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A century of settlement change : a study of the evolution of settlement patterns in the Lower Mainland… Howell Jones, Gerald Ieuan 1966

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A CENTURY OF SETTLEMENT CHANGE: A STUDY OF THE EVOLUTION OF SETTLEMENT PATTERNS IN THE LOWER MAINLAND OF BRITISH COLUMBIA by GERALD IEUAN HOWELL JONES B.A,, The Queens Univ e r s i t y of B e l f a s t , 1961 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF . MASTERS OF ARTS i n the. Department of Geography We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to, the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1966. I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia s I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study, I f u r t h e r agree that per-m i s s i o n f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s * I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i -c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r mission. Department of Geography  The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada^ Date April 28, 1966 ABSTRACT This thesis describes the change i n the pattern of s e r v i c e ^ c e n t r e s in the Lower Mainland of B r i t i s h Columbia at various periods during a century of European occupance. The study of settlement evolution in t h i s region i n -volves an examination of h i e r a r c h i c a l change as indicated by va r i a t i o n s i n postal revenue. The attempt to focus both i n time and space i s one of the inherent d i f f i c u l t i e s i n any dynamic study of the urban hierarchy, for i t presents a basic problem i n es t a b l i s h i n g an adequate and r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e index of c e n t r a l i t y . T e r t i a r y revenue would provide the best index, but i t i s neither av a i l a b l e for the smaller centres nor through time. These disadvantages are not apparent in postal revenue which c l o s e l y correlates with t e r t i a r y revenue. It i s i n f e r r e d that postal revenue r e f l e c t s the t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y of the great majority of service centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Since the end of the nineteenth century the North American post o f f i c e , with i t s low condition of entry, has been an es s e n t i a l part of a l l except some of the lowest order centres. Postal revenue data i s available,throughout Canada, from Confederation onwards, but i t presents some problems of u t i l i z -ation as d o l l a r values change through time. The suggested method df express-ing the revenue for each given year as a percentage of that for an areal unit i s i l l u s t r a t e d by i t s a p p l i c a t i o n to the Lower Mainland. However, while the Lower Mainland can be thought of as a physical e n t i t y , i t must be considered as being part of a larger functional region which changes both f u n c t i o n a l l y and a r e a l l y . The province has been taken as the continuing functional u n i t . The i i i . idea would seem to be supported by the graphic analysis. The whole period, from 1858 to 1961, has been broken down into f i v e eras, in each of which a common means of transport has predominated. The f i r s t era up to 1880 covers the years of i n i t i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n and settlement of the region by Europeans, a period when water transport predominated. The second era (1881-1900) i s a period of t r a n s i t i o n from water to r a i l : the f i r s t trans-continental railway merely duplicated.'.the e x i s t i n g water f a c i l i t i e s , but its construction encouraged a rapid expansion of settlement even before i t a c t u a l l y opened. The turn of the century heralded a decade of feverish r a i l -way construction, culminating^the opening of the second trans-continental railway in 1915. The railway era ends with the close of h o s t i l i t i e s i n 1918, and the following era embraces the inter-war years, a period of t r a n s i t i o n from r a i l to road. The f i n a l era commences in 1940 f o r , although the steam r a i l way....and e l e c t r i c interurban assumed a new lease of l i f e during the war, i t was merely-a temporary resurgence and road transport was soon predominant. The wartime incentive spurred a tremendous growth of the regional economy, a growth which has continued, somewhat s p o r a d i c a l l y , up to the present. Throughout the century, settlement change r e f l e c t s the changes i n the economy and transport f a c i l i t i e s i n the Lower Mainland. The economy of the region has passed from primary e x p l o i t a t i o n to that of a metro-\ p o l i t a n complex with a growing secondary component. The Vancouver area has formed a d i s t i n c t economic u n i t within the regions since the a r r i v a l of the railway in 1886. The growing functional concentration on the c i t y led to the attainment of metropolitan status by the end of the f i r s t decade of the twentieth century. This attainment was expressed in the physical as well as the functional growth of the c i t y : by 1910 it-possessed over 30% of the p r o v i n c i a l population and greater than 40% of the t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y , more than double the proportions of a decade e a r l i e r . i v . The i n t e r a c t i o n between the metropolis and the smaller centres, with the metropolis playing the dominant r o l e , has given r i s e to the present urban hierarchy. The settlement pattern has varied from disc r e t e and independent settlements, during the phase of primary "-exploitation, to a metropolitan-dom-inated complex. The discrete pattern changed to an i n c r e a s i n g l y d e p e n d s hierarchy following the growth of Vancouver and New Westminster as market and d i s t r i b u t i o n centres. The growth of these centres linked them into a common metropolitan area, while the external expansion of t h i s area has re-sulted in the functional and physical domination of most of the region by the metropolis: a trend that has resulted in the supplanting of the central place hierarchy by an inter-urban complex. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION . - Chapter I. THE URBAN HIERARCHY: A DYNAMIC APPROACH Choice of C r i t e r i a i n E s t a b l i s h i n g the Urban Hierarchy-Postal Revenue as an Index of C e n t r a l i t y Occurrence of Post O f f i c e s V a l i d i t y of the Index U t i l i z a t i o n of Postal Revenue I I : PIONEER SETTLEMENT, 1858-1880 Transport F a c i l i t i e s i n the Lower Mainland D i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of the Economy. I I I . THE EMERGENCE OF VANCOUVER, 1881-1900 Construction Years, 1881-1887 D i f f e r e n t i a l Growth, 1888-1900 City Development Expansion of Valley Settlement. IV. THE RAILWAY ERA, 1901-1918 Establishment of Metropolitan Identity Economic D i v e r s i f i c a t i o n Growth of the Metropolitan Area The Emerging Settlement Pattern i n the Fraser Valley Development of Transport F a c i l i t i e s South Bank M u n i c i p a l i t i e s ! Delta and North Bank V. THE INTERWAR TRANSITION, 1919-1939 Growth of the Metropolitan Area Consolidation of the Fraser Valley Settlement Pattern Changing Transport F a c i l i t i e s South Bank M u n i c i p a l i t i e s The North Bank V I . VI. THE MODERN ERA, 1940-1961.... .' 71 Growth of the Metropolitan Area The War and Postwar Period, 1940-1950 The Automobile Age, 1951-1961 The Urbanization of the Fraser Valley The War and Postwar Period, 1940-1950 The Automobile Age, 1951-1961 Metropolitan Dominance in the Fraser Valley Metropolitan Dominance The Changing Patter of Dominance, 1940-1961. VII. SUMMATION 87 The Evolution of the Urban Hierarchy Metropolitan Growth Evolution of the Fraser Valley Settlement Pattern The Time Dimension i n Urban Studies A p p l i c a b i l i t y to Central Place Theory Further Research P o s s i b i l i t i e s . Appendices I. THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EARLY POPULATION DISTRIBUTIONS IN THE LOWER MAINLAND 97 A v a i l a b i l i t y of Census Data Federal Constituencies, 1872-1921 Refinement of the Data Reconstruction of 1881 Population D i s t r i b u t i o n Reconstruction of 1901 Population D i s t r i b u t i o n Conclusions. I I . POSTAL REVENUE 108 A Summary of Lower Mainland Postal Revenue for Select Years by Pr o v i n c i a l Percentage and Order 1881-1961. I I I . RAILWAY DATA I l l Tabulated History of Great Northern Subsidiary Lines i n B r i t i s h Columbia. S p e c i f i c s on Construction by the Great Northern Railway and i t s Related Predecessors i n Western B r i t i s h Columbia, 1890-1924. REFERENCES 115 LIST OF TABLES Table Page I. Relative D i s t r i b u t i o n of T e r t i a r y Revenue i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1931-1961 8 I I . T e r t i a r y Revenue Components, 1931-and 1951 8 III C orrelation Matrix for Normalized Data, 1961 14 IV. Comparative Correlation Matrix, 1931 and 1961 16 V. Higher-Order Centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia for Select Years, 1881-1961 17 VI. Hierarchy of Centres for Select Years, 1881-1961 18 VII. Changing Hierarchy of Centres by Era, 1881-1961 19 VIII. Immigrant Population by Mineral D i s t r i c t , 1870 and 1881.... 21 IX. Incorporation of M u n i c i p a l i t i e s , 1860-1961 27 X. Growth of Postal Revenue by Decade and Select Years 1881-1961 30 XI. Growth of Population by Decade, 1881-1961 34 XII. Period of Appearance of Present Centres. 41 XIII. Proportional Change of Postal Revenue by Decade, 1881-1960. 50 XIV. Proportional Change of Population by Decade, 1881-1961 50 XV. Proportional Change of Postal Revenue by Era, 1881-1961 52 XVI. D i s t r i b u t i o n of Manufacturing Industries i n the Metropolitan Area, 1939 and 1959 65 XVII. Comparative Hierarchies of Higher-Order Centres 1939/40 and 1961/62.. 84 XVIII. Linear Hierarchies along the Fraser Valley Line, 1901-1961.. 93 ;iXIX. Federal E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t s i n the Mainland of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1872-1902 , 99 v i i i . XX. Federal E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t s on the Mainland of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1903-1912 99 XXI. Summary of Mainland Population and School Population, 1881.. 102 XXII. Lower Mainland Population by School D i s t r i c t , 1881 103 XXIII. Mainland Schools by Federal E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t s and Sub-D i s t r i c t s , 1902/03 1 0 5 XXIV. Mainland Population by Federal E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t s and Sub-D i s t r i c t s , 1901 1 0 6 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Facing Figure . Page 1. B r i t i s h Columbia Post O f f i c e s , 1871-1961 •. 10 2. Relation of Population to Postal Revenue, 1961 12 3. Cor r e l a t i o n of Population and Postal Revenue, 1961 12 4. Cor r e l a t i o n of R e t a i l Sales and Postal Revenue, 1961 13 5. Cor r e l a t i o n of Service and Postal Revenue, 1961 13 6. Establishment of Classes for Higher-Order Centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1880/81-1961/62 17 7. Establishment of Classes for Lower-Order Centres, 1900/01 -1961/62 18 8. Hierarchy of Centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1880/81 20 9. Fr o n t i e r of Settlement, 1880 23 10. Appears of Post O f f i c e s , 1868-1900 23 11. Mineral and E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t s on the Mainland of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1869-1903 25 12. Changing Hierarchy, 1881-1887 31 13. Population D i s t r i b u t i o n , 1881 31 14. Hierarchy of Centres, 1900/01 35 15. Changing Hierarchy, 1888-1900 35 16. Census and School D i s t r i c t s , 1901 39 17. Population D i s t r i b u t i o n and Growth , 1881-1901 39 18. Hierarchy of Centres, 1918/19 43 19. Changing of Hierarchy, 1901-1918' 43 20. Population Distribution'and Growth, 1901-1921 48 21. Population D i s t r i b u t i o n and Growth, 1921-1941 ,«.p 22. Hierarchy of Centres, 1939/40 61 23. Changing Hierarchy, 1919-1939 61. 24. Population D i s t r i b u t i o n and Transit F a c i l i t i e s i n Greater Vancouver, 1928 63 25. Population D i s t r i b u t i o n and Growth, 1941-1961 72 26. Changing Hierarchy, 1940-1950 72 28. Hierarchy of Centres, 1961/62 ' 74 28. Changing Hierarchy, 1951 - 1961 74 29. Re l a t i v e Growth of Vancouver, 1881-1961. 83 30. Growth of Metropolitan Postal Area 83 31. Generalized Hierarchy of Centres, 1939/40 85 32. Generalized Hierarchy of Centres, 1961/62 85. 33. C o r r e l a t i o n of Population and School Attendance, 1921 101 ABBREVIATIONS A.A.A.G. Annals of the Association of American Geographers A. A.A.P.S.S. Annals of the American Academy of P p l i t i c a l and Soc i a l Science B. C. B r i t i s h Columbia''' B.C.E.R. B r i t i s h Columbia E l e c t r i c Railway. B. C.H.Q. B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly. C. A.G. Canadian Association of Geographers. C.N.R. Canadian National Railway C.P.R-. > Canadian P a c i f i c Railway G.N.R. Great Northern Railway. L.M.R.P.B. Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board. P.G.E.R. P a c i f i c Great Eastern Railway T.B.C.N.R.C. Transactions of the B r i t i s h Columbia Natural Resources, Conference. U,B.C .. ' University df B r i t i s h Columbia' 1 • ' ' ••• V.V.E.R. - .Vancouver, V i c t o r i a and Eastern Railway and Navigation Company The abbreviated form i s used only i n the references. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The writer would l i k e to acknowledge the he l p f u l advice and c r i t i c i s m of the many f a c u l t y members, graduate students and s t a f f of the Department of Geography in bringing t h i s thesis to f i n a l f u l f i l l m e n t . He i s e s p e c i a l l y r g r a t e f u l to Dr. A. L. Farley, Dr. W. G. Hardwick and Dr. A. Siemens for t h e i r perusal and constructive c r i t i c i s m of the various d r a f t s , and to Dr. C. Harris who provided encouragement and cartographic assistance at a c r i t i c a l stage. Mention must be made of a l l those graduate students, past and present, who have challenged, c r i t i c i z e d and commisserated with the writer; also Mr. R. Carstens and Mr. C. Hansen for t h e i r excellence i n d r a f t i n g many of the f i n a l i l l u s t r a t i o n s . F i n a l l y , I am indebted to Miss R. M. Anderson for her invaluable e d i t o r i a l c r i t i q u e of the f i n a l d r a f t . A p r i l , 1966. Gerald I. Howell Jones V INTRODUCTION This thesis describes the changes i n the pattern of service centres in the Lower Mainland of B r i t i s h Columbia''' at-Sfa-rious periods during the century of European occupance. Within a century the Lower Mainland has pass-ed from near vacancy to metropolitan dominance, from a population of less than a thousand to one of nearly a m i l l i o n . The nature of settlement has changed from, Amerindian f i s h i n g v i l l a g e s , through small a g r i c u l t u r a l , lumber-ing and f i s h i n g communities, to functional dominance by a si n g l e metropolitan centre. The settlements have evolved from water,to r a i l and then to high-way-oriented communities. The aim of t h i s study i s to describe and analyse the settlement change. The thesis avoids highly s p e c i f i c terms and views settlement change pri m a r i l y i n terms of the development of the urban hierarchy. The urban h i e r -archy, both i n i t s morphology and function, i s the characterizing feature of the regional settlement pattern. The concept of the urban hierarchy assumes 2 that i t i s possible to i d e n t i f y classes or orders 6f centres varying from The Lower Mainland i s here defined as that area delimited by the L.M.R.P.B., stretching from Hope in the east to the S t r a i t of Georgia i n the west, and from the coast mountains to the i n t e r n a t i o n a l boundary. The region extends 90 miles from east to west and some 30 miles, i n the widest part, from north to south; i t covers less than h a l f of one percent of the provine c i a l area, but i t now contains some 55% of the p r o v i n c i a l population. 2 Throughout t h i s thesis the terms service centre, trade centre and centre are used to denote any recognizable settlement node that possesses one or more functions. I t should be noted that under t h i s d e f i n i t i o n a ser-vice centre i s not n e c e s s a r i l y a central place. small hamlets to metropolitan c i t i e s . However, in order to derive the h i e r -archy, i t . i s f i r s t necessary to e s t a b l i s h some means of measuring the r e l a -t i v e importance of the various centres. I t i s postulated in Chapter I that postal revenue data provides such an index, and that the index i s v a l i d at l e a s t as far back as the turn of the century. In order to o f f e r a framework i n which to describe the h i e r a r c h i c a l change^the whole period of s l i g h t l y more than a century has been divided i n -to f i v e eras. These have been selected on the basis O J . changes in the pre-dominant means of transport. They are 1858-1880, 1881-1900, 190J-1918, 1919-1939, and 1940-19^L. Chapters II to VI deal with the changes that occurred i n the s e t t l e -ment pattern over t h e i r respective eras. Within each an attempt i s made systematically to view the changes in the hierarchy of centres. The region-al v a r i a t i o n s are examined in terms of changing transportation and econ-omy of the region, with attention focussed on the d i f f e r e n t i a l growth of the Fraser Valley and the metropolitan area. I t i s recognized that the region consists of these two dynamic constituent parts. The Fraser Valley, compris-3 ing the North Bank, Delta and South. Bank M u n i c i p a l i t i e s , i s i n c r e a s i n g l y encroached upon by the metropolitan sphere of influence. The two parts are f u n c t i o n a l l y and a r e a l l y d i s t i n c t , although t h e i r margins tend to merge with the areal contraction of one and the expansion of the other. The f i n a l chapter summarizes the evolution of the urban hierarchy, deals b r i e f l y with the compatability of the l o c a l example with central place theory, and suggests further avenues for research. During the preparation of t h i s study two.extant Master's theses pro-• The three parts are roughly separated by the Fraser, North Arm and Coast Meridian. 3. ved of great value; The f i r s t , that of Gibbard (1937) , j^the early h i s t o r y of the region i n great d e t a i l but,, i n contrast to the companion thesis by White (1937), i t concentrates on biographic material. The l a t t e r covers the hi s t o r y of the eastern part of the region from 1885 to 1936. I t i s a thor-ough and systematic treatment of the economic development of that part. In addition to these two a number of more recent Master's and Bachelor's theses deal with p a r t i c u l a r parts or aspects of the region. These are acknowledged i n the appropriate chapters and can be found l i s t e d i n the references. References are standardized throughout i n t h i s form, where the year date of pu b l i c a t i o n and appropriate page number are placed i n parentheses on l i n e with the t e s t , immediately following the name of the author (Turabian 1955:70). In the case of census or annual publications, the year date re-fers to the s t a t i s t i c a l year and not to the year of publica t i o n , e.g. Canada Census. 1901. CHAPTER I. THE URBAN HIERARCHY: A DYNAMIC APPROACH The basic approach i n this study i s to assess the o v e r a l l change that has occurred within each era. Thus the main emphasis i s on int r a - p e r i o d change rather than on ephemeral cross-sections, on the evolution of the pre-sent urban hierarchy rather than on f i v e s t a t i c h i e r a r c h i e s . This study i s best termed an h i s t o r i c a l geography of settlement, for the h i s t o r i c a l ..geography works within a regional or t o p i c a l f i e l d . His t r a d i t i o n a l approach has been to reconstruct the geography of the past, either for single or successive time periods. The l a t t e r method of sequent occup-ance has been more widely used. The cross-section i s selected to t y p i f y the d i s t r i b u t i o n within a time period. This approach i s l i m i t e d by the fac t that processes act at widely varying speeds; thus i t i s d i f f i c u l t to s e l e c t a v a l i d cross-section that r e f l e c t s the changes that have taken place. An a l -ternative method i s provided by the dynamic approach of the v e r t i c a l , as op-posed to the horizontal sections which views s e l e c t elements through time and ' i s properly the geography of change (Clark I960). The method adopted i n t h i s thesis i s based on the v e r t i c a l approach. It d i f f e r s s l i g h t l y from this method i n that the period has been subdivided into eras, duejto the magnitude and d i v e r s i t y of the changes which have taken place. I t d i f f e r s also from the sequent occupance approach as the focus i s on the eras and not on the cross-sections. The eras themselves have been de-lim i t e d on the basis of one process, the changing importance of transport f a c i l i t i e s . Thus the emphasis i s on the period as a whole and not on the ephemeral cross-section and on int r a - p e r i o d rather than in t e r - p e r i o d change. The fundamental problem that emerges in any dynamic study of thenar-" ban hierarchy i s that of obtaining a uniform c r i t e r i o n , one that^i-s available not only for the present but also for the past. Such c r i t e r i o n has not r e a d i l y been obtainable, and in i t s absence both geographers and s o c i o l o g i s t s have used convenient sources of data that are frequently unsatisfactory and occasionally suspect. The remainder of the chapter reviews the a p p l i c -a b i l i t y of the various indices for esta b l i s h i n g the urban hierarchy through time, and c r i t i c a l l y evaluates the chosen index. Choice of C r i t e r i a i n E s t a b l i s h i n g the Urban Hierarchy In e s t a b l i s h i n g the hierarchy of centres for any given year i t i s necessary to measure t h e i r r e l a t i v e c e n t r a l i t y . ^ C e n t r a l i t y i s measured by the occurrence and importance of the central or t e r t i a r y functions. V i r t u a l -l y no c i t y i s devoid of these functions, although t h e i r importance varies con-siderably from place to place ( S i d d a l l 1961:125). Early studies tended to use population data as t h e i r c r i t e r i o n . How-ever, urban population, even when a v a i l a b l e through time, does not accurately r e f l e c t the importance of a service centre, but i s rather an index of the support of i t s economic base: one could expect a close c o r r e l a t i o n between c e n t r a l i t y and population only i f the economic base was r e s t r i c t e d to t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y . In addition population data may not be s t r i c t l y comparable from place to place, or through time, for census boundaries are not ne c e s s a r i l y demarcated on a uniform base and are subject to change. As early as 1930 Zimmerman, and l a t e r Landis (1932, 1938a), recognis-C e n t r a l i t y i s here defined as the degree of association between a c i t y and i t s immediate hinterland ( S i d d a l l 1961:125). 6. ed the inadequacy of using population data and concentrated on the u t i l i z a t i o n of functional c r i t e r i a , such as the numbers and types of business a c t i v i t i e s . In the d e f i n i t i o n of the hierarchy the actual number of establishments i s hardly a r e f i n e d unit of measurement* since the size and volume of business of such enterprises may vary quite considerably. The a l t e r n a t i v e approach of using the number of d i s t i n c t functions would appear to o f f e r a far more mean-i n g f u l c r i t e r i o n when used s t a t i c a l l y , but presents problems of defining c l a s s -es when viewed through time. I t can be recognised that in the past, with a lower i n d i v i d u a l mobility, a given class of centres would have possessed more functions than at present. This would necessitate the use of a s l i d i n g scale through time. S i m i l a r l y the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c function for a given order would also change .through time. The source of data for most of the previous studies, p a r t i c u l a r l y those including the smaller unincorporated centres, has been the Dun and Bradstreet yearbooks and Rand McNally a t l a s e s . According to Landis (l938q: 161) the Dun and Bradstreet editors have admitted that t h e i r procedure for c o l l e c t i n g data has varied through time. Trewartha (1941:35) cast serious doubts as to the r e l i a b i l i t y of a l l such sources. Not only did he note serious discrepancies between the sources, but he also undertook a f i e l d check i n southwest Wisconsin which showed further discrepancies between his own observations and the published data. An a l t e r n a t i v e method i s to use the actual volume of business of t e r t i a r y functions rather than the types or numbers of establishments. T e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y can be equated with c e n t r a l i t y and t e r t i a r y functions with central functions. However, such s t a t i s t i c s are usually only a v a i l a b l e for the larger centres, which has meant that they have generally only been used for metropolitan and sub-metropolitan areas. As early as 1934 Dickenson 7. u t i l i z e d the volume of wholesale sales per capita as one of his four indices in determining the hierarchy of metropolitan centres i n the United States. Vance and Smith (1954:127) used both wholesale and r e t a i l sales among t h e i r six indices i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the metropolitan hierarchy for the American South. The u t i l i z a t i o n of any per capita index suffers from the same d i s -advantage as using population data. Moreover, the t o t a l purchasing power per person varies from place to place. S i d d a l l (l96l) attempted to compensate for t h i s by using a r a t i o of wholesale to r e t a i l workers to determine those c i t i e s with a higher than average wholesale business. He concludes that wholesale trade i s the most v a l i d single index of the extent of central functions (ibid:130). Unfortunately t h i s index i s only applicable to the large s t cen-tr e s , for the wholesale trade of the smaller centres i s almost n e g l i g i b l e . I t can be seen from Table I that Vancouver possesses about 80% of the whole-sale trade of B r i t i s h Columbia i n terms of i t s value. In 1951 only 15% of the wholesale revenue was derived from outside the three largest centres. Table II indicates that over two-thirds of the t e r t i a r y revenue of Vancouver was derived from wholesaling, whereas the other centres were far more heavily dependent on r e t a i l s ales. The smaller centres concentrate on providing con-venience goods and services (Stafford 1963:168), thus the majority of t h e i r t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y i s l i m i t e d to the r e t a i l and service sectors. I t i s possible to obtain d o l l a r values for the three trade functions that together constitute t e r t i a r y revenue, but i t i s d i f f i c u l t to place a com-parable value on the other central functions such as banking and insurance. However i t must be assumed that t e r t i a r y revenue i s a good index of t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y , b u t i t i s neither a v a i l a b l e for the smaller centres nor through time. This i s unfortunate as there may l i e the crux of the problem, a po t e n t i a l v a l i d c r i t e r i o n for e s t a b l i s h i n g the urban hierarchy. The a l t e r n -8. TABLE I RELATIVE DISTRIBUTION OF TERTIARY REVENUE IN BRITISH OOLUMBIA, 1931-1961* b R e t a i l Sales 1931 1951 1961 Service Revenue 1931 1951 1961 Wholesale Trade 1931 1951 1961 Vancouver 50.0 43.0 34.3 61.4 48.3 45.6 83.5 80.0 n.a. T e r t i a r y Revenue 1931 66.6 1951 . 62.7 1961 n.a. V i c t o r i a 10.9 8.1 7.6 14.0 7.7 6.8 5.4 4.1 n.a. 8.4 6.1 n.a. New Westminster 4.1 4.6 4.5 3.3 3.1 2.6 0.9 0.9 n.a. 2.5 2.5 n.a. Remainder 35.0 44.0 53.6 21.3 40.8 45.0 10.2 15.0 n.a. 22.5 28.7 n.a. Derived from Canada Census 1931, 1951, and 1961. The years are not s t r i c t l y comparable due to r e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of functions, with the s h i f t of p a r t i c u l a r functions from one sector to another. However, the r e c l a s s i f i c -ation should not have had a marked e f f e c t on the percentage values, due to the small number involved and the compensatory nature of the combined movements. Includes North Vancouver C i t y , for reason of compatibility with postal revenue data. TABLE II TERTIARY REVENUE COMPONENTS, 1931-1951* b Vancouver Remainder B r i t i s h Columbia 1931 1951 1931 1951 . 1931 •1951 R e t a i l sales 35.5 29.2 70.8 65.3 17.2 42.7 Service revenue 4.3 3.8 5.4. 6.5 4.7 4.7 Sub-total 39.8 32.8 76.2 71.8 52.0 47i4 Wholesale trade .6.0.2 67.2 .2.3.8 .2.8.2 •. 48.0 52.6 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 ' 100.0 100.0 Derived from Canada Census 1931 and 1951 Includes North Vancouver C i t y . 9. ative! would be to determine the volume of business done by one basic function and use th i s to provide an index of c e n t r a l i t y . Such a basic function i s 2 served by the post o f f i c e . Postal Revenue as an Index of C e n t r a l i t y ' To examine the v a l i d i t y of using postal revenue as an index of centr- -a l i t y through time, i t i s f i r s t necessary to examine the frequency of occurence of post o f f i c e s . One can then test the v a l i d i t y of the index against t e r t i a r y revenue, and f i n a l l y consider the method of u t i l i z i n g the data i n e s t a b l i s h -ing the hierarchy of centres through time. Occurrence of Post.Offices. Most North American service centres poss-ess a post o f f i c e and, at l e a s t i n the case of the P a c i f i c Northwest, the majority of e x i s t i n g centres have had post o f f i c e s since the turn of the century. That i s the majority of centres at a given time possess such a function, for i t i s recognised that some centres have disappeared and others have appeared since 1900. During the f i r s t half of the nineteenth century the Hudson Bay Com-pany acted as i t s own courier service on the P a c i f i c coast. With the de l i m i t -ation of the in t e r n a t i o n a l border i n 1848 and the formation of the twin colonies of Vancouver Island and B r i t i s h Columbia within the next decade, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the provision of such a service passed into the hands of the c o l o n i a l administration. I n i t i a l l y the express companies were contracted to perform the service on the mainland, but under the Postal Act of 1864 a regular departmental postal service was established with headquarters at New Westminster (Smith 1920:325). When the united colony of B r i t i s h Columbia , entered Confederation i n 1871 there were some 30 post o f f i c e s within the new Although s t r i c t l y a post o f f i c e i s merely a structure, common usage ascribes i t also as a function. Figure 1. B r i t i s h Columbia Post O f f i c e s , 1871-1961 Facing Page 1000 8 0 0 600 o i - 400 V) O CL U. O CC UJ CO I 200 z BRITISH COLUMBIA POST OFFICES 1871-1961. : _ ( D _ _ ( 2 ) — ll) EMERGENCE OF VANCOUVER (2) RAILWAY ERA. (3) TRANSITION E R A . (4) MODERN ERA. 1871 1881 1891 1901 1911 (Note=.Total Offices = Post Offices + Sub-Offices.) 10. province. - The number had r i s e n to 118 by 1887, to'364 i n 1900. In the neighbouring state of Washington Landis (l938a:29) noted that in 1900 post o f f i c e s were found in 51% of the trade centres l i s t e d i n Dun and Bradstreet; there i s reason to believe that the proportion was somewhat higher in B r i t i s h Columbia. By 1920 the Washington f i g u r e had r i s e n to 8 6 % . The post o f f i c e , between 1900 and 1920, was apparently an important factor in determining the success of a small trade centre as i t brought the r u r a l popu-l a t i o n to the general store at a regular i n t e r v a l (ibid:35). Since 1920 there has been a s l i g h t decline in the number and importance of post o f f i c e s ( i b i d . ) . However, a recent study in Snohomish County, Washington (Berry and Garrison 1958:151),.has shown that the operation of a post o f f i c e i s s t i l l one of the 4 basic functions of even the lowest order-centres. From 1881 to 1900 the number of post o f f i c e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n -creased at a f a i r l y constant rate (see F i g . l ) . The period corresponded with that of the construction of the trans-continental railway and the emergence of Vancouver. Af t e r a s l i g h t pause the number increased at almost the same rate up to 1914, coinciding with the decade of railway construction, and then. In the smaller centres the post o f f i c e was not usually run as a sep-arate unit but was offered on franchise to a l o c a l store. 4A l a t e r paper by Stafford (1963:174) i n which he examined the fun-c t i o n a l bases of small towns i n southern I l l i n o i s , apparently excluded post o f f i c e s from the 60 functions, for i t i s not l i s t e d among the ten most im--portant functions even when he quotes the previous study. Berry and Garrison (1958:150) subdivided t h e i r 63 central functions into variates and a t t r i b u t e s . They i d e n t i f y 52 of the functions as v a r i a t e s , that i s the actual number of stores performing these functions varied from place to place. The remainder are termed a t t r i b u t e s as they only occurred once i n any one place. The post o f f i c e i s regarded as an a t t r i b u t e . This i s generally true for smaller centres but, at l e a s t in B r i t i s h Columbia, i t i s not usually the case i n larger centres. For* once a centre grows above a certain s i z e a number of sub-offices tend to appear i n suburban service centres. 11. l e v e l l e d o f f . The appearance of sub-offices was associated, p a r t i c u a r l y from 1912 to 1916, with the expansion of the Vancouver and V i c t o r i a suburbs. After 1920 the number of o f f i c e s increased only s l i g h t l y , reaching a peak i n 1938; t h i s period corresponded with the t r a n s i t i o n era and the period of s l i g h t de-c l i n e noted i n Washington. Since 1938 the number has declined, slowly at f i r s t but accelerating l a t e r , with the functional concentration on the larger centres. However, the t o t a l number continued to increase up to 1954, with the expansion of the large urban areas, but since then the rapid decline of the independent o f f i c e s has o f f s e t the increases i n sub-offices and resulted i n an o v e r a l l de-crease. It cannot be claimed that a l l trade centres have, or had, a post o f f i c e but, with i t s low condition of entry, a s i g n i f i c a n t proportion poss-essed t h i s s e r v i c e . The absence of a post o f f i c e may r e s u l t from the u n w i l l -ingness of store-keepers to accept the franchise, or from the proximity of another, perhaps larger, centre. The postal franchise i s not always viewed with favour as involves a year-round operation with long hours of work. Some-times by mutual agreement i t i s rotated amongst the stores. In a few i n -stances, however, i t has been known to p e r s i s t due to the obstinancy of the franchise holder (Topping 1963) . V a l i d i t y of the Index. The post o f f i c e p r i m a r i l y performs a l o c a l service l i m i t e d to the r u r a l d i s t r i c t , or to the boundary ofjthe urban area or l o c a l trade area where more than one o f f i c e e x i s t s i n an urban centre. I t also provides a supplemental service for persons coming from outside the urban boundary to obtain a higher-order good. Thus the postal revenue of a given centre i s affected by the s i z e and economic a c t i v i t y of i t s trade area and i s not merely a function of urban population. This i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 2 where the 1961 population of s i x t y - s i x of the larger centres has been Figure 2. Relation of Population to Postal Revenue, 1961 Figure 3. Correlation of Population and Postal Revenue, 1961 Facing Page 12 18 < OT D O 12 I I-Z o _ 6 Q. O a. 3 — . R E L A T I O N O F P O P U L A T I O N T O P O S T A L R E V E N U E • 1 9 6 1 y * y r ' '/ y • y' — — • • • *yr -x^/ • — i s 9y< y ^ y = 0 . 5 4 7 + . 0 6 6 x / *» y i / i i i i i ( r )= 0 . 8 9 8 — • S e r v i c e C e n t r e s (66) 4 0 8 0 120 160 2 0 0 P O S T A L R E V E N U E I N T H O U S A N D S O F D O L L A R S 2 4 0 Sources Canada C e n s u s , I, Pt. 1, 8 Bulletin 9 2 - 5 2 8 Canada Postmaster General's Report , 1962, Pt. 2, 4.4 C O R R E L A T I O N O F P O P U L A T I O N A N D P O S T A L R E V E N U E 1 9 6 1 x _ L ( l o g y ) e = O.II2 + 0 . 7 3 5 l o g x ( r ) = 0 . 8 1 5 A S p e c i a l i s e d C e n t r e s (31) • T e r t i a r y C e n t r e s (35 ) I I I I I I L 3 .5 4 . 0 4.5 5 .0 5.5 L O G P O S T A L R E V E N U E I N D O L L A R S Sources ' . C a n a d a C e n s u s , 1961, I, P M , & Bul let in 9 2 - 5 2 8 , Canada Postmaster General 's Repor t , 1 9 6 2 , P t .2 . 12. plotted against t h e i r respective postal revenue. Excluding Vancouver, V i c t o r i a and New Westminster, the selected centres include^ a l l places i n B r i t i s h Gol-kmbis'-;with over 1,000 inhabitants. Due to the very nature of the urban hierarchy, the population of the scatter diagram exhibits an excessive skewness which could bias the c o r r e l -ation value, for l i n e a r regression assumes that the data i s normally d i s t r i -buted (Yamane 1964:402; Currey 1964:141). In order to normalize the. d i s t r i -butions, the data has been transformed to logarithms to the base ten. I t can be i n f e r r e d from Figure 3 that t h i s has had the desired e f f e c t of giving a more normally d i s t r i b u t e d population. The d i s t i n c t i o n between s p e c i a l i s e d and t e r t i a r y centres has been derived from Figure 2. A perusal of that figure reveals two d i s t i n c t groups, conveniently divided by the regression l i n e . The upper group consists mainly of those centres whose proportion of the p r o v i n c i a l population i s i n excess of t h e i r share of the postal revenue. These are the s p e c i a l i s e d centres with a primary function as i n d u s t r i a l , tran-sport, dormitory and r e c r e a t i o n a l centres. The group l y i n g below the regress-ion l i n e consists of those centres which are p r i m a r i l y c e n t r a l places, pro-viding comprehensive services to the surrounding r u r a l areas (Harris and Ullman 1945:118). However, a l l the centres possess some central functions, but t h e i r importance varies from place to place. Thus i t i s possible to i d e n t i f y four sub-groups, the t r u l y s p e c i a l i s e d and t e r t i a r y centres more than one standard deviation from the regression l i n e , and those centres with a com-The three largest centres have been excluded due to t h e i r s i z e and more complex functions, while the data for Port Alberni and Alberni, Kamloops and North Kamloops, T r a i l and Warfield have been added together as the re-spective pairs are included within common postal areas. Abbotsford and Allder-grove, which have a census population of less than .1,000 but have postal re-venue i n excess of many of the others, have been included. I t should Joe noted that the c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t has dropped slightly,however:-the .significanceof the d i f f e r e n c e between the two values i s not an important f a c t o r . Figure 4. Correlation of R e t a i l Sales and Postal Revenue, 1961 Figure 5. Correlation of Service and Postal Revenue, 1961 Facing Page 7.5 w 7.0 rr < o o CO U J < L0 CD Q 6.5 6.0 CORRELATION OF RETAIL SALES AND POSTAL REVENUE 1961-3.5 (log y) =2.288 + 0.953 log x (r) = 0.971 A Specialised Centres (26) • Tertiary Centres (31) —Regression Line 4.0 4.5 5.0 LOG. P O S T A L REVENUE IN D O L L A R S 55 Sources: Canada Census, 1961, VI , Pt.l . Canada Postmaster General's Report, 1962, Pt.2. CO < O a UJ z UJ > UJ cr ^ 5.5 UJ o > cc UJ CO o o 7.0 6.5 6.0 5.0 -CORRELATION OF SERVICE AND P O S T A L R E V E N U E 1961. 4.5 3 *A (log y ) e = 2 .873+0 .668 log x (r)= 0 . 7 7 5 A S p e c i a l i s e d C e n t r e s (25) • T e r t i a r y Centres (30) J L 4.0 4.5 5.0 L O G P O S T A L R E V E N U E I N D O L L A R S 7.0 6.5 6.0 5.5 - 5.0 4.5 5.5 S o u r c e s ' C a n a d a C e n s u s , l96l,V,-Pt. 2. Canada Postmaster General'Report, 1962, PI. 2. 13. posite function l y i n g within the band. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between postal revenue and the various t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t i e s might be expected to y i e l d a c l o s e r c o r r e l a t i o n than that obtain-ed with population. A good c o r r e l a t i o n between t e r t i a r y and postal revenues would increase the v a l i d i t y of using the l a t t e r as an index of c e n t r a l i t y . R e t a i l and service revenues are examined belowi but the lack of comparable 7 data on wholesaling precludes the t h i r d trade function. Vance and Smith (1954:127) have already suggested that r e t a i l sales are an index of the importance of a centre. Moreover, the r e t a i l and postal functions have a close s i m i l a r i t y as, in general both are -concerned with a f r e -quent service, and hence t h e i r trade areas are r e l a t i v e l y small. However, the higher q u a l i t y and priced goods have a larger hinterland (DickjLnson 1947: 172). The c o r r e l a t i o n between the two i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 4. A sign-g i f i c a n t l y higher c o r r e l a t i o n i s obtained than with population. In t h i s i n -stance no r e a l d i f f e r e n c e in c o r r e l a t i o n i s obtained i f the 26 s p e c i a l i s e d centres derived from Figure 2 are withdrawn (See Table III) In contrast the comparison of postal and service revenue y i e l d s an even lower c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t than that obtained with population. In t h i s case there, i s a s i g n i f i c a n t improvement when only the t e r t i a r y centres • 9 are considered. I t would seem that the s p e c i a l i s e d centres deviate f a r more Wholesale trade s t a t i s t i c s are only a v a i l a b l e in B r i t i s h Columbia for incorporated places with a population of 5,000 or more. Therefore the 1961 data, when published, w i l l only include the three large s t centres and a maximum of 16 other centres, compared with 10 i n 1951 and 4 in 1931. In con-t r a s t "r e t a i l and service revenues are a v a i l a b l e for a t o t a l of 59 incorporated places with a population of 1,000 of more, compared with 39 in 1951 and 26 i n 1931. g By Fisher's logarithmic transformation of r, z = +5.10 which i s sign-i f i c a n t at the 1% l e v e l where z - +2.58 (Blommers and Lindquist 1960:462-468). . 9 z = +2.72, s i g n i f i c a n t at the 1% l e v e l . from the regression l i n e than the t e r t i a r y centres. I t can be observed from Figure 5 that the majority of the s p e c i a l i s e d centres l i e above the regression l i n e , i n d i c a t i n g that service functions are more important to the s p e c i a l i z e d centres than to the t e r t i a r y centres. This i s probably p a r t i c u l a r l y true of rec r e a t i o n a l and transport centres where the demand for highway f a c i l i t i e s , such as motels and restaurants, supports a larger number of service functions. The majority of the s p e c i a l i s e d centres at the lower end of the scale are a c t u a l l y sub-dominant to an adjacent larger centre which s a t i s f i e s t h e i r service demand. Thus many of the smaller centres l i e well below the regression l i n e . TABLE III CORRELATION MATRIX FOR NORMALIZED DATA, 196.1 Population R e t a i l sales Service revenue R e t a i l and service revenue A l l centres (n) ( r ) , 66 0.815 .56 0.971 55 0.775 55 0.974 Spe c i a l i z e d Centres (n)' (r) 31 26 0.971 25 0.703 25 0.979 Postal Revenue a T e r t i a r y Centres (n) (r) 35 30 0.973 30 0.928 30 0.973 Derived from Figure 2 ''insignificant value as i t i s dependent upon the method employed to obtain the s p e c i a l i z e d and t e r t i a r y centres. I t would be desirable to compare postal revenue with wholesale trade, the t h i r d trade function, but unfortunately such data i s not yet a v a i l a b l e and w i l l only be published for centres with a population of 5,000 of more. The defi c i e n c y i n the wholesale data precludes the comparison of postal revenue with t e r t i a r y revenue, for i t i s probable that postal revenue i s a r e f l e c t i o n 15. of t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y and i s not merely an index of one element. This i s p a r t i a l l y substantiated when, with the addition of service revenue to r e t a i l sales, as good a c o r r e l a t i o n i s obtained as with the l a t t e r alone (see Table I I I ) . However, i t should be noted from Tables I and II that the f a r greater value of r e t a i l sales i s l i a b l e to bias the r e s u l t f o r , in the case of a l l but the l a r g e s t centres which have a substantial wholesale function, r e t a i l sales account for a large majority of the t e r t i a r y revenue. I t i s postulated that the majority of service centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia possess few central functions other than r e t a i l and service functions. Thus the close c o r r e l a t i o n of (r) = 0.974 between postal and r e t a i l - s e r v i c e revenue provides the basis of the assumption that postal revenue i s a good index of c e n t r a l i t y . The paucity of data for e a r l i e r years renders i t d i f f i c u l t to t e s t the assumption before 1931.^ For that year one can only obtain data for about ha l f as many centres as i n 1961. I t can be seen from Table IV that the c o r r e l a t i o n values with r e t a i l trade and r e t a i l - s e r v i c e revenue have hardly varied between the two years. The high c o r r e l a t i o n with population would seem to i n d i c a t e that the trade areas of these higher-order centres has grown since 1931 and that t h e i r economic base has generally be-come more d i v e r s i f i e d . The most s i g n i f i c a n t change that has taken place has been the f a l l i n the c o r r e l a t i o n values of service revenue from 0.966 to 0.775^'''which suggests that there has been a d i s t i n c t - t r e n d towards s p e c i a l -i z a t i o n . I t can be seen from Table II that the r e l a t i v e importance of the service function has changed l i t t l e . ^1931 was the f i r s t year that the Canadian Census included t e r t i a r y revenue data. 11 z = +4.34, s i g n i f i c a n t at the 1% l e v e l . 16. TABLE IV COMPARATIVE CORRELATION MATRIX ,1931 AND 1961 . Postal Revenue 1931 1961 (n) (r) (n) (r) Population 39 0.906 66 0.815 R e t a i l trade 23 0.975 56 0.971 Service revenue 23 0.966 55 0.775 R e t a i l and service revenue 23 0.976 55 0.974 Postal revenue they can be considered a good index of c e n t r a l i t y , not only for the present but also for the past. Its advantage over t e r t i a r y revenue i s twofold: i t includes not only the largest centres but also the majority of the smaller ones, and i t i s obtainable through time. I t i s f r e -quently the only r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e c r i t e r i o n . U t i l i z a t i o n of Postal Revenue Postal revenue figures are av a i l a b l e f o r B r i t i s h Columbia i n the Annual Reports of the Postmaster General which date back to Confederation. As revenue data changes through time with the changing value of the d o l l a r and the changing purchasing power of the populace, a d i r e c t comparison through time i s v i r t u a l l y impossible. In order to render t h i s inconstant data comparable i t has to be converted to a constant base. There would appear to be two a l t e r n a t i v e methods: to convert the data into constant dollars or to express i t as a proportion of a constant areal u n i t . Of these the l a t t e r seems to o f f e r the most scope, because constant d o l l a r s conversion factors are of questionable value and d i f f i c u l t to obtain. To f a c i l i t a t e the u t i l i z a t i o n of the proportional method, the raw data f o r each post o f f i c e was f i r s t express as a percentage of the t o t a l re-Figure 6. Establishment of Classes for Higher-Order Centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1880/81 -1961/6.2 Facing Page 17 17. venue of the province. A l l centres which had 0.1% or more of the p r o v i n c i a l 12 revenue were ranked and graphed. I t can be seen from Figure 6 that i n d i v i d ^ ual years e x h i b i t d i s t i n c t -groupings and that these tend to recur through '. time. U t i l i z i n g these groupings i t i s possible to i n f e r from the graph classes 13 or orders of centres, and to map the d i s t r i b u t i o n a l pattern for the whole of the province. The r e s u l t a n t data i s summarized i n Table V. TABLE V HIGHER-ORDER CENTRES IN BRITISH COLUMBIA FOR SELECT YEARS, 1881-19613 1880/81 1990/01 1918/19 1939/40 . 1961/62 Metropolitan (city 1 - 1 1 1 1st order 1 2 1 1 1 2nd order - I 3 4 1 1 1 II 8 9 5 8 4 3rd order 16 -16 10 4 9 4th order 5 11 18 10 16 5th order 8 50 35 36 20 Total 42 92 71 61 52 Median value (%) 0.58 0.21 0.26 0.25 . 0.36 Median value for centres over 0.1% 0.52 0.21 0.24 0.24 0.33 Derived from Figure 6 and 7. As t h i s study i s concerned with the evolution of the present settlement pattern within one part of the province, i t i s necessary to take into con-si d e r a t i o n a l l the lower-order centres. At an e a r l i e r stage in the research the Lower Mainland was considered a separate areal u n i t and the percentages were calculated on a regional rather than a p r o v i n c i a l basis, but when these 12 The lower l i m i t was an a r b i t r a r y , but convenient, choice. 13 The inherent danger in d e l i m i t i n g orders i s the assumption that the si z e of a given order remains constant: rather i t changes in value thr-ough time/. Thus a third-order centre at present could be termed a c i t y , but the 'same order in 1881 might today only be considered a v i l l a g e . Con-sequently the numerical c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s applied throughout this study. Figure 7. Establishment of Classes f o r Lower-Order Centres, 1900/01-1961/62 Facing Page 18 18. were plotted no clear groupings were apparent. So for the sake of consist-ency and expediency i t was deemed prudent to u t i l i z e p r o v i n c i a l , rather than regional, percentages for both higher and lower-order centres. The derived data for the Lower Mainland post o f f i c e s i s plotted against rank f o r the 14 se l e c t years. Figure 7 indicates a number of groupings. The two major breaks at 0.034 and.0.013$ were selected to c l a s s i f y the data, the f i r s t d i v i d i n g the s i x t h and seventh-orders and the second subdividing the lowest-order. The hierarchy of centres derived from Figures 6 and 7 i s given i n summary form in Table VI which includes s i m i l a r l y derived data f o r two ad-d i t i o n a l years. The table indicates that the number of higher-order centres in the Lower Mainland reached i t s peak somewhat e a r l i e r than i n the r e s t of the province. The t o t a l number of centres did not reach i t s maximum u n t i l the second decade of the century, roughly corresponding with the 1920 maxima observed i n Washington for trade centres with post o f f i c e s (Landis 1938a:29). TABLE VI HIERARCHY OF CENTRES FOR SELECT YEARS, 1881-19613 1880/81 J1887/88 ,1900/01 L918/19 1939/40 1950/51 ' I961/62 Metropolitan c i t y • - - -1st order - 2 1 2nd order I 1 - 1 II 3 - -3rd order 5 4 5 4th order 1 5 '5 5th order 1 9 6 Sub-total 11 20 18 6th order - 9 23 7th order I - - 17 - II ' - - 14 Total 11 30 72 aDerived from Figures 6 and 7 1 1 i 1 1 1 I 1 2 1 I 1 3 1 4 7 14 11 ' 7 3 21 15 14 13 28 17 14 10 31 25 26 14 33 41 29 22 113 98 83 59 None of the f i v e lower order centres i n 1880/81 were located i n the Lower Mainland, so only the four subsequent years are included. Having thus obtained the hierarchy of centres for any given year i t i s possible, by comparing any two years, to obtain a measure of the change that has taken place in the intervening period. This i s presented i n tabular form i n Table VII. I t can be seen that the greatest magnitude of change took place p r i o r to 1918, with large f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the hierarchy, the appearance of some centres and the disappearance of others, and the growth of some and the decline of others.' However, i t should.be recognized that a centre which, i n the graphic analysis, remains constant through time, has in fac t grown at the same rate as the province as a whole. Thus a map of the changing h i e r -archy of centres not only provides evidence of the evolution of the urban hierarchy, but i t - i s also'evidence of the general pattern of economic growth of the province or region . TABLE VII . CHANGING HIERARCHY OF CENTRES BY ERA V 1881-1961 /"""Vi a n /*» £s .18811 1888 1901 1.919; 1940 1551 - 1887- -1900 -1918 -1939 -1950 -196C Plus 2 'orders - - - ~ - -Plus 1 order 2 1 8 4 9 5 No change 1 6 20 59 57 47 Minus 1 order 6 9 9 10 7 4 Minus 2 orders 1 8 1 - - -Closed o f f i c e s 1 6 28 20 12 11 Closed to sub-office - - '6 20 13 16 Total p r e - e x i s t i n g ^ o f f i c e s 11 30 72 113 98 83 New o f f i c e s 2Q 48 75 24 IP 3 Opened and closed '- 14 - - 1 Opened and-closed to sub-offices - - 11 1 - -Total Change 31 78 172 138 108 87 O f f i c e s that are t e c h n i c a l l y closed, but re-open as sub-offices of a larger centre. ^There w i l l not necessa r i l y be complete agreement with TableVl due to the r i s e of pre-existing lower order centres to higher order status c O f f i c e s that both opened and closed within the era Figure 8. Hierarchy of Centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1880/81 Facing Page 20. CHAPTER II -PIONEER SETTLEMENT, 1858-1880 The f i r s t era which t h i s study considers beings with the formation of the Crown Colony of B r i t i s h ' Columbia i n 1858, and ends with the f i r s t decade of Confederation. P r i o r to the granting of c o l o n i a l status B r i t i s h Columbia had been part of the Hudson's Bay Company t e r r i t o r y , where the company posts p r i m a r i l y performed a trade function with a secondary i n t e r e s t i n ag r i c u l t u r e and f i s h i n g . The personnel were engaged as traders, not s e t t l e r s , f o r the company a c t i v e l y discouraged settlement within i t s own t e r r i t o r y . Actual settlement on the mainland commenced with the f i r s t i n f l u x of -gold miners. The miners came as transients but a good proportion remained as s e t t l e r s . Thus, by the close of the era, the new province possessed a core of permanent s e t t l e r s and a number of small service centres to supply t h e i r l i m i t e d needs. The settlement pattern was to undergo substantial modific-ations over subsequent decades but during t h i s era some of the basic found-ations were established. • The 1880 settlement pattern, i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 8, i s the product of h a l f a century of settlement change. The basic pattern of mining s e t t l e -ments, together with vestiges of the network of company f o r t s , i s modified by the establishment of a g r i c u l t u r e , f i s h i n g and logging communities. Due to the accident of o r i g i n the newer centres' were nodal developments without function-a l interconnection. In t o t a l there were f i f t y - o n e centres i n the whole pro-vince which possessed the necessary condition of entry and demand for postal f a c i l i t i e s . 21. The map indicates that coastal settlement was e n t i r e l y water-oriented, with V i c t o r i a dominating the province. This c i t y contained about a quarter of the t o t a l immigrant population (see Table VIII) and attracted nearly half TABLE VIII IMMIGRANT POPULATION BY MINERAL DISTRICTS, 1870 and 1881 3 1870 1881 .... Increase Total Percentage Mainland D i s t r i c t s , ' Cariboo 1,637 2,282 645 4.9 Coast 150 812 662 5.0 Kootenay 249 263 14 0.1 L i l l o o e t 318 465 147 1.1 New Westminster 1,206 4,437 3,231 25.2 Yale 1,067 3,794 2,727 20.6 Mainland Total 4,627 12,153 7,426 56.2 incouver Island V i c t o r i a C i t y 3,270 5,766 2,496 18.9 Remainder 2,689 5,879 3,190 24.1 P r o v i n c i a l Total 10,586 23,798 13,212 100.0 Derived from Canada Census 1881, 1:94, 298 and 405. The mineral d i s t r i c t s are outlined in Figure 11. Estimate as no separate f i g u r e was published for the Coast D i s t r i c t . I t i s assumed that i t i s included within the New Westminster D i s t r i c t t o t a l of 1,356. of the t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y as measured by postal revenue. The l o c a t i o n of the commercial centre was mainly due to the o r i e n t a t i o n of trade around San Francisco, the commercial c a p i t a l of the P a c i f i c coast, and V i c t o r i a ' s l i n k with the A t l a n t i c seaboard and the United Kingdom. -To the north Nanaimo, with i t s expanding coal industry, was the main secondary centre on the Island. The o r i e n t a t i o n of the majority of the inland centres to the Yale and Cariboo road, the main transport artery, was s t i l l c l e a r l y evident. The anomalous pos i t i o n of Yale i s only p a r t i a l l y explained by i t s s i t u a t i o n at the head of the navigation and at the s t a r t i n g point of the road into the i n t e r i o r : i t i s also due to the f a c t that i n the summer of 1880 the C.P.R. company had be-22. gun to construct i t s right-of-way through the Fraser canyon, s t a r t i n g from Emory Bar a few miles below Yale. Transport F a c i l i t i e s i n the Lower Mainland Throughout the pioneer era the dominant mode of transport in the Lower Mainland was not road but-water. With the e c l i p s e of Fort Langley as the port-of-entry to the gold f i e l d s , New Westminster had begun to assume i n -creasing importance as a transhipment point and service centre. However, i t s growth was only gradual, as Yale maintained i t s i n i t i a l advantage at the head of navigation and remained the dominant centre on the mainland of B r i t i s h Columbia for a number of years. The South Arm of the Fraser was buoyed for shipping by the summer of 1866, and vessels up to a d r a f t of twenty feet could proceed upstream to New Westminster; t h i s enabled the c i t y to become the p r i n c i p a l and p r a c t i c a l l y the only seaport on the mainland of the colony (Gibbard 1937:113). Within the r e s t of the region Indian t r a i l s were used by the f i r s t traders and s e t t l e r s as a supplemental means of communication; these were subsequently augmented by blazed t r a i l s , including those u t i l i z e d by the Boundary Commissioners engaged in the demarcation of the International Boun-dary. As settlement progressed, following the e x p l o i t a t i o n of the mineral resources of the i n t e r i o r , some of these t r a i l s evolved into crude wagon roads. One of the e a r l i e s t t r a i l s through the region was that cut for the i l l - f a t e d Qverland Telegraph scheme.''' This t r a i l was almost impassable The telegraph l i n e reached New Westminster from the United States i n June 1865 and by the end of August i t had passed through Hope to Soda Creek and thence on towards Alaska. With the f a i l u r e of the scheme i n 1867 the section between New Westminster and Quesnel was retained for l o c a l use (HowaysT914:l99-20l). Figure 9. Frontier of Settlement, 1880. .Figure 10. Appear.* of Post O f f i c e s , 1868-1900 Facing Page 23 FRONTIER OF S E T T L E M E N T 1880 23. for much of i t s length and received infrequent use, but i t remainded the only t r a i l through much of the region u n t i l a s l e i g h road was opened from New West-minster to Yale in 1874 (ibid:246). This was subsequently improved and be-came the Yale wagon road, a road for which there had been considerable a g i t -ation from the early s e t t l e r s around ChilliWack and Murrayville (see Figure 9.). I t was the f i r s t proper road through the Fraser V a l l e y and although only a s l i g h t improvement on the old t r a i l s , i t helped s i g n i f i c a n t l y to open up the region for settlement. I t can be seen from Figure 9 that New Westminster was by 1880 the hub of a r a d i a l pattern of roads including the Yale Road. The f i r s t to be opened was the North Road which had been b u i l t by the Royal Engineers as a s t r a t e g i c measure to provide a back entrance into the c i t y from Burrard I n l e t . Others linked the c i t y with the North Arm and Burrard In l e t settlements, while south of the r i v e r rough roads reached to Semiahmoo Bay and Ladner's Landing. Many of these roads existed rather i n theory than i n r e a l i t y as they were often impassable for much of the year; they were "innocent of gravel and made up i n depth what they lacked i n width" (ibid:241). D i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of the Economy Early settlement in the Lower Mainland was based on the development of primary i n d u s t r i e s . Agriculture had developed f i r s t as i t was given an i n i t i a l impetus by the demands of the gold miners, but with the decline in the mining population i t had quickly reverted for the most part to a subsistence basis. Probably the e a r l i e s t attempts at systematic farming i n the Lower Mainland, apart from the company farm at Fort Langley, were made near Chilliwack where the f i r s t farms came into production in 1863 (Howay 1914:592). By 1880 there were also small groups of farms around North Arm, Ladner's Landing, Fort Langley and New Westminster i t s e l f (see F i g . 9). Thus, i n 24. essence, these f i r s t a g r i c u l t u r a l settlements were merely i s o l a t e d c l u s t e r s of farms strung out along the Fraser with the larges t concentration around Chilliwack. Sawmilling and f i s h processing showed a p a r a l l e l , but more rapid, growth. The early l o c a t i o n a l importance of Burrard I n l e t i n the coastal f o r -est industry i s evidenced by the establishment of two r e l g t i v e l y large m i l l s there by 1867. The one at Moodyville began operation i n 1863 and Stamps M i l l , on the south side, opened four years l a t e r (Hardwick 1964:2). The'location of these m i l l s was p r i m a r i l y due to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of a s u f f i c i e n t quantity of prime timber adjacent to a deep water anchorage, for the majority of the lumber was destined for the export market. The small l o c a l market was f i r s t supplied by a number of m i l l s strung out along the Fraser and l a t e r by a few larger and more permanent m i l l s i n New Westminster. The early success of f i s h curing at Fort Langley prompted the l a t e r commercial development of that industry (Officer- 1955:21). In 1864 the f i r s t s a l t i n g and curing plant was established at New Westminster. Three years l a t e r a s i g n i f i c a n t step was taken when the experimental canning of salmon was t r i e d , and i n 1870 the f i r s t salmon cannery i n B r i t i s h Columbia was opened at A n n i e v i l l e (see F i g . 9). The export trade i n canned salmon began in the same year. By 1881 there were twelve canneries on the Fraser, with con-centrations around New Westminster and Ladner's Landing (B.C. Directory 1882/3:17). ' The dominant po s i t i o n assumed by New Westminster as the economy be-came more diverse i s evidenced by the fa c t that of the t h i r t y - n i n e manufac-turing establishments within the region in 1882, over h a l f were concentrated in or immediately adjacent to the c i t y . The r e s t were scattered along the r i v e r and shores of Burrard I n l e t , closer to t h e i r source of raw material (ibid:202-4, 234, 242-5, 254, 257 and 261-8). In 1870 there was j u s t one Figure 11. Mineral and E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t s on the Mainland of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1869-1903. Facing Page 25 25. g r i s t m i l l at New Westminster (Ireland 1941:105), but by 1882 there were three more scattered through the region, an i n d i c a t i o n that a g r i c u l t u r e was i n a more prosperous condition than a decade e a r l i e r (B.C. Directory 1882/3:257 and 262-3). The new prosperity i s r e f l e c t e d i n the growth of population within the region. The c o l o n i a l censes of 1870 found that there were some 10,586 immigrants within the whole colony, of whom some 12% l i v e d i n the New West-minster d i s t r i c t (see Table VIII). This d i s t r i c t was the same as the one de-l i m i t e d by the Mineral Ordinance of 1869. I t can be seen from Figure 11 that t h i s d i s t r i c t included most of the Lower Mainland, excluding the area east of Agassiz. Almost a l l of the New Westminster t o t a l probably l i v e d within the Lower Mainland. The p r o v i n c i a l increase i n immigrant population was nearly equally divided between the mainland and Vancouver Island, but i t i s notable that most of the t o t a l increase occurred close to the coast, and was p r i m a r i l y associated with the development of a g r i c u l t u r e and lumbering. A quarter of the t o t a l increase was concentrated within the New Westminster D i s t r i c t : t h i s represents a f o u r f o l d increase over the f i r s t decade of Confederation and indicates a s i g n i f i c a n t change from the period of stagnation and decline which preceded that event. However, the absolute increase was s l i g h t compared with that of the subsequent decades. The Indian population was not included i n Table VIII as they-were-not enumerated in the 1870 census and although included i n the 1881 Census many of the figures were merely estimates p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the northern areas. Even so the 1881 Census found that the immigrant population accounted for about 40% of the mainland t o t a l . The proportions i n the i n d i v i d u a l d i s t r i c t s varied with the B r i t i s h forming the l a r g e s t ethnic group in the New Westmin-ster d i s t r i c t (53%) and in V i c t o r i a (71%) (Canada Census 1881, 1:288-9). I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that by 1881 the Chinese comprised the t h i r d l a r g e s t group, a f t e r the Indians and B r i t i s h , and accounted for 12% of the mainland population with a d i s t i n c t concentration i n the Cariboo and Yale d i s t r i c t s ; t h i s concentration i s p a r t l y e xplicable by the past mining a c t i v i t y and p a r t l y by the i n p o r t a t i o n of Chinese labour to help b u i l d the C.P.R. 26. A p a r a l l e l development can be traced i n the growth of i n s t i t u t i o n s . The f i r s t p u blic schools in the Lower Mainland were opened i n 1870 at New Westminster and Moodyville, and the following year others opened at Fort Langley, Sumas and Hope (B.C. Sessional Papers 1881:287-92). Within the ; -next, three years two more schools were erected to serve the Chilliwack~Sumas area, and another to serve the area to the south of Sumas Lake. By 1881 there was a t o t a l of thirt e e n school d i s t r i c t s within the region, although not a l l of them managed to open each year (ibid:261 and 266). Under the P r o v i n c i a l M u n i c i p a l i t i e s Act of 1872 the two main areas of a g r i c u l t u r a l settlement, Chilliwack and Langley, were incorporated as munic-i p a l i t i e s i n 1873. These were followed by Maple Ridge, Surrey , Richmond and Delta, as outlined in Table IX. The nodal development of settlement i s pro-bably better i l l u s t r a t e d by Figure 10 which i s an i s o p l e t h map showing the period of appearance of post o f f i c e s within the region. However i t should be remembered that the establishment of a post o f f i c e depended on the growth of demand, and thus an o f f i c e would not appear u n t i l a few years a f t e r i n i t i a l settlement of an area, when the condition of entry was met. This condition of entry would probably never be met i f the area remained sparsely s e t t l e d , with the service function being performed by d i s t a n t centres. Therefore t h i s map indicates both the expansion of service!.centres and the areal expansion of settlement concentrations. The f i r s t two o f f i c e s appears at Fort Langley and Hope simultaneously with the formation .of the colony, and were followed the next year by New Westminster. Over the subsequent phase two of these i n i t i a l nodes remained f a i r l y stable, and only the Fort Langley node grew to include the ephemeral c a p i t a l at Derby and l a t e r settlement on Maple Ridge. The map also indicates the main areas of a g r i c u l t u r a l development, namely the large area on the 27. Chilliwack-Sumas axis and smaller areas around Mud Bay ( A l l u v i a ) , Ladner's Landing and North Arm. The three segment nodes on Burrard I n l e t r e f l e c t the establishment of the two sawmills and the f e r r y terminus at Hastings. This map forms a convenient summary of the pioneer phase of settlement i n the Lower Mainland. TABLE IX INCORPORATION OF MUNICIPALITIES, 1860*19613 M u n i c i p a l i t y D i s t r i c t V i l l a g e Town C i t y Abbotsford 1924 Burnaby 1892 Chilliwack 1873 Chilliwack C i t y 1908 Coquitlam 1891 Fraser M i l l s 1913 Port Coquitlam 1913 Delta 1879 , Dewdney 1892-1906 Hope 1929 Kent 1895 Harrison Hot Springs 1949 Langley 1873 Langley C i t y L955 White Rock 1957 Maple Ridge .1874 P i t t Meadows 1914 Matsqui 1892 Mission 1892 Mission C i t y 1922-58 1958 New Westminster 1860 Nicomen (1892)° North Vancouver 1891 North Vancouver C i t y 1909 West Vancouver 1912 Port Moody 1913 Richmond 1879 South Vancouver 1892-1910 and I918-28 d 1910-18 Point Grey 1907-28 Sumas 1892 Surrey 1879 Vancouver 1886 3 Derived from Municipal S t a t i s t i c s 1961:99-101 and South 1964. k Disincorporated c ~ M u n i c i p a l i t y de jure Incorporated jinto Vancouver Ci t y on January 1st, 1929. CHAPTER III THE EMERGENCE OF VANCOUVER, 1881-1900 In 1880 the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway (C.P.R.) began construction from Emory Bar eastwards, and two years l a t e r work was started on the grad-ing of the route westwards to Port Moody. The decade of waiting was over and a time of unprecedented prosperity for the Lower Mainland was dawning. This prosperity, however, was not equally shared throughout the region, as the new railway merely duplicated e x i s t i n g water f a c i l i t i e s and did l i t t l e to open up the l o c a l h i n t e r l a n d : . most of the new growth was concentrated on Burrard I n l e t , and to a lesser extent along the Fraser River. Only a f t e r the turn of the century, at the end of t h i s era, did there occur a spate of r a i l -way construction which had a more l a s t i n g e f f e c t on the. region as a whole. Throughout the era the Fraser River continues to be the l i n e a r focus for settlement. However the completion of the C.P.R. may be taken as a d i v i d -ing l i n e between a f i r s t phase of expectancy and a second of f u l f i l l m e n t i n which development s h i f t s westwards to Vancouver. During the f i r s t phase, the construction and opening of the railway concentrated a c t i v i t y along the r i v e r . The focus of i n t e r e s t from 1887 on i s upon Vancouver. Vancouver's emergence as the foremost c i t y of the Lower Mainland, and l a t e r of the pro-vince, dominated the regional development at the close of the nineteenth century. Although the c i t y was brought into being by the construction of port f a c i l i t i e s , i t s subsequent growth i s more c l o s e l y involved with the development of manufacturing and d i s t r i b u t i v e functions. The concomitant a g r i c u l t u r a l , lumbering and cannery developments i n the Fraser Valley tended 29. to i n f i l l the r i v e r axis by expansion outwards from the pre-existing nodes. Thus by the close of the era the greater part of. the region was t h i n l y pop-ulated. Construction Years. 1881-87 With the s t a r t of construction on the railway the whole region bene-f i t e d from the associated burst of economic a c t i v i t y : not only did the r a i l -way provide jobs but i t also i n d i r e c t l y supported many more in services to the construction gangs. Both these a c t i v i t i e s provided an immediate impetus to the regional economy, which was in part responsible for a d i s t i n c t quicken-ing i n the pace of settlement along trend l i n e s already established in the previous decade. U n t i l the extension of the railway to the new c i t y of Vancouver i n l a t e 1886, New Westminster remained the dominant centre i n the va l l e y , a legacy of i t s former p o s i t i o n as c o l o n i a l c a p i t a l . However, within a year of the a r r i v a l of the f i r s t t r a i n Vancouver, i n terms of i t s t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y , had caught up and overtaken New Westminster (see Table X). The opening of the branch l i n e to New Westminster i n 1887 served to slow down thi s change, but not h a l t i t , , for the port of New Westminster, hampered by the awkward and time-consuming navigation of the Fraser, could not compete with the new f a c i l i t i e s on Burrard I n l e t . U n t i l the construction of the railway the f a c i l i t i e s i n New Westminster had proved adequate to serve a li m i t e d and sparsely s e t t l e d hinterland. The railway created a far larger hinterland which necessitated the deliberate development of alternate f a c i l -i t i e s to handle the anticipated overseas trade. This heed was f i r s t served by Port Moody, but i t s boom was already over by 1887, with the r i s e of the iusurper on the G r a n v i l l e townsite. Thus, the development of port f a c i l i t i e s accounts for the b i r t h of Vancouver, although" i t s subsequent growth i s not so r e a d i l y explained. 30. TABLE X GROWTH OF POSTAL REVENUE BY DECADE AND SELECT YEARS, 1881-19618 P r o v i n c i a l Lower Mainland Percentaae Year Revenue Vancouver 1 0 New Fraser Total (in.. P.o.llars) Westminster Valley 1880/81 22,332 1.24 5.73 5.94 12.91 1887/88 67,183 14.73 9.56 6.50 30.79 1890/91 106,873 20.20 10.20 4.67 35.77 1900/01 249,744 21.06 3.76 7.77 32.59 1910/11 854,353 40.81 3.61 5.51 49.93 1918/19 1,717,344 42.65 3.11 •6.99 52.75 1920/21 2,073,163 44.37 2.80 6.01 53.18 1930/31 2,739,845 51.35 3.43 4.67 59.45 1939/40 3,583,650 50.62 3.36 5.00 58.98 1940/41 3,894,652 50.60 3.42 4.72 58.74 1950/51 11,295,281 54.44 3.70 5.21 63.35 1960/61 17,436,562 55.62 4.62 4.65 64.89 1961/62 18,504,653 55.85 4.45 4.88 65.18 Derived from Canada Postmaster Generals Reports, 1881-1962 The Vancouver postal area included North Vancouver Ci t y from 1924-62 Within the Fraser Valley i t i s evident that there i s a d i s t i n c t cor-r e l a t i o n between those areas subject to flooding, the so-called p r a i r i e s , and early settlement. I t can be seen from Figure 10 that settlement i n the per-iod 1881-91 tended to expand outwards from the e x i s t i n g nodes and away from the r i v e r . With the lack of adequate dykes ,the periodic and sometimes severe flooding of the p r a i r i e s during the Fraser freshet rendered the p r a i r i e s close to the r i v e r i n c r e a s i n g l y unattractive to prospective s e t t l e r s . Some years e a r l i e r Dawson (1877:248) had reported that there was a considerable acreage within the region f i t for c u l t i v a t i o n i n i t s e x i s t i n g s tate. He went on to say that a large s t r e t c h of f e r t i l e land could be permanently reclaimed i f the government undertook the general dyking of the area, and that i n fac t something had already been done i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n by i n d i v i d u a l e f f o r t , but at a comparatively great cost ( i b i d . ) . The p e r i o d i c a l l y flooded areas were mainly t r e e l e s s or, at the most, l i g h t l y wooded and thus were a t t r a c t i v e to Figure 12. Changing Hierarchy, 1881-1887 Figure 13. Population D i s t r i b u t i o n , 1881 Facing Page 31 31. a g r i c u l t u r a l development for t h e i r ease of clearance, as well as t h e i r f e r -t i l i t y . In contrast the upland areas of g l a c i a l d r i f t were generally heavily wooded, which hindered settlement since a greater c a p i t a l investment in time and money was required to c l e a r them.''" The p r a i r i e s themselves, although suitable for a g r i c u l t u r e , were unattractive as farm-sites due to the threat of floods. In addition the extensive backswamp areas in the larger p r a i r i e s of Matsqui and Chilliwack were unsuitable for immediate development. Thus the early a g r i c u l t u r a l communities and i s o l a t e d farms tended to locate them-selves on the flanks of the upland areas and adjacent to the smaller p r a i r i e s . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between settlement and slope i s c l e a r l y substantiated i n 2 Figure 12 . I t i s clear from a comparison of Figures 12 and 13 that the trend of settlement away from the r i v e r had commenced before 1881, even antedating the b u i l d i n g of the Yale Road i n 1875. The creation of the P r a i r i e School Dis-t r i c t around Langley P r a i r i e i n 1874 suggests that i n i t i a l settlement i n this area took place some years e a r l i e r . However., the o r i g i n a l o r i e n t a t i o n of settlement and population to the r i v e r continued, for the railway merely ser-ved to emphasize t h i s natural a r t e r y . I t i s evident that the r i v e r remained an important means of communication and was by no means eclipsed by the r a i l -way. The south bank continued to share i n the general growth of the region, An exception to t h i s was Maple Ridge, j u s t to the north of Port Haney, where the timber proved sparser than elsewhere on the d r i f t , encourag-ing the e a r l y settlement in t h i s area (see Figs. 12 and 13). 2 On t h i s and subsequent maps the upland area i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the lowland by the break in slope between the p l e i s t d r i f t of the uplands. The data was derived from a number of s u r f i f c i a l geology maps (Canada Geolog-i c a l Survey 1923, 1944, 1956, 1957a, 1957b, 1960 and 1961). The upper l i m i t of the d r i f t marks the approximate Limit of a g r i c u l t u r a l settlement, for the predominantly g r a n i t i c rocks of the Coast Mountains, with t h e i r r e l a t i v e l y steep slope and t h i n mantle of a c i d i c s o i l , are b a s i c a l l y unsuitable for a g r i c u l t u r e . 32. although the settlements of Sumas and Chilliwack had begun to move back from the r i v e r , to the base of the two small r e s i d u a l o u t l i e r s s l i g h t l y above the general l e v e l of the p r a i r i e , and more central to t h e i r hinterlands. As one would expect, more of the new post o f f i c e s were established on the north bank; these were orientated towards the railway which had assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the transport of mail. This r e s u l t e d i n the development of a number of small f e r r y services to connect the o f f i c e s on the south bank, such as Sumas and Chilliwack, with the railway at Harrison-mouth. These services, l i k e the other mail services, were l e t on contract and undertaken on a regular basis throughout the year. A l l the predominantly a g r i c u l t u r a l centres on the north and south banks must have^been r e l a t i v e l y small by modern standards. Early a g r i c u l t u r e was frequently on a subsistence b a s i s . Salmon f i s h i n g , however, did provide additional support as well as an important cash income through the summer. Although some distance from the canneries, which were increasingly becoming concentrated near the mouth of the r i v e r , the st r e t c h of the r i v e r between New Westminster and Mission was a favoured l o c a t i o n for sockeye f i s h i n g * the catch was purchased and delivered d a i l y to the canneries by company scows (White 1937:84-6). Along the r i v e r supplemental employment was provided by railway construction and l a t e r by maintenance and improvements, although much of the i n i t i a l work was done by Chinese labour. The a t t r a c t i o n of the railway to settlement i s indicated by the c l o -sure of the post o f f i c e at Maple Ridge and the opening of two o f f i c e s i n i t s place at Port Hammond and Haney, both of which were construction centres dur-ing the bu i l d i n g of the railway (see F i g . 12). Port Hammond was the larger of the two by 1887, and of equal importance with the upstream centres of Mission and Agassiz. To the south of the r i v e r both Chilliwack and Sumas declined i n r e l a t i v e importance, although i n the case of the former i t was 33. only a s l i g h t readjustment, for i t a c t u a l l y grew i n s i z e and eclipsed i t s neighbour. Hope and Fort Langley had a s i m i l a r s l i g h t decline i n r e l a t i v e importance, but Ladner's Landing maintained i t s rank and shows a substantial absolute growth, re l a t e d to the growth of the l o c a l canneries. D i f f e r e n t i a l Growth. 1888-1900 The next thirt e e n years encompass a phase of economic growth of the province, p r i m a r i l y centred around the mining a c t i v i t y i n the Kootenays. Thus there was an areal concentration of growth rather than an o v e r a l l devel-opment of the economy, and the Lower Mainland shared only p a r t i a l l y i n t h i s economic expansion. Between 1888 and 1890 the region, and p a r t i c u l a r l y Vancouver, continued to grow at a f a s t e r rate than the province as a whole. However, a f t e r 1890 the r e l a t i v e importance of the r e s t of the region de-c l i n e d although Vancouver, the growth of which was linked with that of the province rather than with that of the Lower Mainland, maintained i t s status (see Table X). The population growth pattern exhibits s i m i l a r trends (see Table XI) Between 1881 and 1891 population growth was concentrated on the two predom-inan t l y urban areas of Vancouver and New Westminster; t h i s concentration of population and economic growth upon urban areas i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of an expanding economy, for i n times of economic regression the majority of the expansion takes place outside the urban.core. By 1891 Vancouver's population approximately equalled that of the remainder of the region excluding New Westminster, and by 1901 i t s population was s l i g h t l y greater than the r e s t of the region put together. The concentration of regional population growth in Vancouver, p a r t i c u l a r l y between 1891 and 1900, was connected with the economic growth of i t s hinterland i n the i n t e r i o r of the province, rather than with that of the Lower Mainland. I t i s notable that both the population 34. and t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y of Vancouver, as indicated i n Table XI, grew at approx-imately the p r o v i n c i a l rate, which i s i n d i c a t i v e of i t s growing importance as the commercial c a p i t a l and d i s t r i b u t i o n centre of the province, and i t s close r e l a t i o n s h i p with p r o v i n c i a l growth. TABLE XI GROWTH OF POPULATION BY DECADE, 1881-1961 3 (in thousands with p r o v i n c i a l percentages i n parentheses) Lower Mainland Population Year P r o v i n c i a l Vanoouver . ;New Remainder Population Westminster: . 1881 49.5 0.4 C ( 0.80) 1.5 C (2.97) 4.1° ( 8.22) 1891 98.2 13.7 (12.46) 6.7 ' (6.80) 13.5 (13.70) 1901 178.7 26.4, (14.77) 6.5 (3.64) 19.1 (10.70) 1911 393.5 120.8° (30.79) 13.2 (3.36) 45.5 (11.60) 1921 524.6 163.2 (31.11) 14.5 (2.76) 71.6 (13.66) 1931 994.3 255.0 (36.73) 17.5 (2.52) 98.8 (14.23) 1941 817.9 284.3 (34.76) 22.0 (2.69) 133.8 (16.35) 1951 1,165.2 357.5 (30.78) 28.6 (2.46) 250.4 (21.49) 1961 1,629.1 408.2 (25.06) 33.7 (2.07) 451.8 (27.72) a Derived from Canada Census 1891; 1901; 1911 ; 1921; 1931; and L.M.R.P . 1963 :3. b Including North Vancouver Ci t y 1931 -61. Estimate based on School population and Canada Census 1931:106. Including Point Grey and South Vancouver m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . In contrast the economic growth of the remainder of the region, as expressed by i t s t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y , f e l l well below the p r o v i n c i a l average. The population of New Westminster declined s l i g h t l y with both population and economic growth taking place outside the urban area, a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of economic regression. The contrast h i g h l i g h t s the new functional d i f f e r e n -t i a t i o n within the Lower Mainlands the commercial c a p i t a l , soon to develop into a metropolitan complex, becomes f u n c t i o n a l l y d i s t i n c t from the remainder of the region. Figure 14. Hierarchy of Centres, 1900/01 Figure 15. Changing Hierarchy, 1888-1900 Facing Page HIERARCHY OF C E N T R E S 1900/01 14 BEDROCK, PREDOMINANTLY GRANITIC. .-%.,-'} BOUNDARY OF I GLACIAL DRIFT | 6 I.H J -!•' ORDER • 2 B 0 ORDER - PRIMARY • 3" ORDER ® 4» ORDER • 5 t h ORDER • 6>» ORDER a 7i« ORDER - PRIMARY o - SECONDARY • SCALE IN MILES 0 2 4 8 23 r? CHANGING HIERARCHY 1888-1900 35. Ci t y Development. The growth of Vancouver, throughout t h i s phase, was more c l o s e l y linked with the development of manufacturing and d i s t r i b u t i o n functions than with external trade, although the l a t t e r had provided the i n i t i a l impetus for the establishment of the c i t y . Between 1891 and 1901 the population of Vancouver almost doubled, in contrast to that of New West-minster which a c t u a l l y declined s l i g h t l y (see Table XI). New Westminster, which had i n i t i a l l y benefited from, and shared i n , the growth of commerce, was -unable to maintain i t s growth i n competition with i t s neighbour, as Vancouver assumed a greater degree of control over commerce, indicated by the transference of commercial concerns from V i c t o r i a to the new c i t y . By 1900 New Westminster had slipped back to i t s p o s i t i o n as regional c a p i t a l of the Lower Mainland, a function i t has retained to the present (see F i g . 14). The expansion of Vancouver i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 15 by the estab-lishment of a number of suburban post o f f i c e s e n c i r c l i n g the o r i g i n a l s e t t l e -ment of G r a n v i l l e . Within the c i t y s treetcars had made t h e i r f i r s t appear-ance i n 1890, and the following year the interurban l i n e was opened to New Westminster (Maiden 1948:32 and 39). By 1900 t h i s interurban, one of the f i r s t and l o n g e s t - l i v e d in North America, had a t t r a c t e d two post o f f i c e s , one at Central Park and the other at Epworth (Cedar Cottage), to service the f i r s t c i t y commuters. The streetcar and interurban l i n e s permitted the early expansion of the c i t y across False Creek, and were an important factor in e f f e c t i n g i t s present morphology. By 1900 there was a marked concentration of manufacturing concerns within the c i t y . Industry retained i t s previous concentration on Burrard In l e t but had also expanded into False Creek and on to the New Westminster waterfront. The importance of Burrard I n l e t as a lumber-producing centre was maintained throughout t h i s period due both to the advent of the steam 36. tug, which permitted the u t i l i z a t i o n of upcoast timber a f t e r the l o c a l supplies were depleted, and the development of the domestic market i n the P r a i r i e s (Hardwick 1964:3). Expansion of Valley Settlement. By the close of the period there had emerged three third-order centres i n the v a l l e y proper: Chilliwack to the east, Ladner and the new cannery town of Steveston i n the west, none as yet served by r a i l f a c i l i t i e s (see Figs. 14 & 15). In fact two important branch l i n e s had been b u i l t at the beginning of the 1890's. The f i r s t , from Mission to Huntingdon, opened i n 1891 (Howay 1914:453) was of greater im-mediate s i g n i f i c a n c e : i t connected at Sumas-Huntingdon with the Northern P a c i f i c Railway and the future Milwaukee Road, permitting through-working of C.P.R. t r a i n s to Seattle and Bellingham r e s p e c t i v e l y . This connection was of great importance u n t i l past the turn of the century, as i t was f o r some time the only C.P.R. connection with the United States to the west of the Rockies. U n t i l 1904 the Mission bridge remained the only physical l i n k between the north and the south banks within the Lower Mainland, and was of v i t a l import-ance in permitting the interchange of f r e i g h t between Western Canada and the North-West States. The other branch l i n e was the New Westminster Southern Railway which opened the same year (G.N.R. 1963a) but terminated on the south bank at Brownsville: passengers and f r e i g h t shared the fe r r y across to New Westminster with the t r a f f i c from the Yale Road. This railway con-nected at Blaine with the Great Northern (G.N.R.) l i n e from Everett, t h e i r trans-continental l i n e was completed through to the P a c i f i c the following year. Road b u i l d i n g during t h i s period, as through the subsequent decade, was frequently haphazard. The roads 37. merely evolved from-foot and pack t r a i l s into earth roads as settlement demanded, and consequently did not (necessarily) follow the best or shortest route. F i n a n c i a l arrangements too were haphazard During the l a s t decade of the nineteenth century l e t t e r s and e d i t o r i a l s i n the . v a l l e y newspapers complain with a great deal of asperity about the con-d i t i o n of even the Yale Road during the winter months. In certain stretches across Langley P r a i r i e i t was characterized as "an impassable : di t c h an example of sheer neglect". I t i s not d i f f i c u l t then to imagine the state of the feeder roads during the wet weather (White 1937: 34). The main construction during the f i n a l decade was that of the Dewdney Trunk Road which, by 1900, ex-tended as far as Harrison-mouth. Its route beyond Maple Ridge was frequently i n d e c i s i v e , so i t can hardly have been more than passable for most of the year (see F i g . 15). Three main areas of growth are evident on Figure 15: along the r i v e r , on the delta and in the southern section of the region. I t can be seen from both Figures 10 and 15 that the opening of new o f f i c e s along the r i v e r marked the continued process of i n f i l l of settlement along t h i s axis.. The greatest degree of s t a b i l i t y i s evident along the north bank of the r i v e r , for on the south bank a greater proportion of the centres declined i n r e l a t i v e importance or even closed. ' I t i s , however, s i g n i f i c a n t that in 1888 the majority of the business functions of Chilliwack moved inland from the landing to t h e i r pre-sent s i t e : a move anticipated by the transfer of the post o f f i c e some twelve months e a r l i e r (Wells 1960:3 and 5). The growing importance of a g r i c u l t u r e in Chilliwhack municipality i s further indicated by the establishment of three a d d i t i o n a l service centres, the largest of which was at Sardis, near which the f i r s t dairy i n the v a l l e y , the Edenbank Creamery, was opened about 1887 ( i b i d : 2 ) . To the south, and to a l e s s e r extent to the north of the r i v e r where opportunities f o r farming were l e s s , the trend away from the r i v e r continued. , 3 8 . It can bee seen from Figure 15 that the new centres were p a r t l y oriented to the new railways and p a r t l y to the wagon roads. The New Westminster Southern Railway a s s i s t e d i n the establishment of f i v e or s i x post o f f i c e s although, except for Cloverdale, they were not s i t e d d i r e c t l y alongside the railway. Cloverdale was d e l i b e r a t e l y s i t e d on the f l o o r of the p r a i r i e adjacent to the railway, to the detriment of the e a r l i e r communities of Clover Valley and Surrey Centre. Cloverdale, Kensington P r a i r i e immediately to the south and Huntingdon to the east, were the only centres in the southern part of the region that were not on or adjacent to the uplands:' t h e i r location was a re-f l e c t i o n of the growing influence of the railways upon settlement, for i t even overcame the aversion to s e t t l i n g flood-endangered land. The C.P.R. branch occasioned the opening of post o f f i c e s a~t Huntingdon and Abbotsford. Abbots-ford was located at the high point on an old g l a c i a l spillway where the Yale Road intersected with the natural routeway, i t was l a t e to become of greater importance, but even by 1900 i t was already the largest centre in the southern part of the region (see F i g . 14). The other new service centres were mainly oriented to the Yale Road, while two of the four new centres to the north of the r i v e r were on the Dewdney Trunk Road, a further i n d i c a t i o n of the lessen-ing influence of the r i v e r and the growing importance of a l t e r n a t i v e transport media. At the mouth of the r i v e r a number of new post o f f i c e s had appeared, although two were merely r e l o c a t i o n s of e x i s t i n g o f f i c e s . The growth of the cannery town of Steveston, at the expense of the small neighbouring centre of Lulu Island i s e s p e c i a l l y notable. The canneries had m u l t i p l i e d s i x f o r d since 1882 and had been concentrated as close to the mouth of the r i v e r as possible p a r t i c u l a r l y around Steveston (Hendersons Directory 1901:1040-2). By 1900 the population of t h i s town numbering about 2,000 through the winter, was Figure 16. Census and School D i s t r i c t s , 1901 Figure 17. Population D i s t r i b u t i o n and Growth, 1881-1901 Facing Page 39 39. composed almost e n t i r e l y of male Japanese who migrated up the coast, during the f i s h i n g season (Bone 1955:21); they were augmented i n the canneries by seasonal workers who were predominantly Indian women. Ladner, with i t s own concentration of canners, had a more d i v e r s i f i e d base as i t was the focus for the a g r i c u l t u r a l products of i t s f e r t i l e h i nter-land, and possessed a number of food processing i n d u s t r i e s . There was a s i m i l a r development in a g r i c u l t u r a l products i n Langley andtChilliwhack m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , but these were s t i l l on a r e l a t i v e l y small scale. In t h i s context i t i s important to note that i t was only i n these two areas that a s i g n i f i c a n t portion of the land was c u l t i v a t e d , for in the f i r s t report of the Department of Agriculture(B.C. Sessional Papers 1892:768-87) i t was estimated that 5 0 % of the land owned i n Delta municipality was c u l t i v a t e d , compared with 3 3 % i n Richmond, 2 5 % i n Chilliwhack, 1 6 % i n Maple Ridge and around Agassiz, while the remainder of the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s varied between 7 3 and 14$. The basic pattern indicated by the percentages remained u n t i l t\> "past the' turn of the century. The areal v a r i a t i o n s in the economic base of the Fraser Valley and Burrard I n l e t are r e f l e c t e d i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n and growth of population. I t has already been seen that the Lower Mainland growth pattern i n the period 1881-1900 was s t i l l predominantly nodal. The population d i s t r i b u t i o n in Figure 17 generally supports t h i s conclusion but indicates that i t was not excl u s i v e l y the case, for by the turn of the century most of the region was already t h i n l y s e t t l e d , except for the heavily timbered areas such as the Surry Uplands and the steeper slopes and mountains on the periphery of the I t should be noted that these figures are not percentages of the t o t a l area of each municipality but only of the area of land owned within each; the substantial remainder of the land owned eit h e r had not been cleared or was being held for speculation. 40. region. The population d i s t r i b u t i o n • i n 1901 contrasts d i s t i n c t l y with that of twenty years e a r l i e r , when settlement was mainly r e s t r i c t e d to a b e l t extend-ing a few miles back from r i v e r or sea. The thin spread of population meant that the majority of the habitable parts of the region were already organized into school d i s t r i c t s and that the majority of these were included within m u n i c i p a l i t i e s (see Figs. 16 and 17). The census d i s t r i c t boundaries were the same as the Federal E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t s shown on Figure 11. So, by u t i l i z i n g the school d i s t r i c t s and the smallest i d e n t i f i a b l e census s u b - d i s t r i c t s , i t has proved possible to map the d i s t r i b -ution of population for the year 1901 by d i s t r i b u t i n g the population within the s u b - d i s t r i c t s according to the school population (see Appendix.!). From t h i s , and the s i m i l a r map of 1881 (Fig.13), a second d e r i v a t i v e map was ob-tained showing the growth of population i n the f i n a l two decades of the l a s t century (see F i g . 17). This map< well i l l u s t r a t e s the o v e r a l l growth and ex-pansion of population. The population growth i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l area was mainly concentrated i n Ladner, Richmond, Maple Ridge and Chilliwhack munic-i p a l i t i e s as the a g r i c u l t u r a l s t a t i s t i c s of 1892 have already indicated. The remainder of the growth was f a i r l y evenly d i s t r i b u t e d through the lesser a g r i c u l t u r a l areas, although nodal growth occurred around the primary pro-cessing plants and transport centres. Thus, with the greater part of the,region already t h i n l y populated, a pattern of service centres had emerged which already foreshadows the present pattern. In fa c t , despite subsequent modifications within the hierarchy, some three-quarters of a l l e x i s t i n g centres, except for the lowest-order appeared before 1901 (see Table XII). 41. TABLE XII PERIOD OF APPEARANCE OF PRESENT CENTRES3 Era Orders 1-6 Order 7 Total Before 1881 6 1 7 1881 - 1900 12 13 25 1901 - 1918 4 18 22 1919 - 1939 - 2 2 1940 - 1961 1 2 3 Total 23 36 59 Based on the opening dates of post o f f i c e s (Melvin 1963; Postmaster General's Report). CHAPTER IV THE RAILWAY ERA, 190.1-.1918 The present basic patterns of settlement were established by the close of the railway era, a period i n which settlement at f i r s t shows a d i s -t i n c t water o r i e n t a t i o n and f i n a l l y a marked r a i l o r i e n t a t i o n . The whole era i s characterized and delimited by a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of railway construction. The most s i g n i f i c a n t , and c r i t i c a l , change during Ithe period was the r i s e of Vancouver to metropolitan status. The a l t e r a t i o n in status cannot be acc-ounted for i n terms of the expansion of the port function, for overseas trade underwent a s l i g h t absolute decline (Kerfoot 1964:119). I t was rather the cumulative process of functional concentration, and the growth i n extent and importance of the hinterland, that encouraged the d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of the economic base and enable the c i t y to support i t s g r e a t l y increased population. In the Fraser Valley i t was a; period of major adjustment i n the s e t t l e -ment pattern, an adjustment both to new transport media and to the marked i n -crease i n the v a l l e y population a f t e r 1910. The proximity, and a c c e s s i b i l i t y , of the metropolitan market encouraged the expansion of primary i n d u s t r i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y of a g r i c u l t u r e . In the meantime, the construction of the r a i l -ways gave a new mobility to the i n d i v i d u a l and encouraged a r e - o r i e n t a t i o n of s p a t i a l a c t i v i t y . ' Thus the era i s perhaps the most c r i t i c a l i n the whole development of settlement in the Fraser Valley. Although the major settlements along the r i v e r had appeared by 1900, i t was not u n t i l 1918 that the present pattern of higher-order centres to the south of the r i v e r was established. Later changes have been merely adjust-Figure 18. Hierarchy of Centres, 1918/19 Figure 19. Changing of H erarchy, 1901-1918 Facing Page 43 M E T R O P O L I T A N C t T Y | 2 " O R D E R - P R I M A R Y I 3 " O R D E R 2 3 14 6 ' » O R D E R 2 8 T*> O R O E R - P R I M A R Y 3 | - S E C O N D A R Y 3 3 113 18 19 N E W R A I L W A Y S * A B A N D O N E D RAILWAYS - • RAILWAYS B U L T AND A B A N D O N E D — Y A L E A N D D E W D N E Y R O A D S • O P E N E D 7 5 • P L U S 1 O R D E R 8 ® N O C H A N G E 2 0 o M I N U S 1 O R D E R 9 O M I N U S 2 O R D E R S 1 A C L O S E D 2 8 C L O S E D S R E : O P E N E O A S S U B - O F F I C E 6 A O P E N E D & C L O S E D 14 A O P E N E D , C L O S E D , a R E - O P E N E D A S S U B - O F F I C E I I 1 7 2 SCALE IN MILES 43. ments within the pre-existing h i e a r c h i c a l pattern. By the close of the era the Lower Mainland possessed nearly h a l f of the p r o v i n c i a l population and more.than ha l f of the province's t e r t i a r y act-i v i t y as measured by postal revenue. Between 1901 and 1911 the p r o v i n c i a l population mure than doubled. Of t h i s increase, 44% was concentrated on Vancouver alone and a further 15% was spread over the remainder of the Lower Mainland (see Table XI.). During the following decade, however, the rate of increased slowed down and showed a ;somewhat lower degree of areal concentra-t i o n , with the region accounting for 30% of the t o t a l increase. A p a r a l l e l rapid expansion of t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y was apparent, for the regional proportion of postal revenue increased from 33, to 50, to 53% over the same period (see Table X). ' It i s important to note that not a l l the growth was concentrated within the metropolitan area f o r , p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r 1910, the Fraser Valley shared in the o v e r a l l growth. This i s r e f l e c t e d i n Figures 18 and 19, which show the o v e r a l l growth of the Lower Mainland with the r i s e of Vancouver-to metropolitan status and the regional expansion of a g r i c u l t u r e . However, they also h i g h l i g h t the areal v a r i a t i o n s in the pattern as not a l l the region shared equally in the development of the economy. This chapter w i l l attempt b r i e f l y to analyze the complex changes that took place over the short, but remarkable period: changes which mark a major adjustment to new transport f a c i l i t i e s . Following the practice a l -ready introduced i n the previous chapter consideration w i l l f i r s t be given to the metropolitan area, for the growth of t h i s area influences the growth of the r e s t of the region. Establishment of Metropolitan Identity The r i s e of Vancouver to metropolitan status was the most s i g n i f i c -ant change of the railway era. Between 1901 and 1911 i t s proportion of both 44. the p r o v i n c i a l population and postal revenue v i r t u a l l y doubled. By 1911 i t dominates the p r o v i n c i a l scene with 31% of the p r o v i n c i a l population and ap-proximately 42% of the t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y (see Tables X and XI?". However, i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the metropolitan c h a r a c t e r i s t i c can r e a l l y only be done on a functional basis, for "any large c i t y with a large population i s usually r e f e r r e d to as a metropolis, but i t may be well to point out that while a l l metropolises are large c i t i e s , not a l l large c i t i e s are metropolises. Pop-ul a t i o n s i z e i s a concomitant; function i s the keynote" (Vance and Smith 1954:115). Thus the doubling of t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y i s a more c r i t i c a l measure than the attendant growth of population. The actual growth and establishment of a metropolitan c i t y generally takes place "over a period of several generations. The mechanisms of i t s evolution are imperfectly understood, but we have reason to think (that) they are c l o s e l y connected with the basic conditions of economic development" (Duncan et a l . 1960:4). Vancouver, l i k e many other metropolises, gained i t s i n i t i a l advantage as a d i s t r i b u t i o n point from the provision of transport f a c i l i t i e s . The cumulative process, the continuing concentration of function-a l a c t i v i t y , i s probably the chief factor in explaining i t s rapid growth "f o r once a c i t y has become established as a regional d i s t r i b u t i n g centre, i t s banking, transportation and other f a c i l i t i e s compel new concerns to s e l e c t i t for t h e i r point of operation" (Vance and Smith 1954:116). However, the continued growth of the c i t y was dependent upon the economic development of i t s h i n t e r l a n d . Economic D i v e r s i f i c a t i o n . I t has already been seen that, in the f i n a l decade of the' nineteenth century, the r e l a t i v e growth of Vancouver was v i r -t u a l l y halted, and that-its absolute growth was mainly connected with the ex-pansion of lumber exports to P a c i f i c ports. By 1900, however, a s i g n i f i c a n t 45. change had occurred i n that an increasing proportion of the lumber cut was re-tained for domestic consumption. Whereas i n 1890 more than three-quarters of the t o t a l cut was exported, by 1900 t h i s proportion had dropped to less than a t h i r d ; i t declined to a mere 3.5% i n 1911, the same year i n which the t o t a l cut reached i t s pre-war peak (Kerfoot 1964:52-4). The increase i n domestic consumption, and t o t a l cut, was r e l a t e d to the growth of the p r a i r i e market at the turn of the century. The p r a i r i e s became almost the only o u t l e t for B r i t i s h Columbia's lumber producers ( i b i d . ) • Thus the s p a t i a l o r i e n t a t i o n of the lumber industry changed from water to r a i l , a r e - o r i e n t a t i o n that i s p l a i n l y seen in r e l a t i o n to Fraser M i l l s and'the new m i l l s i n the Fraser Valley. Within Vancouver the focus of sawmilling a c t i v i t y s h i f t e d from Burrard I n l e t to False Creek (Hardwick 1963:17), which, af t e r 1905, was served by three railway companies. The development of the lumber market on the p r a i r i e s p r e c i p i t a t e d a greater i n t e r a c t i o n along the trans-continental railway. I t further encourag-ed the construction of a second such l i n e . The sharp acceleration of the l o c a l economy of Vancouver was matched by the economic growth of the trade area. The areal and economic expansion of i t s hinterland created a new market for i t s commercial and t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t i e s . Thus the growth of one segment of the economy encouraged the expansion of other segments. After 1911, with decreasing immigration, crop f a i l u r e and increasing competition from United States lumber producers for the p r a i r i e market, the domestic market contracted and the overseas market was unable to absorb the d e f i c i t (Kerfoot 1964:54-5), The resultant decline i n production reached i t s nadir i n 1914 ( i b i d . ) . While the wartime emergency only p a r t i a l l y reactivated the lumber industry, i t did provide a d e f i n i t e impetus to the development of other i n d u s t r i e s , and so rendered a v i t a l service i n d i v e r s i f y i n g the indust-46. r i a l structure. The greatest expansion of industry i n t h e - c i t y took place in the metal products group; these industries had been dependent on the de-velopment of the basic i n d u s t r i e s i n the province, but between 1916 and 1918 they were gr e a t l y stimulated by the demands of the shipbuilding industry.''" The war also stimulated the food-processing industry, both i n Vancouver and i n the r e s t of the region. One of the most notable developments was the production of dried vegetables, which was p r a c t i c a l l y unknown p r i o r to 1914 (Hamilton 1918:54). In addition fruit-canning and jam manufacture under-went expansion, f a c i l i t a t e d by the greater ease of a c c e s s i b i l i t y to t h e i r main source of supply i n the Fraser Valley. The increasing importance of Vancouver as a d i s t r i b u t i n g point i s indicated by the B r i t i s h Columbia Sugar Refinery, established around the turn of the century, which, by 1918, supplied a l l of Western Canada (ibid:108). By the close of the era i n d u s t r i a l s i t e s were s t i l l mainly concen-trated along the Burrard waterfront•and around False Creek, now served i n 2 part by four railway companies. I t was, however, the B r i t i s h Columbia E l e c t r i c Railway (B.C.E.R.) that probably offered the greatest service to "i industry, for i t operated 286 miles of l i n e i n and around the c i t y , along which sidings tapped various i n d u s t r i a l s i t e s ( i b i d : 5 4 ) . The same company constructed the f i r s t h y d r o - e l e c t r i c plant i n the Lower Mainland at Lake Buntzen. The plant, situated on the 'eastern shore of Indian Arm, delivered i t s f i r s t power to Vancouver i n 1903 and so surplanted the o r i g i n a l steam plant (Maiden 1947:54). Immediately to the south of the hydro plant the In January 1918 s i x vessels were being b u i l t i n the city,"together with four i n North Vancouver, and four more i n New Westminster and Coquitlam; the great majority of t h e i r items of machinery were manufactured l o c a l l y (Hamilton 1918:76.-7). 2 C.P.R., V.V.E.R., Canadian Northern P a c i f i c Railway, which became part of the C.N.R. i n 1921 ,and B.C.E.R. 47. f i r s t o i l r e f i n e r y i n B r i t i s h Columbia was opened at loco i n 1914, to serve the growing demand for petroleum products, p r i m a r i l y for fue l o i l . The era, therefore, encompasses a basic change in the energy mix of the region, with the growing importance of e l e c t r i c i t y and fuel o i l for industry and transport. Growth of the Metropolitan Area. The p r o l i f e r a t i o n of new post o f f i c e s around Vancouver v i v i d l y i l l u s t r a t e s the expansion of the metropolis into the urban f r i n g f with a major concentration along the axis of the Ceihtral Park interurban (see F i g . 19). The Central Park l i n e had been absorbed by the B.C.E.R. on i t s formation i n 1897. Further additions to the interurban network were made during the following era. In 1902 the C.P.R. opened a l i n e from False Creek to Steveston in an attempt to tap some of the cannery t r a f f i c ; three years l a t e r the B.C.E.R. leased and e l e c t r i f i e d t h i s l i n e . A branch was added in 1909 from Eburne to New Westminster and t h i s was also leased from the C.P.R.. An ad d i t i o n a l l i n e to New Westminster via Burnaby Lake was opened two years l a t e r , while subsequent improvements in the next year pro-vided extensive double track and eliminated the 1 2 % grade on the o r i g i n a l l i n e into.New Westminster (Hilton and Due 1960:422). The interurban l i n e s , coupled with a growing streetcar network, provided an e f f i c i e n t commuter service and were instrumental i n the subsequent expansion of the metropolitan area. On, Figure 18 the approximate areas served by the head and sub-offices of Vancouver and New Westminster r e s p e c t i v e l y have been shaded. I t can be seen that most of the o f f i c e s that closed a c t u a l l y became sub-offices of 3 t h e i r respective centres. The a s s i m i l a t i o n of independent o f f i c e s by larger The numberous sub-offices, which opened i n t h i s and subsequent periods, have not been plotted as i t i s beyond the scope of the t h e s i s . How-ever any subsequent research on the metropolitan area alone would need to take these into consideration. Figure 20. Population D i s t r i b u t i o n and Growth, 1901-1921 Figure 21. Population D i s t r i b u t i o n and Growth, ..1921-1941 Facing Page 48 POPULATION DISTRIBUTION AND GROWTH 1901-1921 G I M J -1964 POPULATION DISTRIBUTION AND GROWTH 1921- 1941 LOWER MAINLAND 21 M E T R O P O L I T A N P O P U L A T I O N A N D T O W N S A N D V I L L A G E S IN T H E E R A S E R V A L L E Y S H O W N A S P R O P O R T I O N A L C I R C L E S , » 2 l # i 8 4 1 O i T I MUNICIPAL AND CITY BOUNDARIES • METROPOLITAN BOUNDARY R U R A L P O P U L A T t O N S H O W N A S D O T S , ( 9 2 r - , I N C R E M E N T J 9 2 I T O . 9 4 1 c E A C H D O T R E P R E S E N T S 2 9 P E R S O N S SCALE IN MILES G I H.J -1964 48. centres i s important in the present discussion, as i t provides an i n d i c a t i o n of the areal expansion of these centres. In the case of Vancouver those centres that remained on the periphery, such as Kerrisdale and Marpole, tended to be separate communities which, as yet, were not engulfed by the c i t y . There were obviously exceptions to t h i s tendency, due to the dict a t e s of the postal a u t h o r i t i e s , as exemplified by the continued independent ex-istence of the s t r i n g of centres adjacent to Collingwood. Thus, by 1918, the t r i b u t a r y area to the head o f f i c e i n Vancouver embraced a l l of the c i t y of Vancouver, plus the majority of the municipality of. Sou.th Vancouver, with two axes of development along the interurban and Fi'aser Avenue: Tthe l a t t e r having been one of the i n i t i a l s t reet-car routes. The t r i b u t a r y area marks the e s s e n t i a l l i m i t s of suburban development. The separate i d e n t i t y of Point Grey municipality was maintained mainly because o i t s lack of cohesive development, with i t s three nodes at Marpole, K e r r i s d a l and West Point Grey. The population of these two m u n i c i p a l i t i e s taken toget her numbered about 1,500 i n 1901. The population of South Vancouver, with i t s predominantly commuter component, rose to 16,100 a decade l a t e r and doubled to 32,300 by 1921 (see F i g . 20). In contrast Point Grey, with i t s lower commuter component, increased from 4,300 to 13,200 by 1921. The pop-u l a t i o n of Vancouver i t s e l f increased nearly f o u r f o l d i n the f i r s t decade from 26,400 to 100,400, but i t only rose to 117,200 i n the subsequent de-cade. Thus the population growth a f t e r 1911 tended to concentrate i n the urban fr i n g e , an i n d i c a t i o n of a phase of recession, rather than expansion. . The expansion recognized within Vancouver i s apparent, a l b e i t on a smaller scale, along the North Shore. North Vancouver, which became a c i t y in 1909, underwent a p a r a l l e l expansion with Vancouver, increasing i n pop-u l a t i o n from about 400 i n 1901, to nearly 7,000 i n 1911 and 7,650 in 1921. 49. In the l a t t e r decade there was an expansion into the surrounding d i s t r i c t municipality, with the B.C.E.R. providing streetcar services to r e s i d e n t i a l suburbs at Capilano, North Lonsdale, and Lynn Valley. The opening of the P a c i f i c Great Eastern Railway (P.G.E.R.) from North Vancouver to Whytecliffe, i n 1914, had already as s i t e d i n the develop-ment of the Dundarave and Hollyburn r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s (see F i g . 19). The l i n e , part of a projected l i n k to Squamish, operated an hourly schedule to connect with the f e r r y service to Vancouver from the foot of Lonsdale i n North Vancouver (Anon 1960:3). Augmented by steamer service from both Hollyburn and Dundarave, the l i n e was to operate a predominantly suburban passenger service, with add i t i o n a l holiday t r a f f i c , u n t i l 1928 when the construction of the road to Whytecliffe and the subsequent bus and automobile competition led to the abandonment of the l i n e . I t i s apparent that the North Shore, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r 1911, be-came in c r e a s i n g l y a part of the metropolitan area. For, with a regular f e r r y s ervice to downtown Vancouver, many of-the new r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s were within ap easy a reach of t h e i r place of work as the suburban develop-ments in South Vancouver, Point Grey and Burnaby. Therefore, in essence, the metropolitan area by 1918 was comprised of a primary node, Vancouver, and the two secondary nodes of New Westminster and North Vancouver, not yet t r u l y linked with the metropolis but f u n c t i o n a l l y dominated by i t . I t can be seen from Tables XIII and XIV that during the f i r s t decade of the era both the economic and population growth was concentrated on these nodes, but i n the remainder of theyperidd'the growth, p a r t i c u l a r l y of population, was more evenly d i s t r i b u t e d throughout the region with the great expansion taking place in the Fraser Valley. Figure 20 i d e n t i f i e s those areas of population growth, both around the metropolis and through the Fraser V a l l e y . 50. ' TABLE XIII PROPORTIONAL CHANGE OF POSTAL REVENUE BY DECADE, 1881-19603 New Fraser Decade Vancouver Westminster Vallev Total 1881-1890 , 19.0 4.5 -1.3 22.2 1891-1900 0.9 -6.5 3.1 -2.5 1901-1910 19.7 -0.1 -2.2 17.3 1911-1920 3.6 -0.8 0.5 4.1 1921-1930 7.0 0.6 -1.3 6.3 1931-1940 -0.7 0.0 0.0 -0.7 1941-1950 3.8 0.3 0.5 4.6 1951-1960 1.2 G.9 -0.6 1.5 Total 54.4 -1.1 -1.3 52.0 a Derived from Table X. TABLE XIV PROPORTIONAL CHANGE OF POPULATION BY DECADE, 1881-19613 New Fraser Decade Vancouver Westminster Vallev Total 1881-1891 11.3 3.8 5.5 20.6 1891-1901 2.3 -3.2 -3.0 -3.9 1901-1911 16.0 -0.3 0.9 16.6 1911-1921 0.3 -0.6 2.1 1.8 1921-1931 5.6 -0.2 0.6 6..0 1931-1941 -2.0- 0.2 2.1- 0.3 19&1-1951 -4.0 ~ -0.2- 5.1 - 0.9 1951-1961 -5.7— -0.4 — 6 . 2 _ 0.1 Total 24.3 -0.9 19.5 &2.9 3 Derived from Table XI The Emerging Settlement Pattern i n the Fraser V a l l e v Although the subsequent periods witnessed fluctuations i n rank, i n t h i s era the essence of the present h i e r a r c h i c a l pattern i s already apparent. The whole period i s marked by a spate of new post o f f i c e s : 100 o f f i c e s were opened, of which a quarter subsequently closed or became sub-offices (see Table VII). Of the 72 o f f i c e s i n 1901 only about h a l f remained open i n 1918. 51. C l e a r l y t h i s was a period of major adjustment within the settlement pattern. The majority of new o f f i c e s a c t u a l l y appeared af t e r 1910 i n response to the growth of population and r a i l f a c i l i t i e s i n the previous decade. This was an adjustment to a new s i t u a t i o n . Since t h i s era very few centres have been established i n the v a l l e y proper, that i s the whole of the region with the exception of the Burrard Peninsular and the North Shore. The number of independent o f f i c e s reached i t s highest peak during t h i s phase, i n d i c a t i n g the contemporary need for the r e l a t i v e l y close spacing of service centres, since transportation and mobility were s t i l l dependent on the horse. There also appears to have been a denser net of centres i n the more recently s e t t l e d areas, such as the upland areas to the south of the r i v e r , than i n the more developed areas around Chilliwack (see F i g . 18). Subsequent competition tended to eliminate some of the i n i t i a l centres, for l o c a t i o n a l a t t r i b u t e s change through time with technological change, with the growing importance of the automobile in the next era. The impact of transport change on the economic development of the region gave r i s e to areal v a r i a t i o n s in settlement change. This i s r e f l e c t e d i n the dynamics of population and t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y . The main^population growth in the f i r s t decade of the railway era was concentrated in Vancouver, but a far great proportion of the subsequent growth was recorded outside the metropolitan c i t y . The growth pattern of population was also r e f l e c t e d i n the growth of t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y in the Lower Mainland. I t can be seen from Table XV that the dominant growth, throughout the era, was sim-i l a r l y concentrated i n Vancouver, while the remainder of the Lower Mainland underwent a r e l a t i v e d ecline. Table XIII however, indicates that the majority of the nodal growth took place between 1901 and 1910 and that subsequent growth was more evenly dispersed throughout the region, outside the urban 52. area. Figure 19,- moreover, indicates that most of the p o s i t i v e growth was limi t e d to the metropolitan f r i n g e . The main development that took place in the Fraser Valley i t s e l f occurred a f t e r 1910, the year the B.C.E.R. re-bached Chilliwack and a f t e r the opening of the majority of railways within the region. The Fraser Valley! l i n e was b u i l t i n response to the need for a quick and r e l i a b l e transport media to connect the metropolitan c i t y , the market, with the producers i n the v a l l e y . TABLE XV PROPORTIONAL CHANGE OF POSTAL REVENUE BY ERA, 1881-19613 New Fraser Era Vancouver Westminster Vall e v Total 1881-1900 19.8 -2.0 1.8 19.7 ' 1881-1887 13.5 3.8 0.6 17.9 1888-1900 6.3 -5.8 1.3 1.8 1901-1918 21.6 -0.6 -0.8 20.2 1919-1939 8.0 0.3 -2.0 6.2 1940:-: 1961 5.2 1.1 -0.1 6.2 1940-1950 3.8 0.3 0.2 4.4 1950-1961 1.4 0.8 -0.3 1.8 Total 54.6 -1.3 -1.1 52.3 Derived from Table X Development of Transport F a c i l i t i e s . At the beginning of the era transport f a c i l i t i e s in the Lower Mainland were l i m i t e d to the t r a d i t i o n a l stern-wheeler, one trans-continental railway and two branch l i n e s , plus a few frequently impassable roads. But by i t s close the region was becoming inc r e a s i n g l y well served by roads and, as- the subsequent period i n d i c a t e s , over-served by r a i l f a c i l i t i e s , with the r i v e r steamer relegated to hauling bulk f r e i g h t . A c r u c i a l date, i n the whole development of the Fraser Valley, was the opening of the bridge over the Fraser at New Westminster i n 1904. This double-tier bridge, built'.by the p r o v i n c i a l government, within ten years 53. ca r r i e d the t r a f f i c of three railway companies, as well as an increasing amount of vehicular t r a f f i c . I t focussed t r a f f i c on the regional c a p i t a l but, more importantly,•it made the booming metropolitan community more read-i l y a ccessible to l o c a l a g r i c u l t u r a l producers. This was the es s e n t i a l stimulus to further settlement. The New,Westminster bridge gave the G.N.R. access to Vancouver over the r a i l s of two, at least nominally independent, companies: the Vancouver, Westminster and Yukon Railway and the previously mentioned New Westminster 4 Southern Railway. The l a t t e r l i n e was leased by the Vancouver, V i c t o r i a and Eastern Railway and Navigation Company (V.V.E.R,), the Canadian subsidiary of the G.N.R., u n t i l i t completed i t s own l i n e around Semiahmoo Bay (see F i g . 19). With the completion of the Semiahmoo Bay l i n e the old l i n e went into decay and, by 1919, i t was abandoned (G.N.R. 1963a). 5 In 1903 the V i c t o r i a Terminal Railway and Ferry Company opened i t s l i n e from Port Guichon,. to a junction with the New Westminster Southern l i n e at Cloverdale (see F i g . 19)-, connecting at Port Guichon with the company f e r r y to V i c t o r i a . This was purchased by the V.V.E.R. i n 1907, and part was subsequently used for i t s new coast l i n e . The eastern section became part of a grandiose scheme for an east-west railway across the southern section of the province, to f u l f i l l the o r i g i n a l charter of 1897 to b u i l d a l i n e "from Vancouver to New Westminster, thence easterly through the Hope Mountains to Rossland, with a branch to Kamloops and a branch to a point on the coast The Vancouver, Westminster and Yukon Railway, the forerunner of •the P.G.E.R., constructed the section from New Westminster to Vancouver which was opened i n 1904. This was subsequently bought out by the V.V.E.R. 5 The Brownsville-Port K e l l s section was sold to the Canadian Northern P a c i f i c Railway in 1916 (Dorman 1938:411). 54. between the United States Boundary and the Fraser River" (Dorman 1938:618).^ By 1916 they had only to place a short connection in at Hope, as well as to complete the l i n e from Abbotsford to Sumas Landing, to forge t h e i r east-west l i n k (G.N.R. 1963a) In the meanwhile an event of even greater s i g n i f i c a n c e to future settlement i n the Lower Mainland took place, with the opening of the 63rmile extension of the B.C.E.R. from New Westminster to Chilliwack: work was started on t h i s i n 1907 and completed in 1910 (B.C.E.R. 1926:43). This ex-pansion of the interurban, designed to serve the a g r i c u l t u r a l communities of the Fraser Valley, as well as the lumber industry, was r e a l l y made possible by the b u i l d i n g of the New Westminster bridge. This same bridge was used i n 1915 by the Canadian Northern P a c i f i c Railway to gain access to Vancouver, sharing the trackage of the V.V.E.R. from New Westminster. Thus, by the close of the era, Vancouver had f i v e trans-continental connections: two Canadian, one American d i r e c t and two further American by interchange at Huntingdon. The C.P.R., V.V.E.R. and B.C.E.R. shared in the Huntingdon interchange. South Bank M u n i c i p a l i t i e s . The map of the hierarchy of centres at the close of the period (Fig.18), well i l l u s t r a t e s the e f f e c t of the railways Parts of the east-west l i n e had already been b u i l t i n the eastern part but the c r u c i a l problem was to l i n k t h i s section with the coast, a pro-blem that was not merely one of t e r r a i n but also of inter-company r i v a l r y . In 1909 the V.V.E.R. reached Princeton, three years ahead of i t s r i v a l the Ket t l e Valley Railway, a subsidiary of the C.P.R., and pushed on up the Similkameen V a l l e y to Tulameen. However, although they possessed the r i g h t of way through to Hope, i t became apparent that i t would prove too expensive for the benefits to be derived. So, i n an unprecedented act of cooperation, they agreed to share the l i n e with t h e i r r i v a l , permitting the K e t t l e Valley Railway to b u i l d the section from Brookmere to Hope, in return for running rights over the Princeton-Brookmere section. Thus they avoided the d u p l i c -ation of 91 miles of l i n e through extremely d i f f i c u l t t e r r a i n (G.N.R. 1963b). To the west of the Cascades they had a r i g h t of way from Hope to Abbotsford; quick to sieze a further opportunity they leased part of t h i s r i g h t to the Canadian Northern P a c i f i c in return for running r i g h t s from Hope to Sumas Landing. 55. i n f i l l i n g i n the southern section of the region. Lacking adequate transport f a c i l i t i e s , t h i s area had developed at a slower rate than the r e s t of the v a l l e y close to the r i v e r , but with the advent of an e f f e c t i v e r a i l network, "and'with the improvement of roads, the deficiency had been remedied. By 1918 nearly a l l the o f f i c e s south of the r i v e r l a y on or adjacent to a railway l i n e , so that settlement appears to e x h i b i t a remarkably l i n e a r pattern; t h i s i s e s p e c i a l l y true along the Fraser Valley l i n e . This tends to give a s l i g h t l y f a l s e impression, as post o f f i c e s were obviously attracted to t h i s l i n e from 1914, when the company obtained the mail contract between Vancouver and Chilliwack (White 1937:17), previously routed via Harrisonmouth. While t h i s o r i e n t a t i o n of postal f a c i l i t i e s does not completely r e f l e c t the o r i e n t a t i o n of settlement, i t i s undoubtedly true that the Fraser V a l l e y l i n e supported the establishment of a number of new service centres, for i t passed through the previously r e l a t i v e l y unsettled upland areas and served to encourage the development of these areas, a l b e i t on a smaller scale than on the lowlands. The majority of these centres remained r e l a t i v e l y small but were a t t r a c t e d to, and supported by, the i n t e r urban. .. The interurb.an offered at that time a greater convenience and f l e x i b i l i t y than the conventional r a i l -road (Hilton & Due 1960;vii), and thus attracted more passenger t r a f f i c than the competing l i n e s . By the close of ihe period Chilliwack was the lone third-order centre i n the region, except for the sp e c i a l case of North Vancouver; Chilliwack's continued dominance must be a t t r i b u t e d both to the bu i l d i n g of the interurban and the completion i n 1903 of the dykes around the municipality. The con-s t r u c t i o n i n 1915 of the Canadian Notthern P a c i f i c through the o u t s k i r t s of the c i t y probably assisted i n i t s l a t e r development, but i t i s of less impor-tance than the other two f a c t o r s . The early r i s e to dominance of t h i s centre 56. seems to have hindered the development of secondary centres in the surround-ing area with the major exception of Sarflis. Sardis grew up i n i t i a l l y around an Indian school, but prospered with the development of a g r i c u l t u r e , p a r t i c -u l a r l y d a i r y i n g , a f t e r the dyking of the eastern' section of the municipality, and the opening of the interurban. The closure of the o f f i c e at Sumas and i t s transfer to A t c h e l i t z was a r e f l e c t i o n of the eastward s h i f t of farming, with the development of the dairy and f r u i t i n d u s t r i e s to serve the metro-7 p o l i t a n area. The dynamics of settlement are further i l l u s t r a t e d by the growth of Cloverdale at the expense of the three surrounding o f f i c e s (see F i g . 19). I n i t i a l l y established on the New Westminster Southern Railway, two miles to the west of the e a r l i e r community of Clover Valley, Cloverdale became the focus of three railways i n 1909. The rerouting of the V.V.E.R. trains via the coast about the same time did l i t t l e to dampen i t s expansion. The i n t e r -urban was not only e l e c t r i f i e d but i t was also the main d i s t r i b u t i o n network for e l e c t r i c i t y i n the v a l l e y (Graham 1963); t h i s permitted the f i r s t develop-ment of a r a i l - o r i e n t a t e d wood products industry, with p r a c t i c a l l y a l l the m i l l s powered by\electricity (Hamilton 1918:54). Previously most of the timber cut during land clearance was wasted, but now lumbering operations could be conducted instead. There was a tendency for the m i l l s to remain r e l a t i v e l y small, for they drew t h e i r log supply from a l i m i t e d hinterland. The Cloverdale d i s t r i c t i t s e l f had quite a concentration of these operations drawing t h e i r raw material from the surrounding upland regions. Together with Abbotsford, Cloverdale formed the hub of the railway network i n the'valley, an important factor in explaining t h e i r rapid r i s e For many years the B.C.E.R. ran a d a i l y milk t r a i n from Chilliwack to Vancouver to supply the metropolitan market. 57. to dominance. The subsequent construction of the P a c i f i c highway through Cloverdale, and the reconstruction of the Yale road through Abbotsford also assisted to maintain t h e i r dominance. On the coast the e f f e c t of the r e l o c a -t i o n of the railway i s already apparent, for along the shores of Semiahmoo Bay the growth of the three seaside resorts i s s i g n i f i c a n t : t h i s p o t e n t i a l l y was one of the reasons for r e l o c a t i n g the G.N.R. access route. Of the three White Rock was the f i r s t established, possessed a larger permanent population than the other two, and c l e a r l y dominated them (see F i g s . 18 and 20). Langley P r a i r i e , to the east, was by no means unique in having i t s post o f f i c e moved to be near the railway. The o r i g i n a l post o f f i c e was l o -cated in what i s today c a l l e d Murrayville, but about 1912 the postmaster de-cided to transfer h i s business to the present s i t e , n ecessitating the re-establishment of an o f f i c e in Murrayville (Topping 1963). Although located on the Fraser v a l l e y l i n e and the Yale road, Langley P r a i r i e for a long time remained subservient to Cloverdale and of equal rank with Murrayville and Milner, lacking the i n i t i a l impetus that Cloverdale had received. Further east there was an apparent o r i e n t a t i o n of growth to the Huntingdon Branch of the C.P.R.; t h i s was only p a r t l y the case, for as shown in Figure 19 t h i s natural routeway was i n f a c t used by more than one l i n e , and each made some contribution to the growing importance of these centres. The r i s e of Matsqui ante-dates the construction of the Canadian Northern P a c i f i c Railway, and r e f l e c t s rather the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e on Matsqui P r a i r i e , following the successful completion of the dykes j u s t before the turn of the century. To the west the smaller p r a i r i e of Glen Valley, a l - ; though next to the r i v e r , was a c t u a l l y one of the l a s t to be occupied i n the region; i t too had to await the construction of dykes. However, l i k e Matsqui and Walnut Grove, the area was occupied and the service centres established >58. before the construction of the railway, which apparently did l i t t l e to counter-act the continued trend away from the r i v e r . The apparent decline of settlement along the border r e f l e c t s the s h i f t of post o f f i c e s to r a i l f a c i l i t i e s rather than the actual decline of the area; however t h i s region suffered a r e l a t i v e decline as i t was poorly served by transport f a c i l i t i e s . The Delta and North Bank. Both Ladner and Steveston were reached by r a i l early i n the f i r s t decade, although the advent of r a i l f a c i l i t i e s only p a r t l y o f f s e t the r e l a t i v e decline of the two towns. During the period there was a d i s t i n c t r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the cannery industry: quite a number of smaller companies dropped out or were taken over by larger concerns, with a resultant consolidation of the Steveston and Lulu Island canneries, and the disappearance of a l l but one of the canneries from Ladner (Hamilton 1918). The construction of the railway at Steveston, however, did unite the two, previously separate, communities i n Richmond municipality for i t provided an important linko between the two. The growth of the wood products industry on the North Arm of the Fraser, concentrating upon Marpole and the adjacent settlement of Eburne on Sea Island, i s evidenced by the growth of these two centres; while further east New Westminster, with a s i m i l a r growth i n the wood products group and attendant developments i n other i n d u s t r i e s , maintained i t s e l f as the regional c a p i t a l and secondary population node. I t s population i n fac t had doubled between 1901 and 1911, but remained f a i r l y stable over the subsequent decade, increasing! only s l i g h t l y (see Table X l ) , although there was some peripheral r e s i d e n t i a l development around Edmonds on the interurban. The establishment of the m i l l which l a t e r became the largest m i l l i n the province, upstream at the Fraser M i l l s but alongside the C.P.R. branch l i n e and the V.V.E.R. 59. g main l i n e , i s r e f l e c t e d i n the establishment and growth of both the post o f f i c e within the m i l l and the one at M a i l l a r d v i l l e . M a i l l a r d v i l l e i t s e l f was a predominantly French Canadian settlement. i Along the north bank of the r i v e r a r e l a t i v e l y e v e n growth was maintained. The growth of Port Hahey to,complement i t s neighbour, Port Hammond, i s notable, as i t was f a c i l i t a t e d p a r t l y by the further develop-9 ment of i t s brick works and saw m i l l s , and p a r t l y by i t s greater c e n t r a l i t y to the municipality of Maple Ridge. North of the r i v e r the construction of some of the f i r s t h y d r o - e l e c t r i c plants within the Lower Mainland i s apparent, plus the attendant development of small settlements, at Yennadon and Stave F a l l s . 1 0 Further east the r e l a t i v e decline of the Agassiz v a l l e y was mainly due to i t s l i m i t e d acreage, as well as i t s r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n and lack of manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s . Mission retained i t s importance as the largest centre i n the central part of the region. The development of a small f r u i t s processing industry (Hamilton 1918), drawing the produce from the l o c a l hinterland, f a c i l i t a t e d the continuing growth of the town. The m i l l i n i t i a l l y drew i t s log supply from the Fraser and t r i b u t a r y v a l l e y s , but i t l a t e r obtained much of i t s supply from i t s own holdings on Vancouver Island (Hardwick 1963:18). 9 Notable amongst the m i l l s was the Abernethy Lougheed Logging Com-pany's m i l l which was supplied by a r e l a t i v e l y extensive logging railway (Connelly 1953:56). The Stave F a l l s plant was b u i l t by the Western Canada Power Com-pany and opened i n 1912. I t was purchased by the B.C.E.R. i n 1920 (Maiden 1948:89-90). CHAPTER V THE INTERWAR TRANSITION, 1919-1939 The t r a n s i t i o n from r a i l to automobile domination was a gradual pro-cess within i n d e f i n i t e bounds. I t i s d i f f i c u l t , i f not impossible to f i x d i v i d i n g l i n e s , so for expediency the era closes with the s t a r t of the second world war. Although the railways were to experience a temporary resurgence in the subsequent wartime period, the economic change induced by the war d i s -sociates the period after'11'939 from the interwar f l u c t u a t i o n s . The t r a n s i t i o n era, therefore, covers a l l the interwar years, while the f i n a l era to be dealt with i n t h i s study covers the wartime and postwar epochs. The major demographic and economic growth within the era was concen-trated in the f i r s t decade. Probably the most s i g n i f i c a n t change i n the pro-v i n c i a l economy was a transformation from dependence on the r e s t of Canada to r e l i a n c e on overseas markets (Angus 1942:388). This transformation was, i n part, made possible by the p r i o r opening of the Panama canal, which came into prominence with the close of h o s t i l i t i e s , and by the lowering of r a i l and ocean t a r i f f s . The functional concentration on the Lower Mainland continued with the proportion of postal revenue r i s i n g from 53 to 59% (see Table X). S i m i l a r l y , by the close of the f i r s t decade more than h a l f of the p r o v i n c i a l population was concentrated in the region, and by 1941 t h i s f i g u r e had r i s e n to 54% (see Table XI). The major demographic growth i n the f i r s t half was concen-trated upon the metropolis, while the growth i n the second half tended to reverse t h i s pattern, so that i t appears from Figure 21 that the growth was Figure 22. Hierarchy of Centres,,1939-40 Figure 23. Changing Hierarchy, 1919-1939 HIERARCHY OF C E N T R E S 1939/40 22 GEOLOGICAL LEGEND = ^ B E D R O C K , = P H E I M M J N A N T L ' GRANITIC B O U N D A R Y O F . - • G L A C I A L DRIFT m M E T R O P O L I T A N C I T Y • 2 " « O R D E R - P R I M A R Y 1 • 3 " O R D E R 1 i 4 » O R D E R 1 • 5 " O R D E R II • 6 * O R D E R I T • T » O R D E R - P R I M A R Y 2 5 o - S E C O N D A R Y 4 1 V A N C O U V E R P O S T A L A R E A N E W W E S T M I N S T E R P O S T A L A R E A SCALE M M I L E S S.I K J -lft«4-*«*C CHANGING HIERARCHY 1919-1939 23 • O P E N E D 2 4 • P L U S 1 O R O E R 4 • N O C H A N G E 5 9 o M I N U S t O R D E R 1 0 A C L O S E D 2 0 C L O S E D a R E - O P E N E D A S 2 0 A O P E N E D , C L O S E D , & I R E - O P E N E D A S S U B - O F F I C E - TRANSPROVmClAL AND L O U G H E E D HIGHWAYS I G R O W T H O F P O S T A L A R E A S t l H J - W - E t l f C 61. well d i s t r i b u t e d throughout the region. Within the province there was a trend towards concentration of a c t i v i t i e s on the larger centres. This was p a r t i c u l a r l y apparent in the Fraser V a l l e y where the growing importance of highways decreased the depend-ence on r a i l f a c i l i t i e s . However, the scale of change was r e l a t i v e l y small, s ' '' for the automobile did not create new centres but gradually altered the ex-i s t i n g pattern to serve the new m o b i l i t y . In the metropolitan area the two sub-nodes became p h y s i c a l l y linked with the central c i t y . This expansion of the metropolis i s mainly a t t r i b u t -able to the growth of external trade and the continuing functional concen- . t r a t i o n i n the central c i t y . However, the collapse of the grain trade, with the onslaught of the depression, l i m i t e d i t s further growth. In contrast, nearly a l l the regional manufacturing took place i n the central core, a l -though the l a t e r d i s p e r s a l of industry was heralded by the movement of saw-m i l l capacity to the North Arm of the Fraser. Growth of the Metropolitan Area The expansion of the metropolitan area i s well i l l u s t r a t e d by Figures 22 and 23. The drop i n the t o t a l number of o f f i c e s i n the region, from 113 to 98, was mainly due to the growth of the metropolitan area as r e f l e c t e d by postal f a c i l i t i e s . By the middle of the 1920's the e n t i r e length of the i n -terurban between Vancouver and New Westminster had been developed for resident-i a l purposes (B.C.E.R. 1926:24), and thus e f f e c t i v e l y linked the former c o l o n i a l c a p i t a l with the metropolitan c i t y . New Westminster, however, s t i l l retained i t s separate i d e n t i t y as the regional c a p i t a l of the Lower Mainland as well as serving as a secondary node of the metropolitan area. This dual function i s r e f l e c t e d i n i t s postal receipts f o r , from 1919 onwards, New Westminster became the lone second-order primary;centre i n the province. 62. Its primacy over the other regional centres must be accounted for by the metropolitan i n f i l l , the add i t i o n a l a c t i v i t y occasioned by i t s l o c a t i o n with-in the metropolitan area. Two other nodes also existed on the north shore of Burrard I n l e t , which by 1939 were connected by two bridges, and a f e r r y service, with the central c i t y . I n i t i a l l y s e lf-supporting, North Vancouver had become increas-i n g l y dependent on the metropolitan c i t y f o r i t s economic support. The other node, West Vancouver, was p r i m a r i l y developed from the s t a r t as a r e s i d e n t i a l suburb around the Hollyburn-Dundarave d i s t r i c t . The effectiveness of the suburban service of the P.G.E.R. to, Whytecliff i s indicated by the s t r i n g of new o f f i c e s to the west Of Dundarave (see F i g . 23). The influence of the r a i l way must not be over-estimated, as there were other transport f a c i l i t i e s , a v a i l a b l e . The railway atrtually succumbed to i t s chief r i v a l , the automobile, for i t had no f r e i g h t t r a f f i c to provide further support. Three years, e a r l i e r i n 1925, the Vancouver Harbour Commissioners had l a i d t h e i r trackage over the recently completed Second Narrows bridge, connecting up with the P.G.E.R., and thus made the North Vancouver waterfront an i n t e g r a l part of Vancouver Harbour and so encouraged i n d u s t r i a l development. Thus, by the mid 1920's the two main secondary nodll, New Westminster and North Vancouver, had become p h y s i c a l l y l i n k e d with the central c i t y . This linkage was t a c i d l y recognized by the post o f f i c e with the extension of the postal areas of Vancouver and New Westminster (see F i g . 23). The Vancouver postal area expanded across Burrard I n l e t , f i r s t North Vancouver c i t y and then Hollyburn-Dundarava becoming part of i t s d i s t r i c t . At the same time within Burrard Peninsula the Central Park interurban a s s i s t e d i n j o i n i n g together the two postal areas at Boundary Road. Vancouver i t s e l f had a f e a l l y expanded to i n f i l l the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s Figure 24. Population D i s t r i b u t i o n and T r a n s i t F a c i l i t i e s i n Greate Vancouver, 1928. Facing Page B a r t h o I o m e w ( I 9 2 9 : 9 6 ) 63. of Point Grey and South Vancouver, which i t absorbed at.the beginning of 1929, and had s p i l l e d over into the neighbouring municipality of Burnaby and part-i a l l y into Richmond, along the Lulu Island l i n e . This expansion must mainly be a t t r i b u t e d to the growth of the port function and the development of associated, (industries. From about 1921 Vancouver became incr e a s i n g l y i n -volved in the grain trade, as well as with lumber shipments, with the s h i f t of the p r o v i n c i a l economy from i n t e r n a l to external trade. The stimulus provided by the growth of the port function resulted in a contiguous growth of commercial and t e r t i a r y functions. The expansion of population mainly took place on the periphery of the old c i t y , with the interurban, streetcar and automobile acting,as per-missive factors i n t h i s c e n t r i f u g a l movement. The r e l a t i o n s h i p of population to transport f a c i l i t i e s i s c l e a r l y shown on Figure 24, which i l l u s t r a t e s the l i n e a r d i s t r i b u t i o n of population along the t r a n s i t f a c i l i t i e s i n 1928. The great majority of the population l i v e d within f i v e minutes' walking distance of an interurban or s t r e e t c a r . The interurbans proved more a t t r a c t i v e since, they were able to provide a thirty-minute service from downtown to Central Park, and a t h i r t y - f i v e minute service to both Marpole and Burnaby Lake (Bartholomew 1929:98). I n i t i a l l y the streetcars' acted as feeder services, such as the shuttle service which ran from Dunbar to K e r r i s d a l e , for i t was not u n t i l the middle 1920's that streetcar tracks were l a i d r i g h t into the c i t y from both places. The streetcar l i n e s ran along the p r i n c i p a l axes and were further supplemented by the New Westminster and U n i v e r s i t y bus services (see F i g . 24). While t h e i r influences must have lessened by 1939, i t i s clear that the a v a i l a b i l i t y of s u i t a b l e t r a n s i t f a c i l i t i e s remained c r i t i c a l to the d i s t r i b u t i o n of population within the metropolitan area. Except i n the more exclusive r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s , population in other areas had f r e -64. quently to await the construction of s t r e e t c a r r l i n e s . The collapse of the grain trade at the onslaught of the depression, had important repercussions in Vancouver. I t can be seen from Table XIII that, for the f i r s t time ever, i t s proportion of the p r o v i n c i a l postal re-venue a c t u a l l y declined s l i g h t l y between 1930 and 1940. S i m i l a r l y , that of New Westminster also declined, with the majority of the actual growth taking place outside the central c i t y and i t s two secondary nodes. The same pattern, i s aiso evident from the tabulated data on population (see Table XIV), with Vancouver's population also showing a r e l a t i v e decrease. However the surround-ing area, including New :Westminster, exhibits a r e l a t i v e increase. The pattern of demographic growth, which i s further i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 21, i s t y p i c a l of. the majority of North American metropolitan c i t i e s . In the United States, as-Bogue (1955:482) has noted, up to 1921 the central c i t y tended to grow faster than i t s metropolitan r i n g , but a f t e r that year i t s r i n g has grown fas t e r than the central c i t y . The apparent ten-year lag of Vancouver can be a t t r i b u t e d to i t s r e l a t i v e youth and to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of b u i l d i n g s i t e s within the c i t y boundaries. Industry does not appear to have emulated the c e n t r i f u g a l movement of population, for, the d i s t r i b u t i o n a l pattern in 1939 was largely- the same as that in 1918. The absolute concentration of industry around the old core of False Creek and Burrard I n l e t waterfronts a c t u a l l y increased. I t i s pos-s i b l e to estimate that i n 1939 over 60$ of the establishments within the pre-sent metropolitan area were located in the core area; while over 80$ were found within Vancouver C i t y and a further 7$ i n New Westminster (see Table XVI). The only s i g n i f i c a n t change was a l l o c a t i o n a l s h i f t of the lumber i n -dustry. The increased concentration of industry on the False Creek water-front rendered i t impractical to expand the e x i s t i n g m i l l s , and so t h e i r 65. capacity a l t e r e d l i t t l e over the interwar period. The New Westminster m i l l s and Fraser M i l l s i t s e l f underwent some expansion, but most of the increased capacity was located p e r i p h e r a l l y along the North Arm of the Fraser (Hardwick 1963:19).''' The saturation of the central core forced other concerns, wanting room for expansion, to relocate outside the core: usually such relocations were confined to those areas peripheral to the inner core. TABLE XVI DISTRIBUTION OF MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY IN THE METROPOLITAN AREA ,1939 and 1959 3 1939 1959 t) b Establishments Percentage Establishments Percentage Vancouver C i t y Central doxee 236 64 265 45 Outer d i s t r i c t s 65 18 126 21 New Westminster 26 .7 44 7 Remainder 43 12 16.1 27 Total 370 d 100 596 100 g Derived from L.M.R.P.B. I n d u s t r i a l Survey 1959. This survey i s per-haps the most comprehensive non-census undertaking ever c a r r i e d out in Canada andc.certainly i n B r i t i s h Columbia. I t was undertaken between June 1958 and March 1959. b 1132 firms employing more than ten persons are included in the sur-vey. In 1958 the Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s l i s t e d 1746 manufacturing, firms i n the metropolitan area employing 52,800 persons. The survey contacted a mere 35% (612 firms), but these employed 52,400 persons (Crerar 1961:5). The two sets of data are not s t r i c t l y comparable but the employment figures would indi c a t e that no substantial inaccuracy was introduced by leaving out the small establishments. Of the 612 manufacturing firms, 11 refused to co-operate of which only two were large concerns ( i b i d . ) . The cards viewed by the writer t o t a l l e d 596, which implies that i n addition 5 cards were missed or are missing. Altogether there was a 2.6% d e f i c i t . Delimited by i n d u s t r i a l d i s t r i c t s 1-11 i n c l u s i v e . D i s t r i c t s 12^20 and 93 are included in the outer d i s t r i c t s . The 1939 t o t a l does not include firms which closed between 1939 and 1959. Thus the figure i s only a minimum approximation. In 1929 the ports of Vancouver and New Westminster shipped three-quarters of the t o t a l lumber exports of the province (Kerfoot 1964:56), the majority of which was derived from the metropolitan area. 66. One reason for the s i m i l a r i t y between 1918 and 1939 was the e f f e c t of the zoning ordinances enacted about 1932. Zoning tends1 to be a negative approach to planning for i t i s l i a b l e to preserve the status quo: any area that was occupied for industry i n 1932 was therefore zoned for i n d u s t r i a l purposes, freezing the1 e x i s t i n g use of land. Moreoever zoning, while re-s t r i c t i n g industry to the demarcated areas, did not prevent other users from developing land within the i n d u s t r i a l d i s t r i c t . The combined e f f e c t of t h i s b a r r i e r to expansion, and the competition for the a v a i l a b l e land from other users, not only r e s t r i c t e d the amount of such land but also gave r i s e to increasing land costs. Thus the stage was set for the following era, with the c e n t r i f u g a l and c e n t r i p e t a l forces i n d e l i c a t e balance. Consolidation of the Fraser Valley Settlement Pattern Although the o v e r a l l settlement pattern may have already been estab-l i s h e d during the previous era, such a pattern i s never s t a t i c but dynamic, evolving through time, quickly at f i r s t but l a t e r more slowly as i n e r t i a sets i n . By 1939 the influence of the railway might appear to be even more marked (see F i g s . 22 and 23), for p r a c t i c a l l y a l l the post o f f i c e s i n the v a l l e y proper were eit h e r on, or close to, a railway. S i g n i f i c a n t l y the growing influence of the new force, the automobile, appears to have had l i t t l e f f e c t on the d i s t r i b u t i o n pattern, although railway passenger t r a f f i c was f a s t dwindling. The automobile, with i t s .greater f l e x i b i l i t y , increased i n -d i v i d u a l m o b i l i t y but i t did not necessitate the provision of new centres, rather i t tedded to decrease the importance of the smaller centres i n favour of the larger ones. Thus the pre-existing pattern was preserved with some modifications. Changing Transport F a c i l i t i e s . This era sees the f i r s t main railway closure in the Lower Mainland, for, with a double f a i l u r e to r e a l i z e i t s goal 67. the V.V.E.R. gradually abandoned the western portion of i t s east-west route, which i n fact i t had hardly ever used i n i t s e n t i r e t y (G.N.R. 1963g). I t had also apparently f a i l e d i n i t s attempts to flarnar enough of the interchange t r a f f i c at Huntingdon, in competition with the C.P.R. and B.C.E.R., and made a belated agreement with the Northern P a c i f i c Railway i n 1932 to transfer i t s 2 t r a f f i c to the "other l i n e " (Dorman 1938:619). The Fraser Valley l i n e of the B.C.E.R., which had opened j u s t a f t e r the V.V.E.R., ran approximately p a r a l l e l and, with i t s greater f l e x i b i l i t y , s u c c e s s f u l l y competed with the l a t t e r l i n e . The subsequent abandonment of the V.V.E.R. was, i n part, a re-adjustment, a r e f l e c t i o n of an apparent over-estimation of the po t e n t i a l of the region to support such a close network. Throughout the era the highways within the region were s t e a d i l y im-proved. The Yale Road, which had become part of the Trans-Provincial Highway, was realigned across Sumas P r a i r i e and hard-surfaced to Chilliwack by 1935 (White 1937:31). The impending improvements had encouraged the B.C.E.R. to provide a coach service from Vancouver to Chilliwack i n 1926, giving compet-i t i o n to the iriterurban l i n e (ibid:38-9), as well as serving the centres ad-jacent to the V.V.E.R. and, i n part, contributing to the abandonment of that l i n e (see F i g . 23). Along the north bank the Dewdney Trunk road was replaced by a new road, the Lougheed Highway, which p a r a l l e l e d the C.P.R. The highway was started i n 1928.and by 1937 i t had been hard-topped as far as Deroche ( i b i d : 36-7). With the completion of the Patullo Bridge at New Westminster i n the l a t t e r part of 1937, which released the overtaxed p r o v i n c i a l bridge for r a i l alone, there were two good a r t e r i a l highways through the region (see Fig.23). The two highways were connected at Agassiz by a f e r r y , and at Mission by the The other l i n e was probably the coast l i n e of the V.V.E.R. 68. r a i l bridge which had been planked and opened for vehicular t r a f f i c i n 1927 (ibid:25). South Bank M u n i c i p a l i t i e s . I t can be seen from Figure 23 that a number of o f f i c e s to the south'of the r i v e r away from the railway l i n e s had closed, although admittedly two of these were merely r e l o c a t i o n s . Both Clayburn and Matsqui, which were i n i t i a l l y on a railway, also relocated. The f i r s t o f f i c e moved into the actual settlement of Clayburn, on s l i g h t l y higher ground at the edge of Matsqui. P r a i r i e and close r to i t s source of l i v e l i h o o d , the clay p i t s . The Matsqui o f f i c e moved into the centre of the community, s t i l l adjacent to the railway, but on an almost imperceptible k n o l l above the general l e v e l of the p r a i r i e . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , only the major centre of Langley P r a i r i e experienced 3 a p o s i t i v e change in rank, together with the neighbouring centre of Milner. The r i s e of Langley to r i v a l Cloverdale must p a r t l y be a t t r i b u t e d to the grow-ing importance of the Trans-Provincial Highway, and p a r t l y to i t s l o c a t i o n , together with the two other centres, on the Fraser Valley l i n e . However, the continuing existence of these centres in close proximity must be attributed to compatability rather than r i v a l r y , for Cloverdale and Langley from the close of t h i s period onwards, existed as twin centres together performing the functions of a larger centre. S i m i l a r l y Ports Hammond and Haney on the north bank must e a r l i e r have developed a corresponding r e l a t i o n s h i p . This matter w i l l be examined more f u l l y i n the next chapter. Along the Fraser Valley l i n e only Dennison had succumbed, due to i t s close proximity to both Bradner and Mount Lehman, while Upper Sumas re-opened The continued growth o f Milner i s d i f f i c u l t to explain, but i t s glory was s h o r t - l i v e d f o r , although of the same order as Langley and Clover-dale, i t was close to the point of entry with less than h a l f the revenue of Cloverdale. (see appendix II) 69. and the remaining small centres maintained t h e i r ranks but for minor changes within the smallest c l a s s . The heyday of the small sawmills to the south of the r i v e r was over. Most of them had closed by the end of the era, since the logging o f f of the majority of the area coincided with the f i n a n c i a l problems of the depression. Only a few of the manufacturing a c t i v i t i e s around the larger centres remained i n operation, and most of these were concerned with food processing. The reclamation of Sumas Lake which was completed i n 1924, appears to have had a b e n e f i c i a l e f f e c t on both Sumas and Chilliwhack munici-p a l i t i e s due to the expansion of a g r i c u l t u r e and the removal of the nuisance value. The re-establishment of the post o f f i c e at Upper Sumas, and the gen-era l growth evident throughout Chilliwhack, are evidence of the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e (see Figs. 21 and 23). Around Semiahmoo Bay the continued growth of the seaside resorts i s apparent with White Rock remaining dominant. In Delta municipality the de-c l i n e of Ladner was related to the closure of a l l the canneries i n the munici-/ \4 p a l i t y , but for two at A n n i e v i l l e (L.M.R.P.B. 1959) and by i t s r e l a t i v e i s o l -a t i o n . I t can be seen from Figure 21 that the most of the population growth in the municipality took place in the northeast segment, close to the New Westminster bridge. It i s evident that t h i s area, adjacent to the bridge, was already developing as a r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t for New Westminster, p a r t i c -u l a r l y with the opening of the P a t u l l o Bridge. The same area also supplied most of the work force for about s i x small manufacturing concerns, pre-dominantly sawmills, and the canneries at A n n i e v i l l e ( i b i d . ) . The North Bank.. Along the north bank of the r i v e r continued s t a b i l i t y The data i s only a minimum approximation, for the information was derived from the L.M.R.P.B. I n d u s t r i a l Survey of 1959, and thus i t only i n -cludes those establishments which were s t i l l open in t h a t year, and i t ex-cludes those plants which closed between 1939 and 1959. 70. i s evident. The older centres remained on the average, of a somewhat higher opder than the newer centres away from the r i v e r , due p a r t l y to i n e r t i a , and p a r t l y to the topography to the north of the r i v e r which hindered and l i m i t e d settlement, and so focussed trade on the pre-existing centres along the r i v e r . The larger centres, but for Agassiz which s t i l l remained somewhat i s o l a t e d from the r e s t of the region, maintained t h e i r order. Haney, which was act-u a l l y relocated during this era on the Lougheed Highway, away from the r i v e r and railway, surpassed i t s neighbour and twin centre of Port Hammond. This change i s i n d i c a t i v e of the growing importance of the highway and of Haney's better l o c a t i o n in respect to the trade area. A further trend on the north bank was the detachment of the sawmills from both the r i v e r and r a i l , with the advance of logging operations further back into the mountains. A number of r e l a t i v e l y small plants were established on the banks of the moraine-damned lakes in the north of the region. This trend was f a c i l i t a t e d by the logging truck, which had begun to replace the less f l e x i b l e logging railway, and the increased u t i l i z a t i o n of e l e c t r i c power. However, the larger m i l l s on the r i v e r retained t h e i r importance, so the small m i l l s away from the r i v e r had l i t t l e apparent influence on the s e t t l e -ment pattern. In the eastern section of the v a l l e y the centres remained stable, that i s the smallest centres showed l i t t l e evidence of increasing t h e i r status, although the larger centre of Hope maintained i t s growth at the p r o v i n c i a l average. Hope, situated on two railways and the Trans-Provincial Highway, was becoming of increased importance as a transport and service centre for a sparsely-populated hinterland. CHAPTER VI THE MODERN ERA, 1940-1961 The f i n a l era to be considered covers a period of unprecedented ec-onomic prosperity. Apart from a few fluctuations in the mid-1950 1s, the boisterous North American economy in the post-war decades has led to an unheard-of l e v e l of prosperity throughout the continent. The rejuvenation of the economy was sparked by the a r t i f i c i a l stimulus of the Second World War: .although no such outside stimulus existed a f t e r 1945 the l o n g - l a s t i n g e f f e c t s - o f the wartime incentive kindled the economic resurgence which marked the 1950's. In Canada a new i n d u s t r i a l revolution took place, the (emergence of a s i g n i f i c a n t secondary processing industry, f a c i l i t a t e d by the l e v e l of capacity and production fostered during the war. Throughout the era the r e l a t e d processes of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urbanization i n t e r a c t across Canada. The growth of industry encouraged the growth of urban areas, while larger c i t i e s provided an expanding l o c a l market for the new secondary products. At the same time, transport f a c i l i t i e s con-tinued to influence the growth of the urban population and, more importantly, the functional concentration on larger centres. The s h i f t of passenger t r a f f i c from r a i l to road, interrupted by the war, set i n with renewed vigour at the close o f . h o s t i l i t i e s , and short distance movements became com-p l e t e l y highway oriented. In t h i s recent era, v i r t u a l l y for the f i r s t time since the turn of the century, the p a r a s i t i c growth of the Lower Mainland slowed down. During the f i r s t decade the region increased i t s proportion of the p r o v i n c i a l pop-Figure 25. Population D i s t r i b u t i o n and Growth, 1941-1961 Figure 26. Changing Hierarchy, 1940-1950 Facing Page 72 8.I~H.J.: 1964 - ft UK C CHANGING HIERARCHY 1940-1950 ABANDONED RAILWAY TRANS-CANADA HIGHWAY HOPE-PRINCETON HIGHWAY I-" 111111) GROWTH OF POSTAL AREAS A O P E N E D 0 PLUS I ORDER ® NO CHANGE O MINUS I ORDER A C L O S E D A C L O S E D 8 R E - O P E N E O A S S U B - O F F I C E SCALE IN 0ILES 1 0 9 5 7 7 12 IS ioe 72. u l a t i o n , but i t only s l i g h t l y increased i t s share over the subsequent part (see Table XIV). S i m i l a r l y i t s proportion of the p r o v i n c i a l postal revenue increased markedly during the f i r s t h a l f , but the rrate,ofcgrowth during the second ha l f showed a s i g n i f i c a n t decrease (see Table XV). The change i s un-doubtedly s i g n i f i c a n t , since i t may well indicate that the province as a whole i s assuming a greater economic maturity. The economic growth of B r i t i s h Columbia i s no longer mainly concentrated on one small area, but i t i s now more evenly d i s t r i b u t e d over the province as a whole. The trend could be merely ephemeral, but i t may well be l a s t i n g . Within the Lower Mainland the i n t e r a c t i o n between the metropolitan area and the Fraser Valley became more evident as the metropolitan area ex-tended concomitantly to engulf most other parts of the region. Thus the f i n a l part of t h i s chapter i s devoted to a b r i e f evaluation of the phenomenon of metropolitan dominance. Growth <6f the Metropolitan Area The quickening of the economy, induced by wartime a c t i v i t y , was f e l t throughout the f i r s t decade and resulted i n a renewed upsurge i n the process of urbanization (Bogue 1955:472).''' The main population growth a c t u a l l y occur-red outside the central c i t i e s , for the rate of growth of Vancouver and New Westminster was we'll below that of the remainder of the Lower Mainland (see F i g . 25). I t can'be seen from Table XIV that the d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of the metropolitan population, which s t a r t e d about 1931, quickened throughout the era. The d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i s p a r t l y a r e f l e c t i o n of the near-saturation point attained within the central c i t i e s by the middle of the 1940's, and the gen-e r a l expansion of r e s i d e n t i a l development beyond the statutary boundaries i n -The process of urbanization i s not synonymous with ation, which i s the concentration of functions on a dominant necessarily a concentration of population. metropolitaniz-c i t y and not 73. to the metropolitan f r i n g e . A s i m i l a r d i s t i n c t i o n would not be expected with postal revenue data f o r , despite a s l i g h t lag, the postal area tends to re-f l e c t the growth of the metropolitan area. However, compared with the pre-vious era, the r e l a t i v e growth of Vancouver's t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y declined markedly a f t e r 1950, while that of New Westminster increased with the ex-pansion of i t s postal area into the metropolitan f r i n g e . Thus even the t e r t -i a r y a c t i v i t y , as well as the population, exhibited c e n t r i f u g a l tendencies. The concentration of growth i n the metropolitan r i n g , already apparent in the previous decade, became more marked i n the f i n a l decade. The War and Postwar Period. 1940-1950. From the f i r s t map of change, Figure 26, which covers the wartime and immediate postwar epoch, one can discern the i n i t i a l external growth of the metropolitan area. Where previously the growth had tended to occur i n t e r n a l l y , mainly concentrated within the central c i t i e s and the Central Park axis, the growth between 1940 and 1950 tended to be p e r i p h e r a l . On Burrard Peninsula expansion i s evident into the remainder of Burnaby municipality, to connect Port Moody with the metropolitan area. On the North Shore the c e n t r i f u g a l growth joined toget-her the two i n i t i a l nodes and the postal area expanded northwards up the slope into the d i s t r i c t m unicipality of North Vancouver. To the south the i n c l u s i o n of Brighouse in the postal area was the f i r s t recognition that metropolitan uses were extending on.to Lulu ,Island. The growth of South Westminster and the opening of an o f f i c e 'at Whalley were a s i m i l a r i n d i c a t i o n of the. conversion of North Surrey to jpredominantly non-rural use, a process that was r a p i d l y speeded up over the subsequent decade. The continued quickening c e n t r i f u g a l movement of population was mat-ched, and i n part made possible, by the movement of industry out of the central core, not merely into the immediate periphery,' but also into the r a i l and water served North Arm and North Shore. The transfer was permitted, but Figure 27. Hierarchy of Centres, 1961/62 Figure 28. Changing Hierarchy, 1951-196.1 74. not caused, by the increasing use of motor transport for i n d i v i d u a l and f r e i g h t movements. The Automobile Age, 1951-1961. The s h i f t to motor transport was to . lead to s i g n i f i c a n t changes over the f i n a l decade. Already, by 1950, the tran-s i t company had decided to abandon a l l r a i l passenger operations and d i e s a l i z e 2 the interurbans for f r e i g h t t r a f f i c . The st r e e t c a r s , replaced by the more f l e x i b l e t r o l l e y coaches and busies, f i n a l l y disappeared in A p r i l 1955 (B.C. Power Corporation 1955:3). Of the interurbans only the Burnaby Lake l i n e was completely abandoned, while the passenger services were systematically with-drawn from the others (see F i g . 28). The l a s t passenger service to run was the Marpole-Steveston service, which was retained u n t i l 1958 due to the i n -adequacy of the roads for bus operations (Hilton and Due 1960:423). The re-moval of the passenger services permitted the company to concentrate on f r e i g h t t r a f f i c . The development of secondary i n d u s t r i e s , during and a f t e r the war, helped to supplement and d i v e r s i f y i t s f r e i g h t operations. The t o t a l volume of f r e i g h t t r i p l e d and i t s value quadrupled between 1940 and 1961. The d i s p e r s a l of industry from the central core continued. Although the actual number of establishments in the central core rose s l i g h t l y , the r e l a t i v e number decreased from 64% i n 1939 to 45$ i n 1959 (see Table XVI). The movement was not only inter-municipal but also intra-municipal,' with i n -dustry tending to decentralize and move into the -metropolitan r i n g . Thus the r e l a t i v e number of establishments i n Vancouver C i t y decreased from 82$ i n -1^39 to 66$ in 1959. I t would seem that the pressure to relocate has been It should be noted that the B.C.E.R. was an i n t e g r a l power and tran-s i t a u t h o r i t y . Thus the interurban passenger service not only succumbed to the more f l e x i b l e automobile but also to the a u t h o r i t i e s ' bus and t r o l l e y s e r v i c e s . Therefore both the r e l a t i v e l y long l i f e of the inter-urban and i t s recent demise are both explicable in terms of the t r a n s i t monopoly that the company has enjoyed, for the majority of i t s h i s t o r y , in a l l of the metropol-i t a n area but for West Vancouver. 75. increasing, and that the c e n t r i f u g a l forces have been s u f f i c i e n t to permit 3 s i t e s further away from the central core to be chosen. With a growing proportion of the metropolitan population engaged in manufacturing, the c e n t r i f u g a l movement of that industry has undoubtedly assis t e d in the deconcentration of population. In contrast, the service i n -dustries are subject to a much strong c e n t r i p e t a l force, as the i r location i s adapted p r i m a r i l y to l o c a l market conditions and to the need for maximum a c c e s s i b i l i t y (Hawley- 1956:114). However, the inc r e a s i n g l y eccentric location of the core area has proven disadvantageous to the service i n d u s t r i e s : these have tended, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n recent years, to move to s i t e s more c e n t r a l l y located to the metropolitan area. Thus t h e i r centre of gr a v i t y has s h i f t e d eastwards, nearer to the point of maximum a c c e s s i b i l i t y . The expansion of the metropolitan area i s r e f l e c t e d i n the growth of the postal area (see F i g . 27). The metropolitan postal area now bears a f a i r l y close resemblence to the census metropolitan aarea, except f o r the Port. Moody-Coquitlam axis and the southern sections of Surrey and Delta municipal-i t i e s (see F i g . 25). The Coquitlam area can properly be considered part of the metropolitan area, but the lack of continuous development precludes the other areas. The anomalous p o s i t i o n of the eastern area i s even more apparent in Figure 28, as i t i s the only exception to the general expansion of the metropolitan postal area. Urban sprawl, f a c i l i t a t e d by1 the development of highway f a c i l i t i e s , has been a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the recent decade. The opening of the high-level In addition to firms needing to relocate there are also new e s t a b l i s h -ments competing f o r the i n d u s t r i a l land. The new establishments included branch plants of Eastern Canadian and American firms, as well as new l o c a l companies. These plants tend to locate e i t h e r i n the congested inner core, occupying land vacated by' others, or i n the outer r i n g , leaving the median area for relocations of e x i s t i n g firms. 76. bridge over the Second Narrows, to connect with the Upper Levels Highway, assisted in the further expansion of r e s i d e n t i a l development on the North Shore. The p r i o r opening of the Lions Gate Bridge in 1938 has probably been of greater importance, for i t provided West Vancouver with a more d i r e c t access to downtown Vancouver than was provided by the old Second Narrows Bridge and the f e r r y s e rvice. To the south the Oak Street Bridge, and the f i r s t part of the Deas Island Freeway, opened up most of Richmond municipality to v i r t u a l l y u n r e s t r i c t e d development and urban sprawl. The general expansion of the metro-po l i t a n area into North Surrey has already been noted. Here the upland area i s probably far better suited to r e s i d e n t i a l use than Richmond, for i t does not necessitate the transfer of such a large amount of a g r i c u l t u r a l land to urban or non-rural uses. The Urbanization of the Fraser V a l l e v The extension of the metropolitan area across the Fraser into North Surrey, and the construction of the Deas Island Freeway, had an important i n -fluence on the urbanization of the Fraser Valley. During the f i r s t decade the new development tended to advance along a si n g l e l i n e a r axis, the Trans-Canada Highway, but i t became far more widespread in the second h a l f . The era i s characterized by a concentration of functions and populations on the urban centres. The concentration i s linked with the growth of the metropolis i t s e l f and the extension of metropolitan influence to include v i r t u a l l y a 11 of the Lower Mainland. The War and Postwar Period. 1940-1950. During the f i r s t period there was l i t t l e change in the transport network, with but one small railway closing and no substantial modifications of the highways (see F i g . 26). At the close of the period a s i g n i f i c a n t trend was begun when the Fraser V a l l e y - l i n e ceased-passenger operations in favour of the company's own buses, thus pre-dating 77. the same process i n the metropolitan area. Apart from the temporary wartime _ setback, the automobile had become increasingly dominant. Short distance r a i l passenger operations ceased to be an economic proposition, while the decline of the interurban was in part caused by the spread of population away from the l i n e . The increasing importance of the highways i s i l l u s t r a t e d in Figure 26 by the general increase of t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y along the Trans-Canada High-way, part of the continuing trend of concentration of population on urban placeso By 1950 Langley P r a i r i e and Cloverdale had v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i c a l post-al revenue figures and both had r i s e n in rank. Further east Abbotsford had also r i s e n to the same order, challenging the old supremacy of Mission on the north bank. Along the north bank i t s e l f a s i m i l a r concentration of a c t i v i t y i s apparent, the smaller centres generally declining in importance. The con-tinued decline of Port Hammond i s an apt i l l u s t r a t i o n of the concentration of functions on higher order centres. The emergence of Haney as the dominant centre in the previous era, now occasioned the decline of i t s neighbour. Further east the opening of the Southern Trans-Provincial Highway had apparently had b e n e f i c i a l e f f e c t s on the v i l l a g e of Hope, which had r i s e n to regain the importance i t had once held as the focal point of trade, while to the west both Kent and Chilliwack remained economically buoyant. There was a notable increase in the predominantly Mennonite settlement of Yarrow. The Mennonites had f i r s t a rrived at the e x i s t i n g hamlet on the interurban l i n e about 1928, attracted by the a v a i l a b i l i t y of good a g r i c u l t u r a l land on the bed of the former Sumas Lake. However, with the onslaught of the de^ pression, the farms were unable to obtain a sound.economic base. The war-time period was marked by the establishment of a firmer base and by the i n -t e n s i f i c a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e . In addition there was an i n f l u x of Mennonites from the P r a i r i e s which greatly increased the number of small holdings 78. (Siemens 1960:64-5). The area around Yarrow was not the only area of Mennonite settlement, for there was also a marked concentration in the upland areas to the south and west of Abbotsford. The settlement was concentrated p a r t i c u l a r l y around Clearbrook, which was to become the major centre of Mennonitism i n the v a l l e y (ibid:66), although i t was in r e a l i t y only a suburb of Abbotsford. I t i s i n -t e r e s t i n g to note that the small centres that developed, both around Yarrow and Clearbrook, served at f i r s t more as s o c i a l than as service centres, these centres were more l i k e l y to contain a church than a general store, and none had a post o f f i c e . The lack of a. post o f f i c e , however, was remedied early in the following decade when one was opened at Clearbrook. The proximity of the new o f f i c e to the expanding v i l l a g e of Abbotsford was one reason why i t s opening was delayed. I t i s i n d i c a t i v e of the homogeneity of the comun-i t y that i t was able to support a s i g n i f i c a n t service centre of i t s own. I t was, moreover, symptomatic of the growing urbanism i n the v a l l e y , and of the gradual disappearance of the r u r a l small holdings. The small holdings had become i n c r e a s i n g l y uneconomic, and the -farmers had to seek supplemental or alternate employment. The disappearance of the farm unit' resultedi.in c e n t r a l i z -ation on r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s (ibid:67-8). The Automobile Age, 1951-1961. While the f i r s t h a l f of the era was. notable for a lack of development of transport f a c i l i t i e s , the second h a l f witnessed the s t a r t of a number of ambitious highway projects (see F i g . -28). Unfortunately these have assi s t e d in the spread of urban sprawl into the Fraser Valley. As yet the r e s i d e n t i a l development has mainly taken place in the upland areas, but the s i t u a t i o n i s now c r i t i c a l : the v i a b i l i t y of the lowland a g r i c u l t u r a l areas i s threatened unless the urban sprawl can be r e s t r i c t e d , as much as possible, to the less f e r t i l e uplands (L.M.R.P.B. 1963:7). IZ9. During the f i n a l decade i t would appear that the metropolitan influence has spread beyond the bounds of the metropolitan area at a rate f a i r l y con-s i s t e n t with distance from the core. I t has given r i s e to a median r i n g of centres of l i k e s s i z e located, except for Ladner, about twenty-five miles from Vancouver's central business d i s t r i c t (see F i g . 27). Beyond the median ring i s the smaller outer r i n g of Abbotsford and Mission City, of which Abbotsford has shown more dynamic growth. The growth of Abbotsford may well be quickened with the opening of the new Trans-Canada Freeway, for i t i s now within less than an hour's drive of downtown Vancouver, and thus within reasons-/ 4 able commuting distance of the metropolitan c i t y . The growth of the metropolitan area was also s u f f i c i e n t to maintain the s t a b i l i t y of the smaller centres on the immediate fr i n g e . I t is. possible ' that the continued absolute growth of these centres, as well as Langley C i t y and Cloverdale, i s due to the fact that the journey to work i s not necessar-i l y made in the same d i r e c t i o n as the journey to shop. Most of the labour force i n North .Surrey f i n d employment in the main part of the metropolitan area across the r i v e r . I t may well be that they perform t h e i r middle order shopping i n the opposite d i r e c t i o n at Langley and Cloverdale. There appears to be a d i s t i n c t contrast between the twin centres: Cloverdale has the appearance of a r u r a l service centre with r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e r e s i d e n t i a l dev velopment; around-it,:.in contrast.Langley has a far greater density of re-s i d e n t i a l development, but i t s t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y and trade area population i s roughly the same. Thus service industries would appear to be more im-As early as 1956 72% of the t o t a l labour force of Abbotsford and Mission commuted to work i n the metropolitan area (L.M.R.P.B. 1957a:4). 80. 5 portant to Cloverdale, s l i g h t l y closer to the metropolitan area, than to Langley. The development of the larger urban centres has resulted in a cor-responding acceleration in the decline of the smaller centres, p a r t i c u l a r l y along the route of the Fraser Valley l i n e (see F i g . 28). By 1961 the municipality of Sumas a c t u a l l y had no post o f f i c e s within i t s t e r r i t o r y and was served by the three peripheral o f f i c e s at Yarrow, Huntingdon and Abbots-ford. The o f f i c e at Yarrow was relocated during the period, moving away from the older settlement around the interurban s t a t i o n to the newer s e t t l e -ment about h a l f a mile to the east. The new centre has a remarkable strassendorf form, which has evolved from the close juxtaposition of the small holdings. Mennonite settlement on the P r a i r i e s e x h i b i t s i m i l a r morphology, and t h i s settlement pattern appears to be an unconscious r e f l e c t i o n of the importance of the community to the sect. Chilliwhack municipality exhibited a f a i r l y consistent growth through-out the period. Further removed from the metropolitan area, i t has developed i t s own p r i m a r i l y a g r i c u l t u r a l economic base. Although i t s economy i s mainly market-oriented i t has been, as yet, l i t t l e a f fected by metropolitan r e s i d -e n t i a l use. However, the opening of the freeway renders i t s western extrem-i t y within commuting distance of Vancouver. Future r e s i d e n t i a l use may have important implications i n the c o n f l i c t i t would provoke with the a g r i c u l t u r a l base. The majority of the food-processing plants in the Fraser Valley are The long-established co-operative store and feed m i l l i n Cloverdale a t t r a c t s customers from a wide hinterland and i s an important factor in the continuing importance of the centre. 81. located within Chilliwhack m u n i c i p a l i t y . ^ Three major plants have been established i n the area since the war, but these are more supply than market-oriented. Only 35% of the output of one plant was marketed in B r i t i s h Columbia. In terms of the numbers employed the Abbotsford area' comes next in importance, so that i t can be seen that the eastern part of the region dominated the industry. The few plants on the Norths Bank are r e l a t i v e l y small. They have remained there mainly through i n e r t i a , for they now draw most of t h e i r raw materials from south of the r i v e r . However, the concen-t r a t i o n of wood-processing i n d u s t r i e s , c h i e f l y sawmills, along the North Bank remains marked. Only the Port Hammond m i l l and the one at Dewdney are of any s i g n i f i c a n t s i z e ; the former employs as many as the r e s t put together. The opening of the Agassiz bridge had an important e f f e c t i n increas-ing the amount of through t r a f f i c along the Lougheed Highway, and has helped break down the r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n of Agassiz. A l l the centres along the North Bank, but for S i l v e r d a l e , remained constant (see F i g . 28). However, many of the smallest centres a c t u a l l y underwent an absolute decline and w i l l probably close within the next few years. These centres only remain constant because they can decline no further. Closure, however, has ocQurred between Rosedale and Hope, where a l l but one of the centres disappeared during the f i n a l decade. The remaining one has subsequently closed. In contrast a number of sixth-order centres, notably Aldergrove, Yarrow and Clearbrook, are showing d i s t i n c t p o s i t i v e tendencies. However, generally the decline of the lower-order centres continued, with the exception of the metropolitan f r i n g e . The information for the majority of the subsequent paragraph was obtained from the I n d u s t r i a l Survey of the Fraser V a l l e y c a r r i e d out in the l a t t e r half, of 1957 by the L.M.R.P.B. (l957b). This survey was more l i m i t e d i n scope than t h e i r l a t e r Metropolitan I n d u s t r i a l Survey (1959), and did not obtain as complete a sample. 82. Metropolitan Dominance in the Fraser Vallev The juxtaposition of the metropolitan area and the Fraser Valley has had important repercussions on the settlement pattern within the Lower Main-land, and since 1945 the influence has heen p a r t i c u l a r l y marked. The actual a f f e c t of the metropolitan area i s d i f f i c u l t to measure within the l i m i t s of the present discussion, e s p e c i a l l y as i t i s somewhat of an abstract concept. However, the d i f f i c u l t i e s should not prevent one from attempting some approx-imation of the influence of such a c r i t i c a l f a c t o r . Metropolitan Dominance. Bogue (1955:480) states: Large metropolitan centres are said to be dominant i n determining the d i s t r i b u t i o n of population and economic a c t i v i t i e s . Not as i n s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of the dominant r o l e of metropolitan centres i s the fa c t that medium-size and small-size c i t i e s , as well as dispersed r u r a l populations, appear to perform t h e i r functions with reference to metropolitan centres, while they themselves exhert a more l i m i t e d and i n t e r g r a t i v e influence upon the t e r r i t o r y about them. I t i s possible to i d e n t i f y three stages or types of dominance. The f i r s t i s the metropolitan f r i n g e , the t e r r i t o r y immediately adjacent to the metropolitan area which "corresponds approximately to what one would regard as the combined labour market and r e t a i l trade area of the metropolis" ( i b i d . ) The metropolis supplies a l l higher-order goods and services to t h i s t e r r i t o r y , while outside the fringe i s an area which r e l i e s on the metropolis f o r a more sp e c i a l i z e d number of funtions, the more ordinary functions being supplied by the regional centres. The f i n a l stage occurs where the metropolis performs only a few highly s p e c i a l i z e d functions, while the remaining higher-order functions are f i l l e d by sub-metropolitan c i t i e s . The above stages change through time both a r e a l l y and f u n c t i o n a l l y . The areal extent changes with increased mobility and functions change with increasing functional concentration. I t i s evident that the Lower Mainland has been covered by the f i r s t two types since 1910 or e a r l i e r , but that the . i Figure 29. Relative Growth of Vancouver, 1881-1 Figure 30. Growth of Metropolitan Postal Area TERTIARY REVENUE R E L A T I V E G R O W T H O F V A N C O U V E R 1881 - 1 9 6 1 /POSTAL REVENUE "V / . POPULATION EMERGENCE INTERNAL GROWTH EXTERNAL GROWTH 1921 1961 S o u r c e s : T o b i e s 1 0 a n d I I C a n a d a C e n s u s 1 9 3 1 - 1 9 5 1 G R O W T H O F M E T R O P O L I T A N P O S T A L A R E A 83. boundary between them, and.between the metropolitan fringe and the metropolis, 7 has changed through time. I t i s appropriate in considering metropolitan dominance to concentrate on evaluating the change that has occurred since 1939, the period that corresponds with the external growth phase of the metro-p o l i t a n area (see Figs. 29 and 30). I t should be emphasized that due to the l i m i t a t i o n s of t h i s study the boundary of the metropolitan area i s taken to be the l i m i t s of the postal area (see F i g . 30). The changing dominance i s viewed i n terms of the changing hierarchy of centres. However, the hierarchy has been generalized by i n t r o -ducing the concept of paired centres. These are centres of the same order which by t h e i r very adjacency cannot operate independent of one another. The best example i s Cloverdale and Langley, which have been of the same order since 1939. S i m i l a r l y Port Hammond and Haney e a r l i e r existed as. a paired centre, being of i d e n t i c a l order in 1918 and 1939. In addition Port Coquitlam and Port Moody can be c l a s s i f i e d as a paired centre i n 1961. It i s possible to i d e n t i f y a further type of paired centre: two or more adjacent centres, not neeessarily of the same order, which together per-form the functions of a higher-order centre. This type i s more compatible with the dispersed c i t y concept which"presupposes an economic base other than the provision of services for the surrounding area" (Burton 1963:286). Paired centres of t h i s type do not appear to have existed within the Lower Mainland, for the coupling of the revenue of l i k e l y pairs does not r e s u l t in a change in status. The nearest approach i s evidenced by Abbotsford-Clearbrook, where the addition of the revenue of the smaller centre to that of Abbotsford almost r e s u l t s i n a change i n status from a ifourth ^ to a t h i r d -f u l l y The areal expansion of the metropolis, which in the f i n a l chapter, i s summarized in F i g . 30. w i l l be dealt with more 84. order centre. The change may well take place i n the near future.' The Changing Pattern of Dominance. 1940-1961. The following table of the hierarchy of higher-order centres for the two years under review includes the paired centres and the main peripheral nodes of the metropolitan area i n parentheses (see Table XVII). I t can be seen that there has been a d i s t i n c t TABLE XVII COMPARATIVE HIERARCHIES OF HIGHER-ORDER CENTRES. 1939/40 AND 1961/62 Metropolitan (city 2nd loader - I 3rd order 1939/40 Vancouver New Westminster Chilliwack (North Vancouver)' 4th ''order Langley-Cloverdale Mission Hammond-Haney 5th 'Order Abbotsford lG.H61-lyburn)a Ladner Sardis White Rock Eburne Milner Port Coquitlam Metropolitan postal s t a t i o n or sub - o f f i c e . 1961/62 Vancouver New Westminster Chilliwack (North Vancouver) Langley-Cloverdale (Richmond)3 (West Vancouver) Abbotsford Haney White Rock Mission C i t y Moody-Coquitlam (North Surrey) Ladner Hope increase i n the functional importance of the higher-order centres, not only in the metropolitan area but also i n the Fraser Valley. I t would seem that the importance of the secondary centres has been growing and not d e c l i n i n g , and that a number of the higher-order functions have become decentralized with the. areal expansion of the metropolis. Thus metropolitan dominance Figure 31. Generalized Hierarchy of Centres, 1939/40 Figure 32. Generalized Hierarchy of Centres, 1961/62 85. might appear to have decreased rather than increased. In 1940 there were only a few higher-order centres adjacent to the metropolitan area (see F i g . 3 l ) . The central c i t y supplied a l l higher-order functions to the metropolitan area and fringe, except for those supplied by the two i n i t i a l secondary nodes of New Westminster and North Vancouver. The Fraser Valley remained separate from the metropolitan area with i t s own higher-order centres,^dependent on New Westminster and Vancouver for s p e c i a l i z e d ser-vices and as market and d i s t r i b u t i o n centres for i t s a g r i c u l t u r a l and forest products. By 1961 there had been a r a d i c a l change (see F i g . 32). The old pattern of service centres, established in the streetcar era, was unable to s a t i s f y the demand of the expanded metropolis. A number of the small service centres have r i s e n in rank to s a t i s f y the increased demand. Thus the auto-mobile has not created new centres but has a l t e r e d the function of already e x i s t i n g centres. The obvious exception has been the deliberate e s t a b l i s h -ment of shopping centres, catering for. the new shopping habits introduced by the automobile. If a l l the l o c a l service centres within the metropolitan area had been plotted on Figure 32 i t should have been possible to i d e n t i f y an i n t e r -nal r i n g of higher-order centres continuing the pattern already established on the North Shore. However, one can i d e n t i f y an external, or inner, r i n g of centres. These inner r i n g centres are a l l v i r t u a l l y included in the postal area. Further to the east i s located a median r i n g , separated from the metro-p o l i t a n area by a b e l t of a g r i c u l t u r a l lowland and outer ring ( of Abbotsford and Mission. The median and outer rings can be i d e n t i f i e d as being within the metropolitan f r i n g e , with part of t h e i r labour force commuting to the metropolis. Further to the east Chilliwack s t i l l continues as a sub-regional 86. centre, at present too d i s t a n t from the metropolis for commuting, but with i s own metropolitan-oriented functions. The opening of the new Trans-Canada may a l t e r t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p , and encourage the growth of the more c e n t r a l l y located centre of Abbotsford. By comparison of the two years i t can be discerned that the boundary of the metropolitan fringe has moved some 25 miles, from j u s t west of Clover-g dale to east of Abbotsford, i n two decades. The previous metropolitan fringe i s now part of the metropolitan area. Whereas i n 1940 most of the Fraser Valley lay outside the fringe, by 1961 most lay in s i d e the f r i n g e . Thus the growth of the higher-order centres, and the apparent decline of metropolitan dominance, i s a function of the areal expansion of the metropolis and the growth of l o c a l service centres to supply t h e i r expanded hinterlands. The areal expansion of the metropolis has emphasized the problems of the eccentric l o c a t i o n of Vancouver. Such a location can remain viable 9 as long as a minimum l e v e l of nodality i s retained, otherwise a more c e n t r a l -l y located second-order centre w i l l expand. The expansion of higher-order centres, at a rate approximately proportional to t h e i r distance from the central c i t y , i s evident within metropolitan Vancouver. On the periphery the r i s e of Langley-Cloverdale to third-order status i s i n d i c a t i v e of the growing demand for higher-order functions previously supplied by New West-minster or Vancouver. The trend wil probably continue of the market pot-e n t i a l of the v a l l e y i s increased by further urbanization. g There i s no actual evidence a v a i l a b l e as to whether Cloverdale, Hammond-Haney or White Rock supplies the metropolitan labour market-in 1940, but i t would seem that they lay outside the f r i n g . 9 • Nodality can be defined as the number of customers procuring a lower order good from a central place due to t h e i r being there to buy a higher order good (Curry 1962:35). CHAPTER VII , . < i x SUMMATION The i n t e r a c t i o n between the metropolitan area and the Fraser Valley, most evident in the f i n a l era, can be traced back to 1887 when Vancouver be-came the dominant centre i n the Lower Mainland. I t became accentuated with the attainment of metropolitan status, expressed i n the growing functional concentration on the metropolis and the physical growth of the c i t y . The f i r s t section of t h i s concluding chapter summarizes the evolution of the urban hierarchy i n the Lower Mainland by examining the growth pattern of i t s two dynamic constituent parts. I t sets the background for consider-a t i o n , i n the f i r s t part of the f i n a l section, of the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the present urban hierarchy, with i t s elongated and metrpolitan dominated form, to central place theory. I t emphasizes the need, already substantiated by M o r r i l l (1963), to include the h i s t o r i c dimension i n the theory. The con-cluding part deals with the further u t i l i z a t i o n of postal revenue as an index of c e n t r a l i t y and suggests avenues for research. The Evolution of the Urban Hierarchy The region b a s i c a l l y consists of two dynamic parts, namely the metro-po l i t a n area and the Fraser V a l l e y . I t i s the i n t e r a c t i o n between the parts, with the metropolis playing the dominant r o l e , that has given r i s e to the present urban hierarchy. This i n t e r a c t i o n , already r e f e r r e d to in the pre-vious chapters, i s further emphasized by a summary of the evolution of the two parts. 88. Metropolitan Growth. Vancouver, incorporated i n 1886, i s perhaps a unique example of a c i t y founded at the s t a r t of the streetcar era. The f i r s t s treetcars appeared within four years of i t s establishment, and a year l a t e r the Central Park interurb.an, one of the e a r l i e s t i n North America, was opened from Vancouver to New Westminster. Although hampered by the general depres-sion of the 1890's, the c i t y had assumed metropolitan functions and i d e n t i t y by 1910. I t i s possible to i d e n t i f y two further growth phases: f i r s t , a phase of i n t e r n a l growth of the metropolitan area, and second, a phase of external growth (see F i g . 29). The areal expansion in the three phases i s summarized in Figure 30. The rapid i n i t i a l growth of the c i t y encouraged the streetcar and i n -terurban developments. However, the two companies, the immediate predecessors of the B.C.E.R. Company, over-estimated the growth p o t e n t i a l of the c i t y and were badly h i t by the economic recession of the 1890's. The streetcar patronage had become incr e a s i n g l y small once the novelty had worn o f f . I t was est-imated that 75$ of the population l i v e d within 10 minutes' walk of t h e i r place of employment, and as a c i t y by-law prohibited the operation of cars at a greater speed than 6 miles per hour prospective passengers had found i t almost as quick to walk to and from work. The bui l d i n g of the tram l i n e s had, moreover, been based on a very generous prediction of the rapid growth of Vancouver....The company found i t s e l f operating a number of l i n e s ' b u i l t i n advance of settlement, into d i s t r i c t s which continued without population (Maiden 1948:40-41). The depression was not severe enough to stem the flow of immigrants completely. Most of the economic growth that occurred between 1891 and 1900 was associated with the mining a c t i v i t y i n the Kootenays. Thus, although Vancouver's population almost doubled, i t s r e l a t i v e importance hardly changed (see F i g . 29). The 1890's were merely a plateau i n the functional development of the c i t y , f o r the next decade witnessed a renewal of the growth pattern established i n the 1880's. The presence of the streetcar tracks permitted 89. the rapid a s s i m i l a t i o n of'the immigrants-attracted^ ; by :the economic develop-ment of the c i t y . The f i v e f o l d increase i n population was p a r t l y r e l a t e d to the remarkable concentration of t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y i n Vancouver. By 1910 Vancouver had emerged as a metropolitan c i t y , possessing over 40% of the pro-v i n c i a l t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y , as indicated by postal revenue, and over 30% of the population double the proporation of a decade e a r l i e r (see F i g . 29). During the following phase of i n t e r n a l growth there was a further functional and demographic concentration on the central c i t y . The phase, corresponding with the age of the streetcar and interurban, was characterized by the i n f i l l of the metropolitan area between New Westminster and the central c i t y . The growth of the metropolis a f t e r 1910 was affected by the slow-down of the economy. Whereas i n the previous decade demographic and economic growth was concentrated in the central c i t y and i t s two sub-nodes, the actual growth between 1911 and 1918 took place immediately peripheral to the central c i t y . The two secondary nodes, p a r t i c u l a r l y up to 1916, tended to stagnate. The peripheral growth, somewhat t y p i c a l of a period of recession, was encouraged by the a v a i l a b i l i t y of t r a n s i t f a c i l i t i e s . S i m i l a r l y , with the upsurge of the economy which started about 1916, the streetcar and interurban permitted a further expansion of the metropolitan area. Although the economic growth from 1919 to 1929 was concentrated in the three central nodes, the main population expansion occurred peripheral to the enlarged central c i t y . This expansion, and the construction of the Second Narrows Bridge, joined together the three nodes and thus made them an i n t e g r a l part of the metropolitan area. Although the 1930's exhibited c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of both recession and' expansion, the o v e r a l l impression i s one of stagnation. For the f i r s t time ever the r e l a t i v e population of Vancouver declined while the absolute number only s l i g h t l y increased (see Table XI). However, the main demographic and 90. areal growth can s t i l l V b e i d e n t i f i e d as i n t e r n a l , further i n f i l l i n g the metro p o l i t a n area. The growing use of automotive transport permitted the f i r s t r e a l r e s i d e n t i a l development away from the tram tracks, heralding the l a t e r external explosion of the metropolitan area. In the f i n a l phage of external growth the upsurge i n the economy induced by wartime a c t i v i t y a t t r a c t e d a renewed population increment. I t resulted i n a further j but external, expansion of the metropolitan area. For the f i r s t time the Fraser Valley came into actual contact with the metropolis as i t spread on to the Surrey Uplands and Lulu Island (see F i g . 30). The competition for a v a i l a b l e land has had important repercussions for the whole of the Lower Mainland, for i t has contributed to haphazard development and urban sprawl. T e r t i a r y growth accelerated i n the central c i t y up to 1950, but since then i t has been more evenly d i s t r i b u t e d over the whole metropolitan area. S i m i l a r l y the population of the three nodes has tended to stagnate, while that of the metropolitan fringe has undergone a substantial increase, p a r t i c -u l a r l y over the l a s t decade. Evolution of the Fraser Vallev Settlement Pattern. The phases.of metropolitan growth are r e f l e c t e d i n the evolution of the settlement pattern i n the Fraser Valley. U n t i l the a r r i v a l of the railway at the G r a n v i l l e townsite in 1886, the functional u n i t of the Fraser Valley can be thought of as encompassing the whole of the region. I t i s only subsequently that the region can be divided into i t s two functional parts. Up to t h i s date the settlement pattern in the Lower Mainland exhibited a hierarchy of d i s c r e t e settlements, but the subsequent expansion of the primate c i t y , with i t s more complex functions, gave r i s e to an i n c r e a s i n g l y dependent hierarchy. During the f i r s t phase the settlements that evolved were generally 91 f u n c t i o n a l l y independent. They were based on the e x p l o i t a t i o n of natural re-sources through fore s t r y , a g r i c u l t u r e and primary processing. Both the saw-m i l l and cannery centres were e s s e n t i a l l y outward-looking, as they were de-pendent on the maritime export of t h e i r products, while the small a g r i c u l t u r a l communities operated mainly on a subsistence basis. Agriculture was hampered by the lack of a l o c a l market as well as poor communication, from es t a b l i s h i n g on a commercial basis. The main centre of New Westminster functioned as a gateway c i t y for the whole of the mainland of the province rather than as the regional centre of the Lower Mainland. With the a r r i v a l of the railway, and the establishment and growth of a new primate centre, the v a l l e y centres became in c r e a s i n g l y dependent on Vancouver and New Westminster as market and d i s t r i b u t i o n centres. During t h i s phase, corresponding to the f i r s t two phases of metropolitan growth, the primary processing nature of the v a l l e y p ersisted although the region now functioned as an economic unit rather than as d i s c r e t e centres r e l i a n t on overseas markets. In f a c t i t was the growth of domestic market of the P r a i r i e Provinces that gave the necessary impetus to the l o c a l economy. The l a t e r external expansion of the metropolitan area has resulted in the functional and physical domination of the majority of v a l l e y centres by the metropolis. The trend towards metropolitan domination has resulted i n the supplanting of the central place hierarchy by an inter-urban complex. The fourth and f i n a l stage, one which as yet can only be envisaged, i s that in which the entire region forms part of the inter-urban complex. The Time Dimension i n Urban Studies Complex, or simple, settlement patterns are but the product of the past. Evolving perhaps through centures, they can reveal a succession of heritages superimposed on one another, a landscape i n apparent harmony with 9 2 . i t s physical s e t t i n g . Or, growing r a p i d l y through time, they can exhibit a boisterous e x t e r i o r hiding t h e i r blemishes,..the p r i c e of prosperity. Many European' countries exhibit c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the former while the l a t t e r i s r e s t r i c t e d to recently s e t t l e d but economically prosperous regronj such a region i s the Lower Mainland of B r i t i s h Columbia, a region that has grown so r a p i d l y that i t i s frequently a e s t h e t i c a l l y ugly. I t i s only possible to understand the present settlement pattern i n terms of i t s rapid evolution and changing economy, with the transformation of the land from f o r e s t r y , to a g r i c u l t u r e to urban uses. A p p l i c a b i l i t y to Central Place Theory. "The gradual unfolding of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of towns over a long period of changing, economic and s o c i a l con-d i t i o n s helps account for the discrepancies found between t h e o r e t i c a l and observed patterns" ( M o r r i l l 1963:2). The growth pattern i s of c r i t i c a l im-portance in any study of the urban hierarchy, both, i n areas of lengthy de-velopment and areas of recent development where the change has been more rapid and awkward. No attempt has been made to r e s t r i c t t h i s study to a c t u a l central places, for i t has included a l l service centres possessing postal f a c i l i t i e s . Many of these have been merely dormitory centres located on the metropolitan fri n g e ; through time these centres have become incorporated into the metro- " p o l i t a n area, while others have now become dormitory centres. The remainder are i n d u s t r i a l , transport or r e c r e a t i o n a l centres not p r i m a r i l y concerned with supplying services to t h e i r surrounding areas.. Under perfect conditions, i f a l l centres possess merely central • ^ junctions, a hexagonal pattern of centres would emerge ( i b i d : 3 ) . However in a region which i s so elongated, topographically l i m i t e d , and f u n c t i o n a l l y diverse one would not expect any well-developed hexagonal pattern. The actual pattern of service centres has been s u b s t a n t i a l l y influenced and modified by 93. transport media. Such a l i n e a r r e l a t i o n s h i p i s found along the Fraser Valley l i n e of the B.C.E.R. between New Westminster and Chilliwack (see Table XVIII). The major centres along the route, except for Langley P r a i r i e , had been es-TABLE XVIII LINEAR HIERARCHIES ALONG THE FRASER VALLEY LINE, 1901-1961 1900/1 1918/19 1939/40 1950/51 1961/62 New Westminster 2-i 2-i 2-i 2-i ' 2 - i Brownsville 7 - i i - - -South Westminster - 7-i 7-i 6 Strawberry H i l l - 7 - i i 7 - i i - -Newton Station - 7-i 7-i 6 a S u l l i v a n Station - 7-i 7-i 7-i 7 - i i Surrey Centre 7-i 7-i 7 - i i 7 - i i 7 - i i Cloverdale 6 5 5 4 4 Ciover Valley 7 - i i ; - - - -Langley P r a i r i e - 6 5 4 4 Milner - • 6 5 6 •7-i Sperling Station 7-i 7 - i i - -Coghlan - • 7-i 7-i 7 - i i -County Line - 7-i 7 - i i 7 - i i -Bradner - 7-i 7-i 7 - i i • 7 - i i Dennison 7 - i i - -Mount Lehman 6 7-i 7-i 7-i 7 - i i G i f f o r d - 7 - i i 7 - i i - -Clayburn - 6 7-i 7 - i i 7 - i i Abbotsford 5 5 5 4 4 Huntingdon 6 6 7-i 7-i 7 - i i Upper Sumas 7-i - 7 - i i 7 - i i -Majuba H i l l 7-i - - - -Yarrow - 7 - i i 7-i 6 6 Sardis •5 5 5 5 6 Chilliwack 3 3 3 3 3 O f f i c e closed but re-opened as sub-office of New Westminster tablished by the turn of the century. The bu i l d i n g of the railway attracted the establishment of a number of small service centres on, or adjacent to, the l i n e . With the exception of Langley, which was r e a l l y the r e l o c a t i o n of 3 an e x i s t i n g centre, none of the new centres grew to higher-order status. No larger centre developed between Langley and Abbotsford, for the growth of With the lone exception of Milner already mentioned in Chapter V. -' ." • •• • • ' " --^ ''. ' ;• 94. Aldergrove to the south has apparently supplanted such a centre. The area was never i n t e n s i v e l y enough s e t t l e d to reach the necessary threshold. The l a t e r demise of passenger operations and the concentration of t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y on the higher-order centres, has resu l t e d i n the closure of a number of the small o f f i c e s . The h i e r a r c h i c a l pattern has l a t e l y been further upset by the process of metropolitan i n f i l l with the sequential growth of the metropolitan area and f r i n g e . The presence of a large metropolis i s not conducive to the development of a h i e r a r c h i c a l arrangement of centres, for i t tends to increase the number of higher-order centres and decrease the lower-order centres on the fr i n g e . I t has created an intra-urban structure which has become superimposed on the central place hierarchy. If one excludes the Burrard Peninsula and North Shore i t i s probable that the 1939 pattern exhibits the best features of a h i e r a r c h i c a l arrange-ment (see F i g . 31). The spacing of the higher-order centres i s f a i r l y even from west to east, but the north-south distance i s compressed by the p a r t i a l b a r r i e r imposed by the r i v e r . The increasing i n t e r a c t i o n across the r i v e r , f a c i l i t a t e d by the provision of bridges and f e r r i e s , i s beginning to decrease the importance of the north bank centres with t h e i r more l i m i t e d hinterlands. The lower-order centres are predominantly, railway, and to a lesser extent highway, oriented. By 1961 a large number of the small centres had disappeared, others had declined in status, and only the larger centres to the south of the r i v e r had increased i n r e l a t i v e importance (see F i g . 32). The marked change between the two years shows that i n e r t i a i s the exception rather than the r u l e . The urban hierarchy i s never, s t a t i c . Theoretical concepts have tended to view urban r e l a t i o n s h i p s only i n terms of space but time obviously needs to be considered (Houston 1953:141). Further Research P o s s i b i l i t i e s . One of the inherent d i f f i c u l t i e s i n 95. any study of the urban hierarchy i s the attempt to focus i n time and space, for i t presents the basic problem of e s t a b l i s h i n g an adequate index of c e n t r a l i t y for which data i s r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e . T e r t i a r y revenue would pro-vide the best index but i t i s neither a v a i l a b l e for the smaller centres nor through time. These disadvantages are not exhibited by postal revenue which correlates with t e r t i a r y revenue. I t i s i n f e r r e d from Chapter ^ji.-- that postal revenue r e f l e c t s the t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y of the great majority of service 4 centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The remaining chapters have applied t h i s index to the evolution of the urban hierarchy within the most intensely s e t t l e d re-gion of the province. The v a l i d i t y of the index for the highest-order centres needs to be further examinee!, for i t may well o f f e r a useful c r i t e r i o n for examining the evolution of the present pattern of metropolitan, sub-metropolitan and region-a l centres within a national or continental u n i t . At the other end of the scale, i t s i n f e r r e d v a l i d i t y with smaller centres would j u s t i f y , i t s u t i l i z -ation i n a l o c a l study o f metropolitan service centres. S i m i l a r l y i t could be checked against e x i s t i n g studies,, p a r t i c u l a r l y of regions less topographic-a l l y and f u n c t i o n a l l y l i m i t e d than the Lower Mainland. Post o f f i c e data may i n addition be used to determine the pattern of settlement expansion by the openeing dates of o f f i c e s . I t s use i n Chapters Mr, and' ITT--e to i l l u s t r a t e the expansion of settlement i n the Lower Mainland suggests i t s a p p l i c a b i l i t y to other h i s t o r i c a l settlement studies. S i m i l a r l y i t could be used to examine The index may also be v a l i d for the highest-order centres but t h i s has not been subjected to s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s . Postal revenue appears to i n - -dicate the importance of t o t a l t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t y , for Figure 29 indicates that Vancouver's postal revenue percentage has increased through time although i t s t e r t i a r y revenue has decreased since the records started in 1931. Postal re-venue would seem to indicate a functional concentration not revealed by t e r t i a r y trade, a concentration of finance, r e a l estate, government and transport -functions. In contrast there has been a d i s p e r s a l of t e r t i a r y functions. 96. the expansion and r e t r e a t of settlement on the pioneer f r i n g e . The post o f f i c e and postal revenue data would.appear to o f f e r a re-l i a b l e and convenient source of data that has been overlooked i n previous studies of the urban hierarchy. The post o f f i c e , which' serves a basic function, appears at an ea r l y stage i n the development of a service centre. For some time i t has been an e s s e n t i a l part of a l l except the lowest-order centres. Postal revenue data i s ava i l a b l e i n Canada from Confederation onwards: the post o f f i c e i s generally run as a government department that publishes annual accounts so i t should be s i m i l a r l y a v a i l a b l e for other countries.^ The opening and c l o s i n g dates should likewise be ava i l a b l e , but l o c a l p h i l a t e l i c publications and s o c i e t i e s may provide a more convenient source. APPENDIX I THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EARLY POPULATION DISTRIBUTIONS IN THE LOWER MAINLAND"-This study i s concerned with the reconstruction of the population d i s -t r i b u t i o n s within the Lower Mainland for,, the period from 1837 tip to the end of the F i r s t World War, covering a periqd of nearly a century. However, s t a t i s t i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s render the f i r s t half indeterminable and the second half abscure; thus the essence of the problem i s to unravel and r e f i n e the a v a i l a b l e data. To .this end t h i s study i s divided into three parts or stages; the f i r s t part reviews the a v a i l a b i l i t y of census data, the second part des-cribes the changing pattern of census d i v i s i o n s , while the-'th'ird c r i t i c a l l y examines various ways of r e f i n i n g the raw data and c i t e s s p e c i f i c examples within the Lower Mainland. A v a i l a b i l i t y of Census Data As B r i t i s h Columbia did not enter Confederation u n t i l 1872, the f i r s t federal census was that undertaken in 1881. However, there i s a v a i l a b l e an e a r l i e r census, ithe"colonial census of 1870; this census only enumerated the immigrant population of Europeans and A s i a t i c s and so does not embrace the f u l l spectrum and i s of l i m i t e d value. Thus the temporal bounds of t h i s re-view were soon r e s t r i c t e d to the period 1881-1901, and even for t h i s period census data, although a v a i l a b l e , i s frequently obscure. P r i o r to 1931 the " s t a t i s t i c s of population and a g r i c u l t u r e of B r i t i s h Columbia were compiled and published only by federal e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t s and a l i m i t e d number of i l l -defined subdivisions within each d i s t r i c t " (Canada Census 1931, 11:102). Inr deed as the avowed purpose of the census was to r e a l i g n the federal e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t s (henceforth referred to as federal constituencies), no two decennial censuses are a l i k e up to 1931. Moreover "owing to the li m i t e d and i n d e f i n i t e descriptions of l o c a l areas i t was not possible to show the population of the sub-divisions set up i n 1931 beyond 1921" ( i b i d . ) . Thus while, e s p e c i a l l y from 1901 onwards, the census provides a i f a i r l y d e t a i l e d and adequate break-down, i t i s nevertheless almost impossible to u t i l i z e the data as there are apparently no descriptions or maps pertaining to these subdivisions a v a i l a b l e . Even i f descriptions were a v a i l a b l e they would be questionable in the l i g h t of the above statement; i n fa c t i t has proved d i f f i c u l t enough to i d e n t i f y the federal constituencies themselves. This study was undertaken as part of a graduate seminar in the spring of 1963. The writer i s p a r t i c u l a r l y indebted to Dr. A. L. Farley for his i n t e r e s t and assistance in t h i s project. 98. Somewhat belatedly the 1931 census established the present census d i v i s i o n s in order to provide a uniform base for comparison. Of these divisions, number four approximates to the Lower Mainland in terms of habit-able land rather than t o t a i areal extent, as only about two. per cent of the population of t h i s d i v i s i o n l i v e outside the d i v i s i o n and t h i s proportion has remained f a i r l y constant 6ince 1921, d e c l i n i n g from 2.82% in that year to 1.53% i n 1961. Although the census was only projected back in d e t a i l to 1921, the major d i v i s i o n s were estimated back to 1881. Therefore, assum-ing that the r e l a t i o n s h i p between region and d i v i s i o n remained on a s i m i l a r basis, i t i s now possible to observe, the. growth-of population withi-n the r e -gion as a whole. The problem, however, remains :.a.s to how to breakLthe t o t a l population down and so reconstruct the past d i s t r i b u t i o n s of population. Federal Constituencies 1872-1921 '/ The e l e c t o r a l ©anati'tuenGiss of Canada were established by the B r i t i s h North America Act of 1867. However, as B r i t i s h Columbia did not enter Con-federation u n t i l f i v e years l a t e r t h i s part of the act was not applicable; so in that year the 'Act to Readjust the Representation in the House of Commons' (Great B r i t a i n Acts 1872:37-41) provided -the new province with s i x members. A s i m i l a r act of 1882 maintained tftis membership without a l t e r i n g the con-stuenc&es(Canada Statues 1882:38^1. Apparently the d i s t r i c t s u t i l i z e d by the federal a u t h o r i t i e s were those established by the c o l o n i a l Mineral Ordinance of 1869, for when the Representation Act of 1886 readjusted the constituencies,without a l t e r i n g the membership, the three mainland constituencies were defined i n terms of the aforementioned ordinance, while the two Vancouver Island constituencies u t i l i z e d the 1858 Land D i s t r i c t s (Canada Revised Statues 1886, 1:63),, The "> V i c t o r i a constituency returned two members while the other four returned a member each ( i b i d . ) . Thus for the f i r s t two decades of Confederation the federal a u t h o r i t i e s used p r o v i n c i a l d i s t r i c t s which were s i m i l a r to those u t i l i z e d for p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s . The f i r s t departure from t h i s pattern took place in 1892, follow-ing the 1891 Census, when the New Westminster constituency was divided into two (Canada Dominion Acts 1892:69-70); t h i s d i v i s i o n was not merely in terms of the mineral d i s t r i c t s for the newly created Burrard constituency consisted of a l l the coast d i s t r i c t plus the Vancouver portion of the New Westminster d i s t r i c t (see F i g . 11 and Table XIX) By the Representation Act of 1903 membership was increased from s i x to seven, with the former two member constituency of V i c t o r i a becoming a s i n g l e member constituency l i k e the others (Great B r i t a i n Acts 1903:424-5). The number of mainland constituencies were consequently increased from three to f i v e with a r e s u l t a n t substantial modification of boundaries: the new con-st i t u e n c i e s were defined in terms of the p r o v i n c i a l d i s t r i c t s established the previous year and not in terms of the mineral d i s t r i c t s ( i b i d ) . While i t i s true that a c e r t a i n s i m i l a r i t y to the mineral d i s t r i c t s remained, due As the province continued to u t i l i z e the mineral d i s t r i c t s for' elections t h i s introduced a discrepancy in comparing p r o v i n c i a l and federal data, such as comparing the 1901 Census with p r o v i n c i a l §chool returns. 99. TABLE XIX FEDERAL ELECTORAL DISTRICTS ON THE MAINLAND OF BRITISH COLUMB'p, 1872-1902 Year E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t s Mineral D i s t r i c t s 1872, 1882 New Westminster New Westminster and 1886 Coast Yale Yale Kootenay Cariboo Cariboo L i l l o o e t 1892 Burrard Coast pt. of New Westminster New Westminster pt. of New Westminster Yale and Cariboo Cariboo Kootenay L i l l o o e t Yale to the very nature of the p r o v i n c i a l constituencies, t h i s represents a s i g n i f i c a n t departure. The federal constituencies and 'ctheiir p r o v i n c i a l counterparts are summarized i n Table XX. TABLE XX FEDERALSLECTORAL DISTRICTS ON THE MAINLAND OF BRITISH COLUMBIA ,1903-1912 E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t s P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t s Comox-Atlin Al b e r n i , A t l i n , Comox, Skeena and part of Richmond. Kootenay Cranbrook, Columbia, Fernie, Kaslo Nelson, Revelstoke, Rossland, Slocan and Ymir. New Westminster Chilliwack, Delta, Dewdney, New West-minster C i t y , part of Richmond and part of Yale. Vancouver C i t y Vancouver C i t y (Vancouver C i t y and North Vancouver D i s t r i c t M u n i c i p a l i t i e s ) , and part of Richmond. Yale and Cariboo Cariboo, Gre enwood, Grand Forks, Kamloops, L i l l o o e t , Okanagan, Similkameen and part of Yale. As the r . r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of 1903 applied to the 1911 Census, and also as the 1931 d i v i s i o n s were projected back to 1921, i t i s unnecessary and i n -expedient to proceed further. Information as to the pattern of p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t s i s a v a i l a b l e on maps i n the p r o v i n c i a l archives and the descriptions are av a i l a b l e i n the B r i t i s h Columbia Statues i n the various Red i s t r i b u t i o n Acts of the P r o v i n c i a l L e g i s l a t u r e . ioo. Refinement of Data With the a v a i l a b i l i t y of data and -.census d i v i s i o n s already e s t a b l i s h -ed i t i s now possible to determine the; population of a main census d i v i s i o n for any given census year. The problem that immediately emerges i s as to how to d i s t r i b u t e t h i s population within the d i s t r i c t , an e s s e n t i a l preliminary to mapping population d i s t r i b u t i o n . The necessary prerequisite of the c r i t e r i a i s consistency of data through time and there i s only a l i m i t e d choice of such c r i t e r i a . In t h i s instance only three p o s s i b i l i t i e s have came to l i g h t : postal revenue, d i r e c t o r i e s or voters l i s t s ,and school population -data; these are examined below. I t could be postulated that by knowing the l o c a t i o n and the annual revenue of any given post o f f i c e i t should be possible to derive the population of the trade area of that o f f i c e as a proportion of the t o t a l population of the d i s t r i c t . However, i t has already been established that the r e l a t i o n s h i p of population to postal .revenue i s not constant but varies accord-ing to the economic base of aoservice-caititre (see F i g . 2); moreover, the trade area of any service function is. dynamic and i s d i f f i c u l t to define for any given year. Therefore, the a p p l i c a t i o n of postal revenue to the d i s t r i b u t i o n of population i s . v i r t u a l l y impossible. Both d i r e c t o r i e s and voters l i s t s have only been examined s u p e r f i c i a l -l y as they both appear to s u f f e r from the same defect, a questional accuracy in compilation. In the case of d i r e c t o r i e s , which are generally annual public-ations, only actual hamlets and larger centres are included; concomitantly i t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine the areal extent of these centres for t h e i r bounds appear to be quite a r b i t a r y . I t would therefore be d i f f i c u l t to u t i l i z e such data without substantiation from other sources, p a r t i c u l a r l y as r e v i s i o n of data might only take place eyeryff&ve or ten years in the case of the smaller centres. In reference to voters l i s t s i t has proved v i r t u a l l y impossible to f i n d any federal l i s t s , although p r o v i n c i a l l i s t s were published annually i n the Sessional Papers up to the mid-1880's and p e r i o d i c a l l y to the turn of the century. When the p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s objected to an under-estimation i n the 1891 Censusiin respect to the t o t a l population of the province they made use of the r a t i o of voters to population in producing t h e i r own estimate (B.C. Sessional Papers .1892:412-13); they eventually managed to get the fed-er a l government to revise the figure i n respect of the unenumerated Indian population i n the north of the province (ibid.1893:999-1,000). In the same report the p r o v i n c i a l government admitted that voters l i s t s were much less complete in r u r a l d i s t r i c t s than i n c i t i e s . Consequently, i f voters l i s t s were to be u t i l i z e d , an indeterminable and undesirable error would probably r e s u l t . School p o p u l a t i o n the f i n a l a l t e r n a t i v e , seems to o f f e r the greatest amount of scope, for not only are there c l e a r l y defined school d i s t r i c t s but also r e l a t i v e l y complete returns have been made annually since 1873. School returns, s i m i l a r to postal revenue, are a r e l a t i v e l y consistent source of data, but they have the a d d i t i o n a l a t t r i b u t e i n that the data does not a l t e r i n value through time. Up to 1893 written descriptions of every school d i s t r i c t were published annually i n the Public Schools Report of the Department of Education; since that date only r e v i s i o n s of school d i s t r i c t s have been published, except-ing a f t e r the r e v i s i o n of the School Act when a new Manual of School Laws and Regulations i i s , produced providing a complete d e s c r i p t i v e l i s t of a l l school I Figure 33. Correlation of Population and School Attendance, 1921 Facing Page 101 S C H O O L A T T E N D A N C E IN T H O U S A N D S o' Ul 101. d i s t r i c t s . Therefore,. i t . i s possible to define for any given year the e x i s t -ing school d i s t r i c t s , with the exception of the so-called 'Assisted Schools' which did not possess a defined d i s t r i c t . The Assisted Schools were mainly supported by the government in l i e u of the l o c a l populace, and up to 1901 they could be established within r e g u l a r l y organised d i s t r i c t s , but the School Act of that year subsequently precluded t h i s (B.C. Manual of School Law 1901: 10). Thus occasionally more than one school might be found within a school d i s t r i c t , but p r i o r to 1906 the predominant majority were sing l e school d i s -t r i c t s . In 1906 a certain amount of r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n took place in that the m u l t i p l i c i t y of school d i s t r i c t s within a single municipality were amalgamated into one. This was undoubtedly to the advantage of the school trustees but, in an area such as the Lower Mainland were the majority of the region i s organ-ised into m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , i t proved a disadvantage in a study such as t h i s for no longer was there such a f i n e break down as i s shown in the map of 1901 (Fig. 16). The annual Public Schools Report provides data as to the enrolment of each school for the preceeding year, plus an estimation of the population be-tween six and sixteen within the school d i s t r i c t not attending school, as well as an estimation of the population under the age of s i x . As, e s p e c i a l l y in the early years, there was a r e l a t i v e l y low and a r e a l l y variable•school attend-ence record, i t i s best to take the more consistent figure of the t o t a l , number of children between six and sixteen that i s those attending school plus those recorded as not attending. The a d d i t i o n a l advantage i s that i t i s possible to compare t h i s data with the decennial census which provides a figure 'of the population between f i v e and f i f t e e n , and thus i t i s possible to gauge t h e i r r e l a t i v e accuracy i f the school age population of the year following the census i s compared with the census data. In order to best u t i l i z e the school population data i t i s desirable to break the census data into a small an area as possible, that'; i s to i d e n t i f y the smallest possible census units, and then to u t i l i z e the r a t i o of school age population to t o t a l population for these units in order to take the f i r s t step towards the actual construction of a population d i s t r i b u t i o n map for a given pensus year. The r a t i o of school population to t o t a l population does vary both s p a t i a l l y and through time, so i t i s important to use the smallest possible census u n i t s . The r e l a t i o n s h i p of the two items i s tested on Figure .. 33 for 1921; t h i s year i s the e a r l i e s t for which t h e i r i s a s u f f i c i e n t number of census s'ub-divisions within the Lower Mainland to permit the use of a re-gression and c o r r e l a t i o n a n a l y s i s . The graph indicates that, there were de-cided l o c a l v a r i a t i o n s in the r a t i o between the two items but that there was a r e l a t i v e l y good c o r r e l a t i o n between them. A convenient stage has now been reached in t h i s review to pass from hyperthetical cases to actual examples within the Lower Mainland and t h i s should serve to h i g h l i g h t the a d d i t i o n a l problems. Reconstruction of 1881 Population D i s t r i b u t i o n . The majority of the Lower Mainland, i n 1881, was contained within the New Westminster Constituency, which comprised the Coast and New Westminster Mineral D i s t r i c t s (see Table XXI and F i g . 11). The New Westminster Constituency was divided by the Census into four s u b - d i s t r i c t s : (l) South, (2) North (3) Cassiar, Northern I n t e r i o r , (4) Coast of Mainland. By checking the Index of Places contained within Sub-d i s t r i c t s (Canada Census 1881, 1:415), i t was determined that the f i r s t two 102. s u b - d i s t r i c t s corresponded to the New Westminster Mineral D i s t r i c t , and that the second pair made up the Coast D i s t r i c t . I t was further determined that the New Westminster D i s t r i c t was sub-divided by the Fraser River into North and South (see F i g . 13). The a v a i l a b l e censu.SL.data for .1881 i s summarized in Table XXI, plus the school age population as provided by the School Report for 1881/2. I t TABLE XXI SUMMARY OF MAINLAND POPULATION AND SCHOOL POPULATION, 1881 D i s t r i c t s Population Age 5-15 3 Going to School Age Immigrant 0 T o t a l 0 " Schp.p.l. .188.1/2 . New Westminster 4,582 1,690 598 5,349 15,417 South n.a. n.a. 246 1,540 1,604 North n.a. n.a. 352 2,997 4,003 Remainder n.a. , n.a. - 812 9,774 Yale 2,011 168 204 4,057 9,200 Yale and Hope n.a. n.a. 91 1,796- 2,296 Remainder n.a. n.a. 113 2,261 6,904 Cariboo 1,029 137 119 2,747 7,550 Mainland Total 7,622 137 921 12,153 32,167 a Derived from Canada Census 1881, II:132ff, 229. b Derived from B.C. Sessional Papers 1882:214-5 C Derived from Canada Census 1881, 1:94,298-9, . can be seen that there was ; a serious discrepancy, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the New Westminster Constituency, between the census returns for school attendence and the school d i s t r i c t returns for t o t a l school age population. This d i s -crepancy i s not e n t i r e l y e xplicable, but i t probably r e l a t e d to the f a c t that Indians did not attend the public schools, but may well have been attending-Missionary and Indian School's, and to the problems of census enumeration. I t should also be noted that, at t h i s time, only a small portion of the province was served by public schools. However, the Lower Mainland was r e l a t i v e l y well served by public schools, numbering t h i r t e e n out of a p r o v i n c i a l t o t a l of 57, and a mainland t o t a l of 28 (B.C. Sessional Papers, 1882:228). Of the thirte e n schools two were temporarily closed due to lack of s u f f i c i e n t pupils, but nine new d i s t r i c t s opened i n the period 1882-5. I t i s assumed that the new d i s t r i c t s were already p a r t i a l l y population i n 1881, and so an estimate of t h e i r school age population i s included i n Table XXII below. The r a t i o of school age to t o t a l population was f a i r l y e a s i l y obtained for the iouth s u b - d i s t r i c t , as i t was v i r t u a l l y a l l includedv./within the Lower Mainland (see F i g . 13). However, some of the North s u b - d i s t r i n c t , lay outside the region, although i t can be postulated that the most of -the pop-u l a t i o n of t h i s subdivision i n f a c t l i v e d within the Lower Mainland. Con-103. TABLE XXII LOWER MAINLAND POPULATION BY SCHOOL DISTRICT, 1881 D i s t r i c t s School Age Ratio Estimated Indian Population Immigrant Populat: - 6 - 16 a Population South Che am 28 5.38 151 Chilliwack 73 5.38 393 Langley 44 5.38 237 Matsqui 5° 5.38 27 P r a i r i e 27 5.38 146 Sumas 40 5.38 215 Trenant 3 4 c 5.38 183 York 5° 5.38 27 D i s t r i c t s formed 1882-5 30 C 5.38 161 Total 286 "5:38 1,540 100 North (part) Burrard I n l e t 26 . .10.76 280 G r a n v i l l e 41 10.76 441 Maple Ridge 52 5.38 215, New Westminster 203 ^7224.: l,470 d North Arm 30 5.38 161 • District's J: 40° 5.38 215 formed 1882-5 Unorganized areas 14° 7.24 100 Total 406 2,947 806 Yale (part) Hope 33 7.24 240 Unorganized areas 14° 7.24 100 t o t a l 47 7.24 340 300 Lower Mainland Total 739 6.55 4,827 1,206 3 Derived from B.C. Sessional Papers 1882:214-5 Derived from Canada Census 1881, 1:298-9. Estimated school population based on previous or subsequent returns. Cana'da Census 1931 estimated population to be 1,500 (Canada Census 1931, 11:9). sequently an ar b i t a r y f i g u r e of 50 was subtracted from the immigrant populat-ion of 2,997, and 200 from the Indian population of 1,006, giving an estim-ated population to the north of the r i v e r of 3,753. I t was, however, assumed that the a g r i c u l t u r a l areas would have approximately the same r a t i o s , so the southern r a t i o or conversion factor of 5.38 was applied, not only to the southern school d i s t r i c t s but also to the northern d i s t r i c t s of North Arm and 104. Maple Ridge, plus a l l the embryonic d i s t r i c t s . I t was further postulated that .the two lumber settlements on Burrard I n l e t would have a higher percentage of unmarried inhabitants and would therefore have a higher r a t i o than the other d i s t r i c t s . Therefore New Westminster's population was calculated u t i l i z i n g the average r a t i o of 7.24 and the surplus population was d i s t r i b u t e d amongst the two sawmill settlements. The eastern part of the region was included within the Yale constitu-ency (see F i g . l l ) . However, the large i n f l u x of railway labourers into the Yale area would unduely influenced the r a t i o , so i t was decided to apply the northern r a t i o to Hope, rather than the far higher Yale r a t i o . As the major-i t y of Indian reserves i n the Yale and Hope s u b - d i s t r i c t occurred within the Lower Mainland, 300 of the 500 Indian population was estimated to l i v e within the r e g i o n . The t o t a l population of the Lower Mainland was therefore estim-ated to be 6,026, of whom 1,206 were Indians (see Table XXII). I t i s now possible to"ptot the population d i s t r i b u t i o n of 1881, by d i s t r i b u t i n g the immigrant population by school d i s t r i c t , taking into account the approximate lo c a t i o n of the schools, the ex i s t i n g roads and Indian Reserves and d i s t r i b u t i n g the Indian population according to t^e areal extent, for the want of a better measure, of the Indian Reserves. The resultant map, Figure 13, provides as close an approximation as possible of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of population within the Lower Mainland for 1881. Reconstruction of 1901 Population D i s t r i b u t i o n The 1901 Census was the f i r s t for which there i s a r e l a t i v e l y de-t a i l e d population into s u b - d i s t r i c t s and enumeration areas. Unfortunately there are no descriptions of ei t h e r of these areas a v a i l a b l e , although i t has been determined that the s u b - d i s t r i c t s mainly correspond to.the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t s , for which there are a v a i l a b l e maps. The Lower Mainland was contained within parts of three federal constituences, but the majority of the area, and about half of the population, f e l l within the New Westminster Constituency (see Table XXI,and F i g . l l ) . I t has proved possible to i d e n t i f y a l l of the f i v e s u b - d i s t r i c t s within the constituency, three of which corres-ponded to the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t s , as well as the relevent two d i s t r i c t s i n the Burrard and Yale and Cariboo Constituencies (B.C. Lands and Works 1894). Figure 16 outlines the census s u b d i s t r i c t s for 1901, and the school d i s t r i c t s f o r 1902/3, while Table XXIII summarises the mainland schools by Federal Constituency. The l a t e r year was chosen as i t enable the 6-16 age group to be d i r e c t l y compared with the 5-15 t o t a l for the decennial census. The school population obtained for each school d i s t r i c t , was t o t a l l e d for each census d i s t r i c t and s u b d i s t r i c t (B.C. Schools Report 1893:C20-30).4 The difference between the derived t o t a l and the census figure f or the New Westminster Constituency amounted to 237 or 5.2$ of the t o t a l (See Table XXIV). Some account was taken of the s l i g h t l y more de t a i l e d 1901 Census in d i s t r i b u t i n g the Indian population. ^ The School Report divided the schools into High Schools, Graded Schools and Common Schools, but it'was only for--the-latter; that' the estimate of 6-16; population within.each d i s t r i c t was given. In the case of the few 105. TABLE XXIII MAINLAND SCHOOLS BY FEDERAL ELECTORAL DISTRICTS AND SUB-DISTRICTS D i s t r i c t s Schools Total D i s t r i c t Assisted Total PoDulat: Burrard Vancouver 10 - 10 27,010 Port Moody-Coquitlam 3 - 3 539 Howe Sound 1 2 3 365 Coast D i s t r i c t 4 • \2 6 14,146 Total 18 4 22 42,060 New Westminster Chilliwack Riding 16 5 21 3,680 Delta Riding 30 J 5 35 5,074 Dewdney Riding (pt.) 17 2 19 3,767 Richmond Riding (pt.) 11 - 11 4,802 New Westminster Ci t y 5 - 5 6,499 Total 79 12 91 23,822 Yale and Cariboo Cariboo D i s t r i c t 3 - 3 3,507 Kootenay D i s t r i c t 36 20 56 38,475 L i l l o o e t D i s t r i c t 3 5 8 3,985 Yale D i s t r i c t 44 22 66 15,922 Total 86 47 133 61,922 Mainland Total 183 63 246 127,771 Derived from B.C. Schools Report 1903:070-1 1902/03 I t i s apparent from the derived r a t i o s i n Table XXIV that there i s a considerable d i f f e r e n c e between various parts of the Lower Mainland. This would appear to be more a r e f l e c t i o n of the age and nature of settlement than anything e l s e . Chilliwack had the lowest r a t i o , and t h i s represented the longest s e t t l e d a g r i c u l t u r a l area i n the region. I t was f o i l e d by Delta and Dewdney which contained larger proportions of migrant workers, while Richmond and North Vancouver M u n i c i p a l i t i e s head the l i s t , with t h e i r high other schools an a r b i t a r y 20% was added to the t o t a l enrollment f i g u r e . This percentage probably errs on the conservative side f o r , i n the New Westminster Constituency 42% of the children between 5 and 10 did not attend school, while 39% of the same age group did not attend school in the Burrard Constituency. (Canada Census 1901, 4:316). However, i t i s reckoned that there would be a higher school attendance in the larger centres which possessed Graded Schools; moreover the population in Vancouver and New Westminster was a c t u a l l y given by the census, so there are only nine d i s t r i c t s , which have to be so adjusted: Burnaby West, Chilliwack, Chilliwack South, Ladner, Maple Ridge, Mission, North Arm, Sea Island and Vancouver East. 106. proportions of cannery and lumber employees. I t i s also clear that the re-l a t i v e youthfulness of the region emphasised the differences, for by 1921 there was f a r less divergence from the norm, (see F i g . 33). TABLE XXIV . MAINLAND POPULATION BY ELECTORAL DISTRICTS AND SUB-DISTRICTS, 1901 D i s t r i c t s Population Ratio-Indian Other Reserves Age . 5-15° Age b 6-16° Burrard Vancouver Ci t y 877 (25,509 n.a. 4,766° 5.34 North Vancouver ( fe24 n.a. 57 10.94 Port Moody-Coquitlam - 539 n.a. 95 5.67 Remainder 8,035 5,138 n.a. i 148 34,72 Total 8,912 33, (148 5,392 5,066 6.54 New Westminster Chilliwack Riding 568 3,112 • n.a. 4,316 5.18 Delta Riding 286 4,788 n.a. 99,1 4.83 Dewdney Riding (pt.) 590 3,177 n.a. 607 5.23 Richmond Riding (pt.) - 4,802 n.a. 671 7.16 Richmond M u n i c i p a l i t y - 2,790 C n.a. 294 9.49 Remainder - ^,012° n.a. ~\ , 377 New Westminster C i t y - 6,499 n.a. '1,280 5.08 Total l-,488 22,378 4,553 4,316 5.18 Yale and Cariboo A Yale 4,210 11,712 naa. 2,256° 5.19 Remainder 3,060 42,906 n.a. 4,391° 8.77 Total 7,271 54,6.12 7,444 6,647 8.22 Mainland Total 17,627 110,144 17,389 16,029 6.87 Derived from Canada Census 1901 k Derived from B.C. Schools Report 1903 . : Estimate ^ Unadjusted school attendance f i g u r e . The only r e a l problem i n applying these r a t i o s came i n the Richmond Riding which contained two contrasting areas, one being in r e a l i t y a suburb of the C i t y of Vancouver, and the other a combined a g r i c u l t u r a l and cannery d i s t r i c t . In t h i s instance, i t was decided to dispense with the o v e r a l l r a t i o , and to apply the Vancouver r a t i o to the urban frin g e ; subsequently a new r a t i o was derived for Richmond municipality and Eburne (see Table XXIV). The Vancouver r a t i o was applied to that part of the Burrard Constituency also 107. which lay between the Hastings townsite and Barnet, for the school d i s t r i c t s i n t h i s area overlapped the two constituencies. Another assumption was made, i n the case of Dewdney Riding, i n that the whole of i t s population lay within the Lower Mainland as there was no schools outside the region. This was probably not s t r i c t l y correct, but had the n e g l i g i b l e t o t a l of those l i v i n g outside the region been subtracted i t would have made l i t t l e d i f f e r e n c e to the derived r a t i o . The r a t i o s were then applied to the i n d i v i d u a l school d i s t r i c t s . In the few instances of a d i s t r i c t l y i n g within two census s u b - d i s t r i c t s the r a t i o of the large s t proportion was applied. I t was then possible to map the d i s t r i b u t i o n of population taking into account the location of the schools and Indian reserves as shown on Figure 16, the hierarchy of centres ( F i g . 14) e x i s t i n g roads-and timber reserves as shown on a map of 1905 (Harris) and the l o c a l topography. In p l o t t i n g the population greater emphasis was given to the older t r a i l s than to the sometimes hypothetical township and section roads Due attention was also-payed to the present d i s t r i b u t i o n of population, for even today there i s very l i t t l e actual settlement on the Serpentine and Nikomekl P r a i r i e s (Mawhinney 1963). B r i e f mention has already been made of the f a c t that the Indian Re-serve population was considered separately.' Lacking any other guide t h e i r population was d i s t r i b u t e d , within the census s u b - d i s t r i c t s , according to the areal extent of the reservations. As the census makes no mention of the Indian population of the Richmond Riding, i t was assumed that the lone reserve of Mamquam was i n f a c t included within the Vancouver t o t a l and i t was treated as such. Conclusions I t i s not intended to repeat that which has already been siad, but rather than to draw attention to a few a d d i t i o n a l points. A number~~of assump-tions have already been made, some of which can probably be contested for the method must surely be open to s t a t i s t i c a l doubt. However, to i t s c r e d i t i t appears to be the only method a v a i l a b l e that provides such a degree of r e f i n e -ment of census data which i s frequently inadequate and inept. Ten c h i l d r e n were required to open and maintain, a school, and due attention was given to t h i s f a c t i n p l o t t i n g the data, p a r t i c u l a r l y when a school was established i n the following few years a f t e r the actual census year. In t h i s context i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that various means were t r i e d , such as at Huntingdon, to keep a school open, when children were sent to school before they were six and kept at school a f t e r they were sixteen (Anon. 1958). Thus some of the returns may have been a r t i f i c i a l l y bolstered, although the extent of t h i s cannot have been too great, unless i t would have caught the eye <6f the school inspector on his annual or semi-annual school v i s i t . The method employed may, in 1901, have underestimated the si z e of the cannery towns such as Steveston, and over-emphasised others, due to the some-what a r b i t a r y method of d i s t r i b u t i n g population within the school d i s t r i c t s and the necessity to u t i l i z e a common r a t i o for such a r e l a t i v e l y large area. 108. However, i t i s hoped that i t serves i t purpose in i l l u s t r a t i n g the population d i s t r i b u t i o n at the turn of the century. The population patterns for 1881 and 1901 have already been discussed together with an assessment of the change that took place between the two years. This introduces a f i n a l point i n that having established the population' d i s t r i b u t i o n for any two years i t i s possible to obtain a second d e r i v a t i v e map of the growth of population between these--tw6,yearsy;as.-is'- 1illustrated by Figure 17. I t i s probable that such a map in a far more v a l i d d e s c r i p t i v e tool than one showing merely the s t a t i c d i s t r i b u t i o n for a given year; thus the emphasis i s upon the changing d i s t r i b u t i o n for population r a t h e r than on an ephemeral cross-section. APPENDIX II A SUMMARY OF LOWER MAINLAND POSTAL REVENUE FOR SELECT YEARS BY PROVINCIAL PERCENTAGE AND ORDER, 1881-1961 8 1880/01 1887/88 1900/01 Abbotsford .250-(5) Aggassiz .280 (4) .267 (4) Aldergrove .073 (6) .020(7i) Barnet .056 (6) Bradner Chilliwack 1.240(2ii) .820 (3) .692 (3) Clayburn Cloverdale .070 (6.) Coghlan Crescent Beach. Deroche .046 (6) Dewdney .057 (6) Eburne .152 (5) .032(7i) Essondale Fort Langley ..430 (3) .350 (4) .089 (6) Fraser M i l l s H a l l s P r a i r i e .066 (6) .017(71) Haney .168 (5) .073 (6) Harrison Hot Springs .201 (5) Harrison River .140 (5) .157 (5) Harrison M i l l s Hatzic .055 (6) Hollyburn Hope .090 (3) .344 (4) .047 (6) Horseshoe Bay Huntingdon .041 (6) loco K e r r i s d a l e Ladner .740 (3) .872 (3) .429 (3) Laidlow .028(7i) Langley Matsqui Milner 1918/19 1939/40 1950/01 196.1/62 .172-(5) .273-(5) .372-(4) .381-. (4) .138 (5) .092 (6.) .085 (6) .088 (6) .056 (6) .054 (6) .096 (6.) .103 (6) .014(7i) .009(7i) ..-014(71) .014(7i) .025(7i) .02l(7i) .01l(7i) .005(71) .751 (3) .701 (3) .812 (3) .776 (3) .071 (6) .0l9(7i) .101(711) ,004(7ii) .180 (5) .238 (5) .336 (4) .361 (4) .025(7i) .027(7i.) ; .005(711) -.015(7i) .025(7ij: . .033(7.1}..; .027(71) .029(7i) .017(7i) .015 (-71) .007(711) .03l(7i) .029(7i) ..020(71) .007(71). .078 (6) .131 (5) .040 (6) .059 (6) .061 (6) .078 (6) .059 (6) •024(7i) .032(71) .030(71) .074 (6) .066 (6) -c .005(7ii) .141 (5) .171 (5) .282 (5) .377 (4) .038 (6) .062 (6) .050 (6) .038 (6) .029(7i) .014(7i) .101(711) ' .006(711) .077 (6) .027(7i) .033(71) .016(71) .063 (6) .345 (5) - c .090 (6) .057 (6) ,140 (5) .145 (5) .010(7i) .027(71) .029(711) .039 (6) .020(7i) .021(71) .010(711) .064 (6) .044 (6) £027(71) .020(71) .323 (4) -c .295 (4) .191 (5) .224 (5) .289 (4) •013(7ii) .005(7ii) .006(711) .002(7ii) .085 (6) .185 (5) .336 (4) .331 (4) .055 (6) .038 (6) .033(71) .021(71) .042 (6) .117 (5) .039 (6). .024(71) 109'. Mission Moodville Mount Lehman Mu r r a y v i l l e Newton New Wetminster Ocean Park P i t t Meadows Port Coquitlam Port Hammond Port K e l l s Port Moody Rosedale Ruskin Sardis S i l v e r d a l e South Westminster Stave F a l l s Steveston S u l l i v a n Station Sumas Surrey Centre Vancouver Vedder Crossing Websters Corner White Rock Whonftock Yarrow 1880/01 .570 (3) 1.230(2ii) 1887/88 1900/01 .403 (4) .472 (3) .188 (5) .030(7i) .400 (4) .539 (3) .199 (5) .043 (6) .277 (4) .101 (5) .042 (6) .064 (6) 5.730(2i) 9.562 ( l ) 3.753(2i) .083 (6) .233 (4) .010(7ii) .142 (5) .oioin) .082 (6) .096 (5) .022(7i) .701 (3) .021(7i) .024(7i) .480 (3) 1.240(2ii)l4.729 ( l ) 21.057 ( l ) .0 1 l ( 7 i i ) .138 fa} .094 (6) Derived from Postmaster Generals' Reports The most recent postal name i s used as there have Closed to become a sub-office North Vancouver. 1018/19 .307/. .849 (3) .027(71) .063 (6) .025(7i) 3.105(21) .002(71) .026*71) .207 (5) .142 (5) .012(711) .190 (5) .040 (6) .024(71) .156 (5) .022(71) .017(71) .025(71) .209 (5) .015(71) .026(71) 2.645 (m) .005(7ii) .005(7ii) .115 (5) .035 (6) .005(711) 1939/40 .359((4) -c .030(71) .042 (6) .030(71) 3.36l(2i) .012(711) .032(7i) .111 (5) .125 (5.) .038 (6) .086 (6.) .027(71) .044 (6) .179 (5> .007(711) .016(71) .012(7ii) .094 (6) .018(71) .012(711) 5.0.624 (M) ,016(7i) ..023 (7i) .156 (5) .045 (6) .015(7i) 1950/01 .417 (4) .028(71) .041 (6) .052 (6.) 3.698(2i) .013(71) .032(71) .147 (5) .076 (6) .027 h i ) .077 (6) .021(71) .014(71) .119 (5) .004(711) .034 (6) .004(7i) .113 (B) .014(7i) .010(711) 54.440 (M) .0.21(71) .-015(71) .274 (5) .022(71) .045 (6) 1961/62-.365 (4) .011(711) .029(71) -c 4.449(2i) •0l6(7i) .026(71) .203 (5) .050 (6) .020(71) .133 (5) .017(71) .008(711) .097 (6) .002(71) .088 (6)' .004^711) .005(711) 55.852 (M) .079.(6) .009(711) .376 (4) .016(71) .037 (6) been va r i a t i o n s through time. APPENDIX III RAILWAY DATA Tabulated History of Great-Northern Subsidiary Lines i n B r i t i s h Columbia' ) The name of company these l i n e s were b u i l t under, construction dates and mileage: Blaine to Cloverdale to Port K e l l s Boundary to Troup Jet. Boundary to.Rossland Boundary to Kuskonook Gateway to Swintau Laurier to Da n v i l l e Cloverdale to Ladner Port of New Westminster ' to Vancouver Port of New Westminster > to Vancouver Swintau to Fernie Granby Smelter Line Phoenix Line Boundary at Midway to . Boundary E. of Molsom Boundary at Chopaka to 1.39 -miles W. of Keremeos Fernie to Michel Cloverdale to 1.38 mi. E. • 1.38 mi. E. of Cloverdale to Boundary at Sumas Boundary to Colebrook Colebrook to Brownsville Burrard I n l e t Line to Vancouver Keremeos to Princeton Princeton to Coalmont West to Coalmont Abbotsford to 7.82 miles E. 7.82 mi.E. of Abbotsford to i2.6- mi'..., E. West of Coalmont to Bxookmere-At Hope, B.C. -.12.86 mi. E. of Abbotsford . to Connor New Westminster & So,.Ry. 1891 Nelson & Ft. Sheppard Ry. 1893 Red Mountain Ry. 1896 Bedlington & Nelson Ry. 1899 Crown Nest & So.. Ry. 1902 V.V.E.R. 1902 V i c t o r i a Terminal Ry. & Ferry 03 Vancouver, Westminster & Yukon Ry. Crows Nest & So. Ry. V.V.E.R. V.V.E.R. V.V.E.R. V.V.E.R. Crows Nest & So. Ry. V.V.E.R. V.V.E.R. V.V.E.R. V.V.E.R. V.V.E.R. V.V.E.R. V.V.E.R. V.V.E.R. V.V.E.R. V.V.E.R V.V.E.R. V.V.E.R. V.V.E.R. 1903 1904 1904 1904 1905 1906 1907 1907 1907 1908 1909 -1909 .1909 1909 1911 1912 1912 1912 1914 1916 1916 24.10 55.42 9.59 14.98 33.75 14.40 17.49 4.93 9.86 9.82 27.60 1.76 28.89 18.19 20.98 1.38 27.88 11.32 9.73 1.93 40.92 12.15 0.21 7.82 5.04 25.19 0.17 1.04 Derived from G.N.R. 1963a 112, Abandonments Sirdar Jet. to Kuskonook 1913 3.26 Mi. Port' H i l l to Wilkes 1916 11.72 " Blaine to Port K e l l s 1918 10.51 " Grand Forks to Phoenix l i n e to Granby Smelter 1920 31.36 " Connor to Bridge 176 1920 1.04 " Boundary to Rossland 1922 9.59 " Kil g a r d to Bridge 176 (Connor)- 1923 7.51 " Elko to Michel 1926 40.12 " Abbotsford to K i l g a r d 1929 4.73 " Cloverdale to Sumas' 1929 29.15 11 Grand Forks Jet. to Grand Forks 1930 1.57 " Colebrook to Cloverdale 1931 6.25 " Brookmere to Princeton 1933 • 37.47 " Boundary at Midway to 1935 10,00 " Boundary East of Molsom Gateway to Elko 1936 24.00 " Princeton to Hedley 1937 23.49 " Hedley to Keremeos 1955 17.57 " Complete History New Westminster Southern Ry. Co. sold to V.V.E.R. i n December, 1924. Vancouver, Westminster & Yugon Ry. Co. sold to V.V.E..R. i n March 1908. V i c t o r i a Terminal Ry. & Ferry Co. portion of Toad sold to V.V.E.R. i n Nov-ember 1907. Nelson & Fort Sheppard Ry. Co. sold to G.N.RY. i n December,1944. Vancouver, V i c t o r i a & Eastern Ry. & Navigation Co. sold to G.N.RY. i n Dec-ember, 1944 (V.V.E.R.). S p e c i f i c s on construction by the Great Northern Railway and i t s r e l a t e d pre- decessors i n Western B r i t i s h Columbia. 1890 - 1924 1890 - The l i n e from Colebrook southeastward through Cloverdale and thence southwestward to the International Boundary was part of a 23.51 mile stre t c h of the N.W.S.R. constructed i n 1890. The South bank of the Fraser, Opposite New Westminster, was the Korthern terminus. 1891 - The N.W.S. was one of the three d i v i s i o n s which comprised Great Northern's o r i g i n a l Coast Line,-which linked Seattle and New Westminster i n November, 1891. The section from Fairhaven (now Bellingham) to the Inter-national Boundary was constructed i n 1890 under the name of the Fairhaven and Southern Railrroad; and the section from Seattle to Fairhaven was b u i l t in 1891 under the name of the Seattle and Montana Railway. 1903 - The 17.49 mile l i n e from Port Guichon (Ladner) to Cloverdale was con-structed i n 1903 by the V.T.R.F . C i , a H i l l subsidiary. Incorporated on May 11, 1901, by the B r i t i s h Columbia l e g i s l a t i v e assembly, this company also b u i l t a l i n e of 1.25 miles i n the City of V i c t o r i a and began construction from Mud Bay to Blaine on the International Boundary. The V i c t o r i a company at one time operated the steamer V i c t o r i a and barge Sidney between Port Guichon and 113. to Cloverdale, and from Mud Bay to Blaine were transferred to s t i l l another * the V.V.E.R.. 1909 - Ol i v e r Junction (Blaine) to Boundary (2.94 miles) was b u i l t by the G.N.R. i n 1909. 1909 - Boundary to Colebrook (11.32 miles) was b u i l t by the V.V.E.R. i n 1909. 1909 - Colebrook to Brownsville (9.73 miles) was also b u i l t by the V.V.E.R. in 1909. 1903 - 4 - Fraser River junction to Vancouver (approx. 13.54 miles) was con-structed by the Vancouver, Westminster & Yukon Railway, another H i l l sub-s i d i a r y , i n 1903-4. Great Northern's President, Jim H i l l , was anxious to l i n k Vancouver . and Spokane and strongly e s t a b l i s h the Great Northern i n th i s t e r r i t o r y be-cause of the fact that the Canadian Pacific,"which H i l l also helped to est-a b l i s h , was bu i l d i n g into i t . H i l l possibly figured that i f he did not b u i l d a l i n e across his t e r r i t o r y , the C.P.R. might come down into northern Wash-ington and possibly penetrate into Central Washington,. The Canadian segment of H i l l ' s l i n e was being b u i l d by the V.V.E.R. a G.N.R. subsidiary... During the year 1909 they b u i l t from Keremeos to Prince-ton, a distance of 41 miles, and opened that l i n e on December 23. In 1910, the l i n e was extended to Coalmont and Tulameen. During 1911 grading was under way from Princeton northwest to Tulameen, and in the f a l l track was laid.on the 12 miles from Princeton to Coalmont, with t h i s segment placed i n operation on May 1, 1912. During 1912, the G.N.R. was slowly c l o s i n g the gap i n the northern route. From the west a subsidiary company l a i d 8 miles of t a i l from Abbots-ford northeast to about 3 miles beyond,Kilgard, and construction was in pro-gress to Sumas Landing near Connor on the Fraser River, f i v e miles further. Operation of the l i n e was extended as far as K i l g a r d on August 15, 1912. From Sumas Landing Northwest of Hope, Trackage r i g h t were arranged for over the new l i n e of the Canadian Northern Railway, now the C.N.R. On the other side of the Cascade Range, where the Canadian subsidiary was ex-tending i t s l i n e northwesterly, grading was continued from Coalmont northwest to Otter Summit, a distance of 26 miles. In 1931 5 miles of r a i l were l a i d on the section east of K i l g a r d , bringing the l i n e within one mile of Connor on the Fraser •River. From Connor northeast to Hope, 37 miles of trackage r i g h t s were to be taken over the new l i n e of the Canadian Northern. From the east construction was pro-gressing from Caalmont to Otter Summit to Brookmere, a distance of 25^- miles. During 1914, trackage was l a i d from Coalmont to Otter Summit. Brook-mere was as'far as the G.N.R. b u i l t from the east inasmuch as arrangements had been made for an exchange of ri g h t s with the C.P.R.*s K e t t l e Valley Ry. Co. whereby the G.N.R. would use the new l i n e of that company from Otter Summit southwest to Hope, 53 3/4 miles.- The K e t t l e Valley Ry. i n turn used the G.N.R.'s new l i n e from Otter Summit Southeast to Princeton. By th i s method - 114. the duplication of 9l-£ miles of railway through exceedingly d i f f i c u l t t e r r a i n was avoided. 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