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An evaluation of a municipal work-for-relief project Lautard, Emile Edouard Joseph 1965

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AN EVALUATION OF A MUNICIPAL WORK-FOR-RELIEF PROJECT by EMILE EDOUARD JOSEPH LAUTARD Thesis Submitted i n P a r t i a l Fulfilment of the Requirements f o r the Degree of MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK i n the School of S o c i a l Work Accepted as conforming to the standard required for the degree of Master of S o c i a l Work School of S o c i a l Work 1965 The Uni v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I further agree that permission f o r extensive copying of th i s thesis f o r s c h olarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. School of Social Work The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. ABSTRACT A recu r r i n g demand i n the f i e l d of p u b l i c assistance i s the request that r e c i p i e n t s should be expected to work for t h e i r allowances. A project based on t h i s p r i n c i p l e was operated by a municipality i n the Lower Fraser V a l l e y during the winter of 1961-62. This study attempts to evaluate the r e s u l t s achieved. The h i s t o r i c a l background of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f has been reviewed -p a r t i c u l a r l y the experience of the United States and Canada. I t i s usually found that attempts to meet unemployment with a p o l i c y of work-relief are soon abandoned because a v a i l a b l e funds are quickly exhausted and i t i s never possible to provide work for a l l who apply for i t . Direct r e l i e f i s resorted to because i t i s less c o s t l y . When large numbers of persons be-come dependent upon pu b l i c assistance the b e l i e f p e r s i s t s that many do so because they are u n w i l l i n g to work. P o l i c i e s are subsequently advocated which urge that r e c i p i e n t s should be put to work to earn t h e i r allowances. Experience during the depression of the t h i r t i e s indicated that, i n f a c t , people wanted nothing so much as a job. The project under study was based on the assumption that the persons assigned were "chronic r e c i p i e n t s of s o c i a l assistance". The project operated from November, 1961 to May, 1962. A study c a r r i e d out i n the following August, 1962 indicated that anumber had not returned to s o c i a l assistance r o l l s by that date. The inference was made that t h e i r w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f assignment had contributed to a lessening of dependency. This study suggests that the lessening of dependency had a c t u a l l y begun f i v e months p r i o r to the operation of the project and was probably due to improved economic conditions. I t was suggested that the primary causes of dependency were poor phy s i c a l and mental health as w e l l as adverse employment conditions. The study emphasized the need for adequately trained professional personnel i n administering p u b l i c assistance. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The w r i t e r wishes to express h i s thanks to those who have helped to make t h i s study pos s i b l e . I am indebted to Professor W. G. Dixon who f a c i l i t a t e d and di r e c t e d the study. The members of the s t a f f of the Department of S o c i a l Welfare at Abbotsford very generously contributed t h e i r time and assistance throughout the study. I am very g r a t e f u l to Reeve J . A. Murphy, Mr. A. H, Moxon, and Mr. J . V. Belknap who had urged that the study be car r i e d out and made a v a i l a b l e t h e i r o r i g i n a l data. This study could not have been c a r r i e d out without the w i l l i n g cooperation of those whose experiences are reported here. I am p a r t i c u l a r l y g r a t e f u l to them. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter I The Appeal of Work-For-flelief Proposals Recent proponents of work-for-relief. The attempt to institute "work-for-welfare" i n Courtenay, B. C. Barriers to the implementation of work-for-welfare programs* The special program of Matsqui municipality. A note on definition. The scope and method of the study. ••••••••••• ••••• Chapter I I Historical Aspects of Work-for-Relief Some antecedents of Elizabethan Poor Law. The worthy and the unworthy. Regression i n social philosophy. The evo-lution of England's legislation on behalf of the poor. The wider context of poor r e l i e f legislation. A Flemish experi-ment suggested by Vives. Martin Luthers "Ordinance for a Common Chest." Zwingli»s solution for poor r e l i e f . Early-experiments i n Catholic France. The Ateliers de Charite. The National Workshops of the Second Republic. Tow views of the value of work from Ancient Athens. ••••••••••••••••••»•••••• Chapter I I I North American Developments i n Work Relief A. The Experience of the United States, Indoor r e l i e f . Public vs private provision for the destitute. The philo-sophy of the "work-test" or fo "make-work." The Duluth Rock P i l e . Early experiments i n work-for-relief. The lo c a l com-cunity encounters the depression. The intervention of the federal government of the United States. B. The Canadian Experience. Legislative responsibility. The poor law i n New France. The poor law i n Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. The r e l i e f of destitution i n Upper Canada and Ontario. Early provisions for the destitute i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Canada meets the depression. The disenchantment with work relief. B r i t i s h Columbia adopts work-for-relief. Administrative d i f f i -culties of work-relief i n Canada. ••••••••••••••••••••••• Chapter IV A Framework for the Evaluation of a Work- For-Relief Project The emphasis of a Work-for-Relief program: punitive vs non-punitive approach. The needs of the individual. Habits of work. Maintenance of s k i l l s , underemployment. Enhancement of s k i l l s . Reaction of the individual. Value to the Community. Dislocation of regular staff. Administrative aspects. Page Chapter V Mat serai's Centennial Park Project Community acceptence and expectation of the idea of work-for-relief• A growing c r i s i s i n unemployment. Cooperation between municipal o f f i c i a l s and Department of Social Welfare. Administrative aspects of the program. Comparability of members of the study group. The development of a community park. •••••••••68 Chapter VI The Findings of the Study A. Basis of the analysis. Rates of Unemployment. Personal characteristics. Age and Education. Previous work experience. Depending upon social assistance, ( l ) age; (2) Education; (3) Number of children i n the family; (4) Health. Causes of dependency as seen by respondents. Reaction of recipient to dependency. The poverty l e v e l of existence while on social assistance. B. Reaction of the study group to participation i n the work-for-relief program. Reaction to the principle of work-f o r - r e l i e f . Impact of the work experience on the individual. Subsequent work history. C. Conclusions of the study. D. Some Administrative Implications of work-for-relief•••••••102 158 TABLES IN THE TEXT Table I Expenditures for Work-Relief and Direct R e l i e f i n B r i t i s h Columbia for 1930 and 1931 60 Table I I Relationship of Unemployment to Total Labor Force, B r i t i s h Columbia, for years 1958 to 1964 i n c l u s i v e 104 Table I I I Comparison of age and education of members of Study Group 105 Table IV Index of Dependency 112 Table V Number of c h i l d r e n i n each family 118 CHARTS Figure I Dependency pattern of members of Study Group 110 Figure I I Relationship of Dependency Index to age of person 115 Figure I I I Relationship of Dependency Index to education of person.............................. 116 Figure IV Relationship of Dependency Index to number of c h i l d r e n i n family 117 APPENDICES Appendix A Appendix B Questionnaire Bibliography CHAPTER I A constantly recurring issue i n the f i e l d of Public Assistance i s the demand that able-bodied r e c i p i e n t s should be expected to work for t h e i r s o c i a l assistance payments. This issue i s commonly known and d i s -cussed under the term "wo r k - f o r - r e l i e f " . While past experience 1 and recent o studies by welfare a u t h o r i t i e s cast doubts upon the d e s i r a b i l i t y of work-f o r - r e l i e f programs, proponents of such measures continue to advocate t h e i r adoption. In speaking before the Economic Club of New York to a "black t i e audience of 1400 ... drawn l a r g e l y from the f i n a n c i a l world" Senator Barry Goldwater urged that "those who are p h y s i c a l l y able to work should be put to work to earn t h e i r benefits at a s p e c i f i e d rate per hour".^ In Saskatchewan one of the f i r s t pronouncements of the M i n i s t e r of S o c i a l Welfare and R e h a b i l i t a t i o n , Dave Boldt, of the newly-elected L i b e r a l govern-ment, indic a t e d that henceforth i n that province employable persons i n re-ceipt of s o c i a l a i d would be expected to work for t h e i r public assistance 1 See for example: Harry M. Cassidy, Public Health and Welfare Re- organization. The Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1945, p. 175; and H.M. Cassidy, " R e l i e f Works as a Remedy f o r Unemployment i n the Light of Ontario Ex-perience, 1930-32," Proceedings, Canadian P o l i t i c a l Science Association, 1932, pp. 29-30. . 2 Bureau of Family Services Work-Relief: A Current Look, Public Assistance Report No. 52, U.S. Dept. of Health, Education, and Welfare, U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , Washington, D.C., March, 19.62; and Canadian Welfare Council Work for R e l i e f , a P o l i c y Statement, Public Welfare D i v i s i o n , Canadian Welfare Council, Ottawa, Ont., October 18, 1963. See also, Brian Iverson, "Work for R e l i e f , " Canadian Welfare, V o l . 40, No. 1 (JanuaryrFebruary, 1964), pp. 8-9.. 3 New York Times, January 16, 1964, p. 21:2. 2 payments. 1 He stated that i n a works program would be "projects not normally undertaken by municipal governments such as improvement of parks, cleanups and painting". The announcement of the Minister brought an immediate re-a c t i o n from Vice President Joe Morris of the Canadian Labour Congress who sa i d : "The Canadian Labour Congress believes that workers should be h i r e d on the basis of t h e i r a b i l i t y , not t h e i r dependence on r e l i e f , and t h i s or-ganization t r u s t s that no other government, federal or p r o v i n c i a l , would ever think of adopting such an a n t i - s o c i a l policy".2 ^he f u l l text of h i s statement was published i n the C.L.C.*s journal Canadian Labour, for the benefit of i t s membership and i t stated i n part: The declared i n t e n t i o n of Saskatchewan's L i b e r a l Government of getting able-bodied people o f f the r e l i e f r o l l by making them work on f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l cost sharing projects for t h e i r wel-fare benefits i s i n f l a g r a n t c o n t r a d i c t i o n of A r t i c l e 23(1) of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. , . While t h i s A r t i c l e provides that 'everyone has the r i g h t to work ... to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment', i t also provides that every-one also has the r i g h t 'to free choice of employment.3 1 Vancouver Province, June 8, 1964, p. 1:2. 2 Vancouver Province, June 9, 1964, p. 6:3. 3 "Condemn Sask. 'Work' Plan," Canadian Labour, V o l . 9, No. 6 (June, 1964), p. 27. For an e a r l i e r stand by the Canadian Labour Congress see:,. "Work for. R e l i e f Proposals U n r e a l i s t i c , " Canadian Labour, V o l . 7, No. 10 (October, 1962), p. 4,* and "OFL Condemns Work-for-Relief Proposal", Canadian Labour, V o l . .8,. „, No. 10 (October, 1963), p. 30. Also: Canadian Labour Congress, Memorandum to  the Government of Canada, December 11, 1963. In.this annual presentation to the government the CLC said: We are disturbed by the p o s i t i o n adopted by the organizations of munici-p a l i t i e s i n favor of what i s commonly known as work for r e l i e f . We are strongly opposed to t h i s proposal on a number of grounds. It i s u n f a i r to the unemployed. I t i s contrary to good placement p r a c t i c e . I t i s inconsistent with good s o c i a l welfare standards. I t i s a thoroughly im-proper way of r e l i e v i n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of the burden of welfare payments. It has been opposed by the Canadian Welfare Council and the Canadian Association of S o c i a l Workers. The Unemployment Assistance Act gives no encouragement to e i t h e r the provinces Pt the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s to introduce work for r e l i e f programs. We urge you to leave the l e g i s l a t i o n unchanged i n t h i s regard. (Page 24) 3 Welfare and R e h a b i l i t a t i o n M i n i s t e r Boldt estimated that f i f t y per cent of " s o c i a l a i d " r e c i p i e n t s were unemployable. He also s a i d : "We're looking forward to seeing every able-bodied man o f f the r e l i e f r o l l s i n the next two weeks.... The employment s i t u a t i o n i s such that anyone who wants a job should be able to get one."l The Attempt to I n s t i t u t e Work for Welfare i n Courtenay, B.C. The announced i n t e n t i o n of Saskatchewan's new L i b e r a l government to implement a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program r e c a l l s a s i m i l a r attempt i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n that was made by Mayor W.C. Moore of Courtenay, B.C. On August 13, 1963, Mayor Moore announced that he would be assigning a l l p h y s i c a l l y f i t men r e c e i v i n g "welfare payments" to jobs c l e a r i n g a c i t y park.^ He said: " I f they wont work, I wont sign t h e i r cheques, i t ' s as simple as that.... The only excuse I ' l l accept i s that a man i s medically u n f i t and t h i s information i s already on f i l e at the welfare o f f i c e " . Mayor Moore's plan c a l l e d f o r r e c i p i e n t s working for the number of hours necessary to earn the amount of "welfare" they were r e c e i v i n g : "For instance, i f a man i s getting a $100. month welfare and the rate for a job he i s asked to do i s $2. an hour, he w i l l be t o l d to do 50 hours work i n a month.... We have l o t s of jobs for them to do around here." Mayor Moore said h i s plan would be implemented because he believed that "many men that receive the money are too lazy to work." In a d d i t i o n they spent t h e i r money f o r beer: "I think a man should work for h i s money i f he's going to spend i t on beer." -1 Vancouver Province, June 8, 1964, p. 1:2. As i s only too frequently the case sensational news s t o r i e s of t h i s kind are r a r e l y followed up. I t i s not known whether the Mi n i s t e r ' s hopes were, i n f a c t , r e a l i z e d . 2 Vancouver Sun, August 10, 1963, p. 19:7. 4 There are c e r t a i n features of the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f scheme announced by Mayor Moore of Courtenay which are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of many such e f f o r t s . 1 There i s the i n i t i a l dramatic announcement: "Welfare Out for Loafers: F i t men refusing work wont receive cheques." was the heavy black newspaper 2 headline. Whether by design or otherwise the impression i s created that a large number of persons "too lazy to work" are malingering on "welfare r o l l s " . Willingness to work i s seen as a test of worthiness to receive public funds: "I f they wont work, I wont sign t h e i r cheques." When, l a t e r , the p u b l i c learns more d e t a i l s of the actual circumstances an almost i n s i g n i f i c a n t 3 number of persons -- apparently i n t h i s case only three men were found to have been a v a i l a b l e f o r work. While there are many other facets which w i l l subsequently be examined i n d e t a i l , a ttention should be c a l l e d here to 1 See, for example, the excellent account of the Newburgh c r i s i s which has been documented by Edgar May i n The Wasted Americans: Cost of our Welfare  Dilemma, Harper and Row, New York, 1964, e s p e c i a l l y Chapter 2, pp. 17-37. See also, Samuel Mencher, "Newburgh: The Recurrent C r i s i s of Public Assis-tance, " ScjcJ^l__Work, V o l . 7, No. 1 (January, 1962), pp. 3-11. An outcome of the Newburgh c r i s i s was the appointment of the Moreland Commission which issued an extremely s i g n i f i c a n t report i n the f i e l d of administration of pu b l i c assistance programs. See State of New York, Moreland Commission on Welfare, Public Welfare i n the State of New York,Albany, New York, January 15, 1963. Hereinafter r e f e r r e d to as the Moreland Commission Report. For a view supporting the stand taken by the City of Newburgh see Edwin A. Roberts, "Welfare War", The Wall St. Journal, July 10, 1961, p. 10:4, also the e d i t o r i a l comment.on the same page, and Edwin A. Roberts, "The 'New* Newburgh", The Wall St. Journal, August 16, 1961, p. 10:4. 2 Vancouver Sun, August 10, 1963, p. 19:7. 3 Vancouver Sun, November 2, 1963, p. 11. Among the proposals for solv-ing the "welfare c r i s i s " i n Newburgh was the recommendation that " A l l able-bodied adult males on r e l i e f of any kind who are capable of working are to be assigned to the chief of b u i l d i n g maintenance for work assignment on a 40-hour week." (May, op. c i t . , p. 25). On July 17, 1961, the day the new "get tough" p o l i c y was to be implemented, i n the presence of radio, t e l e v i s i o n , and newspaper reporters who had been assigned to cover the culmination of seven months of debate into the causes of the "welfare c r i s i s " , i t was found that: "This c i t y scanned i t s r e l i e f r o l l today and found only one man on i t able to work — and even that case has yet to be f u l l y appraised." (The New York Herald Tribune, quoted i n May, Ib^d.. p. 30) 5 one major unfortunate immediate e f f e c t : f or those unfortunate enough to have to depend on s o c i a l assistance the image which has been r e f l e c t e d i n the press -- and a l l too often accepted by an undiscriminating public -- i s that of s h i f t l e s s persons who are u n w i l l i n g to work and who prefer to l i v e on "welfare" provided them by well-intentioned, i f naive, s o c i a l workers who somehow have l e t t h e i r maudlin sympathy f o r unworthy persons forget t h e i r f i r s t duty to safeguard funds provided by harassed and long-suffering tax-payers. For the r e c i p i e n t of public assistance, long since numbed by the " s l i n g s and arrows of outrageous fortune", the image of themselves r e f l e c t e d i n the press becomes only one more humiliating blow to add to t h e i r already too low self-esteem. 1 B a r r i e r s to the Implementation of Work for Welfare Program Because they contribute 90 per cent of the costs of s o c i a l a s s i s -tance paid to a l l categories of r e c i p i e n t s , the p r o v i n c i a l and federal governments are i n a p o s i t i o n to exert considerable influence upon proposals to attach conditions to the granting of assistance. Costs for s o c i a l a s s i s -tance i n B r i t i s h Columbia were- shared on the basis of a 50 per cent federal contribution, 40 per cent p r o v i n c i a l contribution, and a 10 per cent mun-i c i p a l contribution pro-rated on the basis of population.^ 1 See for example: Hal Leiren, "He Doesn't Want Welfare, Just Right to Earn L i v i n g , " The Vancouver Sun. Feb. 1, 1964. p. 14:1; and Eve Coupland, "She's No Free Loader," The Vancouver Sun. Feb. 12, 1965. p. 20:1. 2 See E.R. Rickenson, " B r i t i s h Columbia's Per Capita Plan," Canadian  Welfare, V o l . 35, No. 5 (December 15, 1958), pp. 216-21. This f i n a n c i a l arrangement g r e a t l y s i m p l i f i e d the administration of s o c i a l assistance by eliminating the need to e s t a b l i s h r e s i d e n t i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y within the province. See a l s o , Arthur William Rippon, Municipal Public Welfare Services  f o r the Unemployed, Unpublished Master of S o c i a l Work Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1963, p. 15-16. 6 For the c i t y of Courtenay i t was not the f i r s t time that d i f f i c u l t y had a r i s e n regarding the administration of s o c i a l assistance. Two years pre-v i o u s l y the p r o v i n c i a l Department of S o c i a l Welfare had had to intervene i n an attempt by a Courtenay s o c i a l worker to force six men to j o i n an army s i x -week s u r v i v a l course by refusing them s o c i a l assistance. In s p i t e of the e a r l i e r experience Mayor Moore expressed no appre-hension about possible repercussions: " I guess that's something I ' l l f i n d out." When, however, the federal government f a i l e d to make a $76.00 c o n t r i -bution for i t s 50 per cent share of the wages of the three men who had been put to work by the C i t y of Courtenay Mayor Moore protested: "I'm annoyed. It'^s not the money. I t ' s just that i t ' s a f a n t a s t i c and stupid s i t u a t i o n i f the federal payment i s cut o f f because the men worked." 1 It i s apparent that since i t contributes f i f t y per cent of the d i r e c t expenditure for public assistance programs the federal government can exert considerable pressure upon l o c a l experiments of "work-for-relief". The C i t y of Courtenay was not t o l d i t could not require i t s able-bodied r e c i p i e n t s of s o c i a l assistance to work for money they were r e c e i v i n g . The federal government e f f e c t i v e l y s i g n i f i e d i t s displeasure by i t s r e f u s a l to reimburse the c i t y for t h e i r usual share of expenditures to which such con-d i t i o n s had been attached. By h i s u n i l a t e r a l action Mayor Moore found to h i s chagrin that he had committed the l o c a l taxpayer to s i x t y per cent of the cost of s o c i a l assistance for these men instead of only a possible ten per cent. Although i t would be safe to say that w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f proposals 1 Vancouver Sun, November 2, 1963, p. 11. 2 Because municipal welfare costs are based upon a per capita assessment of 10 per cent of the costs of a l l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , actual municipal expense may not have had a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p to the number of persons r e c e i v i n g assistance i n the municipality. 7 have considerable support i n B.C. as elsewhere, other m u n i c i p a l i t i e s have not attempted to follow the example of the c i t y of Courtenay as they are aware they would face a s i m i l a r f i n a n c i a l penalty i f they d i d so. The S p e c i a l Project of Matsqui M u n i c i p a l i t y In 1961 the municipality of Matsqui i n B r i t i s h Columbia's lower Fraser V a l l e y established a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program which i t f e l t had a t t a i n -ed considerable success. Their program was unique inasmuch as the munici-p a l i t y consulted with and received the cooperation of o f f i c i a l s of the Department of S o c i a l Welfare. This m u n i c i p a l i t y , by taking advantage of the funds provided under the Winter Works program, purposely set about employing a group of s o c i a l assistance r e c i p i e n t s under a s p e c i f i c a l l y designed work-f o r - r e l i e f p i l o t project. The project was based on c e r t a i n assumptions and had standards and objectives which i t sought to achieve. At the end of the project a survey was c a r r i e d out which the municipality believed confirmed the usefulness and necessity for w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f programs. Because of re-s t r i c t i o n s which the federal government can impose upon programs of t h i s kind i t does not operate during the summer months. The municipality has continued to employ one crew s p e c i f i c a l l y made up of s o c i a l assistance re-c i p i e n t s upon s i m i l a r work each winter since that time, although many of the o r i g i n a l features of the plan have been s u b s t a n t i a l l y changed. The work i t s e l f has been confined to park improvements. In the opinion of o f f i c i a l s of the m u n i c i p a l i t y the community has gained s u b s t a n t i a l l y from i t s p o l i c y . I t also f e e l s that the work program has r e s u l t e d i n substan-t i a l benefits to some of the men. Members of the s t a f f of the l o c a l Department of S o c i a l Welfare have also f e l t that some of the men who par-t i c i p a t e d i n the project benefitted from the experience. 8 This research i s an attempt to examine some of the issues surround-ing " w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f " and to assess the impact of the o r i g i n a l project upon the p a r t i c i p a n t s and the value to the community of the project i t s e l f . A Note on D e f i n i t i o n s The subject of t h i s research w i l l be generally discussed under the term "wor k - f o r - r e l i e f " . A c t u a l l y a number of l a b e l s are often used to i d e n t i f y t h i s t o p i c . More commonly these proposals are c a l l e d "work r e l i e f " , " w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f " and "work-for-welfare" while demands are often made, i n terms of present-day terminology, that r e c i p i e n t s should "work f o r t h e i r welfare," or "work for t h e i r s o c i a l assistance". The term " r e l i e f " i s a value-laden term which has acquired many connotations of degradation and humiliation f or the r e c i p i e n t s and of implications of worthlessness and laziness of the r e c i p i e n t s i n the minds of some .persons. More common per-haps, i n an e a r l i e r day, was the term "the dole"! which c a r r i e d s i m i l a r value judgements. Further back one finds terms such as poor r e l i e f , poor rates, and pauperism i n the l i t e r a t u r e . A concern for the e f f e c t s of such connotations and attempts to r a i s e public understanding and acceptance of f i n a n c i a l assistance to needy persons,2 has led to the adoption of various methods of meeting these needs. Thus l e g i s l a t i o n i s passed e s t a b l i s h i n g Workmen's Compensation, Unemployment 1 See Helen H a l l , "The American Dole i n the Light Of Mental Hygiene," The American Labor L e g i s l a t i v e Review, Vol. 24, .1934, pp. 11-21. 2 For an examination of the r e d i s t r i b u t i v e processes of welfare p o l i c i e s discussed i n economic terms see Monteath Douglas, "Welfare and R e d i s t r i -bution, Economic Implication of the R e d i s t r i b u t i v e Processes involved i n Canadian S o c i a l Welfare P o l i c i e s , " Canadian Journal of Economics and  P o l i t i c a l Science, V o l . 19, 1953,.pp. 316-325. 9 Insurance, 1 War Veterans' Allowances, Mothers' Allowances, Disabled and B l i n d Persons' Allowances, and Old Age Security and Old Age Assistance^ (when the Old Age Pension had f a l l e n into d i s r e p u t e ) . 3 In priv a t e industry Sickness Benefits, and Supplementary Unemployment Benefits, Company Pensions, as well as the numerous proposals for lump sum or,, periodic payments for workers displaced by automation and redundancy are negotiated. The adoption of t h i s c a t e g o r i c a l approa ch* to the f i n a n c i a l needs of people has tended to select each par-t i c u l a r group as deserving of a s p e c i f i c consideration and of devising d i f f e r -ent methods of meeting the costs involved. Some of these methods are not ne c e s s a r i l y r a t i o n a l . (Consider for example the experience of Canada's Unemployment Insurance program where the insurance p r i n c i p l e has no longer any r e a l meaning and the fund i s supported by subsidies from the federal treasury.) With t h i s piecemeal approach to the problem of economic dependency i t i s i n e v i t a b l e that a r e s i d u a l group of f l u c t u a t i n g proportions finds i t -s e l f outside the scope of these programs. Not so generally recognised i s 1 For a discussion of the insurance versus the welfare .character, of United States Unemployment.Insurance see, Harry M a l i s o f f , The Insurance Character of  Unemployment Insurance, W.E. Upjohn. I n s t i t u t e for Employment Research, Kalamazoo, Michigan, December 1961. 2 Donald V. Smiley has suggested that serious consideration should be given to: "the incorporation of the three e x i s t i n g c a t e g o r i c a l public assistance grants (OAA, BPA, and DPA) int o the Unemployment Assistance Act framework so that the provinces and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s would be reimbursed on the basis of a uniform formula for payments to a l l persons who had met the requirements i n e f f e c t i n these j u r i s d i c t i o n s . . . . " See h i s Conditional Grants and Canadian  Federalism, Canadian Tax Foundation, Canadian Tax Papers No. 32, February 1963, p. 70. _ 3 See Canada, Joint Committee of the Senate and the House of Commons on Old Age Security, Minutes of Proceedings, A p r i l 3, 1950 - June 23, 1950. 4 See Marie Hamel, "The New Public Assistance," Canadian Welfare, V o l . 40, No. 4 (July - August 1964), p. 162-7. 10 the fact that many of these c a t e g o r i c a l programs f a i l to adequately r e l a t e t h e i r b e n e f i t s to actual family needs so that supplementation of t h e i r income must be provided from some other source on a basis which attempts to meet t h i s p a r t i c u l a r problem. 1 Even actual earnings of employed persons have had to be supplemented. 2 To meet t h i s continuing need the state has found i t necessary to continue to maintain a general f i n a n c i a l assistance program. To do so merely r e f l e c t s the community's concern about the wel-fare of a l l of i t s c i t i z e n s , however inadequate the allowances may become with the passage of time. The problem of nomenclature had s t i l l to be disposed of as the term " r e l i e f " held too many invidious connotations c a r r i e d over from i t s administration during the depression era of the 1930"s. B r i t i s h Columbia has adopted the term " s o c i a l assistance" while Saskatchewan c a l l s t h e i r program " s o c i a l a i d " . Attempts to change long standing a t t i t u t e s and 1 See for example the stand taken on the Canada Pension Plan by the Canadian Welfare Council as outlined i n : "Canada Pension Plan Examined," Canadian Welfare, V o l . 41, No. 2 (March-April 1964), pp. 60-62. For a study i n d i c a t i n g that approximately 5% of a sample,of Unemployment Insurance r e c i p i e n t s i n six states require supplementation from r e l i e f r o l l s see: Joseph M. Becker, S.J., The Adequacy of the Benefit Amount i n  Unemployment Insurance, The W.E. Upjohn I n s t i t u t e for Employment Research, Kalamazoo, Mich., May, 1961. 2 Of 16,000 employable persons who were on public assistance r o l l s i n the c i t y of New York when Senator Goldwater c a l l e d for implementation of a work for r e l i e f program, Comptroller Abraham D. Beame estimated 6,000 were presently working but did not earn enough to meet minimum standards and required supplementation: of earnings. See New York Times, January 20, 1964. p. 17:1. Consider a l s o : The fact i s that i n many parts of the United States today welfare departments are supplementing f u l l - t i m e earnings of low-paid workers. For example, the Mayor of Hoboken, New Jersey, reported to President George Meany of the AFL-CIO that i n A p r i l h i s c i t y was paying supple-mentary r e l i e f of $100 or.$125 a month to some two hundred workers who were employed f u l l - t i m e but whose earnings were inadequate to support t h e i r f a m i l i e s . "Speenhamland, 1964," i n Notes and Comments Department S o c i a l Service Review, V o l . 38, 1964, p. 333. 11 strongly held b e l i e f s by new terminology or by the establishment of a new category of assistance are not wholly s u c c e s s f u l 1 and the terms " r e l i e f " , "the welfare", " s o c i a l assistance", and even "the s o c i a l " are i n common use. The choice of the term " w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f " i n e v i t a b l y w i l l carry with i t a value-laden judgement for most people. Unfortunately so would the choice of any other term which could be chosen for t h i s t o p i c . The Method and Scope of the Study In order to assess and evaluate a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f project i t w i l l f i r s t be necessary to review some of the h i s t o r i c a l background and the-o r e t i c a l formulations surrounding w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f proposals. The planning and implementation of t h i s p i l o t project was c a r r i e d out three years ago j o i n t l y by o f f i c i a l s of the municipality and the l o c a l d i s t r i c t o f f i c e of the Department of S o c i a l Welfare. An evaluation of t h i s project must therefore be l i m i t e d to an examination of the e f f e c t s the project had upon the i n d i v i d u a l s who p a r t i c i p a t e d and t h e i r r eaction to i t . The project i t s e l f could notbe restructured. 1 See f o r example the comments of the Moreland Commission i n r e l a t i o n to the ADC-TADC (now known as the Aid to Families of Dependent Children (AFDC) program which.has come under very strong attack as one which e n c o u r a g e s _ promiscuousness and i l l e g i t i m a c y . The report contains the following highly s i g n i f i c a n t comment: Some observers suggest that the e n t i r e ADC program has been so d i s -credited by broadside c r i t i c i s m that i t should be replaced by another means of maintaining mothers and c h i l d r e n . Aid would s t i l l be f o r t h -coming, but under another name or v i a another channel. I f Federal categories were combined into one General Assistance category, for instance, the v u l n e r a b i l i t y of t h i s program to public attack would be g r e a t l y diminished. This would not solve the i l l e g i t i m a c y issue, but i t would be so submerged that c r i t i c s casting about for bricks  to h u r l at welfare would have more d i f f i c u l t y f i n d i n g ammunition. Moreland Commission Report, pp. 54-58. ( I t a l i c s added) 12 To set the framework of the study i t w i l l be necessary to examine the t h e o r e t i c a l and administrative considerations which went into the planning and implementation of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r project, to examine what l o c a l factors influenced the project design, and to assess i n what way the project d i f f e r s from some of the h i s t o r i c a l and t h e o r e t i c a l aspects of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f proposals previously examined. The p i l o t project which the municipality c a r r i e d out employed twenty-two r e c i p i e n t s of s o c i a l assistance from within the municipality over the period from November 1961 to May 1962. I t was a n t i c i p a t e d that i t would not be possible to interview a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s but every e f f o r t was made to i d e n t i f y and interview as many as could be located. Of the twenty-two p a r t i c i p a n t s , sixteen persons were interviewed. The f i l e s of a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s were examined for a d d i t i o n a l information and to determine the extent to which the research sample was representative of the e n t i r e group. The p o s s i b i l i t y had existed that some of the p a r t i c i p a n t s of the project might not wish to take part i n the study. In f a c t , every person who was i d e n t i f i e d and located indicated h i s w i l l i n g n e s s to do so. They were not only w i l l i n g , but they cooperated f u l l y by giving as much f a c t u a l data as they were asked for (and could remember) and by expressing f r e e l y and frankly t h e i r f e e l i n g s and opinions where these were the primary areas of concern of the research. A questionnaire 1 was devised which sought to obtain f a c t u a l data from the p a r t i c i p a n t s of the project i n relevant areas pertinent to the study. As well as the necessary f a c t u a l data extensive information about t h e i r 1 Appendix A 13 f e e l i n g s and opinions i n a v a r i e t y of areas was also sought. The questionnaire was completed by the researcher during the personal i n t e r -views with the p a r t i c i p a n t s and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the questions were made where indicated but only i f c l a r i f i c a t i o n of an apparent misunder-standing was required. P a r t i c u l a r care was exercised not to frame in t e r p r e t a t i o n s i n a way that might e l i c i t any s p e c i a l kind of response pattern. P a r t i c i p a n t s of the study were assured of the anonymity of t h e i r responses and of the n e u t r a l i t y of the researcher. Interviews were completed at the time and place most convenient to the respondents. Most persons were approached d i r e c t l y but i n some instances the introduction was arranged by a s o c i a l worker from the Department of S o c i a l Welfare who also assured the person of the anonymity of t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Interviews were held with o f f i c i a l s of the municipality concerned, the foreman who had been i n charge of the project, and with various s t a f f members of the Department of S o c i a l Welfare of the area. During the course of the research the w r i t e r attended a S e l e c t i o n Committee for Winter Works of a neighboring municipality where i t was possible to meet o f f i c i a l s of that municipality and l o c a l o f f i c e r s of the NES. The editor of the l o c a l newspaper who i s prominent i n p r o v i n c i a l as well as l o c a l a f f a i r s provided background information and made a v a i l a b l e the f i l e s of past issues of the newspaper. CHAPTER II Some examination of the h i s t o r i c a l aspects of work f o r r e l i e f may contribute to an understanding of t h i s subject. Some Antecedents of Elizabethan Poor Law I t i s perhaps not generally appreciated that much of the basic philosophy behind work for r e l i e f proposals are devolved from English poor law h i s t o r y . England's f i r s t poor law, the Statute of 'Labourers'of 1349, was a d i r e c t consequence of the severe shortage of labourers and steep r i s e i n wages which followed the Black Death. 1 In excess of one-third of the population died during the epidemic. Karl de Schweinitz records that so great was the shortage of labour that the surviving worker was i n a p o s i t i o n : "to ask what wages he wanted, work when he l i k e d , and observe holidays when he pleased."2 Not only d i d the Statute of Labourers seek to compel the labourer to serve any master who required him at a pre-v i o u s l y p r e v a i l i n g rate but i t assumed that there existed persons " w i l l i n g to beg i n idleness, than by labor to get t h e i r l i v i n g " and i t prohibited the g i v i n g of alms to beggars. De Schweinitz records that the economic and s o c i a l changes taking place were "more powerful than the law which 1 Walter A. Friedlander, Introduction to S o c i a l Welfare, Prentice H a l l , Inc., Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey, 1955, 1961 ed. , p. 14. 2 Karl de Schweinitz, England's Road to S o c i a l Security, 1943, U n i v e r s i t y of Pennsylvania Press, Perpetua E d i t i o n , 1961, p. 5. 15 was designed to stop them."* Chambliss i s of the opinion that: The vagrancy laws were designed to a l l e v i a t e a condition de-f i n e d by the lawmakers as undesirable. The s o l u t i o n was to attempt to force a r e v e r s a l , as i t were, of a s o c i a l process which was well underway; that i s to c u r t a i l m o b i l i t y of laborers i n such a way that labor would not become a commod-i t y f o r which the landowners would have to compete.2 The s o c i a l process which could not be reversed was the d i s -i n t e g r a t i o n of Feudalism as a s o c i a l system. It was not destined to survive. England* s subsequent r i s e as an i n d u s t r i a l society under a c a p i t a l i s t i c economy was p a r a l l e l by l e g i s l a t i v e attempts to cope with problems which i n s i s t e n t l y c a l l e d f o r recognition and r e s o l u t i o n . In 1531 a statute provided for the l o c a l r e g i s t r a t i o n of aged and impotent persons and for giving them l e g a l authority to beg: "the beginning of d e f i n i t e assumption by government of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f or the care of persons i n economic d i s t r e s s . " 3 B u t those, "being strong and able i n t h e i r bodies to work", caught begging were "to be brought to the nearest market-town, or other place ... most convenient, ... and there to be t i e d to the end of a cart naked and be beaten with whips throughout the same market-town or other place t i l l h i s body be bloody ..." whereupon the unfortunate wretch was to return "to the place where he was born, or where he l a s t dwelled before the same punishment by the space of three years, and there put himself to labour l i k e a true man oweth to do."4 The return of the beggar to h i s place of residence was 1 De Schweinitz, op. c i t . , p. 6. .2 William J . Chambliss, "A S o c i o l o g i c a l Analysis of the Law of Vagrancy," S o c i a l Problems, V o l . 12, 1964, p. 70. 3 De Schweinitz, op. c i t . , p. 21. 4 22 Henry VIII C 12 An Act Concerning the Punishment of Beggars and Vagabonds, 1531, quoted i n De Schweinitz, op. c i t . , p. 22. 16 seen as an inherent necessity because of the p r i n c i p l e of l o c a l responsib-i l i t y of each parish or town for i t s own poor. Five years l a t e r came recog-n i t i o n that licensed begging was not an acceptable substitute for the c o l l e c -t i o n and administration of voluntary c h a r i t a b l e funds by responsible l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . There was also recognition that a person might be capable of work but unable to obtain i t . The Worthy and the Unworthy Besides the use of these voluntary c h a r i t a b l e funds f o r the re-l i e f of the "lame, feeble, sick and diseased" i t was required "that such as be l u s t y or having t h e i r limbs strong enough to labor, may be d a i l y kept i n labor, whereby every one of them may get t h e i r own sustenance and l i v i n g with t h e i r own hands". 1 A l i c e R o l l i n s Brewster points but that: In general, a d i s t i n c t i o n was made between 'vagabonds and myghtie Stronge beggars' and 'other poore and needye persons beinge w i l l -inge to work'. The former were dealt with i n houses of correc-t i o n , while the workhouse furnished employment for the l a t t e r class.2 She records that as early as 1553 Edward VI gave the c i t y of London h i s house of Bridewell which i t was to convert into a workhouse. Subsequently other "Bridewells" were established i n other c i t i e s although the name appears to have been loosely applied to houses of co r r e c t i o n as well as to workhouses. A Regression i n S o c i a l Philosophy The h i s t o r i c a l development of c o l l e c t i v e p u b l i c r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the welfare of needy persons was not one of continual improvement of. e x i s t i n g measures. De Schweinitz records that i n 1547 "one of those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c reversals i n the l e g i s l a t i o n and administration of public 1 27 Henry VIII C 25, 1536 quoted i n De Schweinitz, op. c i t . , p. 22. 2 A l i c e R o l l i n s Brewster, Early Experiments with the Unemployed, Quarterly Journal of Economics, V o l . 9, 1894/95, p. 88. 17 assistance took p l a c e " 1 Repressive measures were once again adopted: " I d l e r s and wanderers" who were not prepared to o f f e r to work for t h e i r "meat and drink" were to "have a V (for vagabond)'marked with a hot i r o n i n the breast' and be enslaved for two y e a r s . O t h e r provisions were even more severe. The law's severity brought about i t s repeal three years l a t e r . Reenacted was a measure to revive licensed begging. The Evolution of England's L e g i s l a t i o n on Behalf of the Poor From 1552 to 1572 England again returned to the acceptance of a c o l l e c t i v e l o c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the poor. L e g i s l a t i v e changes centered around d i f f i c u l t i e s obtaining contributions. The statute of 1572 i n t r o -duces d i r e c t taxation as a means of obtaining revenue, and introduces over-seers of the poor who are charged "with the duty of putting rogues and vagabonds to work", 3 The purposes of t h i s compulsory work are stated i n subsequent l e g i s l a t i o n : ... to the intent youth may be accustomed and brought up i n labor and work, and then not l i k e to grow to be i d l e rogues, and to the intent also that such as be already grown up i n idleness ... may not have any excuse i n saying that they can-not get any service or work ... and that other poor and needy persons being w i l l i n g to work may be set on work.^ For the r e c a l c i t r a n t , provision was made for confinement i n a House of 1 De Schweinitz, op. c i t . , p. 24 2 Edward VI, Chapter 3, 1547, quoted i n De Schweinitz, op. c i t . , p. 24 3 De Schweinitz, op. c i t . , p. 24 4 18 Eli z a b e t h C. 3 1576 Quoted i n De Schweinitz, op. c i t . , p. 26. Compare with the requirement of the 2 & 3, Edward VI., C. 5 (The Statute of 1548): "... to be employed and bestowed i n and abowte repayringe of w a l l s , bridges, settings poore people on works or other good deeds." Quoted i n Brewster, op. c i t . , p. 95 is: Correction. De Schweinitz goes on to say: In t h i s f i r s t s p e c i f i c a t i o n of a program of works, nearly four centuries ago, appears the same mixtures of purpose that has characterized the use of work i n r e l i e f ever since. The Elizabethan lawmaker proposes work as t r a i n i n g for the youth, as prevention of roguery, as a test of good i n t e n t , and as a means of providing employment for the needy. In the back-ground i s the House of Correction with i t s threat of punish-ment . 1 The Poor Law of 1601 "was a c o d i f i c a t i o n of the preceding poor r e l i e f l e g i s l a t i o n " . 2 This event i s described by de Schweinitz as " a n t i c l i m -a c t i c " . ^ Apart from providing for the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of c h i l d r e n for t h e i r grandparents no new d i r e c t i o n i n the philosophy of poor r e l i e f was added. "What has helped to make i t a landmark i n the h i s t o r y of the r e l i e f of economic d i s t r e s s i s the fact that i t i s the l a s t r e w riting of the t o t a l law."^ As has been pointed out by de Schweinitz^ the promul-gation of statutes did not n e c e s s a r i l y ensure t h e i r administration and enforcement. A l i c e R o l l i n s Brewster quoted an Act of 1609-10 which stated that previous Lawes have not wrought soe good e f f e c t as was expected, as w e l l for that the said Howses of Correction have not been buylte as was intended,, as alsoe for that the said statute have not beene duly and severely putt i n execucion as by the said statute were appointed.^ 1 De Schweinitz, op. c i t . . pp. 26-27. 2 Friedlander, Introduction to S o c i a l Welfare, p. 16. 3 De Schweinitz, op. c i t . , p. 28. 4 Loc. c i t . 5 I b i d . , p. 29. 6 7 Jac. I., c. 4, quoted i n Brewster, op. c i t . , p. 92. 19 The Poor Law of 1601 was an important landmark i n the h i s t o r y of s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n . For the next three hundred years i t remained the expression i n law of England's s o c i a l welfare philosophy. I t became, together with the other s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s which s e t t l e r s brought with them, the h e r i -tage of the United States and, perhaps to a lesser extent, also that of Canada. The Wider Context of Poor R e l i e f L e g i s l a t i o n A philosphy that the "poore and needye" should be expected to work for t h e i r sustenance i s not s o l e l y the heritage of Elizabethan Poor Law h i s t o r y . There i s evidence that such a philosophy has wide appeal and a very long t r a d i t i o n i n h i s t o r y . Sidney Webb draws our attention to the fact that S i r William Ashley, i n h i s Economic History written i n 1893, had stated that "the Poor Law of Eli z a b e t h was but the English phase of a gen-e r a l European movement of reform: i t was not c a l l e d f o r by anything pecul-i a r to England either i n i t s economic development up to the middle of the sixteenth century, or i n i t s e c c l e s i a s t i c a l h i s t o r y . " ! The changes i n the structure of European society during t h i s period are compared by Salter to a great t r a n s i t i o n the l i k e of which had not been seen since "the Roman Empire i n the West crumbled away in t o a caricature of i t s former greatness".2 It was a time, he writes, when a world based on custom was giving way to a world based on competition. With an increase i n the numbers of the des-t i t u t e , a u t h o r i t i e s were faced with the problem of meeting increased need 1 Preface to F.R. S a l t e r , Some Early Tracts on Poor R e l i e f , Methuen and Co. Ltd., London, 1926, p. v i i i . 2 I b i d . , p. x v i i . 20 with machinery t o t a l l y inadequate for the task. As shown below there i s some s i m i l a r i t y to pr a c t i c e i n England i n the analyses of the problems which existed and of the measures which were advocated to deal with them. A Flemish Experiment Suggested by Vives Suggestions for meeting the needs of the poor were i n v i t e d from Jan Luis Vive by h i s f r i e n d the Mayor of the Flemish c i t y of Bruges. Writing i n 1526 Vive recommended a comprehensive approach to the problems of the poorl which included education and t r a i n i n g , the use of medical opinion to detect feigned diseases or i n f i r m i t i e s , a d i l i g e n t inquiry i n -to the character of persons i n need of public c h a r i t y , and systematic and d e t a i l e d c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the problems of the poor and d e s t i t u t e before remedies were attempted. He assumed the a v a i l a b i l i t y of work and commented on the d i f f i c u l t y experienced by the s i l k weavers who would h i r e boys "to turn some winders" except that " t h e i r parents say they bring home more money from begging".2 Not only d i d Vives expect that the able-bodied poor should be able to f i n d work but he suggested that the b l i n d , the i n v a l i d and the aged should be employed at tasks suited to t h e i r age and strength. "For no one i s so enfeebled as to have no power at a l l for doing something. Let t h i s be so arranged, i n order that i d l e thoughts and base desires that are born of idleness may be checked by occupation and absorption i n work."3 ] ? o r t h e undeserving poor "who have ruined themselves i n d i s g r a c e f u l and base ways ... the more d i s -agreeable tasks are to be a l l o t t e d them and harder f a r e " as they "must 1 De Subventione Pauperum, see Chapter I of S a l t e r , op. c i t . , pp. 1-31, 2 S a l t e r , op. c i t . , p. 13. 3 I b i d . , pp. 15-16. indeed be fed, since no one should die from s t a r v a t i o n . " Such treatments, Vives f e l t , would help them "repent of t h e i r former l i f e : they w i l l thus not e a s i l y f a l l back into the same v i c e s , restrained therefrom by t h e i r scanty food and hard labour, not dying of hunger, but being made lean w i t h a l . " ! Martin Luther's Ordinance for a Common Chest The problem of meeting the needs of the poor i n e v i t a b l y i n -volved leading figures of the Reformation. Invited to L e i s n i g i n Saxony i n 1522 to a s s i s t the town r e v i s e i t s conduct of church services as well as advise them on coping with the problem of vagrancy and poverty, Luther drew up an Ordinance for a Common Chest. In ad d i t i o n to voluntary g i f t s to a common chest i t provided for a compulsory r a t e l e v i e d on a l l p a r i -shioners. Administrative arrangements are set out i n d e t a i l . For the most part begging was abolished. The needs of the o l d , the in f i r m , orphans and poor c h i l d r e n , and of strangers (whether men or women) were to be met from the Common Chest. "Reasonable advance" was to be made to "house-poor" residents of the town. This was to be considered a loan which could be remitted, " f o r God's sake", i f they could not repay. As well as p r o h i b i t i n g begging by foreign students i t was provided that: No male or female beggar s h a l l be allowed i n our parish, i n town or i n v i l l a g e ; f o r such as do not suffer from age or sickness must work or be driven away ... with the a i d of the auth o r i t i e s . 3 1 I b i d . , p. 13. 2 See Chapter I I I of S a l t e r , op. c i t . , pp. 80-96. 3 Quoted i n Ib i d . , p. 91. 22 Zwingli's Solution of Poor R e l i e f Zwingli, i n Zurich, i n 1525 issued an Ordinance and A r t i c l e s Touching Almsgiving, 1 which r i g i d l y . s e t out classes of persons to whom poor r e l i e f was not to be given. These included any persons, whether men or women, of whom i t i s known they have spent and wasted a l l t h e i r days i n luxury and idleness who wear gold, s i l v e r , s i l k and such-like ornaments ..., those who without good reason do not attend sermons ... those who frequent drinking r e s o r t s , who play cards, gamble and indulge i n any other kind of wantonness and f r i v o l i t y . 2 The worthy poor were to receive poor r e l i e f but were to openly wear a badge that t h e i r indigency might be known to a l l . Curiously, the over-seers were permitted to "exempt from the duty of wearing the badge those who, though now i n need of r e l i e f , were formerly people of posi-t i o n and who would be quite w i l l i n g to work i f they were able to."3 Begging "by l o c a l f o l k or by strangers" was prohibited. Transients might receive a meal of bread and broth and, i f they a r r i v e d a f t e r mid-day, lodging for the night. Thereafter they were to continue on t h e i r way. I f they again asked for help within six months they were to be imprisoned. Early Experiments i n Catholic France M o r a l i s t i c views about the deserving and undeserving poor were not the sole perogative of Protestant countries. The measures taken i n Catholic France were almost i d e n t i c a l to those previously mentioned. Even as early as 806, i n an era i n which the C h r i s t i a n Church decreed that the 1 See Chapter IV of Ib i d . , pp. 97-103. 2 S a l t e r , op. c i t . , p. 101. 3 I b i d . , p. 102. 23 r e c i p i e n t of alms gained d i g n i t y while the donor of alms acquired thereby the grace of God and could expect to receive h i s reward i n the hereafter, a statute of Charlemagne attempted to control vagrancy and begging by the able-bodied, 1 although apparently to l i t t l e e f f e c t . 2 I t would be d i f f i c u l t , however, to f i n d a law which surpassed the se v e r i t y of measures which were proposed by the c i t y of Rouen i n 1534-35. 3 The problem of the poor was seen by an Assembly of Chief C i t i z e n s as one of d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between the impotent poor, for whom some pro v i s i o n must be made and whose numbers were subsequently estimated to be 7000, and the "many i d l e vagabonds, (who were) strong and healthy creatures" who f i l c h e d the sustenance of the t r u l y poor and s i c k . I t was l a t e r found that these numbered 297 and that they had 235 c h i l d r e n . The r e s u l t i n g ordinance enjoined and commanded: a l l persons, both men and women, who are able to work and who have not s u f f i c i e n t means whereby to l i v e , and who l i v e i d l y , without work or other employment, or beg and cadge i n t h i s C i t y ... to be gone and leave t h i s C i t y ... under penalty of the whip or of being sentenced, without any kind of appeal, to be chained and set on to the public works of the C i t y ...4 1 Friedlander, Introduction to S o c i a l Welfare, p. 9. See also Walter A. Friedlander, Individualism and S o c i a l Welfare, An Analysis of the System of  S o c i a l Security and S o c i a l Welfare i n France, Free Press of Glencoe and Michigan State U n i v e r s i t y , East Lansing, Michigan, 1962, p. 3. 2 McCloy draws att e n t i o n to the in e f f e c t i v e n e s s of France i n attempting to solve the problem of mendicancy despite repeated proclamation of l e g i s -l a t i v e edicts and the s e v e r i t y of the pe n a l t i e s . In t h i s the experience of France was probably no d i f f e r e n t from that of other countries. i£ i t i s assumed that the poor are mainly composed of i d l e , mightye strong beg-gars - un w i l l i n g to work, no r e a l attempt i s made to study and understand the ac t u a l problem and measures are u n l i k e l y to be advocated that w i l l deal with the problem r e a l i s t i c a l l y . See Shelby T. McCloy, Government Assistance  i n Eighteenth Century France, Duke Un i v e r s i t y Press, Durham, N.C. 1946, pp. 264-265. 3 See Chapter V, S a l t e r , op. c i t . , pp. 104-119. 4 S a l t e r , op. c i t . , pp. 112. 24 Eight days were allowed i n which these beggars must either f i n d "masters or other f o l k of substance w i l l i n g to vouch for them" or leave the c i t y . On the expiry of the eight day period, the b a i l i f f was ordered to arrest those who had not complied, torture them i f need be and to hand to the C i t y C o u n c i l l o r s : the aforesaid i d l e knaves, sturdy vagabonds and beggars, to be chained or put i n irons, two by two ... but not so chained as to prevent them from working, and the said prisoners are to be put to s e r v i l e labour with a l l d i l l i g e n c e at such necessary public works as w i l l make for the good, p r o f i t and use of the C i t y . The measures proposed i n Rouen were s i m i l a r to others attempted e a r l i e r and since i n P a r i s , Lyon and, presumably, elsewhere i n France. The A t e l i e r de Charite Other methods of meeting the problem of poor r e l i e f have also been used i n France and these have a more d i s t i n c t i v e w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . During periods of acute unemployment, outdoor workshops, or a t e l i e r s de c h a r i t e , were established and were devoted to such projects as r e p a i r i n g roads, cleaning s t r e e t s , removing c i t y walls, and r e b u i l d i n g sea w a l l s . J McCloy notes that a French economic h i s t o r i a n records that these have existed i n some period at a l l times and "at a l l times have e l -i c i t e d protests from the side of ordinary workers".^ They were extensiv-el y used during the period of the French Revolution although the governments of the day were torn between the necessity for making reasonable pro-v i s i o n , f or large scale unemployment and a fear of the consequences of 1 S a l t e r , op. c i t . , p. 113. 2 I b i d . , p. 105. 3 McCloy, op. c i t . , pp. 285-309. 4 I b i d . , p. 285. 25 massing large numbers of persons together i n groups. The B a s t i l l e was demolished by c h a r i t y workshop workers but the p a r t i c u l a r workshop "was so marked with turbulence that i n May, 1791, i t was suppressed".^ The shortcomings of these workshops are strangely reminiscent of the object-ions which are r a i s e d against w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f projects: The c h a r i t y workshop was never intended to be more than a p a l l i a t i v e . As applied i n eighteenth-century France, i t had many l i m i t a t i o n s : i t never provided for a l l the unemployed, and i t reached but few of the beggars; i t paid a wage on which people could barely e x i s t ; and even then, as i n 1789-90, there were those who complained that i t drew men away from regular employment and lowered the wages paid i n the normal labor market. The National Workshops of The Second Republic In another turbulent period of French h i s t o r y , recourse was had to s i m i l a r measures. The u p r i s i n g of 1848 had proclaimed the Second Republic. To p a c i f y the a g i t a t i o n caused by acute unemployment i n Par i s , s o c i a l i s t Louis Blanc was i n v i t e d to preside over a Parliament of Industry that was to examine labor problems.^ As a measure of expediency i t was agreed that National Workshops would be established. U n j u s t i f i a b l y the move was "h a i l e d by many as a mere prelude to the complete transformation of s o c i e t y . " ^ Louis Blanc had long before advocated "state-aided ' s o c i a l ' workshops or f a c t o r i e s as a means of combating unemployment and u t i l i z i n g 1 McCloy, op. c i t . , p. 295 2 I b i d . , p. 298 3 Cobban suggests that the i n v i t a t i o n to Louis Blanc and Albert to take a leading part i n an attempt to study the problem of unemployment was a deli b e r a t e manoeuvre to f i n d an "innocuous s o l u t i o n " . These " p o l i t i c a l innocents" allowed the Parliament of Industry, "to t a l k i t s way through the c r i s i s " . .Alfred Cobban, A History of.Modern France, Vol. 2, 1799-1945, Pelican Books, Harmondsworth, 1961, p. 136. 4 J.P.T. Bury, France, 1814-1940, A History, Methuen and Co., London 1949, 3rd Rev. Ed., 1959, p. 75 26 s k i l l e d labour i n orderly fashion" 1 The workshops, which were organized to meet the pressing unemployment problem i n P a r i s , f a i l e d u t t e r l y i n t h e i r conception and objectives: Set up too h a s t i l y , under revolutionary pressure and without adequate administrative services to control them, they soon enrolled oyer 100,000 workmen when there was r e a l work for only 10,000. The remainder had to be occupied and were therefore employed on tasks such as l e v e l l i n g the Champ de Mars for two francs a day, work of such l i t t l e value that, as someone said, they might just as w e l l have b o t t l e d the waters of the Seine. The presence of so many men so un-p r o f i t a b l y employed was soon recognized by the government as demoralizing for the men themselves, a drain on public funds, a danger to public order, ... and i n consequence an impediment to the recovery of business ,... 2 A c t u a l l y , writes Cobban, a l l the Workshops, or A t e l i e r s , even amounted to was a system of r e g i s t e r i n g the Paris unemployed for the pay-ment of a wretched dole. By June 1848 some 120,000 were i n r e c e i p t of t h i s pittance and the l i s t s had been closed to exclude perhaps 50,000 more. 3 While, from an administrative point of view, serious objections might be r a i s e d about the r e s u l t i n g value of both of A t e l i e r s de Charite of the 18th Century of of the 2nd Republic's National Workshops i n P a r i s , i t would appear that, from the point of view of the p a r t i c i p a n t , these projects f u l f i l l e d a need of the unemployed at a time when there was no other adequate system of welfare services. The response of par-t i c i p a n t s to the programs themselves v a r i e d . ^ The closure of the 1. Bury, op. c i t . , p. 78. 2. Loc. c i t . 3. Cobban, op. c i t . , p. 136. McCloy, also notes that on the eve of the French Revolution the c h a r i t y workshops were never able to provide work_for a l l who needed and wished i t . (op. c i t . , ) (p. 288) 4. McCloy, op. c i t . , comments on the enthusiasm for the workshops i n the e a rly years of the French Revolution, p. 298; of the f r a n t i c appeals by workers when t h e i r discontinuance was proposed, p. 291; and also of the slovenliness and discontent of the workers because the pay was always lower than that to be obtained i n the normal labour market. National Workshops i n Paris i n 1848, upon which the workers had placed so great an expectation, led to very t r a g i c consequences. The pro-posed closure was regarded by them as an act nothing short of betrayal. Facing the a l t e r n a t i v e s of c o n s c r i p t i o n into the army or unemployment the workers responded i n the t r a d i t i o n that Parisians had often done i n the past: barricades reappeared i n the s t r e e t s . In the savage re-pression which followed, described by de Tocqueville as "a r e v o l t of the Helots" -- "a slave^war", the promise and s p i r i t of the Second Republic died almost four months from the day of i t s b i r t h . 1 i n the words of V i c t o r Hugo: " C i v i l i z a t i o n defended i t s e l f with the methods of barbarism". Two Views of The Value of Work From Ancient Athens This review of the sentiments of the more favored i n society towards the poor i n t h e i r midst should not be taken as suggesting that only with the evolution of an agrarian economy into an i n d u s t r a l one are men concerned that work i s a v i r t u e and a value i n and of i t s e l f . Perhaps men have always f e l t t h i s way. A recent h i s t o r i a n of the Athenian economy records that: A r i s t o t l e suggested that the leading motive behind the whole programme of public works was to keep the people too busy to make p o l i t i c a l mischief, and t h i s judgment i s by no means so naive as i t might at f i r s t appear. ... i t was i n fact i n the i n t e r e s t of P e i s i s t r a t u s , whose r u l e rested, not on an accepted basis of custom but on force, that the poor should be kept busy, even i f the work they did was of l i t t l e economic advantage to himself or to the community. 1 Cobban, op. c i t . , p. 142; Bury, op. c i t . , p. 79. 2 Cobban, op. c i t . , p. 144. 28 What appeared to be prudent p o l i c y during the tyranny of P e i s i s t r a t u s , whose 36 year r u l e ended about 510 B.C., was no less so i n the golden age of Athens under P e r i c l e s i n the following century. Commenting upon the vast public employment of i t s c i t i z e n s Plutarch wrote: ... such.as were of proper age and strength were wanted for the wars, and well rewarded for t h e i r services: and as for the mechanics and meaner sort of people, they went not with-out t h e i r share of the public money, nor yet had they i t to support them i n idleness. By the constructing of great e d i f i c e s , which required many arts and a long time to f i n i s h them, they had equal pretensions to be considered out of the treasury .... 1 Summary Work-for-relief proposals have a heritage which are derived i n part from the Elizabethan Poor Laws of England. There i s evidence from other countries that developments which occurred over a wide span of h i s t o r y suggest that some of the sentiments embodied i n these pro-posals have commonly held assumptions. As the community moves towards meeting the needs of i t s less fortunate c i t i z e n s from public funds attempts are made to keep expenditures to a minimum by l i m i t i n g t h e i r use to l o c a l residents. Those who cannot meet residency requirements and who have no resources are denied assistance. Reduced to u t t e r d e s t i t u t i o n and forced to move elsewhere they are l a b e l l e d "strong vagabonds and mighty beggars". Their presence, at the l e a s t , causes unease among the populace, at worst i t causes u t t e r panic. D i s t i n -ctions are made about worthy and unworthy poor and an assumption i s 1 William Mavor, Plutarch's Lives, Mack, Andrus, and Woodruff, Ithaca, 1840, p. 120. 2 Consider, f o r example, the t e r r o r of brigands during the "grande peur" i n the time of the French Revolution -- or of the "hobo".in Canada and the United States i n the t h i r t i e s . 29 made that many, i f not most of the l a t t e r , prefer not to work. Measures are advocated to make rec e i p t of public funds as humiliating and d i s -graceful as possible with the harshest measures of repression reserved for the vagabond and beggar. Almost never i s i t suggested that the reasons behind the condition of the poor might l i e within the s o c i a l system; the f a u l t must l i e i n the i n d i v i d u a l and the measures which are advocated are aimed at correcting him of h i s f a u l t . Work, i n whatever period of h i s t o r y -- i n Protestant or Catholic countries as well as i n ancient Greece -- enobles man; at the least i t kept him out of mischief. Everyone, therefore, must work. CHAPTER I I I The Experience of the United States The philosophy underlying the development of r e l i e f of the des-t i t u t e i n the United States i s d i r e c t l y traced to poor law experience i n England.-^ E a r l y practices included boarding out and auctioning o f f the poor to the lowest bidder. "The amount of labor which persons who 'bought' the paupers could extract from them ... was considered a reason-able exchange for the l e g a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of maintaining them." 5 In some communities workhouses were established, as part of an integrated penal and poor r e l i e f system where stone-breaking and wood-cutting were used as punishment and for the purpose of providing work for the unemploy-ed, the vagrant, and the debtor. Indoor R e l i e f Because the provision of r e l i e f to fa m i l i e s i n t h e i r own homes was seen as encouraging indolence and d i s s i p a t i o n , a strong movement for the care of the poor i n almshouses developed. On farms operated i n conjunc-t i o n with them i t was hoped that the able-bodied men would produce suf-f i c i e n t f o r t h e i r own consumption as w e l l as for those unable to work while the women could be u s e f u l l y employed i n the operation of the es-tablishment as w e l l as i n spinning and weaving. Although almshouse care became a predominant method of meeting the needs of the d e s t i t u t e the 1 Lewis Meriam, R e l i e f and S o c i a l Security, The Brookings I n s t i t u t i o n , Washington, D.C., 1946, pp. 7-8. v 2 John Charnow, Work R e l i e f Experience i n the United States, Committee on S o c i a l Security of the S o c i a l Science Research Council, Pamphlet Series No. 8, Washington, D.C., Feb. 1943, p. 79. ... 31 farms attached to them tended to become l i a b i l i t i e s instead of assets because the able-bodied among the inmates were such a small proportion of the total.1 Considerable controversy centered around whether public p o l i c y should favor "indoor" rather than "outdoor" r e l i e f . Indoor r e l i e f was providing the n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e to the d e s t i t u t e within an i n s t i t u t i o n such as an almshouse or poor house. Outdoor r e l i e f was the maintenance of persons i n the community outside an i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e t t i n g . Arguments i n favor of outdoor r e l i e f included the b e l i e f that i t was a more ki n d l y method of meeting need because i t did not e n t a i l the separation of poor persons from r e l a t i v e s and friends and was not as conspicuous or d i s g r a c e f u l as admittance to an i n s t i t u t i o n ; i t was "appar-ently economical" because i t cost l e s s than "to maintain the same number of persons i n an almshouse"; and i t was not p r a c t i c a l to provide enough accommodation to meet peak seasonal demands for a short period and have "great buildings vacant during the summer".2 Arguments opposed to outdoor r e l i e f included those which suggested that because i t was " l e s s manifestly d i s g r a c e f u l than the indoor system" i t increased the number of ap p l i c a t i o n s and thus increased c o s t s ; 3 that i t e n t a i l e d an exercise of a di s c r i m i n a t i o n between cases by public 1 Charnow, op. c i t . , p. 80. 2 Charles A. Elwood, "Public Outdoor R e l i e f , " American Journal of Socio- logy, V ol. 6, 1900-01, pp. 90-91. . 3 The same debate had taken place i n England. The judgement of one h i s -t o r i a n today i s that: "Their i s no evidence whatever of that most popular of a l l the charges l e v i e d at the Old Poor Law: the "snow-ball e f f e c t " of outdoor r e l i e f to the able-bodied." Mark Blaug, "The Myth of the Old.Poor Law and the Making of the New". The Journal of Economic History, V ol. 23, No. 2, June 1963, p. 167. . 32 o f f i c i a l s that they were incapable of; that "corruption of p o l i t i c s " re-sulted which led to a lowering of "whole tone of the population"; as well as led to a lowering of wages. 1 Public No Private Provision for the Destitute Concurrently with the debate about the appropriateness of outdoor r e l i e f was the question of whether i t should be provided by public or private funds. In the opinion of Professor C.R. Henderson public outdoor r e l i e f was unnecessary: "Private c h a r i t y would supply a l l the n e c e s s i t i e s of such cases, i f the state simply and i n s t a n t l y withdrew from t h i s f i e l d and ceased to levy taxes for t h i s purpose", 2 Another opponent of public administration of outdoor r e l i e f stated: I f the same amount of outdoor r e l i e f was granted through organized s o c i e t i e s , i t would do a greater amount of good (because) large numbers of the r e c i p i e n t s of outdoor r e l i e f are of such a c l a s s that they need help other than the mere r e l i e f they receive, and should have lessons i n industry, sobriety, and economy ... and be helped i n hundreds of other ways that w i l l make them useful and s e l f - s u s t a i n i n g ; and t h i s work can be done only by a c h a r i t a b l e organization.3 On the other hand i t was argued that public r e l i e f , granted only a f t e r a "searching i n q u i r y i n a l l matters pertaining to the case, and then only temporary" prevented "imposing on c h a r i t a b l y disposed persons, as i s often 1 Butler, commenting upon the e f f e c t of a careless administration of out-door r e l i e f , said: "... the g i v i n g of a i d to one family frequently had the r e s u l t of i n f e c t i n g the whole community with the b l i g h t of pauperism. With public support cut o f f , except i n cases of absolute necessity, the only a l -ternative was self-support, and t h i s benefited both the c i t i z e n and the s t a t e . " Amos W. Butler, "A Decade of O f f i c i a l Poor-Relief i n Indiana," The  American Journal of Sociology, V o l . 11, 1905-06, pp. 776-78. 2 "Symposium on Public Outdoor R e l i e f , " Proceedings of the National Conference of C h a r i t i e s and Corrections, 1891, pp. 28-49, quoted i n Elwood, op. c i t . , p. 94. 3 Robert D. M'Gonnigle quoted i n Elwood, op. c i t . , p. 96-7. 33 the case."-'- Underlying these arguments was the b e l i e f that persons re-ceiving r e l i e f could become so accustomed to dependence upon others that they no longer exerted e f f o r t s on t h e i r own behalf and that t h i s depend-ence was primarily the r e s u l t of a weakness of character. No one who works among paupers f a i l s soon to learn that 'good times' do not greatly a f f e c t that class of people. Real pauper fa m i l i e s ... depend on c h a r i t y , be the times good or bad. 3 The Philosophy of the "Work-Test" or of "Make-Work" Colcord draws attention to the d i f f e r e n t uses work has been put to i n the development of r e l i e f p o l i c i e s i n the United States.4 An early device was the "work t e s t " i n which useless tasks such as wheeling stones from one side of a yard to another or of digging and r e f i l l i n g holes was seen by t h e i r advocates as deterring the w i l l f u l l y i d l e from seeking c h a r i t y . Another approach was the use of "made-work" i n which h a s t i l y conceived projects of no p a r t i c u l a r use or value such as sewing or re-p a i r i n g c l o t h i n g or the making of bandages were tasks set for persons i n need. This was based on the theory that persons were not w i l l i n g l y i d l e and i t was i n the i n t e r e s t s of preserving t h e i r morale and work habits to provide almost any kind of work for them to do so that they might earn the bare n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e rather than make them an outright grant of r e l i e f . With experience i t was found that the work-test was never very valuable and often p o s i t i v e l y harmful while the production from made-work projects were not p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l or of permanent value. I f attempts 1 Isaac P. Wright, quoted i n Elwood, op. c i t . , p. 101. 2 Milton D. Speizraan, "Poverty, Pauperism, and t h e i r Causes: Some Charity Organization Views," S o c i a l Casework, V o l . 46, 1965, pp. 142-149. 3 Butler, op. c i t . , p. 778. 4 Joanna-C. Colcord, et. a l . , Emergency Work R e l i e f , Russell Sage Foundation, New York, 1932, pp. 12-13. 34 were made to produce products which were us e f u l or of value "there was the r e a l danger that i t might i n t e r f e r e with the regular channels of trade and industry i f developed on a large s c a l e . " 1 The Duluth Rock P i l e An attempt to meet a problem of need, and yet avoid what i t f e l t were undesirable p o l i c i e s , i s given i n a d e s c r i p t i o n of a program adopted by the c i t y of Duluth i n the winters of 1911 and of 1912. 2 Situated at the head of the lakes, the c i t y was a f o c a l point for the seasonal and casual workers who passed through seeking dock, r a i l r o a d , and boat work i n the spring and i n the winter as they made t h e i r way south to lumber camps. In the winter of 1910-11 Associated C h a r i t i e s of Duluth found that the demands made upon t h e i r organization were of unusual proportions and "that s p e c i a l measures would have to be devised to deal with the i n -creased number of men who were i n d i s t r e s s from want of work.3 Accord-i n g l y a work-test was devised which sought to " f i n d out which were worthy of assistance and which were 'work-shy' or 'unemployable'. In addi t i o n to the work-test i t was necessary f o r those who were worthy of assistance to be given a chance to earn what they needed, instead of cha r i t a b l e re-l i e f . " ^ i n the c i t y a "huge wa l l of rock" stood i n the way of the exten-sion of i t s main thoroughfare. The secretary of Associated C h a r i t i e s s u c c e s s f u l l y proposed that the c i t y cooperate with them i n providing "work enough to enable a man to get food, shelter and whatever else he needed to 1 Colcord, Op. c i t . , p. 12 2 W.M. Leiserson, "The Duluth Rock P i l e , " The Survey, Vol 30, 1913, pp. 729-31 3 I b i d . , p. 729 4 Loc. c i t . 35 put him on the road to a steady j o b . " 1 To o f f s e t the higher cost which was a n t i c i p a t e d because the work was being done i n winter, and to ensure that persons able to get other work would not be a t t r a c t e d to the project, wage rates were set at $1.20 per day instead of the then p r e v a i l i n g rate of $1.50 to $1.75. I t was also expected that "the work could be made par-t i a l l y to pay for i t s e l f by crushing the rock and using i t for street paving" 2 Care was taken to ensure that regular conditions of employment prevailed: "The men had to prove t h e i r worth by holding down t h e i r jobs just as they would i n pr i v a t e employment. The men earned every cent they got and there was no danger of pauperizing them" 3 The work i t s e l f was seen as a necessary public improvement which would have had to be c a r r i e d out eventually. In 1911, 191 men worked an average of three days each. During the following winter, i n which the weather was extremely cold, 301 men were given work. The experiment was seen as "meeting the ordinary objections of r e l i e f work for the unemployed" because i t pro-vided u s e f u l work, subjected the men to "ordinary r u l e s of h i r i n g and f i r i n g " , enabled the men to earn the r e l i e f granted to them, and only provided work for those temporarily unemployed " f o r whom i n theory a l l r e l i e f works are designed" 4 In a d d i t i o n : "The quarry provided a means for separating the tramps and beggars from those temporarily down. The l a t t e r have been helped to t h e i r feet, while the former have found i t harder to get along."5 In the opinion of the State Superintendent of the 1. Leiserson, op. c i t . , p. 730 2. Loc. c i t . 3. Loc. c i t . 4. I b i d . , p. 731. 5. Loc. c i t . 36 Wisconsin Employment O f f i c e s , who reported on the project, the Duluth plan was u n l i k e l y "to develop the e v i l s of r e l i e f works so severely exposed by the Minority Report of the B r i t i s h Royal Commission on the Poor Laws" 1 The method chosen by the c i t y of Duluth to meet a sudden increase i n unemployment was r e l a t i v e l y simple and was a r e f l e c t i o n of the stage of the development of the s o c i a l services of the period. The economy of the area required large numbers of transient s i n g l e men who moved from one type of manual labor to another i n response to seasonal demands. With a slump i n the seasonal demand for t h e i r labor large numbers of men found themselves i n need. With wage rate of even $1.75 per day i t was not un-reasonable that large numbers of men would quickly exhaust what savings they may have accumulated. The r e l a t i v e l y unstructured society of the period provided no s o c i a l s e c u r i t y benefits and the c i t y depended upon a p r i v a t e c h a r i t a b l e society to meet the needs which existed from time to time. On the one hand there existed an acceptance of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of a s s i s t i n g the "temporarily down" while on the other there was a fear of pauperizing those who needed help. A s o l u t i o n to the dilemma was seen i n terms of providing u s e f u l work on a short term basis and yet which did not encourage i d l e men to remain i n the c i t y . In doing so an attempt was made to avoid what were seen to be the chief c r i t i c i s m s of work r e l i e f programs as they had developed to that time. Although the writer acknow-ledged that providing "orders on Associated C h a r i t i e s f o r food, c l o t h i n g , r a i l r o a d t i c k e t s and t c . , " was a "weakness of the experiment"2 he did not see paying for the work at less than the p r e v a i l i n g r a t e , or the necessity 1 Leiserson, op. c i t . , p. 731 2 Loc. c i t . 37 of lodging an average of f i f t y transients per night i n the p o l i c e s t a t i o n as objectionable. The p r o v i s i o n of work at the rock p i l e was seen as solving the problem. No question was r a i s e d whether employers of seasonal labor might have an o b l i g a t i o n towards the labor force upon which they de-pended beyong the immediate payment of wages. The opinions of the men affected were not reported. They may have seen the project as a make-work po l i c y of the c i t y which was anxious to speed transients on t h e i r way as quickly as possible -- as seems, i n f a c t , to have been the case. E a r l y Experiments i n Work-for-Relief The use of work-relief to meet the problem of unemployment i n the period p r i o r to the depression of the 1930's tended to r e f l e c t the stage of development of public assistance i n the United States. Where communi-t i e s had public arrangements for the provision of r e l i e f , work was some-times required of able-bodied persons i n return for the assistance given them. Charnow records that "In most communities, however,there was no work requirement since r e l a t i v e l y few persons on r e l i e f were able to work and l o c a l poor r e l i e f o f f i c i a l s generally had l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n any method of r e l i e f which would make i t more bothersome or expensive than i t already was."l Occasions arose when l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s found themselves faced with large scale unemployment as a r e s u l t of p e r i o d i c depressions. While pub-l i c works projects were sometimes used to meet the emergency i t was not . always possible to resort to t h i s device because of a lack of plans for s p e c i f i c projects or an unwillingness to undertake expensive c i v i c improve-ments. As an a l t e r n a t i v e m u n i c i p a l i t i e s might resort to work r e l i e f pro-jec t s suited to the needs of the community and to those of the unemployed. 1 Charnow, op. c i t . , p. 80, 38 The scope of these projects was often hampered by "a persistence of a work te s t philosophy, a b e l i e f that the emergency would soon be over, a lack of experience with work r e l i e f , an uncertainty of funds, and a re-luctance to devise projects i n v o l v i n g large outlays for materials ,.." 1 Where communities r e l i e d upon pri v a t e c h a r i t a b l e organizations to meet the r e l i e f needs of the unemployed a very d i f f e r e n t approach was sometimes taken by c i v i c a u t h o r i t i e s . During the large-scale unemploy-ment of the winter of 1914-15 a New York Association for Improving the Conditions of the Poor entered i n a "made work" arrangement under which i t s able-bodied c l i e n t s were paid by the A s s o c i a t i o n for work done i n one of the c i t y ' s parks. In the same winter Minneapolis Associated C h a r i t i e s "secured the p r i v i l e g e of 'logging o f f some land which was about to be inundated by new dams along the M i s s i s s i p p i , and paid i t s c l i e n t s wages, i n l i e u of r e l i e f , to do the work." 2 These were considered successful experiments i n that the men performed r e a l work of a useful nature under normal labor market conditions. Colcord records however, that: I t was at f i r s t d i f f i c u l t to induce m u n i c i p a l i t i e s to become i n -terested In the new plan. I t has been no unusual experience for a s o c i a l agency to o f f e r labor to the c i t y departments at no cost to the public treasury, and have i t f l a t l y refused. (One agency proposing such a project i n 1928 was) t o l d that the c i t y had no more work than regular c i t y laborers,.could do; and that untrained men would be a bother to t h e i r foremen, and l i k e l y to cost the c i t y money for accident compensation.3 1. Charnow, op. c i t . , p. 81 2. Colcord, op. c i t . , p. 13 3. Loc. c i t . 39 The Local Community Encounters The Depression It was growing cost of supporting m i l l i o n s of unemployed i n the United States at the onset of the depression of the 1930's which forced f i r s t state and l a t e r federal p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n r e l i e f programs.1 At f i r s t , however, l o c a l communities attempted to cope with the emergency within the e x i s t i n g framework of welfare services. In the c i t y of Cleveland, where private agencies had previously c a r r i e d the en t i r e r e l i e f burden, a public work r e l i e f program was begun i n the f a l l of 1930. 2 An i n i t i a l 6,500 men re g i s t e r e d for employment, each of whom subsequently was given three days work. Y i e l d i n g to con-siderable pressure, c i v i c o f f i c i a l s held a second r e g i s t r a t i o n at which time 11,200 men turned out. E f f o r t s to coordinate the d i r e c t r e l i e f program of the private agencies with that of the c i v i c work r e l i e f pro-gram proved d i f f i c u l t and unsatisfactory. Associated C h a r i t i e s f e l t that the "psychological value of work was l o s t when men were unable to receive anywhere near steady employment", and that the saving i n d i r e c t r e l i e f expenditures was almost n e g l i g i b l e as a r e s u l t of the program.3 The general f e e l i n g of private agencies was that "wage r e l i e f should not take funds which can be used for outright r e l i e f except where need i s so small, or resources so great, that a surplus remains a f t e r an adequate out-r i g h t r e l i e f budget i s assured."4 Kirby noted that at the time no s t a t i s -t i c s were a v a i l a b l e to d i s c l o s e the actual extent of unemployment: census 1 Eveline M. Burns, S o c i a l Security and Public P o l i c y , McGraw-Hill Book Co., New York, 1956, p. 215. 2 Colcord, op. c i t . , pp. 80-84. See also James P. Kirby, "How the Community i s Organized i n the Face of Pressing R e l i e f Problems," S o c i a l  Forces, V o l . 9, 1930/31, pp. 82-84. 3 Colcord, op. c i t . , p. 83. 4 I b i d . , p. 84. 40 o f f i c i a l s had suggested 50,000 persons were out of work but t h i s was "only an estimate". 1 The experience i n the c i t y of Rochester, New York was somewhat simi-l a r to that of Cleveland. 2 This c i t y had refused an o f f e r which the Family Welfare Society made i n 1928 to pay the wages of c l i e n t s who were to be given work i n c i t y parks. By the f a l l of 1930, however, the c i t y found i t s e l f faced with the necessity of assuming an increased r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the r e l i e f of unemployed persons whose needs had overwhelmed the re-sources of private agencies. Just under two-thirds of the 12,000 persons who applied were given part time employment. Alloway mentions that i n some cases assignment to work r e l i e f was intended as a work test.3 Colcord states that the number who f a i l e d to report for work was small: "In the main, they were reported as eager to get work and earn every cent possible." It was soon apparent that the funds a v a i l a b l e would be inadequate. Within a month maximum earnings were cut by one-third to one-half by reducing work-ing time. Twice the projects were i n danger of being closed down because of a lack of funds. By May of 1931 the sum of $750,000.00 had been expended At that time a further $50,000.00 had to be spent to complete work on un-f i n i s h e d projects even though i t "was not e n t i r e l y needed f or work r e l i e f 1 Kirby, op. c i t . , p. 582. 2 See Colcord, op. c i t . , pp. 192-200, and Joseph E. Alloway, "A Survey of Work R e l i e f for the Unemployed i n Rochester, New York, " S o c i a l Service  Review, V o l . 5, 1931, pp. 539-52. . 3 Alloway, op. c i t . , p. 540. 4 Colcord, op. c i t . , p. 196. 41 at that l a t e date". 1 Work e f f i c i e n c y was rated as averaging 52%. One-eighth of the expenditure was for mat e r i a l . Had a p o l i c y of d i r e c t re-l i e f been chosen instead of r e s o r t i n g to work r e l i e f only 65% of the amount expended would have been required. Supporters of the work r e l i e f projects f e l t the c i t y had gained l a s t i n g c i v i c assets although t h e i r value was only 527. of the money expended. 2 The prospect of appropriating $1,000,000.00 to cover the 1931-32 program was a cause of considerable concern to Rochester's p o l i t i c a l leaders. Alloway suggested that the work r e l i e f plan could be improved by asking organized labor to agree to a l l \-wages being set at a "predetermined work r e l i e f b a s i s " instead of the union scale so that "more r e l i e f to more i n d i v i d u a l s could be supplied with the same amount of money" and work e f f i c i e n c y could be improved by allowing men to work more hours so they could earn more money.3 Colcord's study of work r e l i e f examined the experience of twenty-six communities which had attempted to meet the problem of large scale unemployment and d e s t i t u t i o n during the f i r s t years of the depression by using work r e l i e f . For most communities, i f not a l l , the outcome of the projects was influenced by the emergency nature of the programs and the combination of an anachronistic system of welfare services with c o n f l i c t -ing i d e o l o g i c a l approaches. Advance p u b l i c i t y led to expectations of employment which could not be f u l f i l l e d . This was seen as a mistake. ^ 1 Alloway, op. c i t . , p. 545. 2 Ibid., p. 550 3 Ibid., p. 552. The reasoning seems somewhat torturous. 4 Colcord, op. c i t . , p. 230 42 The number of applicants exceeded the job opportunities which could be provided i n s p i t e of the fact that work placements were rationed or rotated and i n most cases l i m i t e d to those with l e g a l residence i n the community.1 Projects were not always r e s t r i c t e d to applicants already on r e l i e f with the r e s u l t that the funds a v a i l a b l e were exhausted sooner than they might otherwise have been. Since preservation of morale was an im-portant objective, enabling persons to "get by" without being forced to apply for r e l i e f t h i s was seen as a v a l i d and s o c i a l l y desirable objective. The extent of the emergency, and the l i m i t e d resources of l o c a l communities, i n e v i t a b l y l e d to a depletion of funds and abondonment of the more ex-pensive work-relief i n favor of d i r e c t r e l i e f i n order to meet stark need. Attempts to e s t a b l i s h disagreeable projects based on a work test p h i l o -sophy di d not n e c e s s a r i l y achieve t h e i r objective: "One c i t y which r e l i e d on the very nature of the hard outdoor labour provided, to deter from seeking i t those whose need was less than desperate, found that a f a i r proportion of t h r i f t y , hard-working f o l k had no objection to supplementing t h e i r resources i n t h i s way."2 In some instances persons were so des-perate for work that they concealed information about physical d i s a b i l i -t i e s . U n s u i t a b i l i t y for work was not revealed because medical examina-tions were omitted i n most communities. This omission had t r a g i c conse-quences as f o r example when death from heart condition or strangulated hernia was caused by overexertion.^ While many communities r e l i e d upon 1 Colcord, op. c i t . , p. 230., p. 21. At the time the study was made Colcord reports that i n Connecticut persons without U.S. c i t i z e n s h i p could not gain residence no matter how long they had l i v e d i n the state. Even- c i t i z e n s had to have l i v e d i n a community for four years without public assistance of any kind to gain residence. ( P . 51 ) 2 I b i d . , p. 237 3 I b i d . , p. 238; see also Charnow, op. c i t . , p. 28 43 projects which offered only hard outdoor labor there was one notable ex-ception. Philadelphia undertook work r e l i e f projects which u t i l i z e d the t r a i n i n g and s k i l l s of a r c h i t e c t s , engineers, s t a t i s t i c i a n s , draftsmen, typographers, d i e t i c i a n s , cooks, entertainers and musicians who were num-bered among the unemployed. 1 Their program, however, came to a sudden end when funds ran out a f t e r four and a h a l f months. Even i n t h i s case i t was f e l t that the o v e r a l l r e s u l t s were somewhat les s than an unquali-f i e d success. This same judgement can be applied to the experience of almost a l l l o c a l communities i n t h e i r attempt to use work r e l i e f as one means of coping with the problems they faced at the onset of the de-pression. They had no way of assessing the magnitude of the task they had undertaken. Their resources were soon overwhelmed. Intervention, by the f e d e r a l government, was i n e v i t a b l e . The Intervention of The Federal Government of the United States The experience of the federal government of the United States with work r e l i e f projects was not p a r t i c u l a r l y successful. The Federal Emergency R e l i e f Administration (FERA), was the f i r s t f ederal agency es-tablished to meet the problem. At a time when acreage reduction and crop control was seen as one answer to " s t a r v a t i o n prices for farm products" 2 l o c a l ERA farm supervisors were r e q u i r i n g " r u r a l r e l i e f cases capable of farming" to sign contracts to farm a c e r t a i n acreage or be cut o f f from r e l i e f r o l l s . 3 ^he establishment upon land of t h e i r own was seen as lead-1 Colcord, op. c i t . , pp. 172-73. 2 Gordon W. Blackwell,. Rural R e l i e f I n the South: FERA's Problem i n Eastern North Carolina, Law and Contemporary Problems, .Vol. 1, 1933-34, p. 391. 3 I b i d . , p. 396. 44 ing to the "permanent r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of a large number of the most de-serving and most capable r e l i e f f a m i l i e s " . 1 These contradictory p o l i c i e s , which were embarked upon i n an attempt to solve the problem of r u r a l re-l i e f , continued under the auspices of other federal agencies with r e s u l t s which were inconsistent, c o n t r o v e r s i a l , and anything but successful.2 But the problems of the r u r a l population, where, i n 1935, one per-son i n eight were dependent upon some form of r e l i e f , were not as severe as that of urban areas where one person i n six was on r e l i e f . 3 Seven months a f t e r the establishment of FERA i t s work r e l i e f functions were superseded by the C i v i l Works Administration which sought to abolish "the humiliation of the dole" by providing regular work at regular wages, for four m i l l i o n unemployed, h a l f of whom were expected to include a l l the employable persons on r e l i e f r o l l s . ^ While i t would appear that CWA achieved part of i t s announced objective, the work provided was "mainly of a made-work character",-* and i t s programs were terminated within six months because i t had aroused p o l i t i c a l fears implying that the unemployed had a " r i g h t to work" and because President Roosevelt had found i t was 1 Blackwell, op. c i t . , p. 393. 2 Meriam, op. c i t . , pp. 271-326. 3 Arthur D. Gayer, Public Works and Unemployment i n the United States, I n s t i t u t e of P a c i f i c Relations, American Council Papers, No. 4, 1936, p. 33. 4 Peter Bachrach, ."The Right, to .Work: Emergency of the Idea i n the United ."States," S o c i a l Service Review, V o l . 26, 1952, p. 153. 5 Gayer, op. c i t . , p. 20. 45 " r e l a t i v e l y c o s t l y " . 1 Under the Works Progress Administration program which replaced CWA a major emphasis was placed upon h i r i n g employable persons from r e l i e f r o l l s i n order to provide work to the most needy and l i m i t the scale of expenditures. 2 Because WPA mainly accepted persons who had been c e r t i f i e d f o r r e l i e f by l o c a l communities a number of d i f f i c u l t i e s arose. Some com-munities followed l i b e r a l p o l i c i e s of c e r t i f i c a t i o n and there was even a tendency "to be more lenient towards persons applying for r e l i e f f o r the ultimate purpose of obtaining work r e l i e f j o b s " . 3 Some communities went to the other extreme, ei t h e r continuing a p o l i c y of reluctance to grant r e l i e f to anyone, or fea r i n g the consequences of accepting and c e r t i f y i n g applicants for whom they might incur a continuing l i a b i l i t y i f WPA f a i l e d to h i r e them or subsequently c u r t a i l e d i t s program. WPA projects ranged from construction work on highways, roads and streets which accounted for 75 to 85 per cent of employment to those which pro-vided jobs sewing, canning, f u r n i t u r e and toy mending, and others which offered opportunities to women. Some work opportunities for professional persons were offered i n community service projects i n education, recre-a t i o n , l i b r a r y , museum and art programs. The use of r e l i e f funds also enabled surveys and research projects to be c a r r i e d out, which proved to 1 Bachrach, op. c i t . , p. 154. 2 Charnow, op. c i t . , p. 13. Eveline Burns points out that "at no: time did the program provide work f o r as many as 40 per cent of the estimated numbers of unemployed ...." See: S o c i a l Security and Public P o l i c y , P. 227, footnote 6. 3 Charnow, op. c i t . , p. 15 46 be "exceptionally good at maintaining the morale of the workers engaged on them". 1 Reviewing the economics of work r e l i e f Lester concluded that 'the e f f i c i e n c y of projects c a r r i e d out "on a l l r e l i e f projects through-out the country has not been above 50 per cent of normal". This low e f f i c i e n c y r a t i n g was inherent i n the nature of work r e l i e f where pro-gram and p o l i c i e s changed frequently, funds tended to be a l l o c a t e d on a month to month basis, workmen were employed on short s h i f t s and rotated, and i n many instances were unsuited for the outdoor manual labor involved. A d d i t i o n a l l y the use of hand methods and large numbers of workers i n e v i t -ably led to higher costs. To have made extensive use of labor-saving machinery would have diverted funds from t h e i r primary purpose: the pro-v i s i o n of work i n the face of mass unemployment. Even so, non-wage expenses ranged from 18 to 26 per cent of t o t a l expenditures. " F i n a l l y , work pro-grams tend to enhance r e l i e f expenditures by inducing c l i e n t s to apply f o r r e l i e f who otherwise would not do so, or at least not so soon."3 Work r e l i e f was frequently advocated because i t maintained morale. It was suggested by various writers that t h i s objective was achieved at 1 Howard B. Myers, "Research with R e l i e f Funds -- Past, Present and Future," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, V o l . 1, 1935, p. 774. The same problems which beset most work r e l i e f projects -- the urgent need fo r immediate employment opportunities, inadequate advance planning, abandonment because of exhaustion of funds, improper design or execution, and many others -- also a f f e c t e d research projects c a r r i e d out under CWA and WPA and the r e s u l t s were admittedly disappionting. 2 Richard A. Lester, "Is Work R e l i e f Economical?" S o c i a l Service Review, Vol . 10, 1936,,p. 266... 47 least i n p a r t . 1 A contrary view was expressed by Meriam, who remarked: In some communities i t was said that private employers regarded experience on WPA as a l i a b i l i t y rather than an asset on an a p p l i c a t i o n for a job. I f such was the f a c t , or was believed to be the f a c t , WPA was scarcely a morale r e s t o r e r . 2 One study indicated that at least some f a m i l i e s on WPA s t i l l faced emotional and f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s with which they required help, but, while they were c r i t i c a l of some aspects of t h e i r employment, 947o of the sample studied indicated they preferred work to r e l i e f . 3 The experiences of the United States during the years of the depression provided an opportunity f o r a widespread experimentation with work r e l i e f over a prolonged period. These experiences were subjected to a considerable degree of study and research. Because h i s assessment was written at the conclusion of fe d e r a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n these schemes, and he was able to draw upon a wide range of sources, Charnow's findings would appear to have s p e c i a l relevance: I n i t i a l l y , work r e l i e f was usu a l l y acclaimed as a superior emergency method for meeting a c r i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n . A f t e r a program had continued over a period of time, however, permitting a cumulative awareness of i t s shortcomings, i t s i t s morale values began to taper o f f . Community at t i t u d e s became less sympathetic, even d e r i s i v e , as the program assumed a semi-permanent character. The predominance pre-ference for work as a moral duty to be exacted from persons r e c e i v i n g public support diminished as costs mounted, taxes 1 Lester, op. c i t . , p. 274; Margaret C. B r i s t o l and Helen Wright, "Some Aspects of Work R e l i e f i n Chicago,". S o c i a l Service Review, V o l . 8, 1934, p. 649; F. Stuart Chapin and J u l i u s A. Jahn, "The Advantages of Work R e l i e f over Direct R e l i e f i n Maintaining Morale i n St. Paul i n 1939," The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 46, 1940-41, p. 22. 2 Merriam, op. c i t . , p. 421. 3 Emily N. B a r t l e t t , "WPA Employment as Viewed by the C l i e n t s of a Family Agency," Smith.College Studies i n S o c i a l Work, Vol. 8, 1937-38,. p. 274. 48 increased and the workers seemed to be developing an a t t i t u d e that the government was obligated to provide work for the unemployed . ...^ The Canadian Experience S o c i a l welfare services were almost unknown i n Canada at the time of Confederation. The Canada of 1867 was l a r g e l y a r u r a l com-munity "and what would today be described as ' s o c i a l problems' were then viewed as the natural concern of the family, l o c a l community, or church, rather than of the s t a t e " . 2 This unimportant area of responsi-b i l i t y was assigned to the provinces under Section 92 of the BNA Act, either under subsection 7 which l i s t e d "Asylums, C h a r i t i e s , and Eleemosynary I n s t i t u t i o n s , — or under subsection 16 "Generally a l l matters of a merely l o c a l or private Nature i n the Province". The provinces i n turn considered c h a r i t i e s , etc., the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . While i t was intended that new subjects of n a t i o n a l importance would become the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the federal government under the r e s i d u a l powers thought to have been defined under "peace, order and good government," subsequent j u d i c i a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was to place these under p r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n under the equally vague enumerated power of "property and c i v i c r i g h t s " . 4 Public assistance to the able-bodied unemployed was thus considered to be a l o c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The depression of the 1930's 1 Charnow, op. c i t . , pp. 115-16. 2 E l i s a b e t h Wallace, "The O r i g i n of the S o c i a l Welfare S.tate i n Canada, 1862-1900," Canadian Journal of Economics and P o l i t i c a l Science, V o l . 16, 1950, p. 384 3 A. E. Grauer, Public Assistance and S o c i a l Insurance. A study pre-pared for the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations, Kings P r i n t e r , Ottawa, 1939, p. 28 4 Robert MacGregor Dawson, The Government of Canada, 3rd rev. ed., The U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1957, pp. 105-113. See a l s o : H. C a r l Goldenberg, " S o c i a l and Economic Problems i n Canadian Federalism," Canadian Bar Review, V o l . 12, 1934, p. 423. 49 overwhelmed l o c a l resources and very quickly also those of the pro-vinces. The federal government soon found i t necessary to provide s u b s t a n t i a l f i n a n c i a l assistance to the provinces for the r e l i e f of the unemployed during the depression. With the return of more stable con-d i t i o n s the r e l i e f of the able-bodied was again considered to be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the provinces. Not u n t i l the passage of the Unemploy-ment Assistance Act of 1956 d i d the federal government again assume a d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the r e l i e f of the able-bodied unemployed. 1 The p r o v i s i o n of r e l i e f to able-bodied, needy persons r e f l e c t s t h i s h i s t o r i c a l d i v i s i o n of r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Canadian experience has also been influenced by other h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l f a c t ors as w e l l as deve-lopments i n the United States. The Poor Law of New France In New France as early as 1677 i t had apparently been advisable to p r o h i b i t healthy beggars from begging and to impose sanctions upon inhabitants to prevent them from giving alms. That the p r o h i b i t i o n had been i n e f f e c t i v e i s indicated by an Order of the Superior Council of Quebec, dated A p r i l 26, 1683, which reaffirmed the intent of the pre-vious order and c a l l e d for i t s enforcement with the penalty for the f i r s t offence "to be placed i n the i r o n c o l l a r " and for repeated offences "to be given the c a t - o ' - n i n e - t a i l s " . 2 Five years l a t e r , i n 1688, another 1 See Douglas Weatherbee Fowler, The Unemployment Assistance Act (1956) unpublished Master of S o c i a l Work Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1958. - „ 2 S. D. Clark, The S o c i a l Development of Canada, The U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1942, pp. 47-48. 50 Order of the Council again c a l l e d a t t e n t i o n to persons who ware maintaining themselves, t h e i r wives and c h i l d r e n , i n idleness and la z i n e s s instead of working. This order c a l l e d f o r the establishment of a poor board i n each of the settlements of Quebec, Three Rivers, and Montreal* The Director of the Poor was to be responsible f or i n v e s t i g a t i o n of a p p l i c a t i o n s , the seeking of work for those able to work -- men and women — and he had authority to determine the working conditions which had to be accepted. In 1692 Louis XIV gave permission for the establishment of a poorhouse i n Quebec as "the best and most i n f a l l i b l e remedy" recommended by the "our dear and good f r i e n d the Bishop of Quebec" to cope with the problem of :: those who preferred idleness and begging, or " l i b e r t i n i s m with the savages" i n the woods to "the hardship involved i n c l e a r i n g and c u l t i v a t i n g the s o i l " . 1 In 1694 a poorhouse was also established at Montreal. These measures were aimed i n part at meeting the needs of the impotent poor. Also apparent, however, appears to be an attempt to i n h i b i t a s o c i a l process which was considered to be out of harmony with the aims i t was hoped would be achieved i n the new settlements. The leaders of the community wished to e s t a b l i s h a s e t t l e d agrarian society under a s e i g n e u r i a l system; the geographic and economic environment suggested, to some of the more adventuresome at l e a s t , that the way of l i f e of the coureur de bois engaged i n exploration and fur trading offered an e x c i t i n g a l t e r n a t i v e . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that there i s some s i m i l a r i t y between the measures advocated i n New France and those which had been adopted i n England at the time of the Black Death over three hundred years e a r l i e r and i n those i n Rouen i n 1534. 1 Clark, op. c i t . , p. 50 51 In what was subsequently to become the province of Quebec the church was f e l t to be the appropriate agency for the d i s t r i b u t i o n of alms. Massive municipal and p r o v i n c i a l expenditures were required for r e l i e f of the unemployment i n Quebec during the depression of the 1930's, as elsewhere, and these came under p r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n , but even as l a t e as 1956 i t could be recorded that the p r o v i n c i a l law does not make provision for able-bodied i n -digents ... m u n i c i p a l i t i e s for the most part have no assistance budget for t h i s category ... (so that) the expense f a l l s upon priv a t e organizations St..Vincent de Paul s o c i e t i e s . 1 I t i s to be noted, however, that Quebec has subsidized r e l i g i o u s c h a r i -table i n s t i t u t i o n s from p r o v i n c i a l funds dating from the period when i t was known as "Lower Canada". 2 The Poor Law of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick The provision of r e l i e f i n Nova Scotia and New Brunswick has a h i s t o r y dating from c o l o n i a l times. The l e g i s l a t i o n i n these provinces i s d i s t i n c t l y based upon Elizabethan poor law p r i n c i p l e s . As early as 1700 the Overseers of the poor i n Halifax c a l l e d the a t t e n t i o n of the House of Assembly to the d i f f i c u l t i e s they faced i n carrying out t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s for placing the poor i n the Work-house, i n obtaining funds, and suggested there were f a m i l i e s with c h i l d -ren who required only temporary r e l i e f who were "not proper objects for a Work House". 3 The unit of administration i n Nova Scotia was the l o c a l . ,1 .Province. _o.f Quebec, Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on  Co n s t i t u t i o n a l Problems, V o l . I l l , Book I, 1956, p. 75. See also Dorothy King, "Unemployed Aid (Direct R e l i e f ) " i n L. Richter (Ed.), Canada's Unemployment Problem, The MacMillan Co., Toronto, 1939, pp. 72-73. 2 Margaret K i r k p a t r i c k Strong, Public Welfare Administration i n Canada, The University, of Chicago Press, 1930, p. 29. 3 Clark, op. c i t . , pp. 133-34. 52 poor d i s t r i c t which was wholly responsible f or costs. By 1942 there were at least 304 of these separate j u r i s d i c t i o n s i n the province. 1 Wallace records that i t was almost i n c r e d i b l e that as l a t e as 1900 a clause was added to the Poor R e l i e f Act s t i p u l a t i n g that "The over-seers s h a l l not provide for the maintenance of the poor by putting up the same at public a u c t i o n . " 2 I n d i c a t i v e of the general approach throughout the province of a r e l i a n c e upon i n s t i t u t i o n a l care or " i n -door r e l i e f " was the fact that even i n 1942 "the C i t y of Halifax granted no home r e l i e f , o f f e r i n g only care i n the C i t y Home or nothing at a l l " . 3 Wallace records that despite the severe c r i t i c i s m s of the poor law administration contained i n George F. Davidson's Report on  Public Welfare Services to the Nova Scotia Royal Commission of Provin-c i a l Development and R e h a b i l i t a t i o n of 1944^ " the o l d poor law system has .... been l i t t l e altered".-* The Nova Scotia Poor Law was replaced i n 1958 by the General Assistance Act.6 R e l i e f practices i n New Brunswick were also based upon poor law 1 Cassidy, Public Health and Welfare Reorganization, p. 408. 2 Mary El i z a b e t h Wallace, The Changing Canadian State; A Study of  the Changing Conception of the State as Revealed i n Canadian S o c i a l  L e g i s l a t i o n 1867-1948, Doctoral D i s s e r t a t i o n Columbia Un i v e r s i t y , 1950, U n i v e r s i t y M i c r o f i l m Reprint, 1963, p. 52. 3 Cassidy, Public.Health and Welfare Reorganization, p. 412. 4 Nova Sco t i a , Report of the Royal Commission on P r o v i n c i a l Develop- ment and R e h a b i l i t a t i o n , Robert MacGregor Dawson Commissioner, Halifax, N.S., 1944 (see Part IV, George F. Davidson, Report on Public Welfare Services). . 5 Wallace, The Changing Canadian.State, p. 52. 6 John S. Morgan, " S o c i a l Jtfelfare Services i n Canada," i n Michael O l i v e r , (ed.), S o c i a l Purpose for Canada, The University.of Toronto Press, Toronto,.1961, p. 135, footnote 15. 53 p r i n c i p l e s . Their l e g i s l a t i o n , enacted i n 1786, was as "a c o l o n i a l d r a f t of the Elizabethan Poor Law of 1601". 1 Cassidy found the provi-sions of the law archaic and i t s administration capricious and puni-t i v e . Almshouses existed i n each l o c a l poor law d i s t r i c t . Outdoor r e l i e f was not granted i n St. John i n 1941 i f accommodation was a v a i l -able i n the municipal almshouse. There was no p r o v i n c i a l f i n a n c i a l assistance to l o c a l d i s t r i c t s and no administrative supervision. Morgan records that, (while engaged i n a survey of welfare services of New Brunswick i n 1949) he was " i n t r i g u e d " , to f i n d that the o r i g i -n al statute was s t i l l the basic l e g i s l a t i o n of the province. 2 I t was only repealed i n 1960. The R e l i e f of De s t i t u t i o n i n Upper Canada Upper Canada established a House of Industry i n 1837 i n order to provide for the employment of the indigent and i d l e . ^ Within i t were committed the poor who were incapable of supporting themselves; those without means who, while able to work, refused or neglected to do so; those l i v i n g a lewd, d i s s o l u t e and vagrant l i f e ; and " a l l such as spend t h e i r time and property i n public houses to the neglect of t h e i r lawful c a l l i n g " . I t s existence apparently d i d not solve the problem of begging which i n 1858, when Toronto's population was l i s t e d at 50,000, was described as a nuisance which was growing i n t o l e r a b l e : Pass where you w i l l , and as often as you w i l l , you are beset with some sturdy applicant f o r alms -- they dodge you round 1 Cassidy, Public Health and Welfare Reorganization, p. 394. 2 Morgan, op. c i t . , p. 135, footnote 15. 3 Strong, op. c i t . , p. 27. 54 corners, they follow you into shops, they are to be found at the church steps, they are at the door of the theatre, they i n f e s t the entrance of every bank, they crouch i n the lobby of the post o f f i c e , they a s s a i l you i n every s t r e e t , knock at your private residence, and beard you with a p e r t i n a c i t y that takes no d e n i a l . 1 As well as making some public p r o v i s i o n f or d e s t i t u t i o n there was considerable r e l i a n c e upon private c h a r i t a b l e organizations. The question of whether d e s t i t u t i o n was best r e l i e v e d by private rather than public means, mentioned e a r l i e r to have the case i n the United States, was also r a i s e d i n Ontario during the 1880-90's. '"There i s no agency,' said the C h r i s t i a n Guardian, 'which can so e f f e c t i v e l y mitigate the sufferings of poverty as organized and r i g h t l y d i r e c t e d C h r i s t i a n benevolence'."2 In 1893 i t was urged that judicious p r i -vate c h a r i t y might make i t unnecessary to set up a system of public r e l i e f . This was rejected by Goldwin Smith who maintained that pub-l i c r e l i e f was not as l i k e l y to pauperise the person as private c h a r i t y which was apt to be unwisely g i v e n . 3 Ontario s p e c i f i c a l l y excluded the Poor Law of England from i t s statutes at Confederation.^ In the development of public r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for r e l i e f of d e s t i t u t e persons the province r e l i e d upon Houses of Refuge established by l o c a l governments. These date from 1 8 9 0 . O u t d o o r re-l i e f was also given but i t was not p o l i c y to enforce a "work-house t e s t " before t h i s was granted. Attached to the county refuges, however, were 1 Wallace, The Changing Canadian State, p. 53. 2 I b i d . , pp. 93-94 3 I b i d . , p. 58, footnote 80 4 Morgan, op. c i t . , p. 135. 5 Strong, op. c i t . , p. 127 55 farms on which an e f f o r t (was) made to keep as many persons employed according to t h e i r a b i l i t y as (was) p r a c t i c a b l e . " 1 During the de-pression of the 1930's d i r e c t r e l i e f was, of course, widespread. Ontario's p r o v i n c i a l treasurer records that: "The m u n i c i p a l i t i e s have always been advised that where an able-bodied man i s given d i r e c t r e l i e f he i s ex-pected to do an amount of work somewhat equivalent to the amount of re-l i e f g i v e n . " 2 Early Provision for The Destitute i n B r i t i s h Columbia I t i s generally considered that B r i t i s h Columbia has never had a poor law. 3 The Municipal Act of 1872 provided that municipal councils may pay By-laws i n r e l a t i o n to the r e l i e f of the poor.4 The influence of English Poor Law philosophy i n shaping subsequent l e g i s l a t i o n i s seen i n l a t e r amendments so that the provision read: For granting a i d to c h a r i t a b l e i n s t i t u t i o n s , and for the r e l i e f of the poor; and for erecting, leasing, or e s t a b l i s h i n g of a poor house, or house f o r the aged and i n f i r m , either within or 1 Strong, op. c i t . , p. 128. 2 Hon. E.A. Dunlop, " F i n a n c i a l Problems of a P r o v i n c i a l Treasurer," i n Canadian Problems, A C o l l e c t i o n of Papers Read at the F i r s t Annual L i b e r a l - Conservative Summer School, Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, Toronto, 1933,.p. 233. 3 Cassidy. Public Health and Welfare Reorganization, p. 44. Grounds may e x i s t for challenging t h i s statement. One r e s u l t of the English Law Ordinance, RS of BC 1871, Chapter 70, was to declare applicable to the Province the c i v i l and cri m i n a l laws of England, as they existed on the 19th day of November, 1858, subject to such l e g i s l a t i o n to the contrary which may have been enacted by the colonies of Vancouver Island and of B r i t i s h Columbia. In the absence of c o l o n i a l l e g i s l a t i o n i n t h i s area i t i s suggested that the New Poor Law of 1837 of England applied, for a period at l e a s t , to B r i t i s h Columbia. Needless to say i t was never im-plemented. '4 35 RS of BC, 1872, Section 21, Subsection 9. This was amended i n 1881 to read "the r e l i e f of the poor and a i d to ch a r i t a b l e i n s t i t u t i o n s . " 56. without the municipal l i m i t s , for disabled or decrepit persons. 1 However, as pointed out by Cassidy, "the o b l i g a t i o n did not mean much i n the early days of municipal h i s t o r y , p a r t l y because demands for re-l i e f were small and p a r t l y because there was no p r o v i n c i a l machinery to guarantee that the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s would take i t s e r i o u s l y . 2 In i t s submission to the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations, the province explained the absence of governmental machinery: The p o l i c y seems to have been to encourage private c h a r i t y to do what i s now considered a public duty. This p o l i c y was quite i n keeping with the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l philosophy of the time, and the burden of the s o c i a l services had not then become too great to be handled by private i n s t i t u t i o n s with governmental assistance.3 U n t i l the 1930's Vancouver was the only municipality with a permanently organized r e l i e f department. As l a t e as 1932 the adminis-t r a t i o n of c i v i c r e l i e f i n V i c t o r i a was l e f t mainly to the F r i e n d l y Help Association whose secretary, since 1911, also held the post of c i t y r e l i e f o f f i c e r . 4 This c h a r i t a b l e organization was subsidized from public funds. In the greater portion of the province there were no municipal organizations. To provide for the needs of d e s t i t u t e persons i n t h i s "unorganized t e r r i t o r y " a "Destitute, Poor and Sick Fund" was established i n the p r o v i n c i a l treasury i n 1880 but a p p l i c a t i o n s were few 1 33 RS of BC, 1892, Section 104, Subsection 16. 2 Cassidy, Public Health and Welfare Reorganization, p. 44. 3 B r i t i s h Columbia, B r i t i s h Columbia i n the Canadian Confederation Submission presented to the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations by the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, V i c t o r i a , B.C., 1938, p. 98. 4 Cassidy, Public Health and Welfare Reorganization, pp. 44-45. 57 and the amounts paid out t r i f l i n g . 1 In common with the remainder of Canada, B r i t i s h Columbia experienced severe unemployment during the years 1920-1926 "and during t h i s period Dominion-provincial grants were made to Vancouver and a few other B r i t i s h Columbia m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n support of r e l i e f works or d i r e c t r e l i e f . " 2 The necessity f o r provid-ing "a c e r t a i n amount of relief-work" for residents during 1926 was noted by the Superintendent of the Employment Service of the B.C. Department of Labour.^ Canada Meets the Depression The scale of unemployment of the depression of the early 1930's quickly overwhelmed l o c a l and p r o v i n c i a l resources and made the i n t e r -vention of the federal government again necessary. Various programs of r e l i e f work became an i n t e g r a l part of p o l i c i e s adopted to cope with the emergency. Federal assistance i n meeting r e l i e f costs during the depression was f i r s t provided f o r i n the Unemployment R e l i e f Act of 1930 which appropriated a sum of $20,000,000.00 to be used throughout Canada. Four m i l l i o n d o l l a r s of t h i s amount was reserved for d i r e c t r e l i e f costs. The agreement with B r i t i s h Columbia provided for a 25% federal and 25% 1 Ernest David H i l l , The Regional Administration of Public Welfare i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Unpublished Master of S o c i a l Work Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1950, p. 7. 2 Cassidy, Public Health and Welfare Reorganization, p. 44. Federal and p r o v i n c i a l assistance i n r e l i e v i n g unemployment was required through-out Canada i n t h i s period. Generally senior l e v e l s of government i n s i s t e d no precedent was being established thereby. Grauer, op. c i t . , p. 17. 3 B r i t i s h Columbia, Annual Report of the Department of Labour for the Year Ending December 31, 1926, V i c t o r i a , B.C., 1927, p. F53. 5 8 p r o v i n c i a l sharing of costs of r e l i e f works i n s t i t u t e d by munici-p a l i t i e s and for the sharing of d i r e c t r e l i e f costs on the basis of one-third each. In unorganized t e r r i t o r y the fe d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments shared costs equally. The federal share of t o t a l r e l i e f costs i n B r i t i s h Columbia under the Act subsequently amounted to $ . 1 , 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 . 0 0 , The regulations issued under the federal Unemployment R e l i e f Act of 1 9 3 0 s p e c i f i c a l l y required that the provisions of federal f a i r wage and hours l e g i s l a t i o n were to apply on projects undertaken.1 The Disenchantment with R e l i e f Work The f e d e r a l Unemployment and Farm R e l i e f Act of 1 9 3 1 was s i g -n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from i t s predecessor. I t provided that funds required would be paid out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund, at the d i s c r e t i o n of the Governor i n Council. The agreement with B r i t i s h Columbia provided f o r a 3 3 1 / 3 % sharing of d i r e c t r e l i e f costs and of 5 0 % of labour and material costs of work r e l i e f . The province sub-sequently agreed to share 257o of the costs of labour of r e l i e f work undertakings and 3 3 l / 3 7 > of the costs of d i r e c t r e l i e f . The regula-tions issued under the federal Unemployment and Farm R e l i e f Act stated that a maximum work day of eight hours was to p r e v a i l and that f a i r and reasonable wages were to be paid; s i g n i f i c a n t l y no reference was made to federal f a i r wage and hours l e g i s l a t i o n . The Annual Report of 1 B r i t i s h Columbia, Annual Report of Dept. of Labour, 1 9 3 0 , pp. E 9 - E 1 4 . 59 the Department of Labour for B r i t i s h Columbia 1 states that a schedule of subsistence allowances to be paid for r e l i e f work had been estab-l i s h e d . These were e x p l i c i t l y not regarded as "wages" but as a "subsistence allowance" designed to carry the unemployed through the emergency. The basic rate for u n s k i l l e d labour was set at $2.00 per day. The report goes on to say: Work was continued on t h i s basis u n t i l November, 1931, when owing to increased r e g i s t r a t i o n s i t was r e a l i z e d , i n view of f i n a n c i a l conditions, that i t would be impossible to continue to provide relief-work for a l l the unemployed at the e x i s t i n g rates of remuneration. It was f e l t advisable that, so f a r as the P r o v i n c i a l Government was concerned, a l l applicants should be put on a system of d i r e c t r e l i e f and that a commensurate amount of work would be performed i n r e t u r n . 2 During the year 237 " r e l i e f camps" were set up i n which 14,912 men were employed on r e l i e f projects. These were established to cope with the problem of transient men who had been ceaselessly crossing and re-crossing Canada i n search of work and to provide for s i n g l e unemployed 1 The provision of what we would today c a l l s o c i a l welfare services was the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of three separate branches of government i n B.C. at the beginning of the depression. R e l i e f -- to employables — was under the supervision of the Department of Labour. The d i f f i c u l t i e s which arose because of the d i f f e r e n t e l i g i b i l i t y requirements, standards of assistance, types of services provided, and of the manipulations resorted by each l e v e l of government or branch of service i n order that the most favorable sharing of costs might be achieved i s set out i n de-t a i l by Cassidy. C l i e n t s suffered needlessly ..in the administrative wrangling which ensued. See Cassidy, Public Health and Welfare Reorganization, pp. 123-127. _ _ . 2 B r i t i s h Columbia Annual Report of Dept. of Labour, 1931, p. E10. Individuals r e s i d i n g i n r u r a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n Saskatchewan and re-c e i v i n g d i r e c t r e l i e f were asked to give s e c u r i t y i n the form of a note for 100% of the amount of r e l i e f advanced. . Saskatchewan,. Second Annual  Report .of the Bureau of Labour and Public Welfare of .the Province of  Saskatchewan, for the Twelve Months ended A p r i l 30, 1936, p. 29. 60 men of the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s for whom the Province had undertaken respon-s i b i l i t y . Cassidy records that t h e i r establishment cost $667,000 and he goes on to say: Work on the proposed projects had scarcely begun when the Dominion decided the plans were too extensive and s l i c e d i n h a l f the grants that had been promised. This led to a cur-tailment i n the p r o v i n c i a l programme, with the men i n camp being given only t h e i r maintenance for part of the winter and l a t e r an a d d i t i o n a l nominal wage of $7.50 per month i n return for l i m i t e d work. Aft e r t h i s c o s t l y f i a s c o there was a general r e t r e a t from the p o l i c y of wage employment on public works and the method of d i r e c t r e l i e f dominated the next three years.1 The extent and growth of the program i s to be seen i n the following table. TABLE I Expenditures for Work-Relief and Direct R e l i e f i n B r i t i s h Columbia for 1930 and 1931* Work R e l i e f Man Hours of Direct R e l i e f Expenditures Labour Performed Expenditures 4,482,882.00 750,870 484,591.19 6,000,000.00 1,263,169 2,264,172.00 Year 1930 1931 1 Cassidy, Public Health and Welfare Reorganization, p. 60. Ex-p l a i n i n g the changed emphasis the federal government said: " P r i o r to the enacting of The R e l i e f Act, 1932, a conference was held at which the provinces were a l l represented, and at which conference the view was expressed by the provinces that the s i t u a t i o n did not permit any further extension of .programs of public works to r e l i e v e unemployment ,. .Canada, ..Department of Labour,,. .The R e l i e f .Act, 1932, Report of  the.Dominion Commissioner of.Unemployment R e l i e f , Ottawa, March 31, 1933, p. 3. * Source: B r i t i s h Columbia, Annual Report of Dept. of Labour, 1930  and 1931. 61 B r i t i s h Columbia Adopts Work-for-Relief Work r e l i e f projects are not mentioned i n the annual report of the B r i t i s h Columbia Department of Labour for the year ending December 3k, 1932. Only two m u n i c i p a l i t i e s -- Penticton and Cranbrook em-barked upon work projects during 1933. In the report of the newly or-ganized Unemployment R e l i e f Branch i t was noted that: "The p o l i c y of re q u i r i n g r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s to make some return i n public service for d i r e c t r e l i e f admininstered i n m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and unorganized t e r r i t -ory ... was continued ... r e f u s a l to perform such work or to go to camp c o n s t i t u t i n g i n e l i g i b i l i t y of such persons for further r e l i e f else-where. "1 During 1937 the C i t y of Vancouver u t i l i z e d the services of the B r i t i s h Columbia Department of Labour's Employment Service i n req u i r i n g r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s to work for t h e i r r e l i e f . "This r e s u l t e d i n the f a i l -ure of a large number of men to report f o r work, with a corresponding reduction i n the r e l i e f r o l l s i n the c i t y . " 2 i n the Employment Service's report for the following year i t was noted that the work test r e q u i r i n g r e c i p i e n t s of "material aid"3 to work for part of t h e i r allowances had continued. "The test consisted of work on roads and boulevards, cutting brush, cleaning drains and sewers, c l e a r i n g w i n d f a l l s , underbrush, etc., for several c i t y departments."4 The report noted with approval that some 1 B r i t i s h Columbia, Annual Report of Dept. of Labour, 1933, p. G26. 2 Ib i d . , 1937, p. S88. 3 The designation of "material a i d " was apparently adopted at some point during the depression as a preferred designation to the appro-brious " r e l i e f " . The attempt to adopt a les s derogatory term was ob-v i o u s l y . unsuccessful: i n the same governmental report both terms can be found with " r e l i e f " the more common designation. 4 B r i t i s h Columbia, Annual Report of Dept. of Labour, 1938, p. 126. 62 560 r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s had been deleted from r e l i e f r o l l s because they had f a i l e d to report for work. I t said that t h i s had r e s u l t e d i n an appreciable savings i n public funds. In the following year the Employment Service again c a l l e d a t t e n t i o n to the " l o c a l work t e s t " used i n Vancouver: "One hundred and twenty-six persons who had applied for r e l i e f for the f i r s t time f a i l e d to appear when instruct e d that they were required to work f i v e days each month, and 361 others were cut from the r e l i e f r o l l s because of t h e i r f a i l u r e to perform the work required."-'- I n d i c a t i v e of a basic d i s t r u s t of r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s was the further comment that: In the larger c i t i e s where i t i s d i f f i c u l t to keep track of persons i n r e c e i p t of material a i d , t h i s scheme, together with the one r e q u i r i n g r e g i s t r a t i o n f o r employment not less f r e -quently than twice per month, makes i t more d i f f i c u l t for per-sons to receive material a i d at the same time secure or con-tinue i n employment.2 The e f f i c i e n c y of the work for r e l i e f performed was not f e l t to have been more than f i f t y per cent. No mention was made of any disrupting influence which the p o l i c y of having large numbers of men "work o f f " t h e i r r e l i e f allowance may have had. R e l i e f i n B r i t i s h Columbia throughout the depression had been under the administration of the p r o v i n c i a l Department of Labour. The' Employment Service was an i n t e g r a l part of the p r o v i n c i a l department and i t was thus i n a p o s i t i o n to act i n a concerted way to implement departmental p o l i c y . Presumably, however, when the federal National Employment Service absorbed the p r o v i n c i a l agency i n 1940 i t would have been d i f f i c u l t to have continued t h i s arrangement. In any event the 1 B r i t i s h Columbia, Annual Report of Dept. of Labour, 1939, p. G116. 2 Loc. c i t . new National Employment Service was soon to be overwhelmed by the task of f i l l i n g the unprecedented demand for labour required by i n -dustries stimulated by World War I I . In October 1 9 4 2 the Unemployment R e l i e f Branch i t s e l f was absorbed by the newly organized S o c i a l Assistance Branch of the Department of the P r o v i n c i a l Secretary paving the way for a constructive s o c i a l work approach to the pro-blems of d e s t i t u t i o n . I t would be beyond the scope of t h i s study to recount the long dreary h i s t o r y of the e f f o r t s that were made to cope with unemployment of the 1 9 3 0 ' s . Some h i g h l i g h t s , however, should be mentioned. The R e l i e f Camps of the T h i r t i e s In accordance with i t s p o l i c y of es t a b l i s h i n g work-relief camps across Canada the federal government took over most of these i n B r i t i s h Columbia which were then operated by the Department of National Defence.! Those camps i n B r i t i s h Columbia which were not taken over became known as "non-work camps" whose operation was sub-s i d i z e d by the federal government at 507o of the t o t a l cost which was not to exceed 4 0 cents per man per day. 2 Wage rates i n the Department of National Defence camps were 2 0 cents per day i n 1 9 3 3 . D i s s a t i s -f a c t i o n i n these camps led to sporadic s t r i k e s and i n the spring of 1 Speaking of these camps i n Saskatchewan the General Superintendent of the Employment Service i n that province said: "In the case of sing l e d e s t i t u t e unemployed men who were not suitable for.farm work, concen-t r a t i o n camps were organized by the Department of National Defence at Dundurn, Ladder Lake, and Nipauin, where work b u i l d i n g m i l i t a r y camps and air-bases was i n progress ... (They) were paid at the rate of $5.00 per month, board, medical attention, and clothing .... An aver-age of eight hundred men per month were ..taken care of by t h i s plan. Saskatchewan, F i r s t Annual Report of the Bureau of Labour and Public  Welfare of the .Province of Saskatchewan for the Twelve Months ending  A p r i l 30, 1935, Regina, Sask., (mimeo.) p. 35. 2 See B r i t i s h Columbia, Annual Report of the Mi n i s t e r of Labour,  year ending December 31, 1933, p. G25. 64 1935 a p a r t i a l l y e f f e c t i v e general walk-out was staged. This was followed by the "On-to-Ottawa" trek which was broken up at Regina at a cost of sev-e r a l k i l l e d and many wounded. The federal government ordered the camps closed i n the spring of 1936. The federal M i n i s t e r of Labour subsequently stated that the camps had been an "expensive luxury" for the government and that they were " c o s t l y i n terms of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n , b i t t e r n e s s , and human f r u s t r a t i o n " for the men.-1- Railway employment was found for many of the men released from the camps. Their p l i g h t became desperate, how-ever, when the railways l a i d them o f f i n the f a l l of 1936. Many d r i f t e d back to Vancouver. When they found themselves i n need and attempted to apply for r e l i e f they found that the p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s had estab-l i s h e d a p o l i c y of r e f u s i n g r e l i e f to t r a n s i e n t s . 2 A l l work or r e l i e f camp projects did not deserve censure. The 1 Quoted i n H.M. Cassidy, " R e l i e f and Other S o c i a l Services for Transients," in. L. Richter (ed.), op. c i t . , p. 184. 2 "Events of the summer of 1937 and 1938, show c l e a r l y the d i f f i -c ulty, of c u t t i n g single men o f f r e l i e f e n t i r e l y . ... the p o l i c y proved unworkable i n 1938. Against a 'no r e l i e f edict homeless men i n Vancouver protested vigorously, f i r s t by organized s o l i c i t i n g of money on the streets and then by sit-down s t r i k e s i n public b u i l d i n g s . A group of several hundred occupied the c o r r i d o r s of the Vancouver Post O f f i c e and the Art G a l l e r y for about a month, u n t i l p o l i c e ejected them f o r c i b l y -- whereupon the men r e t a l i a t e d by smashing hundreds of plate glass windows on nearby s t r e e t s . A f t e r t h i s the s t r i k e r s moved to V i c t o r i a .... After standing firm for two weeks the Government agreed to a treaty of peace...." Cassidy, " R e l i e f and Other S o c i a l Services  For Transients", footnote p. 201-02.. The only mention of the incident i n the Annual Report of the B.C. Department of Labour concerns the re-luctance of employers to h i r e persons on r e l i e f , a n d t h i s was a t t r i b u t e d to "the demonstrations of prospects of l o c a l r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s obtain-ing, employment." ; ( p > P 1 2 6 ) Annual Report, 1938. 65 federal Department of the I n t e r i o r held i t to be "a matter of profound g r a t i f i c a t i o n that no serious labour troubles occurred i n any region covered by the operations of the National Parks Service since the incep-t i o n of unemployment r e l i e f work".l Their projects, however, were ex-tremely wellplanned. The report pointed out however that the work had been undertaken i n advance of requirements, had been done i n the wrong season of the year, and that the use of labour saving machinery had been kept to a minimum. Cassidy had a " s p e c i a l word of commendation" for the work projects operated by the B r i t i s h Columbia Department of Public Works and the Forest Branch i n the winter of 1936-37 where wages and other con-d i t i o n s compared much more favorably with those that might be expected i n normal employment at the time. 2 In general, however, i t can be said that The r e l i e f machinery was never adequate. I t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was poorly defined; i t s outlook through the long, drab years was one of change and 'emergency'; i t s r e l i e f scales were often miserably low; i t s treatment of honest unemployed persons was frequently u n i n t e l l i g e n t , harsh, and stupid.3 1 Canada, Department of the I n t e r i o r , National Parks of Canada, Annual  Report of the.Commissioner, F i s c a l Year ending March 31, 1934, Ottawa, 1935, p. 7. 2 Cassidy, " R e l i e f and Other S o c i a l Services for Transients',' p. 205. Similar projects were operated i n subsequent years. 3 Stuart K. J a f f r a y , " S o c i a l Security: The Beveridge and Marsh Reports," Canadian Journal of Economics and P o l i t i c a l Science, V o l . 9, 1943, p. 587. . See also the comments of Donald V. Smiley who has said:. ... throughout the decade federal actions to r e l i e v e human d i s t r e s s continued to be ad hoc and piecemeal, and no adequate measures were implemented to ensure that federal funds were prudently spent or to r a i s e the l e v e l s of p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l welfare and public works administration. ... The scope of the emergency undoubtedly had a numbing impact on governments, and the d i f f e r e n t i a l impact of the depression on various regions i n h i b i t e d comprehensive administrative planning. In general the depression years contributed l i t t l e to the compe-tence of Canadian governments to collaborate i n j o i n t a c t i v i t i e s . . Donald V. Smiley, Conditional Grants and Canadian Federalism, p. 3. 66 Administrative D i f f i c u l t i e s of Work R e l i e f i n Canada Attempting to meet the problem of large scale unemployment by r e s o r t i n g to work r e l i e f projects proved even more unsatisfactory i n Canada than i t did i n the United States. Grauer has pointed out the d i f f i c u l t i e s that were encountered by the federal government i n c o n t r o l l -ing work projects which, because of delays, were often given r e t r o a c t i v e approval. He went on to say:, More important were the p o l i t i c a l aspects of works projects. T h e o r e t i c a l l y they were supposed to be based on l o c a l employ-ment needs and the amount of employment they would give. A c t u a l l y there was a temptation for both governments to base them upon l o c a l p o l i t i c a l needs. Furthermore, ' i n some i n -stances approval has been given to ..municipal projects which have been recommended by the provinces merely to avoid t h e i r being placed i n the p o s i t i o n of refusing l o c a l requests.' The provision of work r e l i e f 'was further complicated and s t u l -t i f i e d by the fact that i t became a matter of bargaining be-tween the three units of government, so that the works selected were valued l o c a l l y c h i e f l y i n proportion to the amount of cost borne by p r o v i n c i a l and Dominion governments.'! Summary As i n the United States, Canada attempted to meet the problems of mass unemployment caused by the depression of the 1930's by an early use of large scale r e l i e f work projects. Attempts to ensure that f a i r wage and hour conditions were observed on these projects were almost immediately abandoned. Even a frank p o l i c y of keeping as many men as possible employed at subsistence wages proved extremely expensive. This p o l i c y i n turn also had to be abandoned i n favor of one of d i r e c t r e l i e f . In B r i t i s h Columbia and elsewhere d i r e c t r e l i e f was coupled with a p o l i c y of r e q u i r i n g r e c i p i e n t s to work for t h e i r r e l i e f grants. In at least one c i t y , Vancouver, B.C., t h i s evolved into a work test of the w i l l i n g n e s s 1 Grauer, op. c i t . , p. 38. 67 of c l i e n t s to work for t h e i r r e l i e f grants. The work test was also seen as a device to control the assumed i n e v i t a b l e cheating of r e l i e f recipn i e n t s . Of the work performed at no time was i t claimed that i t had been more than f i f t y per cent e f f i c i e n t . As was the experience of France i n the eighteenth and nineteenth century Canada found that attempting to meet the problem of mass unemployment by the congregation of large num-bers of men together on work projects of dubious value was a p o l i c y which held within i t a threat to the p o l i t i c a l s e c u r i t y of the state. Even more serious was the attempt to ignore the problem of d e s t i t u t i o n caused by mass unemployment. F a i l u r e of the several l e v e l s of government to adopt r e a l i s t i c measures, to^.provide for the needs of a s p e c i a l group, the s i n g l e unemployed, i n e v i t a b l y led to mass demonstrations which only served to magnify the severity of the problem and the ineffectiveness of e x i s t i n g p o l i c i e s which had been adopted to deal with i t . CHAPTER IV In attempting to evaluate the r e s u l t s of a work for r e l i e f project a framework for the study i s required. Persons advocating work for r e l i e f p o l i c i e s emphasize two main considerations; f i r s t the value to the i n -d i v i d u a l ; secondly the value to be gained by the community. In considering the problem posed i n evaluating the extent to which a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program has a value to the i n d i v i d u a l i t i s necessary to consider a number of f a c t o r s . These concern the emphasis to be given, the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the group whom i t w i l l be necessary to employ working for t h e i r r e l i e f , the r e s u l t s which i t i s hoped w i l l be achieved, the met-hods used to achieve the desire r e s u l t , and the extent to which the program achieved the r e s u l t s that had been expected. The importance of work i t s e l f to the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l not be examined here. There i s a very extensive l i t e r a t u r e a v a i l a b l e which deals with t h i s t o p i c . Its importance to the person has long been recognized by professional s o c i a l workers. 1 The Emphasis of a Work-for-Relief Program:-Punitive yts Non-Punitive Approach What emphasis i s to be given to a work for r e l i e f program? I t i s doubtful i f any serious consideration can be given to the i n -c l u s i o n of work-test philosophy i n a work for r e l i e f program. The experience of the depression proved conclusively that there was no basis for the b e l i e f that persons are worthless or lazy. On the contrary the widespread unemploy-ment of the t h i r t i e s brought d e s t i t u t i o n to such a vast number of people that 1 Towle, op. c i t . , p. 63:. Abbott, op. c i t . , 526 James Bannerman Thomson, The Role of Work i n R e h a b i l i t a t i o n , Unpublished Master of S o c i a l Work Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1962. 69 i t was no longer possible to maintain that poverty was "the just reward of the improvident or lazy, (which was) a r e f l e c t i o n of a deplorable lack of character and of inherent defects which constituted a reproach to t h e i r owner." 1 Coincidental with the b e l i e f the poor were morally responsible for t h e i r own misfortune, rather than the victims of d i s l o c a t i o n s within the s o c i a l system, i t has been shown that there had existed an inherent b e l i e f that persons were w i l l i n g l y i d l e and that stern measures were required for " s e t t i n g them at work, which was worse than death to them". 2 Again, the experience of the depression of the t h i r t i e s showed con c l u s i v e l y that the overwhelming majority of persons preferred to work rather than to remain i d l e . Even i n the r e l i e f camps operated by Canada's Department of the I n t e r i o r i t was acknowledged that the amount of "work which (had) been c a r r i e d out (was a remarkable and a l a s t i n g monument to the character and 1 Wallace, The Changing Canadian State, p. 54. The following remarks are i n d i c a t i v e of an appreciation of the helplessness of the i n d i v i d u a l : "These people who seek a i d are those who under ordinary circumstances are s e l f -r e l i a n t , s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t and w i l l i n g to assume the f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of ordinary family l i f e , Herbert Maynard Diamond "Ragged Individualism!" The American Labour L e g i s l a t i v e Review, V o l . 22, 1932, p..119; "... t h e . s o c i a l stigma formerly attached to r e l i e f has been reduced because of the magnitude of the problem..." A. Ross Eckler and L i n c o l n F a i r l y , " R e l i e f and Reemploy-ment," Harvard Business Review, V o l . 16, 1937-38. p. 144. 2 Brewster, op. c i t . , p. 89 3 "The vast majority of those who are classed as r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s desire very earnestly to be put to work." A. MacNamara, "Public Works as a R e l i e f Measure," i n L. Richter, op. c i t . , pp. 316-17; "The great majority of workers on r e l i e f are ready and w i l l i n g to take decent jobs at standard wages and w i l l make s a t i s f a c t o r y employees." Eckler and F a i r l y , op. c i t . , p. 153; "... almost a l l of them preferred employment to r e l i e f " even though the amount earned " i n few cases brought anything even remotely.resembling economic security.'.' B a r t l e t t , op. c i t . , p . 289; "That most people would rather have work than any form of benefit has beep proven too many times to bear repeating." H a l l , op. c i t . , p. 21. 70 and good wij.1 of the men ... during a very d i s p i r i t i n g time i n t h e i r lives."''" Despite t h i s widespread evidence the old a t t i t u d e s and assumptions continued to be advanced. While acknowledging that "most employable persons and many p a r t i a l l y employable persons prefer to earn t h e i r r e l i e f rather than to accept 2 a dole", S h e r r i l l urged adoption of a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f p o l i c y administered by l o c a l communities, free from fe d e r a l interference, i n order to determine whether r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s "are r e a l l y i n need and are w i l l i n g to demonstrate t h e i r worthiness by work" so that there would eventually be "... a return to the good o l d American system of taking care of yourself by your own i n i t i a t i v e 3 ..." As was pointed out by B r i s t o l and Wright there was no need f o r an emphasis on t e s t i n g the worthiness of persons by using work-relief as a work-test "more recent thinking has swung i n the other d i r e c t i o n and has put the emphasis on giving work r e l i e f opportunities to those who w i l l make good use of them"^ (This suggests that i t was now the worthy who would be permitted to work!) In addition to an acceptance of the fact that most people were not w i l l i n g l y i d l e and that, i n f a c t , they preferred to work, there was a grow-ing r e a l i z a t i o n that simply i s s u i n g r e l i e f to needy persons was not s u f f i c i e n t . Experience had indicated that some of the unemployed would benefit from the 1 Canada; .Department of the I n t e r i o r ...National Parks of.Canada, Annual  Report of the Commissioner, F i s c a l year ending March 31, 1934, King's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, 1935, p. 6. 2 Clarence 0. S h e r r i l l , "Solving the R e l i e f Problem," Harvard Business  Review, V o l . 18, 1939-40,.p. 45. 3 I b i d . p. 48. S h e r r i l l * s comments were dire c t e d towards the extravagance of WPA work r e l i e f p rojects. Corrington G i l l , Assistance Commissioner, W.P.A., r e p l i e d by s t a t i n g part, that i t was "only by c u t t i n g wages and not spending money on materials that the Non-WPA programs cost less than.WPA." ... See Corrington G i l l , "Local Non-WPA Work R e l i e f , "American Federationists, Vol . 47, 1940, p. 388... Edith Abbott unsuccessfully, as we now know, argued for r etention of WPA which had "reached our r e l i e f c l i e n t s more d i r e c t l y and more adequately than the other services": Edith Abbott,. "Work or Maintenance": A Federal Program for the Unemployed,: Social.Service Review, Vol. .15, 1941, p. 523. 4 B r i s t o l and Wright, op. c i t . , p. 639. 71 purposeful use of a wide range of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . 1 Dr. Cassidy had long urged that r e l i e f administrators should make'"use of "professional s o c i a l workers whose e f f o r t s would be directed towards preserving and r e s t o r i n g the morale of r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s and guiding them, so f a r as possible, towards s e l f - s u p p o r t . " 2 The report prepared by Dr. A. E. Grauer f o r the Rowel-Sirois Commission had also stressed the use of the s k i l l s of p r o f e s s i o n a l l y - t r a i n e d s o c i a l workers whose s p e c i a l s k i l l s could ensure that s p e c i a l needs of un-employed persons might be recognised and provided f o r . ^ There i s evidence, however, that the old attitudes and assumptions s t i l l p e r s i s t ; "Even i n th i s day and age, a down-and-out i s not only suspect, a no-gooder, but i s tolerated only so long as he accepts what the au t h o r i t i e s dole out and deem best for h i m . U n j u s t i f i a b l y there i s a widespread b e l i e f that " r e l i e f c h i s e l e r s are s t e a l i n g us blind".5 Sentiments such as these i n s p i r e d the * get-tough p o l i c y adopted i n Newburgh which was subsequently to be so thoroughly d i s c r e d i t e d . They unquestionably also i n s p i r e demands that re-cip i e n t s should work for t h e i r r e l i e f such as those made by Senator. Goldwater, Saskatchewan's Minister of Welfare Dave Boldt, and by Courtenay's Mayor Moore. 1 Harry M. Cassidy, S o c i a l Security and Reconstruction i n Canada, The Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1943, pp. 62-89 2 H. M. Cassidy, "An Unemployment P o l i c y - Some Proposals," i n Canadian Problems, p. 61. 3 Grauer, op. c i t . , p. 25. 4 Mary C e c i l , "In the Workhouse," New Statesman, V o l . 63 (January 12, 1962), p. 40. See also : . Audrey Harvey, "Screws on the Poor," New.Statesman, V o l . 63 (March 9, 1962), pp. 326-28. 5 Hil d a C. M. Arndt, "An Appraisal of What C r i t i c s are Saying About Public Assistance," S o c i a l Service Review, V o l . 1, No. 26, 1952, pp. 464-475. 72 As has been indicated by our review of the l i t e r a t u r e , and pointed out by the Canadian Welfare Council, 1 the use of a work-test i s an unnecessary device i n current p u b l i c welfare administration. In evaluating a work for welfare program, therefore, i t i s suggested that i t s success depends i n a large measure on the extent to which i t re-f l e c t s a non-punitive approach i n formulating the program and the extent that  t h i s i s perceived by the p a r t i c i p a n t s . The Needs of the Individual A w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program cannot be termed successful i f i t has not met the needs of the p a r t i c i p a n t s . This raises the question of what were the needs of the i n d i v i d u a l ? I t was f e l t that t h i s question could not be answered unless extensive data on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a n t s was obtained. Factors such as age, education, and length of time the person had been dependent upon s o c i a l assistance were obviously required. Infor-mation on:the past employment h i s t o r y was also needed in order to determine the l e v e l of s k i l l the i n d i v i d u a l had acquired, h i s attachment to the labor force, and, where possible, some i n d i c a t i o n of the reasons f o r h i s dependency upon s o c i a l assistance. Advocates of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f programs urge t h e i r adoption for many d i f f e r e n t reasons. There is p r i m a r i l y an almost p u r i t a n i c a l b e l i e f i n the v i r t u e of work f o r i t s e l f alone. As has been suggested perhaps t h i s b e l i e f was as strongly held in C a t h o l i c Rouen and New France, in the age of Charlemagne, and in the c i v i l i z a t i o n of the Grecian world in the times of P e r i c l e s and P e i s i s t r a t u s as i t was i n Protestant countries following the Reformation. This b e l i e f is based p a r t l y on the premise: 1 Canadian Welfare Council, op. c i t . , p. 8. 73 For Satan finds some mischief s t i l l For i d l e hands to do That t h i s premise overlooks the "mischief" that some of the busiest of men engage i n does not lessen the emotional fervor by which i t i s advanced. 1 Habits of Work I t i s also suggested that a value of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f l i e s i n the maintenance or a c q u i s i t i o n of a habit of work. D i f f i c u l t i e s i n v a l i d a t i n g t h i s premise were revealed by the experiences with w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f during the depression. There i s the f a c t that a long period has i n e v i t a b l y lapsed between the time the person has been l a s t employed and the time when he has applied for r e l i e f . Today, with the benefits of Unemployment Insurance pro-grams widely a v a i l a b l e the time which has elapsed between the termination of the person's l a s t employment and h i s a p p l i c a t i o n for s o c i a l assistance may be even greater so that there i s no longer a work habit to be maintained. Or again i f the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f assignment i s to be l i m i t e d to a "working-off" of the amount of assistance granted the work assignment w i l l be so short that 1 Consider, for example, the following: "There are ... thousands of healthy men i n communities across B.C. drawing s o c i a l welfare. Some of them are genuinely i n need, but many simply don't want to work and are conducting a shake-down racket with taxpayers as the vi c t i m s . These louts have found a way to get something for nothing, and without having to work for i t . They draw t h e i r welfare, and, as the saying goes, laugh a l l the way to the pool h a l l or beer p a r l o r . Several communities have t r i e d to put these spongers to work but Ottawa ... has thwarted every attempt to make these drones earn t h e i r keep. One job they could do i s slashing brush along the highways, thus making the use or poison (for k i l l i n g the brush) unnecessary. Other projects could i n -clude b u i l d i n g c i v i c parks, gathering debris from roadsides and public beaches, c l e a r i n g campsites.... Before long, welfare ranks would t h i n as the free loaders r e a l i z e i f they have to work, they might as well get a regular job where the pay i s better. In the meantime, taxpayers would get some value for the hundreds of thousands of d o l l a r s these welfare leeches are bleeding from them...." Traveler (pseudonym) "What's News Outdoors?" B r i t i s h Columbia Digest, V o l . 20, No. 2, ( A p r i l 1964), p. 10. 74 there w i l l not be time to develop a work habit. I f , as i n the case of persons with large f a m i l i e s , the amount of the grant i s so large that men have to work the en t i r e month,* no opportunity i s provided for seeking regular jobs and there may be a tendency f o r the r e c i p i e n t to look upon h i s w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f assignment as s u f f i c i e n t employment i n and of i t s e l f . Maintenance of S k i l l s - Underemployment As w e l l as the claim that i t maintains work habits, or helps to develop them, advocates of work-for-relief suggest that the maintenance of the s k i l l s of the i n d i v i d u a l are an important consideration. This suggests that the s k i l l requirements of the a v a i l a b l e work assignments should somewhat coincide with those possessed by the i n d i v i d u a l . The experience of the depression proved conclusively how d i f f i c u l t i t was to do t h i s . However, underemployment was a widespread phenb\menon during the depression. The pro-blem i s no le s s acute i n today's society. A recent study i n England i n d i -cated that, while 5 per cent of persons involved had been employed i n jobs c l a s s i f i e d as u n s k i l l e d p r i o r to being declared redundant by t h e i r employer, 15 per cent accepted laboring-type jobs as the f i r s t interim employment a v a i l -able following t h e i r l a y o f f . Sixty-nine per cent accepted employment where t h e i r wages were below that which prevailed i n t h e i r previous employment.^ Another study indicated that 25 per cent of a sample of 670 workers from f i v e d i f f e r e n t companies accepted employment at jobs c a l l i n g for less s k i l l than 1 This was found to have been the case i n one county i n the United States, see Bureau of Family Services, op. c i t . , p. 11. 2 Hilda R. Kahn, Repercussions of Redundancy, George A l l a n and Unwin Ltd., London, 1964, p. 234. 3 I b i d . , p. 129 7 5 they had exercised i n t h e i r previous j o b s . 1 In t h e i r extensive study of displaced workers Wilcock and Franke found that, of those who had secured employment, over h a l f of the workers previously c l a s s i f i e d as s k i l l e d had to accept s e m i - s k i l l e d , u n s k i l l e d , or less s k i l l e d c l e r i c a l work while most of the s e m i - s k i l l e d workers who had not found comparable employment had moved down to service and u n s k i l l e d work.2 In add i t i o n to the d i f f i c u l t y that displaced workers have of securing new jobs which c a l l f o r a compar-able l e v e l of s k i l l there i s the s p e c i a l problem of those whose s p e c i a l i z e d s k i l l s are not transferable to any other industry.3 The premise that work-f o r - r e l i e f provides -- or should provide -- an opportunity for the main-tenance of s k i l l s overlooks the far-reaching consequences of technological changes which are occurring i n the world of work at the present time. E x i s t i n g s k i l l s are becoming obsolescent and obsolete. Wholesale displace-ments i n the labor force i n e v i t a b l y lead to adjustments i n which even persons able to f i n d jobs may f i n d themselves underemployed. Underemployment i n a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program i n and of i t s e l f need not, therefore, lead to a condemnation of an otherwise well-considered program. 1 Honor Croome, ed., Redundancy, Three Studies on Redundant Workers, 11, The Acton Society Trust, London, 1959, pp. 11-12. "Workers who changed t h e i r s k i l l l e v e l were unemployed for a s l i g h t l y shorter period on average than those who did not, although the d i f f e r e n c e i s not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . " p. 21; "... geographical mobility, i n the sense of willingness to move.to take jobs outside the area, was found ... to have l i t t l e e f f e c t on length of unemployment." p. 18. 2 Richard C. Wilcock and Walter H. Franke, Unwanted Workers, The Kee Press of Glencoe, New York, 1963, p. 141. 3 While t h i s may be an academic argument of small relevance to the present study i t i s necessary to consider the problem. By mid-1961 the meat packing industry i n the United States had terminated the employment of 30,000 workers. Wilcock and Franke*s study was concerned with the e f f e c t s of t h i s d i s p l a c e -ment on 3,360 former employees of Armour (p. 31). Two-thirds of the workers had been employed i n excl u s i v e l y meatpacking industry jobs such as s l i c e r s , packers, and boners (p. 140). Unemployment rates one year a f t e r the shut-down ranged from 22% to 65%. "(They) were not much lower two and one-half to three years a f t e r the shutdown." p. 66. 76 Enhancement of S k i l l s I t has been advocated that w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f programs could be used to enhance the s k i l l s of r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s . This emphasis has been accepted i n the United States where the federal government has agreed to a p o l i c y of permitting l o c a l and state o f f i c i a l s to i n s t i t u t e w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f projects which require b e n e f i c i a r i e s of f e d e r a l l y - a s s i s t e d ^ c a t e g o r i c a l a i d programs to work for t h e i r assistance payments. 1 The new emphasis to w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f i n the United States i s seen i n the designation "Community Work and Training Program" which has been adopted to i n d i c a t e the change. The expectation i s that the programs w i l l stress " t r a i n i n g arrangement and f a c i l i t i e s with a view to developing new and usable occupational s k i l l s i n the r e c i p i e n t " . The Canadian Welfare Council indicates "there i s evidence to suggest that some in d i v i d u a l s have benefited i n t h i s regard through t h e i r w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f experience." A study conducted by the federal government i n March, 1962 indicated that 27 states had an a c t i v e program of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f i n e f f e c t at that t i m e . I t was found that few projects were helping r e c i p i e n t s to compete more e f f e c t i v e l y for jobs i n the labour market. The study suggested that "the better programs a l l showed evidence of considerable expenditure for admini-s t r a t i o n and supervision, and some increase i n assistance payments to cover 1 See Wilbur J. Cohen and Robert M. B a l l , "Public Welfare Amendments of 1962 and Proposals for Health Insurance for.the Aged," S o c i a l Security  B u l l e t i n , V o l . 25, No. 10, Oct. 1962, p. 11. A number of conditions were attached to t h i s change: these concerned standards of payment, usefulness of the work, nonplacement of regular worker, l i m i t a t i o n to projects not normally undertaken by the state and l o c a l community, protection of health, opportunity to seek employment or secure t r a i n i n g . A d d i t i o n a l l y i t s t i p u l a t e d that "Aid may not be denied when r e f u s a l to work i s based on good cause." ( I t a l i c s added.) 2 Canadian Welfare Council, op. c i t . , p. 6 3 Loc. c i t . 4 Bureau of Family Services, op. c i t . , p. 13 77 work expenses: 1 A r e a l i s t i c view should be taken of r e t r a i n i n g aspects of work-for-r e l i e f programs. During the month of February, 1960 the c i t y of Detroit had 2 somewhat over 4,000 employable persons on r e l i e f r o l l s . In the period from January, 1956 to August, 1962 the number of unemployed i n the Detriot area had never been less than 80,000. For seventy of these months the rate of un-employment exceeded 6 per cent of the t o t a l labour force and for 29 months i t had exceeded 9 per c e n t . 3 A General Aptitude Test Battery was administered to a sample of employable r e l i e f claimants i n November, 1960:"Of the t o t a l group selected for t e s t i n g , 67.7 per cent either f a i l e d to pass si n g l e OAP (occupational aptitude pattern) or were judged to be test i l l i t e r a t e s . " ^ A w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f p o l i c y i s followed by the c i t y of Detroit but Wickersham notes: The requirement of work under supervision for e l i g i b i l i t y f o r r e l i e f undoubtedly helps to maintain such work habits as promptness and r e l i a b i l i t y and the personal d i g n i t y of the r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t . At the same time, the l i m i t e d types of work r e l i e f open to claimants do not o f f e r much oppor-tu n i t y f or s k i l l development or maintenance. I t i s also probably f a i r to say that the work accomplished by many work-relief assignees does not make a great contribution to community welfare.-* 1 Bureau of Family Services, op. c i t . , p. 15 2 Edward D. Wickersham, Detroit's Insured Unemployed and Employable  Welfare Recipients: Their C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , Labor Market Experience, and Attit u d e s , The W. E. Up'john I n s t i t u t e f or Employment Research, Kalamazoo, Mich., April >1963, p. 24. 3 I b i d . , p. 1. 4 I b i d . , p. 9. 5. I b i d . , pp. 13 - 14. 78 Reviewing the t o t a l problem i n the Detroit area he said : There i s j u s t i f i a b l e reason to fear that the prolonged general unemployment i n the Detroit labor market may be contributing to the development of a growing army of persons who can f i n d work only on r e l i e f p r o j e c t s . 1 I t would be u n r e a l i s t i c to expect that a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program would s i g n i f i c a n t l y increase the employability of r e c i p i e n t s who i n i t i a l l y lack such a p o t e n t i a l or capacity. I t would also be u n r e a l i s t i c to expect that dependence upon s o c i a l assistance w i l l be s i g n i f i c a n t l y reduced i n the face of overwhelmingly adverse economic conditions. Advocates of wo r k - f o r - r e l i e f programs suggest that the employability of i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a n t s can be enhanced through t h e i r work experience. I t i s well to bear i n mind, however, that the work experience i s but one of a complex set of influences which impinge upon the i n d i v i d u a l . It i s suggested, therefore, that a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program has achieved a measure of success i f i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a n t s f e e l that i t has improved t h e i r s k i l l s or enhanced t h e i r employability. Reaction of the Individual While underemployment of i t s e l f may not be a c r i t i c a l f a c t o r i n a wo r k - f o r - r e l i e f program i t i s e s s e n t i a l to consider how the i n d i v i d u a l him-s e l f f e e l s about a wo r k - f o r - r e l i e f assignment. Charlotte Towle has pointed out that: In our society, i n which the adult of today has been reared i n the ideology that self-support and sel f - r e s p e c t are syn-onymous, even the most secure adult may experience some f e e l -ings of inadequacy i n r e l a t i o n to t h i s i d e a l . 2 1 Wickersham, op. c i t . , 2 Charlotte Towle, Common Human Needs, American Association of S o c i a l Workers, New York, 1955, p. 95 79 Long periods without work are demoralizing and depressing for the i n d i v -i d u a l . 1 After experiencing these fee l i n g s he makes a public admission — to family and acquaintances — of personal f a i l u r e and inadequacy i n the act of applying for s o c i a l assistance. I t i s not generally appreciated hew d i s t r e s s i n g t h i s i s . Bakke's studies of unemployed workers indicated that the a p p l i c a t i o n for public assistance coincided with a period of disorgan-i z a t i o n f or the person. This had followed a period of considerable re-adjustments which saw family expenditures severely c u r t a i l e d and a general withdrawal from s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n had taken place.2 Blumer has suggested that the possible consequences of s o c i a l d isorganization may be very severe: An i n d i v i d u a l who seems to have made normal s o c i a l adjust-ments during the early part of his l i f e may be placed i n a s i t u a t i o n where he i s subject to c o n f l i c t i n g s o c i a l demands and appeals of a fundamental sort, and suffers d i s t r e s s i n g confusion as a r e s u l t . But even more important than such s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l c o n f l i c t i s the acute and d i s t u r b i n g s e l f -consciousness which such an i n d i v i d u a l nay experience owing to the f a c t that h i s conception of himself i s markedly d i s -j o i n t e d from the actual s o c i a l status which he occupies. His view of himself, as i t i s expressed i n h i s hopes, i n his ambitions, i n the r i g h t s and claims which he believes to deserve s o c i a l recognition, may be d i r e c t l y at variance with the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n he i s forced to occupy. A d i s -organized personality may r e s u l t . 3 In a period when there i s a great amount of unemployment and of dependence upon s o c i a l assistance the i n d i v i d u a l ' s conception of himself may not s u f f e r as much as i n a period when the economy i s r e l a t i v e l y prosperous. While, therefore, underemployment i n a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program may not i n i t s e l f 1 Burns, S o c i a l Security and Public P o l i c y , p. 115 2 E. Wight Bakke, Citizens Without Work, I n s t i t u t e of Human Affairs., Yale University Press, New Haven, 1940, Chapter VII, pp. 153-77. 3 Herbert Blumer, " S o c i a l Disorganization and Individual Disorganization" i n Bernard Roseberg, I s r a e l Gerver, and F. William Howton, (ed.s). Mass Society  i n C r i s i s , The MacMillan Co., New York, 1964, p. 62. 80 be serious, some i n d i v i d u a l s may experience much greater feelings of h u m i l i a t i o n and degradation i n such an assignment than others. This may occur i n d i r e c t proportion to t h e i r f e e l i n g s of r e l a t i v e deprivation as compared with previously held positions or, for example, with those held by r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s . It i s suggested that the needs of the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l not be met i f assignment to a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program serves to confirm feelings of low self-worth and self-esteem. The i n d i v i d u a l may not be able to r a t i o n -a l i z e underemployment i n a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program i n a period of r e l a t i v e prosperity quite as e a s i l y as underemployment i n the regular world of work. Value to the Community Advocates of a p o l i c y of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f stress Hie value to the community which would accrue i f r e c i p i e n t s were required to work for t h e i r assistance payments. The claim i s often made that " c h i s e l e r s " or "free-loaders" would be discouraged from applying for assistance by t h e i r d i s i n c l i n a t i o n to pass a "work-test". 1 A review of the l i t e r a t u r e has emphasized that t h i s popularly held assumption i s not supported by objective s t u d i e s . 2 S o c i a l workers and others who are knowledgeable about e l i g i b i l i t y requirements and rates of assistance stress that such charges would "never be made i f people knew just how modest i n our better states, and how gruesome i n our poorer states, i s the standard of l i v i n g which i s permitted by p r e v a i l i n g assistance budgets".3 1 Canadian Welfare Council, pp. c i t . , p. 7. 2 See e s p e c i a l l y Colcord, OP. c i t . . p. 237, quoted i n (Chapter I I , p. 42, supra.) 3 Eveline M. Burns, "What's Wrong with Public Welfare, "S o c i a l Service  Review, V o l . 36, 1962, p. 118. 81 In answer to the charge that " c h i s e l e r s are robbing us b l i n d " Hilda Arndt points out that " i t i s true that there have been instances of fraud among re c i p i e n t s of p u b l i c assistance j u s t as there have been incidents of fraud among bankers, grocery c l e r k s , t a x - c o l l e c t o r s , and even clergymen. Re-cipi e n t s of pu b l i c assistance are people l i k e the rest of us." 1 Those who advocate the adoption of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f for these negative reasons are urg-ing p o l i c i e s d i r e c t l y contrary to whatever constructive purposes such a proposal may have. A punitive work-test philosophy cannot j u s t i f i a b l y be advocated as a method of detecting or preventing fraud. Public assistance departments should be adequately s t a f f e d so that the regulations of the var-ious assistance programs can be e f f e c t i v e l y administered. The administrative aspects of public assistance programs, however, are only one facet of the serv i c e which S o c i a l Welfare departments should be o f f e r i n g to the community. "Because the basic aim of the public assistance program i s to conserve and strengthen the i n d i v i d u a l ' s p o t e n t i a l i t i e s f o r constructive contribution to society, i t i s imperative we avoid measures which imply d i s t r u s t and so weaken 2 self-esteem and i n i t i a t i v e . Thus, p o l i c i e s which imply a generally negative approach towards persons "temporarily down", and which serve to confirm and to i n t e n s i f y any feeli n g s of low self-esteem and self-worth, which the person may acquire before or since becoming dependent upon s o c i a l assistance, are s e l f -defeating. They are hardly p o l i c i e s which are l i k e l y to contribute a value to the community. Advocates of a p o l i c y of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f suggest that "welfare 1 Arndt, op. c i t . , p. 475. See a l s o : "The aim of public welfare i s to reduce chronic dependency. This can only be accomplished i f the c l i e n t i s treated with respect, and understanding of h i s p a r t i c u l a r problem." 2 Amy Leigh, "The Contribution of the Municipality to the Administration of Publi c Welfare" Canadian Pu b l i c Administration, V o l . 7, 1964, p. 155. 82 ranks would t h i n as the 'free-loaders' r e a l i z e that i f they have to work, •I they may as w e l l get a regular job where the pay i s better". A l l proponents do not use such emotionally-charged phrases although they may share a b e l i e f that such a r e s u l t would ensue. Such sentiments pre-suppose a d i r e c t con-nection between w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f and eventual self-support r a i s i n g the question whether i n f a c t such a cause-effect r e l a t i o n s h i p can be supported. I t has been suggested e a r l i e r that a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program may have achieved a measure of success i f the p a r t i c i p a n t s f e l t i t had enhanced t h e i r s k i l l s or improved t h e i r employability. To the extent that i n d i v i d u a l s may have stated that t h i s was the case, and employment and independence followed, i t would be reasonable to suggest that the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program contributed a gain to the community as w e l l as to the i n d i v i d u a l . Those who advocate a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f p o l i c y point out that there are many useful projects which would benefit the community which cannot be under-taken because t h e i r cost i s beyond the immediate resources of the community. The Canadian Welfare Council points to some of; the more imaginative assign-ments which are made i n the United States such as nursing-home attendants, kitchen helpers, custodians i n p u b l i c buildings, parking l o t attendants, 2 c l e r i c a l workers, stock-room helpers, and j a n i t o r s . While the l i s t i n g suggests that they are of a nature which lend themselves to displacement of regular workers or are make-work assignments the Council s a i d that "there i s evidence to suggest that, i n some cases at l e a s t , public assistance re-c i p i e n t s have been able to complete i n a normal way for these various types 1 Traveler, op. c i t . , p. 10. 2. Canadian Welfare Council, op. c i t . , p. 7. 83 of jobs a f t e r t h e i r w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f experience i n them:. The projects then not only provide a return to the community i n immediate services but also contribute to lessening t h e i r dependence upon public assistance. Advocates of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f proposals point out that the community does not receive a value i n return for unconditional payments of s o c i a l assistance. They suggest that even i f costs are increased by expenditures for materials, equipment, and extra allowances to compensate for high food, c l o t h i n g , and transportation costs, and although work e f f i c i e n c y may be s u b s t a n t i a l l y lower than what would normally be expected, the net gain w i l l s t i l l be greater than the a d d i t i o n a l costs. The United States Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, 2 and the Canadian Welfare Council^ suggest t h i s would seem to be a reasonable conclusion although the d o l l a r value of the completed projects i s u n l i k e l y to equal the t o t a l expenditure involved. I t has already been pointed out that e f f e c t i v e w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f programs involve substantial a d d i t i o n a l expenditures.^ Suggestions have been made that costs can only be kept to a minimum by s e l e c t i n g projects which have a low expenditure for materials, etc., and by increasing work-time by s e t t i n g the "wage" at lower than the p r e v a i l i n g rate i n the com-munity."* A d d i t i o n a l l y any project which involves extensive use of machinery can r e s u l t i n enormously increased costs. The experience of Sweden i s i n s t r u c t i v e i n t h i s regard: 1 Canadian Welfare Council, op. c i t . , p. 7. 2 Bureau of Family Services, op. c i t . , p. 10. 3 ^Canadian Welfare Council, l o c . c i t . , p. 15. 4 Bureau of Family Services, op. c i t . , p. 15. 5 See Alloway, op. c i t . , p. 550, quoted i n Chapter I I I , p. 41, supra: S h e r r i l l , op. c i t . , pp. 45-47: G i l l , o p . c i t . , pp. 386-88. 84 The Labor Market Board ... d i r e c t s a program of emergency works i n parts of the country where there are labor sur-pluses, e s p e c i a l l y i n offseasons ... the Board (prefers) to substitute labor mobility for these expensive under-, takings. I t should be remembered that road b u i l d i n g , for example, involves costs per man day several times the wage of the man placed on the job. Untrained per-sons from the unemployment l i s t s can often reduce prod-u c t i v i t y on such jobs to such an extent that i t i s better to pay them a f u l l day's wage for not being there. Lester has suggested some considerations which may diminish or eliminate the a n t i c i p a t e d saving to the community which might r e s u l t from creating f a c i l i t i e s , or obtaining services, by adopting a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f approach: 1. I f operating e f f i c i e n c y on the project f a l l s below 50 per cent 2. I f n o n - r e l i e f costs r i s e above the assumed 40 per cent 3. I f the r e l i e f c l i e n t e l e increases because some who would refuse to accept " c h a r i t y " or a "dole" do not h e s i t a t e to apply for and receive wage r e l i e f 4. I f the completed project requires excessively high future costs f o r upkeep 5. I f any of the projects are never completed 6. I f the q u a l i t y of the completed projects i s poor or subnormal, either because of f a u l t y design or poor construction 7. I f the work program has a detrimental e f f e c t upon the morale^ work standards, and work habits of either the regular employees or the r e l i e f employees 8. I f the r e l i e f program tends simply to displace more e f f i c i e n t workers with r e l i e f workmen, less capable and untrained for the work, i n which case the labor turnover and the e f f o r t spent i n t r a i n i n g raw r e c r u i t s f or t h e i r jobs w i l l represent a r e a l s o c i a l c o s t s . 2 1 Gosta Rehn and E r i k Lundberg, "Employment and Welfare: Some Swedish issues", I n d u s t r i a l Relations: A Journal of Economy and Society, V o l . 2, No. 2 1963, p. 7. Rehn was formerly associated with the Swedish Ministry of Finance and Lundberg i s a professor of economics at the University of Stockholm. Be-cause Sweden follows an aggressive p o l i c y of f u l l employment that country can-not a f f o r d to allow the labor force to remain i d l e and untrained or to encourage large numbers to remain becalmed i n areas of s u b s t a n t i a l labor surplus as i s too frequently the case i n Canada and the United States. 2 Lester, op. c i t . , pp. 269-70. 85 D i s l o c a t i o n of Regular S t a f f Arguments against w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f stress the possible d i s l o c a t i o n of regular workers which may r e s u l t from the implementation of such a p o l i c y . It i s also pointed out that i f the projects have a value to the community they should be included i n the regular public works budget and should be undertaken i n the regular way. The Canadian Welfare Council stresses that there i s an inherent dilemma i n the necessity to ensure that projects undertaken under w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f are s o c i a l l y u s eful and provide constructive work opportunities and the requirement that there be no disruptions of reg-u l a r employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s . 1 The f e d e r a l government of the United States has attempted to a n t i c i p a t e these d i f f i c u l t i e s by s t i p u l a t i n g ti at work per-formed under Community Work and Training programs "must serve a u s e f u l public purpose and not r e s u l t i n the displacement of regular workers" and that "Except for emergency projects or those generally nonrecurring, i t must be work not normally undertaken by the state or community."2 These require-ments r a i s e dilemmas for which there may be no s a t i s f a c t o r y s o l u t i o n . A question to be considered during the study i s the extent to which the project undertaken represents a tangible asset gained by the community and whether a d i s l o c a t i o n of regular work forces resulted from the work-for-r e l i e f program. Administration Aspects The method of sharing costs of assistance programs introduces admin-i s t r a t i v e problems which could lead to serious d i f f i c u l t i e s . Federal and 1 Canadian Welfare Council, op. c i t . , p. 8 2 Cohen and B a l l , op. c i t . , p. 11 86 p r o v i n c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the costs of assistance programs has r e l i e v e d m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of much of the costs of a burden that had become impossible for them to carry alone. In Canada The Unemployment Assistance Act of 1956 marked the resumption of federal p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n meeting the costs of assistance for unemployed employable persons. In B r i t i s h Columbia costs of assistance are shared on the basis of a 50 per cent f e d e r a l , 40 per cent p r o v i n c i a l , and a 10 per cent municipal contribution pro-rated on the basis 2 of population. Grauer drew att e n t i o n to the bargaining which went into th selection of work-relief projects during the depression with municipal o f f i c i a l s tending to value those which s h i f t e d as great a proportion of 3 costs as possible to senior l e v e l s of government. A question which might possibly be considered during the study i s the extent to which a p o l i c y of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f might lead to d i f f i c u l t i e s of an administrative nature. Summary The conceptual framework for the evaluation of the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program of the municipality of Matsqui includes an examination of the following areas: To what extent does i t r e f l e c t a non-punitive approach i n formulating and carrying out the program and how was t h i s perceived by the p a r t i c i p a n t s ? What e f f e c t s did the work experience have upon the i n -d i v i d u a l s ' f e e l i n g s of self-esteem and self-worth? 1 See Chapter I I I , p. 49 supra. 2 See Chapter I, p. 6 supra. 3 Grauer, op. c i t . , p. 58, quoted i n Chapter I I I , p. 66 supra. 87 To what extent d i d the p a r t i c i p a n t s f e e l t h e i r work experience improved t h e i r s k i l l s or enhanced t h e i r employability? To what extent was dependency upon s o c i a l assistance lessened as a d i r e c t r e s u l t of the program? To what extent did the community gain a tangible asset and did t h i s r e s u l t i n a d i s l o c a t i o n of the regular forces? CHAPTER V The o r i g i n s of the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program i n Matsqui would be d i f f i c u l t to determine p r e c i s e l y . Several factors were operative. There was, f i r s t , the community's acceptance - even expectation - of the idea, that r e c i p i e n t s should be prepared to give some value to the community i n return for t h e i r s o c i a l assistance. Secondly, there was the p a r t i c u l a r emphasis which municipal o f f i c i a l s and l o c a l personnel of the P r o v i n c i a l Department of S o c i a l Welfare gave to the idea at a p a r t i c u l a r point i n time. The working out of an acceptable administrative arrangement, while allowing the project to proceed, was a secondary consideration to the more e s s e n t i a l , purposeful cooperation between municipal o f f i c i a l s and personnel from the l o c a l Department of S o c i a l Welfare. Community Acceptance and Expectation of the Idea of Work-for-Relief I t has been shown that during the depression of the 1930's, B r i t i s h Columbia had followed an avowed po l i c y of expecting r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s to work for t h e i r allowances. I t has also been shown that such p o l i c i e s have had a continuing appeal over a wide span of h i s t o r y . Canada experienced an increase i n unemployment during the l a t t e r h a l f of the 1950's. I t was i n e v i t a b l e that s o c i a l assistance r o l l s i n B r i t i s h Columbia increased markedly. Nor was i t s u r p r i s i n g that an increased dependance upon s o c i a l assistance was followed by requests c a l l i n g for a re-sumption of a p o l i c y of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f . The Regional Director of the P r o v i n c i a l Department of S o c i a l Welfare indicated i n an interview that during 1957 and 1958 the department was under considerable pressure from elected representatives of Lower Fraser Valley m u n i c i p a l i t i e s to permit them to again require able-bodied r e c i p i e n t s of 89 s o c i a l assistance to "work-off" t h e i r s o c i a l assistance grats. For a number of reasons, including the fac t that some mu n i c i p a l i t i e s were re-fusing to grant any s o c i a l assistance whatever to able-bodied unemployed, the department agreed to the request. While i t was prepared to agree to a resumption of such a po l i c y the department f e l t i t had a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to i t s c l i e n t s which i t was deter-mined not to overlook. The following set of conditions were l a i d down as a safeguard of the ri g h t s of the in d i v i d u a l s who would be required to "work-off" the amount of t h e i r allowance: 1. Every person was to receive two weeks' s o c i a l assistance i n advance. 2. They were required to work at union rates u n t i l the amount of s o c i a l assistance had been earned. 3. The union rate was to be the going union wage i n the municipality concerned. 4. Recipients were to be covered f o r Workmens * Compensation and Unemployment Insurance by the municipality. 5. For the i n d i v i d u a l r e f u s i n g to work an emergency food allowance was to be provided and he was to be advised to apply f o r a Board of Review. A number of m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , i n c l u d i n g Matsqui, thereafter followed a p o l i c y of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f . In at least some mu n i c i p a l i t i e s the po l i c y was discontinued during the summer months. In November of 1958, following the announcement of the federal government that i t was prepared to share the costs of a municipal Winter Works program on a 50 - 50 basis, l o c a l personnel of the Department of S o c i a l Welfare were advised to discontinue permitting s o c i a l assistance r e c i p i e n t s to "work-off" t h e i r allowances. 90 This r e l a t i v e l y b r i e f re-experimentation with w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f provided a new opportunity f o r an assessment of i t s e f f e c t s . Even at that time l o c a l personnel of the Department of S o c i a l Welfare f e l t that re-cipi e n t s had obtained some benefits from the p o l i c y . M u n i c i p a l i t i e s with r i g i d p o l i c i e s about granting s o c i a l assistance to able-bodied unemployed 1 were encouraged to modify them. There was a general f e e l i n g throughout the region that a p o l i c y of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f had given r e c i p i e n t s a f e e l i n g of s e l f - r e s p e c t . When he was asked what had been the rea c t i o n of the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , the Regional Director stated that, as f a r as he could remember, while i t had helped them to get some "chores" done, i t had also proved as much of a "headache" i n some instances as i t had a be n e f i t . A Growing C r i s i s i n Unemployment The Abbotsford, Sumas and Matsqui News records that i n A p r i l , 1959 there was "a f a i r l y heavy surplus of workers i n the Central Fraser V a l l e y " and that the majority of these were i n u n s k i l l e d c l a s s e s . 2 In July i t re-corded that: "There i s no shortage i n lesser and u n s k i l l e d occupations and the supply of applicants s t i l l exceeds the demand."3 In December Matsqui*s Reeve MacDonald presented taxpayers with a grim picture of continuing high municipal taxes. The problem was p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t for municipal o f f i c i a l s to cope with, he said , as the only expenditures over which they 1 See, for example, Douglas La s c e l l e s Jackson, Public Assistance P o l i c y , unpublished Master of S o c i a l Work thesi s , University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1955, p. 23 and Rippon, op. c i t . , p. 44. 2 Abbotsford, Sumas and Matsqui News, A p r i l 29, 1959: p. 5 - 4 , herein-a f t e r r e f e r r e d to as the "ASM News". 3 A.S.M. News: July 1, 1959, P. 6:1 91 had any control were those i n v o l v i n g c a p i t a l construction and public works. He s a i d that " S o c i a l Welfare" was a heavy burden i n the d i s t r i c t explaining that the municipality sent out an average of 270 cheques each month amounting to approximately $23,000.00.1 Speaking to the Annual Banquet of the Clearbrook Board of Trade on February 9th, I960, Reeve MacDonald scored the weakness that prevailed i n the present system of is s u i n g " S o c i a l Welfare" and charged that there were too many abuses. He indicated that Matsqui had the highest r a t i o increase i n welfare cases i n the Fraser Valley and added that the previous year's payments had increased by 150 per cent. Payments i n December, 1959, for 300 claims, had amounted to approximately $26,000.00. He maintained that assistance was too easy to get, that there was not enough i n v e s t i g a t i o n at the home l e v e l , and that i t was "time to put s o c i a l welfare r e c i p i e n t s back to work". 2 Many months l a t e r the Municipal Clerk was to point out that the t o t a l s o c i a l welfare expenditures were only costing the municipality 29 cents per resident per month. 3 In the i n t e r v a l , however, the extent of p r e v a i l i n g unemployment and of the numbers applying f o r s o c i a l assistance was seen as a matter of grave concern to municipal leaders throughout the Fraser V a l l e y , I t was the "most explosive t o p i c " discussed at a meeting of the Fraser V a l l e y Municipal Association held i n Matsqui i n June, 1960. Although they must have been aware that the f u l l cost of s o c i a l assistance was not being borne 1 A.S.M. News, Dec. 16. 1959 2 A.S.M. News, February 10, 1960, p. 1:3. These ammouncements drew no apparent response at the time. There was no e d i t o r i a l comment nor were any " l e t t e r s to the e d i t o r " on the subject printed i n the next few issues of the paper. 3 A.S.M. News, December 6, 1961. 92 by the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , and that t h e i r share would be pro-rated equitably among a l l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n the province on a per capita b a s i s , t h e i r re-sponse to the growing problem was to urge a resumption of a po l i c y of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f . 1 This stand was endorsed by the editor of the l o c a l paper who f e l t that the p o l i c y of not r e q u i r i n g r e c i p i e n t s to work for t h e i r s o c i a l assistance was "shortsighted and dangerous". He f e l t that the community would benefit from the work which would be done and that "recipients would have the s a t i s f a c t i o n of earning something rather than e x i s t i n g "on handouts". The editor went on to say: "The majority of unemployed would prefer to do something i n return f o r help, rather than accept c h a r i t y . For the minority content to accept a dole, the spur of work would be obviously b e n e f i c i a l " . 2 His e d i t o r i a l pointed out that the municipality paid only 10% of the costs of s o c i a l welfare benefits and that the federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments shared the remaining 90%. No information was given about how many s o c i a l assistance r e c i p i e n t s were employable and how many were not. Matsqui municipal leaders f e l t strongly enough about the s i t u a t i o n to take a r e s o l u t i o n to th i s e f f e c t to the Annual Convention of the Union of B r i t i s h Columbia M u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n the following September^ where they found other m u n i c i p a l i t i e s had s i m i l a r resolutions.4 The f i n a n c i a l p l i g h t of municipal units of government are too we l l known and 1 A.S.M. News, June 29, 1960 2 4.S.M. News. July 6, 1960 ( E d i t o r i a l ) Second Section, p. 4:1. 3 A.S.M. News. September 21, 1960, p. 1:3. 4 A.S.M. News, September 28, 1960, p. 1:8. 93 do not require a review here. 1 Municipal units of government generally face very d i f f i c u l t f i n a n c i a l problems. The apparent large increase i n expenditures f o r s o c i a l assistance, being paid to i d l e men, adds a sense of f r u s t r a t i o n to t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s . During such periods Arndt suggests there i s a tendency to displace f e e l i n g s of i n s e c u r i t y , d i s t r u s t and discontent which stem from a sense of uncertainty i n a world of unrest onto p u b l i c assistance programs. Public assistance tends to become a "scapegoat" or "whipping-boy". I t i s suggested that what was b u i l d i n g up i n Lower Fraser Valley m u n i c i p a l i t i e s was a r e p l i c a of "the s p i r i t of Newburgh".3 Fortunately changes took place i n Matsqui which enabled t h i s p o t e n t i a l l y destructive energy to be channelled i n t o a constructive program. 1 See, for example, E r i c Hardy "Provincial-Municipal F i n a n c i a l Re-l a t i o n s " Canadian Pu b l i c Administration, V o l . 3, 1960, pp. 14-23; E r i c Hardy, "The Serious Problems of Municipal Finance", Canadian  Public Administration, V o l . 4, 1961, pp. 154-163; J . O l i v e r , "Municipal Revenue Other than Government Grants", Canadian Public  Administration, V o l . 6, 1963, pp. 57-63; Eveline M. Burns, " S o c i a l Security i n B r i t a i n - Twenty Years a f t e r Beveridge", I n d u s t r i a l  Relations, A Journal of Economy and Society, V o l . 2, 1962-3, pp. 15-32 (See e s p e c i a l l y her comment on page 30) 2 Arndt, op. c i t . , p. 474, see a l s o : Arthur Gladstone, "The Conception of the Enemy", Journal of C o n f l i c t Resolution, V o l . 3, 1959, pp. 132-137. 3 See footnote 1 page 4, supra. 94 Cooperation between Municipal o f f i c i a l s and Department of S o c i a l Welfare An opportunity to attempt a d i f f e r e n t approach to the problem was presented with the e l e c t i o n of a new reeve i n the municipality. Local personnel of the Department of S o c i a l Welfare had noted with gr'owing concern some of the e f f e c t which long-term unemployment was having upon family groups. Informal discussions with Reeve J.A. Murphy and h i s Municipal Clerk, A.H. Moxon, had indicated that a constructive approach could be expected from the municipality i f a work scheme could be developed. Tentative plans for a work project and for the s e l e c t i o n of p a r t i c i p a n t s were worked out. During the summer of 1961 Reeve Murphy entered into extensive correspondence with senior members of the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l govern-ments urging that approval be given to e s t a b l i s h i n g a p i l o t project i n the municipality. He received no encouragement from ei t h e r l e v e l of government. Further consultations with l o c a l personnel of the Department of S o c i a l Welfare resulted i n a plan whereby the Winter Works program would be used during the ensuing winter as the means whereby such a p i l o t project could be attempted. Subsequent discussions with the Deputy Minister of S o c i a l Welfare assured Reeve Murphy that there were no departmental objections to the proposal and that no administrative d i f f i c u l t i e s could a r i s e . Administrative Aspects of the Program The administrative arrangements of the program c a l l e d for r e c i p i e n t s to work for an amount equal to t h e i r usual rate of s o c i a l a s s i s t -ance plus two extra days. The a d d i t i o n a l amount was to cover such extra 95 expenses as the need for an increased food budget, a d d i t i o n a l c l o t h i n g and transportation. I t was also f e l t that an incentive had been added thereby to encourage c l i e n t p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Workmens1 Compensation and Unemployment Insurance coverage was to be included. The p r e v a i l i n g union scale of wages i n the municipality was to apply yet at the same time the emphasis was d e f i n i t e l y to be one of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f . The s p e c i f i c work was to be that of improving a l o c a l park i n the municipality. The stringent f i n a n c i a l condition of the municipality had not permitted ex-tensive improvements to be undertaken previously. I t was, also, work which would have been attempted eventually under a normal Winter Works program. The s e l e c t i o n of the p a r t i c i p a n t s was l e f t e n t i r e l y with the l o c a l Department: of S o c i a l Welfare. Preference was to be given to the s e l e c t i o n of heads of f a m i l i e s which had been dependent upon s o c i a l a s s i s t -ance f o r a considerable period. Prospective p a r t i c i p a n t s were r e f e r r e d to t h e i r own doctor for medical examinations. While i t was appreciated that p a r t i c i p a t i o n could only be voluntary municipal o f f i c i a l s indicated that they would have been very unhappy had anyone refused. The aims which the program sought to achieve included: To maintain a work habit i n these people, who, at the moment are unable to f i n d employment, but have not accumulated s u f f i c i e n t Unemployment Insurance c r e d i t s to q u a l i f y for benefits from that fund. To provide u s e f u l work for those people whose capacity i s so l i m i t e d that they can only f i n d a place i n the regular labour market when there i s better than 1 0 0 % employment, and who therefore are chronic r e c i p i e n t s of assistance from S o c i a l Welfare. To obtain c a p i t a l improvements f o r the community i n return i f o r the money spent a s s i s t i n g those less fortunate people. 1 from municipal f i l e s : 96 Inasmuch as the o r i g i n a l analysis of the problem was i n error, as w i l l be shown, there are c e r t a i n misconceptions inherent i n the aims of the program. Despite t h i s the framework which has been proposed should enable us to evaluate the p r o j e c t . Comparability of Members of the Study Group Before going on to discuss the f i n d i n g of the study i t w i l l be necessary to comment b r i e f l y upon the extent that the members who took part i n the study were representative of a l l those who took part i n the p r o j e c t . Six persons were not interviewed. As far as possible t h e i r f i l e s were examined to determine whether s i g n i f i c a n t differences existed i n t h e i r subsequent experiences and those interviewed. One person's f i l e could not be located. One person had changed h i s name and what had happened to him was unknown. The whereabouts of one other person was also unknown. He had worked for a short while on the project when his earnings were garnisheed. Thereafter he l e f t the immediate area but continued to be known to the department. His subsequent experiences were a continuation of h i s unpredictable behavior. One person with a very large family found employment with a government department following h i s w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f assignment. One person, 60 years of age when he was de-t a i l e d to work for h i s assistance, and who had a long h i s t o r y of physical i l l n e s s , died about eighteen months a f t e r h i s f i r s t season on the project. (His death was not a t t r i b u t a b l e to h i s w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f experience.) His protestations that he was unable to work were roughly brushed aside by hi s s o c i a l worker. He l a t e r suffered an accident on the job and drew Workmen's Compensation Benefits for a short period. At l e a s t one of the above persons suffered from severe mental problems. One man* had moved from the area. This family had been known to the department for a long time. 97 They remained marginal members of the community to which they had moved, and, again, i t appeared that severe psychological problems existed. Another family that had not been dependent upon s o c i a l assistance for a long period before the operation of the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f project began, had remained more or less independent since. As w i l l be seen t h e i r s i t u a t i o n s were not unlike those who comprised the members of the study group. One a d d i t i o n a l person, not included i n the above, had a c t u a l l y been ordered to report f o r work despite a doctor's note i n d i c a t i n g unsuit-a b i l i t y . He was sent home a f t e r h a l f a day on the job. The Development of a Community Park The park which was to be improved was MSA Centennial Park. I t has been a park that has received a great deal of voluntary community support over the years. A part of the park was o r i g i n a l l y Matsqui's 1958 Centennial project which was o f f i c i a l l y opened June 2, 1958, by Lt.-Governor Frank McKenzie Ross.''" Thirteen acres of i t s property was donated by the 2 Abbotsford Lions' Club. Many other community organizations have contributed various f a c i l i t i e s over the years. I t i s , i n short, a community undertaking with which l o c a l c i t i z e n s take considerable pride. Much of the park was undeveloped and normally i t s improvement would have been a very long process. Even today, three years a f t e r the termination of t h e i r o r i g i n a l work-for-r e l i e f project, with continued improvements each winter, there remains much work to be done. The following photographs give some i n d i c a t i o n of the state of the park before the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f project was begun and a f t e r the work was completed the f i r s t season. 1 ASM News, June 4, 1958 p . l : l 2 ASM News, July 2, 1958 p.6:5 99 A View i n Centennial Park M a y 1965 CHAPTER VI Any assessment of a project such as that c a r r i e d out by the municipality of Matsqui w i l l depend upon the analysis which has been made of the o r i g i n a l problem. In the opinion of municipals - and of some members of the s t a f f of the l o c a l Department of S o c i a l Welfare - the persons selected for the project were seen as "chronic r e c i p i e n t s of assistance" some of whom had such a l i m i t e d place i n the labour market that they were employable only i n periods approaching f u l l employment. This would be correct for a few of those who were members of the study group reported on here. As w i l l be shown, many factors entered into the dependency upon s o c i a l a s s i s t -ance. Basis of the Analysis In the follow-up study that was made l o c a l l y i n August, 1961, which included eighteen of the o r i g i n a l twenty-two p a r t i c i p a n t s , i t was found that only eleven had, by that date, returned to the welfare r o l l s . The inference was drawn that the achievement of independent status was more or less d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the operation of the program. What may not have been given s u f f i c i e n t consideration i n the analysis of the problem by those who d i r e c t e d the project l o c a l l y , was, f i r s t , an adequate appreciation of the changing economic conditions and, secondly, a more c a r e f u l assessment of the dynamics operating i n each p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l ' s s i t u a t i o n . Comprehensive figures are now a v a i l a b l e from which i t i s poss-i b l e to draw some inferences about the economic conditions which then prevailed. In a d d i t i o n , t h i s researcher has attempted to bring a d i f f -erent perspective to bear when examing the dynamics which might have 103 been a p p l i c a b l e i n each i n d i v i d u a l s i t u a t i o n . Rates of Unemployment There can be no question but that the rates of unemployment w i l l have repercussions which determine whether persons w i l l require or w i l l remain dependent upon s o c i a l assistance. Table II indicates the percentage of unemployment estimated to have been experienced i n B r i t i s h Columbia for the years 1958 to 1964 i n -c l u s i v e . They are based upon the actual estimate for each given month and would represent the "non 1seasonally adjusted" rate. These figures seem p a r t i c u l a r l y a pplicable to our analysis inasmuch as i t would re-present actual labor market conditions experienced by the i n d i v i d u a l . While i t i s r e a l i z e d that the figures given are estimates and, as such, are subject to error, t h e i r r e a l value for the purpose of t h i s study l i e s i n the comparisons they enable us to make. P a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n i s drawn to the fa c t that the figures for the second h a l f of 1961 re-f l e c t a decrease of almost 50 per cent from that of the f i r s t h a l f of the year and that the rates of unemployment during 1963 and 1964 are s u b s t a n t i a l l y less than that for the years 1958 to 1960 i n c l u s i v e , ex-cept for the second h a l f of 1959. Personal C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ._ -. - - \ In order to be able to assess what impact the work for r e l i e f experience had upon the i n d i v i d u a l s i t w i l l f i r s t be necessary to ex-amine the data that was obtained of t h e i r personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . 104 Table II Relationship of Unemployment To Tot a l Labor Force, B r i t i s h Columbia, For years 1958 to 1964, i n c . * ' 1 1 2 Date l ' T otal Number Percentage Labor Force Unemployed Unemployed 1958 Jan. 536 66 12 Apr. 541 56 10 Ju l y 565 41 7 Oct. . 548 37 7 1959 Jan. 543 65 12 Apr. 548 34 6 July 579 25 4 Oct. 562 26 % 1960 Jan;. 551 59 10% Apr. 551 47 8% July 585 41 7 Oct. 575 . 44 7%-1961 Jan. 570 75 13 Apr. 568 56 10 July 595 38 6 h Oct. 574 32 5% 1962 Jan. 567 57 10 Apr. 579 40 7 July, 614 32 5„ Oct. 591 34 53/4 1963 Jan. 584 57 9% Apr. 594 40 63/4 July 635 35 5% Oct. 620 , 32 5 1964 Jan. 612 47 7 2/3 Apr. 625 33 5 July 669 29 *V3 Oct. 643 28 , 4 V 3 * Source: Canada, Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , The Labour Force, Supplement to March, 1965 Report, D.B.S. Special Services D i v i s i o n , Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, A p r i l , 1965, pp. 33-34. 1. Estimate i n thousands, ( A g r i c u l t u r a l and Non-agricultural). 2. Derived figures (non-seasonally adjusted). • 105 Age and Education The ages of the p a r t i c i p a n t s , as of December 31, 1961, ranged from 22 years to 60. Only one person was under 25. Twelve persons, or 75%, were 36 years or older. Four persons, 25%, had a grade 5 or less education; of these, one person, who was s i x t y years of age, was i l l i t -erate. Thirteen persons, or just over 75% had le s s than a grade 10 education. Of these t h i r t e e n persons, a l l were over 30 years of age; nine were over 40. A grade ten education or better i s usually required before serious consideration can be given to extensive t r a i n i n g or re-t r a i n i n g . As a r u l e age i s also a consideration. From the following table i t can be seen that only one person, Mr. A., on the basis of age and education, would appear to have been a possible candidate for voca-t i o n a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . TABLE I I I Comparison of Education and Age Ages under Grade Completed - 0-5 . .6-7 ' 8-9 \ 10.-11 .12+ . Total . 25 1 - 1 30 0 35 1 2 1 4 40 1 2 1 4 45 1 2 3 50 1 1 2 55 1 1 60 • 0 65 1 ' 1 . Totals 4 6 3 2 1 16 106 Previous Work Experience The members of the study group had an extremely v a r i e d occupat-i o n a l h i s t o r y . Each person was asked what had been the longest period of employ-ment he had ever held. Many persons had had a very stable work record i n the past. Three persons had worked continuously for one employer or i n one occupation f o r more than 15 years. Only three persons indicated they had worked continuously for one employer or i n one occupation for a lesser period than three years. This would i n d i c a t e that when work was a v a i l a b l e , or, as w i l l be discussed, when t h e i r health d i d not pre-vent them from doing so, the majority of the persons i n t h i s group had had a strong attachment to the labor force although i n some cases t h e i r p o s i t i o n was a marginal one. Four persons had held only laboring types jobs i n the past. They included Mr. A., who would appear to have a p o t e n t i a l for t r a i n i n g , and who had not yet found stable employment. The three remaining per-sons were 32, 47, and 60 years of age and.had completed grade 6, 7, and 0 years of education r e s p e c t i v e l y . Two had come from f a m i l i e s which had operated marginal farms. They had not been able to make a successful t r a n s i t i o n to any other type of work. The other two persons come from f a m i l i e s which had operated successful farms. Their work h i s t o r y was li m i t e d to seasonal u n s k i l l e d employment mainly i n farming and logging. One person, describing the kinds of work he had done, said: " I t was mostly small jobs -- small pay -- nothing that I l i k e d . " Five persons had held semi - s k i l l e d jobs at some point i n t h e i r previous work h i s t o r y . Mr. F., however, had held such a p o s i t i o n only 107 i n a period of very high demand for labor. Normally he has only a mar-g i n a l p o s i t i o n i n the labor market. He has been p r i m a r i l y dependent up-on s o c i a l assistance for many years. Mr. E. has done semi- s k i l l e d work i n several occupations. He has frequently had to depend upon u n s k i l l e d laboring-type work. Mr. G., H. and J. have a l l had good work records i n the past. The longest period of continuous employment i n each case was 2 1/2, 3, and 6 years. Mr. G. and Mr. H. have frequently found u n s k i l l e d laboring-type work when nothing better was to be had. The persons i n t h i s s e m i - s k i l l e d group have frequently depended upon employment which required no s k i l l . Six persons had held s k i l l e d jobs i n the past. Mr. K. has worked co n t i n u a l l y i n such an occupation for three years but has frequently had to r e l y upon u n s k i l l e d employment. Mr. L. had been a railway fireman for f i v e years but was displaced by d i e s e l i z a t i o n . He has had a stable work-history i n several occupations. He had never had d i f f i c u l t y f i n d i n g employment u n t i l s u f f e r i n g a back i n j u r y . Thereafter, he said, "Ioauldn't even buy a job." Mr. M. and Mr. N. had held s k i l l e d jobs i n t h e i r country of o r i g i n f o r 15 and 13 years r e s p e c t i v e l y . On emigrating to Canada i n 1957 both have found d i f f i c u l t y f i n d i n g and keeping any kind of employ-ment, perhaps p a r t l y because of the language d i f f i c u l t y . The f i f t h mem-ber of t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n worked f or ten years i n one p o s i t i o n . Subse-quent to h i s discharge because of frequent garnishees he has only been able to f i n d seasonal work i n se m i - s k i l l e d occupations. The l a s t member of t h i s group of s k i l l e d workers had previously worked for 19 years as a railway express man. During the l a s t few years he was with the railway d r a s t i c reductions i n employment opportunities have occurred within h i s s e n i o r i t y c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . The termination of h i s employment has been followed by many personal problems. He has since had many d i f f i c u l t i e s making a re-adjustment to the world of work. 10B The remaining member of t h i s study group had had s p e c i a l i z e d t r a i n i n g beyond the high school l e v e l and had at one time held an a s s i s -tant managerial p o s i t i o n . For some time, however, he has been disabled because of mental i l l n e s s and as a consequence he has had to depend upon s o c i a l assistance. To r e c a p i t u l a t e : One person had held a professional p o s i t i o n . Six had held s k i l l e d positions although most have also had to r e l y upon sem i - s k i l l e d or laboring types of jobs. Five persons had held semi-s k i l l e d positions but they also have been underemployed frequently. One person i n t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n normally does not have more than a marginal attachment to the labor force. Four persons have held only laboring types of jobs. For most members of the study group, therefore, having to depend upon u n s k i l l e d laboring type jobs has been a normal experience. Dependency Upon S o c i a l Assistance Records of the Department of S o c i a l Welfare revealed that the longest any family had been known to the department p r i o r to December 1961, the date the work for r e l i e f project was started, was 151 months. Another had been known for 108 months. These were both exceptional, however. One case had been known to the department for only nine months although t h i s was a continuous period. Altogether the sixteen f a m i l i e s had been known to the department 742 months or an average of approxi-mately 46 1/2 months each. In a few cases the person had been dependent upon s o c i a l assistance continuously since they f i r s t became known to the department but more often t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to the department was marked  by varying periods of s e l f support. In some instances only p a r t i a l support was required. More pertinent for our study, perhaps, was the period of contin-uous dependence upon s o c i a l assistance p r i o r to the date the work-for-re-l i e f project was started. This ranged from a minimum of 9 months to the 109 maximum of 108 months. Again these were two exceptional cases. A l -together the sixteen f a m i l i e s had been continuously dependent upon s o c i a l assistance for 516 months or an average of just over 32 months each. Again some f a m i l i e s required only p a r t i a l assistance i n some months. Dependence upon s o c i a l assistance has been i l l u s t r a t e d graph-i c a l l y i n f i g u r e I for the years 1956 to 1964 i n c l u s i v e . 1 It must be remembered that p a r t i c i p a n t s were paid wages d i r e c t from the munici-p a l i t y while employed upon t h e i r work for r e l i e f assignment. I t w i l l be noted that i n no case was f u l l s o c i a l assistance required i n December, 1961. Nine f a m i l i e s required p a r t i a l assistance i n December}1961 as d i d t h i r t e e n f a m i l i e s i n January,1962. Only one family required p a r t i a l assistance i n February,1962. A clos e r examination of the chart w i l l re-v e a l that necessity for f u l l s o c i a l assistance had already been lessened during July,1961 f i v e months before the program began. Where twelve f a m i l i e s required f u l l assistance, and four required p a r t i a l assistance, i n June,1961 only four required f u l l assistance and eight required par-t i a l assistance during the following month. Four f a m i l i e s had received only p a r t i a l assistance during the following month. Four f a m i l i e s had received only p a r t i a l assistance i n the period from July 1, 1961 to the date the husband and father was assigned to the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f project. For a number of others the pattern of dependency had also been lessened during the second h a l f of 1961. 1 I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to compare the necessity for s o c i a l assistance which has been depicted g r a p h i c a l l y i n f i g u r e I with the rates of Unemployment shown i n table I I . FIGURE I I l l Two immediate explanations for the lessened dependence upon s o c i a l assistance during t h i s period suggest themselves. First,, i t may be that a d d i t i o n a l employment opportunities became a v a i l a b l e . I t was estimated that i n January, 1961, i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 75,000 persons were unemployed out of a labor force of 570,000 or 13 per cent on a non-seasonally adjusted basis. By July, 1961, 38,000 persons were unemployed out of-a labor force of 595^000 or approximately 6 1/3 per cent. 1 While the rate of unemployment for the Abbotsford area may not have been exactly the same as i n the remainder of the province i t i s l i k e l y to have r e f l e c t e d i t to a considerable degree. Secondly, there may have been a closer supervision of those r e c e i v i n g s o c i a l assistance r e s u l t -ing i n some persons being "encouraged"to f i n d employment. In add i t i o n there i s the p o s s i b i l i t y that f o r those whose dependence upon s o c i a l assistance was p r i m a r i l y the r e s u l t of i l l n e s s the o r i g i n a l problem was no longer a handicap. Figure I indicates that for most of those who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the project there was a marked lessening of dependency upon s o c i a l a s s i s -tance. In order to examine some of the possible reasons f or t h i s out-come an "index of dependency" was devised so that i t would be possible to make graphic comparisons of several f a c t o r s . A score of one was assigned f o r each month that the family required f u l l assistance and a score of one-half for each month that only p a r t i a l assistance was re-quired. A r a t i n g of the index of dependency for the f i v e year period ending J u l y 1964 i s given i n table IV. 1 See table I I page 104 supra. 112 TABLE IV Index of Dependency • Year ending July 31st No. I960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1 12 10 44 9 i 5 2 12 12 74 8 10 3 10h 11 54 4 4 4 12 12 74 12 12 5 64 12 64 12 12 6 3 84 ; 4 44 3 7 94 94 ; 2 6 44 8 54 54 : 4 6 44 9 10 114 *2 5 2 10 24 ; 7 3 1 0 11 0 34 4 1 i 12 0 74 : 64 8 1 13 84 10 44 3 2 14 114 104 . 4 8 0 15 74 84 34 54 64 16 12 114 3 34 2 113 FACTORS IN THE CONTINUING DEPENDENCY UPON SOCIAL ASSISTANCE AGE To what extent was age a factor i n the continuing dependency of the p a r t i c i p a n t s before and a f t e r the work r e l i e f experience? Dependency upon s o c i a l assistance, e i t h e r before or a f t e r , t h e i r w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f does not appear to have been r e l a t e d p r i m a r i l y to the age of those who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h i s project. This has been depicted g r a p h i c a l l y i n f i g u r e I I . Comparatively younger men had a higher rate of dependency than di d some of those who were older. In the case of the fourth youngest person the dependency upon s o c i a l assistance was greater i n the two year period following the experiment than i t was before. An examination of the reason for the continuing dependency i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r case indicates the problem to be mental i l l n e s s . I f any trend i s indicated by the chart i t i s that dependency decreased with age. EDUCATION To what extent was education a factor i n the continuing depend-ency of the p a r t i c i p a n t s before and a f t e r t h e i r w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f exper-ience? As was shown to have been the case for age, education of i t s e l f was not p r i m a r i l y r e l a t e d to dependency upon s o c i a l assistance either before or a f t e r t h e i r w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f assignment. This i s depicted g r a p h i c a l l y i n Figure I I I . The person with the highest education had a high dependance upon s o c i a l assistance and t h i s was not s i g n i f i c a n t l y a l t e r e d by h i s w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f assignment. The person ranking fourth on the l i s t also had a high dependancy on s o c i a l assistance. The person 114 ranking t h i r d on the l i s t , while having an index of dependency of just under 50% of a possible score of 24, had a much higher dependency on s o c i a l assistance than did persons with s i g n i f i c a n t l y l e s s education. In a l l three cases an examination of the reasons for the continued de-pendency on s o c i a l assistance indicates the primary problem to be men-t a l disturbance of greater or lesser s e v e r i t y . As i n the case of age, i f any trend i s indicated i t suggest that dependency decreased with the l e v e l of education. CHILDREN To what extent was the number of c h i l d r e n i n the family a fac-tor i n the continuing dependency of the p a r t i c i p a n t s before and a f t e r the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f experience? As i n the case of age and education there was no clear r e l a t i o n -ship between the number of c h i l d r e n i n the family and dependency on s o c i a l assistance. This i s depicted g r a p h i c a l l y i n f i g u r e IV. Per-sonnel from the Department of S o c i a l Welfare indicated that two persons with large f a m i l i e s had found i t necessary to r e s t r i c t t h e i r availab-i l i t y for work to the immediate v i c i n i t y i n order to help the mother with problems she could not cope with alone. I t was not the c h i l d r e n i n themselves who contributed to the necessity to depend upon s o c i a l assistance. The n o n - a v a i l a b i l i t y of work i n one instance and the mar-g i n a l employability i n the other were the primary cause of dependency which, i n any case, was less i n both instances than for some other f a m i l i e s , some of whom had only h a l f as many child r e n . 115 Figure I I Relationship of dependency Index to age* of person. Comparison of index for 2 year period ending 31 July,1961 (Red) with that of 2 year period ending 31 July}1964. (Green). * Age as at Dec. 31, 1961. «* VJhere age of persons were equal they were ranked by education also. 116 Figure III Relationship o f dependency Index to education of person. Comparison of index for 2 year period ending 31 July-1961 (Red) with that of 2 year period ending 31 July.l964» (Green), Where persons had the same educational standing they were ranked by age* also. * As at Dec. 31, 1961. 117 Figure IV Relationship of dependency Index to number of children in family (as at Dec. 1964)• Comparing index for 2 year period ending 31 July 1961 (Red) with that of 2 year period ending 31 July,1964. (Green). 6 Where the same number of children per family are shown, persons are ranked by (l) education and (2) by age, preference being given to the most favorable factor. TABLE V RELIGION Number of children i n family as at Dec. 31, 1964 ( TOTALS "• 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 • 8 9 10 11 12 Mennonite 2 1 1 . .4 Lutheran 2 -1 - • . . 3 . Roman Catholic 1 .1 - 2 United Church - - . 1 . 1 2 Church of England 1 1 2 A l l i a n c e Tabernacle 1 . . . . . 1 None 1 1 • 2 TOTALS 1 1 3 5 2 2 1 1 1 16 119 There were 82 c h i l d r e n i n t h i s group of 16 f a m i l i e s as at December 31, 1961. As of December 31, 1964, there were 89 c h i l d r e n , an increase of seven. The number of c h i l d r e n i n each family as of December 31, 1964, i s shown i n table V. Health as a Factor i n Dependency Age, education and number of c h i l d r e n i n the family have been discussed as possible factors i n the dependency of these f a m i l i e s . I t has been shown that these were not conclusively r e l a t e d to a pattern of dependency. A close study of the events which have led the husband and father to require assistance indicates that, as well as unemployment because of adverse economic conditions, i l l n e s s was a major factor. The person who can be c l a s s i f i e d as a p r o f essional person, and who normally would be making a major contribution to the community, was disabled because of mental i l l n e s s . Of the six persons who had worked i n s k i l l e d occupations at some point i n the past, one was disabled because of mental i l l n e s s and a second was disabled because of p h y s i c a l i n j u r i e s . Of the f i v e persons who had worked i n s e m i - s k i l l e d occupations J, one had d i f f i c u l t y keeping employment because of emotional d i f f i c u l t i e s . Another functions marginally i n the community for the same reason. Both do odd jobs s u c c e s s f u l l y but have d i f f i c u l t y adjusting to a d i s c i p l i n e d s e t t i n g and seem unable to work r e g u l a r l y with other members i n a gang. They are otherwise competent workmen. A t h i r d person i n t h i s c l a s s i f i -cation became dependent upon s o c i a l assistance d i r e c t l y as a r e s u l t of physical i n j u r y . His back i n j u r y was of such a nature that no employer would consider giving him a job because he was known to be a compensation 12t r i s k . As has been stated he had had a stable work h i s t o r y p r i o r to h i s i n j u r y . Of the four u n s k i l l e d persons one suffered from a complaint which i s sometimes regardedi as psychosomatic. Another person i n t h i s group i s mentally d e f i c i e n t . He has had almost no attachment to the labor market at any time. I t i s p r i m a r i l y health f a c t o r s which accounts for the dependence upon s o c i a l assistance of these persons p r i o r to the commencement of t h i s project. Those persons who have remained dependent upon s o c i a l a s s i s t -ance do so for t h i s reason. Associated with t h e i r health problems are t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s i n s o c i a l functioning. Whether these are the cause or the e f f e c t of the health problem i t s e l f would be d i f f i c u l t to determine. Unquestionably t h e i r marginal economic existence over a prolonged period has only ser-ved to i n t e n s i f y t h e i r deprived status i n the community. To sum up nine of the sixteen persons who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h i s w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f project had become -- or remained -- dependent upon s o c i a l assistance because of health problems. Poor mental health was a factor i n f i v e cases and physical i l l n e s s was so i n three others. A psychosomatic complaint was a d i s a b l i n g factor i n another instance. Causes of Dependency as Seen by Respondents Members of the study group were asked: What d i f f i c u l t i e s have you had over the years i n f i n d i n g and keeping employment? The answers given indicated that most of the respondents had made a r e a l i s t i c appraisal of t h e i r own problems. Many very c o r r e c t l y i n d i -cated there were several reasons for t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to f i n d work. 121 Lack of s k i l l , age, and health were mentioned i n f i v e instances. Seasonal nature of t h e i r normal employment, lack of education, and lack of union membership were mentioned three times. Two persons men-tioned language d i f f i c u l t i e s . S c a r c i t y of work was also mentioned twice. In some instances the respondent's inadequate personality and h i s personal problems undoubtedly contributed to t h e i r dependence upon s o c i a l assistance. Departmental f i l e s i n d i c a t e that i n many fa m i l i e s serious problems of interpersonal adjustment existed within the family* In some cases these d i f f i c u l t i e s had repercussions within the community i t s e l f . In at least one instance i t would appear that an i n a b i l i t y to consume alcohol without getting i n t o d i f f i c u l t y was a factor i n h i s pro-longed unemployment: although not a confirmed a l c o h o l i c he became un-c o n t r o l l a b l e when he began to drink. As was previously stated, a number of persons had had emotional problems of varying s e v e r i t y . Two persons with t h i s d i f f i c u l t y were aware t h e i r problem contributed to t h e i r un-employability, although they d i d not s p e c i f i c a l l y state t h i s as a reason. The general tendency was to r a t i o n a l i z e the d i f f i c u l t y they had had i n obtaining employment by l i s t i n g other reasons. Two of the persons i n -terviewed were currently considered d e f i n i t e l y unemployable. Their maintenance i n the community at t h e i r present l e v e l of functioning was considered the best that could be expected at the present time. Neither considered that t h e i r mental health was p r i m a r i l y responsible for t h e i r dependence upon s o c i a l assistance. While one person could l e g i t i m a t e l y r a t i o n a l i z e h i s dependency on the basis of h i s age -- he was now 64 years of age -- the other could not. Mr. N., at 37, had no understanding of 122 h i s d i f f i c u l t y and was making pathetic and f r u i t l e s s e f f o r t s to gain employment at the time he was interviewed. While t h i s was generally a group with low education, a lack of s k i l l s , and for whom age was a b a r r i e r , these factors were not given as frequently as they might have been. The reason appeared to be that they were prepared to accept whatever employment was a v a i l a b l e at a p a r t i -cular point i n time. This may account for the f a c t that the data i n -dicates that low education and increasing age was not p o s i t i v e l y re-lated to dependency on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . 1 Reaction of Respondents to Dependency on S o c i a l Assistance I t has been indicated that there i s a widespread acceptance of a b e l i e f that s o c i a l assistance r e c i p i e n t s "have found a way to get something for nothing, and without having to work for i t . They draw t h e i r welfare, and ... laugh a l l the way to the pool h a l l or beer par-l o r . " 2 Members of the study group were asked: What did being dependent upon S o c i a l Assistance mean to you and your family (before being employed on Centennial Park Project)? Their r e p l i e s included: " I t kept us a l i v e . " " I t disrupts family l i f e . I don't l i k e getting something for nothing." " I t ' s no good -- nothing to give back. You can't give the c h i l d r e n what they want." "A mere e x i s t -ence -- far sooner have had some kind of job." " I t ' s a means of 1 See Figures I I , I I I , and IV. 2 Traveler, op. c i t . , p. 10. 123 f i n a n c i a l help when you're not working -- i t ' s nerve wracking." " I don't l i k e to have to be dependent." " I t means l i v i n g on very l i t t l e , I was put on by my doctor. They were very good -- always h e l p f u l . " "People look on you -- you're a rat '-- there's a tendency to be re-jected s o c i a l l y -- that's why we don't go out s o c i a l l y , even now (when not on S o c i a l Assistance) -- i t makes you f e e l bad." "I don't care for i t — helped us at the time -- I'd r e a l l y have to be down and out to go back on i t now. I'd rather earn my own money." " I f e l t I h i t the bottom of the b a r r e l -- i t ' s wonderful when you're i n need that i t ' s a v a i l a b l e , but I f e l t I couldn't c a l l my soul my own." "I would prefer to work to think of welfare." " I f e l t r e a l bad --run down -- gave me 'nerves'. They sent me to the Employment O f f i c e to report a l l the time." " I t was degrading -- the kids f e e l i t i n f e r i o r . At school they get asked: 'What does your daddy do?' --the kids had to do without dental care." " I t helped while I was si c k . " The Poverty Level of Existence on S o c i a l Assistance Students of poverty have examined the various attempts which have been made to draw "a poverty l i n e " . l Suggestions of an income l e v e l at which a family of four persons are l i v i n g above or below a poverty l i n e range from $2,000.00 to $3,500.00.2 Davenport i s pre-1 See for example: Michael Harrington, The Other America, Poverty i n  the United States, 1962, Penguin Book ed., Harmondswor.th,. .19.63,. .pp. 171-86; Ben H. Bagdikan, In the Midst of Plenty, The Poor i n America, Beacon Press, Boston, 1964, pp. 172-93; John Davenport, "In the Midst of Plenty," Fortune, March, 1961, V o l . 63, pp. 107-09, 236-40.7. 2 Harrington, op. c i t . , pp. 175 and 177. 124 pared to accept $2,500.00. l, while Bagdikan accepts $3,000.00.2 Eight f a m i l i e s , 50 per cent of those i n the study group, com-posed of a t o t a l of seven or more persons had at one point or other i n t h e i r dependence upon s o c i a l assistance had to "make do" on a maximum monthly income of $211.80, the then p r e v a i l i n g rate of assistance, or an annual income l e v e l of $2,541.60. Four of these f a m i l i e s contained more than seven persons -- one contained 12 persons dependent upon the grant. None had received more than $211.80 for normal expenditures; (i n some cases s p e c i a l grants were sometimes made for s p e c i a l reasons). A l l members of t h i s study group expressed f e e l i n g s of humilia-t i o n , degradation, helplessness and despair with varying degrees of i n -t e n s i t y . 3 For them dependency on s o c i a l assistance was " h i t t i n g the bottom of the b a r r e l " . While there would be no way to measure the i n -t e n s i t y of t h e i r f e e l i n g s of deprivation the predominant impression which remains with the researcher i s that the degree of i t s i n t e n s i t y had a close r e l a t i o n s h i p to the degree of downward s o c i a l m o b i l i t y which t h e i r dependence upon s o c i a l assistance represented.4 1 Davenport, op. c i t . , p. 107. 2 Bagdikan, op. c i t . . p. 176. Harrington f e e l s that $3,500. for an urban, family of four i s an appropriate fi g u r e , op. c i t . , . p . 177. 3 See for example: I r v i n g Goffman, Stigma, Prentice H a l l , Inc., Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.,1963, p. 17. 4 See Blumer, op. c i t . , p. 62, quoted i n Chapter IV, page 79 supra. L25 Reaction of Study Group to P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Work-for-Relief Program Perception of Project Before discussing the reactions of p a r t i c i p a n t s to t h e i r work-f o r - r e l i e f experience i t i s f i r s t necessary to examine what t h e i r per-ception of the project was. That t h i s was seen as a work project d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to t h e i r dependence on s o c i a l assistance was revealed by the answers to d i f f e r e n t questions. Members of the study group were asked i f they could have refused to work on the project. Two persons stated they could have done so inas-much as they could have offered i l l health as a legitimate excuse. One person stated that he could not have refused: "A couple of men did that -- they were cut o f f -- the welfare wouldn't give them any money." Nine persons stated they could have refused but immediately indicated they would have suffered penalties for doing so -- e i t h e r assistance would have been cut o f f or they would have had "a l o t of trouble with the welfare". Two persons f e l t the plan had been voluntary and that no one had refused. Two others expressed what was a common reaction of many others: " I wouldn't know why (a person would refuse to work). I didn't think to do so." Indicating that he could have refused, one person said: "... not that they gave you much chance. They made i t so you couldn't re-fuse. Cut you down -- just l i k e i n Comox ( s i c ) . " Other comments i n -cluded: " I t was a g l o r i f i e d penal system." " I t was l i k e slavery ... I don't think that the B.C. government intended slavery -- hard labor." One person had a clear grasp of one objective of the project: "They expected you would learn again how to work for your money -- that was 126 the whole thing, more or l e s s , behind i t . " Speaking of the r e a c t i o n of the community one man said: "The only comment I heard about was about the 'welfare gang'. People were a f r a i d t h e i r taxes would go up -- that i t was coming'out of t h e i r taxes." Another said: "Ninety per cent of the people said putting the people to work was a good idea -- straight welfare i s a waste of money." "Welfare work -- that's what i t meant --stamps everyone i n d e l i b l y as a welfare r e c i p i e n t and they (meaning the community) knew i t . " One way or another, without any exception, the members of the study group perceived t h e i r assignment as a work-for-welfare project. Four persons f e l t they could have refused -- two for health reasons and two because they f e l t t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n was voluntary. The remainder, however, saw the program as compulsory and expected that negative sanc-tions would have been applied had they refused to p a r t i c i p a t e . Reaction to the P r i n c i p l e of Work-for-Relief The debate which has been c a r r i e d on over the p r i n c i p l e of work-f o r - r e l i e f has been l a r g e l y t h e o r e t i c a l or academic - those who would be most intimately involved are r a r e l y asked for t h e i r opinion. In conduct-ing t h i s study i t was appreciated that here was a unique opportunity to obtain the re a c t i o n of r e c i p i e n t s of S o c i a l Assistance to t h i s type of proposal. There i s a commonly held assumption that welfare r e c i p i e n t s would refuse to work i f asked. Accordingly work tests are devised to determine the worthy: " I f they won't work I won't sign t h e i r cheques. I t ' s as simple as that." 127 Respondents were asked the question: What were your feel i n g s about being employed on the Centenial Park Project for the f i r s t time? Their answers included: " I was 1007e> i n favour of i t " . " I f I work I dont have to hold my hand out -- I earned i t -- I didn't want to say that I was too good to work". " I t was a l r i g h t except we didn't work regular --only 1 8 days per month -- i t helped b u i l d up the community." " I f e l t very good." " I didn't mind working for the money I got -- we would be better o f f working the f u l l month -- better for a guy to work for h i s money than to get i t for nothing." " I f e l t happy about i t -- I thought i t was about time they put up something so that a person could work for hi s money." " I expected i t to be steady -- I was deceived." "Very good --wonderful thing." "I had no objections -- d e f i n e t e l y a l l for i t . " "I don't mind -- I'd rather earn my money". "At least I was earning my money. I t wasn't a l l cha r i t y . I was quite happy about going to work." "I l i k e to go." " I f e l t good -- was'picked' -- they put i t so n i c e l y --I l i k e d the idea of working i n the park -- makes things n i c e . " " I l i k e d that job. Men are better o f f i f they are working — I don't think there should be st r a i g h t welfare -- I don't think there should be unemployment insurance. There should be work." "Nice they put up the work l i k e that. I figured that's a good idea -- I was r e a l l y pleased." The almost unanimously favorable rec eption of the p r i n c i p l e of working for -- r e l i e f confirms the findings which were indicated i n a follow -- up study c a r r i e d out by l o c a l personnel of the Department of S o c i a l Welfare, i n August 1 9 6 1 . In the course of answering other questions which followed p a r t i c i p a n t s were able to express many negative feel i n g s about t h e i r experience. These did not detract from t h e i r o v e r a l l r e a c t i o n which was that they welcomed the opportunity to make a contribution to the community. 128 I t has been indicated that the persons of t h i s study group d e f i n i t e l y perceived t h i s project as a work for r e l i e f scheme. They were asked what meaning did the work have for them. Some of t h e i r r e p l i e s included the following favorable comments: " I t was accomplishing something for our c h i l d r e n to enjoy. For us personally i t was a useless project, we wouldn't see the. trees grow up. I don't care where they put me. I enjoy working as long as we1 re.treated decent." m I f e l t a l i t t l e better about doing a l i t t l e work." " I t meant I was occupied and that I was earning my money." "T f e e l I was self-supporting. I don't have to be dependent on others. I f e e l i t was quite a challenge to work with a group of people with d i f f e r e n t backgrounds." "I enjoyed work there as much as anywhere." "We had a l o t of fun." "Gave us a sense of s e c u r i t y - working for your money." "Everything was good about working there." " I t meant my conscience was c l e a r , I was doing something for my welfare, i t put us i n a better l i g h t with the public generally ... more prestige ... the f e e l i n g of the general public was more ' s o c i a l ' . I was working for the municipality. People would ask: 'You s t i l l on that Centennial job?' or say: 'That's a pretty good idea putting them welfare men on there'." Some answered i n terms of having gained a sense of freedom: "I'd rather work out there and show the public I'm w i l l i n g to work for i t than s i t on welfare." "At least you worked for your money, they couldn't squawk about the way you spent i t . " " I t made you f e e l more free - the welfare wasn't always breath-ing down your neck." Some of the negative f e e l i n g s expressed were contained i n the following: " I t had no meaning at a l l . ...A bulldozer could have done the job i n one day that we took a month to do." "Useless thing i n a way. I don't think we accomplished a great deal." 129 "At the s t a r t I l i k e d i t . Then i t se«med l i k e a j a i l sentence. ... things t o t a l l e d up - soured i t . " " I t just gave something to l i v e - you got the worst job they could f i n d . They put up a sign 'welfare workers' - they were rubbing i t i n to us for working there." When the respondents were asked what other members of the gang were l i k e , f i v e expressed negative opinions. Six gave both favorable and unfavorable opinions while the remaining f i v e expressed favorable comment. The o v e r a l l impression given by eleven persons was that they f e l t a stigma was attached to working i n a segregated group which they f e l t t h e i r s had been. A negative r e a c t i o n was even more marked by the response to the question which asked how other members of the gang f e l t about the work they were doing. While most had indicated that t h e i r own f e e l -ings were favorable, they almost a l l thought that t h e i r fellow workmen had reacted unfavorably. In answering t h i s question there may have been a tendency to project some of t h e i r own negative f e e l i n g s about the project onto other persons. Pa r t i c i p a n t s were asked i f they had had any objections to the project at i t s inception and i n what way t h e i r f e e l i n g s may have changed. E a r l i e r a l l had indicated a p o s i t i v e response i n t h e i r r e a c t i o n about being employed on the Centennial Park project for the f i r s t time. A l l confirmed that they had had no objections to the project at f i r s t . In answer to the question about whether t h e i r f e e l i n g s had changed from the way they had f e l t at f i r s t only one person experienced very negative f e e l i n g s . His work experience, at tasks considerably below his p o t e n t i a l capacity, served only to confirm fee l i n g s of being persecuted. vHis mental i l l n e s s had been such that assignment* to the project had been - at the 130 l e a s t - inadvisable. The remaining f i f t e e n persons indicated a con-ti n u i n g acceptance of the program. Two s p e c i f i c a l l y mentioned that working f u l l time would have been preferable, while another r a i s e d an objection about the foreman. Said one person who had hardly ever re-quired s o c i a l assistance since the operation of the project the f i r s t year: "My fe e l i n g s haven't changed. I f I had to I would do i t again -I'd rather do that than take s t r a i g h t welfare." The members of the study group were asked what they f e l t would be a more i d e a l work program. Five persons made comments which were requests for regular working conditions and the usual f r i n g e benefits -examples were medical coverage, f u l l working time, and discontinuance of segregated employment. Three persons did not make any suggestions. Two others suggested projects should aim at providing constructive t r a i n i n g opportunities which would lead to employment. One person regretted the de t e r i o r a t i o n which had occured because the improvements to the park had not been adequately maintained (This had been mentioned by many other p a r t i c i p a n t s at other points and w i l l be commented upon l a t e r ) . An assessment of the reactions of the p a r t i c i p a n t s to the pr i n -c i p l e of work for r e l i e f i s , therefore, not a clear-cut task. They were unanimous i n t h e i r endorsement of the idea - unquestionably they preferred to be able to make some contribution to the community rather than accept s o c i a l assistance unconditionally. But i t i s also true that segregation i n a "welfare gang" c a r r i e d a stigma for many of them - a r e v i v a l of the pauper's badge. A major dilemma, therefore, i n any w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f assign-ment would be the d i f f i c u l t y of providing a work opportunity which did not carry with i t the destructive elements of l a b e l l i n g persons as members of a d i s i n h e r i t e d group i n society. I t i s a dilemma for which there may be no s o l u t i o n . 131 Impact of the Work. Experience Upon the Individual An attempt was made to assess what impact t h e i r w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f experience may.have had for the i n d i v i d u a l . Respondents were asked: How was t h i s d i f f e r e n t from the work you had done i n the past? Negative comments included: " I t was b r a i n l e s s " . "There was no comparison"(yet t h i s man had once worked as a labore r ) . " I t was lesser work." " I t was l i k e slavery." _ The remaining t h i r t e e n men indicated that they had done such work before: " I t was nothing new to me. I'd done that before i n the d i r t y .-t h i r t i e s . " "None - I was born with a shovel i n my hand." Underemployment i n i t s e l f was not p a r t i c u l a r l y resented.! Those who had expressed negative fee l i n g s - and t h i s was the case throughout the res-ponse pattern - were mainly those whose dependency was traceable to poor mental health. These persons, i t w i l l be remembered, had experienced a great degree of downward mobility.. Respondents were asked: What experience do you f e e l you gained from your f i r s t season on the project? Six p a r t i c i p a n t s gave p o s i t i v e responses. One person said "I must admit I got quite an experience out of i t i n learning to plant trees, and that." The remaining ten men, including  most of those considered u n s k i l l e d , stated they had not gained any experience. One comment was: "How would a guy gain any experience on a thing l i k e that?" Respondents were asked: How did (your work experience) help you? Eight persons gave p o s i t i v e responses; four s p e c i f i c a l l y stated t h e i r health seemed better because they were working, two spe-c i f i c a l l y mentioned that t h e i r experience led to a regular job. One person, who might be considered one of the "chronic r e c i p i e n t s of s o c i a l a ssistance," spoke s p e c i f i c a l l y of being more accepted i n the -community. One of those whose dependency had been r e l a t e d to a problem of physical health stated: " I believe i t helped i n the future to get a job. They l i k e to „'your not shirking from working." By working on the project he had been able to convince National.Employment Service personnel that he was p h y s i c a l l y able to work and t h i s led to r e f e r r a l for speci-fic jobs. The remaining eight persons either gave non-committal answers or 132 expressed considerable negative f e e l i n g s . Subsequent Work History Respondents were asked: What work experience have you had since you f i r s t worked on the Centennial Park project? I t was a matter of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t that ten out of the sixteen members of the study group stated that they had done farm work. Matsqui i s mainly a farming community and i n rush seasons berry farmers often have d i f f i c u l t y obtaining s u f f i c i e n t help. I f they were otherwise un-employed these persons did not h e s i t a t e to a v a i l themselves of farm work when i t was to be had. One person stated that i f he himself were unemployed the whole family went with him out into the f i e l d s during the picking season. With improved economic conditions one person was able to gain employment which enabled him to acquire union membership i n the Laborer's Union. This led to other employment opportunities. One person has since become a successful berry farmer i n h i s own r i g h t . This goal had been achieved, not as a r e s u l t of the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program, but because he was able to convince the l o c a l Department of S o c i a l Welfare that he had worked out a sound plan which would lead to his self-support. One person had subsequently acquired the self-taught s k i l l of a cement f i n i s h e r . For the present he was f u l l y employed. Seven persons indicated they had worked with the s p e c i a l segregated park crew at some point since the f i r s t project ended i n May, 1962. Three others had worked with one of the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s regular Winter Works crews. They indicated that, apart from the f a c t that the work 133 was harder, there was no diffe r e n c e i n the work i t s e l f : i n both cases i t tends to be u n s k i l l e d manual labor. What was a p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s -t r e s s i n g f i n d i n g about t h e i r subsequent work h i s t o r y was the fact that they had remained l a r g e l y untrained and were s t i l l forced to depend upon casual employment. As such they remain susceptible to future downward swings of the economic cycle. Few evinced any i n t e r e s t i n r e t r a i n i n g or upgrading of s k i l l s . This confirmed what was already well-known to the l o c a l Department of S o c i a l Welfare. Three of the persons with poor mental health were now con-sidered unemployable. One was making pathetic attempts to f i n d employ-ment. Even h i s requests for work on the segregated work crew were being denied. Respondents were asked i f working on the project prevented them from following up other work opportunities. One man stated that one employer had phoned his home to see i f he was a v a i l a b l e for work. Because he was not immediately a v a i l a b l e he did not obtain a p o s i t i o n . Most other members stated that they had been able to search for other work - the r e a l d i f f i c u l t y was. that none was to be had. One person said he had been able to leave the job at mid-day to take on a part time job. Another, however,said he did not bother looking for other work because he f e l t the work he was doing was s u f f i c i e n t employment for the time. The foreman indicated each year he receives requests from employers for men and recommends the most suitable candidate. 134 Conclusions of the Study On the basis of the findings of t h i s research what evaluation can be made of the wo r k - f o r - r e l i e f program that was operated by the Mun i c i p a l i t y of Matsqui? I t was suggested that one c r i t e r i a by which a wo r k - f o r - r e l i e f program might be evaluated was the extent to which a non-punitive approach was evident i n formulating and carrying out the program. A review of the events which led to the intr o d u c t i o n indicated that a constructive approach was taken i n the formulation of the program. Plans f o r a p o t e n t i a l project were drawn up i n advance. A s u i t a b l e project was located and proved to be one with which the p a r t i c i p a n t s i d e n t i f i e d and one which they saw as enabling them to make a con t r i b u t i o n to the community. Their i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the project i s r e f l e c t e d i n the number of fee l i n g s of disappointment which were expressed about the municipality's f a i l u r e to provide, i n t h e i r opinion, an adequate standard of maintenance for the park during the summer months. This comment r e c a l l s the obser-v a t i o n of Lester regarding the cost of maintenance of completed work-for-r e l i e f p r o j e c t s . The s e l e c t i o n of the p a r t i c i p a n t s themselves, which was l e f t to the l o c a l Department of S o c i a l Welfare, r e f l e c t e d a lack of understanding of the needs of the p a r t i c i p a n t s . A number of persons with psychological problems of varying severity were assigned to the project and, i n some cases, t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s may have been i n t e n s i f i e d by t h e i r experience. This can be d i r e c t l y a t t r i b u t a b l e to the i n a b i l i t y of one non-professionally trained s t a f f member to exercise the necessary c r i t i c a l judgment i n 135 appraising the needs of these p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l s • This unfortunate occurrence only serves to emphasize the d i f f i c u l t i e s which can be faced i n w o r - f o r - r e l i e f programs: there are  many c r i t i c a l points at which an otherwise constructive program may be  sabotaged r e s u l t i n g i n ir r e p a r a b l e harm to re c i p i e n t s who are unable, because of t h e i r helpless dependence, to protest against u n f a i r treatment. (There would be no grievance committee or shop steward to complain to. Their work assignment would be a compulsory one.) I t was suggested that, a d d i t i o n a l l y , the pa r t i c i p a n t s perception of the motives behind the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program were equally important. Unquestionably they perceived the project as one of work-for-r e l i e f . They almost unanimously endorsed the p r i n c i p l e of working for th e i r s o c i a l assistance allowance. Despite popular assumptions to the contrary t h i s study confirmed what was found to have been the case i n the depression of the t h i r t i e s - people prefer to work than to "get money for nothing". Unquestionably there were many negative feelings expressed about some aspect of t h e i r experience. Many of these negative feelings came from those who should never have been included i n the program - those with an already overwhelming burden of psychological problems. While these l a t t e r also preferred to work, the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f assignment was one which tended to confirm t h e i r f e e l i n g s of r e j e c t i o n and of persecution. The person concerned i s no longer with the Department. 136 I t was suggested that an important c r i t e r i a i n an evaluation of the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program was the e f f e c t i t may have had upon the i n d i v i d u a l ' s f e e l i n g s of self-esteem and self-worth. -From the responses given by the members of the study group i t would appear that the a b i l i t y to make a contribution to the community i n return for t h e i r s o c i a l assistance payments resulted i n greater f e e l i n g s of self-esteem and self-worth. P a r t i c i p a n t s spoke of being able to f e e l they were self-supporting, of greater community acceptance, and of having gained a sense of freedom. On the other hand there was also a f e e l i n g that a stigma was attached to working i n a segregated group which they f e l t t h e i r s had been. This would lead one to conclude that, i n attempting to achieve t h e i r avowed goals, w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f proposals face an inherent c o n t r a d i c t i o n : "How can a program to which a stigma i s r e a d i l y attached contribute also to f e e l i n g s of self-esteem and self-worth?". While i n -d i v i d u a l s often experience contradictory f e e l i n g s from the same event, and each i n d i v i d u a l w i l l perceive the same event i t s e l f d i f f e r e n t l y from that of h i s neighbor, the question remains - perhaps i t i s unanswerable. I t was suggested that a c r i t e r i a f o r evaluating the success of the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program was the extent to which p a r t i c i p a n t s f e l t i t improved t h e i r s k i l l s or enhanced t h e i r employability. The study found that underemployment i n i t s e l f was not par-t i c u l a r l y resented, except by those who should never have been included i n the project because of poor mental health. This f i n d i n g suggests that persons who can be c l a s s i f i e d as s k i l l e d workers are prepared to accept u n s k i l l e d work i n a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program j u s t as they often w i l l i n g l y 137 accept underemployment i n the regular world of work. For some t h e i r work experience had i n t e r e s t i n g aspects p a r t i c u l a r l y that which involved the f i n a l p lanting of grass, shrubs, and trees. For the most part, however, t h e i r work experience did not lead to an enhancement of s k i l l s . Four persons s p e c i f i c a l l y mentioned that t h e i r health had improved as a r e s u l t of being able to work, two persons f e l t that t h e i r experience had led to other employment opportunities. A d i s t r e s s i n g f i n d i n g was that few of the members of the study group were interested i n the p o s s i b i l i t y of r e t r a i n i n g . Their subsequent employment h i s t o r y has been a r e p e t i t i o n of t h e i r e a r l i e r dependence upon casual employment and they remain a group p a r t i c u l a r l y vulnerable to downward swings i n the economy. It was suggested that i n evaluating a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f program consideration should be given to the extent that i t may have lessened the i n d i v i d u a l ' s dependency upon s o c i a l assistance. The evidence presented i n t h i s study has attempted to show that the dependency of members of the study group was r e l a t e d to (1) the economic conditions then p r e v a i l i n g and (2) to the p h y s i c a l and mental health of p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l s . I t was suggested that dependence upon s o c i a l assistance was not necessarily r e l a t e d to age, education, or to the number of c h i l d r e n i n the family. S t a t i s t i c s have been given that i n d i c a t e that economic conditions were p a r t i c u l a r l y acute i n the period p r i o r to the commencement of the program. I t was shown" that a s u b s t a n t i a l decrease i n dependence upon s o c i a l assistance had already occurred f i v e months before the program commenced and that t h i s coincides with a 50% improvement i n the rate of unemployment 138 i n the province as a whole. This study included those who might be c l a s s i f i e d as marginal, members of the labor force, or those who are primarily dependent upon casual or seasonal employment. They make an e s s e n t i a l contribution to that segment of the economy which depends upon them being a v a i l a b l e when required. Society does make l i m i t e d statutory p r o v i s i o n for t h e i r maintenance during periods of seasonal or p e r i o d i c unemployment under the provisions of the Unemployment Insurance Act. When further employment opportunities are not forthcoming they soon exhaust t h i s resource. Their dependence upon s o c i a l assistance i s d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d  to t h i s f a c t , not to t h e i r unwillingness to work. A w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f experience leaves them e s s e n t i a l l y unchanged. The only r e a l remedy for such dependence i s an assurance of the a v a i l a b i l i t y of regular work. Where dependence upon s o c i a l assistance was r e l a t e d to the i l l -h ealth of the i n d i v i d u a l - and t h i s occurs more frequently than i s generally r e a l i z e d - the remedy obviously l i e s i n the p r o v i s i o n of adequate medical care. I t i s suggested that this i s p a r t i c u l a r l y so i n the case of mental i l l n e s s . To what extent can i t be said that the community gained a tangible asset from the operation of t h e i r program and to what extent did t h i s r e s u l t i n a d i s l o c a t i o n of regular forces? No evidence was found that t h i s program resulted i n a d i s l o c a t i o n of regular forces. I t i s perhaps unfortunate that the creation of such valuable assets as community parks are a l l too often regarded as unessential luxuries which f i n a n c i a l l y harassed m u n i c i p a l i t i e s simply cannot a f f o r d . The best answer to this question l i e s i n the f a c t that the municipality has continued and enlarged i t s park improvement project under the auspices of- the Winter Works program. The answer l i e s also i n part i n the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the project on the part of the p a r t i c i p a n t s who saw 139 themselves creating an asset t h e i r c h i l d r e n could enjoy. A value which the community did not expect but which i t gained nonetheless, was the a c q u i s i t i o n of a greater understanding on the part of municipal o f f i c i a l s of the complex problems facing some r e c i p i e n t s of s o c i a l assistance. By becoming administratively involved i n the employment of a group composed i n part of marginal workers they acquired a greater understanding of the problems facing these i n d i v i d u a l s . A further value which t h i s community gained - and which perhaps they may not have r e a l i z e d -i s a greater acceptance of those who temporarily depend upon s o c i a l a s s i s t -ance. The f e r r e t i n g out of the long-term chronic r e c i p i e n t s of s o c i a l assistance, at a time when concern was being expressed about the $26,000.00 per month i n cheques which were being sent out by the municipality, resulted i n the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of twenty-two persons, one of whom had been dependent on s o c i a l assistance for only nine months. I t was subsequently found that some of them had severe health problems. These were of such severity i n the case of three of them that they preferred not to employ some of them i n subsequent years. A l l three were r e c e i v i n g s o c i a l assistance while t h i s study was i n progress - none were considered f o r the current season's Winter Works program. A Note on Administrative implications revealed by the study. The study revealed irai#ea£si that an inadequate assessment had been made of the needs of some of the.'persons who had been selected as par t i c i p a n t s of the project. Persons with an already heavy burden of psychological problems were assigned to a project which increased t h e i r f e e l i n g s of r e j e c t i o n and persecution. When the p o t e n t i a l harm to the i n d i v i d u a l i s considered (the inadequate professional judgment which appeared 140 to have been exercised i n the s e l e c t i o n of p a r t i c i p a n t s becomes a matter of grave concern. This suggests the importance of s t a f f i n g p u b l i c assistance departments with adequately trained professional s o c i a l workers. I t was a matter of regret, for instance, to hear c l i e n t s - or former c l i e n t s - of a p u b l i c assistance agency state that among the benefits which they f e l t they had gained from p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f project was not only greater community acceptance -but a greater acceptance by ()/ t h e i r s o c i a l worker! Public assistance programs have been under attack on a broad front for a number of years. I t has been shown that t h i s f e e l i n g existed i n Matsqui and was u n j u s t i f i e d . Wayne Vasey has suggested that "only an informed p u b l i c can be a r e a l l y supporting public".''" He f e e l s that: "The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of welfare to the p u b l i c begins by a s s i s t i n g people to a 2 better understanding of our c l i e n t e l e " . During the course of the study i t became apparent that the i n s t i t u t i o n of a p o l i c y of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f would have repercussions f o r the r e c i p i e n t ' s entitlement to Unemployment Insurance. It has been indicated that during 1957 and 1958 a p o l i c y of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f was followed by Lower Fraser V a l l e y m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . Four members of t h i s study group had at some point during that period "worked-off" assistance payments they were r e c e i v i n g . One of these received s o c i a l assistance i n order to supplement his inadequate Unemployment Insurance Benefit payment. When the Unemployment Insurance Commission learned he was "working" they advised him h i s Unemployment Insurance Benefit would be 1 Wayne Vasey, "Public Relations - An Inescapable Obligation i n S o c i a l Welfare", S o c i a l Service Review, Vol.27, 1953, p. 394. 2 I b i d . , p.395. 141 terminated. This would have meant that f u l l s o c i a l assistance allowance would have been required. Immediately t h i s became apparent he was excused from the requirement of "working-off" h i s allowance. The adoption of ji • - • • / w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f would have such an outcome for other persons s i m i l a r l y / placed. There i s a further repercussion which a p o l i c y of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f would have regarding Unemployment Insurance. I t could conceivably enable r e c i p i e n t s of s o c i a l assistance to b u i l d up an entitlement to Unemployment Insurance benefits s o l e l y from w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f employment. As r e c i p i e n t s became e n t i t l e d to Unemployment Insurance Benefits they could be dropped from s o c i a l assistance r o l l s . I t must be obvious that t h i s would be un-acceptable as a matter of p o l i c y . Yet, during the course of t h i s study, the researcher was advised that t h i s was presently being done under the Winter Works program. In some instances persons applying f o r , or i n r e c e i p t of s o c i a l assistance, who lack one or more "stamps" are being given s u f f i c i e n t work on Winter Works so that they may q u a l i f y for Unemployment Insurance Benefits! The i n s t i t u t i o n of a p o l i c y of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f could lead to inter-governmental d i f f i c u l t i e s . An example of the b i t t e r wrangling which can r e s u l t between lev e l s of government i s the controversy which raged over the p o l i c y of p r o v i n c i a l government of B r i t i s h Columbia towards the 1964-65 Winter Works program. The f e d e r a l government has for some years shared 50% of the costs of labor employed i n the Winter Works program. During the winter of 1963-64, as i n previous years, the p r o v i n c i a l government had contributed 50% of the costs of labor where persons were drawn from s o c i a l assistance 142 r o l l s , and shared 25% of the labor costs of persons drawn from the unemployed reg i s t e r e d with the National Employment Service. For 1964-65 the p r o v i n c i a l government announced i t would only contribute towards labor costs on one basis only: i t would continue to pay 50% of labor costs i f persons were drawn from s o c i a l assistance r o l l s . The premier of B r i t i s h Columbia, W.A.C. Bennett, i n s i s t e d h i s p o l i c y had been "adopted i n a time of economic buoyancy to get at the hard-core unemployed problem".^" M u n i c i p a l i t i e s maintained that they would have to severely c u r t a i l t h e i r program because they would not be able to f i n d enough persons on s o c i a l assistance r o l l s to carry out t h e i r plans and they could not a f f o r d to pay 50% of the labor costs for the men who would otherwise be required 2 instead of t h e i r a n t i c i p a t e d 25% as i n previous years. The president: of the Union of B.C. M u n i c i p a l i t i e s f e l t that the government's p o l i c y had been aimed at abuses of the Winter Works program by some mu n i c i p a l i t i e s i n the past and that the premier was punishing the innocent as w e l l as the g u i l t y . E d i t o r i a l l y the Vancouver Sun charged that the government's p o l i c y added "up to a shabby and thinly-masked p r o v i n c i a l work-for-welfare 4 gimmick, nothing e l s e . " During the height of the controversy the Minister 1 Jim Peacock "Bennett Less Than Adult on Winter Works" The Vancouver  Times, December 15, 1964, p 4:2. 2 That t h e i r contention refuted the popularly held b e l i e f about free loaders on welfare i s u n l i k e l y to have made much impact on persons who hold these views. 3 Noel Swann "Winter Works Plan Attacked", The Vancouver Times. December 1, 1964, p 12:1. 4 "Work-For-Welfare F a l l a c y " ( E d i t o r i a l ) The Vancouver Sun. August 15, 1964. Of i n t e r e s t t o our.study was the comment that: "Courtenay, scene of Mayor B i l l Moore's recent work-for-welfare experiment, hasn't had one able-bodied man on welfare since June 15." 143 of Municipal A f f a i r s , Dan Campbell, stated that " s o c i a l welfare r e c i p i e n t s should be cut o f f welfare i f they don't work" drawing a charge from p o l i t i c a l opponents that h i s p o l i c y "was the most regressive step i n s o c i a l welfare since the state of Louisiana cut o f f a i d to the mothers of i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n " and that "B.C. i s the only place i n the world where you have to prove you are on welfare i n order to get a job".''' Premier Bennett s a i d h i s government should be praised rather than con-demned for i t s a c t i o n : "Any able bodied person on welfare i s only there because he can't get a job. We are t r y i n g to help him." 2 That municip-a l i t i e s might, i n f a c t , have abused the Winter Works program, or that, i n part at l e a s t , the p r o v i n c i a l government was attempting to ensure that s o c i a l assistance r e c i p i e n t s were given an opportunity to work, was over-looked i n the emotionally charged debate. This incident i l l u s t r a t e s that senior l e v e l s of government would l i k e l y take a long hard look at the i n t r o d u c t i o n of a p o l i c y which could so e a s i l y lead to misunderstandings with m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and to c r i t i c i s m s by inter e s t e d groups i n the community. This study has indicated that most persons i n the study group preferred to work for t h e i r s o c i a l assistance allowances. By making a contribution to the community they f e l t they had gained greater feelings of self-worth and self-esteem. This also resulted i n a f e e l i n g of having "earned" t h e i r allowances. Some persons f e l t they would be less hesitant 1 The Vancouver Sun. December 19, 1964, p 3:1. See a l s o : Doug C o l l i n s , "Work-Shy?", The Vancouver Times, January 2, 1965, p 5:1. 2 The Vancouver Sun, December 18, 1964, p 30:1. 144 about asking f o r s o c i a l assistance i f they were permitted to give value to the community by working. This f i n d i n g i s consistent with that which suggested that persons prefer to work and that they are not w i l l i n g l y i d l e . The conclusion which must follow i s that a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f p o l i c y might lead to a lessening of the reluctance to apply for s o c i a l assistance. This study has indicated that i t i s possible to pursue a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f p o l i c y under the administrative arrangements of the Winter Works program. I t suggests that a w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f p o l i c y need not be condemned simply because i t has been designated by such a l a b e l . Inherent wit h i n the Winter Works program are many of the constructive aspects of the p o l i c i e s which are being advocated by some supporters of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f . Conversely, advocates of w o r k - f o r - r e l i e f should r e a l i z e that w i t h i n the Winter Works program they already have at t h e i r disposal the means of achieving the constructive purposes they are advocating. I t was indicated that there i s an inherent dilemma i n attempting to maintain the s e l f respect of s o c i a l assistance r e c i p i e n t s by enabling them to make a contribution to the community and yet at the same time to avoid stigmatizing them as members of a dispossessed class by r e q u i r i n g them to work i n segregated crews. F u l l use of the opportunities provided under the Winter Works program, and the i n t e g r a t i o n of work crews instead of segregating them, would enable muni-c i p a l i t i e s to obtain the maximum value to the i n d i v i d u a l as well as to the community. Amy Leigh has stressed that the l o c a l municipality has a v i t a l c o ntribution to make i n the administration of s o c i a l welfare s e r v i c e s . 1 Leigh, op. c i t . . p 152. 145 Thomson, for example, has drawn att e n t i o n to the need "for a great increase i n sheltered work opportunities" for handicapped persons. 1 The experiment conducted by the Municipality of Matsqui suggests that e x c i t i n g p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of selected groups might be opened i f m u n i c i p a l i t i e s explored with interested agencies the p o s s i b i l i t y of e s t a b l i s h i n g short term sheltered work opportunities under the auspices of the Winter Works program. This suggestion, i f p r a c t i c a b l e , i s perhaps the most s i g n i f i c a n t f i n d i n g of the study. 1 Thomson, op. c i t , , p 76. APPENDIX A Name Birthdate Ethnic Origin Religion Active^ Inactive^ Education Subsequent training_ Residence: Canada B.C. Local area Occupational history: Longest period of employment prior to 1961 was as for months when respondent earned ___________________ per hour. Last position prior to 196l was as _________________ was respondent worked *"or ________ months f or per hour. Was dependent upon social assistance for ' months before being employed on Centennial Park Project. What difficulties have you had over the years in finding and keeping employment? Father's occupational history while respondent remained at home dependent upon parents: Present occupations of respondent's relatives: Do you have other relatives or friends upon whom you could have depended for information about job opportunities when you f i r s t had difficulty finding and keeping regular work? Family responsibilities: What coinmunity activities are you or your family active in? What did being dependent upon Social Assistance mean to you and your family (before being employed on Centennial Park Project? 147 What were your feelings about being employed on Centennial Park Project for the f i r s t time? Could you have refused to work on this Project? What would have happened i f you had refused to work on the Project? What kind of work was it? How was this different from the kind of work you had done in the past? What were the other members of the gang like? What did they think of the kind of work they were doing? What was the foreman like? Did members of the community take any interest in the project you were working on? (at the time) (when the job was completed) What meaning did working there have for you? Did you see this as regular work or in a different way? (Why?) What experience did you feel you gained from your f i r s t season on the Project? How did i t help (not help) you? Did yr@u have any objections about this Project at first? What kind? In what way have your feelings changed from the way you felt at first? 148 How did working on this Project for the f i r s t time affect you and your family, financially? socially? Did working on this Project prevent you from following up other work opportunities? What work experience have you had since you f i r s t worked on the Centennial Park Project? If you have worked on Centennial Park Project in other years, in what way was the program different from the f i r s t time? What would be a more ideal work program? Over the years, in what ways might different governmental agencies have helped you? How could they help you more now? APPENDIX B BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Bagdikan, Ben H., In the Midst of Plenty. The Poor i n America, Beacon Press, Boston, 1964* Bakke, E. Wight, Citizens without Work. Institute of Human Affairs, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1940. Blumer, Herbert, "Social Disorganization and Individual Disorganization," i n Bernard Rosenberg, Israel Gerver and F. William Howton, (eds.), Mass Society in Crisis. The Macmillan Co., New York, 1964, p. 58-63. Burns, Eveline M., Social Security and Public Policy. McGraw-Hil l Book Co., New York, 1956. Bury, J. P. T., France. 1814 - 1940. a History. Methuen and Co., London, 1949, 3rd. rev. ed., 1959 Cassidy, Harry M,, Public Health and Welfare Reorganization. Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1945* Cassidy, H. M., "Relief and Other Social Services for Transients," in L. Richter (ed.), Canada's Unemployment Problem. The Macmillan Co., Toronto, 1939, pp. 172 - 221. Cassidy, H. M., "An Unemployment Policy - Some Proposals," in Canadian Problems, a collection of papers read at the First Annual Liberal-Conservative Summer School, Oxford University Press, Toronto, 1933, pp. 49-67. Cassidy, Harry M,, Social Security and Reconstruction in Canada. Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1943. Clark, S. D., Social Development of Canada. University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1942. Cobban, Alfred, A History of Modern France. Vol. 2. 1799 - 1945. Pelican Books, Harmondsworth, 1961. 150 Colcord, Joanna C, et. al., Emergency Work Relief. Russell Sage Foundation, New York, 1932. Dawson, Robert MacGregor, The Government of Canada. University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 3rd. ed., rev., 1957* De Schweinitz, Karl, England's Road to Social Security. 1943. University of Pennsylvania Press, Perpetua Books edition, 1961. Dunlop, Hon. E. A., "Financial Problems of a Provincial Treasurer" in Canadian Problems. A Collection of Papers read at the First Annual Liberal-Conservative Summer School, Oxford University Press, Toronto, 1933, PP« 227-245 French, A., The Growth of the Athenian Economy. Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1964. Friedlander, Walter A., Individualism and Social Welfare. An  Analysis of the System of Social Security and Social Welfare  in France. Free Press of Glencoe and Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan, 1962. Friedlander, Walter A., Introduction to Social Welfare. Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1955, 1961 ed. Goffman, Erving, Stigma. Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewoor Cliffs, N. J., 1963. Harrington, Michael, The Other America. Poverty i n the United  States. 1962, Penguin Book ed., Harmondsworth, 1963. Kahn, Hilda R., Repercussions of Redundancy. George Allan & Unwin Ltd., London, 1964. King, Dorothy, "Unemployed Aid (Direct Relief)", in L. Richter, (ed.) Canada's Unemployment Problem. The Macmillan Co., Toronto, 1939, PP 72-73. McCloy, Shelby T., Government Assistance in Eighteenth Century  France. Duke University Press, Durham N.C., 1946. MacNamara, A., "Public Works as a Relief Measure" in L. Richter, (ed.) Canada's Unemployment Problem. The Macmillan Co., Toronto, 1939, pp. 316-17. Mavor, William, Plutarch's Lives. Mack, Andrus and Woodruff, Ithaca, New York, 1840. May, Edgar, The Wasted Americans: Cost of Our Welfare Dilemma. Harper and Row, New York, 1964. 151 Meriam, Lewis, Relief and Social Security. Brookings Institution, Washington, B.C., 1946. Morgan, John S., "Social Welfare Services i n Canada" i n Michael Oliver, (ed.) Social Purpose i n Canada. University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1961, pp. 130-16?. Salter, F. R., Some Early Tracts on Poor Relief. Methuen and Co.,.Ltd., London, 1926. Strong, Margaret Kirkpatrick, Public Welfare Administration i n Canada. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1930* Towle, Charlotte, Common Human Needs. American Association of Social Workers, New York, 1955* Wilcock, Richard C, and Franke, W. H., Unwanted Workers. The Free Press of Glencoe, New York, 1963. Articles. Reports and Other Studies Abbott, Edith, "'Work or Maintenance's a Federal Program for the Unemployed," Social Service Review. Vol. 15, 1941, pp. 520-532. Alloway, Joseph E., "A Survey of Work Relief for the Unemployed i n Rochester, New York," Social Service Review. Vol. 5, 1931, PP. 539-552. Arndt, Hilda CM., "An Appraisal of what the C r i t i c s are saying about Public Assistance," Social Service Review. Vol. 26, 1952, pp. 464-475. Bachrach, Peter, "The Right to Work: Emergence of the Idea i n the United States," Social Service Review. Vol. 26, 1952, pp. 153-164. Bartlett, Emily N., "W.P.A. Employment as Viewed by the Clients of a Family Agency," Smith College Studies i n Social Work. Vol. 8, 1937/38, pp. 262-289. Becker, Joseph M., S. J., The Adequacy of the Benefit Amount  i n Unemployment Insurance. W. E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, Kalamazoo, Mich., May, 1961. Blackwell, Gordon W., "Rural Relief i n the South: FERA's Problem i n Eastern North Carolina," Law and Contemporary  Problems. Vol. 1, 1933-34, pp. 390-397. Blaug, Mark, "The Myth of the Old Poor Law and the Making of the New" The Journal of Economic History. Vol. 23, No. 2, June, 1963, pp. 151-184. Brewster, Alice Rollins, "Early Experiments with the Unemployed," Quarterly Journal of Economics. Vol 9 , 1894/95, p. 8 8 - 9 5 . B r i s t o l , Margaret Cochran, and Wright, Helen R., "Some Aspects of Work Relief i n Chicago," Social Service Review. Vol, 8 , 1934, PP 628-652. Burns, Eveline M., "Social Security i n Britain - Twenty years After Beveridge,'' Industrial Relations. A Journal of Economy  and Society. Vol. 2 , 1962-3, pp. 15-32. Burns, Eveline M., "What's wrong with Public Welfare?" Social Service Review. Vol. 3 6 , 1962, pp. 111-122. Butler, Amos W., "A Decade of O f f i c i a l Poor - Relief i n Indiana," American Journal of Sociology. Vol. 11 , 1905/6, pp. 763-783. Canadian Labour Congress, Memorandum to Government of Canada. Dec. 11 , 1963. Canadian Welfare Council, Work for Relief? a policy statement. Public Welfare Division, C.W.C., Ottawa, 1963. Cassidy, Harry M., "Relief Works as a remedy for unemployment i n the light of Ontario experience, 1930-32," Proceedings. Canadian P o l i t i c a l Science Assoc., 1932, pp. 21-33. Cecil, Mary, "In the Workhouse," New Statesman. Vol. 63 , 12 Jan. 1962, p. 38, & 4 0 . Chambliss, William J., "A Sociological Analysis of the Law of Vagrancy," Social Problems. Vol. 12 , 1964, pp. 67-77. Chapin, F. Stuart, and Jahn, Julius A., "The Advantages of Work Relief over Direct Relief i n Maintaining Morale i n St. Paul i n 1939," American Journal of Sociology. Vol. 4 6 , 1940/41, pp. 13-22. Charnow, John, Work Relief Experience i n the United States, Committee on Social Security of the Social Science Research Council, Pamphlet Series No. 8 , Washington, D.C., Feb. 1943. Cohen, Wilbur J. and B a l l , Robert M., "Public Welfare Amendments of 1962 and Proposals for Health Insurance for the Aged," Social Security B n i U t i r . , Vol. 25 , No. 10 , Oct. 1962, pp. 3 - 2 1 . Collins, Doug, "Work Shy?" The Vancouver Times. January 2 , 1965, p. 5:1 153 Coupland, Eve, "She's No Free Loader" The Vancouver Sun. February 12, 1965, p. 20:1 Croome, Honor, (ed.) Redundancy: Three Studies on Redundant  Workers. I I . Acton Society Trust, London, 1959. Davenport, John, "In the Midst of Plenty," Fortune. March, 1961, Vol, 63, pp. 107-9, 236-240. Diamond, Herbert M., "Ragged Individual i stnI" The American Labor  Legislative Review. Vol. 22, 1932, pp. 119-23 Douglas, Monteath, •'Economic Implications of the Redistributive Processes involved i n Canadian Social Welfare Policies," C.J.E.P.S.. Vol. 19, 1953, p. 316 - 325. Eckler, A. Ross and Fairley, Lincoln, "Relief and Reemployment," Harvard Business Review. Vol. 16, 1937-38, pp. 141-153. Elwood, Charles A., "Public Outdoor Relief" American Journal  of Sociology. Vol. 6, 1900-01, pp. 90-104. Fowler, Douglas Weatherbee, The Unemployment Assistance Act. 1956. Unpublished Master of Social Work Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1958. Gayer, Arthur D., Public Works and Unemployment i n the United States, Institute of Pacific Relations, American Council Papers, No. 4, 1936. G i l l Corrington, "Local Non-WPA Work Relief" American Federationist. Vol. 47, 1940, pp. 386-389. Gladstone, Arthur, "The Conception of the enemy," Journal of  Conflict Resolution. Vol. 3, 1959, pp. 132-137. Goldenberg, H. Carl, "Social and Economic Problems i n Canadian Federalism," Canadian Bar Review. Vol 12, 1934, pp. 422-430. Grauer, A. E., Public Assistance and Social Insurance. A study prepared for the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations, King's Printer, Ottawa, 1939. Hall, Helen, "The American Dole i n the Light of Mental Hygiene," The American Labor Legislative Review. Vol. 24, 1924, pp. 11-21. Hamel, Marie, "The New Public Assistance," Canadian Welfare. Vol. 40, July-August, 1964, pp. 162-167. 154 Hardy, Eric, "Provincial-Municipal Financial Relations," Canadian Public Administration. Vol. 3, I960, pp. 14-23. Hardy, Eric, "The Serious Problems of Municipal Finance," Canadian Public Administration. Vol. 4, 1961, pp. 154-163• Harvey, Audrey, ''Screws on the Poor," New Statesman. Vol. 63, 9 March, 1962, pp. 326, 328. H i l l Ernest David, The Regional Administration of Public Welfare  i n B r i t i s h Columbia, unpublished Master of Social Work Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1951* Iverson, Brian, "Work for Relief," Canadian Welfare. Vol. 40, No. 1, January - February, 1964, pp. 8 - 9 . Jackson, Douglas Lascelles, Public Assistance Policy. Unpublished Master of Social Work Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1955. Jaffray, Stuart K., "Social Security: the Beveridge and Marsh Reports," C.J.E.P.S.. Vol. 9, 1943, pp. 571 - 592. Kirby, James P., "How the Community i s Organized i n the Face of Pressing Relief Problems," Social Forces. Vol. 9, 1930-31, pp. 582-84* Leigh, Amy, "The Contribution of the Municipality to the Administration of Public Welfare," Canadian Public Administration. Vol. 7, 1964, pp. 150-157. Leiren, Hal, "He Doesn't Want Welfare, Just Right to Earn l i v i n g , " The Vancouver Son. Feb. 1, 1964, p. 14:1. Leiserson, W. M., "The Duluth Rock P i l e , " The Survey. Vol. 30, 1913, pp. 729-31. Lester, Richard A>, "Is Work Relief Economical?'' Social Service  Review. Vol. 10, 1936, pp. 264-276. Malisoff, Harry, The Insurance Character of Unemployment Insurance. W. E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, Kalamazoo, Michigan, Dec. 1961. Mencher, Samuel, "Newburgh: the recurrent c r i s i s of Public Assistance,'' Social Work, Vol. 7, No. 1, Jan. 1962, pp. 3 — H. Myers, Howard B,, "Research with Relief Funds-Past, Present and Future," American Sociological Review. Vol. 1, 1935-6, pp. 771-780. 155 Oliver, J., "Municipal Revenue Other than Government Grants," Canadian Public Administration. Vol. 6, 1 9 6 3 , pp. 57 - 63. Peacock, Jim, "Bennett Less Than Adult on Winter Works," The  Vancouver Times. December 15, 1964, p. 4:2. Rehn, Gosto, and Lundberg, Erik, "(Employment and Welfares same Swedish Issues," Industrial Relations: a Journal of Economy  and Society. Vol. 2, No. 2, 1963, pp. 1-14. Rickenson, E. R., "British Columbia's Per Capita Plan," Canadian  Welfare. Vol. 35, No. 5, Bee. 15, 1958, pp. 216 - 221. Rippon, Arthur Wm., Municipal Public Welfare Services for the  Unemployed, unpublished Master of Social Work thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1963. Roberts, Edwin A., "The 'New' Newburgh", Wall Street Journal. Aug. 16, 1961, p. 10:4. Roberts, Edwin A., "Welfare War," The Wall Street Journal. July 10, 1961,-p.-10:4. S h e r r i l l , Clarence 0., "Solving the Relief Problem," Harvard  Business Review. Vol. 18, 1939--40, pp. 44-49. Smiley, Donald V., Conditional Grants and Canadian FftriftT*yli.««nr Canadian Tax Foundation, Can. Tax Papers, No. 32, Feb. 1963* Smiley, D. V., The Rowell-Sirois Report, Provincial Autonomy, and post-war Canadian Federalism. C.J.E.P.S., Vol. 28, p. 54 - 69. Speizman, Milton D., "Poverty, Pauperism and their Causes: Some Charity Organization views," Social Casework. Vol. 46, 1965, pp. 142 - 149. Swann, Noel, "Winter Works Plan Attacked," The Vancouver Times. December 1, 1964, p. 12:1. Thomson, James Bonnerman, The Role of Work i n Rehabilitation. Unpublished Master of Social Work Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1962. Traveller (pseudonym), "What's News Outdoors?" B. C. Digest. Vol. 20, No. 2, March - A p r i l , 1964, p. 10. Vasey, Wayne, "Public Relations - an Inescapable Obligation i n Social Welfare," Social Service Review. Vol. 27, 1953, pp. 394 - 98. . 156 Wallace, Elisabeth, "The Origin of the Social Welfare State i n Canada, 1867 - 1900," C.J.E.P.S.. Vol. 16, 1950, p. 383 - 93. Wallace, Mary Elisabeth, The Changing Canadian State: a study  of the changing conception of the State as revealed i n Canadian Social Legislation 1867 - 1948. Doctoral Dissertation, Columbia University, 1950, Univ. Microfilm Reprint, 1963. Wickersham, Edward D., Detroit's Insured Unemployed and Employable Welfare Recipients: their characteristics. Labor Market Experience, and Attitudes, W. E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, Kalamazoo, Michigan, A p r i l 1963* Unsigned Articles "Canada Pension Plan Examined," Canadian Welfare. Vol. 41, No. 2, March - A p r i l , 1964, pp. 60 - 62. "Condemn Saskatchewan 'Work' Plan," Canadian Labour. Vol. 9, No. 6, June, 1964, p. 27. "0 F L Condemns 'Work-For-flelief* proposal," Canadian Labour. Vol. 8, No. 10, Oct. 1963, p. 30. "Speer_hamland, 1964," Social Service Review. Vol. 7, No. 10, Oct. 1962, p. 4. Government Reports and Documents Br i t i s h Columbia, B r i t i s h Columbia i n the Canadian Confederation. Submission presented to the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations by the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, Victoria, B. C. 1938. B r i t i s h Columbia, Annual Report of Department of Labour, King's Printer* Victoria, B. G. 1926 - 1940. Bureau of Family Service, Work Relief - A Current Look. Public Assistance Report No. 52, U.S. Dept. of Health, Education and Welfare, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C, March, 1962. Canada, Department of the Interior, National Parks of Canada, Annual Report of the Commissioner. Fiscal year ending March 31, King's Printer, Ottawa, 1934 - 35. 

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