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Study of the philosophy and social welfare policy of the New Democratic Party of British Columbia : a… Gibson, Julia-Anne Kathleen 1966

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i A STUDY OF THE PHILOSOPHY AND SOCIAL WELFARE  POLICY OF THE NEW DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A Descriptive Study of the Origins and Basic Tenets of the New Democratic Party and of i t s significance i n the Social Welfare Philosophy of the New Democratic Movement as i t has emerged i n B r i t i s h Columbia. by JULIA-ANNE KATHLEEN GIBSON ' FREDERICK ANGUS GUNN LARRY ANDREW HARDING DONNA MAE HAMAR JOHN TERRANCE POLLARD Thesis Submitted i n P a r t i a l Fulfilment of the Requirements f o r the Degree of MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK i n the School of Soc i a l Work Accepted as conforming to the standard required f o r the degree of Master of Soc i a l Work School of So c i a l Work 1 9 6 6 The University of B r i t i s h Columbia In presenting t h i s thesis in- p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Li b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. I t i s understood that copying or pu b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. School of Social Work The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. 11 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Chapter 1. Introduction: Historical and Philosophical Perspective: Theoretical basis from the nineteenth century. Pre- World War I in B.C. Influence of World War I and the Russian Revolu-tion. Post-World War I Period. The development of Socialist Parties on the Prairies. The League for Social Reconstruction. The Calgary-Conference. The Regina Manifesto and the formation of the B.C. Branch of the CCF. The Depression Years in B.C. and the 1937 CCF Platform. World War II and the 1940's. The 1950's and the Winnipeg Declaration. Events leading to the founding of the New Democratic Party 1 Chapter 2. Social Welfare Policy Resolutions and Policy State-ments from Annual Provincial Conventions: Introduction - Purpose, material. Party Organization and Structure. Philosophy and Principles. Socialization. Social Security. Automation. Child Welfare. Conclusion 41 Chapter 3* Analysis of the Questionnaire: General Introduction. Distribution and analysis of statistical variables. Characteristics and conclusions of specific welfare policy questions. Statistical analysis of the four variables and general welfare areas outlined within the thesis. Conclu-sion 69 Chapter 4. Leadership and Social Welfare Policy: Analysis of Interviews: (1) with R.M. Strachan, Provincial Leader of the NDP; (2) with E.P. O'Neal, Secretary Treasurer of the B.C. Federation of Labour, member of the NDP Provincial Executive; (3) with David Barrett, MLA, welfare spokesman of the NDP. Includes respondents' views on socialism and social welfare, attitude towards the Welfare State, aspects of a social welfare program, conclusion 101 Chapter 5* General Conclusions 151 Appendices: A. Manifesto of the League for Social Reconstruction, 1932. B. Calgary Conference - 8 points, 1932. C. Regina Manifesto, 1933-D. CCF (B.C.) Provincial Platform, 1933. E. CCF (B.C.) Provincial Platform, 1937. F. Winnipeg Declaration of Principles, 1956. G. Resolution passed at the Canadian Labour Congress Convention held at Winnipeg, 1958. i i i H. R e s o l u t i o n passed at the GCF N a t i o n a l Convention held i n Montreal, 1958. I . Exerpts from the 1965 NDP Annual Convention. J . Questionnaire sent to NDP MLA's, P r o v i n c i a l E x e c u t i v e , and random sample of party members. K. Interview Schedules: (1) R.M. Strachan (2) E.P. O'Neal (3) David B a r r e t t L. B i b l i o g r a p h y TABLES IN THE TEXT Page Table 1. D i s t r i b u t i o n by Age 73 Table 2. D i s t r i b u t i o n by Age of Rank and F i l e and o t h e r s . . . . 73 Table 3. D i s t r i b u t i o n by Education 74 Table 4. D i s t r i b u t i o n by Occupation 75 Table 5. D i s t r i b u t i o n by P o s i t i o n and Occupation i n the NDP. 76 Table 6. D i s t r i b u t i o n by Year of J o i n i n g CCF-NDP 76 Table 7. D i s t r i b u t i o n by P o s i t i o n i n the P a r t y 77 Table 8. D i s t r i b u t i o n bf 'Most Urgent' P r i o r i t i e s i n Welfare and non-welfare Areas . 79 Table 9. D i s t r i b u t i o n of Major Causes of C h i l d Neglect 85 Table 10. D i s t r i b u t i o n of Most E f f e c t i v e Method of R e s o l v i n g J u v e n i l e Delinquency 86 Table 11. D i s t r i b u t i o n of Welfare P r i o r i t i e s #9 i v ABSTRACT The p o l i c y of a p o l i t i c a l party r e f l e c t s i t s philosophy and h i s t o r i c a l background. S o c i a l welfare has become an i n t e g r a l part of our modern s o c i e t y and as a r e s u l t a major concern of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . Therefore, s p e c i f i c p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s w i l l have s o c i a l w e l f a r e p o l i c i e s based on t h e i r p h i l o s o p h i c a l views. The subject of t h i s t h e s i s i s the philosophy of the New Demo-c r a t i c Party of B r i t i s h Columbia and i t s s o c i a l welfare p o l i c i e s . T h i s t h e s i s has examined the h i s t o r i c a l development of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation-New Democratic P a r t y from i t s i n c e p t i o n . I n doing t h i s the h i s t o r y of s o c i a l i s m has been explored from the e a r l y 19th century i n Europe. The s o c i a l i s t movement began i t s development i n Canada i n the e a r l y 1900Ts and has evolved from a t h e o r e t i c a l s o c i a l i s t base (emphasis on the c l a s s struggle) t o an e s s e n t i a l l y welfare s t a t e focus. The methods used to o b t a i n t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n were drawn from a review of h i s t o r i c a l l i t e r a t u r e and i n t e r v i e w s . The r e s o l u t i o n s which were examined from the convention proceedings d i d not demonstrate t h i s movement to welfare s t a t i s m so completely, since a l a r g e group i n the Party g i v e s a higher p r i o r i t y t o economic reforms. A q u e s t i o n n a i r e , sent to a sample of the New Democratic Party membership, i n d i c a t e d t h a t there was a great d e a l of con-s i s t e n c y among them i n f a v o r of the welfare s t a t e . The t h e s i s i s , to our knowledge, the f i r s t attempt at pro-v i d i n g a comprehensive review which l i n k s the philosophy of the New Democratic P a r t y t o t h e i r s o c i a l welfare p o l i c y . Because p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s p l a y a major r o l e i n the genesis and develop-ment of welfare programs, i t i s e s s e n t i a l to the p u b l i c , and to persons d i r e c t l y concerned with s o c i a l w e l f a r e , t h a t accurate d e s c r i p t i o n s of philosophy and p o l i c i e s of i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i e s be a v a i l a b l e . T h i s t h e s i s has been an attempt to provide such a d e s c r i p t i o n with respect t o the New Democratic P a r t y . V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We wish to express our sincere thanks to the Boag Foundation for t h e i r sponsorship of t h i s t h e s i s . We also wish to thank Mr. David Barratt, Mr. R.M. Strachan, Mr. E.P. O'Neal, Mrs. L. Baggen and Mr. John Wood, who gave t h e i r valuable time and cooperative assistance. Also, we extend our gratitude to Mr. E. H a l l and Mr. C.B. Lytle of the New Democratic Party p r o v i n c i a l o f f i c e f o r t h e i r valuable time and energy i n providing access to records and information. S i m i l a r l y we would l i k e to express thanks to those persons who responded to our questionnaire. To those at the school of S o c i a l Work, UBC, we extend thanks to Dr. G. Hamilton, and p a r t i c u l a r l y to Professor Ben Chud for h i s support and guidance. A STUDY OF THE PHILOSOPHY AND SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY OF THE NEW DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION: HISTORICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL PERSPECTIVE In t h i s chapter an attempt w i l l be made to trace the p h i l o -sophical and h i s t o r i c a l development of the New Democratic Party. The purpose w i l l be to dis t i n g u i s h changes i n i t s general policy and program which have affected i t s philosophy. The contributions of the various s i g n i f i c a n t t h e o r i s t s and protest groups w i l l be reviewed b r i e f l y . Because the s o c i a l i s t movement i s an i n t e r -national one, i t has been necessary to go beyond the borders of Canada, e s p e c i a l l y f o r reference to t h e o r i s t s of other countries. Thus, our own indigenous Canadian movement was affected by writ i n g s , experiences and events both i n and outside Canada. Moreover, i t w i l l be shown that the s o c i a l i s t movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia played, a v i t a l r o l e i n the development of t h i s d i s t i n c t Canadian S o c i a l Democracy. This chapter w i l l also t r y to show the rel a t i o n s h i p of the evolving philosophy of S o c i a l Democracy to Soc i a l Welfare. Beginning with the philosophy of early s o c i a l i s t f a c t i o n s , and proceeding to that of the Go-operative Commonwealth Federation, and of the more recent New Democratic Party, i t w i l l be shown that the tendency of the s o c i a l i s t movement toward welfare statlsm i s in e v i t a b l y l i n t e l with a growing concern f o r s o c i a l welfare p o l i c y and program. 2 T h e o r e t i c a l B a s i s from the Nineteenth Century During the years of forming a philosophy, changing i t s name, and s t r u g g l i n g t o e s t a b l i s h a stronghold i n the modern p o l i t i c a l sphere, Democratic S o c i a l i s m , as we know i t today, has had a very unique and a c t u a l l y q u i t e confusing h i s t o r y . Perhaps the genesis of Democratic S o c i a l i s m can be t r a c e d t o Robert Owen (1771 - 1356*), a B r i t i s h c a p i t a l i s t who was one of the f i r s t to work f o r economic and s o c i a l reform. He b e l i e v e d t h a t : "the e v i l s of h i s s o c i e t y were due t o circum-stances r a t h e r than to the depravity o f man, and he was convinced t h a t , j u s t as crime and degrad-a t i o n were the r e s u l t of s p e c i f i c s o c i a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s , education i n a new e n v i r o n -ment could produce human beings endowed w i t h r a t i o n a l i t y , h a b i t s of order, r e g u l a r i t y , temper-ance, and i n d u s t r y . " I From h i s w r i t i n g s and reform a c t i v i t i e s , one can conclude t h a t he saw unemployment as the cause of human misery and education as the key to s o l v i n g the whole problem. However, Owen was very much agains t the working c l a s s r i s i n g t o g a i n p o l i t i c a l power. He b e l i e v e d i n the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c p r i n c i p l e o f ' s e l f - h e l p * — primar-i l y through the trade unions and co-operatives which he helped develop. But t h i s i s only one of t h e f i r s t i n f l u e n c e s i n the development of Democratic S o c i a l i s m as i t s p e c i f i c a l l y e x i s t s t o -day i n B.C. Of even more s i g n i f i c a n c e was Marx's t h e o r e t i c a l proposal f o r the complete ownership of the means of production. Marx's b e l i e f , though, was t h a t t h i s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n could occur only by r e v o l u t i o n . However, as p o l i t i c a l freedom i n Germany was r e s t r i c t e d by the Bismarck a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , Marx had t o go to •••William Ebenstein, Today's Isms. P r e n t i c e - H a l l , I n c . , Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey, 1958, p. 198. 2 I b i d . . p. 199 3 England to have these views published. In 1848 he and Frederick Engels published the Communist Manifesto f o r the German Communist Party. By doing t h i s Marx spread h i s party's theories and p o l i -cies sooner than would o r d i n a r i l y have occurred. In 1873 when two B r i t i s h protest groups had been formed, one, the S o c i a l Demo-c r a t i c Federation, supported Marx's revolutionary p o l i t i c a l program; the other, the Fabian Society, disagreed with Marx and tended to adopt a more reformist approach. However, the two groups were able to compromise and resolve t h e i r differences, the r e s u l t being the Independent Labour Party. This party was the f i r s t to gain the outright support of many trade unions (e s p e c i a l l y those of the u n s k i l l e d workers). Then i n 1904 the S o c i a l i s t Party of B r i t a i n was formed — the party responsible for r e c r u i t i n g and educating many of B.C.'s pioneers of socialism. Since the Communist Manifesto has had a continuing e f f e c t on socialism i t would be of some value to describe some of i t s p r i n c i p l e s , as outlined by Marx. Marx saw the reform systems of Owen (England) Fourier (France) and others as a r i s i n g p r i m a r i l y because they looked upon the working class "... as being the most suffering class. Only from the point of view of being the most suffering class does the p r o l e t a r i a t exist f o r them."3 He rejected t h e i r attempts as useless because they s t i l l retained the basic s o c i a l order — with i t s continuation of a c a p i t a l i s t i c r u l i n g class. They advocated change through peaceful rather than r e v o l -utionary means, and at a slow, gradual rate rather than sudden and complete. He f e l t t h e i r proposals were ^ t o p i a n * ^ ; he saw 3fCarl Marx and Frederick Engels, Manifesto of the Communist  Party, edited and annotated by Frederick Engels, 182j;8, William Reeves, London, England, p. 28. 4 I b i d . , p. 29 4 them as being doomed to f a i l u r e because there remained a need to "...appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois."- 5 The Communists, f o r whom Marx was w r i t i n g the Communist Manifesto, were advocating a method by which immediate aims could be a t -tained. This was by revolution rather than by drawn-out peaceful steps. He outlined how the p r o l e t a r i a t must, by revolution, be-come the r u l i n g c l a s s . Then i t " . . . w i l l use i t s p o l i t i c a l supremacy to wrest, by degrees, a l l c a p i t a l from the bourgeoisie, to c e n tralize a l l instruments of production i n the hands of the State, i . e . of the p r o l e t a r i a t organized as the r u l i n g class; and to increase the t o t a l of productive forces as r a p i d l y as possible.' Thus h i s strongest and basic arguments centered around the fact that s o c i a l conditions could only be e f f e c t i v e l y and immediately reformed by the f o r c i b l e overthrow of the e x i s t i n g order. Pre-World War I i n B r i t i s h Columbia For the f i r s t while a f t e r B.C. became a province i n l£71 there was no c l e a r l y defined party system. This resulted i n a number of disrupting changes' i n government u n t i l a party system was established i n 1903. The beginning B.C. party system f i r s t r e f l e c t e d the federal pattern of power — L i b e r a l and Conservative strength and a few s o c i a l i s t and labour independents. "From i t s inception, the party system was characterized by a minor protest vote and t h i r d p a r t i e s . These protest parties were small working-class organizations." Their beginnings and development have been 5loc. c i t . 6 I b i d . , p. 21 7T.M. Stanford, The P o l i t i c s of Protest: The CCF and Social  Credit League of B.C.. a thesis presented for the Doctor of P h i l -osophy degree at the University of C a l i f o r n i a , 1961, p. ?6. 5 traced i n extensive d e t a i l by Ronald Grantham i n h i s the s i s i n 1942 t i t l e d Some Aspects of the S o c i a l i s t Movement i n B.C. —  1898 to 1933. but t h i s presentation w i l l be more s p e c i f i c a l l y concerned with the o v e r a l l philosophy of t h i s same s o c i a l i s t movement. During the Pre-World War I period a number of s o c i a l i s t clubs were organized and disbanded i n B.C. To name a few: P r o v i n c i a l Progressive Party (1902), United S o c i a l i s t Labour Party (1900), S o c i a l i s t Party of B.C. (1902), S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada (1904), and S o c i a l Democratic Party (1907). For the f i r s t while, though, t h e i r concern centered mainly on federal issues* P h i l o s o p h i c a l l y , these factions were primarily based on Marxian ideology and drew many of t h e i r members from the lumber, mining and f i s h i n g trade unions as w e l l as from many immigrant groups. However, t h e i r effectiveness was l i m i t e d because they f a i l e d to produce enough p r a c t i c a l proposals around current issues (old age pensions, em-ployment, compensation, e t c . ) . They were a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t and spent a great deal of time on th e o r e t i c a l attacks on the p r e v a i l -ing democratic system. Their e f f o r t s were centered on l i t e r a r y work which was made available i n the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada's o f f i c i a l organ, the Western Clarion. "The S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada ... was devoted to the Marxian philosophy of socialism. Their discussion proceeded on a very high scholastic plane. One has only to read a number of issues of t h e i r paper, the Western Cl a r i o n , to r e a l i z e that the journalism there displayed could have been penned only by men who were t r u l y Marxian scholars." 8 °Douglas P. Clark, Some Aspects of the Development of the  CCF i n B.C.. essay submitted f o r undergraduate credit i n the Department of History, U.B.C, October 1, 1945, p. 5. 6 Influence of World War I and the Russian Revolution Labour aligned i t s e l f to the s o c i a l i s t movement during the Great War as i t shared the s o c i a l i s t protest against conscription, and both movements had been involved i n the s t r i k e s of 1912 - 1913• Together they saw the war as a new business proposition of the c a p i t a l i s t s and were therefore most c r i t i c a l of Canada's support of i t . This attitude did not draw members as most Canadians agreed with the war aims. Also, a great many supporters l e f t the movement immediately a f t e r the war because of the Russian Revol-uti o n and the aftermath of propaganda against i t . "The Russian Revolution and the r e s u l t i n g formation of communist groups i n the United States and Canada caused a s p l i t i n the S o c i a l i s t Party from which i t never recovered."9 The s o c i a l i s t s were at f i r s t j u b i l a n t that the Bolsheviks had crushed Gzarism, and " . . . r a d i c a l s everywhere saw the Russians as the pioneers of a new freedom, at least f o r a while... However, i t was not many months before threads of doubt and disillusionment began to weave through the rosy-colored picture of the new society i n the Soviet Union."^ Warnings spread abroad regarding the d i c t a t o r s h i p and i t s slavery overtones. Those i n Canada, and e s p e c i a l l y i n B.C., who were skeptical and c r i t i c a l of what the Russian Communist Party was doing, became alienated from those who wanted to p u b l i c l y applaud the Russians f o r t h e i r p o l i t i c a l f e ats. This caused many s p l i t s , e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the 1921 formation of the Workers' Party (B.C. branch i n 1922). The main s p l i t s within the movement ^Dorothy Steeves, The Compassionate Rebel. Evergreen Press Ltd., Vancouver, I960, p. 71. 1 Q L o c . C i t . 7 occurred during t h i s period because some of the members considered themselves s o c i a l i s t but not communist; others were defecting to the more r a d i c a l Communist Movement; and there were also many who, i n the c o n f l i c t and confusion, l o s t t h e i r p o l i t i c a l enthusiasm and merely dropped out. Post-World War I Period As f a r as one can gather from the a r t i c l e s of the Western  Clarion.the s o c i a l i s t program during the early 1920's was quite r a d i c a l . E d i t o r i a l s were often emphatic attacks on capitalism and the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l order. A very grim picture was painted of the Canadian worker who was being oppressed and enmeshed i n the p r e v a i l i n g 'Glass Struggle*. Oftentimes the cause was c a l l e d the Marxian S o c i a l i s t Movement and numerous a r t i c l e s were written on the biographies of Marx and Lenin and, respectively, on t h e i r theories and programs. During t h i s time the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada (B.C. Section) continued to have a great deal of i n t e r e s t i n the Russian scene. Also, the labour and s o c i a l i s t movements made further constructive attempts to unify. This goal was not to be accomplished f o r some years yet, but an important step was made i n that general d i r e c t i o n . In 1925 representatives from the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada and the Labour Parties (formed by Labour Councils) met at the request of the Federated Labour Party. This meeting resulted i n the loose, u n o f f i c i a l establishment of the Independent Labour Party. I t c l a r i f i e d the s i m i l a r i t i e s between the p a r t i c i p a t i n g groups and formulated a working arrangement for the next B.C. e l e c t i o n . The I.L;P. rejected the e x i s t i n g c a p i t a l -i s t i c system, esp e c i a l l y with regard to the natural resources (lands, f o r e s t s , mines, f i s h e r i e s ) and t h e i r secondary in d u s t r i e s ( m i l l s , f a c t o r i e s ) . I t s policy was d e f i n i t e l y a worker's cause 8 as evidenced i n i t s advocacy of c o l l e c t i v e ownership to eliminate e x p l o i t a t i o n and p r o f i t e e r i n g . In 1932 the I.L.P. adopted the t i t l e of i t s a f f i l i a t e , the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada, and o f f i c -i a l l y based i t s policy on Marxian doctrine. This party l a t e r appointed two delegates, Angus Maclnnis and J.W. Hope to attend a J u l y , 1932 conference i n Calgary. This conference was the direct forerunner to the Regina Conference and the Establishment of the National Co-operative Commonwealth Federation. The Development of S o c i a l i s t Parties on the P r a i r i e s Meanwhile across the Rockies and onto the p r a i r i e s a l l was not peaceful p o l i t i c a l l y . With the help of federal M.P., J.S. Woodsworth (Independent Labour Party), the foundation of the CCF Party was also being l a i d i n Alberta and Saskatchewan. In 1924 Woodsworth gained the support of fourteen Progressive Party M.P.rs and formed the so-called 'Ginger Group'. The majority of t h i s group represented Alberta farmers and one of t h e i r goals was to achieve more co-operation with organized labour. This e f f o r t developed to the point that agriculture and labour supported each other's candidates i n the 1926 general e l e c t i o n . J.S. Woodsworth was t r y i n g to r a l l y the p r a i r i e farmers to think s o c i a l i s t i c a l l y , e s p e c i a l l y regarding the control of wheat marketing. At the pro-v i n c i a l l e v e l , i n 1929, M.J. Coldwell and a number of other Englishmen who had belonged to the labour movement i n England, organized the Saskatchewan I.L.P. This was an urban s o c i a l i s t movement but being only a small group i t needed the support of the farmers i n order to gain strength and become e f f e c t i v e . Together the Saskatchewan branches of the United Farmers of Canada and the I.L.P. worked out a program designed to protect the workers and farmers against creditors. Because t h e i r proposals were ignored 9 by the Saskatchewan Conservative government, and since the two organizations philosophically had much i n common, they undertook to work together f o r the p o l i t i c a l movement leading to the estab-lishment of the CCF. Also, i n Alberta, by 1932 the Labour Parties and the United Farmers of Alberta were i n general agreement and had pledged t h e i r support to j o i n f o r c e s . 1 * Thus, by 1932 the time was d e f i n i t e l y ripe i n a l l three provinces f o r the s o c i a l i s t factions to unite. A l l groups who believed that capitalism should be overthrown, and that a new s o c i a l order be based on production f o r use and not f o r p r o f i t , were i n v i t e d to Calgary, Alberta i n August, 1932 by the United Farmers of Alberta. "J.S. Woodsworth and the Labour-Farmer caucus (Ginger Group) prepared to give leadership to such a meeting."-1-2 "The conference was attended by the Ginger Group, the representatives of the United Farmers' organizations of Manitoba, Alberta, and Saskatchewan, and dele-gates from the Labour and S o c i a l i s t Parties of the three p r a i r i e 13 provinces and B.C." J S.M. Lipset summarized the assembly as agrarian r a d i c a l s from the p r a i r i e s and Marxian s o c i a l i s t s from B.C., (men raised i n the t r a d i t i o n s of the B r i t i s h labour movement). I t marked the f i r s t time i n Canadian h i s t o r y that such a group 14 gathered together. ^George Hougham, Minor Parties i n Canadian National P o l i t i c s . 186 7 - 1 9 4 0 , University of Pennsylvania, 1 9 5 4 . 1 2Grace Maclnnis, "How the CCF Began," Understanding the CCF. published by the P r o v i n c i a l Education Committee; CCF (B.C.-Yukon Section, Vancouver, B.C., 1 9 5 3 , p. 5* .M. Lipset, Agrarian Socialism. University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, Berkeley, C a l i f o r n i a , 1950 , p. 8 6 . 1 4 I b i d . . p. 87 10 The League for S o c i a l Reconstruction Before going on to the Calgary and Regina Conferences, i t i s necessary that another s i g n i f i c a n t influence be mentioned as i t has a direct bearing to the developing of CCF philosophy. I t i s the League f o r S o c i a l Reconstruction. This organization was formed by a group of dissenters i n eastern Canada who could be referred to as the ' i n t e l l i g e n c i a ' of the s o c i a l i s t movement. I t was mainly composed of lect u r e r s from the U n i v e r s i t i e s of Toronto and M c G i l l . Rather than an active p o l i t i c a l party, i t was intended to be a Canadian Fabian Society which would a s s i s t a p o l i t i c a l s o c i a l i s t party by f u l f i l l i n g a research and educational function. One of i t s most s i g n i f i c a n t undertakings was a book published i n 1935 t i t l e d S o c i a l Planning f o r Canada. Some of the League's members, such as F.H. Und e r h i l l , were consulted, and i t s Manifesto* was referred to by those who were dra f t i n g the p r i n c i p l e s and program of the new CCF party. For comparative purposes see Appendices A and C. The Calgary Conference The move towards a j o i n t p o l i t i c a l party by the labour and farmer organizations*came at the beginning of a c r i t i c a l period — the Great Depression of the 1930's. The hardships i t caused *See Appendix A for the nine clauses of the Manifesto drawn up by the League f o r S o c i a l Reconstruction. •Organizations represented at the Calgary Conference i n 1932: - The United Farmers of Alberta - The United Farmers of Saskatchewan - The Canadian Labour Party (Alberta Section) - The Independent Labour Party (Saskatchewan) - The Co-operative Labour Party (Saskatchewan) - The Independent Labour Party (Manitoba) - The S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada (B.C.) - The Canadian Brotherhood of Railway Employees - The League f o r S o c i a l Reconstruction 11 sharpened the need f o r these organizations to unite and at the same time provided motivation to the representatives they sent to the Calgary Conference to formulate a plan f o r a more e f f e c t i v e s o c i a l order. The Conference, held i n the Calgary Labour Temple, accomplished three primary objectives. The f i r s t was the decision to form and name a new party. After much discussion over the many and varied suggestions, 'Go-operative Commonwealth Federation' was agreed upon with the words 'Farmer - Labour - S o c i a l i s t * following. The second objective was strong leadership, and t h i s was attained by the choice of p o l i t i c a l l y prominent J.S. Woodsworth. The t h i r d goal was to define the party*s philosophy and formulate i t s p o l -i t i c a l program. This was p a r t i a l l y accomplished by the delegates who defined and adopted an eight-point provisional program* which was to be further worked upon by a Resolutions Committee. The committee, chaired by M.J. Coldwell, was to expand t h i s i n t o a draft of the party's constitution which would be presented for approval and modification at the scheduled July, 1933 national convention i n Regina. Thus we have b r i e f l y traced the development of the s o c i a l -i s t movement from Owen's humanistic approach, Marx's revolutionary theory, and the B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s t parties' contributions, to the tentative union of the various s o c i a l i s t groups i n Canada, with the B.C. Faction as an active p a r t i c i p a n t . Having been pr i m a r i l y based on Marx's theories set f o r t h i n the Communist Manifesto, the B.C. s o c i a l i s t movement had been c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y l e f t i s t i n philosophy as evidenced by i t s advocacy of almost t o t a l *For the Eight Clauses of the Calgary Conference see Appendix B. 12 nationalization, of the need for a complete new social order, of i t s concern with the 'Class Struggle', of i t s attacks against the capitalists, and most controversially, i t s proposal to effect change by revolution. The various groups which supported this philosophy to varying degrees were not unified and so were ham-pered in their attempts to instigate a strong, effective movement. After much effort which brought only weak p o l i t i c a l recognition, these splinter parties initiated a number of moves to unite. The f i r s t occurred in B.C. soon after World War I when the Federated Labour Party and the Social-Democratic Party joined forces. How-ever, the greatest impetus towards unification was provided by the Bolshevik Revolution. In B.C. i t caused the socialist factions to draw together because (1) the majority of them were not as revolutionary as the Communists and thus needed to distinguish themselves as an entity apart from the Communist Party; (2) the Communist Revolution had touched off a wave of outright h o s t i l i t y and condemnation against a l l socialist groups which was most harmful i n the democratic countries. This propaganda heightened the need for the factions to band together and establish an o f f i c i a l policy. In these early stages the socialist factions did not have any specific policies dealing with areas like welfare. Issues such as unemployment, poverty, mental i l l n e s s , crime, etc., were tolerated as natural results of the existing e v i l capitalist-run economy which could only be dispelled by a new socialist order. Thus, their welfare policy consisted mainly of providing adequate housing, and eliminating exploitation and unemployment and thereby creating an environment in which every individual would have an equal opportunity to contribute to, and in turn, receive the bene-f i t s from the society. 13 The Regina Manifesto and the Formation of the B.C. Branch of the CCF Thus the date was set and across Canada numerous protest and s o c i a l i s t groups prepared to meet i n Regina to approve a unifying program which would enable them to be more e f f e c t i v e i n Canadian p o l i t i c s . One hundred and thirty-one delegates attended; B.C. sending sixteen delegates representing the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada (B.C.) and the Reconstruction Party.* F.G. Engelmann stated that these two B.C. groups provided about the strongest s o c i a l i s t elements to the Regina Convention because "these and other s o c i a l i s t groups had an experience of carrying on ideolog-i c a l and p o l i c y discussions i n clubs, with the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of 15 v i r t u a l l y a l l of the members." The prime purpose of t h i s meet-ing was the formulation and acceptance of a foundation document, the Regina Manifesto. I t was an expansion of the Calgary Confer-ence eight-point program to a fourteen-point program** f o r a new s o c i a l order with the addition of a preamble which outlined the basic philosophy of the movement, and a concluding paragraph st a t i n g the purpose. The Great Depression which was giving tremendous impetus to the s o c i a l i s t cause was at i t s worst and the attendance saw the present order as: *In March, 1933 the B.C. League f o r S o c i a l Reconstruction became the Reconstruction Party (B.C.) and a f t e r the Regina Con-vention a f f i l i a t e d i t s e l f with the CCF. The Reconstructionists were l a t e r primarily responsible f o r organizing the Associated B.C. CCF Clubs. 15F.C. Engelmann, The CCF of Canada: A Study of Membership  P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Party Policy-Making, thesis submitted f o r the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of Yale University, 1954, p. 146. **Appendix C.^  The Regina Manifesto. 14 n...marked by g l a r i n g i n e q u a l i t i e s of wealth and opportunity, by chaotic waste and instab-i l i t y ; and i n an age of plenty i t condemns the great mass of the people to poverty and insec-u r i t y . " 1 6 I t strongly denounced private p r o f i t as the basis to the economic system and f e l t i t s e v i l s could be "removed only i n a planned and s o c i a l i z e d economy i n which our natural resources and the p r i n c i p a l means of production and d i s t r i b u t i o n are owned, controlled and operated by the p e o p l e . T h e dominant theme of the Regina  Manifesto was s o c i a l i z a t i o n . I t outlined i t s plans for the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of a l l f i n a n c i a l machinery (banking, currency, c r e d i t , insurance); of transportation, communication, e l e c t r i c power; for s o c i a l i z e d health services; and the encouragement of consumers' co-operative i n s t i t u t i o n s . Because of the Depression the Regina Manifesto was most concerned with putting the economy back on i t s feet. The employment s i t u a t i o n was seen as the most c r u c i a l issue of the time and the fourteenth point of the Consti-t u t i o n outlined an emergency programme which entailed public ex-penditure on "...housing, slum clearance, h o s p i t a l s , l i b r a r i e s , schools, community h a l l s , parks, recreational projects, reforest-ation, r u r a l e l e c t r i f i c a t i o n . . . " ^ to provide work and purchasing power for those unemployed. This, and s o c i a l i z e d health services, i s the f i r s t o f f i c i a l evidence of welfare p o l i c y . Naturally there would be much speculation as to how such a program could be implemented. The answer given was ' s o c i a l planning' to replace the "ruthless monopoly or equally ruthless competition practiced l^The Regina Manifesto, program of the CCF, adopted at F i r s t National Convention held at Regina, Saskatchewan, July 1933, p. 1. 1 7 l o c . c i t . •^Regina Manifesto, program of the CCF, adopted at F i r s t National Convention held at Regina Sask., July, 1933, p. 1. 15 under C a p i t a l i s m . n ^ To accomplish t h i s there would have to be a • b r i e f t r a n s i t i o n period' during which time a National Planning Commission would mastermind the program and get i t under way. "The task of the Commission w i l l be to plan f o r the production, d i s t r i b u t i o n and exchange of a l l goods and services necessary to the e f f i c i e n t functioning of the economy; to co-ordinate the a c t i v i t i e s of the s o c i a l i z e d i n d u s t r i e s ; to provide f o r a s a t i s f a c t o r y balance between the producing and consuming power; and to carry on continuous research into a l l branches of the national economy i n order to acquire the de-t a i l e d information necessary to e f f i c i e n t plan-ning. The Commission w i l l be responsible to the Cab-inet and w i l l work i n co-operation with the Managing Boards of the S o c i a l i z e d I n d u s t r i e s . " ^ The leadership of J.S. Woodsworth i n 1933, and i n the f o l -lowing years did much to influence the p o l i c y of the party. He did not work h i s way up through the ranks of the party being a p o l i t i c a l t h e o r i s t or labour reformist, but rather as a Methodist clergyman with r e l i g i o u s and humanitarian motivations. He would i l l u s t r a t e h i s p o l i t i c a l purpose by f i g h t i n g f o r such things as old age pension l e g i s l a t i o n (1926). When under h i s leadership, the CCF party gradually moved away from philosophizing and i n -stead gave greater stress to humanitarian goals and p r a c t i c a l means to a t t a i n them. From i t s b i r t h the CCF Party was approached to j o i n forces with the more l e f t i s t Communist groups. To emphasize that i t s p o l i c y advocated resistance against t h i s move, the following clause was included i n the Regina Manifesto: 1 9Towards the Dawn. The CCF Federal Platform explained, National O f f i c e of the CCF, 172 Wellington St., Ottawa, (l a t e 1930's), p. 5. 20 Regina Manifesto, op. c i t . p. 1 16 "The s o c i a l and economic transformation can be brought about by p o l i t i c a l action, through the ele c t i o n of a government inspired by the i d e a l of a co-operative commonwealth and supported by a majority of the people. We do not believe i n change by violence."21 In h i s P r e s i d e n t i a l Speech J.S. Woodsworth said: " I am convinced that we may develop i n Canada a d i s t i n c t i v e type of Socialism.... The CCF advo-cates peaceful and orderly methods. In t h i s we distin g u i s h ourselves sharply from the Commun-i s t Party which envisages the new s o c i a l order as being ushered i n by vio l e n t upheaval and the establishment of a dictatorship."22 He meant ' d i s t i n c t i v e 1 i n that he did not want to model the CCF s p e c i f i c a l l y a f t e r the B r i t i s h and/or Russian s o c i a l i s t move-ments. P r o v i n c i a l l y , the CCF Party was not an o f f i c i a l i d e n t i t y . Being a federation i t s p r o v i n c i a l branches were not necessarily CCF though they associated themselves with the national CCF organization. These groups had retained some of t h e i r f i n e d i s t -i n c t i o n s a f t e r the Regina Convention, and i t was only through time that they were resolved. The B.C. delegates had been disap-pointed that the name ' S o c i a l i s t Party' had not been adopted but they were pleased with the Conference and returned to Vancouver to help b u i l d the new party. The S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada (B.C.) established i t s e l f i n an old house i n Vancouver as headquarters where i t s meetings were held and where classes on s o c i a l i s t and Marxian theory were conducted. Ernest Winch, P r o v i n c i a l Secretary of the party, had re s i s t e d a f f i l i a t i o n with the CCF as i t was l e s s ^Regina Manifesto, op. c i t . 2 2Grace Maclnnis, "How the CCF Began", Understanding the CCF. Booklet No. 1, Issued by the P r o v i n c i a l Education Committee, CCF (B.C. - Yukon Section), 1953, p. 8. 17 r a d i c a l than h i s party's leanings. But there were some desirable advantages, and his party and the Reconstruction Party i n March of 1933 decided to co-operate f o r the coming e l e c t i o n . On August 2 5 , 1933 > the Reconstruction Party branches and the u n a f f i l i a t e d CCF Clubs formed the Associated Co-operative Commonwealth Federation Clubs. Thus, three executives existed i n B.C. — "...that of the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada; that of the Associated CCF Clubs; and the executive of the B.C. section of the CCF Part y . " 2 3 The loose, unstructured arrangement was f a r from e f f i c i e n t , stable and sat-i s f a c t o r y as there remained much d i v e r s i t y within the organiza-t i o n — ranging from quite extreme l e f t to moderate l e f t . The membership, too, was quite varied and could be distinguished from the national organization. "Where the national CCF was based on agrarian and labour elements, the B.C. CCF was supported mainly by labour and white-collar reformist elements." 2 4 However, the two factions had been successful when they combined t h e i r e f f o r t s i n the l a s t e l e c t i o n . They had won seven seats, thirty-one per cent of the popular vote, and were then the o f f i c i a l Opposition to the L i b e r a l Government. The s o c i a l i s t groups had for the f i r s t time broken the stronghold of the Libera l s and Conservatives i n the B.C. Legislature. A f t e r t h i s they held t h e i r f i r s t P r o v i n c i a l Convention i n V i c t o r i a i n September of 1 9 3 3 . Based on the pre-ceding Regina Manifesto, they drew up a p r o v i n c i a l platform and Manifesto. Headquarters were set up at 828 Hornby Street, Van-couver. The P r o v i n c i a l Manifesto stipulated that i t would ^Douglas P. Clark, Some Aspects of the Development of the  CCF i n B.C., essay submitted f o r undergraduate credit i n the Department of History, U.B.C, Oct. 1 , 1945 , p . 1 8 . 2/fThomas M. Sanford, The P o l i t i c s of Protest: The CCF and  So c i a l Credit League i n B.C.. thesis f o r Doctor of Philosophy i n P o l i t i c a l Science from the University of C a l i f o r n i a , 1 9 6 1 , p. 1 0 2 . 1$ e s t a b l i s h a P r o v i n c i a l Planning Commission to work with the national one. I t , too, would consist of economists, engineers, and s t a t i s t i c i a n s and t h e i r work would be to "...co-ordinate the a c t i v i t i e s of the s o c i a l i z e d i n d u s t r i e s . . . " 2 ^ But amalgamation was s t i l l the predominant topic even though the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada continued to r e s i s t . Both groups had t h e i r own papers — the CCF had the Commonwealth and the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada had the B.C. Clarion. The seven s o c i a l i s t s i n the Legislature were led by Rev. Robert Connell of the CCF Party. In early 1935 the annual conventions of the s p l i t s o c i a l i s t s agreed to a j o i n t meeting of the two executives where a s a t i s f a c t o r y arrangement was worked out. The union formed the o f f i c i a l CCF Party of B.C. But the union was premature i n that the s o c i a l i s t and reformist factions had not r e a l l y worked out a l l t h e i r differences. The dissension came to a head i n the l e g i s l a t i v e group, being the representatives of the two i n t e r n a l factions which had the most contact with, and influence on, the s i g n i f i c a n t issues of that time. Rev. Connell, the Opposition Leader and a reformist, was clashing with Harold Winch, a staunch s o c i a l i s t . Connell accused other members of the executive of being pro-communist and he openly objected to parts of the party platform and some of the Convention decisions. He had attended the 1936 Convention but had u n t a c t f u l l y chosen to voice h i s views at a l a t e r and more unfeasible time. The executive had no choice but to expel the unrelenting leader and two of h i s supporters. Another member l e f t the party at t h i s time on h i s own accord, thus bringing the t o t a l to four. This l e f t just three of the seven o r i g i n a l CCF 2^CCF (B.C.) 1933 P r o v i n c i a l Program and Manifesto. P r o v i n c i a l Executive of CCF (B.C.) 828 Hornby St., Vancouver, 1933 19 MLA's — the two Winches and Dorothy Steeves. This reduction was a blow to the party which caused doubts as to whether i t was strong enough to ever recover. However, the CCF survived the cr i s e s , thanks to a u n i f i e d and strong Executive Committee, which kept calm and r a t i o n a l and did not allow i t s e l f to be drawn into the public b a t t l e of accusations and condemnation. Instead i t handled the s p l i t peaceably, expressing regret that Connell had not aired h i s views at the 1936 Convention when many of the issues could have been cleared up i n t e r n a l l y . "As i t turned out, the party was consolidated rather than weakened by the events of 1936... The f i n a l endorsation of the executive, ...was made by the 1937 Convention.... This Convention ...was i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y the most important the CCF has ever held, f o r i t s r e s u l t s ensured the CCF Party the place i t holds today i n B.C. p o l i t i c s . " 2 6 Depression Years i n B.C. and the 1937 CCF Platform During the 193©?s the CCF MLA's struggled f o r recognition and support by doing extensive f i e l d research and then confront-ing the House with t h e i r findings. Most s i g n i f i c a n t were Ernest Winch's v i s i t s to B.C.'s i n s t i t u t i o n s , e specially the mental hospitals, j a i l s , and r e l i e f camps. He revealed the need f o r improvement of the primitive working conditions the nurses at Tranquille (T.B. sanitarium) had to endure. He also gathered s t a t i s t i c s which i l l u s t r a t e d the high rate of i n d u s t r i a l accidents and proposed that t h i s was an area f o r government intervention. As labour reform was a prominent CCF goal, and labour support was being encouraged, many p o l i c i e s and b i l l s were directed f o r i t s benefit; e.g. — broaden r i g h t s to form unions, to picket, to Douglas P. Clark, op. c i t . . p. 31 20 bargain c o l l e c t i v e l y . Quite an issue was made to gain a wider range of accident and disease coverage under the Workman's Com-pensation Act, with s p e c i f i c reference to s i l i c o s i s . The pension-ers, too, were given much attention i n that the CCF f e l t the government should give them free medical a i d . To impress upon the government that these needs were e x i s t i n g , Ernest Winch encour-aged the MLA's to go and see what he had observed. He went so f a r as to conduct guided tours whenever he had the chance. While gaining some benefits for the people, he also attracted much attention to the CCF Party and won the respect of a large propor-t i o n of the population. This increased emphasis on welfare needs caused the party to be l e s s concerned about economic matters — with n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n suffering the greatest neglect. The extensive plans f o r a new s o c i a l order as stipulated i n the Regina Manifesto were now of secondary concern. Even les s emphasis was given to replacing the old s o c i a l order a f t e r the party s p l i t i n 1936 . The s p l i t l e f t the l o y a l s o c i a l i s t s i n the CCF Party, but i t l e f t them a b i t apprehensive about t h e i r future. The effect t h i s event had on the party i s r e f l e c t e d i n the 1937 e l e c t i o n platform. This was probably one of the most s i g n i f i c a n t platforms ever to be adopted because of i t s extensive departure from the Regina Manifesto, drawn up just four years previously. The program s t i l l condemned the c a p i t a l i s t i c system and re-emphasized the need f o r a new s o c i a l order. However, there was a gaping absence of the former p o l i c i e s of s o c i a l i z i n g industry, finance, and health services. The word 1 s o c i a l i z a t i o n ' had been dropped altogether. Section 1 , which dealt with planning, reworded the 1933 statement about a 21 " . . . s o c i a l i z e d economic plan...." 2''' to a "...new p r o v i n c i a l economy...."28 In 1933, the Section on Finance had read: "Co-operation with the other Provinces to obtain a complete S o c i a l i z a t i o n of a l l the f i n a n c i a l machinery of the country, — Banking, Currency, Credit and Insurance, — and, i f compelled by a s i t u a t i o n of P r o v i n c i a l emergency, to develop purely P r o v i n c i a l Credit, based on P r o v i n c i a l Resources." 29 In 1937 there was a complete r e v i s i o n and the Finance section then read: "Consolidation of p r o v i n c i a l government debt by conversion to nonmaturing, f i x e d - i n t e r e s t bearing bonds, c a l l a b l e at option of the Government a f t e r a l i m i t e d term of years. Government support to m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to reduce t h e i r debt loads. Careful r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the tax burden to give greater r e l i e f to those i n the lower income brackets; higher income and inheritance taxes i n the upper brackets. Tax increases on monopolitic business, speculative landholdings and alienated natural resources. Taxation of corporation surpluses."30 Also i n 1933 the platform had c a l l e d f o r s o c i a l i z a t i o n of a l l health services; i n 1937 t h i s provision had changed to "Establishment of a l l - i n c l u s i v e Health Insurance, contribution to be based on a s l i d i n g scale i n accordance with income received ..."31 The rationale behind t h i s change can be traced to three things: (1) the s p l i t between the seven M L A R s i n 1936; (2) the people of B.C. were not responding to the CCF's o f f e r of 2 7CCF(B.C.) 1933 P r o v i n c i a l Platform and Manifesto, published by the P r o v i n c i a l Executive of CCF(B.C), 828 Hornby St., Vancouver, 1933 28 1937 P r o v i n c i a l Programme — CCF (B.C.Section), published by the P r o v i n c i a l Executive, Vancouver, B.C., 1937, p. 1. 29 ^CCF(B.C) 1933 P r o v i n c i a l Platform and Manifesto, op. c i t . p 3O1937 P r o v i n c i a l Programme — CCF (B.C. Section, op. c i t . p . l 31loc. c i t . 22 'socialism 1 — pa r t l y because they did not want t h i s and p a r t l y because of the suspicion and fear which opposing parties had i n -s t i l l e d i n them. To resolve t h i s the CCF had dropped s o c i a l i s t terms. Total s o c i a l ownership and n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n were made secondary to government planning. Government interference i n industry would now be to ensure against e x p l o i t a t i o n only; (3) there was a growing awareness that f o r p r a c t i c a l reasons les s emphasis had to be placed on establishing a new s o c i a l order based on s o c i a l i s t i c p r i n c i p l e s , and more emphasis on s p e c i f i c , c r u c i a l issues. This was the depression; people needed jobs, r e l i e f , h o s p itals, medical care, better i n s t i t u t i o n s , and were not thinking i n the broader context of a new s o c i a l order. Socialism was too vague to many people; they saw i t as something that required many years f o r f u l f i l l m e n t ; and they doubted the CCF's a b i l i t y to achieve such a major undertaking. Again i t must be pointed out that E. Winch's work probably contributed the most i n helping others achieve t h i s awareness. His inv e s t i g a t i n g , s t a t i s t i c gathering, and condemning of the conditions i n public i n s t i t u t i o n s i n B.C., had made a deep impression i n the minds of party members. The voters, too, applauded h i s e f f o r t s ; they respected him; and many probably, decided to support him. Actua l l y what Ernest Winch was doing was advocating s o c i a l reform — r e f o r m of the operation of public i n s t i t u t i o n s , reform of working conditions, and reform of the health and welfare services. Socialism, which had u n i f i e d the many factions across Canada to form the CCF was now, i n B.C., taking on more of a welfare character. The Depression also produced a change i n party membership. I t had dealt the working class the harshest blow but at the same time i t j o l t e d the middle class . For the f i r s t time the middle 23 class was threatened economically and so i t took a closer look at the s o c i a l and economic order. Most s t i l l concluded that con-servative l e g i s l a t i o n could solve these problems, but others became somewhat more r a d i c a l and were attracted to the CCF pro-gram. Thus more of the highly trained and educated classes joined the movement and brought with them t h e i r influence and contributions. Members of the middle class were also unemployed, esp e c i a l l y the younger generation just entering the labour force. Because of the hardships the atmosphere was conducive to demon-str a t i o n s , r e l i e f camp s t r i k e s , and treks. People were increas-i n g l y responsive to reform, with a growing number supporting r a d i c a l reform. For these reasons did the Depression help the CCF draw support from the s k i l l e d , professional, i n t e l l e c t u a l , and business groups. * * * * * * From t h i s b r i e f h i story of the Canadian and B.C. s o c i a l i s t movements, i t i s evident that s i g n i f i c a n t philosophical changes occurred. The Regina Manifesto marked the departure from one of Marx's basic p r i n c i p l e s — that of change by means of revolution; and the Canadian CCF'ers established quite a d i s t i n c t type of socialism — of a reformist rather than revolutionary nature. Due respect f o r t h i s must be given to i t s early leaders — J.S. Woodsworth, M.J. Coldwell, Ernest and Harold Winch. Economic and s o c i a l conditions of the early twentieth century, too, made a great impact on the movement. War, prosperity, depression, and the Russian Revolution are a l l r e f l e c t e d i n the p o l i c i e s of the CCF. Old members and new members and an increased class represen-t a t i o n brought old and new ideas and b e l i e f s together to form a 24 modified party. The introduction of reform measures by some de-tracted the Executive and party leaders from t h e o r e t i c a l thoughts, and brought them i n closer contact with the immediate needs of the people. The MLA's can claim a great deal of credit f o r d i r e c t i n g the Government towards enacting new, progressive l e g i s l a t i o n and expanding the services of health, welfare and labour. A l l these change processes w i l l continue f o r many years yet, and the fore-going sections w i l l trace them, and thus i l l u s t r a t e the s h i f t from the o r i g i n a l philosophy. World War II and the 1940*s The previous section revealed the beginning of a new trend i n s o c i a l i s t thinking — t h a t of a decreasing degree of Marxian ideology regarding a new s o c i a l order based on n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n . This trend was to continue during and e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the Second World War when economic conditions were markedly d i f f e r e n t from those of the d i r t y t h i r t i e s . A s i g n i f i c a n t feature of World War II was that i t revealed the influence of leadership. At the federal l e v e l , where J.S. Woodsworth was a strong, highly respected leader, the CCF Party advocated a p a c i f i s t p o l i c y . Some of the l e s s e r federal party members wanted to at least send a i d but not men. In B.C., how-ever, no agreement could be arrived at regarding a wartime p o l i c y . Instead of pressing f o r a decision on t h i s issue, the B.C. CCF chose to concentrate on l o c a l domestic issues. This concern and e f f o r t f o r l o c a l a f f a i r s .seems to have been one of the reasons the CCF doubled i t s l e g i s l a t i v e representation i n the 1941 p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . They had c e r t a i n l y not changed t h e i r 1937 party p l a t -form. As before, t h e i r mainstay of strength came from the Vancouver urban area, but f o r the f i r s t time two seats were won i n the 25 I n t e r i o r . This can p a r t i a l l y be at t r i b u t e d to the people's d i s -s a t i s f a c t i o n with the poor showing of the L i b e r a l administration during the Depression years. The Conservatives, too, gained at the L i b e r a l s ' expense winning twelve seats; the CCF increased t h e i r strength to fourteen; and there was one Independent thus giving the Lib e r a l s the remaining twenty-one. The Conservative leader, Mr. R.L. Maitland, had proposed that a l l parties unite to form an a l l - p a r t y union government. Harold Winch, CCF leader, refused t h i s on the grounds that the CCF p o l i c i e s were s i g n i f i -cantly d i f f e r e n t and especially on the leading issue — the war. The L i b e r a l s , and c e r t a i n l y the Conservatives, supported the war and welcomed the i n d u s t r i a l boom i t created, whereas the CCF, though taking no d e f i n i t e stand regarding war involvement, con-demned the p r o f i t motive of the war e f f o r t . In addition to the e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s there was other evidence of increased CCF support. "Membership rose from 3523 i n 1938 to 7609 i n 1 9 4 5 . At p r o v i n c i a l elections, the CCF i n B.C. increased i t s share of the vote from 28$ i n 1937 to 33% i n 1941 to 37% i n 1 9 4 5 . " ^ 2 Sanford described one of the factors responsible f o r t h i s increase i n support as due to the growth of trade union strength during t h i s time. In 1938 the newly formed Canadian Congress of Labour seriously began to s t r i v e f o r p o l i t i c a l i n -volvement and chose to a l l y i t s e l f with the CCF. The other large labour union, the Trades and Labour Congress, would not give the CCF the same support and held out u n t i l 1965 when the CCL and the -^B.C. CCF o f f i c e records c i t e d i n T.M. Sanford, The P o l i -t i c s of Protest: The CCF and Soc i a l Credit League i n B.C.. thesis presented f o r the degree of Doctor of Philosophy i n P o l i t i c a l Science at the University of C a l i f o r n i a , 1 9 6 1 , p. 1 3 8 . 26 TLC merged to form the Canadian Labour Congress. This w i l l be discussed i n the l a s t section which traces the events leading to the formation of the New Party. A j u b i l a n t day f o r CGF'ers across Canada was June 1 5 , 1944 when the Saskatchewan p r o v i n c i a l party gained f o r the CCF i t s f i r s t p o l i t i c a l v i c t o r y . But to the dismay of many strong B.C. s o c i a l i s t s t h i s event began the gradual watering-down of p o l i c y that occurs when a party i s no longer just the Opposition but the party i n power. The Saskatchewan CCF government did not plan i t s program with s t r i c t adherence to the Regina Manifesto — which had been drawn up just eleven years previously. Some na t i o n a l i z a t i o n of industries was enacted when the CCF took o f f i c e , but more s i g -n i f i c a n t was i t s drive to pass welfare measures. "The CCF did not return to i t s advocacy of wide-spread public ownership a f t e r the 193# elections (Saskatchewan). The p r o v i n c i a l platform of 1944 , the one upon which the party won power, urged government ownership only f o r natural re-sources and public u t i l i t i e s . " 3 4 "While modifying i t s goal of t o t a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n , the CCF has continued i t s emphasis on the exten-sion of the s o c i a l services rendered by the state, such as s o c i a l security, health, and edu-cation.... These s o c i a l security aspects of the party's program gradually assumed greater im-portance i n i t s propaganda as the stress i n soc-i a l i s m declined, u n t i l today (1950) i t i s the most important part of the p r o v i n c i a l program."35 This change can p a r t i a l l y be attri b u t e d to leadership. The 33paul Fox. "Origins of the CCF and NDP," P o l i t i c s : Canada, ed. Paul Fox, McGraw - H i l l Co. of Canada Ltd.. Toronto, Ontario, 1962, p. 300. ^Seymour Lipset, Agrarian Socialism: The CCF i n Saskatche-wan. University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1950, p. 132. 3 5 I b i d . . p. 133 27 Premier, T.C. Douglas, was from a s i m i l a r background as Woods-worth — that of the ministry. Like Woodsworth he was concerned i n a more direct manner with the needs of the people rather than with restructuring the s o c i a l order. Under hi s leadership one of the f i r s t programs the GCF i n Saskatchewan strove to l e g i s l a t e was s o c i a l i z e d health. This was done i n gradual steps, and the measures were acclaimed as f i r s t s i n a l l of Canada: "Saskatchewan became the f i r s t province to pro-vide complete free diagnosis and treatment of cancer, including surgery; the f i r s t province to provide free p e n i c i l l i n to c l i n i c s and private doctors f o r the treatment of V.D., and the f i r s t province to provide e n t i r e l y free care and treatment for mentally i l l ^ a n d defectives i n government institutions."3° The success of the Saskatchewan CCF was instrumental i n i n s t i l l i n g high hope and increased drive to the B.C. Party as the 1945 elections drew near. The Liberal-Conservative C o a l i t i o n had not operated e f f i c i e n t l y and co-operatively, leading the CCF to believe that t h i s would be t h e i r big chance. They put a l l t h e i r e f f o r t s i n t h i s post-war campaign. The platform was changed from that of a wartime p o l i c y to one proposing and extending peacetime measures. Some were: helping the federal government re-establish servicemen; greater co-operation with i n d u s t r i a l and a g r i c u l t u r a l organizations, and labour groups; expansion of s o c i a l services and education.-" The most s i g n i f i c a n t change from the 1937 platform was regarding finance: 3£-The Toronto Daily Star Reports on the Saskatchewan Govern-ment, published by the Bureau of Publications, L e g i s l a t i v e B uilding, Regina, Second revised e d i t i o n , August 1946, p. 4 . 37cCF Program of B.C.. 1945, published by the CCF (B.C. -Yukon Section), 712 Holden Building, Vancouver, pp. 7 - 29. 2a 1937 - "Redistribution of tax burden to give r e l i e f to lower income brackets; higher income and inheritance taxes i n the. upper brackets. ^ Tax increases on monopolistic business, . . . " 3 ° 1 9 4 5 - "Taxation p o l i c i e s w i l l be designed to achieve r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of income on a more equitable basis through provision of s o c i a l services. "39 However, the outcome was most unexpected and quite shattering to the CCF. They l o s t 11 of t h e i r 1 6 seats and gained only 5 , thus making a t o t a l of 1 0 . Their a t t r a c t i v e program f o r f u l l employ-ment, planning and housing developments, s o c i a l services and education was not drawing votes. What was most disconcerting, too, was the fact that the old t r a d i t i o n a l p a rties were adopting many of the CCF measures — within the context of the 'free enterprise system*. Thus, to the extent that the L i b e r a l -Conservative C o a l i t i o n government implemented these measures, they received the c r e d i t . As the 1949 e l e c t i o n had produced l i t t l e change, the GGF members began to question t h e i r p o l i c i e s to f i n d out why they were lo s i n g t h e i r support i n B.C. The issue was centered on the degree of allegiance to s o c i a l i s t doctrine. " I t i s true that advocacy of s o c i a l ownership of the means of production has been at the heart of s o c i a l i s t doctrine. Yet many CCF'ers believe that the s o c i a l i s t cause can be maintained and furthered without r i g i d adherence to the strategy of widespread public ownership."^ 3&CCF Programme of B.C.. 1937 . published by the CCF (B.C. Section] P r o v i n c i a l Executive, Vancouver, B.C., p. 3 . 3 9 C G F p r o g r a m m e of B.C.. 1 9 4 5 . op. c i t . . p. 3 0 . ^°Thomas M. Sanford. The P o l i t i c s of Protest: The CCF and  S o c i a l Credit League i n B.C., thesis presented f o r the degree of Doctor of Philosophy i n P o l i t i c a l Science at the University of C a l i f o r n i a , 1 9 6 1 , p. 1 4 4 . 29 Many members were questioning whether public ownership of a l l means of production would a c t u a l l y bring about freedom, equality and security for a l l , along with an increased standard of l i v i n g . There was s t i l l a group of left-wing CCF Ters who retained t h e i r s o c i a l i s t b e l i e f s but these were not shared by many of the newer, younger members. These l a t e r r e c r u i t s were not i d e o l o g i c a l l y and sentimentally attached to the Regina Manifesto and the struggles which the o r i g i n a l party-builders had gone through. A figure who quite s i g n i f i c a n t l y influenced t h i s change was Ernest Winch. As formerly pointed out, h i s greatest concern had always been the people i n need, and h i s attempts to help them were at the very p r a c t i c a l , down-to-earth l e v e l . Rather than a t h e o r i s t he had always been an active worker and i n the process had moved away from preaching the basic Marxian ideology. Although he s t i l l supported s o c i a l i s t theories and belonged to the more-leftist f a c t i o n of the B.C. CCF party, Ernest Winch was more renowned as an active worker f o r reforms. This, too, had occurred i n Sask-atchewan where T.C. Douglas was spreading a C h r i s t i a n , humanistic socialism rather than Marxian Socialism. Other s i g n i f i c a n t i n f l u -ences, too, were the economic conditions of the 1940Ts. "Prosper-i t y weakened the appeal of socialism, and the s o c i a l i s t study clubs of the CCF l o s t ground accordingly. Generally, the affluent society robs ideologies of t h e i r meaningfulness and attractiveness, fo r people are caught up i n the web of material things and lack the desperation needed f o r commitment to a web of i d e a s . " 4 ! To 4 1Thomas M. Sanford. The P o l i t i c s of Protest: The CCF and  S o c i a l Credit League i n B.C.. thesis presented f o r the degree of Doctor of Philosophy i n P o l i t i c a l Science at the University of C a l i f o r n i a , 1961, p. 267. 3 0 deal with t h i s s i t u a t i o n we see the party de-emphasizing i t s goal f o r a new s o c i a l i s t society and instead stressing the need f o r s o c i a l security and reform. Though s t i l l retained, n a t i o n a l i z a -t i o n was r e s t r i c t e d to public u t i l i t i e s and a few s p e c i f i c indus-t r i e s . Even terminology was changed — ' s o c i a l i s t society' was replaced by a 'new s o c i a l order' or the 'co-operative common-wealth'. And most s i g n i f i c a n t l y , the 1940's marked the-beginning of labour influence within the CCF ranks; an influence that reached greater heights i n the 1950's and led d i r e c t l y to the formation of the 'New Party' i n 1961. The 1950's and The Winnipeg Declaration The L i b e r a l - Conservative C o a l i t i o n had by t h i s time run i t s course. In 1952 the House was dissolved and an e l e c t i o n c a l l e d f o r June 12; an ele c t i o n few attempted to predict. The CCF was o p t i m i s t i c ; the L i b e r a l s and Conservatives could hope f o r no more than a minority government; and the new party, the S o c i a l Credit, was discounted as a force. The outcome was unbelievable. The CCF emerged from the e l e c t i o n with eighteen seats, one l e s s than the S o c i a l Credit; the Li b e r a l s and Conservatives had f a l l e n w e l l behind the two protest p a r t i e s , winning just ten seats be-tween them. T.M. Sanford explained the surprising outcome: "A key explanation i s that many voters were alienated from the t r a d i t i o n a l p a r t i e s , at the same time were un w i l l i n g to support the s o c i a l i s t CCF, and thus moved toward and vented t h e i r protest f o r the only remaining free-enterprise a l t e r n a t i v e — So c i a l Credit. ^2T.M. Sanford, The P o l i t i c s of Protest: The CCF and S o c i a l  Credit League i n B.C.. thesis presented f o r the degree of Doctor-of Philosophy i n P o l i t i c a l Science at the University of C a l i f o r n i a 1961, p. 162. 31 I t was not just t h e i r own supporters that rejected the t r a d i t i o n a l p a r t i e s , the s o c i a l i s t s did likewise. In the majority of cases the CCF voters gave t h e i r second-choice votes to the So c i a l Credit. For a more extensive breakdown of the 1952 r e s u l t s , consult T.M. Sanford, The P o l i t i c s of Protest: The Co-operative Commonwealth  Federation and So c i a l Credit League i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Chapter VI. Soon a f t e r the House opened, the S o c i a l Creditors hoped f o r and were granted a vote of non-confidence i n t h e i r government. This provided them with the opportunity tp appeal to the people once more; t h i s time for stronger support. Opposition leader, Harold Winch, hoping to prevent another e l e c t i o n , appealed to the Lieutenant-Governor f o r a chance to form a CCF minority govern-ment. He f e l t he could make t h i s work providing that he did not introduce l e g i s l a t i o n which could be taken as p r o - s o c i a l i s t However, t h i s was not granted and because he had proposed t h i s without the knowledge and approval from the CCF caucus, discontent resulted. I t was not long a f t e r that Harold Winch resigned as party leader and turned to federal p o l i t i c s . The subsequent elec-t i o n was favorable to the So c i a l Credit who won twenty-eight seats (45% of the popular vote), the CCF dropping to fourteen seats (29% of the popular vote). Another prominent fi g u r e , Ernest Winch, was also coming to the end of h i s p o l i t i c a l career. Before he died, though (1957), he succeeded i n establishing h i s l a s t welfare drive — housing f o r pensioners and a r t h r i t i c s . Through h i s e f f o r t s the low-rental New V i s t a Homes f o r Senior C i t i z e n s were planned, b u i l t , and 4 3 n 0rothy Steeves, The Compassionate Rebel, Evergreen Press Ltd., Vancouver, B.C., I960, (copywrite, Boag Foundation, Van-couver) , p. 182 32 inhabited under the directorship of the New V i s t a Society. The Society was non-profit and received p r o v i n c i a l grants amounting to one t h i r d of i t s c a p i t a l cost. "In 1953 he introduced a b i l l i n the Legislature to guarantee the permanence of the New V i s t a project f o r senior c i t i z e n s and to preserve i t s purpose under a Board of Trustees,.. ."^ The b i l l was unanimously approved. For his e f f o r t s i n previous projects, and es p e c i a l l y i n t h i s one, Ernest Winch had considerable c r i t i c i s m directed at him by the fa r left-wing factions of the party. They f e l t such projects should, i n t h e i r e n t i r e t y , be a government r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . How-ever, once more Ernest Winch indicated that he was pragmatic and that h i s concern was f o r the people. Also of some significance i s the fact that at t h e i r 1950 National Convention i n Vancouver, the CCF voted i n favor of sending a Canadian contingent to f i g h t i n the Korean War. During the two World Wars the CCF had objected to sending m i l i t a r y aid to other countries f i g h t i n g a war. This same Convention, too, discussed whether a new statement of basic p r i n c i p l e s should be formulated to replace the Regina Manifesto. This issue was met with strong opposition by the old die-hard s o c i a l i s t s (especially those from B.C.), but enough were i n favor to necessitate further discussion on the matter. "Delegates compromised on a proposal to have regional CCF sections work at formulating a new declara-t i o n of p r i n c i p l e s under the guidance of a national committee."^ At stake were the strong s o c i a l i s t i d e a l s of the Regina Manifesto p r i n c i p l e s . Many CCF'ers had r e a l i z e d that though they preferred ^ I b i d . , p. 195 4 5 I b i d . , p. 203 33 socialism, i t was not, i n t h e i r view, a p r a c t i c a l goal f o r Canada. They f e l t the p o s s i b i l i t y of forming a Welfare State i n i t s stead more promising. This, however, would involve the r e v i s i o n or re-placement of the Regina Manifesto. In 1956 the National CCF Council presented a draft to the National Convention i n Winnipeg. I t was adopted as The Winnipeg Declaration of P r i n c i p l e s of the  CCF*. leaving the Regina Manifesto as a h i s t o r i c document. " I t s chief claim to fame was the emphasis on a new CCF objective of a 'mixed economy' i n which p u b l i c l y owned industries and free enterprise were to l i v e together happily, although not ever a f t e r . " 4 6 The Winnipeg Declaration of P r i n c i p l e s r e f l e c t e d the reform-i s t welfare philosophy which the CCF had come to practice. While the CCF s t i l l claimed concern with the i n e q u a l i t i e s produced by capitalism, t h i s document went a step further than the Regina  Manifesto and delineated these i n e q u a l i t i e s . A l l , dealt with welfare issues — 'want, i n s e c u r i t y , slums, old age, i l l - h e a l t h , and education.'4''' But no longer was a 'new s o c i a l order' the answer; ' s o c i a l planning' was the key, with "...public, private and co-operative enterprise working together i n the people's i n t e r e s t . " 4 8  Events leading to the Founding of the New Democratic Party From A p r i l 21st to 25th, 195S, the Canadian Labour Congress held i t s Second Constitution Convention at Winnipeg. One of the issues discussed at the Convention was p o l i t i c a l involvement. I t Dorothy Steeves, The Compassionate Rebel. Evergreen Press Ltd., Vancouver, B.C., I960, (copyright, Boag Foundation), p. 208. 4?Winnipeg Declaration, op. c i t . . p. 1. 4 8 I b i d . . p. 2 *See Appendix F. 1956 Winnipeg D e c l a r a t i o n of P r i n c i p l e s  Qff the CCF, ( P a r t i S o c i a l Democratique du Canada) 34 was decided that within two years time there would be formed a "...broadly based people's p o l i t i c a l movement which embraces the CCF, the labour movement, farm organizations, professional people and other liberally-minded persons interested i n basic s o c i a l re-form and reconstruction through our parliamentary system of government."^9 The CCF National Council was advised of t h i s resolution and asked to name representatives to a CLC - CCF Joint National Com-mittee which would lay the ground-work for the new movement. The CCF National Council met i n May of 1958 and expressed i t s support i n a re s o l u t i o n * to be submitted to the July 23-25 CCF National Convention i n Montreal f o r approval. Having received the sanction from both the CLC and CCF, the Joint National Committee proceeded to make plans and co-ordinate the related a c t i v i t i e s taking place across Canada. "Since the l a t t e r part of 1958 a number of New Party Conferences organized by P r o v i n c i a l Federations of Labour, D i s t r i c t Labour Councils, CCF organizations, the CLC P o l i t i c a l Education Department and Joint CLC - CCF Committees, have been held i n the various p r o v i n c e s . " ^ The majority were held i n Ontario and B.C. and the partic i p a n t s included trade unionists, CCF'ers, farmers, businessmen, and professionals. The Joint CLC - CCF Commission was predominantly instrumental i n setting up study and discussion grou ps with the purpose of encouraging rank A New P o l i t i c a l Party f o r Canada, published by the CLC -CCF Joint Committee, Ottawa, Nov., 1958, p. 5. •Appendix G - f o r the complete Resolution adopted at the CLC Convention held at Winnipeg, A p r i l 21 - 25, 1958. Appendix H.- f o r complete Resolution adopted at the CCF National Convention held at Montreal, July 23 - 25, 1958. ^°CCF - CLC Joint Meeting i n Winnipeg, Manitoba. Papers d i s t r i b u t e d at the meeting, August, 1959, p. i i . 35 and f i l e CCF and union members to par t i c i p a t e and exchange ideas. The proposals f o r a new p o l i t i c a l party based on the p r i n -c i p l e s and id e a l s of the CCF were met with enthusiasm by many people. They indicated i n t e r e s t and willingness to p a r t i c i p a t e i n helping the New Party to become a r e a l i t y . Stanley Knowleg, executive president of the CLG and national vice-president of the CCF explained i t i n t h i s way: "The setback suffered by that party at the federal e l e c t i o n of 195© and the r e a l i z a t i o n i n the public mind that the existence of the CCF was threatened, focussed the attention of a great many Canadians on the f a c t that what the CCF stood f o r was something t h i s country did not want to disappear."51 To work out some of the differences and tentative p o l i c i e s , a National CCF - CLC Seminar was held i n Winnipeg from August 28 -30, 1959. Three hundred delegates attended — 119 from trade unions; 116 from the CCF; 33 farmers; and 36 others. Grace Maclnnis, one of the attendents, said of the proposed New Party: " I t s program and philosophy w i l l be almost indistinguishable from the program and philosophy of the CCF."-*2 Just before the Founding Convention the National Committee ci r c u l a t e d two pamphlets, one containing the Draft Constitution*; the other the Draft Program*. With some modifications, these ^ """Stanley Knowles, The New Party. McLelland and Stewart L td. 1961, p. 4 8 . 5 2Grace Maclnnis, "CCF-CLC Winnipeg Seminar a Success", CCF  News, f o r B.C. and the Yukon, Vol.23, No.9, September , 19$9, p *Draft Constitution, published by the National Committee f o r the New Party i n March, 1961. *Draft Program, published by the National Committee f o r the New Party, i n May, 1961. 36 were l a t e r endorsed by the Founding Convention. The program i s divided into four sections; the second, t i t l e d 'Security and Freedom*, dealing with welfare measures which f a l l under federal j u r i s d i c t i o n . The magor concern i s security. "The New Party w i l l e stablish a program of s o c i a l security — a program to ensure a standard of l i v i n g which w i l l enable every Canadian to l i v e i n health and self-respect."^3 B r i e f l y outlined i s a national health plan, a national retirement plan, an assistance plan f o r those who are unemployed due to an i l l n e s s or accident not covered by Workman's Compensation (in c l u d -ing maternity benefits), a l i f e insurance plan, and increases i n veterans', family, and b l i n d and disabled persons* allowances. The New Party also proposed to combat disease by establishing a national centre for research. Increased housing accommodation, town and community planning, urban re-development, and slum clearance would also be undertaken. Canadian labourers and con-sumers also stand to benefit from the New Party's proposals. Included i n t h i s category, too, was an expanded program i n edu-cation and the a r t s . The Founding Convention i t s e l f was a successful and memor-able occasion. Held i n Ottawa, i t drew two thousand and two hundred attendents. T.C. Douglas was chosen as national leader and Michael O l i v e r , as NDP President. Although the sixteen B.C. NDP - CCF MLA's were unable to attend the National Founding Convention due to a special session of the B.C. Legislature, they had the opportunity to p a r t i c i p a t e 53lbid., P. 18. 37 at the P r o v i n c i a l Convention held October 27 to 29, 1961. A s o c i a l welfare program on matters of p r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n was passed as an "Offensive against S o c i a l Neglect": "The NDP w i l l have as i t s primary i n t e r e s t the needs of people at a l l l e v e l s of society. I t rec-ognizes that human beings are our greatest re-sources and that welfare services must be focussed on i n d i v i d u a l needs and i n d i v i d u a l problems. "A new Department of S o c i a l Welfare and R e h a b i l i -t a t i o n w i l l make a complete study of a l l welfare needs and services. I t w i l l remove the f i n a n c i a l burden of s o c i a l services from the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . Social Assistance allowances w i l l be raised. Services and pensions f o r the aged must be i n -creased and there w i l l be an immediate speedup i n senior c i t i z e n s 1 housing. "There w i l l be an enlargement of services to mentally disturbed and retarded children and an expansion of juvenile and family court services. There must be a preventive approach to delinquency, drug addiction, alcoholism and mental i l l n e s s . "An aggressive program for r e c r u i t i n g suitable s k i l l e d s t a f f to the government s o c i a l welfare service w i l l be undertaken. Assistance to the University School of S o c i a l Work and bursaries to s o c i a l welfare s t a f f f o r further education w i l l be provided. I t w i l l be the policy of the govern-ment to raise educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s and prac-t i c e standards of s o c i a l workers generally, throughout the province."54 The d e t a i l and c l a r i t y of t h i s program i s considerable when compared to those of previous years. Much of the credit f o r t h i s goes to Mr. David Barrett, the MLA entrusted to be the welfare spokesman f o r the B.C. New Democratic Party. Since h i s election i n I960 he has made emphatic bids to estab l i s h s o c i a l welfare as the primary NDP program. He has gone to great lengths i n defining and i n t e r p r e t i n g the s p e c i f i c conditions and needs i n t h i s f i e l d ^"B.C. Program and Constitution", CCF News, v o l . 25, no. 9, 19 September, 1961, p. 5. 38 as evidenced i n the NDP paper, The Democrat* For a more detailed examination of his views, see Chapter 17 of t h i s t h e s i s . * * * * * * * The B.C. S o c i a l i s t movement has undergone considerable p h i l o -sophical change since 1933 when i t emerged as the CCF, Canada's f i r s t ' t h i r d ' party. I t was mainly composed of labourers and was based on strong Marxian t r a d i t i o n — with both membership and philosophy drawn pri m a r i l y from the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada (B.C.). The main distinguishing feature lay i n i t s p o l i c y to completely abolish the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l order and replacing i t with a s o c i a l -i s t one. I t was a 'people's' party but i t s programs were geared more towards the economy and s o c i a l order, with the people benefit-t i n g as a consequence of these being implemented. However, the CCF was not given tthe opportunity to govern and so to r e t a i n and increase i t s support, i t began introducing programs which were more s p e c i f i c i n terms of people's needs. These were the labour and welfare programs, s t a r t i n g with Ernest Winch's drive to a l l e v -i a t e the plig h t of the mentally i l l , the aged, the cri m i n a l , the poor, and the overworked (or exploited). About t h i s same period, l a t e depression and early World War I I years, the party was taking on quite a marked reformist p o s i t i o n . At times t h i s met with considerable resistance from those within the party who recognized and feared the watering-down process which gradually did occur. A c t u a l l y what was happening was a growing awareness of the needs of the people i n r e l a t i o n to the circumstances of the society. The party became more f l e x i b l e and t h i s was r e f l e c t e d i n the pol -i c y changes. These changes i n p o l i c y were not f u l l y acknowledged u n t i l 1956 when the Winnipeg Declaration of P r i n c i p l e s was signed. 39 Publie ownership was de-emphasized and s o c i a l welfare was included as one of the top p r i o r i t i e s . Thus did the CCF enter a new phase, one which can be best described by the words 'welfare statism'. M.J. Coldwell gave f u l l expression to t h i s i n 1949 when he said: "When economic and s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e has been uprooted; when unemployment has been banished; when decent housing replaces a l l our slums; when a l l the resources of medical science are a v a i l -able to even the poorest urchin i n the land; when the flames of r e l i g i o u s and r a c i a l hatreds have been stamped out; when the fear of glutted markets, starvation prices and crop f a i l u r e s has been removed; when our old f o l k s are no longer shut away i n bare, lonely rooms to await t h e i r end on a starvation pension; when every c h i l d i n the land has a l l the milk i t can drink and a l l the food i t can eat, and when the only l i m i t to i t s education w i l l be i t s own a b i l i t y — when a l l these things have come to pass, then the need f o r the CCF w i l l have disappeared. I t s task w i l l have been done. But not t i l l then."55 The h i s t o r y of the s o c i a l democratic movement i n B.C. i s f u l l of tw i s t s and turns both organizationally as w e l l as philo sophically. The main trends i n terms of philosophy can be sum-marized as follows: (a) Before the o f f i c i a l formation of the CCF i n 1933 the s o c i a l democratic movement was concerned with welfare matters only to the extent of recognizing them; t h e i r solution was predicted as a natural re s u l t of the new s o c i a l order which the party was proposing. (b) The depression and World War I I years created a new CCF outlook on the needs of the people. Less energy -'-'M.J. Coldwell, part of a speech given i n 1949; quoted i n a paper t i t l e d History of the CCF: Boag Foundation C o l l e c t i o n , Special Collections, U.B.C. Library. 40 was spent expounding on the e v i l s of capitalism and more was being directed to i d e n t i f y i n g and a l l e v i a t i n g welfare problems. I t was during these years that the CCF gained prominence and respect f o r the reformist welfare measures which i t s L e g i s l a t i v e representatives introduced. Although the reformist element of the party (NDP-CCF) gradually replaced the o r i g i n a l (1933, Regina Manifesto) goal to establ i s h a new s o c i a l order, t h i s was not given o f f i c i a l recognition u n t i l 1956 when the Winnipeg  Declaration of P r i n c i p l e s was adopted. This document advocates a les s r a d i c a l form of Democratic Socialism with greater emphasis on welfare matters, and as pointed out i n t h i s chapter, a more accurate description of the present party philosophy i s re f l e c t e d i n the term 'welfare statisra'. \ CHAPTER II INTRODUCTION; SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY RESOLUTIONS AND POLICY  STATEMENTS FROM ANNUAL PROVINCIAL CONVENTIONS (a) Purpose The major objective of this chapter will be to assess the New Democratic Party's opinion on social welfare policy and philosophy as seen by the rank and file and to correlate these views with the official views of the party as expressed through formal policy statements. Official views as expressed by the party leadership will be examined in the fourth chapter and the third chapter will examine the individual views of members, at all levels, gathered through the use of a questionnaire. This chapter will therefore be con-fined mainly to aggregate opinions of the rank and file expressed through resolutions and official views as expressed through policy statements. In this chapter three areas are examined. (a) The party structure and organization is examined in order to evaluate the importance that rank and file resolutions play in formation of party policy. This includes an examination of the similarities and differences between the NDP and the CCF insofar as the importance of rank and file resolutions are concerned. (b) Resolutions of a philosophical nature are examined and correlated to the general philosophical views as de-veloped in Chapter I. 42 (c) The r e s o l u t i o n s are c l a s s i f i e d a ccording t o s p e c i f i c areas of s o c i a l welfare and t e s t e d against o f f i c i a l p a r t y p o l i c y on s o c i a l w e l f a r e . (b) The M a t e r i a l The m a t e r i a l examined i n c l u d e s the f o l l o w i n g : 1. T r a n s c r i p t s of the r e s o l u t i o n s presented to the annual conventions of the CCF and the NDP f o r the years 1953 t o 1965. 2 . The Regina Manifesto 3• The Winnipeg D e c l a r a t i o n 4. A program statement adopted by the P r o v i n c i a l C o u n c i l of the CCF i n 1954-5. "The Task Before Us." An a p p r a i s a l of CCF p o l i c y and philosophy presented t o the 1956 Convention by the e x e c u t i v e . 6. O f f i c i a l P o l i c y Statements from the CCF News and the NDP organ The Democrat. 7. A statement of NDP p o l i c y endorsed by the 1965 convention. 8. An i n t e r v i e w w i t h Mr. Ernest H a l l , Secretary of the NDP. 9. The NDP C o n s t i t u t i o n . The c h i e f l i m i t a t i o n s of the m a t e r i a l are found i n the records of the convention proceedings. The records f o r the years 1954, 1955, 1957, 1958, 1959 and I960 l i s t a l l of the r e s o l u t i o n s sub-mitted by constituency o r g a n i z a t i o n s but do not i n c l u d e a record of the d i s p o s i t i o n of the r e s o l u t i o n s . The proceedings f o r 1964 and 1965 contain the d i s p o s i t i o n of a l l r e s o l u t i o n s and those r e s o l u t i o n s c a r r i e d are recorded. There i s no r e c o r d , however, of the r e s o l u t i o n s submitted by constituency a s s o c i a t i o n s . I n general there i s no record of any d i s c u s s i o n of the r e s o l u t i o n s 43 nor i s the rationale f o r acceptance or r e j e c t i o n given. A second major l i m i t a t i o n concerning resolutions i s the fact t h a t there were no records available f o r the years 1962 and 1964, nor was the NDP able to provide a copy of the minutes of the founding convention. This i s most unfortunate, p a r t i c u l a r l y the lack of the minutes of the founding convention of the NDP which was a major development i n the h i s t o r y of the CCF - NDP movement. In addition to the recording of resolutions, the o f f i c i a l proceedings of the annual conventions often contain o f f i c i a l p o l -i c y statements which along with o f f i c i a l statements published i n the CCF News and The Democrat, are used as a basis f o r examining the relationship between rank and f i l e resolutions and o f f i c i a l p o l i c y . In order to examine the nature of the party organization and structure (which a f f e c t s the relationship between o f f i c i a l p o l i c y and rank and f i l e resolutions5, the constitution of the NDP was examined and an interview was held with Mr. Ernest H a l l , present Secretary of the NDP. Party Organization and Structure I t i s of great significance that i n addition to the fact, that s o c i a l i s t parties d i f f e r from the long established parties i n terms of philosophy, they also d i f f e r i n terms of party organiza-t i o n . This difference i s s i g n i f i c a n t because i t v i t a l l y a f f e c t s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between rank and f i l e and the o f f i c i a l leader-ship. Perhaps i t i s necessary f i r s t of a l l to outline the major ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the organization of long established parties and then to examine how s o c i a l i s t parties are d i f f e r e n t and t h i r d l y to assess to what degree the NDP conforms to the model of s o c i a l i s t party organization. kk According t o Maurice Duverger, long e s t a b l i s h e d p a r t i e s " s u r v i v e i n the shape of Conservative and L i b e r a l p a r t i e s . . . They are based on caucuses which are narrowly r e c r u i t e d , r a t h e r independent of one another and g e n e r a l l y d e c e n t r a l i z e d ; t h e i r aim i s not so much t o increase t h e i r membership or t o en-l i s t the masses as t o r e c r u i t outstanding p e o p l e . " 1 These t r a d i t i o n a l p a r t i e s tend t o d i r e c t t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s e n t i r e l y towards e l e c t i o n s and consequently have a somewhat i r r e g -u l a r rhythm t o t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s , tending o n l y to be very a c t i v e during e l e c t i o n s ; p a r t y a d m i n i s t r a t i o n tends t o be minimal and the l e a d e r s h i p l a r g e l y i n the hands of e l e c t e d parliamentary rep-r e s e n t a t i v e s and re v o l v e s around p e r s o n a l i t i e s (the p a r t y l e a d e r and h i s cabinet) r a t h e r than ideology. Indeed, these p a r t i e s are u s u a l l y concerned w i t h p o l i t i c a l questions r a t h e r than i d e o l o g i -c a l ones. Membership " . . . i s g e n e r a l l y based on i n t e r e s t o r Duverger de s c r i b e s s o c i a l i s t party o r g a n i z a t i o n as.... "being d i r e c t e d t o o r g a n i z i n g as l a r g e a propor-t i o n of the masses as p o s s i b l e . . . i n which the p o l i t i c a l education of members assumes consider-able importance alongside the pu r e l y e l e c t o r a l a c t i v i t y . The personal aspect i n l e a d e r s h i p be-comes l e s s important... d o c t r i n e p l a y s a much more important p a r t w i t h i n the p a r t y ; r i v a l r i e s , i n s t e a d of being s t r u g g l e s between p e r s o n a l i t i e s , take on the character of c o n f l i c t s between opinion."- 5 These p a r t i e s are dependent on i n d i v i d u a l members f o r t h e i r f i n a n c e s and consequently have a r i g i d system of i n d i v i d u a l Maurice Duverger, P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s ; T h e i r O r g a n i z a t i o n and  A c t i v i t y i n the Modern S t a t e . Methuen and Co. L t d . London. 1959. p. 1. 2 Duverger, o p . c i t . p. 1. h a b i t . " 2 3 I b i d . p. 1. 45 subscriptions (rather than receiving large donations from r e l a -t i v e l y few wealthy supporters). In these s o c i a l i s t parties there tends to be a d e f i n i t e organizational structure for the general membership composed of 'branches'. P o l i t i c a l education as well as e l e c t o r a l a c t i v i t y assumes great importance. A l l t h i s i n e v i t a b l y leads to the formation of a considerable administrative organiza-t i o n . The most important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of s o c i a l i s t parties i n terms of t h i s thesis i s the fa c t that s o c i a l i s t parties exercise control over t h e i r parliamentary representatives, i . e . they u t i l -i z e various procedures to ensure that party ideology i s manifested i n parliament by party members s i t t i n g i n parliament. Our f i r s t task i n t h i s chapter i s to examine the extent to which the NDP exercises t h i s type of control over i t s l e g i s l a t i v e representatives. According to Corry and Hodgetts the CCF did exercise control over the leadership. "The P r o v i n c i a l and National organizations b u i l t on the constituency associations have careful con-s t i t u t i o n a l provisions for ensuring that the rank and f i l e of party members w i l l be heard. The party leadership, whether p r o v i n c i a l or national i s formally subject to control and detailed d i r -ection by t h e i r respective party associations. ... Annual p r o v i n c i a l and biennial national party conventions, which are widely representative, i n s i s t on the leaders giving a f u l l account of t h e i r stewardship... Many matters which i n the older parties would be set t l e d i n caucus...are dealt with i n the CCF party by the representative associations and conventions." 4 In the New Democratic Party i n B.C. t h i s practice has been modified due to the a f f i l i a t i o n of labour union groups. The .A. Corry and J.E. Hodgetts. Democratic Government and  P o l i t i c s . University of Toronto Press, Toronto 1958. p. 262. 46 opinions of the rank and f i l e are s t i l l important although labour wields a considerable influence because of i t s f i n a n c i a l c o n t r i -butions which w i l l be examined l a t e r . The 1965 proceedings of the annual B.C. NDP convention contains, for example, a compre-hensive p o l i c y statement which incorporated a large number of the rank and f i l e resolutions passed at the convention. More import-ant the policy statement i t s e l f which represents the o f f i c i a l view of the NDP was, to quote the introduction to the statement "endorsed Section by Section at the P r o v i n c i a l Convention and P r o v i n c i a l Council."-* Resolutions originate at the constituency l e v e l including those which are proposed by a f f i l i a t e d clubs and labour organ-i z a t i o n s . A general meeting of the constituency association votes on resolutions proposed and forwards those accepted to a resolutions committee (which i s r a t i f i e d by the party convention) which i n turn amalgamates s i m i l a r resolutions and c l a r i f i e s con-f l i c t i n g resolutions. The resolutions are then voted on by the convention and those accepted become party p o l i c y . Those r e s o l -utions which are not dealt with by the convention due to lack of time are referred to the executive and council and i f endorsed by the executive and/or council become party p o l i c y . According to P r o v i n c i a l Secretary, Ernest H a l l , most of these resolutions are a c t u a l l y never dealt with. Theoretically a l l party p o l i c y , including both resolutions and policy statements endorsed by the convention are binding on l e g i s l a t i v e members. There i s however no di r e c t way of immedi-at e l y d i s c i p l i n i n g elected representatives who f a i l to adhere to party p o l i c y , although ultimately the party does have methods of control which are vested i n the annual convention and the Proceedings, 1965 Convention. 47 constituency associations. The constituency associations can refuse to renominate a r e b e l l i o u s l e g i s l a t i v e member and therefore withdraw party sup-port. The annual convention can exercise i t s control by f a i l i n g to approve the annual report of the leader of the party which again i s , i n e f f e c t , withdrawal of support. In between annual conventions which are held within a mini-mum of eighteen months of each other}, there i s an attempt at i n -formal control through j o i n t meetings of the party executive and the parliamentary caucus. These meetings are held often although not regularly and the degree of control exercised by the party executive often depends on the personalities of the various groups involved at any given time. Since the influence of trade and labour union a f f i l i a t e s w i l l be discussed i n a l a t e r chapter i t i s perhaps appropriate to conclude t h i s presentation of the structure and organization of the NDP with some comments on the ro l e of labour i n the NDP. Under A r t i c l e I I I ^ of the Constitution of the NDP unions may a f f i l i a t e themselves with the NDP. At present a f f i l i a t i o n i s made to constituency associations and a f f i l i a t e d groups are subject to the controls of the constituency organizations. Union a f f i l i a t e s could wield a large amount of influence i n the party i f the NDP became dependent on union f i n a n c i a l contributions. The threat of withdrawal of such support would become a powerful t o o l f o r i n -fluencing party p o l i c y . I f f i n a n c i a l contributions are used as a measure of union influence, dues paid by union a f f i l i a t e s would indicate a small Constitution, p. 4 . 4a influence. The convention proceedings for 1965, f o r instance, indicate that union a f f i l i a t e s contributed $732.56 f o r the s i x months ended A p r i l 30, 1964. The t o t a l income f o r t h i s period was $15 ,530.91 the bulk of which i s derived from i n d i v i d u a l con-t r i b u t i o n s . The unions do however, according to Ernest H a l l , contribute substantial donations during e l e c t i o n times i n the form of cash and direct services (e.g. labour, materials, o f f i c e space e t c . ) . The t o t a l amount of these contributions was not divulged, except f o r the i n d i c a t i o n that they are much larger than the t o t a l dues paid through a f f i l i a t e s . There i s therefore the l i k e l i h o o d that the labour union movement does exert a considerable influence i n the NDP. Philosophy and P r i n c i p l e s From the early 1 9 5 0 's to the present time the s o c i a l i s t movement has undergone a considerable modification of i t s organi-zational structure. With the introduction of labour as a p a r t i -cipating group i n the CCF - NDP the controls by the party conven-t i o n over parliamentary leadership have been relaxed and made les s formal. In addition, the NDP no longer has a formal state-ment of p r i n c i p l e s equal to documents such as the Regina Manifesto (1933) or the Winnipeg Declaration (1956) . Convention resolutions seem to have replaced these documents and consequently have become more thorough and thoughtful. The more recent evolution of the party to i t s present state can be traced back to 1953 when the CCF s t i l l adhered to the Regina Manifesto. By 1956 the Winnipeg Declaration was being con-sidered and i n 1959 the idea of a new party began to appear, ultimately r e s u l t i n g i n the formation of the New Democratic Party i n 1961. 49 In 1953, the pr o v i n c i a l convention passed only one resolu-t i o n dealing with philosophical matters. "Resolved that t h i s convention r e i t e r a t e i t s be-l i e f i n the Regina Manifesto and urge the national council to continue i t s e f f o r t s to complete the statement of p r i n c i p l e s of the CCF and to prepare a handbook o u t l i n i n g i n abbreviated form the funda-mental p o l i c i e s of the CCF for the use of CCF members and the p u b l i c . " 8 This resolution was an amendment of the o r i g i n a l submitted by the Commonwealth Club which contained i n i t s introduction an in d i c a t i o n that the party was becoming d i s s a t i s f i e d with the manner i n which i t s general aims might be implemented. The Commonwealth Club resolution stated that "WHEREAS there i s a pronounced f e e l i n g of uncer-t a i n t y among the general public as to the true moral and economic aims and p o l i c i e s of the CCF and WHEREAS the rank and f i l e of the party should have a written policy of CCF philosophy BE IT RESOLVED that a l l urgency be attached to the completion of the statement of P r i n c i p l e s of the CCF (redraft of the Regina Manifesto) and to the preparation of a handbook o u t l i n i n g i n abbreviated form the said p r i n c i p l e s f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n to each ( member and to be available to the general public." By 1955 a restatement of the Regina Manifesto had not been drafted, however, a program adopted by the p r o v i n c i a l council i n 1954 was presented to the convention. E s s e n t i a l l y , there was very l i t t l e difference between t h i s program and the Regina Mani-festo. The main reason f o r i t s presentation seems to have been a) A reassurance to the public that the CCF i f elected would Convention Proceedings, 1953, Resolution #101, p. 70. ^Convention Proceedings, 1953, Resolution #101, p. 26, Commonwealth Club. 50 govern c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y . "We find...that the voters need assurance that the CCF w i l l uphold the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l practices of our government -- both before and a f t e r taking power."*0 b) The policy on n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n was restated. The party executive at t h i s point seemed to want to s a t i s f y two groups — the rank and f i l e and the electorate. This program used the term "mixed economy" i n i t s statement on s o c i a l i z a t i o n . The Regina  Manifesto had c l e a r l y outlined what would be s o c i a l i z e d and what would not. The new p r o v i n c i a l program simply said the CCF would "administer a mixed economy containing both p r i -vate and public enterprise. Within the l i m i t -ations of p r o v i n c i a l authority and finance a CCF government would proceed to widen the area of s o c i a l ownership i n those industries and services indispensable to the l i f e of the p e o p l e . " i 1 The CCF continued to undergo reexamination of i t s goals and philosophy u n t i l 1956 when the Winnipeg Declaration was i n t r o -duced. I t may be that the reexamination i n B.C. could be p a r t i a l l y due to the defeat suffered at the p o l l s i n 1952 and 1 9 5 3 . Party records show that a f t e r t h e i r narrow defeat i n 1952 there were expectations that i n 1953 the CCF would win. Defeat appears to have come as a shock and the CCF became concerned with i t s image. I t seemed p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned with the p o s s i b i l i t y of being associated with t o t a l i t a r i a n government and therefore stated t h i s p o s ition i n i t s 1956 program. Convention Proceedings, 1 9 5 5 , p. 3 8 . Convention Proceedings, 1 9 5 5 , p. 3 3 . 51 "...the p u b l i c . . . i s deeply suspicious about our r e a l attitudes on a number of v i t a l matters. We have yet to obtain the support of people who are not s o c i a l i s t s . . . . They need to be convinced that we believe i n the parliamentary system...that we are genuinely opposed to a l l forms of t o t a l i t a r -ian control."12 During the period 1953 -1956 the l e f t wing of the party re-mained strangely quiet. New programs and approaches were d i s -cussed and some reformulation of p o l i c y was taking place with l i t t l e opposition. In 1956 however with the introduction of the Winnipeg Declaration evidence of a struggle becomes apparent. The Regina Manifesto d i f f e r s from the Winnipeg Declaration i n one major way. The Regina Manifesto i s s p e c i f i c where the Winnipeg Declar-ation i s broad and general. The Manifesto states s p e c i f i c a l l y that "banking, currency, credit and insurance, transportation, communications, and e l e c t r i c a l power"^ w i l l be s o c i a l i z e d . I t also states that "natural resources and the p r i n c i p a l means of production w i l l be s o c i a l i z e d . " I 4 The Winnipeg Declaration states that "The CCF has always recognized public ownership as the most eff e c t i v e means of breaking the stranglehold of private monopolies on the l i f e of the nation and of f a c i l i t a t i n g the s o c i a l planning necessary f o r economic security and advance. The CCF w i l l , therefore, extend public ownership where-ver i t i s necessary. n l 5 -^Convention Proceedings, 1 9 5 5 , p. 38. 13 ^Regina Manifesto, p. 2. HRegina Manifesto, p. 3. •^Winnipeg Declaration f p. 3. 52 The Winnipeg Declaration broadens i t s scope even further by-recognizing that " i n many fie l d s there w i l l be a need for private enterprise which can make a useful contribution to our economy. The cooperative commonwealth w i l l therefore provide appropriate opportunities for private business as well as publicly owned industry."! 0 Insofar as social welfare i s concerned both the Regina  Manifesto and the Winnipeg Declaration saw their economic programs as answering the needs in the social welfare f i e l d . The intro-ductory statement i n the Regina Manifesto for example states that "...the principle regulating production, distribu-tion and exchange w i l l be the supplying of human needs and not the making of p r o f i t s . " 1 ' It further states that "The present order i s marked by glaring inequali-t i e s of wealth and opportunity, by chaotic waste and in s t a b i l i t y ; in an age of plenty i t condemns the great mass of the people to poverty and i n -security.... We believe that these evils can be removed only i n a planned and socialized economy..."18 The introductory statement of the Winnipeg Declaration states that "The aim of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federa-tion i s the establishment by democratic means of a co-operative commonwealth in which the supply-ing of human needs and enrichment of human l i f e shall be the primary purpose of our society."19 1 6Winnipeg Declaration, p. 3 . 1 7Re gina Manifesto, p. 1. •^Regina Manifesto, p. 1 19 7Winnipeg Declaration, p. 1 53 S o c i a l welfare i n the broadest sense i s therefore the corner-stone on which CCF philosophy has been b u i l t . The main concern of both the Regina Manifesto and the Winnipeg Declaration was economic deprivation. The remedies offered consisted i n the main, of s o c i a l i z a t i o n of certa i n sectors of the economy, p a r t i c u l a r l y finance and banking, monopolies, communication and transport and cer t a i n other e s s e n t i a l areas. It was f e l t that on the whole such a reorganization of the society and the-economy would lead to a lessening of s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y and deprivation. In addition s o c i a l i z e d health services were seen as a complement to economic planning. 0 Other areas of s o c i a l welfare concern — delinquency, c h i l d care etc. were not dealt with by the Winnipeg Declaration. The Regina Manifesto however did have a b r i e f section e n t i t l e d " S o c i a l J u s t i c e . " "While the removal of economic i n e q u a l i t y w i l l do much to overcome the most gl a r i n g i n j u s t i c e s i n the treatment of those who come into c o n f l i c t with the law, our present archaic system must be changed and brought into accordance with a modern concept of human re l a t i o n s h i p s . The new system must not be based, as i s the present one, upon vengeance and fear, but upon an understanding of human behaviour." 2 0 When the Winnipeg Declaration was introduced to the B.C. Pr o v i n c i a l Convention i n 195S, there were f i f t e e n resolutions submitted from clubs and associations; ten against i t , one f o r i t and three expressing concern over the way the Declaration had been introduced to the convention. The points made by those resolutions disapproving the Regina Manifesto, p. 7. 54 Winnipeg Declaration can be best summarized by the following resolution. "BE IT RESOLVED that the theme of the Winnipeg Declaration that there i s room for an extensive development of private c a p i t a l i n the Co-operative Commonwealth be r e j e c t e d . " 2 1 The theme of the ten resolutions stressed the r e j e c t i o n of accepting private enterprise as having a r o l e i n a s o c i a l i s t state. In t h i s respect the resolutions went further than the Regina Manifesto i t s e l f , f o r while strong words were used to de-fine 'capitalism* there was never any clear suggestion that private enterprise should be eliminated. A l l ten resolutions were rejected by the convention and the simple resolution i n favor of the Declaration was passed. I t stated "BE IT RESOLVED that t h i s CCF P r o v i n c i a l Convention welcomes the Winnipeg Declaration as a modern state-ment of CCF p r i n c i p l e s . " 2 ^ The matter did not rest at the passing of that resolution however. A composite resolution was drawn up by delegates to the convention and replaced those resolutions opposing the Winnipeg  Declaration. This resolution recognized the Winnipeg Declaration but contained within i t two statements which symbolized the struggle between two factions i n the party. "We cannot forsee the circumstances i n which the next statement w i l l be made, but we know they w i l l be d i f f e r e n t . This convention believes that the way to prepare f o r the next such statement i s 2 1 R e s o l u t i o n #78, H i l l c r e s t CCF Club 1958. Resolution #137, Vancouver East Constituency Association 195S, p. 34. 55 by disavowing and r e j e c t i n g any concept or declar-ation that a modified and controlled capitalism i s the ultimate goal of the CCF." and l a t e r "We urge the CCF National Convention give the lead by making provision f o r a continuing study of s o c i a l i s t p r i n c i p l e s , so that the thinking of our movement may keep pace with the development of our fas t changing world." 23 This resolution was also passed by the 1958 Convention i n contra-d i c t i o n to the Vancouver East resolution already passed. By 1959, the struggle f o r r e d i r e c t i o n and r e d e f i n i t i o n had taken a new turn. At the 1959 Convention the idea of a 'new party* composed of an a l l i a n c e between trade unions and the CCF was proposed. A controversy arose and continued into I960. A number of resolutions were proposed f o r and against a new party, most of those against showing a cherished l o y a l t y to the name CCF and a fear that the entrance of labour into the party i n an o f f i c i a l way would further d i l u t e the p r i n c i p l e s of s o c i a l i z a t i o n of industry. The new party became a fact when the New Democratic Party was founded i n B.C. i n 1961. There are no complete records of the founding convention available. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t to note however that the party does not have a 'manifesto' i n the form of an o f f i c i a l statement of p r i n c i p l e s and philosophy stiich as the Winnipeg Declaration or Regina Manifesto. The 1963 P r o v i n c i a l Convention did however pass a resolution which was e n t i t l e d "Statement of P r i n c i p l e s . " This resolution enunciates p r i n c i p l e s Resolution #146, Statement of P r i n c i p l e s 1958\ 56 s i m i l a r to the Regina Manifesto and the Winnipeg Declaration, I t s importance for s o c i a l welfare i s found i n the opening statement, "The New Democratic Party i s pledged to bring about i n Canada a society i n which the material and c u l t u r a l needs of humanity w i l l be f u l f i l l e d , i n order that each i n d i v i d u a l w i l l be able to l i v e a meaningful and s a t i s f y i n g l i f e . " 2 * * -The statement reaffirms the party's b e l i e f i n a system based on human ri g h t s over 'a drive f o r p r o f i t . ' The statement on s o c i a l i z a t i o n of industry however i s even more tempered than the Winnipeg Declaration s t a t i n g that the NDP w i l l work to elect a government which i s "pledged to the development of democratically administered i n s t i t u t i o n s i n order to bring under public ownership or control, our natural resources and our basic i n d u s t r i e s . " 2 ? During the period 1953-1965, the CCF - NDP has undergone considerable change i n i t s structure and t h i s has been accom-panied by a change i n approach to i t s philosophical values. S t r u c t u r a l l y the change had occurred by the broadening of i t s membership to include the a f f i l i a t i o n of labour groups. The addition of labour to the CCF - NDP movement i s l i k e l y to a f f e c t that organization profoundly. Philosophically the NDP s t i l l adheres to the maxim that society and the economy should be planned to meet human needs rather than to leave the economy to the exigencies of the 'free market.' The emphasis on s o c i a l i z a t i o n or n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of ^Resolutions C l , 1963. 2 5 R e s o l u t i o n C l , 1963. 57 industry remains although not to the same degree. There i s greater consideration f or the role of private industry i n the economy while s t i l l r e t aining the emphasis on planning and/or control. S o c i a l i z a t i o n (36 resolutions) The basis f o r CCF - NDP philosophy as a p o l i t i c a l movement has been primarily the elimination of gross economic i n e q u a l i t i e s . One of the major means of obtaining t h i s goal consists of a pro-gram of n a t i o n a l i z i n g or s o c i a l i z i n g various areas of the economy. As a p r a c t i c a l p o l i t i c a l program n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n i s seen as an important t o o l i n the d i f f u s i o n of economic and p o l i t i c a l power to a larger proportion of the population and hence the emphasis on n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of key i n d u s t r i e s , public u t i l i t i e s , monopolies and finance. These are the areas i n which the greatest economic power l i e s . There appears to be a large group within the NDP who view s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r imarily as an economic and p o l i t i c a l t o o l to achieve greater equalization of wealth and lessening of economic deprivation. This group does not see private enterprise or capitalism as inherently immoral but rather sees the misuse of c a p i t a l and the consequent concentration of p o l i t i c a l and economic power into the hands of a few as immoral. Their primary goal i s economic equalization rather than s o c i a l i z a t i o n f o r s o c i a l i z a t i o n sake. There i s however another group within the NDP whose ideas are based on the writings of Marx and who tend to view private enter-prise and capitalism as b a s i c a l l y immoral. This concept of immor-a l i t y seems to be based on the premise that private enterprise i n e v i t a b l y leads to e x p l o i t a t i o n of wage earners. The contention i s that wage earners who produce the goods do not obtain benefits 58 i n the form of p r o f i t while the investor whose only contribution to the productive system i s h i s money or c a p i t a l enjoys the prof-i t s without contributing s u b s t a n t i a l l y i n physical e f f o r t to the productive process. In t h i s there i s an element of the idea that labour i s morally good. Both the Regina Manifesto and the Winnipeg Declaration seem to take a 'middle ground' stance i n t h i s issue by declaring capitalism to be immoral but neither c a l l f o r i t s complete elim-i n a t i o n but rather i t s subjection to a system based on human needs rather than the p r o f i t motive. The two views mentioned above overlap between various groups within the party. In addition there i s a t h i r d view which holds that i t i s inherently desirable f o r the c i t i z e n s of a democracy to maintain the same type of control over t h e i r economic destiny as they t h e o r e t i c a l l y do over t h e i r p o l i t i c a l destiny. This goal i s best achieved, some argue, through the common ownership ( i . e . state ownership) and/or control of the means of production by the population of the state. An examination of 36 resolutions on s o c i a l i z a t i o n from the years 1953 to 1965 indicate that a large proportion of the pro-v i n c i a l CCF viewed n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n primarily as a t o o l f o r achie-ving economic equalization rather than as a basic philosophical premise. Most of the resolutions (26 i n a l l ) up to 1958 c a l l e d for s o c i a l i z a t i o n of public u t i l i t i e s (hydro and telephone), natural resources, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the f o r e s t r y industry and car insurance. The introduction to these resolutions contain such statements as 1. "Whereas the power rates i n the province are high i n 59 comparison with Provinces that do not have t h i s abundance (B.C.'s) of e l e c t r i c a l p o t e n t i a l ; Therefore be i t resolved that we take over the B.C.E.R "26 2. "Whereas the forests are r a p i d l y being depleted, BE IT RESOLVED that the CCF upon being elected w i l l immediately s o c i a l i z e the forest lands of B.C. i n the name of the people."27 Most of the resolutions from t h i s period are s i m i l a r . The basic idea of the immorality' of capitalism of course was ex-pressed i n the Regina Manifesto and the Winnipeg Declaration. The fact however that the resolutions dealt mainly with public u t i l -i t i e s and t h e i r f a i l u r e to meet public need i n s p e c i f i c areas indicates a trend away from the view that capitalism per se, i s immoral. In 1958-59 the philosophical aspect received b r i e f attention with the introduction of the Winnipeg Declaration. The contro-versy over t h i s change has already been discussed however the c o n f l i c t over s o c i a l i z a t i o n w i l l be examined further. The r e s o l -utions opposing the Winnipeg Declaration were defeated but the following quote i l l u s t r a t e s the t r a d i t i o n a l approach to s o c i a l -i z a t i o n with i t s emphasis on the immorality of capitalism. 1. "... 'Our aim i s a c l a s s l e s s society' and 'we w i l l not mistake the form of s o c i a l ownership f o r the substance of socialism' and WHEREAS the Winnipeg Declaration, i n i t s support of private enterprise, departs from the fundamental p r i n c i p l e of socialism, ... The Winnipeg Declaration cannot be accepted as a Declaration of S o c i a l i s t P r i n c i p l e s . " 2 8 Resolution #125, Victoria-Oak Bay Constituency Association, 1955. 2 7 R e s o l u t i o n #83, North Burnaby, 1956. 2 8 R e s o l u t i o n #143, Vancouver Centre Association, 1958. 60 The most recent records of the New Democratic Party emphasize public ownership as a form of democratic popular control and appears to give equal status to the idea of control as opposed to public ownership. "The New Democratic Party proposes to implement i t s objective by democratic and evolutionary means. I t w i l l work to elect a government pledged to the dev-elopment of democratically administered i n s t i t u t i o n s i n order to bring under public ownership or control our natural resources and our basic industries."2° This resolution i s reflected i n an o f f i c i a l p o l i c y statement endorsed by the P r o v i n c i a l Convention i n 1965. The 1965 p o l i c y statement proposes steps to place under public ownership, " f o r the benefit and protection of the public, a l l remaining private.power companies, natural gas production, ...and the B r i t i s h Columbia Telephone System."3° The 1965 policy statement also proposes that a NDP govern-ment would "...modify and control the operations of large cor-porate organizations and where necessary, develop new i n s t i t u t i o n s , public, j o i n t public, private and cooperative organizations to balance the market and to ensure both productivity and quality at the highest possible l e v e l . " 3 1 Also f o r the f i r s t time i n the records examined, the idea of public-private ownership of a bank i s proposed, the government having a substantial share of ownership. From the records of the l a s t four years i t would appear that ^ R e s o l u t i o n C l , 1963. 30 P o l i c y Statement, Convention Proceedings, 1965. ^ P o l i c y Statement, Convention Proceedings, 1965. 61 the NDP has moved a considerable distance from the concept of a 'classless society' and views public ownership along with control as a vehicle f o r achieving a degree of income equalization. Broad democratic control of the economy through government seems to have become a fi r m i d e a l . S o c i a l Security — Public Assistance and Income Maintenance Programs ( 2 2 resolutions) The main emphasis of the CCF was on economic reconstruction. I t was f e l t that by s o c i a l i z a t i o n and economic planning, economic in e q u a l i t y would be eliminated. Perhaps t h i s i s one reason why s o c i a l security programs are not given emphasis by the Winnipeg  Declaration nor the Regina Manifesto. The Regina Manifesto i n section 14 e n t i t l e d "An Emergency Programme" proposed increased r e l i e f measures to the unemployed and public works programs as a method of temporarily dealing with the c r i s i s of unemployment during the depression years. I t stated emphatically however that these emergency measures were "...only of temporary value, f o r the present depression i s a sign of the mortal sickness of the whole c a p i t a l i s t system and t h i s sickness cannot be cured by the a p p l i -cation of salves."32 Since the Regina Manifesto, the rank and f i l e have moved closer to what might be c a l l e d an economic reform philosophy. As w e l l , there has been an increasing trend by the party as a whole away from the s t r i c t adherance to s o c i a l i z a t i o n and increasing emphasis on s o c i a l security measures, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the program of the B.C. NDP. For a more complete discussion of t h i s trend see chapter one. There i s a paucity of resolutions on s o c i a l Regina Manifesto, p. 8. 6 2 security and most of the impetus f o r change seems to come from the leadership l e v e l (see chapter fo u r ) . There are f o r the period 1953-56 3 resolutions on S o c i a l Allowance 3 Old Age Assistance 1 S o c i a l Service Tax exemption 3 Debt Moratorium 8 Workmen's Compensation Board 1 Cost of L i v i n g Bonus 1 Widow's Pension 2 Unemployment Insurance The three resolutions on s o c i a l allowances are proposals to increase the rate of s o c i a l allowance to a more adequate standard of l i v i n g . The 1965 resolution on s o c i a l allowance indicates the desire to raise s o c i a l allowance incomes to a more adequate standard but at the same time indicates the preference for the provision of employment rather than public assistance. "WHERRAS the cost of l i v i n g has gone up sky-high, and those receiving s o c i a l assistance have an extra hard time to e x i s t on $66 per month BE IT RESOLVED that the NDP support a p o l i c y of: a) Raising the allowance given to those on s o c i a l assistance immediately to an interim l e v e l (pending r a i s i n g i t to a more r e a l i s t i c l e v e l a f t e r further study of the problem) comparable with that given Old Age Pensioners. b) Giving the employable unemployed work at union rates, u n t i l such time as work can be found for them i n industry, and r e t r a i n i n g them; and that such trainees be given, while r e t r a i n i n g , an a l -lowance comparable to that given an Old Age Pensioner."33 3 3 R e s o l u t i o n #57, 1965 63 At the same convention a p o l i c y statement expanding on the so c i a l allowance resolution was approved. "The New Democratic Party recognizes that society must make an adequate provision f or persons unable to care f o r themselves by reason of unemployment, loss of the breadwinner, physical and other d i s -a b i l i t i e s . A l l must have t h i s as a right without loss of c i v i l l i b e r t i e s or self-respect. At the same time through education and special t r a i n i n g , persons able to do so must have an opportunity to make a contribution within t h e i r means to the general welfare. " 3 4 A s i m i l a r approach i s taken to questions such as Old Age Pensions, Widow's Pensions, Workman's Compensation etc. The party evidently f e e l s that these services must be provided without loss of dignity or s e l f respect and as a r i g h t . These allowances should, according to resolutions, ensure a minimum standard of living, however t h i s l a t t e r comment i s not defined. I t would appear from resolutions records, that the rank and f i l e of the party are s t i l l l a r g e l y concerned with restructuring the economy and that s o c i a l security measures while seen as im-portant by certain leadership l e v e l s of the party are not a matter of urgent concern to the rank and f i l e at least as evid-enced by the few resolutions at party conventions. Automation During the period 1953-1963 there were no resolutions dealing s p e c i f i c a l l y with automation however the f i r s t section of the 1965 p o l i c y statement i s e n t i t l e d "The New Dimension i n Government." This statement attaches a great deal of significance to the prob-lems of technological change and automation. The main contention 3 4 P o l i cy Statement, Convention Proceedings, 1965. 64 i s that t h i s "modern i n d u s t r i a l revolution" i s creating a s i t u -a t ion where "the i n d i v i d u a l i s no longer able to meet the demands such rapid change makes upon him without adequate d i r e c t i o n , re-t r a i n i n g and adjustment ."35 There i s also an i n d i c a t i o n i n t h i s section that the NDP favors the implementation of a guaranteed annual income although the policy statement does not elaborate on t h i s matter. "We must restore a dignity to labour and provide through r a t i o n a l planning, a guaranteed income to a l l which w i l l ensure a standard of l i v i n g comen-surate with/the productive capacity of the province."3° Child Welfare (1 resolution) A resolution e n t i t l e d "Child Care"37 w a s introduced to the 1965 convention and passed. This resolution deals s p e c i f i c a l l y with Foster Day-Care Homes, Day Care Centres, Nurseries and Kindergartens. The main purpose of the resolution i s to support the provision of these services at reasonable cost under govern-ment auspices. The issues of protection, foster home services, adoption and family services are not dealt with either by resolutions or recent p o l i c y statements a r i s i n g out of convention proceedings. Conclusion There are a few resolutions supporting less punitive measures i n corrections services and a paragraph i n the 1965 policy statement Policy Statement, Convention Proceedings, 1965 'Resolution 60, 1965 P o l i c y Statement, Convention Proceedings, 1965. 65 supporting larger and better trained s o c i a l welfare s t a f f for government s o c i a l service agencies. Rank and f i l e resolutions i n these s p e c i f i c areas however are few. The 1965 proceedings may indicate a trend to greater consideration of s p e c i f i c s o c i a l welfare issues since there tend to be a few more resolutions on s p e c i f i c issues and these resolutions tend to be more thorough.* The rank and f i l e are c l e a r l y more interested i n economic reorganization than s o c i a l security measures as a method of dealing with poverty and unemployment. Some party leaders, as w i l l be shown i n Chapter Four had quite extensive views on spec-i f i c s o c i a l welfare matters. Chapter I has shown that the CCF - NDP has moved from a t h e o r e t i c a l s o c i a l i s t basis to a welfare state basis. The present NDP places less emphasis on s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the economy and more emphasis on s o c i a l security programs such as Unemployment Insur-ance and Old Age Security. While the emphasis on welfare state measures i s true f o r the party as a whole i t i s not generally true f o r the B.C. section of the rank and f i l e , e s p ecially i n the matter of p r o v i n c i a l a f f a i r s . There are three major reasons f o r t h i s . According to Chapter I the B.C. wing of the CCF - NDP has always been more l e f t wing than i t s equivalent organizations i n other provinces. I t i s therefore not surprising that the B.C. movement i s slower than the federal and other p r o v i n c i a l organiza-tions i n adopting welfare state measures. The recent statement on automation (see page 64) indicates that the present NDP i s seriously endorsing a major welfare state p o l i c y by giving support *see Appendix I 66 t o the i d e a o f a guaranteed annual income. A second major reason f o r the l a c k of emphasis on w e l f a r e s t a t e measures by the B . C . s e c t i o n o f the NDP i s t h e f a c t t h a t many of the measures are c o n s i d e r e d to be f e d e r a l areas o f j u r i s -d i c t i o n . T h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e o f Unemployment I n s u r a n c e , O l d Age S e c u r i t y and M e d i c a r e . Consequent ly , the B . C . NDP has a c o n s i d e r a b l y l a r g e r number of w e l f a r e s t a t e o r i e n t e d r e s o l u t i o n s when d e a l i n g w i t h n a t i o n a l a f f a i r s a t t h e i r p a r t y c o n v e n t i o n s . T h i r d l y , the rank and f i l e seem to leave much of the spec-i f i c p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i o n surrounding w e l f a r e measures t o t h e i r l e a d e r s h i p (see Chapter F o u r ) . The Regina M a n i f e s t o saw the i m -mediate a l l e v i a t i o n of s o c i a l problems through s p e c i f i c measures such as p u b l i c works and Unemployment Insurance as i n t e r i m measures o n l y . P a r l i a m e n t a r y l e a d e r s such as J . S . Woodsworth i n the f e d e r a l sphere and E . E . Winch i n B . C . spent a great d e a l o f e f f o r t i n b r i n g i n g about s o c i a l w e l f a r e r e f o r m s . Whi le E . E . Winch d i d c o n t r i b u t e much to s o c i a l w e l f a r e r e f o r m as a l e g i s l a -t i v e member, he was always a t h e o r e t i c a l s o c i a l i s t and at p a r t y co n vent ions m a i n t a i n e d a concern t h a t the CCF r e t a i n i t s s o c i a l -i s t o r i e n t a t i o n (see Chapter One). To summarize, i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t the rank and f i l e have moved from a t h e o r e t i c a l s o c i a l i s t b a s i s t o an economic r e f o r m b a s i s . There i s no l o n g e r a s t r i c t adherance to the concept o f s o c i a l i z a t i o n and the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a new o r d e r . There r e -mains however, the concept t h a t p u b l i c ownership o f the means o f p r o d u c t i o n are necessary i n c e r t a i n areas o f the economy. E c o n -omic p l a n n i n g c o n t i n u e s t o p l a y a l a r g e r o l e i n NDP p o l i c i e s . S p e c i f i c w e l f a r e measures a l s o p l a y a l a r g e p a r t i n NDP p o l i c i e s , however t h e o r i g i n a t i o n of these p o l i c i e s i s a t the 67 leadership l e v e l i n p r o v i n c i a l a f f a i r s . The rank and f i l e tend to view s o c i a l security (Unemployment Insurance, Old Age Security etc.) as federal areas of j u r i s d i c t i o n . L e g i s l a t i v e representatives remain responsible to the rank and f i l e and i t can therefore be assumed that rank and f i l e members support the a c t i v i t i e s of l e g i s l a t i v e members i n s p e c i f i c areas of s o c i a l welfare. CHAPTER I I I THE QUESTIONNAIRE  INTRODUCTION Purpo se: The purpose and aim of the present chapter i s to construct with the help of a questionnaire (see Appendix J ) , the general trends of a sample of the New Democratic Party members (herewith to be cal l e d NDP). As w e l l , where there i s s t a t i s t i c a l v a l i d i t y , to outline c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s f o r the party as a whole. What i s the consistency of welfare views held by party members? What issues are considered by them to be most relevant? Where should the greatest concentration of services be placed i n the welfare f i e l d ? Should the community become more involved i n the detection and resolution of s o c i a l problems? Is i t primarily a governmental, community, or i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to outline areas of need? A l l these are important areas of concern and should be examined to determine the NDP welfare p o l i c y . The NDP has throughout i t s h i s t o r y , undergone a great deal of change. I t has moved through various stages of development begin-ning with an emphasis on t h e o r e t i c a l socialism to a present focus toward the welfare-state i d e a l . The stages of evolution have been described i n d e t a i l i n Chapter I . How can we account f o r the variety of opinions held by i n d i -i vidual members about the purpose and focus of t h i s party? The 69 change can be p a r t l y attributed to the large numbers of younger and/or more labour-oriented people j o i n i n g the party i n the 1950*3 and 1960 Ts bringing with them a new focus. Their i d e a l s and background were not steeped i n Marxian socialism. Whereas some of the older members w i l l be influenced by such a change, many w i l l s t i l l adhere to the t h e o r e t i c a l philosophy found i n the old CCF party, at the time of i t s founding convention i n 1933• These changes i n attitude were examined i n greater d e t a i l i n Chapter I I under NDP p o l i c i e s . Because any party i s influenced by i t s leaders, es p e c i a l l y i n certain areas of l e g i s l a t i o n where some form of expert knowledge or s k i l l i s necessary, the fourth chapter examines opinions held by these leaders about issues i n the welfare f i e l d i n depth. In the present chapter trends i n f e e l i n g s , a t t i t u d e s , and opinions, of a sample population about key areas i n welfare today, w i l l be examined. In Chapter I the changes i n party philosophy were outlined as a frame of reference f o r the rest of the t h e s i s . Because changes i n philosophy influence changes i n attitudes i t could be an important basis of comparison between a l l l e v e l s of party membership. However, because there was no question which l i m i t e d the respondents to a d e f i n i t e type of philosophy, i t i s impossible to do more than make some general comments where they appear to be appropriate. Instead, the following areas w i l l be examined: the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the four variables (age, education, year j o i n i n g and position i n the party); the general trends i n philosophical questions; and any s i g n i f i c a n t differences found within questions dealing with general areas of welfare by s t a t i s t i c s ; to determine whether there was consistency i n opinions held between the rank 7G and f i l e members, and those i n h i e r a r c h i c a l positions within the party. The o v e r a l l purpose of the questionnaire then, was to provide information i n the following areas: 1) some s t a t i s t i c a l background information about the res-pondents including age, occupation, education, year j o i n i n g the party, and past p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s , (questions 1, 2, 3 and /*)• 2) answers to certain basic philosophical questions, (questions 5, 7, 8, 10, 12 and 18). 3) general trends of thinking, and att i t u d e s towards wel-fare, ( a l l questions a f t e r number 5). 4) questions of a s p e c i f i c nature about welfare l e g i s l a t i v e areas and related areas, (questions 6, 13 to 29). 5) consistency of responses within the various h i e r a r c h i c a l party l e v e l s , (MLA's, executive council, club secretaries, and rank and f i l e ) , ( a l l questions a f t e r number 4). 6) consistency of r e p l i e s of the respondents, with inform-ation of a s i m i l a r nature gathered from leading welfare spokesmen of the party, and from i n f l u e n t i a l party communications media, ( a l l questions a f t e r number 4). 7) the existence or non-existence of s i g n i f i c a n t differences of attitudes and opinions between respondents at dif f e r e n t l e v e l s ; age, occupation, education, and year of j o i n i n g the party, ( a l l questions). 8) the general awareness of the respondents to e x i s t i n g and future problems i n the f i e l d of welfare and r e l a t e d f i e l d s , ( a l l questions a f t e r number 6). 71 Mat e r i a l : The questionnaire method of e l i c i t i n g information about the NDP's s o c i a l welfare policy was used to supplement information gathered from i n d i v i d u a l party leaders and experts, and that found i n books, resolutions, speeches, and newspapers. I t s aim was to provide an e f f i c i e n t method of c o l l e c t i n g data from as large a population as possible. The covering l e t t e r stated that there were no right or wrong answers to questions, and that the annonymity of the respondents was guaranteed. This was done primarily to promote the return of questionnaires which could be more i n d i c a t i v e of the i n d i v i d u a l respondents true feelings and opinions, rather than a tendency to follow the o f f i c i a l party p o s i t i o n . On December 23, 1965, the questionnaire was sent to 189 members of the p r o v i n c i a l NDP of B r i t i s h Columbia. These members included: the t o t a l number of p r o v i n c i a l members of the l e g i s l a -t i v e assembly (14), the t o t a l executive council of the party (30), the t o t a l number of l o c a l club secretaries (55), and a random sample of rank and f i l e members (90). The random sample popula-t i o n was an a r b i t r a r y choice based on the e f f i c i e n c y with which we f e l t we could deal with the material co l l e c t e d . Every 30th rank and f i l e member i n the alphabetical sequence" was chosen. The questionnaire was accompanied by a covering i n s t r u c t i o n l e t t e r from the thesis group members, as w e l l as a covering l e t t e r from the NDP headquarters which asked f o r the members' f u l l cooper-ati o n i n returning the questionnaire. The questionnaire i t s e l f was divided into four d i s t i n c t areas. These were: 1) questions of a s t a t i s t i c a l nature. 72 2) questions of a basic philosophic and semi-philosophic nature. 3) questions r e l a t i n g to s p e c i f i c areas of welfare. 4) an open-ended question allowing f o r further comments. There were thirty-one questions i n a l l ; of which t h i r t y were of the multiple choice, yes - no v a r i e t y , and one as outlined i n number 4 above. Of the 189 questionnaires that were mailed, 104 (55%) r e p l i e s were received. Two of these r e p l i e s stated that they were unable to complete the questionnaire. The t o t a l number of returned ques-tionnaires was then, 102 or 54% of the t o t a l sent out. Two student members below the f i r s t (20 - 2 9 ) age d i s t r i b u t i o n were excluded from the sample. Eliminating those questionnaires that were l o s t i n the mail (the questionnaires were sent out during the Christmas mail rush), or not f i l l e d out for other physical reasons (sickness, e t c . ) , we can say that the percentage of answers received (55%) was rather low. The fact that we did not receive responses from 45% of our mailing l i s t (including 5 MLA's), might be a t t r i b u t e d to apathy on the part of the sample population. Other possible explanations could be: a f e e l i n g of ignorance of the sample about the whole questionnaire, negative feelings about questionnaires i n general, a change i n party a f f i l i a t i o n , etc. Despite the fact that the rate of return was not as large as might be expected, i t i s f e l t that certain trends can s t i l l be observed. 73 GENERAL TRENDS OF THE SAMPLE A: Characteristics of Respondents In addition to the basic fact that a l l respondents were mem-bers of the NDP of B.C., t h i s sample was examined under the f o l -lowing headings: 1) age; 2) education; 3) occupational status; 4) year of membership; 5) past party a f f i l i a t i o n ; and 6) position i n the party. These areas w i l l now be examined i n d e t a i l , using tables where relevant to indicate d i s t r i b u t i o n s and trends. Age D i s t r i b u t i o n : Table 1 D i s t r i b u t i o n By Age 20-29 4 30-39 24 40-49 26 50-59 30 60 and over 16 Total 100 Table 2 Age D i s t r i b u t i o n of Rank and F i l e and Other Members Rank & F i l e , O t h e r s 20-29 0 4 30-39 10 14 40-49 15 11 50-59 12 18 60 and over 2. Z Total 46 Total 54 The age d i s t r i b u t i o n indicates a concentration i n the middle years and older. This trend towards an older than the average population could be because more experience and knowledge i s nec-essary to a t t a i n positions i n the party hierarchy. This might not have been so i f the sample were exclusively rank and f i l e . How-ever, i n t h i s sample i t i s evident that over 50$ of the h i e r a r c h i c a l 7 4 positions i n the party are occupied by r e l a t i v e l y younger persons ( i . e . under 5 0 years). I t i s possible to say then, that r e l a t i v e l y young persons have l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y i n securing these •'leadership'1 positions. Education D i s t r i b u t i o n : Table 3 D i s t r i b u t i o n by Education Grade 7 or less 3 8 1 0 9 8 1 0 8 1 1 8 1 2 2 3 13 4 University year 1 0 Mean - grade 1 2 . 4 2 9 3 5 5 6 6 3 7 7 not answered Total 1 0 0 The average education of the sample (the mean) i s grade 1 2 . 4 . This indicates a l e v e l of education much higher than the B.C. average of approximately grade 8*. Since education generally effects knowledgeability, t h i s sample may have r e l a t i v e l y more understanding of the questions, as w e l l as more sophistication than average i n f i l l i n g i n questionnaires. Occupational Status and D i s t r i b u t i o n : Because of the great v a r i e t y and s p e c i f i c i t y of the responses received i n regard to occupation, the sample was a r b i t r a r i l y grouped into the following categories: 1 ) professionals and •According to 1 9 6 1 Census. 75 semi-professionals (as determined for t h i s sample by u n i v e r s i t y t r a i n i n g i n a s p e c i f i c area, e.g. teaching, professors, lawyers, e t c . ) , 2) managerial, 3) private ownership, 4) white c o l l a r , 5) blue c o l l a r ( s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d ) , 6) non-employed ( r e t i r e d , housewives). Table 4 D i s t r i b u t i o n by Occupation professionals and semi-professionals managerial private ownership white c o l l a r blue c o l l a r non-employed not answered Total 100 The d i s t r i b u t i o n by occupation indicated a large proportion of professional and semi-professional persons. The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the party with the "working class" was not borne out by num-bers of members representative of labour within the sample. That i s , nineteen blue c o l l a r members would seem to a r e l a t i v e l y low number i n the sample, considering the NDPTs philosophical orien-t a t i o n towards the "working cl a s s " . This i s es p e c i a l l y important when we consider that the NDP i s the " p o l i t i c a l arm" of the labour movement. A table was constructed to determine what positions i n the party were held by which occupations. 23 10 13 14 16 76 Table 5 D i s t r i b u t i o n by Position and Occupation i n the NDP MLA Exec.Council Rank and Club Sees. Total F i l e 4 4 9 6 23 1 4 4 1 10 1 3 9 0 13 1 1 5 7 14 1 2 11 5 19 1 2 5 8 16 0 _1 _1 __1 _ i 9 17 46 28 100 Semi-professional and professional managerial private ownership white c o l l a r blue c o l l a r non-employed not answered Totals The table shows that the majority of the blue c o l l a r members ( l l / l 9 ) i n t h i s sample are rank and f i l e members. Again, although the NDP i s a "working class" party the blue c o l l a r workers appar-ently are playing a small role i n leadership. There i s represen-t a t i o n of a l l occupations at a l l l e v e l s of the party hierarchy, however, we can see that 46% of the sample i s semi-professional, professional, and managerial, which seems a rather large number when we consider the party's working class o r i e n t a t i o n . The questionnaire also showed that th i r t e e n of the respond-ents were self-employed. Year of Joining the CCF-NDP D i s t r i b u t i o n : Table 6 D i s t r i b u t i o n by Year of Joining CCF-NDP 1933^38 27 1939-45 14 1946-49 4 1950-59 21 1960-64 32 not answered 2 Total 100 The years were grouped according to the following guidelines: 1933-38 Depression years 77 1939-45 War years 1946-49 Post war years 1950-59 Pre NDP 1960-64 Post NDP These groups of years were judged to be s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f -ferent from each other. The d i s t r i b u t i o n showed that proportion-atel y more persons joined the party i n the years immediately f o l -lowing the founding of the CCF i n 1933, and the founding of the NDP i n I960. Aside from these years of mass membership, the party seems to have acquired members at a steady rate. From t h i s sample, one can see the number of new members has increased s i g n i f i c a n t l y during the l a s t few years. P o s i t i o n a l D i s t r i b u t i o n : Table 7 D i s t r i b u t i o n by Position i n the Party  Questionnaires sent Replies Percent MLA 14 9 Executive Council 28 17 60$ Member 90 46 51$ Club Secretary _j>2 _2J| 48$ Total 189 100 The questionnaire was sent to the t o t a l populations of MLATs, executive council members and club secretaries. However, a ran-dom sample of 90 (or one i n every eighty members) were chosen from the rank and f i l e membership. This mixture of t o t a l popula-ti o n s and a random sample i s rather unique, and so i s not (nor meant to be) a representative random sample of the entire NDP. In considering the consistency of responses to the question-naire i t i s f e l t that t h i s sub-section holds the most significance 78 f o r t h i s chapter when compared to the other thesis chapters. One of the major concerns of the questionnaire was to determine com-paratively i f differences i n welfare p o l i c y , a t t i t u d e s , and opinions existed between the rank and f i l e membership, and the party leadership. This would indicate whether the welfare p o l i c y outlined by the leadership has the support of the party as a whole, and would give some idea of the s t a b i l i t y of t h i s p o l i c y over time and changes i n leadership. The r e p l i e s received from the club secretaries t o t a l l e d 28 out of 57 or 4#%, and of the four l e v e l s , had the least response. The fereat number of possible reasons f o r t h i s , eliminates the p o s s i b i l i t y of making a cause-and-effect statement about the s i g -nificance of a less than 50% response. Although the response from MLA's was the best (64%), i t was f e l t that t h i s should have been much higher considering t h e i r d i r e c t involvement i n welfare matters, and the greater e f f o r t made i n attempting to have quest-ionnaires returned from them. B: Characteristics of Ideological Questions This section i s concerned with questions 5 to 11 i n c l u s i v e , which were included i n an attempt to ascertain from what philoso-p h i c a l , p o l i t i c a l , and id e o l o g i c a l base, respondents were making decisions with reference to l a t e r questions. An attempt was also made to determine at which stage the respondents were i n the party's evolution (Marxist, social-democrat, e t c . ) . In t h i s section what i s proposed i s , to give an explanation of why questions were included, to outline the pertinent r e s u l t s and f i n a l l y , to evaluate i f possible, c e r t a i n general trends. Since members of the NDP favor s o c i a l change, a question was 79 asked to see how t h i s change should be implemented. Thirty per cent (30/100) of the sample tested f e l t that revolutionary changes should occur, while 66$ (66/100) and 4$ (4/l®°) respectively, thought major and minor changes were necessary i n the e x i s t i n g system. This would c e r t a i n l y indicate a great deal of d i s s a t i s -f a c t i o n with e x i s t i n g society, remembering, of course, that the NDP i s an opposition party. Of the respondents nearly 1/3 favour what could be termed "extreme" (revolutionary) changes. One possible explanation could be that they seem to adhere to a Marxian philosophy, and i n terms of the NDP evolution are at a Marxian stage of development. In order to compare welfare and non-welfare p r i o r i t i e s i t was necessary to include a question whereby the respondents were given a d e f i n i t e choice between these two areas. In i t s broadest sense a l l l e g i s l a t i o n could be said to be welfare, however i n t h i s study i t w i l l only indicate those issues having to do d i r e c t l y with s o c i a l services to people. Thus we have divided t h i s question into two areas — welfare and non-welfare, as indicated i n Table 8 . Table 8 D i s t r i b u t i o n of "Most Urgent" P r i o r i t i e s i n  Welfare and Non-welfare Areas * Welfare Total Non-Welfare Total education 74 i n d u s t r i a l development 50 c h i l d welfare 53 labour l e g i s l a t i o n 47 mental health 47 co-operatives 21 juvenile delinquency 45 northern development 15 s o c i a l assistance 3 £ hydro development 13 adult corrections 26 highway construction 5 park construction 4 * each t o t a l can be considered out of 100 — with 9 questionnaires with no answers. 80 The general trend i s toward a "welfare" o r i e n t a t i o n , a l -though those areas which economically ( i n d u s t r i a l development and labour l e g i s l a t i o n ) are most relevant to a welfare system, are also considered by many as urgent. L e g i s l a t i o n i n the economic sphere i s , of course, of- prime importance to a s o c i a l i s t philosophy. I t should also be noted that considerable emphasis was placed on the importance of education. Two questions were asked with reference to welfare services i n B.C., i n order to examine the respondents' opinions i n regard to r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f or the provision of welfare services. As would be expected from a s o c i a l i s t party, the sample popu-l a t i o n were almost unanimous i n st a t i n g that the government was not taking enough r e s p o n s i b i l i t y (84%) f o r such services, and that the service should be provided by government (76%). I t i s of note that only one respondent f e l t services should be provided primar-i l y by private agencies, and that 23% stated that there should be shared r e s p o n s i b i l i t y between governmental and private agencies f o r such services. In t h i s section a question was also included (number 9 ) which has been deleted because of p r i n t i n g errors and ambiguity. This question dealt with governmental support f o r private agencies. Question number ten was asked i n an e f f o r t to learn whether t h i s population saw s o c i a l problems as being the r e s u l t of f a u l t s i n the i n d i v i d u a l , i n society, or both. As should be expected from a s o c i a l i s t party, only 4% of t h i s sample f e l t that such problems were due to i n d i v i d u a l inade-quacies. But there were also a large number who f e l t (53%) that such f a i l i n g s could be att r i b u t e d to both the i n d i v i d u a l and society. This seems to indicate movement i n the NDP from an 81 e s s e n t i a l l y " c l a s s l e s s society philosophy", to a greater emphasis on i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The f i n a l question of t h i s section was included to determine i f s i g n i f i c a n t numbers of the sample tested do, or do not support, premise a basic s o c i a l i s t i c and i d e o l o g i c a l ^ i . e . that every i n d i v i d u a l has the basic right to support. I t was found that only 4$ of the sample did not favour basic support i f there were no other means of support — either resources or jobs. Some q u a l i f i e d t h i s area i n the l a s t section with answers l i k e "a s o c i a l i s t government would not be faced with such a problem, as means of support would be automatically provided." Summary of Ideological Section Although i t i s not possible to assess the whole populations feelings and attitudes from t h i s small sample there was general support f o r the basic i d e o l o g i c a l p r i n c i p l e s of socialism. I t was found that a l l respondents held opinions i n t h i s area as extremely few "no opinion" answers were given. I t would appear f o r the sample tested that the general f e e l -ing i s that major changes are necessary to allow welfare i n i t s widest, to become a p r i o r i t y , and that government has the respon-s i b i l i t y to bring t h i s about. C: Characteristics of Questions dealing with S p e c i f i c areas of  Welfare L e g i s l a t i o n To determine what the population f e l t were p r i o r i t i e s within the welfare f i e l d , t h i s section was constructed to ascertain two thingsJ a) opinions about s p e c i f i c welfare areas — s o c i a l a s s i s t -ance, unemployment, c h i l d welfare, juvenile delinquency, adult corrections, Indian a f f a i r s , income subsidization, and housing; 82 and b) p r i o r i t i e s . The major reason for dealing with the s p e c i f i c categories i s to provide a basis of comparison between the upper l e v e l s of the party ( p r o v i n c i a l leader, and welfare expert), and the rest of the membership. Although i t w i l l be impossible to s i g n i f i c a n t l y com-pare t h i s i n d e t a i l as t h i s i s only a small sample of the t o t a l population, general trends can be noted, es p e c i a l l y since most questions deal with d e f i n i t e opinions and attitudes toward welfare issues, and p o l i c i e s . Each of these sub-sections w i l l now be examined i n d e t a i l . S o c i a l Assistance: Three questions with reference to s o c i a l assistance were asked to learn, f i r s t l y , attitudes toward e l i g i b i l i t y requirements f o r such benefits; secondly, feelings toward those who presently receive f i n a n c i a l assistance, and t h i r d l y , opinions about items these rates should be able to cover. I t was found that t h i s sample had mixed feelings about work requirements f o r benefits; 37% f e l t that people should not work for s o c i a l assistance, while 59% thought that they should. There were many qu a l i f y i n g state-ments to the effect that, e.g. ! , I think that t h i s i s not the r e a l issue, cannot a government prevent s o c i a l assistance by providing meaningful work," "every person should have access to employment as a r i g h t , " and "community has the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to provide use-f u l employment." However, despite these statements, such a high percentage seems inconsistent with p o l i c y statements of NDP welfare spoke smen. Of the respondents 83% replied that reduction of rates would not lower the s o c i a l assistance population. This would seem to 83 imply f o r t h i s sample, that i t i s not the i n d i v i d u a l but the com-munity who i s at f a u l t , and could be shown as qu a l i f y i n g the f i r s t question that i t i s the community's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to pro-vide work, and thereby help the i n d i v i d u a l maintain a decent standard of l i v i n g . In assessing the l i m i t s of s o c i a l assistance, 10$ f e l t that the rates should be required to provide for the minimum necessi-t i e s of l i v i n g (food, clothing, and u t i l i t i e s ) ; 59$ favoured a higher more marginal income (which included one or two "extras" — camp fees f o r children and vacations); and 55$ f e l t that rates should cover everything necessary to provide an average standard of l i v i n g . This population tended towards providing more than the basic l e v e l of l i v i n g but, did not f e e l that i t was the community's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to f u l l y , f i n a n c i a l l y , "equalize" s o c i a l a s s i s t -ance recipients with the general population. This could be linked with the idea that provision of work i s more a community r e s p o n s i b i l i t y than a provision of dir e c t services i n kind. A possible explanation, why more expressed the opinion that services should be above a basic standard, i s because the standard of l i v i n g has r i s e n , and items once considered as luxury, are now seen as necessary and basic. Therefore, there s t i l l seems to be trend toward tre a t i n g people on s o c i a l assistance as second class c i t i z e n s , but with a large percentage ( 2 5 $ ) i n favour of a very l i b e r a l a t t i t u d e . This could i n turn be att r i b u t e d to the new focus on a welfare state i d e a l . Unemployment: The four questions aimed at the problem of unemployment were 3 4 intended to determine: awareness of unemployment as a problem now; as an increasing problem (due to automation); and possible solutions f o r i t . The sample population manifests considerable awareness of t h i s area as a problem as 83% indicated that unemployment w i l l increase. This was equally due to a lack of jobs and s k i l l s (41% jobs and 45% s k i l l s ) , with only 2% seeing t h i s as an absence of the desire to work. To overcome t h i s problem 70% saw re-t r a i n i n g as a solution, whereas 25% stated that a guaranteed i n -come would be necessary. There was considerable b e l i e f that unem-ployment can be solved by a change to a NDP government, but then s i g n i f i c a n t l y 18% said that such a p r o v i n c i a l government could not solve unemployment. A number of the 13% f e l t t h i s would be pos-s i b l e i f the NDP formed a federal government. Unemployment, then, was recognized as a major problem caused by a community dysfunction, but that i t s t i l l could be a l l e v i a t e d by a change i n p o l i t i c a l focus and philosophy, and r e - t r a i n i n g . How-ever, a s i g n i f i c a n t number (19 - 22%) indicated that there i s no solution to unemployment, and other means should be found i n order to cope with i t . Child Welfare: The primary focus i n t h i s area was aimed at assessing t h i s sample's reaction to: causes of c h i l d neglect; i . e . whether t h i s neglect was due to an i n d i v i d u a l or community f a i l i n g ; and to a possible means of detecting and resolving i t . ( i ) Causes: 85 Table 9 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Major Causes of Child Neglect Parental indifference 53 * parent's moral l a x i t y 33 emotional disturbance 43 mental i l l n e s s 31 poverty 30 unemployment 25 physical i l l n e s s 7 * a l l numbers are out of the t o t a l of 100. As indicated i n Table 9, the sample population has emphasized parental indifference as a major cause of c h i l d neglect, with emotional disturbance the second. A r e l a t i v e l y high percentage (33$) of the respondents f e l t that moral l a x i t y was a cause. This seems inconsistent with the previous focus on the community respon-s i b i l i t y , excluding i n d i v i d u a l f a i l i n g s , i n both the areas of un-employment and s o c i a l assistance. However, the question i t s e l f was ambiguous i n that parental indifference and moral l a x i t y may be seen as r e s u l t s of the other f i v e variables (poverty, unemployment, i l l n e s s e s , e t c . ) . ( i i ) Detection and Resolution The sample was 76$ i n favour of employing a s o c i a l worker on school s t a f f s , 12$ disagreed with t h i s suggestion, while 12$ had "no opinion." This suggests perhaps greater emphasis on preven-t i o n i n dealing with neglect. Juvenile Delinquency: Under t h i s section questions dealt exclusively with proposed solutions and methods of dealing with young offenders. In p a r t i c -u l a r we were attempting to detect punitive, versus non-punitive, attitudes as a means of solving the problem. 86 Table 10 D i s t r i b u t i o n s of Most E f f e c t i v e Method of Resolving Juvenile Delinquency family counselling 71 * psychiatric services 50 probation 29 f i n e s for parents 19 reform schools 11 fines f o r juveniles 6 foster homes 5 * a l l numbers out of the t o t a l 100. The trend f o r r e h a b i l i t o r y services rather than more punitive actions (as indicated by Table 10) i s quite obvious. I t should be noted, though, that f i n e s f o r parents had s i g n i f i c a n t support as a more punitive method of handling t h i s problem. The two questions r e l a t i n g to open and closed courts f o r delinquents, and transfer of offenders to adult court, showed 68$ favouring closed court, and 55$ against transfers — 24$ favoured open court, 28$ transfers to adult court. Although there i s a general trend favouring the non-punitive method of dealing with delinquents, there appears to be s i g n i f i c a n t support f o r more dras t i c means of action. But, again, the terms are somewhat vague, and i n d i v i d u a l values must be taken into account (those favouring open court might see t h i s as non-punitive). Therefore i n general, although there i s an emphasis on less punitive measures for coping with the problem, there s t i l l seems to be a s i g n i f i c a n t number who favour a more r i g i d treatment of delinquents i n court. Adult Corrections: In t h i s section a question was asked about community focused treatment ( r e h a b i l i t o r y ) versus the custody ( i s o l a t i o n ) of offenders, 87 A second question attempted to determine whether there was any si g n i f i c a n t preference for departmental r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . These questions also made i t possible to determine any v a r i a b i l i t y be-tween the upper (welfare spokesmen) and other l e v e l s of party membership. Of the persons tested there was an overwhelming majority i n favour of greater use of probation and parole services (82%), with 6% opposed and 12% with "no opinion". However, only 37% indicated that j a i l s should be constructed i n the community; 29% outside; and 29% had "no opinion" (5% made no response). Support f o r j a i l construction outside communities could be the r e s u l t of the gen-e r a l trend toward greater use of probation, therefore leaving only the hard-core offenders i n the (isolated) i n s t i t u t i o n a l settings. The large number of "no opinion" answers suggests a reluctance to commit oneself to a s p e c i f i c opinion, which could be due to a lack of knowledge i n t h i s f i e l d . In the sample 68% chose probation and parole to be administered by the Department of Social Welfare; 18% picked the Attorney General's department; and 3% stated that i t doesn't matter. Again t h i s could indicate that i n the view of the respondents t h i s prob-lem could be better solved through a s o c i a l , rather than law-enforcing agency. The trend of the sample membership seemed to favour s o c i a l , rather than punitive means of handling offenders, by vir t u e of the greater emphasis placed on probation (a community service), and choice of a s o c i a l agency to be i n control. With reference to j a i l s , the lack of a c l e a r l y defined choice could be attri b u t e d to a carry-over from the t r a d i t i o n a l coping techniques, as w e l l as an incomplete d e f i n i t i o n of what were considered to be criminal 88 o f f e n d e r s , (e.g. h a b i t u a l and f i r s t o f f e n d e r s ) . Indian A f f a i r s : A s i n g l e question was given i n t h i s area i n an e f f o r t t o de-termine p r o v i n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r Indian a f f a i r s , and to t r y to assess i f t h i s sample was aware of e x i s t i n g problems i n t h i s area. 84% of the respondents saw the n e c e s s i t y f o r the B.C. Depart-ment of Welfare t o take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r Indian A f f a i r s , w h i l e only &fo opposed t h i s ( with many q u a l i f y i n g statements that t h i s was under f e d e r a l j u r i s d i c t i o n ) . This d e f i n i t e l y i n d i c a t e s an awareness of a need f o r more extensive s o c i a l s e r v i c e s f o r Indians, (Table 11 shows where Indian A f f a i r s was placed i n a l i s t of wel-f a r e p r i o r i t i e s ) . Income S u b s i d i z a t i o n : A question was asked t o o b t a i n opinions about s u b s i d i z a t i o n of marginal incomes. I t was found that 83% gave a n I e s n answer to s u b s i d i z a t i o n and only 12% were opposed. Oppo s i t i o n to t h i s pro-p o s a l could have r e s u l t e d from a c o n c l u s i o n t h a t t h i s k i n d of p o l i c y was a form of d i r e c t a i d to p r i v a t e i n d u s t r y . In s p i t e of t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y , there was s t i l l overwhelming support f o r the sup-plementation of marginal incomes, i n d i c a t i n g p a r t y movement from t h e o r e t i c a l s o c i a l i s m t o the w e l f a r e - s t a t e philosophy. P u b l i c Housing: A question was asked on p u b l i c housing t o determine i f more emphasis should be placed i n t h i s area than i s p r e s e n t l y being given i t . I n comparison t o other questions t h i s proposal r e c e i v e d the So-greatest support. 89$ favoured increased p r o v i n c i a l funds f o r public housing and only 5$ were against i t . Of course, t h i s idea f i t s w e l l into the basic philosophy of a s o c i a l i s t party. The enormous support could also have roots i n the secondary gains i n -herent i n public housing projects, i . e . a boost to the economy and to employment. Welfare P r i o r i t i e s : This question (number 30) was asked i n an attempt to discover what p r i o r i t i e s the respondents saw within the welfare f i e l d . Table 11. D i s t r i b u t i o n of Welfare P r i o r i t i e s c h i l d welfare 6 7 * homes f o r e l d e r l y 49 Indian a f f a i r s 34 juvenile delinquency 31 public assistance 18 adult corrections 15 * t o t a l i s out of 100. Greatest emphasis has been on c h i l d welfare, which seemingly indicates a preventative view of s o c i a l welfare. This could be par t l y attributed to the fact that "the c h i l d i n d i f f i c u l t y " gen-erates a great deal of sympathy from the public. The next three areas receiving p r i o r i t y have been subjected to considerable public attention through mass media i n recent months. This could be a possible explanation f o r the reason why concern i s placed here, as the general population has had an opportunity to be better acquainted with the f a c t s , figures, and issues involved. Public assistance and adult corrections are t r a d i t i o n a l l y stigmatized areas of welfare, and t h i s may i n part account f o r t h e i r low r a t i n g . As w e l l , as indicated previously, the f e e l i n g was that 90 a change to a more s o c i a l i s t i c government could solve the main problems i n these f i e l d s . Summary of Areas of S p e c i f i c Welfare L e g i s l a t i o n : In an overview of t h i s whole section, i t i s apparent that t h i s sample manifests an orientation to welfare, with more r e h a b i l i t a -t i v e rather than punitive means of solving s o c i a l problems. Again, except i n s p e c i f i c areas where lack of knowledge could be attributed to not stating opinions, there were r e l a t i v e l y few "no opinion" answers. This might indicate that t h i s population i s more informed on these matters. The questionnaire, of course, dealt with areas where generally strong convictions are held by the general population. Because the NDP i s an opposition party, and uses welfare as a basis of comparison between i t s philosophy and present p o l i c y , t h i s could also have bearing on the welfare focus of t h i s group. D: C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Open-ended Question In order to allow the representative sample an opportunity to q u a l i f y statements, comment further on welfare p o l i c i e s , and point out inconsistancies i n the questionnaire, an open-ended question was included at the end of the questionnaire. Although not a l l persons chose to comment, there were areas which were mentioned and those occurring most often w i l l be sum-marized below. Generally they f e l l into the following areas: " d i f f i c u l t i e s i n making s p e c i f i c choices about causes of, and solutions to, s o c i a l problems; prevention should be the focus of welfare services; a change i n the economic system i n order to resolve many of today's welfare concerns; the importance of education, f u l l employment and 9 1 r e t r a i n i n g i n solving welfare inadequacies; concern that more people be involved i n considering possible solutions to the focused problems; the primacy of cooperation over competition as a basic philosophy; the need for s p l i t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y between the various governmental l e v e l s to f a c i l i t a t e i n implementing programs; the need fo r more highly trained s o c i a l workers; the need f o r coordination of services i n the welfare f i e l d ; the need f o r more research; the need for a better informed public; the need f o r a documented statement of the NDP*s welfare platform; a b e l i e f that welfare i s a direct r e s u l t of capitalism", etc. Due to the great variety and d i v e r s i t y of comments i t i s im-possible to evaluate each one separately, but a s i g n i f i c a n t con-cern f o r welfare matters i s c l e a r l y shown throughout the variety of responses to the general question. STATISTICAL FINDINGS A: Purpose: In order to determine i f the sample selected was representative of the t o t a l population of NDP members, a form of s t a t i s t i c a l anal-y s i s was used to learn i f any s i g n i f i c a n t difference existed be-tween the four variables of age, education, year joined party and position i n party, and the general areas of welfare covered i n the rest of the questionnaire. This approach was intended to allow a comparison of answers given by rank and f i l e party members, and MLA's, executive council members, club Secretaries, i . e . between the lowest and most popu-lous h i e r a r c h i c a l l e v e l of the party, and a l l of the other "higher" l e v e l s . This would make possible an examination of the consistency of responses received, and thus determine i f the welfare spokesmen 92 of the party hold the same views as the other members. Also, be-cause other variables (age, education, year joined party) could influence responses, these too were subjected to the same kind of ana l y s i s . To f a c i l i t a t e the efficiency of analysis, nine questions deal-ing with the general aspects of welfare were chosen from the remainder of the questionnaire, f o r comparison with the above-named variab l e s . These included: welfare and non-welfare p r i o r i -t i e s (#6); governmental and other means of providing welfare ser-vices (#8); e l i g i b i l i t y requirements f o r public assistance (#11); unemployment and the NDP economic programs (#18); treatment of juvenile delinquency (#20); community r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r criminal offenders (#22); Indian A f f a i r s (#25); subsidization of incomes (#26); and welfare p r i o r i t i e s (#30). B: Method: 2 The p r i n c i p a l s t a t i s t i c a l t o o l used was chi square (X ). This was done to determine whether the differences between the observed and t h e o r e t i c a l frequencies were s i g n i f i c a n t . Two by two tables were used f o r the purpose of t h i s study. I f significance i s found, then generalizations about the t o t a l population of the NDP may be made from our sample population. A chi square of 3.34 (with one degree of freedom) and above, s i g n i f i e s that such a r e s u l t could occur by chance less than % of the time. S i m i l a r l y a chi square of 6.64 (with one degree of freedom) and above, i n d i -cates that the r e s u l t s could occur by chance le s s than 1% of the time. C: Materials: To simplify s t a t i s t i c a l analysis each of the four variables, 93 and the questions on the general areas of welfare, was s p l i t into two d i s t i n c t categories. The following framework w i l l outline how and why the variables and the related questions were divided into two groupings. (a) Variables ( i ) For the purposes of t h i s questionnaire, and t h i s t h e s i s , the variable — position i n the party — i s held to be most im-portant, because the o v e r - a l l objective i s to determine consistency of trends within the party hierarchy. The other variables were examined and compared to ascertain i f further reasons existed f o r possible differences of trends i n the party. The sample was divided into two categories, that i s the rank and f i l e membership were compared to the more h i e r a r c h i c a l party positions. There were 46 rank and f i l e respondents and 54 respond-ents from "higher" positions. ( i i ) Because differences i n age often influence attitudes and opinions i t was f e l t that t h i s was a s i g n i f i c a n t variable f o r t h i s sample. An a r b i t r a r y d i v i s i o n of ages was made comparing the r e l a t i v e l y older membership with the r e l a t i v e l y younger member-ship. The d i v i s i o n was at the 50 year old l e v e l , and 54 persons were found to be under 50 years, and 46 persons over 50 years. ( i i i ) Education, s p e c i f i c a l l y the differences between persons with high education and those with public school education, i s often an important factor influencing choices. Therefore, a div-i s i o n was made between univer s i t y education and public school education (grade 12 or l e s s ) . 40 persons had some form of univer-s i t y education and 60 had a public school education. (iv) It was f e l t that the in d i v i d u a l ' s year of joi n i n g the 94 NDP was important, i n r e l a t i o n to responses, because of possible changes i n party evolutionary philosophy through the years. A decision was made to divide the membership into those j o i n i n g a f t e r 1950 and those joining before 1950. This roughly divides respondents into those jo i n i n g during the CCF founding year, the depression, the war and the post war period, from those j o i n i n g during a time of r e l a t i v e prosperity and the founding of the NDP. Once again t h i s tended to divide the members into older and younger age groups. F i f t y - t h r e e persons joined a f t e r 1949 and forty-seven joined the party before 1950. (b) Questions concerning general areas of welfare ( i ) The question on general areas of p r o v i n c i a l governmental l e g i s l a t i v e powers (#6) and p r i o r i t i e s was grouped into welfare areas and non-welfare areas. To determine i f a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f -ference existed between those persons oriented towards welfare, and non-welfare f i e l d s , i t was necessary to examine each category separately. Therefore, the average of a l l those who f e l t that welfare areas were most urgent was compared to those who f e l t that i t was urgent or not urgent. This was also done f o r the non-welfare group. The average stating welfare areas were most urgent was 47, and the average of those saying that welfare areas were only urgent and least urgent was 53. In the non-welfare category, the d i v i s i o n was 22 stating these had a higher p r i o r i t y , as compared to 73 who f e l t that non-welfare was only urgent or not urgent. ( i i ) To determine the extent of government r e s p o n s i b i l i t y versus the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of others i n welfare, question number 3 was examined by comparing, those choosing government as having 95 primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , to a l l others. Seventy-seven persons chose government agencies and twenty-three persons chose one of the other answers. ( i i i ) To see i f the sample population f e l t i n d i v i d u a l s had a basic right to support (#11) by the state, the answer "Yes" was compared to a l l other answers, flinety-four persons answered i n the affirmative and six answered something e l s e . (iv) The f e a s i b i l i t y of the solution to unemployment being accomplished through NDP programs (#18) was examined by comparing a "Yes" answer with other answers. Seventy-seven sample members said "Yes" and twenty-three answered something else. (v) Again, question 20 was s p l i t into two d i s t i n c t categories covering d i s c i p l i n a r y versus treatment techniques (the category " f o s t e r homes" was deleted). In the category " d i s c i p l i n a r y tech-niques", f i n e s for parents, f i n e s f o r juveniles and reform schools, were included. An average of those placing high p r i o r i t y ( l and 2) f o r such techniques was compared to the average of those giving a lower p r i o r i t y ( 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 and 7) i n t h i s area. This was simi-l a r l y done to the category "treatment techniques" which included probation services, psychiatric services, and counselling to f a m i l i e s . The average of those placing p r i o r i t y on treatment tech-niques was 50 as compared to 5 0 . (vi) To f i n d s i g n i f i c a n t trends f o r the treatment of crimin-a l offenders by the community the question (#22) compared probation to i s o l a t i o n of offenders. An answer "Yes" was compared to a l l others. There were 79 "Yes" answers and 21 a l l others. ( v i i ) In an e f f o r t to see i f there was any s i g n i f i c a n t f i n d -ings concerning p r o v i n c i a l government r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r Indian A f f a i r s the answer "yes" was compared to a l l others. The s p l i t 96 was 84 'yes" answers and 16 a l l others. ( v i i i ) To determine whether t h i s population was concerned with government r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n providing subsidies to marginal incomes (#26) the answer "Yes" was again compared to a l l others. The choices were 67 and 33 respectively. (ix) In question number 30 each of the welfare categories was examined separately, i . e . a l l those placing a high p r i o r i t y f o r c h i l d welfare were compared to a l l those who did not. Each category was examined s i m i l a r l y i n turn. The findings were: c h i l d welfare high p r i o r i t y 67 vs low p r i o r i t y 33; homes f o r the e l d e r l y 49 vs 51; juvenile delinquency 31 vs 69; public assistance 18 vs 82; adult corrections 15 vs 85; and Indian A f f a i r s 34 vs 66. D: Results (i ) Party p o s i t i o n compared to general welfare areas: In only three areas was any s i g n i f i c a n t difference found when comparing rank and f i l e to other positions i n the party. In question 25 (Indian A f f a i r s government r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ) a significance of (x 2= 4.77) was found. This means les s than % p r o b a b i l i t y that these s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n attitude of rank and f i l e members and party o f f i c i a l s could have resulted from chance variations, due to sampling. The rank and f i l e members placed more emphasis on governmental r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n t h i s area. In question 30 (welfare p r i o r i t i e s ) two categories — public assistance and adult corrections — showed v a r i a t i o n . In public assistance (x 2= 4«38) significance was calculated. This means that the rank and f i l e placed more importance on public assistance i n welfare when compared to the rest of the population. In adult corrections (x 2= 5.05) significance — the rank and f i l e gave t h i s 97 area more significance as w e l l . I t i s very important to note, e s p e c i a l l y i n terms of the e s s e n t i a l relevance of t h i s section, that there existed few incon-s i s t e n c i e s within the party structure. Except f o r the three areas mentioned, there were no s i g n i f i c a n t differences of opinions held between the general membership and those holding party positions. The general trends to the s p e c i f i c questions were outlined pre-vi o u s l y i n Section B of t h i s chapter under, questions concerning general areas of welfare. ( i i ) Other variables compared to general welfare areas: (a) Age: As there were no s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n compar-ing t h i s v a riable, to the areas outlined, i t can be said that age has no s i g n i f i c a n t influence i n determining consistency of answers by the rank and f i l e , i n comparison to other members. (b) Education: The educational l e v e l of members has s i g -nificance i n answering questions i n four areas. In question number 8 (government r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r welfare) s i g n i f i c a n t l y more ( x 2 = 5«46) non-university persons f e l t that governmental agencies should assume the most r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as compared to other means. In question 20 (treatment techniques f o r delinquency) s i g -n i f i c a n t l y more (x = 240.0) non-university persons placed a higher p r i o r i t y on treatment techniques rather than a lower p r i o r i t y , as compared to those having u n i v e r s i t y education. In question 30 (homes f o r e l d e r l y ) , a s i g n i f i c a n t number of non-university (x = 5.9) placed a higher p r i o r i t y on providing services for the e l d e r l y , than those that placed a lower p r i o r i t y on t h i s area when compared to the university population. And l a s t l y , i n t h i s same question, i n dealing with adult corrections, 98 the non-university population placed higher priority for adult corrections than the university population (significance x = 8.15). Education, then, plays an important role in influencing answers to questions in the above areas, and is therefore more of an influence in differences of opinion than position in the party in question #8, # 2 0 (treatment techniques), and question # 3 0 (homes for the elderly), and of equal importance in determining significance of differences in adult corrections. (c) Year of .joining the NDP: Once again no significant differences were found in any of the areas studied, which therefore implies that it is not an influ-ence in determining the varieties of opinion. That is, it does not influence the responses of the rank and file as compared to others. E: Conclusions For the population tested only two variables played a sig-nificant role in influencing responses for the areas examined. These were found in differences in position in the party and dif-ferences of education. Therefore, except in the areas outlined previously there is very little significant difference in the responses to the questions, i.e. with the exception of seven areas, the general population of the NDP seems consistent in their opinions about and approaches to welfare as determined by this sample. CONCLUSION I. It was certainly demonstrated by the results of the question-naire that a great deal of consistency existed within the party on 99 questions about and related to, welfare. Although differences of opinion were held on many questions, these differences were not concentrated i n any s p e c i f i c groups. That i s , va r i a t i o n s of views were spread throughout the whole party and there were no sub-groups that dissented because of age, education, year j o i n i n g party, or position i n the party. In t h i s sample therefore, the rank and f i l e hold consistent views with a l l other party l e v e l s . The sample showed that i n questions concerned with welfare needs and p r i o r i t i e s , there was a trend towards favouring the preventative aspects of welfare, rather than dealing with prob-lems a f t e r they had occurred. In determining ways of resolving s o c i a l problems the sample indicated that they were the re s u l t of some kind of community dysfunction, rather than i n d i v i d u a l dysfunction, and that these problems c a l l e d f o r a "community solution". Although the sample population obviously did not have ex-perts i n many of the areas the questionnaire dealt with, the r e l a -t i v e l y few numbers of "no opinion" answers would seem to indicate the existence of some knowledge and c e r t a i n l y concern with the areas outlined. This concern and consistency i s evident when we consider from the s t a t i s t i c a l analysis that only seven areas manifested differences of sig n i f i c a n c e , and they were i n methods of applying welfare, rather than suggesting a non-welfare focus. The questionnaire therefore c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e d a welfare or i e n t a t i o n . This would indicate strong support.at a l l party l e v e l s f o r the p o l i c i e s stated by the welfare spokesmen of the NDP — e s p e c i a l l y Mr. Barrett. I t i s , of course, not possible to determine whether t h i s "welfare-orientation" i s primarily the 100 r e s u l t of i n f o r m a t i o n and a t t i t u d e s formed from being NDP members, or from other sources. Since the NDP supports expansion of welfa r e s e r v i c e s which i s the essence of the w e l f a r e - s t a t e , the pa r t y ' s movement from t h e o r e t i c a l s o c i a l i s m ( c l a s s l e s s s o c i e t y , p u b l i c ownership of the means of production, planned economy, e t c . ) , t o a w e l f a r e - s t a t e philosophy becomes evident. CHAPTER IV LEADERSHIP AND SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY (a) Purpose The purpose of t h i s phase of the research was t o determine the views h e l d by leaders of the NDP on S o c i a l Welfare P o l i c y . The assumption was th a t the s o c i a l w e l f a r e p o l i c y would be r e -l a t e d to the p h i l o s o p h i c a l approach of the l e a d e r s and t h e r e f o r e we attempted t o determine what t h i s p h i l o s o p h i c a l approach was f o r each l e a d e r . We sought to determine d i f f e r e n c e s and s i m i l a r -i t i e s i n philosophy and program among the l e a d e r s . Three i n t e r v i e w schedules were designed f o r s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w s w i t h three members of the l e a d e r s h i p of the NDP (See Appendix K). The i n t e r v i e w s were w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l s i n each of the f o l l o w i n g p o s i t i o n s : 1. P r o v i n c i a l Leader of the NDP. 2 . Secretary-Treasurer of the B r i t i s h Columbia F e d e r a t i o n of Labour, who i s a l s o on the P r o v i n c i a l Executive of the NDP, and 3. Welfare Spokesman f o r the NDP i n the P r o v i n c i a l L e g i s l a -t i v e Assembly. The i n t e r v i e w schedules were a l l designed to e l i c i t answers to p h i l o s o p h i c a l questions on the person's view of s o c i a l i s m and s o c i a l w e l f a r e and t o more s p e c i f i c questions on p o l i c y . The schedule prepared f o r the i n t e r v i e w with the Welfare Spokesman 102 was the most comprehensive. In a d d i t i o n t o the general, p h i l o -s o p h i c a l questions, there were open-ended questions designed t o determine the Welfare Spokesman's p o s i t i o n on the v a r i o u s major areas of s o c i a l w elfare p o l i c y . As Welfare Spokesman and poten-t i a l M i n i s t e r of S o c i a l Welfare should the NDP form a government, h i s philosophy and the p o l i c i e s he proposed were deemed of primary importance. While concerned w i t h the same p h i l o s o p h i c a l questions, the schedule f o r the i n t e r v i e w w i t h the P r o v i n c i a l Leader, was l e s s comprehensive i n matters of s p e c i f i c programming. The purpose of t h i s schedule was t o determine whether or not the philosophy and the general program envisaged by the P r o v i n c i a l Leader were com-p a t i b l e w i t h the philosophy and program of the Welfare Spokesman. Questions on program were e s s e n t i a l l y t o e l i c i t p r i o r i t i e s . Again the schedule designed f o r the i n t e r v i e w w i t h the Sec-r e t a r y - T r e a s u r e r of the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour who was a l s o a member of the P r o v i n c i a l Executive of the NDP was de-signed to answer p h i l o s o p h i c a l questions. In a d d i t i o n , questions were i n c l u d e d to determine whether Labour had a p a r t i c u l a r p o l i c y t h a t i t was advocating w i t h i n the NDP. (b) M a t e r i a l Mr. David Barret^ the Welfare Spokesman, was i n t e r v i e w e d by the research group on three occasions. The l a s t two i n t e r v i e w s form the b a s i s of the a n a l y s i s of the Welfare Spokesman's p h i l o -sophy and program. Both these i n t e r v i e w s were lengthy, the f i r s t l a s t i n g li hours and the second 2 hours. Mr. B a r r e t t was open and s i n c e r e i n the i n t e r v i e w and answered a l l questions. He was given a t r a n s c r i p t of the i n t e r v i e w at h i s request so t h a t he 103 could make such corrections as he deemed necessary. As he did not return the t r a n s c r i p t i t can only be assumed that he considers h i s views adequately represented i n the interview. The interview with Mr. E.P. O'Neal, Secretary-Treasurer of the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of L abour lasted a designed one-h a l f hour. A longer interview would have added depth, however the answers obtained were quite u s e f u l . The interview with Mr. R.M. Strachan, P r o v i n c i a l Leader, was scheduled f o r a length of one hour. Despite p r i o r arrangements however, on the date of the interview Mr. Strachan was not expect-ing the thesis group and could give the group only one-half hour. The r e s u l t was that many questions, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the area of Mr. Strachan's philosophy were not adequately answered. To make up f o r t h i s deficiency three pieces of written material were con-sulted. These were: 1. Mr. Strachan's speech to the Third Annual Convention of the NDP of B r i t i s h Columbia on November 16, 1963, 1 2. Mr. Strachan's speech to the Fourth Annual Convention of the NDP of B r i t i s h Columbia, on May 22, 1965, 2 3. press release from Mr. Strachan's o f f i c e with respect to h i s speech i n the Throne Speech Debate, dated February 2, 1966. 3 These appear to have been v a l i d sources f o r the purpose to be •••R.M. Strachan, "Report of the P r o v i n c i a l Leader," PROCEEDINGS  New Democratic Party of B.C. Third Annual Convention. NDP, Vancouver, B.C. 2R.M. Strachan, "Report of the P r o v i n c i a l Leader," PROCEEDINGS  New Democratic Party of B.C. Fourth Annual Convention. NDP, Vancouver, B.C. 3 ^Press release from Mr. Strachan's o f f i c e with respect to h i s speech i n the Tyrone Speech Debate, dated February 2, 1966. 104 served. In each of these speeches Mr. Strachan dealt with aspects of the philosophy and program of the Party. A l l interviews were recorded to ensure accuracy. The quota-tions which are being used i n t h i s chapter are taken from the verbatim t r a n s c r i p t s of the interviews with the three NDP leaders.* Due to the differences i n the material obtained from each leader, the scheme for analysis i s necessarily quite general, to allow f u l l e s t possible use of the material. Each interview i s analyzed to determine the respondent's views i n the following areas: (1) socialism, (2) s o c i a l welfare and the welfare state, (3) economic and f i n a n c i a l programs, (4) comprehensive programs, and (5) s p e c i f i c welfare services. Throughout the analysis, the rela t i o n s h i p of philosophy and program of the leader w i l l be re-lated to the i d e o l o g i c a l evolution as outlined i n Chapter One. A section on general conclusions completes t h i s chapter. Analysis of the Interview with the P r o v i n c i a l Leader Mr. Strachan has been the P r o v i n c i a l Leader of the NDP since 1956. During t h i s time he has also been the Leader of the Opposi-t i o n i n the P r o v i n c i a l L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly. Respondent's view of Socialism This analysis begins with an examination of the general goals Mr. Strachan sees f o r democratic socialism. The following quota-t i o n i s from h i s speech to the 1963 Annual Convention: Verbatim Transcripts of interviews by the Thesis Group with Mr. David Barrett, Welfare Spokesman, interviewed twice during January, 1966, with Mr. R.M. Strachan, P r o v i n c i a l Leader i n t e r -viewed February 16, 1966, and with Mr. E.P. O'Neal Secretary-Treasurer of the B.C. Federation of Labour, interviewed March 31, 1966. 105 "Our ideas are sparked by the urgency of human needs and the l i m i t l e s s urge to human betterment, by the broad v i s i o n of a better society...our society generally seems to lack motivation. "5 An elaboration of t h i s i s found i n Mr. Strachan's speech to the 1965 Annual Convention: " I t has always been the objective of democratic socialism to b u i l d a r a t i o n a l society, but we can not c a l l today's society r a t i o n a l because...our people are insecure and fear-ridden.... We must remove these fears, but t h i s can only be done i f we b u i l d a society with a sense of purpose and with the r e a l i z a t i o n that whatever i s necessary, must be done." 0 These quotations r e f l e c t Mr. Strachan*s concern with the needs of a l l men. He c l e a r l y states that the goal of democratic socialism i s to b u i l d a r a t i o n a l society f o r the f u l f i l l m e n t of human needs. His reference to a r a t i o n a l society, a society with a sense of purpose, a worthwhile motivation, a l l appear to portray society as an integrated, growing organism dedicated to the needs of a l l i t s members. This would appear to be a common feature of a l l s o c i a l i s t theory. By implication the quotation indicates that needs are not being met by present society. As pointed out i n the f i r s t chapter, these shortcomings of society were attributed by early s o c i a l i s t s to the inherent f a u l t s of the c a p i t a l i s t system. Mr. Strachan retains the view of the early s o c i a l i s t . This i s i l l u s t r a t e d by a quotation from the interview: " I t i s my b e l i e f that our present society under the guidance of the so-called free-enterprise governments Strachan, Proceedings. Third Annual Convention, p. 5. Strachan, Proceedings. Fourth Annual Convention, p. 4. 106 and under the pressures of the so-called free enterprise economy, has produced a work l i f e which to most of the people gives no personal s a t i s f a c -t i o n . . . d u l l , r e p e t i t i v e , soul-destroying jobs..." This point of view i s also found i n Mr. Strachan's speech to the 1965 Annual Convention: "We have said before and we say again that we can-not simply leave things to the market.... Private industry has seldom been c a l l e d upon to recognize the s o c i a l costs involved i n i t s development and as democratic s o c i a l i s t s we know that a l l through h i s t o r y the working people have been the f i r s t to suffer from change and the l a s t to benefit from i t . " "But I want to remind you that i t i s not big bus-iness that pays f o r these (welfare b e n e f i t s ) . The workers themselves have had to pay f o r them and are s t i l l doing so." "Your MLA's were able to return to an attack on the basic wrongs of our present society."' Mr. Strachan i n the above quotation d e f i n i t e l y appears to see s o c i a l i l l s as being caused by the economic system. His r e f -erence to free enterprise and b i g business on one hand and the workers on the other i s reminiscent of the class consciousness and the revolutionary s p i r i t that inspired early s o c i a l i s t s who wanted to abolish the c a p i t a l i s t system. I f Mr. Strachan does see the i l l s of society i n similar terms to the early s o c i a l i s t s , does he propose the same remedy? Reference to h i s speech to the 1963 Annual Convention which f o l -lowed h i s Party's unexpected defeat at the p o l l s provides i n s i g h t i n t o t h i s question: "There may be a few i n the NDP who believe there i s ^Strachan, Proceedings, Fourth Annual Convention, pp. 4 - 5. 107 a simple reason f o r our f a i l u r e . . . . U s u a l l y they, say we should return to t h e i r concept of socialism .... They have t h e i r mind fi r m l y rooted i n the past when the democratic s o c i a l i s t movement was content to outline i t s ideas i n broad, sweeping, general-i t i e s . . . . But t h i s party gains nothing from groups within i t who set themselves apart from the Party as a whole, groups who consider themselves the re-cipi e n t s of a l l revelation, who s e l f - r i g h t e o u s l y assume that they are the guard of the Ark of the Covenant.... You can only define the meaning of socialism by enunciating point by point, the steps that we, as a government would take to correct the short-comings of our present society and meet the new challenges of an ever changing world...I appeal to you not to l e t the disappointment of today drive ^ us back to the inadequate g e n e r a l i t i e s of yesterday." 8 This quotation suggests that the Party has moved from the former i d e o l o g i c a l position of doing away with the c a p i t a l i s t system. Mr. Strachan i s an advocate of the new p o s i t i o n . "The inadequate g e n e r a l i t i e s of yesterday" presumably was the emphasis on n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n and replacing the c a p i t a l i s t system. His r e f -erence to "correcting the shortcomings of our present society" i s much milder than the Marxist view of capitalism. Mr. Strachan's point by point steps to correct shortcomings of the present soc-i e t y i s p h i l o s o p h i c a l l y consistent with the gradualist approach of the Fabians, who were probably the most i n f l u e n t i a l advocates of the B r i t i s h welfare state. The gradualist approach i s again r e f l e c t e d by Mr. Strachan's views on such questions as n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n , private and public sectors of the economy and placing the means of production i n the hands of labor. This becomes evident i n a statement by Mr. Strachan at the 1 9 6 3 Convention: "We have said that there i s room i n our society f o r public enterprise, co-operative enterprise, and f o r private enterprise."9 Strachan, Proceedings, Third Annual Convention, p. 5. Strachan, Proceedings, 1963 Annual Convention, p. 4. 108 Mr. Strachan s p e l l s out what he means by p u b l i c ownership i n the recent Throne Speech Debate: "We would take immediate steps t o place under p u b l i c ownership f o r the b e n e f i t and p r o t e c t i o n of the p u b l i c a l l remaining p r i v a t e power com-panies, n a t u r a l gas production, t r a n s m i s s i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n systems, o i l p i p e l i n e s , and the B.C. Telephone communication system. These are p u b l i c u t i l i t i e s . T h i s i l l u s t r a t e s a d i f f e r e n t emphasis from th a t of e a r l y s o c i a l i s t s on the important question of n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n . N a t i o n a l -i z a t i o n was the s o l u t i o n to the c l a s s s t r u g g l e , where rewards of labour would be put e q u i t a b l y i n the hands of producers. There i s no suggestion here of n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n t o prevent " e x p l o i t a t i o n of the workers." The philosophy here appears t o be t h a t because these s e r v i c e s a f f e c t a l l or most members of s o c i e t y they should t h e r e f o r e be accountable to and owned by the d e m o c r a t i c a l l y e l e c t e d government. The philosophy seems geared to p u t t i n g checks on some aspects of the present economic system. This new approach t o n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n i s f u r t h e r r a t i o n a l i z e d i n the f o l l o w i n g quotations; " I i n s i s t t h a t i n order t o meet the needs of the f u t u r e much greater government p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n i n d u s t r i a l development w i l l be r e q u i r e d . . . p r i v a t e endeavor can't or won't do the job... governments might as w e l l prepare now to embark on f u l l s c a l e i n d u s t r i a l development under gov-ernment sponsorship."11 An e l a b o r a t i o n of t h i s view i s found i n Mr. Strachan's speech to the 1963 Convention: press r e l e a s e , Op. c i t . . p. 1. l l l b i d . , p. 3-109 "Our economic development proposals are a r e a l -i s t i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the old phrase, "pro-duction f o r use not f o r p r o f i t . " " . . . i n enunciating our p o l i c i e s , we have a choice of taking over the B.C. Telephone or building a 250 m i l l i o n d o l l a r steel industry i n our province through an economic development corporation, then as a government we would have to give p r i o r i t y to the new developments." "We t a l k about economic development. Our op-ponents t a l k about economic development. The words are the same, but the Idea, the Import, the Interpretation of the words are d i f f e r e n t . To our opponents economic development is...by the p r o f i t motive.... Our ideas are sparked by the urgency of human needs and the l i m i t l e s s urge to human betterment, by the broad v i s i o n of a better society."-*- 2 Mr. Strachan emphasizes that the government has an important role i n expanding the economy. Government needs to f i l l i n where private enterprise can't or won't meet the s o c i a l needs. The r e l a t i o n of economic measures to the s o c i a l ends of socialism i s suggested by Mr. Strachan's answer to t h i s philoso-p h i c a l question during the interview: "The Proceedings of the 1965 Convention of your Party has t h i s statement of p r i n c i p l e s : "The NDP i s pledged to bring about i n Canada a soc-i e t y i n which the material and the c u l t u r a l needs of humanity w i l l be f u l f i l l e d i n order that each i n d i v i d u a l w i l l be able to l i v e a s a t i s f y i n g and meaningful l i f e . " Could you elaborate b r i e f l y on that?" Mr. Strachan r e p l i e d : "In my opinion there are three steps i n the development of a country. F i r s t of $11 you develop your economy to provide the wherewith a l to b u i l d a society, and then with the soc-i e t y operating you proceed to b u i l d a c i v i l i -s a tion.... I t ' s our opinion that the present Strachan, Proceedings, 1963 Annual Convention, p. 3. 110 operation of our society w i l l b u i l d a c i v i l -i z a t i o n where the i n d i v i d u a l does have the opportunity to get s a t i s f a c t i o n out of h i s l i f e . A.nd i t i s our objective to use the increasing wealth that automation has now made possible to allow t h i s personal s a t i s f a c t i o n , to allow the p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the i n d i v i d u a l so that we can b u i l d a c i v i l i z a t i o n . " This reply emphasizes the connection between economic wealth and the achievement of socialism — " c i v i l i z a t i o n . " This i s con-sistent with Mr. Strachan's philosophy of encouraging the growth of the economy.. In contrast with early s o c i a l i s t s i n Canada who saw progress of c i v i l i z a t i o n as dependent on a changed economic system with i t s accompanying changed s o c i a l r e lationships, Mr. Strachan appears to believe that t h i s c i v i l i z a t i o n i s dependent on some l e v e l of economic growth. The advent of automation and i t s promise of unlimited production, seems to have strengthened Mr. Strachan*s viewpoint. Respondent's view of S o c i a l Welfare Mr. Strachan was asked f o r h i s d e f i n i t i o n of s o c i a l welfare. He r e p l i e d : "...I would say the word s o c i a l welfare would mean the benefit to the community. I don't l i m i t i t to just the payment of money from a state organization to an i n d i v i d u a l , because he happens to be i n dire need. This must en-compass the whole f i e l d of human rela t i o n s h i p s as f a r as I'm concerned with special help to those who are having d i f f i c u l t y maintaining themselves as part of an o v e r a l l society." This i s an important statement with two d i s t i n c t implications f o r s o c i a l welfare p o l i c y . The f i r s t i s that s o c i a l welfare i s concerned with the "benefit to the community." Elsewhere Mr. Strachan r e f e r s to the dual goals of s o c i a l welfare being to save tax d o l l a r s and to save human l i v e s . This concern with the I l l welfare of the t o t a l community would suggest that s o c i a l welfare programs of universal a p p l i c a b i l i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y those related to an increase i n q u a l i t y of the t o t a l society, such as day centers and educational f a c i l i t i e s would be encouraged. In view of the above, what can be said of Mr. Strachan's attitude to the welfare state? G.D.H. Cole defined the welfare state as rta society i n which an assured minimum standard of l i v i n g becomes the possession of every c i t i z e n . " " ^ As Bruce has pointed out i t i s the consolidation and extension of an elaborate variety of s o c i a l services "most of them created to serve p a r t i c u l a r needs."I 4 Needs are considered a legitimate demand for service by the State. As s o c i a l welfare services are directed primarily to human consumption needs-^ a variety of programs develop to meet i n d i v i d u a l needs. In both aspects of Mr. Strachan's view of s o c i a l welfare, welfare state proposals are suggested. To determine what import-ance Mr. Strachan attaches to s o c i a l welfare he was asked: "In your philosophy as a party and i n the goals of your party what position does s o c i a l welfare have — what i s i t s re l a t i o n s h i p to the t o t a l program?" Mr. Strachan r e p l i e d : "Well i n the early stages of the implement-ation of our program because of the f a i l u r e ^Herbert L. Marx, "Some D e f i n i t i o n s , " The Welfare State, ed. Herbert L. Marx, Wilson, New York, 1950, p. 9. 1 4Maurice Bruce. The Coming of the Welfare State. Batsford, London, 19ol. p. 259. ^H.L. Wilensky, C.N. Lebeaux. I n d u s t r i a l Society and  S o c i a l Welfare. Russell Sage, New York, 1958, p. 145. 112 of our present economy and our present soc-i e t y i t would probably occupy a major place i n our program. As our p o l i c i e s became ef-f e c t i v e , as I would expect them to become ef f e c t i v e through our—reorganization of the economy so that there would be more jobs available f o r able-bodied people — I would expect i t to become of l e s s e r importance, as we solve the s o c i a l welfare problem. r t Mr. Strachan d e f i n i t e l y views h i s economic programs as solving the " s o c i a l welfare problem." He made reference to t h i s i n answering other questions as well. In t h i s sense h i s views conform to the expectations of those who would revolutionize the system. However Mr. Strachan believes t h i s i s possible within the context of the present economic system. Reorganizing the economy to make more jobs available f o r the unemployed i s a welfare state proposal. This r e c a l l s the statement of Marx, quoted i n the f i r s t chapter: who c r i t i c i z e d the reformer t h i s way: "Only from the point of view of being the most suffering does the proletar-i a t exist f o r them." 1 0 This emphasizes one of the points of d i f -ference between welfare state proposals and e a r l i e r s o c i a l i s t thinking. The quotation also indicates that s o c i a l welfare would only be of lesser importance as economic programs succeeded. The e a r l i e r quotation of Mr. Strachan's statement regarding "enunciating point by point the steps we...would take to correct the shortcomings," would seem to lead i n e v i t a b l y to welfare state solutions. This i s indicated by Mr. Strachan l a t e r i n that speech when he states: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Manifesto of the Communist  Party, edited and annotated by Frederick Engels, 1SBB, William Reeves, London, p. 28. 1 1 3 "Our program would bring an Hours of Work Act, and a Minimum Wage Act...and a Workmen's Comp-ensation Act that would provide compensation for a l l injured workmen. This i s how we take the old phrase, "an end to exploitation of man by man" and translate i t into reality. " 1 7 There can be no questioning that the above statement i l l u s -trates welfare state reasoning. A specific problem i s taken and solutions are proposed for that problem. It would also seem like l y that much of what Mr. Strachan refers to as the reorgan-ization of the economy are also welfare state proposals. Respondent's view of economic and financial programs. Mr. Strachan was asked: "What problems do you believe w i l l be solved through your programs?" He replied: "The problem of thousands and thousands of physically capable men and women being on soc-i a l welfare because there are no jobs avail-able...as you reorganize the economy by government participation in the development of industry, your educational policies are geared to see that people are being trained for the jobs that are being created and you are elimin-ating the need for social welfare payments.... If there i s a d i f f i c u l t y finding a place in productive society for a l l of them because of automation then you have to start changing labour laws to cut down the work week, the work day, or the work year." Again, this answer leaves l i t t l e doubt as to what Mr. Strachan considers the main cause of social i l l s . His emphasis on unemployment i s consistent with a welfare state approach. It Strachan, Proceedings, Third Annual Convention, p. 3 114 r e c a l l s Chapter One where i t was pointed out that s o c i a l welfare came to have a predominance i n CCF p o l i c y during the depression to cope with unemployment and poverty. The bulk of Mr. Strachan's program i s related to unemploy-ment and he sees t h i s being accentuated by automation as indicated by t h i s statement: "Every person i n our society has to answer the question: What i s going to happen to the man who...is automated out of a job and onto the s o c i a l welfare rolls?"l° Other areas of Mr. Strachan's program aimed at unemployment include: r e t r a i n i n g and f i n a n c i a l compensation to handle the e f f e c t s of automation, sharing of scarcer jobs through shorter work weeks, long vacations with pay, schemes of educational leave 19 with pay, better s o c i a l security. 7 Taxation p o l i c y and higher wages appear to be related to maintaining or increasing the share of labour. Mr. Strachan also advocates decreased p r i c e s . This increased e f f i c i e n c y would pre-sumably allow an increase i n the return to labour. Respondent's View of Comprehensive Programs During the interview Mr. Strachan, as part of h i s reply to the question: "What are the problems that you f e e l w i l l be solved through your programs?" r e p l i e d : " . . . I t must be part of any future society to t r y to compensate these people f o r what we've done to them as human beings." He suggested how t h i s might be done i n the following statement: Strachan, Proceedings, Third Annual Convention, p. 4. 115 "The greater increases in revenue that such a modernized taxation system will produce should in part be reinvested in communal facilities connected with the expected increase in leisure, such as adult and continued education facili-ties, opportunities for sport, travel and other pursuits, and for participation in arts and culture in all their forms. «19 Mr. Strachan's concern with total community as pointed out in discussing his concept of social welfare is again underlined. Mr. Strachan's reference to education echoes an area that has concerned socialists in their attempt to create a better society and a more egalitarian one. In the I960 election campaign with Mr. Strachan as leader, the CCF campaigned on extension of service in the field of education, a program which included preschool training as part of the public school system, free education for the retarded and handicapped, support for all branches of adult 20 education and subsidization of night school. In his speech to the 1965 Convention, Mr. Strachan again spoke of the needs in the field of education, mental health, acute 21 hospital care and comprehensive medical care. Respondent's View of Specific Welfare Services Mr. Strachan was asked: "What general goals would you see social welfare accomplishing? I believe you said this in a general sense in the welfare of the community but could you be more specific?" "press release from Mr. Strachan's office with respect to his speech in the Throne Speech Debate, February 2, 1966, p. 5. 20R.M. Strachan, "C.C.F.", Vancouver Sun. Vancouver, B.C. August 19, I960, p. 3. xStrachan, Proceedings, Fourth Annual Convention, p. 6. 116 Mr. Strachan answered: "I have read reports...where attempts were being made to break t h i s pattern of hard-core s o c i a l welfare f a m i l i e s by massive s o c i a l welfare treatment, where the s o c i a l worker was given a small caseload two or three f a m i l i e s . . . t h i s I think must be one of our i n i t i a l goals — i s to f i n d t h i s money which w i l l do two things — one, i t w i l l save tax d o l l a r s and two, save human l i v e s . This i s the goal of any s o c i a l welfare program as f a r as we are concerned — to accomplish t h i s dual function." It i s s i g n i f i c a n t that Mr. Strachan singled out the hard-core family. Concern with r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s r e f l e c t e d i n Mr. Strachan's approach to the hard-core family. I t i s i n l i n e with the growing behavioral science approach to problems which was also noted i n CCF p o l i c y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the area of correctional i n s t i t u t i o n s and i n the treatment of juvenile delinquency. R e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s again r e f l e c t e d i n t h i s statement concerned with the f i e l d of corrections: "I made a tour of Oakalla...I couldn't believe i t you see that t h i s was going on and i t was obvious that there was no correction there of any kind...an extension of probation can help solve the problem. ...The young people are not coming out of these i n s t i t u t i o n s (Brannan Lake I n d u s t r i a l School and Haney Correctional I n s t i t u t i o n ) with any change of attitude except f o r the worse." The fact that Mr. Strachan chose to c i t e only the hard-core family and corrections as areas of concern further i l l u s t r a t e s h i s concern with the more serious symptoms of s o c i e t a l f a i l u r e . Services at t h i s point would have to be r e h a b i l i t a t i v e . Because of t h i s apparent emphasis on r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , we wished to explore further Mr. Strachan's attitude to prevention. Accord-ingly he was asked: 117 "What i s your opinion on prevention in social welfare — prevention of such situations as people being on social welfare, or delinquency? Mr. Strachan replied: "...I gave quite a bit of my talk to education and i t was my opinion that our present school system provides for the academically bright student and i s now making provision for the less capable students. But in the center where most of our students are...I f e l t i t was f a i l -ing to let them f i t into today's society." Mr. Strachan reveals a concern with education and f i t t i n g the person for the social world, a concern Mr. Barrett shares. (see analysis of interview with Welfare Spokesman) However Mr. Strachan did not demonstrate in this answer an awareness of how specific social welfare services could be preventative. Mr. Strachan seems primarily concerned with equality of opportunity for a relatively large segment of the population. We were also concerned with determining Mr. Strachan's opinion of private versus public provision of welfare services. He was asked: "...do you feel that the services the (private agencies) are providing should be provided by a government agency?" Mr. Strachan replied: "Here I would have to depend on advice from someone like Dave Barrett. If they are doing the job, especially in the early stages of the development of our program — i t couldn't be done any other way than we would — I think any government has to be pragmatic about these things and i f this i s the way that i s doing the best possible job then use them. I couldn't t e l l you myself whether i t ' s doing the best possible job." 118 Mr. Strachan sees the necessity of private agencies at l e a s t f o r a while i f an NDP government was formed. He i s undecided about the future role of private and public agencies. Exactly what Mr. Strachan means by "doing the best possible job" cannot be assessed from the reply, but i t i s a pertinent point to consider. It seems unusual that Mr. Strachan did not characterize private agencies as " c h a r i t y , " or welfare needs as a r i g h t f u l demand on the State. In any case, i t seems that private versus public agen-cies i s an area Mr. Strachan i s unsure about. * * * * * * * Mr. Strachan appears to put primary emphasis on solving s o c i a l problems through economic development. These programs are geared p a r t i c u l a r l y to solving the problems presented by unemployment and s o c i a l welfare. While Mr. Strachan sees economic measures as reducing the need f o r s o c i a l services as did the early s o c i a l i s t , he also supports welfare state measures. He supports comprehen-sive welfare measures, p a r t i c u l a r l y those of a universal nature such as education and recreational services. He i s concerned about s p e c i f i c services and emphasized expansion of services to the "hard-core" family and i n the f i e l d of probation. His approach to s p e c i f i c services appears to stress r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . Analysis of the Interview with the Secretary-Treasurer of the  B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour, and Member of the P r o v i n c i a l  Executive of the N.D.P. The B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour i s composed of the majority of the unions i n the province with some notable exceptions. The Federation performs an important role i n expressing the aims of Labour. Like i t s parent body, The Canadian Labour Congress, the 119 Federation supports the NDP and has p o l i c y discussions with the NDP. While the Federation does not contribute f i n a n c i a l l y to the NDP, many of i t s member unions are a f f i l i a t e s of the NDP and con-t r i b u t e f i n a n c i a l l y and otherwise. (See Chapter Two). In l i g h t ef a l l of the above, Labour's views on s o c i a l wel-fare p o l i c y were considered important. Mr. E.P. O'Neal i s part of the NDP leadership, s i t t i n g on both the P r o v i n c i a l and the National Executives. He also f i l l s the highest s t a f f p o s i t i o n of the Federation of Labour, being i t s Secretary-Treasurer. He i s frequently quoted i n the news media on labour and welfare issues. Respondent's View of Socialism Mr. O'Neal was asked: "Is there a type of s o c i a l i s t state you would favor?" He r e p l i e d : "I would favor socialism as i t i s carried on i n the Scandinavian countries and i s carried on i n B r i t a i n . " To the further question: "What do you see as the main elements of socialism i n those countries?" he r e p l i e d : "The main elements I see of a s o c i a l i s t state i s that the means of production and the productive capacity of the country, the natural resources of the country are used to give i t s c i t i z e n s the greatest possible standard of l i v i n g i n those countries, to give them the kind of education that we f e e l everyone i s e n t i t l e d to, to give them the kind of comprehensive medical health care that people are e n t i t l e d to." The significance of t h i s reply i s that the ends of socialism 1 2 0 a r e viewed i n terms of p r o v i d i n g a maximum standard of l i v i n g and comprehensive w e l f a r e measures. There i s not a suggest ion o f r e s o l v i n g c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s o r o f a u n i f i e d p u r p o s e f u l s o c i e t y . Rather the approach seems remarkably comparable w i t h the demands a u n i o n l e a d e r would make i n b a r g a i n i n g f o r an agreement w i t h an employer. To f u r t h e r e x p l o r e whether M r . O ' N e a l was sympathetic t o a fundamental change of the economic system, he was asked: "From what you s a i d , I i n t e r p r e t e d t h a t you would f a v o r a s t a t e where p r i v a t e i n d u s t r y and govern-ment operate s i d e by s i d e ? " Mr. O ' N e a l r e p l i e d : " Y e s . The k i n d o f system t h a t has worked v e r y w e l l i n t h e S c a n d i n a v i a n c o u n t r i e s — where people have a c h o i c e . " T h i s p a r t i c u l a r v iew f a v o r i n g a mixed economy r e f l e c t s the changing p h i l o s o p h y w i t h regard t o s o c i a l i s m as was p o i n t e d out i n Chapters One and Two, s p e c i f i c a l l y w i t h r e g a r d t o the Winnipeg  D e c l a r a t i o n . I n v iew of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r approach, M r . O ' N e a l ' s o p i n i o n on n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n was sought. He was asked: "Does the B . C . F e d e r a t i o n o f Labour f a v o r the n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f i n d u s t r y ? " M r . O ' N e a l r e p l i e d : "We f a v o r the n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of those i n d u s -t r i e s which have a monopoly." F o r f u r t h e r c l a r i f i c a t i o n he was asked: "Why would you n a t i o n a l i z e monopol ies , what i s the advantage?" 121 Mr. O'Neal r e p l i e d : "I think the argument f o r n a t i o n a l i z i n g mono-poli e s i s that at present they are under no control whatsoever and the consumer derives very l i t t l e benefit from monopolies whereas i f there was govern-ment control or i f they were operated by the govern-ment there would be a greater tendency I think to give the consumer, and to give the c i t i z e n a share of the benefits which monopolies obviously enjoy." There i s i n t h i s statement no suggestion of h a l t i n g e x p l o i t -ation of workers or creating a more c i v i l i z e d work l i f e , the argument the early s o c i a l i s t s would put f o r t h i n favor of national-i z a t i o n . The monopolies are not part of the market system and i t i s suspected apparently by Mr. O'Neal that they are making p r o f i t s that a l l of society should get a share of. The role of socialism i n the economy i s not to provide a new system f o r the t o t a l soc-i e t y but to control the present system to a l l e v i a t e i t s d e f i c i e n c i e s . Respondent's View of S o c i a l Welfare Mr. O'Neal was asked: "Do you favor a welfare state?" He r e p l i e d : "Again when you t a l k about Welfare State, some-times these are c l i c h e s which have been developed by people who are opposed to any kind of welfare. I favor a state that discharges i t s r e s p o n s i b i l -i t i e s to a l l i t s c i t i z e n s including those l e s s fortunate c i t i z e n s . I think that we have a res-p o n s i b i l i t y to provide f i r s t equality of oppor-tu n i t y f o r a l l c i t i z e n s of the State. By that I mean that f i n a n c i a l b a r r i e r s should not be allowed to stand i n the way of young people who have a b i l i t y , to get the kind of education they want. Fi n a n c i a l b a r r i e r s should not deprive people of the kind of medical and mental care that they need. F i n a n c i a l b a r r i e r s should not stand i n the way of people being allowed to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the country... I think that any progressive administration must be concerned with creating equality of opportunity f o r a l l the c i t i z e n s . . . " 122 Quite c l e a r l y , Mr. O'Neal supports the welfare state. He conceives of i t as a state dedicated to insuring equality of opportunity. The main b a r r i e r to t h i s i n his mind i s f i n a n c i a l b a r r i e r s . His reference to discharging r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to a l l c i t i z e n s including the "les s fortunate," indicates support f o r welfare state measures that are directed to solving p a r t i c u l a r problems. There i s no suggestion of class c o n f l i c t or changing the t o t a l economic system. Here Mr. O'Neal agrees with Mr. Strachan and Mr. Barrett and with the general trend of CCF - NDP p o l i c y toward welfare programs as outlined i n Chapter One. Respondent's View of Economic and F i n a n c i a l Programs Mr. O'Neal was asked: "Do you see equality of f i n a n c i a l and s o c i a l opportunity as tending to eliminate most problems?" He r e p l i e d : "I think that the equalization of education and economic opportunities would eliminate a great deal of the s o c i a l problems we have..." Further to t h i s reply he was asked: "Is there a rel a t i o n s h i p between economic de-privation and lack of opportunity, and psycho-l o g i c a l handicaps?" Mr. O'Neal r e p l i e d : "I think unquestionably, as I pointed out, that the root cause of many of these problems l i e s i n economic and f i n a n c i a l handicaps which these people experience, because t h i s i n turn deprives them of educational opportunities, deprives them of s o c i a l opportunities which other people have." 123 As could have been expected from e a r l i e r statements by Mr. O'Neal, i n h i s opinion economic disadvantage plays a major role i n the cause of s o c i a l problems. I f economic inequality i s a major cause of s o c i a l problems, what does Mr. O'Neal advocate as program to deal with this? I t has already been indicated that Mr. O'Neal supports welfare state measures along with the n a t i o n a l i z -ation of some industry. The s p e c i f i c proposals of an economic or f i n a n c i a l nature concern us here. Mr. O'Neal was asked: "In the area of automation, do you agree with Robert Theobald's view that unemployment w i l l eventually become a serious problem and a guaranteed annual income w i l l have to be i n -s t i t u t e d rather than r e t r a i n i n g and education?" He r e p l i e d : "I agree i n part with Theobald. I think that Theobald's views are a l i t t l e far-fetched at t h i s time. I think itJs possible that some of the things he's saying w i l l happen but they won't happen i n the period of time he's saying they w i l l happen. I base my reason f o r t h i s on the f a c t that we must f i r s t recognize that while wages are costs to employers and corp-orations, that they are income and purchasing power to workers and that there has to be a kind of a t r a n s i t i o n a l period i n which you phase put, and i n e v i t a b l y i t w i l l happen, workers from industry, and as you phase them out there i s going to be as I see i t a wide range of fringe benefits...leading to...a guaranteed incomes p o l i c y . I don't think these things w i l l happen as quickly as Theo-bald suggests they w i l l . " This statement suggests strongly that a guaranteed annual income i s not needed at t h i s time. I f t h i s i s not suggested, c e r t a i n l y Mr. O'Neal indicates that i t i s not the method of choice f o r achieving equality at t h i s time. 124 Another important aspect of t h i s quotatiomis Mr. O'Neal's reaction to Theobald's views as "far-fetched at t h i s time," and h i s concept of a t r a n s i t i o n a l period. The t o t a l impression t h i s gives i s that of Mr. O'Neal's acceptance of labour and management meeting together and through the medium of c o l l e c t i v e bargaining, the s o c i a l p o l i c y w i l l be worked out. Mr. O'Neal's position on guaranteed annual income i s rel a t e d to another question. He agreed that the government should supple ment wages and to t h i s was further asked: "Would t h i s not be subsidizing industry?" He r e p l i e d : "Well t h i s has already been done on a large scale I . . . I don't see anything more s i n f u l i n subsidizing the employee than i n subsidizing the industry." Mr. O'Neal was asked further: "Hasn't the viewpoint of the labour movement been that the wages should be high enough to prevent t h i s ? " He r e p l i e d : "This i s true. But i f you are dealing with an industry and again t h i s goes back to what I said about a t r a n s i t i o n a l period...where be-cause of the change i n technology and because of the innovations which were introduced i n other industries these people were going through a phase i n which t h e i r wage would be lower be-cause of the f i e r c e competition i n t h i s area. Now u n t i l such time as you can correct t h i s I see nothing wrong with the government supple-menting the wages of these employees." Again on t h i s question, Mr. O'Neal i l l u s t r a t e s the role of the government as making up f o r the d e f i c i e n c i e s of the present 125 economic system. Unfortunately t h i s question and reply did not e l i c i t Mr. O'Neal's views on supplementing income as a normal course of events i n society. However h i s views on public assistance were explored. Mr. O'Neal was asked: "Do you believe that s o c i a l assistance rates are high enough? He r e p l i e d : "No...I think that what they should cover i s an accepted decent minimum standard of l i v i n g . I don't think that somebody on s o c i a l a s s i s t -6 ance should be able to drive a C a d i l l a c or that they should have a yacht. But I think that there i s c e r t a i n l y a basic minimum standard of l i v i n g that they must cover...." He was asked whether t h i s would include such things as the oper-ation of an ordinary car or a t e l e v i s i o n . Mr. O'Neal r e p l i e d : "Yes. These things have now become part of our way of l i f e , part of our standard of l i v -ing. To deprive people of these s o c i a l amen-i t i e s i s going too f a r . " From t h i s statement i t i s apparent that Mr. O'Neal believes that s o c i a l assistance should enable the person to maintain him-s e l f as part of society. There i s not an i n d i c a t i o n of punitive-ness, or judgment of personal f a u l t i n being i n receipt of s o c i a l assistance from Mr. O'Neal's p o s i t i o n . His attitude here i s compatible with an expansion of f i n a n c i a l assistance programs. Respondent's View of Comprehensive Programs Mr. O'Neal was asked: "Are there any l e g i s l a t i v e changes that the B.C. Federation of Labour i s pressing f o r p a r t i c u l a r l y that you would want to see i n i t i a t e d ? " 126 Mr. O'Neal r e p l i e d : "...Let me give you an example: we've pressed f o r a long time f o r the Canada Pension Plan. Now... i t ' s not as good a plan as we would l i k e . . . i t . . . i s on the books and can be improved upon...comprehen-sive medical care i s something we have fought harder f o r than any other group with the exception I would say of the New Democratic Party and the C C F . before i t . We have campaigned, and are now campaigning f o r equality i n educational opportuni-t i e s . We think that the present pattern of auto-mobile insurance i s a farce.... We're campaigning f o r the elimination of ex-partie injunctions i n i n d u s t r i a l disputes. Now I could go on and t e l l you about the campaigns we've conducted f o r ambu-lance service, f o r proper financing f o r hospitals .... We're campaigning f o r an e l e c t i o n every four years.. The programs Mr. O'Neal supports are broad programs of univer s a l coverage — pensions, free education at a l l l e v e l s , auto insurance, hospital services and ambulance services. Mr. O'Neal's mention of the elimination of ex-partie injunc-tions emphasizes an area of concern to the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour. In a submission to the Pr o v i n c i a l Cabinet, dated January 6, 1966, the Federation made 12 recommendations concerned with strengthening the position of labour i n c o l l e c t i v e bargaining and protecting the r i g h t s of workers i n matters related to c o l l e c t i v e bargaining. Examples of the recommendations are: right to s t r i k e during the l i f e of an agreement when conditions of employment d r a s t i c a l l y change, and l e g i s l a t i o n to f o r b i d the use 22 of s t r i k e breakers. In addition the submission contains recommendations for l e g -i s l a t i v e changes i n minimum standards f o r the following aspects ^Memorandum In Support of Proposed L e g i s l a t i o n , submitted to the Pr o v i n c i a l Cabinet by the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour, January 6, 1966, pp. 2 - 3« 127 o f working c o n d i t i o n s : Hours of work, minimum wages, bonding of employers, p e n a l t i e s against employers f o r i n f r a c t i o n s of labour l e g i s l a t i o n , s t a t u t o r y h o l i d a y s , and Workmens1 Compensation 23 s e r v i c e s . Respondent's View of S p e c i f i c S e r v i c e s In view of Mr. O'Neal's concern wi t h comprehensive programs t h a t would a l l e v i a t e major causes of i n e q u a l i t y of opportunity, the question of h i s a t t i t u d e to people who s t i l l need a d d i t i o n a l s e r v i c e s w i l l be examined here. Mr. O'Neal was asked: "Do you b e l i e v e our s o c i e t y needs more s o c i a l workers?" He r e p l i e d : "Yes — by a l l means, and b e t t e r p a i d s o c i a l workers." I f comprehensive programs were seen by Mr. O'Neal as answer-i n g the major i l l s of s o c i e t y , one would expect he might t h i n k fewer s o c i a l workers would be r e q u i r e d . He o b v i o u s l y does not t h i n k fewer s o c i a l workers are needed. Again t h i s i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h a welfare st a t e approach, which i s aimed at s e r v i n g p a r t i c u -l a r needs, and s o l v i n g p a r t i c u l a r problems i n the f u n c t i o n i n g of s o c i e t y . Mr. O'Neal's a t t i t u d e t o those i n r e c e i p t of welfare s e r v i c e s complements h i s b e l i e f that more s o c i a l workers are needed. He was asked: 2 3 I b i d . , pp. 4 - 6 . 128 "In the f i e l d of adult corrections, do you have any p a r t i c u l a r f e e l i n g s regarding the handling of offenders or adult criminals or i s t h i s an area that concerns the labour movement?" Mr. O'Neal r e p l i e d : "Yes, i t does... I think that the whole approach to people who offend against what we consider the mores and morals of our society i s based on vengeance i f you would than any kind of an i n -t e l l i g e n t approach to r e h a b i l i t a t i n g them and making them useful c i t i z e n s and t r y i n g to correct t h e i r ways." Mr. O'Neal i l l u s t r a t e s the same non-punitive attitude here as he did on the previously mentioned question concerning s o c i a l assistance rates. He sees the present approach as punitive and sees r e h a b i l i t a t i o n as the proper approach. Further to t h i s he was asked: "Do you see some d i f f e r e n t approach to these people?" Mr. O'Neal r e p l i e d : "I think the^whole probationary service has got to be expanded...relatively innocent people... not serious offenders...are confined with hard-ened criminals...they should be segregated with ps y c h i a t r i c and s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s helping... p a r t i c u l a r l y teenagers...you can't r e a l l y c l a s -s i f y them as criminals...they are just wild kids...perhaps i f they were taken i n hand...and got a r e a l good stern lecture and were watched f o r awhile rather than putting them into j a i l . . . t h i s would be a better approach." In h i s reply, Mr. O'Neal demonstrates a sympathy with pro-gressive measures of handling offenders — increased probation and treatment oriented corr e c t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s . Many would probably consider h i s conception of the role of the probation o f f i c e r and the problems of delinquent youth as naive and an o v e r - s i m p l i f i c a t i o n . 129 However he did f e e l strongly that probation should be expanded. Mr. O'Neal also f e l t that Mr. Barrett's plan f o r a week-end prison (see analysis of interview with Welfare Spokesman) "had consider-able merit." In the f i e l d of corrections, Mr. O'Neal, l i k e Mr. Strachan i s i n general agreement with Mr. Barrett's proposals. The views of Mr. O'Neal on c h i l d welfare were i n marked con-t r a s t to those of Mr. Barrett, (see subsequent analysis of i n t e r -view with Mr. Barrett) Mr. O'Neal was asked: "Do you have any p a r t i c u l a r concerns with c h i l d welfare?" He r e p l i e d : " . . . I t hasn't been one of the areas i n which we have given a great deal of thought and time to..." This answer reveals a very large area of service to which the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour does not give too much con-sideration. The answer to a subsequent question suggests a pos-si b l e answer: Mr. O'Neal was asked: "What p r i o r i t y would you attach to the t r a d i t i o n a l welfare services that we talked b r i e f l y about — such as c h i l d welfare, corrections — where we discussed week-end prisons, and the Indian prob-lems as you saw them — and the general goals of labour — of the B.C. Federation of Labour?" Mr. O'Neal r e p l i e d : "I think these p r i o r i t i e s change from time to time depending upon the fervor or the conviction of the various groups who t r y to promote or advocate a p a r t i c u l a r line...and then t h i s be-comes a p r i o r i t y . . . " This suggests the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour may 130 be influenced to speak out on s p e c i f i c welfare measures when raised by various pressure groups, but the comprehensive measures and labour l e g i s l a t i o n appear to be the focus of attention. Mr. O'Neal did have d e f i n i t e views on the question of public versus private provision of these services however. He was asked: "Do you think that welfare services should be provided by private agencies such as the C h i l d -rens' Aid Society or the John Howard Society or by government agencies? Mr. O'Neal r e p l i e d : "...I think that once we suggest that a s i t u -ation exists which requires help and assistance then the state must take i t upon i t s e l f to f i n d the ways and means of giving t h i s service and assistance without r e l y i n g on charity to do i t . Those of us who are better o f f have an obligation and a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y not on a voluntary basis but through taxation or whatever i t i s to provide f o r those who are l e s s fortunate." Again i n t h i s area Mr. O'Neal i s advocating an extension of the welfare state when he i s saying that needs are a r i g h t f u l demand on the state, not charity. In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r area, Mr. O'Neal has a more d e f i n i t e view than does Mr. Strachan and i s closer to the o r i g i n a l s o c i a l i s t thinking on the subject. A resolution passed at the F i f t h Annual Convention of the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour c a l l e d f o r elimination of the Annual Appeal f o r funds from the working population and increased assump-t i o n of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y by government. 2^ ^Annual Memorandum i n Support of Proposed L e g i s l a t i o n , sub-mitted by the B r i t i s h Columbia Federatioh of Labour to the P r o v i n c i a l Cabinet, January 5, 196l, p. A -10. 131 It i s apparent i n t h i s analysis that Mr. O'Neal supports welfare state measures. Mr. O'Neal's approach places emphasis on measures that are designed to make a modified c a p i t a l i s t system work better or to deal more e f f e c t i v e l y with the d e f i c i e n c i e s of the present system. In t h i s sense intervention by the government i n industry i s viewed as a control where the controls of the market do not apply and as a stimulus to economic development. Comprehensive welfare services and government r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a s s i s t i n g those with i n d i v i d u a l problems are accepted by Mr. O'Neal. The Federation of Labour places less emphasis on services to indi v i d u a l s although Mr. O'Neal recognizes a need fo r expansion of services i n t h i s area. He does not however, o f f e r a programatic statement of how t h i s i s to be followed up. Analysis of the Interview with the Welfare Spokesman Mr. Barrett was f i r s t elected to the Legislature i n i960. He i s a s o c i a l worker having completed hi s professional education at the University of St. Louis. Among the positions he has held are Supervisor of Personnelaand S o c i a l Training at the Haney Correctional I n s t i t u t i o n , and Assistant Executive Director of the John Howard Society of B r i t i s h Columbia. He i s presently Executive-Director of the Jewish Community Center i n Vancouver. Mr. Barrett i s a spokesman on welfare issues and i s frequently quoted by the news media. He has been designated as the Welfare Spokesman of the NDP i n the Legislature by Mr. Strachan. Ptespondent' s View of Socialism Mr. Barrett was asked: 1 3 2 "In the Proceedings of the 1 9 6 5 Convention of your Party, there i s included t h i s statement of p r i n c i p l e s : "The NDP i s pledged to bring about i n Canada a society i n which the material and c u l t u r a l needs of humanity w i l l be f u l f i l l e d i n order that each i n d i v i d u a l w i l l be able to l i v e a s a t i s f y i n g and meaningful l i f e . " Would you elaborate on that statement?" Mr. Barrett r e p l i e d : "The purpose of t h i s statement i s that as a party we are interested i n creating a s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n within organized society iihat permits every i n d i -v idual to develop to hi s maximum p o t e n t i a l . At the present stage of operation within our soc-i e t y , economic b a r r i e r s , s o c i a l status b a r r i e r s and other a r t i f i c i a l b a r r i e r s l i m i t people from p a r t i c i p a t i n g f u l l y i n society... what i t does mean i s the organized society through i t s demo-c r a t i c a l l y elected government w i l l create an atmosphere that w i l l permit people as i n d i v i d -uals and/or groups to develop t h e i r s o c i a l beings as well as meeting t h e i r physical needs. In t h i s reply Mr. Barrett r e f l e c t s a philosophy si m i l a r to most s o c i a l i s t s . He i s concerned about creating a society where every i n d i v i d u a l w i l l be permitted to develop to h i s maximum po t e n t i a l . The b a r r i e r s he sees have always been seen by soc-i a l i s t s and these are economic and s o c i a l b a r r i e r s . But there are subtle and important differences. These d i f -ferences can be traced to the evolution of the s o c i a l democratic movement i n Canada. He does not speak i n terms of class struggle or of the c a p i t a l i s t system or the s o c i a l i s t system. Mr. Barrett represents the new mood of the NDP. The word " b a r r i e r s , " as with Mr. O'Neal, i s a concept that i s more e a s i l y applied to the i n d i -v i dual, and has the ri n g of something that can be hwrcdled, accounted f o r , or surmounted, i n a sense that concepts l i k e class c o n f l i c t or expl o i t a t i o n of the worker do not. Also there i s the emphasis on the i n d i v i d u a l . Socialism has 133 always been dedicated to meeting the needs of a l l i n d i v i d u a l s however there has frequently been an emphasis on the unity of men i n society, and the purposiveness of society as referred to by Mr. Strachan previously. Mr. Barrett does r e f e r to s o c i a l beings but the impression conveyed i s that the state provides resources for the i n d i v i d u a l to develop as he pleases. Further l i g h t i s cast on t h i s view i f reference i s made to a statement Mr. Barrett made on democratic socialism. "I think the easiest way to say i t i s to take the simplest philosophy of a l l of organized soc-i e t y that being to conserve f o r every single i n d i v i d u a l within that organized state and con-centrating the organization of a l l the state's resources towards meeting the needs of i t s popu-l a t i o n . . . a kind of creative society should be b u i l t to provide a basis f o r other s o c i e t i e s to do what they want a f t e r they succeed e x i s t i n g ones...socialism i s the end re s u l t of professional group work. I t s democracy i n process. It means expanding the very essence of group dynamics be-yond just the therapeutic structure...but group dynamics of democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n of people coming together f r e e l y . . . t h i s i s my concept of democratic socialism — the dynamics of group work applied to the t o t a l society." This view of socialism accentuates p o l i t i c a l equality and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n . I t i s also suggested that t h i s s i t u a -t i o n i s brought about by some method of stimulation when Mr. Barrett r e f e r s to group work. This appears to be a r e f l e c t i o n of Mr. Barrett's t r a i n i n g as a s o c i a l worker. How does Mr. Barrett see t h i s state as being achieved? The following question was asked to determine what importance Mr. Barrett attached to economic measures: "How does t h i s ( s o c i a l welfare) r e l a t e to econ omic programs, or programs such as highways?" 134 He r e p l i e d : "Well, economic programs, i n terms of physical development of the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia would be for the philosophical goal of creating a more economically sound B.C. — a more economically productive state that a l l the people l i v i n g within the Province could benefit from..." This reply appears to support economic development not as r e d i s t r i b u t i o n but as growth of the economy. Programs are seen as creating more f o r everyone and thereby resolving s o c i a l i n -j u s t i c e s . The following question and answer i s more to the point. Mr. Barret was asked: "How would you go about creating t h i s atmosphere of maximum pa r t i c i p a t i o n ? " He r e p l i e d : " . . . t h i s i s a teaching process and what i t r e a l l y c a l l s f o r i s a complete re-examination of our educational process...we create respon-s i b i l i t y i n the i n d i v i d u a l i n the free society to be p a r t i c i p a t i n g — to be a dissenter i f necessary — but to be a participant towards a t o t a l decision making process..." We see here then that the instrument of socialism i s education, as well as intervention i n the economic system. Respondent's View of Social Welfare: Mr. Barrett was asked: "Do you personally favor a welfare state?" Mr. Barrett r e p l i e d : "I think that the term welfare state has been 135 used i n a negative sense by those people who hold the l i n e of the status quo...I am opposed to the type of bureaucratic welfare state we have now. We are l i v i n g i n a welfare state now that i s e s s e n t i a l l y negative and geared towards meeting needs on a pacifying basis...My frame of reference f o r a welfare state would be one which i s concerned about the i n d i v i d u a l and next to the i n d i v i d u a l , the group as a whole.... The kind of welfare state I would agree to i s that state where a l l avenues of education, of medical care, and economic security are guaranteed at a minimum.. There are three aspects of t h i s statement deserving attention. The f i r s t of these i s that the wJelfare State can be geared to meeting needs on a pacifying basis or i t can be geared to the needs of the i n d i v i d u a l . This p a r a l l e l s the residual and the i n s t i t u -25 t i o n a l conception of s o c i a l welfare services. In the re s i d u a l conception welfare services are only temporary measures and should encourage by punitive means, the i n d i v i d u a l ' s reliance on h i s own resources and those of his family. In the i n s t i t u t i o n a l conception s o c i a l welfare services are an inherent part of i n d u s t r i a l i z e d , urbanized l i f e and the use of them as normal. It i s t h i s l a t t e r view that Mr, Barrett supports i n h i s concept of the welfare §tate. The second aspect i s the order of concern Mr. Barrett gives f o r h is frame of reference — the i n d i v i d u a l f i r s t , the group second. I t suggests a focus on the i n d i v i d u a l who may be having d i f f i c u l t y adjusting rather than on the mental health of the society as a whole. This would be consistent with services directed p r i -marily to human consumption needs as indicated e a r l i e r . The t h i r d important aspect i s that Mr. Barrett defines the Welfare State i n terms of minimum standards. Despite t h i s d e f i n i t i o n , Wilensky and Lebeaux, Op. C i t . , p. 139. 1 3 6 Mr. Barrett's previous emphasis on i n d i v i d u a l needs would lead one to think that the Melfare Jstate i s concerned with more than mini-mum standards. During t h i s Chapter, i t w i l l bedome apparent that Mr. Barrett does support programs of a s p e c i f i c nature, cl o s e l y related to i n d i v i d u a l needs. The quotation of course reveals a move from solving society's problems with a basic change of the s o c i a l system to acceptance of the society and lessening i t s shortcomings through welfare measures. Mr. Barrett's view of s o c i a l welfare i s further revealed by the following examples which i l l u s t r a t e a constant emphasis of Mr. Barrett during the interview: Mr. Barrett was asked: "In the area of the protection of children, are there any shortcomings i n t h i s area of l e g i s l a -t i o n of programming that you see and i f so what changes would you recommend?" He r e p l i e d : " . . . E s s e n t i a l l y , the basic philosophy that i s missing from e x i s t i n g c h i l d welfare services and c h i l d welfare l e g i s l a t i o n . . . i s an attitude of prevention." Mr. Barrett was also asked during the interview: "What do you see as the main need i n the area of adult corrections?" He r e p l i e d : "The p o l i c y of our party throughout a l l s o c i a l welfare services i s based on prevention. We are anxious to create services which aim to-wards preventing personal breakdown i n behav-i o r and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . " These two r e p l i e s are t y p i c a l of the many references Mr. 137 Barrett made with regards to the purpose of s o c i a l welfare being to prevent s o c i a l breakdown. In a sense Mr. B a r r e t t 1 s emphasis represents a f u l l c i r c l e i n s o c i a l i s t thought. Early s o c i a l i s t s believed that a fundamental change i n the c a p i t a l i s t system would prevent s o c i a l breakdown. Gradually however, as pointed out i n ChapterrOne, mass welfare programs became part of CCF p o l i c y and were seen as preventing s o c i a l i l l s . With the r i s i n g t i d e of the s o c i a l sciences, socialism emphasized the r e h a b i l i t a t i v e approach more. This was r e f l e c t e d i n the CCF's concern with penal i n s t i t u -tions p a r t i c u l a r l y , and obviously, by the name of the Department of S o c i a l Welfare and R e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the Saskatchewan CCF government. Mrs. Haggen, NDP member of the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, during the interview with Mr. Strachan also r e f l e c t e d t h i s role of s o c i a l welfare when she said the goals were n r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . t t Mr. Barrett, however, emphasizes prevention. In f a c t he said: "Rehabilitation i s a l a s t service that should be necessary i f proper preventative services were established. 1 1 Mr. Barrett's emphasis on prevention i n s o c i a l welfare services i s consistent with his concept of education i n socialism. Respondent's View of Economic and F i n a n c i a l Programs Mr. Barrett i n speaking of protection services said: "...the community i s not geared to provide a basic minimum standard of l i v i n g , so that wives are not forced to go out to work and abandon t h e i r children to the streets.... We would i n -s i s t that a minimum income be made available e i t h e r through supplements of s o c i a l assistance, or d i r e c t federal intervention into family subsidization...we believe that the community must accept r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to subsidize f a m i l i e s . . . " Mr. Barrett seems to be on the brink of outright support of a 138 guaranteed annual income here. The reasoning indicated above with the example of a working mother r e f l e c t s the reasoning behind wel-fare state measures. Here i t i s to prevent s o c i a l problems. In another s i t u a t i o n Mr. Barrett supported f i n a n c i a l assistance to unmarried mothers i n order that they could have the opportunity of keeping t h e i r children. Both ideas, creating opportunity and pre-venting s o c i a l breakdown, are represented i n Mr. Barrett's views of f i n a n c i a l assistance. In the area of s o c i a l assistance these quotations are i n d i c -ative of Mr. Barrett's attitudes and p o l i c y : "The Party has never been opposed to supplementing wages i f necessary..." "The Party's policy i s to eliminate as much as possible a l l means t e s t s . . . " "...No man should be forced to work f o r h i s welfare . . . i f there i s work to be done that man should be employed at the...union rate..." "Vouchers are degrading." "...while a man i s an unemployed employable...we must mobilize a l l the resources of the community to get him employed...his family should be given a minimum subsidy." " . . . a l l the resources of the community w i l l be mobilized to assist...one of these resources i s money." These quotations serve to indicate that Mr. Barrett believes s o c i a l assistance should be given according to need and i n a non-judgmental way. They represent a p o s i t i v e , non-punitive approach to s o c i a l assistance r e c i p i e n t s . One would expect with t h i s attitude the administration of assistance would be i n f a c t by the p r i n c i p l e that i t was the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r i g h t . However, Mr. Barrett also stated: 139 " i n some instances s o c i a l assistance can be granted on a loan basis...which we do not expect back...this approach...is a method of eliminating the self-judgement and s e l f -degradation that comes about i n our society around receiving s o c i a l welfare..." This p a r t i c u l a r program does not seem to be consistent with needs being a r i g h t f u l demand on the State. Rather i t seems to r e f l e c t Mr. Barrett's emphasis on the i n d i v i d u a l ' s f e e l i n g s i n a society characterized by negative attitudes to assistance r e c i p -i e n t s . The program i s designed to accommodate these attitudes rather than change them. Direct f i n a n c i a l assistance i s involved i n two other pro-grams. In speaking of adoption and fo s t e r home resources, Mr. Barrett 'said: " I t would be at the Department's i n i t i a t i v e to approach t h i s man and h i s family and say to him that we would l i k e to place two more children with him...we would subsidize the family to the point that either the man would completely stop working and spend 21+ hours a day as a profess-i o n a l father, or else he could continue to work and we would supplement t h e i r income...but to r e l y on the kind of gentle recruitment plans that we have now, i s absurd I We must aggresively seek out those homes that we want to buy and purchase that service from f a m i l i e s . . . " "I believe i n the theory that i f you found a home that a good adoption can be made, that adoption should take place, but a f i n a n c i a l subsidy should continue i f necessary..." This i s again i n d i c a t i v e of Mr. Barrett's b e l i e f that " f i n a n c i a l b a r r i e r s " should not stand i n the way of allowing "every i n d i v i d u a l to develop to h i s maximum p o t e n t i a l . " There i s a suggestion that the shortage of homes can be overcome i f the interested families had s u f f i c i e n t resources. Mr. Barrett's statement "to buy and purchase that service" 140 suggests something more than simply enabling f a m i l i e s to r a i s e f o s t e r or adopted children. He states: "...every e f f o r t should be made to meet that ch i l d ' s needs...regardless of the resources of the family..." "We say l e t ' s raise the returns to f a m i l i e s who are productive..." Mr. Barrett sees f i n a n c i a l assistance as a reward to adopt-ing and f o s t e r i n g parents f o r valuable services. Moreover he believes that: " . . . i f i t ' s e s s e n t i a l f o r the maintenance of the economic development of the country, then i t i s f a r more es s e n t i a l that we subsidize f a m i l i e s through some kind of investment i n that family and I think t h i s i s how we should define s o c i a l welfare payments. They are s o c i a l investments" Mr. Barrett's analagous comparison of s o c i a l health and economic development leads him to the concept of s o c i a l investment. This type of reasoning leads Mr. Barrett to urge f o r f l e x i b i l i t y i n the administration of s o c i a l assistance as well as with f i n a n c i a l assistance to f a m i l i e s f o s t e r i n g or adopting. Respondent's View of Comprehensive Programs In discussing welfare i n s t i t u t i o n s , Mr. Barrett was asked about kindergartens. He r e p l i e d : "Kindergartens are most welcome, and beyond t h i s i t i s my opinion that day-care f a c i l i t i e s should be made available through the Department of Education, not through the Department of Welfare...kindergartens should be a r i g h t . . . . " Public kindergartens are consistent with the emphasis of the welfare state on expanding equality of opportunity through the educational system. With respect to day care centers i t i s 141 i n t e r e s t i n g that Mr. Barrett would make them available through the Department of Education. This may be f o r administrative reasons. On the other hand i t may be due to the f a c t that i n h i s welfare p o l i c y generally, Mr. Barrett concentrates on the i n d i v i d -ual and involving the i n d i v i d u a l i n the larger society. In t h i s sense he may be seeing s o c i a l welfare as dealing mainly with the i l l s of a society but that those measures designed f o r the general expansion of basic r i g h t s are not viewed i n t h i s l i g h t . Mr. Barrett also supported a p r o v i n c i a l program for slum clearance and low-cost housing. With regards to t h i s he stated: "We propose that such Federal amendments would be made so that family allowance could be forwarded to a family i n a lump sum that could be used as a down payment on a home...low-cost housing f o r senior c i t i z e n s should be granted on the basis of low-cost housing for everyone...the choice of where one wants to l i v e and what type of accommodation should be l e f t to the i n d i v i d u a l . " Here he i s concerned with minimum standards i n the f i e l d of hous-ing. His concern with the needs of the i n d i v i d u a l i s again r e f l e c t e d . With regards to automation, Mr. Barrett was asked: "Is your Party p o l i c y geared i n any way to re-educating people to use l e i s u r e time? Mr. Barrett r e p l i e d : "...by providing as many recreational outlets as possible f o r the i n d i v i d u a l to p a r t i c i p a t e i n . . . " This was e s s e n t i a l l y the extent of Mr. Barrett's proposals f o r dealing with automation. He indicated that the Party was "doing a great deal of thinking i n t h i s area." It would appear 142 that there i s not agreement within the Party on the approach to t h i s problem. Respondent's Views of Sp e c i f i c Services: The type of service Mr. Barrett envisages i s an important aspect of h i s s o c i a l welfare p o l i c y . The following question e l i c i t e d a useful answer i n t h i s respect: "In regards to Old Age Assistance, B l i n d Person's Allowance, Disabled Person's Allowance and Sup-plemental Allowance, what i s your view to incor-poration of these under one program?" Mr. Barrett r e p l i e d : "They should a l l be under one program and the best basis i s : regardless of the person's need or p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n the So c i a l Welfare Department should be a generically operated resource which has a minimum standard f o r a l l human beings.... Each one of the agencies deal with a d i f f e r e n t part of the person's body o f psyche.... You don't deal with people on t h i s basis." This quotation i s being used here to highlight Mr. Barrett's emphasis on generic service. This i s a r e f l e c t i o n of h i s concern with the i n d i v i d u a l as previously mentioned. One of the charac-t e r i s t i c s of the welfare state i s the variety of programs that develop to deal with s p e c i f i c problems. But Mr. Barrett's view of serving the t o t a l person leads him to the conclusion that one agency should be responsible f o r giving a l l s o c i a l welfare services. Mr. Barrett enlarged on the " l o c a l " base f o r welfare opera-tions when asked: "What do you mean by l o c a l , exactly?" Mr. Barrett r e p l i e d : "The kind of s o c i a l welfare services that I see, i s a generic s o c i a l service center i n 143 every single community...when I t a l k about l o c a l service I am t a l k i n g about t h i s kind of s o c i a l welfare o f f i c e where...the whole gamut of services are available...the worker...is available to provide t h i s kind of immediate r e f e r r a l . " This emphasis on the community as a base f o r giving service i s found throughout Mr. Barrett's program proposals. Consideration of Mr. Barrett's ppinxon pn Indian A f f a i r s gives insight into why he believes i n the community base. He stated: "We f e e l that the Federal government i s not capable of determining s o c i a l needs of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r group.... They should recognize that those needs are there but should provide i n i t i a t i v e or the a b i l i t y of i n i t i a t i v e to be developed at the l o c a l l e v e l to meet t h e i r needs.... I think that the Department of Indian A f f a i r s would be abolished as i t i s presently constituted but within the Depart-ment of S o c i a l Welfare we would have s k i l l e d p r a c t i t i o n e r s whose p a r t i c u l a r role would be one of creating an atmosphere of s e l f - h e l p and self-development within the Indian com-munity. .." While granting that Mr. Barrett i s r e f e r r i n g to a group with special problems, h i s emphasis on stimulating community involvement i s important. He has also pointed out that community service centers would o f f e r community organization services. This r e c a l l s Mr. Barrett's concern with p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l i n h i s conception of democratic socialism. Mr. Barrett with h i s concern f o r a l l i n d i v i d u a l s , sees the community as a s o c i a l organization within which the i n d i v i d u a l can express himself, and through which h i s needs w i l l be further r e a l i z e d . This aspect of i n d i v i d u a l involvement i s not the only reason f o r Mr. Barrett's concern with the community. For example, i n speaking of t r a i n i n g schools, he said: 144 " I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g a problem, does not cure i t . . . " Speaking of adult correction f a c i l i t i e s he stated: "any correctional f a c i l i t i e s we b u i l d would be i n the e x i s t i n g communities where they are needed." It i s i n t h i s area of corrections that Mr. Barrett points out most strongly the value of a community focus. In c r i t i c i s i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s he emphasized the breakdown i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s which cause more d i f f i c u l t y f o r the offender, and also f o r h i s family i n s o c i a l adjustment, as well as the f a c t that the community i t s e l f does not have to face the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i t has f o r the problem. This i s an important aspect of Mr. Barrett's p o l i c y which indicates h i s view that problems are s o c i a l l y based. Expansion of Services Mr. Barrett's emphasis on community based programs involves an expansion of the services presently offered. This i s how i t was expressed i n the interview: Mr. Barrett was asked: "In regard to juvenile delinquency — do you believe that the present probation service i n the Province i s adequate?" He r e p l i e d : "The present probation service i s t o t a l l y i n -adequate... I envision a t o t a l probation service at a minimum of 600 s t a f f people within 3 years a f t e r we form a government... We would bring i n a P r o v i n c i a l Juvenile Delinquents Act which would supplement the e x i s t i n g Federal l e g i s l a -t i o n and a l t e r i t towards the needs of the children rather than t r e a t i n g t h e i r behavior as criminal offenses." No case should be heard without a complete 145 s o c i a l h i s t o r y . . . i d e a l l y i t would include... a complete psychological work-up.... I t could be done i n the metropolitan areas; but i n the r u r a l areas i t would be f a r more d i f f i c u l t . ' 1 "Juvenile court judges should be trained s o c i a l workers." In the f i e l d of adult corrections Mr. Barrett was asked: If.. .what do you see as the main need i n t h i s area?" He r e p l i e d : "...we are anxious to create services which aim towards preventing personal breakdown i n behav-i o r and responsibility...we have i n i t i a t e d l e g i s l a t i o n c a l l i n g f o r a f a r more f l e x i b l e approach to the treatment of the convicted of-fender. I've introduced l e g i s l a t i o n f o r week-end prisons. In the f i e l d of c h i l d welfare, Mr. Barrett was asked: "...what would you say i s the purpose of protec-t i o n services?" Mr. Barrett r e p l i e d : "...to prevent the need f o r secondary physical protection and at i t s very best the f o s t e r home program admits a basic f a i l u r e i n the State not providing adequate family counselling services. .... We would immediately move s o c i a l workers into every e x i s t i n g elementary school structure..." In the f i e l d of mental health Mr. Barrett was asked: "Would there be any basic change you would make i n the orientation of services? He r e p l i e d : "The orientation of services would be focused 146 towards prevention. L e g i s l a t i o n would be introduced — outpatient services f o r the aggressive reaching out i n the community by mental health, coordinating mental health programs with the Department of S o c i a l Welfare, reaching out, seeking people who need a s s i s t -ance for emotional problems. These quotations are t y p i c a l of Mr. Barrett's program propos-a l s . E s s e n t i a l l y they involve a great expansion of the helping services, p a r t i c u l a r l y s o c i a l work services. His proposals f o r expansion of the probation service and f o r week-end prisons appear the most ambitious. The orientation of services i s towards prevention — reaching out to people unable or unwilling to ask f o r services, early treatment, and an emphasis on the family i n i t s s o c i a l setting. The t h e s i s group was also concerned with determining what changes Mr. Barrett would make i n the administration of welfare services. Accordingly he was asked: " I t i s understood that your party advocates r e v i s i o n of the S o c i a l Welfare Administration Department. Would you please outline what changes you are recommending?" To t h i s and subsequent questions asking f o r c l a r i f i c a t i o n , Mr. Barrett answered: "...we would delegate f a r more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and authority to regional administrator...we would es t a b l i s h a p a r t i c u l a r Department of L i a -son and Cooperation whose role would be to create l i a s o n and cooperation with e x i s t i n g private agencies. We would ask private agencies to assume the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of doing creative and experimental works.... We would no longer provide any money to any private agency whose primary purpose was carrying on a function that the Department of Social Welfare i s either pro-vid i n g i n other areas of the Province or should be providing...we would immediately increase s a l a r i e s of s o c i a l workers...we would slowly 147 phase out specialized caseloads...caseloads would be l i m i t e d . . . p o l i c y of sabbatical leave f o r the p r a c t i c i n g s o c i a l worker...inservice t r a i n i n g would diminish as we r e l i e d more heav-i l y on professional schools.... We would have no h e s i t a t i o n i n h i r i n g public welfare adminis-t r a t o r s . . . a l l c orrectional services w i l l be transferred to the Department of S o c i a l Welfare and that w i l l include services to juveniles... a u x i l l i a r y services offered from the Department of Health...are appropriately i n the s o c i a l welfare f i e l d . . . " One of the major aspects of Mr. Barrett's proposed plan i s a change i n roles of the private and public agencies. Many private agencies, including such large agencies as both Children's Aid Societies i n Vancouver would lose t h e i r primary function and t h i s would be taken over by the S o c i a l Welfare Department. Mr. Barrett's views are consistent with those of Mr. O'Neal. They r e f l e c t the b e l i e f that a society should serve a l l human needs as a matter of right rather than charity. The role designated f o r private agencies i s that of experi-mentation and innovation. By implication t h i s suggests that the State would assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y once a need f o r a service was proven. While Mr. Barrett envisages grants to private agencies that are free of r e s t r i c t i o n s to enable them to engage i n creative programs, t h i s f a c t and the proposal of a Department of Liason and Cooperation indicates that Mr. Barrett sees the government as having a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n seeking out new needs and services. Within the public sphere, Mr. Barrett advocates c e n t r a l i z a -t i o n of s p e c i f i c s o c i a l welfare services under one department. He states the basis for t h i s view i n t h i s statement: " . . . s o c i a l problems...such as criminal behavior, drug addiction and alcoholism, reveal a s o c i a l inadequacy and as such a l l services should be under the S o c i a l Welfare Department." 148 As with the early s o c i a l i s t s , problems are seen as having a common base i n s o c i a l inadequacy. However, Mr. Barrett would cope with t h i s inadequacy by reforming the present welfare system through c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of these services, which he considers would permit a generic, preventive approach. The reason for further decentralization of authority and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s not stated by Mr. Barrett. However i n view of hi s previously mentioned emphasis on prevention and the community focus of services, he perhaps believes t h i s would make the Depart-ment more responsive to the needs of the community. In addition to changes i n the structure and role of the Department of S o c i a l Welfare, Mr. Barrett i s concerned with person-nel p o l i c y . He advocates such measures as smaller caseloads and retaining trained workers i n l i n e positions which are aimed at improving the qu a l i t y of s o c i a l work performance. Elsewhere i n the interview Mr. Barrett states that to meet the needs f o r s o c i a l workers, the creation of three new schools of s o c i a l work would be encouraged. His personnel policy i s no doubt a r e f l e c t i o n of hi s s o c i a l work education and experience. Conclusions Philosophically, Mr. Strachan, Mr. O'Neal and Mr. Barrett agree that the s o c i a l i s t society i s one that i s concerned with meeting the needs of a l l i t s members. In general they appear to agree with the s o c i a l i s t i d e a l of equality, freedom and fellow-ship. They do not support a revolutionary change of the present economic system as a means of achieving a better society, but i n reforming the present system. Despite these s i m i l a r i t i e s there are differences i n philoso-ph i c a l approach. Mr. Strachan, s t i l l sees man's condition i n 149 terms of free-enterprise, big business, the working class, and the nature of the work l i f e . He emphasizes the government's role i n economic development as a means of a l l e v i a t i n g i n j u s t i c e s . Mr. Barrett, thinks of socialism more i n terms of the i n d i -v idual as a p a r t i c i p a t i n g , concerned member of society. He sees t h i s s i t u a t i o n as being achieved l a r g e l y , but not s o l e l y , through an educational process. He supports reform i n the educational system to make more responsible c i t i z e n s . Education i s used broadly here to r e f e r not only to the school system, but also to a c t i v i t i e s of a Department of S o c i a l Welfare, of s o c i a l workers, and schools of s o c i a l work, i n education. In f a c t , education i s linked to the whole concept of prevention. Mr. O'Neal views socialism i n welfare state terms. He i s concerned with equality of opportunity and welfare state measures are emphasized. In terms of s o c i a l welfare p o l i c y , Mr. Strachan sees economic development as a major t o o l i n a l l e v i a t i n g s o c i a l problems, the chief of which i s unemployment and lack of purchasing power. At the same time he advocates comprehensive welfare programs. These programs are aimed at the welfare of the shole society. I n d i v i d -u a l services are " s p e c i a l " and a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n approach i s em-phasized f o r more serious s o c i a l problems. Mr. Barrett also supports comprehensive programs, part i c u -l a r l y those f i n a n c i a l programs permitting equality of opportunity. But, the bulk of his program i s geared towards reforming the present welfare system i n the d i r e c t i o n of meeting the needs of the i n d i v i d u a l . It i s an approach which sees welfare as i n s t i t u -t i o n a l i z e d and aimed at helping the i n d i v i d u a l adjust to society. This role i s expressed through generic, community focused programs 150 whose primary purpose i s to prevent s o c i a l breakdown, rather than r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . The program involves a s i g n i f i c a n t increase i n the number i n the helping professions, p a r t i c u l a r l y s o c i a l work. Mr. O'Neal primarily supports comprehensive welfare programs. He i s also concerned about l e g a l changes a f f e c t i n g Labour's bargaining p o s i t i o n . While Mr. O'Neal i s sympathetic to the expan-sion of i n d i v i d u a l services, these are not spelled out c l e a r l y . He i s opposed to private agencies and sees them as being charity. The conclusion that can be made i s that a l l the interviewed leaders have moved subst a n t i a l l y i n the d i r e c t i o n of a welfare state approach as a solution to the problems confronting i n d i v i d -uals i n society. 151 CHAPTER V GENERAL CONCLUSIONS The focus of t h i s thesis was to determine the present welfare p o l i c i e s of the NDP. In order to do t h i s , we traced the evolution of the philosophy of the CCF - NDP. We have concluded that the party has moved from a t h e o r e t i c a l s o c i a l i s t orientation, i . e . public ownership of the means of production and a planned economy i n a c l a s s l e s s society to a welfare state orientation. This orientation implies a reformation of the exi s t i n g system with emphasis on s o c i a l i z a t i o n of public u t i l i -t i e s , a planned economy, and extensive s o c i a l security measures. We have concluded from an analysis of l i t e r a t u r e , resolu-tions, interviews, and a questionnaire, that the rank and f i l e during the proceedings of t h e i r conventions are l a r g e l y concerned with economic issues ( s o c i a l i z a t i o n and planning). The leadership, on the other hand, has supported broad comprehensive s o c i a l welfare programs as well as emphasizing economic programs. Although the rank and f i l e do not indicate concern with s o c i a l welfare issues at t h e i r annual conventions, they did give s p e c i f i c s o c i a l welfare issues as high a p r i o r i t y as leadership l e v e l s of membership, i n t h e i r responses to the questionnaire. Although the rank and f i l e f a i l to present resolutions on s p e c i f i c welfare issues, there i s a high degree of agreement between various l e v e l s of party membership on these issues, 152 i n d i c a t i n g that the rank and f i l e r e l y on the leadership and "experts" f o r p o l i c y on s p e c i f i c welfare issues. The spokesman on s o c i a l welfare f o r the NDP i s David Barrett. His major premises are as follows: 1. Direct concern with the i n d i v i d u a l . Mr. Barrett empha-sizes equalization of opportunity which, he f e e l s , w i l l allow the development of the in d i v i d u a l ' s maximum p o t e n t i a l . Although Mr. Barrett i s i n agreement with other party leaders on the need f o r comprehensive changes to the s o c i a l and economic structure, he also proposes the concurrent development of d i r e c t services to the i n d i v i d u a l . These include the expansion of such things as educa-t i o n , mental health services, counselling services of a l l types etc. This does not imply that other party members are not con-cerned with the i n d i v i d u a l . Many of them emphasize broad s o c i a l and economic changes as being primarily necessary f o r the development of maximum i n d i v i d u a l p o t e n t i a l . These changes include, economic planning, s o c i a l i z a t i o n , labour l e g i s l a t i o n , medicare etc. 2. Every c i t i z e n has the right to minimum standards of l i v i n g including such things as income, education, and health services. 3. A l l i n d i v i d u a l s should be involved i n the resolution of s o c i a l problems. However the party i t s e l f depends on Mr. Barrett fo r leadership i n s o c i a l welfare. This indicates a need f o r a greater involvement of the party membership i t s e l f i n the formu-l a t i o n of s p e c i f i c s o c i a l welfare p o l i c i e s . 4. An emphasis on the preventative aspects of s o c i a l welfare. 5. The need f o r decentralization of welfare services. Govern-ment should have the primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r providing these services. 153 6 . Services should be provided on the basis of needs rather than means t e s t s . In summary, many of Mr. Barrett's s p e c i f i c proposals (g.g. expansion af probation and parole through use of retrained per-sonnel) have not been subjected to research. This research could be sponsored by the NDP or under the auspices of the trade union movement as i s done i n the U.K. Secondly, many of Mr. Barrett's proposals have not been submitted to party conventions. Therefore, most i n d i v i d u a l party members have not been involved i n the formu-l a t i o n of s p e c i f i c s o c i a l welfare p o l i c y . And t h i r d l y , there i s no comprehensive s o c i a l welfare policy statement (endorsed by the convention) available to the public. 154 Appendix A. MANIFESTO OF THE LEAGUE FOR SOCIAL RECONSTRUCTION The League f o r S o c i a l Reconstruction i s an association of men and women who are working f o r the establishment i n Canada of a s o c i a l order i n which the basic p r i n c i p l e regulation production, d i s t r i b u t i o n and service w i l l be the common good rather than p r o f i t . The present c a p i t a l i s t i c system has shown i t s e l f unjust and inhuman, economically wasteful, and a standing threat to peace and democratic government. Over the whole world i t has led to a struggle f o r raw materials and markets and to a consequent i n t e r -national competition i n armaments which were among the main causes of the l a s t war, and which constantly threaten to b r i n g on new wars. In the advanced i n d u s t r i a l countries i t has led to the con-centration of wealth into the hands of a small irresponsible minority of bankers and i n d u s t r i a l i s t s whose economic power con-stantly threatens to n u l l i f y our p o l i t i c a l democracy. The r e s u l t i n Canada i s a society i n which the i n t e r e s t s of farmers and wage and sala r i e d workers - the great majority of our population - are hab i t u a l l y s a c r i f i c e d to those of t h i s small minority. Despite our abundant natural resources the mass of the people have not been freed from poverty and i n s e c u r i t y . Unregu-lated competitive production condemns them to alternate periods of feverish prosperity, i n which the main benefits go to p r o f i t -eers, and of catastrophic depression, i n which the common man's normal state of in s e c u r i t y and hardship i s accentuated. We are convinced that these e v i l s are inherent i n any system i n which private p r o f i t i s the main stimulus to economic e f f o r t . We therefore look to the establishment i n Canada of a new s o c i a l order which w i l l substitute a planned and s o c i a l i z e d econ-omy f o r the e x i s t i n g chaotic individualism and which, by achieving an approximate economic equality along a l l men i n place of the present gla r i n g i n e q u a l i t i e s , w i l l eliminate the domination of one class by another. As e s s e n t i a l f i r s t steps towards the r e a l i z a t i o n of t h i s new order we advocate. 1. Public ownership and operation of the public u t i l i t i e s connected with transportation, communication and e l e c t r i c power, and of such other industries as are already approaching conditions of monopolistic oontrol. 2 . Nationalization of Banks and other f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u -t i o ns with a view to the regulation of a l l credit and investment operations. 155 3. The further development of a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operative i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r the production and merchandising of a g r i c u l t u r a l products. 4. S o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n to secure to the worker adequate income and l e i s u r e , freedom of association, insurance against i l l n e s s , accident, old age and unemployment, and an e f f e c t i v e voice i n the management of h i s industry. 5 . P u b l i c l y organized health, h o s p i t a l , and medical services. 6. A taxation p o l i c y emphasizing steeply graduated income and inheritance taxes. 7 . The creation of a National Planning Commission. 8. The vesting i n Canada of the power to amend and interpret the Canadian constitution so as to give the federal government power to control the national economic development. 9. A foreign p o l i c y designed to secure i n t e r n a t i o n a l co-operation i n regulating trade, industry and finance, and to promote disarmament and world peace. 156 Appendix B PROVISIONAL PROGRAM QF THE CCF DRAWN UP AT THE CALGARY CONFERENCE IN 1932 The Co-operative Commonwealth Federation of Canada i s a Federation of organizations whose purpose i s the establishment i n Canada of a Co-operative Commonwealth i n which the basic p r i n c i p l e regulating production, d i s t r i b u t i o n and exchange, w i l l be the supplying of human needs instead of the making of p r o f i t s . PROVISIONAL PROGRAM OF THE FEDERATION 1. The establishment of a planned system of s o c i a l economy f o r the production, d i s t r i b u t i o n and exchange of a l l goods and services. 2. S o c i a l i z a t i o n of the banking, c r e d i t and f i n a n c i a l system of the country, together with the s o c i a l ownership, development, operation and control of u t i l i t i e s and natural resources. 3 . Security of tenure f o r the farmer on h i s use-lease land and fo r the worker i n h i s own home. ("Use-land"—land used f o r productive purposes; by implication no such guarantee i s given to the land speculator.) 4. The retention and extension of a l l e x i s t i n g s o c i a l l e g i s l a -t i o n and f a c i l i t i e s , with adequate provision f o r insurance against crop f a i l u r e , i l l n e s s , accident, old age and unem-ployment during the t r a n s i t i o n to the s o c i a l i s t state. 5. Equal economic and s o c i a l opportunity without d i s t i n c t i o n of sex, n a t i o n a l i t y or r e l i g i o n . 6. Encouragement of a l l co-operative enterprises which are steps to the attainment of the Co-operative Commonwealth. 7 . S o c i a l i z a t i o n of a l l health services. 8. Federal Government should accept r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r unem-ployment and tender suitable work or adequate maintenance. 157 APPENDIX C Fourteen points of the Regina Manifesto, program of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, adopted at F i r s t National Convention held at Regina, Saskatchewan, July, 1933* 1. Planning: The establishment of a planned, s o c i a l i z e d economic order, i n order to make possible the most e f f i c i e n t development of the national resources and the most equitable d i s t r i b u t i o n of the national income. 2. S o c i a l i z a t i o n of Finance: S o c i a l i z a t i o n of a l l f i n a n c i a l machinery — banking, currency, c r e d i t , and insurance, to make possible the e f f e c t i v e control of currency, credit and prices, and the supplying of new productive equipment f o r s o c i a l l y desirable purposes. 3 . S o c i a l Ownership: S o c i a l i z a t i o n (Dominion, P r o v i n c i a l , or Municipal) of transportation, communications, e l e c t r i c power and a l l other industries and services e s s e n t i a l to s o c i a l planning, and t h e i r operation under the general d i r e c t i o n of the Planning Commission by competent manage-ments freed from day to day p o l i t i c a l interference. 4. Agriculture: Security of tenure for the farmer upon h i s farm on conditions to be l a i d down by i n d i v i d u a l provinces; insurance against unavoidable crop f a i l u r e ; removal of the t a r i f f burden from the operations of a g r i c u l t u r e ; encourage-ment of producers' and consumers' co-operatives; the restor-ation and maintenance of an equitable r e l a t i o n s h i p between prices of a g r i c u l t u r a l products and those of other commodi-t i e s and services; and improving the e f f i c i e n c y of export trade i n farm products. 5. External Trade: The regulation i n accordance with the National plan of external trade through import and export boards. 6 . Co-operative I n s t i t u t i o n s : The encouragement by the public authority of both producers' and consumers' co-operative i n s t i t u t i o n s . 7. Labour Code: A National Labour Code to secure f o r the worker maximum income and l e i s u r e , insurance covering i l l n e s s , accident, old age, and unemployment, freedom of association and e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the management of h i s industry or profession. 8 . S o c i a l i z e d Health Services: P u b l i c l y organized health, hospital and medical services. 153 9. B.N.A. Act: The amendment of the Canadian Constitution, without i n f r i n g i n g upon r a c i a l or r e l i g i o u s minority r i g h t s or upon legitimate p r o v i n c i a l claims to autonomy, so as to give the Dominion Government adequate powers to deal e f f e c t -i v e l y with urgent economic problems which are e s s e n t i a l l y national i n scope; the a b o l i t i o n of the Canadian Senate. 10. External Relations: A Foreign P o l i c y designed to obtain in t e r n a t i o n a l economic co-operation and to promote disarm-ament and world peace. 11. Taxation and Public Finance: A new taxation p o l i c y designed not only to raise public revenues but also to lessen the g l a r i n g i n e q u a l i t i e s of income and to provide funds f o r s o c i a l services and the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of industry; the ces-sation of the debt creating system of Public Finance. 12. Freedom: Freedom of speech and assembly f o r a l l ; repeal of Section 93 of the Criminal Code; amendment of the Immi-gration Act to prevent the present inhuman po l i c y of de-portation; equal treatment before the law of a l l residents of Canada i r r e s p e c t i v e of race, n a t i o n a l i t y or r e l i g i o u s or p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s . 13. S o c i a l I n j u s t i c e : The establishment of a commission com-posed of p s y c h i a t r i s t s , psychologists, socially-minded j u r i s t s and s o c i a l workers, to deal with a l l matters pertaining to crime and punishment and the general admin-i s t r a t i o n of law, i n order to humanize the law and to bring i t into harmony with the needs of the people. 14. An Emergency Program: The assumption by the Dominion Government of d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r dealing with the present c r i t i c a l unemployment s i t u a t i o n and f o r tendering suitable work or adequate maintenance; the adoption of measures to r e l i e v e the extremity of the c r i s i s such as a programme of public spending on housing, and other enter-prises that w i l l increase the r e a l wealth of Canada, to be financed by the issue of credit based on the national wealth. 159 APPENDIX D CCF (B.C.) PROVINCIAL PLATFORM. 1933 The CCF i s a Federation of organizations whose purpose i s the establishment i n Canada of a Co-operative Commonwealth, i n which the p r i n c i p l e regulating Production, D i s t r i b u t i o n and Exchange w i l l be the supplying of human needs and not the making of p r o f i t s . 1. PLANNING. The development of a s o c i a l i z e d economic plan, i n order to regulate the productive a c t i v i t i e s of the Province; and to secure maximum e f f i c i e n c y i n d i s t r i b u t i o n and exchange. 2. FINANCE. Co-operation with the other Provinces to obtain a complete S o c i a l i z a t i o n of a l l the f i n a n c i a l machinery of the country — Banking, Currency, Credit and Insurance, — and, i f compelled by a s i t u a t i o n of P r o v i n c i a l emergency, to develop purely P r o v i n c i a l Credit, based on P r o v i n c i a l Resources. 3 . SOCIAL OWNERSHIP. The adoption by the Province of the Federal CCF Plan for S o c i a l i z a t i o n of Natural Resources, Public u t i l i t i e s and other industries and services e s s e n t i a l to the economic plan. 4 . AGRICULTURE, (a) Security of tenure f o r the farmer on h i s use-land. Assistance to farmers i n co-ordination of production and establishment of orderly marketing by and through producers' and consumers' co-operatives, and such other assistance to a l l a g r i c u l -t u r i s t s as w i l l enable them to obtain an adequate return f o r the products of t h e i r labor. (b) APPLICATION TO AGRICULTURAL PLANE: 1. (a) The connotations of t h i s plank exhibit two theses which evolve from f u l l recognition of the fact that a l l a g r i c u l t u r a l labours are subject to and depend upon Nature and i t s laws. (b) That Agriculture may be brought into l i n e with a l l other basic industries and that hours of labour and periods of l e i s u r e may be s i m i l a r l y determined. (c) That the size of the farms, the s o i l a d a p tability, and the location with respect to markets may be s c i e n t i f i c a l l y determined and guided i n accordance with the findings. In development of these i t i s essential (a) That the s o i l survey of the Province be speedily completed on an adequate basis, and with a more comprehensive purpose. (b) That the e f f o r t s of experts employed by the P r o v i n c i a l Gov-ernment be co-ordinated and immediately adjusted to the s p e c i f i c problem of the Growers. (c) That solution reached by Growers and experts be resolved by suitable l e g i s l a t i o n i f considered necessary f o r the general welfare to be applied to s p e c i f i c Industries such as F r u i t and Small F r u i t Industires; Cereal Raising; Ranching; Nursery Farming and Truck Farming. As Interim measures the following provisions are recommended to secure the tenure of the farmer upon his use land: 160 1. Taxation of land i n use to be replaced by taxation on Nett Income. 2. Extension of Pr o v i n c i a l Credit to the Farmers f o r working c a p i t a l and to replace Mortgage obligations and the l i k e . 3 . Adequate insurance developed by the Province against a l l personal property and crop r i s k s . 4 . S o c i a l ownership of i r r i g a t i o n , drainings, and dyking systems. 5. LABOUR CODE. Introduction and enforcement of a Labour Code to secure f o r the worker maximum income and l e i s u r e , unemployment i n -surance and ef f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the management of his industry or profession. 6. SECURITY FOR HOME OWNERS. Declaration of a moratorium to be administered by a debt adjustment Board on p r i n c i p a l and intere s t on mortgages and agreements of sale i n respect to personal property and homes. Amendment of the B.C. Municipal Act and any Pr o v i n c i a l Legis-l a t i o n pertaining thereto to provide authority f o r Municipal Councils and Commissioners to withhold from Tax Sale the homes of people who have l o s t t h e i r means of l i v e l i h o o d . 7. TAXATION. A l l forms of taxation, i n p a r t i c u l a r Income, Corpor-ation and Inheritance Taxes to be lev i e d d e f i n i t e l y on the basis of a b i l i t y to pay. 8. MAINTENANCE. Immediate r e g i s t r a t i o n of a l l persons throughout the Province, and the provision of c i v i l i z e d maintenance f o r a l l persons affected by unemployment or loss of income. The i n s e c u r i t y of present l i f e insurance, pensions and superannuation schemes necessitates adequate provision f o r the aged and i n f i r m as a Soc i a l o b l i g a t i o n . 9. EMPLOYMENT AND PROVINCIAL DEVELOPMENT. (a) Immediate operation of a scheme of Public Works, such as the building of roads, schools, l i b r a r i e s , etc., the development of Housing Scheme; the e l e c t r i f i c a t i o n of the Province; the develop-ment of i r r i g a t i o n system and other S o c i a l enterprises. (b) Development of transportation systems throughout the Province^ based upon an expert survey (c) Extension of Social Services. (d) S c i e n t i f i c development of the Natural Resources of the Province; propagation and conservation of the Forests and F i s h e r i e s . 10. HEALTH. S o c i a l i s a t i o n of a l l Health Services. 11. EDUCATION. (a) Establishment of a thoroughly democratic progressive educational system free to a l l , adapted to i n d i v i d u a l needs and designed to prepare our young people f o r a f u l l and complete p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a co-opea?ative order. 161 (b) Creation of vocational Schools, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n order to care for the educational needs of our unemployed youth, pending such time as they can be drafted into the i n d u s t r i a l schemes. 12. Revision of a l l P r o v i n c i a l l e g a l enactments i n order to bring them into conformity with CCF p o l i c i e s . 162 APPENDIX E 1937 P r o v i n c i a l Program. CCF (B.C. Section) published by the P r o v i n c i a l Executive, CCF (B.C. Section, Vancouver,B.C 1. PLANNING: The immediate establishment of a Planning Board consisting of economists, s t a t i s t i c i a n s and engineers, which, i n collaboration with the various administrative departments, w i l l prepare plans for the new p r o v i n c i a l economy f o r submission to the Cabinet, to which body the Board w i l l be responsible. Inauguration of Consultative Councils, whose members w i l l be elected from t h e i r respective organizations, such Councils, to advise the Planning Board and to accept, where f e a s i b l e , some measure of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r implementing statutes a f f e c t i n g t h e i r industry or profession. 2. SOCIAL CONTROL: Establishment of & commissions to control public u t i l i t i e s and natural resources with a view to early public ownership; government monopoly of brewing and d i s t i l l i n g , and of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of petroleum products; a c q u i s i t i o n of value-producing industries i t i s deemed advisable to operate; s t r i c t e r supervision and control of private enterprise; no further a l i e n a t i o n of natural resources to private i n t e r e s t s ; progressive i n s t i t u t i o n of state logging and r e - a f f o r e s t a t i o n . Progressive adoption of State Insurance. Appointment of a Highway Commission to carry out a comprehensive road program. 3. FINANCE: Consolidation of p r o v i n c i a l government debt by conversion to nonmaturing, fi x e d - i n t e r e s t bearing bonds, c a l l a b l e at option of the Government a f t e r a l i m i t e d term of years. Government support to municipalities i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to reduce t h e i r debt loads. Careful r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the tax burden to give greater r e l i e f to those i n the lower income brackets; higher income and inheritance taxes i n the upper brackets. Tax increases on monopolistic business, speculative landholdings and alienated n a t u r a l resources. Taxation of corporation surpluses. 4. LABOUR: Protection of workers i n the r i g h t s of organiza-t i o n , c o l l e c t i v e bargaining, s t r i k i n g , and peaceful picketing; out-lawing of company unions; opening of a l l company towns; enactment and s t r i c t enforcement of Wage, Hours, and Conditions of Work leg -i s l a t i o n to provide higher l i v i n g standards f o r workers; unemployed workers, pending u t i l i z a t i o n of t h e i r services, to be furnished reasonable maintenance and opportunity f o r t r a i n i n g by a plan c a l l i n g f o r f u l l e r co-operation between federal, p r o v i n c i a l and municipal a u t h o r i t i e s , and private organizations; s p e c i a l attention to youth labour problems. 5. AGRICULTURE: Appointment of a Government A g r i c u l t u r a l Com-mission with subsidiary committees on marketing and planned produc-t i o n , which committees w i l l have both producer and consumer represen-t a t i o n . A measure of control to be exercized over imports and ex-ports. Active support of farmer organizations i n co-operative buying, production and d i s t r i b u t i o n ; insurance against crop f a i l u r e ; i n s t i t u t i o n of a p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c y leading to prevention of flood conditions; security on equitable terms against seizure f o r debt of land i n e f f e c t i v e use, including buildings, and equipment; examin-ation of the whole a g r i c u l t u r a l debt structure with a view to a p r a c t i c a l solution; plans to be prepared f o r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and re-settlement of those i n distressed areas; establishment of an 163 experimental collective farm; rural electrification where condi-tions warrant. Early provision for an outlet to the Pacific Coast for Peace River products. 6. EDUCATION: Education to be related more closely to the vocational and cultural needs of the child and of the community; abolition of fees in the secondary schools; maintenance of a demo-cratically elected School Board system; reduction in the number of school districts; aid to small urban and rural centres by the pro-vision of increased educational and cultural facilities. Institu-tion of a well-organized program of adult education; provision of free text books and essential equipment. 7. SOCIAL SERVICES: Establishment of all-inclusive Health Insurance, contribution to be based onaa sliding scale in accordance with income received; all indigents to receive full benefits under this scheme. Extension of public clinic, hospitalization, diagnos-tic facilities and nursing services; more attention to be given to preventive measures. Increased pensions for the aged and blind and extended allowances under the Mothers' Pensions Act; upward revision of allowances under the Workmen's Compensation Act. 8. HOME PROTECTION AND HOUSING: Revision of laws dealing with foreclosures and evictions with a view to safeguarding citizens rights to home tenure; assistance to be given to Municipalities in slum clearance undertakings; home building by concerted action be-tween Government, Municipalities, Building Societies and Housing Co-operatives. 9. CO-OPERATIVES: Active support of all genuine co-operative societies. 10. HIGHWAYS AND BRIDGES: Abolition of tolls on Provincially controlled bridges, highways and ferries. 11. CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTIES: Maintenance and extension of civil and religious freedom and vigorous opposition to all encroachments upon such rights and liberties. 164 APPENDIX F 1956 Winnipeg Declaration of P r i n c i p l e s of the  Co-operative Commonwealth Federation The aim of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation i s the establishment i n Canada by democratic means of a co-operative com-monwealth i n which the supplying of human needs and enrichment of human l i f e s h a l l be the primary purpose of our society. Private p r o f i t and corporate power must be subordinated to s o c i a l planning designed to achieve equality of opportunity and the highest possible l i v i n g standards f o r a l l Canadians. This i s , and always has been, the aim of the CCF. The Regina Manifesto, proclaimed by the founders of the movement i n 1933, has had a profound influence on Canada's s o c i a l system. Many of the improvements i t recommended have been wrung out of unwilling govern-ments by the growing strength of our movement and the growing p o l i -t i c a l maturity of the Canadian people. Canada i s a better place than i t was a generation ago, not least because of the cry f o r j u s t i c e sounded i n the Regina Manifesto and the devoted e f f o r t s of CCF members and supporters since that time. CANADA STILL RIDDEN BY INEQUALITIES In spite of great economic expansion, large sections of our people do not benefit adequately from the increased wealth produced. Greater wealth and economic power continue to be concentrated i n the hands of a r e l a t i v e l y few private corporations. The gap be-tween those at the bottom and those at the top of the economic scale has widened. Thousands s t i l l l i v e i n want and i n s e c u r i t y . Slums and inad-equate housing condemn many Canadian f a m i l i e s to a cheerless l i f e . Older c i t i z e n s exist on pensions f a r too low for health and dignity. Many too young to qu a l i f y for pensions are rejected by industry as too old f o r employment, and face the future without hope. Many i n serious i l l - h e a l t h cannot afford the hospital and medical care they need. Educational i n s t i t u t i o n s have been starved f o r funds and, even i n days of prosperity, only a small proportion of young men and women who could benefit from technical and higher education can afford i t . In short, Canada i s s t i l l characterized by gl a r i n g i n e q u a l i t i e s of wealth and opportunity and by the domination of one group over another. The growing concentration of corporate wealth has resulted i n a v i r t u a l economic dictatorship by a p r i v i l e g e d few. This threatens our p o l i t i c a l democracy which w i l l a t t a i n i t s f u l l mean-ing only when our people have a voice i n the management of t h e i r economic a f f a i r s and e f f e c t i v e control over the means by which they l i v e . THE FOLLY OF WASTED RESOURCES Furthermore, even during a time of high employment, Canada's productive capacity i s not f u l l y u t i l i z e d . I t s use i s governed by the dictates of private economic power and by considerations of private p r o f i t . S i m i l a r l y , the scramble f o r p r o f i t has wasted and despoiled our r i c h resources of s o i l , water, forest and minerals. This lack of s o c i a l planning r e s u l t s i n a waste of our human as well as our natural resources. Our human resources are wasted through s o c i a l and economic conditions which stunt human growth, 165 through unemployment and through our f a i l u r e to provide adequate education. THE CHALLENGE OF NEW HORIZONS The CCF believes that Canada needs a program f o r the wise development and conservation of i t s natural resources. Our industry can and should be so operated as to enable our people to use f u l l y t h e i r talents and s k i l l s . Such an economy w i l l y i e l d the maximum opportunities f o r i n d i v i d u a l development and the maximum of goods and services f o r the s a t i s f a c t i o n of human needs at home and abroad. Unprecedented s c i e n t i f i c and technological advances have brought us to the threshold of a second i n d u s t r i a l revolution. Opportunities for enriching the standard of l i f e i n Canada and els e -where are greater than ever. However, unless careful study i s given to the many problems which w i l l a r i s e and unless there i s i n t e l l i -gent planning to meet them, the e v i l s of the past w i l l be multi p l i e d i n the future. The technological changes w i l l produce even greater concentrations of wealth and power and w i l l cause widespread d i s -t ress through unemployment and the displacement of populations. The challenge facing Canadians today i s whether future develop-ment w i l l continue to perpetuate the i n e q u a l i t i e s of the past or whether i t w i l l be based on p r i n c i p l e s of s o c i a l j u s t i c e . CAPITALISM BASICALLY IMMORAL Economic expansion accompanied by widespread suffering and i n -j u s t i c e i s not desirable s o c i a l progress. A society motivated by the drive f o r private gain and special p r i v i l e g e i s b a s i c a l l y immoral. The CCF reaffirms i t s b e l i e f that our society must have a moral purpose and must b u i l d a new re l a t i o n s h i p among men—a relat i o n s h i p based on mutual respect and on equality of opportunity. In such a society everyone w i l l have a sense of worth and belonging, and w i l l be enabled to develop h i s capacities to the f u l l . SOCIAL PLANNING FOR A JUST SOCIETY Such a society cannot be b u i l t without the application of s o c i a l planning. Investment of available funds must be channelled into s o c i a l l y desirable projects; f i n a n c i a l and credi t resources must be used to help maintain f u l l employment and to control i n -f l a t i o n and d e f l a t i o n . In the co-operative commonwealth there w i l l be an important role f o r public, private and co-operative enterprise working to-gether i n the people's i n t e r e s t . The CCF has always recognized public ownership as the most e f f e c t i v e means of breaking the stranglehold of private monopolies on the l i f e of the nation and of f a c i l i t a t i n g the s o c i a l planning necessary f o r economic security and advance. The CCF w i l l , there-fore, extend public ownership wherever i t i s necessary for t he achievement of these objectives. At the same time, the CCF also recognizes that i n many f i e l d s there w i l l be need f o r private enterprise which can make a useful contribution to the development of our economy. The co-operative commonwealth w i l l , therefore, provide appropriate opportunities f o r private business as well as publicly-owned industry. The CCF w i l l protect and make more widespread the ownership of family farms by those who t i l l them, of homes by those who l i v e i n them, and of a l l personal possessions necessary f o r the we l l -166 being of the Canadian people. In many f i e l d s the best means of ensuring j u s t i c e to pro-ducers and consumers i s the co-operative form of ownership. In such f i e l d s , every a s s i s t a n c e w i l l be given to form co-operatives and c r e d i t unions and to strengthen those already i n e x i s t e n c e . BUILDING A LIVING DEMOCRACY The CCF welcomes the growth of labour unions, farm and other o r g a n i z a t i o n s of the people. Through them, and through a s s o c i a t i o n s f o r the promotion of a r t and c u l t u r e , the f a b r i c of a l i v i n g democ-racy i s being created i n Canada. These o r g a n i z a t i o n s must have the f u l l e s t o pportunity f o r f u r t h e r growth and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n b u i l d -i n g our nation's f u t u r e . In the present world struggle f o r men's minds and l o y a l t i e s , democratic nations have a g r e a t e r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y than ever to erase every o b s t a c l e t o freedom and every v e s t i g e of r a c i a l , r e l i g i o u s or p o l i t i c a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . L e g i s l a t i o n alone cannot do t h i s , but e f f e c t i v e l e g i s l a t i o n i s a necessary safeguard f o r b a s i c r i g h t s and a sound foundation f o r f u r t h e r s o c i a l and e d u c a t i o n a l progress. Therefore, the CCF proposes the enactment of a B i l l of R i g h t s guaranteeing freedom of speech and of expression, the r i g h t of law-f u l assembly, a s s o c i a t i o n and o r g a n i z a t i o n , equal treatment before the law, freedom to worship according t o one's own conscience and the enjoyment of a l l r i g h t s without d i s t i n c t i o n of race, sex, r e l i g i o n or language. • BASIS FOR PEACE The s o l u t i o n of the problems f a c i n g Canada depends, i n l a r g e p a r t , on removing the i n t e r n a t i o n a l dangers which threaten the f u t u r e of a l l mankind. Therefore no task i s more urgent than t h a t of b u i l d i n g peace and of f o r g i n g i n t e r n a t i o n a l p o l i c i e s which w i l l banish from the earth the oppressive f e a r of nuclear d e s t r u c t i o n . Only i f there i s a determined w i l l to peace and if every part of the world i s f r e e from the f e a r of aggression and domination, can progress be made toward a l a s t i n g settlement of outstanding d i f f e r -ences. Throughout the years the CCF has maintained t h a t there has been too much r e l i a n c e on defence expenditures to meet the t h r e a t of communist expansion. One of the urgent needs f o r b u i l d i n g a peace-f u l world and f o r extending the i n f l u e n c e and power of democracy i s generous support of i n t e r n a t i o n a l agencies t o provide a s s i s t a n c e to under-developed c o u n t r i e s on a vast s c a l e . The hungry, oppressed and u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d of the world must know democracy not as a smug slogan but as a dynamic way of l i f e which sees the world as one whole, and which recognizes the r i g h t of every n a t i o n to independence and of every people to the highest a v a i l a b l e standard of l i v i n g . SUPPORT OF UN The CCF r e a f f i r m s f u l l support f o r the United Nations and i t s development i n t o an e f f e c t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n of i n t e r n a t i o n a l co-operation and government. The world must achieve a l a r g e measure of i n t e r n a t i o n a l disarmament without delay and evolve a system of e f f e c t i v e i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o n t r o l and i n s p e c t i o n t o enable the prohib-i t i o n of nuclear weapons. The CCF b e l i e v e s i n f u l l i n t e r n a t i o n a l co-operation which alone can b r i n g l a s t i n g peace. The p r a c t i c e s of i m p e r i a l i s m whether of 167 the old style or the new t o t a l i t a r i a n brand, must disappear. The CCF s t r i v e s f o r a world society based on the rule of law and on freedom, on the right to independence of a l l peoples, on greater equality among nations and on genuine universal brotherhood. CONFIDENCE IN CANADA The CCF has confidence i n Canada and i t s people who have come from many lands i n search of freedom, security and opportunity. I t i s proud of our country's ori g i n s i n the B r i t i s h and French trad-i t i o n s which have produced our present parliamentary and j u d i c i a l systems. The CCF believes i n Canada's federal system. Properly applied i n a s p i r i t of national unity, i t can safeguard our national w e l l -being and at the same time protect the t r a d i t i o n s and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r i g h t s of the provinces. Within the framework of the federal system the CCF w i l l equalize opportunities f o r the c i t i z e n s of every province i n Canada. True national unity w i l l be achieved only when every person from the A t l a n t i c to the P a c i f i c i s able to enjoy an adequate standard of l i v i n g . SOCIALISM ON THE MARCH In le s s than a generation since the CCF was formed, democratic socialism has achieved a place i n the world which i t s founders could hardly have envisaged. Many labour and s o c i a l i s t parties have administered or participated i n the governments of t h e i r countries. As one of these democratic s o c i a l i s t p arties, the CCF recognizes that the great issue of our time i s whether mankind s h a l l move toward t o t a l i t a r i a n oppression or toward a wider democracy within nations and among nations. The CCF w i l l not rest content u n t i l every person i n t h i s land and i n a l l other lands i s able to enjoy equality and freedom, a sense of human dignity, and an opportunity to l i v e a r i c h and meaningful l i f e as a c i t i z e n of a free and peaceful world. This i s the Co-operative Commonwealth which the CCF i n v i t e s the people of Canada to bu i l d with imagination and pride. 168 APPENDIX G Resolution Passed at the Canadian Labour Congress Convention Held at Winnipeg A p r i l 21-25, 1958 This Convention believes that the imperative need of the Canadian p o l i t i c a l scene today i s the creation of an e f f e c t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e p o l i t i c a l force based on the needs of workers, farmers and similar groups, financed and controlled by the people and t h e i r organizations. During the past quarter century the CCF has made a tremendous contribution to the welfare of the Canadian people, both i n and out of Parliament, The organized Labour movement f u l l y recognizes that contribution and knows that, with i t s li m i t e d f a c i l i t i e s , the CCF continues to battle f o r the ideas of s o c i a l j u s t i c e , security and freedom, which are also the goals of t h i s Congress The time has come f o r a fundamental re-alignment of p o l i t i c a l forces i n Canada. There i s the need f o r a broadly based people's p o l i t i c a l movement, which embraces the CCF, the labour movement, farm organizations, professional people and other liberally-minded persons interested i n basic s o c i a l reform and reconstruction through our parliamentary system of government. Such a broadly based p o l i t i c a l instrument should provide that Labour and other peoples' organizations may, together with the CCF, p a r t i c i p a t e d i r e c t l y i n the establishment of such a movement, i t s organizational structure and basic philosophy and program, as well as i n i t s financing and choice of candidates for public o f f i c e . The experience of Labour and s o c i a l democratic p o l i t i c a l parties elsewhere should be studied for whatever t h e i r h i s t o r y and structure might contribute, while recognizing that any e f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l instrument i n Canada must be Canadian i n character and structure. In p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n and i n i t i a t i n g the creation of a new p o l i t i c a l movement, Labour emphasizes that not only i s there no wish to dominate such a developmert , but there i s the f u l l e s t desire f o r the broadest possible p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a l l i n d i v i d u a l s arid groups genuinely interested i n basic democratic s o c i a l reform and the democratic planning necessary to such reform. This Convention, therefore, i n s t r u c t s the Executive Council to give urgent and immediate attention to t h i s matter by i n i t i a t i n g discussions with the CCF, interested farm organizations and other like-minded i n d i v i d u a l s and groups, to formulate a constitution and a program for such a p o l i t i c a l instrument of the Canadian people; and to report on such a plan, draft constitution and program to the next Convention of t h i s Congress f o r action. Pending t h i s development, t h i s Convention reaffirms the p r i n c i p l e set out i n the p o l i t i c a l r esolution of the Founding Con-vention of t h i s Congress as follows: 169 "(This Convention) urges a l l a f f i l i a t e d unions, federa-tions and councils ( a l to take the utmost i n t e r e s t i n p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s , (b) to continue such forms of p o l i t i c a l action or education as they may have car r i e d on i n the past, and (c) to undertake such further a c t i v i t i e s as may i n the future appear to be appropriate for achieving the basic objectives of the Congress; "And that the P o l i t i c a l Education Department, give a l l possible assistance to i n d i v i d u a l a f f i l i a t e s , federation, and labour councils i n carrying out programs of p o l i t i c a l education or action." 170 APPENDIX H Resolution Passed at the CCF National Convention Held at Montreal July 23-25, 1958 This National Convention of the CCF reaffirms i t s b e l i e f that the future welfare of Canada and i t s people l i e s i n the further development and early v i c t o r y of a broadly based people's p o l i t i c a l movement. As democratic s o c i a l i s t s , we believe that such a movement must continue to be dedicated to the p r i n c i p l e s of democratic s o c i a l planning and to the widest forms of s o c i a l security and i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y . It must remain steadfast i n i t s determination to i n t r o -duce, where appropriate, public control and public ownership i n place of the present monopolistic domination of our economy, and indeed, our whole society, by large private corporation. Such a movement must dedicate i t s e l f to the task of democrat-i c a l l y rebuilding our society so that co-operation w i l l replace greed, constructive development w i l l replace e x p l o i t a t i o n of man by man and unity of farmer and worker, east and west, French-speaking and English-speaking, w i l l replace disunity and d e l i b e r a t e l y contrived c o n f l i c t . It s aims must be to build our society on moral founda-tions of s o c i a l j u s t i c e and human dignity. For these reasons t h i s Convention welcomes the resolution adopted by the Canadian Labour Congress at i t s Convention i n Winnipeg i n A p r i l of t h i s year, looking to the b u i l d i n g of such a p o l i t i c a l movement together with the CCF and farm organizations, groups and i n d i v i d u a l s ready to j o i n i n common objectives. At i t s merger convention i n 1956, the Canadian Labour Congress adopted a p o l i t i c a l program which the CCF Convention, held some months l a t e r , was able wholeheartedly to endorse, thus establishing once again the ident-i t y of the CCF program with the s o c i a l objectives of labour i n the same way as CCF p o l i c i e s have always been i d e n t i c a l with those of farmers as well as other groups i n our society. Indeed, since i t s inception, the CCF has always appealed to organized labour and to organized agriculture to j o i n i n building a people's p o l i t i c a l move-ment, strong and representative of a l l sections of the Canadian people. The CLC resolution i s thus a landmark i n our country's hi s t o r y and presents a greater opportunity for progress i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n than ever before. This Convention, therefore, authorizes the National Council and National Executive to enter into discussions with the Canadian Labour Congress, the.Canadian and Catholic Confederation of Labour, interested farm organizations and other like-minded groups and i n d i -viduals looking toward the achievement of the objectives set out and to present the re s u l t s of such discussions to the next regular or ro a special convention of the CCF f o r action. Further the Conven-t i o n authorizes the National Council and Executive to i n i t i a t e and conduct the f u l l e s t discussions on t h i s matter within the party, and i n s t r u c t s that any draft Constitution f o r such proposed broader p o l -i t i c a l party be submitted to the CCF members, through t h e i r clubs and associations;*: f o r study and recommendation, before being sub-mitted to the Convention and that any other propositions concerning the above, which are to be put before such Convention, s h a l l be c i r -culated to CCF clubs and associations at least two months p r i o r to the Convention. 171 APPENDIX I POLICY STATEMENT (1965) PREAMBLE The New Democratic Party believes that social, economic and p o l i t i c a l progress in Canada can only be assured by the application of democratic socialist principles to government and administra-tion of public af f a i r s . The New Democratic Party holds a firm belief that the dignity and freedom of the individual must be jealously guarded and maintained. The New Democratic Party i s proud to be associated withtthe democratic socialist parties of the world in their struggle for peace, international co-operation and the abolition of poverty. THE NEW DIMENSION IN GOVERNMENT 1. Present prosperity i s no guarantee of future security when the speed and diversity of technological change confound traditional patterns of thought. 2. The individual i s no longer able to meet the demands such rapid change makes upon him without adequate direction, re-training and adjustment. 3. The test of good government in this modern era i s the measure of i t s determination to study, investigate and assist people to find their rightful places i n the new age. Without such leadership many w i l l find themselves aliens in our modern society. Such leader-ship demands knowledge and immediate action. 4. A New Democratic Government w i l l establish a special Provincial Bureau on Automation and Technology that w i l l , through i t s research staff, and in co-operation with a l l other government departments, provide the government and private individuals with information, forecasts and advice in the area of technological change. 5. It cannot be emphasized too strongly that the challenge of automation i s real and, i f ignored, can lead only to social dislo-cation and chaos. 6. It i s the urgent duty of society/governments to boldly face the challenge of this modern industrial revolution. Our capabili-ties in the f i e l d of applied science must be used to avoid the social waste, the nightmare of mass unemployment, and the fear of tomorrow. "We must restore a dignity to labour and provide through rational planning, a guaranteed income to a l l which w i l l ensure a standard of l i v i n g commensurate with the productive capacity of the province." 7. Applied intelligence has brought us to the threshold of an age of undreamed of affluence and technical perfection. It has also 172 brought us to the brink of s o c i a l chaos. Whether we advance or retreat w i l l be determined by the zeal with which we pursue the new knowledge we need to cross that threshold. The New Democratic Party pledges progress through leadership, and leadership through knowledge. SOCIALIZATION OF PUBLIC UTILITIES A New Democratic government would take immediate steps toward placing under public ownership, for the benefit and protection of the public, a l l remaining private power companies, natural gas production, transmission and d i s t r i b u t i o n systems, o i l p i p e lines, and the B r i t i s h Columbia Telephone communication systems. Public and co-operative ownership i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n and marketing of gasoline and motor lubricants would be established i n order to assure that a scale of just prices i s provided throughout the province f o r petroleum products. INDUSTRIAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT A New Democratic Party government would immediately e s t a b l i s h an Economic Development Corporation to a s s i s t i n the development of primary industry and-to encourage the growth and development of secondary industry. This Crown corporation would, i n harmony with the recommend-ations of the P r o v i n c i a l Economid Planning Council, make loans to, or invest i n , e x i s t i n g industries to enable them to expand and to bring new industry to the province. It would sponsor and encourage research i n the development of new uses f o r e x i s t i n g resources and products and i n the discovery of new products and resources. I t would be the aim of a New Democratic Party government to modify and control the operations of large corporate organizations and, where necessary, develop new i n s t i t u t i o n s , public, j o i n t public and private, and co-operative organizations to balance the market and to ensure both productivity and quality at the highest possible l e v e l s consistent with f a i r p r i c e s . Such developments would be made within the framework provided by the Economic Plan-ning Board, which would, i n co-operation with labour, business and consumer groups, set goals and outline the needs and prospects of the p r o v i n c i a l economy. We w i l l e s t a b l i s h a banking agency i n B.C. i n which the people of the province, through t h e i r p r o v i n c i a l government, w i l l hold a substantial i n t e r e s t . This banking agency w i l l play an important role i n development of our province. The aims of the Economic Development Corporation and the Pr o v i n c i a l Economic Planning Board w i l l be to ensure that the economy of the province develops rapidly and f u l l y i n a manner consistent with the best i n t e r e s t s of the people of the province. Both the Corporation and the Board would be based on representation f o r the major economic groups and would be responsible to the elected 173 r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the people of 3 r i t i s h Columbia. With research, planning and democracy, c o n t i n u i n g p r o s p e r i t y can be ensured. SOCIAL WELFARE AMD REHABILITATION The New Democratic £arty recognizes that s o c i e t y must make an adequate p r o v i s i o n f o r persons unable to care f o r themselves by reason of unemployment, l o s s of the breadwinner, p h y s i c a l and other d i s a b i l i t i e s . A l l must have t h i s as a r i g h t without l o s s of c i v i l  l i b e r t i e s or s e l f - r e s p e c t . At the same time, through education and s p e c i a l t r a i n i n g , persons able to do so must have an opportunity to make a c o n t r i b u t i o n w i t h i n t h e i r means to the general w e l f a r e . To t h i s end, we b e l i e v e t h a t unemployed employable persons who are now on w e l f a r e should r e c e i v e out-of-work allowances when t h e i r Unemployment Insurance i s exhausted under the Department of Trade and Industry. T h i s Department would be charged w i t h job t r a i n i n g , placement, and w i t h i n i t i a t i o n , s p e c i a l conservation, f o r e s t r y and resource development work so that such persons may f i n d s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g employment to the greatest extent p o s s i b l e . There w i l l a l s o be e s t a b l i s h e d a Department of S o c i a l Welfare and R e h a b i l i t a t i o n under i t s own m i n i s t e r with r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r those other than unemployed employables who are unable to provide f o r themselves. The s t r e s s must be on r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , because we b e l i e v e t h a t those who, but f o r personal d i s a b i l i t i e s would be r e g u l a r l y employed, can, and should be allowed to make a s p e c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n to s o c i e t y w i t h i n t h e i r means. To t h i s end, there must be programs of education, t r a i n i n g and s p e c i a l f a c i l i t i e s so t h a t these persons may l e a d s a t i s f y i n g and rewarding l i v e s . These f a c i l i t i e s should i n c l u d e , w i t h i n a broader framework of p u b l i c housing, s e n i o r c i t i z e n s ' housing with a t t r a c t i v e l i v i n g accommo-da t i o n s , r e c r e a t i o n a l and workshop areas, youth h o s t e l s and camps to r e p l a c e , i n p a r t , penal i n s t i t u t i o n s , workshop and i n d u s t r i e s where handicapped persons may e x e r c i s e t h e i r own s k i l l s and a b i l i -t i e s i n u s e f u l p r o j e c t s . The Department of C o r r e c t i o n s should become a branch of the Department of Welfare i n order to focus a t t e n t i o n on c r e a t i n g a f l e x i b l e programme to prevent delinquency and crime. The Depart-ment's purpose would be to t r e a t j u v e n i l e and a d u l t offenders on a s p e c i a l treatment-plan b a s i s . There must be an upgrading i n the numbers and q u a l i f i c a t i o n s of the S o c i a l Workers employed, and a t t e n t i o n p a i d t o research i n the f i e l d of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . M u n i c i p a l i t i e s would be r e l i e v e d of a l l s o c i a l welfare c o s t s and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . In conjunction w i t h the p r o v i n c i a l Committee on Automation and Technology, the Departments of Labour, Trade and Industry and Education, s t u d i e s w i l l be made of the f u t u r e of welfare and employ-ment i n an i n c r e a s i n g l y automated age. 174 C h i l d Care 60. BE IT RESOLVED that (a) an NDP government would es-t a b l i s h a Children's Bureau under the Department of Wel-fare, which would co-ordinate i t s a c t i v i t i e s with the Department of Education i n order to develop and sustain a program of Foster Day-Care Homes, Day-Care Centres, Half-day (morning and afternoon) Nurseries, Kindergartens or Play Schools, with before-and-after-school programs f o r school age children, and baby-sitting services. (b) The Children's Bureau would be responsible f o r super-v i s i o n and l i c e n s i n g of c h i l d care agencies or programs for school-age children, and baby-sitting services. (c) The Children's Bureau and the Department of Education esta b l i s h teaching programs to educate child-care person-nel i n c h i l d psychology, human growth and development, and child-parent-teacher relationships i n order to ensure that children w i l l receive understanding care and education. (d) The child-care f a c i l i t i e s be conveniently located i n r e s i d e n t i a l areas and that the fees be within a price which parents can af f o r d . (e) S u f f i c i e n t funds be available to the Children's Bureau so that i t may administer grants to low income f a m i l i e s thus allowing the mother to remain at home i f she wishes. S o c i a l Welfare 57. WHEREAS the cost of l i v i n g has gone up sky-high, and those receiving s o c i a l assistance have an extra hard time to exist on $6o per month, BE IT RESOLVED that the NDP support a p o l i c y of: (a) Raising the allowance given to those on s o c i a l assist-ance immediately to an interim l e v e l (pending r a i s i n g i t to a more r e a l i s t i c l e v e l a f t e r further study of the problem) comparable with that given Old Age Pensioners. (b) Giving the employable unemployed work at union rates, u n t i l such time as work can be found f o r them i n industry, and r e - t r a i n i n g them; and that such trainees be given, while r e - t r a i n i n g , an allowance comparable to that gitfen an Old Age Pensioner. 175 NDP THESIS GROUP QUESTIONNAIRE (SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK) 1. Age: 20 - 29 4 30 - 39 24 40 - 49 26 50 - 59 30 60 & over 16  2. Education Completed: Public School (Grade) University Vocational School 3 . Occupational Status: a) Occupation b) Self employed: Yes No 4. When did you become a member of the CCF or NDP? (year) b) Were you a member of any other party p r i o r to joi n i n g the NDP or CCF? Yes No c) I f yes, please specify \ d) What position do you presently hold i n the party: MLA Executive Council Member Club Secretary 5 . a) Do you f e e l that the Canadian Society i s dealing adequately with the problems i t faces: Yes 100 No No opinion 6. I f "no" what i s necessary: i ) Revolutionary changes to society 3J. i i ) Major changes to existing system _> i i i ) Minor changes to e x i s t i n g system l± 1 7 6 7. If the NDP formed a government i n B.C., what pr i o r i t i e s would you give the following areas? Please use the number 1 to indicate those areas are MOST URGENT; the number 2 for URGENT and the number 3 for LEAST URGENT. Number a l l items: Child Welfare 1=54 2=28 3=11 0=7 Highways Construction 1=5 others-95 Park Construction 1=»4 others=96 Labor Legislation l g47 others=53 Juvenile Delinquency 1"45 others s 55 Co-operatives 1=21 others=79  Hydro Development 1-13 others g87 Industrial Development 1=50 others=5C Social Assistance 1*35 others=65 Northern Development 1=15 others=85 Adult Corrections 1*26 others-74 Education 1=74 others=26  Mental Health Services 1=47 others=53 In providing welfare services in B.C. i s the Provincial Government taking i ) too much responsibility 5. i i ) not enough responsibility _ t i i i ) sufficient responsibility despite some short-comings. 9 iv) No Answer 2 8. Social Welfare Services can best be provided primarily through: i) private agencies 1 i i ) government agencies 76  i i i ) both 2JS iv) no answer _ ID. Are most social problems the result of: i) Economic and social inadequacies in society 41  i i ) Inadequacies of the individual 4. i i i ) Both 5J iv) No Answer 2  11. Do you believe that every individual has a basic right to support by the state i f he has not other means of support? yes _ no 4. no opinion 2 12. Do you think that a person should be required to work for this social assistance benefit i f he i s physically able? yes 59 no _Z n 0 opinion 4  13. Do you believe that i f social assistance rates were lowered the number of people remaining on Social Assistance would be reduced? yes 15. no no opinion 2  177 1 4 . Check the following items you f e e l s o c i a l assistance rates should be s u f f i c i e n t to allow: a) food b) clothing c) housing, f u e l , l i g h t , (water d) radio e) r e f r i g e r a t o r f) t e l e v i s i o n set g) operating car h) li q u o r i ) camp fees,music lessons_ j ) club fees f o r children k) club fees f o r adults l ) property taxes m) vacations 15. Do you believe unemployment w i l l grow larger with increasing automation? Yes 8J> No 10 No opinion 2  1 6 . The major cause of unemployment i s best described by: (check 1 item only) a) lack of desire of many unemployed to work 2  b) lack of jobs y. c) lack of s k i l l s 4 5  d) no opinion 1 17. I f automation creates increasing unemployment should the government: (check the one you f e e l i s most important) i ) r e t a i n people f o r new jobs 7_0 i i ) assume many w i l l be permanently unemployed and supply a guaranteed annual income 25  i i i ) no opinion 5_ 18. Do you believe that unemployment can be solved by an NDP Government's economic programs: yes 82 no 1& no opinion 19. Schools should have a s o c i a l worker on s t a f f : agree 7_6 disagree 12 no opinion 12  20. Rate the following factors as methods of dealing with Juvenile Delin-quency. Use the numbers 1 to 7. Number 1 s i g n i f i e s the most e f f e c t i v e method, number 7 the least e f f e c t i v e : i ) f i n e s f o r parents 1&2=19 others a8 i i ) f i n e s f o r .juveniles 1&2-6 others=94 i i i ) placement of delinquents i n t r a i n i n g (reform) schools 1&2=11 others=89 178 iv) placement of delinquents i n fos t e r homes 1&2=5 others g95  v) probation services 1&2-29 others=71  v i ) psychiatric services 1&2=50 others=50  v i i ) counselling to fam i l i e s 1&2=71 others=29  21. Which of the following items do you consider to be causes of parents neglecting t h e i r children. (Check one column only f o r each item): Major Cause Cause Minor Cause a) parental indifference 53 47 b) parents moral l a x i t y 33 77 c) poverty 3° 70 d) unemployment 25 75 e) emotional disturbance 43 57 f) mental i l l n e s s 31 69 g) physical i l l n e s s 7 93 22. Should more criminal offenders be handled i n the community on probation rather than J a i l s : Yes _2 no 6 no opinion 12  23. Do you believe that the parole and probation o f f i c e r s should be administered by: i ) the department of Soc i a l Welfare 68 i i ) the department of the Attorney General 18 i i i ) doesn't matter 3 iv) no opinion 11 24. Should j a i l s be constricted: i ) within the community 37  i i ) outside communities 2°. i i i ) no opinion 2_ (no response = 5) 25. Should the B.C. department of S o c i a l Welfare take more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r Indian A f f a i r s ? Yes 84 no 8 no opinion 8  179 16. Should self-supporting f a m i l i e s on marginal incomes be given assistance by the government f o r such things as school books, public transportation and public u t i l i t i e s ? Yes i2 no 12 no opinion 5  27. Should t r i a l s concerning Juvenile delinquents be held i n : i ) open court 2U i i ) closed court 68 i i i ) no opinion 8  28. Should a Juvenile delinquent be transferred to adult court under any circumstances? Yes 28 no 55 no opinion 17 ' 29. Do you think the p r o v i n c i a l government should provide funds f o r increased public housing? Yes 89 no 5 no opinion _6 30. Rate i n order of importance, using the numbers 1 to 6. l l b e i n g the most important area dnd 6 the least important: c h i l d welfare 1&2-67 others=33 Homes f o r E l d e r l y and G e r i a t r i c Centres 1&2=49 others=51  Juvenile delinquents 1&2=31 others=69  Public assistance 1&2=18 others=82 adult corrections 1&2=15 others-85 Indians 1&2=34 others=66  31. This space i s provided f o r : further comments on the s o c i a l welfare pol-i c y of the NDP, any comments regarding the questionnaire and pertinent comments on s p e c i f i c questions: 180 APPENDIX K Interview Schedule f o r P r o v i n c i a l Leader, R.M. Strachan 1. The proceedings of the 1963 Convention of your party includes i n i t s resolutions t h i s statement of p r i n c i p l e s : "The New Democratic Party i s pledged to bring about i n Canada a society i n which the material and c u l t u r a l needs of humanity w i l l be f u l f i l l e d , i n order that each i n d i v i d u a l w i l l be able to l i v e a s a t i s f y i n g and mean-i n g f u l l i f e . " Would you elaborate on this? 2. a) What i s your d e f i n i t i o n of s o c i a l welfare? b) How does t h i s compare with the NDP s o c i a l welfare policy? c) What are the general goals s o c i a l welfare should accomplish? d) What p r i o r i t y does your party attach to s o c i a l welfare with respect to other goals? e) Do you favor a Welfare State? f) Is there a d i s t i n c t i o n between a S o c i a l i s t State and a Welfare State? 3. What areas of s o c i a l welfare do you consider most urgent? What changes do you anticipate i f the NDP formed a government? (I f Mr. Strachan wants to comment i n d e t a i l on some pa r t i c u l a r area the questions that were directed to Mr. Barrett on that area should be asked) 4. What changes would your po l i c y e n t a i l i n the following areas: (a (b (c (d (e (f (g c h i l d welfare services to the aged s o c i a l assistance and categorical programs juvenile delinquency adult corrections mental health housing, slum clearance 131 (h) automation ( i ) minority groups (j) other 5. Would the fact that Canada i s a Federal state l i m i t i n any way the implementation of your p r o v i n c i a l s o c i a l welfare program? 6. How does the f a c t you are i n the Opposition a f f e c t your s o c i a l welfare platform today? 7 . How would you finance t h i s program? 8. Do you see any administrative changes as f a r as s o c i a l welfare i s concerned i f the NDP formed a government? 9 . Have you a spokesman on s o c i a l welfare policy? What i s the r e l a t i v e importance of the spokesman i n terms of s o c i a l welfare p o l i c y compared to other Party members? 10. How do you f e e l personnel changes over the years a f f e c t your s o c i a l welfare policy? 182 B. Interview Schedule f o r E.P. O'Neal, Secretary-Treasurer of the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour, also member of the Prov-i n c i a l Executive of the NDP.  1. What are the primary issues facing Labour? 2. Do you view the NDP as a p o l i t i c a l voice f o r the B.C. Federation of Labour? 3. Do you favor a s o c i a l i s t state? 4. How do you define socialism? 5. Do you favor a Welfare State? 6. How do you define Welfare State? 7. Do you make a d i s t i n c t i o n between a Welfare State and a S o c i a l i s t State? 8. What i s your p o s i t i o n on the n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of industry? 9. I f answer i s "yes — na t i o n a l i z e " ask: Should these firms be compensated? 10. Do you support any l e g i s l a t i v e changes? (automation, guaranteed annual income, r e t r a i n i n g , labor l e g i s l a t i o n ) 11. Do you believe that f i n a n c i a l and economic measures would solve the i l l s of society? 12. In terms of t r a d i t i o n a l welfare services such as c h i l d welfare, adoption, emotionally disturbed children, adult corrections, public assistance, mental health — do these areas concern the Labour movement? 13. What p r i o r i t y or importance do they have i n Labour's goals? 14. What do you believe to be the purpose of welfare services? 15. Do you agree with Robert Theobald that unemployment due to automation w i l l eventually reach major proportions and that a guaranteed annual income w i l l have to be instituted? 16. Should the government supplement wages under any circumstances? 17- Would t h i s be considered subsidizing industry? 18. Are s o c i a l assistance rates high enough? 19. Should s o c i a l assistance r e c i p i e n t s have to work f o r t h e i r assistance? 20. In the f i e l d of adult offender of the law do you have any opinions i n regard to handling offenders? 183 21. Do you have any concerns with c h i l d welfare services? 22. Do you believe society needs more s o c i a l workers? 23. Should welfare services be provided by private agencies such as the Children's Aid Society and the John Howard Society or by a government agency? 24. Do you hold a position i n the NDP? 25. Are there channels of communication between the B.C. Federation of Labour and the NDP? 26. Does the B.C. Federation of Labour contribute f i n a n c i a l l y to the NDP? 184 C. Interview Schedule f o r the Welfare Spokesman, David Barrett  I. Philosophy and General P o l i c y A. The Proceedings of the 1963 Convention of your Party includes i n i t s resolutions a statement of p r i n c i p l e s : "The New Democratic Party i s pledged to bring about i n Canada a society i n which the material and c u l t u r a l needs of humanity w i l l be f u l f i l l e d , i n order that each i n d i v i d u a l w i l l be able to l i v e a s a t i s f y i n g and meaningful l i f e . " Would you elaborate on this? B. What i s your d e f i n i t i o n of s o c i a l welfare? C. How does t h i s compare with the NDP s o c i a l welfare policy? D. What p r i o r i t y does your party attach to s o c i a l welfare with respect to other goals? E. Do you favor the Welfare State? What i s your d e f i n i t i o n of the Welfare State? F. Is there a d i s t i n c t i o n between a S o c i a l i s t State and a Welfare State? I I . Program Ask t h i s question f o r each of the areas of service that follow: Are there any shortcomings i n (area of service as below) and i f so what changes does the NDP propose? I f i n h i s answer the Welfare Spokesman does not deal with the s p e c i f i c points as. l i s t e d under the area of service, ask s p e c i f i c questions. A. Protection of Children 1. Purpose of protection services. 2. Opinion of proposed changes i n l e g i s l a t i o n by the Government. 3. Shortage of fo s t e r homes, proposals. 4. Standards of fo s t e r homes. 5. Advertising and r e c r u i t i n g f o r f o s t e r homes. 6. Evaluation of the Joint E f f o r t f o r Fostering. 7 . New types of services — group homes, i n s t i t u t i o n s , preventative services. 8. F i n a n c i a l compensation f o r caring f o r fo s t e r children. 185 B. Adoption and Services to Unmarried Parents 1. Proposals f o r overcoming shortage of adoption homes, esp e c i a l l y f o r Indian, teen-age, handicapped and Catholic children. 2. View point on b i r t h control, abortion, family planning. 3. What role should r e l i g i o n have i n adoption? 4. Should the Government assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r l e g a l costs i n adoption? C. Welfare I n s t i t u t i o n s 1. Kindergartens. Public or private r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ? 2. Day-care. Public or private r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ? 3. Nursing homes and g e r i a t r i c centers. Public or priva-te? 4. Use of boarding home as substitute to i n s t i t u t i o n s . D. Maintenance of Wives and Children 1. How f a r should the Government go i n prosecuting deserting spouses? E. S o c i a l Assistance 1. Is s o c i a l assistance a basic right? 2. Work f o r r e l i e f . 3. Supplementing wages. 4. Needs versus means t e s t s . 5. Use of vouchers 6. W i l l an increase i n S o c i a l Assistance rates re s u l t i n a decrease i n i n i t i a t i v e ? 7. Exemptions — are they s a t i s f a c t o r y , or too low? 8; Would you explain ho.w you would use s o c i a l assistance as a "therapeutic t o o l ? " F. Categorical Allowances 1. Should they be incorporated under one program? G. Training Schools 1. Future of Willingdon School and Brannan Lake I n d u s t r i a l School. 2. New i n s t i t u t i o n s — type, size, c l i e n t e l e , s t a f f . H. Juvenile Delinquents 1. Expansion of probation services. 2. Should courts be responsible for specifying treatment plans? I f not, who should? Would t h i s include a c l i n i c a l assessment? Whose r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s this? 3. Would r a i s i n g or lowering the school leaving age have any effect? 4. Should court cases be held i n camera? 186 5. Should juveniles ever be transferred to adult court? 6. What should the juvenile age l i m i t s be? 7. What q u a l i f i c a t i o n s should judges and magistrates of Family Courts have? I. Adult Corrections 1. Should corr e c t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s be inside or outside the community? 2. Should separate i n s t i t u t i o n s be b u i l t for d i f f e r e n t categories of offences? 3. What kind of t r a i n i n g should i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t a f f have? 4. Types of i n s t i t u t i o n s — half-way houses, open and semi-open i n s t i t u t i o n s , day and week-end parole, work and f o r e s t r y camps, borstals and cottages. 5. Future of present i n s t i t u t i o n s . 6. Role of probation and parole. 7. Habitual criminal proceedings. 8. Role of community. 9 . How w i l l you get public support? J. Mental Health 1. I n s t i t u t i o n s i n community or outside. 2. Extension of services — out-patient services, boarding homes, group homes, c l i n i c s . 3. Should psychiatric services be covered by a medical care plan? K. Housing 1. Slum clearance. 2. W i l l home owner grants be retained? 3. Low-cost housing. L. Automation 1. Are shorter work hours, re-education and r e t r a i n i n g adequate solutions? 2. Can we re-educate people to use l e i s u r e time? 3. Do you agree or disagree with Robert Theobald's theory and h i s recommendations? 187 M. R e h a b i l i t a t i o n 1. Sheltered workshops 2. Are services over-lapping? 3. Physical restoration centers. 4. Should present r e h a b i l i t a t i o n services be expanded to include Social r e h a b i l i t a t i o n ? 5. How would an NDP government make use of the A g r i c u l t u r a l R e h a b i l i t a t i o n and Development Act? N. Mental Defectives 1. Future of Woodland's School. 2. Use of boarding homes. 3. What r e s p o n s i b i l i t y would the government take f o r the education of retarded individuals? 0. Minority Groups 1. At one of the Annual Meetings, a resolution was made that the Indian Act should be abolished •— what i s your opinion? Why? Indians' views? 2. What should the government role be with regards to the Sons of Freedom? 3. What would be the function of a p r o v i n c i a l Department of Indian A f f a i r s . ( I f proposed by respondent) P. Addictions 1. Should any change i n the law be made towards addicts? Medical or l e g a l problem? 2. Would an NDP government sponsor any specia l i z e d i n s t i t u t i o n s ? Q. So c i a l Work Education 1. Expansion of number of schools. 2. Licensing s o c i a l workers. R. Legal Aid 1. What significance does l e g a l aid have to you as your Party's Welfare Spokesman? S. Admini s t r a t i o n Instead of introductory question ask: " I t i s understood that your party advocates r e v i s i o n of the S o c i a l Welfare Administration Department. Would you please outline the proposed changes?" 188 1. Structure of Department: a) c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of services. b) S o c i a l service centers — number and organization. c) Should corrections services be under the Department of S o c i a l Welfare instead of the Department of the Attorney-General? 2. Standards f o r s t a f f and services: a) case-load size b) public welfare administrators c) in-service t r a i n i n g d) type of caseload 3. Role of private Agencies. 4. What sort of challenge did you have i n mind f o r the School of Soc i a l Work? I I I . General Questions A. How would a NDP government finance a l l these programs? B. What p r i o r i t i e s do you see within your program? E. What d i f f i c u l t i e s do you anticipate i n putting these programs into e f f e c t should the NDP form a government? •F. Does the fac t that Canada i s a Federal state l i m i t the implementation of a P r o v i n c i a l NDP s o c i a l welfare program i n any way? 189 BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Bruce, Maurice. The Coming of the Welfare State, Batsford, London, 1 9 6 l . Corry, J.A. and Hodgetts, J.E. Democratic Government and P o l i t i c s , University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1958. Dixon, Wilfred and Massey, Frank. Introduction to S t a t i s t i c a l  Analysis, MacGraw-Hill, New York, 1951. Duwerger, Maurice. P o l i t i c a l Parties: Their Organizations and  A c t i v i t y i n the Modern State, Methuen and Co., London, 1954. Ebenstein, William. Today's Isms, Prentice-Hall, Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey, 1958. Hagood, Margaret. S t a t i s t i c s f o r S o c i o l o g i s t s , Henry Holt, New York, 1947. Hobman, D.L. The Welfare State. John Murray, London, 1953. Knowles, Stanley. The New Party. McClelland and Stewart, 1961. Lipset, Seymour M. Agrarian Socialism: The CCF i n Saskatchewan. University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1950. Marx, Herbert L., editor, The Welfare State. Wilson, New York, 1950. Marx, Karl and Engels, Frederick, The Communist Manifesto. London, 1848. Research Committee of the League f o r So c i a l Reconstruction S o c i a l  Planning f o r Canada, Thomas Nelson and Sons, Toronto, 1935. Steeves, Dorothy G. The Compassionate Rebel, copyright I960, Boag Foundation, Vancouver, B.C., Evergreen Press, Vancouver, B.C. Thomas, Norman, Socialism Re-examined. McLeod, Toronto, 1963. Titmuss, Richard M. Essays on 'The Welfare State'. Unwin, London, 1958. Wilensky, Harold L. and Lebeaux, Charles N. I n d u s t r i a l Society  and S o c i a l Welfare. Russel Sage, New York, 1958. CCF PUBLICATIONS Bryden, Ken. What i s the CCF?. published by the CCF National O f f i c e , Ottawa, Ontario, no date. CCF and NDP Convention Minutes. 1953 - 1965. 190 NDP Constitution. 1965. The Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (Farmer, Labour, S o c i a l i s t ) . Provisional Program of the Federation adopted by Calgary Conference, 1932. CCF (B.C.) 1933 P r o v i n c i a l Platform. Published by the P r o v i n c i a l Executive of CCF (B.C.) i n The Commonwealth, vol 1, no. 21, October 4, 1933, pp. 1 - 2. CCF (B.C.) 1937 P r o v i n c i a l Program. Published by the P r o v i n c i a l Executive, Vancouver, B.C., 1937. CCF Program f o r B.C., 1945. Published by the CCF (B.C. - Yukon Section), Vancouver, B.C., 1945. Hamilton,.John W. Figure i t Out f o r Yourself T Gladstone Murray Responsible Enterprise, Toronto, Ontario, no date. Humanity F i r s t , CCF National O f f i c e , Ottawa, Ontario, no date. Meet the CCF. CCF - B.C. Section, Vancouver, B.C. no date. Maclnnis, Grace. Album Souvenir du 25e Anniversaire de l a CCF, National CCF, Ottawa, Ontario, 1957. Regina Manifesto: Programme of the CCF. Adopted at F i r s t National Convention held at Regina, Sask., July 19 - 21, 1933, published by the National CCF, Ottawa, Ontario, 1933. Steeves, Dorothy G. Builders and Rebels, published by the B.C. Committee f o r the NDP, 1964. T h e y ' l l Ask You.... CCF National O f f i c e , Ottawa, Ontario, May, 1948. Towards the Dawn. National Council of the CCF, Ottawa, Ontario, 4TT Understanding the CCF. CCF (B.C. - Yukon Section), 1953. 6 book-l e t s issued by the P r o v i n c i a l Education Committee: 1. Grace Maclnnis, "How the CCF Began." 2. Mrs. Jessie Mendels, "The CCF Today." 3. Dr. J.M. Thomas, "The Regina Manifesto." 4. Alex Macdonald, "Socialism." 5. Frank Snowsell, "Socialism and Democracy." 6. Frank McKenzie, "Know the CCF Program." What i s I t ; Who i s I t ; What w i l l I t do? published by the CCF (Sask. Section), 1945. 1956 Winnipeg Declaration of P r i n c i p l e s of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (P a r t i S o c i a l Democratigue d~Canada) 191 UNPUBLISHED MANUSCRIPTS C l a r k , Douglas P. Some Aspects of the Development of the CCF i n B r i t i s h Columbia, essay submitted f o r undergraduate c r e d i t i n the Department of H i s t o r y , U.B.C, October, 1945. Engelmann, F r e d e r i c k C. The CCF of Canada: A Study of Membership  P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Party Policy-Making, t h e s i s submitted f o r the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, to the F a c u l t y of Graduate Studies of Yale U n i v e r s i t y , 1954. Grantham, Ronald. Some Aspects of the S o c i a l i s t Movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1898 - 1933, a t h e s i s presented f o r t h e Master or A r t s degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1942. Hougham, George M. Minor P a r t i e s i n Canadian N a t i o n a l P o l i t i c s - 1867 - 1940, t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a , 1954-Sanford, Thomas M i c h a e l . The P o l i t i c s of P r o t e s t : The Co-operative  Commonwealth Federation and S o c i a l C r e d i t League i n B r i t i s h Columbia, t h e s i s presented f o r t h e Degree of Doctor of P h i l -osophy i n P o l i t i c a l Science at the U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a , 1961. ARTICLES Fox, P a u l . " O r i g i n s of the CCF and NDP", P o l i t i c s : Canada. ed. Paul Fox, McGraw-Hill Co. of Canada L t d . , Toronto, O n t a r i o , 1962, pp. 297 - 302. Fox, P a u l . " P o l i t i c s and P a r t i e s i n Canada," P o l i t i c s : Canada, ed. Paul Fox, McGraw-Hill Co. of Canada L t d . , Toronto, Ontario, 1962, pp. 281 - 286. Lewis, David. "A S o c i a l i s t Takes Stock," P o l i t i c s : Canada, ed. Paul Fox, McGraw-Hill Co. of Canada L t d . , Toronto, Ontario, 1962, pp. 293 - 297. Young, Walter D. "The New Democratic Party: B r i t i s h Columbia's Labour P a r t y , " Papers on the 1962 E l e c t i o n , ed. John M e i s e l , U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1964, pp. 181 - 200. NEWSPAPER ITEMS "CCF 1932 - 1937". Comment, 25th Anniversary E d i t i o n , published by the CCF N a t i o n a l O f f i c e , Ottawa, O n t a r i o , v o l . 1, no. 4. "CCF", Vancouver Sun, 19 August, I960, p. 3. "CCF C o n s t i t u t i o n (B.C. S e c t i o n ) , published by the B.C. CCF i n The Commonwealth. J u l y 29, 1933-192 Maclnnis, Grace. "Area Conferences an Outstanding Success," CCF News, v o l . 23, no. 1, 28 January, 1959, p. 5. Maclnnis, Grace. "CCF - CLC Winnipeg Seminar a Success," CCF News, fo r B.C. and the Yukon, v o l . 32, no. 9, 23 Sept., 1959, p. 5. "Organized Labour to Support CCF i n B.C." The Commonwealth, v o l . 1, no. 8, 5 July, 1953, p. 1. "Platform of the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada". Western Clarion . No. 854, 1 November, 1921, p. 8. "Reform f o r Farmers." Western Clarion . No. 886, 1 March, 1923, p. 5. "Soviet Russia from the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada Viewpoint." Western Clarion . No. 830, 1 December, 1922, p. 6. "The Story of the C.C.F.," The Commonwealth, v o l . 1, no. 7, 23 June, 1933, PP. 1 - 2. OTHERS A New Party f o r Canada. - Study Paper on Constitution, published by the National Committee of the New Party, Ottawa, January, I960. A New Party f o r Canada. - Study Paper on Programme, published by the National Committee of the New Party, Ottawa, January, I960. A New P o l i t i c a l Party f o r Canada. Published by C.L.C. - C C F . Joint National Committee, Ottawa, November, 1953. (booklet) Annual Memorandum i n Support of Proposed L e g i s l a t i o n . Submitted to the P r o v i n c i a l Cabinet by the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour, January 5, 1961. C C F . - C.L.C Joint Meeting i n Winnipeg, Manitoba, papers di s t r i b u t e d at the meeting, August, 1959. Economic Development. Press release of R.M. Strachan's speech i n the Throne Speech Debate, V i c t o r i a , B.C., February, 1966. Memorandum i n Support of Proposed L e g i s l a t i o n . Submitted to the P r o v i n c i a l Cabinet by the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour, January 6, 1966. History of the C C F . Boag Foundation paper, Special C o l l e c t i o n s , University Library, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. The Welfare State. Published by the Labour Party, London. 193 U n d e r h i l l , F.H. Canadian P o l i t i c a l Parties, published by the Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Association, H i s t o r i c a l Booklet No. 8, Ottawa, 1957. Winch, Harold E. The P o l i t i c s of a D e r e l i c t , published by the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada; Foundation Member of the CCF, Vancouver, B.C., 1934 (maiden speech of Harold Winch). INTERVIEWS David Barrett, Welfare Spokesman of the NDP - January, 1966. R.M. Strachan, P r o v i n c i a l Leader of the NDP - February 16, 1966. E.P. O'Neal, Secretary-Treasurer of the B.C. Federation of Labour, and member of the Pr o v i n c i a l Executive of the NDP of B.C., March 31 , 1966. Ernest H a l l , Secretary of the NDP of B.C., March 23 , 1966. 

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