the White - the mode of l i v i n g at that time; reserve l i f e - h i s t o r i c a l and contemporary; moving into Vancouver and evidence of d i f f i c u l t y i n s o c i a l adjustment; attempts to f a c i l i t a t e s o c i a l adaptation. These tasks involved a review of l i t e r a t u r e to determine c u l t u r a l past and the obtaining of s t a t i s t i c s to show the trends of movement from the reserves, growth i n population, trends i n education, etc. People who were concerned with the Indian people i n t h e i r d i f f e r e n t c a p acities (anthropolo'.gists, IAB o f f i c i a l s etc.) were also contacted f o r current information. - 7 3 -The remaining three students set themselves to the task of drawing up the questions which could be used i n i n t e r v i e w i n g our r e p r e s e n t a t i v e samples of members and non-members of the Centre. The i n t e r v i e w schedule (see appendix) was d i v i d e d i n t o f o u r s e c t i o n s . Section I d e a l t w i t h o b j e c t i v e i n f o r m a t i o n . Section I I d e a l t w i t h more s u b j e c t i v e i n f o r m a t i o n to be asked of the i n d i v i d u a l s . The i n f o r m a t i o n p e r t a i n e d d i r e c t l y to the programme o f f e r e d by the Centre. In t h i s part of the i n t e r v i e w i t was hoped that we could o b t a i n i n f o r m a t i v e comments about the s o c i a l needs of the Indian person and the r o l e of the Centre i n meeting these needs and f a c i l i t a t i n g i n d i v i d u a l adjustment. Some of the questions were whether each person wished to meet new f r i e n d s , both Indian and White and whether they f e l t comfortable i n t h i s new community. By determining these s u b j e c t i v e f a c t s i t was hoped that Indian Centre programming could be d i r e c t e d to the people who needed i t the most. I t was planned that S e c t i o n I I I d e a l t w i t h the person's a r r i v a l i n Vancouver, the problems faced and whether these problems could have been minimized. We wanted to evaluate whether the i n d i v i d u a l could f i n a l l y adjust to the c i t y and what s e r v i c e s could be provided by the Centre to overcome the o f t e n p a i n f u l and even shocking entry i n t o the c i t y . S e ction IV d e a l t w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l ' s e d u c a t i o n a l background. In t h i s s e c t i o n , we hoped to determine to what degree a person's ed u c a t i o n a l standing, as w e l l as the type of school attended i n f l u e n c e d h i s d e c i s i o n to come to Vancouver, and h i s p i c t u r e of himself as an Indian person f i t t i n g i n t o a community other than the reserve. -74-We decided to p r e - t e s t the schedule content by i n t e r v i e w i n g a group of u n i v e r s i t y students of Indian descent. A few minor r e v i s i o n s were suggested by them and the changes made a c c o r d i n g l y . The next step was to obt a i n names of Vancouver Indian Centre members from the Centre's records, and the names of non-members from other sources such as the Indian A f f a i r s Branch and the Indian Leadership Club. We planned to send l e t t e r s signed by the newly appointed Executive D i r e c t o r to a sample of about 120 i n d i v i d u a l s e x p l a i n i n g who our group was, our purpose, and to i n q u i r e i f they would be i n t e r e s t e d i n p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the study. I t was to be explained that t h e i r opinions and viewpoints would be v a l u a b l e i n h e l p i n g the Vancouver Indian Centre to decide what programmes and s e r v i c e s were wanted and needed. A f o l l o w up telephone c a l l was to be made to see which i n d i v i d u a l s would be w i l l i n g to p a r t i c i p a t e , and to make i n d i v i d u a l appointments w i t h them. Therefore i n t e r v i e w s were to be drawn upon a s t r i c t l y v o l u n t a r y b a s i s . A l l i n t e r v i e w s and i n f o r m a t i o n were to remain anonymous. When two students approached the newly-appointed Executive D i r e c t o r i n January, 1966, i t was found that the p r o j e c t was viewed by her as a d i s r u p t i v e probing which could do more harm than good at that parljcular time. Another student approached the school c o u n s e l l o r s at the Indian A f f a i r s Branch and i t was found that they a l s o d i d not approve of the questions to be posed. N e i t h e r the Executive D i r e c t o r nor the c o u n s e l l o r s wished to submit names and addresses f o r i n t e r v i e w i n g purposes. N e i t h e r source wished t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r group to become, as they put i t , "guinea p i g s " . F u r t h e r , even though i n i t i a l permission was given, when asked f o r an i n t r o d u c t i o n to t h e i r groups and f o r some support, the sources s a i d they d i d not wish to j e o p a r d i z e t h e i r p o s i t i o n s of t r u s t w i t h i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e groups. Instead they suggested we made contacts on our own and s a i d by estab-l i s h i n g "rapport" over some length of time we would be a b l e , h o p e f u l l y , to avoid t h r e a t e n i n g an already insecure and over-studied group. This point was made e s p e c i a l l y w i t h regard to what were considered to be questions of a somewhat d e l i c a t e personal nature, e.g., would you i n t e r -marry? In the words of a c o u n s e l l o r , t h i s s o r t of i n t e r v i e w would be sure to b r i n g "a negative r e a c t i o n " and engender a f e e l i n g of "being put on the spot". F u r t h e r , i t was s t a t e d that our i n t e r v i e w schedule was too c o l d , c l i n i c a l and formal and that the i n f o r m a t i o n , i f we were lucky enough to get any, would be u n r e l i a b l e . S p e c i f i c p oints brought out by the Executive D i r e c t o r i n c r i t i c i z m of our e n t i r e p r o j e c t were: 1. I t was thought that an e v a l u a t i o n of the Centre should be done by the Indians themselves. I t was suggested that the adult c o u n c i l draw up the questions they f e l t would be r e l e v a n t . 2. The tone of the questions posed were thought to be too p a s t - o r i e n t a t e d . I t was feared that our questions would " c r y s t a l l i z e " i l l f e e l i n g about the Centre's past problems. I t was hoped that the unhappy past would be f o r g o t t e n and a f r e s h s t a r t made by the new s t a f f . 3. I t was thought that our approach was d i r e c t e d too much to the youth who are o f t e n an unstable group. The past problems of the Centre were p a r t l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the thought that i t was becoming a "teen hang out". I t was suggested that an appeal to a more s t a b l e , mature group such as those working i n the c i t y would be more v a l u a b l e . 4 . Not a l l the questions asked were seen as connected to the Centre and - 7 6 -t h e r e f o r e were thought to be not only personal and p r y i n g "how would you l i k e to be asked about your d a t i n g h a b i t s ? " but a l s o of no value to the Centre. One c o u n s e l l o r ' s remarks about the questions asked were as f o l l o w s : 1. "General tone of the schedule i s perhaps too " c l i n i c a l " , could perhaps r e i n f o r c e a student's f e e l i n g that he i s " d i f f e r e n t " and t h e r e -for e a good candidate f o r a n a l y s i s . " 2. A p r o j e c t of t h i s s o r t should i n v o l v e non-Indian students as w e l l as Indian students. 3. I t was feared that an o b j e c t i v e and unorientated group such as ours might d e a l c l u m s i l y w i t h p e r s o n a l , s e n s i t i v e issues (e.g. Indians from P r i n c e Rupert resent being c a l l e d "Indians" - they p r e f e r being c a l l e d " n a t i v e s " and many Indian youths are i l l e g i t i m a t e and t h e r e f o r e questions about mother and f a t h e r imply value judgements which may embavtass the i n d i v i d u a l . This blow to our already r a t h e r battered enthusiasm sent us scrambling back together to see i f anything could be salvaged from t h i s p r o j e c t . I t was impossible to i n v o l v e ourselves i n the time-consuming and hereto-for e u n f r u i t f u l task of going back to the Centre and i r o n i n g out the d i f f i c u l t i e s w i t h the Executive D i r e c t o r , the Board of D i r e c t o r s , the Youth C o u n c i l , and the newly formed Adult C o u n c i l . I t seemed i n our contacts that these four o r g a n i z a t i o n a l u n i t s were not working i n c l o s e harmony, and yet we could not proceed unless a l l f e l t a study such as we had planned could be u s e f u l . Nor were we able w i t h such a l a r g e group to blend i n t o the Centre and "get to know" people as was suggested by the D i r e c t o r i n order to o b t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n on an o b s e r v a t i o n a l b a s i s . A l s o , time was too short f o r us. Since i t was impossible to f o l l o w these suggestions, i t was decided f i r s t to document our d i f f i c u l t i e s and then to do an e x p l o r a t o r y study which would c l a r i f y f o r f u t u r e students j u s t what s o r t of research was f e a s i b l e i n t h i s area. On l o o k i n g over our d i f f i c u l t i e s and f r u s t r a t i o n s we suggest the f o l l o w i n g obstacles could have c o n t r i b u t e d to the o v e r - a l l p i c t u r e . The Vancouver Indian Centre at t h i s time was i n a p a r t i c u l a r l y uneasy stage of f l u x . There was a considerable s t a f f change (which we d i d not a n t i c i p a t e ) , a new b u i l d i n g had to be found s i n c e the Y.W.C.A. wished to r e c l a i m the present b u i l d i n g f o r t h e i r own use, and there was disagreement among the Board and the s t a f f over p o l i c y . The Centre was f i g h t i n g f o r some measure of e q u i l i b r i u m and although at f i r s t our study may have been seen as a way of e s t a b l i s h i n g some answers to the r e a l i t y of the Indian people's s i t u a t i o n , one wonders i f perhaps the study was not a l s o seen as a th e r a p e u t i c measure to solv e d i s s e n s i o n among the p o l i c y makers. As L i l i a n R i p p l e puts i t , "As a c o n d i t i o n i m p e l l i n g one toward problem i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and f o r m u l a t i o n , f e l t d i f f i c u l t y has an important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n research which i s not n e c e s s a r i l y found i n other contexts. The persons. . . i n v o l v e d have the " f e e l i n g " ; the s i t u a t i o n has the " d i f f i c u l t y " i . e . i s ambiguous, u n c e r t a i n and confused. This d i s t i n c t i o n i s an important one f o r i f the d i f f i c u l t y concerns ambiguity (ambibalance) or confusion that r e l a t e to the persons (the researcher or those who request the research) r a t h e r than to a s i t u a t i o n , i t leads to an attempt to use the research as a means of -78-i n d i v i d u a l or group therapy. The r e s u l t can only be f a i l u r e " . * ' It seems possible therefore that the purpose of our research study was misunderstood - people d i r e c t l y involved i n programme could not appreciate that our research aim could not be s p e c i f i c a l l y geared to formulate p o l i c y . The newly appointed Executive D i r e c t o r , who had no personal investment i n a p a r t i c u l a r programme, had the " f e e l i n g " that the s i t u a t i o n had a "idif f i c u l t y " . In t h i s instance ^ however, she thought i t was up to the actual Indian members to f i n d t h e i r own solutions as they l i k e l y would not i d e n t i f y with the r e s u l t s of our study. The implication here for research seems to be that any findings from a study such as ours could be e a s i l y viewed as merely another imposition of the White man's values. Although we were not able to t e s t the v a l i d i t y of t h i s idea, i t s implication merits c a r e f u l consideration by future researchers. Cert a i n l y i t was indicated by one of the people interviewed i n a following chapter that t h i s was what happened to some extent with the A.G. Cue study which examined the administrative system of the Centre. Another matter to consider here i s the public image of s o c i a l work which might a f f e c t cooperation i n s o c i a l work research. Some questions to consider are; does the public see the s o c i a l worker as a helping p r o f e s s i o n a l , or as a prying, meddlesome person or an authority f i g u r e with great power to withold aid (money) i f one does not do what he expects? Could there be an aura of d i s t r u s t not only between Indian and White, but between those d i f f e r e n t people who profess to provide service 1 L i l i a n Ripple. "Problem I d e n t i f i c a t i o n and Formulation." S o c i a l Work Research. Op. C i t . p. 25. -79-to the Indian people? Could i t be that a good many Indian people have a decidedly stereotyped picture of the s o c i a l worker? I f the s o c i a l worker i s seen i n a negative l i g h t does t h i s mean that a good deal of time i s necessary to b u i l d rapport with the Indian i n d i v i d u a l s and those o f f i c i a l s of Indian service groups? Another question to ask ourselves i s , what i s the general public's a t t i t u d e toward research? It has seemed that too often (and f o r good reason many times) research i s seen as a way of sweeping problems that demand action under the carpet. Research should be a precursor to wise actions, but i t i s often used as a ploy to draw public attention away u n t i l the f e e l i n g of need for immediate action fades. When action i s desperately needed, so often research i s offered '• *^ ^ sop. This a t t i t u d e was expressed by a person whose ideas are recorded i n chapter s i x (we were asked why we didn't stop asking so many questions that never lead anywhere, and do something instead). We ask ourselves how t h i s dichotomy of research and action can be resolved. An answer to t h i s question could be a b u i l t - i n research component within an action-orientated programme. Also included i n t h i s maze of questions are questions of methodological effectiveness. It would seem that the o f f i c i a l s involved did not f u l l y comprehend our methods of obtaining information. They expressed the fear that the schedule was too formal and r i g i d , and they did not seem aware that the nature of our interviews were planned to be as informal and f l e x i b l e as each person needed them to be. These questions have many implications f o r s o c i a l work research. It was decided to test some of these objections and the questions raised through the use of a more broadly based explorative design. We wished to gain further i n s i g h t into the dimensions and unique c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of research -80-with Indians before suggesting future, and more rigorous, research designs. We decided to r e t a i n the assumptions and t h e o r e t i c a l base and to change the design to an exploratory l e v e l . We used interview schedules which were r e l a t i v e l y unstructured to permit pursuit of unexpected leads or to permit comments which are considered relevant by the person being interviewed. It was decided to interview two s p e c i f i c groups i n order to discuss such questions as were raised i n our i n i t i a l l y planned study. Twenty Indian people were approached on a casual basis and permission requested to discuss these questions. Along with the questions of s e n s i t i v i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y of interviews with Indian persons, we hoped to gain a deeper understanding of the process of adaptation. It was i n t h i s area that the process of a s s i m i l a t i o n (with i t s three concurrent l e v e l s ) was used as a t h e o r e t i c a l basis to evaluate the actual data obtained. An-' interview schedule was also used i n sixteen interviews with people who are considered experts i n the problem area of s o c i a l adjustment of Indians. The purpose of these interviews was th r e e - f o l d : to explore the f e a s i b i l i t y of research i n order to document the d i f f i c u l t i e s f e l t by society i n general as the Indian people attempt to adjust to the l a r g e r culture; to i d e n t i f y the experts' ideas about t h i s process of adaptation and the meaning of i t to the Indian i n d i v i d u a l s of t h e i r acquaintance; to record t h e i r views of possible ways of making t h i s process l e s s d i f f i c u l t and p a i n f u l . 1. A l f r e d J. Kahn. Ibid. p. 51. -81-In t h i s way we hoped to o b t a i n a broader p i c t u r e of the whole spectrum of research p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n t h i s area, as w e l l as the problems of s o c i a l adaptation which the Indian and consequently the l a r g e r s o c i e t y as w e l l are experiencing. We hope that those planning f u r t h e r research w i l l be able to d e r i v e some b e n e f i t from our e x p l o r a t i o n of the problems and, i n c o n s i d e r i n g our conclusions and t h e i r i m p l i c a t i o n s to s o c i a l work, w i l l be able to b u i l d on these and plan a more c o n s t r u c t i v e research programme. INTERVIEW SCHEDULE SECTION I 1. Name 2. Age 3. Occupation 4. Sex 5. R e l i g i o n 6. Where d i d you l i v e before coming to Vancouver? 7. Band Reserve 8. M a r i t a l Status S D M Wid Sep Com/1 9. No. of C h i l d r e n Ages 10. How many brothers and s i s t e r s have stayed at home (on the reserve)? 11. How many have moved away from the reserve and are p r e s e n t l y not on a reserve? SECTION I I 12. Did you know about the Vancouver Indian Centre when you came to Vancouver? I f so, how d i d you hear about i t ? 13. (To be asked of non-members onl y ) Why d i d you not become a member of VIC? a) Could not. Why? Would you j o i n i f you could? b) Did not want to. Why? What would you recommend to be changed that others who f e e l the way you do would f i n d something worth-while at the Centre? 14. (To be asked to members and past-members) i How long were you i n Vancouver before you became a member? 15. How o f t e n d i d you go to the VIC? -83-INTERVIEW SCHEDULE - Page 2 16. What kind of a c t i v i t i e s d i d you p a r t i c i p a t e in? 17. Was the Centre of any help to you when you f i r s t came to Vancouver, e s p e c i a l l y i n the f o l l o w i n g areas: Job Education Recreation Housing 18. Did you l e a r n of any community agencies through VIC? 19. Was t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n of any use to you? 20. What do you t h i n k the Centre could provide that may be of use to you now? 21. What a c t i v i t i e s or programmes would you l i k e to see at the Centre? 22. Do you t h i n k these a c t i v i t i e s should be mainly f o r new-comers to Vancouver or f o r the people who have been here f o r a longer time as w e l l ? 23. Have you t o l d your f r i e n d s about the Centre? Your parents? 24. Do you t h i n k your f r i e n d s and your parents could use the Centre? 25. Why do you t h i n k Indians who are not using the Centre are not using i t ? 26. Have you met new f r i e n d s at the VIC? 27. Would you l i k e to meet non-Indian f r i e n d s at the Centre as w e l l ? Same sex? Opposite sex? 28. Do you see the Centre as j u s t f o r young people? 29. Would you sooner go to some f u n c t i o n l i k e a dance downtown where there are many non-Indians or to an a l l I n d i a n dance? 30. How many Indians do you know that date non-Indian g i r l s or boys? 31. Do you t h i n k t h e i r parents and f r i e n d s disapprove or approve? 32. Do you p e r s o n a l l y know of an Indian person who got married to a person from a non-Indian background? Japanese Chinese Negro White -84-INTERVIEW SCHEDULE - Page 3 33. What do you see as advantages and as disadvantages i n the marriages f o r each partner? f o r the Indian w i f e non-Indian w i f e f o r the Indian husband non-Indian husband 34. Would you intermarry? SECTION I I I - A r r i v a l i n Vancouver and adjustment. 35. When d i d you come to Vancouver? 36. What are some of the problems you t h i n k are faced by Indian persons when they come to Vancouver? 37. Where d i d you f i n d your f i r s t lodgings? 38. Where are you l i v i n g now? Are you s a t i s f i e d w i t h your present accom-modations? I f not, why not? 39. Did you know someone when you f i r s t a r r i v e d i n Vancouver? I f so, were they from your reserve? 40. Are you planning to go back to your reserve to l i v e e v e n t u a l l y ? 41. a) I f you are not planning to r e t u r n , f o r which reason - f i n a n c i a l (job) housing education other I f c o n d i t i o n s changed on the reserve would you r e t u r n ? b) I f you do go back to the r e s e r v e , what are the advantages of t h i s r e t u r n to you? 42. Have you used any of Vancouver's community agencies? 43. Are you p r e s e n t l y using of these agencies? I f so, were they of any use to you? SECTION IV - Education 44. Where d i d you go to school? 1. P u b l i c ( P r o v i n c i a l ) not 2. A l l I n d i a n R e s i d e n t i a l 3. Day School (Fed. Gov't. reserve ( r e l i g i o u s ) ) on reserve 45. Did you l i k e school? -85-INTERVIEW SCHEDULE - Page 4 46. What grade were you i n when you l e f t school? 47. Are you p r e s e n t l y i n school? Where? 48. Did you ever q u i t before continuing? I f so, what made you return? 49. Do you plan f u r t h e r education? 50. I f you do not plan f u r t h e r education, what do you hope to do? 51. Where would you send your c h i l d r e n to school? P u b l i c (day or res. ) P r i v a t e " " " Why? 52. What kind of school d i d your f a t h e r and mother attend? 53. To which grade d i d they attend? 0-4, 5-8, 8-10, 10-12, 12+ 54. Did your parents encourage you to continue your education? 55. Which subjects i n school do you f i n d to be of most help i n what you are doing now? 56. What k i n d of other things would you have l i k e d to learn? 57. Do you speak your n a t i v e language at home? More or l e s s o f t e n than English? 58. Have you studied a language other than E n g l i s h at school? Which? 59. Would you r a t h e r have studied your n a t i v e language? Why? 60. Do you expect to teach your n a t i v e language to your c h i l d r e n ? Why? TONE OF INTERVIEW Understands Cooperative Eager Seems Puzzled Uncooperative I n d i f f e r e n t H o s t i l e - 8 6 -Chapter VI - INTERVIEWS WITH EXPERTS  Methodology To determine the p o s s i b l e f i e l d s of study by M.S.W. students, two groups of people were approached - one being "the e x p e r t s " , the other being the Indian i n d i v i d u a l s themselves. The int e r v i e w s of the l a t t e r are covered i n the f o l l o w i n g Chapter. "The e x p e r t s " I t was decided the experts would be those i n d i v i d u a l s who through t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e p o s i t i o n s were v i t a l l y concerned w i t h the w e l l - b e i n g of Indian persons and the Indian people g e n e r a l l y . The samples i n v o l v e d three main groups of experts t o t a l l i n g s i x t e e n i n d i v i d u a l s . These groups were composed o f : 1 . I n d i v i d u a l s of Indian o r i g i n and occupying a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o s i t i o n s who are designated A - B - C - D - E . In t h i s group are two managers of Indian reserves, an a s s i s t a n t d i r e c t o r of the Vancouver Indian Center, the presid e n t of the Vancouver Indian Center's board, and a lawyer who a l s o i s an a s s i s t a n t c i t y prosecutor. 2. Non-Indian i n d i v i d u a l s who have a s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t i n , and are concerned w i t h the s i t u a t i o n of the Indian people. They are designated a s F - G - H - I - J - K . In t h i s group are a U.B.C. a n t h r o p o l o g i s t , the e x e c u t i v e - d i r e c t o r of the Vancouver Counseling Service of B.C., a r e t i r e d Indian A f f a i r s Branch h e a l t h nurse, the e x e c u t i v e - d i r e c t o r of the Vancouver Indian Center, a c l a s s i f i -c a t i o n o f f i c e r f o r the B.C. p e n i t e n t i a r y and a woman who f o r two years headed a B a p t i s t C o u n c i l of Churches' committee that met weekly to educate women leaders i n the church on Indian background -87-and problemso 3 . Department of Indian A f f a i r s personnel, designated as L-M-N-O-P. Of t h i s group one was Indian and h i s o p i n i o n w i l l be t a l l i e d w i t h other Indian experts as he was speaking f o r Indians. In the I.A.B. group are two i n education and t r a i n i n g , two i n v o c a t i o n a l school c o u n s e l l i n g , and one i n community development. Two students, simultaneously, interviewed each expert. I t was hoped by t h i s approach to provide a " s t e r e o " e f f e c t i n promoting questions and r e c e i v i n g o p i n i o n s . Immediately a f t e r each i n t e r v i e w the two students discussed t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the expert's o p i n i o n s . There was very l i t t l e disagreement. The advantage i n two l i s t e n e r s was i n remembering d i f f e r e n t f a c e t s of the i n t e r v i e w . The questions each expert was asked during r e l a t i v e l y u n structered i n t e r v i e w s were not from a w r i t t e n i n t e r v i e w schedule but r a t h e r posed i n three general areas. These areas were: 1 . Did the expert f e e l research i n any phase of the Indian s i t u a t i o n was necessary or u s e f u l , and i f p o s s i b l e what methods should be used? (Opinions are discussed under "areas of research" and "source of i n f o r m a t i o n " ) . 2. Did each person f e e l there was such a t h i n g as an "Indian problem". . What i n t h e i r p o i n t of view was an area of most concern f o r the Indian people. (Opinions discussed under "Indian problem"). 3 . What was the approach f o r s o l u t i o n of each problem i n d i c a t e d by each expert. (Opinions discussed under " s o l u t i o n of problems"). The data are not a complete verbatim account but cover r e l e v a n t f a c t s made by the inte r v i e w e e s . - 8 8 -Areas of Research Indian Experts A. suggested a p o s s i b l e e x p l o r a t i o n of the areas where the Canadian c u l t u r e , a t t i t u d e s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s could be made more a t t r a c t i v e f o r Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The focus would be on change w i t h i n the white s t r u c t u r e to a t t r a c t Indians. B. s t a t e d there was no value i n more research. B. f e l t that the research already done has not been u t i l i z e d and has led to no improvements. I t i s a useless e f f o r t . Conditions f o r Indians are obvious to see. "Why can't s o c i a l workers j u s t take care of the problem without asking questions! questions I questions!" Although i n d i c a t i n g h o s t i l i t y toward s o c i a l workers, B. was q u i t e pleasant during the i n t e r v i e w . C. had no d i r e c t suggestions f o r research. However, the i n t e r v i e w seemed to b r i n g out p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r research i n the Indian A f f a i r s Branch. He spoke of the d i s c r e p a n c i e s i n professed s e r v i c e s of I.A.B. and the a c t u a l s e r v i c e s o f f e r e d by the I.A.B. For example, I.A.B. was not concerned when reserve c h i l d r e n missed as much as 150 days attendance i n the p u b l i c school system. When the band contacted the s c h o o l , i t was informed that the school system was not empowered to do anything about i t . As a r e s u l t the band now asks f o r i n f o r m a t i o n from the school i n order that the band can take a c t i o n against the parents. As another example, I.A.B. claims funds and help are a v a i l a b l e to set up Indian managers on reserves (even those w i t h no cash resources) but C. s t a t e d t h i s had not been the case on h i s reserve. F u r t h e r , I.A.B,'s p u b l i c h e a l t h s e r v i c e s d i d not take adequate care of c h i l d n e glect and other h e a l t h problems so that i t had become necessary to contact the p r o v i n c i a l h e a l t h s e r v i c e s . -89-D. had no suggestions as to areas of research that would be v a l i d . Research would have no value as i t would be ignored. He c i t e d the studies of Belshaw, et a l . , as an example and another from h i s own experience. He had been instrum e n t a l i n g e t t i n g a white s o c i a l worker to o b t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n f o r p o s s i b l e recommendations to use i n the Indian Center. D. f e l t that the p r o j e c t was worthwhile but i t had been ignored by the group who could implement the in f o r m a t i o n . E. had some d e f i n i t e ideas f o r research such as: 1. A study of p o l i c i e s and f a c i l i t i e s f o r Indians at W i l l i n g d o n School f o r G i r l s and Brannon Lake School f o r Boys. E. s t a t e d he knew of a g i r l being r e j e c t e d at W i l l i n g d o n by a s o c i a l worker who had s a i d , "You can't do anything w i t h I n d i a n s . " At Brannon Lake separate cottages segregate Indian boys. 2. A study i n the area of law and court procedure. Indians do not understand the law, and i n order to have a court ordeal over w i t h as soon as p o s s i b l e , they w i l l plead g u i l t y . 3. A survey of present white a t t i t u d e s by means of a p u b l i c o p i n i o n p o l l . 4 . A survey of s o c i a l workers to see how they are d e a l i n g w i t h Indians i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r agency's p o l i c i e s . E. s t a t e d , f o r example, the use of boarding homes where "anything i s good enough f o r Indians" and where i n one instance the agency d i d not care that the f a m i l y , a l b e i t an Indian f a m i l y , "used" the three f o s t e r Indian c h i l d r e n to do a l l the work around the home. 5. A survey of the discrepancy between Department of Indian A f f a i r s p o l i c y and the a c t u a l performance. For i n s t a n c e , i n education help i s a v a i l a b l e to Indians through U n i v e r s i t y . However E., who -90-had the highest s c h o l a s t i c (Indian) average i n B r i t i s h Columbia, was denied a s s i s t a n c e because he was supposedly able to pay h i s own way. Other Indians have had the same experience. P. suggested research i n the area of schooling r e c e i v e d by Indian p u p i l s on the reserves or e l s e that a v a i l a b l e to reserve students. What e f f e c t does the poor teaching (P. s t a t e d 95% of teachers used to be u n q u a l i f i e d , perhaps now down to 90%) have on Indian students and other Indians coming i n t o Vancouver? Non-Indian Experts F. f e l t there could be research on changing p a r e n t a l m o t i v a t i o n and s u i t a b i l i t y of education given to Indians on the reserves. There could be a connection between education and a c c u l t u r a t i o n i n t o the white s o c i e t y . F. made the analogy between a b r i g h t I n d i a n c h i l d having to enter the Vancouver schools from the reserves and a b r i g h t white c h i l d dumped i n t o a Chinese c u l t u r e without having p a r e n t a l support. Research would be "good" i f i t could t e l l how w e l l the Indians are a d j u s t i n g i n Vancouver. G. s t a t e d on-going studies by a s o c i a l work group regarding Indian matters could have a great deal of m e r i t . He stat e d that s o c i a l agencies d e a l i n g w i t h Indians have set p o l i c i e s but that t h e i r a c t u a l implementation v a r i e s . They handle areas of Indian concern such as housing, f o s t e r care, boarding homes, education, w e l f a r e , e t c . These areas of concern could be approached separately by the researcher. From each agency, p o l i c i e s i n these areas cou be documented. There would be no i n v e s t i g a t i o n or probing but r a t h e r the agency would be asked to st a t e what i t i s able to provide and what i t i s p r o v i d i n g . When a l l t h i s has been s p e l l e d out, future research could be - 9 1 -aimed at o b t a i n i n g i n f o r m a t i o n from Indians and other sources to see what a c t u a l l y was being provided or done. For example, the Indian A f f a i r s Branch has been authorized by the Cabinet to provide housing away from reserves f o r Indians. Yet i t has only implemented the p o l i c y once i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n the case of a storm destroyed v i l l a g e on Vancouver I s l a n d . Another area would be "what becomes of the Indians who succeed i n s t a y i n g out of contact w i t h s o c i a l agencies, p a r t i c u l a r l y I.A.B., and the r e s e r v e . " L i t t l e i s known of them or where they are. Because they have succeeded i n l o s i n g themselves i t would be d i f f i c u l t to contact them. H. s t a t e d that Indian problems i n r e l a t i o n to such areas as: housing, education, j o b s , law, e t c . , could merit i n t e n s i v e a n a l y s i s . The s t u d i e s should continue from one year to the next and i f p o s s i b l e , these should be conducted i n other p r o v i n c i a l areas i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h those being done i n Vancouver. A study could be made i n t o the need f o r o r i e n t a t i n g the Indian, before he leaves the reserve, to the Vancouver community. Many Indians from remote reserves could be g r e a t l y helped i n a d j u s t i n g s u c c e s s f u l l y i n Vancouver i f the i n i t i a l experience d i d not overwhelm them. I. d i d not have any suggestions f o r research. J . d i d not see any value i n research done by students. Those agencies or concerned people i n v o l v e d w i t h Indians already have i n f o r m a t i o n they f e e l of value f o r t h e i r purposes. I f they do not have t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n they f e e l they could get i t themselves. However, more i n f o r m a t i o n about Indians i n Vancouver might be an area of e x p l o r a t i o n . - 9 2 -The experiences of Indians w i t h the law and courts needs to be s t u d i e d . K. was i n t e r e s t e d i n research that would look i n t o what happens to an Indian when he becomes i n v o l v e d w i t h the law c o u r t s . Is he d e a l t w i t h f a i r l y ? Does h i s ignorance and f e a r s prevent him from speaking on h i s own b e h a l f ? Indian A f f a i r s Branch Experts L. d i d not know of any areas of research f o r students. At the opening of the i n t e r v i e w he had been reading research done by " e x p e r t s " on the accident rate among Indians. His comment, " I t only shows what we already know, Indians have a higher r a t e . " For suggestions he recommended t a l k i n g to the I.A.B. community development o f f i c e r i n another I.A.B. M. a l s o f e l t he could not suggest areas of research but suggested the community development man would be a good source. However, from an i n t e r e s t i n h i s own f i e l d , v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g , he proposed a study to a s c e r t a i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the I n t e l l i g e n c e Quotient and the amount of sch o o l i n g r e c e i v e d , and the Indian's d e s i r e f o r v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g . N. d i d not see where the involvement of s o c i a l workers i n Indian research would have any value to others. Agencies and people concerned could get t h e i r own i n f o r m a t i o n and f e e l that i t would be more v a l i d . 0. had no suggestions f o r research. G e t t i n g Research Information Indian Experts A. d i d not give any idea as to how research i n f o r m a t i o n could be obtained. He gave the impression that i t was not f o r s o c i a l workers to do. Some -93-i n f o r m a t i o n could be obtained from Indians such as hims e l f but g e n e r a l l y i t would have to come from non-Indians. B. j who saw no value i n research, s t a t e d there never has been r e a l communica-t i o n between the white community and the Indians. As f o r s o c i a l workers, they never come to the poi n t and never t a l k i n a language Indians can understand. B. tends to lump a l l white p r o f e s s i o n a l persons working w i t h Indians as s o c i a l workers. No b e n e f i t was seen i n the s o c i a l workers' i n t e r e s t as a l e a r n i n g experience f o r fu t u r e r e l a t i o n s w i t h Indians. C . who gave no concrete ideas f o r research, f e l t i n f o r m a t i o n could be acquired by Indian leaders l i k e h i m s e l f and to a more l i m i t e d degree from other Indians. Information could be obtained from non-Indian sources such as concerned agencies. He learned a great deal by c o n t a c t i n g agencies other than the Indian A f f a i r s Branch when problems r e l a t i n g to h i s band came up. D. , who a l s o gave no ideas f o r research, when asked s a i d he could t r u s t Whites but communication between Whites and Indians was a problem. E. s t a t e d g e t t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n from Indians i s a problem f o r s o c i a l workers. To Indians the term " s o c i a l worker" has negative connotations. Indians have very l i t t l e use f o r researchers or those making s t u d i e s . Belshaw and other authors have w r i t t e n "nothing new" but rehash o l d m a t e r i a l . They t a l k o f ' g e t t i n g to the "root of the problem" but never c o n t r i b u t e anything of value to Indians. A n t h r o p o l o g i s t s and other sympathetic whites may f e e l and t a l k of c l o s e f r i e n d s h i p s w i t h Indians but as a group they are f o o l i n g themselves. E. gave as examples h i s b r o t h e r s , who have the a r t of f o o l i n g Whites i n t o t h i n k i n g how w e l l they are g e t t i n g along w i t h Indians. P. Information regarding education could be obtained at i t s source, the - 9 4 -schools, and from Indian i n d i v i d u a l s . He gave the impression that i t would not be d i f f i c u l t to t a l k w i t h Indians i n Vancouver. He might have been t h i n k i n g of students under I.A.B. programs. Non-Indian Experts F. f e l t that research t i e d to education should be l e f t to those i n the f i e l d of education. Information f o r a s c e r t a i n i n g how w e l l the Indians were a d j u s t i n g i n Vancouver would have to be obtained from sources other than the Indians themselves; perhaps, through s t a t i s t i c s on t r a i n i n g , jobs and education. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to get rapport w i t h Indians and i t would take too long i n a research p r o j e c t w i t h l i m i t e d time. I f the researcher could be introduced by a c h i e f or other i n f l u e n t i a l Indian t h i s would h e l p . Indians are not always favorable to Indian experts such as a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , although the l a t t e r may be sympathetic w i t h Indian causes. Even among Indians at the Indian Center F. thought there were s o c i a l d i f f e r e n c e s . G. pointed out the problem Whites have i n seeking accurate i n f o r m a t i o n from Indians. Information received would have to be evaluated as to why i t was given and as to i t s v a l i d i t y . H. Information can be obtained from agency records, agency a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , and even from Indians themselves. From some Indians t h i s could be obtained i n a d i r e c t way; w i t h others i t would take m u l t i p l e contacts to b u i l d t r u s t of the researcher. Indians f e e l Whites have desp o i l e d them of t h e i r h e r i t a g e . I . , who worked w i t h Indians t h i r t y - f i v e y e a r s , s t a t e d she was w e l l accepted by them but because she was not Indian, i n f o r m a t i o n obtained was never -95-completely accurate. J . s t a t e d to get i n f o r m a t i o n from Indian students, the researcher should c u l t i v a t e t h e i r f r i e n d s h i p through attendance at student group meetings. Over a p e r i o d of time the researcher would be accepted. A l s o , rather than us i n g a q u e s t i o n a i r e , small u n i t s could be interviewed and opinions expressed fee-j o t t e d down l a t e r . Even these interviewees should be informed ahead of time that what they say w i l l be recorded. To get i n f o r m a t i o n from Indian leaders who have had many dealings w i t h the community, a d i r e c t approach might work. In a l l cases i t would be b e t t e r i f an i n t r o d u c t i o n could be arranged by someone known to the Indian. K. thought i n f o r m a t i o n could be obtained from both White and Indian sources. His experience has been good w i t h Indian p r i s o n e r s . Indian A f f a i r s Branch Experts L. brought up two problems to any Indian research i n Vancouver. One i s that s t a t i s t i c s do not account f o r the Indians who have become anonymous. The other i s that Whites have a problem of g e t t i n g accurate i n f o r m a t i o n from Indians. He mentioned that Indians t e l l a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s what they want to say whether i t i s true or not. A l l i n f o r m a t i o n has to be evaluated on that b a s i s . M. Indians have a b a s i c d i s t r u s t of the white man's motives and although i n f o r m a t i o n can be obtained from some i t would have to be evaluated i n t h i s l i g h t . N. s a i d to get i n f o r m a t i o n from Indian students, an i n t r o d u c t i o n to a group w i t h a gradual b u i l d i n g of rapport over a number of contacts would set the stage f o r i n f o r m a t i o n gathering. I f a q u e s t i o n a i r e i s used, then i t should - 9 6 -be c i r c u l a t e d i n advance w i t h the understanding p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s v o l u n t a r y . He f e l t that questioning of two or three of the group would be enough. 0. st a t e d communication w i t h Indians can be b u i l t up through rapport. I.A.B. i s using a long-term " s e n s i t i v i t y " program of l e t t i n g the Indians approach a community development o f f i c e r l i v i n g on or near the r e s e r v a t i o n . The "expert" persons are the Indians themselves. Indian Problems Indian Experts A. saw as the reason f o r the s o - c a l l e d "Indian problem" the f a c t that the Indian has to adjust to non-Indian standards. He f e l t these White, middle-c l a s s standards as le s s than d e s i r a b l e ( i . e . rushing around i n a fre n z y i n order to make money). Indian men u s u a l l y have a fixed- goal i n coming to Vancouver and adjust f a i r l y w e l l . The Indian g i r l s , however, i n most cases were brought i n t o Oakalla from r u r a l areas and upon release d i d not r e t u r n home. They g r a v i t a t e to s k i d row and t r o u b l e . To A. the Indian on s k i d row was a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the Indian people and he rankled at the idea that they "made f o o l s of themselves" (and the Indian people). B. spoke more of Indian needs than of Indian problems. There i s a need to o r i e n t the Indian to the white man's "hoarding" values and away from the custom of sharing w i t h h i s f e l l o w man. There i s a need f o r h o s t e l s on a long-term b a s i s , e s p e c i a l l y f o r young Indian women wh i l e they become acquainted w i t h Vancouver. -97-There i s a need f o r places to stay f o r new a r r i v a l s to Vancouver, both f o r s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s . Indian students need two weeks of o r i e n t a t i o n on a r r i v i n g i n Vancouver, rather than being put r i g h t i n t o s chool. This i s an overwhelming experience. D r i n k i n g f o r Indians i s a problem. Indian g i r l s on s k i d row have problems. D i s c r i m i n a t i o n i s a problem. She stat e d b i t t e r l y , "People don't want dogs, k i d s , or Indians to be i n t h e i r r e n t a l homes. I f they do, the houses are crummy p l a c e s . " C. thought more i n terms of Indian needs r a t h e r than Indian problems. H i s reserve has been i n contact w i t h Vancouver f o r a long w h i l e so he f e l t they knew t h e i r way comfortably about Vancouver. However adjustment was a problem f o r Indians who were new to the c i t y . About 50% r e t u r n home, because they become overwhelmed and homesick. He was c r i t i c a l of I.A.B. v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g that takes Indians from the reserves. The reserves should be organized to use these t r a i n e d people but, i f not, then these t r a i n e d Indians should be able to l i v e on the reserves and work i n the community. In t h i s view he has s i m i l a r ideas to A. ( i . e . the reserve i s seen as home base - a n a t i v e land - that i s the Indians' h e r i t a g e and therefore i s to be used as such.) He disagreed w i t h the idea that Indians g e t t i n g t r a i n i n g stay on i n Vancouver because of the c i t y ' s a t t r a c t i o n s ; rather i t was p r i m a r i l y because of v o c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s . He f e l t the t i e w i t h the reserve was very strong w i t h most Indians and the t r a i n e d Indian would r e t u r n to the reserve i f i t was economically p r o f i t a b l e f o r him ( i . e . i f the I.A.B. p a i d him to stay -98-t h e r e ) . D. f e l t the "Indian-problem" was caused by I.A.B. p o l i c i e s . Each Indian person should be given t o t a l r i g h t s to parts of h i s reserve to do w i t h i t as he saw f i t . At l e a s t i n t h i s way he would have a c t u a l r i g h t s i n s t e a d of being r e s t r i c t e d by I.A.B. There s t i l l i s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n but i t has c e r t a i n l y diminished since 1922 when D. f i r s t came to Vancouver. D. f e l t Indian persons coming i n t o Vancouver g e n e r a l l y had no d i f f i c u l t y . Men could get jobs longshoring, logging, f i s h i n g , and i n canneries. Women f i n d jobs i n department stores both i n c l e r i c a l and c l e r k i n g c a p a c i t i e s . E. f e e l s the term "Indian problem" has negative connotations. The Whites have an Indian problem of t h e i r own making. Indians do have troubles w i t h the law and the c o u r t s . They have tr o u b l e s w i t h the Indian A f f a i r s Branch. Indians coming to Vancouver lack s e l f -confidence. They s t i l l are d i s c r i m i n a t e d against i n areas of v o c a t i o n a l c h o i c e , e.g. Hudson's Bay has refused to t a l k w i t h or h i r e t r a i n e d Indian g i r l s . P. Poor s c h o o l i n g on or near reserves f o r Indians made them i l l prepared f o r c i t y l i f e or advance s c h o o l i n g . Even i n i n t e g r a t e d schools there should be s p e c i a l c o u n s e l l o r s to a i d non-Indians i n accepting Indians. Schools that P. taught i n l e f t c o u n s e l l i n g to the teachers. This was not a good way. P. saw Indian adjustment as a problem made by non-Indians. He saw a need of o r i e n t a t i o n f o r the non-Indian and i t s implementation a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of -99-the White community. There i s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n areas of employment, but otherwise i t was not too big a problem. Non-Indian Experts F. Drinking i s a problem as a drinking Indian i s more v i s i b l e because of his Indian appearance. Thus a drunk or obstreperous Indian i n v i t e s White c r i t i c i s m and l e g a l a c t i o n . However, drinking releases h i s i n h i b i t i o n s so that he speaks out to and up to a non-Indian. Lack of money i s a b i g problem. If Indians could l i v e on a par with middle class standards, they would gain r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . Teaching i n Indian schools i s not as good as i n integrated schools. Too many people want Indians to remain i n the romantic past, l i v i n g on reserves, being carvers, doing bead work, etc. G. , who has s i m i l a r opinions as B., i s quite c e r t a i n that there i s a great deal of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . The Indian A f f a i r s Branch takes a stereotyped view of the Indians - as lazy and without ambition. The I.A.B., i n helping Indians, go a l l out f o r the "deserving" and p o t e n t i a l " p u b l i c i t y " cases but w i l l a r b i t r a r i l y refuse education on grounds the parents can take care of i t . He c i t e d an example of a longshoreman's son wanting to go to U.B.C. It i s d i f f i c u l t f o r Indians to l i v e up to middle cl a s s standards as they are not permitted the occasional r e l a x a t i o n of accepted behavior enjoyed by the non-Indian i n d i v i d u a l . Indians who f e e l unable to maintain the accepted standard of behavior go to skid row where they are accepted. -100-H. The Indian problem i s one of a l a c k of s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e . The Indian has not been educated w e l l enough or o r i e n t e d to c i t y l i f e , w h i l e s t i l l on the reserve, to cope w i t h h i s f i r s t experience on coming to Vancouver. I. f e l t p a r t i c u l a r concern about Indian g i r l s who become part of the s k i d row tragedy. I t was a l s o f e l t that d r i n k i n g created problems f o r Indian persons. The Indian people do f e e l they are objects of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . Although Indians f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to incorporate many non-Indian v a l u e s , many had s i m i l a r standards to Whites; even though they had poorer type homes these were kept r e l a t i v e l y as c l e a n . Indian persons who do e s t a b l i s h themselves f i n a n c i a l l y are o f t e n expected to share t h e i r good fortune w i t h r e l a t i v e s . There i s a good deal of c o n f l i c t i n t h i s area. J . I t i s not an Indian problem but again of needs, comparable to White needs of the economically deprived. K. There i s an adjustment problem f o r Indians coming to Vancouver. Lack of proper education and p r e p a r a t i o n f o r coming to Vancouver from the reserve make the Indians unsure of themselves. This a p p l i e s to such simple things as t a b l e manners and s t y l e s of appropriate dress. F e e l i n g s of i n f e r i o r i t y cause them to g r a v i t a t e to s k i d row where they are accepted as persons having s i m i l a r problems as the non-Indian. Those Indians coming i n f o r v o c a t i o n a l or edu c a t i o n a l reasons are the best prepared. Indians l e a v i n g the B.C. p e n i t e n t i a r y have a double \problem - being Indian and having a p e n i t e n t i a r y record. On release they go to s k i d row. Although there are agencies w i l l i n g to help Indians, Indians have to go to them -101-and are r e l u c t a n t to do so. These agencies are a l s o unaware of Indian f e e l i n g s and needs. Indians are d i s c r i m i n a t e d a g a i n s t , e s p e c i a l l y i n areas of employment. Even the courts imply a l e s s e r value on an Indian's l i f e than that of a White man. I f an Indian k i l l s another Indian he seldom i s sentenced to more than two years. I f the v i c t i m i s White the sentence i s more severe. Indian A f f a i r s Branch Experts L. d i d not t a l k as though there were any Indian problems. He f e l t there was some d i s c r i m i n a t i o n but i t does not come to the Indian A f f a i r s Branch a t t e n t i o n . y Indians are becoming more d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h reserve and r e s i d e n t i a l schools as a p r e p a r a t i o n f o r coming to the c i t y . More and more of those who have f a i l e d to adjust to Vancouver are seeing the advantages of i n t e g r a t e d schooling because they f e e l t h e i r own s c h o o l i n g f a i l e d them. Some Indians on reserves want " a l l I n dian" schools but the trend i s away from t h i s -none want an a l l Indian U n i v e r s i t y . He spoke of three types of Indians: 1. those who wish to lose t h e i r Indian i d e n t i t y . (They are s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t and have no contact w i t h I.A.B. They are even taken o f f band r o l e s i n f i v e years) 2. those Indians coming i n t o Vancouver, about 600, f o r s c h o o l i n g . (These have no problems. They u s u a l l y need only a buddy to a s s o c i a t e w i t h , a club to go to provided by I.A.B. and a f o s t e r home) 3. Indians that make news on s k i d row (I.A.B. does not have too much contact w i t h these. T h i s i s only an e x t e n s i o n of a problem common to whites.) -102-L. acknowledged I.A.B. may have had and may s t i l l have p a t e r n a l i s t i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s f o r the Indian. The Indian does not h e s i t a t e to ask f o r and take what he can from I.A.B. i n con t r a s t to reluctance to take welfare or c h a r i t y . L. d i d not say whether t h i s was good, bad, or a problem. M. gave the impression he does not see the Indian as a "problem" and does not l i k e t h i s connotation. Indians have problems i n the same sense as Whites have problems. Because the c o l o r of t h e i r s k i n sets them a p a r t , Indians w i l l run i n t o some d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . More can be done i n f i n d i n g good boarding homes f o r Indians coming i n f o r v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g . Some problems have come up i n boarding homes when students have brought f r i e n d s home at nig h t or when t h e i r behavior became obj e c t i o n a b l e to f o s t e r parents. There have been no p h y s i c a l clashes w i t h f o s t e r parents. R e a l i s t i c v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g m o t i v a t i o n has been a problem. Many Indians have no idea what an occupation e n t a i l s . I t has happened i n the past that when some young Indians have been given t r a i n i n g i n f o r m a t i o n and a p p l i c a t i o n forms on the reserves they would f i l l them out as being the t h i n g they were expected to do. They came to sch o o l , d i d w e l l or may have dropped out. Those that d i d w e l l and s t i l l returned to the reserve were asked why they came to school at a l l . T h e i r answer was " I came only because I was expected to come." Now the I.A.B. v o c a t i o n a l program has a p r e - v o c a t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n p e r i o d of about s i x weeks to prepare Indians f o r the r e g u l a r course and to help them decide what they want to be. -103-The Indians have a great deal to l e a r n i n commercial t r a n s a c t i o n s w i t h Whites. They have to l e a r n that i t i s n a t u r a l and e t h i c a l f o r whites to make the most p r o f i t a b l e t r a n s a c t i o n p o s s i b l e . Indians have to l e a r n to cope w i t h t h i s . N. No opinion obtained. 0. There i s an Indian problem i n the White man's eyes but, according to the I n d i a n , one that the White man made f o r h i m s e l f . For Indians coming to Vancouver the problem i s not knowing what to expect or how to cope with c i t y l i f e . A b i g problem f o r those on reserves i s not having any idea what they want for the f u t u r e . There i s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . S o l u t i o n s to Problems Indian Experts A. Indians should always hang onto the reserves and those reserves near communities o f f e r i n g economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s should be developed as a place fo r Indians to l i v e from which they could p a r t i c i p a t e i n the White community's a c t i v i t i e s . Indians should manage t h e i r own a f f a i r s , go to i n t e g r a t e d schools, and ev e n t u a l l y they would be i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the outside community. I f a good home can be maintained f o r an Indian f a m i l y on the r e s e r v e , the c h i l d r e n w i l l get along i n the White community. -104-B. Hostels f o r young Indian women would help them avoid s k i d row. Fi n d places to stay f o r new a r r i v a l s i n Vancouver. C. His reserve i s working out t h e i r own problems as they come up. D. As the Indian A f f a i r s Branch makes problems f o r Indians, i t should be ab o l i s h e d . An abrupt break would put Indians on t h e i r own. I t would be f i n e i f Indians could be taught to cope w i t h the White man's business world before becoming s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t . However t h i s would take too long under I.A.B. Education i s a key to the Indian having s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e . The I.A.B. voca-t i o n a l programs are good. D. went to a r e s i d e n t i a l school and although i t di d not c u r t a i l h i s s c h o o l i n g , the poor r e s i d e n t i a l teaching causes problems i n higher education. E. There has been an improvement i n s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e of the Indian having i n t e g r a t e d education. P. Two or three generations of sc h o o l i n g w i l l make a great deal of d i f f e r e n c e f o r the Indians. A program of education of the White community to accept the Indian would make the adjustment of the Indian to the White community l e s s p a i n f u l . Non-Indian Expert F. There i s no agreement by persons w e l l informed on Indians on how to get Indians a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o the t o t a l s o c i e t y . She f e e l s education appears to be the best answer to a c c u l t u r a t i o n and that the passing of two or three generations w i l l probably take care of t h i s . -105-More f a c i l i t i e s i n the way of half-way houses w i l l h e l p . G. No suggestions. H. f e l t the T,A.B, was working towards b e t t e r programs.for Indians, g i v i n g them more s e l f determination i n s e t t i n g t h e i r own go a l s . More i n f o r m a t i o n about c i t y l i f e should be given to Indians before they leave reserves so that they w i l l experience l e s s s t r e s s on coming to the c i t y . I . No suggestions. J . No suggestions. K. For Indians who do not know c i t y ways, a half-way house would help them become o r i e n t e d . For an Indian p r i s o n e r released from the B.C. p e n i t e n t i a r y there i s a need f o r an accepting and understanding White person to as s o c i a t e or l i v e w i t h . The Indian's problem i s i n being accepted i n t o the White community. Contact f o r the ex-Indian p e n i t e n t i a r y inmate w i t h a competent White leader, a c t i n g as a c o u n s e l l o r , i n an a f t e r - c a r e agency would serve to assuage the i n d i v i d u a l Indian's deep f e e l i n g s of i n f e r i o r i t y i n r e l a t i o n to the White man's s t a t u s . This would be a person w i t h whom the Indian could i d e n t i f y and from whom a transference of values can be obtained. Indian A f f a i r s Branch Experts L. Indian education and v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g w i l l help the Indian w i t h many of h i s problems. The average e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l of the Indian has gone up s i x grades i n the l a s t generation. Some Indians object that t r a i n i n g takes -106-t h e i r leaders away, as Indians motivated to come f o r education profess l i t t l e d e s i r e to go back to the reserve. M. Two or three generations of i n t e g r a t e d education w i l l tend to smooth out problems f o r the Indian. N. None obtained. 0. The I.A.B. has expressed concern about some reserves being too small and poor to be able to become an independent a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t . He sees community development as a way of c r e a t i n g an atmosphere w i t h i n which the Indian r e s i d e n t s of each reserve w i l l be able to make d e c i s i o n s about any changes needed and the steps to e f f e c t ' t h e s e changes. Reserves w i l l not be a b o l i s h e d f o r many years - i f ever. Need f o r Research Judging by the response of the experts i t i s debatable whether they f e l t any research was v a l i d , at l e a s t by students. Nine had no suggestions to make and seven d i d , d i v i d e d as f o l l o w s : Indians Non-Indians Need f o r research Yes No Yes No 3 3 4 6 One Indian was h o s t i l e to s o c i a l work and the idea of more research where Indians are s t u d i e d " l i k e f l i e s on the end of a s t i c k . 1 1 Another s t a t e d that good research had been done but has never been implemented. A t h i r d , who gave f i v e suggestions f o r research, had previous to these suggestions sta t e d nothing of value comes from so much t a l k of " g e t t i n g at the root of the -107-problem" - a term used by many w r i t e r s on Indian matters. In I.A.B. the four non-Indian experts had no suggestions to make. One d i d say the research c u r r e n t l y being done only confirms what they already know. In the other non-Indian group, an expert suggested that agencies needing research would be more apt to r e l y on t h e i r own research than that done by o u t s i d e r s (students). Two suggestions on st u d i e s on reserve education were q u a l i f i e d by suggestions they be done by educators. -108-Table 5 The areas of research suggested and by whom are as f o l l o w s : Indian Non-Indian 1. Research i n t o the white s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e f o r clues f o r p o s s i b l e change to make i t more a t t r a c t i v e f o r Indians. X 2. Into p o l i c i e s and f a c i l i t i e s f o r Indians at W i i l i n g d o n School f o r G i r l s and Brannon Lake School f o r Boys. X 3. Into law and court procedure as a p p l i e d to Indians X XX 4. A survey of s o c i a l worker's manner of h a n d l i n g of agency p o l i c i e s d e a l i n g w i t h Indians X 5. A survey of d i s c r e p a n c i e s i n I.A.B. p o l i c y and a c t u a l performance. XX 6. The e f f e c t of poor teaching on reserves has on Indian students and other Indians coming i n t o Vancouver. XX 7. How w e l l are Indians g e t t i n g along i n Vancouver? X 8. What becomes of Indians who have n e i t h e r contact w i t h s o c i a l agencies nor reserves? X 9. Studies of d i f f e r e n t agency p o l i c i e s i n s p e c i f i c areas, such as housing, as to whether they were being implemented. X 10, Research i n t o Indian problems r e l a t i n g to housing, education, e t c . X 11. Research i n t o the need f o r o r i e n t a t i o n to c i t y l i f e being given on the reserve. X -109-Source of Information Only one Indian and one non-Indian f e l t i t would not be f e a s i b l e to get information from Indians. The other fourteen experts suggested that a d i r e c t approach to Indian leaders would be moderately to very s u c c e s s f u l i n g e t t i n g research i n f o r m a t i o n . However ,» w i t h other Indians the researcher would f i n d an added complication i n communication. Not that he could not o b t a i n in f o r m a t i o n but that i t s accuracy would vary w i t h the amount of rapport that was e s t a b l i s h e d . Some of the experts' suggestions i n v o l v e d b u i l d i n g rapport over a p e r i o d of many contacts which would complicate a research p r o j e c t having l i m i t e d time. One Indian suggested that the term " s o c i a l work" has a negative connotation to the average Indian. Our next chapter deals w i t h i n t e r v i e w s of Indians who were thought to be hard to approach. None of the s i x t e e n experts suggested that g e t t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n from non-Indian sources would be a problem. Indian problem The term "Indian problem" must have had varying meanings to the experts. The Indian group and the I.A.B. group appeared to t h i n k along s i m i l a r l i n e s , a v o i d i n g reference to the Indian as "a problem" or having "problems". However, a l l the experts agreed there were s t r e s s e s i n s o c i e t y w i t h which the Indian was having a d i f f i c u l t time coping. For our purpose Indians having t r o u b l e a d j u s t i n g to Vancouver or f a c i n g d i f f i c u l t s i t u a t i o n s are having problems. From the i n t e r v i e w s the f o l l o w i n g problem areas were brought up by Indians and non-Indians Suggested by Table 6 Problem Area Indian Non-Indian 1. Adjustment to the Indian i s harder f o r the non-Indian than f o r the Indian to adjust to the non-Indian. 3 1 2. Indians have needs r a t h e r than problems comparable to the white needs of the economically deprived '2 4 3. D i s c r i m i n a t i o n against the Indian 4 6 4. Problems i n adjustment to C i t y l i f e 1 3 5. The Indian needs o r i e n t a t i o n to c i t y l i f e before l e a v i n g reserve 4 6. Indian g i r l s ending up on s k i d row 2 1 7. Indian needs f o r o r i e n t a t i o n to white values 1 2 8. Poor reserve education i s a handicap 1 2 9. I.A.B. creates complications f o r Indian 1 1 10. D r i n k i n g causes complications f o r Indian 1 1 11. Lack of money 1 12. Culture value - "haves" to share w i t h "have-nots" __1 16 27 -111-Table 7 S o l u t i o n of problem Suggested by Indian Non-Indian 1. Economic use of reserves 3 2 2. Hostels or half-way houses 1 2 3. A b o l i s h I.A.B. c o n t r o l 1 4. Education f o r the Indian 3 3 5. Education of White s o c i e t y to accept the Indian 1 6. Reserve o r i e n t a t i o n to c i t y l i f e f o r the Indian before l e a v i n g reserve 1 Not one expert mentioned the p o s s i b i l i t y of e l i m i n a t i n g the reserves. Rather, one from I.A.B. stat e d the reserves w i l l be part of Indian l i f e i n d e f i n i t e l y . I.A.B. has a community development program j u s t beginning to stimulate->Indian self-awareness. For economic reasons the reserves w i l l have great meaning for the Indians as they make use of them. There was one suggestion that I.A.B. c o n t r o l should be abolished to free the Indian so he could sink or swim on h i s own. Education appears to be an important c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the experts f o r the Indian. I t w i l l give the Indian s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e and the means to make h i s way i n a predominantly White s o c i e t y . Having read the above summaries of the need f o r r e s e a r c h , areas of research, source of information) Indian problem, and s o l u t i o n of problem, i t must be borne i n mind that these represent the opinions of a small number of experts and c e r t a i n l y i s not r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the many people knowledgeable about Indians. Because time and resources l i m i t e d the s i z e of the sample i t was hoped t h i s group would provide information that could be used i n -112-conjunction w i t h i n f o r m a t i o n obtained from the non-expert Indian (see Chapter V I I ) . I t i s f e l t that t h i s group of experts may provide some i n s i g h t i n t o the dimensions of the Indian problem as seen by both Indians and non-Indians who are i n an o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n to see the t o t a l p i c t u r e . I t i s the White experts who imply that the Indian does not know h i s way around and that adjustment f o r the Indian i n the c i t y i s d i f f i c u l t . I t i s they who point up a need f o r the reserve Indian to l e a r n c i t y ways before coming to Vancouver. However the o v e r a l l context of the i n t e r v i e w s seems to i n d i c a t e the In d i a n , i n f a c t , i s making an adjustment b e t t e r than we t h i n k . The I.A.B. speaks of three groups of Indians coming i n t o Vancouver: 1. those who choose to and lose t h e i r Indian i d e n t i t y ; 2. the ones being educated and t r a i n e d ? 3. the s k i d row Indians. The f i r s t two groups supposedly have few problems and w i t h the l a t t e r group i t has not been shown that being i n the s k i d row area means the Indian has a problem. I t i s true the Indian experts have adapted very w e l l and t h e i r p o s i t i o n s may c o l o r t h e i r statements. The two reserve managers f e e l t h e i r people are adapting to Vancouver. Indian men coming to Vancouver, according to one expert, come to the c i t y knowing why they have come, f i n d j o b s , and stay. In the next chapter we w i l l present twenty i n t e r v i e w s w i t h Indians who have come to Vancouver and who may have some of the problems mentioned by the experts i n t h i s chapter. -113-Chapter V I I - INDIANS SPEAK FOR THEMSELVES METHODOLOGY A separate s e c t i o n on methodology i n t h i s chapter i s a r e f l e c t i o n of the f a c t that our methods evolved as the study progressed and i t became necessary to change our research design. The purpose of the in t e r v i e w s w i t h the experts was d i f f e r e n t from that i n conducting i n t e r v i e w s w i t h the Indian r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . The experts were questioned d i r e c t l y as to t h e i r views regarding p o s s i b l e f u t u r e research; i n t h i s regard, i t was decided to draw inferences and conclu-sions from the opinions expressed by the Indian s u b j e c t s . On the other hand, the aim of the s e r i e s of inter v i e w s i n t h i s chapter was to evaluate the expert opinions, noted i n Chapter S i x , p a r t i c u l a r l y the p o s s i b i l i t y of using the more s t r u c t u r e d type of design and the k i n d of content we were proposing. Because of these developments i t seemed appropriate to u t i l i z e the opinions of the four Indian u n i v e r s i t y students who were encouraged to be c r i t i c a l of the proposed i n t e r v i e w schedule. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t to note that t h e i r opinions are quit e s i m i l a r to those expressed by the subsequent int e r v i e w e e s . The p r e t e s t i n t e r v i e w s were conducted by four d i f f e r e n t i n t e r v i e w e r s . This accounts f o r the v a r i a t i o n i n d e t a i l obtained. This v a r i a t i o n may be a t t r i b u t e d to such f a c t o r s as d i f f e r e n c e s i n i n t e r v i e w technique, b i a s , emphasis as w e l l as i n the emotional i n t e r a c t i o n s . Although t h i s i s a r e g r e t t a b l e weakness i n method i n s o f a r as e s t a b l i s h i n g trends and conclusions i s concerned, i t d i d o f f e r a decided advantage i n that the unique approaches f a c i l i t a t e d the process of e x p l o r a t i o n and i d e n t i f i e d more concerns and opinions upon which to base suggestions f o r f u t u r e research. Furthermore, the apparent d i f f e r e n c e s i n focus from i n t e r v i e w to i n t e r v i e w i n - 1 1 4 -the p r e - t e s t as w e l l as i n the subsequent s e r i e s , though l a c k i n g i n s c i e n t i f i c r i g o r , r e f l e c t a c e r t a i n amount of spontaneity which i s d e s i r a b l e i n an e x p l o r -atory type of study. In s p i t e of t h i s unstructured approach, there are trends i n the responses and observations. I t i s f e l t that greater v a r i a n c e i n o p i n i o n was obtained i n t h i s way even though the sample was s m a l l . As pointed out i n Chapter F i v e , i t was not p o s s i b l e to o b t a i n a random sampling from the t o t a l Indian p o p u l a t i o n i n Vancouver because of the lack of coopera-t i o n from o r g a n i z a t i o n s who possessed such frames of reference as membership and student l i s t s . A c o m p l i c a t i n g f a c t o r i s the high r a t e of m o b i l i t y of t h i s e t h n ic group. These problems weakened the design. Persons s e l e c t e d f o r i n t e r -viewing cannot, t h e r e f o r e , be taken as being r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the t o t a l Indian population i n Vancouver or elsewhere. However, as Indian v o i c e s , they should provide i n v a l u a b l e i n s i g h t and guidance f o r developing a more rigorous sampling design. Except f o r the i n t e r v i e w w i t h Hedda, a u n i v e r s i t y student, the i n t e r v i e w s subsequent to the p r e - t e s t were w i t h casual c o n t a c t s . Two, f o r example, were contacted at a d i s c u s s i o n c l u b . Ed learned of the study through a conversation w i t h a f r i e n d and volunteered to be interviewed. Fran and the i n t e r v i e w e r both a l i g h t e d from a bus at the same corner. A f t e r a b r i e f casual conversation which l e d to a d i s c u s s i o n of the study, she consented to an i n t e r v i e w . Several reasons prompted us to change the l o c a l e f o r the l a s t eleven i n t e r v i e w s . A p r e l i m i n a r y e v a l u a t i o n of the f i r s t nine i n t e r v i e w s brought s e v e r a l f a c t o r s to l i g h t . The subjects were people w i t h higher than average education f o r people of Indian ancestry. Moreover, t h e i r r e p l i e s formed d e f i n i t e patterns which d i d not bear out the p r e d i c t i o n s of the a u t h o r i t i e s . This pleased us but a l s o caused a f e e l i n g of uneasiness, namely, that we were perhaps not -115-o b j e c t i v e i n conducting the inter v i e w s and were somehow e l i c i t i n g responses from sympathetic, s o p h i s t i c a t e d subjects who accommodated i n t e r v i e w e r b i a s e s . They a l s o seemed to i n c l u d e some r a t h e r e c c e n t r i c i n d i v i d u a l s , e.g., Ed, the so l e v o l u n t e e r . We f e l t we were p r i v i l e g e d to be able to record such a v a r i e t y of frank expressions. However, we were conscious of the need to t a l k to people who d i d not make the e f f o r t which Ed claimed he has r e c e n t l y made to remain aloof from the Skid Row So c i e t y . To o b t a i n a c e r t a i n balance and representativeness i n the sample, we conse-quently interviewed one person who was observed l o o k i n g f o r accommodation i n the West End. The ten remaining i n t e r v i e w s took place i n two East Hastings beverage rooms. Several problems of a minor nature now presented themselves. I t was necessary to contact people who were reasonably i n c o n t r o l of t h e i r f a c u l t i e s and to do so under circumstances which would not provide too many d i s t r a c t i o n s . S everal v i s i t s to about a dozen h o t e l s over a period of three days were rewarding. Only one person refused to cooperate, but t h i s was a q u a l i f i e d and understand-able r e f u s a l . I t came from a young lady whose i n t e r e s t s d i d not correspond w i t h the expressed ones of the w r i t e r ! She was i n t e r e s t e d i n companionship i n r e t u r n f o r money r a t h e r than i n an i n t e r v i e w , and p o s s i b l y a l s o harboured su s p i c i o n s that the person t a l k i n g to her was a "cop". Subsequent to t h i s f i r s t encounter, she repeated her o f f e r and d i d engage i n a pleasant conversa-t i o n f o r about twenty minutes. She showed some i n d i c a t i o n s of being an ac c u l t u r a t e d person. Those interviewed i n the beverage rooms were between the ages of twenty-five and t h i r t y - f i v e . Two had l i t t l e formal education. The group included an up-grading student, h i s f r i e n d who i s a foreman with B. C. Hydro, a commercial -116-art student and his wife, a carpenter, a C N R switchman who i s also taking courses to become an engineer, two short-term ex-employees of the C N R, a temporarily incapacitated sawmill operator and h i s female companion. The representativeness of the subjects i s not c l e a r l y established, but i t would seem to include the average Vancouver Indian as well as the more educated or e l i t e . I t includes i n d i v i d u a l s who were b a s i c a l l y i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y -acculturated as well as those who were exposed to a gradual process of acculturation and have resided i n the c i t y for periods ranging from a few months to several years. The educational background ranges from very l i t t l e formal schooling to several years of u n i v e r s i t y t r a i n i n g . In a number of cases th e i r reserves are located several hundred miles from Vancouver but none of them are from r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d portions of the province. There was some i n d i c a t i o n of varying degrees of parental acceptance of the acculturation process, but even i n cases where there seemed some opposition, their children generally favored i n t e g r a t i o n and amalgamation. The interviewer made d i f f e r e n t i a l use of the interview schedule and never a c t u a l l y showed i t to the subjects u n t i l well into the interview. There was conscious e f f o r t to cover a l l of the major topics of concern but we never re-ferred to each of the questions l i s t e d . Apart from t h i s , the emphasis i n each interview was, to a great extent, dictated by the subject's i n t e r e s t and choosing. These reports are written i n unstructured summary form, as case samples, to f a c i l i t a t e the d i f f i c u l t task of reproducing as f a i t h f u l l y as possible the viewpoints of the in d i v i d u a l s contacted. There was no systematic attempt to concentrate on s p e c i f i c v a r i a b l e s r e l a t i n g to a c c u l t u r a t i o n , s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n or amalgamation; r a t h e r , the emphasis was on i d e n t i f y i n g s a l i e n t themes and concerns w i t h respect to one or more of the 1 three processes. These are presented i n ta b u l a r form at the end of t h i s chapter. P r e - t e s t Interviews Alpha grew up i n the i n t e r i o r of the province, but i n an area which could not be considered as remote or i s o l a t e d . He completed Grades one to s i x i n a r e s i d e n t i a l school, then t r a n s f e r r e d to an i n t e g r a t e d school. C u r r e n t l y he i s e n r o l l e d at U.B.C. I t was not determined whether a l l of h i s f i v e years here have been devoted to stud i e s i n the same f a c u l t y , but the i n t e r v i e w e r heard a comment to the e f f e c t that t h i s i s not the case. I t was f e l t that pointed questioning w i t h regard to the t o p i c , though not i r r e l e v a n t , might jeopardize chances of o b t a i n i n g other v a l u a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n on a v o l u n t a r y b a s i s . Alpha o f f e r e d immediate and spontaneous o b j e c t i o n s to the i d e n t i f y i n g questions (1-9). His greatest.concern seemed to be regarding the question of anonymity. The s u p p l i e d r a t i o n a l e of perhaps wanting to contact i n d i v i d u a l s a second time i n order to o b t a i n c l a r i f y i n g i nformation or to get f u r t h e r viewpoints d i d not appear to s a t i s f y or reassure the sub j e c t . An unfortunate r e a l i t y factor;,, not only i n research, but a l s o i n every day communication i s that people tend to respond, not according to t h e i r judgment and c o n v i c t i o n ; but r a t h e r , are guided by the emotional investments of the 1. M a r t i n L. Hoffman and L o i s Wladis Hoffman, ed., New York, Review of C h i l d Development Research R u s s e l l Sage Foundation, 1964, p. 201 - 1 1 8 -p a r t i c i p a n t s of a dialogue or by others who might be in t e r e s t e d . Consequently, they say what i s expected of them, what they f e e l others want to hear, or i n an i n d i f f e r e n t mood, give pat or stereotyped answers. A true and sincere dialogue often follows only after the point at which a basic mutual t r u s t has been established. It would appear that a modicum of this rapport existed a f t e r about f i f t y minutes, judging from the subject's c r i t i c a l remarks on topics which he i n t r o -duced p e r i o d i c a l l y to change the focus of conversation. An example of this was the suggestion that young Indians coming to the c i t y should be given an introduction to c i t y l i f e by an Indian peer who knows the c i t y , not by a demagogue. This was obviously i n reference to Indian A f f a i r s o f f i c i a l s . However, there did not appear to be latent h o s t i l i t y toward the Branch or i n d i v i d u a l s i n i t s employ. I n i t i a l l y there were i n d i r e c t i n d i c a t i o n s that the subject might express views opposed to s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n and amalgamation. He appeared to withhold h i s true viewpoint u n t i l a f t e r he c r i t i c i z e d one downtown s o c i a l centre, frequented by Indians, for lowering i t s standards to permit informal dress, whereas f o r -merly " t i e s " were required. I t was i n t e r e s t i n g to note a q u a l i f i e d acceptance of this i n s t i t u t i o n i n the form of a comparison with a "dive" which has recently been closed to make room for urban development. I t was extremely d i f f i c u l t to ascertain whether these remarks were t r u l y meant to be c r i t i c a l of White standards of entertainment, whether they were gauged to meet expecta-tions, to impress, or to enhance his self-image, etc. Of the questions r e l a t i n g to i n t e r - r a c i a l dating and mixed marriage, i t was the blunt one, "Would you intermarry?", which happened to e l i c i t a very spon-taneous and d e f i n i t i v e response. The subject interrupted to state very -119-f o r c e f u l l y that t h i s was "the p o i n t " , the s o l u t i o n . His r a t i o n a l e was that the White partner would give the Indian partner the r e q u i r e d "push" or example and would be more apt to present other d e s i r a b l e o b j e c t i v e s f o r t h e i r mutual s t r i v i n g s . Liquor was described as the crux of the whole problem and i t was suggested that the study would be meaningless i f removed from the context of the l i q u o r problem. He drew a p a r a l l e l between the study and the case of a person going to a p s y c h i a t r i s t , implying that whereas a person seeking p s y c h i a t r i c help needed to get to the "roots of a problem"; i n t h i s case, l i q u o r was that b a s i c problem. A f t e r h i s i n i t i a l comments on the t o p i c of l i q u o r , the subject adopted a rat h e r cautious approach and l e f t the i n t e r v i e w e r w i t h the impression momen-t a r i l y that he might be a t e e t o t a l e r . The i n t e r v i e w e r reassured the subject and suggested that the blame f o r the abuse of a l c o h o l could o f t e n be placed c o n c u r r e n t l y w i t h s e v e r a l p a r t i e s , i n c l u d i n g those i n charge of i l l - r e g u l a t e d o u t l e t s . There followed a b i d f o r Indian autonomy i n the form of Indian Councils being vested w i t h the r i g h t to p a t r o l reserves and impose f i n e s f o r l i q u o r i n f r a c -t i o n s , w i t h the monies r e a l i z e d to be expended f o r the b e n e f i t of the reserves. I t i s h i g h l y probable that the respondent has witnessed a considerable amount of c o n f l i c t w i t h the law i n t h i s r e spect. His reference to resentment towards R.C.M.P. "dragging o f f drunks", to a rat h e r Utopian s i t u a t i o n whereby he would defy a mayor to come to h i s home to observe the presence of a l c o h o l , and presumably to press charges, no doubt had deep emotional s i g n i f i c a n c e . . This ended w i t h the statement that he would p u b l i s h such " d i s c r i m i n a t i o n " i n papers across the country. -120-Alpha favored a system of education combining the r e s i d e n t i a l and p u b l i c school f e a t u r e s . He f e l t that h i s experience would be an i d e a l p a t t e r n : the f i r s t s i x years or so i n a r e s i d e n t i a l school to b u i l d i n " e t h i c s and moral standards", followed by p u b l i c school experience to f a c i l i t a t e i n t e g r a t i o n . He also f e l t that standards were higher i n the p u b l i c schools. Response on the use of the Native language revealed a pragmatic and ac c u l t u r e d m e n t a l i t y . He s a i d that the Native language was considered as u s e f u l f o r parents and ol d e r people; however, younger people studying i t are considered "square". This subject d i d not express any h o s t i l i t y , r e s i s t a n c e or n o t i c e a b l e s e n s i t i -v i t y w i t h respect to any of the questions read or shown to him. On the con-t r a r y , i t was most heartening to hear that he was l o o k i n g forward to meeting the i n t e r v i e w e r again to discuss the opinions expressed by other Indians. Bob i s n a t i v e to an area w i t h i n easy access to Vancouver. He has s u c c e s s f u l l y completed s e v e r a l years of u n i v e r s i t y t r a i n i n g , apparently w i t h high standing. He, too, observed that asking interviewees f o r t h e i r name was threatening. Although he saw l i t t l e value i n asking the questions r e l a t i n g to the Native language, he d i d not obj e c t . In h i s o p i n i o n , studying h i s Native tongue was not p r a c t i c a l and he d i d not expect to teach i t to h i s c h i l d r e n . He f e l t that the questions on advantages of an Indian or non-Indian partner were of i n t e r e s t . Because of economic i n t e r e s t s he has continued to maintain t i e s w i t h the reserve. This subject would be considered by many to be completely a s s i m i l a t e d . -121-Cato was born and r a i s e d on a reserve i n m e t r o p o l i t a n Vancouver; he attended an i n t e g r a t e d school and stated that he experienced no problems because of h i s Indian s t a t u s . He recommends t h i s type of school. Cato and many of h i s f r i e n d s date Whites and he f e e l s that Indians should move i n t o the dominant s o c i e t y . He p e r s o n a l l y wants to do so and s t a t e d that he would marry an Indian g i r l only i f she were " e x c e p t i o n a l " . There have been s e v e r a l intermarriages w i t h i n h i s k i n s h i p group. He commented that parents have no c o n t r o l over i n t e g r a t i o n (apparently the reference was amalgamation), as c h i l d r e n do what they l i k e , but f e l t that parents g e n e r a l l y approved of intermarriage of t h e i r daughters because t h i s u s u a l l y provided f o r more s t a b i l i t y i n marriage. Indians o b v i o u s l y consider the White husband as more s t a b l e - an expression of respect or esteem? Cato does not speak the Native language, although h i s parents do. I t i s f e l t that he i s denying or i s ashamed of h i s Indian i d e n t i t y , f o r he remarked that there i s nothing of value i n the Indian c u l t u r e . Neither of Dot's parents attended school but they encourage her to do so. She obtained her primary education i n a p u b l i c school and had taught on the r e s e r v e . She seems to favour the p u b l i c school system and would have her c h i l d r e n educated w i t h i n i t . Dot p r e f e r s "downtown" contacts and a v a r i e t y of i n t e r - r a c i a l i n f l u e n c e s which she f e e l s are necessary to give her a broader view. She does not know of any Indians who date non-Indians. On the subject of inter-marriage, she f e l t i t would be advantageous to the Indian w i f e as she would be able to get o f f the reserve and lead a more s t a b l e l i f e . In her o p i n i o n , a non-Indian w i f e does not have to think about fi n a n c e s . -122-An Indian husband's advantages were r e l a t e d to the o f f s p r i n g who were seen as b e n e f i t i n g from the White woman's i n f l u e n c e . Both advantages and disadvantages to a non-Indian husband seemed ra t h e r nebulous i n her mind. The Indian husband, i t was suggested, would f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to provide i f on the reserve. This was also l i s t e d as a disadvantage of the non-Indian w i f e . The disadvantage to the Indian w i f e which seemed to be uppermost i n the respondent's mind was separation from the Indian c u l t u r e . I t would appear, therefore, that t h i s Indian i s faced w i t h the dilemma of separation from her own c u l t u r e versus p o s s i b l e d e p r i v a t i o n of the n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e . This respondent noted some problems which she undoubtedly faced upon a r r i v i n g i n Vancouver. They included l o n e l i n e s s , lack of money and "not knowing where to go". She d i d not p e r s o n a l l y experience p r e j u d i c e , but i n d i c a t e d that f r i e n d s had to cope with t h i s problem. The subject i n d i c a t e d she would want to r e t u r n to the reserve only to v i s i t as she "had already l i v e d there." She would not recommend teaching the Native tongue at school because of the i m p r a c t i c a l i t y a r i s i n g from the numerous d i a l e c t s i n use; however, she would teach the language to her own c h i l d r e n to preserve i t . Casual Interviews The purpose of these i n t e r v i e w s was to evaluate the r e a c t i o n s of v o c a t i o n a l c o u n s e l l o r s of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch and of Vancouver Indian Centre personnel to our questions, e s p e c i a l l y to the s o - c a l l e d " s e n s i t i v e " areas, namely, those r e l a t i n g to the terms " I n d i a n " and "Reserve" and to i n t e g r a t i o n and amalgamation. The technique used i n the i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r v i e w v a r i e d g r e a t l y , e.g. during -123-the f i r s t of these, the w r i t e r asked general questions f o r approximately one hour without t a k i n g notes. During t h i s p e r i o d i t was e s t a b l i s h e d that the respondent d i d not appear to f i n d any of the above mentioned areas as " s e n s i -t i v e " . A f t e r t h i s , w h i l e the respondent looked at the i n t e r v i e w schedule and made various comments r e l e v a n t to the questions comprising i t , a newspaper a r t i c l e on Indian problems,''' and to past l i f e experiences, the i n t e r v i e w e r , w i t h the respondent's permission, took extensive notes which formed the basis of the f o l l o w i n g r e c o r d . One s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n Ed's f a m i l y background i s that i n the two genera-t i o n s preceding him, there was considerable exposure t o formal education. In h i s home there e x i s t e d an atmosphere which promoted the growth of independent and c r i t i c a l thought, inasmuch as members of the f a m i l y f r e q u e n t l y engaged i n d i s c u s s i o n s . o f current t o p i c s , i n s t i t u t i o n s , laws, ideas, e t c . ; In the case of Ed, t h i s produced a searching and c r i t i c a l mind but u n f o r t u n a t e l y f a m i l y poverty d i d not al l o w f o r i t s normal development. Ed l e f t home when he was f i f t e e n , but continued school u n t i l eighteen, when he completed Grade ten. He now intends to postpone h i s academic career f o r a few years i n order to take t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g which he f e e l s w i l l ensure h i s l i v e l i h o o d and at the same time be a stepping-stone to f u r t h e r education. He as p i r e s to a u n i v e r s i t y degree i n philosophy. In some instances, as i n the case of the remarks immediately f o l l o w i n g , l i t t l e , i f any, c l a r i f i c a t i o n was sought. I t would have been d i f f i c u l t to record, evaluate r e p l i e s , and at the same time ask questions. Secondly, t h i s would 1. E l i z a b e t h Motherwell and Barbara Beckett, "A Basic Indian Problem and a Basic Indian S p l i t " , The Province (Vancouver), February 5, 1966, (The Canadiana). -124-have meant i n t e r r u p t i n g the respondent's t r a i n of thought and spontaneity as w e l l as the w r i t e r ' s a b i l i t y to record. While glancing at the i n t e r v i e w schedule, he r e f e r r e d to question twenty-five, "Do you hope to meet non-Indian f r i e n d s at V.I.C. as w e l l ? " He then proceeded to r e f e r to the aforementioned Province a r t i c l e and to the Calgary lawyer's c l a i m that i t ' s e a s i e r f o r Indians than f o r non-Indians to get to u n i v e r s i t y , since Indians get free passage. I t seemed as though Ed f e l t compelled to express an o p i n i o n to an o u t s i d e r ; he tossed the a r t i c l e aside and s a i d , "That's a l t o g e t h e r r i d i c u l o u s " , then followed w i t h comments of bench warming by Indians because they were given such chances. He added that Indians w i t h a p r i v a t e school background would not be able to cope with the u n i v e r s i t y l i f e and s a i d he would favor an a l l - I n d i a n u n i v e r s i t y . In answer to the question whether a White u n i v e r s i t y was s u i t a b l e f o r them, he r e p l i e d , "Let's see now, an Indian u n i v e r s i t y would help them work together." He l a t e r s a i d that he could go to an a l l - I n d i a n school but d i d not want to because he could get h i s education where he pleased by working f i r s t . He s a i d he knew he wouldn't f i t i n an a l l Indian school, that t h i s j u s t was not h i s way of l i f e , "... my way of l i f e i s mixing w i t h people.". He d i d not consider question twenty-five, a personal one. His f o l l o w i n g remark was that problems r e s u l t e d because Indians who were brought up i n a l l -Indian schools d i d not want to mix because "once they have experienced some-th i n g they expect i t to be the same a l l of the time, i f somebody wants to change, they're offended". In the same context he added that he was brought up i n an i n t e g r a t e d school and t h e r e f o r e would not want to go to l i v e on a reserve. -125-On the question of Indians d a t i n g non-Indians and p a r e n t a l approval, he commented, "There's no reason to disapprove, i t ' s f o r them to decide .... they're not k i d s anymore." He then r e f e r r e d to advice he recei v e d from h i s brother and the R.C.M.P. He i s very conscious of the f a c t that, "as soon as a person i s eighteen he can do what he l i k e s and the parents are not r e s p o n s i b l e anymore unless he gets i n trouble w i t h the p o l i c e " . In h i s o p i n i o n , -a person should be completely inde-pendent at eighteen. This idea was e v i d e n t l y sparked by a R.C.M.P. sergeant who t o l d him when he was a paper boy that he would be f r e e to move out at eighteen-. At t h i s p o i n t the w r i t e r provided one of the few i n t e r r u p t i o n s , " I s there a need f o r somebody to t e l l Indians of t h e i r r i g h t s ? " His r e p l y was that he was curious ever since f i f t e e n when a teacher, an ex-policeman, encouraged him to ask the p o l i c e . He added, "you l e a r n as you go through the p o l i c e that you have the r i g h t to ask the p o l i c e anything. A c t u a l l y i t was my brother that t o l d me that I had the r i g h t to (presumably to leave home), and I didn't b e l i e v e him so I was t o l d to go to the p o l i c e . We tear things apart at home, he i n d i c a t e d that they discussed v a r i o u s t o p i c s such as marriage, the need to change laws, e t c . ; ... s i s t e r s d i d n ' t take part i n d i s c u s s i o n s ... i f you disagreed, they got hur t , ... t h i s happened w i t h any t o p i c ... you f i n d t h i s w i t h a l l g i r l s , ... you have to go around and smooth things out a l i t t l e . " Question t h i r t y - o n e , to which was added a n o t a t i o n that Indian A f f a i r s personnel f e l t that subjects might resent the question caught h i s a t t e n t i o n . He r e p l i e d to an explanation, " I don't see any reason f o r resentment", -126-laughed, reached f o r the Province a r t i c l e and r e f e r r e d t o , " t h i s t h i n g here", namely Duke Redbird's reference to worthlessness. He quoted the s e c t i o n and added, "there's no reason to f e e l worthless....you're something and as long as you don't lose the sense of your n a t i o n a l i t y you're something....if you lose the sense of n a t i o n a l i t y , t h a t ' s when your w o r t h l e s s . " ( E a r l i e r , he twice commented that Mr. Wuttunee, the Calgary lawyer, had s u f f e r e d from a p e r s o n a l i t y breakdown because he t r i e d too hard to get the Indians together, became f r u s t r a t e d and now had d i s a s s o c i a t e d himself from Indians. He ended one of h i s explanations w i t h "he has no n a t i o n a l i t y " . ) He o b v i o u s l y had the example i n mind again f o r he f o r g o t about the i n t e r v i e w schedule momentarily and opined t h a t , "...Indians should f o l l o w c o u n c i l , express opinions and get things changed...necessary to express your o p i n i o n but not out of hand." When asked f o r an e x p l a n a t i o n , he r e p l i e d , "Like here, ( r e f e r r i n g to Wuttunee) i f they had f o l l o w e d through then they would have gained something". Ed expressed the o p i n i o n that there were c e r t a i n advantages i n intermarriage " . . . i f the opposite c u l t u r e s agree." He s a i d he would intermarry i f he met the r i g h t person and added, " I already have...but t o l d her I'd want to f i n i s h my education f i r s t " . A f u r t h e r i n t e r e s t i n g remark was to the e f f e c t that he di d not want to go around w i t h Native g i r l s because "no matter how serious I am, they always make a joke out of i t and I don't l i k e to be made a joke out o f . . . " He a l s o observed, " I t ' s the same as anywhere, you've got to have a l i k i n g f o r character and p e r s o n a l i t i e s . . . m o s t Indians are a l i k e . . . a few only are strong i n d i v i d u a l s " . He s a i d he had one s i s t e r " t h i s way" and then led to a new trend of thought w i t h , " i t depends on the f a m i l y and person h i m s e l f " . He then noted a r u l e of l i f e which h i s parents impressed on him, 1. This i s a reference to the N a t i o n a l Indian C o u n c i l of Canada, founded by Mr. Wuttunee i n 1961. -127-namely, " i f you want something badly, work f o r i t " , and continued with..."so he depends on hims e l f to get t h i s and so parents t u r n c h i l d r e n i n t o i n d i v i d u a l s and t h i s should be done more o f t e n . . . i t ' s the way to have a b e t t e r form of government...throughout h i s t o r y , e v e rything i s done by i n d i v i d u a l i s t s . . . I haven't read about C h u r c h i l l , but I t h i n k he has a prett y , i n t e r e s t i n g c h a r a c t e r , I only read the f i r s t chapter..." He went on to r e l a t e that on t h i s b a s i s he wrote an essay f o r which he r e c e i v e d an "A". Ed again r e f e r r e d to the i n t e r v i e w schedule, read the heading of s e c t i o n three, A r r i v a l i n Vancouver and Adjustment, and s a i d , "There's no adjustment...oh, not e x a c t l y no adjustment, a l l you have to remember i s what buses,...dances, where s t r e e t s are,...you're l i v i n g the same l i f e , but i n a d i f f e r e n t p l a c e . . . t h i s i s where a l l the excitement comes i n . . . as on a v a c a t i o n . . . you get a b i g t h r i l l i n l e a r n i n g new s t r e e t s " . He s a i d he f e l t he was coming "home" when he came to Vancouver... most tend to have problems and excitement mixed up... some problems could be s t r a i g h t e n e d out by asking f o r a d v i c e . . . . " In the meantime he had read about ten more questions and then s t a r t e d to laugh and read question f o r t y - f i v e , "Did you l i k e s c h o o l ? " He answered, "Mo" , laughed again and s a i d , "Wo, i t was a l r i g h t . . . too much monkey business... no, on my p a r t , r e a l l y ! " He a l s o volunteered that he was not "pushed to go to s c hool... took i t f o r granted that I had to go to s c h o o l . " Next, there followed another i n t e r e s t i n g u n predictable d i v e r s i o n : "Then there are these commercials on T.V... problems i n I n d i a . . . Canada should solve i t s own problems f i r s t . . . c h a r i t y funds should be donated to Canada f o r a few years i n s t e a d . " On the question of the use of the Native tongue, h i s r e p l y was somewhat a s u r p r i s e . There seemed to be some incongruency w i t h other opinions and -128-a t t i t u d e s but the observation ^ r e f l e c t e d h i s strong Indian i d e n t i t y : " I t h i n k i t should be used more o f t e n . . . my Grandfather taught i t here i n Vancouver f o r awhile... I was s u r p r i s e d he d i d " . In answer to question f o r t y - o n e , he r e p l i e d he would send h i s c h i l d r e n to p u b l i c s c h o o l , then c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y again changed the t o p i c to " a c t u a l l y what I know now, I didn't l e a r n at s c h o o l . . . I have a l l kinds of books, philosophy... what i t ' s going to be l i k e i n f u t u r e generations... t h i s one I found most r i d i c u l o u s , Aldous Huxley, The Brave New World... i f what he w r i t e s comes about, i t would be the d e s t r u c t i o n of man... i t i s a n t i -i n d i v i d u a l i s m and every person i s n a t u r a l l y i n c l i n e d to be an i n d i v i d u a l i s t . " By now he was reading the t h i r d l a s t question and reverted to the schedule, "My second language i s E n g l i s h . . . no, I a c t u a l l y learned i t before s c h o o l " . He s a i d that he speaks Indian when w i t h h i s grandparents i f they speak the Native tongue, and a l s o when t a l k i n g to others i f they are not f a m i l i a r w i t h E n g l i s h . This a s s o c i a t i o n of ideas here was i n t e r e s t i n g ' : "Yea, I t h i n k the Native tongue should be taught In school too, then they wouldn't have to have i n t e r p r e t e r s i n c o u r t , f o r Whites would have understood.... i t i s not impo s s i b l e , f o r grandfather taught the Native tongue i n school here." He expects to teach the Native language to h i s c h i l d r e n " i f he has any... i t ' s only n a t u r a l , f o r they wouldn't know what n a t i o n a l i t y they were." Fran came to Vancouver from an area of the i n t e r i o r adjacent to the Okanagan. She completed Grade X a f t e r eleven years i n a r e s i d e n t i a l s c h o o l , then spent -129-part of a year i n an i n t e g r a t e d school u n t i l i l l n e s s f o r c e d her to leave. She then came to Vancouver and took restaurant t r a i n i n g at the Vancouver V o c a t i o n a l I n s t i t u t e , but i s p r e s e n t l y working i n a r e s t home. She plans to leave f o r employment at a "good r e s t a u r a n t " i n a few months. She f i n d s work i n the r e s t home enjoyable, but the " s e n i l e and h a l f mental" p a t i e n t s o c c a s s i o n a l l y get on her nerves. Fran d i d not consider any of the questions " s e n s i t i v e " . She described s e v e r a l as " i n t e r e s t i n g " , the k i n d she i s " o f t e n asked on the s t r e e t " . She considers the reserve as a place she wants to v i s i t o c c a s i o n a l l y but would not l i k e to l i v e on one unless she had her "own home and l o t " . A s u r p r i s i n g o b servation of hers was, "Funny, but I was shy and withdrawn at r e s i d e n t i a l school and l i k e d i t b e t t e r at p u b l i c s c h o o l " . She would send her c h i l d r e n to a r e s i d e n t i a l school f i r s t , then to a p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n . (This combination was suggested by the i n t e r v i e w e r as an a l t e r n a t i v e to an " e i t h e r - o r " s e l e c t i o n . ) Fran p r e f e r s to go to s o c i a l events downtown. She observed that Indians "bunched" at the Embassy and that some d i d not want to mix. She d i d not show a great deal of f e e l i n g at any time and the same a p p l i e s to when she made a remark about an experience which probably had considerable emotional impact on her, namely, that "some Whites laugh at Indian g i r l s w h i l e dancing w i t h them". Fran would intermarry i f she met "the r i g h t person". She knows of many Indian women who moved from her Reserve to nearby Okanagan towns and married Japanese and Chinese. According to her, some have been reminded of t h e i r Indian s t a t u s , e s p e c i a l l y when the husbands are "drunk". She l e f t the impression, however, -130-that b a s i c a l l y these women are quite s a t i s f i e d w i t h t h e i r p o s i t i o n . G l o r i a a l s o came from a reserve i n a f a i r l y a c c e s s i b l e i n t e r i o r region but somewhat removed from the main thoroughfares. She i s t a k i n g p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g i n the c i t y and, as i n the case of many young l a d i e s i n her pro-f e s s i o n , s a i d she found i n i t i a l adjustments d i f f i c u l t and f e l t f o r some time that she might leave t r a i n i n g . She considers the reserve as a place she "can r e t u r n to and f e e l a t home". Consequently, she would not want to see them a b o l i s h e d . Many people, e s p e c i a l l y the young, are moving away from her reserve, she noted, because of the lack of opportunity. The word " I n d i a n " does not provoke s e n s i t i v e , f e e l i n g s i n her unless i t i s used d i s p a r a g i n g l y , i t depends upon "who uses i t and under what circumstances". G l o r i a obtained her Grade I to X I I education i n a r e s i d e n t i a l school which she holds i n h i g h esteem. The i n t e r v i e w e r suspected that she might f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to be o b j e c t i v e i n comparing i t to the p u b l i c school she attended f o r a year i n view of her apparent l o y a l t y , p o s s i b l y l i n k e d w i t h r e l i g i o u s t i e s . She was q u i t e emphatic t h a t , but f o r the t r a i n i n g i n the r e s i d e n t i a l s c h o o l , she would not be where she i s today. She s a i d she was lonesome w h i l e t a k i n g Grade X I I I at the p u b l i c school but recognized the advantages there w i t h respect to s o c i a l i z i n g . Comparing G l o r i a and Ed, i n s o f a r as p a r e n t a l i n f l u e n c e on education i s concerned, i n d i c a t e s a c o n t r a s t i n Indian a t t i t u d e s , and v a l u e s . This would •also seem to be r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r p e r s o n a l i t i e s which are s t r i k i n g l y d i f f e r e n t . Whereas Ed's parents and grandparents valued an education and apparently provided quite a s t i m u l a t i n g home atmosphere conducive of the h a b i t of -131-independent thought, G l o r i a ' s parents, q u i t e on the c o n t r a r y , wanted her to postpone her p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g f o r a year and remain home. G l o r i a seems sympathetic towards her parents nonetheless, but as an i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y -a c c u l t u r e d young lady, she chose to break some t i e s w i t h her t r a d i t i o n . She s a i d that the Native language was used very l i t t l e and that teaching i t "would not be very p r a c t i c a l but might be used as a means of communica-t i o n between Whites and Indians". I t was deemed i n a p p r o p r i a t e to question the apparent c o n t r a d i c t i o n as the interviewer-respondent r e l a t i o n s h i p was p o s s i b l y s t i l l too tenuous. G l o r i a a l s o favors i n t e r m a r r i a g e . She d i d not choose to comment on the advantages or disadvantages. At the time, she l e f t the impression that these were considered as s e l f evident and that the question might be considered by the subject as a redundant one i n view of her many i n d i c a t i o n s f a v o r i n g a s s i m i l a t i o n . Hedda and Irma were interviewed together at the request of Hedda who s a i d that her f r i e n d was very i n t e r e s t e d i n the study and would l i k e to express her op i n i o n s . While t h i s proved to be so, the request may have been made because of s o c i a l convenience. Both s u b j e c t s , one a u n i v e r s i t y student who has had s e v e r a l years of p r o f e s -s i o n a l t r a i n i n g , have had a considerable amount of contact w i t h White s o c i e t y . They received a l l of t h e i r elementary and secondary education i n r e s i d e n t i a l schools and apparently had p o s i t i v e experiences. Hedda r e f e r r e d to u n i v e r s i t y l i f e as a " r a t race" and made s p e c i f i c reference to "competition" and " i n d i v i d u a l i s m " , n e i t h e r of which she seemed to appreciate or f a v o r . -132-Neither had any ob j e c t i o n s to terminology such as " I n d i a n " and "Reserve" unless used d i s r e s p e c t f u l l y or i n a b e l i t t l i n g way. Both favored mixed s o c i a l contacts and intermarriage i f the " r i g h t person came along", but i t was suggested that "intermarriage i s too d i r e c t a way of p u t t i n g i t " . Hedda s a i d that she would have refused to answer some of the d i r e c t questions. S p e c i a l mention was made of numbers twenty-nine, and t h i r t y - o n e . She termed the former a crude question and suggested that the l a t t e r could be asked more i n d i r e c t l y , i . e . by asking Indians about t h e i r group and club a f f i l i a t i o n s , t h e i r places of entertainment, the membership or patrons a t these and about t h e i r contacts w i t h them. Both s a i d they used t h e i r Native language at home and want to r e t a i n i t but admitted that the r e a l i t y f a c t o r of numerous d i a l e c t s made formal teaching of them i m p r a c t i c a l . A unique c o n t r i b u t i o n to t h i s s e r i e s of in t e r v i e w s r e s u l t e d from c a s u a l remarks about the i n i t i a l working of our t h e s i s t o p i c , "An A n a l y s i s of Indian Perceptions of the White Community". Hedda wondered why we d i d not r e t a i n t h i s as our focus. T h e i r enthusiasm to comment i n t h i s regard provided a ready excuse to ask f o r permission to take notes. The f o l l o w i n g observations were noted: 1. Time - "On the reserve there i s no time", s a i d Hedda. She contrasted t h i s w i t h urban l i f e where there was "a coffee break here, a coffee break there", and s a i d that when on the reserve she takes her w r i s t watch o f f and f o r g e t s about i t . -133-2. Values - Comments i n t h i s regard were mainly w i t h respect to the White c u l t u r e ' s a c q u i s i t i v e n e s s . Mentioned were " c a r s , house, f u r n i t u r e " i n c o n t r a s t to the reserve philosophy, " i f you have enough f o r the day, that's f i n e " . Hedda was a l s o c r i t i c a l of i n s t a l l m e n t buying. Regarding savings, she s a i d that Indians d i d not have money i n the bank as opposed to such White customs as s t a r t i n g an account f o r the seven-year o l d to assure h i s u n i v e r s i t y education. She was a l s o c r i t i c a l of the p a r e n t a l a t t i t u d e toward c h i l d r e n who came home wi t h a report card showing three B's and two A's and who comment, "tha t ' s good, but why can't you have f i v e A's l i k e Johnny next door". 3. Sharing - The Indian's custom of sharing f i s h , deer, meat et c . was underscored as a d e s i r a b l e feature by way of c o n t r a s t to the White man's h a b i t of s t o r i n g food i n h i s deep f r e e z e . 4. Housekeeping - A c r i t i c i s m i n t h i s regard was d i r e c t e d at the housewife who f r a n t i c a l l y s t a r t s sweeping her home, e t c . upon r e c e i v i n g a c a l l that a f r i e n d i s stopping f o r a v i s i t . The Indian, " r a t h e r than p u t t i n g on a f r o n t , t h i n k s , i f you don't l i k e d i r t , i t ' s too bad". In e v a l u a t i n g these perceptions i t would appear to be necessary to consider Indians as i n d i v i d u a l s r a t h e r than as a c l a s s as there would seem to be v a r y i n g degrees of unanimity on the points expressed. Secondly,.one wonders to what extent they may be mere echos of the more v o c a l Indians of past generations or of a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s and s o c i o l o g i s t s , r a t h e r than true r e f l e c t i o n s or i n d i c a t i v e of the c o n v i c t i o n s of the Indians of the present -134-generation who have become a c c u l t u r a t e d and a s s i m i l a t e d i n v a r y i n g degrees. This i n t e r v i e w terminated w i t h a p r a c t i c a l suggestion by Hedda: "Education i s n ' t e v e r y t h i n g . . . we need to meet you; you, us". I t was she who a l s o suggested that we should not t a l k about "problems", but r a t h e r about " s i t u a t i o n s " . For a number of years, Rose l i v e d w i t h her f a t h e r i n a c i t y i n the i n t e r i o r where she attended a r e s i d e n t i a l school f o r e i g h t years. She continued her education f o r two years i n an i n t e g r a t e d school and s a i d she had no problems. She p r e f e r s the l a t t e r type of i n s t i t u t i o n . Her standing i s an incomplete Grade X. Rose has l i v e d i n a c i t y a l l her l i f e and enjoys the c i t y . The subject of v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g or s p e c i a l s k i l l s seemed to embarrass her; i t would seem she d i d not have the opportunity to equip h e r s e l f i n such a way f o r l i f e i n the m e t r o p o l i t a n Vancouver area where she has l i v e d f o r a time. An u n c e r t a i n f u t u r e awaits her i n the West End. Native language: She speaks Indian, but not f r e q u e n t l y . Amalgamation: Rose supports the i d e a . She knows of s e v e r a l Indians who have i n t e r m a r r i e d , and s a i d that they experienced "no problem". Beverage Room Interviews: Joe and Kim are both i n t h e i r mid-twenties and come from the same reserve. Joe i s an up-grading student; Kim has a responsible p o s i t i o n and a good steady income. The i r comments were as f o l l o w s : Reserves: Both f e e l reserves should be a b o l i s h e d . Kim s a i d that Indians are good workers, but reserves make.them l a z y . Native language: Neither sees any use f o r one. -135-I n t e g r a t i o n and Amalgamation: Both are i n fav o r . With a c e r t a i n amount of p r i d e , one produced photos of a White and an Indian g i r l -f r i e n d , both of whom are " t y p i s t s " . Return to the Reserve: Neither wishes to do so. . Schools: One suggested that Indians have s p e c i a l " t r a i n i n g " schools, presumably on t h e i r reserves, to give them an equal opportunity, a " f a i r chance". The reason f o r wanting s p e c i a l schools was stat e d as, "we f a l l behind at Grade V I I I and therefore stay out". Such ed u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s would pose a dilemma w i t h respect to i n t e g r a t i o n . This viewpoint i s i l l u s t r a t i v e of a c o n f l i c t , challenge and problem f a c i n g two young men. Joe completed Grade IX when he w a p eighteen; now, seven years l a t e r , he i s t a k i n g Grade X and XI c l a s s e s Kim complete Grade V I I I ten years ago, but i n s p i t e of a good p o s i t i o n and income i s planning to go back to school next f a l l to take a machine operator's course. Len and h i s w i f e , Mae , were interviewed on the same evening i n another hote Len i s a s p i r i n g to become a commercial a r t i s t and was atte n d i n g a r t c l a s s e s a t the Vancouver V o c a t i o n a l I n s t i t u t e . His w i f e , of p a r t i a l Anglo-Saxon background, and t h e i r c h i l d r e n , l i v e i n a c i t y i n the sta t e of Washington. She came to Vancouver to enjoy a weekend w i t h her husband, but e v i d e n t l y unexpected f a m i l y t r o u b l e s developed, r e s u l t i n g i n a sudden departure of her husband from the c i t y . He expressed keen i n t e r e s t i n v i s i t i n g a U.B.C. a r t e x h i b i t w i t h the i n t e r v i e w e r . Four days l a t e r , when the i n t e r v i e w e r phoned regarding these arrangements, Len's landlady informed him that Len no longer l i v e d there, but had l e f t w i t h h i s wife f o r the above-noted reason. -136-Native language: Both speak t h e i r Native tongue but consider teaching i t as i m p r a c t i c a l . Reserves: For Mae, the reserve seems to have a sentimental value. She described i t as a "place of home", but appears to have been happy l i v i n g i n c i t i e s , and shares her husband's view that l i v i n g on a reserve would not be p r a c t i c a l i n view of h i s occupational i n t e r e s t s . Len i s o p t i m i s t i c , he described the c i t y as a "place f o r opportunity". Both favor i n t e r m a r r i a g e . While speaking about i n t e g r a t i o n , Len r e f e r r e d to the need to t a l k to one another. He s a i d that i f he meets a trouble-maker, he simply walks away. Mae had l i t t l e formal education. Len l e f t school ten years ago, and has been employed i n the lumbering i n d u s t r y . He s a i d that he r e c e n t l y "thought of the need f o r t r a i n i n g to f a l l back on something" and f o r t h i s reason, e n r o l l e d i n the three year commercial a r t course. Norm, O l i , Pat and Que provided the i n t e r v i e w e r w i t h two mid-afternoon hours of i n f o r m a t i o n , entertainment and education. O l i , a part Eskimo, was determined to teach the i n t e r v i e w e r how to play a g u i t a r v i a the E.Z. method. He i s an accomplished g u i t a r i s t and guaranteed lessons i n r e t u r n for a minimal cash sum, a dozen beers, or even h a l f - a -dozen. (He l a t e r shoved a p a r t i a l l y f i l l e d g l a s s of beer to one of h i s f r i e n d s w i t h remark that he " p r e f e r s wine".) Other i n t e r e s t s i n c l u d e p r e t t y b i k i n i s , C a l i f o r n i a c o n v e r t i b l e s , t r a v e l l i n g and p l a y i n g h i s g u i t a r . P a t ! s most s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n was that he " t r i e d to grow a b e a t l e cut but w i l l get r i d of i t as women don't l i k e i t " . -137-Que has been employed by the C.N.R. f o r four years and i s c u r r e n t l y t a k i n g a course to improve h i s q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . He has l i v e d o f f the reserve f o r ten years, has worked as a d i e s e l repairman and takes p r i d e i n h i s innate mechanical a b i l i t y . In reference to t h i s he s a i d , " I have i t i n the head". Que favors i n t e g r a t i o n but noted that acceptance seems a problem. Norm i s an enfranchised Indian who showed the w r i t e r h i s card and s a i d , "This card.... the biggest mistake I ever made". His reasons r e l a t e d to medical and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n b e n e f i t s as w e l l as to being able to maint a i n a t a x - f r e e home on the reserve. Although he does not intend to r e t u r n to the reserve (occupational reasons), he favors t h e i r r e t e n t i o n f o r the economic advantages already mentioned. Norm speaks h i s Native language but does not consider i t p r a c t i c a l to teach i t . He i n i t i a t e d conversation using the word i n t e g r a t i o n and s a i d he was d e f i n i t e l y i n fav o r of i t . He has s i m i l a r views regarding amalgamation. Norm i s a very r e a l i s t i c and understanding person and spoke of i n t e g r a t i o n as a gradual process which cannot be l e g i s l a t e d i n t o e x i s t e n c e . He has attended both r e s i d e n t i a l and i n t e g r a t e d schools and i s e s p e c i a l l y proud of h i s q u a l i f i c a t i o n s as a carpenter. In a very calm and gentlemanly way, he spoke of h i s a b i l i t y to read b l u e p r i n t s and r e l a t e d i n c i d e n t s i n which he c o r r e c t e d White carpenters who t r i e d to " b l u f f t h e i r way on the job". As f u r t h e r gauges of a c c u l t u r a t i o n and i n t e g r a t i o n , i t might be noted that Norm was one of the few patrons who wore a white s h i r t and n e c k t i e , he was very conscious of the White c o u r t e s i e s , s e n s i t i v e w i t h respect to a companion's request f o r change, and f i r m i n reprimanding a f r i e n d f o r -138-repeatedly s p i t t i n g on the f l o o r . F o l l o w i n g h i s , "Hey, don't s p i t " , the i n t e r v i e w e r had to make an e f f o r t to conceal a s m i l e . . . s p i t t l e had twice landed w i t h i n s p l a s h i n g distance of h i s shoes. Stan l e f t the reserve ten years ago, at twenty-four, and o c c a s i o n a l l y v i s i t s but does not f e e l at home when he returns to i t . He does not want to impose on h i s reserve f r i e n d s and i s conscious of o v e r s t a y i n g h i s welcome when he v i s i t s . He l i k e s Vancouver, and wants to l i v e here. Both he and Tina, h i s common-law w i f e , favor amalgamation but the l a t t e r , undoubtedly i n f l u e n c e d by a recent unhappy m a r i t a l experience and the loss of custody of her c h i l d r e n to a Children's A i d S o c i e t y , spoke of wanting to r e t u r n to the reserve. She a l s o t o l d the i n t e r v i e w e r , i n Stan's absence, that she d i d not wish to l i v e w i t h him. Their present arrangement would seem to be one of convenience. They spoke openly about the f a c t that she i s now three months pregnant. Tina's f u t u r e i s one of u n c e r t a i n t y . She r e a l i z e s from past experience that her f u t u r e a n x i e t i e s are r e l a t e d to "what a man wishes".''' The wish to r e t u r n to the reserve w i l l probably never be r e a l i z e d . I t could be a mere expression of a daydream, i f she i s serious i n her i n t e n t i o n , she probably w i l l be f r u s t r a t e d i n her attempts to r e a l i z e i t because of her dependency. Stan i s a c a r e f r e e , frank and outspoken person. In a d d i t i o n to t h i s , i t should be noted that a l c o h o l had played a considerable p a r t i n lowering h i s i n h i b i t i o n s . Otherwise, he might not have s u r p r i s e d Tina by g l e e f u l l y t e l l i n g the i n t e r v i e w e r , "you use con language". But f o r the f i f t h or s i x t h beer, he might not have made such a f o r c e f u l statement i n reference to r e s i d e n t i a l 1. M. Ralph Kaufman and Marcel Heiman, ed., E v o l u t i o n of Psychosomatic  Concepts Anorexia Nervosa; A Paradigm, New York, I n t e r n a t i o n a l U n i v e r s i t i e s Press, (1964), p. 237 - 1 3 9 -schools. These are p o l i c e schools i n h i s memory, places where he "experienced l o n e l i n e s s " . He would want h i s own c h i l d r e n to attend an i n t e g r a t e d school i n order to "have them at home". Summary Observations: On the basis of the twenty i n t e r v i e w s , the w r i t e r would suggest that v e s t i g e s of p a t e r n a l i s m are f i n d i n g renaissance i n s e n s i t i v i t y on the part of White o f f i c i a l d o m . The Indians are s e n s i t i v e only i f they are b e l i t t l e d or r e j e c t e d . Some even laughed at the suggestion that references to " I n d i a n " or "reserve" might upset them. On the c o n t r a r y , there were s e v e r a l i n d i c a t i o n s of p r i d e i n t h e i r h e r i t a g e and i n d i v i d u a l accomplishments. Native Language: The overwhelming m a j o r i t y s t i l l speaks the Native tongue, but i n most cases t h i s i s only when they v i s i t on the reserve or t a l k to o l d e r people who do not understand or are not f l u e n t i n E n g l i s h . A smaller number wishes to see the language perpetuated but does not consider i t p r a c t i c a l to have i t taught f o r m a l l y because of the large number of d i a l e c t s . Some would a l l o w t h e i r language to d i e . Reserves: The opinions and f e e l i n g s expressed g e n e r a l l y c o r r e l a t e w i t h those r e l a t i v e to the use of the n a t i v e language. Although most of the people interviewed do not have i n t e n t i o n s to r e t u r n to l i v e there, they nevertheless have r e t a i n e d emotional t i e s . There were two female expressions of n o s t a l g i a , but as many male opinions that reserves should be abolished. As w i t h other items, the observations should not be taken i n i s o l a t i o n but r e l a t i v e to other f a c t o r s . -140-I n t e g r a t i o n and Amalgamation: There was almost unanimous expression i n favor but an i n t e r e s t i n g and under-standable p o i n t i s that the subjects a l s o have v a r y i n g degrees of attachment to t h e i r reserves and the Indian c u l t u r e . This r a i s e s the very important and p r a c t i c a l question of the p o s s i b l e p e r s o n a l i t y and f a m i l i a l c o n f l i c t s and s t r e s s e s due to c u l t u r a l l o y a l t i e s . Schools: Most subjects attended r e s i d e n t i a l schools but s e v e r a l had experiences i n i n t e g r a t e d schools as w e l l . I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that i n s p i t e of some expressed l o y a l t i e s to r e s i d e n t i a l schools, there i s almost complete unanimity f a v o r i n g attendance at i n t e g r a t e d schools. -141-TABLE 8 - Summary of Background of Subjects I . Education - some u n i v e r s i t y 5 - t e c h n i c a l or p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g 4 - high school complete 1 incomplete 3 up-grading 1 - elementary 6 I I . Residence - never l i v e d on a reserve 3 - o f f the reserve f o r l e s s than a year 2 - o f f the reserve 1 - 5 years 2 - o f f the reserve more than 5 years 12 - p r e s e n t l y on reserve 1 I I I . Type of School Attended - r e s i d e n t i a l 2 - i n t e g r a t e d 7 - both 8 - not e s t a b l i s h e d 3 IV. Speak Their Native Tongue - g e n e r a l l y only on reserve 19 - never 1 Source: Sample of Casual Contacts -142-TABLE 9 - Summary of Subjects' Opinions and Expectations I . Native Language - expects to teach i t to own c h i l d r e n 2 - i m p r a c t i c a l to have i t taught f o r m a l l y 10 - not e s t a b l i s h e d 8 I I . Reserves - favor r e t e n t i o n 4 - favor abolishment 2 - not e s t a b l i s h e d 14 I I I . S o c i a l I n t e g r a t i o n - i n favor 20 - opposed n i l IV. Amalgamation - i n favor 20 - opposed n i l V. Type of School Desired f o r Own C h i l d r e n - r e s i d e n t i a l n i l - i n t e g r a t e d 13 - both 2 - not e s t a b l i s h e d 5 Source: Sample of Casual Contacts -143-TABLE 10 - Suggested Areas For Research I . S o c i a l and P s y c h o l o g i c a l - S t a b i l i t y i n marriage (Cato,'' Dot) - Indian i d e n t i t y (denied by Cato; a matter of p r i d e f o r Ed, Hedda, Irma and Norm). - D e s i r a b i l i t y f o r an i n t r o d u c t i o n to c i t y l i f e by an Indian peer r a t h e r than by a "demagogue" or white o f f i c i a l (Alpha, Dot). - Emancipation of c h i l d r e n at an e a r l y age - r e l a t i v e to m a r i t a l consent, v o t i n g , o c c u p a t i o n a l choices (Ed, Cato). - Strong k i n s h i p t i e s i n s p i t e of emancipatory tendencies(Ed.) - Passive r o l e of Indian women (Ed, Tin a ) . - Clash of c u l t u r e s and e f f e c t of t h i s on domestic r e l a t i o n s , mental h e a l t h , e t c . ( G l o r i a , Hedda, Irma). - I n d i v i d u a l i s m (Ed, Hedda, F r a n ) . - Present o r i e n t a t i o n (Ed, Hedda, O l i , Stan). - Future o r i e n t a t i o n (Len, Joe, Kim, Hedda, G l o r i a , Fran, Irma, Cato). - Residence o f f the Reserve (Stan, Ed, Norm, Que, Rose). - P e c u l i a r experiences and dominant views of a s i g n i f i c a n t f a m i l y or k i n s h i p member (Hedda, G l o r i a , Mae, T i n a ) . - Influence of white i n s t i t u t i o n s or i n d i v i d u a l s , e.g. RCMP, CAS Reserve schools. (Ed, Ti n a ) . - The existence of a c u l t u r a l vacuum (Cato, Fran, Stan). - The prevalence of s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n . - Factors c o n t r i b u t i n g to s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n . - Indian i s o l a t i o n as a v a r i a n t of that of the white c u l t u r e . 7. Names r e f e r to respondents - ch. 7. - 1 4 4 -- D r i f t i n g as a current t r a n s i t o r y phenomenon r a t h e r than as a c u l t u r a l t r a i t ( O l i , Rose, Pat, Tina, Stan). - Indian l a c k of patronage of organized r e c r e a t i o n - a t r a i t i n common w i t h white people? - The above phenomenon as a form of r e b e l l i o n i n a h i g h l y s t r u c t u r e d s o c i e t y . E d u c a t i o n a l , Economic and P o l i t i c a l - Indian autonomy (Alpha - suggestion w i t h respect to l i q u o r c o n t r o l by a reserve body). - Status of reserves - economic i m p l i c a t i o n s (Norm, Bravo, Kim). - p s y c h o l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s ( G l o r i a , Kim, Hedda). - Educational experience r e l a t i v e to - type of schools - teachers - education and a t t i t u d e of parents. ( G l o r i a , Cato, Stan). - D r i f t i n g as r e l a t e d to education, o c c u p a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g and economic opportunity (Norm, Bravo, Fran, Que, Len, Mae, Dot). -145-A Comparison of Non-expert and Expert Views Although the focus i n questioning and purpose of inter v i e w s w i t h experts and casual Indian contacts was d i f f e r e n t , a commonality i n themes and some d i v e r -gence i n views emerged. Some of these c o i n c i d e n t a l opinions and concerns f o l l o w : Education - The experts' concerns r e l a t e d to discrepancies i n p o l i c i e s govern-ing f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e to o b t a i n an education, standards of reserve teachers, changing p a r e n t a l m o t i v a t i o n and the s u i t a b i l i t y of education given to Indians on the reserve. The non-expert Indians' preference f o r i n t e g r a t e d schools seemed as s o c i a t e d p r i m a r i l y w i t h s o c i a l f a c t o r s , but standards and p a r e n t a l a t t i t u d e s were a l s o i n d i c a t e d as h i g h l y r e l e v a n t . Law - Whereas the experts c a l l e d f o r a general study of l e g a l problems of the Indians, the i n d i v i d u a l s expressed concern f o r s p e c i f i c needs r e l a t i n g to immediate l e g a l counsel, the l e g a l i t y of a marriage, custody of c h i l d r e n , e t c . O r i e n t a t i o n to Vancouver - Non-experts suggested that t h i s be done before the Indian leaves the reserve. Some of the Indians who came to Vancouver s t r e s s e d an o r i e n t a t i o n by Indians to the c i t y a f t e r a r r i v a l . This appears to be r e l a t e d to the need f o r companionship and moral support during the i n i t i a l p e r i o d of adjustment. Reserves - Although most Indians, might consider the reserve as a home base, not a l l Indians, as the experts suggest, would r e t u r n i f there were more oppor-t u n i t i e s f o r using acquired s k i l l s . -146-Chapter V I I I - CONCLUSION In t h i s t h e s i s , we have explored the process of s o c i a l adaptation of Indians i n Vancouver and r e l a t e d i t h i s t o r i c a l l y to the meeting of the two c u l t u r e s . In our study, we found many areas i n which research could f a c i l i t a t e more e f f e c t i v e adaptation of the Indians. From the f i r s t chapter i t i s p o s s i b l e to draw conclusions which describe the o r i g i n s of the Indian-White s o c i a l adaptation problems. In a s o c i a l work case a n a l y s i s p o i n t - o f - v i e w , a f t e r having d e l i n e a t e d the problem area, i t i s customary to i d e n t i f y strengths and weaknesses as w e l l as s p e c i f i c areas f o r f u r t h e r research as a way of t r e a t i n g a problem. We i d e n t i f i e d , i n Chapter One, a theme of strength r e f l e c t e d i n the c u l t u r a l p ride of the Indian people. This theme seemed to be borne out i n the i n t e r -views described i n Chapter Seven where we found evidence of v e s t i g e s of the e a r l y s o c i a l strengths. These are demonstrated by the f a c t that the Indian people themselves are concerned about t h i s problem of adaptation and are t a k i n g p o s i t i v e steps i n c u l t u r a l adjustment. There seems to be quite a sound b a s i s w i t h i n the Indian people's value system f o r growth and change, contrary to a quotation i n Chapter Three from the Edmonton FSA. The themes of weaknesses i n the problem of adaptation were i d e n t i f i e d as stem-ming from the way the Indian people were t r e a t e d by the e a r l y White s e t t l e r s . These were described i n Chapter Two where i t was p o s s i b l e to see the i m p o s i t i o n of White values upon the p r i m i t i v e Indian c u l t u r e without respect f o r the Indian's values. The way i n which the reserve system has been handled i s a demonstration of these a t t i t u d e s . In Chapter Three we were able to see the present r e s u l t s of t h i s i m p o s i t i o n of values upon the I n d i a n s . I t seems that i n t h e i r d u o - c u l t u r a l adjustment they -147-f e e l some c o n f l i c t between strength i n t h e i r c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e and i n t e r n a l i z e d White value standards w i t h which they degrade t h e i r own c u l t u r e . Also i n Chapter Three we saw a c o n t i n u a t i o n of the " b l i n d n e s s " of White a t t i t u d e s . As was suggested i n Chapter Three, more research i s r e q u i r e d to i s o l a t e not only the problems but the u n d e r l y i n g causative f a c t o r s l e a d i n g to b e t t e r adjustment to urban l i f e . Two s i g n i f i c a n t features of the present day Indian might be noted on the b a s i s of the meeting of two c u l t u r e s . The most s t r i k i n g one i s that many Indians are unique r a t h e r than stereotyped persons. A second and concomitant po i n t that was noted e a r l i e r was that the Indian possesses a great deal of p r i d e i n h i s h e r i t a g e . This was n o t i c e a b l e even i n cases where subjects showed a p r e f e r -ence for White i n s t i t u t i o n s and ways of l i f e , e.g. i n t e g r a t e d schools, s t y l e s of dress, or favored the dominant White language r a t h e r than t h e i r own and s t a t e d that they were g e n e r a l l y i n favor of s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n or amalgamation. These same i n d i v i d u a l s pointed w i t h p r i d e to t h e i r a b i l i t y , e.g. to c o r r e c t a White man who possessed l e s s t e c h n i c a l competence. These same v e s t i g e s of j u s t i f i -able p r i d e w i l l undoubtedly remain and be r e - e n k i n d l e d from time to time i n the hearts of i n d i v i d u a l s who w i l l transmit these q u a l i t i e s to the next generation. In the Indians' struggle at the beginning of the Century to preserve t h e i r r a c e , questions of a c c u l t u r a t i o n were paramount. In adapting t h e i r way of l i f e , the Indians a s s o c i a t e d more often w i t h the White c u l t u r e . They g r a d u a l l y i n t e r -married, or became disposed i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n , but t h e i r acceptance of the White c u l t u r e has been often only of a nominal nature. In attempting to i s o l a t e Indian problems, i t soon became apparent that there was no s i n g l e main b a r r i e r which the i n d i v i d u a l encountered. Even w i t h i n the same f a m i l y , s e v e r a l d i s t i n c t forces may be operable and these may v a r i o u s l y -148-a f f e c t d i f f e r e n t members i n p e c u l i a r ways, depending upon p e r s o n a l i t y f a c t o r s , the unique experiences of the s u b j e c t s , i n t r a - f a m i l i a l and environmental personal and i n s t i t u t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , b i a s e s , e t c . The emphasis i n research should be to a s s i s t the Indian w i t h t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l p e r s o n a l i t y d i f f e r e n c e s , to help them i n whatever way they choose aspects of our s o c i e t y ' s ways and i n s t i t u t i o n s . Chapter Three has r e f e r r e d to the concept of d u o - c u l t u r a l adjustment and the Indian p e r s o n a l i t y as composed of three 1 s e l v e s , the I n d i a n , the White and the c o n s t i t u e n t described as " i n Limbo". Because the a s s i m i l a t i o n process i s a gradual one and v a r i o u s l y a f f e c t s i n d i v i -d u a l s , i t would be d i f f i c u l t to design research to determine the q u a n t i t a t i v e and q u a l i t a t i v e aspects of the three s e l v e s . Furthermore, such research might be u n n e c e s s a r i l y inhuman and p r y i n g . While these observations on d u o - c u l t u r a l adjustment have a b a s i s i n f a c t and merit c o n s i d e r a t i o n , t h i s nevertheless seems to be a negative approach to the general problem. Indians are a t t r a c t e d by i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s such as g u i t a r s , c o n v e r t i b l e s , d i e s e l s , power t o o l s , b i k i n i s , e t c . The emphasis should be on accommodating the i n d i v i d u a l p e r s o n a l i t y d i f f e r e n c e s as these people endeavour to adjust to some of our s o c i e t y ' s ways and i n s t i t u t i o n s . I t should be remembered that there are a p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y large number of White people making s i m i l a r attempts to adjust to White crazes and engineered changes. An area of weakness i n doing research i n the problem of Indian adaptation was found i n the a t t i t u d e s of some Indians and Whites who are i n e f f e c t the 1. FSA " P r o j e c t Report - Indian Youth C o u n s e l l i n g - Edmonton" January 4, 1965. p.9. -149-"research-consumers"}~ In Chapters Five and S i x we saw some negative a t t i t u d e s which had the e f f e c t of impeding understanding and planning. We found that the "research-consumers" were unable to see the values of research as a sound t h e o r e t i c a l b a s i s f o r a c t i o n r a t h e r than to supply immediate answers f o r p r a c t i -c a l problems. I t would be b e n e f i c i a l to do research i n t o the mental h e a l t h i m p l i c a t i o n s of d u o - c u l t u r a l adjustment. There needs to be a more thorough and s o p h i s t i c a t e d understanding of the Indian's preference and wishes. An example of our appar-ent l a c k of understanding would be the advice given by people i n a u t h o r i t a t i v e p o s i t i o n s to young Indian a r r i v a l s to Vancouver that they stay away from s p e c i f i c clubs i n the s k i d road area. This k i n d of advice does not consider the f a c t that the s k i d road area may meet many of the Indian needs and may be congruent to the Indian's patterns of s o c i a l behaviour. Our f i n a l conclusions are with s p e c i f i c respect to the use of a c t i o n research. John Madge notes the aims of E n g l i s h experiments of a c t i o n research as: "To study the p s y c h o l o g i c a l and s o c i a l forces a f f e c t i n g the group l i f e , morale and p r o d u c t i v i t y of a s i n g l e ... community; to develop more e f f e c t i v e ways of r e s o l v i n g s o c i a l s t r e s s e s : and to f a c i l i t a t e agreed 2 and d e s i r e d s o c i a l change". In t e s t i n g and ap p l y i n g the research areas suggested i n the preceeding chapters, 1. R u s s e l l Akoff. The Design of S o c i a l Research. Chicago and London, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1953. p.17. 2. John Madge, The Tools of S o c i a l Change. (London, Longmans Green and Co. Ltd.) 1963. p.136. -150-research might occupy i t s e l f with communications theory, i . e . , the n e c e s s i t y of a mutual understanding of c u l t u r e s to avoid confusion i n the encoding-1 decoding process. Systems theory r e l a t i v e to such items as education, law enforcement, the l i q u o r problem, churches, p r o d u c t i o n , the n e c e s s i t y f o r free l e g a l a i d , independence at the age of eighteen and the i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s r e l a t i v e to v o t i n g , marriage, l i q u o r consumption e t c . could be a l s o considered. This type of research seems to be more c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the present expec-t a t i o n s of "research-consumers". I t i s a l s o a p o s s i b l e way of connecting i d e n t i f i e d themes of strength and weakness i n the Indian c u l t u r e w i t h research i n t o the problem of Indian-White s o c i a l a d a p t a t i o n . For example, t h i s type of research would appear to be p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l e v a n t to two recent programmes; Th 2 Company of Young Canadians , and the Community Development programme i n i t i a t e d by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch. As s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n and amalgamation a f f e c t more and more i n d i v i d u a l s , the Indians w i l l a t t a i n an a c t u a l s t a t e of greater e q u a l i t y and w i l l consequently be free to adapt those features of the White c u l t u r e which they d e s i r e . When t h i s happens, the nominal acceptance r e f e r r e d to w i l l s lowly give place to a more genuine understanding and i n c o r p o r a t i o n of that which i s now a l i e n , but u s e f u l . Before t h i s can happen, the Indian's present l e g a l e q u a l i t y and econo-3 mic l i b e r t y w i l l have to be supported by t a n g i b l e means i n order to help him a t t a i n d e s i r e d academic, v o c a t i o n a l and p r o f e s s i o n a l g o a l s , and, by these means whatever o b j e c t i v e s he wishes to f o l l o w w i t h i n the c u l t u r a l m i l i e u he chooses. 1. Marion J . Kargbo. Musqueam Indian Reserve, Master of S o c i a l Work Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1965. 2. A.G.Cue. Vancouver Regional Development O f f i c e r , CYC i n a statement to a group of students on March 28, 1966 s t a t e d that the Company was i n t e r e s t e d i n a c t i o n research. 3. R. H. Tawney. E q u a l i t y . New York, C a p r i c o r n , (1961) p.105. -151-BIBLIOGRAPHY P u b l i c Documents B r i t i s h Columbia Heritage Series: Our Native People. Coast S a l i s h , S e ries I , V o l . 2, V i c t o r i a , 195 2. . I n t r o d u c t i o n to our N a t i v e s , Series I , V o l . 1, V i c t o r i a 1952. Canada. Annual Reports of the B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Advisory Commission. V i c t o r i a , Queen's P r i n t e r . 1960 - 1964. Canada. Annual Reports of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch. Ottawa, Queen's P r i n t e r 1960, 1961, 1962, 1963, 1965. Canada. Indian A f f a i r s Branch, Department of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration, Canada. "Indian i n T r a n s i t i o n : Education" Ottawa, Queen's P r i n t e r . 1962. Canada. Indian A f f a i r s Branch, Department of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration Canada. The Indian Today. Ottawa, Queen's P r i n t e r . 1964. Duff, Wilson. The Impact of the White Man. ( The Indian H i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia., V o l . 1. Anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Memoir No.5.) V i c t o r i a , Queen's P r i n t e r , 1964. Lagasse, Jean H. The People of Indian Ancestry i n Manitoba. Winnipeg, Manitoba, Queen's P r i n t e r , 1959. Books Abbott, F r e d e r i c k H. The A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of Indian A f f a i r s i n Canada. Washington, D.C. Board of Indian Commissioners, 1915. Ak o f f , Russel L. The Design of S o c i a l Research. Chicago and London, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1953. Andrews, R.W. Indian P r i m i t i v e . S e a t t l e , Superior P u b l i s h i n g Company. 1960 Barbeau, Marius. The Downfall of Temlaham. Toronto, The Macmillan Company of Canada L i m i t e d , 1928. . Indian Days i n the Canadian Rockies. Toronto, The Macmillan Company of Canada L i m i t e d , 1923. . Indian Days on the Western P r a i r i e s . Ottawa, The Queen's P r i n t e r and C o n t r o l l e r of S t a t i o n e r y , 1960. Buckly, Helen. The Indians and Met i s of Northern Saskatchewan. Saskatoon, Center f o r Communities Study, 1963. -152-BIBLIOGRAPHY. Campbell, Ronald. The Story of the Totem. Vancouver, B.C. The C i t i z e n P r i n t i n g and P u b l i s h i n g Co., 1924. Canadian Superintendent. The Education of Indian C h i l d r e n i n Canada. Toronto. The Ryerson Press, 1965. Crosby, Thomas. Up and Down the North P a c i f i c Coast. Toronto, M i s s i o n a r y Soc i e t y of the Methodist Church, 1914. C u r t i s , Edward. S. In the Land of the Head-Hunters. New York, Yonkers-on-Hudson, 1915. E r i k s o n , E r i k . Childhood and Soci e t y. New York, W.W. Norton and Co. I n c . , 1963. Goffman, E r v i n g . Stigma. New Je r s e y , P r e n t i c e - H a l l , I n . , 1965. H a l l i d a y , W.M. P o t l a t c h and Totem. London & Toronto, J.M. Dent & Sons L t d . , 1935. Hawthorn, H.B..Belshaw, C.S., Jamieson, S.M. The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia: A Study of Contemporary S o c i a l Adjustment. Toronto, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1960. Hobart, Charles W. "Non-Whites i n Canada; I n d i a n s , Eskimos, Negroes", S o c i a l Problems; A Canadian P r o f i l e ed. Richard L a s k i n , New York, Toronto, London, McGraw-Hill Co. of Canada L t d . , 1964. Hoffman, M a r t i n L. and Hoffman, ed. L o i s Wladis. Review of C h i l d Development  Research. New York, R u s s e l l Sage Foundation, 1964. Je n k i n s , M i l d r e d . Before The White Man Came. Oregon, B i n f o r d and Mort, 1951 Kaufman, M. Ralph and Heiman, M a r c e l , ed. E v o l u t i o n of Psychosomatic Concepts; Anorexia Nervosa: A Paradigm. New York, I n t e r n a t i o n a l U n i v e r s i t i e s P r ess, (1964). L a V i o l e t t e , F o r r e s t E. The Struggle f o r S u r v i v a l . Toronto, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1961. Leechman, Douglas. Native Tribes of Canada. Toronto, W.J.Gage & Co. L t d . 1957, Maclean, John. The Indians, Their Manners and.Customs. Toronto, 1907. Madge, John, The Tools of S o c i a l Change. (London) Longmans Green & Co. L t d . 1963. M o r r i s , W i l l i a m . "The P l i g h t of the Indian i n Canada". S o c i a l Problems; A  Canadian P r o f i l e ed. Richard L a s k i n , New York, Toronto, London, McGraw-Hill Co. "of Canada L t d . , 1964. -153-BIBLIOGRAPHY Polansky, Norman, ed. S o c i a l Work Research. Chicago & London, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1960. Robertson, J . ed. The Way of the Indian. Toronto, C.B.C. P u b l i c a t i o n , 1963. S c o t t , Duncan Campbell. The A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of Indian A f f a i r s i n Canada. The Canadian I n s t i t u t e of I n t e r n a t i o n a l A f f a i r s . , 1931 S e l l i t z , C l a i r e , et a l . eds. Research Methods i n S o c i a l R e l a t i o n s . (New York) H o l t , Rinehart & Winston, 1962. S i e g e l , Bernard J . ed. A c c u l t u r a t i o n : C r i t i c a l A b s t r a c t s , North America. Stanford, C a l i f o r n i a , Stanford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1955. S p i n d l e r , G.D. and S p i n d l e r , L.S. "American Indian P e r s o n a l i t y Types and Their S o c i o c u l t u r a l Roots". P e r s o n a l i t y and S o c i a l Systems N e i l J . Smelser and W i l l i a m T. Smelser, eds. New York, John Wiley and Sons, I n c . , (1964) Strong, Emory M. Stone Age on the Columbia R i v e r . Oregon, B i n f o r d & Mort, P u b l i s h e r s , 1959. Tawney R. H. E q u a l i t y . New York, C a p r i c o r n , (1961) Whittington R. The B r i t i s h Columbia Indian and His Future. Toronto, Methodist Church Canada. Wilensky, Harold, and Lebeaux, Charles. I n d u s t r i a l S o c i e t y and S o c i a l Welfare. P h i l a d e l p h i a , Pa., R u s s e l l Sage Foundation, Wm. T. F e l l Co., 1958. W i l l m o t t , J i l l A. ed. The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia UBC, Department of U n i v e r s i t y E x t e n s i o n , January 1963. A r t i c l e s and P e r i o d i c a l s Motherwell, E l i z a b e t h and Beckett, Barbara. " A Basic Indian Problem and a Basic Indian S p l i t " The Province (Vancouver) 5 February 1966 (The Canadiana) M u l v i h i l l , James P., (O.M.I.) The Dilemma f o r our Indian People. Reprint of Seven A r t i c l e s on Indian A f f a i r s ... w r i t t e n s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r the Oblate News, 1965". Roy, P r o d i p t o . "The Measurement of A s s i m i l a t i o n : The Spokane I n d i a n " . The American J o u r n a l of Sociology. V o l . 67. (March 1962) Wax, Murray and R o s a l i e et a l . "Formal Education i n an American Community", Supplement to S o c i a l Problems, V o l . II,No.4 (Spring 1964) Western, Maurice. "War On Poverty S t a r t s With Our Indians". The Vancouver Sun. March. 1966. -154-BIBLIOGRAPHY Reports B r i t i s h Columbia Indian A r t s and Welfare S o c i e t y . A Conference of Indian  Business Men. V i c t o r i a , B.C. Indian A r t s and Welfare S o c i e t y , 1958. Camper Duck News. January and February 1966 issue published and p r i n t e d i n C a m p e r v i l l e , Manitoba. C a r r o l l , J.E. (Hon.) Partn e r s h i p i n Community Development. Manitoba Depart-ment of S o c i a l Welfare, October 1963. Cue, A.G. C o n s u l t a t i o n Reports on Vancouver Indian Centre. Vancouver Community Chest and C o u n c i l s , February, 1965. Family Service A s s o c i a t i o n . " P r o j e c t Report-Indian Youth C o u n s e l l i n g -Edmonton", January 4, 1965. Indian and Eskimo Welfare Commission. R e s i d e n t i a l Education f o r Indian  A c c u l t u r a t i o n . Ottawa, Oblate Fathers i n Canada, 1958. Lagasse, Jean H. "Community Development i n Manitoba" Human Organization Volume 20 -4, Winter 1961 - 1962. Marcuse, B. Report to the Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area Committee on the Canadian Indian i n an Urban Community  (Vancouver), May, 1961. P r a i r i e C a l l . Winnipeg, Manitoba, Indian & Metis Fr i e n d s h i p Centre, Nov-Dec. 1965. Report on the Th i r d F r i e n d s h i p Centre T r a i n i n g Course. Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, Fr i e n d s h i p Centre, November 8 - 1 3 , 1965. Second Annual Report. Vancouver Indian Centre S o c i e t y , June 12, 1965. Study of Problems of Canadian Indians i n Urban Communities. S o c i a l planning s e c t i o n C.C.C. Vancouver, February 1962. Th i r d Annual Meeting of the Vancouver Indian Centre. Vancouver Indian Centre S o c i e t y , February 5, 1966. Vancouver Indian Centre C o n s t i t u t i o n (Revised) Vancouver Indian Centre S o c i e t y , 1965. -155-BIBLIOGRAPHY Theses Evans, M a r j o r i e , Gertrude. Fellowship Centres f o r Urban Canadian Indians Masters of S o c i a l Work Th e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1961. Kargbo, Marion, J u d i t h , Tanner. Musqueam Indian Reserve: A Case Study for Community Development Purposes. Master of S o c i a l Work T h e s i s , Univer-s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1965. Pa t t e r s o n , I I , E. Palmer. Andrew P a u l l and Canadian Indian Resurgence. Doctor of Philosophy D i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, 1962. Presant, Joan E l i z a b e t h . The Indian A f f a i r s Branch of Canada. An Aspect of  A c c u l t u r a t i o n . Master of A r t s T h e s i s , C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y , 1964. Rohner, Ronald Preston. Ethnography of a Contemporary Kwakiutl V i l l a g e . G i l f o r d I s l a n d Band. Doctor of Philosophy D i s s e r t a t i o n , Stanford U n i v e r s i t y , 1964. Toren, C y r i l K i r b y . Indian Housing and Welfare. Master of S o c i a l Work Thesis U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1957. Zeleny, Carolyn. Governmental Treatment of the Indian Problem i n Canada. Master of A r t s T h e s i s , Yale U n i v e r s i t y , 1941. Other Sources Company of Young Canadian, Federal B u i l d i n g , Vancouver, Student Seminar with A. G. Cue, Vancouver Regional Development O f f i c e r . C.Y.C., March 28, 1966. 

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