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Rural Dutch immigrants in the Lower Fraser Valley Ginn, Edith Margaret 1967

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RURAL DUTCH IMMIGRANTS IN THE LOWER FRASER VALLEY  EDITH MARGARET GINN B.A., The Queen's University o f B e l f a s t , 1963  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Geography  We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1967  o  In p r e s e n t i n g the  this  thesis  Columbia,  I agree that  the Library  a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . mission  f o rextensive  representatives*  cation  of this  Department o f  It i s understood  permission.  Geography  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada 14th.. A p r i l ,  thesis  per-  f o r scholarly  by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by  thesis f o rfinancial  w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n  s h a l l make i t f r e e l y  I f u r t h e r agree that  copying o f t h i s  p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d  Date  fulfilment of  r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f  British  his  in partial  1967  Columbia  that  gain  copying o r p u b l i -  shall  n o t be a l l o w e d  A B S T R A C T  The impact of immigrants on Canadian society and economy has been, and s t i l l i s , a very l i v e issue.  This study focuses on the post-war Dutch immigrants  i n the Lower Fraser Valley, B r i t i s h Columbia, to examine the impact of a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l group on the l i f e and landscape o f a region.  The emphasis  i s on the a g r i c u l t u r a l Dutch immigrants because they have made the most noticeable impact i n the Valley, through t h e i r close association with the dairy industry.  The d i s t r i b u t i o n , settlement, s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and  occupational selection of the Dutch immigrants were considered, to i d e n t i f y any pattern i n the c u l t u r a l geography of the Valley which has arisen from c u l t u r a l differences between the Dutch immigrants and the other Valley residents.  A f i e l d survey of a sample of Dutch immigrants i n the Lower Fraser Valley seemed the most s a t i s f a c t o r y method f o r the investigation of such a t o p i c . Published primary and secondary sources are n e g l i g i b l e or of l i m i t e d value. For example, i n the Canadian census the d e f i n i t i o n of 'Dutch' i s ambiguous, r e s u l t i n g i n the i n c l u s i o n of Germans and Mennonites i n the 'Dutch' c l a s s i fication.  The study i s primarily based on data acquired i n 1964  through  interviews with Dutch immigrants, community leaders, municipal and a g r i c u l t u r a l o f f i c e r s i n the Valley. to select the sample.  Telephone d i r e c t o r i e s and church registers were used The interview included personal and s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ,  emigration and l o c a t i o n a l motivations, the occupations and the innovations of the Dutch immigrants.  The Dutch are a succession group. where they were a v a i l a b l e .  They acquired farms and residences  Their impact i s subtle and more d i f f i c u l t to  define than that- o f a pioneering group.  There i s no large compact s e t t l e -  ment with a d i s t i n c t i v e Dutch form, or architecture, to compare with the settlement of Vsome o f the i n i t i a l immigrant groups i n Canada.  The most  spectacular impact on settlement has been the creation of P i t t Polder. Through the reclamation o f marshland, the Dutch have extended the area o f settlement i n the Valley.  The Dutch account f o r four per cent o f the Valley population, but they form more than ten per cent o f the population o f those municipalities which include the major dairy regions, such as P i t t Meadows, Kent and Matsqui. The dispersed d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch has not prevented the development o f strong s o c i a l t i e s among that section of the immigrant group that has established Dutch churches.  This suggests that i f there i s a s u f f i c i e n t l y  strong bond among people, r e l i g i o n i n t h i s case, physical proximity i s not an essential prerequisite for the development o f a community.  The most d i s t i n c t i v e s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the post-war Dutch immigrants i s the significance of r e l i g i o n as a variable i n t h e i r migration, location and rate o f integration.  The socio-religious divisions o f the Netherlands  society are apparent among the Dutch immigrants.  The Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s  have shown a greater readiness to establish ethnic churches, separate schools and separate trade unions; they have the fewest contacts with Canadians; and have the slowest rate o f integration.  Their impact on the s o c i a l geography  of the Valley i s the easiest to i d e n t i f y .  I t i s expected that t h e i r s o c i a l  i d e n t i t y w i l l l a s t longer than that o f the rest of the Dutch immigrant group.  The casual observers' linkage of the r u r a l Dutch immigrants with dairying  has been v e r i f i e d .  There are over four hundred Dutch dairy farmers  forming a f i f t h of the producers i n the Valley.  In the post-war period  dairying was an economically a t t r a c t i v e a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise, yet only Dutch immigrants have penetrated i t to any extent, suggesting that there i s a c u l t u r a l preference involved i n the Dutch occupational selection o f dairying. Through competition and by example the Dutch dairy farmers have encouraged the adoption of intensive land use methods i n Valley dairying.  This  contribution to dairying i s an example of the value of a s k i l l e d immigrant group to the economy of an immigrant country.  The r u r a l Dutch immigrants have been distinguished by t h e i r association with dairying, hut already there i s an indication that t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c w i l l fade.  Some second generation Dutch immigrants have selected urban  occupations i n preference to dairying.  The strength of r e l i g i o u s t i e s  among the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s suggests that t h i s group w i l l maintain t h e i r distinctiveness f o r the longest period as there i s l i t t l e pressure i n .Canadian society to r e l i n q u i s h a p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o n , compared with the trend i n favour of urban occupations.  The Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s , rather than  the dairy farmers, may be the section of the post-war Dutch immigrants to have the most marked impact on the c u l t u r a l geography of the Lower Fraser Valley i n the future.  TABLE  OF CONTENTS Page  LIST OF TABLES  iv  LIST OF FIGURES  vi  LIST OF PLATES  vii  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS  viii  INTRODUCTION  1  Chapter II  DUTCH IMMIGRANTS TO CANADA  12  Trends i n the Dutch Migration to Canada Dutch Immigration before 1945 Dutch Immigration a f t e r 1945 Characteristics o f the Dutch Immigrants Demographic Characteristics o f the Dutch Immigrants Occupational Characteristics o f the Dutch Religious A f f i l i a t i o n s o f the Dutch Immigrants III  DISTRIBUTION OF THE DUTCH IN CANADA  40  The Dutch i n Canada The Dutch i n B r i t i s h Columbia The Dutch i n the Lower Fraser ValleyFactors Influencing the D i s t r i b u t i o n o f the Dutch i n the Valley IV  THE PARTICULAR SIGNIFICANCE OF RELIGION IN THE CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE DUTCH IMMIGRANTS Religious A f f i l i a t i o n s o f the Dutch i n the Valley Dutch Religious Group Views on S o c i a l Institutions The S o c i a l Integration o f the Dutch Immigrants  ii  68  V  THE DUTCH AND AGRICULTURE IN THE LOWER FRASER VALLEY  99  A g r i c u l t u r a l Enterprises i n the Lower Fraser Valley Post-war Changes i n Valley Agriculture The Dutch and Poultry Production The Dutch and Market Gardening The Dutch and Bulb and Flower Growing The Dutch and Beef and Hay Production VI  THE DUTCH AND DAIRYING The Nature o f the Dutch Dairy Farms The Preference o f The Impact o f the  .  115  Post-War Dairy Industry i n the Valley i n the Valley the Dutch f o r Dairying Dutch on the Valley Dairy Industry  CONCLUSIONS  157  BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................  163  APPENDICES  170  I II III IV : V VI VII VIII  Outline o f Interviews used i n the F i e l d Work The Interviews Dutch Immigration to Canada, 1901-64 by Ethnic Origin Netherlands Immigration to Canada 1946-63 by Different C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s Age and Sex o f Immigrants, by Ethnic Origin i n 1957 D i s t r i b u t i o n o f the Population i n the Netherlands, by Provinces H i s t o r i c a l Tree o f the Reformed Churches i n the Netherlands Agriculture i n the Lower Fraser Valley  LIST  OF  TABLES  Table I II III  IV  V  VI  VII  Page Netherlands Emigration i n Relation to the Total Dutch Population  18  Dutch Immigrants to Canada 19h6-6h  23  t  by Ethnic Origin ...  A Comparison o f the Percentage o f A g r i c u l t u r a l to Total Workers o f the Dutch, German, I t a l i a n and B r i t i s h Immigrants to Canada, 19^6-61  31  Dutch Emigrant Departures 19^8-62, expressed as a percentage, according to Country o f Destination and Denomination  36  Comparison o f the Dutch P r o v i n c i a l Destinations (A) with that o f the Total Canadian Immigrants (B) 19^6-6l, expressed as a percentage  h2  D i s t r i b u t i o n o f the Dutch i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n 196l, by Ethnic Origin  h5  D i s t r i b u t i o n o f the I n i t i a l Employment o f the Dutch as Farm Labourers i n the Valley  5^  VIII  Migration Aims o f the Dutch i n the Lower Fraser Valley «  56  IX  Influence o f Kinship Ties on the Locational Decision of the Dutch i n the Valley P r o v i n c i a l Origin o f the Valley Dutch, by M u n i c i p a l i t i e s  58 60  Percentage Emigration to Canada i n 1957 v i a the Migration Bureaus  63  Religious A f f i l i a t i o n s o f the Netherlands Population i n 19^7  72  Membership o f the Christian Reformed Churches i n the Valley  75  X XI XII  XIII  iv  Page XIV XV  Dutch Christian Schools i n the Valley Ethnic Origin o f the Marriage Partners o f the Dutch Single Male Immigrants  XVI XVII  XVIII XIX XX  XXI  XXII XXIII  XXIV  84  93  Dutch Shippers as a Percentage o f the Total Shippers to the Major Dairies . •  126  The Percentage D i s t r i b u t i o n o f the Dutch and the Total F.V.M.P.A. Shippers and Milk Cows i n the Valley  127  Acreage o f the Dutch Dairy Farms by Municipalities ..  130  Mobility o f Dutch Dairy Farmers  133  Ethnic Origin o f the Predecessors on the Dutch Dairy Farms .*  135  Netherlands Occupations o f the Valley Dutch Dairy Farmers  137  Former Enterprise on the Dutch Dairy Farms i n the Valley  139  Quantity and Quality o f the Milk o f the Major Breeds i n the Valley  142  Improvements on the Dutch Dairy Farms - New Constructions  148  v  LIST  OF  FIGURES  Figure  Page  1.  Locational Map o f the Lower Fraser Valley .............  6  2.  Dutch Immigrants to Canada, 1961-6U, by Ethnic Origin .  13  3.  Age - Sex Pyramids o f Major Immigrant Groups to Canada i n 1957  .  •  27  k.  D i s t r i b u t i o n o f the Dutch i n the Lower Fraser Valley ..  1+8  5.  The Dutch i n Relation to the Total Population  50  6.  Religious A f f i l i a t i o n s i n the Netherlands .............  62  7.  Churches with Dutch Membership, including Ethnic and Roman Catholic Churches Congregation o f Abbotsford Christian Reformed Church  7^  8.  i n 196U 9. 10.  77  Commercial Farms i n the Lower Fraser Valley ...........  101  The Major A g r i c u l t u r a l D i s t r i c t s and Provinces o f the 10k  Netherlands 11. :  Year of Immigration and A c q u i s i t i o n o f Present Farm ...  120  12.  D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Dutch Dairy Farmers  125  13.  Acreage and Milking Herd Size of Dutch Dairy Farms ....  129  Ik.  Residential Mobility o f the Dutch  13^  vi  LIST  OF  PLATES  Plate  I  II  Page  The Abbotsford Reformed Church o f America: Heir to a Pentecostal Church * .. Haney Christian Reformed Church:  Heir to a  Sikh Temple III IV  ...  97  Abbotsford Christian Reformed Church  97  New Milkhouse on an East Chilliwack Farm *  VT  New Stanchion Barn beside the Old One on a Mats qui Farm  VIII  96  New Westminster Christian Reformed Church ...........  V  VII  96  149  149  New Loafing Barn on a Sumas Farm  150  New Cement S i l o , Milkhouse and Loafing Barn on a Kent Farm  150  IX  P i t t Polder i n 1940  152  X  P i t t Polder i n 1963  153  vii  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In the preparation o f t h i s study several people were o f assistance to me.  I am e s p e c i a l l y grateful to Dr. A. Siemens, my thesis advisor,  for h i s encouragement and guidance at a l l stages o f the thesis preparation.  I wish also to thank Mr. R. Copley o f the Department o f  Geography, Miss J . Ryder, Miss R. Anderson and fellow graduate students for t h e i r i n t e r e s t and advice.  I am grateful to the University o f B r i t i s h Columbia for the research grant which provided the opportunity to spend the summer vacations i n the Field.  Without the h e l p f u l co-operation o f the Dutch immigrants and community leaders i n the Lower Fraser Valley t h i s study could not have been written.  They graciously gave me t h e i r time for interviews and  provided essential information for the study.  E. Margaret Ginn  viii  INTRO  D U C T I 0 N  The Dutch are one of the most i n t e r e s t i n g post-war Canadian immigrant groups, f i r s t l y , because there was only a t r i c k l e of Dutch immigrants before 1945, but i n the ' f i f t i e s Dutch migration swelled to a flood; and secondly, unlike most pre-war immigrants, the Dutch have shown a marked preference for  a g r i c u l t u r a l occupations.  Both these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are examined  i n t h i s study, which i s concerned with the impact of the Dutch immigrants on the " l i f e and landscape""* of a region, the Lower Fraser Valley i n B r i t i s h -  Columbia.  The majority of the 18,000 post-war Dutch immigrants to  B r i t i s h Columbia have s e t t l e d i n the Lower Fraser Valley, forming a d i s t i n c t i v e c u l t u r a l group which i s overwhelmingly associated with dairying. This association of a seemingly homogeneous c u l t u r a l group, the Dutch, with a p a r t i c u l a r occupation, dairying, provides a point of departure of the examination of the influence of culture on the geography o f a region. Immigrant Groups and Human Geography Wagner and Mikesell, who define c u l t u r a l geography as the "study of contributions made by human groups, by t h e i r ideas and behaviour, to the  evolution of various geographic landscapes", would exclude immigrant  D. W. Meinig, "The Mormon Culture Region: Strategies and Patterns i n the Geography of the American West 1847-1964", A.A.A.p., v o l . LV (June 1965) p.191  Canada, Dept. of Citizenship and Immigration, S t a t i s t i c s Section  1  2  studies from c u l t u r a l geography.  They contend that the importance of  transplanted c u l t u r a l communities depends upon the maintenance of c u l t u r a l i n t e g r i t y " , so, when an immigrant culture i s modified, i t i s 2 not worthy of consideration.  To them a study of such an immigrant  group i s of l i t t l e value because i t " w i l l not uncover many important additions to North American culture and w i l l not reveal a great  deal  about the former culture of the immigrants." . The culture of immigrants does change as Wagner and Mikesell state,  but these changes, i . e . the r e j e c t i o n s , adaptions and entrench-  ments of the o l d country t r a i t s , can be as i n t e r e s t i n g as the characte r i s t i c s of the culture i t s e l f .  C u l t u r a l differences between recent  immigrant groups and the resident Canadian population  do e x i s t , though  they may not be so marked or as clear cut as the differences between groups i n primitive s o c i e t i e s .  The "romantic appeal" of immigrant  studies does stimulate i n t e r e s t , but the studies have more to o f f e r k than t h i s role which Wagner and Mikesell assign to them.  Cultural differences among the several immigrant groups have contributed to the evolution of the geographical American continent.  patterns on the North  Not s u r p r i s i n g l y immigrant groups have been studied  P„ L. Wagner & M. W. Mikesell, Readings In Cultural Geography (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1962) front f l a p Ibid., p. l6 3  Ibid. Ibid.  3  by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s and three schools of thought on the c u l t u r a l assimilation of immigrants have emerged.^"  The 'melting-pot' theory  suggests that the "culture of the immigrants and the host society are blended to form a new indigenous American type;" and that of 'Angloconformity' involves "the complete renunciation of the immigrants ancestral culture i n favour of the behaviour and values of the AngloSaxon core group."  Both these theories have been d i s c r e d i t e d .  'Cultural Pluralism'* i s now the most generally accepted theory of c u l t u r a l assimilation.  This implies that the groups do maintain a  certain i d e n t i t y , though i t might not be very marked.  The theory of 3  c u l t u r a l pluralism has recently been substantiated by Lenski  and  4 Herberg  who found group differences based on r e l i g i o n among t h i r d  generation immigrants i n America, and by Glazer and Moynihan,"' who documented differences based on ethnic o r i g i n . Geographers have also studied immigrant groups either from the view of settlement, or from the impact of the group i n a region r e s u l t i n g  Assimilation i s defined as the "gradual process whereby c u l t u r a l differences (and r i v a l r i e s ) tend to disappear." J . F. Cuber, Sociology: Synopsis of P r i n c i p l e s , (New York: Appleton-Century Crofts, 3rd ed. 1955) p.609 M. M. Gordon, Assimilation i n American L i f e (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1964) p.85 G. Lenski, The Religious Factor (Garden City, New York: Doubleday &  Co. Inc., i96T5  W. Herberg, Protestant-Catholic-Jew: An Essay i n American Religious Sociology (New York: Soubled'ay & Co. Inc., 1955) "Religion with the t h i r d generation has become the d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g element and the context of s e l f - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and s o c i a l l o c a t i n " p.35 N. Glazer & D. P. Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot (Cambridge, Mass: M.I.T. Press, 1961)  k  from the p a r t i c u l a r group c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  "The Settlement  of New  Iceland" by Vanderhill and Christensen i s an example of the f i r s t approach.^"  The origins of the Icelandic migration, the s e l e c t i o n of  the settlement s i t e , the establishment  of the colony and the development  of the settlement, are the substance of the a r t i c l e . dominates.  The time factor  Mather and Kaups place a greater emphasis on the settlement  2 form.  They consider that form can be used as a c u l t u r a l index to  define a region dominated by a p a r t i c u l a r culture.  The Finnish Sauna  was t h e i r example, but, as they already knew and defined the regions of greatest Finnish concentration, the index seems to be superfluous.  The  aim was achieved before the tool of investigation had been determined. The geographers who have emphasised the impact of a group i n a region have chosen r e l i g i o u s groups as their examples.  This choice  r e f l e c t s the d i f f i c u l t y of defining the ideology of an ethnic group f o r the members seldom have a uniform outlook.  Bjorklund selected the  Dutch Reformed community of S.W. Michigan to i l l u s t r a t e that ideology "contains the fundamental bases from which decisions are made and d i s . 3 t i n c t i v e ways of organizing area are derived." 1  Group attitudes are  B. G. Vanderhill & D. E. Christensen, "The Settlement A.A.A.G., v o l . L I I I (Sept.1963)  of New Iceland,"  2 C. Mather & M. Kaups, "The Finnish Sauna: A Cultural Index to Settlement," A.A.A.G., v o l . LIII (Dec.1963) 3  E. M. Bjorklund, "Ideology and Culture Exemplified i n Southwestern Michigan," A^A^A^G., vol.LIV (June 1964) p.227  5  central i n the study; settlement processes and form are only used as examples of the 'works' of the group.  S i m i l a r l y , Meinig, i n defining  a Mormon region, relates the impact of the Mormons to their ideology. In the Lower Fraser Valley, Siemens also selected a r e l i g i o u s group, the Mennonites, to examine their contribution to the c u l t u r a l  landscape.^"  Unlike the groups examined i n the studies cited above, this thesis i s concerned with a succession group rather than a pioneering group.  This affects the choice of c r i t e r i a .  For example, place-  names and settlement form are not s i g n i f i c a n t as they were established p r i o r to the advent of the Dutch.  The Dutch have penetrated the  existing settlement i n the Lower Fraser Valley, i t i s therefore impossible to follow Meinig's  approach, for he could define a Mormon 2  region i n which the group formed ninety per cent of the population. Sas, i n a study of the Dutch i n South-west Ontario, provides an example 3 of an approach for a succession group.  He considers the settlement  process, the Dutch impact i n the region and the problems of adjustment. Though considering similar topics, i n this study the emphasis i s on the d i s t i n c t i v e impact of the Dutch i n the Lower Fraser Valley.(Fig.I) A. H. Siemens, Mennonite Settlement M.S.Thesis, 1960 U.B.C.  i n the Lower Fraser Valley.  Meinig, op.cit., p. 218 A. Sas, "Dutch Migration to and Settlement i n Canada since 1945 (special emphasis on S.W.Ontario)" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation Dept. of Geography, Clark Univ., 1957  F I G. I  L O C A T I O N A L  MAP  OF  THE  L O W E R  F R A S E R  V A L L E Y  7  The Approach and Purpose of the Thesis The basic problem of i s o l a t i n g the impact of the Dutch i n the Valley w i l l be approached by examining the d i s t r i b u t i o n , settlement, s o c i a l and economic a c t i v i t i e s of the Dutch. are posed.  The following questions  Does the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch vary from that of the  t o t a l population, i f so, where, and why there?  Is their impact made  v i s i b l e i n settlement forms, i f not, why i s this the case? they shown a p a r t i c u l a r occupational selection?  Have  To what extent i s  this the r e s u l t of their c u l t u r a l baggage or of the economic opportunities available i n the Valley? Canadians?  What attitudes set the Dutch apart from the  This l a s t question r e a l l y underlies the other three, f o r  the attitudes of the Dutch are the basis for the decisions that lead to variations i n their d i s t r i b u t i o n and occupation.  At a d i f f e r e n t scale and as a corollary to the question of the impact of the Dutch immigrant group, there i s the problem of whether the Dutch are a homogeneous c u l t u r a l group, or a series of sub-groups.  Do  d i f f e r e n t sub-groups among the Dutch make their own peculiar impact on the c u l t u r a l geography of the Valley?  Previous work by geographers on the Dutch i n the Lower Fraser Valley has been concerned with s p e c i f i c aspects of the Dutch settlement. Vanderhill examined the factors leading to'.the establishment of the one i n i t i a l Dutch settlement i n the Valley, P i t t Polder, but this only involves twelve f a m i l i e s . * 1  Gibson compared Anglo-Saxon, Mennonite and Dutch  G. Vanderhill, " P i t t Polder: Dutch Enterprise on Canadian S o i l , " Canadian Geographical Journal, LXV (Sept.1962)  8  farmers i n three contrasting physical environments i n the Valley. He had less than ten Dutch farmers i n his sample.  His aim was to  determine the d i f f e r e n t roles played by the physical and c u l t u r a l environments.  The economic opportunities available i n agriculture when  each of the groups entered the Valley, received scant attention.  This i s a more detailed study of the Dutch, i n so f a r as a greater variety of questions are asked about the Dutch, and the sample of the Dutch immigrants i s ten times larger than both of the above, but this study also concentrates on one section of the Dutch immigrant group, the farmers.  There are several reasons behind the decision to  focus On the a g r i c u l t u r a l Dutch.  A higher percentage of the Dutch  immigrants than of any other immigrant group toICanada, were farmers. Economic historians and sociologists have singled out the a g r i c u l t u r a l Dutch i n their assessment of the contributions of the several post-war 2 immigrants to Canada.  Though 64% of the Dutch reside i n metropolitan  Vancouver, the most noticeable Dutch impact has been i n the Valley dairy industry.  In the a g r i c u l t u r a l municipalities the Dutch form from 3  10% to 30% of the population, while i n the c i t y they only account for 3% .  J . R. Gibson, "A Comparison of Anglo-Saxon, Mennonite and Dutch farms i n the Lower Fraser Valley: A Methodological Study i n Areal D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and the Relative Influences of the Physical and Cultural Environment." Master's d i s s e r t a t i o n , Dept. of Geography, University of Oregon, 1959 Such as W. Peterson and M. Timlin. Canada, Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Census of Canada, Population: Ethnic Groups, B u l l e t i n 1.3-2  9 Walhouse concludes that the Dutch have "made no outstanding contribution to the c i t y , nor any p a r t i c u l a r impact upon the cityscape."*  A fifth,  and possibly overriding reason, i s the personal preference of the author for r u r a l topics.  Sources and Methods The researcher i s faced with the problem of the acquisition of data by which the Dutch can be isolated numerically and areally, and their predispositions i d e n t i f i e d .  Published s t a t i s t i c a l material i s  both limited i n i t s scope and value.  The l a t t e r i s due to the weaknesses  i n the d e f i n i t i o n of 'Dutch' i n the census.  Germans and Mennonites 2  are often included i n the Dutch ethnic o r i g i n s t a t i s t i c s .  Though  problematical, the s t a t i s t i c s on "ethnic o r i g i n " are the only ones available for the administrative d i v i s i o n s of the Valley.  Unfortunately  the Dutch are included under "Other European" i n the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n  'by  birthplace', which i s one of the more accurate c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s for i d e n t i f y i n g an immigrant group.  The Immigration s t a t i s t i c s , which  have a more exact d e f i n i t i o n of the Dutch, are limited i n their coverage and are usually tabulated for Canada or, at the most, by  provinces.  Personal fieldwork has been the primary source of material.  This  provided data not otherwise available, and also gave the opportunity of  F. Walhouse, "The Influence of Minority Ethnic Groups on the Cultural Geography of Vancouver." Master's d i s s e r t a t i o n , Dept. of Geography, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964, p.211 N. B. Ryder, "The Interpretation of Origin S t a t i a t i c s , " C.J.E.P.S., vol.XXI (1955) p.472  10  observing the immigrant i n h i s environment, of assessing his, predispositions, economic status and s o c i a l contacts, subjectively as well as objectively.  The f i e l d work was carried out i n the summer of 196k and supplemented i n 1965.  The interview sample was selected from telephone  d i r e c t o r i e s and from the r e g i s t e r s o f Dutch churches.  A l i s t o f those  interviewed and the structure o f the interview can be found i n Appendix I and II.  Throughout the aim o f the interview was to i s o l a t e the c u l t u r a l  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Dutch and to assess t h e i r impact i n the Valley.  In Chapter I I the trends i n the Dutch migration to Canada, the d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Dutch immigrants, such as t h e i r age, r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s and occupations, and the h i s t o r i c a l , s o c i a l and economic factors which have influenced both of these, w i l l be discussed. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch i n Canada, i n B r i t i s h Columbia and i n the Lower Fraser V a l l e y , and the reasons f o r the evolving pattern of s e t t l e ment, are considered i n Chapter I I I .  As r e l i g i o n i s a strong variable among  the Dutch immigrants i t has been singled out as the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Valley Dutch to be discussed i n d e t a i l .  Their occupational selection  i s the most marked c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the r u r a l Dutch immigrants.  Chapter V  considers why so few Dutch have entered some Valley a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprises such as market gardening:  the preference f o r dairying and the p a r t i c u l a r  impact o f the Dutch on the dairy industry i s discussed i n Chapter VI.  Petersen" suggests that the "influence o f t h e i r background i n  11  Holland" and "Canada's need" are the two sides to the channel that has funneled the Dutch immigrants to s p e c i f i c areas and To state this i n another way,  occupations.*  the Dutch impact i s due to a  combination  of their c u l t u r a l "baggage", t h e i r preferences, acquired s k i l l  and  i n i t i a t i v e , and the economic opportunities and pressures that the Dutch found i n the Valley.  These dual influences w i l l be kept i n  mind throughout the thesis i n discussing the location, s o c i a l i n t e gration and occupational selection of the Dutch immigrants.  W. Petersen, The P o l i t i c s of Population (New York: Doubleday & Co. Inc., 1965) p.318  C H A P T E R DUTCH  IMMIGRANTS  I I TO  CANADA  What i s d i s t i n c t i v e about the Dutch migration to Canada and the people who have been involved i n i t ?  This i s the main question which  this chapter seeks to answer, to provide the national context for an assessment of the impact of the Dutch i n the Lower Fraser Valley.  The  f i r s t step i s to distinguish the most important period i n the Dutch migration to Canada, and to emphasise the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which contribute to the p a r t i c u l a r impact of the Dutch.  Trends i n the Dutch Migration to Canada There are three recognizable periods i n the Dutch migration to Canada.  They are the periods from 1908 - 1915; 1924 - 1930; and  1945 - 1960.  (Fig.2).*  The migration i n the l a t t e r period has been on  such a large scale that i t i s scarcely comparable with the e a r l i e r periods.  In 1952, the peak Dutch immigration year, there were 7,000  more immigrants than in;the entire 1924-30 period.  Though numerically  small, the pre-1945 migrations are important because the communities established i n the early periods have attracted the post-war Dutch immigrants.  Dutch Immigration before 1945 In the nineteenth century, the United States, not Canada, was *  Source of Figure 2 1901 to 1945 Tuinman, Dominion of Canada, Report of the Department of Mines and Resources for the F i s c a l Year ended March 31,1947; and 1946-65 Department of Citizenship and ImmigEation, S t a t i s t i c s Division.  12  F I G. 2  DUTCH  IMMIGRANTS  19 0 1 - 1 9 6 4  NUMBER IN 1,0 0 0 " S  TO BY  CANADA  ETHNIC  ORIGIN  21  I8_  15  12  05  0>  2 13  YEARS  2  o  0>  14  the primary destination of the Dutch migrants. case f o r other European migrants.  This was also the  The Dutch immigrants to the United  States i n the 1850*s. s e t t l e d i n Iowa and Michigan, the areas which were i n the vanguard of American settlement at that time.  The poor potato  harvests o f the mid-1840's were the basic reason f o r t h i s megration, but superimposed  on t h i s was a r e l i g i o u s problem.  A r e l i g i o u s group  that was facing intolerance, showed the greatest i n c l i n a t i o n to emigrate. F i f t y per cent of the 'seceders' those Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s who broken with the Netherlands Reformed Church i n 1834,  had  emigrated.^"  The  seceders hoped to achieve both r e l i g i o u s freedom and better economic conditions i n the United States.  By the l890's the Dutch had moved  2 westwards with the march "of settlement and reached Washington.  The  f i r s t reference to a Dutch immigrant i n Canada i s of a -farmer near Winnipeg, i n 1892, Canada was  but at the turn of the century Dutch immigration to  s t i l l practically n i l .  The number of Dutch immigrants to Canada fluctuated i n r e l a t i o n to the major trends i n the general Canadian immigration. Dutch immigration i n 1908  The increase i n  i s an i n t e g r a l part of the tremendous increase  i n the t o t a l migration to Canada at that time.  Between the f r o n t i e r was  not closed i n the United States, the best land had been claimed by  1  2  3  H. S. Lucas, Netherlander i n America Michigan Press, 1955) p.472 Ibid, p.4l6 Ibid, p.46o  (Ann Arbor: University of  1890,  15  thus Canada offered an a t t r a c t i v e alternative to the s e t t l e r s .  The  P r a i r i e s were being opened up, the Homestead Act provided for the r e l a t i v e l y easy acquisition of land, railway construction offered i n i t i a l employment and the Canadian government encouraged  immigration.*  The f i r s t period of Dutch immigration resulted from these favourable economic opportunities, but the Dutch s t i l l accounted for only a n e g l i g i b l e A% of the t o t a l Canadian  immigration.  The second period of Dutch immigration was from 1924 to 1930. The increase i n the number of Dutch immigrants during this period was due to several factors.  In 1924 the United States terminated i t s  open door policy by imposing a quota system based on the ethnic composition of the population i n that year. to 3,153  immigrants  The Dutch were r e s t r i c t e d  annually so that Canada became the destination of  those thwarted i n their goal of immigrating to the United States.  The  diversion to Canada was enhanced by the Canadian government's encouragement of the immigration of a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s , and by the establishment i n 1923 of the "Emigratie Centrale Holland".  This bureau was  established  under the auspices of the Holland-America shipping l i n e , Chambers of Commerce, and business interests i n the Netherlands, to f a c i l i t a t e 2 emigration to Canada.  Nevertheless the number of Dutch  to Canada was s t i l l small, only reaching 2,465 i n 1925.  immigrants The percentage  *  J . C. Best, "Canadian Immigration Patterns and P o l i c i e s , " Canada, Dept. of Labour, Labour Gazette, vol.L (Sept.1950), p.1513  2  . W. Petersen, Planned Migration; The Social Determinants of the Dutch-Canadian"Movement (Berkley & Los Angeles: Univ. of € a l i f o r n i a Press, 1955) p.57  16  of Dutch to t o t a l immigrants s l i g h t l y to  remained n e g l i g i b l e though i t had increased  1.5%.  The troughs i n Dutch immigration to Canada also correspond to the troughs i n the general Canadian immigration.  The f i r s t of these  i s during the F i r s t World War when emigration from Europe was In 1919 there were only f i f t y - n i n e Dutch immigrants*  (Fig.2)  limited. Similarly  the decline i n the t h i r t i e s i s neither peculiar to the Dutch nor to Canada.  The Great Depression meant that poor economic conditions were  widespread, so that immigrant emigrants.  countries were not a t t r a c t i v e to aspiring  Canada imposed r e s t r i c t i v e measures to reduce immigration  i n order to maintain employment f o r the resident population.  The  gradual economic recovery i n the late t h i r t i e s encouraged more to emigrate but, before this migration gained momentum, i t was cut short by the onset of the Second World War which again discouraged migration and disrupted transportation.  Less than four thousand Dutch immigrated years from 1931 to 1945.  to Canada i n the f i f t e e n  The Dutch increased to 1.8% of the t o t a l  immigration i n this period, r i s i n g to 2.4%  , i n 1939^  Canadian  -In comparison  to the post-war Dutch immigration to Canada this pre-1945 migration was small, both i n absolute and i n r e l a t i v e terms.  A. S. Tuinman, "The Netherlands-Canadian Migration," T i j d s c h r i f t voor Economische en Sociale Geografie^ vol.XLVII (August, 1956) p.181  17  Pre-war D i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch Despite the numerically small immigration there were concentrations of Dutch i n Canada by 1945 notably i n Alberta.  Around  a group of Dutch immigrants settled at Granum and Monarch,*  1900  later  n u c l e i of Dutch developed at Edmonton (1910), Neerlandia (1915), and Lacombe (1924).  There was a smaller settlement of Dutch i n South-  west Ontario around Sarnia and Chatham from the 1920*s.  This s e t t l e -  ment can be regarded as an offshoot from Michigan, the largest nucleus of Dutch i n North America,  In B r i t i s h Columbia a group from Noord2  Holland settled i n the Bulkley Valley i n the t h i r t i e s ,  and there  were s u f f i c i e n t Dutch i n the Lower Fraser Valley for a Dutch church to be established i n Vancouver i n 1926,  Just south of the Lower Fraser  Valley there was a concentration of Dutch at Lynden, Washington.  Thus  i n 1945 there were three modes of Dutch settlement i n Canada, Alberta, S.W.Ontario and the Lower Fraser Valley to which the post-war Dutch immigrants might be attracted. Dutch Immigration after 1945 The f i f t i e s stand out as the greatest Dutch migration period. Several measures of migration i l l u s t r a t e t h i s .  The highest sustained  emigration from the Netherlands, expressed as a r a t i o to the t o t a l  Lucas, op.cit., p.461 Lucas, op.cit., p.465  18  population of the Netherlands, was from 1950 to 1956.  (TABLE I ) .  Numerically the largest Dutch immigration to Canada was between 1948  TABLE  I  NETHERLANDS EMIGRATION IN RELATION TO THE TOTAL DUTCH POPULATION  Selected Years  1847 1889 1907 1920 1947 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1960 1962  Number of Emigrants  Per 10,000 Inhabitants  5,300 9,100 4,400 6,000 6,818 21,330 37,605 48,690 38,049 34,676 29,631 31,788 24,335 11,529  18 20 8 9 4 18 34 44 34 30 23 21 13 5  Source: B.P. Hofstede, Thwarted Exodus, op.cit., p.5, 13 and 1960. (Fig.2, TABLE I I ) . In this period, the Dutch accounted f o r a higher percentage of the t o t a l Canadian immigration than their previous high of 2.4% i n 1939.  Indeed i n 1952 the Dutch accounted f o r almost  13% of the Canadian immigration. (TABLE I I ) .  Why was there such a phenomenal increase i n Dutch migration i n the f i f t i e s , when there has been an h i s t o r i c lack of interest i n emigration  B. P. Hofstede, Thwarted Exodus: Post-war Overseas Migration from the Netherlands (The Hague; Martinus Nijhoff, 1964) p.13  19  i n the Netherlands?  The main reason for t h i s change l i e s i n the socio-  economic conditions i n the Netherlands and the Dutch attitude to emigration after 1945, because Canadian Immigration p o l i c y had also favoured emigration i n the f i r s t twc decades of the twentieth century, as well as since 1945.  Though Canadian policy i s not the reason f o r  the large post-war immigration from the Netherlands, i t has contributed to the selection of Canada as the chief destination of the Dutch. The Development of an Emigration Climate i n the Netherlands after How the war?  1945  did an emigration climate develop i n the Netherlands after It has been suggested that population pressure was  facotr i n the development of the emigration climate.  the main  Indeed the  Netherlands government subsidised emigration for they thought that emigration, combined with i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n and land reclamation, would ease the problem of population pressure.*'  However, Hofstede considers  that the post-war emigration was a unique incident, brought about by a unique c o n s t e l l a t i o n of factors.  The Great Depression, the  War,  German Occupation, post-war poverty, contact with a l l i e d armies, the loss of Indonesia and a greater awareness of population pressure which was made e x p l i c i t i n an acute housing shortage, combined to stimulate emigration.  It was not only the population pressure that encouraged  migration, for the Netherlands had had " f i f t e e n years blighted by socio-pathological phenomena" as Hofstede describes the years of the 2  Depression and the *  War.  Petersen, op.cit.,  p.60  2  Hofstede, op.cit., p.i96  20  An emigration  climate i n a country, whether the r e s u l t of economic  or s o c i a l factors, i s often the basis on which the personal decision to emigrate i s b u i l t .  The study of emigrant motivations  by Dutch  sociologists substantiated the "dethronement of the economic motive as the main explanatory  p r i n c i p l e " i n the post-war Dutch  emigration.*  They indicated that s o c i a l and psychological factors combined with the economic motive to lead to the emigration decision.  Post-war Relaxations  i n Canadian Immigration Policy  Without a change i n the Canadian r e s t r i c t i v e immigration p o l i c y in force i n 1945,  Canada would not have been the destination of the  majority of the Dutch emigrants.  In 1945  there were forces i n Canada  i n favour of relaxing the immigration r e s t r i c t i o n s .  The  accelerated  rate of i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n during the war had created a large demand for labour which attracted the native farm labourers and farmers' sons to the c i t i e s .  The shortage of labour on the farm, i n logging, construction  and mining meant that business leaders, farmers and large a g r i c u l t u r a l companies formed an i n t e r e s t group i n favour of increased migration 2 Canada.  to  To be successful they had to overcome the t r a d i t i o n a l opposition  A survey by a group of four Dutch sociologists into the motivations and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Dutch emigrants was carried out i n 1955-56 from a statistical..simple of 1,000 units, i . e . migration f a m i l i e s . The r e s u l t s are published i n the abridged English version:G. b e i j e r , N. H. F r i j d a , B. P. Hofstede & R. Wentholt, Characteristics of Overseas Migrants (The Hague: Govt. P r i n t i n g & Publishing O f f i c e , 1961) p.309 The Peebles Report to the Senate recommended that Canada needed 44,000 to work i n agriculture, logging, construction and mining.  21 to immigration by two groups i n the Canadian population.  French  Canadians generally oppose immigration because the majority of the immigrants select the English language, thus English speaking Canada gains numerically from immigration. immigration because i t may  Organised  labour also opposes  lead to a pool of cheap labour and  reduce the bargaining powers of the trade unions.  thus  However, i n the  boom conditions of 1945, both these groups relaxed t h e i r opposition to  immigration.  Through the 1947  Immigration Act, Canada opened i t s doors to  increased migration from Europe.  There remained a bias towards  r e l a t i v e s of Canadian residents, emigrants from Western Europe and the older Commonwealth countries, and a continued emphasis on By 1953 active encouragement of European immigrants was  farmers.*  firmly established 2  and by 1956 nearly a l l occupational groups were admitted. after an economic recession, such as i n 1957,  However,  the active recruitment of  3  unsponsored workers ceased temporarily.  Though active recruitment  varies with Canadian economic conditions there has generally been no l e g i s l a t i v e hindrance to the Dutch migration to Canada since r e s t r i c t i o n s were l i f t e d i n  1947.  The Rise and Decline of Dutch Migration to Canada Canada has been the chief destination of the post-war Dutch emigrants.  *  As i n the period 1924-30 the low Dutch immigrant quota for  D. C. Corbett, Canada's Immigration Policy (Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1957) p.40  2 3  Tuinman, op.cit., p.182 D. C. Corbett, "Canada's Immigration Policy, 1958-1962, "International Journal, XVIII (Spring 1963), p.177  22  the United States meant that few Dutch could migrate to the United States, even though that might be t h e i r primary g o a l .  1  Canada i s as  close to the Netherlands as the United States, but, more s i g n i f i c a n t l y , i t s standard of l i v i n g i s closer to the American standard than that of other immigration countries.  Thus Canada provided the most s a t i s f a c t o r y  alternative to the United States.  Canada was also the f i r s t country  w i l l i n g to accept Dutch immigrants after the war.  Even before the  1947.Act, there was a special Dutch-Canadian Settlement Scheme to 2 f a c i l i t a t e the migration of a g r i c u l t u r a l labourers.  The rate of Dutch immigration to Canada did not accelerate u n t i l 1948  (TABLE II and Fig.2).  The emigration climate was  strong i n the  Netherlands i n 1945, but a time lag occurred i n the migration between the end of the war and 1948, because the immigration countries had to decide to accept immigrants,  and there was also i n s u f f i c i e n t trans-  portation, due to the loss i n shipping sustained during the h o s t i l i t i e s .  The immigrants between 1946  and 1950 acted as pace-makers f o r the  rest of the post-war Dutch migration.  The i n i t i a l Dutch immigrants  included war brides, war volunteers, Jews, farmers and those who were prevented from emigrating by the onset of the war i n 1939. immigrants fanned the emigration climate i n the Netherlands  These through the  working of the relations factor, that i s , they wrote to their friends  1  Supra, p. lk  2 This was a f l e x i b l e agreement by which "Canada agreed to accept progressively larger groups, f i r s t single a g r i c u l t u r a l workers only, and, after two years of pressure also families and small 'businessmen' meaning p r i n c i p a l l y craftsmen." Petersen, P o l i t i c s of Population, op.cit., p.309  23  and r e l a t i v e s i n the Netherlands and encouraged them to emigrate. 1951 Dutch migration had gained momentum:  By  the relations factor, ,  building on the emigration climate, combined with the economic a t t r a c t i v e ness of the boom conditions i n Canada, to lead to the peak Dutch ' immigration to Canada i n 1952.  TABLE  II  DUTCH IMMIGRANTS TO CANADA 1946-64, by Ethnic Origin  Year  Dutch Immigrants  % Dutch to Total Canadian Immigration  1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964  2,146 3yl92 10,169 7,782 7,404 19,130 21,213 20,472 16,340 6,929 .7,956 12,310 7,595 5,354 5,598 1.960 1,982 2,181 2,464  3.0 5.0 8.1 8.2 10.0 9.8 12.9 12.1 10.6 6.3 4.8 4.4 6.1 5.0 5.4 2.7 2.7 2.3 2.2  1908-1914 1924-1930  7,486 14,012  0.4 '  Source:  l 5  Canada, Dept. of Citizenship and Immigration, S t a t i s t i c s Section 1946-64  The Netherlands Post and Telegraph Department showed that i n 1957 the mail from the immigration countries had increased elevenfold from 1947. Beijer et a l . , op.cit., p.16. The role played by this correspondence can be compared with that of the "American Letter" i n the nineteenth century European mass migration to the United States.  2k  Fluctuations i n the Dutch immigration between 1954 and 1958 are due to the r e l a t i v e attractiveness of Canada and A u s t r a l i a as the destination of the Dutch.  Canada attracted forty per cent of the post-war Dutch  emigrants; A u s t r a l i a twenty-nine per cent.  However, i n 1955 A u s t r a l i a  received twice as many Dutch immigrants as Canada.  This swing to  A u s t r a l i a was due to the unfavourable reports received from Canada following winter unemployment i n 1954-55.  The Canadian Minister of  Citizenship and Immigration was premature i n 1955 when he stated that, "the response i n the Netherlands would be unlikely to improve because of the f u l l employment there."  1  There were s t i l l several Dutch who  wished to emigrate as indicated by the recovery i n the immigration to Canada i n 1957, but i n 1955 Canada was r e l a t i v e l y unattractive.  The decline i n Dutch immigration to Canada after 1958 was due to the changes i n the socio-economic conditions i n the Netherlands.  The  decrease i n Dutch immigration followed the 1958 Canadian recession, but the recession d i d not cause the decline, i t only hastened i t .  With the  r i s e i n prosperity i n the Netherlands the incentive to emigrate diminished. The Netherlands i s now an immigration country i t s e l f with labour being drawn from other parts of Europe, p a r t i c u l a r l y I t a l y .  Good economic  conditions i n Canada are no longer s u f f i c i e n t to attract Dutch immigrants.  Even among the Dutch farmers there has been a change i n attitude towards emigration.  Farm labourers and farmers' sons who could not  obtain farms, were the core group of Dutch migration, but they have  Corbett, Canada's Immigration Policy, p.56  25  ceased to consider emigration as the only solution to t h e i r employment. "The idea that the Dutch farmers would prefer to continue farming abroad rather than to chose another profession i s no longer v a l i d . " *  Hofstede  tentatively suggests that t h i s change i s attitude i s due to the breakdown of some of the traditionalism i n Dutch society by the spread of . . 2 mass communication through t e l e v i s i o n .  Since 1961 there have been fewer than 2,500 Dutch  immigrants  annually, forming less than three per cent of the t o t a l Canadian immigration.  In 1958 the Canadian government i n i t i a t e d a scheme to  bring a hundred young farmers to work i n Canada for nine months i n the  3 hope that they might emigrate.  Though several have emigrated, these  young Dutch farmers have not started another upsurge i n Dutch migration to Canada.  Dutch immigration to Canada has returned to the pre-war 4  l e v e l and i s again numerically and r e l a t i v e l y small.  This suggests  that the large scale immigration of the f i f t i e s should be considered a unique event, rather than the normal pattern of Dutch-^Canadian migration. Characteristics of the Dutch Immigrants Several sources have been used to obtain data on the characteristics of the people who were involved i n t h i s post-war Dutch migration to * 2  J . Van Campen, "Dutch Emigration and i t s Role i n the National L i f e of the Netherlands," Migration News, 2 (1960) p.10 Hofstede, op.cit.,  p.190  3 4  Interview with Van Der Stoel, Dutch Vice-Consul i n Vancouver. Supra, p. 16  26  Canada.  In the Dutch survey on Characteristics of Overseas Migrants,  Wentholt's detailed examination of a sample of two hundred Dutch emigrants i n 1955-56, throws some l i g h t on the personality of the migrants.  Data on the age/sex structure, marital status and intended  occupations of the Dutch immigrants i s derived from the Canadian Immigration and Citizenship s t a t i s t i c s .  The r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s of the Dutch  migrants i s obtained from Hofstede, Thwarted Exodus, who abstracted h i s data from the Netherlands census.  Demographic Characteristics of the Dutch Emigrants The age structure of an immigrant group usually varies from that of the resident population.  The Age/Sex pyramids of the four major  immigrant groups to Canada i n 1957, show that a higher percentage of the immigrants than of the Canadian resident population, which i s depicted by the 1956 population census figures, are i n the twenty to-forty age bracket. (Fig.3).  The Dutch pyramid i s similar to the I t a l i a n and  B r i t i s h ones; i t i s not d i s t i n c t i v e l y 'Dutch', but rather r e f l e c t s the age/sex structure of an immigrant group.  Family migration has been more c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Dutch than of the t o t a l Canadian immigration.  The Dutch r a t i o of dependent wives to  workers has ranged from .35 to .49 to one worker.  1  This i s higher than  the r a t i o f o r the t o t a l Canadian immigration which ranged from .29 to .45 per worker.  There was a higher Dutch r a t i o of dependent wives to  workers i n every year except 1948 and from 1961 to 1964.  About a t h i r d  ofthe t o t a l Canadian immigrant workers had dependent wives, compared with almost a half of the Dutch.immigrant workers.  The Dutch survey of the  1 Calculated from the Canadian Immigration S t a t i s t i c s 1946 to 1962.  FIG. 3  AGE-SEX  PYRAMIDS  GROUPS  OF M A J O R  TO CANADA  DUTCH  IMMIGRANT  IN 1957  ITALIAN  CANADIAN  P O P U L A T I O N  YEARS  MALE  F E M A L E  27  IN 1 9 5 6  28  male emigrants i n 1955 emphasises family migration even more strongly than the Canadian immigration s t a t i s t i c s .  The survey indicates that  21% of the male emigrants were single, 4 >% engaged, 12% married just p r i o r to departure and 62% had been married f o r some time.  1  Thus  almost three quarters of the Dutch emigrant males were married.  It i s the 'average man'  that emigrates from the Netherlands, but 2  one with a generally high l e v e l of a b i l i t i e s .  This d i s c r e d i t s the  two extreme views that i t i s either the e l i t e , often expressed by observers i n the emigrants country, or the dregs, the view of observers in the immigrant  countries, of society, who emigrate.  Wentholt  found  that i n both "intelligence and in. .occupational s k i l l s the majority of the emigrants could be c l a s s i f i e d  as 'good' or 'moderate', with few at either  end of the scale. There are two personality c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that Wentholt  attributes  to the Dutch emigrants which are contrary to what observers have considered as emigrant c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  Surprisingly, only 28% of the 3  Dutch emigrants had a 'purposeful personality'.  This suggests that  the desire to achieve goals i n the immigration country i s not dependent on a p a r t i c u l a r emigrant personality.  Secondly, though relations have  been important i n stimulating migration and directing i t s flow, Wentholt 1  2 3  B e i j e r et a l . , op.cit., p.39 . Beijer op.cit., p.243 . . . Wentholt carried out a detailed examination of a sample of two hundred Dutch emigrants to throw l i g h t on their personality structure among other things. Beijer, p.180  29  considers that family t i e s among the Dutch are not so emotionally important as to lead to a ghetto mentality.' ' 1  These two personality  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Dutch emigrants would tend to reduce rather than increase t h e i r impact i n a region.  As there i s no comparable study  on other immigrants i t cannot be said whether these are d i s t i n c t i v e l y Dutch c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s or whether they are only a refinement to the concepts on migration..  The most d i s t i n c t i v e l y Dutch demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s the higher percentage of married males among the Dutch than among the other Canadian immigrants.  The i n j e c t i o n of a youthful group into an area  w i l l create an impact f o r t h i s age group tends to have more i n i t i a t i v e and f l e x i b i l i t y than older groups, but t h i s i s a demographic of a l l immigrants and i s not l i m i t e d to the Dutch.  characteristic  To consider the  reasons f o r a p a r t i c u l a r l y Dutch impact one must therefore turn to the occupational and s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Dutch immigrants. 2 Occupational Characteristics of the Dutch  Immigrants  Few professionals emigrated from the Netherlands.  This supports the  contention that the e l i t e i s not well represented among emigrants.  Though  the percentage of professionals among the Dutch immigrants to Canada increased from 5 . 8 $ i n 1953 to 13.5$ i n 1 9 6 l , the actual number declined  1  I b i d . , p„311 The data has been obtained from the "intended occupation" s t a t i s t i c s i n the Canadian Immigration s t a t i s t i c s . These may not represent the occupations of the Dutch immigrants at present, but only t h e i r i n i t i a l occupation. However, they are the only s t a t i s t i c s available.  ,  30  from 504 to 150.  In the same period the professionals among the  B r i t i s h immigrants increased from 18% to 34%, among the Germans from 2.5% to 7.5%, and among the I t a l i a n s from .8% to 2.3%.  In the per-  centage of professionals to t o t a l immigrants the Dutch l i e i n an intermediate position between the B r i t i s h and the other major Continental immigrant groups to Canada.  The bulk of the urban Dutch have s k i l l e d or semi-skilled occupations. Manufacturing  attracted the majority, but they have entered the entire  range of occupations, from j a n i t o r s to trained technicians.  There are  no large concentrations i n any one occupation, but there i s a s l i g h t preference for the trades, such as carpentry, bakeries and the e l e c t r i c a l trade.  From the f i e l d observations i n the Lower Fraser Valley i t was  found that within f i v e years the immigrants have generally returned to the same type of occupation that they had i n the Netherlands, with the exceptionaof the older immigrants who were hindered i n t h e i r occupational goal by a slower adoption of English as their language.  As noted already, agriculture has attracted a higher percentage of the Dutch immigrants than of any other immigrant group to Canada since 1945  (TABLE I I I ) .  Though the percentage of a g r i c u l t u r a l worfeersuhas  declined f o r a l l groups since 1950, i t remains highest f o r the Dutch  *  The professional occupational c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n the Canadian Immigration s t a t i s t i c s was redefined i n 1953. It includes accountants, chemists, engineers, teachers, nurses, physicians etc.  31  TABLE  III  A COMPARISON OF THE PERCENTAGE OF AGRICULTURAL TO TOTAL WORKERS OF THE DUTCH, GERMAN, ITALIAN AND BRITISH IMMIGRANTS TO CANADA 1946-1961  Percentage of A g r i c u l t u r a l to Total Immigrant Workers Year German  1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961  20.5 46.0 50.3 78.0 72.5 58.7 45.5 41.0 30.5 30.7 20.7 12.0 13.0 14.6 13.5 15.6  3.9 16.7 48.9 59.0 46.8 20.0 27.7 32.0 14.7 11.7 6.8 4.9 5.2 4.8 4.7 6.1  0.0 5.1 29.1 55.6 66.5 41.1 33.4 17.5 15.9 16.0 10.7 6.7 10.3 9.4 8.6 1.5  4.7 8.0 9.6 10.3 8.9 4.9 4.8 4.7 4.1 4.4 3.4 3.3 3.4 3.6 4.0 3.1  1946-1961  38.7  17.5  20.9  5.1  26,315  26,614  31,054  16,742  Total A g r i c u l t u r a l Workers  Source:  Italian  Briti:  Dutch  Canada, Dept. of Citizenship and Immigration, S t a t i s t i c s Division 1946-61. Up to 1961 the 'intended occupations' were tabulated by ethnic o r i g i n of the immigrants; since 1962 they have been tabulated by last place of permanent residence of the immigrants.  immigrants.  Between 1946 and 1961, 26,315 of the t o t a l Dutch immigrant  workers intended to enter agriculture.  This i s 39% of the Dutch  workers,which i s much higher than the German percentage of 18%, the  32  I t a l i a n of 21% or the B r i t i s h of 5%.  According to the 'intended occupation' s t a t i s t i c s , the actual number of Dutch a g r i c u l t u r a l immigrants i s less than the number of I t a l i a n and German a g r i c u l t u r a l immigrants, but there are weaknesses i n these s t a t i s t i c s . (TABLE I I I ) .  U n t i l 1956 the easiest way to enter  Canada was to contract to work on a farm f o r two years, so, though agriculture might only be a temporary occupation, i t i s the one recorded i n the s t a t i s t i c s .  This pattern of entry, though not e n t i r e l y  lacking among the Dutch immigrants, was not so common, because i n the Netherlands the emigration bureau, the Netherlands Emigration Service, checked the prospective emigrants to ensure that they were bona f i d e farmers.  A l l y n also considers that, f o r the Dutch, "the vast majority  have entered with the idea of remaining i n a g r i c u l t u r e , "  1  In view of  t h i s proviso to the s t a t i s t i c s , i t seems that more Dutch than German or I t a l i a n immigrants may have become farmers i n Canada.  The Dutch are not the only post-war immigrants to Canada to enter a g r i c u l t u r e .  The idea that a l l Dutch immigrants are farmers  was, at the most, only p a r t i a l l y true u n t i l 1951.  Yet such misconceptions  about the Dutch migration to Canada have arisen because as Tuinman 2 states, "the Dutch a g r i c u l t u r i s t s have apparently made such an impression" The Dutch may not be the main group to enter agriculture, nor have a l l the Dutch started farming,but they are the immigrant group that has shown 1  2  A l l y n , see foot p.25 Tuinman, op.cit., p.183  33  that most marked preference for agriculture.  Why have the Dutch immigrants entered agriculture more than the other post-war immigrants?  Though Canada did make a s p e c i f i c b i l a -  t e r a l agreement with the Netherlands stressing a g r i c u l t u r a l  immigrants,  there i s an a g r i c u l t u r a l bias i n Canadian immigration policy and the opportunities i n Canadian agriculture would be equally available to a l l immigrant groups.  1  Thus the explanation of the high percentage of  farmers i n the Dutch migration must be sought i n the socio-economic conditions of the Netherlands.  The push factors favouring the emigration,  of farmers from the Netherlands are more important than the p u l l factors of the Canadian policy and opportunities.  The s c a r c i t y of farmland i n the Netherlands was the basic cause of the a g r i c u l t u r a l emigration.  The Netherlands has the highest  population density of any country i n the world. shortage of land.  There i s an absolute  It i s almost impossible to obtain a farm by other  means than inheritance.  After the war many of the farms were too small  to provide an economic return, yet there was no room to expand.  There  was thus an over-supply of labour i n r e l a t i o n to the land available for agriculture.  In the l a t e ' f o r t i e s and early " f i f t i e s many farmers  who could not obtain a suitable farm i n the Netherlands, turned to emigration as a solution to their employment problems.  The emigrant  farmers can be c l a s s i f i e d into four main categories: the self-employed farmers whose units were uneconomic or threatened by urbanization; farmers' sons, e s p e c i a l l y the younger sons who would not i n h e r i t the  Supra, p. 21  3h family farm; farm labourers who wanted a farm of t h e i r own; and a small group who wanted to farm yet cameifrom non-agricultural milieu.*  The p o l i c i e s of the Dutch and Canadian governments did play a role i n confining the migration to a g r i c u l t u r a l workers i n the immediate post-war years.  The Netherlands only encouraged the emigration of 2  r u r a l workers through subsidization between 1945 and 1947.  The number  of urban workers who applied to emigrate to Canada between 1948 and 1954 was twice the number of a g r i c u l t u r a l workers, yet they were not a l l 3 accepted.  The Canadian bias i n favour of a g r i c u l t u r a l immigrants  did influence the Dutch migration pattern.  The widening of the  admission categories i n favour of non-agriculturalists i n 1951 and the further relaxation on occupational admissions i n 1956, i s reflected i n TABLE I I I .  The Dutch and Canadian immigration p o l i c i e s both  favoured the migration of a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s .  As Petersen states, "the  group whose emigration Holland subsidizes are precisely those that Canada i s seeking as immigrants."^ Religious A f f i l i a t i o n s of the Dutch Immigrants Religion has an important r o l e i n d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the s o c i a l structure of the Netherlands.  It i s thus valuable to examine the  r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s of the Dutch migrants to see i f r e l i g i o n i s also a factor i n the propensity to emigrate and i n the choice of destination.  Beijer et a l . , o p . c i t . ,  p.188  Petersen, Planned Migration, op.cit., p.478 Tuinraan, op.cit., p.183 Peterson, The P o l i t i c s of Population (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Co., Anchor Books, 1 9 6 5 ) , p.308  35  Netherlands society i s one of the most compartmentalised of a l l the advanced i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s .  In addition to the normal horizontal  d i v i s i o n on socio-economic class l i n e s , there i s a v e r t i c a l organization based on r e l i g i o n .  1  There are three main d i v i s i o n s ; the Catholics, the  Protestants and the non-religious, each taking part i n separate organi2 zations, i n s t i t u t i o n s and a c t i v i t i e s .  Within the Protestant group  there i s a further d i v i s i o n between the more l i b e r a l Calvinism of the Dutch Reformed Church and the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t churches.  Though  the relations between the Protestant groups are not as b i t t e r as at the time of the Secession,  3  the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s s t i l l form "a more 4  or less separate group both e c c l e s i a s t i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y . "  The  internal group coherence i s strongest f o r the Catholics and the Orthodpx Calvinists.  Both these groups could be c l a s s i f i e d as 'sub-cultures'  in Netherlands society. The Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s dominate the Dutch migration to Canada. (Fig.7), TABLE IV i l l u s t r a t e s the variations i n the propensity to emigrate and i n the destination of the three main r e l i g i o u s groups and those of no religion.'  Though less than 10% of the Netherlands  population, the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s formed 41% oftthe Dutch immigrants to Canada i n the i n i t i a l immigration period 1948-52. 1  Canada was the  D. 0. Moberg, "Social D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the Netherlands," Social Forces, vol.XXXIX (May, 1961), p.333  2 3  4  There i s a Dutch term,"verzuiling'," to describe t h i s columnisation of society and there i s no comparable English term. Supra, p.14 E. W. Hofstee, Rural L i f e and Rural Welfare i n the Netherlands (The Hague: Govt. Printing & Publishing O f f i c e , 1957) p.112  36  TABLE IV DUTCH EMIGRANT DEPARTURES 1948-62, (expressed as a percentage, according to COUNTRY of DESTINATION AND DENOMINATION)  Destination  Roman Catholics  Denomination Dutch Reformed  Orthodox Calvinists  no Denomination  Canada Australia  24 38  23 35 49 45  26 30  27 25 24 24  41 9  27 24 7 7  7 19  10 13 17 20  Netherlands Population  39  40 40  31  30 29  10  10  17  18 19  Dates.of emigration: 1 - 1948-52; 2 - 1953-57; 3 - 1958-62 Source: Hofstede, Thwarted Exodus, p.96 destination of 74% of the Orthodox Calvinists who emigrated.  A smaller  proportion of the Dutch Reformed emigrated both to Canada and to A u s t r a l i a than t h e i r proportion i n the Dutch population would warrant. The Catholics did increase their percentage i n the Canadian migration, but they were more s i g n i f i c a n t i n the migration to A u s t r a l i a . i s a similar pattern among the emigrants with no r e l i g i o n .  There Hofstede  states that, "the d i s t r i b u t i o n of Australia-Catholics and CanadaC a l v i n i s t s r e a l l y forms the basic structure for the spread of Netherlands emigration,"*  yet the Orthodox Calvinists are a more d i s t i n c t i v e  feature of the Canadian migration, than the Catholics are of the Australian one. Hofstede, Thwarted Exodus, p.92  37 Two questions arise from the role of r e l i g i o n i n Dutch migration: f i r s t l y , why are the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s more i n c l i n e d to emigrate, and secondly, why did they select Canada as t h e i r destination? answers to the two questions are linked.  The  The Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s  were the one group i n the Netherlands that had an emigration t r a d i t i o n . They are the theological descendants of the 1834 Seceders, half of whom emigrated to.the United S t a t e s .  1  The largest church i n the  Orthodox C a l v i n i s t column i s the Reformed Churches of the Netherlands, which has a well established s i s t e r church i n the United States: Christian Reformed Church.  (AppendixVII).  The  In 1945 there were o u t l i e r s  2  of this church i n Canada, and the American church was prepared to give f i n a n c i a l help to the immigrants to establish new churches.  The Orthodox  C a l v i n i s t s had links with America while i n A u s t r a l i a they would have had to stand on t h e i r own.  By contrast, A u s t r a l i a was more a t t r a c t i v e  to the Catholics because there the Catholic Church has a more highly developed system of parochial schools than exists i n English-speaking Canada. As an emigrant t r a d i t i o n was strongest amongst the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s , they were the most sensitive to the emigration climate that developed i n the Netherlands i n 1945, and quickly reacted to i t .  Their  t r a d i t i o n a l destination was the United States, but, as the "doors" were 3 p a r t i a l l y closed, Canada provided the best alternative. Summary and Conclusions The Dutch i n Canada are a post-war immigrant group, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y  1  2  3  Supra,  p.14  Supra, p.17 „ Supraiii p, 15  •  38  a g r i c u l t u r a l i n t h e i r occupation, and predominantly Orthodox C a l v i n i s t i n their r e l i g i o n .  There was a phenomenal increase i n the Dutch  migration to Canada after 1945, which i s surprising considering the t r a d i t i o n a l l y low emigration from the Netherlands.  The peak years  of Dutch immigration were i n the early f i f t i e s , so there has been a decade i n which the immigrant could adjust to Canadian society and achieve h i s goals.  This means that there has been time f o r a. p a r t i c u l a r  impact of the Dutch to evolve.  The Dutch have shown a more marked preference f o r agriculture than any other immigrant group to Canada since 1945. the  Within agriculture  Dutch are said to prefer dairying and market gardening.  They  have not been linked to an urban occupation to the same extent.  It  i s this supposed c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Dutch immigrants which w i l l be examined, to assess t h e i r impact i n the Lower Fraser Valley.  The most important demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n assessing the positive impact of the group, i s , the age structure. structure i s similar to other immigrant groups.  The youthful age  The impact of the  Dutch may not l i e so much i n p a r t i c u l a r Dutch preferences and a b i l i t i e s , but  i n the e f f e c t of a young group penetrating a region which has a  population with a mature age structure.  So i n considering the impact  of the Dutch i n the Valley there w i l l be an attempt to i s o l a t e how much of their impact i s due to their immigrant status and how much to t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r national c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  Religion i s as strong a variable i n the post-war Dutch migration  39 to Canada as i t was Michigan.  i n the nineteenth century migration to Iowa and  Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s again showed the greatest propensity  to emigrate, and almost three quarters of them selected Canada as their destination.  Religion has been a factor i n the emigration  decision, i n the s e l e c t i o n of the immigration country, but does i t continue to. be s i g n i f i c a n t when the Dutch have s e t t l e d i n Canada? In the following chapter the r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s of the Dutch, t h e i r occupational goals and the existence of pre-war nuclei of Dutch i n Canada w i l l be discussed as factors i n the location of the Dutch within Canada, B r i t i s h Columbia and, at the micro l e v e l , i n the Lower Fraser Valley.  C H A P T E R DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  I I I DUTCH  IN  CANADA  The Dutch do not form a large percentage o f the Canadian, B r i t i s h Columbian or Lower Fraser Valley population, yet there are some areas which have attracted a r e l a t i v e l y high percentage o f the Dutch immigrants.  In  these areas o f concentration the impact o f the Dutch should, be most marked. In t h i s chapter the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the Dutch i s discussed to i s o l a t e the areas o f Dutch settlement; and the reasons why such concentration should occur, are examined.  The Problem o f Sources The recurring problem o f i n s u f f i c i e n t s t a t i s t i c a l material i s encountered when discussing the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the Dutch.  The only s t a t i s t i c s available  to describe the destination of the Dutch immigrants within Canada are tabulated by provinces, and give the "intended destination" which may not be the present l o c a t i o n o f the immigrant.  Census material i s used to describe the d i s t r i -  bution o f the Dutch i n B r i t i s h Columbia and i n the Lower Fraser Valley.  The  advantage o f the census material i s t h a t ' i t i s available for small areas; but the greatest disadvantage i s the ambiguous d e f i n i t i o n o f the 'Dutch*.  In the census, immigrant groups can be i d e n t i f i e d from three c l a s s i fications.  "By Birthplace" i s the most s a t i s f a c t o r y but unfortunately, the  Dutch are included as "Other European" i n the census.  The "Mother. Tongue" .  s t a t i s t i c s underestimate the number who could be included i n the Dutch c u l t u r a l group, as the younger age groups tend to be excluded.  The Dutch are  over-represented i n the "Ethnic O r i g i n " s t a t i s t i c s because some Germans and  1*0'  41  Mennonites are also included with the 'Dutch'. Mennonite concentrations  1  As Siemens defined the  i n the Valley, this can indicate the areas where  the ethnic o r i g i n s t a t i s t i c s could be over-representing  the Dutch.  It  therefore seemed that the ethnic o r i g i n s t a t i s t i c s were the most s a t i s f a c t o r y of the census s t a t i s t i c s for describing the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch.  It was  also considered that alternative primary sources would not give a  more accurate d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch immigrants i n the Valley. Dutch Vice-Consul  The  i n Vancouver provided an estimate of the number of Dutch i n  the Valley, but without an areal breakdown.  The number of Dutch belonging  to the Dutch ethnic churches could be r e a d i l y obtained from the church r o l l s ; the number of Dutch Roman Catholics from the Dutch diocesan p r i e s t ; the enumeration of the Dutch who  have joined the Protestant churches e x i s t i n g i n  the Valley i s much more d i f f i c u l t , but the basic weakness i n using church r o l l s to describe the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch, i s that there i s no way estimating the number of Dutch with no church l i n k s .  of  Church r o l l s would provide  a more inaccurate description than the ethnic o r i g i n census s t a t i s t i c s . Figures 4 and 5 are therefore based on the ethnic o r i g i n s t a t i s t i c s as these were considered  to be r e l a t i v e l y more accurate.  The explanation of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch i s more problematical than i t s description.  At best the general influences behind the Dutch  location decisions can be suggested.  These influences at the micro l e v e l of  the Dutch i n Canada are derived from secondary sources;such as W.  Petersen,  Planned Migration; at the micro l e v e l of the Lower Fraser Valley from the  1  Ryder, op.cit., p.472  k2  interviews with the immigrants.  The complexity of the factors involved  i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch; the i n t e r a c t i o n of the several economic and s o c i a l factors, means that i t i s d i f f i c u l t to rank the l o c a t i o n factors.  The Dutch i n Canada The Dutch have not been attracted to the several provinces i n the same proportion as the t o t a l Canadian immigrants. (TABLE V).  Between 1946  TABLE V COMPARISON OF THE DUTCH PROVINCIAL DESTINATIONS (A) WITH THAT OF THE TOTAL CANADIAN IMMIGRANTS (B), 1946-61, expressed"as a percentage  P r o v i n c i a l Destination Year  Ontario A  1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1946 -61  Source:  Quebec B  39 58 47 53 55 60 57 54 52 51 56 52 49 55 56 58  41 55 49 51 53 54 52 53 54. . 52 55 52 51 52 52 51  56  52  A  Br. Columbia  Alberta  B  A  B  A  B  10 4 3 7 6 6 6 6 5 8 7 8 8 6 7 8  14 13 20 19 18 24 21 20 18 20 19 20 23 23 23 24  10 10 12 9 9 9 11 9 9 13 16 19 15 14 11 11  12 13 10 8 8 7 9 8 8 11 11 13 11 10 10 10  11 8 15 17 14 16 13 16 17 15 12 14 17 16 15 12  8 5 8 9 9 6 8 9 9 7 6 7 7 7 7 7  6  20  11  10  15  7  Canada, dept. of Citizenship and Immigration, S t a t i s t i c s D i v i s i o n , Table 2, Origin and Destination 1946-61. In 1962 the intended destination of the Canadian immigrants was cross-tabulated with 'last place of permanent residence' rather than by the 'ethnic o r i g i n ' of the immigrants, as previously.  43  and 1961 the r a t i o of Dutch to t o t a l immigrants was 1:13.  Deviations  from t h i s r a t i o for the immigrationl;to Canada, show which provinces were more and which less a t t r a c t i v e , to the Dutch immigrants.  The Quebec r a t i o  was 1:45, so this province was less a t t r a c t i v e , Ontario and B r i t i s h Columbia with a r a t i o of 1:12 were s l i g h t l y more a t t r a c t i v e , while Alberta with a r a t i o of 1:7 was almost twice as a t t r a c t i v e to the Dutch as to the t o t a l immigrants.  Ontario was the destination of over half of the 155,000 Dutch immigrants to Canada between 1946 and 1961 and was also the chief destination of a l l the Canadian immigrants.  This shows that the economic factor i s basic i n  the l o c a t i o n a l decision of the Dutch within Canada f o r Ontario offered the greatest employment opportunities.  Yet s o c i a l factors must be included to  understand why almost twice the number of Dutch immigrants went to Alberta than might be expected, and why three times fewer Dutch went to Quebec. Alberta was not only the chief area of Dutch settlement i n Canada before the war, i t has also the largest number of Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s .  1  On the other  hand, the absence of these h i s t o r i c a l and r e l i g i o u s t i e s , indeed the lack of interest of Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s i n a Catholic province, i s the most probable reason why Quebec was r e l a t i v e l y unattractive to Dutch immigrants.  Though  there were small pre-war Dutch settlements i n Ontario and B r i t i s h Columbia, they did not increase the a t t r a c t i o n of these provinces to the post-war Dutch immigrants to the same extent as the more numerous pre-existing s e t t l e ments i n Alberta.  The a t t r a c t i o n of Ontario and B r i t i s h Columbia was almost  e n t i r e l y dependent on the economic opportunities which these provinces offered.  1  Supra, p. 17  kk  The Dutch i n B r i t i s h Columbia According to the "intended destination" s t a t i s t i c s 17,000 Dutch settled in B r i t i s h Columbia between 1946 and 1961.  Lycan, using Family Allowance  Registration as his data, shows that there i s a net in-migration to B r i t i s h Columbia from the other provinces, which suggests that more Dutch may have eventually settled i n B r i t i s h Columbia than the s t a t i s t i c s i n d i c a t e .  1  In  the sample of one hundred Dutch families i n the Valley, t h i r t y had been i n some other province before coming to B r i t i s h Columbia.  Seventeen had been  i n Alberta, f i v e i n Ontario and the remainder i n the other P r a i r i e provinces and Quebec.  In two instances during the interviewing i t was mentioned that  r e l a t i v e s had.moved from the Valley to Ontario.  It i s however impossible  to document the extent of the Dutch out-migration from B r i t i s h Columbia from interviewing Dutch immigrants i n the Valley, but the interviews suggest that there has been a net gain by B r i t i s h Columbia from the i n t e r - p r o v i n c i a l migration of the Dutch immigrants. r-  In 1961 there were 23,793 Dutch "by mother tongue" or 60,176 "by ethnic 2 o r i g i n " i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  This i l l u s t r a t e s the wide v a r i a t i o n i n the  number of Dutch according to the d i f f e r e n t census d e f i n i t i o n s .  Using either  of the d e f i n i t i o n s the s t a t i s t i c s show that there was a tremendous increase in the Dutch population from 1941 to 1961, by 373% using ethnic o r i g i n , and by 504% according to the mother tongue s t a t i s t i c s .  The l a t t e r p a r t i c u l a r l y  re-emphasises that the Dutch are a post-war immigrant group i n Canada. 1  2  R. Lycan, "A. Multiple Regression Model for. the- Prediction of Internal Migration i n Canada," mimeographed paper delivered at the Canadian Association of Geographers, May 1965 Census of Canada, B u l l e t i n c7-22  h5 Nevertheless the Dutch are s t i l l a small group i n B r i t i s h Columbia forming less than four per cent of the t o t a l population, even using the ethnic o r i g i n s t a t i s t i c s which tend to over estiMate the number of Dutch.  The largest number of Dutch i n B r i t i s h Columbia are located i n the Lower Fraser Valley, Census D i v i s i o n 4. (TABLE VI, Column 1).  Sixtyrtwo  per cent of the Dutch, compared with f i f t y - s i x per cent of the t o t a l population, l i v e i n the Lower Fraser Valley.  Vancouver Island hasrvthe  second largest number of Dutch, and i s followed by the Prince George area (Division 8), and the Okanagan (Division 3).  It i s i n the Lower  Fraser Valley and the Prince George area that there i s a higher percentage concentration of the Dutch than of the t o t a l population.  (Compare column  TABLE VI DISTRIBUTION OF THE DUTCH IN BRITISH COLUMBIA IN 1961, by ethnic o r i g i n  Census Division  1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10  Total  Source:  Number of Dutch  712 1,630 3,475 37,533 7,515 2,042 722 4,244 1,231 1,071  6 0  *  1 7 6  % Dutch/total population  2.07 2.30 3.67 • 4.14 2.58 3.08 3.38 5.71 3.23 3.45  3  '  % Dutch/total Dutch i n B.C.  1.18 2.71 5.77 62,37 12.49 3.39 1.20 7.05 2.04 1.79  7 0  Census of Canada, B u l l e t i n CI'-22, Table 37.  % population/ provincial . t o t a l  2.10 4.34 5.80 55.70 17.85 4.06 1.30 4.55 2.35 1.90  46 3 and 4, TABLE VI).  These are also the areas where the Dutch are more  than 3.7% of the population, which i s the p r o v i n c i a l average.  Both the Lower Fraser Valley and the Prince George region have been economic growth centres since the war.  They are also the  areas i n the province that had n u c l e i of Dutch before the war, h i s t o r i c a l and r e l i g i o u s t i e s have accentuated  two so again  the economic a t t r a c t i v e -  ness of c e r t a i n areas, and resulted i n an above average penetration by the Dutch immigrants.  The Dutch community was most strongly developed  i n the Prince George region around the settlement of Houston i n the Bulkley V a l l e y .  1  Employment as such i s not s u f f i c i e n t to keep the  Dutch immigrants i n a p a r t i c u l a r region of the province, unless i t i s the type of work that the immigrant wants to pursue.  Six i n the sample  of a hundred Dutch families i n the Valley, had i n i t i a l l y worked i n the orchards of the Okanagan, but when they saw no opportunity for obtaining either a dairy farm or land f o r a n u r s e r y i n the Okanagan, they moved to the Valley.  Economic opportunities seem to be the basic reason  why  the majority of the Dutch s e t t l e d i n the Lower Fraser Valley,, but the immigrants' occupational goals, h i s t o r i c a l and r e l i g i o u s t i e s contribute to the v a r i a t i o n between the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch and the t o t a l population. 2  The Dutch in the Lower Fraser Valley The majority of the Dutch i n the Lower Fraser Valley reside i n 1  2  Supra, p. 17 •  In this thesis the place-name Lower Fraser Valley xs abbreviated to Valley, and i s used to describe the area from Hope to the sea and from the International Boundary northwards" to the edge of the Coast Range.  U7  metropolitan Vancouver.* (Fig.4).  Within the metropolitan area the  most marked concentrations of Dutch are i n Vancouver City, east of Cambie Street, New  Westminster, Whalley and central Richmond.  In the  remainder of the Valley, the Dutch are r e l a t i v e l y evenly d i s t r i b u t e d , though there i s a s l i g h t clustering i n South-west Matsqui and western Chilliwack.  As Figure 4 i s based on the ethnic o r i g i n s t a t i s t i c s there i s a problem of interpretation r e s u l t i n g from the possible inclusion of Mennonites i n the s t a t i s t i c s .  Mennonites reside i n south east Vancouver  and i n west Chilliwack and so probably contribute to the more marked 2 concentration of the 'Dutch' i n these areas.  As w i l l :be.illustrated  by the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the members of the Abbotsford Christian Reformed Church (Fig. 8), and confirmed by f i e l d observations, the Dutch are located i n the north of Matsqui more than i n the south west as Figure 4 suggests.  South-west Matsqui i s the main Mennonite settlement i n the  3 Valley,  but, as there are also some Dutch residing among the Mennonites,  the area cannot be completely neglected i n a consideration of the Dutch in the Valley. The Dutch form a higher percentage of the population i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s than i n metropolitan Vancouver. shown, the absolute numbers accentuate 1 2 3  the significance of the urban  This included Richmond, Delta and Surrey i n the 1961 Siemens, op.cit., Ibid.,  p.75  p.82  As has been  Census  pi' Fl  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  DUTCH  IN  THE  LOWER  FRASER  VALLEY  G. 4  49  Dutch, yet the Dutch account f o r only 3% of the metropolitan population.  This i s below the average f o r the Valley of 4.14%, and  even the p r o v i n c i a l average of 3.7% (TABLE VI).  There are a few census  tracts i n Surrey and Richmond, on the urban fringe, where the Dutch form 8% of the population.  In the eastern and northern a g r i c u l t u r a l  municipalities of the Valley, the Dutch account f o r more than 10% of the population, r i s i n g to as high as 34% i n Matsqui. (Fig.5). 1  The unorganised  t e r r i t o r y of which P i t t Polder i s a part, i s included i n Figure 5, because 2  the population i s almost e n t i r e l y Dutch.  Factors influencing the D i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch i n the Valley  P o l i t i c a l Factor  The Role of Government Placement.  During the immediate post-war years, the Canadian government i n s i s t e d that the immigrants should have sponsors who would guarantee that the immigrant would support himself.  The sponsor actually signed  for the immigrant and either offered him employment or found him an Occupation.  The Dutch immigrant obtained his sponsor from one of  three sources: d i r e c t l y through r e l a t i v e s , through h i s church or from the Canadian government.  The immigrants generally arrived i n i t h e Canadian  region that they wanted to s e t t l e i n i f they had r e l a t i v e or church sponsors, but t h i s d i d not always occur with government sponsors.  This percentage i s exaggerated because of the concentration of Mennonites i n Matsqui. There are only a hundred people residing i n t h i s d i v i s i o n . The cont r a s t with Vancouver i s not aparent from Fig.5, but to use proportional c i r c l e s according to the size of the population i n a l l the census d i v i s i o n s would have made the small segment of Dutch i n Vancouver v i s u a l l y too s t r i k i n g , because of the large size of the c i r c l e , when the aim of this map i s to show the r e l a t i v e importance of the Dutch.  F I G. 5  THE  DUTCH  IN  RELATION  TO  THE  TOTAL  POPULATION  51  The Dutch immigrant could f i n d himself i n any one of four situations as a result of the sponsorship  system.  He could have been placed i n  the area that he wanted to reside i n , so i n this case the sponsorship system has aided his migration.  He may have wanted to go to another  part of Canada than the one he was placed i n , the Lower Fraser Valley i n t h i s case, so he then has to decide on whether to remain i n the Valley, or to move to the region of his o r i g i n a l choice.  The fourth situation  occurs when the immigrant was placed i n another Canadian region and has since moved to the Valley.  In the sample of one hundred Dutch families i n the Valley, over 60% had been placed i n the Lower Fraser Valley, the region of Canada which they prefered.  1  Four families i n the same sample had wanted to  go to Ontario, but were placed i n the Valley. immigration  During the peak Dutch  years 1951-52, a l l the sponsored places i n Ontario were  quickly f i l l e d , thus the immigrants had to be allocated to some other province.  Government placement has counteracted the o r i g i n a l desire of  these Dutch immigrants to s e t t l e i n Ontario.  Not only has i t  influenced their location, but i t has also lead to a change i n occupation. For example, a farmer whose enterprise in"the Netherlands was arable farming, when placed i n the Lower Fraser Valley, a dairy region, changed to an urban occupation, largely because he was not interested i n dairying. Two i n the sample stated that r e l a t i v e s who had been placed i n the Valley,  1  Unless otherwise stated when a 'sample* i s mentioned i n the text i t refers to the interviews among the Dutch immigrants i n the Valley carried out by the author i n 1964-65,  2  .. Similar decisions were made by market gardeners.  Infra, p.108  52  have since moved to the region that they i n i t i a l l y wanted to s e t t l e i n , but i t i s impossible  to document the f u l l extent of t h i s movement from  f i e l d work i n the Valley. moved from other provinces  As has been shown, Dutch immigrants have to the Valley, p a r t i c u l a r l y from the sugar-  beet d i s t r i c t around Tabor i n Southern Alberta, and also from d i s t r i c t s within B r i t i s h Columbia where the immigrants were placed, as for example i n the Okanagan.  1  Government placement i s r e l a t i v e l y more important as a factor i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch within Canada, than within the Lower Fraser Valley.  The government can direct the immigrants to p a r t i c u l a r  regions of Canada, but i t i s not very concerned about the samll scale l o c a t i o n a l decisions of whether the Dutch should s e t t l e i n Kent or Delta i n the Valley.  Indeed government placement as a locational facto:r i n  the Valley i s c l o s e l y related to the employment opportunities available for emigrants i n the early f i f t i e s .  Economic Factors I n i t i a l Employment  Opportunities.  The Dutch were i n i t i a l l y employed i n the labour intensive occupations such as peat cutting, hop and berry picking, and in:the saw mills,; and s k i l l e d dairy labourers  i n the Valley.  labour i n these occupations.  There was  a large demand for  Each of these occupations has a r e l a t i v e l y  well defined location: peat i n Richmond and Delta; hops i n Sardis Chilliwack; b e  r r  i  e s  south of Abbotsford; and saw m i l l s near New  and along the north arm of the Fraser.  1  Supra, p. 46  as  Though there was  and  Westminister  a demand for  53  dairy labourers throughout the Valley, i t was greatest i n the.areas xd.th very large farms, Delta, Matsqui and Langley.  In the early f i f t i e s the Dutch accounted for a quarter of the labour force of the Western Peat Moss company which i s located i n eastern Delta.  At that time the company employed four hundred  men,  though now, with rapid mechanisation i n both the cutting and processing of peat, only t h i r t y - f i v e men are employed and none of-these are Dutch.  1  The Dutch immigrants used this occupation as a means of acquiring c a p i t a l to achieve t h e i r urban or a g r i c u l t u r a l occupational goal.  A few Dutch  are employed by peat- companies i n Richmond now, but these are permanent 2 rather than transitory employees.  . . The Dutch peat workers resided i n  Richmond and Delta, and also commuted from Langley, about f i f t e e n miles from the plants.  The hop companies have also reduced their dependence on hand labour, but at the time of the major Dutch entry into the V a l l e y , production was s t i l l labour intensive.,  John L. Hass Hop Co.  employed  twenty-five' Dutch immigrants a l l the year round from 1953 to 1960, but 3  only employs a couple of Dutch labourers now.  In several cases the  company sponsored the emigrants and provided temporary accommodation, though of a low standard, i n the hop camps near Chilliwack and Sardis.  Farm labouring, rather than these labour intensive occupations, -  1  Interview with production manager  2 For example Acme Peat Company 3  Letter from the manager, John L. Haas Hop.  Cop.  5h provided the i n i t i a l employment for the majority of the Dutch dairy farmers.  Of the forty-three dairy farmers i n the sample who had emigrated  direct to the Valley, t h i r t y - e i g h t worked as farm labourers  of which  thirty-one were dairy hands.  The Dutch were mainly employed as farm labourers Langley and Delta. (TABLE VII).  i n Matsqui,  Half of the Dutch i n i t i a l l y  employed i n  TABLE VII DISTRIBUTION OF THE INITIAL EMPLOYMENT OF THE DUTCH AS FARM LABOURERS IN THE VALLEY  Municipality  Number of Dutch Immigrants  Kent Chilliwack Sumas Matsqui Langley Surrey Delta Richmond Maple Ridge Mission  Source:  % distribution  2.6 5.0 5.0 37.0 21.0 2.6 13.0 5.0 2.6 5.0  1 2 2 14 8 1 5 2 1 2  F i e l d Work Sample - 38  Matsquir worked on berry farms, and half on dairy farms.  The high  concentrati«n af i n i t i a l employment i n fatsqui i s related to the r o l e of Abbotsford C h r i s t i a n Reformed Church acting as a 'clearing house' f o r the new Dutch immigrants of that r e l i g i o n . *  Infra, p.75  Though the average farm  55  size i n Langley i s less than f o r t y acres, i n -1961 there were f o r t y seven farms with over 130 a c r e s .  1  There were less than three hundred  farms i n Delta i n 1961, but seventy of these were large, again leading to a demand f o r s k i l l e d labour.  In the Lower Fraser Valley, Langley,  Matsqui and Delta municipalities had the largest number of farms over seventy acres i n 1961.  Migration Aims of the Dutch Emigration motivations and aims are fundamental to the way i n which immigrants view the economic opportunities that a region o f f e r s . The d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch based on their i n i t i a l employment i s modified when the Dutch immigrant moves to achieve his migration goal.  Initially  the Dutch worked at any occupation to support themselves; now generally i n the occupation of t h e i r choice.  they are  ;  The migration goal of two thirds of the sample of Dutch dairy farmers i n the V a l l e y was The reasons why  to obtain a farm of their own.  (TABLE VIII).  they emigrated to acquire a farm varied; f i f t e e n had been  farm labourers so they would not i n h e r i t a farm, nor did they have the opportunity of purchasing one; eight had farms that were economically too small to support them; f i v e were younger sons who would not i n h e r i t the family farm; two had been renting farms and wanted to own one;  and  2  three saw t h e i r family farms threatened by urbanisation.  1  2  For these dairy  Census of Canada, A g r i c u l t u r e . .  .  .  Compare this with the general reasons given for the migration of a g r i c u l t u r i s t s . Supra, p. 33  56 farmers the main l o c a t i o n a l influence i s the a v a i l a b i l i t y of economic farm units to f u l f i l t h e i r migration  goals.  TABLE VIII MIGRATION AIMS OF THE DUTCH IN THE LOWER FRASER VALLEY  Migration Aims  Present Occupation of the Dutch Dairying Other Agriculture  To own a farm Economic Progress Adventure Follow a Relative Other  33 4 6 4 3  Total Dutch i n Sample  50  Source:  F i e l d Work  ^  o n  . •agricultural  2 9 2 2 8  4 5 2 2 13  23  SAMPLE - 50  The desire f o r economic advancement was the main motivation among the Dutch i n other a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprises and i n urban occupations. with those who emigrated for adventure, this emigration motivation  As  does  not set such d e f i n i t e locational l i m i t s as the desire to own a farm. By contrast those who gave 'following a r e l a t i v e ' as t h e i r motivation would t r y to f i n d employment i n the v i c i n i t y of t h e i r r e l a t i v e . *  It i s  among the a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s who wanted to own a farm, and the immigrants who are following a r e l a t i v e , that the emigration motivation has a direct influence on the l o c a t i o n a l decision of the Dutch. Openings i n Agriculture i n the Valley If the chief emigration motivation was to obtain a farm, then the location of the Dutch w i l l be d i r e c t l y related to where they could  acquire  The role of kinship t i e s as a l o c a t i o n factor i s treated at greater length under the section on s o c i a l f a c t o r s .  57 a farnu  In chapters V and VI the reasons why so many openings occurred  i n agriculture i n the early f i f t i e s , and why more farms were available i n some parts of the Valley more than others w i l l be discussed; the  1  here  interest l i e s i n the location of the areas where the Dutch could  achieve t h e i r goals.  The chief dairying areas are on the flood plains of the Fraser, but i n the west, farm land i s being purchased to be held f o r r e s i d e n t i a l , commercial or i n d u s t r i a l development at prices which a farmer could not afford.  This i s the major reason why few Dutch immigrants could obtain  a farm i n Delta, though this municipality was the t h i r d employer of Dutch dairy labourers. the  2  . . Langley too d i d not provide suitable farms f o r  Dutch immigrants because there were few medium sized farms available.  Matsqui, Sumas, Chilliwack, Kent and P i t t Meadows offered the largest number of openings f o r the Dutch a g r i c u l t u r a l immigrants.  When farms, are available i n the same area that offered  initial  employment to the Dutch, then there i s a marked concentration of the Dutch immigrants, as i n Matsqui.  However, i f there are few suitable farms, as  in Langley and Delta, the i n i t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n i s modified as the Dutch spread out to the areas i n the Valley where they can obtain a farm.  Kent,  the most isolated municipality i n the Valley, has attracted the Dutch because farms were available there.  The desire of the Dutch a g r i c u l t u r a l !  immigrants to own a farm has encouraged them to s e t t l e i n the eastern and northern parts of the Valley as this i s where the farms were most readily available. 1  Infra, p.127  2 Sup*ra, p.54  58  Social Factors When the economic factors provide the Dutch immigrant with a l t e r natives, then s o c i a l factors intervene to contribute to the locational decision.  For example, i f a Dutch dairy farmer could obtain a similar  farm i n Matsqui and i n Chilliwack p r a i r i e , then kinship t i e s , r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s or p r o v i n c i a l l o y a l i t i e s can be the factors that lead to the ultimate decision. Kinship t i e s Though only twelve per cent of the sample gave t h e i r chief emigration motivation as 'following a r e l a t i v e ' , the r e l a t i o n s factor has contributed to the propensity to emigrate and kinship t i e s have influenced the choice of destination.*  In TABLE IX i t can be seen that  about t h i r t y per cent of the Dutch immigrants selected t h e i r i n i t i a l location because r e l a t i v e s \<reve already there.  However, over three-quarters  TABLE IX INFLUENCE OF KINSHIP TIES ON THE LOCATIONAL DECISION OF THE DUTCH IN THE VALLEY  Residential Characteristics  Number of Dutch - Kinship t i e s influenced A I n i t i a l B Present C No i n Location Location fluence  Urban Rural-non-farm Farm  7 1 22  Total  30  Source:  *  -  Number of Dutch Remained Moved at A from A  8  14 7 41  2 1 4  18  10  62  7  23  2  From the sample of 102 Dutch immigrants i n the Valley  Beijer, o p . c i t . , p.14  5  59  of these moved, mainly to achieve t h e i r occupational goal. column 2)  (TABLE IX)  so that i n a l l , kinship t i e s have influenced the location of  seventeen, out of the t o t a l of one hundred and two Dutch immigrant families i n the sample.  Dutch P r o v i n c i a l Loyalties I t i s not only the Dutch provinces with the largest population that one expects to f i n d represented amongst the Dutch immigrants i n the Valley, but a l s o , because of the character of the Dutch immigration to Canada, the provinces with a high percentage of Orthodox Calvinists i n t h e i r population.  1  In 1947,  the provinces with the largest population  were Nord- and Zuid-Holland, Gelderland and Nord-Brabant; (Appendix VT) those with the largest number of Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s were Nord- and Zuid2  Holland, Friesland and Groningen.  Zuid-Holland, the province with the  largest population, and Friesland, which has the highest percentage  of  Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s , are the provinces that are most represented i n the .sample of the Dutch i n the Valley. The sample i s l a r g e l y composed o f Dutch farmers, thus i t i s expected that the a g r i c u l t u r a l provinces w i l l be over-represented among the Dutch. Friesland i s the leading a g r i c u l t u r a l province represented i n the Valley, accounting f o r a quarter of the sample. (TABLE X).  Three c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of  Friesland contribute to the greater readiness of i t s inhabitants to emigrate: i t has the strongest emigration t r a d i t i o n , the highest percentage of Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s , and  Supra, p.35 S t a t i s t i c a l Yearbook of the Netherlands 1957-58, Table  B-7  6o  TABLE X PROVINCIAL ORIGIN OF THE VALLEY DUTCH, by municipalities  20  Source:  - -2 -1 -4 11 -1 10 - 11 2 - 1 1 11  7  2  -3 -  - - -1 -1 - 3 - -  1  9  5  6  1 1 2 2  _  Total  3 1  •H  Metroj>olitan Vancoiiver  Pitt 1yfeadows + Map]Le Ridgi  1 1  3  26  7  5 1  Delta  -1 -4 -2 -1 1 I -  4 2 1  Langley  3  Kent  6 2 1 3 2  c o •t-i CO CO  Surrej  Total  -\  Sumas  Friesland Groningen Drenthe Overij ssel Gelderland Utrecht Nord-Holland Zuid-Holland Zeeland Nord-Brabant Limburg  •H  Matsqi  Provinces of the Netherlands  Chill]Lwack  Municipalities  - -1 -2 42 - -  25 9 3 4 10 5 15 24 4 3  7  102  1  4  F i e l d Work:- from a Sample of 102 Dutch f a m i l i e s .  a higher r a t i o of farm labourers to owners.*  The l a t t e r i s an added  incentive to the a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s to emigrate i n order to own a farm.  In the Netherlands, the Frieslanders are the most vocal on their 2 provincial identity,  yet they are scattered throughout the Valley with  no marked concentration i n any municipality.  It i s the Zuid-Hollanders  who have concentrated i n one area, as almost half i n the sample are i n Hofstee, op.cit., p.36 They i n s i s t , for example, that Fries i s a separate language and not simply a Dutch d i a l e c t .  61  the .town and municipality o f Chilliwack.  This concentration i s  d i f f i c u l t to explain; three o f the ten families are members o f the Netherlands Reformed Congregation which has only one church i n the Valley located at Chilliwack; three had friends i n the d i s t r i c t before they moved .to i t ; and the other four had selected Chilliwack because i t offered the type o f farm that they wanted. concentration  This one marked  does not appear to be due to any sense o f p r o v i n c i a l  l o y a l t y , but rather as a r e s u l t o f kinship t i e s , r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s and economic f a c t o r s .  Religious A f f i l i a t i o n s The r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s o f the Dutch immigrants should be examined as a l o c a t i o n a l factor, because the Dutch immigrants have been used to r e l i g i o n playing an important r o l e i n t h e i r s o c i a l l i f e , and also because the Netherlands churches took an active part i n the migration process.  Kinship t i e s and p r o v i n c i a l l o y a l t i e s often f i n d t h e i r  expression as l o c a t i o n a l factors through the r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s o f the immigrants, f o r r e l a t i v e s are often o f the same r e l i g i o n , and there i s such a p r o v i n c i a l v a r i a t i o n i n the r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n o f the Dutch. (Fig.6)..  1  The influence o f r e l i g i o n i n Dutch migration was enhanced by the Dutch Law for the Establishment o f Emigration  Bodies, 1952.  the Netherlands denominations to "interpret and handle according to t h e i r views."  1  2  This allowed  emigration  The aspiring Dutch emigrant could either go  A table on the r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s o f the Dutch, i n Hopstee, Rural L i f e and Rural Welfare" i n the Netherlands, i s the source f o r Fig.6*..p.ll2 Van Campen, o p . c i t . , p.9  FIG. 6  R E L I G I O U S IN  T H E  •  ORTHODOX  £3  DUTCH  REFORMED  R OMAN  C ATH  OTHER  RELIGIONS  iS  NO  0  A F F I L I A T I O N S  N E T H E R L A N D S  CALVINIST  OLIC  RELIGION  15  T O T A L P O P U L A T I O N  N E T H E R E M IG  LANDS  RATION  CANADIAN D U T C H IMMIGRATION  P. Source:E.W.Hof s t e e : R u r a l L i f e a n d R u r a l W e l f a r e  62  in t h e N e t h e r l a n d s , ? . ! ! 2  63  to a denominational bureau or to the Public O f f i c e s .  The following  Table shows the percentage of Dutch emigrants who went to Canada v i a the several boards i n 1957.  Not a l l the emigrants went to t h e i r  respective denominational boards as some preferred to emigrate through TABLE  XI  PERCENTAGE EMIGRATION TO CANADA IN 1957  VIA THE MIGRATION BUREAUS  Percentage of Emigrants  Bureau  Christian Emigration Centre (Christian Reformed) General Emigration Centre (Dutch Reformed) Protestant Emigration Foundation ( A r t i c l e  31)  Catholic Central Emigration Foundation Public Offices  32.8 17.9 1.5 13.5 3*w3  Source: Emigratie,-1957 the Public O f f i c e s .  Yet a t h i r d contacted the bureau of the Christian  Reformed Church.  In the Valley, the Christian Reformed Church was the most highly organised.  To a l l e v i a t e the hardships of the a r r i v a l , an Immigration  House was opened i n Vancouver to provide accommodation f o r the f i r s t few days-  1  The church had i t s own fieldman i n the Valley to f i n d sponsors  for t h e i r immigrants though i t also worked through the Canadian government.  Rev. Van Andel, New Westminster Christian Reformed Church.  6k  The fieldman was a Dutch immigrant of the 192U-30 period^ a member o f the Vancouver Christian Reformed Church and a resident of New Westminister.  He found sponsors and i n i t i a l employment for the  1  Christian Reformed immigrants, and l a t e r collected information on the farms that were up f o r sale.  The ministers of the other Dutch churches  provided a s i m i l a r service, while the Catholic church had an immigrant representative to help i n the personal adjustment of a l l the Catholic immigrants to the Valley.  There i s a degree of segregation based on r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n apparent i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch immigrants i n the Valley. This has occurred because once a p a r t i c u l a r denomination has been established i n an area, i t tends to be self-perpetuating, by a t t r a c t i n g l a t e r immigrants and finding sponsors and employment f o r them i n the v i c i n i t y . -  There  are few Catholic Dutch i n Matsqui, Sumas and Chilliwack, compared with the number o f Protestant Dutch. ( F i g . 7)..  This i n part i s simply a r e f l e c t i o n  of the r e l i g i o u s composition of the-resident population.  According to  the„1951. census s t a t i s t i c s , Matsqui and Chilliwack had the lowest percentage o f Catholics, 8.8^and 6.k%  respectively, o f a l l the a g r i c u l t u r a l  2 municipalities-  Though i t i s not a s p e c i f i c government p o l i c y to place  immigrants with employers of the same r e l i g i o n , i n practice t h i s could be the r e s u l t , f o r i t might be easier to f i n d a sponsor for a Protestant immigrant i n a Protestant.rather than a Catholic d i s t r i c t , and vice versa. The Catholics were also r e l a t i v e l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t i n the early years of the Rev. Groeneboer, Vancouver, Bethel churchCensus of Canada,  65  Dutch immigration to Canada,  so the Protestants were established f i r s t  i n the two major a g r i c u l t u r a l d i s t r i c t s of the Valley, Matsqui-Sumas and  Chilliwack.  The Protestant Dutch are focused on New  Westminister and Abbotsford  to the v i r t u a l exclusion of the Catholics i n the v i c i n i t y , whereas the Catholics do not dominate any d i s t r i c t to t h i s extent.  The  Catholic  Dutch seem to be located i n the more i s o l a t e d parts of the Valley, such as Kent, or on the smaller p r a i r i e s .  Even amongst the Protestant Dutch  there are variations i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the denominational groups. The most s t r i k i n g example of the dominance of one Dutch Protestant denomination i n a d i s t r i c t i s i n Chilliwack, where the Netherlands Reformed Congregation so successfully established i t s e l f , that the largest Dutch church i n the Valley, the Christian Reformed Church, i s r e l a t i v e l y unimportant i n t h i s , the largest dairying area of the-Valley.  Summary and Conclusions The dominance of the economic factor i n influencing the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch, i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the fact that the majority of the Dutch have s e t t l e d i n the areas which offered the greatest economic opportunities, no matter at which scale t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n i s examined.  Within Canada,  Ontario was the province which attracted 56$ of the Dutch immigrants to Canada, between 1916 ^and)l-96l...od I n i l 9 . 6 l t h e jLower :Frase£>Valley had i  62%  of the Dutch i n B r i t i s h Columbia, while within the Valley, 63% of the Dutch resided i n metropolitan  Vancouver.  The majority of the other  immigrant groups were also attracted to these areas i n t h e i r respective  Supra, p.36  66  regions, so such preferences are not d i s t i n c t i v e l y 'Dutch' and i n fact r e f l e c t -the basic economic r e a l i t i e s .  To consider the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the Dutch i n r e l a t i o n to that o f the t o t a l post-war immigrants to Canada, or i n r e l a t i o n to the t o t a l population of an area, then d i f f e r e n t regions to those mentioned above appear more s i g n i f i c a n t for the Dutch.  In r e l a t i v e terms Alberta was twice as  a t t r a c t i v e to the Dutch than to"the other immigrants.  This was mainly  due to the strong Dutch r e l i g i o u s and h i s t o r i c a l t i e s with Albertai Within B r i t i s h Columbia, the Dutch account f o r the highest percentage of the population in" the"Prince George region, the area i n B r i t i s h Columbia with the largest pre-war Dutch community.  In the Lower "Fraser Valley, -  though the majority of the Dutch s e t t l e d i n metropolitan Vancouver, the Dutch account f o r a higher percentage of the population i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l municipalities.  This i s related to the d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of  the Dutch immigration with i t s high percentage of • a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s .  The  higher r e l a t i v e penetration of the Dutch into p a r t i c u l a r areas was as much due to r e l i g i o u s , h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i a l factors as to the economic attractiveness of these areas.  The occupational goals o f the Dutch immigrants and how, and where, these can best be achieved are the main factors i n the location o f the Dutch i n the Valley.  To the a g r i c u l t u r a l Dutch immigrants, the d i s t r i c t s  where they could achieve t h e i r goal o f owning an economic farm, were the most a t t r a c t i v e .  These were the municipalities o f P i t t Meadows, Kent,  Chilliwack, Matsqui and Sumas to the north and east o f the Valley.  Social  67  factors, p a r t i c u l a r l y the r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s o f the Dutch immigrants, have, added, a variable to the d i s t r i b u t i o n , which has resulted i n a degree of segregation between the Protestant and Catholic Dutch, and even between d i f f e r e n t Protestant"denominations.  In the following chapter the r e l i g i o u s  a f f i l i a t i o n s o f the Dutch immigrants •• are examined to see how they influence the  integration o f the Dutch with the resident population, and contribute  to the Dutch impact on the l i f e and landscape of the Lower Fraser Valley.  C H A P T E R  IV  THE PARTICULAR SIGNIFICANCE OF RELIGION IN THE CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE DUTCH IMMIGRANTS  "The d i v i s i o n of a l l Dutch l i f e along r e l i g i o u s l i n e s begins with the segregation of children into Catholic, C a l v i n i s t , or secular schools. T y p i c a l l y , a Dutch c h i l d plays only with children of his own f a i t h .... when he grows up h i s friends are of the same r e l i g i o n , he marries i n his own f a i t h , joins the party and trade union associated with h i s church, reads his church's newspapers and p e r i o d i c a l s , often even buys i n stores owned by those of h i s f a i t h . " W. Petersen  1  According to Lenski the Netherlands i s one of the most prominent examples of a society i n which " v i r t u a l l y a l l the major i n s t i t u t i o n a l systems are obliged to take account of socio-religious In Canada, by contrast, socio-economic  distinctions."  d i s t i n c t i o n s have greater  relevance, with s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s mainly divorced from r e l i g i o u s d i s t i n c t i o n s , except perhaps i n Quebec; f o r example, i n Canada generally, the major p o l i t i c a l parties are not linked with a p a r t i c u l a r  Religion has been selected  denomination.  as the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the  Dutch immigrants to be discussed i n d e t a i l for two main reasons.  Firstly,  3 r e l i g i o n was  a d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g factor i n the migration process  and i n  h the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch within Canada , so i t i s of interest to see i f r e l i g i o n continues to be a variable 1  Petersen, The P o l i t i c s of Population, p.142  2 Lenski, o p . c i t . , p.328 3 Supra, ^  among the Dutch immigrants  p.35  Supra, p. 43  68  69  a f t e r they have s e t t l e d i n the Valley.  Secondly, i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to  observe how the Dutch immigrant adjusts to the r o l e o f r e l i g i o n i n Canadian society, which i s very d i f f e r e n t from the Netherlands.  The basic question i n an assessment o f the impact o f an immigrant group's, r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s on the s o c i a l geography o f an area, indeed o f any population, i s whether the members* f a i t h i s nominal or "personally appropriated".  Decisions w i l l tend to be based on  church doctrine when the f a i t h i s personally appropriated.  In such  circumstances the church doctrine would provide a yardstick by which the immigrant measures the values and norms o f the society which he : has s e t t l e d i n .  1 .  I t i s very d i f f i c u l t to state c a t e g o r i c a l l y when r e l i g i o n i s personally appropriated or not, as there i s usually a wide v a r i a t i o n i n the f a i t h o f the members.  Though many aspects o f the s o c i a l and  economic l i f e o f the Netherlands are organised within the bounds o f church a f f i l i a t i o n s , i t does not necessarily follow that they are a l l i n the "personally appropriated" c l a s s i f i c a t i o n .  In the Netherlands,  i t seems that the Roman Catholics and the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s have gone furthest i n t h e i r attempts to organise s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s around the church, f o r these two groups have established "confessional" u n i v e r s i t i e s . The concern o f these two r e l i g i o u s groups with secular matters suggests that the Roman Catholic and Orthodox C a l v i n i s t Dutch immigrants w i l l ;  The term 'host society* i s used to describe the society o f the immigration country.  70  make the greatest impact on the s o c i a l l i f e o f the Valley.  In the decision on how and where he w i l l worship the immigrant i s faced with two a l t e r n a t i v e s ; he can j o i n the autochthonous churches, or he can transplant h i s home country church.  The l a t t e r i s only  feasible i f the immigrant settlement i s s u f f i c i e n t l y compact and large enough to support an ethnic church, that i s a church with members drawn from one immigrant group.  As the Roman Catholics belong t o a universal  church, i t i s the Protestant Dutch immigrants who have to make t h i s decision.  In t h i s chapter three questions are r a i s e d .  F i r s t l y , what are the  r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s of the Dutch immigrants, where are the denominations located i n the Valley and what groups have established churches?  Secondly,  how have the Dutch immigrants reacted t o the d i f f e r e n t attitude which the majority o f the population have towards the linkage o f r e l i g i o n with social institutions?  T h i r d l y , has r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s had any  influence on the rate o f integration o f the Dutch, the degree to which they have l o s t t h e i r identity?  In short, what impact have the several  r e l i g i o u s groups among the Dutch immigrants made on the l i f e and landscape o f the Valley? Religious A f f i l i a t i o n s of the Dutch i n the Valley Ethnic Churches Established by the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s The Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s have established the greatest number of ethnic churches i n the Valley.  Indeed the four d i v i s i o n s o f the Orthodox  71  C a l v i n i s t s which are represented i n the Valley, have established seventeen churches.  The denominations originated i n the Netherlands  as a r e s u l t o f secessions from the Dutch Reformed Church and o f divisions amongst themselves.  (Appendix V I I ) .  Though the four denominations  place an orthodox interpretation on the C a l v i n i s t i c teachings, there are s u f f i c i e n t differences i n the emphasis on p a r t i c u l a r doctrines to lead to the establishment of the same separate denominations i n the Valley, as occur i n the Netherlands.  Migration to a new country has  not provided a strong enough incentive to weld these various divisions into one Dutch Orthodox C a l v i n i s t Church i n Canada.  This however,  seldom occurs amongst immigrant r e l i g i o u s groups for they generally tend to maintain t h e i r separate i d e n t i t y .  The Christian Reformed Church i s the largest denomination o f the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s .  I t has a membership o f 4,500, which i s almost  B0% o f the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s i n the Valley, and has established twelve churches.  1  I t i s also the largest Orthodox C a l v i n i s t church i n the  Netherlands. (TABLE X I I ) .  The Christian Reformed Church was formed i n the Netherlands i n 1869, by the u n i f i c a t i o n o f two groups o f the 1834 'Seceders'.  I t was  remodelled i n 1892 when another secession group from the Dutch Reformed Church joined i t and a s p l i n t e r group broke away. 1  2 3  Yearbook o f the Christian Reformed Church 1964 Supra, p. 14 I n f r a , p. 78  In 1857 a s i s t e r  72  TABLE XII RELIGIOUS AFFILIATIONS OF THE NETHERLANDS POPULATION IN 1947  Netherlands Church  Membership  Roman Catholic Dutch Reformed Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s Reformed Churches Ref. Church (Art.31) Christian Reformed  3,703,572 2,988,839  No r e l i g i o n  1,641,214  Source:  637,670 89,040 67,9^9  Canadian Name of S i s t e r Church  Reformed Church o f America Christian Reformed Church Canadian Reformed Church Free Christian Reformed  S t a t i s t i c a l Yearbook o f the Netherlands, 1957-58, Table E-68  church, that i s a church with the same doctrine and close l i n k s with the main church, though not administered by i t , was established among the Dutch immigrant seceders i n America.  The e x i s t i n g l i n k s with the American s i s t e r church encouraged the post-war Christian Reformed immigrants to e s t a b l i s h ethnic churches i n Canada.  As soon as the Dutch immigration to Canada commenced a f t e r  1945,  the American church sent 'home missionaries' to organise the immigrants into congregations and also provided f i n a n c i a l assistance to e s t a b l i s h the churches.  Half the ministers i n the Lower Fraser Valley are  Americans and another quarter have been trained at Grand Rapids, Michigan, where the C h r i s t i a n Reformed college and seminary are located.  Until  1958 the churches i n B r i t i s h Columbia were i n the same ' c l a s s i s ' as Washington.  Classis i s the term applied to the areas by which the church i s administered. I t i s equivalent to a diocese or a presbytry.  73  The Christian Reformed Church has reacted to the challenge of migration by transplanting the church to Canada and establishing branches i n the Valley.  The p o l i c y of the church favoured the formation  of a separate church, and t h i s was encouraged by the example of a prewar church i n Vancouver, the need f o r a church which could minister to the immigrants  i n the Dutch language, and by the active and determined  support o f the American church.  The churches i n the metropolitan area are located i n what were the lower-cost r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s expanding at the time of immigration, and i n the d i s t r i c t s that offered i n i t i a l employment f o r the Dutch immigrants.  (Fig.7)  Vancouver I, the largest Christian Reformed Church,  i s located near East Broadway, an expanding r e s i d e n t i a l area i n the twenties.  Ladner and New Westminster were areas of i n i t i a l employment.  The New Westminster  church i s the second largest i n the Valley and the  main centre o f the Christian Reformed Church as i t can serve the metrop o l i t a n and a g r i c u l t u r a l congregations better than the Vancouver I church, because of i t s greater nodality.  (Table X I I I ) .  The second  Vancouver church was established i n 1953 at a l o c a t i o n mid-way between the f i r s t church and the growing population i n Richmond.  By 1957 there  were s u f f i c i e n t Dutch i n Richmond to establish a separate church, and then churches were organised i n Burnaby and Whalley, the other post-war lower-cost expanding r e s i d e n t i a l nodes i n the metropolitan area. noticeable that no church has been established i n West Vancouver, a high-cost r e s i d e n t i a l area.  It i s  FIG. 7  CHURCHES  WITH INCLUDING  DUTCH  ETHNIC  AND  ROMAN  MEMBERSHIP CATHOLIC  CHURCHES  1L  75  In the a g r i c u l t u r a l d i s t r i c t s the churches have been established i n the Valley service centres.  The largest i s at Abbotsford, the  "hub of the Valley*, which serves two o f the major dairy regions, Matsqui and Sumas P r a i r i e s . on t h e i r a r r i v a l .  I t attracted many o f the Dutch immigrants  Langley was one o f the f i r s t churches to be  established for many o f the Dutch immigrants found t h e i r i n i t i a l employment t h e r e .  1  TABLE XIII MEMBERSHIP OF THE CHRISTIAN REFORMED CHURCHES IN THE VALLEY  Date Established  1926 1950 1950 1950 1951 1952 1952 1953 1957 1961 1961  Source:  Location o f Churches  Vancouver I Abbotsford Ladner Langley Haney New Westminster Chilliwack Vancouver Bethel Richmond Agassiz Surrey  Membership no.of Families no .of Members  170 1U5 67 57 70 160  32  65 85 26 56  937 770  341  204  343  783 161 279 405 144 250  1964 Yearbook o f the Christian Reformed Church  In contrast, Agassiz, the i s o l a t e d p r a i r i e o f the Valley, was the l a s t to have an organised church, because the Dutch immigrants only penetrated t h i s asea when they could not obtain a s a t i s f a c t o r y farm elsewhere.  S.upra, p. 54  The  76  church i n Chilliwack i s very small, considering the size of the farming area and the number of the Dutch i n the municipality, but, t h i s i s because another Orthodox C a l v i n i s t denomination a f f i l i a t i o n s of the Dutch.  dominates the r e l i g i o u s  (See Fig.7)  The d i s t r i b u t i o n of the members of the Abbotsford church has been mapped, to i l l u s t r a t e the area from which the congregation of a Christian Reformed Church i s drawn.  The congregation of the Abbotsford  church i s widely dispersed, the majority l i v e within a f i v e mile radius of the church, but some are almost sixteen miles from the church. (Fig.8) There i s not a compact settlement.  I t w i l l be shown i n the l a s t  section of t h i s chapter that the church i s a strong focus of s o c i a l relations,  1  This suggests that the dispersed settlement pattern has  not hindered the growth of the "sense of community;"  the t i e s of relgious  a f f i l i a t i o n are strong enough to overcome s p a t i a l distance.  The Canadian Reformed Church  3  i s the second largest of the Orthodox  C a l v i n i s t churches i n the Valley, with eight hundred members and three  k churches at New Westminster, Abbotsford and Cloverdale.  Compared to  the Christian Reformed Church there was no Canadian or American example to provide encouragement, so these immigrants were e n t i r e l y responsible 1  Infra, p. 91  p  Young, M. and P, Willmott, Family and Kinship i n East London (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd., 1964), p.113 3  ^  The mother church was founded i n the Netherlands i n 1944 when a group under the leadership of Dr. Schilder, s p l i t with the Reformed Churches of the Netherlands (Christian Reformed Church) over the interpretation of A r t i c l e 31 of the church statutes on baptism. (Appendix VII) Interview with Rev. Van Oene, minister of the Canadian Reformed Church i n New Westminster.  FIG. 8  78  for establishing churches and a l l the ministers are Dutch  immigrants.  The Canadian Reformed Churches have to serve a much larger area than the Christian Reformed Churches.  At f i r s t there was only one  church at New Westminster to serve the entire Valley, but, as the farmers moved eastwards to obtain farms, the church followed; i n 1954 one was established at Cloverdale, i n 196l another at Abbotsford. Nevertheless, the congregation i s s t i l l drawn from a wide area, f o r example a P i t t Polder farmer goes to the Cloverdale church, about twenty-five miles away.  The u l t r a conservative, denominations o f the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s , the Netherlands. Reformed Congregation and the Free Christian Reformed, have only one church each i n the Valley, thovjh they d i f f e r considerably i n s i z e o f congregation.  The Netherlands Reformed Congregation has  about eight hundred members, i t s church i n Chilliwack serving the entire Valley though the majority o f the congregation l i v e i n the municipality. The Free Christian Reformed Church has a small congregation o f forty families and was not organised u n t i l i960 when the numbers warranted a minister.  1  This denomination i s a remnant o f the o r i g i n a l Christian  Reformed Church i n the Netherlands which refused to enter into a union i n 1892 with the Doleantie group.  (Appendix V I I ) .  I t i s the one  Dutch ethnic church that i s not located i n a service centre, as i t i s  1  Interview with Rev. Gverduin, Fxee,^C3iris£iahjRe'formed:ministerci Church  2 The p o s i t i o n o f the Free Christian Reformed Church i s thus analagous to that o f the Presbyterian churches that preferred to maintain a separate i d e n t i t y when.the United Church o f Canada was formed.  79 situated on Otter Road about three miles outside Aldergrove..  The number of churches established by the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t denominations has depended on t h e i r respective representation among the Dutch immigrants i n the Valley...  The larger the representation, the  greater the number of churches established, and the smaller the area that each church has to serve.  The f i r s t churches were established  i n the areas that provided i n i t i a l employment for the immigrants; l a t e r they were established i n the r e s i d e n t i a l suburbs of metropolitan Vancouver and the more, i s o l a t e d parts of the Valley. The Dilemma of the Dutch Reformed Church  1  .The dilemma of the Dutch Reformed immigrants was whether or not they should e s t a b l i s h ethnic churches i n Canada.  They could either  e s t a b l i s h s u f f i c i e n t churches to serve a l l the Dutch Reformed immigrants, or j o i n the autochthonous churches that had a similar theology, such as the  Presbyterian or United Church of Canada.  The l a t t e r alternative  would encourage the s o c i a l integration of the immigrants f o r they would meet Canadians at church, but i t has not considered a s a t i s f a c t o r y solution f o r the pastoral care of new immigrants unfamiliar with English.  A compromise solution has resulted.  More as a matter of expediency  than as a major church p o l i c y , three churches were established i n the Valley at Vancouver, Whalley and Abbotsford, to provide pastoral care in the Dutch language.  Other Dutch Reformed immigrants have joined the  In Canada the Dutch Reformed Church i s c a l l e d the "Reformed Church of America"  80  e x i s t i n g Protestant churches and i n a few instances the Christian Reformed Church, when there i s no Reformed Church o f America i n the vicinity.  Unlike the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s the Dutch Reformed immigrants  appear to be w i l l i n g to j o i n another church rather than t r a v e l long distances to attend the ethnic church o f the denomination that they had belonged t o i n the Netherlands.  Now that the immigrants o f the f i f t i e s  have learnt English and there i s not, a continuous i n f l u x o f new immigrants who can only speak Dutch, there i s not the same j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r a separate church.  The dilemma now centres on whether these three churches  should continue to exist or whether the members should be encouraged to j o i n the Protestant churches i n the Valley which some o f t h e i r compatriots have already j o i n e d .  1  Between 19^6 and 1 9 6 l f o r every f i v e Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s there were four Dutch Reformed immigrants to Canada.  I f i t i s assumed that the  Valley attracted these two major r e l i g i o u s groups i n the same proportions,' then, as there are seventeen Orthodox C a l v i n i s t churches i n the Valley, one would expect t h i r t e e n , rather than three, Reformed Churches of America.  The l i m i t e d number o f churches established by the Dutch  Reformed immigrants i l l u s t r a t e s the differences i n p o l i c y o f the denominations, and p a r t i c u l a r l y the indecisiveness o f the Dutch Reformed church when faced with the problem o f the immigration to Canada.  Compared  with the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t denominations, neither the Dutch Reformed  1  0  Interview with Rev. K l e i n , minister o f the Vancouver Reformed Church of America. No data i s available to substantiate or disprove t h i s assumption.  81  church i n the Netherlands, nor the s i s t e r American church, endorsed the  idea o f a transplanted church as a solution to the challenge of the  immigration to Canada.  I t i s d i f f i c u l t to explain why there i s such a  divergence i n the attitude to transplanted churches between these two Dutch Protestant groups.  Perhaps the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s are more  concerned with the church being the focus of the l i f e of t h e i r members, and so they had a greater desire to establish the outward expression o f t h e i r f a i t h , the church, i n Canada.  Catholic Parishes Augmented by the Dutch Catholics In nineteenth century America, the Roman Catholic Church faced a similar dilemma, though on a much larger scale, to -the Dutch Reformed Church i n post-war Canada.  Like them, and as a matter o f expediency, the  Catholic church agreed to the organisation of ethnic p a r i s h e s .  1  Yet  mindful of i t s universal character, the Catholic church prefers to integrate the immigrants into the e x i s t i n g parishes.  Thus the post-  war Catholic Dutch immigrants have joined the Valley parishes, and there has been no Dutch demand f o r a separate church on the same l i n e s as the German language Catholic church i n Vancouver.  The Catholic compromise  solution to the need f o r pastoral care i n the Dutch language was to ' appoint a Dutch immigrant p r i e s t i n 1956 to v i s i t the parishes i n the Vancouver Archdiocese.  A'transplanted church' i s often also an 'ethnic church', because a l l i t s members i n i t i a l l y belong to one ethnic group. The terms can both be used to describe the churches which the Dutch immigrants have established i n the Valley. 'Ethnic church' i s a better term to apply to the national language Catholic parishes, because the Roman Catholic church existed before the i n f l u x o f the p a r t i c u l a r immigrant group.  82  There are about two thousand Dutch Catholics i n the Valley.  Though  there are a few Dutch families i n every parish, the largest number are found i n Richmond. (Fig.7).  Cloverdale, Agassiz and P i t t Meadows are  the a g r i c u l t u r a l parishes with the largest Dutch membership.  Generally  the Dutch account for a small percentage o f the parishoners, but they reach 20$ i n the P i t t Meadows parish.  The Dutch have integrated into  the parish structure, and as an ethnic group they have not made a p a r t i c u l a r impact i n the parishes, even i n P i t t Meadows.  In summary, the Catholic Dutch and the majority o f the Dutch Reformed have integrated into the existing Valley churches.  In doing  t h i s they had to accept the i n i t i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s o f communication i n English.  About a quarter o f the Dutch Reformed and almost a l l of the  orthodox C a l v i n i s t s have established ethnic churches.  They have made  the greatest impact on the geography o f r e l i g i o n i n the Valley by establishing twenty churches i n a l l .  There i s a bi-nodal pattern i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the ethnic churches.  Three o f the denominations, the Christian Reformed, Canadian  Reformed and the Reformed Church o f America, are represented i n the New Westminster-Whalley d i s t r i c t , on the fringe o f metropolitan Vancouver, and i n Abbotsford, the hub o f the Valley, which serves the a g r i c u l t u r a l d i s t r i c t s o f Matsqui and Sumas.  As has already been described, the  other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the Dutch r e l i g i o u s groups i s the degree o f segregation between the Catholic and Protestant Dutch, which i s e x p l i c i t i n the v i r t u a l exclusion o f the Catholics from these two  1  Interview with the Catholic Dutch immigrant p r i e s t ,  83  modes of the Dutch Protestant churches.  (Fig.7)  Dutch Religious Group Views on S o c i a l Institutions In the Netherlands the major denominations have t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l party, schools, trade unions and co-operatives.  The Roman Catholics  and the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s also have "confessional" u n i v e r s i t i e s .  As  these two groups have gone furthest i n t h e i r attempts to organize separate s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the Netherlands, i t might be expected that the Catholic and Orthodox C a l v i n i s t Dutch immigrants would also prefer to have separate i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the Valley.  The Catholic Dutch  found that parish schools were i n existence i n the Valley.  The Orthodox  C a l v i n i s t s have not only established churches, they have also b u i l t schools and are t r y i n g to form a trade union organisation, but as yet, they have not attempted to extend t h e i r views to other s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , such as the formation o f a 'Christian P o l i t i c a l Party*, or co-operative. The Establishment o f ^ C h r i s t i a n " Schools Two groups o f the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s , the Christian Reformed Chruch and the Canadian Reformed Church, have together established nine schools i n the Valley; the Free Christian Reformed Church would establish a school i f t h e i r membership was large enough to f i n a n c i a l l y support a school. (TABLE XIV).  These denominations consider that the home, the  church and the school are the three essential props by which C a l v i n i s t p r i n c i p l e s can be maintained.  As Beets states, " i t i s unmistakebly  p l a i n that our denominations on ^principle stand committed to the task of t r u l y Christian schools."  1  2  The Orthodox Calvinists consider that this  Supra, p.64  p  H. BEETS, The Christian Reformed Church - I t s Roots, History,. Schools and Mission Work a.d. 1857 tp 1946- (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1946)  p.119  —  •••>  81*  TABLE XIV DUTCH CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS IN THE VALLEY  School Location  Christian Reformed Vancouver - Kingsway Abbotsford Ladner Langley Haney New Westminster Richmond Agassiz Canadian Reformed New Westminster  Source:  Date Established  Number o f Pupils  1951* 1954 1954 1955 1955 1955 1958 1964  80 150 70 60 90 250 80  1955  8o  Up to Grade  7 7 7 7 7 10 7  -  —  8  Data collected from personal interviews with the ministers Agassiz school was opened i n September 1964, data on number o f pupils was not available, hope to teach up to Grade 7.  can best be achieved through separate schools, administered by parents* committees drawn from the congregations.  In B r i t i s h Columbia there i s no p o l i t i c a l hindrance to the foundation of separate schools, but there i s also no encouragement o f such schools. The Catholics and the Mennonites had separate schools i n the Valley before the a r r i v a l of the post-war Dutch immigrants.  1  However, the Dutch  immigrants found a b i g difference between the attitudes of the Netherlands and B r i t i s h Columbian governments to separate schools.  The l a t t e r give  no f i n a n c i a l support to separate schools, while i n the Netherlands  there  has been f i n a n c i a l equality i n the subsidies fdr^the denominational and  Siemens, o p . c i t . , p.66  85 the secular schools since 1 9 1 7 .  1  The Catholic Dutch immigrants f i n d  that they have to pay to send t h e i r children to the e x i s t i n g parish  schools;  the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s have to construct the schools as well as maintain them i f they want a Christian education for t h e i r children.  The Canadian federal government and the B r i t i s h Columbian p r o v i n c i a l government think-that separate schools hinder s o c i a l integration, so they do not wish to encourage t h e i r foundation by providing state  subsidies.  The Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s argue that as they pay taxes they should obtain, i n return, some state financing-  L»-Temminga i n an a r t i c l e , "Let's make  room for Christian schools too," has argued, i n an attempt to disprove the basis for the Canadian opposition to separate schools, that the schools are not  'Dutch' but 'Christian', that i s t h e i r aim i s to proprogate Christian 2  attitudes, not Dutch national views.  •  This contention  the use of the B r i t i s h Columbia schools curriculum,  i s supported by  the lack of emphasis  on the Dutch language and the employment o f some non-Dutch teachers i n the Valley schools.  In practice however, the majority of the pupils are  Dutch, the teachers are either Dutch immigrants or second generation Dutch educated at Grand Rapids or at the University o f B r i t i s h Columbia, and the school building i s often.sited beside one of the Dutch churches.  The  separate school i s o l a t e s the Dutch children and accentuates the i n t r a group relations to a greater extent than i f the children attended a state school. 1  The intra-group  r e l a t i o n s are based on r e l i g i o u s l i n k s , as  Government state subsidies for both Catholic and C a l v i n i s t parochial primary schools was accepted i n the Netherlands as early as 1 8 8 6 . Petersen, The P o l i t i c s o f Population. p.l46 L. Tamminga, "Let's Make Room for Christian Schools Too," The Edmonton Journal, July l 6 , 1964  86  Tamminga contends, but t h i s does not weaken the Canadian contention that the separate school reduces the Dutch contacts with Canadians.  Even without state.;support , the Christian Reformed, Canadian Reformed and Catholic Dutch immigrants think that Christian education i s a s u f f i c i e n t l y important church p r i n c i p l e , f o r the schools to be personally financed.  The nine Christian schools i n the Valley are the most  noticeable impact of the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t Dutch immigrants' views on education*  The Dutch demand f o r state subsidies seems to be more  vocal than among the other groups that have separate schools, mainly because they are t r y i n g to achieve what they had accepted as the norm i n the Netherlands.  Attempts to Organise Christian Trade Unions ; The Christian Action Foundation has been founded, mainly under the auspices, of the.Christian Reformed Church, to promote the organisation of Christian trade unions i n Canada.  In the Netherlands there are three  labour organisations: the Catholic, the Protestant and the secular unions; i n Canada the Dutch immigrants found that there was only a secular union.  Again i t i s the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s who have shown the  greatest i n c l i n a t i o n to e s t a b l i s h the i n s t i t u t i o n s on the l i n e s that they had been used to i n the Netherlands, rather than accept the Canadian approach.  ..So f a r t h e i r impact has been small on the trade union movement i n the Valley.  One Christian trade union, the Fraser Valley Construction  87  Workers Association, was 1964,  1  formed i n the Richmond-Ladner d i s t r i c t i n  The "Christian Vanguard", the organ of the Christian Action  Foundation, has endorsed the refusals of i n d i v i d u a l workers, whether Dutch or not, to j o i n the secular unions when the aims of the l a t t e r are supposed to v i o l a t e C h r i s t i a n p r i n c i p l e s .  I t has been  suggested, though i t cannot be documented, that t h i s attitude to secular trade unions has contributed to the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t preference of being self-employed, rather than being employed by a large business, for which membership of the secular union might be a prerequisite of employment.  I t has been shown that i n the establishment and trade unions, as i t was  of separate schools  i n the formation of ethnic churches, i t  i s the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s more than the other Dutch immigrants, that have t r i e d to r e - e s t a b l i s h t h e i r s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l m i l i e u i n Canada.  The Catholics and Reformed Dutch have c a r r i e d fewer concepts  with them; they have accepted the Canadian i n s t i t u t i o n s to a greater extent, so that t h e i r impact i s l e s s apparent on the s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of the Valley. The S o c i a l Integration of the Dutch Immigrants Is r e l i g i o n a s i g n i f i c a n t variable i n the rate of s o c i a l integration of immigrants?  Weinberg disgards r e l i g i o n and stresses the age of the  immigrants and t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n , that i s whether they are i n  1  "The Christian Vanguard", August 1964, p.5. The same issue also reported that the Mennonites i n Manitoba had shown i n t e r e s t i n the C h r i s t i a n Trade Unions.  88  dispersed or i n compact settlements, as the chief factors influencing the rate o f integration; Handlin emphasises r e l i g i o u s f a i t h as the major factor i n integration.  Mol suggests that these two authors  may be considering d i f f e r e n t things; Weinberg - i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s e d r e l i g i o n ; Handlin - a personally appropriated  faith.  1  The aim o f  t h i s section i s to ascertain i f r e l i g i o n does retard or accelerate integration, and i f , as Mol suggests, the significance o f the r e l i g i o u s factor i n integration varies between the denominations according to the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e i r f a i t h .  Four indices o f integration w i l l be examined t o i l l u s t r a t e the 2 rate of Dutch s o c i a l integration.  The acceptance o f the language  of the immigration country i s not an index that integration has been achieved, but i t i s a prerequisite f o r increased s o c i a l contacts with the resident population.  This, and the adoption o f c i t i z e n s h i p  are s u p e r f i c i a l indices o f integration but they are basic steps towards i t .  The strength o f s o c i a l t i e s and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r -  marriage between the immigrants and the resident population are better indices o f integration.  These indices w i l l be used to i s o l a t e  any variations i n the rate o f integration among the Dutch r e l i g i o u s groups. J . J . Mol, "Churches and Immigrants," Research group for European Migration Problems, Supplement V (May 1961), p.7 The U.N.E.S.C.O. conference on the "Cultural Integration o f Immigrants" i n 1956, discussed indices o f integration, and emphasised that s o c i a l integration was usually slower than economic integration.  89  The Rapid Acceptance o f English The majority of the Dutch immigrants are using English as t h e i r d a i l y language and also as t h e i r language of worship.  1  In less than  twenty years even the transplanted churches, which often l a g behind the integration o f the i n d i v i d u a l immigrant, have selected the language of the immigrant country.  This i s quite a remarkable rate of language  2 integration.  The Dutch immigrants who joined the autochthonous churches had no option but to accept English as the language of worship, so the extent of the language integration o f the Dutch immigrants can be most conspiciously documented by the way Dutch has been giving way to English i n the transplanted churches.  Seven of the twelve Christian Reformed churches use  English at both Sunday services, and only have a Dutch service once a month, s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r the older immigrants.  The Cloverdale Canadian  Reformed church has services twice a month e n t i r e l y i n English, the New Westminster church on one Sunday a month.  The Free Christian Reformed  Church i s lagging behind these others with only one service i n English each fortnight, but there i s a growing demand by the congregation f o r the immigrant minister to increase the number of English services.  English i s used more extensively i n the services of the transplanted  Only on two occasions during f i e l d work amongst the Dutch immigrants was i t impossible to communicate because they could not understand English. Compared with the rate of language integration of Welsh immigrants. E. Jones, "Some aspects of Cultural Change i n an American Welsh Community", Trans.Hon.Soc.Cymmnodorian (1952)  90  Dutch churches i n B r i t i s h Columbia than i n Ontario.  The reason f o r  t h i s p r o v i n c i a l v a r i a t i o n appears to support Weinberg's dispersion hypothesis.  There are fewer Dutch immigrants i n B r i t i s h Columbia than 2  i n Ontario,  t h e i r settlement i s less compact, thus t h e i r daily contacts  with other Dutch speakers i s minimised and the necessity to converse i n English i s heightened i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  In addition, there i s  a higher percentage o f immigrant ministers i n Ontario and they prefer to conduct the services i n Dutch, t h e i r mother tongue, while the American and second generation Dutch ministers i n B r i t i s h Columbia favour English. The decline of Dutch immigration to Canada has contributed to the decline i n the use o f the Dutch language i n the services, because there are few new immigrants to demand pastoral care i n Dutch.  The rate o f  acceptance o f English by the transplanted churches has been f a s t , considering that the churches have been organised around the language as well as the p a r t i c u l a r church doctrine.  Other ethnic churches have  adopted English more slowly, f o r example Mennonite churches established i n the Valley i n the t h i r t i e s have only recently used English widely. In summary, the Dutch immigrants, whether Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s , Dutch Reformed or Catholics, have taken the basic step towards s o c i a l integration by accepting the language of the host society whole-heartedly. The Widespread Adoption of Canadian Citizenship There was no v a r i a t i o n between the Dutch r e l i g i o u s groups on the adoption of Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p .  1  The majority of the Dutch immigrants  From a comparison o f the number o f English services i n the Ontario and B r i t i s h Columbia churches recorded i n the Christian Reformed Church Yearbook.  2 Supra, p.42  91  have become Canadian c i t i z e n s , on deciding to make Canada t h e i r home. The Dutch i n the sample who had not become c i t i z e n s , have either not f u l f i l l e d t h e i r f i v e year r e s i d e n t i a l requirements, or else do not consider that t h e i r status would he s u f f i c i e n t l y changed to warrant the e f f o r t and expense o f acquiring t h e i r c i t i z e n s h i p papers.  The adoption  of c i t i z e n s h i p provides the immigrant with the opportunity of taking part i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e o f the country, through the right to vote, but  i t i s not as valuable an index o f integration as the acceptance o f  English. The Paucity o f Social Relations with Canadians  1  Primary group r e l a t i o n s , that i s contacts that are personal, 2 informal and intimate, provide a good index o f s o c i a l integration.  The  s o c i a l integration o f the Dutch immigrants i s best guaged by the extent to which t h e i r close friends are Canadians, Dutch immigrants, or are l i m i t e d to the Dutch members of t h e i r church.  Variations i n the rate  of s o c i a l integration of the Dutch r e l i g i o u s groups i s noticeable when t h i s more accurate index of integration i s applied. Almost three-quarters o f the seventy-eight members of transplanted churches, i n the sample o f Dutch i n the Valley, had t h e i r closest s o c i a l contacts with the members of t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r church.  A f i f t h had both  Dutch and Canadian friends, while second generation Dutch immigrants, who had been to High School i n Canada, account f o r the 1% whose close  1  2  In t h i s context 'Canadian' i s used t o denote the non-Dutch residents of Canada. This term i s used i n preference to the longer, though more accurate description, - 'Non-Dutch Canadian'. Gordon, o p . c i t . , p.31  92  friends were Canadians.  The most i n t e r e s t i n g aspect of t h i s pattern  of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i s that members of the Reformed Church of America have as few contacts with Canadians as the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s .  What-  ever the character o f the denomination, i t seems that the transplanted church can become the focus of the Dutch community.  However, t h i s  community i s l i m i t e d to the p a r t i c u l a r Dutch denomination and does not extend to the Dutch immigrant group as a whole, f o r there are as few contacts with the Dutch who are not members of the church as there are with Canadians.  The Dutch immigrants who joined the autochthonous Protestant and Catholic churches have more contacts with the Canadians, than t h e i r countrymen who are members of the transplanted churches.  Though the  sample of Dutch, who are members of the Protestant churches, i s small, only one out o f the seven said that t h e i r close friends were Dutch. The others have Canadian friends and are a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the l o c a l community organisations, such as the Parents Teachers Association. The Dutch Catholics do not account f o r such a high percentage of any parish that they form a clique i n the parish, which would r e s u l t i n few contacts with Canadians.  The majority of the Dutch Catholics i n the  sample actually stated that they were opposed to clannishness among the Dutch.  Those immigrants with no r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s said that they  had both Dutch and Canadian friends.  In t h e i r case n a t i o n a l i t y was  the only l i n k with the other Dutch immigrants; i t was not reinforced by religious t i e s .  Inter-marriage i s not common between Dutch immigrants and Canadians.  93  With inter-marriage s o c i a l integration has almost been achieved.  The  majority o f the Dutch males i n the sample had been married on immigration, but  twenty-nine married i n Canada.  Dutch g i r l s .  Only four o f these married non-  (TABLE XV)  TABLE XV ETHNIC ORIGIN OF THE MARRIAGE PARTNERS OF THE DUTCH SINGLE MALE IMMIGRANTS  Male Religion  Christian Reformed Roman Catholic Ref. Ch.of America Neth. Ref. Congreg. Other Protestant No r e l i g i o n Total  Source:  Dutch G i r l s ' Second Immigrants,, , . Generation T  10 1 1 1 1 -  k  ih  k  Non-Dutch G i r l s Direct Other Canadian from Immigrant Netherlands 3 2 2 -•  2 1 —  -  -  -  -  1  7  3  1  -  Twenty-nine male Dutch immigrants, who were single on immigration to Canada, from a t o t a l o f one hundred and two Dutch immigrants i n the Valley., sample.  Three o f these married g i r l s who had been born i n Canada; one, to a Roman Catholic, the other two, Mennonites; and the fourth married a German immigrant.  The inter-marriage o f Dutch female immigrants and  non-Dutch males was not documented by the f i e l d work because the sample was selected from Dutch surnames i n telephone d i r e c t o r i e s , so the Dutch g i r l s who have married outside the Dutch immigrant group would not be represented i n the sample.  9h  The Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s do not set out to reduce t h e i r contacts with Canadians, but t h i s i s the i n d i r e c t r e s u l t when the church, which i s composed o f Dutch immigrants, i s the centre o f t h e i r s o c i a l l i f e . The members o f the Reformed Church o f America, whose close friends are  also Dutch, are the exception to the generalisation that the non-  r e l i g i o u s , Catholics and L i b e r a l Protestants have more s o c i a l contacts with Canadians than the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s .  Religion i s thus an  important variable i n the rate o f s o c i a l integration of the Dutch immigrants with the resident population i n the Valley. Summary and Conclusions The Dutch immigrants have made an impact on the r e l i g i o u s l i f e of the Valley through the establishment o f ethnic churches.  Four new  denominations have been added to the welter o f Christian denominations i n the Valley, and a f i f t h , the Christian Reformed Church, has increased i t s representation from one to twelve churches.  A strong sense o f  community has developed among the Dutch immigrants who are members o f these ethnic churches, despite the fact that the Dutch do not l i v e i n compact settlements, because the churches act as s o c i a l f o c i . the  Some o f  Dutch have established schools and a trade union centred on t h e i r  denomination.  This approach d i f f e r s from the general Canadian attitude  of the separation of the church from education or from labour organizations. These Dutch organizations have not made a great impact on the l i f e o f the  Canadians because few non-Dutch Canadians have joined the churches  and trade union, or sent t h e i r children to the Christian schools.  It i s s u r p r i s i n g that i n terms o f a r c h i t e c t u r a l s t y l e these ethnic  95  churches are not d i s t i n c t i v e l y Dutch.  This i s mainly because the  buildings were not constructed by the Dutch immigrants.  The Dutch same  have been successors to church buildings i n the Valley i n the way as they have been successors on farms.  The Reformed Church of America  i s h e i r to a Pentecostal church i n Abbotsford, (Plate I ) , a Lutheran one. i n Vancouver; the Christian Reformed to a Sikh temple i n Haney (Plate I I ) , a Mennonite church i n Vancouver.  The Canadian Reformed  Church i n New Westminster i s the very unlikely successor to a cinema. Even i n the few instances where new churches have been constructed, there i s not a d i s t i n c t i v e l y Dutch s t y l e of architecture.  In Agassiz  and Richmond the simple rectangular structure i s extremely functional, b u i l t to serve as a church and as a school.  The only Dutch aspect of  the large Christian Reformed Church at New Westminster i s the stained glass which was imported from Groningen.  (Plate I I I ) .  The church i n  Abbotsford looks l i k e some of the Mennonite churches i n the Valley, and was i n fact b u i l t from the plans of a Mennonite church, as t h i s was cheaper than drawing up special plans for the Dutch church.  (Plate IV).  •Dutch' landscape features would give a very poor index o f the significance of the Dutch ethnic churches i n the r e l i g i o u s l i f e of the immigrants.  The Orthodox C a l v i n i s t denominations have been more i n c l i n e d to establish churches i n the Valley than the other Dutch r e l i g i o u s groups. They are also the group that has shown the greatest tendency to organise i n s t i t u t i o n s on denominational l i n e s i n the same manner as occurs i n the Netherlands.  They have organised schools and a trade union, and are the  most vocal i n t h e i r demands for state f i n a n c i a l support f o r t h e i r schools.  96 PLATE I  The Abbotsford  Reformed  Church o f America  :  Heir to a Pentecostal  PLATE II  Haney C h r i s t i a n Reformed  Church  : H e i r t o a S i k h Temple  Church.  97 PLATE I I I  A b b o t s f o r d C h r i s t i a n Reformed Church w i t h c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f Mennonite Churches i n t h e V a l l e y  98  The Catholic Dutch also favour separate education, but they were able to j o i n the e x i s t i n g parish schools.  The Orthodox Calvinists and the  Dutch Reformed immigrants who have established ethnic churches i n the Valley are the groups that have had the slowest rate of integration, measured by the extent o f t h e i r s o c i a l relations with  Canadians.  The d i f f e r e n t attitudes towards ethnic churches, separate schools and trade unions, and the varied rate of integration, suggests that the Dutch immigrants should not be regarded as a homogeneous group, but as a series of sub-groups, focused on a p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o n , that react d i f f e r e n t l y to the challenge of the immigration country.  There i s one  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c that does cut across these s o c i a l divisions of the Dutch immigrants, and that i s t h e i r preference for agriculture, which w i l l be discussed i n the following chapters.  C H A P T E R  THE DUTCH AND  V  AGRICULTURE IN THE LOWER FRASER VALLEY  In Canada the Dutch immigrants have been l i n k e d with two a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprises: dairying and market gardening.  1  Fraser Valley they have only been associated with dairying.  In the Lower This  suggests that generalisations about the Dutch i n Canada have been drawn from observations  of the Dutch i n Eastern Canada.  emphasis i s on the reasons why  In t h i s chapter the  the Dutch selected p a r t i c u l a r a g r i c u l t u r a l  enterprises i n the Valley, and the impact that they have made on these enterprises.  The reasons why  so many Dutch immigrants entered agriculture  i s related to the very nature of the Dutch migration to Canada and  has  2 already been discussed.  To examine the r e l a t i v e importance of economic and c u l t u r a l factors i n the Dutch decision, that i s whether the immigrants have selected an enterprise for i t s economic p o t e n t i a l , or because they are 'Dutch', the following questions are posed: - what a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprises are represented i n the Valley?  How  are they ranked i n terms of the number  of farms involved and value o f production?  What was  the r e l a t i v e  economic attractiveness of the enterprises, and were there openings i n them for new producers?  What type of farming did the immigrants follow  i n the Netherlands ?  1  2  Petersen, The P o l i t i c s of Population. p.3l8 Supra, p.  33  99  100  To assess the impact o f the Dutch i n the Valley agriculture, t h e i r enterprise s e l e c t i o n and i t s location i n the Valley w i l l be discussed. Both the number and the s k i l l of the Dutch immigrants who enter an enterprise are important factors i n influencing the impact of the Dutch. I f there i s a large number of Dutch producers forming a high percentage of the t o t a l producers, then there i s a greater opportunity for the Dutch to make a d i s t i n c t i v e contribution to the enterprise.  The  r e l a t i v e technological development o f the Netherlands and Canadian methods i s also important.  I f the Canadian methods are more advanced,  then the Dutch, to be successful, w i l l have to adopt the Canadian methods, so t h e i r impact w i l l tend to be reduced; on the other hand, i f the Netherlands methods are more advanced, the Canadian producers may adopt the methods used by the Dutch immigrants, so the Dutch w i l l have made a more d e f i n i t e impact on the enterprise.  A g r i c u l t u r a l Enterprises i n the Lower Fraser Valley Dairying i s the main a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise i n the V a l l e y .  1  (Fig.9).  Dairy farms account for HQ% of the Valley commercial farms, which are the  farms s e l l i n g produce to the value of #1,200 o f f the farm, annually; 2  and produce h2% by value of the t o t a l Valley a g r i c u l t u r a l production. Poultry production, including egg and b r o i l e r production, i s second i n importance, being the enterprise on 20$ o f the commercial farms and accounting for 26% of the value of production.  The other enterprises i n  descending number 6"f commercial farms i n the Valley are: f r u i t and 1  2  Census o f Canada, A g r i c u l t u r a l D i v i s i o n , 196l See Appendix VIII f o r s t a t i s t i c s .  F l 6. 9  C O M M E R C I A L F A R M S IN THE L O W E R F R A S E R VALLEY IN 19 6 1  0  D A I R Y  *X1  POULTRY  FRUIT  a  V E G E T A B L E  O T H E R  101  Q  MISC.  S P E C I A L T Y  B E E F  C A T T L E  Fl E L D  CROPS  102 vegetables; miscellaneous s p e c i a l i t y such as fur farms nurseries; beef c a t t l e and grain crops.  Each o f these enterprises w i l l be considered,  i n turn to examine the extent o f the Dutch penetration  and impact, but,  as dairying i s the major a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise i n the Valley and also the enterprise with which the Dutch have been most associated, i t w i l l be discussed i n greater d e t a i l i n the next chapter. Post-war Changes i n the Valley Agriculture Since the war there have been tremendous changes i n a g r i c u l t u r a l technology, organisation, the economic s i z e o f unit and i n marketing i n Valley a g r i c u l t u r e .  1  Technological  improvements have been made i n  f e r t i l i s e r s , feedstuffs, breeding and farm methods and mechanisation has increased.  S p e c i a l i s a t i o n i s widespread, with mixed farming rapidly  disappearing  and being replaced by single enterprises, such as dairy,  egg or b r o i l e r farms. continuously  The s i z e o f the economic unit has increased  for a l l enterprises.  The regulation o f production and  marketing, aimed at s t a b i l i s i n g prices and maintaining the farmers* returns to provide economic security for the producer, has been extended to milk, vegetables, tree f r u i t s and b r o i l e r s .  As yet.there  i s no  marketing board i n the Valley for eggs.  In Netherlands agriculture there was a higher degree o f state 2  regulation o f production and marketing than i n Canada i n 1945.  Breeding  f e r t i l i s e r s , land and animal husbandry were as w e l l , i f not more, developed than i n Canada. . However, Dutch agriculture was not as highly 1  J . J . Richter, "The Developing Pattern o f B.C. Natural Resources Conference, (1964), p.155  Agriculture," B.C.  Dutch Agriculture (The Hague: Ministry o f Agriculture and F i s h e r i e s , 1959)  103  mechanised and was  generally mixed farming, though there were regional  variations i n what was  the dominant a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise. (Fig.10).  Though s p e c i a l i s a t i o n was today, i t was  not so marked i n the Valley i n 1950  as i t i s  s t i l l greater than i n the Netherlands at the peak period  of Dutch immigration to the Valley.  In some ways the Dutch a g r i c u l t u r a l  immigrants were more advanced than the Canadian farmers, i n other ways they lagged behind.  The Dutch immigrants entered the Valley during the f i f t i e s when there was  an accelerated rate of technological and organizational change  taking place i n a g r i c u l t u r e .  As immigrants, the Dutch farmers could  encourage t h i s rate of change for three reasons: f i r s t l y , they had d i f f e r e n t ideas, on farm management acquired i n the Netherlands; secondly, they expected to f i n d and have to adopt new  approaches i n  Canada; and t h i r d l y , with a younger age structure than the Valley farmers, , 1  they would generally be more w i l l i n g to adopt innovations.  The Dutch  could also benefit from the increased economic security for producers derived from the regulation of milk, vegetable, tree f r u i t and b r o i l e r production. The Dutch and Poultry Production Poultry production  i s second only to dairying i n the Valley agriculture,  yet i n absolute terms, and also i n r e l a t i o n to the number of Dutch have entered dairying, few Dutch have selected poultry production  who as  t h e i r farm enterprise.  The Dutch a g r i c u l t u r a l immigrants were not as technologically advanced 1 Supra, p. 26  F I G . 10  THE MAJOR AGRICULTURAL DISTRICTS PROVINCES OF THE NETHERLANDS  AND  S o u r c e : E.W.Hof stee: Rura I L if e a nd R u r a I W e l f a r e in t h e N e t her la nds, p.l 7.  105  as the Canadian farmers i n poultry production, nor were they accustomed to the idea o f 'egg' or ' b r o i l e r ' production as single farm enterprises. Though egg production i s an important enterprise i n the Netherlands, as l a t e as 1959, most of the production was s t i l l on mixed farms, as 1  a supplementary enterprise to dairying.  By contrast, i n 19^3 B r i t i s h p  Columbia egg production tended t o be quite s p e c i a l i s e d .  Broiler  production was v i r t u a l l y non-existent i n the Netherlands at the time o f the Dutch emigration. Egg Production It i s d i f f i c u l t to document the number o f Dutch egg producers or t h e i r percentage o f the t o t a l Valley producers, as there i s neither a marketing board nor a large processsing plant from which data might have been c o l l e c t e d .  The Poultry O f f i c e r f o r B r i t i s h Columbia, Mr. Wood,  who i s based at Clearbrook, could name Dutch egg producers i n other parts of the province, but none i n the Valley.  A Dutch egg r e t a i l e r i n  Vancouver employs ten Dutch d r i v e r s , f i v e Dutch i n the handling and sorting of eggs, but depends on Mennonite producers f o r eggs.  Considering  the marked preference for Dutch employees one would expect the r e t a i l e r to purchase eggs from Dutch producers, i f they existed.  Four out o f  seventy-two i n the sample o f Dutch a g r i c u l t u r a l immigrants i n the Valley, produced eggs, but t h i s was asoa supplementary enterprise on mixed farms, not as a s p e c i a l i s e d enterprise.  The evidence from these three i n d i r e c t  sources suggests that very few Dutch immigrants have entered egg production i n the Valley. Dutch Agriculture, o p . c i t . , p.87 o  E. D. Woodward, "Some Factors that Influence Poultry Farm Income i n Coastal B.C., "MSc. A g r i c , Dept. o f Agric. E c , Thesis 19^5, p.3  106  The r e l a t i v e a t t r a c t i o n o f dairying and egg production i n the Valley i s probably the main reason why so few Dutch have entered egg production.  Over h a l f o f the f i f t y - s i x Dutch dairy farmers i n the  sample had been on mixed farms i n the Netherlands, yet they have s p e c i a l i s e d i n dairying i n the Valley.  Some Dutch immigrants d i d  commence with mixed farming, but as soon as they could afford s u f f i c i e n t acreage f o r an economic dairy farm, they abandoned poultry.  The reasons  why dairying was-so a t t r a c t i v e w i l l be discussed i n the next chapter,  1  but i t i s necessary to discover why egg production has been so neglected by the Dutch.  There does not appear to be a Dutch p r e d i l e c t i o n to  avoid egg production f o r i n the rest o f the province 60% o f the egg  2 producers are Dutch:  so i t seems that economic factors, such as the  fluctuating egg prices since the war and the comparative advantage o f dairying i n the Valley, have been the most important i n influencing the Dutch decision not to s p e c i a l i s e i n egg production. B r o i l e r Production . There are twenty Dutch b r o i l e r producers i n B r i t i s h Columbia; 3 sixteen of these are located i n the Lower Fraser Valley.  The Dutch  account for tenaper cent o f the b r o i l e r producers, so, though they had no knowledge o f b r o i l e r production techniques when they, emigrated, there has been a higher Dutch percentage penetration o f t h i s enterprise i n the Valley than o f egg production. 1  I n f r a , p. 118  o  •a  Interview Mr. Wood, Chief Poultry O f f i c e r f o r B r i t i s h Columbia This data was abstracted from the l i s t o f registered b r o i l e r producers i n the B r o i l e r Marketing Board. There are two hundred and four producers i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  107  Br«iler production was economically more a t t r a c t i v e than egg production; "in the f i f t i e s i t was a r e l a t i v e l y new,  expanding enterprise.  There  was  no entrenched group of producers, so the Dutch, or any other group, could create an opening f o r themselves i n the expanding market.  Except f o r the  i n i t i a l lack of c a p i t a l , the Dutch could compete with the Canadian producers, who were also adopting a new technique.  The c u l t u r a l influence on the  Dutch decision to select b r o i l e r production as t h e i r a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise may be disgarded as the immigrants had no experience of b r o i l e r production i n the Netherlands.  The Dutch b r o i l e r producers i n the sample had been i n mixed farming i n the Netherlands*  Why  did these Dutch immigrants decide to specialise i n  b r o i l e r production rather than follow the majority of the Dutch a g r i c u l t u r a l immigrants  into dairying?  The main reason seems to be a lack of c a p i t a l  to finance a dairy farm at the time when the immigrant wanted to s t a r t to farm on h i s own.  The c a p i t a l outlay, p a r t i c u l a r l y on land, i s not so great  for b r o i l e r production.  A second reason i s that on t h e i r mixed, farms i n  the Netherlands, crop production had been the major enterprise, so they had not been accustomed to being t i e d to the farm to the same extent as i n dairying, with i t s milking schedule.  B r o i l e r production seemed to o f f e r  more freedom than dairying.  The Dutch have made l i t t l e impact on both egg and b r o i l e r production i n the Valley.  This i s because so few Dutch have entered these enter-  p r i s e s and also because the Dutch had to learn the management techniques of s p e c i a l i s e d poultry production from the Canadians. 1  1  Their c u l t u r a l  The term 'Canadian' i s used i n t h i s context to describe a l l the nonDutch producers residing i n the Valley before the Dutch entry  108  baggage from the Netherlands d i d not contribute to t h e i r impact i n these enterprises. The Dutch and Market Gardening There are very few Dutch i n market gardening i n the Valley.  This  i s very surprising, considering that market gardening i s one of the two a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprises with which the Dutch have been l i n k e d i n Canada. The h o r t i c u l t u r a l o f f i c e r f o r the chief vegetable d i s t r i c t s o f the Valley, said that he had not come across any Dutch vegetable growers i n h i s a r e a .  1  The B r i t i s h Columbia Coast Vegetable Co-operative Association does not 2 have any Dutch members, though i t has 137 Oriental members.  One reason f o r so few Dutch entering market gardening i n the Valley might be that a l l the Dutch immigrant market gardeners s e t t l e d i n Ontario. But t h i s i s not the case: i n the sample o f seventy-two Dutch a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s , three had emigrated with the intention o f continuing i n market gardening. Two are i n dairying and one i s s p e c i a l i s i n g i n flowers, while the egg r e t a i l e r , mentioned above, i s another example o f a Dutch market gardener who changed h i s occupation i n the Valley.  Nor i s a lack o f c a p i t a l an  answer t o the question, because both the P i t t Polder company and the Netherlands Overseas Farm, which i s located north o f Sturgeon Slough on P i t t Polder, abandoned large scale vegetable production a f t e r experimenting 3 with i t , mainly because the enterprise was uneconomic. 1  2  Interview, Mr Thorpe Letter from the Secretary o f the B.C. Coast Vegetable Marketing Board Morrison, Ramsey & Watson, " P i t t Polder", Term essay, Geography 30k University of B r i t i s h Columbia. The physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the s o i l also contributed to t h i s decision. t  109  These Dutch immigrants would have prefered to continue i n market gardening i n the Valley, but they found that: i t was-uneconomic. who  Those  do produce vegetables, two i n the sample of seventy-two, seem to be  moving towards another enterprise.  One, has twenty of h i s one hundred  and ten acres i n potatoes and the rest i n hay; the other, combines vegetable production with eggs and f r u i t , but would prefer to be i n an a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise which i s not so labour-intensive.  Why  did the Dutch immigrants f i n d that market gardening was  so  unattractive economically, that even t h e i r interest i n the enterprise did not encourage them to continue i n market gardening?  Any  new  vegetable producer, Dutch immigrant or not, faces s t i f f competiton  from  the cheap Imperial Valley imports and from the l o c a l Chinese producers. To compete with the imported vegetables, l o c a l production and marketing costs have to be out to a minimum.  The Chinese have achieved t h i s by  accepting a low return for labour, and through the v e r t i c a l integration of the vegetable industry, by means of Chinese wholesalers and r e t a i l e r s i n metropolitan Vancouver.  The Dutch could neither compete on production  costs with t h i s e f f i c i e n t entrenched group, nor did they have a marketing structure to support them.  So, i n the Lower Fraser Valley the economic  factor was strong enough to counteract any c u l t u r a l predisposition that the post-war Dutch immigrants had f o r market gardening. The- Dutch and Bulb and Flower Growing Bulb Growing Bulbs, p a r t i c u l a r l y t u l i p bulbs, are almost synonymous with the Netherlands.  One expects to f i n d Dutch immigrants i n Bradner, the bulb  110  d i s t r i c t o f the Lower Fraser Valley.  A f i f t h o f the Bradner bulb  producers are i n fact Dutch, so there has been a d e f i n i t e intrusion into what had been anAnglo-Saxon preserve.  There were openings f o r new  producers because many o f the o r i g i n a l bulb growers had reached retirement age and t h e i r sons did not want to remain on the farm, so bulb farms i n Bradner went up f o r sale or to r e n t .  1  The bulb producers i n Bradner used to s e l l cut flowers as t h e i r main source o f income and import bulbs from England and the Netherlands. The post-war Dutch have accelerated the trend towards s p e c i a l i s e d bulb production, with a decline i n the significance o f cut flowers.  The  Bradner growers had been facing increased competition from the Vancouver Island growers f o r , due to an e a r l i e r growing season and improved a c c e s s i b i l i t y , the l a t t e r can e f f e c t i v e l y compete f o r the Vancotrrer cut flowers market; ~ The opening up o f a new market f o r bulbs on the eastern seaboard of the United States was the p o s i t i v e factor encouraging the increase i n bulb production i n Bradner.  A Dutch immigrant, formerly the American salesman, for a Netherlands bulb firm, has been instrumental i n opening t h i s market to Bradner bulbs. His  task was made easier by the increase i n the p r i c e o f Netherlands  bulbs, due to the r i s e i n production costs, following the r i s i n g standard of l i v i n g i n the Netherlands:.  Bradner bulbs now compete with Netherlands  bulbs f o r the eastern seaboard market, l a r g e l y due to the i n i t i a t i v e and market knowledge o f t h i s post-war Dutch immigrant to Bradner who was aware o f the opportunities.  1  Interview with the widow of the f i r s t bulb grower i n the Bradner d i s t r i c t  Ill  Howeyer, the Dutch have f a i l e d i n t h e i r attempt to increase t u l i p bulb production i n Bradner-  The o r i g i n a l producers had already rejected  t u l i p s because the f i e l d micetruined the crop by devouring t h i s edible bulb-  The Dutch, a f t e r the experience of a few unsuccessful years with  t u l i p bulbs, are growing the same bulbs as the Canadian growers: d a f f o d i l s , n a r c i s s i , and i r i s -  Flower Growing Some Dutch immigrants concentrate on greenhouse flowers and potted plants, or grow flowers i n conjunction with nurseries or garden shops on the fringes of metropolitan Vancouver i n Maple Ridge, North Surrey and Richmond.  This flower production i s more important than that which  occurs i n combination with bulb growing.  The Dutch are only one o f the  many European immigrant groups that have s p e c i a l i s e d i n flower growing for Danes, Swedes and Germans are also i n v o l v e d .  1  e l a s t i c demand.for cut flowers or nursery plants.  There i s a highly With the r i s i n g  population and affluence i n the V a l l e y , the demand has increased rapidly i n the post-war years, so the Dutch, and the other producers, have been able to enter the market.  The impact o f the Dutch on the actual growing o f the flowers has been no greater than the impact o f the other groups, but i n the marketing of the flowers the Dutch have made an impact.  A Dutch clock auction has  been introduced by a Vancouver flower wholesaler-  This auction method  I t i s outside the scope o f t h i s thesis t o consider why these European immigrant groups have entered t h i s enterprise or to i s o l a t e t h e i r impact.  112  i s widely used i n the marketing o f h o r t i c u l t u r a l products i n the Netherlands..  I t i s a time saving method because the price for the  commodity i s set high on an e l e c t r i c clock and then starts to come down; the r e t a i l e r then has to make one quick b i d at the highest he i s prepared to pay or he may not have the opportunity of obtaining the commodity.  1  The Dutch, and Beef and Hay Production Both these farm enterprises are r e l a t i v e l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t i n the Valley, being ranked f i f t h and s i x t h i n the enterprise hierarchy. (Fig.9). Only one Dutch farmer' i n the sample of seventy-two a g r i c u l t u r a l Dutch immigrants,  had a beef c a t t l e enterprise and even t h i s was subsidary to  hay production.  Though there has been an increase i n beef production  p i n the ;Valley,  Dutch immigrants have changed the enterprise on farms  they acquired from beef to dairying.  The reasons f o r t h i s change by  the Dutch immigrants i s related to t h e i r preference f o r dairying and w i l l be discussed i n the next chapter on the Dutch i n dairying. The three Dutch farmers i n the sample who are s p e c i a l i s i n g i n hay production did s t a r t as market gardeners i n the V a l l e y .  They appear to  have d r i f t e d into hay production when they discovered that market gardening did not o f f e r much economic return.  These Dutch hay producers  are located i n Maple Ridge, where there i s a demand f o r hay from the large number o f urbanites who keep horses i n this municipality; and i n Langley, where there are s t i l l part-time dairy farmers who need to purchase  1  This contrasts with the t r a d i t i o n a l method i n which the bids s t a r t low and t h e , p r i c e . i s increased by stages.  2 Richter, o p . c i t . , p . l 6 2  113  hay as t h e i r acreage i s too small to grow t h e i r own  hay.  Summary and Conclusion The Dutch have made l i t t l e impact i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprises discussed i n t h i s chapter.  Few. Dutch, have:entered these enterprises,  they form a small percentage of the t o t a l number of producers, and i n the enterprises they did enter, the Canadian techniques were i n advance of the Netherlands methods which tended to reduce the possible impact of the Dutch.  The Dutch d i d have s k i l l i n market gardening, but they  have not penetrated t h i s enterprise f o r economic reasons.  The one  exception to t h i s description of the Dutch impact i s bulb production, i n which the Dutch account f o r a f i f t h of the producers and have encouraged the trend i n favour of bulb growing- at the expense~of cut  flowers i n the Bradner  growing  district.  Surprisingly, the a g r i c u l t u r a l Dutch immigrants to the Valley have not selected market gardening as one of t h e i r main enterprises.  This  suggests that Petersen's description of the Dutch selection of dairying and market gardening.only applies to the Dutch i n Ontario and not to the Dutch i n the V a l l e y .  I t supports Tuinman's contention that i n Canada  "the public often wrongly assumes that the number of Dutch vegetable growers i s much larger than i t actually i s . "  1  The significance of c u l t u r a l preferences i n the selection of  Tuinman thinks that the misconception has arisen because a number of Dutch established themselves as vegetable growers i n a d i s t r i c t of Ontario which was, by.coincidence, named Holland Marsh. Tuinman, o p . c i t . , p.l85  114  enterprises i s refuted by the variations i n the Dutch penetration o f the s p e c i a l i s e d a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprises of the V a l l e y .  The economic  factor was of over-riding importance i n the Dutch selection.  When  there were economic advantages but no c u l t u r a l encouragement, as i n b r o i l e r production, a small, though s i g n i f i c a n t number o f Dutch s t i l l selected t h i s enterprise; but a c u l t u r a l preference was not strong enough to lead to the Dutch selection o f market gardening, when i t was not economically  attractive.  What i s the r e s u l t when a c u l t u r a l  preference  and economic opportunities are combined i n one a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise w i l l be discussed i n the next chapter on the Dutch i n Dairying.  C H A P T E R  THE  DUTCH  AND  VI  DAIRYING  What impact have the -Dutch made on dairying i n the Lower Fraser Valley?  Indeed, what i s the j u s t i f i c a t i o n for l i n k i n g the Dutch, and  only t h i s post-war immigrant group with dairying?  Has the Dutch entry  into dairying been influenced by t h e i r c u l t u r a l heritage or i s i t s o l e l y the r e s u l t o f the economic attractiveness o f t h i s , the major a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise i n the Valley?  Have they made a p e c u l i a r l y "Dutch" contribution  to dairying such as i n breed selection or i n land use?  These are the  basic questions posed i n t h i s chapter.  The Nature o f the Post-War Dairy Industry i n the Valley Over-production  i n r e l a t i o n to the Vancouver f l u i d milk demands  has been, and s t i l l i i s , the basic problem of the Valley dairy industry. The. p r i c e received f o r surplus milk used i n the manufacture of cheese, butter and condensed milk, i s i n s u f f i c i e n t to."cover the high production costs i n the Valley, so i t i s e s s e n t i a l to the economic v i a b i l i t y of a dairy enterprise that a high percentage o f the milk production i s sold on the f l u i d market.  The Significance of the 1956 Milk Industry Act Before the Milk Act there was an uneven d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the f l u i d milk market between the shippers to the Fraser Valley Milk  Producers  Association  In 19^2 seventy  1  1  and the shippers to the independent d a i r i e s .  Henceforth abbreviated to F.V.M.P.A.  115  116  per cent of the Valley's milk was shipped to the F.V.M.P.A., hut the co-operative only supplied t h i r t y - e i g h t per cent o f the Vancouver f l u i d milk requirements, while eighty per cent of t h e i r milk was used i n the manufacture o f milk products.  1  The independent shippers and producer-  vendors supplied t h i r t y per cent o f the Valley production, sixty-two per cent o f the f l u i d milk requirements, while, only twenty per cent of t h e i r production was used for manufactured milk-products.  Thus the  F.V.M.P..A. shippers received a lower p r i c e f o r t h e i r milk than the independent shippers because only 20$ o f t h e i r milk production, compared with 80$ of the l a t t e r ' s was receiving the premium p r i c e o f the f l u i d market milk.  The Milk Industry Act established a quota system aimed at equalising the producer price~and regulating production.  The quota was o r i g i n a l l y  apportioned at the r a t i o o f f l u i d demands to t o t a l production: that i s , i f 75$ o f the t o t a l Valley milk production goes to the f l u i d market then each dairy farmer, whether a co-operative or an independent shipper, receives a quota amounting to 75$ o f his average production o f the four lowest months.  This apportionment o f the quota only applies to  qualifying milk; that i s milk which f u l f i l s the minimum quality standard. The minimum producer p r i c e f o r a l l qualifying quota and non-quota milk i s 2 calculated by a formula contained i n the Milk A c t . 1  p  F* M. Clement and R.P.. Forshaw, A Factual Survey of the Fraser Valley Dairy Industry and the Greater Vancouver F l u i d Milk Market, A Report by the Department o f A g r i c u l t u r a l Economics, University of B r i t i s h Columbia (1942), p.39 The accounting value i s based on three classes o f milk. Class I , a l l milk and cream sold i n f l u i d form; class I I , milk manufactured into evaporated milk; class I I I , used i n any other way. The price o f class I milk i s based on a formula dependent on relevant economic factors such as changes i n the general p r i c e l e v e l , changes i n factors of production and the relationship of f l u i d sales to the t o t a l qualifying milk.  117  The difference i n p r i c e between quota and non-quota milk can be the decisive factor i n determining whether an enterprise i s economic or not. In 1955 i t was estimated that 03,20 per.cwt. milk at h% butterfat was too low a p r i c e f o r economic milk production, yet non-quota milk prices have 1  seldom been much higher.  For example, the 1965 February S e t t l i n g Rate  was $5-64 per cwt. for quota milk, but only 03.26 for non-quota milk. .The size of the dairy farmer's quota i s thus a fundamental factor i n the p r o f i t a ' b . i l i t y o f h i s dairy enterprise.  Once the quota system was established a new producer could only acquire a quota i f another producer ceased or reduced production. I n i t i a l l y a farmer could increase h i s quota.  He received a bonus quota  i f he produced more than h i s o r i g i n a l quota during the four months of low milk production.  As t h i s procedure tended to encourage rather than end over-production, the quota i s now only increased when the f l u i d milk market expands.  As  quota milk i s so essential to successful dairy farm management, the quota has been bought and sold l i k e a commodity, reaching prices of 0200 per cwt. The purchase of a quota, which would be valueless i f the quota system was abolished, i s an additional c a p i t a l expenditure. 4  The Dutch immigrant,  . . . . J . V. Clyne, Report of the B r i t i s h Columbia Commission on Milk, 1954-55 ( V i c t o r i a : Don McDiarmid Queen's. P r i n t e r , 1955) p.45  2 Milk Marketing Board, S e t t l i n g Rate, February 1965. The S e t t l i n g Rate i s worked out by the Board, based on a formula which considers the r a t i o o f f l u i d sales to t o t a l qualifying milk, and economic factors such as changes i n the general price index.  118  l i k e a l l new milk producers i n the Valley since 1 9 5 6 , has to decide whether to buy a quota or not, to purchase extra quota or to wait"for an increase dependent on the expansion o f the f l u i d milk, market..  The quota system has contributed to the increased economic  security  of dairying i n the Valley and has ended the uneven d i s t r i b u t i o n of the f l u i d milk market between the independent and F.V.M.P.A. shippers.  The  l a t t e r are no longer at a marked disadvantage i n the p r i c e received f o r t h e i r milk.  Nor are the producers i n Kent, ninety miles from the market,  at a l o c a t i o n a l disadvantage to those o f Delta, f i f t e e n miles from Vancouver, because the entire Fraser Valley south o f . U 9 ° 3 Q _ i s within one p r i c i n g ,  i  system.  Thus no consideration o f variations i n producer p r i c e s either  v i a marketing outlets or by d i s t r i c t s , had to be made by the Dutch i f they selected t h e i r farms a f t e r 1 9 5 6 .  The Act also established a more r i g i d inspection system to ensure a high, hygenic standard i n milk production.  No milk can be sold f o r the  f l u i d market unless there i s a low b a c t e r i a count i n the milk and the barns and milkhouse reach the required standards.  The high standards had been  a goal f o r some time but "the system of inspectionxin the.Fraser Valley had broken down and was p r a c t i c a l l y u s e l e s s " .  1  The enforced standard o f barn construction resulted i n advantages and disadvantages f o r the new producers.  A f t e r 1 9 5 6 , more c a p i t a l was  needed to commence to farm on a modern dairy farm as i t was no longer  Clyne, o p . c i t . , p.x  119  possible to s t a r t with dilapidated buildings.  The advantage to the Dutch  farmers was that the necessity to make farm improvements could be the f i n a l reason f o r the decision to s e l l by a farmer near retirement age. The l a t t e r would not usually have the i n i t i a t i v e to make a large c a p i t a l expenditure as he=could not hope to get the return from h i s investment.  Dutch immigrants were ready to acquire t h e i r own farms by  1956  so the Milk Industry-Act had some influence on the amount o f c a p i t a l -  they needed i n order to acquire modern buildings and a quota, and also on the a v a i l a b i l i t y of farms i n the Valley.  Though a l l f i f t y - s i x  farmers i n the sample had immigrated to Canada before 1956,  dairy  h a l f o f these  acquired t h e i r f i r s t farm a f t e r t h i s date and eighty-six per cent the farm they are on at the present. ( F i g . l l ) .  Age of the Valley Farm Operators i n 19^5 The general movement of farmers' sons to urban occupations and the retirement of several of the Valley dairy farmers were the main reasons why there were openings i n dairying f o r the immigrants to the Valley during the ' f i f t i e s .  As several of the farm operators had been the young  pioneers on the newly dyked " p r a i r i e s " i n the f i r s t two decades of the twentieth century, when the major a g r i c u l t u r a l expansion took place i n the Valley, they were near or had reached retirement age by 19^5.  In the  past the son^would have followed the father on to the farm but, with the a t t r a c t i o n of urban occupations, there was no successor to the family farm, so,  at retirement, the farm was put up f o r sale, or i n a few instances, was  FR EQUENCY YEAR  OF  G R A P H S  IMMIGRATION  YEAR OF ACQUISITION OF T H E P R E S E N T FARM  15 p  15 p  10  10  CO  tr Mi  <  P  P  > or  < Q X  o I3 Q  5 U  5 k  J  oo  Z  U)  o m  in to o>  o  10  0>  0)  t  o m  o  m  YEAR OF IMMIGRATION AND ACQUISITION OF PRESENT  CD 0)  FARM  121  available for renting*  The general age of the farm operators i n a region not only influences the rate of farm sales, but also the e f f i c i e n c y of the a g r i c u l t u r a l production*  The older farmer i s l e s s l i k e l y to adopt new methods or  make c a p i t a l outlays, e s p e c i a l l y i f there i s no member of the family to succeed him*  This r e s u l t s i n t r a d i t i o n a l , i n e f f i c i e n t farming.  a r r i v a l of a new, region*  The  youthful group w i l l , by contrast, make an impact i n the  The Dutch are such a group i n the Valley dairy industry.  The Increasing. Size of an Economic. Dairy Farm Though the management a b i l i t i e s of the farm operator are a major factor i n determining whether a farm i s economic or not, there i s a minimum acreage for a p a r t i c u l a r enterprise, even for the best managers. In 1957,  Menzie suggested'that twenty milking cows, needing t h i r t y - s i x -  acres, i s the minimum s i z e of dairy farm to obtain a s a t i s f a c t o r y return 2 f o r labour*  This i s r a p i d l y becoming too small a unit, so that a farmer,  single-handed, w i l l need to maintain a herd of t h i r t y - s i x milki|ig cows, for which sixty-eighty acres are necessary.  A farm l e s s than f o r t y acres i s  on the economic margin: an eighty acre unit i s fast becoming the most economic s i z e f o r the Valley dairy farm.  A much smaller acreage w i l l  s u f f i c e for a factory dairy farm on the Los Angeles model i n which the feed i s purchased and the cows are mainly s t a l l fed, but ¥.alley dairying 1  2  H* C. A b e l l found that most of the adult sons i n a survey of Ontario farmers were i n non-farm occupations. "The Present-?Day. A g r i c u l t u r a l Ladder," r e p r i n t i n Blishen et a l . , Canadian Society: S o c i o l o g i c a l Perspectives p.244 E. L. Menzie, 0. KLassen and F.Van Andel, Dairy Farm Management Manual B.C.Dept. of A g r i c . & U.B.C. Dept. of A g r i c . Econ., p.45, 4b  122  has not yet developed to t h i s extent.  Relaxation i n Credit to Farmers In the ' f i f t i e s more c a p i t a l was needed to commence dairying i n the Valley than previously.  Land values were r i s i n g as a r e s u l t of the  pressure on the land from the expansion of metropolitan Vancouver.  A  larger acreage was required for an economic unit; buildings had to be improved to comply with the standards l a i d down i n the Milk Industry Act; and a quota had to be  purchased.  The majority of the Dutch immigrants did not have any c a p i t a l i n the Netherlands, and those that d i d could not immediately  transfer i t to  Canada, because of the Dutch post-war r e s t r i c t i o n s on the export of capital.  To accumulate s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l to make a down payment on a  farm the Dutch worked as farm labourers, i n the saw m i l l s or i n peat cutting. They were advised to work from four to f i v e years before commencing to farm on t h e i r own as much to gain experience of Canadian methods, as to accumulate c a p i t a l .  Within f i v e years three quarters of a sample of forty  Dutch dairy farmers interviewed i n t h i s study, had obtained s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l for a down payment.  1  The rate of obtaining the farms was  accelerated by the more lenient  attitude of the banks towards advancing loans to farmers.  Agriculture has  been an industry i n which i t has been d i f f i c u l t to  long  credit.  The  Canadian  Farm  Loan  Board  obtain  term  p'rovides  There were 56 Dutch dairy farmers i n the F i e l d Survey sample, but information on c a p i t a l accumulation was only obtained i n kO cases.  123  long term mortages of 65% of the appraised value and up to #15,000. Farm improvement loans can be obtained through the banks up to S&jOOO.  1  The Dutch immigrants have b u i l t up a reputation f o r f u l f i l l i n g t h e i r payments on loans r e g u l a r l y , and so have been able to obtain loans relatively easily.  After 1945  there were openings i n dairying for immigrants,  as the  heirs of many o f the Valley farm operators who had reached retirement age, preferred urban occupations.  Over h a l f the Dutch immigrants d i d not  commence to farm on t h e i r own u n t i l 1956  so they reaped the benefits  derived from the equalisation of the producer p r i c e established by the Milk Act.  The disadvantages of commencing dairying.in the f i f t i e s were  the necessity of having a modern barn and acquiring a quota which meant increased c a p i t a l investment...  Fortunately, c r e d i t , p a r t i c u l a r l y long  term credit was more r e a d i l y available to farmers a f t e r the war.  Dutch Dairy Farms i n the Valley Dutch Dairy Farm D i s t r i b u t i o n There are about four hundred Dutch dairy farms i n the Valley accounting for a f i f t h of the t o t a l number of dairy farms.  This estimate  was obtained from the shippers' l i s t s of the four major d a i r i e s , supplemented by the observations of the D i s t r i c t A g r i c u l t u r i s t s .  There are a  r e l a t i v e l y small number" of shippers to "Jersey Farms", "Lucerne" and "Palm" d a i r i e s , so the F i e l d Representatives could quote the exact number of Dutch  Menzie, o p . c i t . ,  p.39  12h  shippers to t h e i r respective d a i r i e s *  There are 1,700 shippers to  "Dairy-land", the diary o f the F.V.M.P.A., and the management i n t h i s case does not know the exact number of Dutch shippers.  The data on the  number and addresses of the Dutch shippers to "Dairyland" was abstracted from the shippers' l i s t .  However, some surnames which are not t y p i c a l l y  'Dutch' may have been overlooked and some German shippers included. Despite these weaknesses i n assessing the number o f Dutch shippers to the F..V*M*P.A. t h i s i s the most s a t i s f a c t o r y estimate p o s s i b l e .  The d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch dairy farms i n the Valley i s i l l u s t r a t e d by Fig.12.  This map i s based on the addresses of the Dutch shippers to  the F.V.M.P.A. who represent eighty-five per cent o f the Dutch dairy farmers i n the Valley.  The most marked clustering of Dutch dairy farms i s on  the p r a i r i e areas of P i t t Meadows, Kent, Matsqui, Sumas and Chilliwack. Generally below 100 f e e t , consisting of d e l t a i c and a l l u v i a l f l a t s with good  2 s o i l o f land c a p a b i l i t y classes I I and I I I , dairying areas of the Valley.  the p r a i r i e s are the major  There are fewer Dutch i n Langley and  Surrey, but there too they are located i n the valleys of the Nicomekl, Serpentine and Salmon r i v e r s and i n the Glen Valleym rather than on the g l a c i a l t i l l uplands.  The Dutch seem to have s e t t l e d r e a d i l y on poorly d  drained land, (which i s cheaper to acquire), because they were aware of the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of correcting t h i s s o i l problem from t h e i r experience 1  The F i e l d Representatives are the dairy employees who regularly v i s i t the shippers to the dairy.. Land f o r Farming (Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board, 1962) p.7  F I G . 12  '  DISTRIBUTION  OF  DUTCH  DAIRY  FARMERS  Source: S H I P P E R S ' L I S T  OF F.V.M.P.A.  126  gained i n the Netherlands..  In the P i t t Meadows-Haney Local o f the F.V.M.P.A., 44$ o f the dairy farmers are Dutch.. (TABLE XVII)..  This i s the highest percentage that the  Dutch reach i n any of the Locals o f the F.V.M.P.A.  Kent has the second  highest percentage (33%), and indeed the D i s t r i c t A g r i c u l t u r i s t  thought  that the Dutch accounted for almost h a l f o f the Kent dairy farmers.  This  impression may have been created by the fact that the Dutch have large scale enterprises i n Kent.. . Almost a t h i r d o f the dairy farmers on Matsqui P r a i r i e are Dutch. TABLE XVI:. DUTCH SHIPPERS AS A PERCENTAGE OF THE TOTAL SHIPPERS TO THE MAJOR DAIRIES  Dairies  Dairyland - Total Kent Silverdale-Deroche P i t t Meadows-Haney Ladner „ Richmond Surrey Langley Matsqui Matsqui P r a i r i e Rest Sumas Chilliwack Sardis East Chillowack Jersey Farm Lucerne Palm Total Sources:  Number o f Shippers Non-Dutch Dutch  % Dutch/ t o t a l shippers  1,371 61 112 46 36 13 81 287 290 94 196 50 395 157 238  349 34 23 36 8 1 25 43 81 42 39 17 81 32 49  20 36 17 44 18 7 24 13 22 31 17 25 17 17 17  117 57 54  18 15 31  13 21 36  1,599  413  21  Dairyland: abstracting Dutch surnames from the l i s t o f shippers Lucerne and Palm D a i r i e s : interview with the F i e l d Representatives Jersey Farm Dairy: l e t t e r from the F i e l d Representative.  Letter from P.- E. Ewert. Mission D i s t r i c t Acripult-n-H st.. TOfis  127  It can be seen from a comparison of the percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Dutch dairy farmers with the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the milk cows i n the Valley, or from a consideration of the variations i n the r a t i o of Dutch to the t o t a l co-operative shippers i n each d i s t r i c t , that the Worth Bank and Matsqui have attracted an above average number of Dutch dairy farmers. (TABLE XVIII).  TABLE XVIII THE PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF THE DUTCH AND THE TOTAL F.V.M.P.A. SHIPPERS AND MILK COWS IN THE VALLEY  Percentage Distribution F.V.M.P.A. Shippers' Dutch Total  District  North Bank Delta Richmond Surrey Langley Matsqui Sumas Chilliwack  Sources:  27.0 2.3 0.3 7.0 12.0 23.0 5.0 23.0  18.0 2.5 0.8 6.0 19.0 22.0 4.0 28.0  Milk Cows '  14.0 7.0 7.0 10.0 15.0 15.0 9.0 23.0  'Shippers' l i s t of F.V.M.P.A., 1965 "Menzie, Dairy Farm Management Manual, p . l  In Richmond and Delta, areas of low Dutch penetration, there has been an absolute decline i n the number of dairy farms due to the extension of the b u i l t up area.  Land values are high and few farms have come on  the market as the land i s being held for urban development.  The  'North Bank.', is. used as an abbreviation to include the d i s t r i c t .north of the Fraser River, which comprises the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of P i t t Meadows, Haney, Mission and Kent, and the unorganised t e r r i t o r y of P i t t Polder.  128  r e l a t i v e l y low Dutch entry into Langley may be due to the large number of small holdings under t h i r t y acres i n the municipality, f o r these are only suitable f o r part-time farming or f o r a combination of dairying and poultry production.  On the North Bank the pressure on the land has not been as great along the Lougheed Highway as i n Richmond and Surrey, whilst i n Kent land prices were r e l a t i v e l y lower due to the i s o l a t i o n of the municipality, so there were more openings f o r new producers.  The a t t r a c t i o n of Matsqui  p r a i r i e to the JDutch i s p a r t i a l l y explained by the a v a i l a b i l i t y of a wide range of farm sizes from t h i r t y to a hundred acres, and p a r t i a l l y by the r o l e of Abbotsford as a focus of the newly arrived Dutch immigrants.  Dutch DairyFarm" and-Herd Size The Dutch dairy farms range from t h i r t y to two hundred and f o r t y acres.  Three quarters of the farms are over s i x t y acres, while only four  out of the sample o f f i f t y - s i x farms are below forty acres, which Menzie suggests i s the minimum acreage for a dairy farmer to obtain a return f o r h i s labour under the present management techniques i n the V a l l e y . most common farm sizes are f o r t y and seventy acres. (Fig.13).  1  The  The largest  Dutch farms are i n Kent, Sumas and Delta, which are also the d i s t r i c t s with the highest percentage of farms over seventy acres. (TABLE XVIII).  In 196l the C r o s s f i e l d and Woodward survey of ninety-two dairy farms i n the Valley found that the average number of milking cows on the high  Supra, p* 121  F I G . 13  NUMBER OF FARMS  ACREAGE  IC  25  —r—  50  FREQUENCY OF D U T C H FARMS  75  100  DAIRY  25  150 + ACRES  FARMS  15 r  MILKING  HERD SIZE  FREQUENCY  to -  o  15  25  35  45  ACREAGE  65 f  55 MILKING  COWS  AND MILKING HERD SIZE OF DUTCH DAIRY FARMS  130 TABLE XVIII ACREAGE OF THE DUTCH DAIRY FARMS BY MUNICIPALITIES  Municipality  Kent Chilliwack Sumas Matsqui Langley Delta  Dutch Dairy Farms** Sample 'acreage Number smallest largest  10  13 7 13 3 2  60 4o 55  32  1+2 86  105 112 240 115 90 100  Percentage Census* farms over 70 acres i n 196l  37  9 26  30 13 48  Source: *In 1961 a census farm was defined as an a g r i c u l t u r a l holding of an acre;or more with sales of 050 i n the l a s t year. Census of Canada, **From the t o t a l sample of f i f t y - s i x Dutch dairy farms.  labour income farms was t h i r t y - f i v e .  Three-fifths of the f i f t y - s i x  Dutch dairy farms have smaller herds than t h i s .  However, seventy per  cent have t h i r t y or more milking cows, the average size i n the 196l survey, while only seven per cent have less than twenty head.  A detailed  study on the management o f the nine rented Dutch dairy farms on P i t t 2 Polder by K l e i n , showed that these are high labour income farms.  The  general herd s i z e suggests that the majority o f the Dutch dairy farms are medium labour income farms. Tenure on Dutch Dairy Farms The Dutch show a greater propensity f o r renting than the other Valley D. C. C r o s s f i e l d and E. D. Woodward, Dairy Farm Organization i n the Fraser Valley of B r i t i s h Columbia 19oT, (Dominion Economics Div., Dept. of A g r i c u l t u r e ) , p.45 M. K l e i n , " P i t t Polder" (unpublished research paper, Dept. o f Geography, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1965)  131  dairy farmers.  A l l the tenants of the nine P i t t Polder farms are Dutch.  Though the history of unsuccessful attempts at draining the polder may 1  be  the major reason why the Canadians have avoided the Polder farms, the tenure d i d not encourage them e i t h e r .  Excluding the P i t t Polder farms,  nine farms, or seventeen per cent of the sample of f i f t y - t h r e e Dutch dairy farms, are rented.  In the C r o s s f i e l d and Woodward survey thirteen per  cent of the dairy farms were rented.  Dutch farms were included i n t h i s  survey, so there may be more than a four per cent difference i n renting between Dutch and non-Dutch dairy farms.  The greater willingness of the  Dutch to rent farms i s probably due to two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e i r farming i n the Netherlands.  In the Netherlands, renting i s more common than i n the  Valley f o r i n 1950 over h a l f the farms were rented, yet i n the Valley 1  2 only f i v e per cent of the farms were rented i n 1951.  Several of the  Dutch immigrants had" been a g r i c u l t u r a l labourers i n the Netherlands, so even to rent a farm was a step up the a g r i c u l t u r a l ladder.  In addition  i t does not take as much c a p i t a l to s t a r t farming on a rented farm, and in the case of P i t t Polder i t has been shown that renting offers the farmer a higher.return.for his labour. The Desire to Own  an Economic Unit  The Dutch seem more w i l l i n g to rent a farm than the other Valley farmers, yet the chief emigration motivation of two thirds of the Dutch 3 dairy farmers was to own a farm i n Canada. To rent a farm may only be a  1  2  Dutch "Agriculture-. (The Hague: ^. Ministry .of Agriculture and F i s h e r i e s , 1959), p*35 . . . Census of Canada, A g r i c u l t u r a l S t a t i s t i c s .  3 Supra, p.56  132  t r a n s i t i o n a l stage i n the achievement of t h i s migration aim, because the Dutch immigrant may not have s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l to purchase an economic unit.  Thirty-seven of the f i f t y - s i x Dutch dairy farmers i n the sample  have been on two or more farms; of these twenty-one increased t h e i r acreage and changed from renting to ownership i n the move; f i v e increased the acreage but continued to rent; while two actually reverted to renting i n order to increase the acreage of the unit they were farming.  I t seems  that ultimately the Dutch dairy farmer seems to want to own an economic dairy farm,:ibut to work an economic unit has been the short-term goal.  Mobility of the Dutch Dairy Farmers Mobility has characterised the Dutch dairy farmers f o r they have moved from one farm to another and often to another municipality as they took another step up the a g r i c u l t u r a l ladder towards t h e i r goal.  In the  sample of fifty-two dairy farmers, a t h i r d had been on one farm, j u s t over h a l f on two farms, and the remainder on three farms. (TABLE XIX.  Almost  four f i f t h s of the Dutch dairy farmers have moved from the municipality where they obtained t h e i r i n i t i a l employment, though l e s s than h a l f had moved to d i f f e r e n t municipalities when they changed farms.  I f the Dutch dairy farmer could obtain the type of farm that he wanted i n the area of i n i t i a l employment there was no incentive to move tOL,another Municipality.  In the selection of t h e i r farm l o c a t i o n , the Dutch were  influenced by the number of farms available i n the area, the s i z e , tenure and p r i c e of these farms.  The majority of the Dutch who were  initially  employed i n Richmond, Delta and Langley could not obtain the type of farm they wanted, e i t h e r because few farms came on the market i n these municipalities  133  TABLE XIX MOBILITY OF DUTCH DAIRY FARMERS  r>_ i Present Location  m  Kent Chilliwack Sumas Matsqui Langley Delta P i t t Meadows P i t t Polder Total  Source:  , , • Total Number  10 13 7 13 3 2 1  Number on t h e i r l  g  t  2  _ ' Farm 4 1 1 7 -  n  d  _ Farm 6 11  52  18  .. ,. _ _ _ Location d i f f e r s from t h e i r I n i t i a l Work 1 s t Farm T  d  1 2  4 6 1  2 1 2  r  _ Farm  n  2  3  3  -  -  8 11 7 5 2 1  3 8 4 4  2  1  36  20  1  29  5  Sample of fifty-two Dutch dairy farmers  or because the holdings were too small, so they moved eastwards to Chilliwack or Kent where they had a better selection of farms.  By contrast the  immigrant who arrived i n Abbotsford had a wide range o f farm sizes to chose from on Matsqui and Sumas P r a i r i e s .  The pattern o f movement has been one  of short hops within, and between, Matsqui and Sumas P r a i r i e s , with the immigrant r e a l l y remaining within one s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s community focused on Abbotsford. (Fig.14)  Predecessors on the Dutch Dairy Farms When the Dutch entered the Valley i n 1945, there was l i t t l e good land on which new dairy farms could be developed, thus the Dutch had to  RESIDENTIAL  MOBILITY  OF  THE  DUTCH  135  acquire e x i s t i n g farms.  The Dutch obtained the farms from farmers  who  had reached retirement age, had no interest i n farming, or were having great d i f f i c u l t i e s i n management either through i l l n e s s , or a shortage of s k i l l e d labour.  The migration of these farmers' sons to the towns created 2  the vacuum i n farming, which the Dutch have f i l l e d .  Sixty-two per cent  of the previous owners i n the sample of f i f t y Dutch dairy farms were Anglo-Saxon, eighteen per cent were Mennonites, and, s u r p r i s i n g l y , twenty per cent were Dutch. (TABLE XXI). TABLE XXI ETHNIC ORIGIN OF THE PREDECESSORS ON THE DUTCH DAIRY FARMS  Municipality  Kent Chilliwack Sumas Matsqui Total  Source:  Anglo-Saxon no. %  7 8  Ethnic Origin Mennonite Dutch no. % no. %  78  1  11  63  3  23  50 k6  1  7  k  17 27  31  62  9  18  3  Sample Total  1 2 2  11 15  k  33  13 6  27  15  20  50  10  9  From f i f t y of the f i f t y - s i x dairy farms i n the sample. On the three P i t t Polder farms, i n the sample there was no predecessor, i n the other three cases the ethnic o r i g i n of the previous owner was not obtained.  P i t t Polder i s the exception to t h i s generalisation. I t i s a new settlement created by a Dutch Company comprising nine dairy farms, a nursery and a beef and hay enterprise. As the most spectacular impact of the Dutch on the settlement of the Valley i t i s discussed i n d e t a i l on page 151" M. Timlin states that, "the coming of Dutch a g r i c u l t u r a l immigrants... f i l l e d a vacuum l e f t by the departure of farmers' sons f o r the towns and by the retirement of older farmers." Borrie, o p . c i t . , p.398  136  Even within f i f t e e n years Dutch farms have come up for sale.  In  the Dutch succession, r e l a t i v e and r e l i g i o u s l i n k s are important, as often a son-in-law or someone from the same church acquires the farm.  Half  of these Dutch farms were available because the immigrant had. moved, to a larger farm, but f o r the other h a l f the Dutch owner had. reached retirement and had no successor as h i s sons were not interested i n farming.  Thus i n  ten per cent'of the sample there i s an indication that the Dutch are already s l i p p i n g into the general trend of the d r i f t from a g r i c u l t u r e .  The question  i s , who w i l l succeed the Dutch i n another generation when they too leave a g r i c u l t u r e , following the Anglo-Saxons, Mennonites and a few o f the Dutch who have provided the openings i n Valley dairying f o r them?  This i s probably  a hypothetical question, f o r , with the rapid urbanisation of the Lower Fraser Valley and changing dairying technology, there may be no place for the family dairy farm i n another generation. The Preference of the Dutch f o r Dairying A l l the post-war immigrants could a v a i l themselves of the economic opportunities and the openings i n dairying, yet i t i s only the Dutch,who have penetrated the industry to such an extent that they are noticeable. "The basic reason f o r t h i s lack of penetration by the other immigrant groups i s that there were fewer bona f i d e farmers among these groups than among the Dutch immigrants.  The reasons why a higher percentage of the Dutch  immigrants were farmers has already been discussed i n Chapter I I .  Supra, p.33  1  137  Why d i d so many o f the Dutch a g r i c u l t u r a l immigrants select dairying i n the Valley?  I f these immigrants had been dairy farmers i n the  Netherlands then t h e i r c u l t u r a l background would encourage them to chose the same occupation.  On the other hand, i f they only found dairy farms  on the market, then economic factors influenced t h e i r occupational selection*  A c u l t u r a l preference f o r dairying among the Dutch a g r i c u l t u r a l  immigrants isesuggested by the fact that i n selecting dairying some o f the immigrants are acting contrary t o two socio-economic trends i n the Valley. A general trend i s the d r i f t from a g r i c u l t u r a l to urban occupations and i n the Valley there i s a trend i n favour of beef production at the expense of dairying.  Yet urban Dutch immigrants have become dairy farmers i n  the Valley; and on some Dutch dairy farms the previous owner had a beef enterprise.  Occupational Change from the Netherlands Twenty-one per cent of the Dutch dairy farmers i n the Valley had worked on dairy farms i n the Netherlands; f i f t y per cent on mixed farms; thus seventy-one per cent had some experience i n dairying and would be i n c l i n e d to enter dairying i n the Valley.  (TABLE XXII).  However,  TABLE XXII NETHERLANDS OCCUPATIONS OF THE VALLEY DUTCH DAIRY FARMERS  Occupation  D  a  i  r  r  Farmers  no. Dairying Mixed Farming Specialised Agriculture Non-farm  Source:  12 28 3 13  Valley Sample of f i f t y - s i x dairy farmers.  21 50 5 23  138  twenty-three per cent had urban occupations i n the Netherlands, and. though h a l f o f these were only one generation removed, from the farm, i t i s a s u r p r i s i n g l y high percentage, when set i n the general trend from a g r i c u l t u r a l to urban occupations i n western i n d u s t r i a l countries.  In the Netherlands these thirteen non-agricultural Dutch immigrants had occupations ranging from surveying to general labouring, but the Canadian immigration p o l i c y and sponsorship system encouraged them to enter Canada as a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s .  1  Initial  employment as dairy farm  labourers placed non-agricultural immigrants on the path that lead some to dairy farming as t h e i r occupation i n the Valley.  This i n i t i a l  employment did provide experience and created an i n t e r e s t i n dairying, but why did these non-agricultural immigrants continue i n dairying, when other urban immigrants, including some Dutch, only remained i n agriculture for  a couple o f years?  The example o f the a g r i c u l t u r a l Dutch immigrants  moving from labouring to t h e i r own dairy farms, had a snowball e f f e c t on the non-agricultural Dutch immigrants, for they were encouraged to follow the same path, rather than follow t h e i r former occupation i n Canada.  The  Dutch group i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with dairying, combined with the economic attractiveness of t h i s self-employed occupation, influenced the decision of these thirteen Dutch immigrants, a f i f t h o f the Dutch dairy farmers, to become dairy farmers..  Changes i n the Farm Enterprise The majority o f the farms which- the Dutch acquired were already  Supra, p. 34  139  specialised dairy farms.  A f i f t h of the dairy farmers changed the  enterprise on the farms they acquired.  (TABLE XXIII).  The  concentration  on dairying to the exclusion of b e r r i e s , poultry or vegetables i s part of TABLE XXIII FORMER ENTERPRISE ON THE DUTCH DAIRY FARMS IN THE VALLEY  •r, . • Enterprise  Farms no.  42 4 4 2 1  Dairying Mixed Farming Beef Production Dairying and Berries Hops  Source:  79.2 7.5 7.5 3.7 1.8  Sample of f i f t y - t h r e e Dutch Dairy Farmers: The three P i t t Polder farms i n the sample are no included.  the general trend towards s p e c i a l i s a t i o n i n Valley a g r i c u l t u r e .  There  has been no comparable trend from beef to dairying, indeed i t has been suggested that "beef may become a serious competitor for input factors now  used for the production of milk" i n the V a l l e y .  1  Though beef  production i s s t i l l a minor a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise and ranked f i f t h i n the Valley enterprise hierarchy, i t expanded between 1954 The Dutch immigrants who  and  196l.  purchased beef c a t t l e farms have changed the  enterprise from beef to dairying at a time when i t appears that the trend i n enterprise Selection' i s inltheaother direction..  Richter, o p . c i t . , p . l 6 l  This enterprise change by  iko  the Dutch i l l u s t r a t e s that the Dutch have a c u l t u r a l preference for dairying, which reinforces the economic attractiveness of t h i s enterprise.  The Impact of the.Dutch on the-Valley Dairy Industry There are three reasons why the Dutch might be expected to make an impact on the Valley dairy industry. are a mew  F i r s t l y , the very fact that they  group i n dairying, generally younger than the majority of farmers,  means that they would tend to have more i n i t i a t i v e and thus should make an impact.  Secondly, the Netherlands i s renowned f o r i t s dairying with a  high standard of animal husbandry leading to milk y i e l d s that are bettered only by I s r a e l .  The Netherlands milk y i e l d i s 4,230 kilograms per cow per  year, which i s much higher than the Canadian annual y i e l d of 2,960 kilograms. Thirdly, i n the Netherlands there i s a large scale t r a i n i n g programme for farmers, involving a g r i c u l t u r a l schools and an e f f i c i e n t advisory service, which leads t o a r e l a t i v e l y fast dissemination o f new techniques from the 2 research to the farm l e v e l .  JThus the Dutch farmers have been used to  adopting new techniques r e l a t i v e l y quickly.  This background  suggests  that the Dutch would be e f f i c i e n t , s k i l l e d , modern and f l e x i b l e farmers. The dynamic aspects of Valley dairy farming since the war has increased the problem of i s o l a t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y Dutch methods i n dairying.  Both the Dutch and the non-Dutch dairy farmers have had to  adapt to the changes i n technology and market demands.  U.N. Trade Yearbook, 1963 Dutch Agriculture, o p . c i t . , p.19  The selection of  141  the dairy breed, farming methods and techniques, and the changes i n buildings and land use w i l l be examined i n an attempt to i d e n t i f y the Dutch impact i n Valley dairying. Selection of the Dairy Breed A l l f i f t y - s i x of the Dutch dairy farmers i n the sample have Holstein herds.  The D i s t r i c t A g r i c u l t u r i s t s observed that almost a l l the Dutch  dairy farmers i n the Valley have Holstein herds..  Is t h i s almost  exclusive  selection o f the Holstein breed based on a c u l t u r a l preference, or i s i t only a r e f l e c t i o n of the economic advantages of the breed?  -The Holstein-Friesian i s a Dutch breed.  1  In the Netherlands lk%  of the dairy cows are Black and White Friesians and another 2k% are Red p  and White F r i e s i a n s .  The Dutch who had been dairying i n the Netherlands,  thus had experience i n working with the Holstein; they had no experience with the Channel breeds (Guernsey and Jersey) or with Ayrshires.  The  Dutch would therefore tend to favour a Holstein herd. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to state c a t e g o r i c a l l y which i s the most economic breed i n a p a r t i c u l a r market s i t u a t i o n .  As the p r i c e received f o r milk  i s dependent on both the quantity and the quality of the milk, the farmer must weigh the r e l a t i v e merits of each breed i n these respects before he selects h i s herd, because no breed combines a high y i e l d with r i c h milk.  1  2  In North America the Black and White Holstein-Friesian breed islinown as the Holstein, and henceforth w i l l be"referred to as such. Dutch Agriculture, o p . c i t . , p.55  142  The Holstein i s the highest y i e l d i n g breed, but i t s milk has the lowest f a t content. (TABLE XXXIII).  I t i s also a large-framed animal;  the b u l l calves and c u l l e d cows fetch a higher p r i c e when sold f o r veal TABLE XXIII QUANTITY AND QUALITY.OF THE MILK OF THE MAJOR BREEDS IN THE VALLEY  Breed  Holstein Guernsey Jersey  Sources:  or beef.  Yield in lbs.  1958*  10,000-13,000 7,307- 9,021 6,312- 8,083  % Fat  1947*  % Solids^nbt-^fat  1958  1947  3.40 3.70 4.90 . 4.95 5.37. 5.25-6.00  8.86 9.66 9.5k  *The r e s u l t s of tests of pure-bred dairy c a t t l e i n 1947, C. L. Roadhouse & J . L. Henderson, Market Milk Industry **Dairy Cattle Breeds, U.S.D.A. Farmers' B u l l e t i n , 1943 ( A p r i l 1958) pp. 12, 13, 17 The Ayrshire provides good uniform production with anaverage  milk composition.  Jerseys have the highest f a t content, but t o t a l y i e l d  and thus the amount of milk s o l i d s i s l e s s than other breeds.  It i s a  more delicate breed and has smaller calves which fetch lower p r i c e s . Guernsey f a l l between the Ayrshire and the Jersey i and disadvantages.•  n  The  both the advantages  The Dairy Farm Manual, source of t h i s review of  breed c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , emphasises that the selection of a breed i s l a r g e l y a matter of personal choice, but where the market does not demand milk with a high f a t content, Holstein and Ayrshire are favoured as they are higher y i e l d i n g breeds.  Menzie, o p . c i t . ,  p.6  1  143  The minimum producer p r i c e i n the Valley i s set f o r milk with a k% f a t content.  The price i s adjusted by a 0.062 d i f f e r e n t i a l per cwt.  for each tenth.of one per cent f a t content.  1  The dairy farmer thus has  to decide on whether he could receive a higher milk income from the larger volume of milk with a low f a t content of a Holstein herd, or from the smaller volume of milk with a high f a t content o f a Jersey herd. Over two t h i r d s of the Valley dairymen have selected a Holstein herd, increasing the f a t content of the milk production by including a few Jersey or. Guernsey i n the herd.  The majority of.the V a l l e y dairy, farmers  therefore consider that the Holstein has s l i g h t economic advantages i n the Vancouver milk market.  However, i t does not seem to be the r e l a t i v e economic advantages of the Holstein breed alone that has influenced the Dutch selection of t h i s breed.  Two surveys on dairy farm organisation i n the Valley c a r r i e d out  i n 1954 and 196l document a tremendous swing towards Holsteins on the 2 commercial  dairy farms..  Unfortunately i n both these surveys no  i n d i c a t i o n i s given of the ethnic o r i g i n of the dairy farmers, and as the Dutch were acquiring t h e i r farms during t h i s period, they are included i n the 10% dairy farms with Holstein herds, but even i f they are not, there i s s t i l l the difference between 70$ of a l l the Valley dairy farms having 1  I f the p r i c e i s 05.66 per cwt. f o r k% f a t content, quota milk, then for 3.7$ i t i s 05.474. This i s not such a great difference as between the p r i c e of quota, 05-66 per cwt., and non-quota milk, 03.21 per cwt. Thus the quota has a greater influence on prices than the f a t content of the milk. Both these surveys were of commercial farms so exclude the small, part-time dairy farms which have mainly Channel breeds.  Ikh  Holstein herds, and the almost unanimous selection of the Holstein as t h e i r basic stock by the Dutch dairy farmers.  A few of the Dutch dairy farmers have i r r a t i o n a l objections to the Channel breeds..  They do not think that they look l i k e a dairy  "The goats are too smallI".  cow.  For the majority of the Dutch dairy farmers  there i s no i r r a t i o n a l depreciation of the Channel breeds, but a decided preference f o r the breed which they had been used to i n the Netherlands.  .The almost exclusive selection of the Holstein by the Dutch dairy farmers i s due to the combination of economic and c u l t u r a l factors favouring t h i s breed.  The Dutch had experience with the Holstein.  The structure  of the Vancouver milk market d i d not force them to select another breed, instead i t encouraged them to continue with the Holstein.  Farming Methods and Techniques. .The farming methods and techniques o f the Dutch farmers are not as d i s t i n c t i v e l y "Dutch" as t h e i r breed s e l e c t i o n .  This i s p a r t l y the  r e s u l t of the Dutch adapting t h e i r methods to the conditions for dairying i n the Valley and adopting Canadian methods, and p a r t l y the r e s u l t of the non-Dutch dairy farmers adopting some of the Dutch methods.  This two  way  exchange of ideas, operating over a period of f i f t e e n years or more, has reduced the distinctiveness of the Dutch immigrants' methods.  Dutch dairy farms are as mechanised as the other dairy farms i n the Valley.  Yet i n the ' f i f t i e s , mechanisation, such as the use of milking  machines, had progressed further i n Canada than i n the Netherlands.  The  145  Dutch immigrants gained the experience of working the milking machines while they were employed as dairy labourers, and they have adopted machine milking rather than reverting to hand milking. mechanisation  The only aspect of  that seems to d i f f e r e n t i a t e the Dutch i s that they appear  to be more w i l l i n g to borrow c a p i t a l to invest i n equipment.  Considering  that instalment buying i s not so common i n the Netherlands, t h i s i s s u r p r i s i n g , but t h i s i s countered by the fact that the immigrant i s making a new  s t a r t and i s ready to accept new methods and approaches.  A high application of f e r t i l i s e r to the land has characterised Netherlands land husbandry because i t has been e s s e n t i a l to obtain high y i e l d s per acre, when there i s such an o v e r a l l pressure on the land.  Such  intensive land use has only become economically necessary, or f e a s i b l e , i n the Valley since 1945 with the rapid rate of urbanisation.  The Dutch, with  t h e i r knowledge of intensive methods, were therefore valuable new for the dairy industry i n the ' f i f t i e s .  In the opinion of the Mission  d i s t r i c t a g r i c u l t u r i s t the Dutch have been more i n c l i n e d to use and lime.  Now,  operators  fertiliser  there i s not such a great difference between the Dutch and  non-Dutch dairy farmers i n the application of f e r t i l i s e r because the younger non-Dutch farmers have increased the amount of f e r t i l i s e r used, while the Dutch, adapting to the market and subsidy conditions i n the Valley, do not apply such a high quantity of f e r t i l i s e r per acre as they d i d i n the Netherlands.  The Dutch also d i f f e r e d from the bulk of the Canadians i n hay making. July was  the t r a d i t i o n a l time i n the Valley for taking the f i r s t cut.  the Netherlands  In  the a g r i c u l t u r a l service had encouraged the farmers to cut  Ih6  when the grass was i n i t s early flowering stage t o obtain the best combination of y i e l d and n u t r i t i v e value.  This may occur as early as mid-May.  Early  hay making was also carried out by the best Canadian dairy farmers at the time of the Dutch immigration, so i t i s not a "Dutch" prerogrative, but i t was more common.among the Dutch than the non-Dutch.dairy  farmers.  The Dutch had to adapt t h e i r methods to the l o c a l conditions; climatic i n t h i s instance*  Favourable drying conditions are as important as the stage  of growth i n hay making, as exposure to r a i n results i n a l o s s o f nutrients. In most parts of the Valley, p r e c i p i t a t i o n i s twice that i n the Netherlands, thus the problem o f hay drying plays a l a r g e r part i n the decision on the time to cut.*  Today few Canadian dairy farmers wait u n t i l July before  cutting t h e i r f i r s t hay crop, so again the differences between the Dutch and non-Dutch dairy farmers have gradually dwindled i n the past decade..  The Dutch, as a 'Ginger Group' . The Dutch have acted as a ginger group for the Valley dairy industry by providing keen competition and challenging the accepted methods o f the other dairy farmers.  Their success as a ginger group l i e s i n the fact  that the methods that the Dutch followed were the ones which the a g r i c u l t u r a l extension o f f i c e r s considered- desirable for the Valley dairying.  Dr. Clarke  Head o f the Experimental Station at Agassiz, estimates that 10% of a farming community are w i l l i n g to t r y out new ideas, while the rest wait u n t i l they see t h e i r neighbours obtain a better return from the new methods. Four hundred Dutch dairy farmers, added to the ten per cent who quickly  1  Average Netherlands p r e c i p i t a t i o n 30" per'annum, compared with Delta-3 *", Abbotsford-60", Agassiz-63", Hatzic-80" or P i t t Polder-86" 1  147  adopt new  techniques, meant that almost a t h i r d of the Valley dairy farmers  would be following intensive land use methods, which would then be more r a p i d l y disseminated to the r e s t of the dairy farmers.  The r o l e of the Dutch dairy farmers as innovators i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the following comments from interviews with them:..."The f i r s t year here we started to make silage on May  12th, the Canadians thought that  we were crazy, but they watched and were interested i n the results...At f i r s t few Canadians cut hay before J u l y , now  i t i s only the  The Canadian next door borrowed the f e r t i l i s e r  old-timers...  spreader when he saw  how  well the grass grew."  The Dutch have made an impact on the techniques and methods used i n the Valley dairying.  That there i s not a great difference between the  Dutch and non-Dutch dairy farm methods now  i s p a r t l y the r e s u l t of the  successful r o l e of the Dutch as a ginger group, t h e i r willingness to adapt t h e i r methods to the p a r t i c u l a r economic and climatic conditions of the Valley, and p a r t l y due to t h e i r willingness to adopt the higher mechanisation of the Canadian dairy farmers. Farm Building Renovations. The Dutch have transformed run-down farms into modern dairy farms by remodelling and constructing farm buildings. modern dairy farms made some improvements.  Even those who  Only thirteen of the  acquired fifty-  six farms reported no major improvement, but eight of these had been occupied for l e s s than a year.  The construction of the milkhouse for the recently  148  i n s t a l l e d milk cooling tanks, has been the most.common improvement. (TABLE XXXV, PLATE V)..  TABLE XX1.V IMPROVEMENTS ON THE DUTCH DAIRY FARMS - NEW CONSTRUCTIONS  Construction  Number b u i l t  Stanchion Barn Stanchion Barn remodelled Loafing Barns S i l o s - Cement S i l o s - Wooden Milkhouses Milking Parlours Farmhouse Farmhouse remodelled  Source:  9 12 6 19 1 19 3 4 2  Sample of f i f t y - s i x Dutch dairy farms  The construction of s i l o s r e f l e c t s the growing preference f o r silage feeding.  New barns were constructed to meet the Milk Act standards, and  o l d barns remodelled to comply with these standards and to accommodate the larger-framed Holstein, as s t a l l s for Channel breeds are too short and too narrow. (Plate VI).  Some Dutch farmers have constructed l o a f i n g barns as  they wanted to have loose-housing herd management. (PLATES VII & V I I I ) . Other dairy farmers have also made improvements to t h e i r buildings as they too had to comply with the Milk Act standards, and wanted to modernise the facilities.  However, a new operator i s more i n c l i n e d to make improvements  than the resident operators.  As the Dutch are almost the only new operators  i n the Valley i t i s on t h e i r farms that the improvements are apparent, more because they are new than because they are Dutch.  The improvements that  149  New Milkhouse on an East Chilliwack Farm PLATE  VI  New S t a n c h i o n Barn b e s i d e t h e O l d One on a M a t s q u i Farm  150 PLATE VII  New Loafing Barn on a Sumas Farm PLATE VIII  New  Cement S i l O | MiJJsiiouse and. L o a f i n g Barn on a Kent Farm  151  they made have a similar function and design to those made by the nonDutch dairy farmers so they are not d i s t i n c t i v e l y 'Dutch' landscape features per se.  The Creation of New Dairy Farms - The Case o f P i t t Polder .The reclamation of P i t t Polder has been the most spectacular.impact of the Dutch i n the V a l l e y .  P i t t Polder i s the only area o f i n i t i a l  Dutch settlement i n the Valley, f o r i n a l l other parts of the Valley the Dutch have been successors on the farms..  I t i s the only place with a  Dutch name - 'Polder*, which i s used to describe land reclaimed from the sea as i n the polders of the Ijsselmeer (Zuider Zee).  1  A f t e r the war, Dutch business men who wanted to invest c a p i t a l i n Canada, decided to form the P i t t Polder Company to reclaim the f l a t s between the P i t t and Alouette rivers..  The i n j e c t i o n of Dutch c a p i t a l into the  area has transformed marshland into an a g r i c u l t u r a l landscape. (Compare PLATES IX and X)..  Drainage ditches and dykes were constructed, the land  was prepared f o r agriculture, experiments were carried out to select the most suitable land use, and then farm buildings were constructed.  The dispersed settlement pattern on the Polder bears a closer resemblance to the Valley settlement pattern than to the t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e and hamlet pattern i n the Netherlands.  A v i l l a g e was incorporated  i n the o r i g i n a l plan, but i t d i d not materialise, though the s i t e o f the  1  A Polder i s an area o f low-lying land with an i n d i v i d u a l l y controlled water management, including an i n d i v i d u a l water t a b l e . A polder i s enclosed by dykes which protect the land against the water outside, where a higher l e v e l has to be maintained. Dutch Agriculture, o p . c i t . , p.  PLATE IX.  P i t t Polder i n 1940, note only one b u i l d i n g . The area enclosed by the red l i n e i s shown i n the next Plate.  153  PLATE X.  P i t t P o l d e r i n 1963. Note the drainage d i t c h e s , c i r c u l a r ditch ( s i t e o f the a b o r t i v e v i l l a g e ) , n i n e d a i r y farms and n u r s e r y n o r t h o f Sturgeon Slough,  154  proposed v i l l a g e can be picked out on Plate X by the c i r c u l a r ditch which was designed as the boundary of the v i l l a g e .  Even i n t h i s one  area of i n i t i a l Dutch settlement, there i s not a d i s t i n c t i v e l y Dutch settlement form to compare with the Mennonite 'strassendorf' at Yarrow.  The Polder was not intended to be an area of Dutch dairy farms. Large scale market gardening was the o r i g i n a l land use, but a f t e r successive f a i l u r e s with peas and potatoes, dairying was adopted as the major land use, though there i s a nursery and beef and hay farm to the north of Sturgeon  Slough.  Nor was the Polder meant to be a "Dutch colony" f o r the idea was to create a community of Dutch and Canadian farmers, but Canadian farmers showed no i n t e r e s t i n renting the eighty acre farms from the P i t t Polder Company.  The development of P i t t Polder i l l u s t r a t e s again that the  Dutch immigrant plans have been modified to f i t the Valley conditions.  P i t t Polder i s the most spectacular impact of the Dutch i n the Valley; i t i s the area with which the Dutch have been most associated; i t has attracted the most attention; yet there are only nine dairy farms on the Polder.  Though e f f i c i e n t , high-income dairy farms, i n the context  of the Dutch contribution to the Valley dairy industry, the nine P i t t Polder farms have had a small impact, compared with the cumulative e f f e c t of the four hundred Dutch dairy farms scattered throughout the Valley. The significance of P i t t Polder l i e s i n the reclamation achievement and i n the tenure innovation of renting farms from a company.  155  Summary and Conclusion There are oyer four hundred Dutch dairy farmers i n the Lower Fraser Valley accounting for a f i f t h of the producers, so there i s a j u s t i f i c a t i o n for l i n k i n g the Dutch with dairying.  A few post-war German immigrants  also entered dairying, hut t h e i r numbers are n e g l i g i b l e compared with the Dutch penetration-  Yet the economic opportunities and openings i n  dairying were available to a l l the post-war immigrants to the Valley.  The reason why only the Dutch took advantage of the economic opportunities i n dairying l i e s i n the nature of the Dutch migration to Canada and i n the c u l t u r a l background of the a g r i c u l t u r a l Dutch immigrants. There was a higher percentage of farmers among the Dutch immigrants than among the other European immigrants to Canada.  The almost exclusive  selection of dairying suggests that the Dutch immigrants had a preference for dairying.  Not only have they changed the enterprise on the farms  they acquired from beef to dairying, and urban Dutch have become dairy farmers, but they d i d t h i s when the general trends i n the Valley were i n favour of beef production and urban occupations.  I t was the com-  bination of favourable economic opportunities with t h e i r c u l t u r a l preference which encouraged the high penetration of the Dutch immigrants into dairyingI t i s d i f f i c u l t to i s o l a t e a p e c u l i a r l y Dutch contribution to Valley dairying.  The Valley dairy industry was i n a state of flux i n  the ' f i f t i e s , the period o f Dutch entry, so i t i s almost impossible to decide whether the Dutch i n i t i a t e d , accelerated or simply followed,  156  p a r t i c u l a r trends i n dairy farming*  Nor can i t be s a t i s f a c t o r i l y  decided, from the l i m i t e d data a v a i l a b l e , whether the rapid Dutch adoption of p a r t i c u l a r techniques, was due to t h e i r c u l t u r a l heritage or to t h e i r immigrant status, f o r a young immigrant, group tends to be predisposed to accepting new methods i n t h e i r new  country.  The preference f o r the Holstein breed i s the most d i s t i n c t i v e l y 'Dutch' c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Dutch dairy farmers.  However, even t h i s  selection can not be e n t i r e l y attributed to t h e i r c u l t u r a l preference, f o r i n the market conditions of the Valley dairy industry, the Holstein i s an economic breed and has been increasingly adopted by non-Dutch dairy farmers.  The Dutch have maintained t h e i r intensive land use methods,  but adapted them to the economic and climatic conditions of the Valley and they have accepted wholeheartedly, the high s p e c i a l i s a t i o n and mechanisation of the Valley dairying.  In f i f t e e n years, through the  processes of adoption and adaptation, the differences between the Dutch and the non-Dutch dairy farmers have decreased, and though they have not completely disappeared, there i s not a c l e a r l y defined, method of Dutch dairy farm management i n the Valley at present.  The Dutch impact i n the Valley dairy industry i s an i l l u s t r a t i o n of the value of immigrants with p a r t i c u l a r s k i l l s to an immigrant country. By example, and through competition, the Dutch have acted as a 'ginger group*,- encouraging a more s c i e n t i f i c and r a t i o n a l management of resources. In t h i s way they have contributed to the rejuvenation of the Valley dairy industry.  CONCLUSION The distinctiveness o f the post-war Dutch migration to Canada l i e s i n the fact that a high percentage of- the Dutch immigrants were farmers, whereas most post-war immigrants to Canada were urban workers.  These Dutch,  a g r i c u l t u r a l immigrants d i f f e r from the a g r i c u l t u r a l immigrants to Canada i n the early twentieth century i n two respects.  They are not pioneers, but-a  succession group, acquiring farms where they are a v a i l a b l e , rather that pioneering new land.  Secondly, they have s e t t l e d i n South West Ontario and  the Lower Fraser Valley rather than i n the P r a i r i e Provinces.  I t i s with the  impact of the r u r a l Dutch immigrants on the l i f e and landscape of the Lower Fraser Valley, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e i r influence on settlement form, t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n , t h e i r s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and t h e i r occupational selection, that t h i s thesis has been concerned.  It has been shown that the Dutch immigrants have not created p e c u l i a r l y 'Dutch' settlements i n the Lower Fraser Valley.  There was no space i n the  Valley f o r almost ten thousand Dutch immigrants to form a compact settlement. Instead they had to penetrate the e x i s t i n g settlement and they could only commence farming where the farms were up f o r sale or to rent.  I f there are  Dutch on every other farm, as f o r example on Townshipline Road, Matsqui, and on P r a i r i e Central Road, Chilliwack, t h i s has resulted from the a v a i l a b i l i t y of farms rather than by the design of the Dutch.  One new settlement was  created, appropriately named P i t t Polder; but i t was not meant to be entirelyinhabited by the Dutch, nor i s the settlement form d i s t i n c t i v e l y 'Dutch'.. There i s no Dutch impact on settlement form to compare-with the 'strassendorf'  157  158 developed by the Mennonites at Yarrow.  Though there are no exclusively Dutch regions i n the Valley, there are areas where the Dutch have tended to s e t t l e .  These are located i n P i t t  Meadows, Kent, Matsqui and Chilliwack, the major dairy regions o f the Valley. Although the a v a i l a b i l i t y of dairy farms of an economic size was the basic factor i n influencing the Dutch l o c a t i o n a l decision, the location of t h e i r i n i t i a l employment, kinship t i e s , r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s , and the d i r e c t i o n of the immigrant flow by the Canadian government, modified the underlying economic influences.  Indeed r e l i g i o n i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t as a  modifying variable i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of sub-groups within the Dutch immigrant group.  There i s a p a r t i a l segregation between the Catholic and Protestant  Dutch immigrants:  Dutch farmers on Matsqui and Sumas p r a i r i e s are almost  e n t i r e l y Protestant, whereas i n Kent the majority of Dutch farmers are Catholic.  Religion was the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of-the.Dutch immigrants to receive the most detailed study, for i t was seen to be a variable i n the emigration decision, i n the selection of the immigrant country, i n the location of the Dutch within Canada and within the Lower Fraser Valley, and that i t played an important role i n the s o c i a l geography o f the Dutch immigrants i n the Valley.  There was only one Dutch church i n the Valley before 1945, now there are twenty, representing  f i v e Protestant  denominations, four o f which are  Orthodox C a l v i n i s t and the other L i b e r a l Protestant.  This i s the most  noticeable impact o f the Dutch on the r e l i g i o u s l i f e of the Valley, but the 1  ! Siemens, o p . c i t . , p.102  159  church buildings have not l e f t a 'Dutch* mark on the landscape.  The Dutch  have taken over e x i s t i n g buildings i n the same manner as they acquired farms, and, when newly constructed, the churches have not been b u i l t i n a Dutch style.  Abbotsford and New Westminster are the chief foci- of the Dutch denominations.  The Christian Reformed Church, with twelve churches, has established  the churches i n the Valley services centres, so that each church generally serves one of the major p r a i r i e s which are the main dairy regions.  "The  other denominations draw t h e i r congregations from a wider area, as they do not have a s u f f i c i e n t l y large membership .to establish a church to serve each prairie.  They have also c a r r i e d from the Netherlands the idea that other s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s can be organised around r e l i g i o n .  This i s particularly-  applicable to the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s who have established eight Christian schools and a Christian trade union i n the Valley.  These Dutch  immigrants  expected the Canadian government to subsidise separate schools, and the appropriate Canadian trade unions to accept separate Orthodox C a l v i n i s t trade unions-  That i s , they wanted to recreate the pattern that they had been used  to i n the Netherlands..  As yet t h e i r views have not been accepted by the  Valley administrators.  The integration of the Dutch immigrants into Canadian society varies inversely with the degree o f cohesion of the r e l i g i o u s group to which they are affiliated.  The church appears to be a stronger s o c i a l focus among the  i6o  Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s .  This reduces the opportunities for mixing s o c i a l l y  with Canadians or even with the Dutch immigrants who are not members of the p a r t i c u l a r denomination.  I t i s the Dutch o f no r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n , the  L i b e r a l Protestants, who have joined the autochthonous churches, and the Catholics, who have the most s o c i a l contacts with the Canadians and have gone furthest i n the process o f integration and i n l o s i n g t h e i r i d e n t i t y .  It has been observed that i t was the more fundamentalist r e l i g i o u s groups among the nineteenth century American immigrants who established separate churches and other s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s .  This i s one o f the immigrant  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that does not appear to have changed over time, f o r the same generalisation applies to the post-war Dutch immigrants i n the Valley.  The  Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s show the greatest tendency to establish churches, schools and trade unions.  In t h e i r occupational s e l e c t i o n , the r u r a l Dutch immigrants of a l l r e l i g i o u s persuasions, have shorn a preference f o r dairying.  There are over  four hundred Dutch dairy farmers accounting f o r a f i f t h o f the Valley dairy farmers.  The very high penetration o f the Dutch into dairying i s due to the  combination o f t h e i r interest i n t h i s occupation with favourable opportunities being available f o r new producers.  No other immigrant group took advantage  of these opportunities i n dairying to t h i s extent, which suggests that the c u l t u r a l preference o f the Dutch was s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h e i r occupational selection. However, the low penetration of the Dutch into market gardening suggests that a c u l t u r a l preference alone i s i n s u f f i c i e n t to lead to the penetration o f an occupation.  There were several market gardeners among the Dutch immigrants,  l6l  yet  few have entered t h i s enterprise because i t was economically unattractive  i n face of the s t i f f competition from the Chinese producers.  Within dairying the most d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Dutch dairy farmers has been an almost t o t a l concentration on the Holstein breed of dairy cattle.  Again the immigrant preference was reinforced by the economic  advantages of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r breed.  The Dutch have contributed to the  swing i n favour o f Holstein herds among the Valley dairy farmers which occurred since the f i f t i e s .  Are the Dutch an immigrant group whose impact can, and w i l l i n future, be e a s i l y recognised?  The Dutch immigrants were i n i t i a l l y  distinguished  by t h e i r common national language and c i t i z e n s h i p , but, as the majority have become Canadian c i t i z e n s and adopted English as t h e i r language, even to the  extent that i t i s the language of worship i n the ethnic churches, they can  no longer be i d e n t i f i e d by these alone.  The r u r a l Dutch immigrants have made t h e i r most noticeable impact through t h e i r occupational s e l e c t i o n . dairying.  Even the casual observer l i n k s the Dutch with  In t h i s too there i s an i n d i c a t i o n that the Dutch immigrants may  cease to be i d e n t i f i e d by t h e i r association with dairying. immigrants have been selecting urban occupations.  Second generation  The breakdown i n the  association of the Dutch with dairying w i l l take much longer than the decline i n the use o f t h e i r national language, but i t appears to have commenced with ten  per cent of the h e i r s , i n the sample of Dutch dairy farms, preferring an  urban occupation.  162  The r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s of the Dutch immigrants w i l l l i k e l y survive longer than t h e i r language or t h e i r assocation with dairying.  There i s not  the same pressure to adopt one r e l i g i o n as there i s to adopt English, nor i s there a general trend i n favour of one r e l i g i o n to compare with the trend towards urbanisation.  The congregations who  have established ethnic churches,  p a r t i c u l a r l y the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s , have made the slowest progress towards integration into Canadian society.  I t seems that these groups w i l l be  i d e n t i f i e d as the remnants of the post-war Dutch migration to the Valley.  Immigrant groups, united by r e l i g i o n as well as by n a t i o n a l i t y , have shown a higher s u r v i v a l rate as sub-cultures  i n American society, than the  immigrant groups only bound together by national t i e s .  This has recently  been documented by Lenski and Kennedy among t h i r d generation immigrants i n America.  1  The examination of the Dutch immigrant group has indicated that  the r e l i g i o u s differences within the group are apparent even among the generation immigrants.  first  I t has also suggested that i n the future i t w i l l not  be the Dutch dairy farmers who w i l l have the most marked impact on the  trultural^  geography of the Lower Fraser Valley, but rather that the most r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e Dutch group w i l l be the Orthodox C a l v i n i s t s .  R. J . R. 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Annual Report (i960) — — — — , — i  National Seminar on Citizenship , "Canadian Immigration:  An Outline of Developments i n the Post-war  Period," Reference Paper — — — ,  S t a t i s t i c s Section.  1953  1 (Nov.1957)  Immigration 1946-1964  Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . , Census 196l Agriculture Population Christian Reformed Church. Year-Book  Canada Year-Book 1957-58  168  Netherlands, Emigratie 1 9 5 6 , Staatsdrukkery-en Uitgeverybedryf , S t a t i s t i c a l Yearbook of the Netherlands 1957-58.  The Hague, 1958 Uitgevers-  maatschappy: W.De Haan Z e i s t , I960 United Nations, Trade Book 1963 Unpublished Material A l l y n , N.C. Gibson, J.R.  "European Immigration into Canada, 1 9 4 6 - 1 9 5 1 , " Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Dept. o f History, Stanford University. "A Comparison o f Anglo-Saxon, Mennonite and Dutch farms i n the Lower Fraser Valley: A Methodological Study i n Areal D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and the Relative influences of the Physical and Cultural Environment." Master's d i s s e r t a t i o n , Dept. of Geography, University of Oregon 1959.  Howell-Jones, G.I.  "A Century o f Settlement Change: A Study o f the Evolution of Settlement Patterns i n the Lower Mainland of B r i t i s h Columbia. Master's d i s s e r t a t i o n , Dept. of Geography, Univ. o f B r i t i s h Columbia 1 9 6 6 .  K l e i n , M.  " P i t t Polder" research paper, Dept. of Geography, Univ. of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 6 5 .  Morrison, T.R., Ramsey, J.D. and Watson, R. Sas, A.  " P i t t Polder." Undergraduate term paper Dept. of Geography, Univ. o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 6 4 .  Siemens, A.H.  "Mennonite Settlement i n the Lower Fraser Valley." Master's d i s s e r t a t i o n , Dept. o f Geography, University o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I960..  Walhouse, F.  "The Influence of Minority Ethnic Groups on the Cultural Geography of Vancouver.." Master's d i s s e r t a t i o n , Dept. of Geography, University o f B r i t i s h Columbia., 1 9 6 l .  Welch, R.L.  "The Growth and D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Population i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1 9 5 1 - 6 1 . " Master's d i s s e r t a t i o n , Dept. of Geography, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 6 4 .  White, G.B.  "History of the Eastern Fraser Valley since 1 8 8 5 . " Master's d i s s e r t a t i o n , Dept. o f History, University o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 3 7 .  Woodward, E.D.  "Some Factors that'Influence Poultry Farm Incomes: A Study made on 46 Poultry Farms i n Coastal B.C." Master's d i s s e r t a t i o n , Dept. o f A g r i c u l t u r a l Economics, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 4 5 .  "Dutch Migration to and Settlement i n Canada since 1945 ( s p e c i a l emphasis on S.W.Ontario)." Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Dept. o f Geography, Clark University, 1 9 5 7 .  169  Bibliographies Canada,  Dept. o f Citizenship and Immigration, Economics and S o c i a l Research Branch. "Citizenship, Immigration and Ethnic Groups i n Canada: A Bibliography o f Research, Published and unpublished Sources  1920-1958". (I960)  ———,  "Citizenship, Immigration and Ethnic Groups i n Canada: graphy 1959-1961." .  A Biblio-  B r i t i s h Columbia, "Ethnic Groups, i n B r i t i s h Columbia: A Selected Bibliography based on a check l i s t of Material i n the P r o v i n c i a l Library and Archives*" (1957)  Appendix I OUTLINE OF INTERVIEW USED IN THE FIELD WORK 1.  Individual Dutch Immigrant  A.  Personal Names Address Age M a r i t a l Status...married on emigration, married i n Canada, i f Children, number born i n Netherlands, i n Canada? Religion?  B.  History and Migration Motivation What Province emigrated from? Occupation i n the Netherlands? Why the decision to emigrate? When did you emigrate? Did you come with the family? Were you sponsored? What r o l e d i d the government, r e l a t i v e s , or church groups play? Why d i d you choose Canada? Why did you select B r i t i s h Columbia? I f B r i t i s h Columbia was not the i n i t i a l l o c a t i o n why did you move?  C.  Social Knowledge o f English. Applied for, Canadian.Citizenship? Where do the children go f o r t h e i r education? Do you belong tetany l o c a l societies? What church do you belong to? Does i t provide a focus f o r s o c i a l activities? Are your close friends Dutch?  D.  Economic Is t h i s a s i m i l a r occupation to what you had i n the Netherlands? I f not, why did you change? Do you propose to stay i n i t ? Do you think that you are economically better o f f than i n the Netherlands?  i.  Farming How did you obtain t h i s p a r t i c u l a r farm? Why was i t up f o r sale? Where did you obtain the capital? What acreage i s the farm? What i s the tenure? What was the ethnic o r i g i n o f the previous owner? 170  171  What i s the p r i n c i p a l source o f income? a. dairying*.*.size of herd, breed b. . poultry. ...*egg, b r o i l e r , size of production c* f r u i t and vegetables d. flowers and bulbs Why d i d you chose t h i s enterprise? What was the enterprise o f the previous farm owner? What changes have you m a d e . i n enterprise inventory buildings machinery f i e l d s i z e , access? How do your methods compare with surrounding farmers? What are the major differences from the Netherlands methods? How much do you produce? How do you market the produce? Does i t provide a s u f f i c i e n t return? Do you think your son w i l l continue i n farming? Observations of barn type, s i z e , farm layout, general appearance of the farms.  2.  Administrators - both Dutch and Canadian What are the reasons f o r the Dutch immigration to Canada? Why d i d they chose B r i t i s h Columbia and the Lower Fraser Valley i n particular? What are the major occupations that they have entered? Why i s there a concentration i n p a r t i c u l a r .occupations? Have there been changes i n occupational goals since 1947? What role d i d the Netherlands and Canadian governments, and the r e l i g i o u s emigration s o c i e t i e s play i n the migration process? Where are the major concentrations o f the Dutch i n the Lower Fraser Valley? Can they be i d e n t i f i e d i n the population? What has been t h e i r contribution? To what extent have they integrated into Canadian society, and i s there any v a r i a t i o n i n integration between urban and a g r i c u l t u r a l Dutch, or between the several r e l i g i o u s denominations?  172  Appendix I I THE INTERVIEWS Dutch Immigrants A g r i c u l t u r a l Dutch Rural Non-Farm Urban  73 10 17  Admini strators Agriculture District Agriculturists:Mr Cruickshanks ..Chilliwack and Kent Mr H a l l ...Matsqui, Sumas, Langley Mr Ewert ..............Mission, Maple Ridge, P i t t Meadows Mr Wood Poultry O f f i c e r (Clearbrook) Mr Thorpe ........Horticulture O f f i c e r (New Westminister) Dr. Clarke .Head of the Experimental Station, Agassiz A g r i c u l t u r a l Suppliers and Services:Feeds ....Surrey Co-op, B & K, Buckerfields Livestock. Sales...Gibsons, Langley Laval Milking Machines, Langley Hatcheries .... P a c i f i c B r o i l e r Marketing Board Dairies Jersey Farms ) Lucerne ) Manager and F i e l d Representatives Palm ) F.V.M.P.A. ........ Public Relations O f f i c e r and Production Manager Real Estate Offices i n Abbotsford, Langley and Haney Employers of Immigrants John L. Haas Hop Coy. ( l e t t e r ) Western Peat Moss, Blue Whale Peat. Immigration Mr A. Lockwood, Settlement O f f i c e r , Dept. of Citizenship and Immigration, Vancouver Mr Vander Stoel, Dutch Vice-Consul, Vancouver Municipal Officers Kent, Maple Ridge, Langley, P i t t Meadows, Richmond  173  Religious Leaders Roman Catholic Dutch Diocesan p r i e s t Parish p r i e s t s i n Haney, P i t t Meadows, Chilliwack, Cliverdale, Richmond. Dutch Churches Christian Reformed.,., ministers of Whalley, Chilliwack, Abbotsford, Vancouver Bethel, New Westminister, Ladner and Richmond churches. Free C h r i s t i a n Reformed .... Aldergrove minister Canadian Reformed ...... New Westminister minister Reformed Church of America..... Vancouver Minister.  nu Appendix I I I DUTCH IMMIGRATION TO CANADA 1901-1964 by Ethnic Origin  1901 02 03 04 05 06 07 0809 1910 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 1920 21 22  Sources:  25 35 233 169 281 389 394 ' 1,212" 495 74l 931 1,077 1,524 1,506 605 186 151 94 59 154 595 183  1923 24 25 26 27 28 29 1930 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 1940 41 42 43 44  119 1,149 1,637 1,721 2,242 2,465 2,340 2,458 788 269 259 164 148 208 192 232 376 4ll 238 203 146 131  1945 46 47 48 49 1950 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 i960 61 62 63 64 Max. 1965  159 2,146 3,192 10,169 7,782 7,404 19,130 21,213 20,472 16,340 6,929 7,956 12,310 7,595 5,354 5,598 1,960 1,982 2,181 2,464 377  1901-45 Dominion of Canada, Report of the Department of Mines and Resources f o r the F i s c a l Year, ended March 31, 1947 1946-65 Department o f Citizenship and Immigration, S t a t i s t i c s Division.  F i g . 2 i s based on these s t a t i s t i c s .  Appendix IV  NETHERLANDS IMMIGRATION TO CANADA 1946-63 by Different C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s  Total Dutch Immigrants By  Source:  Country of B i r t h Last Place o f Permanent Residence Country of Citizenship Ethnic Origin  149,742 152,470 151,476 164,748  CANADA, Department of Citizenship and Immigration, S t a t i s t i c s Division 1946-63  175  Appendix V  AGE AND SEX OF IMMIGRANTS,BY ETHNIC ORIGIN 1957 0-4 5-9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 70 +  M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F  Source:  British  German  Italian  Dutch  6,348 5,975 5,424 5,065 3,265 2,939 2,431 2,723 8,986 10,373 12,223 10,248 8,855 6,638 5,766 4,Ol4 2,813 2,050 1,515 1,220 645 841 3Q4 615 170 507 136 312 124 303  1,195 1,079 1,027 947 593 633 1,755 1,252 5,656 3,044 2,785 2,001 1,413 1,390 789 852 420 528 392 440 217 326 127 237 68 166 4i 90 34 67  1,284 1,155 1,573 1,472 1,016 1,052 1,574 1,504 3,171 2,425 2,528 1,943 1,486 1,459 850 851 470 5U3 467 544 369 412 255 270 101 244 82 150 77 116  788 697 772 682 519 473 590 34l 1,133 1,035 967 831 674 613 482 459 319 249 169 141 84 87 51 59 18 32 16 8 9 12  Dept. of Citizenship and Immigration, S t a t i s t i c s Immigration 1957, Table 7.  F i g i ' 3 i s based on these s t a t i s t i c s  Section  176 Appendix VI D i s t r i b u t i o n of the population i n the Netherlands, by Provinces 1958  1947 Groningen Friesland Drenthe Overijssel Gelderland Utrecht Nord-Holland Zuid-Holland Zeeland Nord-Brabant Limburg Netherlands Source:  % province/total 1947  449,862 459,36l 271,909 638,797 1,028,127 549,566 1,77^,273 2,284,080 260,800 l,l80,133 684,105  471,745 474,744 308,028 760,020 1,250,317 662,847 2,038,196 2,668,158 283,356 1,456,650 869,326  9,625,499  11,278,024  4.67 4.77 2.82 6.63 10.68 5.70 18.43 23.72 2.70 12,26 7.10  S t a t i s t i c a l Yearbook o f the-Netherlands 1957-58 Table B-7  Appendix VII HISTORICAL TREE OF THE REFORMED CHURCHES "IN"THE NETHERLANDS The corresponding name of the churches i n North America i s given i n brackets below the Netherlands name.. NETHERLANDS REFORMED CHURCH (Reformed Church of America) 1834 REFORMED CHURCH UNDER THE CROSS  1  CHRISTIAN SECESSION CHURCH 1  1869 CHRISTIAN REFORMED CHURCH S86 I DOLEANTIE MOVEMENT - Kuyper 1892 THE CHRISTIAN J REFORMED CHURCH I IN THE NETHERLANDS 1 92 (Free Christian Reformed) THE REFORMED CHURCHES OF. THE NETHERLANDS ~~~~~~~——————. (.Christian Reformed Church) 1  Q  1944 SCHILDER MOVEMENT - ARTICLE 31 (Canadian Meformed Church)  177  Appendix VIII  AGRICULTURE IN THE LOWER FRASER VALLEY Enterprises  Number o f Commercial Farms*  Value of Production in dollars**  Dairy Poultry F r u i t and Vegetables Miscellaneous S p e c i a l i t y Beef Grain Crops Other  2,095 888 1*89 405 305 i4o 62  27,998,669 17,324,480 9,969,583 6,709,546 2,289,000 277,800 1,628,000  Total  4,384  66,197,083  Sources:  * I96l Census of.Canada, Agriculture, B r i t i s h Columbia Table 15 ** J - S. A l l i n , "Inventory o f Agriculture i n B r i t i s h Columbia"  S t a t i s t i c s f o r F i g . 9.  

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