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Social patterns of older men : a study of the social activity patterns and needs of the unattached aged… Bethune, Donald Blaine 1966

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SOCIAL PATTERNS OF OLDER MEN A Study of the Social Activity Patterns and Needs of the Unattached Aged Male in the Strathcona Area of Vancouver, 1965 - 1966 by D O N A L D B L A I N E B E T H U N E J O A N E D I T H D A V I S I N A H O L L I C K - K E N Y O N ' W I L L I A M G L E N S T I C K L A N D Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK in the School of Social Work Accepted as conforming to the standard required for the degree of MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK School of Social Work 1966 The University of British Columbia I 1 In presenting t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may-be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. School of S o c i a l Work The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. vi ABSTRACT The needs of older people are becoming of greater concern as medical advances and the possibilities of a longer life-span increase our population in the years beyond sixty-five. This study is concerned with the social patterns of older men in an area of Vancouver that i s known to have a high proportion of unattached men of a low-income level, namely, Strathcona. The daily living patterns of the men, their social contacts and family relationships were explored in an attempt to understand how they used their free time. As there is a high percentage of Chinese men living in the area a comparison of some of the similarities and some of the differences in social patterns between Chinese men and White men is indicated in the study. The research method involved an interview survey with 103 subjects chosen from a random sampling of men listed as retired in the November 19&5 federal voting l i s t s . The survey may be useful as a guide in social welfare planning in the Vancouver area and in particular with regard to new housing which may be erected under urban renewal projects in the Strathcona community. The study points to the social isolation of the men of this area. Family relationships and social ties that are a part of most older people's lives axe noticeably lacking for the men of our study. Early immigration patterns and environmental conditions in the first decades of this century are helpful in understanding how the social relationships for the men have become as restricted. It should be noted that the Chinese men have compensated, to some extent for the lack of family ties here, through communal living arrangements and strong group associations. The knowledge gained from the study con-tributes some insight and understanding of the social living patterns of the men of the survey area. It has been a way of discovering some of the social needs that these people have been unable to verbalise themselves. The study also illustrates the complex nature of the problem of aging. 11 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION The S o c i a l Work problem. The problem f o r research. The t h e o r e t i c a l framework. Previous research and a review of the l i t e r a t u r e . Assumptions and hypotheses of the study. Scope of the study. Sampling pro-cedures and major questions. Sources of Data and Methods of C o l l e c t i n g Them. Organization of the research report, by Thesis Group Chapter 2. Previous Research and a Review of the Li t e r a t u r e -(a) L o c a l S i t u a t i o n : Background to the aging population i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The e f f e c t of the economy on the e a r l y s e t t l e r s . The rural-urban immigration. Previous surveys i n v o l v i n g the Strathcona area. Emphasis now on t o t a l well being of aged person, by Ina Hollick-Kenyon (b) General (Non-Local); The meaning of aging. Socio-c u l t u r a l and economic aspects of the aged. Housing. Canadian r e a c t i o n to the housing problem. Loans to limited-dividend companies. Subsidized housing. by Glen S t i c k l a n d Chapter 3« Canadian Immigration P o l i c y Introduction. The f i r s t period: I85O-I885. The second period: I885-I929. The t h i r d period: 1929-1947. The fourth period: 19^ 8-1962. The f i f t h period: Feb. 1, 1962 to present date. Summary and conclusions, by Glen S t i c k l a n d Chapter k. Demographic Features, Health Data, and  Emotional Responses of the Survey Sample. The survey area. Demographic features of the survey sample. The health of the survey sample. Mental and emotional responses to the research interview. Summary, by Blaine Bethune Chapter 5» Present Economic C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s Introduction. Sources of income. Income d i s t r i b u t i o n . Increases i n 196l S o c i a l Security payments. The work pattern. Summary and conclusions, by Glen S t i c k l a n d . . . . i i i Table of Contents - cont'd Page Chapter 6. Housing, F a c i l i t i e s and Attitudes About L i v i n g Accommodations Th e o r e t i c a l Orientatiom. Housing conditions generally i n Strathcona. Length of residence i n Strathcona. Comparison i n the l i v i n g arrangements of the two r a c i a l groups. L i v i n g conditions and f a c i l i t i e s a v a i l a b l e . Attitudes about present l i v i n g arrangements and s u b s i -dized low-rental housing. Findings and implications by Joan Davis 89 Chapter 7» Leisure Time and S o c i a l Contacts The meaning of l e i s u r e . The r e l a t i o n s h i p of work to l e i s u r e . The self-concepts men develop from work. How these concepts a f f e c t the men of our study. The s o c i a l a c t i v i t y patterns. The e f f e c t of e a r l y immigration patterns - Chinese and White. by Ina Hollick-Kenyon... .1 109 Chapter 8. Conclusions. - by Thesis Group 1 2 7 Appendices: A. A u x i l i a r y S t a t i s t i c a l Tables 131 B . Study Schedule 138 C. Coding Instructions with Comments 152 D. Instructions f o r the Interviewers 16P E. L e t t e r s to Respondents.............. 164 F. Bibliography l6& TABLES AND CHARTS IN THE TEXT (a) Tables Table 1.Number of dwellings b u i l t f o r e l d e r l y persons c l a s s i -f i e d by province and by category of sponsor,1946-63•• 32 Table 2.Number of subsidized dwellings i n 1964, grouped by province, f o r e l d e r l y people 34 Table 3 .Ethnic o r i g i n s of the t o t a l Canadian population by percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n 38 Table 4.Intended occupation of adult workers entering Canada 1904-1914 43 i v Table of Contents - cont'd Page Tables and Charts ( 2 ) Table 5» Age d i s t r i b u t i o n by r a c i a l o r i g i n s . (a) Numerical d i s t r i b u t i o n by age. (b) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n by age. (c) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n by race 60 Table 6. M a r i t a l Status i n r e l a t i o n to r a c i a l o r i g i n . (a) Numerical d i s t r i b u t i o n of m a r i t a l status by r a c i a l o r i g i n . (b) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of m a r i t a l status by r a c i a l o r i g i n . . . . . 6 l Table 7. Location of wife 6 l Table 8. Respondent's opinion of h i s general health. (a) Numerical d i s t r i b u t i o n by opinion of healtho .. 63 (b) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n by opinion of health... 64 Table 9. Recency of v i s i t s to doctor 65 Table 1 0 General Health i n r e l a t i o n to age 67 Table 11 Respondent's emotional response... 68 Table 1 2 Income Sources of study sample by percentage d i s -t r i b u t i o n 74 Table 13 Major source of income f o r the t o t a l Canadian Male population 65 and over, I 9 6 1 76 Table 14 Major source of income f o r the Canadian male pop-u l a t i o n 65 and over " i n non-families", 1961 77 Table 15 Percentage income d i s t r i b u t i o n of the study sample.. 79 Table 16 Percentage income d i s t r i b u t i o n f o r : (a) Canada's t o t a l male population 65 and over; (b) Canada's male population 65 and over " i n economic f a m i l i e s " , and (c) Canada's male population 65 and over and not " i n economic f a m i l i e s " S O Table 17 Length of time since l a s t worked, by percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n 84 Table 18 Reasons f o r q u i t t i n g work by percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n . 84 Table 19 Recent Moves of the Residents of Strathcona 95 V Table of Contents - cont'd Page Tables and Charts ( 3 ) Table 20 Comparison of L i v i n g Arrangements, by R a c i a l o r i g i n 96 Table 21 Ownership of Housing, by R a c i a l O r i g i n 97 Table 22 Type of L i v i n g Space Inhabited by Chinese and White Groups 98 Table 23 Sharing of Accommodation 100 Table 2k Comparison of the Attitudes of the White and Chinese Populations to the Question of L i v i n g i n Maclean Park 104 Table 25 Attitudes toward the New Housing, by R a c i a l Groups.. 105 Table 26 Most popular a c t i v i t i e s reported by 103 men,by r a c i a l o r i g i n U'0 Table 27 Single or shared accommodation as reported by 103 men, by r a c i a l o r i g i n 2J<9 (b) Charts F i g . 1. Base map of Vancouver, showing census t r a c t s 57 v i i ACMOWLEDGEMENTS The preparation of this thesis has required guidance and able as-sistance from many sources. The writers express their gratitude to the Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area for their sub-stantial financial support in the aid of the collection of field data and for the use of their facilities. In particular, we are grateful to Mrs. Kay McKenzie, Executive Secretary of the Committee on the Services to the Aged, who suggested the thesis subject and met with the writers to acquaint them with the recent efforts of the Community Chests and Councils and dis-cussed the gaps in knowledge which she felt could profit by further research. Mr. Larry I. Bell, Research Associate of the Community Chest and Councils, also gave freely of his time to meet with the writers and the faculty advisor to guide the research project, particularly in regard to sampling problems and in facilitating the collection of field data. The writers are indebted to him also for his expert help in carrying out the procedures at the computing centre. The writers wish to thank the following officials and community leaders for facilitating the project in its early stages: Mr.W. Hodgson, Housing Manager of MacLean Park; Mrs. Minnie Jang, resident at MacLean Park; Mr. Robert Parker, Urban Area Development Department, Vancouver City Hall; Mr. E.B.Sexsmith, liaison officer of the Citizenship Branch, Depart-ment of Citizenship and Immigration; Mr. A.S.Twist, Chief at the City Engineering Department, Vancouver City Hall; and Mr. Frank Wragg, Deputy Regional Director of the Canadian Immigration Department in Vancouver. The writers also wish to express their appreciation to those who assisted in the collection of field data as interviewers, namely, Janet Cox, Elaine Jackson, Winnifred Lew, Esther Lo, Nerissa Lo, Winnifred So, Aungi Tobden, Ian White and Mabel Wong. Our special thanks are extended to the 103 men in Strathcona whose co-operation made this study possible. Lastly, the writers are indebted in particular to Miss Eva Younge, the Faculty Advisor, who guided and provided most helpful criticisms throughout a l l phases of the research project. Her encouragement and experienced guidance have been very much appreciated. v i i i SOCIAL PATTERNS OF OLDER MEN A Study of the Social Activity Patterns and Needs of the Unattached Aged Male i n the Strathcona Area of Vancouver, 1965-1966 CHAPTER 1  INTRODUCTION The Social Work Problem During the last two decades, Canadians have given an increasing amount of attention to the phenomenon of aging in industrial societies and to the problem which old people in our country must face. As a result of advances in medical science, human l i f e spans are longer, and this re-sults in a significant increase in the percentage of the population, sixty-five years and over. Industrialization and urbanization have engendered a re-orientation of values relating to the later stages of man's l i f e cycle. Significant here is the fact that there has been a decreasing feeling of responsibility for the aged by their families. Society has instituted certain measures that take into account the welfare of the aged citizens, as for example, the institution of. Old Age Security which improves their economic condition. However, the research which has been done to discover how the old people live, how they view themselves, and how they react to others in their social environments points to the fact that there are general problems of economic insecurity, poor health, inadequate housing accommo-dation, unsatisfying use of time, etc., among a significant portion of our aged population. In the past twenty years, an increasing awareness of need and of the gaps in community services to the aged has led to research. It is now gen-erally recognized that systematic studies must be made about the l i f e situations of the aged before policies can be formulated and action taken. Because the aged do not form a homogeneous group, but rather a group with many varying needs and desires, research of a very comprehensive nature is necessary. -2-In Vancouver, the needs of the agedj^who comprise approximately 2 ten per cent of the total population of the city's metropolitan area, have received some priority i n planning. The Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area instituted a Committee on the Welfare of the Aged i n 1951 as part of their Social Planning Section. In I 9 6 3 , this Committee undertook "an exploratory study of needs and f a c i l i t i e s i n recreation, health and housing for older people i n the cit y of Vancouver" which culminated i n the Report on Services for Older People i n the Central Section of Vancouver.^ The Community Chest and Councils also prepared a brief to the Canadian Senate Commission on Aging which pointed to the problems of the aged i n Canada and made certain recommendations. Two years earlier, i n 196l, Eyvolle Cuthbert had studied a sample of old-age pensioners i n downtown Vancouver with regard 4 to their l i v i n g conditions and welfare needs. Several studies pointing to housing needs had been prepared as the city's recent urban renewal plans became known. We were aware of the topic dealt with and of the findings of these studies and decided to focus our attention on the social needs of the aged. So far l i t t l e systematic research has been done in Canada on this aspect of aging. The Problem for Research It was learned that under the Urban Renewal Project III, certain "Aged" refers to persons sixty-five years of age or more. Canada, Senate, "Brief from the Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area", Proceedings of the Special Committee of the Senate on Aging. Queen,s Printer, Ottawa, June 4, 1964. p.658. Report of the Services for Older People i n the Central Section of Vancouver Committee on Welfare of the Aged,Social Planning Section,CommunitytChest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area,Vancouver,April,1965* Cuthbert, E, How Old People Live. Master of Social Work Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1961. buildings i n the congested Strathcona area of Vancouver would be razed i n 1966 and that new low-rental housing would be constructed to provide accom-modation f o r l o c a l residents who w i l l have to move v/hen t h e i r homes are de-molished. The c i t y a u t h o r i t i e s are concerned about the s o c i a l needs of the people i n the Strathcona area and they have approached the Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area i n order to seek t h e i r a s s i s t -ance and recommendations i n regard to s o c i a l f a c i l i t i e s i n the new s u b s i -dized housing. At the time that the present w r i t e r s began to explore theses topics dealing with the aged i n our society, the suggestion was made by Mr.Larry 1 B e l l that our study might focus on the s o c i a l needs and re l a t e d problems of the aged i n the Strathcona area of Vancouver and i n so doing, provide some use f u l information f o r the Community Chest and Councils' b r i e f to the c i t y to be presented i n the spring of 1966. The students r e a d i l y saw an opport-unity to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a s o c i a l a c t i o n project and at the same time to f u l -f i l l the research requirements f o r a Master's degree i n S o c i a l Work, I t was agreed that the focus of the study would be the s o c i a l needs of the aged residents of the Strathcona area and i t was furth e r agreed that the study would have some f i n a n c i a l support from the Community Chest and Councils. A f t e r a preliminary study of the demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the 2 area, i t was decided to l i m i t the enquiry to the unattached males s i x t y years and over since they form a large proportion of the aged population i n the area. I t was also noted that the study would involve the problem <<•£ 1 Mr, Larry B e l l i s Research Associate of the Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver area. 2 For the purposes of t h i s study, the term "unattached" r e f e r s t o s i n g l e , widowed, l e g a l l y separated, or divorced men, as w e l l as to married men who are not l i v i n g with t h e i r spouses. -4-of many men who are immigrants to Canada and who are of various r a c i a l origins and of many cultural backgrounds. There appeared to be need for an investigation of the views of the older residents of the Strathcona area who would be eligible to apply for accommodation i n the new subsidized housing. The social agencies i n Van-couver believe that the people who face relocation should have an opport-unity to voice their opinions about what social f a c i l i t i e s they would l i k e to see i n the new housing. I n i t i a l l y , the social work problem of discovering the views of pros-pective tenants about the social f a c i l i t i e s they would like to have i n new low-rent housing seemed a straight-forward research project. However, the research group soon realized that for the purposes of research, the problem should be viewed i n a broader perspective. The decision was therefore made to investigate the social needs and the attitudes of a sample group of un-attached older men. The focus of the study was to be on the men's daily l i v i n g patterns as a means of discovering how they spend their time and to learn what social contacts they have now. This broader approach, we assumed, would enable us to learn their views and also to discern what we see as their social and recreational needs. The following section provides a general theoretical perspective against which the study has been conducted. Theoretical Framework, There are many ways of thinking about aging and what i t means i n our society today. In this study we are most concerned with the psycholog-i c a l and sociological aspects of aging. In focusing on the social patterns of the older men i n Strathcona, our prime concern i s to understand what meaning l i f e has now for these men; but i t i s evident that to understand the present situation of the men, some knowledge is also needed about their individual past experiences, of work, of family relationships, of free-time activities and of particular individual experiences. The l i f e cycle theory, as applied to a person, has close connection with the historical back-grounds of social work which views man in terms of his past in order to understand his present functioning. We assume that there were events and changes in the environments of these men which have shaped their lives differently from those of other men. In an attempt to understand the present situation, we have used the historical approach to learn something about the environmental forces and the major events that have influenced their lives before they reached retirement age. The underlying assumption here is that the earlier environments in which these men lived and the changes that occurred in them s t i l l influence their lives today. Theories Relating to Aging; A theory embodying the psychological and sociol-ogical factors in view of past experiences i s needed. The theory which recognizes the changing roles through which the older person passes as a result of various crises seemed most appropriate. This concept of changing roles or "role theory" seemed most useful for our study. There are several roles through which older men may pass. To illustrate, these may involve a change in role at the time of retirement, thus from work to non-work; a change involving the loss by death of a partner, thus from spouse to widower; a change involving health, thus from good health to chronic illness; a change in generation role from parent to grand-parent. These are a few of the roles with which the majority of older people may expect to have some involvement. Jo-in, our study, however, many of these roles are absent. The older men of this survey are not representative of the majority of older people in our society. Other studies, such as Townsend's in Britain 1 that was concerned with family relationships, have few similarities with this study. There are other important concepts which also provide a part of the framework for the analysis of the study material. One of these concepts sees aging in terms of the l i f e cycle - a process occurring from the time of conception until the time of death. As Burgess suggests in his criterion for aging: •Aging', as the term implies, is a process. It begins even before birth and continues until death. As such, aging is synonymous with human development. Customarily, however, the term 'aging' is taken to mean the later stage or stages of $heoprocess.^ Senate Report on Aging: Current public opinion about the question of aged populations is becoming increasingly well represented in Canadian studies. 3 The Senate's Report on Aging uses the demographic material available today to discuss the important trends for older people in Canada now and in the future. All of the above concepts have had an influence on the present study and are illustrated by the uses made of them in analysis of the survey data. Older People in Canada: The numbers of older people in Canada are growing increasingly. An estimate for 1964 suggests that there were nearly one and a half million persons who were sixty-five years or older in that year and 4 that there would be over three million people in this higher average by 1991* Townsend,Peter, The Family Life of Old People,Routledge & Kegan Paul,London 1957 Burgess,E.W.,Aging in Western Societies,University of Chicago,Press,Chicago I960,p.4. Canada,Senate,"Final Report of the Special Committee of the Senate on Aging", Debates of Senate, Vol.115,February 2,1966. Ibid, p.l. 1 2 4 However, in terms of the total population, only 7»6 per cent were over sixty-five years in 196l with the estimate reaching less than nine perccent in 1991* This i s a total that places Canada among countries with a small pro-portion of aging persons in the Western World. Sweden had the highest per-centages of older people in i960, the United Kingdom and Norway next. Canada ranked tenth after Australia. While rural to urban migration has occurred in earlier times in European countries, Canada has only recently experienced and is s t i l l experiencing this urban trend which is true for the older people as well as for the general population. To find meaningful roles for the older person in the community i s as much a concern in Canada as i t i s in other countries. Often the older person can f i t into the existing social groupings and community programs i f facilities and personnel are made available to them. They do not live with grown children as much as they once did, and therefore their housing and health needs are also matters of concern. Perhaps the most pressing need i s for some kind of economic base for the many older people who are no longer accepted nor have the health to be part of the labour market. Adequate health care for older people i s of national concern. At present there is no national scheme in Canada which covers the needs of older people who are at an age when health problems may be most threatening and when at the same time their incomes are least able to cover adequate care. Our concern in health in the present study is in relationship to how health affects social contacts and mobility. Housing i s another area where concern i s fel t . Although most older people do not complain of their housing facilities, their ability to find housing -8-within their means is restricted. This is a notable problem for the men in our study. Situation in British Columbia; British Columbia, along with Prince Edward Island, has the highest proportion of older people in Canada (over 10 per cent of their total populations). Because of the milder climate, the West Coast province of Canada has attracted many elderly people from other provinces. As people tend to go to the urban centres, Vancouver and Victoria have received a particularly large number of these older people. This pro-vince has also attracted a great number of unattached older people whose marital status i s either widowed, divorced, separated or single. One report suggests that over sixty per cent of the elderly in need of housing in British Columbia are people without partners."'" Local Situation: Vancouver, as the largest urban centre in British Columbia, has its own particular problems and concerns with aging. General studies have been made of the needs of the older people in the city as a whole as well as local studies of the needs of the aged people in the Strathcona area. Previous Research and a Review of the Literature A number of studies have been completed in Vancouver which relate to the subject matter of this thesis. As the foregoing section points out, there is also a considerable amount of non-local literature dealing with such areas as the meaning of aging, socio-cultural-economic aspects of the aged, and housing for the aged that have relevance for our study. To permit this topic to be dealt with more extensively than would be possible here, i t shall be separately reviewed in Chapter II. 1 Ibid., p.k0s - 9 -Assumptions and Hypotheses of the Study This study is both exploratory and descriptive in nature and sets for itself the task of describing the social activity patterns of the aged men of Strathcona in order to discover the social needs of these men. The writers believe that their findings and impressions will be of use to the Community Chest and Councils in i t s brief to the city of Van-couver concerning the proposed new low-rental housing development. It i s also hoped that the findings of this study may provide some clues for future studies in areas designated for redevelopment. Some difficulty was at first experienced in establishing a firm rationale for the study. One of the major assumptions evolved as the right of aged people, who are facing the problems of relocation, to have the opportunity to voice their views or at least be given recognition for their desired ways of living. Another specific assumption i s that people's social needs derive from their racial and cultural backgrounds. For this reason, we have compared the two major racial groups, namely, the Chinese and the Whites, throughout the study. In terms of research methods, we chose three approaches. First, we were aware of the importance of an historical perspective for the study both in terms of the immigration history in Canada, and in terms of the personal backgrounds of the aged men, both in their homelands and in Canada. Secondly, the socio-psychological theories broadened our knowledge and impressions regarding the aging men. Thirdly, we were aware of the current changes in -10-our Canadian society's values which involve new and broader aoncepts of the welfare aspects of aging. The Community Chest and Councils of Vancouver point to the need to develop "adequate services and facilities of a postive and preventive kind so that older persons may continue to live healthy and useful lives as members of the Canadian community" and further that there is a "need for the maximum co-operation of a l l levels of government in the pro-motion thereof".1 These underlying assumptions have guided the selection of material and the analysis of i t which may be found in the following chapters. Scope of the Study and Major Questions: This study concentrates on the unattached males, sixty years and over, in the Strathcona area and because of certain tendencies illustrated by sim-il a r research studies, certain characteristics of the sample were anticipated, such as low economic status, illness, unhappiness and apathy, some rigidity and adversity to change, etc., Economic factors and racial characteristics can be significant in facilitating or barring adjustment to old age. The study has asked questions about economic status, health, housing and facilities and social activities as well as outlining demographic char-acteristics since i t was felt that the findings might provide data relating to the attitudes and desires people have and the services they feel they need but perhaps lack at present. Some idea of the impact of the forces of an urban society are also involved (i.e.relocation) and i t i s assumed that the old people in ithis particular study have had l i t t l e support or protection against these forces. Of course, one of the values of such a study also lies Canada, Senate, Proceedings of the Special Committee of the Senate on  Aging, June 4, 1964, op.cit., p.654. -11-in the sheer impact of numbers - they may point out the' extent to which certain problems are felt and the areas where the impact is greatest. The main question was how are these old people really living and in what ways may this be significant for planning? Sampling Procedures Sampling procedures involved three stages: f i r s t , decisions about the desired size of a survey sample and the criteria for selection of the subjects to be included; second, defining the survey area in order to estimate the universe, that i s , the size of the potential population that would f i t into the study; and third, finding means and ways of locating persons included in this universe and drawing a random sample from this group for interviewing purposes. The first two stages have been completed during the i n i t i a l planning of the project. An objective of about 100 interviews was set and the sub-jects have been defined as unattached males, sixty years and over, who are residents of a part of Census Tract No.50, namely the area bounded by Gore, Hastings, Raymur and Union Streets. The criteria "unattached" refers to marital status and in part also to the present living arrangements of the sample group. For purposes of this study, the category "unattached" in-cludes any one of the following characteristics, namely, single, widowed, divorced, or legally separated men, and also married men who are not living with their spouses . It was decided to omit local residents who met the above criteria but who are living in the MacLean Park public housing project as well as the patients in the Grey Nuns' Nursing Home. The patterns of living of these men were considered to be outside the scope of this study. -12-Th e third stage of determining the universe, and of drawing a random sample, has been considered while the construction of the schedule for interviews was in process. We made use of the voters' l i s t s which had been published for local polling divisions in preparation for the federal election in November, 1965* It was assumed that a l l male voters whose occupations were reported as "pensioner" or "retired" and whose names were not followed by a wife's name, would be eligible for our sample. This plan worked well in the great majority of cases, but we discovered thirty-four "ineligible" subjects during the interviewing procedures. They were married men who lived with their wives and hence did not f i t our category of "unattached" males. All names of the male pensioners and retired men from twelve polling division l i s t s were assigned serial numbers, and the first estimate of the universe was 426 names. Deletion of the thirty-four "ineligible" names mentioned above, and also the men in MacLean Park and the Grey Nuns' Nursing Home reduced the universe to 348 names. From this total, random sampling was done in three stages,1 as the needs of the interview procedures required. A total of 234 names and addresses were used in locating prospective inter-viewees. This group yielded 103 completed schedules or forty-four per cent return of the potential sample. The remaining total of 131 names, or f i f t y -six per cent of the potential survey group yielded no interviews. This shrinkage has been analysed and the main reasons for losses appear to be as follows: about sixty-four per cent of the 131 men could not be found at home by the research workers; a smaller proportion of nineteen per cent Details of drawing random samples from a small universe are outlined by W . Allen Wallis and Harry V. Roberts in Statistics: A New Approach, Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois, 1956, Appendix, pp.631-635. -13-refused to be interviewed; about eleven per cent had moved away since the voters' l i s t s had been compiled; illness of six men and the deaths of two men accounted for the remaining loss of six per cent. , The difficulties of making personal contact with potential respond-ents at their places of address showed that more than two or three home visits were often needed in order to obtain an interview. If a longer period of time had been available for the interviewing processes, the heavy shrink-age due to "no contact made by home visits" could probably have been reduced. On the whole, however, the research workers believe that the 103 completed interviews fairly represent the various types of elderly men who were eligible for the study. Sources of Data and Methods of Collecting Them Our project was facilitated by data from both primary and secondary sources. Included among the secondary sources are published sources deal-ing with social and psychological aspects of aging and general problems of the aged, as reported in Canadian and American studies; local studies of urban redevelopment and subsidized housing; and historic accounts of immi-gration into Canada. In reference to primary sources, various officials and several local people in the Strathcona area were consulted in the early planning stages of the study. However, the main sources of primary materials for the study were the 103 elderly men who, during the thirty to sixty minute interviews, answered the questions in our schedules. Previous experience in social work practice stood the research workers in good stead when they collected the survey data. - 1 4 -The schedule focuses on the daily living patterns of these people. It avoids the use of the concept "leisure time" which we assumed to be relatively meaningless to these men whose time is now a l l "leisure time". We tried to find out what they did in the course of everyday living. At the time of the pre-testing of the schedule, we learned that many of the Chinese men we hoped to interview could not speak English* We were fort-unate in finding four Chinese-speaking university students who were willing to become research assistants. A fifth Chinese-speaking person was engaged later on, and we also engaged four other students who interviewed some of the White men in bur sample. To prepare these assistants for the field research task, we held group meetings at which we explained our purposes and the contents of the schedule. We also gave them detailed written instructions about approaching prospective respondents so as to secure the desired information. Meanwhile, the four members of the thesis group collected most of the interviews from the white respondents. Each one of them was accompanied byr.a Chinese assistant into the homes of two Chinese respondents during interviews, while their Chinese assistants acted as interpreters. This arrangement helped the Chinese assistants to become: familiar with the survey schedule, and i t gave the thesis students an opport-unity to make some observations of the living quarters of the aging Chinese men. Following this orientation to the field research, the Chinese assist-ants collected the interview materials from the Chinese men in our sample. Written comments of observations were made soon after interviews were finished and completed schedules were read by the other members of the research team. Close supervision was also maintained by the research con-sultant during the planning of the schedule and throughout the interview -15-procedures, Upon completion of the schedules, the information was edited and coded and then forwarded f o r t r a n s f e r to I.B.M. punch cards and s o r t i n g under the d i r e c t i o n of Mr. L. B e l l . Organization of the Research Project This present chapter has dealt with methodology. The following chapter deals with r e l a t e d l i t e r a t u r e of two kinds; the l o c a l studies on the aged i n Vancouver, and the general l i t e r a t u r e about the meaning of aging, as w e l l as some Canadian data on subsidized housing. Selected materials are presented i n Chapter I I I which i s a survey of Canadian Immigration h i s t o r y . Chapters IV through VII report on and analyze the primary data which were c o l l e c t e d during interviews. To be more s p e c i f i c , Chapter IV i s concerned with the p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Strathcona area and i t gives a demo-graphic d e s c r i p t i o n of our sample, i n c l u d i n g sections on health and on a t t i -tudes revealed by the respondents. Chapter V reports on the present economic s i t u a t i o n of the sample group, with reference to the circumstances of t h e i r retirement. Chapter VI reports on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of housing and housing f a c i l i t i e s and Chapter VII i s concerned with the s o c i a l a c t i v i t y patterns of the sample group. The f i n a l chapter draws together the main find i n g s and discusses some impli c a t i o n s and conclusions of the study. CHAPTER 2 PREVIOUS RESEARCH The previous research on aging and on particular studies associated.;with the Strathcona area of Vancouver are summarized in this chapter. The material gives some background to the present study and provides a framework for further elaboration in the thesis. The local situation will be discussed first followed by a general discussion of aging in the next section. A. The Local Situation. Although British Columbia is the westernmost province in Canada and one of the last to receive early settlement i t has many and growing concerns with regard to i t s aging population. In this province there is s t i l l much evidence of pioneering especially in social welfare endeavours. People and new instit-utions are s t i l l settling into the area. The concern for the older individual is also developing and i t is evident in the activity of volunteer service groups, neighbourhood houses and welfare planning organizations generally. There is need for this concern since British Columbia has one of the highest older popu-lations in Canada. British Columbia, like the long-settled province of Prince Edward Island, has a high proportion, namely ten percent, of their total popu-lation in the age group sixty-five years and over. The primary industries of British Columbia - mining, fishing and lumber-ing - have been those which could and did attract large numbers of unskilled workers. Occupations in these industries demanded long working hours, heavy manual labour and their operations were often performed in fairly isolated areas in the interior of the province or along i t s coastline. Work was the dominant theme in the lives of the unskilled men, many of whom were early settlers in British Columbia. For them there was l i t t l e time or interest in other sustained activities. Some may have been able to amass enough money to see them - 1 7 -comfortably in to their older years but many did not* Today we place a greater emphasis on the need for interests developed through the years which have other meanings than those associated with a work role. Our early settlers had l i t t l e opportunity to develop such interests, especially i f they had to move about from place to place in order to have steady employment. Some of these early settlers who were part of the immigration flow to frontiers a few decades ago are the men of our sample. Their feelings and views about work, free time and how they might use free time were acquired in their youth. Unlike a large proportion of contemporary residents of Vancouver of the same age-group they do not have a place in a family or in some of the city's many organized groups. The circumstances under which they came to the West and settled may help to explain their lack of social ties. As in other countries that have experienced industrial revolution, there has been a large rural-urban migration in this region. Vancouver, the largest city in British Columbia owes much of its rapid population growth in the last twenty years to this migration. Most of this influx has involved young people in their productive years. But as health, advancing age and employers' re-strictions curtailed work for older men many of them also migrated from rural areas to the large city. In Vancouver, one area with a high number of older single men is Strath-cona, the setting chosen for our study. It is significant to note that nine out of ten older men in our survey sample are immigrants to Canada, and while the majority of them came from Europe, over one-fourth of the sample group came from China. There has been a growing interest from a welfare viewpoint in the Strathcona area. This area, as defined in the census of 1 9 6 1 , i s bounded by Main, Hastings, Clark and Terminal Avenues. Like the district which borders i t on the west side i t is known to have the lowest income ratio in the city - 1 8 -of Vancouver."*- A good description of the area is that given in the Vancouver Redevelopment Study of 1957. which mentions some of the rapid changes this section of the city has witnessed in recent decades: This was a good residential district forty or fi f t y years ago and s t i l l has the character of a genuine neighbourhood, Strathcona school acts as a focal centre and there i s an ample supply of churches and of social centres, most of which serve particular ethnic groups resident in the area. Nevertheless, age, change of occupancy and conversions of dwellings have induced widespread deterioration.^ This section of the city was also the area where groups of Chinese laborers settled in the early years of this country. It has remained a haven for them as well as for more recent immigrants from the Orient. Several studies have been made of the area over the last fifteen years. One of the most comprehensive of these is the research in housing 3 directed by Dr. Leonard Harsh and published in 1950. In his report, Dr. Marsh was concerned with the need for an urban redevelopment scheme encom-passing a neighbourhood or cominunity approach to the problems, of the area. In his proposed plan, Dr. Marsh envisioned the clearing and redevelopment of the whole area bounded by Hastings, Gore, Glen Drive and the False Creek flats* All the facilities which a local community should have were included in the design, namely, schools, churches, nursery schools, play space, health and welfare services and a community centre. He saw this plan as being beneficial to and part of a larger redevelopment plan for Vancouver. Row housing for large families, apartment blocks and small suites for two or three persons or single occupancy, and two hostels for single men were ^ Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Census of Canada, 1 9 6 l . City of Vancouver Planning Dept. Vancouver Redevelopment Study, Dec.1957,P«6-3 Marsh, L.C. Rebuilding a Neighbourhood,The University of B.C.Vancouver,Canada 1950. ' -19-designed. This was to be a public housing scheme serving the residents in a low-income area. The housing containing family units with young children was to be located in the central core and protected from street traffic. The Marsh proposal envisioned that the costs would be financed under the National Housing Act which permits joint use of federal and pro-vincial funds for subsidized housing. The total scheme was planned for a population of seven thousand people and its costs were based on the price levels of the early 1950's. However, no public action was taken on this pro-posal. In 1957, the City of Vancouver Planning Department outlined a com-prehensive plan for the redevelopment of the city over a twenty year period. 1 The plan was viewed as an on-going scheme contributing to the city's growth through i t s successive stages. As part of their study the planners selected one area out of the metropolitan area and gave i t closer attention. The area they chose included the Strathcona area, as outlined above. It i s interesting to note that, in spite of the deterioration which was evident at that time, 2 the planners s t i l l thought the area had "the feel of a neighbourhood'.'. Plans as to how the area redevelopment should be undertaken and carried out are included in the report. The needs for cultural facilities, a community centre and readily available shopping facilities are also mentioned. Some years later a brief by the Special Committee on Aging of the Community Chest and Councils of Greater Vancouver to the Senate Committee on 3 Aging makes references to the social needs of older people as well as the need for housing and health care. Another Vancouver report dealing with 1 City of Vancouver,Planning Dept. Vancouver Redevelopment Study. Dec. 1 9 5 7 2 Ibid, p.33-^ Canada,Parliament "The Special Committee on Aging" Debates of Senate.Queen's Printer, Ottawa, June 4, 1964 No.10, -20-social services makes special reference to the needs of older people in the downtown section of the city. 1 The need for more private hospitals, home care services, low rental housing, recreation and day care centers i s again emphasized as i t was in the Senate report. The two urban redevelopment reports together with the recent Sen-ate Report on Aging bring out the great need for more research on matters of aging, and particularly, on enquiries into the social living patterns of older people. 2 A recent Master's thesis in Social Work discusses some of the effects of redevelopment that have already taken place. The writer suggests that sound study and planning had been done preceding the redevelopment for the Strathcona area. However, i t appears to be more difficult to co-ordinate the efforts of the local agencies that can aid in ongoing processes. The first public housing project in the area, named McLean Park, was opened in April 1963» The above-mentioned thesis study considers how this public housing project has fitted into the community. One major finding is that the inte-gration of many racial groups who have few indigenous leaders i s a difficult process in an urban area. The Vancouver City council has recently shown it s concern for the need to understand some of the social processes of redevelopment. In this connection i t has enlisted the aid of the Community Chest and Council i n pre-paring studies for proposed future development schemes in the city, including those now under way in the Strathcona area. For these purposes a municipal 3 grant to the Community Chest and Council was approved in October, 1965-1 Committee on Welfare of the Aged, Report on Services for Older People in the  Central Section of Vancouver, Community Chest & Councils of Greater Vancouver April 1965. Allardice, E.M._j McKenzie, Rowe & Ziegler, Neighbourhood Analysis in Vancouver Master of Social Work thesis, University of British Columbia, 1964. * The Vancouver Sun "Chest Research Project Okayed" Oct.l5,1965.p«12. -21-More recently a renewed interest in the area has been shown by the Strathcona Area Council, in that its subcommittee on aging has completed a three page survey of, "Aging in Strathcona". 1 The trend of early research projects has been to focus mainly on physical aspects of planning, such as housing and health. Later studies stressed the public and private welfare services that older people needed. Most Western countries, including Canada, are now giving attention to the social and psychological needs of older people as well as the basic needs of food and shelter. The broader concept of total "well-being" in later years rather than l i f e on a minimal subsistence level«is becoming the growing con-cern of the public with regard to Canada's aging population. B. GENERAL (NON-LOCAL). The Meaning of Aging. Although the purpose of this thesis is not to conduct extensive research into the aging processes i t i s appropriate to give some general orientation to these very complicated phenomena. When we speak of elderly people we generally mean people of 60 or 65 years of age or over. Often the term the "golden years", "senior citizens" and the like are used as synonyms for "aged people". However, according to Harrington, such words are merely euphemisms to ease the conscience of the callous, since modern society tends to make i t s people miserable when they become old by viewing the aged person as "...a paltry thing, a tattered coat 2 upon a stick...". 1 Committee on Aging, Strathcona Area Council, Minutes of meeting March 15,1966 Community Chest & Council of Greater Vancouver, B.C. 2 Harrington, Michael, The Other America;Poverty in the United States, MacMillan, New York, 1962, p.102. - 2 2 -Tibbits defines aging.". . . as the survival of a growing number of people who have completed the traditional functions of making a living and of child rearing".^ However, this definition seems to be too restricting; perhaps Stieglitz* definition of aging as ". . .element of time in living and that i t i s part of living and begins with conception and ends with death", is a more satisfactory one in that i t i s a broader and more a l l encompassing concept. On the other hand i t doesn't really convey anything that the average perceptive person wouldn't know. There are many biological changes that accompany old age, including atrophy of body cells, shrinkage of the brain and decreased oxygenation of the brain, which according to English and Pearson, results in exaggeration of 3 personality characteristics. However, Grad points out that although i t i s unknown whether these changes do occur in the human organism with time, their precise relation to the aging processes itself is unknown. That i s , i t is unknown whether these changes are due to the presence of physical, chemical or infective agents, or whether such changes would occur even i f the organisms lived in an ideal environment completely insulated from a l l stress. Birren suggests that the term ..aging will be subject to continued redefinition and refinement and that a narrow definition might be "a geneti-cally determined pattern" or "an accumulation of the effects of stress and a predatory environment. . • .Although aging is closely related to chronological 1 Tibbits, Clark, "Aging as a Modern Social Achievement". Aging in Today's  Society, eds.C.Tibbits and W.Donahue, Prentice-Hall,Eaglewood Cliffs, N.J. I 9 6 0 , p.4. 2 Stieglitz, E.J. "The Personal Challenge of Aging: Biological Changes and Maintenance of'Health", Aging in Today's Society, eds.C.Tibbits and W.Donahue op.cit., p.45. ^ English O.S. and Pearson G.H. Emotional Problems of the Aging. Norton, New York 19^5. p.56. Grad,Bernard, "Aging and Changes in Health", Aging and Health, ed.J.R.D.Bayne 1965, The Canadian Welfare Council, Ottawa, p.8. age, i t i s not n e c e s s a r i l y i d e n t i c a l with i t " . Marvin M i l l e r i s c i t e d as suggesting that old age i s a time of l e s s 2 i n three areas: b i o l o g i c a l , psychological and s o c i o l o g i c a l . B i o l o g i -c a l l y , b o d i l y structure and body functions become impaired to a greater or l e s s e r degree; p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y there may be l o s s e s of i n t e l l e c t u a l powers (e.g.memory); s o c i a l l y the l o s s continues with decrease i n income, i n status and l o s s of c l o s e r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s by death. Aging involves processes of change i n the b i o l o g i c a l , psychological and s o c i a l systems of every human being. To date i t appears that much know-ledge of the processes and t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s remains incomplete. However, i t i s known that as l i f e progresses there generally seems to be a slowing down i n the three systems. This s h a l l be further explored i n l a t e r chapters which deal with the a t t i t u d e s and the s o c i a l a c t i v i t y patterns of the study sample. Socio- C u l t u r a l and Economic Aspects of the Aged. In the preceding discussions on the meaning of aging, the concept of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s between the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s environment was alluded t o . The recent Royal Commission on Health Services i n Canada states, "The family occupies a place of shrinking importance i n the f i e l d of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n -ships. ..the composite functions of the kinship structure have been whittled 3 away and assumed by s p e c i a l i z e d bodies outside the family". An 1 B i r r e n , J.E. ed. Handbook of Aging and the I n d i v i d u a l , 1959, c i t e d i n Margaret Blenkner et a l . Serving the Aging: An Experiment i n S o c i a l Work  and Public Health Nursing, 1964. Community Service Society of New York, New York, p.214. 2 M i l l e r , Marvin, Ontario Welfare Council Conference, May 1963, c i t e d i n Janet Gore "An Old Person i s a Person", Canadian Welfare, March-April 1964, Canadian Welfare Council, Ottawa, p.60. ^ Report of the Royal Commission on Health Services, 1964. Vol.1. Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, p.103. -24-opposing view is held by Townsend whose recent studies of old people in London show that the majority of the elderly persons he studied have im-portant roles. They are fairly well integrated into both family and society, and by these terms he means the extended family of three or four generations. Meanwhile he also states that a minority of up to one-fifth or one-quarter of the older people in his sample group are relatively isolated."1' Townsend also notes the importance of the close proximity of relatives for older people and in discussing this he introduces the concept of "social isolation" which he describes as a combination of living alone, being older than average, 2 living without relatives or children nearby, being retired, and being infirm. Blenkner also supports the contention that most older people live in close 3 proximity to relatives. It is apparent, therefore, that the importance of family l i f e to older persons is s t i l l a matter of controversy. Likewise the ques-tion of whether there i s a loss of family roles s t i l l remains unanswered. Chap-ter 7 discusses this more fully in relation to the social activity patterns of the aging men who form sample groups in the present study. Certain psychological aspects of aging are emphasized by Jessie Bernard. She discusses the notion that the elderly person is reluctant to change his ways because he basically does not like change. She also mentions that the attitudes of today's aged persons reflect the social environment that 1 Townsend, Peter, The Changing Roie of the Older Persons in Our Society, a paper delivered to the Canadian Conference on Aging, Toronto, January 24-26 1966, p.9. 2 Townsend, Peter, The Family Life of Older People: An Inquiry in East London, Routledge & Kegan, London, 1957, pp . l 6 6 - l 8 2 . ^ Blenkner, Margaret, et al . , Serving the Aging: An Experiment in Social Work  and Public Health Nursing, 1964. Community Service Society of New York, New York. pp. 71-75. L Bernard, Jessie, Social Problems at Mid-Century, Holt,Rinehart & Winston, New York, 1964, pp.449-451. prevailed at the beginning of the 2 0 t h century, when today's older person lived in his formative years. Friedman and Havighurst speak of the person who was born into the work-centered pre-1920 society as an "antediluvian", and that the older per-son today has the ambiguous luck of having outlived the period when their "work ideology" was dominant.1 They also note that the sheer passing of time seems to be an important value of work, and that many have grown so accustomed to having their days organized about a job, that they are i l l prepared to create a new routine upon retirement. Cavan refers to the absence in our society of productive economic 2 and social roles for the older persons. The Canadian Department of Health and Welfare observes that the inability of the majority of older people to be-3 come competitive in the labour market lowers their social status. that 1 The recent report of the Special Senate Committee on Aging, observes 'In a society geared to industrial production, work and lack of work represent social values, and the social position of a person deteriorates when he is unemployed... and that... Even leisure enjoys higher prestige when i t is related to employment and i s reflected in shorter work weeks...rather thajj being...the result of permanent with-drawal from work1'. One of the major changes in the socio-economic status of the elderly Friedman, E.A. & Havighurst, R.J., "Can Retirement Satisfy", Aging -in Today's  Society, eds. C. Tibbits & W.Donahue, op.cit., pp.372-373» 2 Cavan, R.S. et al., Personal Adjustment in Old Age. Science Research Assoc-iates, Chicago, 1949, p«33c 5 Leask, F.O. "The Mature Worker Today", Canada's Health & Welfare. May 1965, Vol . 2 0 , N0 . 5 . Queen's Printer, Ottawa, p.5. k Canada Parliament, Senate,"Final Report of the Special Committee of the Senate on Aging",Chairman, The Honourable David A.Croll. Contained in Debates of the  Senate, February 9» 1966, Vol .115, N0.6.Queen's Printer,Ottawa, p .9^. i s that more people axe retiring at an earlier age while at the same time the average human l i f e span is increasing. The Senate Committee Report notes that about 60 percent of Canadians 65 years and over were.working in 1921, whereas only about 25 percent of Canadians 65 years of age and over are work-ing today.1 Similarly, Townsend reports that in Britain, whereas 79 percent of men aged 65-69 years and 53 percent of men aged 70-74 years were gainfully employed in 1921, the proportions had dwindled to a 4? percent and 27 percent 2 respectively by 1951* Townsend goes on to point out that men in particular are reluctant to lose the satisfaction and the associations that work supplies, and that although substantial numbers appear to be content with their status, there are also large numbers of retired men who are s t i l l fairly active and who would like to return to some form of employment. For example, a national study conducted recently in Britain, indicated that 49 percent of retired men aged 65-69 and 29 percent of retired men aged 70-74 said they" felt capable of doing some sort of paid job; altogether 28 percent and 16 percent respect-ively, wanted some form of paid job.^ The Canadian Department of Health and Welfare points out that i t is now generally recognized that an adequate income is one of the most important needs in coping with many problems of aging. "If a person has adequate re-sources on retirement, with his mind freed from financial worries., his mental 4 and physical well-being is likely to be better". 1 Canada, Parliament, Senate, op.cit., p.20. 2 Townsend, Peter, The Changing Roles of the Older Person in our Society.a paper delivered to the Canadian Conference on Aging, Toronto, January 24-26 1966, p.13. ^ Townsend, Peter, & Wedderburn, D., Old People in Britain (unpublished) cited in Townsend, P.,The.Changing Roles of the. Older Person i n Our Society,op.ci^., 4 leask, P.O. op.cit., p.5. -27-Gordon supports this view in noting that "...a desire for more adequate income, rather than a desire to work per se is the dominant force in remaining at work beyond 65 years^of age".1 Steiner and Dorfman cite evidence that there i s more liklihood that non-manual workers, and partic-ularly professional and managerial workers will continue to work (less likely to retire from i l l health) than i s true of the blue-collar worker. Similarly, Friedman and Havighurst note that "For some people retirement is a goal toward which they have been working...For others i t i s a trap, a piece 3 of bad luck for which they are unprepared". Gordon indicates that there are four main patterns of retirement, namely, (1) at normal retirement age (65$ or a later age under the provisions of a formal retirement system; <» (2) early retirement under a formal retirement system; (3) retirement from self-employment or from a stable job in a firm without a formal retirement system; (4) an unstable pattern of retirement, in which an older worker (a) loses a stable job and is subsequently forced, to rely on unsteady or part-time employment until he finally leaves the labour force, or (b) has been engaged in casual or short term employment and finds i t increasingly difficult to get employment as he grows older.^ It is apparent that unstable patterns of retirement are undoubtedly exper-ienced by substantial numbers of elderly workers. This would probably be common in occupations in which work is typically seasonal or short term in character. In British Columbia, with i t s great seasonal industries of lumber-1 Gordon, M.S. "Work and Patterns of Retirement". Aging and Leisure,1961, cited in Blenkner, op.cit., p.42. 2 Steiner, P.O. and Dorfman, R...The Economic Status of the Aged, 1957 cited in Blenkner, loc.cit., p.50. 3 Friedman, E.A. and Havighurst, R.J. op.sit.,p.37Q. ^ Gordon, M.S. op.cit., p.36. - 2 8 -ing, fishing, construction, and the like, i t i s to be expected that a sub-stantial proportion of the older work force will experience such unstable work patterns. The importance of this type of retirement for the present study sample will be discussed in Chapter 5» The Senate Report concludes that most of the Canadian aging pop-ulation have low incomes and they have l i t t l e prospect of increasing their participation in the labour force. Therefore they are unable to benefit from increasing national industrial productivity, while their meagre incomes are at the same time increasingly dissipated by rising living costs. 1 While i t supports further participation in the labour market, i f auch a condition i s feasible, the Report realizes that to expect much in-crease in employment among the aged is unrealistic. It therefore proposes the establishment of a Guaranteed Income Programme of $1 ,260 per year for 2 single persons and $2,220 for married couples. The Committee points out that such figures are purely tentative ones and that further investigations and research should be conducted to determine what might be an equitable minimum budget. The main criterion of the adequacy of such an income is that i t should be adjusted each year on the basis of a suitable cost-of-living index, and in addition, that there should be a review every five years into the relative circumstances of the working population and the retired population. The Committee also notes that as the benefits from the Canadian Pension Plan come into effect, the income guarantee payments may decline con-siderably through time. * Canada, Parliament, Senate, op.cit., p . l 6 . * Canada,. Parliament, Senate, op.cit., pp.18-19, -29-In summary, and viewed in socio-economic terms, the twentieth century has witnessed several changes that are of critical concern for the elderly person. First, there i s the fact that people now have a longer l i f e span. Second, there have been industrial changes that involve a shorter working l i f e as well as shorter work days. Third, as a result of the above changes, people now have more "free time" during their working l i f e and also longer periods of retirement. Fourth, those now past work-ing age and.or near retirement face increasingly serious crises. They are about to drop out of the labour force and since they do not benefit directly from the country's expanding economy, they will have difficulty in meeting higher prices caused by inflation. Many have l i t t l e or no savings, no employer's pensions or other resources for the longer retirement period. Yet, as time passes, their needs and their indigency will increase, unless public sources of income are increased to counter-act these trends. All of these critical issues shall be discussed in more specific relationship to our study sample in subsequent chapters. Chapter k shall present demographic characteristics that shall illustrate the atypical nature of the study sample in relation to family l i f e characteristics. Chapter 5 shall bring out the predominantly low-income characteristics of the sample and relate this to the economic conditions that this group of men have lived through. Here the discussion shall centre on the difficulties experienced by low-skilled or unskilled workers who have retired since World War II. In particular the probability of irregular earning patterns during active years with l i t t l e or no opportunities for building up pensions or annuities shall be elaborated upon. The fact that people now have longer l i f e spans, coupled with a shorter working l i f e and consequently more "free time", is of particular relevance - 3 0 -for Chapter 7 , which deals with the effects of this situation on the study sample. Housing. Housing of the aged, like a l l other problems of the aged, is assoc-iated with increasing numbers of elderly persons. For example, in 1921 there were 420,000 persons aged 65 and over in Canada, by 1 9 6 l the number had in-creased to 1 ,391,154, and by 1980, i t i s estimated that the elderly population will reach 2,379,OOO.1 Adequate housing is of vital importance for a l l age groups but its importance would seem to increase with people in advancing years, especially when they are no longer participants in the labour market. Its importance comes to mean more than just shelter; i t becomes the central setting for l i v -2 ing, "the very world of the elderly person". According to Zay, the growth and diversification of housing needs during old age are brought about by three types of change: (a) "...the pro-gressive isolation of the aged person when his relations and friends become i l l , die or move away; (b) . . .the gradual decline of physical and mental powers; and (c) . . .the decrease in income and resources when the person gives up a l l productive activity".^ It is apparent that the chief difficulty of aged tenants is that they have to face competition with the rest of the population on the housing market. 1 Hood, W.C., 8c Scott, A. "Output, Labour and Capital in the Canadian Economy" Royal Commission on Canada's Economic Prospects, 1957, Queen's Printer,Ottawa p. 88. 2 Zay, Nicholas, "Living Arrangements for the Aged, a Background Paper pre-pared for the Canadian Conference on Aging, Toronto,January 1966, November 1965, Canadian Welfare Council, Ottawa, p.5« ^ Zay, Nicolas, op.cit., pp.6-7„ Such a situation means that many are forced to live in marginal dwellings unless they are willing to spend a disproportionately high portion of their resources on housing, and thereby deprive themselves of other essential goods or services. That elderly people do spend a large part of their in-come on rent is supported by the 196l Census which reports that the average rent paid by household heads 65 and over was $64, while the national average for a l l tenants was $65. 1 Canadian Reaction to the Housing Problem; The National Housing Act is the principal means available to meet the low rental housing requirements of underprivileged elderly people. The Act delineates two distinct programs for the provision of such low rental housing, namely (1) loans to Limited Dividend Companies and (2) subsidized housing. Loans to Limited Dividend Companies Under Section 16 (a) of the Act, the federal government may make loans through the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation "...to construct, hold and manage a low-rental housing project for families and individuals of low 3 income and elderly persons". Each project is considered on its merits, regardless of the number or type of units. Since the inception of this Act, 8,217 units have been constructed for the elderly, representing 24 per cent k of total construction under Section 16 (a). 1 1961 Census of Canada, Queen's Printer, Ottawa, Bulletin 32 No.8 Table 70. 2 The National Housing Act, 1964, Chap.15• ^ "Limited Dividend Loans", National Housing Act Pamphlet 934-7/64 July 1964 Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, Ottawa. 4 Zay, Nicolas, op.cit., p.17. - 3 2 -Saskatchewan, British Columbia and Ontario lead the way in con-struction of dwellings built for the elderly under this scheme. As can be seen in Table I, the sponsorship of projects varies in different pro-vinces. In Quebec the entrepreneurs have led the way in taking advant-age of the Act, while in Ontario i t i s the municipalities, and in British Columbia, the voluntary organizations that have taken the lead. TABLE I Number of Dwellings Built for Elderly Persons Classified by Province and by Category of Sponsor, 1946-63.  Province Category of Sponsor Entrepreneurs Municipalities Voluntary Groups Total Newfoundland 48 48 Prince Edward Island 4 4 Nova Scotia 24 24 New Brunswick 24 24 Quebec 905 128 1,033 Ontario 32 2,594 690 3,316 Manitoba 80 11 685 776 Saskatchewan 875 409 1,284 Alberta 124 124 British Columbia 1,584 1,584 1,017 3,484 3,716 8,217 Source: Brief submitted by Central Mortgage & Housing Corporation to the Special Committee of the Senate on Aging (Minute No.22, p.l, 585). -33-jSubeidized flooding. Section 35 of the National Housing Act provides for federal-provincial arrangements for the construction and operation of public housing projects. The federal government contributes up to 75 per cent of the capital and the operating costs, while the remainder is provided by the provincial governments which may ask the municipality to bear a portion of the provincial share.1 Ontario, British Columbia, Quebec lead the way in taking advantage of this Act as can be readily seen from Table 2. Zay points out that of the dwellings constructed under this program, only 167 are specially de-signed for the elderly, and most of these are designed for elderly couples.' This situation may be explained by the fact that until the Act was amended in June 1964, only 20 per cent of the dwellings in any one project could be used for elderly persons. The evidence suggests that Canada has only begun to experiment with the provision of subsidized housing for its low-income citizens. No com-prehensive research has yet been done to estimate the extent of the need for subsidized housing nor of specific kinds of housing needs on a local or regional basis. There is also l i t t l e evidence to show that the needs of the single or unattached persons has been taken into account in dealing with the question of housing for the aged. 1 "Public Housing Assistance", National Housing Act, Pamphlet 5013-7/64, July 1964, Central Mortgage & Housing Corporation, Ottawa. 2 Zay, Nicolas, op.cit., p.20. - 3 4 -TABLE 2 Number of Subsidized Dwellings in 1964, Grouped by Province, For Elderly People.  Province Number of Subsidized Dwellings Nova Scotia 67 New Brunswick 23 Ontario 358 Saskatchewan 10 British Columbia 266 Newfoundland 10 Quebec 296 TOTAL 1,030 Source: Quoted in Ontario Association of Housing Authorities, Good Housing for Canadians, Toronto 1964, p.53. Chapter 6 shall analyse the study sample's present housing char-acteristics together with the respondent's attitudes toward subsidized housing. In this way i t i s hoped that some of the special housing needs of the study sample shall be revealed and that pertinent recommendations can be made for submission to appropriate housing authorities. Subsequent chapters will attempt to relate the findings from our study to both the local and general literature dealt with in this chapter. As the sample group is comprised largely of men who entered Canada as immigrants in the early decades of the twentieth century i t is appropriate for this study to briefly review the Canadian immigration history. This shall be done in Chapter 3 . CHAPTER 3. CANADIAN IMMIGRATION POLICY Introduction Vancouver is the focus of Chinese culture in Canada, and serves as headquarters of most of the Chinese associations in this country. Of the known 58,000 Chinese who presently reside in Canada, about 16,700 live in the metropolitan area of Vancouver, of which 4,832 live in the small enclave of Strathcona.1 In the past, as in the present day, this area has served as a port of entry for Chinese immigrants. The unique Oriental flavour of this area is partly due to its prox-imity to Vancouver's Chinatown which is the second largest of its kind in North America and is visually focussed in a small commercial district ex-tending over five blocks and containing the major Chinese business enter-prises, restaurants, souvenir shops, newspaper offices, importers, and grocery stores. In more recent times, Strathcona has also served as an entry area for a considerable number of continental European immigrants, most notably 2 the Italians. In order to reach some understanding as to why Strathcona's popu-lation is comprised of such a diverse ethnic pattern, i t is necessary to outline the immigration history of Canada and to emphasize those aspects that are important for British Columbia.^ 1 Census of Canada, Population and Housing Characteristics of 6ensus Tracts Vancouver, 196l, Bulletin GT 22,Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Table l.p. 2 Strathcona, A pamphlet prepared by Research Division, Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, p . l . ^ In a l l subsequent references British Columbia shall be referred to in abbreviated form as B. C. For the purpose of this study, Canadian immigration policies shall be divided into five separate periods, namely, 1850 to 1885; 1885 to 1929; 1929 to 19^7; 19L7 to 1962; and 1962 to the present date. In examining these periods the writer shall attempt to compare and contrast Canadian immigration policies as they have related to the Europeans and the Chinese immigrant, respectively. The First Period; I85O to 1885 Until the time of Confederation in 1867, the total immigration flows from the British Isles and Europe were relatively light. The significance of this period, for the present study, lies in the fact that in I858 the first Chinese immigrant entered Canada, having walked on a reconnaisance mission from the California gold fields. 1 This journey may be viewed as one of history's most historical walks, for by l864 there were between two and three thousand Chinese in B.C. After Confederation the opening of the Canadian West began in earnest. Prior to the entry of B.C. into Confederation in I87I, the then Canadian Prime Minister, Sr. John A. MacDonald made one of the most significant promises in Canadian political history, a promise that was to have profound and far-reaching implications. He stated that i f B.C. would join the Confederation 2 the Canadian Pacific Railway would be built through to the Pacific Coast, and this was the basis upon which B.C. subsequently entered into the Canadian Union. Tien-fang, Cheng. Oriental Immigration, Commercial Press 1931, Shanghai, pp. 35-36. In a l l subsequent references to the Canadian Pacific Railway shall be referred to in abbreviated form as the C.P.R. - 3 7 -With the construction of the C P . P . across Canada, i t became gener-a l l y recognized that the vast western lands could only become safe and prosperous i f the country could demonstrate that i t could carry out a p o l i c y of c o l o n i z a t i o n . The Dominion Land Act of 1872 encouraged immigration by the p r o v i s i o n of free homesteads i n the p r a i r i e r e g i o n s . 1 As yet the q u a l i t y of the newcomer was not a main consideration, since the government had not reached the stage of d e f i n i n g a " d e s i r a b l e " immigrant. The aim of the Dom-i n i o n Government was to a t t r a c t those who would s e t t l e i n the western p r a i r i e region;theefarmer,the farm labourer, and the domestic servant. Other people were welcome but they were expected to stand on t h e i r own f e e t , and make t h e i r own way. Towards the close of the 19th century the Canadian Government became a c t i v e l y involved i n r e c r u i t i n g immigrants from the B r i t i s h I s l e s , Continental Europe and from the United States. Government agents and immi-gr a t i o n representatives were scattered over the B r i t i s h I s l e s and i n Con-t i n e n t a l Europe hoping to d i r e c t a large stream of immigration to Canada. Between 1867 and 1885, a t o t a l of 886,468 immigrants emtered Canada. During t h i s time there was l i t t l e change i n the r a c i a l and ethnic composition of Canada's population, although the entrance of many thousands of Germans placed t h i s ethnic group t h i r d i n s i z e . The changes i n ethnic o r i g i n s of Canada's population i n the 1871-1901 period i s shown i n Table 3» Piggot, Eleanora, Dominion Government P o l i c y on Immigration and  Colonization 1867-1938, Master of Arts Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of B.C. 1950, p.28. -38-TABLE 3. Ethnic Origins of the Total Canadian Population by Percentage Distribution. 1871-1901  Ethnic Origin Years 1871 1881 1901 British 60.6 58.9 57.0 French 31.1 30.0 30.7 German 5.8 5.9 5.8 Continental Europe 0.0 0.0 0.8 Scandinavian 0.0 0.1 0.6 Russian 0.0 0.1 0.4 Italian 0.0 0.1 0.2 Others - 4.9 ^.5 Source: Piggot, Eleanora, Dominion Government Policy on Immigration and Colonization 1867-1938, Master of Arts Thesis, University of British Columbia 1950 p.73. While the central and the eastern regions of Canada were in the pro-cesses of becoming settled by European immigrants, B.C. had become the Canadian focal point for Chinese immigration, as well as for a great variety of ethnic groups from Europe. In 1864 gold panning on the Fraser came to an end with the result that thousands of Chinese were thrown onto the labour market. Considerable anti-Chinese agitation occurred. Then came Sir John A. MacDonald's famous promise of building the C.P.R. to the Pacific. Railway workers from the United States and Europe quit when the time came to lay the tracks through the rugged and dangerous country of the Rocky Mountainv. region. In desperation the Canadian government, in concert with the C.P.R., hired a l l available Chinese labour in the province and in addition began to import more Chinese labourers from China. - 3 9 -It is of interest to note that a l l of the Chinese imported by the C.P..R. came from the immediate environs of Canton in Kwantung Province.1 Apparently this situation arose because British authorities, who had been requested by the C.P.R. to post worker advertisement notices in a number of larger Chinese cities, put the notices up only in Canton and nowhere else. This isolated action by a British government official or officials has resulted in the fact that the great majority of Chinese in Canada were re-cruited either from Canton City or from its surrounding districts. The majority of these immigrants to Canada spoke the Cantonese Dialect. In the three-year period between l 8 8 l and 1884, no less than 15,700 Chinese entered B.C. White residents became very alarmed and made repeated requests to the federal government that a halt be called to unrestricted Chinese immigration. Furthermore in 1885 the provincial government of B. C. sent a petition to the federal government recommending that Chinese immi-gration be stopped, that Chinese be denied employment on public works, and 2 that they be prevented from further work on railway contracts. However, the then Canadian Prime Minister, Sir John A. MacDonald was determined to complete the trans-continental railway and a l l such requests were either ignored or turned down. Meanwhile anti-Chinese agitation continued throughout B.C. Sir Mathew Begbie, Chief Justice of B.C. in 1884, summed up the state of opinion against them as follows: •'Industry, economy, sobriety, and law abidingness are exactly the four prominent qualities of Chinamen as \ ;Francis, R.A., "Wong Foon Sien wants a Better Deal for Chinese ImmigrantsV Canadian Business, October 1955, Vol .28 , p.78. British Columbia, Sessional Papers, 1883, pp.3k5-346. - r e -asserted both by their advocates and their adversaries. Lazy, drunken, extravagant, and turbulent; this is by the voices of their friends and their foes, exactly what a Chinaman is not. This i s on the whole, I think, the real cause of their unpopularity. If Chinamen would only be less industrious and economical, i f they would but occas-ionally get drunk, they would no.longer be the formidable competitors with the white man which they prove to be on the labour market.1 Even to-day these would be timely remarks. The Second Period: 1885 to 1929 It is felt that this period of immigration is of chief relevance for this study since the great majority of the men in our study sample were born outside Canada. For Europeans the open-door Canadian immigration policy continued and they entered Canada in a steady but slow stream, a result of intense com-petition with the United States, Australia and New Zealand. The two latter countries offered more advantages in terms of assisted passage which is exem-plified by the fact that in 1874, approximately 53,958 settlers entered 2 Australia, while only 25,450 entered Canada. The completion of the C.P.R. in 1885 resulted in unemployment among large numbers of Chinese workers,in B.C. and they now sought work in other occupations. As might be expected, their efforts aroused increased anti-Oriental agitation among the workers of the white race, with whom they were in sharp competition. In 1885 the Canadian government began to restrict Chinese immigration. Now that the C.P.R. was completed the federal government ohO's© to act by 1 Layman, S., The Oriental in North America,from a series of Lectures prepared by the University of British Columbia Extension Department, 1962, p.5. 2 Piggot, op. cit., p.71. -41-imposing a head tax of $50 on each new Chinese arrival. New restrictions also limited the number of Chinese immigrants to one person for every fif t y tons of the carrying vessel that brought immigrants from China. This measure appeared to be somewhat effective as only 2,100 Chinese officially entered B.C. between 1886 and 1889. How many entered illegally is not known, but i t is thought to be a substantial number.1 The termination of railway construction brought with i t a period of severe economic stress among the Chinese in B.C. and for a time many of the recent Chinese arrivals had to be supported by their more fortunate country-men who were established in this province. It wasn't long, however, before most of them were making their own way. Some became houseboys; others panned for gold in the wake of the Cari-bou gold rush; some entered the construction or logging industry, while others who had capital resources opened cafes or laundries. Many migrated to the lower coast and established a settlement of Chinese in the present location of Vancouver's Chinatown. It has been said that in the late l890's the pigtails, pantaloons and the sing song voices of the Chinese added the 2 first touch of Oriental colour to the new shacktown city of Vancouver. By 1891 the official Chinese population of B.C. totaled 9,000 or one-eleventh of the total provincial population of 98,000.^ Anti-Chinese activity continued in the province, and the Chinese, along with other orientals were disfranchised from municipal and provincial as well as federal elections. 1 Sharpe, Robin, A Study of Voting Behaviour of the Chinese Community in Vancouver Centre, Bachelor of Arts Thesis, University of B.C.1956, p.6. Francis, op.cit., p.80. 3 Canadian Immigration Department, Interview with Mr .Frank Wragg,Deputy Re'gional Director, Vancouver, B.C. Jan. 12,1966. -42-1896 marked the beginning of an aggressive twenty-year period in Canadian immigration history. It i s often referred to as the "Sifton period" and named after Clifford Sifton, the Minister of Interior in Prime Minister Laurier's cabinet, who introduced the new policies that resulted in the rapid influx of immigrants to the regions west of Winni-peg. The open-door policy to a l l white immigrants continued. Sifton's motto was "settle", and he. believed that the first thing to do was to settle the empty prairies with independent farmers. The policy of his department was based on the assumption that i t would be highly desirable for Canada to have the fertile lands of the Canadian West occupied quickly by a hardy class of settlers, particularly since the United States appeared to have ambitions of northward expansion. Accordingly the department concentrated its main efforts on securing farmers, farm-labourers and fe-male domestic servants. Although these were the main groups sought after, i t is signifi-cant to note that a great many of the immigrants who came to Canada in the years just prior to the first World War were not of these classes, as Table 4 illustrates. -43-TABLE 4 Intended Occupation of Adult Workers Entering Canada 1904-1914.  Occupation Origin British Isles Continental Europe United States Farmers 182,439 129,650 221,405 Labourers 91,478 258,737 131,561 Miners 14,775 8,311 12,432 Mechanics 128,702 39,201 62,110 Clerks 41,956 30,040 18,543 Domestics 90,028 27,630 10,980 Others 28,618 10,458 16,884 Source: Reynolds, L.G. The British Immigrant, Oxford University Press, 1935* Toronto, Appendix A, Table 5, p.306. That many persons from other occupational groups such as miners and mechanics, were also entering Canada is indicative of the fact that Canada was not only an agricultural nation, but was also becoming an industrial one as well. Sifton recognized that the British Isles and Northern Europe did not supply sufficient immigrants for Canada and he therefore undertook to en-courage new settlement by central European groups. One such group was the Doukhobor sect which emigrated to Canada from Russia in 1899 and which in 1911 numbered 15,520 in Saskatchewan alone.1 Piggot, op.cit., p.96. - 4 4 -Another new e t h n i c group was the Ukrainians who began i n 1897 t o enter Canada i n great numbers. I t has been estimated that by 1917 about 160,000 U k r a i n i a n s were l i v i n g i n the P r a i r i e P r o v i n c e s . 1 I t i s a l s o i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t many of the c e n t r a l Europ-eans could not a f f o r d to b r i n g t h e i r f a m i l i e s w i t h them from Europe. Immigration s t a t i s t i c s show t h a t many dependents of male immigrants tend t o f o l l o w some years l a t e r . Between the census years of I89I and 1911 the p o p u l a t i o n of 2 Canada i n c r e a s e d from 4 ,833,239 t o 7,206,645. Immigrants alone had numbered 1 , 8 0 0 , 0 0 0 during the decade 1900 t o 1910, an i n f l u x which a t that time gave Canada a gre a t e r p r o p o r t i o n a l i n c r e a s e than any other country i n the world. The immigration f i g u r e s f o r these years are 3 i n c l u d e d xn Table I . The f o u r years preceding World War I c o n s t i t u t e the c r e s t o f Canada's immigration wave. The 400,870 f i g u r e of 1913 has not been 4 e q u a l l e d s i n c e , the c l o s e s t being 282,164 i n 1957• See Appendix A. Table I , p. 132. Urquhart, M.C. and Buckley, K.A.H., eds. H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s of  Canada, M a c H i l l a n , Toronto, I 9 6 5 , P«13« P i g g o t , o p . c i t . , p. 120. - 4 5 -The Canadian government's attitude toward immigration at this time can be summed up by Sifton's successor, the Hon. Frank Oliver, who in 1914 saidi It was that increase of cultivation in the west that made Canada, that built the railroads, that started the factories and that gave divid-ends to the banks; that started the"..great com-mercial houses; that did whatever has been done that amounts to anything in these years. It was the foundation of i t a l l . The home-steader on the prairie with his yoke of oxen or his team of horses and his plough, who has been held up to obloquy as the "miner of wheat"... this was the man who made Canada. Sifton was not without his critics. As thousands of people of many nations began to pour into Canada there were those who felt his policy was getting, out of control and that i t was time to apply the brakes. To placate this agitation the federal government passed the Immigration Act of 1906 which gave recognition 6f the need to use more discrimination in choosing Canada's future citizens. Provision was made for the medical examination of newcomers and for the rejection and deportation of those deemed not desirable. The Act was amended in 1910 in an effort to exclude those who, by reason of mental or physical illness, were likely to become a public charge, and also those of immoral character or those who wished to destroy the government 2 of Canada. As the immigration figures in Table 3 attest the Urquhart, M.C., and Buckley, K.A.H. eds. Historical Statistics of  Canada, MacMillan, Toronto, I965, p.13. Piggot, op.cit., p.120. - 4 6 -regulations were not too vigorously applied to the European immigrants. Taking the year 1908 as typical, a total of 143,326 immigrants were admitted to Canada, of which number a total of 1,002 were later deported, a proportion of one out of every 143 immigrants. Meanwhile, the Chinese immigrants were not treated so liberally. In attempting to abate the Chinese influx the federal government raised the head tax, first to $100 in 1901 and then to $500 in 1904. These measures were apparently effective, for during the next two years only 120 Chinese.immi-grants were officially admitted to Canada.1 One can only speculate on the amount of bitterness and resentment that such severe imposts engendered in the Chinese people, particularly when Europeans were welcomed with very few restrictions. In 1907, Chinese immigration again surged forward. Between 1907 and 2 1912 approximately 9,000 Chinese immigrants entered Canada. According to Ward this was made possible by some of the more enterprising Chinese in Can-ada who brought out large numbers of their countrymen under a form of peonage or indenture system."^  The passage and the head tax was paid by Chinese pro-moters, and on arrival the newcomers were hired out on contract to mining and logging companies. The Chinese sponsors collected a l l but a small percentage of the immigrants1 wages for varying periods of time. The flaring up of anti-Oriental feelings in B.C. led to bitter and brutal riots in Vancouver in 1907 and considerable personal and property 1 Canadian Immigration Department, loc.cit., ^ Loc. cit . Ward, N.L., Oriental Missions in British Columbia, University Press, Aberdeen, 1935• p.4l. - 4 7 -damage was i n f l i c t e d by white mobs on the O r i e n t a l i n the Chinatown area. Indeed, O r i e n t a l immigration to., Canada became such an emotionally charged issue that i n the f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n of 1908 the conservative party made su b s t a n t i a l gains i n B.C. by campaigning on a "white Canada" s l o g a n . 1 Despite these events, a considerable Chinese i n f l u x continued, averaging about 7 » ° 0 0 new immigrants a year up u n t i l 1914, the year of the outbreak of the F i r s t World War. The European immigration input was of course also much smaller during the war years. This flow was renewed i n 1 9 1 9 , although on a much smaller scale than during the pre-war years, and under d i f f e r e n t provisions and under a new immigration p o l i c y . This was p a r t l y due to increased a g i t -a t i o n by organized labour, which had g r e a t l y increased i n strength during the war years and opposed a l l entry except farmers,farm labourers and house-2 hold workers. P r i o r to the F i r s t World War, Canadian Immigration (excepting Chinese) was guided by a r e l a t i v e l y f r e e , permissive "open door" immigration p o l i c y . True, the Canadian Immigration Act of 1010 d i d attempt to exclude such classes as p h y s i c a l , moral and mental d e f e c t i v e s , conspirators, spies and the l i k e , but a l l other persons were admissible. However, the s i t u -a t i o n following the F i r s t World War was almost a complete r e v e r s a l . Re-s t r i c t i o n s were introduced through a s e r i e s of Orders-in-Council which, instead of permitting a l l persons with the exception of a few s t i p u l a t e d excludable categories, now changed to p r o h i b i t i n g .the admission of a l l per-sons with the exception o f c e r t a i n s t i p u l a t e d "admissible" categories.^ 1 Sharpe, o p . c i t . , p.8. Piggot, o p . c i t . , p.8. ^ Kage, J * "The S e l e c t i v e Aspect of Canadian Immigration P o l i c y : a H i s t o r i c a l  Review". The S o c i a l Worker, October 1962, Vol.3 0 ,No.4 .Canadian Association of S o c i a l Workers,Ottawa,p.26. -48-At the end of the First World War further legislative attemps were made to hinder the entry of Chinese to Canada. For example, in 1919 the federal government passed an Order-in-Council which excluded a l l skilled and unskilled Chinese workers and limited entry to merchants, students and members of the diplomatic corps. Chinese workers in Canada were also restricted from bringing their wives from China. This was a harsh and heartless regulation which resulted in the separation of members of Chinese families for many years. Merchants, students, and members of the diplomatic corps were allowed to bring their wives and children in free of the head tax. As a result there was a rapid increase in the number of •'professed students" and an upsurge in the numbers of merchants who had extraordinary numbers of sons. It was becoming increasingly apparent that the Chinese were skillfully adept at circumventing these new immigration regulations. This surmise was supported by the fact that by 1921 there were 3 9 i 5 8 ? Chinese in B.C. as compared to 1 7 , 3 1 2 in 1 9 0 1 . 1 However with the passage of the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923 almost total exclusion of further Chinese immigration was effected. The only Chinese people who could nov; enter Canada were: 1 . Members of the diplomatic corps and/or govern-mental representatives; 2 . their native-born children who had been absent for educational of other reasons; 3 . merchants on business trips, and, 2 4. students who were to attend Canadian Universities. Except for category(2) no Chinese person could make Canada his permanent home. The new Act not only excluded further Chinese immigration, but i t Canada Year Book, 1929, King's Printer, Ottawa, p.ll4 Canadian Immigration Department, loc.cit., -49-also required a l l persons of Chinese descent to register at an immigration office before June 30, 1924. This requirement, which applied only to Chinese persons, resulted in even more bitter resentment towards Canadian authorities than did the total exclusion policy. 1 For the next twenty-four years no new Chinese immigrants entered Canada. Married men were separated from their families in China and single Chinese men were unable to bring their Chinese fiancees to this country. The Third Period; 1929 to 1947 The year 1923 marked the beginnings of a highly restrictive immi-gration policy which banned a l l but a few categories of immigrants. An Order-in-Council passed by the Dominion Government in 1930, excluded from Canada a l l immigrants except British subjects coming from the United Kingdom, or the self governing dominions, or Americans from the United States. The only other classes allowed were wives and unmarried children under 18 years and fiancees of established heads of families who were able to support their families, and/or agriculturists who had sufficient money to begin farming. These restrictive immigration measures had their desired effect; 2 immigration figures f e l l off drastically as indicated in Table II. For example immigration arrivals in 1931 were about one-quarter those of the previous year. In 1871 the population of Canada had been composed of 92 per cent of people of British or French origin. By 1938 these major ethnic groups comprised only 80 per cent of the total population. By the end of 1938 Ward, op.cit., p.52. See Appendix A, Table II, p. 133. - 5 0 -people of the German race were the t h i r d l a r g e s t ethnic group i n Canada, and they were followed by the Ukrainians i n fourth p l a c e . 1 The 1940's also saw an increasing number of people moving i n t o urban areas where i n d u s t r i e s were expanding. The idea of Canada as an a g r i c u l t u r a l nation was now g i v i n g place to the r e a l i z a t i o n that Canada might some day be one of the great i n d u s t r i a l nations of the world. The great depression of the 1930's and the Second World War period are of s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e to Canada's Chinese population, f o r no furth e r Chinese immigration was permitted during e i t h e r of these periods. Husbands, wives, and c h i l d r e n were separated hy the vast reaches of the P a c i f i c Ocean. However, f o r many there was not complete p h y s i c a l separation during t h i s black period i n Canadian immigration h i s t o r y . The Canadian government di d permit Chinese residents to return to China f o r periods of not more than two years without the l o s s of t h e i r Canadian domicile. Thousands of Chinese men t r a v e l l e d back and f o r t h across the P a c i f i c f o r the return steerage fare of $100. They would go back to China f o r two years, return to Canada and work f o r a few more years, and then repeat the cycle of maintaining t h e i r family base i n China and t h e i r economic base i n Canada. In t h i s way many Chinese men were apparently able to keep t h e i r China-based f a m i l i e s i n 2 r e l a t i v e l y luxurious l i v i n g conditions. I t was during t h i s period that c l a n houses sprang up i n the St r a t h -cona d i s t r i c t , where the many si n g l e and separated Chinese men found r e s i -dence. Here they grouped themselves together i n communal l i v i n g patterns Canada Year Book, King's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, 1943-1944. p.103. Canadian Immigration Department, l o c . c i t . . -51-and occupied living space in certain houses, depending on what clan they belonged to. Throughout this period the Chinese in Canada and particularly those who lived in B.C. were a political issue. Proposals for favourable changes in legislation which would improve their immigration privileges or their political status were unpopular and politically dangerous. Anti-orientalism was s t i l l "powerful political ammunition" in the 1930's and the 1940's. Not until 19^ 7 was there any significant changes in Canada's Chinese Immigration policy. The Fourth Period; 1948-1962 Since the end of the Second World War and up until February 1962, Canadian Immigration policy was dominated by MacKenzie King's classic state-ment on May 1st, 1947» in. which he promulgated that: (1) the aim of the government is to build the Canadian population by immigration as well as by natural increase; (2) immigrants will be admitted only in accord-ance v/ith the rate at which they can be absorbed; (3) the flow of immigration must not make any fundamental change in the character of the Canadian population; (4) i t i s not the fundamental right of any alien to enter Canada.^ Moreover, the government's policy towards Orientals was summed up in his statement that: ...large scale immigration flow from the Orient would change the fundamental composition of the •• 1 Canadian population. Any considerable Oriental immigration would, moreover, be certain to give 1 Kage,! op.cit. , p.40. -52-rise to social and economic problems of a char-acter that might lead to serious difficulties in the field of international relations.--During this period the most favoured group for entrance to Canada were as follows: British subjects, natives of France, the United States and also natives of the following European countries, namely, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Western Germany, Finland, Greece, Iceland, Italy, Luxem-bourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Sweden and Switzerland. Immi-grants from a l l other countries were admitted on a very limited scale. From 19^ 5 to 1961 inclusive, 2,099,641 immigrants came to Canada. The peak years were 1951 with 194,391 immigrants and 1957 with 282,184. Of the 2,099,641 immigrants, 625,235 were from the British Isles, 285,382 from Italy, 258,029 from Germany, 162,878 from the U.S. 155,644 from the 2 Netherlands, and 79,429 from Poland. One notes here the particularly heavy influx from the former enemy countries of Germany and Italy. Chinese immigration was allowed to increase but on a very limited scale when on January 1st, 1947, the enactment of the Canadian Citizenship Act and the repeal of the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923 brought the in-famous exclusion period to a close. New regulations now permitted the entry of wives of Chinese Canadians and of their unmarried children, up to the age of eighteen years. Chinese persons could now enter Canada i f they were sponsored by a financially responsible relative in Canada. The admissible classes included a spouse, a father over 65 years of age, a mother over 60 years of age, and unmarried children under twenty-one years of age i f accompanied hy at least one ; ; 1 Rawlyk, K.G. "Canada's Immigration Policy.1945-1962",Dalhousie Review,1962, Vol. 42, No.3. p.289. Rawlyk, op.cit., p.288. -53-of their parents.1 Many attempts were made during this recent period to have the government liberalize i ts Chinese immigration policies s t i l l more. The most notable attempts were those made by Wong Foon Sien, the official spokesman for the Chinese Benevolent Association in Vancouver, who made twelve trips to Ottawa to argue on behalf of the Chinese. Minor changes that were brought about during this period have been largely attributed 2 to the efforts of Foon Sien. The Fifth Period: Feb. 1. 1962 tO^PresehtiDatie February 1962 marked the beginning of an enlightened Canadian Immigration policy particularly as i t applied to Chinese immigration. Since this date i t is theoretically possible for any person from any country to enter Canada unsponsored i f he can meet the requirements of education and skills. Summary aha Cohglusloris This brief review of Canada's immigration policies shows clearly that Canada has favoured the white immigrants from Europe and the United States. The survey,sample of elderly males of the Strathcona area reflect the federal governments immigration.policy of the first few decades of this century. An analysis shows that 100 per cent of the men in our Chinese sample were born in China; and 73 per cent of the white sample were born outside Canada. Of the total sample, 85 per cent have lived in Canada for a period of at least thirty years. Further analysis of the two samples demonstrates that, for the most Lyman, op.cit., p.l4. Francis, op.cit.,pp. 84-86. -54-part, the respondents came to Canada in the immigration streams of the early decades of this century. For example, a l l of the twenty-seven men in the Chinese sample immigrated to Canada before the Immigration Act of 1923. Nineteen of them came in during the so-called "golden age" of Canadian immigration just prior to World War I. On the other hand the white male immigrants in our study have been in Canada for somewhat shorter lengths of time than the Chinese men. Over 50 per cent of them entered this country during the years just after World War I and before the onset of the great depression of the 1930*s with its restrictive policies towards a l l immigrants. The vast numbers that came from Europe are reflected in the 48 per cent of the survey sample who are of European origin, and the 26 per cent Chinese reflect the flow of immigrants from the Orient. That 78 per cent of the married Chinese males in the sample, have wives who are s t i l l living in China, Hong Kong or in places unknown, exemplifies the historical con-tinuum of both official and popular abuse and vituperative oppression that the Chinese immigrant to Canada has been subjected to. Perhaps D.C.Corbett has best- summed up Canada's immigration policy when he stated: A national government dealing with immigration policy is like a ship buffeted by contrary winds. Labour blows one way and employers another... various nationality associations exert their pressures and a ch i l l draught of prejudice against foreigners comes from the same old stock, In these gusty waters the government must steer a course. Sometimes i t may choose to use its auxiliary motors and go against the wind.-'-Rawlyk, op.cit. Quote from D.C.Corbett, Canadian Immigration Policy: A  Critique.p.288. CHAPTER k DEMOGRAPHIC FEATURES, HEALTH DATA AND EMOTIONAL RESPONSES OF THE SURVEY SAMPLE.  The preceding three chapters have been concerned with e s t a b l i s h i n g the problem to be studied by the t h e s i s , and the t h e o r e t i c a l framework upon which we based our approach to the research design. Then followed a b r i e f o r i e n t a t i o n to the circumstances under which our respondents migrated to Canada. The concern of t h i s and the following three chapters w i l l be to describe and explain the various kinds of f i r s t - h a n d information we gathered by f i e l d research methods. The concern of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r chapter w i l l be f o u r f o l d . F i r s t , a general d e s c r i p t i o n w i l l be given of the l o c a l area i n which the survey was made. Secondly, some att e n t i o n w i l l be given to cer-t a i n demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the sample group. T h i r d l y , a b r i e f out-l i n e w i l l be given of the health s i t u a t i o n , as the 103 respondents themselves see i t , and f i n a l l y , t h e i r emotional responses to the survey questions w i l l be i n d i c a t e d together with some other observations made by f i e l d research workers during the interview period. A. The Survey Area This section w i l l present an o v e r a l l view of the geographical l o c a t i o n of the area studied, pointing out c e r t a i n p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and some of i t s main functions i n r e l a t i o n to the re s t of the c i t y . The s e t t i n g of our study i s located i n the c i t y of Vancouver, B.C., i n Census Tract 501, one of the small l o c a l areas devised f o r the 196l census Referred to as C.T.50 i n l a t e r pages. The a c t u a l p h y s i c a l l i m i t s of the area studied were set by Hastings, Union, Gore and Raymur Streets. -56-for the Dominion Bureau of Statistics. 1 The 196l census reported a total population of 8,493 persons for C.T.50. This census tract together with neighbouring areas, have been "ports of entry" for Chinese immigrants since the'early 1900's. The racial and ethnic origins of the population reflect this trend. There is a high proportion of Chinese people in the area within the total of 4,832 Asiatics, in comparison to 1,104 persons of British origin. The higher age groups show an imbalanced sex ratio. There were 1,599 men, 65 years or over, as compared to only 332 women, 65 years and over, or almost five times as many older men as older women. These figures indicate that this is not an old people's family area, but one in which there is a preponderance of older, unattached men. More evidence is given in the next section which describes our survey sample. Our study is focused on the residential area east of Main Street, bounded on the north by the waterfront, with i t s docks and warehouses, and on the other three sides by railway tracks and their adjacent warehouses. The land was first used as a residential area but much of i t i s now used by small factories, warehouses, junkyards, and other commercial enterprises that require low-cost land. The commercial buildings along Hastings Street s t i l l give evidence of Vancouver's pioneer era with their large false fronts 2 on the stores and on the smaller hotels. These many smaller hotels and numerous old houses serve to provide cheap, albeit inadequate, accommodation for the residents of this area. B. DEMOGRAPHIC FEATURES OF THE SURVEY SAMPLE This section will describe certain selected demographic character-istics of the survey sample, including age distribution, length of residence see base map, page 57• 2 Infra Chapter VI. A P P E N D I X III - 5 7 -in Canada, and in the Strathcona area, and the marital status, with the whereabouts of the wife being indicated. \ - 5 8 -We interviewed a total of 1 0 3 aged men, 2 7 of whom were Chinese, and a l l but two of the other 76 men of the White race. Some of the men in the larger group had migrated to B.C. from other parts of Canada or from the United States, but the majority of them have come from the British Isles and from various countries in Europe. Although they came from dif-ferent cultural backgrounds, they a l l speak English and their present living patterns have many common features. For these reasons and because a l l but two of them1 are members Q'f the same race, they will be referred to as the "Whites" or the "White group" throughout the study. This distinction between Chinese and White groups will be used un-less otherwise stated in a l l subsequent tables, in order to compare these two major sub-groups within the total sample. The figures on the age distribution of the sample group are shown in Table 5, in three ways; in absolute numbers, in percentages by age, and in percentages by racial origin. These figures show that 1 9 of the 2 7 Chinese, or about 7 out of 1 0 men are 7 0 years of age or more, whereas only 2 8 of the 7 6 Whites, or about 3 out of 10 men, are 70 years old or more. On the whole then, the Chinese are an older group of men than are the White men. These figures also show that the largest grouping of Whites is in the 6 5 to 6 9 year age range. In 2 fact, more than 8 out of 10 men in the total for this age range are!.White. Our figures indicate that the Chinese are an older group than the Whites. They also indicate that the Chinese men of our sample group are old 1 The two exceptions are Negroes. Since their pattern of living is similar to those of the White men and to simplify the analysis, they are included in the White group. p See Section C of Table 5 which shows the percentage distributions for given age-groups. -59-timers among the immigrants, since a l l of them have been in Canada for forty-five or more years.1 This means that they must have arrived in this country before 1920. They settled here before the Chinese Immigration Act was passed in 1923, which prohibited entry of a l l Chinese except for a 2 very select few. In contrast, only one-half of the White group have been in Canada for forty-five or more years. Our survey figures also show that Ik of 27 Chinese, or over 5 out of 10 men, have lived in the Strathcona area for 10 or more years, v/hereas only 18 of the 76 Whites, or about 2 out of 10 men have been resident for 3 ten or more years. Since i t i s known that the Strathcona area, which includes C.T.50, has for many years been the area of entry for Chinese immigrants, these figures seem to indicate that many men in our sample have remained in this area of first settlement. In contrast, the White men seem to have been a more mobile group, and although some may have known this area since their arrival in B.C., and they may have stayed in its hotels at various times in their working years, they are fairly recent residents in the area. They may have been attracted to i t in their later years by its low rents and the easy access to the downtown business and harbour areas where they can meet their friends. One of the factors relating to the period of arrival of the Chinese in the Strathcona area is indicated by our survey of the marital status of of the members of the sample group. These figures are shown in table 6. See appendix;table III page 13$, Supra Chapter III. See appendix Table IV page 13#'. 1 2 3 -60-TABLE 5 AGE DISTRIBUTION BY RACIAL ORIGINS. A. Numerical Distribution by Age Age in years Racial Origin Total less than 60 yrs 60-64 65-09 70-74 75-79 80-84 over 85 Total 103 8 16 32 18 18 6 5 Chinese 27 0 2 6 4 9 3 3 White 76 8 14 26 14 9 3 2 B . Percentage Distribution by Age Age in years Racial Origin Total less than 60 yrs 60-64 65-69 70-74 76-79 80-84 over 85 Chinese"' " 99.9 0 7.4 22.2 14.8 33.3 l l . l 11.1 White 99.8 10.5 18.4 34.2 18.4 11.8 3.9 2.6 C . Percentage Distribution by Racial Origin Age in years Racial Origin less than 60 yrs 60-64 65-69 70-74 75-79 80-84 over 85 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Chinese 0.0 12.5 18.8 22.2 50.0 50.0 60.0 White 100.0 87.5. 81.2 77.8 50.0 50.0 40.0 Due to rounding off of decimals, the totals are not always 100. This applies to a l l following tables as well. - 6 1 -TABLE 6 MARITAL STATUS IN RELATION TO RACIAL ORIGIN A. Numerical Distribution Marital Status Racial Origin Total Single Married Widowed Legally Separated Divorced Total 103 54 22 14 11 2 Chinese 27 1 21 4 1 0 White 76 53 1 10 10 2 B. Percentage Distribution by Marital Status Marital Status Racial Origin Total Single Married Widowed • Legally Separated Divorced I Chinese 100 3.7 77.8 14.8 3.7 0 jilhite 100 69.7 1.3 13.1 13.1 2.6 These figures show that only one man of the 27 Chinese group has not  been married whereas 53 of the 76 Whites or over 2 out of 3 men in this group have not been married. Our survey figures also show in Table 7» the location of the wives. TABLE 7 REPORTED LOCATION OF WIFE by RACIAL ORIGIN REPORTED."LOCATION OF WIFE Racial Origin Total Single House-hold Elsewhere in Canada China Hong Kong n/k Total 103 54 0 7 16 4 22 Chinese 27 1 0 1 15 4 6 White 76 53 0 6 1 0 16 -62-These show that 19 of the 26 Chinese men's wives are s t i l l in China or in Hong Kong. This separation of the Chinese immigrants from their wives requires some explanation. It was indicated on a previous page that the Chinese men in our sample immigrated to Canada before 1920, just before the Chinese Immigration Act was passed in 1923. This act was in effect until 19k7. These federal laws had tragic implications for the male Chinese who had already gained status as "landed immigrants" in this country. The men could pay visits to their homeland for periods up to two years without forfeiting their rights as "landed immigrants","'' but married men could not bring their'wives and 2 children to this country. These momentous events help to explain the present situation of the Chinese men in the survey sample who report that they are married but that their wives and children live in China (so far as they know) and that they have not seen their families for over thirty years. In contrast, the lack of many married men in the White group seems in keeping with the fact that they led a more mobile existence. This, coupled with the pioneer conditions they lived through in their youth, may indicate some of the reasons v/hy they never settled down and established 3 family ties. c« T H j t H e ^ t h ^ J ^ Although health was a minor topic of our study, we assumed that the men's physical and mental conditions would greatly affect their physical Cheap transportation to China was to be had in merchant vessels, but these facilities disappeared upon the outbreak of the revolution in China during the 1930's. Supra Chapter III. Infra Chapter VII. 1 2 3 -63-mobility, which in turn would have some influence on their social contacts. Therefore, some inquiry about the men's health and their disabilities seemed in order. Our appraisal of their health is based mainly upon their own opinions. Other research studies have shown that elderly people do have a fairly accurate estimate of their general physical condition. We proceeded from this assumption to ask the men to judge the condition of their health on a simple five-point scale, ranging from very good to very poor. We then asked whether they had certain complaints or disabilities. In the belief that the more recent contact they had had with a doctor, the more accurate their opinions of their health would be, we also asked about the recency of their contact with a doctor. We attempted to gain further information about their health status by having the interviewers record their impressions of the physical and mental functioning of each respondent as they were observed during the interview. The figures for the men's opinion as to their general health are shown in Table 8. TABLE 8 RESPONDENT'S OPINION OF HIS GENERAL HEALTH. A. Numerical Distribution by Opinion of Health Respondent's Opinion of his health Racial Drigin Total No Response very good Good Fair Poor Very poor Total 103 1 8 31 38 20 5 Chinese 27 1 1 lk 10 1 0 White 76 0 7 17 28 19 5 -64-Table 8 continued: B. Percentage Distribution by Opinion of Health - Respondent's Opinion of his Health j Racial Origin Total no Response very good good j fair 1 poor very poor Chinese i 100.0 3.7 4.7 51.9 37.0 3.7 0 1 White I 99.8 0 9.2 22.3 36.8 25.0 6.5 These figures show that a l l but one of the Chinese men considered their health to be "fair" or better. In comparison, only 52 of the 76 Whites or about three-quarters of their group considered their health to be "fair" or better. Thus, in spite of their higher age levels, the Chinese appear to be in better physical condition than the White man. This may relate to the fact that they are sturdy survivors from the 60-69 year-age-levels where mortality rates are high for people in poor health. Turning now to the information about various physical complaints, our survey figures show that 2 of the 27 Chinese or about 1 in 14 reported heart trouble, while 16 of the 76 Whites, or about 1 in 5 reported this complaint. Further, only one of the 27 Chinese reported digestive trouble, but 10 of the 76 Whites, or about one in 7 reported such conditions. Also, only 5 of the 27 Chinese, or less than one-fifth, reported some form of trouble with their joints, while 25 of the 76 Whites, or about one-third,reported these disabilities. In regard to the major organic ailments then, the Whites seem to have a higher proportion of complaints about the heart, the digestive system, and the joints than the Chinese group have. -65-When we turn to complaints about sensory organs, the survey f i g u r e s i n d i c a t e that 8 of the 27 Chinese, or more than 1 i n 3 men, report some hearing i n c a p a c i t y , while 9 of the 76 Whites, or about 1 i n 7 men, reported the same. Further, 7 of the 27 Chinese, or about 1 i n kr reported some v i s u a l incapacity, while only 13 of the 76 Whites, or about 1 i n 6 reported the same. As regards to hearing and sight then the Chinese group seem to have more complaints than the White men. These conditions may r e l a t e to the ph y s i o l o g i c a l aging processes, that often cause such ailments to become more pronounced i n the seventies or e i g h t i e s ; the age ranges where there are more Chinese than Whites i n our sample group. As already mentioned, we assumed that, i f the men of our sample group had had recent contacts with a doctor, t h e i r opinions as to t h e i r health v/ould be more accurate. This l e d us to ask them when they had l a s t seen a doctor. Our findi n g s are reported i n Table 9« TABLE 9 RECENCY OF VISITS TO DOCTOR Last V i s i t to Doctor R a c i a l T o t a l Within 7 1 week- 1-3 3 mos.- more than never O r i g i n days 1 month mos 1 y r . 1 year ago Chinese 27 2 2 6 k 9 k • White 76 5 21 12 lk 21 3 These f i g u r e s show that lk of the 27 Chinese, over one^half had v i s i t e d a doctor within the l a s t year. In f a c t , 10 of the 27 Chinese, or about 1 i n 3 had v i s i t e d a doctor within the l a s t three months. In contrast 52 of the 76 Whites, or over two-thirds, had v i s i t e d a doctor within the l a s t year, while 38 of the Whites, or one-half of the White group, had v i s i t e d a -66-doctor within the preceding three months. Thus, although the majority of both groups had had recent contact with a doctor, and could therefore have a f a i r l y accurate opinion as to the general state of t h e i r health, the White group had contacted doctors more frequently then had the Chinese group. This seems i n keeping with the f a c t that the Whites are i n poorer health and would have more reasons to contact a doctor. I t might also be explained by the f a c t that the majority of the Whites are i n the 65-69 age group and i n receipt of old-age assistance which provides them with free medical se r v i c e s , where as the majority of the Chinese are over 70 and therefore would be i n r e c e i p t of old age s e c u r i t y , a f e d e r a l pension, v/hich does not include free medical s e r v i c e s . In order to explore the men's health s i t u a t i o n a l i t t l e f u r ther, the research interviewers were asked to report c e r t a i n observations they made of the men during interviews. Their f i g u r e s i n d i c a t e that only 1 of the 27 Chinese men was considered to be weak and feeble, while 5 of the 76 Whites, or about 1 i n 25, were considered to be weak and f e e b l e . 1 I t should be noted that the t r u l y s i c k and feeble are most l i k e l y i n h o s p i t a l and therefore not a v a i l a b l e f o r interviews, or else among those l i v i n g at home who s a i d they were unable to answer questions. Also, some r e f u s a l s to be interviewed may have been made because of i l l n e s s . The b e l i e f that advancing age i s associated with increasing i l l n e s s i s a common assumption. This proposition has been explored for the survey sample by r e l a t i n g the age d i s t r i b u t i o n to the men's opinion about t h e i r See Appendix Table V, page 155. - 6 7 -TABLE 10 GENERAL HEALTH IN RELATION TO AGE General Health Age in years Total No i Very " Response good good fair poor very poor Total 103 1 8 31 38 20 5 Under 6 0 y r s 8 0 1 1 3 3 0 60-64 yrs 16 0 1 4 6 4 1 65-69 32 0 3 7 17 | 4 1 70-74 18 0 1 6 5 | 6 0 75-79 18 1 1 5 6 2 3 80-84 6 0 1 4 0 1 0 85 or over 5 0 0 4 1 0 0 These figures show that well over one-half of those who were 75 years and over, reported "good" health, or better. But, at the lower end of the age distribution, we find that less than one-third of the men who were less than 75 years old reported having "good" health or better. So far as this survey shows, i t seems that poor health does not always follow with advancing years. This might be explained by inferring that one must be in good health to even reach the age of 75 years. D* Ment^ and EmQfi;onaA Resjjgnsea to. the Re_ej.arjsk Ihterv4-e^a. The interviewers reported, within a simple framework, their opinions as to the respondents' emotional reactions to the interview, the amount of interest shown, the adequacy of the respondents* understanding of the questions, and the grooming habits of these elderly men, as they were observed during the course of the interview. From such data.we hoped to obtain some idea about -68-the level of mental and emotional functioning of the sample group. This section v/ill summarize these impressions. Our-'figures pertaining to the emotional response of the respondents are summarized in Table 11. TABLE 11 RESPONDENTS' EMOTIONAL RESPONSE Racial Origin Emotional Response Total Chinese White Total 102 27 * 75 Suspicious 5 1 k Torgetful or confused 3 0 3 [nappropriate behaviour k 1 3 Cndecisive 8 3 5 Hostile 3 0 3 (Jo-operative and friendly- 79 22 57 * No data in one case. The main finding is that 22 out of the 27 Chinese men, or more than 4 out of 5, were friendly and co-operative, while only 57 out of 75, or 3 out of 5 of the White group responded in this manner. Thus, we see that the Chinese group,, on the whole, were more receptive than the White men to our research interviews. These figures also show that k White men were suspicious of the interview whereas only 1 Chinese man was suspicious. Also 3 White men were forgetful and confused while none of the Chinese men were described in this way. Further, 3 White men's behaviour was inappropriate whereas only one Chinese man's behaviour was described in this way. A l l these figures seem to indicate that the White group, as a whole, displayed more emotional maladjustments than did the Chinese, and that, even though the Whites are the younger group, they tended to display more symptoms of sen-i l i t y than did the Chinese. Turning now to the degree of interest displayed by the respondents, the figures show that 15 of the 27 Chinese, or over one-half, showed a high degree of interest in the interview, while only Zk of the 76 Whites, or less than one-third, showed such a response. The remainder of both groups re-vealed various degrees of interest ranging from "mild interest" to "complete apathy".1 The survey figures pertaining to the adequacy of the respondents' 2 understanding of the questions put to them during the interview reveal that 26 of the 27 Chinese, or nearly a l l , answered, i f not quickly, at least cor-rectly, while only 57 of the 76 Whites, or three-quarters of this group, responded in the same manner. Cn the whole, the Chinese group seemed to have a better understanding of the questions asked them than did the White group. The grooming habits also revealed marked difference between the two racial groups.^ No less than 2 k of the 27 Chinese men, or about 9 out 1 2 5 See appendix table VI page 135 -See appendix table VII page 13b7 , See appendix table VIII page 136 c - 7 0 -of 1 0 , were neat in appearance and well-groomed. In contrast, 5 2 of the 7 6 Whites, or 2 out of 3 men, were reported to be the same. This seems to indicate that the White group, as a whole, take less pride in themselves and have less concern about the image they present to the public, than do the Chinese group. We gained the impression that many of the White group had lost interest in themselves, in their environment, and in l i f e . The Chinese group, on the other hand, possibly because of the close proximity and support given them by their Chinese brethren in the area, seemed to have weathered the years with greater dignity and security, and 1fche.y revealt: fewer symptoms of emotional maladjustments and disorders than do the White men. E. Summary The main finding of this chapter is the great disparity in the immi-gration backgrounds of the two racial groups of the sample. We found, that although the majority of both groups were immigrants, the Chinese had not only been longer residents of the Strathcona area than the Whites, who seemed to be a more mobile group, but also that the Chinese had, on the whole, been longer residents of Canada than the Whites. Their early date of entry had drastic results for.1.the Chinese immigrants, for although we found that a higher proportion of the Chinese were married as compared with the Whites, the majority of the Chinese men's wives were s t i l l in China or Hong Kong. This chapter also indicates some minor disparities between the two groups. For instance, our figures show that although they were the older group, the Chinese were, on the whole, healthier than the Whites in that they had fewer heart, digestive, or joint ailments. But in keeping with their greater age -71-the Chinese group revealed more sensory complaints than d i d the White group. Pos s i b l y because of the poorer health of the White group and p o s s i b l y be-cause they had f r e e r access to medical s e r v i c e s , we found that the Whites had had more recent contact with doctors than did the Chinese. We also found, i n an a n a l y s i s of the sample group as a whole, that the older men of our group were, on the whole, the h e a l t h i e s t . Further, i t was found that the Chinese were more receptive, more responsive to our study than the Whites, and they showed greater f r i e n d l i -ness, i n t e r e s t and understanding during the interview than d i d the White group. -Our findings suggest that the Chinese group are more i n t e r e s t e d i n , and more comfortable with t h e i r l i v e s , taking more pride i n t h e i r appearance, f o r example, and on the whole, they revealed fewer emotional maladjustments than do the Whites. CHAPTER 5 PRESENT ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS Introduction The importance of an adequate income has already been discussed at some length in Chapter 2. It i s generally agreed that income is a vital factor in the total l i f e situation of the elderly person. Von Mering and Weniger observe that the serious investigator should conduct his experi-ments in the light of a thorough awareness of the socio-economic facts and conditioning forces which shape the experiences of the aging today.1 The Canadian Department of Health and Welfare believes that the absence of financial worries results in the better physical and mental 2 well being of the aged person and Gordon indicates that the desire for more adequate income is uppermost in the minds of individuals who wish to work in 3 their later years. The final report of the Canadian Senate Commxttee on Aging states that the most serious problem encountered by their invest! -gations was the degree and extent of poverty existing among Canada's older population.^ In view of the fact that income is of such critical significance in the l i f e pattern of the aged person i t must be included as an integral part of this present investigation. Von Mering, 0., and Weniger, F.L., "Socio-Cultural Background of the Aging Individual" Handbook of Aging and the Individual, ed., J.E. Birren, University of Chicago Press, pp.279-331. Leask, P.O., "The Mature Worker Today", Canada's Health and Welfare, May 1965, Vol. 20, No.5, Queen's Printer, Ottawa, p.8. Gordon, M.S., "Work and Patterns of Retirement", Aging and Leisure, ed., R.E.Kleeraeier, 196l, Oxford University Press, New York, p.33. Canada, Parliament, Senate, "Final Report of the Special Committee of the Senate on Aging", Chairman, The Honourable D.Croll, Contained in Debates of the Senate", February 2,1966,Vol.115,No.6.Queen's Printer,Ottawa, p.9 -73-In developing the discussion of the economic characteristics of the sample, the available income data shall be examined fi r s t , and this . will be followed by comments and discussion on work patterns. As less than 7 per cent of the total sample derives their income from employment, i t i s felt that for the survey sample studied here, its basic and most important economic characteristics are sources of income and income distribution. Sources of Income Government Transfer payments comprise the main source of the total sample's income; this is seen from the fact that 78 per cent secure their income from Old Age Security, Old Age Assistance, Social Assistance,"1" or Blind and Disabled Allowance, while an additional 8 per cent receive a War Veterans Allowance. As indicated in Table 12, 19 out of 27 or roughly 70 per cent of the Chinese sample receive O.A.S. This relates to the age factor in that approximately 70 per cent of the Chinese sample are 70 years of age and over and therefore eligible for O.A.S. But i t is noted that only 21 out of 7k or about 28 per cent of the White sample receive 0,A.S. But i t is also noted that about 37 per cent of the White sample was 70 years of age or over and therefore presumably eligible for O.A.S. The difference between the last two proportions suggests that those men of the White sample, who are over 70 years of age and who do not report income from O.A.S. are probably in-cluded in the War Veterans, Blind and Disabled or savings categories. In subsequent references Old Age Security, Old Age Assistance, and Social Assistance shall be referred to in the abbreviated forms of O.A.S, O.A.A., and S.A. respectively. -74-TABLE 12 INCOME SOURCES OF STUDY SAMPLE BY PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION Sources of Income Total Ethnic Group White Chinese Negro Base Total 103 74 27 2 Total Per Cent 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Private Pension or Annuity 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Savings 3.9 4.1 3.7 0.0 Employer's Pension 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Blind or Dis-abled Allowance 3i9 54 .4 0.0 0.0 Social Assistance 19.4 24.3 7.4 0.0 Old Age Assistance ! 12.6 i 14.9 i 3.7 50.0 War Veterans Allowance j 7i8 10.8 0.0 0.0 Old Age Security I 39.8 1 28.4 70.4 50.0 Other | 11,7 10.8 14.8 0.0 No data j 1,0 1.4 0.0 0.0 - 7 5 -I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t to note that out of the t o t a l sample of 103 older men, not one receives income from a p r i v a t e pension or from an annuity. This s i t u a t i o n can be r e l a t e d to the f a c t that the Strathcona area contains one of the highest percentages i n Vancouver of male labour force employed as craftsmen, production workers, and l a b o u r e r s . 1 I t i s such people, p a r t i c u l a r l y the u n s k i l l e d and s e m i - s k i l l e d v/ho, according to Harrington, make up a large part of the new poor; they are the people who can stay above the poverty l e v e l when they are young and strong but v/ho,in middle age, are i n c r e a s i n g l y threatened with unemployment with each ad-2 vancing year. Harrington also observes that these people tend to d r i f t toward c e r t a i n low-cost neighbourhoods where they form "aged ghettos". Such may have been the case i n Strathcona. I t has been observed by Clark that a considerable number of workers i n t h e i r l a t e r years change t h e i r occupational c l a s s i f i c a t i o n downward i n 3 the occupational s c a l e . Such a s i t u a t i o n would be p a r t i c u l a r l y acute f o r the u n s k i l l e d worker f o r whom a downward movement may be very d i f f i c u l t . Such workers are often forced to move from steady to temporary jobs and to be f i n a l l y forced out of the labour market altogether^ Gordon takes note that such unstable patterns of retirement are undoubtedly experienced by 4 s u b s t a n t i a l numbers of e l d e r l y workers. B e l l , L . I . Metropolitan Vancouver: An Overview f o r S o c i a l Planners, Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, Vancouver, February 1965, p.49. Harrington, Michael, The Other America: Poverty i n the United States, MacMillan, New York, 1962, p.105. Clark, S.D. The Employability of the Older Worker: A Review of Research  Findings, The Canadian Department of Labour,Ottawa, 1959, pp.23-24. Gordon, o p . c i t . , p.44. -76-In Strathcona, which has such a high percentage of i n d u s t r i a l workers i t may be conjectured that the sample members experienced a s i m i l a r condition. This i s even more hig h l y probable when one considers that such seasonal occu-pations as lumbering, f i s h i n g and construction are the major ones i n B. (C. The great depression of the 1930's must also be considered as a deter-mining f a c t o r i n shaping the present economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of our sample. During t h i s period these men would have been between 25 and 45 years of age, an age category that i s considered to be the average worker's most productive years. I t i s l i k e l y that the majority of them were without steady employment, used up what savings they might have had, and were precluded from ever being the b e n e f i c i a r i e s of an annuity or private pension. The a t y p i c a l nature of the sample i s borne out i n comparing t h e i r income sources to nation a l Canadian f i g u r e s , While i t i s d i f f i c u l t to make precise comparisons because of the lack of standardization i n types of cate-g o r i e s , the general intent of the categories w i l l allow f o r some approximate comparisons to be made. Table 13 delineates the major source of income f o r the Canadian pop-u l a t i o n 65 years and over f o r 1961. TABLE 15. MAJOR SOURCE OF INCOME FOR THE TOTAL CANADIAN MALE POPULATION 65 and OVER 1961 Major Source of Income Males (per cent) Income from employment 28.8 Income from government payments ((•e*g.01d Age Pensions) 48.3 Income from Investments 9.3 Income from other sources (e.g. p r i v a t e pensions) 13.6 Source: Canada,Parliament,Senate,"Brief from the Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s " The S p e c i a l Committee of the Senate on Aging,Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa October 22, 1964, p.1268. -77-I t i s noted that about 29 per cent of the Canadian population receives income from employment, whereas l e s s than 7 per cent of the study sample receives income from employment. On the other hand, about h a l f of the Canadians over 65 years of age are mainly dependent on income from govern-ment payments whereas 86 per cent of the study sample are dependent on one or another of these sources of income. The closest n a t i o n a l comparison that can be made f o r the study sample i s that f o r the composition by age of i n d i v i d u a l s for"non-family members" completed by the Survey of Consumer Finances and based on 196l f i g u r e s . The r e s u l t s of the comparison are presented i n Table Ik, TABLE Ik MAJOR SOURCES OF INCOME FOR THE CANADIAN MALE POPULATION 65 AND OVER IN "NON-FAMILIES" 1961 Major Source of Income Males (per cent) No Income 2.8 Income from Employment 13.4 Investment Income 10.2 Transfer payments from government 65.6 Other (e.g. pr i v a t e pension) 8.0 Source: Canada, Parliament, Senate, I b i d , p.1263 Incomes are shown f o r persons "not i n f a m i l i e s " who are defined as lodgers, persons l i v i n g alone, or persons doubling up with r e l a t i v e s . 1 Canada, Parliament, Senate, " B r i e f from the Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s " , The S p e c i a l Committee of the Senate on Aging, Octoner 22,1964,No.18, Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, p . l 2 6 l . - 7 8 -While these figures are fairly comparable to those of the study-sample, there are s t i l l significant differences. For example^ about 1 3 per cent of the national sample received income from employment whereas only about 7 per cent,of the study sample received such income. On the other hand, 86 per cent of the study sample received transfer payments from the government compared to close to 6 6 per cent for the national sample. Again this i s indicative of the atypical nature of the study sample and points up the probability that they are primarily comprised of ex-industrial workers or former non-skilled workers of one sort or another. Income Distribution-^ Income distribution reflects the sources of:'income. Table 15 shows that 74 per cent of the sample is in the income range of $75 - $124 a month or in the annual range of $ 9 0 0 to $l499i which closely correlates with the 7 8 per cent receiving income from O.A.S., O.A.A., or S.A. If the 4 per cent of the men whose income is in the $ 5 0 - $74 monthly range or in the $ 6 0 0 to $ 8 9 9 annual range is added to the above groups an even closer correlation is obtained. We note then that almost 79 per cent receive income in the $ 5 0 - $124 range as compared to 7 8 per cent receiving income from O.A.S., O.A.A., or S.A. -79-TABLE 15 PERCENTAGE INCOME DISTRIBUTION OF THE STUDY SAMPLE Income Range (Annual) T o t a l Ethnic Group White Chinese Negro Base T o t a l (103) (74) (27) (2) T o t a l per cent 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Under 600 6.8 5.4 11.1 0.0 600 - 899 3.9 5.4 0.0 0.0 900 -1199 35.9 32.4 - 48.1 0.0 1200-1499 38.8 37.8 37.0 100.0 1500-1799 5.8 8.1 0.0 0.0 1800-2099 3.9 5.4 0.0 0.0 2100-2399 0.0 0.0 0/0. 0.0 2400 and over 2.9 2.7 3.7 0.0 Again, to compare the r e s u l t s of the study to nationa l f i g u r e s , the range of income f o r the study sample i s hampered by lack of standardi-zation of t h i s study's c l a s s i f i c a t i o n with those compiled by the Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . 1 However, some approximate comparisons can be made. In doing so the D.B.S. fig u r e s based on the I96I census s h a l l be u t i l i z e d . Table 16 shows the income d i s t r i b u t i o n f o r Canada's t o t a l male population 65 years of age and over, f or the t o t a l males 65 and over and " l i v i n g i n economic f a m i l i e s " , and f o r these males of the same age groups "who are not i n In subsequent references the Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s s h a l l be re f e r r e d to i n the abbreviated form, D.B.S. - 8 0 -economic f a m i l i e s " . Economic f a m i l i e s are defined as any r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g together, whereas persons not l i v i n g i n economic f a m i l i e s are defined as those persons l i v i n g alone apart from r e l a t i v e s . In comparing the income f i g u r e s f o r the Strathcona sample, with those of the D.B.S. i t must be kept i n mind that while almost 99 percent of the White males l i v e alone, about 70 per cent of the Chinese sample l i v e with another person or persons. I t was noted i n Chapter 3 that during the 1930's many unattached Chinese men grouped themselves together i n communal l i v i n g patterns i n clan.houses. Their present l i v i n g managements are pro-bably carry-overs from those e a r l i e r years. TABLE 16 PERCENTAGE INCOME DISTRIBUTION FOR: (a) Canada's T o t a l Male Population 65 and over; (b) Canada's Male Population 65 and over i n "economic f a m i l i e s " * (c) Canada's Male Population 65 and over and not i n "economic f a m i l i e s " . Income Range Male Pop: 65 and over Male Pop.65 and over " i n economic f a m i l i e s " Male pop: 65 and over "not i n economic f a m i l i e s " Under 1000 37.^ 8;8 59.6 1 0 0 0 - 1 4 9 9 1 4 . 3 1 4 . 0 15.7 1500-1999 10.7 13.4 9.6 2000-2499 7.6 8.8 4.6 2500-2999 6.0 8.1 1.9 3000-3499 5.3 6.7 3.2 3500-3999 3.8 6.0 0.9 4 0 0 0 - 4 4 9 9 3.1 4.2 4500-4999 2.1 4.9 5000-5999 2.9 7.3 0.7 6000-9999 4.1 14.4 1.1 10000 andx>ver 2.5 3.5 0.8 Source: Canada, Parliament, Senate, I b i d . , pp .1254,126l and 1263. Canada, Parliament, Senate, I b i d , pp.1261-1263. -81-I t i s r e a d i l y apparent from Table 16 that males " i n economic fam-i l i e s " have s u b s t a n t i a l l y l a r g e r incomes than those i n "non-economic fam-i l i e s " . For example, almost 60 per cent of the males not l i v i n g i n "econ-omic f a m i l i e s " had income below $1,000 a year i n 196l as compared to close to only 9 per cent of the males i n "economic f a m i l i e s " . The present study shows about one-half of males have incomes below $1,200 a year and that about 85 per cent have income below $1,500 a year. A breakdown of our sample i n t o White and Chinese groups shows that about kZ> per cent of the Whites have annual incomes below $1,200, while approximately 59 per cent of the Chinese f a l l below t h i s f i g u r e . Further a n a l y s i s reveals that about 85 per cent of the Whites have annual incomes below $1,500 and that 96 per cent of the Chinese are included i n t h i s cate-gory. As two-thirds of the Chinese sample l i v e with r e l a t i v e s , t h i s group seems to have rather high percentage of incomes below $1,200 when compared to the 9 per cent natio n a l f i g u r e s f o r '^economic f a m i l i e s " . However, t h i s s i t u a t i o n becomes c l e a r e r when i t i s remembered that the sharing of housing space with clan brothers, as the Chinese men probably do, makes t h i s group highly a t y p i c a l i n r e l a t i o n to the n a t i o n a l c l a s s i f i -c a t i o n of "economic f a m i l i e s " . In addition, the n a t i o n a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n includes a l l male heads of households. While most of the Chinese men i n the sample would f a l l i n t h i s category, a c l o s e r look at the income d i s t r i b u t i o n i n the survey samples shows that nearly one h a l f of the Chinese sample f a l l s i n the income range between $900 and $1,199 while only one-third of the White sample i s located here. I t i s f e l t that t h i s s i t u a t i o n can be r e l a t e d to the f a c t that two-thirds of the Chinese sample share dwelling with r e l a t i v e s , whereas a l l of the Whites l i v e alone. Such a condition would probably -82-r e s u l t i n many of the Chinese people not q u a l i f y i n g f o r the supplementary p r o v i n c i a l b e n e f i t s . On the other hand the Whites'who.live alone would not be i n the same "sharing of resources s i t u a t i o n " . Therefore they could, i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d , q u a l i f y f o r higher supplementary payments from p r o v i n c i a l sources. I f one takes a broader perspective of income ranges, one observes r e a l l y no great di f f e r e n c e s i n the income patterns of the two r a c i a l groups. About 5 per cent of the Whites are above $2,400 and nearly 4 per cent of the Chinese are. Of the t o t a l sample only 5 per cent receive income above $2,400. This sample appears, then, to be of a very low income group when we compare i t with the older male Canadian population as a whole as shown i n Tables 15 and 16. Increases i n 196l S o c i a l Security Payments The D.B.S. fig u r e s i n Tables 15, 14 and 16 r e l a t e c h i e f l y to the s i t u a t i o n i n I 9 6 I which i s the l a t e s t year f o r which nationa-wide data are a v a i l a b l e f o r the aged males. I t does not, therefore, r e f l e c t the two adjustments that have taken place since that date i n payments made to older people under the country's O.A.S. and O.A.A. programs. Today these payments t o t a l $900 annually f o r a si n g l e person. In B.C. i t i s possible f or a s i n g l e person to receive up to $105 per month i f he i s e l i g i b l e f o r p r o v i n c i a l government supplementary b e n e f i t s . The Work Pattern Each respondent was asked i f he worked, and i f so, how many hours -83-he usually worked a week. The results are presented in Tables IX; and:X.1 Seven persons or about 7 per cent out of the total sample of 103 men indicated that they did work, and a l l of them worked 30 hours or more per week. These seven employed men include two Chinese and five White men. There i s , therefore, no great difference between the two races in this respect, although i t i s possible that these results may be due to the fact that approximately 70 per cent of the Chinese sample are 70 years or older, whereas the White sample is a much younger one, with only 37 per cent over the age of 70. If the Chinese sample had been comparable to the White sample in terms of age distribution, i t is conceivable that a higher percent-age of Chinese may have been employed. When one compares the 7 per cent labour force participation of the study sample with national figures there is a significant difference. For example, in 1963 over one-quarter of the Canadian males in the 65 years and over age group were labour force participants. It is again felt that this difference may be related to the sample group's background which has been discussed in precedihgj sections of this chapter. The respondents were asked how long i t was since they quit work and also their reasons for quitting. The results are in Tables 17 and l 8 . About Mf percent of the Chinese sample have not worked for at least ten years as compared to less than 30 per cent of the White sample. The fact that the Chinese.sample is considerably older than the White sample un-doubtedly accounts for a large part of this difference. See Appendix A, Tables pX.-.afldJ.X^  p l 3 7 . - 8 4 -TABLE 17 LENGTH OF TIME SINCE LAST WORKED BY PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION Ethnic Group Time in Years Total White Chinese Negro Base Total (103) (74) (27) (2) Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 10 yrs or more 33.0 29.7 44.4 0.0 5*9 years 42.7 47.3 25.9 100.0 1-4 years 12.6 12.2 14.8 0.0 Less than 1 yr 5.8 5.4 7.4 0.0 No answer 5.8 5.4 7.4 0.0 TABLE 18 REASONS FOR QUITTING WORK BY PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION Reasons for Quitt ing Ethnic Group work. Total White Chinese Negro Base Total (103) (74) (27) (2) Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Personal choice 10.7 10.8 11.1 0.0 111 health 52.4 47.3 66.7 50.00 Unable to find 7.8 10.8 0.0 0.0 work Employers policy 17.5 21.6 3.7 50. pc Other 3.9 4.1 3.7 0.0 No answer 7.8 5.4 14.8 0.0 On looking at the percentage of workers who have not worked for at least five years, i t i s noted that the Chinese rate about 70 per cent while the White rate 77 per cent. Such figures suggest that the Chinese remain in the work force longer than the White men do. If this study had enquired into the nature of jobs held during the men's working careers, i t would be easier to clarify this situation. However, i t can be conjectured that the Chinese sample worked at less physically demanding jobs, such as those of laundry workers, cooks, restaurant workers, and the like and therefore were able to work longer. The White men on the other hand, may have held jobs in more physically demanding occupations such as logging, mining and heavy construction and consequently may have been forced out of the labour market at an earlier age. The results of the reasons for leaving are tabulated in Table 18. The fact that the Chinese sample showed two-thirds as leaving work for health reasons as against one-half for the White sample, can again probably be explained in terms of the greater age of the Chinese sample. It is interesting to note, however, that only one out of 27 or roughly 4 per cent of the Chinese sample left work because of an employer's policy as com-pared to 16 out of 7^  or about 22 per cent of the White sample. Again this evidence suggests that the Chinese sample may have worked in less physically demanding jobs, whereas the White men worked in more physically demanding jobs. In addition there is also the possibility that this situation may be related to the cultural and historical factors. Traditionally, the people of the Chinese race have been characterized by close familial and clan re-lationships. 1 1 Willmott, W.E., "Chinese Clan Associations in Vancouver", cutting from the magazine Man,March-April, 1964., No.49. (U.B.C.Special Collections). -86-When one a l s o considers the f a c t that the Chinese i n Canada have been and s t i l l are a minority group, i t i s possible that t h e i r c u l t u r a l cohesive-ness would be strengthened by such a minority s i t u a t i o n . In other words, t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e i n f o r c e d by t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l minority p o s i t i o n could quite p o s s i b l y have r e s u l t e d i n Chinese workers staying i n the labour market longer than t h e i r White counter-parts. Of course t h i s assumes that the Chinese men worked f o r fellow Chinese. This i s sup-ported by Northwood when he speaks of minority groups developing t h e i r own f a c i l i t i e s and business l i f e i n a geographic a r e a . 1 Summaryc^ The apparent b l u e . c o l l a r and l o w - s k i l l e d occupational background of the sample i s r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r work patterns, t h e i r sources of income and t h e i r income pattern. Comparison of the two groups i n these economic terms show that there are more s i m i l a r i t i e s than differences between them. Both groups are char-a c t e r i z e d by low incomes and by s i m i l a r sources of income, although i t i s possible that the Chinese worked u n t i l a more advanced age than the White men. At present the general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the t o t a l sample i s that of very low income. In e f f e c t , t h i s sample can be characterized by one word: poor. The poverty l i n e i n Canada has been set at S3,000 by the War On Poverty S e c r e t a r i a t and $1,260 has been set by the recent Senate Report on Aging as the minimum adequate annual income f o r a s i n g l e aged person. That Northwood, L.K., "DeteriQEation of the Inner C i t y " , S o c i a l Work and S o c i a l Problems, ed., Nathan Eii"Cohen, 1964, National Association of S o c i a l Workers, p.249" 78 per cent of the men in our sample exist on O.A.S.,- O.A.A., S.A. or on Blind and Disabled Allowance indicates their marginal means of living. 1 It has been noted in Chapter k that ICOper cent of the Chinese sample were born in China and came to Canada over k5 years ago, and that 73 per cent of the White sample were also born outside Canada. In other words this i s predominantly an immigrant group of men, who unlike many of their fellow immigrants, have not been able to participate in the general affluent development of Canadian society. Most likely many of them came to this country as semi-skilled or unskilled workers and worked for most of their younger lives at semi-skilled and labouring occupations. They have probably never been able to plan financially for their aged years during their working years following the great depression of the 1930's. They may have faced further economic hazards i f they were employed in seasonal occupations and eventually they found themselves out of the labour market with just government welfare payments to exist on. In effect they exemplify a down-ward spiral trend toward indigency that has been characteristic of thousands of other aged people in Canada. The Senate Committee report which was tabled on Feb.2^ 1966 endorses in principle the institution of an Income Guarantee Programme for a l l per-sons 65 years of age and over, and i t recommends to the federal government that this proposal be given immediate study. It also advises that until more comprehensive studies can be made, the sum of $1,260 be accepted tent-atively as a minimum annual income for single aged persons. 1 At present the maximum income that can be obtained for a single person through 0,A.S. and O.A.A (including the provincial supplementary assistance) is $103, while the maximum for S.A. is $75« 2 Canadian Parliament, Senate "Final Report of the\Senate Committee on Aging, op.cit,, pp.18-19. - 8 8 -Perhaps the most important aspect of the Senate's Income Guarantee Programme for the aged is the recommendation that a technically competent body be set up (a) to study the needs of older people and (b) to develop , a socially acceptable minimum budget for single persons which would be adjusted automatically each year on the basis of a suitable index of consumer spending or of earnings and (c) which would be reviewed every five years to deal with changes in the relative circumstances of the working population and the retired population. It i s hoped that the federal government wastes no time in acting on the Senate Committee's report. If its policy were adopted by the government of Canada, i t could do much to improve the economic conditions of a l l aged persons living below the poverty line in Canada, including the unattached men represented in this study. CHARTER 6 HOUSING FACILITIES AND ATTITUDES ' . • / • ' ABOUT LIVING ACCOMMODATION. Theoretical Orientation Suitable and adequate housing is vital for anyone wishing to live a useful and independent l i f e . For the aged person, his home i s quite often his very world, andi failure to take cognizance of the depressing psycho-logical effects of inadequate housing will have dire consequences for the aged individual as well as for society as a whole. -''/ Old people vary greatly in their tastes and desires fpr housing and will wish to be settled in different kinds of locations. The kind and quality of housing old people usually live in is dependent/first/of a l l on their in-come. The decline in health in later years must also be taken into consider-ation, as well as the fact that inadequate housing may contribute to poor health. A most important fact which recent studies have indicated is that the aging person expresses his individuality and a strong desire to live in-dependently. A life-time of experience is reflected in each aged person's opinions or desires and also in his living patterns. The "Final Report of the Special Committee of the Senate on Aging" concludes that the housing problems of the aged in Canada have gone unrecogn-ized since many of the old people themselves regard their housing as suitable or else they resist the changes involved in a move to adequate dwellings. But the report emphasizes that these attitudes should not be allowed to con-ceal the fact that a significant number of the aged are very poorly housed and that plans designed to deal with this situation must be formulated.1 Even Canada, Parliament, Senate, "Final Report of the Special Committee of the Senate on Aging", Debates of the Senate, Queen's Printer, Ottawa, February 2, 19-66, p.39--90-i f they wished to move, many of the aged would have a very limited range of choice in accommodation, largely because of economic factors. Many of them who have low incomes, are forced to move to deteriorating neighbourhoods, often at a time when i t is most difficult for them to make new associations. From society's point of view, these housing problems are also baff-ling. In Canada, there i s a great scarcity of public housing for the aged. The Canadian Welfare Council states that: "Living arrangements for Canada's aged is a complex and in some respects a controversial problem. It is related to such diverse things as physical planning, nursing and medical care, building standards, public finance, rehabilitation, recreation, social welfare, public opinion and attitude, and the real estate market. It involves questions of the respective re-sponsibilities of federal, provincial and local gov-ernments; of voluntary organizations; of private enterprize;^of the individual, the family and the community". To discover the housing needs of the aged, a great deal of research must be carried on to establish the facts of the situation and only after this is done may effective plans be undertaken. Some active measures must be taken to provide homes for aged individuals with their special needs as well as those needs which are common to a l l people, namely, emotional sec-urity, social recognition and interaction and the need for a sense of worth or self-respect. John Griffin points to the fact that housing i s a measure of health, racial customs, marital and parental atatua, education and income, emotional needs, life-long standards,' neighbourhood loyalties, and finally, broad At Home after 65 - Housing and Related Services for the Aging, Canadian Welfare Council, Ottawa, 1964, p.34. circumstantial pressures.1 What seems to be a fundamental conclusion set out in the literature is that the habits of the aged as far as housing i s concerned are neither uniform nor are they fixed. If we study the aged as a homogeneous body we cannot account for the individual differences in habits, tastes and desires. Wallace P. Smith points out that a number of surveys have been published which analyze the housing arrangements pre-ferred by the aged, but he adds that surveys of different groups have led to conflicting results. These findings substantiate the fact that different 2 personal circumstances create different desires. Some of the better known studies which devote considerable attention to the question of housing of the aged include the following: a study edited by Margaret Blenkner which has its locale in three New York city boroughs,^ if Donahue's survey of housing arrangements preferred by the aged, and Vivrett's 5 recent survey of the housing situation of older people. In Canada the most recent source of material is the "Report of the Special Committee of the Senate on Aging" as well as the briefs on various problems of the aging which were presented during the period 1963 to 1965 to the Canadian Senate Griffin, John J., "Sheltering the Aged", Journal of Gerontology, Vol.5.No.1, January 1950, p.31. p Smith, Wallace F., "Housing Preferences of Elderly People", Journal of GerontologyT Vol.16, No.3, July 1961, p .26l . Blenkner, Margaret, ed.. Serving the Aging-an Experiment in Social Work  and Public Health Nursing, Community Service Society of New York, Institute of Welfare Research, New York. 1964. k Donahue, Wilma, ed., Housing the Aged, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1954. ^ Vivrett, W.K., EHousing and Community Settings for Older People", in Tibbitts G., ed. Handbook of Social Gerontology. University of Chicago Press,Chicago I960, pp.549-623. - 9 2 -by various bodies. A background paper for the Canadian Conference on the Aging (January 1966) by Dr. Nicholas Zay, Living Arrangements for the Aged1 also gives a great deal of information about this problem in Canada. The literature points to the fact that the aged, like any other age group, pre-fer social living, and they express a whole range of ideas about ideal accommodation. Meanwhile, i t has been clearly documented that the aged are more poorly housed than the rest of the population and that this is largely due to their economic situation. The present study has given information which has direct implications for public policies on housing. The reference here is to three character* istics of the aged in our sample; f i r s t , there is a general low income range; secondly, the respondents are a l l of the male sex; thirdly, they are of re-stricted marital statuses, which this study has grouped together under the terms "unattached11. This means that they are either unmarried, widowed, or legally separated, or i f married, they are not living with their families. Also of significance in this particular aged population are the racial and cultural differences between the two sub-groups in the sample; namely , the Chinese and the White group. The three personal characteristics mentioned above as well as differences in cultural backgrounds have important bearings on the housing situation of our sample, At this point a general description of the housing conditions in the survey area is in order. Housing Conditions Generally in Strathcona Strathcona is one of the older settled areas in Vancouver and most of the houses were built forty-five to f i f t y years ago. Many residences Zay, Dr.Nicholas, Living Arrangements for the Aged, Background paper prepared for the Canadian Conference on Aging, Canadian Welfare Council, Ottawa, 19^ 5• -93-appear to have been family homes which are now converted into several apart-ments or into rooming houses. These changes indicate the transitional char-acter of the district. Strathcona, v/hich houses people of the lowest income groups in Vancouver, has also one of the highest concentrations of aged people in the city, of immigrants, of one-person households and of unemployed persons.1 Statistics show that most housing accommodations are rented 2 rather than owned by the people who live in them. The need for public housing in the area has been recognized by the city for many years. Property values are so low that there is l i t t l e attract-ion for private investors.to move in and redevelop.^ In the late 1950's the city authorities selected this area for redevelopment over a period of years. Two housing complexes were built in the early 1960's to accommodate those who were forced to move because their homes were demolished. One of these com-plexes i s MacLean Park which is located within the Strathcona area. It i s a very attractive structure and since its opening in April, 1963, i t has gained increasing acceptance in the area. This i s probably in part due to able management. In our study of the factors influencing the attitudes of the respondents in this study, we attempted to gain some understanding of the extent of the respondents' awareness of the existence of MacLean Park and its facilities. We assumed that their information about this first housing project would influence their views about later projects. The fact that housing is dependent on income is clearly seen in our survey sample. As Chapter 5 shows, most of the men were in the income range 1 Bell, Larry I., Metropolitan Vancouver - an Overview for Social Planners, Research Department, Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, Vancouver, 1965, see charts <p?7, P«23, p.25, p.33, P«k5,« 2 Ibid., p.37-^ Allardice, et al., Neighbourhood Analysis in Vancouver, Master of Social Work Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1964, p.177. -94-of $75.00 to $125.00 a month. This low income level is reflected in the qualities of their dwellings. Of the respondents' living quarters, a large proportion (56.3 per cent) were wooden; the next highest percentage were brick houses (28.2 per cent). Of a l l the quarters visited, less than four per cent were in single-storey dwellings; thirty-five per cent were two storey dwellings, twenty-three per cent three storey and thirty-eight per cent four or more storeys. Meanwhile, the storeys in seventy-two per cent of the dwellings were connected by "stairs only". For the aged with in-creasing physical mobility problems, the climbing of more than one flight of stairs becomes a difficult task. Length of Residence in Strathcona For the most part, the men who live in this area in their old age have come here only to retire; but their main reason varies according to racial group. Since the time of arrival in Canada, the Chinese have been drawn to the Strathcona area because i t is close to their own cultural associations and institutions located in the business area of "Chinatown". The White old men, on the other hand, appear to have settled there after retirement largely because rents were low and the area is close to downtown facilities. For the most part, the White men have been labourers and they came from a wide variety of European cultural backgrounds; this, too, is probably a reason for the relative isolation found in their housing arrange-ments. For these men there seems to be less identification with the neigh-bourhood than for the Chinese. Yet they prefer to live in the Strathcona area because they are familiar with i t , and because they are allowed to be independent there. The figures of Table 19 give some evidence of the above tendencies. - 9 5 -I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that previous to t h e i r l a s t move, a greater pro-portion of the Chinese than Whites (55.6 per cent opposed to 4 8 . 6 per cent) were already residents i n Strathcona, but f o r the remaining percentage i n each group, the moves f o r the White group were mainly from other d i s t r i c t s i n Vancouver c i t y (36.5 per cent) while for the Chinese, t h e i r l a s t moves were from places outside of Vancouver (29.6 per cent). TABLE 19 RECENT MOVES OF RESIDENTS A : . J ; O F STRATHCONA Ra c i a l O r i g i n Area from which l a s t move was Made T o t a l Strathcona Down-town Eas End t Other Vancouver Other c i t y Other place No. Per D e n t No per cent No. Per cent No. per cent No. per cent No. per cent 1 ' No. per cent 1 1 Chinese 27 100 15 55.6 0 0 .0 1 3 .7 1 3 .7 8 29.6 ! I 2 J7.4 j White 74 100 36 4 8 . 6 j 10 13.5. 10 13.5 7 9.5 4 ? 5 .4 ; 6 ' 8 . 1 ! These find i n g s r e i n f o r c e the idea that the Chinese f e e l some sense of community i n Strathcona aside from t h e i r need f o r low-cost housing; f o r them the downtown Strathcona area assures c u l t u r a l a s s o c i a t i o n s . The White group have known about downtown Vancouver during t h e i r working years and when they stopped work, they d r i f t e d to Strathcona where s i n g l e rooms could be found at low cost. Comparison of L i v i n g Arrangements Of the Two R a c i a l Groups As i n d i c a t e d i n Chapter 2, the c u l t u r a l heritage of the Chinese has l e d them to develop o r i e n t a l housing patterns i n t h e i r early years i n Vancouver. The Chinese valued t h e i r family t i e s and since they could not bring t h e i r wives and c h i l d r e n to Canada, many of the men came together i n clans or groups of r e l a t i v e s to rent or purchase houses which they then shared. The White group, on the other hand, have remained i s o l a t e d from family and f r i e n d s . Table 20 shows that 98.6 per cent of the White men now choose to l i v e alone i n cheap h o t e l rooms or i n rooming houses, whereas only 29.6 per dent of the Chinese l i v e alone. Of the remaining Chinese 66.7 pjfer cent l i v e with r e l a t i v e s and 3»7 per cent l i v e with non-relatives. Thus, the.White men appear to choose single-room dwellings p r i m a r i l y whereas the Chinese have tended to group together to a greater extent. TABLE 20 COMPARISON OF LIVING ARRANGEMENTS by RACIAL ORIGIN R a c i a l O r i g i n Type of L i v i n g Arrangement T o t a l Alone i n Dwelling With Relatives . With non-r e l a t i v e s No per Dent No per cent No per cent No per, cent Chinese 27 100 8 29.6 18 66.7 1 3.7 Whites 74 100 73 .98.6 0 0.0 1 1.4 L i v i n g Conditions and F a c i l i t i e s A v a i lable An a i r of depression i s very prevalent in' the buildings which house the aged men i n Strathcona. Many of the one-dr two-storey houses a f f o r d poor accommodation whether they are owned or T e n t e d . Table 21 shows that nine out of - ten White men rent t h e i r housing while about one-third of the -97-Chinese are j o i n t owners of the houses i n which they l i v e . Approximately s i x t y per cent of the Chinese rent t h e i r accommodation. Both groups, how-ever, give evidence of a s i t u a t i o n which i s unlike that f o r the t o t a l aged population i n Canada. The 196l census shows that 71.0 per cent of the e l d e r l y people i n Canada l i v e i n t h e i r own homes, while 21.5 per cent l i v e i n dwellings belonging to o t h e r s . 1 This comparison suggests that there i s a higher concentration of aged persons i n Strathcona than i n Canada as a whole, who l i v e i n rented dwellings. TABLE 21 OWNERSHIP OF HOUSING, by RACIAL ORIGIN Ra c i a l O r i g i n Ownership of Housing T o t a l S e l f -Owned Relative owned Shared owner-ship Rented Other No Per cent No per cent No per cent No per cent No per cent No per cent Chinese 27 100 1 3.7 0 0.0 9 33.3 16 59.3 1 3.7 White 74 100 1 1.4 2 2.7 1 1.4 69 93.2 1 1.4 Table 22 shows a sharp contrast between the two r a c i a l groups i n the types of l i v i n g spaces they occupy. I f the men l i v i n g i n "rooms" and "hotel rooms" are considered as one group, i t i s seen that eight out of ten White men l i v e i n small s i n g l e rooms, which suggests s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n , while only three i n ten Chinese l i v e i n such cramped quarters. On the other hand, a s i g n i f i c a n t percentage of the Chinese (44.4^per cent) l i v e d i n the "other house" s i t u a t i o n ^ which involves the communal type of housing. Census of Canada, Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, 196l, B u l l e t i n 2.2, No.8. Table 8 4 . - 9 8 -TABLE 22 TYPE OF LIVING SPACE INHABITED BY CHINESE and WHITE GROUPS Racial Type of L i v i n g Space Origin T o t a l Apart-ment Room Hotel Room Own Home Relat-i v e ' s home Oibher House No per cent No per cent No per cent No per cent No per cent No per cent No per cent Chinese 27 100 2 7.4 4 14.8 4 14.8 2 7.4 3 11.1 12 44.4 White 74 100 11 14.9 33 44.6 29 39.2 1 1.4 0 0.0 0 0.0 It would appear that the Chinese are somewhat better housekeepers than are the White men. Among the Chinese, approximately 74 per cent of the l i v i n g quarters were found to be i n a clean state ( 15 per cent were i n a poor state of r e p a i r ) , whereas, among the Whites only 54 per cent were found to be clean (11 per cent i n a poor state of r e p a i r ) . Among the Chinese, almost 26 per cent of the quarters were s o i l e d although 15 per cent of these were i n good r e p a i r , whereas among the White men, almost 45 per cent were s o i l e d , with 20 per cent of these i n good r e p a i r . These fi g u r e s require further study, how-ever. Out of a t o t a l of seventeen Chinese l i v i n g with r e l a t i v e s , i n t h e i r ov/n home, or i n a communal type of arrangement, fourteen were reported to have a "clean" accommodation. The findi n g s suggest that the r e s u l t s of i s o l a t i o n are a l l - p e r v a s i v e , even to the condition i n which one keips h i s ¥home". The interviewers found many one-family houses converted i n t o rooming houses, e s p e c i a l l y on Pender and Hastings S t r e e t s . These rooming-houses -99-u s u a l l y have poorly l i g h t e d c o r r i d o r s and they have no f a c i l i t i e s f o r group s o c i a l i z i n g . One h o t e l - l i k e structure on Hastings Street d i d provide a seem-i n g l y well-used common room with some easy cha i r s , a few tables and a t e l e -v i s i o n set, but t h i s b u i l d i n g was an exception rather than the r u l e . The one-room dwellings were us u a l l y small, poorly v e n t i l a t e d , and drab and de-pressing i n general appearance. Most of the rooms had a hot-plate, a basin with running wat er, a bed, a dresser, a table and two c h a i r s . There were few i f any home-like features and none of these rooms was an a t t r a c t i v e place f o r a v i s i t with a f r i e n d . There were no laundry f a c i l i t i e s unless the sink i n the room was used. Many of the men seemed to bring t h e i r garments to the cleaners once i n a while. The White men oc c a s i o n a l l y had personal decorations on the wall but more often merely a calender from a l o c a l h o t e l ; the Chinese sometimes decorated t h e i r rooms with Chinese pennants, p i c t u r e s , etc.. The problem of cooking presented more d i f f i c u l t i e s f o r the White men than f o r the Chinese. About 65 per cent of the White men have only hot-plates, whereas a l l but 11 per cent of the Chinese have access to a stove ( e l e c t r i c , gas or wood). Concerning the preparation of meals, a l l but 7*4 per cent of the Chinese appear to prepare t h e i r meals i n t h e i r own homes while about 30 per cent of the White men eat t h e i r main meals i n restaurants. However, the approximate 68 per cent of the White men who prepare t h e i r main meal and the 78 per cent who prepare secondary meals must do so under decided handicaps. Food storage f a c i l i t i e s were inadequate. The unperishable food which was seen stored i n corners of the rooms and the perishable food seen on window s i l l s give evidence of poorly planned d i e t s unless restaurant meals provide needed nourishment. Cuthbert suggests that the l a c k of storage -100-f a c i l i t i e s may present two problems: f i r s t , the e l d e r l y men may have to shop almost every day, which i s often d i f f i c u l t due to f a i l i n g strength; secondly, i t would be d i f f i c u l t to budget expenses economically i f pur-chases are made on a day-to-day b a s i s . 1 I t must be noted that a s i g n i f i -cant number of the old men coped with t h e i r food problems by ge t t i n g cheap food i n nearby restaurants. The question? about shared accommodations and f a c i l i t i e s , i n c l u d i n g kitchens, l i v i n g rooms, bathrooms and t o i l e t s , again point to marked d i f -ferences between the two r a c i a l groups. The fig u r e s i n Table 23 i n d i c a t e that nine out of ten Chinese claim to share f a c i l i t i e s , while i n the White population, seven out of ten share few i f any f a c i l i t i e s . TABLE 23. SHARING OF ACCOMODATION if 1 R a c i a l O r i g i n Sharing of Accommodation T o t a l Yes No Other ; No. i Per cent No per cent No per cent No per cent | 'Chinese 27 100 23 85.2 3 11.1 1 3.7 Wiite 74 100 15 20.3 54 73.06 5 • 6.8 Kitchen f a c i l i t i e s are shared by nine out of ten Chinese while more than nine out of ten White men do not share kitchen f a c i l i t i e s . S i m i l a r contrasts are found f o r the sharing of l i v i n g rooms. On the other hand, i n both groups the t o i l e t s and the bathrooms^if any) are shared and the l a r g e s t proportion of men share these f a c i l i t i e s with four to nine persons. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that a number of the rooming houses had pay phones 1 Cuthbert, E., How Old People L i v e , Master of S o c i a l Work Thesis,University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 196l, p.l8. -101-available to the men (through the manager) but few of them appeared to use t h i s f a c i l i t y . A b r i e f description has been given here of the housing accommodations of the survey sample. We turn now to explore some of the attitudes of these men towards the area i n which they l i v e and t h e i r views about moving to a new housing development. Attitudes About Present Living Arrangements and Subsidized Low-Rental Housing  Other research has shown that a f t e r retirement, older people gener-a l l y prefer to stay i n the neighbourhood i n which they l i v e rather than face the move to better accommodation i n a different area."1" This study bears out that generalization since 80.6 per cent of the t o t a l sample stated they would l i k e to remain i n the Strathcona area. Their reasons i n most cases were that they preferred to l i v e close to downtown f a c i l i t i e s and that they had some independence and privacy i n t h e i r present locati o n . The Chinese, for t h e i r part, attach great importance to ready contact with t h e i r own l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l group and t h e i r own i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the Strathcona area and i n the nearby Chinese business d i s t r i c t . During the interviewp,the men often referred to t h e i r drab surround-ings, but added that t h e i r small incomesdid not give them much choice i n housing. Apathy, pessimism and resignation to a s i t u a t i o n seemingly beyond t h e i r control are evident among these old men who are cli n g i n g tenaciously to any degree of independence and privacy which they yet possess. Most Canada, "Brief from the Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area", O f f i c i a l Reports of the Debates of the Senate, Queen's Pr i n t e r , Ottawa, June 4, 1964, p.666. -102-common reasons f o r p r e f e r r i n g t h e i r present l o c a t i o n i s i t s easy access to the downtown business area and a degree of f a m i l i a r i t y with the neighbour-hood. Donald Bogue points to the f a c t that i n a study conducted i n Chicago of s k i d row conditions, the researchers found the men unhappy with present p h y s i c a l conditions and also with s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s and other people i n the a r e a . 1 Such f e e l i n g s were expressed by members of the White group i n t h i s study, but not among the Chinese. The respondents were asked i f there were any things they d i s l i k e d about l i v i n g i n the area and fourteen of the twenty-two White men who expressed d e f i n i t e d i s l i k e made reference to other people and to s o c i a l conditions i n the area, e s p e c i a l l y drunkenness and rowdiness. We attempted to get some clues about the old men's a t t i t u d e s toward the c i t y ' s proposed redevelopment scheme and about low-rental housing. F i r s t , we asked whether the respondent had heard that part of the area v/as to be cleared o f f . Seventy-two of the t o t a l 103 respondents stated that they had heard that part of the Strathcona area was to be cleared of i t s present housing. To determine i f knowledge of redevelopment had any noticeable e f f e c t on the i n d i v i d u a l s , we then asked the respondents i f they had thought about where they would move or i f they had looked elsewhere f o r housing. Of the seventy-two men who expressed an awareness of the fact that the area i s to be razed, t h i r t y have apparently given some thought as to where they w i l l move, but only nine have made some attempt to look elsewhere f o r housing. Many of the men expressed p e s s i m i s t i c views about government a c t i o n on t h e i r behalf. Several of the men s a i d they had enquired from the Vancouver Housing Bogue, Donald., Skid Row i n American C i t i e s , Community and Family Study Centre, Un i v e r s i t y of Chicago, 19&3) p.138. - 1 0 3 -Authority about the p o s s i b i l i t y of being accepted as tenants i n a new housing project, but they had f a i l e d to get any assurance about t h i s matter. Most of the men were f a m i l i a r with MacLean Park. Seventy-eight per cent of the Chinese and 9 1 per cent of the White group r e p l i e d i n the a f f i r m -a t i v e when asked i f they knew about that p a r t i c u l a r p r o j e c t . However, fewer of each group have acquaintances i n MacLean Park. Twenty-six per cent of the Chinese and.42 per cent of the Whites stated that they knew someone i n the housing p r o j e c t . A s i g n i f i c a n t difference was found, however, i n the a t t i t u d e s of the two d i f f e r e n t groups as to being involved i n such a housing plan. I t was assumed that objections to the plan could be r e l a t e d to the actual structure of the housing or to the people who were housed i n i t . The respondents were f i r s t asked i f they would l i k e to l i v e i n Mac'Lean Park. The f i g u r e s i n Table 24 i n d i c a t e that seventy per cent of the White men answered i n the a f f i r m a -t i v e , while only t h i r t y per cent of the Chinese f e l t they would l i k e to l i v e there; on the other hand, almost s i x t y per cent of the Chinese stated they would not l i k e to l i v e i n MacLean Park as compared to the twenty-seven per cent of the White men who gave t h i d answer. Secondly, the respondents were asked i f they ¥/ould p r e f e r to l i v e with people of t h e i r own race. Seventy-four per cent of the Chinese answered i n the a f f i r m a t i v e , whereas only twenty-four per cent of the White men showed t h i s preference. The Chinese did show more tolerance when asked i f they would l i k e to l i v e with other races.,as i s done i n MacLean Park. The answers were almost evenly d i s t r i -buted between a f f i r m a t i v e and negative f o r the Chinese, while f o r the Whites, seventy-seven per cent of the answers were i n the a f f i r m a t i v e . These f i g u r e s , then, show how at t i t u d e s about housing are associated with -104-the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the Chinese and the Whites w i t h t h e i r r a c i a l groups. The White men are undoubtedly i n f l u e n c e d by t h e i r p r e v ious l i v i n g exper-i e n c e s ; they have probably moved around d u r i n g t h e i r working years, l i v i n g i n d i f f e r e n t types of accommodations and w i t h many d i f f e r e n t men. On the other hand, the Chinese, many of whom do not speak E n g l i s h , wish t o main-t a i n t h e i r c u l t u r a l a s s o c i a t i o n s . TABLE 24 COMPARISON OF THE ATTITUDES OF THE WHITE AND CHINESE POPULATIONS TO THE QUESTION OF LIVING IN MACLEAN PARK R a c i a l O r i g i n A t t i t u d e s about L i v i n g i n MadLean Park T o t a l No answer Yes No No. Per cent No. Per cent No. Per cent No. Per cent Chinese 27 100 3 11.9 8 29.6 16 59.3 .Vhite 74 100 2 2.7 52 70.3 go 27.0 The above i n f o r m a t i o n does not g i v e us very c l e a r ideas about housing preferences but we attempted t o have the respondents express t h e i r f e e l i n g s by means of an open-ended question which i n v i t e d them to elaborate on t h e i r f e e l i n g s about the new housing. Table 25 shows a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the answers. The major f i n d i n g s are t h a t 37.8 per cent of the Whites favour sub-s i d i z e d housing and 16.2 per cent expressed a w i l l i n g n e s s to move to a new p r o j e c t . I n the case of the Chinese, a t o t a l of only 11.1 per cent gave e i t h e r answer. Of s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the responses of the Chinese was the f a c t t h a t 14.8 per cent r e f e r r e d to a language d i f f i c u l t y and t h a t l 8 . 5 . per cent s t a t e d that they p r e f e r r e d t o be near Chinese f r i e n d s . But perhaps the most -105-important fact that Table 25 points to, i s that a very large percentage in both groups showed l i t t l e interest or gave no clear answers* The inference here is that they are not well informed about the Raymur housing project. For a total of 36.5 per cent of the White men and 48.1. per cent of the Chinese, there were either no data available or else the respondent had l i t t l e or no information upon which to base an answer. TABLE 25 ATTITUDES TOWARD THE NEW HOUSING by RACIAL GROUPS Attitudes toward New Housing Racial Groups Total sample Chinese White 27 74 per cent 100 • 100 1. No data given 2. Little or no information 3. Language difficulty k. Prefer to be near Chinese friends 5. Satisfied with present arrangement 5. Willing to live with other racial grc 7. Financial problem 8. Willing to move to new project 33.3 14.8 14.8 18.5 7.4 ups 3.7 0.0 7.4 27.0 9.5 1.4 0.0 4.1 37.8 4.1 16.2 The above attitudes help to explain the general apathy shown toward new housing plans; the old men had few comments about preferred types of accommodation, except that they wished privacy and essential facilities. They had very few ideas of how activity space in a new housing project might be used, except to mention some activities with which they were familiar, asi-for example,, room for playing cards, reading, visiting with friends, etc., When they were given the opportunity to ask us questions, they again appeared to have few ideas about new housing. -106-Although these men are not vocal in making their feelings generally known, there" does seem to be a high level of discontent with their present housing. The data in this chapter indicate that more adequate housing is needed for these aged men in the Strathcona area, but physical renewal is only part of the problem. The present, study of the housing situation points also to the social and psychological needs of these men. These needs are topics of discussion in the following chapter. Findings and Implications Mr. Harold Orbach has named housing as a top priority service for the aged, even ahead of health services, since a l l other services may be geared to living arrangements.1 It seems very evident from this study that the present housing in the Strathcona area does not meet the basic needs of the aged men. Physical accommodations are small, run-down, drab, overcrowded and ill-equipped. The study also points to the different housing arrangements and the preferences of the two racial groups, which relate to cultural and historical factors. This information has important implications for the planning of new housing since the particular needs of different groups must be taken into account. The Chinese are closely identified with their own racial community and their pattern of communal living is a part of their cultural heritage. The majority of White men, on the other hand, are living alone in single room dwellings and they appear to be isolated from their own ethnig groups. 1 Meeting the Challenge, Report of the Proceedings of the Second British Columbia Conference on Aging, Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area and the University of British Columbia, Vancouver, i960, p.23. -107-In planning for relocation, as Dr. Zay intimated, the experts should remember the habits of the aged individual and encourage sociability, while ensuring the privacy of the home."'" The general impression gained from the respondents i s one of social isolation, loneliness, and despair and their housing situations certainly tend to reinforce these attitudes. Meanwhile, the wishes of these aged men are to maintain their individuality and independence as long as possible. This study shows that the Chinese men, in particular, have negative feelings about public housing, probably because they fear a separation from their own cultural community. The Whites, on the other hand, display an attitude of general apathy and appear to feel that their opinions count for very l i t t l e with those who develop housing policies. The men could not general-ize beyond their own needs and they expressed opinions only in personal terms. For example, the facilities they felt should be provided in public housing included such things as private bathrooms, tables and chairs for playing cards, visiting, etc.-. But i t should also be noted that some of the comments the men made about inferior housing, low incomes, and occasionally about the social con-ditions in the neighbourhood suggest that they view the problems in Strath-cona in much the same light as do many of the people who wish to improve living conditions for old people in this area. However, they lack in i t i a -tive. Perhaps their own past experiences and their present lack of resources contribute to their pessimism and apathy and now they hold l i t t l e hope for change. Lewis Mumford has given new vision to this problem of-"housing and his Zay, op.cit., p.22 . -108-stateraent applies to our sample: "The problem of housing the aged is only one part of the larger problem of restoring old people to a position of dignity and use, giving them opport-unities to form new social ties to replace those that family dispersal and health have broken, and giving them functions and duties that draw on their previous l i f e experience and put i t to new uses'.'. Mumford, Lewis., "For Older People - not Segregation but Integration", Architectural Record, May 1956, as quoted in: Toward Independent Living  for Older People - a Report on Housing and Community Services, Committee on Housing for Older People, Philadelphia Housing Assocation, Health and Welfare Council, Division on Aging, Philadelphia, 1958, p.6. CHAPTER 7 . LEISURE TIME AND SOCIAL CONTACTS In order to give the subject of l e i s u r e or free time f o r older people perspective, some c l a r i f i c a t i o n i s needed of what we mean by these terms. For most men, work has been the cen t r a l force i n t h e i r adult years. In most c i v i l i z e d s o c i e t i e s work i s a r u l e of necessity from which few men have known surcease; but work has also meant many p o s i t i v e things to men. I t has given them t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the community and t h e i r s o c i a l status. I t has been a means of putting i n time. I t has given men a f e e l i n g of s e l f -respect through being a u s e f u l member of s o c i e t y . Ultimately i t has often been the basis on which man has judged h i s own self-worth. Leisure, on the other hand, f o r most people has meant the time free from paid work. U n t i l r e c e n t l y t h i s f r ee time was l i m i t e d . Men worked a six-day week, ten to twelve hours a day, Sunday was often the only free day they had. This free time was a time f o r family and f r i e n d s , f o r l o c a l gatherings and s p e c i a l f e s t i v a l s . T h i s free time f o r most was, therefore, a s o c i a l time. There was no problem as to. how to spend free time. But l e i s u r e time, as such, was something that only fee r i c h or well-to-do were acquainted with. How they spent t h i s time was t h e i r own personal choice. The a r t s , painting, embroidery, games, t r a v e l were the prerogative of t h i s small well-to-do group. In many ways Canada i s s t i l l very close to i t s pioneer era when long work hours and l i t t l e f r e e time was the pattern of l i f e f o r most of the adult population. Our migration from the r u r a l areas to the urban areas has come much l a t e r than i n many European countries. The f u l l impact of the great numbers of older people looking f o r a meaning to t h e i r l i v e s has -110-not been f e l t u n t i l recent times. The men of our survey are among those who were pioneers and t h e i r youth and work careers belong to t h i s e a r l i e r r u r a l era. Hence f o r them, as f o r most pepple, u n t i l r e c e n t l y , work was t h e i r reason f o r l i v i n g . Leisure i s not a word they would r e a d i l y use. Free time, however, was something that they may have known. The time o f f a f t e r the long work day and work week was free time. For the seasonal worker, so common to the P a c i f i c coast, who v/orked i n f o r e s t r y , construction or f i s h i n g the time between work periods may also have been known as free time. For most men, however, there was no paid vacation. It i s only during and since the second world v/ar that a great pre-ponderence of technology has been used i n i n d u s t r i a l development and allowed time f o r what has come to be known as l e i s u r e . The work week has become shorter. Along with t h i s added free time from a shorter work week there i s also the p o s s i b i l i t y of a longer l i f e span as a r e s u l t of improved l i v i n g conditions and the a p p l i c a t i o n s of new medical knowledge. The combination of these two f a c t o r s - shorter work days and a longer l i f e span £. has given us extra time f o r what we c a l l l e i s u r e . Retirement i s part of t h i s new found time. Retirement, l i k e l e i s u r e , may be a strange concept for many older people. For the aging person on the farm, retirement could s t i l l be a meaningful time. The pace may have been slower but there were r e p a i r s , household tasks, or " t i n k e r i n g " that could take up one's time. Retirement was often thought to be a concept that might have referred to teachers, to c i v i l servants or to other p r o f e s s i o n a l c l a s s e s . I t may be that the men i n our study may have not worked s t e a d i l y throughout t h e i r working years, nor may they have had the s k i l l s to f i n d - I l l -steady work, but they have l i v e d i n the era when work was the c e n t r a l focus and value i n s o c i e t y . I t i s only i n the l a s t few years that cognizance of making meaningful use of time other than f o r work has been recognized as a problem of common concern to a l l people regardless of t h e i r economic and s o c i a l status. For aging people who have f a m i l i e s , who own t h e i r own homes, and who continue to l i v e i n t h e i r old neighbourhood, the l e i s u r e concept does have a good deal of meaning. There are s o c i a l habits and "connections" from t h e i r working years that help them to use t h e i r free time ei t h e r at home or i n the l o c a l community. Many s t i l l have r o l e s to play as heads of households with a l l the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s that t h i s i n v o l v e s . Others may be grand-parents, members of church organizations, lodges, unions, senior citizenygjoups or other organized a c t i v i t i e s . But f o r those who cannot continue i n t h e i r former r o l e s or who do not have these group contacts there are few ro l e s or a c t i v i t -i e s to take up t h e i r free time when they no longer work. The problem seems to be how to use free time so as to enable the i n d i v i d u a l to f i n d some mea-sure of self-worth and a sense of belonging i n h i s community. As the f i n a l report of the Senate Committee on Aging suggests: One of the most serious and d i f f i c u l t problems faced by s o c i e t y i n r e l a t i o n to old people i s that of helping them maintain some s a t i s f y i n g foothold i n the community and with i t a sense of self-worth. In e a r l i e r times when old people had a s c a r c i t y value they not only en-joyed considerable respect, but were turned to as a source of wisdom and experience. Today, with the world changing as r a p i d l y as i t i s , and moving along t e c h i n c a l and s c i e n t i f i c l i n e s , such wisdom and experience tend to be at a d i s -count. The r e s u l t i s that the older person, and -112-more p a r t i c u l a r l y the man, r e t i r e d early from h i s accustomed occupation, frequently f e e l s himself an economic and s o c i a l supernumerary. He has ceased to belong i n the important world of work, and consequently, has l o s t many of h i s s o c i a l contacts. This great dependence on work i s also borne out i n the studies 2 Peter Townsend has done i n Great B r i t a i n . He found men, on the whole, dreaded the thought of retirement. They f e l t they would have nothing to do i f they could not work, that working kept them i n good health, and that i f they discontinued working t h e i r lower incomes would g r e a t l y decrease t h e i r present standard of l i v i n g . These were a l l consequences of which they were r i g h t l y a f r a i d . I t i s only i n the more recent times that any thought has been given.. to what makes for meaningful use of free time. Pr o v i s i o n for some kind of economic base and some concern for adequate housing u s u a l l y precede concern 3 over how free time i s used. Havighurst r e f e r s to the use of free time i n t h i s l a t t e r stage i n another way by commenting on the need f o r "ego-support-i n g " r e l a t i o n s h i p s and a c t i v i t i e s f o r the older person. He f e e l s that only a few s o c i t i e s have reached t h i s stage and he mentions Sweden, i n p a r t i c u l a r , as the country that has probably been the most s e n s i t i v e to the needs of i t s older people. However he sees most Western s o c i e t i e s (these include Sweden, Denmark, Switzerland, West Germany, The Netherlands, Great B r i t a i n , France and the United States) as having met t h i s t h i r d stage i n some way that i s 1 Canada, Parliament, " F i n a l Report of the S p e c i a l Committee of Senate on Aging", Debates of Senate, February 2, 1966, Vol.115,No.6,Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, p«5« 2 Townsend, Peter, The Family L i f e of Old People, Routledge <k Kegan Paul, London, 1957. ? Havighurst, R.K. " L i f e Beyond Family and Work", Aging i n Western S o c i t i e s , ed. E.W.Burgess, Un i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, Chicago, I960. -113-probably analogous to its own national characteristics. It is also pointed out that there is no clear definition of the role of "user of leisure time" although there would.seem to be a great potential for its future use. Autonomy for the older person appears as a prime goal, nevertheless^in-con-trast to anomie and apathy. Havighurst defines certain areas where the older person might find some ways to function in an autonomous manner. These areas will be listed since they appear to be the values our society now places emphasis upon, outside of work and the family, and which could give meaning to an older person's l i f e . 1 A. Club or association member - participation is approved in a l l societies although membership is often given up because i t may cost too much money or take too much energy. B. Friend or informal group member - friends are highly approved but older people tend to constrict their social relationships and not make many new friends. C. Provision of facilities for social relations - such as through social welfare agencies, community, adult educa-tion and recreation associations, churches and old people's organizations. D. Role of citizen - in participating in political groups. This has limited scope in this country. E. Role of church member - this role is thought to be favourable but there is l i t t l e opportunity for older people to serve as church leaders. F. User of leisure time - an active creative use of leisure i s admired but not many older people are expected to accomplish this. As people become older they increase their interest in passive activities -Havighurst, R.J., "Life Beyond Family and Work", Aging in Western Societies, ed., E.W.Burgess, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1960j pp.350-352. reading, watching T.V., going to movies. G. Role of student - thought of as a good r o l e but not many older people are expected to take on t h i s r o l e . The growing concern about how to help aging persons to f i n d mean-ing i n t h e i r l i v e s i s r e f l e c t e d i n the o r i g i n s of the present study, As pointed out i n Chapter one, the Community Chest and Councils of Greater Vancouver expressed t h e i r concern and from t h i s concern t h e i r desire to know more about the views of older people themselves i n a s o - c a l l e d area of b l i g h t i n the c i t y . The findings of Chapter three showed that almost a l l the men i n the study sample are immigrants to Canada and to B r i t i s h Columbia whose work careers belong to the pioneer period of t h i s west coast region. Their concepts of work, free time and man's place i n the world were acquired three to four decades ago when they were young and active workers themselves. What kind of meaning does l e i s u r e or free time have f o r them now? In the beginning of the study, as mentioned i n Chapter one, i t was decided to ask about how the men now used t h e i r time. Some idea., of t h e i r d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s was wanted so that we could obtain a broader perspective of t h e i r l i v e s . We were aware that they had very low incomes and that'1 they u s u a l l y had to care f o r themselves and be responsible for t h e i r own food, c l o t h i n g and s h e l t e r . In order to understand more f u l l y how time was used we asked about how they met t h e i r d a i l y needs, what t h e i r l i v i n g arrangements were, how often they went out to see f r i e n d s and i f they shared t h e i r accommodation with anyone. Direct approaches v/ere made to discover what free time enjoy-ments they had although we d i d not mention the concept of "enjoyment" i t s e l f during the interviews. Social Activity Patterns The men in our survey were asked about activities they most liked to do. They indicated many of the passive activities we associate with older age. The striking feature was in the great number who went for walks as a main activity. It was the most frequently mentioned activity by both Chinese and White men. There are probably several reasons for this, not least of which is that of getting away from the cramped quarters of a small room. Very few mentioned going to clubs (eight White men) or attending particular organizations or churches. Reading was the second most mentioned activity by both Chinese and White and shopping the third of equal import-ance, along with going to the movies. It i s obvious that in any new housing scheme these choices of being able to go for walks, to look for reading material, to find suitable grocery and clothing stores as well as being close to movie facilities will a l l be very important. The following table indi-cates replies received to the. following question in the interview schedule; "What are some of the ways you spend your time? (excluding employment, sleep-ing, eating and housekeeping). Suppose you t e l l me the three things you most like to do". -116-TABLE 26 HOST POPULAR ACTIVITIES REPORTED BY 103 MEN BY RACIAL ORIGIN 1 Most Popular activity-Racial Origin Chinese men White men Total Number (2?) (76) Going for walks 23 56 Reading 12 37 i Going to movies 12 12 Shopping 10 12 Visiting 6 10 Going to clubs 1 8 It should be noted that there were many other activities mentioned by only one or two people. These were not included. A given person could also be counted in more than one activity. It is interesting to note that three Chinese men mentioned activities that were of service to others. These were: a. repairing things for neighbours b. helping others with grocery shopping c. talcing care of grand-children Two white men mention?! that they liked being handymen. There appeared to be a greater variety of social activities among the White men such as playing cards, going to the beer parlour, watching sports, playing instruments, caring for pets, playing pool, going to political meetings, going to church, -117-and going to the l i b r a r y . However, each of these a c t i v i t i e s were mentioned by one or two persons, at most. As f a r as making or meeting f r i e n d s there appeared to be l i t t l e motivation among the men towards t h i s a c t i v i t y . In a well-kept s i x s t o r y h o t e l on East Hastings Street, that provided s i n g l e rooms f o r older men, one found that most men d i d not mention t h e i r neighbours on the same f l o o r when they were asked about f r i e n d s . Yet i f these neighbours went by or met i n the c o r r i d o r s they smiled and s a i d a few words i n d i c a t i n g t h e i r acquaintanceship with one another. Most of the men were suspicious of the interview at f i r s t , but they soon became i n t e r e s t e d when they were asked questions about how long they had been here and t h e i r opinions on d i f f e r e n t questions. They often ended up by t e l l i n g about a good part of t h e i r l i f e h i s t o r y . The interview s t i r r e d up some in t r o s p e c t i v e ideas i n one man who s a i d , "When you have been alone a long time, you begin to want to stay alone and as time goes on you become more alone". He added that today he had talked more to one person at one time than he had f o r several years. He was from Norway o r i g i n a l l y and had been a logger u n t i l h i s health and h i s age c u r t a i l e d h i s work. One wonders how many men f e e l as t h i s man did, obviously lonely, yet unable to make the e f f o r t to seek anyone out. He could respond, perhaps, i f someone went more than half-way to help him. The White men, i n p a r t i c u l a r , tend to be s o c i a l i s o l a t e s . A few mentioned "going f o r a beer with a f r i e n d " once a week or so, or meeting f o r coffee at the White Lunch. But, as some said, they can't a f f o r d beer oftener and coffee i s about the cheapest means of h o s p i t a l i t y . None i n d i -cated they v i s i t e d back and f o r t h i n t h e i r rooms. Most of the rooms had only -118-enough space for a bed, table, chair and hot plate. Few asked the inter-viewer inside their room, and one man said he was too ashamed of his room to want i t to be seen. Some iwho were living on savings talked about how their funds were diminishing and how they regretted having to think about applying for welfare assistance. It may be recalled that over seventy per cent of the White men in our sample are single and only ten of them, or one out of seven, have any relatives living in Vancouver. They do not join organizations, churches or social welfare programs. They are in reality social isolates. One old man who had emigrated from Hungary, leaving his wife and children behind, lived in a two-story, wooden tenement on Keefer Street. The building was dirty; i t had one toilet located on the outside corridor for the whole top story and its water facilities were three taps and basins for cold water on the outside porch. This man's room was piled to the ceiling with old coats, trunks, dirty clothes and bits of prepared food. There was no heat since the wood stove that he had was rusting and falling apart. His hot plate did not seem to be connected. He was tinkering with an accordian and after the interviewer had listened to him play for a while he rambled on about his family and a recent accident in which he had been hit by a car. He was very proud of his Canadian citizenship certificate, but he was greatly annoyed that his social assistance had been reduced for some reason. He was not able to answer direct questions. His amassing of trunks, boxes and racks of old clothes seemed to be his security. He cleaned up once a month by going to a local steam bath. Another man who lived in a hotel opposite Strathcona School was app-arently quite disturbed. His room was dark, unkempt with dirty bedding and -119-• had few clothes or possessions i n i t . The occupant was busy w r i t i n g what he described as l e t t e r s to the. e d i t o r i n w r i t i n g that went around i n a square shape on h i s sheet of paper. He said that he had been i n the United States Army and was r e c e i v i n g a pension of something over $ 1 0 0 . 0 0 per month. This p a r t i c u l a r h o t e l seemed to be a haven f o r many other disturbed men since others wandered up and down the c o r r i d o r , weaving drunkenly and obvious-l y curious as to what the interviewer was doing. Others had t h e i r heads out of t h e i r doorways i n the long dark c o r r i d o r watching what was going on, The landlord also had h i s doubts since he kept a close watch on the research interviewer's a c t i v i t i e s . The Chinese men, on the other hand, show very d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l pat-terns. As already mentioned i n Chapter k n i n e t y - f i v e per cent, or twenty-one of them, are or were married, although t h e i r wives are not with them, but presumably l i v i n g i n China or i n Hong Kong. Seventy per cent l i v e with r e l a t i v e s or with non-relatives. Only t h i r t y per cent l i v e alone, compared to ninety-eight per cent of the White population i n the sample. TABLE 27 SINGLE OR SHARED ACCOMMODATION AS REPORTED BY 103 MEN, by RACIAL ORIGIN Single or Shared j R a c i a l O r i g i n Accommodation 1 Chinese Men White Men T o t a l number (27) (76) i Live alone : 8 75 { Live with r e l a t i v e s 18 0 1 • Live with non-relatives i j I 1 The E f f e c t of E a r l y Immigration Patterns So that we may understand something about the s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n of -120-the white population in contrast to the closer relationships among the Chinese, a picture of some of the early immigration practices for both racial groups, Chinese and Whites, will follow. The Chinese men had much closer kinship and cultural ties than the White men had. Because of their racial background and the opposition to a l l Orientals in British Columbia in the early 1900's these ties became even stronger. After arriving in Canada they formed strong group associations. W.E.Willmott collects these associations into five broad areas and states that of the almost eighty associations in Vancouver, twenty-three are related to clanship. 1 The assoc-iations are outlined as follows: 1. Locality association - these are related to the six counties of Kuangtung, China-: from which most of the Chinese men came. They were concerned with the welfare of their members in sending remittances to China, in providing for indigents and in sending the bones of the deceased to China for burial. 2. Fraternal associations - the first was the Chinese Free-masons established in Barkerville in 1863 and later rooted in Vancouver. The second was the Kuomintang -a group interested in the political l i f e of China. These associations provided clubrooms, printed news-papers and organized various activities. 3. Community associations - these are over a l l broad assoc-iations providing a united front to those outside the Chinese race. The association in Vancouver is known as the Chinese Benevolent Association. In addition to welfare activities i t runs a Cantonese school, organizes Chinese participation in public events, provides legal counsel for those Chinese who cannot afford i t and issues public statements on behalf of the Chinese as a whole. Willmott, W. E., "Chinese Clan Association in Vancouver", from magazine, Man, No.49, March-April 1964, pp. 33-38. (special collections, U.B.C. Library.) -121-k. Other associations - these were smaller and l e s s import-ant, such as music s o c i t i e s , youth clubs and gambling clubs. 5» Clan associations - most clan associations were est-ablished around 1900. Tere are few women members and most of the membership now i s from the older men who came to Canada p r i o r to 1923* The Chinese men i n our survey f a l l i n t o t h i s group. The c l a n associations used to s e t t l e disputes among members and between ass o c i a t i o n s . Now, however, t h i s function has diminished a s the men can locate i n d i v i d u a l counsel or seek Canadian court help. There was a time when the clan a s s o c i a t i o n would help to e s t a b l i s h immigrants i n business and help them i f they f a i l e d . Today the clans sponsor celebrations i n China-town and provide a c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n . They are no longer the p o l i t i c a l . a n d economic force they once were. With t h i s strong base of group associations one i s able to see how the basis f o r l i f e - l o n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s would be formed and i n p a r t i c u l a r why the older Chinese men i n our survey c l i n g together i n Chinatown. Canada had one of the world's greatest percentage increases i n pop-u l a t i o n , namely t h i r t y - f o u r per cent i n the 1900 - 1911 peak', period. Many peoples came out from Europe some due to r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l persecution, but many more f o r economic reasons. The trends are discussed more f u l l y i n the chapter on immigration. Many thousands of these people were r u r a l people who s e t t l e d on the P r a i r i e s but some had the f e e l i n g of wanting to press fu r t h e r West - to pioneer and have the freedom of the f r o n t i e r . No doubt many of the men i n our sample were spurred West by t h i s f e e l i n g . I t i s a f e e l i n g that does not nec e s s a r i l y induce the i n d i v i d u a l to s e t t l e and make roots, to form family or other close connections. Each man d i d the best he could i n h i s new s i t u a t i o n but the lack of s o c i a l t i e s i s noteworthy. I t i s a phenomenon a t y p i c a l to s o c i e t y i n o l d world-world countries. These men have not formed close family r e l a t i o n s h i p s or joined lodges, clubs, or other organized groups. They have also found few s a t i s f a c t i o n s i n free time. For -122-many of them the social patterns which developed in youth and middle age have been continued through to their later years. For many immigrants, especially those who came to Canada from Europe, association with people of other races was an economic necessity. But when large groups came and settled in close proximity, as did the Chinese in Vancouver, assimilation was not a necessity in the early stages or even possible. 1 In such circumstances the cultural affinity towards the homeland traditions were strengthened. It is suggested that where this close association does not endanger the security or the good government of the state, this type of group settlement may be encouraged. The founding group in such settlements takes responsibility for new members, and i t usually attends to some of the welfare aspects of the immigration process, by finding employment for nev; comers and providing a community in which they can live. This was the case with the Chinese immigrants in Vancouver in the opening decades of this country. In many respects assimilation is speeded up when the immigrant be-comes "invisible" in the sense that he no longer is identified as a migrant by the native-born in the host country. It also implies that he can "get on" in the country. It means finding a place in the community on the basis of 2 his own merits, as Borrie suggests, without a qualifying reference to his social origin or to his cultural inheritance. He no longer retains the marks of a member of an alien group. For many people in the area of our 1 see the mention of discrimination against the Chinese in Chapter IJ.i. 2 Borrie, W.D., The Cultural Integration of Immigrants, Papers and Pro-ceedings of the UNESCO Conference, Havana, April 1956, p.97. -123-sample these changes have not occurred. Many of the older Chinese wear a costume which c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i e s them as f i r s t - g e n e r a t i o n immigrants. Many of the other r a c i a l groups have language and speech b a r r i e r s that i d e n t i f y them as migrants from other countries. Even i f these external signs are not showing, a short time with them i n d i c a t e s that i n t h e i r t h inking they are s t i l l associated with t h e i r homeland. The patterns of immigration, as discussed i n Chapter 13-* would seem to supply some of the early information and background material needed to understand our present sample. I t has been suggested that with regard to some of the concepts of c u l t u r a l i n t e g r a t i o n of immigrants there i s a f e e l i n g that a s s i m i l a t i o n may not be a p r a c t i c a l objective, at l e a s t f o r the f i r s t generation. I t i s more l i k e l y to be a r e a l i z a t i o n that the a c c u l t u r a t i o n of immigrants and native cultures i s a long, slow process that continues over several generations. The important problem i s the degree of adjustment which can be expected from the f i r s t generation and how i t should occur. There i s much to be gained by the host country from new ideas, t a l e n t s , and the hopes that the immigrant brings with him. Family l i f e , as most people think of i t i n terms of a spouse and c h i l d r e n , i s unknown at present to the men of our survey. For the Chinese men i t i s an unusual s i t u a t i o n i n that they are married, and may have one or more c h i l d r e n , but they have not l i v e d with t h e i r wives f o r many years. Seventy-eight per cent of the Chinese men are married but t h e i r wives are i n China, Hong Kong, or elsewhere i n Canada or unknown. Ninety-three per cent of these Chinese men have a son or a daughter l i v i n g , some of them here, but most are presumably i n China. Only t h i r t y per cent of the White population of our sample have been married. There i s a more d e t a i l e d d i s -cussion of these personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n Chapter 'U,» -124-Most of the men in our sample came to Canada over thirty years ago, and were probably single and able to find employment fairly easily. Because they were single they were highly mobile and could adapt themselves to l i f e in largely male frontier settlements. They were often in an occupation where they were isolated or living with other immigrants in a '•team" occu-pation, for example railway construction, mining, or logging. They may not have needed English-language facility in these jobs or in leisure activities. They may have been employed with many of their own racial and ethnic groups. When i t came to marriage their opportunities to meet potential partners would have been limited. There were few women near their places of work, and fewer s t i l l of their own ethnic origin. From these lacks of opportunity for family contacts i t can be in-ferred that the ability of the man to make his own social contacts is lessen-ed, his desire to find female companionship would be lessened through time, and his own initiative and self-worth may also be depreciated. To a large extent, such environmental circumstances as are outlined here may help to account for the present "family-less" position of the White men in our sur-vey. There are feelings of anxiety, of insecurity, of their place in the community and in society, of uprootedness, and of not belonging v/ith loss of personal and social status. These are the major psychological problems of the immigrant and most of our respondents were immigrants at one time. The feelings mentioned are also those which may occur when a man has not achieved the economic security his peers may have achieved. These problems were most pronounced in our White group. As Borrie so well sums up: -125-The main manifestation of non-resolution of these problems are personal and social apathy, develop-ment of group tensions, prejudices, intergroup aggression and the development of "marginal" per-sonalities caught between two worlds, insecure to both and ambivalent to both. The role of the men in our sample was and is quite different from that which we usually observe in family and social relationships. As pointed out earlier, circumstances of the times in a new, unknown country were a factor. Life has not brought them the satisfactions i t often brings to others. Some of the major goals that society stresses have not been achieved by them - thus family connections, money, property, group associ-ations are a l l lacking. They have few accomplishments to talk about and a sense of apathy and disinterest in the world around them is apparent. Their use of free time now has seemingly been limited by their own l i f e experiences and by the environments in which they lived during youth and middle age. As Havighurst has stated, one of the most "interesting problems which the 20th century has presented to the human race, perhaps the most important, for the 2 happiness of mankind, is that of meaningful use of free time". Our men, on the other hand, are social isolates. No doubt in any society there is a small percentage in this category. Whether they :remain so or not is a decision we leave to them in our democratic world. However, whether they have to live in such economic poverty, such social deprivation and in some cases in such squalor is the question we may rightly ask in a society as affluent as ours. 1 Borrie, W.D., The Cultural Integration of Immigrants, Papers & Proceedings of the UNESCO Conference, Havana, April, 1956. p.152. 2 Havighurst, R.J., "The Nature and Values of Free-Time Activity", Social &  Psychological Aspects of Aging, eds. Tibbitts and Donahue, Columbia University Press, 1962. p.899 -126-We are, as a country, now taking a greater interest in the social as well as the physical and mental well-being of our older people. The rights of the aging population to more than just food and shelter are becoming a major public concern. There is a feeling that older people ought to have more than minimal subsistence. The emphasis in finding better solutions is moving toward meeting some of these social satisfactions that later l i f e might bring. The Senate Report on Aging has set out some guide lines for the future and undoubtedly there will be others who will express their concern. CHAPTER 8  FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS This chapter will attempt to bring together what has been learned about the sample group in this study. It will point out what similarities and differences there are between the two racial groups of our sample, and what effects this has had upon them. An attempt v/ill then be made to show what their needs seem to be, what this should mean to us, and how we can best help this group. There are many similarities between the two racial groups of our sample. For instance, we found that the majority of both groups are immi-grants to Canada. The importance of this fact became clearer as we analy-sed the interview materials and noted other similarities between the two groups. A l l the evidence we have seems to indicate that the majority of both immigrant groups were unskilled or semi-skilled. This has meant that, since their arrival in Canada, the men of both groups have had to work in low-skilled jobs in such industries as mining, logging and construction, or in food services related to these industries. The seasonal character of their work has kept the men mobile and transient in regard to residence, and pre-vented many of them from establishing family or community ties. It has also kept both groups in the low-wage brackets. This economic fact together with the long depression of the 1930's has made i t difficult for them to accumu-late savings or to plan financially for their later years. Thus, the major-ity of both groups are now without savings, and they have to rely upon government pensions of one form or another as income in their old age. Because of their lack of skills and their inability to form community ties, work has been their main means of contact with their social environment. -128-It was through work that these men gained self-respect and a sense of worth. Now that their work careers are ended, they are left without purpose and without any functions to perform which would give them dignity and a con-tinuing contact with the world around them. They have few accomplishments in l i f e from which they can derive satisfaction, and few of them have family ties which can sustain them in their retirement. They have been in the past and s t i l l are, very isolated from their social environments. Both groups are now forced back upon themselves to find purpose and respect. This is evidenced by the type of passive activities in which they partake, such as reading, walking, and other solitary pursuits. A truer understanding of these men can be attained when one under-stands the differences in past experiences that distinguish the two groups, and the effects these differences have had upon their individual lives and personalities. The greatest differences relate to their immigration back-grounds. Differences are seen not only in their immigration backgrounds but also in the cultural backgrounds from which the two groups came. The difference in historical background is shown by the fact that the Chinese immigrated in the 1900-1920 period, while the White men came between 1920 and 1930. The circumstances under which the Chinese settled in Canada have disrupted their family ties. Although most of them are married, they have been prevented from bringing their families over from China or from Hong Kong by the Canadian Immigration Act of 1923• The Whites, on the other hand, have fewer married men among them, possibly as a result of their mobility and the geographic isolation forced upon them by the conditions of their work. While the majority of men in both groups have not lived normal family lives for many decades, the Chinese -129-have been more fortunate than the Whites. They have had the support of their kinsmen and their friends in the Strathcona area, They have taken advantage of this to form communal living arrangements. Some gains in security and general comfort seem to be reflected in the behaviour of the Chinese by friendliness and their marked interest shown in the present study. The responses of the Whites made quite different impressions on the survey workers. They have, for many years of their working lives, been separated from settled community l i f e , and have never been able to form family or community ties. They found their main satisfaction in their work, but the loss of this satisfaction, as well as their status as employees, when they no longer could work, left them without a role to play in their places of residence. Feelings of uselessness and hopelessness set in, which drove them more and more within themselves. They have become isolates, living in single rooms, passing their time by themselves. In the course of time some of them have become resigned to their fate; they have become apathetic and disinterested in their surroundings. This isolation, and lack of psycho-logical support, and the loss of feelings of dignity have taken their t o l l among the Whites. The research interviewers noted symptoms of emotional maladjustments, such as hostility, suspicion and senility among them. These men feel rejected by society and they have, in turn, tried to reject society. They seem to want only to be left alone. This was the main theme of their feelings about public housing. On the whole, they favoured the new housing projects, but they stressed their wish for privacy and to be. left alone. The Chinese, on the other hand, were less in favour of public housing, not because they didn't think i t good, but because they were afraid that they might lose their close contacts with their kinsmen i f they moved from their present homes. -130-All this gives us many clues as to how to treat these men. The Chinese have their strong social and kinship ties and are fortunate in this respect. Removal from this reighbourhood would likely disrupt these ties with their kinsmen and friends. Further, they are unable to afford movies, clubs, and other social activities, that would allow them to be more active members of their society. A more adequate income would allow them more choice of social activities and contacts. The Whites, on the other hand, as mentioned before, have become isolates. They feel rejected by society and consider themselves worthless, as though nobody cared about them. These men could be helped tremendously i f only they could be shown that people do care, possibly through the use of volunteer "visitors" or i f , when they became residents of the public housing, they are helped to participate in group activities, and to become a part of a social world again. If means and ways could be found to overcome their feelings of hostility and rejection, many of them might yet become happier and better adjusted members of our society. -131-INDEX OF APPENDIX TABLES Table No. I T o t a l Immigrant Arrivals i n Canada, I896-I928 II T o t a l Immigrant A r r i v a l s i n Canada, 1929-1948 I I I Length of Residence i n Canada IV Length of residence i n Strathcona area V Physical S t a b i l i t y Shown VI Interest Portrayed VII Adequacy of Understanding VIII Adequacy of Grooming IX Work Status by Percentage D i s t r i b u t i o n of Study Sample X Hours worked per week by Percentage D i s t r i b u t i o n of Study Sample. -132-APPENDIX TABLE I TOTAL IMMIGRANT ARRIVALS IN CANADA 1896-1928  Years Numbers Years Numbers I896 16,835 1913 400,870 1897 21,716 1914 150,484 I898 31,900 1915 36,665 1899 44,5^3 1916 55,914 1900 4l,681 1917 72,910 1901 55,747 1918 41,845 1902 89,102 1919 107,698 1903 138,660 I92O 138,824 1904 131,252 1921 91,728 1905 141,465 1922 • 64,224 1906 211,653 1923 133,729 1907 272,409 1924 124,164 1908 143,326 1925 84,907 1909 173,694 1926 135,982 1910 286,839 1927 158,886 1911 331,288 1928 166,783 1912 375,756 Source: Urquhart, M.C. and Buckley, K.A.H., eds. Historical Statistics  of Canada, MacMillaa, Toronto, 1965. p.13 -135-APPENDIX, TABLE II TOTAL IMMIGRANT ARRIVALS IN CANADA 1929-1948  Years Numbers Years Numbers 1929 164,993 1939 16,994 1950 104,806 1940 11,324 1931 27,530. 1941 9.,329 1932 20,591 1942 7,576 1933 14,382 1943 8,504 193k 12,476 1944 12,801 1935 11,277 1945 22,722 1936 11,643 1946 71,719 1937 15,101 1947 64,127 1938 17,244 1948 125,414 Source: Urquhart and Buckley, l o c , c i t . -134-TABLE III. LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN CANADA Length of Residence in Canada (in years) Racial Origin Total Chinese White Total 103 27 76 Less than 5 years 1 0 1 5 - 1 9 years 0 0 0 20 - 29 1 1 1 0 1 30 - 34 " 1 0 1 35 - 39 " 14 0 1 4 4 0 - 44 " 21 0 21 45 - 49 1 1 10 8 2. 50 - 54 " 18 9 9 55 - 59 " 13 5 8 6 0 - 6 4 ^ 8 3 5 65 yrs and over 16 2 14 TABLE IV LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN STRATHCONA AREA. Racial Origin Years in Strathcona Area Total 0-11 mths 1 yr -4 yrs 5-9 yrs more than 10 yrs no record Total 103 20 33 17 32 1 Chinese 27 4 5 4 1 4 0 Mhite 76 16 28 13 18 1 - 1 3 5 -TABLE V PHYSICAL STABILITY SHOWN ' A. Numerical D i s t r i b u t i o n by S t a b i l i t y Shown Phys i c a l S t a b i l i t y Shown Raci a l O r i g i n T o t a l Very weak and feeble Weak and a b i t unsteady not weak but b i t unsteady neither, weak nor unsteady T o t a l 103 6 21 25 51 Chinese 27 1 2 10 14 White 76 5 19 15 37 B. Percentage D i s t r i b u t i o n by S t a b i l i t y Shown  Phys i c a l S t a b i l i t y Shown Ra c i a l O r i g i n T o t a l Very weak and feeble Weak and a b i t unsteady not weak but b i t unsteady neither weak nor unsteady Chinese 100.0 3-7 7.4 37.0 51.9 White 98.9 6.5 25.0 19.7 48.7 TABLE VI INTEREST PORTRAYED Degree of Interest Shown Raci a l O r i g i n T o t a l Apathy Mi l d In-atte n t i o n M i l d i n -tere s t High i n t e r e s t . Total 103 2 10 52 39 Chinese 27 1 2 9 15 White 76 1 ;: 8 43 24 TABLE VII  ADEQUACY OF UNDERSTANDING Degree of Understanding Shown Racial Origin Total Quick & Correct Slow but correct Slow but confused Quick but often not correct Barely able to follow Total 103 43 40 11 6 3 Chinese 27 16 10 0 0 1 White 76 27 30 11 6 2 B. Percentage Distribution by Understanding Shown Degree of Understanding Shown Racial Origin Total Quick & correct Slow but correct Slow but confused Quick but often not correct Barely able to follow Chinese 100.0 59.3 37.0 0 0 3.7 White 98.9 35.0 39-4 14.4 7.8 2.6 TABLE VIII.  ADEQUACY OF GROOMING State of Grooming Racial Origin Total Very neat & clean Fairly neat not neat untidy Total 103 38 38 14 13 Chinese 27 18 6 2 1 White 76 20 32 12 12 -137-TABLE IX WORK STATUS BY PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF STUDY SAMPLE. Ethnic aroup Base Total ,Total per cent Percentage working Yes no . no data Total 103 100.0 6.8 92.2 1.0 »Vhite 74 100.0 6.8 . 91.9 1.4 Chinese 27 100.0 7.4 92.6 0.0 tfegro 2 100.0 0.0 100. 0.0 TABLE X. HOURS WORKED PER WEEK BY PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF STUDY SAMPLE. Ethnic Group Base Total Total Percentages hours per week worked per cent 30 hours or more 10 - 29 hours Not Working Total 103 100.00 6.8 1.0 92.2 White 74 100.0 8.1 0.0 91-9 Chinese 27 100.0 3.7 3.7 92.6 Negro 2 100.0 0.0 0.0 100.0 -138-Interview Schedule f o r the A n a l y s i s of the Needs and S o c i a l P a t t e r n s of the Aged Unattached Males, S i x t y Years and Over, i n the Strathcona Area, Vancouver, B.C. Name of Respondent: Address of Respondent: Date of Interview: Time of Interview: Duration of Interview: Name of Int e r v i e w e r : January, 1966 -139-FiiRGONAL CHARACTERISTICS F i r s t , we are going to ask you something about y o u r s e l f . 1. What i s your Name? 2. What i s your Address? (6) 3 . M a r i t a l Status: Are you: 1. S i n g l e ? 3 . Widowed? 5 . Divorced? 2. Married? 4 . Separated? (7) 4. How long have you been married? Separated? Widowed? Divorced? 1. 0 through 11 months 4. 10 through 20 years 2. 1 through k years • 5> 20 through 29 years 3. 5 through 9 years (8) 5« I f married, where i s your wife? 1. Same household 2. Other ( s p e c i f y ) 3. Not known (9) 6. Where were you born? What country? Province 1. Canada 2 . Other ( s p e c i f y ) (10) 7- R a c i a l o r i g i n : 1 . Chinese 4 . East Indian 2. Japanese 5 - I t a l i a n 3 . B r i t i s h I s l e s 6. Other ( s p e c i f y ) ( l l ) 8. Language(s) spoken i n the home? ( s p e c i f y ) 1. Language other than E n g l i s h 2. E n g l i s h p l u s other language 3. E n g l i s h only 9. Other languages spoken? ( s p e c i f y ) -140-- 2 -(12) 10. Age i n years (as of l a s t b i r t h d a y ) 1. 60 to 64 years 5 - 80 to 84 years 2. 65 to 69 years 6 . 85 to 89 years 3. 70 to 74 years 7. 90 to 94 years 4. 75 to 79 years >• 95 years or over 9. Not known (13) 11. (14) 12. How long have you l i v e d i n Canada? ( s p e c i f y years) How long have you l i v e d here? (at t h i s address) 1. 0 through 11 months 3- 5 through 9 years 2. 1 through 4 years 4 . 10 years or more (15) 13. Where d i d you l i v e before t h i s address? ( s p e c i f y s t r e e t no. i f p o s s i b l e ) 1.. Strathcona 3 . East End 2. Downtown 4. Other Vancouver 5 . Other c i t y B. HOUSING AND HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS These w i l l be questions about where you are l i v i n g . (16) 14.. Number of storeys i n d w e l l i n g : (1) one (2) two (3) three (4) four or more (17) 15.- Type of s t r u c t u r e : ( l ) wood (2) b r i c k (5) Other '3) stucco (4) cement ( s p e c i f y ) (18) l 6 . . L i v i n g accommodation: 1 . s e l f owned (19) 17. Type of accommodation: rented Furnished Unfurnished Apartment Room Hot e l Room Boarding House Other 1. 2. 3. 4. 5 . 1 . 2 . 3 . 4 . 5 . ( s p e c i f y ) -141-" 3 -(20) l 8 . Do you share your accommodation? ( l ) Yes (2) No 19- Could you t e l l me about some of the things you share? Room Shared Check Room(s) below No. of Persons Using (21) K i t c h e n (22) L i v i n g Room (23) Bathroom (2k) T o i l e t (25) 20. Who provides the main meal? 1. S e l f 2. R e l a t i v e i n d w e l l i n g 3. R e l a t i v e outside d w e l l i n g k. F r i e n d , landlady, or neighbour i n d w e l l i n g ( s p e c i f y ) 5. F r i e n d , neighbour outside d w e l l i n g 6. Restaurant 7 . Other ( s p e c i f y ) 8. Not known (26) 21 . Who provides other meals? 1. S e l f 2. R e l a t i v e i n dw e l l i n g 3. R e l a t i v e outside d w e l l i n g k. F r i e n d , landlady, or neighbour i n d w e l l i n g ( s p e c i f y ) 5 . F r i e n d , neighbour outside d w e l l i n g ( s p e c i f y ) 6. Restaurant 7 . Other ( s p e c i f y ) 8. Not known - 1 4 2 --k-(27) 22. Check presence of f o l l o w i n g items i n d w e l l i n g : On same Distance (a) Cooking F a c i l i t i e s Own Shared F l o o r i n Storeys Hotplate E l e c t r i c Stove Gas Range Coal on Wood Stove R e f r i g e r a t o r No Cooking F a c i l i t i e s Not known (b) Other F a c i l i t i e s Radio T.V. _ Telephone Laundry Other ( s p e c i f y ) ( c ) S t a i r s only to other f l o o r s E l e v a t o r only Both s t a i r s & e l e v a t o r (28) 23. Who l i v e s w i t h you i n t h i s room (rooms)? 1. Alone i n d w e l l i n g 2. With r e l a t i v e s J . With r e l a t i v e s & n o n - r e l a t i v e s k. N o n - r e l a t i v e s only S p e c i f y below a l l members of household: -143-- 5 -C. WORKING CONDITIONS The next questions are about where you work or have worked. (29) 2 4 . . Do you work? ( l ) Yes (2) No 25. I f working, ask k i n d of job ( s p e c i f y ) . I f "yes", #24 (30) 26. How many hours do you u s u a l l y work a week? 1. 30 hours or more a week 2. 10 to 29 hours a week 3. 5 to 9 hours a week k. 0 to k hours a week (31) 27. How long i s i t since you q u i t ? ' . 1. Less than one year 3.- 5 through 9 years 2. 1 through k years . k. 10 years or over _ (32) 28. Why d i d you q u i t work? 1. Employer's p o l i c y 4 . Personal choice 2. Unable to f i n d work 5 - Other ( s p e c i f y ) 3. H I h e a l t h 6 < N o t k n o w n D. INCOME 29. Do you know how much money you r e c e i v e d l a s t year (from a l l sources i f p o s s i b l e ) ? (j>3) 30. Income per month: under S50 $125 to $149 $50 to $74 $150 to $174 $75 to $99 $175 to $199 $100 to $124 $200 or over 31. I s income higher i n some months than others (seasonal range)? (1) Yes (2) No 32. I f yes, e x p l a i n -144-- 6 -33 • Sources of Income: Employee's Pension Old Age S e c u r i t y _ (Supplemental Allowance) Old Age A s s i s t a n c e •  S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e Veteran's Allowance Workmen's Allowance B l i n d or D i s a b l e d Person's Allowance Allowance from R e l a t i v e s Earnings Savings Other ( s p e c i f y ) Not known E. HEALTH The f o l l o w i n g are questions about your h e a l t h , how you f e e l . (3^) 34. When d i d you l a s t see a doctor? Do you do t h i s r e g u l a r l y ? W ithin the past 7 days (1) (1) One week to one month ago (2) (2) One month to three months ago (3) (3) Three months to one year ago (4) (4) More than one year ago (5) (5) Never (6) (35) 35 ' Are you able to go f o r a walk every day? ( l ) Yes (2) No 36. I f no, why not ( s p e c i f y ) (36) 37• How would you describe your general health? (1) Very good (2) Good (3) F a i r (k) Poor (5) Very Poor -145--7-38. What complaints have you? ( P h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s or d i s a b i l i t i e s ) (37) (38) (39) (40) (41) (42) (43) (49) (50) (a) B o d i l y Functions Heart t r o u b l e D i g e s t i v e t r o u b l e s C o n t r o l of bowels C o n t r o l of u r i n e Back t r o u b l e (44) (45) (46) (47) (48) (b) Senses See w e l l Hear w e l l Use glasses Use hearing a i d Speak c l e a r l y J o i n t s ( a r t h r i t i s ) Other ( s p e c i f y ) ( c ) . M o b i l i t y Are you confined to bed? ( l ) Yes_ Are you confined to your room? (2) No (2) No (1) Yes I f yes (above) are you able to leave your room? How many s t a i r steps can you manage? none 6 or more SOCIAL ACTIVITY PATTERNS 39. We are now going to ask you some questions about how you use your tim What are some of the ways you spend your time? (excluding employment, s l e e p i n g , eating and housekeeping). Suppose you t e l l me the three t h i n g s you most l i k e to do: Once a Once a Every day week month (a) (b) (c) 40. Would you t e l l me some of the other t h i n g s you l i k e to do? (Check I f a p p l i c a b l e ) Go f o r walks Go to church Go to movies Go to l i b r a r y Go to museum Go to beer p a r l o u r Go to club Go shopping watch sports P l a y cards Read P a i n t V i s i t f r i e n d s S i t and do nothing Other ( s p e c i f y ) -146--8-Where do you u s u a l l y see your f r i e n d s , pass your time? Every day Once a Week Once a Month L o c a l s t r e e t s Benches Clubs or or g a n i z a t i o n s Restaurant Beer P a r l o u r Church House stoop L i b r a r y Museum No place outside household Other ( s p e c i f y ) Not known LOCATION OF RELATIVES AND CONTACTS WITH THEM Where do Date l a s t they l i v e seen I s your mother l i v i n g ? Yes No I s your f a t h e r l i v i n g ? Yes No Do you have a br o t h e r ( s ) Do you have a s i s t e r ( s ) Do you have a daughter(s) Do you have a son(s) Do you have gra n d c h i l d r e n Other r e l a t i v e s ( s p e c i f y ) -147--9-(51) 4-3. (a) How many f r i e n d s d i d you v i s i t ? ( s t a t e number) (1) Today (2) Yesterday (3) Last Week (4) Last Month (52) (b) How many f r i e n d s came to v i s i t you? ( s t a t e number) (1) Today (2) Yesterday (3) Last Week (4) Last Month (53) 44. (a) How many business or p r o f e s s i o n a l people d i d you go to see? ( s p e c i f y number) (1) Today (2) Yesterday (3) Last Week (4) Last Month (54) (b) How many business or p r o f e s s i o n a l people came to see you? ( s p e c i f y number) (1) Today (2) Yesterday (3) Last Week (4) Last Month H. RELOCATION There i s going to be some new housing i n t h i s area. (55) 45. Have you heard that some p a r t of t h i s area (Strathcona) i s to be c l e a r e d o f f ? (1) Yes (2) No (56) 46. I f yes, (a) Have you thought about where you w i l l move? 1. Yes 2 . No_ (57) (b) Have you looked elsewhere f o r housing? 1 . Yes 2 . No_ (58) 47. (a) Would you l i k e to remain l i v i n g i n t h i s area? (1) Yes (2) No (3) Uncertain \ (b) Are there t h i n g s you l i k e about l i v i n g i n t h i s area? E x p l a i n : (c) Are there things you don't l i k e about l i v i n g here? E x p l a i n : -148-- 1 0 -•'. There i s going to be low r e n t a l housing ( l i k e McLean Park) soon i n t h i s area. (59) 48. (a) Do you know about McLean Park? ( l ) Yes (2) No (60) (b) Do you know anyone i n McLean Park? ( l ) Yes (2) No (61) (c) Would you l i k e to l i v e i n McLean Park? ( l ) Yes (2) No (62) (d) Would you p r e f e r to l i v e with people of your own race? (1) Yes (2) No (63) (o) Would you l i k e to l i v e w i t h people of other races as i s done i n McLean Park? (1) Yes (2) No (64) ( f ) I f no, to some p a r t s of above question, e x p l a i n 49. I s there some other k i n d of housing you would l i k e to l i v e i n ? 50. There w i l l probably be e x t r a space i n the new housing f o r va r i o u s a c t i v i t i e s . How would you l i k e to see t h i s space used? 51. We have now come to the end of my l i s t of questions. Are there some questions you would l i k e to ask? (a) About t h i s l i s t ? (b) About the study? (c) Other - 1 4 9 --11-INTERVIEWER'S OBSERVATIONS OF RESPONDENT AND HIS HOME (To be completed by i n t e r v i e w e r immediately a f t e r i n t e r v i e w ) 1. Respondent's grooming: ( l ) Very neat and clean (2) F a i r l y neat (3) Not neat (k) Untidy 2. Respondent showed (check one major item as observed): ( l ) Apathy (2) M i l d i n a t t e n t i o n (3) M i l d i n t e r e s t (4) High i n t e r e s t 3 . Respondent was (check items which were observed during i n t e r v i e w ) : ( l ) S uspicious or guarded (2) F o r g e t f u l or confused (3) S i l l y i n a p p r o p r i a t e remarks and behaviour (4) I n d e c i s i v e i n answering questions (5) H o s t i l e (6) F r i e n d l y and/or cooperative k. Respondent's c o o r d i n a t i o n and stre n g t h : ( l ) Very weak and fe e b l e (2) Weak and a b i t unsteady (3) Not weak but a b i t unsteady (4) Neither unsteady nor weak_ 5 . Respondent's comprehension of questions (check major impression): ( l ) Quick and c o r r e c t (2) Slow but c o r r e c t (3) Slow and sometimes confused (k) Quick but oft e n not c o r r e c t (5) B a r e l y able to f o l l o w 6. Respondent's Approach to Rooming House or Home: ( l ) Dangerous f l i g h t of s t a i r s (2) Easy f l i g h t of s t a i r s (3) J u s t stoop or porch s t a i r s (4) No s t a i r s 7. C o n d i t i o n of f u r n i s h i n g s : ( l ) Clean and i n good r e p a i r (2) Clean but i n poor r e p a i r (3) In good r e p a i r but s o i l e d (4) S o i l e d and i n poor r e p a i r -ISO-CODING INSTRUCTIONS FOR ADDITIONAL QUESTIONS NOT CODED PREVIOUSLY, Code Column SECTION B; HOUSING AND HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS: Q u e s t i o n 22: (page 4) : a. C o o k i n g F a c i l i t i e s : ( a c c e s s t o , by r e s p o n d e n t , somewhere i n the b u i l d i n g where he l i v e s ) (72) 1. H o t p l a t e 2. E l e c t r i c S t o v e 3. Gas Range 4. C o a l or Wood S t o v e 5. No C o o k i n g F a c i l i t i e s 6. Not R e p o r t e d b. O t h e r F a c i l i t i e s : ^ R a d i o and/or TV: ( a c c e s s t o , by r e s p o n d e n t , i n b u i l d i n g where he l i v e s ) (73) 1. Yes 2 . No 3. Not R e p o r t e d T e l e p h o n e : ( a c c e s s t o , by r e s p o n d e n t , i n b u i l d i n g where he l i v e s ) (74) 1. Yes 2. No 3. Not R e p o r t e d d. S t a i r s and E l e v a t o r s : (75) 1. S t a i r s o n l y t o o t h e r f l o o r s 2. E l e v a t o r o n l y 3. Both s t a i r s and e l e v a t o r 4. N e i t h e r s t a i r s n o r e l e v a t o r ( o n e - s t o r e y house) 5. Not R e p o r t e d SECTION D: INCOME: Q u e s t i o n 33: (page 6 ) : CODE ONLY MAJOR SOURCE OF INCOME: (76) 1. O l d Age S e c u r i t y 2. War V e t e r a n ' s A l l o w a n c e o r P e n s i o n 3. O l d Age A s s i s t a n c e . 4. S o c i a l A s s i s t ance 5. B l i n d or D i s a b l e d P e r s o n ' s A l l o w a n c e 6. E m p l o y e r ' s P e n s i o n 7. S a v i n g s 8. P r i v a t e P e n s i o n or A n n u i t y 9. O t h e r ( s p e c i f y ) 10. Not R e p o r t e d -151-Code Column SECTION G: LIVING RELATIVES: (page 8 ) : Q u e s t i o n 42: a. Do y o u have a b r o t h e r o r a s i s t e r l i v i n g (77) 1. Yes 2. No 3. Not R e p o r t e d Do y o u have a s on o r a d a u g h t e r l i v i n g : (78) 1. Yes 2. No 3. Not R e p o r t e d Do you have any o t h e r r e l a t i v e l i v i n g ? (79) 1. Yes 2. No 3. Not R e p o r t e d Do you have any r e l a t i v e l i v i n g i n V a n c o u v e r ? (80) 1, Yes 2. No 3. Not R e p o r t e d -152-CODING INSTRUCTIONS WITH COMMENTS FOR THE INTERVIEW SCIiEDULE USED FOR '•' PROJECT No.6. SERVICES TO THE AGING IN VANCOUVER 1965-1966  Some of the questions developed i n the interview schedule are not c l e a r l y defined f o r coding purposes, and others are too complex f o r coding i n t h e i r present form. But many important responses can be coded f o r I.B.M. cards, i f t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are re v i s e d . Many mean-i n g f u l answers, now l e f t uncoded, can s t i l l be c l a s s i f i e d i n such ways that they can be coded, I f t h i s i s done, they can be correlated with f a c t u a l materials i n the speedy and accurate computing processes. I t w i l l then be possible to integrate much information i n t o quantitative tabu-l a t i o n s that otherwise would have to be omitted from the computer-sorted t a b l e s . The changes that need to be made on the interview schedules are outlined i n the following pages. Care has been taken to see that responses, that have been recorded w i l l not be d i s t o r t e d i n meaning, or i n r e l a t i o n s h i p to other items of information. A few general i n s t r u c t i o n s are i n order at t h i s point to insure that uniform and sui t a b l e procedures are followed, i n dealing with some questions, f o r which answers are incomplete, or which lack information e n t i r e l y . -153-The code numher 0 (zero) is used for questions or sub-sections of large questions where the responses are of one or another of the following types: (a) where check marks, / , are-lacking, as well as other answers, for a l l the categories listed. (b) where a question is "not applicable", as indicated by the N/A symbol. For example, question 4, which asks "How long have you been married?" is "not applicable" to a respondent whose marital status is "single". The symbol, N/A, which the interviewer records for such a respondent, should be coded 0; this means that the code clerk will not neglect to punch a hole in the appropriate column on the I.B.M. card. The changes indicated for particular questions, i n order that their responses can be coded, are outlined as follows: Question k, page 1 . How long have you been married? Separated? Widowed? divorced; Extend the present classification, by adding: 6 . Thirty or more years Question 5» page 1 . If the man i s married, where i s his wife? Code. 0. No date 1 . Same household 2 . Elsewhere in Canada 3 . China k. Hong Kong 5 . Other Country_ 6 . Not known -154-Question 6, page 1. Where were you born? Expand present l i s t using only two l i n e s , i . e . , 0. No data.... 1. Canada 2. China 3. Hong Kong 4. Europe 5. U.S.A. 6 Other Country Question 7, page 1. R a c i a l O r i g i n . Place t h i s code i n the r i g h t margin: 1. Chinese 5. White 2. Other Asian 6. Other 3. N.A. Indian 7. Not Reported 4. Negro' Question 8, page 1. Language spoken i n the home. Code i n the r i g h t margin, as follows: 1. E n g l i s h only .. 4. . Other language only_ 2. Other European only 5. E n g l i s h plus other language_ 3. Chinese only__ 6. Not Reported Question 10,page 2. Age i n Years (as of l a s t b irthday). Extend the present l i s t and place appropriate code number to the l e f t of given age-group: 1. Under 60 years 6. 80 through 84 years 2. 60 through 64 years 7. 85 through 89 years 3. 65 through 69 years 8. 90 years, and o v e r _ _ 4. 70 through 74 years 9. Not reported 5. 75 through 79 years -155-Question 11, page 2. How long have you l i v e d i n Canada? (specify years) place the code i n the r i g h t margin: 1. Under 5 years 2. 5 through 9 years 3. 10 through 19 years 4. 20 through 29 years 5. 30 and over _ 6. Not reported. Question 13, page 2. Where di d you l i v e before t h i s address? (specify s t r e e t number, i f possible) Extend present c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and add code numbers 1. Strathcona_ 3. East End 2. Downtown 4. Other Vancouver 5. Other c i t y 6. Other Place £.Not reported Question 16, page 2. L i v i n g accommodation: Ownership. Expand the l i s t and code: 1. Self-owned 2. Relative owned 3. Shared ownership 4. Rented '  5. Not reported Question 1?, page 2. Type of accommodation: ( l i v i n g space and type of con t r o l of b u i l d i n g where the respondent i s a r e s i d e n t ) . L i s t and code: 1. Apartment 2. Room ( i n pr i v a t e house) 3. Hotel Room 4. Boarding h o use_ 5. Own home 6. Relative's home 7. Other house (Respondent has shared ownership) -8. Not reported -156-Question 19, page 3« Sharing of living space and of some selected housing facilities* Placed in the right margin, this code will serve for Columns (21), (22), (23), and (24) which refer to Kitchen, Living Room, Bathroom and Toilet, respectively: Total Persons Using 1. One person 2. 2 - 3 persons 3. k - 6 persons 4. 7 - 9 persons 5. 10 or more 6. Not reported Note: Place the appropriate code number opposite a given facility, by using the corresponding lines under the heading "No. of Persons Using". Question 30, page 5« Income per month. Code as follows: 1. Under $30 5- $125 through $149 (this includes "no income) 2. $50 through $74 6. $150 " $174 3. $75 " $99 7. $175 11 $199 4. $100 " $124 8. $200 or over 9« Not known -157-Question 38, page 7. What Complaints Have You? (a) Bodily functions (b) Senses This i s a tricky set:, of questions. Since Mr, Bell asked that we code the number 0 for questions where there i s no written answer or where no check mark i s made, the following code i s suggested: In Section (a) code 0, where the given item (bodily function) has not received a check mark. Take this to mean that the respondent has not voiced a complaint about this item to the interviewer. Code 1. Where there i s a check mark, opposite the item. This means that a complaint i s reported. For Section (b) i t i s possible to use a three-category grouping of the re-sponses. Code 0. Where no response i s marked. 1. Where the response agrees with the item as l i s t e d , i.e., where the meaning i s "yes", 2 . Where there i s some incapacity; i.e., "blind i n one eye", or " f a i r hearing", or "poor hearing". 3. Where the response i s negative, i . e . , "no" for use of glasses. The last item i n 38 (b) i s more involved. "Speaks clearly" could refer either to a b i l i t y to use speech organs (physio-logical aspect) or to a b i l i t y to speak a foreign language well. The code that i s suggested here i s : Code 0 _ i f no response i s recorded 1 i f check mark, or "yes" i s recorded 2 i f there i s some mention of either speech impairment or foreign language d i f f i c u l t y , or both. 3 i f response i s "no" "cannot understand same answers" or some other answer with negative meaning. Questions kj> (a) and (b) and kk (a) and (b), page 9» Each of the questions here involve two dimensions (l) Period of social contact and (a) Number of persons the re-spondent has had contact with. One of these dimensions has to be omitted, in order to get some meaningful answers coded. The following code selects most recent period of contact, but i t omits any reference to number of persons involved, i.e,, Code 0 - Where no marks are made for a given question. Code 1 or 2, or 3» or 4, whichever shows most recent contact with one person (or more than one). Code 3 - i f the recorded answer i s "none" or " n i l " , or 0 for a given question. Code 6 - i f a longer (most distant) period is indicated in the response, i.e., "longer than a month ago", or "last year" or a special occasion that occurred more than a month previous to the date of the interview. Code 7 - i f the response is"never". Question 48 (f) page 10. "If 'no' is recorded to some of the above questions, explain". This is a very complex question. The suggested code is as follows: Code 0 - Where no data are recorded in the space allotted and  also, where no information can be gleaned from comments recorded elsewhere on page 10, to throw light on the respondents1 attitudes. - 1 5 9 -Code 1. The respondent has l i t t l e or no Information. Code 2 . A language difficulty is mentioned. Code 5 * Prefers living near Chinese friends. Code k» Satisfied with present living arrangements. Code 5» Willing to live in same building with other racial groups in subsidized housing. Code 6. Financial problems are mentioned, for example: "respondent says he cannot meet cost of furnishing a = room or a single-person dwelling unit". Code 7» Willing to move into new housing project. Interviewer's observations of Respondent and his home. Question 6, page 11. Add category (5) Elevator. SUMMARY: Note that the above coding instructions refer to parts of the schedule (a) by the number of a question, (b) by page number, and also (c) by a heading that indicates "question content" or "area explored". These details, as well as some of the explanations that are added to the code sequences, can help each member of the project group to plan his or her analysis of the recorded data with clear understanding of the meanings involved in certain responses. Each group member can also make better use of the coded contents of the schedule, than is otherwise possible. 2«s mmB&izsfWlm^a® mmmu, School of Social Herts Ins&rtactio&s fo? Che Siaterviewars* Using gchedtala fo? Research Topic 13, 1965/56 "Anftlvaia of She Ifcaao and Social Patterns etoaatc0» In fete Strathcona Ar««. Vancouver ,B.C General Approach £© Research Interviewing? 16 lo important t o the eueeesa of am ira£<3relets that the research worker establish good rapport at the outset this say require 5 - 1 0 ainatefflo feu asset arouse the reepesdente interest i s the study„ by tellleg hia. a) Hh» yeu are, «ad who seat y©u« b) What s8a£y is about aod Ita possible usefulness/.(re the asm of new housing development)« ¥ou need to collect IgBortaat information fros people * like too Keap«@deaS t?ho lifts in ft hie area. d) Slate dear to him that the people who ace dolus this etvAj believe that  the gei4Asttfea of Strathcoaa Area have a right to speak about "WhaS shay w » M , like to eee in this plana» and rules ande for the new bousing" — Bspfeaaiaes "the local people, m believe" have a right to have their viave 9Sated - and taken into account by the city planners, He hope that ehie study can help to shew that a large snsfeer ef local residents «ant to eee the ssew houaiag plans • and in the way that use la node of the space in the fflao dtteilinge. &<, Caution: avoid any Bastion of our eonneeMoa with the "welfare" people such as she "CoaaBsnlty Cheats and Councils'*» or "Bed Feather"* or the public social services«o• $a!se clear to the perspective interviesefe that a) &a a^e Maoe hired by the goveroasn* (either city or province) to de this studyc b) He are aot doing the study to sake "financial profit 1* off "paying bueineen" out of i t o c) fife ace interested people at the OoloCe School of Social work oho vant to €ssfca sure that the reel interests of the local people, and especially the old people new living in the Strathcona area will be taken catre of. in the plana -161-- a -for the nexn buBslng on RSESST §fcir&8t0 sad i a plane eade about present housing i a the Strathcona &£&&• d) IS the people we ©all l a , v i l l help us with their infosastloa, we w i l l try fc® put i t £a£© a report tost will,, stem whafc they would l i t e to happen l a the new chaoses £©> ©OBSO Co Oblec&lvee ..affiMithe Snterviergers St is. tapertaat that the interview be conducted i a a ©tealghe. formed way and that the reeearcb worker sokes every effort to teeep his earn opjaloae sad his sssa eeotioaB aeu&ralo Be east avoid wteaching enactions'* or of'"putting-bias" into thesta $or should he try to state bis estimate of what Ebe '• respondeat talltt him, ®&cept to' praise b i s for effort'.to t a l l the facts theft he knows, aad his "hemeet opinion" when he i s ashed for Ito ©« Specific E&structie&s regarding the use of the Research Schedules i ) At the start of the Interview, when you have established the "right afeeBSghere" for tatelng out your aabeaule and plan <— f i l l l a the required $ate ©a She t i t l e pagso 11). ©sit ({nestles 1 and 2 on peso 10. i l l ) Begin wl&h Question 3 and use V- aarh to record respondent's answer In the appropriate snb-cl&ae where soace i a indicated For .^jg^royle^ For a single''oaA cbaeh 1 Single V 2o«bo«.-iv) If a qsea&ioa does not apply „ for eaaaple Question 4 • to a single san* wrl&j a/a {apprepri&ta the unused question i n the aargino Be sure to do this for a l l questions that do not apply &e the present interviewee» v) . Question ESo t h i s would apply even i f a ma were teorn tn Canada — & sight have saved out of the Country for • any © tenths or osra Probe a l i t t l e further for de&ails, i f be has lived i a aaotber couniryo vi) .. Queg^lpa,, fit. b^tott of - ire houefeoldo Sry't© get iaforsatlca about§-©>. Head - owner or landlordo - respondent hiaEself • • or soa (©r other relative of respondeat}. 19-b) 'E'gf ®lm g® Q G2 jjsEefi&easMg} ®g <a»e„oy p_«ple i a 6&a fe©ag&!a_»&^ a© keed* I O G C E_arr£ed o®a0 Me «d.ge« 3 tiblldsaa Bo? 14 8 C i s * 10o e&e. os- Oaaars - his brother § seaaofc© (It l a appartoeasit boused SadiC-Ce BtajfelMf fflf YttSpOttdCBS vii ) Quaafciea 26 B p 0 So Cogrcefcioa IS "yes" proceed £0 Question 26. vill) Q_estl©ffl 2?. p 0 5o C©sf5f_e&i«t_ "Hsv loss is l t w sloee you qplfc*?. your last :job? is) Q_es&_e& 24. So spaces £or *3_e_ers report wader beadlagss ffas/180 8) p 0 10 o Bsttoa _$ this place i a She iaeearviffiv process» giva the reepeade-t © B l i t t l e brea_hiag period" 0 Sell hira you areat the end of the l i s t of ^wa®8i®_©D yets have to put to BIBB. Stall bl« also that yea would like to loot, ever your l i s t to eee» i f yea neve checked a l l of abesjo If yon tusve skipped oae or feve e^seatftoa, now i d th© feS.Ee to sepals' tale s_.sft3ke„ Before you tabs year leave 0 po l i e I©_er»iewera raisfc ees-plete by ¥ cartes the various iepreesioas fee bad of a re«p®t&dea& aed of his d r i l l i n g before bo etarte oa aoo_asr ia&eerviews-Bee the b_fe of tbe last sbec. to tEeatioa any iacideat that __y hew© had sosa iafluaace oa the iraterviewiag process - for essesplas &} sospoadsat'. refusal off reluetaace to aaswar facet iota* ( L e o r© 4_c©as6e wife's ts_orsfibouts, ete«) h) Difficulties l a galaies B's williagaess to give the iatasvl_». c) Snterup&ieas by ethers <» or other event • that disturbed eithat? later viewer or tha respoaaeatb i l l Sefeare y©_ eafee yoar l e _ ~ e 0 &@ sure to tbaak the respondeat i a tsara fc©£_s® cad la suitable teres for hie tfU-lagaess to share hi© experieaces sad hie oplaioas __th those who are aaking the -163-- 4 ° Assure hia ghat his iafexrafeioa (a) i s of great value to UQ 0 • b> that his mm w i l l not be used i n the written report and e) that "we hope to oafce good use of the things you hove told -164-THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA VANCOUVER 8 , CANADA SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK TO WHOM IT MY CONCERN The bearer of t h i s l e t t e r i s • « • • • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . who i s a research worker on a project e n t i t l e d "The Analysis of the Needs and Soc i a l Patterns of the Aged, Unattached Males, Sixty Years and over, 'Who are Living i n the Strathcona Area of Vancouver". Tliis study i s sponsored by the School of Social Work, at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Professor Eva R. Younge of the U.B.C. School of Social Work i s guiding t h i s study i n consultation with Professor William G. Dixon, the Director of the School. We hope th i s study w i l l add a great deal of information that i s needed for understanding the ways of l i v i n g of elderly men i n the Strathcona area of Vancouver. We trus t you w i l l help us. i n t h i s undertaking by giving the information our research worker asks f o r during an interview. Yours sincerely,' Professor Eva R« Younge Research Consultant (a) BOOKS -1.65-BIBLIOGRAPHY Birren, J.E., ed. Handbook of Aging and the Individual.. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1959. Blenkner, Margaret et. al. Serving the Aging: An Experiment in Social  Work and Public Health Nursing. Community Service Society of New York, 1964. Bogue, Donald. Skid Row in American Cities. Community and Family Study Centre, University of Chicago, Chicago, 1963. Burgess, E.W. Aging in Western Societies. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, i960. Cavan, R.S. et a l . Personal Adjustment in Old Age. Science Research Associates, Chicago, 1949. Cohen, N.E., ed. Social Work and Social Problems. National Association of Social Workers, New York, 1964. Corbett, D.C. Canada's Immigration Policy: A Critique. University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1957. Cumming, Elaine and Henry, W.E., eds. Growing Old: The Process of  Disengagement. Basic Books, New York, I96I. Donahue, Wilma, ed. Housing the Aged. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 1954. Erikson, E.H. Childhood and Society., Norton, New York, I963. Harrington, Michael. The Other America: Poverty in the United States. MacMillan, New York, 1962. Kutner, Bernard, et.al. Five Hundred Over Sixty: A Community Survey  Survey On Aging. Russell Sage, New York, 1956. Lysenko, Vera. Men in Sheep Skin Coats: A Study in Assimilation. Ryerson, Toronto, 1947. Reynolds, L.G. The British Immigrant. Oxford University Press, Toronto, 1935. Roberts, Harry W. and Wallis, W.Allen, Statistics: A New Approach, Free Press, Glencoe, Toronto, 1956. Appendix pp.631-635. Smith, W.G. A Study in Canadian Immigration. Ryerson, Toronto, 1920. Steiner, P.O. and Dorfman, E. The Economic Status of the Aged. University o f California Press, Berkeley, 1957. - 3 , 6 6 -(a) BOOKS - BIBLIOGRAPHY : . T i b b i t s , C , ed. Handbook of S o c i a l Gerontology. U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, Chicago, i 9 6 0 , pp.549-623. T i b b i t s , Clark and Donahue, Wilma, eds. Aging i n Today's Society,, P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Englewood C l i f f s , N.J. i 9 6 0 . T i b b i t s , Clark and Donahue, Wilma. eds. S o c i a l and Psychological Aspects of Aging. Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, New York, 1962. Tien-Pang, Cheng. O r i e n t a l Immigration. Commercial Press, Shanghai,1931• Townsend, Peter. The Family L i f e of Old People; An Inquiry i n East  London. Routledge & Kegan, London, 1957 • Urquhart, M.C. and Buckley, K.A.H., eds. H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s -of Canada. MacMillan, Toronto, I965. Ward, N.L. O r i e n t a l Missions i n B r i t i s h Columbia. U n i v e r s i t y Press, Aberdeen, 1925. (b) Government Documents B r i t i s h Columbia, L e g i s l a t u r e , Sessional Papers, Queen'd P r i n t e r , V i c t o r i a , 1883, pp.345-346. Canada, Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation.Limited.Dividend Loans. Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, (N.H.A. 934 7/64), J u l y 1964. Canada. Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, Public Housing Assistance. Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, l(N>H,A. 5013 7/64) J u l y , 1964. Canada. Department of National Health and V/elfare. Services f o r Aged i n Canada. Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, 1957• Canada. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Census of Canada, B u l l e t i n 2 . 2 . Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, No.8, 1 9 6 l . Canada. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . Census of Canada. Population and  Housing C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Census Tracts: Vancouver. B u l l e t i n G.T. 2 2 , Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, I 9 6 I . Canada. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . Selected S t a t i s t i c s on the Older  Population of Canada. Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, 1964. Canada. National Housing Act, Chap. 15 , 1964. Canada. Parliament. Senate. " B r i e f from the Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area". Proceedings of the Spe c i a l Committee  of the Senate on the Aging. Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, June 4 , 1964. 

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