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The nodular metropolitan concept : some social and spatial aspects. Part of a group thesis Lindeman, Monica H. 1968

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THE NODULAR METHDPOLITAN CONCEPT : SOME SOCIAL AND SPATIAL ASPECTS Part of a Group Thesis by MONICA H. LINDEWAN B.P.E. (Recreation), University of British Columbia, 1966. A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OP THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OP M.A. in the School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April 1968 In presenting this thesis i n p a r t i a l fulfilment of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s represen-tatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for fi n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. School of Community and Regional Planning The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8 , Canada May 3, 1968 i ABSTRACT A basic problem exists i n the use of the concept of s o c i a l behavior as a spatial determinant i n planning. I t i s a problem of identifying various s o c i a l behavioral indicators, and their spatial implications. The aspect of variable s o c i a l behavior has been selected as take o f f point i n this study. Within this framework one element has been choosen f o r inquiry,  that of orientation toward the future. The question i s whether persons are "future" oriented, that i s whether "change", and "doing new things" i s part of their repertoire; and to what extent nominals such as c i t y area, home, occupation, etc. represent a standard set of constraints or inventories of alternatives. Methods of investigation include a comparative analysis of the area under study with the larger metropolitan area as a whole, and empirical research of an exploratory study into s o c i a l behavior. A location quotient was computed for a number of social and residential characteristics, and the results compared with social area analysis coefficients. The method of inquiry for the empirical research uses an interview questionnaire survey, formulated over a two year period as part of an ongoing urban research project. The method of s t a t i s t i c a l analysis used for the interim results was a multivariate contingency tabulation u t i l i z i n g a computer programmed subroutine. The Mann-Whitney U Test was used to compare two independent sample groups. i i General conclusions are that the subarea under study d i f f e r s i n i t s social and residential characteristics from the metropolitan area as a whole. Preliminary results on selected nominals, responses, and a c t i v i t i e s show certain tendencies of social behavior,which, i f born out by the f i n a l data, could provide some insight into the reference structure of a population. Where these referents are not readily transferable from non-local to l o c a l conditions i n new development plans, such referents have to be analysed further to get at their elements. Then spaces could be planned so that they encompass these composite elements. Cross tabulated results indicate i that social behavior of certain aggregates of persons i s more fixed than that of others, and that the environment i s more variable f o r some than for others. Yet, due to the severe l i m i t a t i o n of the sample size, evidence on the future orientation and v a r i a b i l i t y c r i t e r i o n i s not con-elusive, and can only be considered as exploratory. But — with a l l the data i n eventually, and a multiple regression analysis — this study would provide more conclusive evidence. i i i AQCNOWLEDGMENTS Portions of this research were i n i t i a l l y undertaken i n connection with the writer's par t i c i p a t i o n i n the Metropolitan Vancouver Urban Research Project, at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. At the University, Professor Ernest Landauer - Director of the Research Project - was pa r t i c u l a r l y help-f u l . The writer i s indebted to Professor Landauer for his frequent advice and i n t e l l e c t u a l stimulation. The completion of the thesis was made easier by Professor R.W. C o l l i e r , who arranged for working space at the School of Community and Regional Planning, and as thesis advisor gave generously of his own time. The writer also wishes to thank Professor V. Setty Pendakur and Professor Brahm Wieseman at the School f o r making many helpful suggestions. P r i n c i p a l support during a c r i t i c a l stage of the thesis was provided by Professor Reginal R. Isaacs of Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. Most of the work of assembling and reworking the group's study material for j o i n t publication was performed by the group at the School of (immunity and Regional Planning at U.B.C. Professor H. Peter Oberlander, Head of the School, was responsible f o r providing the f a c i l i t i e s and encouragement permitting completion of the study. The writer i s grateful to Professor Oberlander and the University of B.C. for a graduate student fellowship, and to Professor Landauer f o r a teaching assistant appointment, that made i t f i n a n c i a l l y possible to undertake the two-year M.A. program, and consequently the group study and thesis. To my colleagues of the Metropolitan Vancouver Urban Research Project I am indebted for the i n t e l l e c t u a l stimulation, the willingness to l i s t e n , and the many actions that subtly and d i r e c t l y contributed to my work. I must especially thank John Kervin, now at Johns Hopkins University, for awakening me to the importance of obje c t i v i t y i n empirical research, and V i c t o r Ujimoto i n Asian Studies and Pat Wilson i n Sociology at U.B.C. f o r i n s t i n c t i v e l y knowing what makes sense and then i n t e l l e c t u a l l y con-vincing me of i t . Words of gratitude are due to my colleagues of the group study, who have been helpful to me i n the preparation of this thesis: Ron Mann f o r his f a i t h that I would complete i t and i t would be useful; Art Cowie f or editing the group's study and the diagrams of this manuscript, and for his encouraging comments; Ashok Shahani for reading part of the manuscript and making valuable suggestions; Ian Chang f o r his frank discussion of the subject i n the early stages of- the study. F i n a l l y , I am most indebted to a mother and a brother for t h e i r support and encouragement, and f o r bearing the costs of opportunities foregone during the period of this study. V TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS i i i LIST OF FIGURES v i i i SECTION I GROUP THESIS : THE NODULAR METROPOLITAN CONCEPT 1 A. BASIS OF STUDY 1 B. APPROACH • 1 C. THE PROBLEM 3 D. URBAN GROWTH 6 1. Metropolitanization 6 a. Urbanism 10 2. Megalopolis 12 E. URBAN FORM AND STRUCTURE 13 1. Theoretical Concepts 16 2. Nodular.Metropolitan .Concept; 19 3. Transportation) Technology 20 4. Building Systems 24 5. Urban Pattern 25 F. SOCIAL AND SPATIAL SYSTEM 26 G. GROUP HYPOTHESIS 27 H. INDIVIDUAL THESIS TOPICS 29 SECTION II - 3 INDIVIDUAL THESIS : SOME SOCIAL AND SPATIAL ASPECTS 3-1 CHAPTER I A. INTRODUCTION 3-1 1. General 3.1 v i Page 2. Study Motivation 3.2 3. Limitations of Study (General) 3.3 B. PARTICULAR MODELS AS AN APPROACH TO THE PLANNING CONCEPT ..3-4 1. The Nodular Metropolitan Concept 3-5 2. The Funnel Model and the Process of Socialization .. 3-5 3. A Social and Spatial Model of the Internal State of the System 3.10 4. The Need for a Comprehensive Approach to. Urban Planning 3-16 C. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM 3-20 1. The Problem 3-20 2. Research on the Problem from particular Disciplines .. 3-21 CHAPTER II D. HYPOTHESES .. 3-22 E. DEFINITIONS 3-23 F. DESCRIPTION OF RESEARCH DESIGN AND STUDY 3-24 1. Terms of Reference and Research Area 3-24 2. Method of Inquiry 3.24 3. Treatment of the Data 3*. 27'/ G. RESULTS AND THEIR INTERPRETATION .. .. , 3.28 1. Comparison of Research Area with Metropolitan Area .. 3.28 2. Results and their Interpretation of the selected Research Area 3.30 H. LIMITATIONS OF THE EMPIRICAL STUDY 3-36 v i i CHAPTER III Page I. CONCLUSIONS AND THEORY K)RMULATION 3-38 1. Conclusions 3-38 2. Suggestions f o r further Study 3-39 3. Theory Formulation 3.40 J. BIBLIOGRAPHY 3.43 1. Books 3.43 2. Journals and Journal A r t i c l e s 3.46 3. Miscellaneous 3.47 APPENDIX A Firey's Schematic Diagram of Resource Processes .... 3.50 B Firey's Hierarchy of Alternatives i n Resource Develp't 3-51 C Location Quotient 3.52 D Ethnic Correlations 3.53 E Survey 3.54 F Survey : Bivariate Tables 3-59 G Mann-Whitney U Test : Samples and "Change" .... .. 3-69 H Mann-Whitney U Test : Samples and "Doing New Things" 3-70 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION 3-71 v i i i LIST OF FIGURES Page 1. Urban ..Matrix • ..t.:. .1 2 2. The Nodular Metropolitan Concept 28 3.1 The Nodular Metropolitan Concept: Push-Pull Forces .. .. 3 .6 3.2 The Funnel Model and the Process of Socialization .. 3 . 8 3 . 3 The Funnel Model: Damaged Funnel 3 . 8 3 . 4 Social/Spatial Model 3.11 3.5 Social/Spatial Model: Social Behavior and Reference Structure 3.6 Simple Feedback Model 3-17 3.7 Special Analysis Diagram: Social Pattern 3-18 3.8 Map of Vancouver Area and Study Area 3.25 1 SECTION I A. BASIS OF STUDY A review of the following l i t e r a t u r e emphasises the unco-ordinated state of c i t y development. I f i t i s possible f o r mankind to a n t i -cipate (plan for) the future, i t i s important to discover the kinds of changes that may occur. The purpose of this study i s to id e n t i f y underlying variables that are shaping urban society and structure; s p e c i f i c a l l y to explore a form of development which i s becoming evident i n the c i t y today. From this analysis i t i s apparent that s p e c i f i c functional nodes have formed naturally within the present urban system. This study assumes that present growth trends i n the c i t y can be recognized and analysed. Based on this analysis, i t i s believed that the most desirable trends can then be reinforced to shape future form and structure. B. APPROACH The approach to this study has been i n t e r - and multi-disciplinary. I t i s a postulate of this research that Community and Regional Planning must operate within a comprehensive and co-ordinated frame-work:. In view of this, an attempt has been made to construct a preliminary model (see matrix, fifjure no. l ) . Because of the limitations of time and personnel, only selected components of the conceptual model are explored. A more complete i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and Figure 1 2 INDEPEJflaiT VARIABLES a; O H *3 e S O H +-> >J W H •P H TH a y H C -r4 VCU a a ,o ,>o 3 - 3 - . O H cr cr B-a •pff) H I . H « H - H * 5 X I ^ H a >* U C ) H I o ou o. *g C H H a eg 0) Q U 3 S r-t CO •e- s I o £ • § - • • — S E " 3 e -a DO T> c « * ft) O -t B-H ' o © a <a K K PI v •*> o +> H H r 5 5 o i P o l i t i c a l Science t — p o l i t i c a l theory public administration . p o l i t i c a l parties leadership & decision-caking power & Influence S O C I O I O E V social behavior so c i a l structure Econonics t laonetary & f i s c a l policy income distribution price theory economic growth Business Adninistratior marketing finance, policy & .... administration estate canagenent public relations accounting Urban Form architecture landscape c i v i c design land use & zoning Lav municipal law land & maritime law constitutional law • torts X corporation law u t i l i t i e s & services systems analysis m -transportation - - . . . . - - . . . - • --- --< - • commnieatlon structural design Urban Geography -urban B y s t e m s urban processes TT Tr Social Psychology 1 S t a t i s t i c s U R B A N M A T R I X V A R I A B L E S Cheung Cowie ' Lindeman Mann Shahani X T 3 analysis of a l l the model's components would result i n a better under-standing of the larger continuing urban growth process. The topics of individual studies are a r b i t r a r i l y selected on the basis of i n d i -vidual researcher's experience and interest. I t i s only on t h i s basis that a si g n i f i c a n t contribution to the theory and practice of Community and Regional Planning can be made. C. THE PROBLEM By the year 2000, the urban population of the United States i s expected to be double."1" Moreover, people are expected to be more affluent as their personal income i n constant dollars increases by 2 f i f t y per cent. While these anticipated changes have not yet been realized, the capacities of our c i t i e s are fast reaching their l i m i t s . For example, transportation f a c i l i t i e s are already congested i n the 3 large metropolitan areas, conveniently located land for housing i s becoming scarce, and costs of providing public services and u t i l i t i e s are becoming prohibitive. The cruc i a l problem a r i s i n g out of this i s how to plan our metropolitan areas so that they can accommodate the anticipated growth and change. 1 - Outdoor Recreation Resources Review Commission. Projections to the Years 1976 and 2000; Economic Growth, Population, Labour Force,  Leisure and Transportation. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printi n g Office, 1962, p.9. 2 - Wingo, L. J r . C i t i e s and Space. Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1963, p. 11. 3 - Owen, W. The Metropolitan Transportation Problem. New York: Doubleday & Company Inc., 1966, p . l . 4 I t i s estimated that by the 1980's or at least by the year 2000, we w i l l have to rebuild our c i t i e s to accommodate the anticipated population increase and to s a t i s f y the preferences of a more affluent society. By the year 2000, more urban homes, places of business and public f a c i l i t i e s w i l l have to be b u i l t than have been b u i l t since the f i r s t towns were started i n North America. At least half of today's urban dwellings w i l l probably require replacing because they w i l l no 4 longer serve the needs of families. In addition, h a l f of today's urban business and i n d u s t r i a l buildings w i l l require replacing be-cause they w i l l no longer serve changing production and distribution 5 methods. I t i s l i k e l y that our c i t i e s w i l l have to be restructured to accom-modate r a d i c a l l y new means of transportation. High density c i t i e s l i k e New York have already found the cost of automobile travel to the c i t y core prohibitive. In low density c i t i e s , such as Los Angeles, the cost i n money, time and space of relying solely on the automobile i s equally prohibitive. For example, two-thirds of Los Angeles' downtown i s given over to the automobile - about one-half of this to 6 parking l o t s and garages and the rest to roadways and highways. Most of today's c i t i e s have grown with l i t t l e planning. Although 4 - "What Kind of C i t i e s Do We Want", Nations Cit i e s . Vol. 5, No. 4, ( A p r i l 1967), p. 18. 5 - Ibid. 6 - Los Angeles City Planning Department. Major Issues for  Los Angeles. May 2, 1966, p. 4-5 They urgently need rebuilding and restructuring, they have neither the money nor the authority. Our larger c i t i e s are beset with problems of slums, t r a f f i c , congestion, sprawl, ugliness, housing; with the provision of inadequate open space; with a i r and water pollution; with outmoded forms of public administration and taxation. In addition, most c i t i e s have enormous problems with education, poverty and r a c i a l segregation. Outdated, i n f l e x i b l e p o l i t i c a l boundaries have helped to encourage people and industry into the lower tax suburbs and to make planning extremely d i f f i c u l t . The wealthier families have escaped to the suburbs leaving the central c i t y to deteriorate. Our c i t i e s con-tinue to use a tax system that penalizes improvements and subsidizes obsolescence which inevitably leads to blight, sprawl and spread of , 7 slums. In spite of a l l these problems, which vary i n degree across North America, our metropolitan areas continue to grow and cry out for imaginative solutions to making our urban environment more l i v a b l e . Planners l i k e William Wheaton and Victor G-ruen believe that the esse'flce" 'of Urbanismis variety,' and "that only "a" vibrant night-and-day "downtown" ( c i t y core) can support the variety of shopping, services, 7 - Thompson, W.R. A Preface to Urban Economics. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1965, p. 320. 6 contacts, job opportunities, culture and recreation f a c i l i t i e s needed 8 to make a city an attraction. Any viable city core needs people living within and adjacent to the area.- not just daytime commutors. The provision through urban renewal of a functional and livable habitat for these central city dwellers i s the focus of the group research effort described in this thesis. D. URBAN GROWTH 1. Metropolitanization Before discussing the central core area of the city, i t i s important to mention the general forces which have contributed to the growth of our metropolitan areas. Peter Hall describes q such forces. The f i r s t i s that total population has increased at a rapid rate and threatens to go on increasing. The second factor was the shift off the land into industry and service occupations in the cities. This, however, i s no longer a major factor since over two-thirds of North Americans now live in urban areas. The third factor is that a large part of the urban growth is being concen-trated in the already large metropolitan areas. This concentration 8 - Nations Cities, op. cit . , pp. 26-27; and Gruen* Vy.^The- Heart  of our Cities. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1964, pp. 292-339. 9 - Hall, P. The World Cities. New Tork: McGraw-Hill, 1967. 7 probably i s a r e f l e c t i o n of the more diverse economic and social opportunities available i n the large centres. Metropolitan areas have grown faster than the rest of North America i n every decade since the turn of the century, except fo r the depression years 1950-1940. By I960 almost two-thirds of the population of the United States l i v e d i n the Standard Metropolitan S t a t i s t i c a l Areas delineated by the census. In Canada 87.5 per cent were c l a s s i f i e d as urban (non-farm) popu-l a t i o n . This i s a 109 per cent increase from 1921-1961. Growth within the metropolitan areas has not been distributed evenly. The central areas of c i t i e s have grown r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e , while the suburban rings have grown at a much higher rate. Some of the larger c i t i e s central areas have actually l o s t population during the l a s t decade. Some of the many reasons f or the loss of population include a lack of available space f or further building, the obsolescence of housing and ind u s t r i a l plants i n the core areas and the unav a i l a b i l i t y of rapid, cheap methods of communication and transportation. The losses of population i n the central areas do not necessarily r e f l e c t economic decline but rather the decentralization of 10 - Economic Council of Canada. Toward Sustained and Balanced  Economic Growth: 2nd Annual Review. Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1965, p. 110. 8 population and i n s t i t u t i o n s to the suburbs. H i s t o r i c a l l y the natural clustering of commercial, i n d u s t r i a l and residential a c t i v i t i e s was due i n part to the absence of a well developed transportation system. Mobility was limited since few people had a personal mode of transport. When mass production and owner-ship of automobiles became a r e a l i t y , the form of the c i t y began to change. Since people were now able to travel longer distances i n a shorter period of time, they began to move to the outer fringes of the central c i t y . Decentralization of the residence also brought with i t many r e t a i l and service enterprises. In addition, there has been a trend towards the decentralization of manu-facturing and wholesaling firms seeking to escape the congestion of the central core.** Another factor which has encouraged r e s i -dential decentralization i s the intervention of government i n the 12 housing market. Through the U.S. and Canadian Housing Acts, long term, low interest loans made single family home ownership possible on a larger scale and encouraged the development of sub-urban subdivisions. I t appears that the primary implications of increased mobility and government housing policy on urban form are; a dispersion of 11 - Vernon, R. Metropolis, 1985. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, I960, pp. 116-120. 12 - Thompson, W.R., op.cit., p. 355. 9 a c t i v i t i e s . But while the c i t y i s becoming more dispersed, specialized functional areas appear to be developing. The de-centralization of r e t a i l i n g , wholesaling and industry has altered the function of the urban core. The core i s evolving from a 13 central business d i s t r i c t to a central intelligence d i s t r i c t . That i s to say, t e r t i a r y and quarternary economic a c t i v i t i e s are becoming the predominant land uses. Financial and administrative o f f i c e s , research and consultative firms, entertainment and cultural f a c i l i t i e s are increasing i n the core areas of c i t i e s . Those r e t a i l firms which remain downtown are becoming increasingly oriented to the daytime working population and to those people who 14 l i v e i n or adjacent to downtown. Within the core i t s e l f , specialized functional d i s t r i c t s can be id e n t i f i e d . For example, a fi n a n c i a l d i s t r i c t , a high order good shopping d i s t r i c t , and an entertainment s t r i p may be easily ob-served. This clustering of l i k e a c t i v i t i e s r e f l e c t s the desire f o r face to face interaction or, as i n the l a t t e r cases, the de-si r e f o r consumers f or comparisons. 13 -14 -15 -Interview with Dr. Edward Higbee, Vancouver, B.C., November 1967. Interview with Dr. Walter Hardwick, Vancouver, B.C., A p r i l 1967. Hardwick, W.t The Vancouver Sun. July 8, 1967. p. 6. 10 a. Urbanism Perhaps the first thing that strikes an observer of North American cities is the tremendous change of rural to urban population during the last few decades. Though change is constant i t is the accelerating rate of change in the age of automation which has wrought havoc with the "good old times". Changing life styles are part and parcel of rapidly growing urban areas. The increasing acceptance of urbanism as a way of life has ushered in an urban society which exhibits an increasing affluence among the greater proportion of its members. The shorter work week, which is 16 a consequence of automation, is making its appearance felt. Increasing leisure time and recreational pursuits are bywords of a more affluent society. The impact this has had so far on the urban scene is the increasing emphasis that is placed on the development of leisure time amenities and urban open 17 spaces. Another phenomenon of the age of automation is the increasing geographic mobility of the North American population. It is 16 - Proceedings of the International Conference on Automation, Full  Employment and Balanced Economy. Rome; Italy: British and American Foundations on Automation & Employment, 1967; and Economic Council of Canada, op.cit., p. 64. 17 - Miller, N.P. & D.M. Robinson. The Leisure Age: Its Challenge  to Recreation. Belmont, Cal: Wadsworth Publishing Co. Inc., 1963, pp. 472-473-11 a fact that one out of fiv e persons i n the U.S. i s now moving 18 every year. This means that a working person i n his l i f e i s l i k e l y to change his residence eight times and two or three of them would involve moves to an entirely different community. One consequence of this greater mobility i s the loss of personal 19 contacts with r e l a t i v e s and neighbours who are l e f t behind. In addition to urbanism as a way of l i f e and increased . geographic mobility, differences i n urban residential location are becoming more pronounced. The growth of the c i t y under a free enterprise system, or under any non-centralized system, i s leading to a high degree of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of residential areas by type of structure, quality of housing and levels of rental values. Unter a market system of allocating housing, where people l i v e depends i n large measure on the rent or sales price they pay. A considerable degree of residential segregation results between persons i n various income brackets and between persons i n various occupations. However, recent findings clearly indicate that r a c i a l and ethnic residential segregation are more than just economic discrimination. This has led to the high degree of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of r e s i -18 - Abrams, C. . The„City i s the Frontier. New.York: Harper••& Row, 1965, p. 17; and Economic Council of Canada, op.cit., p. 57. 19 - Clinard, M.B. "Contributions of Sociology to Understanding Deviant Behavior", i n Contemporary Social Problems. Merton & Nisbet (ed.), New York: Harcourt, Brace & World Inc., 1961. 12 dential areas, because even where economic d i f f e r e n t i a l s 20 are diminishing, r a c i a l residential segregation persists. 2. Megalopolis The large scale movement of population into the outer rings of metropolitan areas i s , according to Jean Gottmann, ushering i n a new phase of metropolitan development which he c a l l s Megalopolis. In regions such as the north eastern seabord of the United States the outer rings of metropolitan areas have expanded to overlap with outer rings of other metropolitan areas. The result i s a continuous band of urban and suburban development. This phenomenon i s also called **strip c i t y " , " c i t y region* and "super-metropolis". "The words megapolis and megalopolis are being heard ; I'r with increasing frequency, usually applied to an almost continuous string of c i t i e s running from Washington, D.C. to Boston. ... The pattern does not consist of a string of metro-politan areas standing shoulder to shoulder, fight i n g for space l i k e a crowd i n a subway, but of metro-politan areas i n a functioning group, interacting with each other. In the same manner that economic develop-ment has made the size of the typi c a l nation inadequate 20 - Taeuber, K.E. & A.F. Taeuber. Negroes i n C i t i e s . Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1965. 21 - Gottmann, J. Megalopolis. 1961, p. 16. Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 13 and has called for super-nations, i t seems that soon - at least i n h i s t o r i c a l time - urban units w i l l go beyond the scale of the metropolis to the scale of the megalopolis. And just as the metro-politan area i s not made up of an accummulation of l i t t l e c i t i e s complete i n themselves but of a system of specialized and therefore dissimilar areas, the various metropolitan units of megapolis w i l l specialize and become more different from each other than they are today."22 There are over a dozen areas i n North America that could develop the same urban megalopolitan form as the north eastern seabord. For example, i n Cal i f o r n i a most of the population i s i n the densely populated San Francisco Bay areas and i n sprawling Los Angeles. Indications now are that people eventually w i l l f i l l an almost s o l i d population belt running between the two areas through the 23 Central Valley of California. E. URBAN FORM AND STRUCTURE There have been many efforts to analyse the form and structure of c i t i e s . "Form" means the physical pattern of land use, population d i s t r i b u t i o n and service networks,.while '"structure" s i g n i f i e s the 24 spatial organization of human a c t i v i t i e s and inter-relationships. 22 - Alonso, W. "C i t i e s and City Planners" i n Taming Megalopolis. Vol. 2, H. Wentworth Eldredge (ed.), New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1967, pp. 595-596. 23 - Abrams, C., op.cit., p. 280. 24 - Bauer Wurster, C. "The Form and Structure of the Future Urban Complex", Ci t i e s and Space. Wingo, L. (ed.), Resources for the Future Inc. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1966, p. 75. 14 Ideas such as Ebenezer Howard's Garden City movement and Frank Lloyd Wright's Broadacre Concept have had considerable influence i n the de-centralization argument while opposing views have reflected the "Save the Central C i t i e s " movement. An example of a scheme developed for the retention of the central c i t y was put forward by L. Hilbeseimer 25 . during the early 1940's, based on a "settlement unit". Such a unit contains a l l the essentials of a small community within i t s e l f and each unit i s i n turn connected to other units to create an o v e r a l l system of self-contained centres. Hilbeseimer's study applies such a system to the City of Chicago. Recent eff o r t s to analyse urban form and structure have focused attention on basic theories similar to Hilbeseimer's approach instead of being largely i n t u i t i v e as i n e a r l i e r concepts. More s c i e n t i f i c methods of analysis using computer tech-. niques have been developed. With the use of models, many alternative forms of growth and change can be examined. Emphasis on transportation analysis has led to schemes such as the Year 2000 Plan for the National 26 Capital Region and more recently to the Penn-Jersey Transportation Study, where future growth p o s s i b i l i t i e s have been presented with clear alternatives. In the Penn-Jersey Study, since transportation policy was the factor most d i r e c t l y under the influence of the study's policy 25 - Hilbeseimer, L. The Nature of Cit i e s . Chicago: P. Theobald & Co., 1955, pp. 192-193. 26 - Gruen, op.cit., p. 262; and National Capital Regional Planning Council, The Regional Development Guide 1966-2000. Washington, D.C.: June 1966, pp. 55-75; and Interview with Alan Voohrees of Alan M. Voohrees & Associates Inc., Vancouver, B.C., March 22, 1968. 1 5 committee, alternative transportation systems were taken as the starting point f or investigating different possible regional patterns. Many theoretical studies of transportation and urban form have been made by planning teams, such as the proposal for North Buckinghamshire 28 i n England, and by architects such as J . Weber i n his "Linear City 29 Development" i n 1965, but few of these radical ideas have been implemented. On a more academic basis there have been approaches to the theoretical studies of urban form and structure by use of models as exemplified by 30 Melvin Webber and Kevin Lynch. Webber suggests that most of the models used currently are based on "s t a t i c descriptive" relationships such as density gradients of population, rates of decline of manu-facturing and other relationships observed i n existing spatial patterns. These models concentrate on the results rather than on the cause of urban form. He stresses the need for analysis of the "dynamic behavior" aspects of urban structure. Lynch and Rodwin suggest i n 27 - Penn-Jersey Transportation Study. Prospectus. December 1 1 , 1959. P. 14. 28 - Ministry of Housing and Local Government, England. Northampton,  Bedford and Bucks Study. London; Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1965. 29 - Richards, B. New Movement i n C i t i e s . London: Studio Vista and New York: Reinhold Publishing Corp., 1 9 6 6 , p. 47. 30 - V/ebber, M.V. "Transportation Planning Models", T r a f f i c  Quarterly. (July 1 9 6 1 ) , pp. 373-390. t h e i r model, which deals with physical form, that this approach should be followed by studies of the " a c t i v i t y pattern" and i t s effect on urban form. Recent studies f or the New Town of Columbia i n the State of Maryland take this approach and o f f e r a better understanding 32 of models that integrate transportation with urban form. 1. Theoretical Concepts There are many choices for future urban form and structure. Catherine Bauer Wurster outlined four broad alternative approaches a. Present trends projected. Region-wide specialization with most functions dispersed but with a push toward greater concentration of certain functions i n the central c i t i e s . Perhaps unstable, l i k e l y to s h i f t toward one of the other alternatives. ... b. General dispersion. Probably toward region-wide specialization of certain functions but a considerable degree of sub-regional int e -g r a t i o n might be induced. 31 - Lynch, K. and L. Rodwin. "A Theory of Urban Form". Journal of American Institute of Planners. Vol. 24, No. 4, (1958), pp. 201-214. 32 - Voohrees, op.cit. 33 - Wurster, .op.cit., pp. 78-79. 17 c. Concentrated super-city. Probably with a strong tendency toward specialized sectors for different functions. d. Constellation of relatively diversified and integrated cities. With cities of differing size and character, a range from moderate dispersion to moderate concentration would be feasible. Any one of these four alternatives could probably apply in North America, depending on differing local conditions. The city of Los Angeles has recently carried out a study on urban form and structure and the following four alternative concepts 34 for urban growth were outlined: a. Centres Concept. This concept envisions large regional concentrations of residence and employment, which would be the focal points for solidifying new growth in the metropolitan area. It proposes a city of a highly urban character, while preserving single-family residential areas and natural amenities. It attempts to minimize travel distances between home and places of daily occupation. ... 34 - Los Angeles City Planning Department. Concepts fir Los Angeles Summary Pamphlet. (September 1967)-18 b. Corridors Concept. This concept proposes a highly urbanized metropolis, with concentration of employment, commercial services, recreational f a c i l i t i e s and high density apartments located i n corridors extending outward from the ... metropolitan core. This concept would require a mass trans i t system. ... c. Dispersion Concept. This concept seeks an even di s t r i b u t i o n of a c t i v i t i e s , which would accommodate growth while preserving the characteristics that make Los Angeles unique among major c i t i e s ; decen-t r a l i z a t i o n , owner occupied homes, and the automobile with i t s f l e x i b i l i t y of movement. This concept attempts to keep travel distance from home to work and other daily a c t i v i t i e s at a minimum, by having jobs, consumer services, recreation and public f a c i l i t i e s located close to the resident population. ... d. Low Density Concept. This concept seeks to preserve the present residential patterns and l i f e styles of Los Angeles. I t emphasises the single-family detached house with low r i s e apartments i n about the same proportions as now. The automobile would continue as the predominant means of transportation. ... 1 9 The four alternative concepts for the urban growth of Los Angeles are not unlike Catherine Bauer Wurster's four theoretical a l t e r -natives. 2. The Nodular Metropolitan Concept The Nodular Metropolitan Concept i s another alternative for urban growth and development. This concept which i s the basis of the group study, i s found to combine elements of both the Centres and 35 Corridors Concepts as outlined i n the Los Angeles Study. For purposes of c l a r i f i c a t i o n at this stage of the study, the following assumptions are made: a. Located i n a large North American metropolitan region, containing a broad base of varied land use and widely d i v e r s i f i e d employment and offering a range of residential types. b. A region of highly urban character with a concentrated central core. c. Developed as a concentration of growth nodes at intervals along major transportation corridors. These nodes become centres f or mixed usage or single uses of large proportions. d. Preservation of outer single family residential areas and existing natural amenities. 35 - Ibid. 20 e. Development of large areas between nodes as public recreation and open space. f. Development through a comprehensive plan which co-ordinates the tools of capital budgeting, proper enabling l e g i s l a t i o n and programmed phasing. I t i s envisaged that this system w i l l bring about a higher . ' - . . • standard of l i v i n g , create more opportunities for the enjoyment of the c i t y and provide an environment which w i l l stimulate and support present and future generations. To achieve this desirable urban condition for the c i t y , the need for increased participation by public and private sectors has been 36 acknowledged. I t i s l i k e l y that t o t a l l y new means of land use control and administration would be needed. The enormous problem of rebuilding our c i t i e s w i l l most certainly require the most ad-vanced technology, especially i n transportation and building. 3 . ; ' . Transportation Technology There have been i n recent years many innovations and research into modes of travel that, i f implemented, could possibly play a si g n i f i c a n t role i n making our c i t i e s more li v a b l e . Three recent innovations are: 36 - Nations C i t i e s , op.cit., p. 19 21 a. Conveyors or moving sidewalks. The f i r s t proposal f o r implementing the moving sidewalk was i n 1893 for the Columbia Exposition at Chicago and l a t e r at 37 the B e r l i n Exposition i n 1896 and Paris Exposition i n 1900. Because of the problem of low speed and other p r a c t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s i n i t s day to day use, the moving sidewalk has not come into extensive use as an integral part of the urban transportation system. I t s application seems p a r t i c u l a r l y suitable where large numbers of people have to move between two levels or along corridors, e.g. at big airports (Los Angeles, San Francisco, Montreal) to save the passengers from a long walk, and i n department stores where i t can be used conveniently by t r o l l i e s and prams. Along with escalators, the conveyor has potential for use i n high density nodular developments. • b. Automated Roads The General Motors Laboratories and Radio Corporation of America have been experimenting with automated roads with considerable success. A single cable i s buried i n a shallow trench just beneath the surface of the road and this cable, when energized, gives guidance through an electronic apparatus connected to the vehicles steering system. 37 - Richards, B., op.cit., pp. 57-62. 22 Secondary cables and detection loops adjust the speed of cars, keeping them at safe distance behind the one i n front. General Motors estimate that vehicles could cruise i n groups safely at a controlled speed of 70 m.p.h., giving a capacity of 9,000 vehicles per lane per hour, the equivalent of 38 building fi v e additional lanes of motorway. . The cost of construction of such a system, would compete favourably with 39 contemporary highway construction, c. Mini-cars Mini-cars have come to the forefront only i n recent years. Their sudden importance can be attributed to: (1) A c r i t i c a l shortage of parking space i n the central core, (2) The extremely high costs involved for providing additional parking. ( 3 ) An increasing concern for a i r pollution i n our c i t i e s . Although no "on the road" model has yet been developed, many companies have produced prototypes. The most widely known mini-car i s the StaRRcar ( f o r s e l f transit r a i l and road) 38 - Richards, B., op.cit., p. 77 39 - Ibid., • p. 78 23 invented by William Alden. The StaRRcar can be driven along streets u n t i l the driver requires a faster speed i n which case he merely drives up a ramp to an elevated track joining, say, a 60 m.p.h. t r a i n of vehicles. On pressing a dashboard button the vehicle i s automatically ejected at i t s pre-selected exit. A mass s h i f t to the use of StaRRcars would help a l l e v i a t e the congestion on the road network and would also decrease the problem of inadequate parking spaces i n the central core of the c i t i e s as three StaRRcars can f i t into the 40 space previously occupied by one conventional car. Other modes of transportation include the monorail, cushion craft, v e r t i c a l takeoff and landing, and helicopters. In recent years millions of dollars have been spent on development but their application has been limited to special purposes l i k e the mini mono-rails f o r secondary transportation at Expo '67 and the helicopter service between Kennedy Airport and downtown Manhattan. For mass passenger transport they apparently s t i l l lack the economies necessary to provide a truly cost competitive corridor . 41 service. 40 - Richards, B., op.cit., p. 73; and Wolf, A.R. Elements of  a Future Integrated Highway Concept. Presented at the Transportation Research Seminar, March 17-18, 1965- Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce. 41 - Rice, A.R. " P o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r Fast Surface Transport: The Case for Fast Rail Service." Planning 1966. Selected papers from A.S.P.O. National Planning Conference, Philadelphia, Pa., (A p r i l 17-21, 1966), pp. 240. 24 4. Building Systems There are numerous i l l u s t r a t i o n s of advanced ideas i n building systems that could possibly provide for high density core l i v i n g for the future c i t y dweller. Three recent i l l u s t r a t i o n s are: a. Habitat With the advent of Canada's Expo '67, the development of Habitat became a p o s s i b i l i t y . Hoshe Safdie, the designer of the project, has used a basic building unit i n various combinations to develop a number' of housing types. Habitat has developed v e r t i c a l and horizontal c i r c u l a t i o n systems 42 creating three-dimensional spaces. b. Intropolis A. Watty, the designer, has developed Intropolis as a system of multi-use blocks that can be connected i n various ways to create higher or lower density of l i v i n g spaces which are organized on a rational basis to give maximum f l e x i b i l i t y and interaction. Three-dimensional spaces and c i r c u l a t i o n 43 systems are evident as i n Habitat. 42 - Safdie, M. and Barott, D. "Habitat »6T', Architectural  Design. (March 1 9 6 7 ) , pp. 111-119. 4 3 - G-erson, W. "Residential Environs i n the Urban Area", Architectural Canada. Vol. 44, No. 1 1 , (November 1 9 6 7 ) , pp. 39-41. 25 c. Urbanisme Volumetrique This system i s based on expanding structures leaving the ground free. A three-dimensional tubular structure with a series of slabs provides terraces for various builders to erect buildings, or to lay out roads and open spaces to 44 create a r t i f i c i a l landscapes. The d e t a i l description of any single land use and related building technique as i t could be applied to the nodular metropolitan concept of urban growth i s beyond the scope of this study. (See matrix,-figure ho. l ) . 5. Urban Pattern With few exceptions, the form of North American c i t i e s i s based on 45 the g r i d pattern. Chicago, New York, San Francisco, Montreal and Vancouver are a l l examples of g r i d layout used to subdivide land and i n providing services. I t has been a quick solution to rapid development i n any direction and a direct result of large scale surveying emphasis. Depending on l o c a l physiographiic features, the access to a l l properties i s nearly equal, and theo-r e t i c a l l y the only factor that affects a property's locational 44 - Anger, R. and M. Heymann. "Urbanisme Volumetrique", L'Architecture d 1 Au.jourd'hui. No. 132, (June-July 1967), pp. 36-37. 45 - Spreiregen, P.D. The Architecture of Towns and C i t i e s . New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1965, pp. 174-176. 26 value i s i t s relationship to the central core. The g r i d has been applied to such varied terrains as f l a t p r a i r i e and steep h i l l s i d e . San Francisco i s a good example of the l a t t e r . 46 F. SOCIAL AND SPATIAL SYSTEM It appears that the changing urban form and structure i s a process of continuous urban growth and development. This growth and development 47 i s an expression of the existing sociocultural system. There are certain social indicators, which are not only demographic i n nature, but also of a social behavioural nature. Demographic characteristics are generally an expression of the growth, size and age composition of a population. But underlying this are social behavioral character^ I i s t i c s , namely the practices of a society, which are expressed i n a c t i v i t i e s and responses of the population. These practices of a society to some extent determine the spatial characteristics of the 48 land. Thus, a relationship between social and spatial characteristics exists. 46 - Landauer, E. From his Seminar and Research into Urban Social Areas. Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1965-1968. 47 - Firey, W. Man, Mind and Land: A Theory of Resource Use. I l l i n o i s : Free Press of Glencoe, I960, pp. 207-241. 48 - Ibid., pp. 207-245 27 When changes are introduced in the urban growth and development process, they usually have an impact on the internal social and spatial relation-49 ships of the urban system. These incremental changes of the in-ternal state of the urban system may range from "fixed" to "variable" states. Any shifts of the internal system from one state to another occur over time. These shifts represent incremental changes, depending on social reference structures and environmental manipulation. While there may be a number of external conditions which affect the urban system, there are at least two which should receive close attention in urban growth and development analysis; namely those as a result of planned change and those as a result of chance, where change is due to aggregate individual action. G. GROUP HYPOTHESIS A review of the preceding urban growth concepts indicates that the nodular concept should be studied. Therefore the following hypothesis is formulated. The Nodular Metropolitan Concept provides a useful basis to  initiate a study of urban living and planning. 49 - Buckley, W. Sociology & Modern Systems Theory. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1967; and v. Bertalanffy, L. "General Systems Theory: A Critical Review". General Systems. Vol. 7, (1962), p. 3. 28 TRANSPORTATION CORRIDOR RESIDENTIAL AND EMPLOYMENT NODE OPEN SPACE Scale i ii Approxo Im., Figure 2 Nodular Metropolitan Concept 29 H. INDIVIDUAL THESIS TOPICS The topics chosen for individual research are as follows: 1. Ian W. Chang "The Problem of Private Investment in Urban Redevelopment." 2. Ashok 0. Shahani "The Nodular Metropolitan Concept: Some Transportation Aspects." 3. Monica H. Lindeman "The Nodular Metropolitan Concept: Some Social and Spatial Aspects." 4. Ronald E. Mann "The Role of the Time Element in the Urban Renewal Process." 5. Arthur R. Cowie "The Provision and Distribution of Local Open Spaces in Urban Residential Areas." 3.1 SECTION II - 3 CHAPTER I A. INTRODUCTION 1. General Much interest has been expressed i n recent years i n the increasing complexity of the planning function i n the process of c i t y growth and development. In particular, interest has centered on the question whether planning's function i s solely that of an advisory one to the policy makers or perhaps a more complex one. I t appears that, as planners play an advisory role, they also deal i n alternate futures, u t i l i z i n g the past and managing the present. The real question, therefore, seems to be whether planning can account for not only the results of policy decisions made, but also for those results where policy decisions have been held i n abeyance. This would mean recognition of alternate situations, and a cost-accounting for these alternatives. Generally, costs of new projects or schemes are accounted for, but less i s known about the costs incurred for decisions not made. For instance, l e t us assume that the intensity of transportation services increases logarithmically with the increase i n size of the urban area. At some point i n time a rapid transit system i s proposed by the planner. The decision makers are apt to say that i t costs the present generation too much i n taxes. No decision i s made to go ahead with this scheme, — yet urban growth continues. I t seems that perhaps a s a c r i f i c e i s made i n favor of something else. How can planning account for underlying factors of a l t e r -natives such as these?* I t seems that the planner eventually i s faced with an accounting for alternate costs, whether opportunity costs foregone, or social costs 2 not anticipated. This has become a serious challenge, p a r t i c u l a r l y since some cost elements may re-appear i n d i f f e r i n g magnitudes. Therefore, i t would be useful for the planner to have a number of 'implements' at hand which would enable him to account for the costs of alternatives. 2. Study Motivation A study of this subject should not be regarded as a mere academic diversion. But rather, i t i s an attempt to gain a better under-standing of the theory of social behavior as a spatial determinant i n an analytical approach to the complexity of large urban areas, and conversely, of the complexity of large urban areas as a 1 - The reader i s directed to a particular kind of model, which deals with a p r i o r i t y arrangement of dimensions f o r the exchange of costs to gains; exchange type or trade-off type models such as Walter Pirey's "Hierarchy of Alternatives i n Resource Development" (see App. B) 2 - Ibid. determinant f o r social behavior. An inquiry into this subject area should be of importance to the student of the city, because: a. A m u l t i p l i c i t y of functions and a c t i v i t i e s are located i n metropolitan areas. b. Horizontal and v e r t i c a l growth of c i t i e s i s l i k e l y to continue. c. A number of major urban centres i n North America, which occupy dominant .positions, in;;the .urban agglomerate, are faced wit-hr major growth and development problems. d. The cit y , which i s an imperfectly operating information network, makes i t d i f f i c u l t to obtain information i n a proper systematic way. Limitations of Study (General) In general, limitations of the study have been twofold. Primarily, the theory of social behavior as a determinant of land use i s largely an uncharted and undeveloped area. Thus, the amount of information, both theoretical and empirical, on the subject has been one lim i t a t i o n . The other l i m i t a t i o n i s the r e s t r i c t i o n i n the terms of reference of the study which are set by the information available on the subject, and by the degree of abstraction permissible to render concepts and models from other f i e l d s operational. 3.4 B. .PARTICULAR. MODELS AS AN APPROACH. TO THE. PLANNING CONCEPT Traditionally, planning of future land uses has been the role of the c i t y planner. More recently, there has been an awareness — on the part of c i t y planning — of the complex relationship between present and future land uses, and their effect on urban form and structure, and the effects that so c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l systems have on land use planning. Lately too, due to the increasing need f o r an int e r d i s c i p l i n a r y approach planners have established a dialogue with sociologists, economists, urban geographers and p o l i t i c a l scientists, i n addition to the maintenance of tra d i t i o n a l t i e s with architects, landscape architects and engineers. In the process, the planner has enriched his repertoire of conceptual models, theoretical frameworks, and systematic approaches by borrowing from other f i e l d s . He now i s applying a number of these "implements" i n the planning process. There are a number of such implements at the planner's beck and c a l l , which serve him i n the task of accounting f o r alternatives. Some of the more interesting implements i n the planning process, and i n accounting f o r space and people include the following concepts: 3.5 1. The Nodular Metropolitan Concept (See Figure 3-l) This concept attempts to explain the forces of push and p u l l i n a form of development which i s becoming evident i n the c i t y today. As an analytical model this concept aids i n recognizing s h i f t i n g i n d u s t r i a l , service, and residentiary functions within the urban region, and core forming processes over time. As a process model (simulation) the planner may use i t to formulate certain best, second best, etc. combinations of functions and their locational alternatives, and test out the effect on core forming processes. This model w i l l assist i n mapping future decisions regarding functions i n urban areas, such as an accounting for the impact of a changing occupational d i s t r i b u t i o n of residential populations 4 on the transportation network. 2. The Funnel Model and the Process of Socialization (See Fig. 3.2) Another dimension of the process of urban growth and development could perhaps be understood through the use of this model. This i s a conceptualization of an information channel and the Markov chain of probable throughputs from i n i t i a l inputs over time. 3 - See also Section I - Group Thesis, pp. 19-20. 4 - Ibid.; and Frieden, B.J. The Future of Old Neighborhoods:  Rebuilding f o r a Changing Population. Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1964, pp. 1 7 3 - 1 9 6 ; and Gans, H.J. The Urban Villagers. New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1962; and Hardwick, ¥. From his lectures on the Changing Location of Work Places and the Internal Structure of the City, Urban Geography 415- Vancouver: University of B.C., 1967. 3.6 FIG. 3.1 The Nodular Metropolitan Concept (Source: See Group Thesis, Section l) Forces of x - X & i v X -Push >:;:;:::x::-:*:-: i ' v " ; X \ \ \ \ \ v /::::x£x£:£:£: x^,::::::::::%':::x^ :^ : ;:j:;:;:i:;:;:;:;::::^jr^: Forces of V:X:X:X:X :x Forces of Push **** i 1 1 ! ! i I m i l l i i i ! BUILT UP AREA Push l l i i i i • X v X - X ' Forces of Push l i i l l r OPEN SPACES SCALE — I 1 mile Push Pull The s o c i a l i z a t i o n process i s a learning process 'over time, that i s , social behavior i s learned. I t i s not only communicated by persons but also by a l l sorts of other means, and i f l i v i n g i n the c i t y carries certain rewards with i t , then this may be one of a number of other systemic structures of learning. The problem exists i n an accounting for d i f f e r e n t i a l results of apparently similar i n i t i a l inputs i n t h i s learning process. A major reason for the d i f f e r e n t i a l results could be the l i m i t s of the soci a l reference structure, which may — over time — be acting as funnels. While there are s o c i a l i z a t i o n patterns for a l l : •• persons, there may be some funnels for generalized learning, and some for specialized learning. What happens i s that of the i n i t i a l inputs a continuously smaller and smaller amount proceeds through the funnel toward a very generalized or a highly specialized kind of behavior, as the case may be.. An example of highly specialized kinds o f behavior would be a high degree of a r t i c u l a t i o n on any one of the concepts of past, present, or future; or i n the case of very generalized behavior some knowledge about each one of these concepts. However, results may also be mislearned, due to faulty teaching, so that some concepts, such as "future", may have become "stuck" i n the funnel. Such results would represent perhaps a less 3-8 F|£ji 3i2 The Funnel Model and the Process of Socialization (Source: E. Landauer. From his lectures i n Social S t r a t i f i c a t i o n . Vancouver: University of B.C., 1966) " TIME (LEARNED PROCESS OF SOCIALIZATION OVER TIME) INITIAL INPUT TV TY FUNNEL (SOCIAL REFERENCE STRUCTURE) Fig. 3.3 TIME INITIAL INPUT t f t DAMAGED FUNNEL ( DISCO N* T1NUITY IN THE REFERENCE STRUCTURE) Funnel 3 . 9 balanced outcome. Another example might be a "damaged" funnel, because a discontinuity has occurred i n the reference structure. A point i n case would be immigrants from other countries, who have to cope with a new 5 reference structure. The probable throughputs are thus only to a very limited extent a result of the i n i t i a l inputs. They are p a r t i a l l y a product of the funneling process of increasing constraints i n the reference structure. They are also the outcome of random effects introduced i n the funneling process. The use of this model i n the nodular metropolitan conept provides an avenue of approach for the accounting of alternate social 5 - This also seems to indicate that a l o t of planning and social organizational sequences of development and/or learning can be truncated. There may be abruptly and non-abruptly truncated funnels. Planners . should address themselves to the problem of abruptly truncated funnels i n particular. For instance, they should assume responsibility for developing mechanisms to ease t r a n s i t i o n to occupations of those terminating education. There are enough s t a t i s t i c s which indicate social areas with a long history of continuously low educational achieve-ment and employment problems. These soci a l areas and their schooling situation act as truncating funnels. Human Ecology suggests that these problems can be overcome by eliminating social areas as terminating funnels. 3.10 situations, and v a r i a b i l i t y of social behavior i n the urban environment.^ 3- A Social and Spatial Model of the Internal State of the System This model (see Figures 3-4 and 3-5) provides the conceptual frame-work for the relationship between the v a r i a b i l i t y of social behavior and. environment. In the urban growth and development process changes are introduced, which have an impact on the internal social and spatial relationship of the urban system. These incre-mental changes of the internal state of the system may have to be accounted for purposes of policy formulation i n the planning process. Generally speaking, i n this model, these incremental changes are assessed i n terms of the environmental and social behavioral characteristics. These are rank-ordered along dimensions ranging from fixed to variable states. Any s h i f t s of the internal system from one state to another may occur over time. These s h i f t s represent incremental changes depending on social reference structures and environmental manipulation. The urban 6 - Landauer, Ernest. From his Lectures i n Social S t r a t i f i c a t i o n . Vancouver: University of B.C., 1966; and Arbib, M.A. Brains, Machines  and Mathematics. Toronto: McGraw-Hill, 1965, pp. 65-66; and Anderson, J.E. (ed) Psychological Aspects of Aging. Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association, Inc., 1956, p. 279; and Bender, E.I. and Kagiwada, G. Hansen's Law of "'Third Generation Return" and the Study  of American Religio-Ethnic Groups. Vancouver: P a c i f i c Sociological Association Annual Meeting, 1966; and Watson, G. (ed) No Room at the  Bottom. Washington, D.C.: National Education Association, 1963-7 - See also Section I - Group Thesis, pp. 26-27 Fig. 3.4 3.11 Social/Spatial Model (Source: ii. Landauer. From his Seminars. U.B.C. 1965-1968) LBCfEND:-Shifts over Time Conditions ex-ternal to urban eye tem States (internal) of system PRESSURE Fig. 3.5 SOCIAL BEHAVIOR SOCIAL REFERENCE STRUCTURE FIXED BEHAVIOR VARIABLE BEHAVIO Social Behavior and  Reference Structure (Source: E. Landauer, From his Seminars. U.B.C. 1956-1968) "FIXED REFERENT NO CONSENSUS ON REFERENT Social/Spatial 3-12 growth and development process, which represents changes of the internal system over time, then may have to be accounted for i n the planning process. While there may be a number of alternative situations, there are at least two which should receive close attention: namely those obtaining as a result of planned change and/or those as a result of chance where change i s due to aggregate 8 individual actions. Basically, this i s a model which may provide a conceptualized framework for an assessment of an incrementally changing urban way of l i f e . This may be one way of relating environment or conditions to people. For instance, i f the environment were "fixed", and soci a l behavior also were "fixed", t h i s would be a state i n which nothing much ever happens. But suppose the environment i s "fixed" only, and behavior i s "variable", then incremental changes i n behavior could bring about a s h i f t i n the 9 internal state of the system, either toward a state where both 8 - Firey, W. Man, Mind and Land: A Theory of Resource Use. Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : Free Press, I960, pp. 207-241; and Landauer, E. From his Seminars and Research Work into Urban Social Structure. Vancouver; University of B.C., 1965-1968. 9 - This i s suggestive of the proposition that with increased aggregation of persons, greater v a r i a b i l i t y i s b u i l t into social behavior (unless the same behaviors are only replicated), yet with no change i n the environment, i . e . crowded housing, shif t s i n the age composition of the population. Permanent v a r i a b i l i t y i s b u i l t into social behavior due to the aging process and s h i f t i n a c t i v i t i e s . Since this i s an integral part of the development of societies, i t should be a planning responsibility to accommodate this change i n the urban growth and development process. 3.13 environment and behavior are fixed, or toward a state of v a r i a b i l i t y i n the environment and of fixed s o c i a l behavior. In either case, i t i s highly unlikely that s h i f t i n g from one state to another i s s t r i c t l y a change generated within the urban system, but rather may be due to one or a number of exogenous conditions exert-ing pressure on the internal state of the system. What i s d i f f i -c u l t however, i s to estimate at what point the incremental change reaches a threshold and brings about a s h i f t into another state, or a s h i f t to that state which exhibits variable behavior and variable environment. An analysis of the urban social reference structure may provide a key to a better understanding of what spatial (environmental) 10 conditions relate to what social behavior. For instance, i f there i s a certain amount of consensus among persons on how to react or respond to a pa r t i c u l a r condition or situation, then t h i s may mean that there i s a r e l a t i v e l y fixed social referent which guides the s o c i a l behavior. In t h i s case e x p l i c i t l y stated "standards" for parks or open spaces are inadequate not only because hardly anyone i s able to maintain 10 ., - Characterization of past^behavior, or condition; socio'-•; cultural or s p a t i a l . .:'. • v . i v l ' •. .. • • i. . T..' 3.14 these spatial requirements i n the large cities,'*""'" but also because they may not be a part of the s o c i a l reference structure, and there-fore soc i a l behavior does not respond i n an expression of ^demand" for this standard park or open space. On the other hand, there are pa r t i c u l a r s o c i a l referents reflecting, a consensus of response to certain spatial requirements, thereby indicating that different kinds of open space may well be a "fixed" or i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d environment. There i s also a high probability that certain social behavior w i l l occur ( r e l a t i v e l y "fixed"). Examples would be teenage street corner groups or multi-purpose urban corridor space. Another example are the "standard" resident-i a l preferences of an increasingly mobile urban population. Here there i s a certain consensus on referents of the social reference structure which makes for r e l a t i v e l y "fixed" behavior, but the 12 environment i n this case i s a more "variable" one. While there i s no simple way of relating space to people, i t i s important that this gap eventually be bridged because of the change created by urban planning and i t s impact on people. Whether planners assume people's behavior as "fixed" and opt for a "variable" environment, or vice versa, w i l l continue to be a 11 - Cowie, A. The Provisioni-and Distribution, of Local^Open.. Spaces  i n Urban Residential Areas. Section 5 of the Group Study. Unpublished Master's Thesis i n Community and Regional Planning. Vancouver: Univers-i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1968. 12 - Webber, M.M. and Webberm C.C. "Culture, T e r r i t o r i a l i t y , and the E l a s t i c Mile". An Introduction to Urban Planning and Urbanism. ed. H. Wentworth. New York: Doubleday/Anchor, 1967, p.9. 3.15 problem, as long as these internal states of the system are simply a matter of guesswork or assumption on behalf of the urban planner. However, some of the guesswork could perhaps be eliminated on the basis of probability calculations. For instance, what i s the probability of persons going to parks, or going to school, or l i v i n g i n certain residential areas? Calculating pro b a b i l i t i e s may be one way of predicting certain soc i a l behavior which would occur i n the presence or absence of certain conditions; and i f modality obtains f o r certain social behaviors, this could then imply the presence of a socia l reference structure, yet not the v a r i a b i l i t y or fixedness, which has to be assessed over time. A composite of these reference structures would be an expression of. the organization of the social system. Then, the state the system i s i n or s h i f t i n g to, could perhaps be ascertained from the results of probability calculations of behaviors showing "fixed" or "variable" reference structures, and changing results over time would indicate s h i f t s of the system from one state to another.*^ 1 3 - Besher*; J.M. Urban Social Structure. New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1962; and Foley, D.L. "An Approach to Metropolitan Spatial Structure", Explorations into Urban Structure, ed. Webber, M.M. et a l . Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964; and Meier, R.L. Megalopolis Formation i n the Midwest. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1965. 14 - Webber and Webber,, op. c i t . , pp. 4, 6-7. 3.16 4. The Weed for a Comprehensive Approach to Urban Planning Urban growth and development, i t seems, demands recognition of the interrelationships of an increasing volume of social a c t i v i t y and mobility of persons i n metropolitan and megalopolitan areas. 15 (See figure 3-7) I t requires a planning process which i s dynamic, and accommodates and programs for change. Rather than proposing a f i n i t e solution, urban planning should provide the 16 means to solve anticipated inadequacies as they arise. But should i t not also at the same time allow for enough f l e x i -b i l i t y to accommodate unanticipated change? Does not such a process demand the kind of coordinated planning and administration which can encompass changes i n social behavior and the environment? 1 5 - Lessing, L. "Systems Engineering invades the City". Fortune. Vol. 77, No. 1 (Jan. 1968), p. 155-156. "In 1965, Space-General Corp. undertook a systems study for the state of C a l i f o r n i a on the prevention and control of crime and delinquency. In the course of that project, a company team made a special analysis of Los Angeles County to discover whether there was an underlying social pattern that determined which areas, showed the greatest potentials for trouble. The team selected f i v e s o c i a l c r i t e r i a (highest population density, lowest income l e v e l , etc.) and constructed a. demographicImap-. The f i v e sets of c r i t e r i a turned out to overlap most completely i n the Watts section. Shortly af t e r the map and report were completed, the h i s t o r i c Watts r i o t s broke out i n the late summer of 1965. The event bolstered the report's conclusion that analysis of better and more refined social data could pinpoint the real danger areas i n c i t i e s i n time to i n s t i t u t e preventive programs. 16 - This leads to the proposition that effective means to handle anticipated inadequacies should be b u i l t i n to the planning model, so that i t takes alternative disequilibrium situations into account. This could a l l e v i a t e the fear of negative c r i t i c i s m on plans, which "missed out". 3.17 Fig. 3.6 Simple Feedback Model (Source: Buckley, W. Sociology and Modern Systems Theory. Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967) (1) i o a l Control Centre(s) Parameters Feedback : Test (4) Feedback •(2) action outputs (5) corrective action (3) Information Jathering on Output Effects Effects on System and Environment Feedback 3.18 Fig. 3.7 opecial Analysis Pi a ;ram (Abstracted from Special Analysis of Los Angeles County Diagram; Source: Leasing, L. "oyatems engineering invades the City", i n Fortune. Vol. 77, No. 1 (Jan. 1%8), pp. 155-156) LEGEND: -C r i t i c a l Area -where Five Sets of C r i t e r i a overlap most completely Median Income Areas (less than $5,000) Negroes 75 % or more of population Maximum population Density Maximum School Drop-out Areas Maximum Crime-rate Area Social Pattern 3.19 The cumulative complexity of the situation demands a comprehensive, rather than piecemeal approach. To this end the systems approach i n urban planning, s p e c i f i c a l l y the u t i l i z a t i o n of the feedback concept w i l l allow for a continuous re-evaluation and modification of goals or objectives, and social p o l i c i e s . Evaluation of urban planning programs on the bais of "social inputs" may provide a feedback, which could i n turn modify future development c r i t e r i a , and could provide alternatives i n the decision making process of planning. (See figure 3-6) The systems approach also seems to hold the promise that i t can deal with the increasing amounts of data inputs, storage, and outputs, i n much less time than mannual operations can. An incorporation of this approach i n the nodular metropolitan concept sees such "freed" time of urban planners u t i l i z e d for creative thinking and f o r bridging communication gaps where they exist. In summary, i t i s postulated that each of these models could be used as a part of the nodal metropolitan concept. The purpose of these models i s to provide a means by which major relationships between social behavioral determinants and spatial characteristics can be id e n t i f i e d , analyzed, and under certain conditions predicted. 17 - Journal of American Institute of Planners. (May 1965); and Katz, S. "The Machine, that puts the Nurses into Nursing." McLeans. Vol. 78, No. 2, (Jan. 1965), 8-9, 34; and Lessing, op.cit., pp. 155-157, 217-221; and L i t t l e , A.D. Inc. Simulation Model for Renewal Program- ming. San Francisco Community Renewal Program, (1964), Technical Paper No. 1; and Wiener, N. The Human Use of Human Beings: Cybernetics and  Society. New York: Doubleday & Co., Inc., 1950. 3.20 C. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM 1. The Problem A basic problem exists i n the use of the concept of social behavior as a spatial determinant i n planning. I t i s a problem of identi f y i n g various social behavioral indicators, and their spatial implications, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the process of urban growth and development. Since there i s s t i l l much uncharted i n this area of study, i t would be f o l l y to attempt to map the whole. Therefore, from the concepts introduced on the preceding pages the aspect of variable social behavior has been selected as a take o f f point. Within this framework one element has been selected f o r inquiry, that of orientation toward the future. I t should be possible to determine whether persons are 'future" oriented, that i s whether "change" and "doing new things" i s part of t h e i r repertoir, and to what extent nominals such as c i t y area, home, occupation, etc., represent a standard set of constraints or inventories of alternatives. 3.21 I t i s postulated that a greater v a r i a b i l i t y of social behavior i s necessary for new development to take place i n the ci t y , and that future oriented behavior of persons also i s desirable under this condition. It i s further postulated that the greater the variety of social behavior under certain conditions, the greater i s the amount of information about the sociocultural system, and the less-are the constraints on behavior. 2. Research on the Problem from particular Disciplines Research on the general problem so far has only been from the d i s c i p l i n e of sociology. Walter Pirey has i d e n t i f i e d dimensions of likelihood, gainfulness, and obligation relative to b e l i e f s and practices of a population. He has compared these to states 18 of "fixed" and "variable" social behavior and environment. This research i s p a r t i a l l y being b u i l t upon by Ernest Landauer i n his study and research into urban social areas, which postulates variable or fixed behavior dimensions under certain conditions, 19 This includes a future and past orientation concept. 18 - Pirey, W., op.cit., 290 p. 19 - Landauer, E. Social Control i n Ramified and Non-Ramified  Societies. A Discussion Paper to the Interdisciplinary Colloquium. Vancouver: University of B.C., 1966. 3.22 CHAPTER II D. HYPOTHESES In view of the problem outlined above the following hypotheses have been formulated: HQ - The dis t r i b u t i o n of aggregate social and residential characteristics over a given sub-area i s the same as f o r the whole Metropolitan Area. I f this situation i s absent, i t i s either because the residential areas are nonexistent, or because certain f a c i l i t i e s and/or other conditions are absent. Therefore, i f the data does not support this hypothesis, i t i s rejected i n favor of H^. H^ - The dis t r i b u t i o n of aggregate social and residential characteristics over a given sub-area i s not the same as f o r the whole Metropolitan Area. Then two further hypotheses are formulated: H^ - I f persons do not perceive that they can move to other urban 20 areas, then certain conditions and referents do not allow for i t . 20 - i . e . terminating funnel conditions 3.23 I f the data does not support H^, then i t i s rejected i n favor of H^. - I f persons do perceive that they can move to other urban areas, then certain conditions and referents allow f o r i t . These conditions and referents may be spatial, and/or they may be characteristics of past social behavior. They may include l a s t pla.ce of residence, place of birth, place of work, occupation, education, income, age, a c t i v i t i e s people engage i n , etc. They may include future orientation, such as perceiving "change" and "doing new things." E. DEFINITIONS 1. Social Behavior: Responses and a c t i v i t i e s of aggregates of persons. 2. Environment: Characterization of past behavior or condition, sociocultural or spatial. 3. Social Reference Structure: The relation between referents and a c t i v i t i e s of a society; the meanings imparted into actual behavior and a c t i v i t i e s examplified by the existing social organization. 4. Referents: Placeholders of some objects "out there". Constructs for i d e n t i -fying what the society i s about. 3-24 P. DESCRIPTION OP RESEARCH DESIGN AND STUDY 1. Terms of Reference and Research Area The terms of reference of this study have been obtained from proponents of social behavioral theory, planning, and systems theory. 21 The research project concentrates i n some de t a i l on the northeast area of Vancouver. (See figure 3.8) 2. Method of Inquiry The Method of Inquiry u t i l i z e s D.B.5. Census Tract information and empirical research data. Methods of s t a t i s t i c a l analysis include the location quotient method, socia l area analysis correlation coefficients, multivariate 22 contingency tabulation, and the Mann-Whitney U Test. The empirical research i s an integral part of an ongoing social area research project conducted by Professor E. Landauer, i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology, at the University of B.C. The method of inquiry uses an interview questionnaire survey. The questionnaire, as the tool of inquiry was formulated by Professor Landauer and his research team (of which the writer i s a member) over a two year period. This allowed s u f f i c i e n t time for review 21 -22 -See BIBLIOGRAPHY See APPENDICES 3.25 Fig. 3.8 Map of Vancouver Area and Study Area STUDY AREA C.T. 7-12 0 2 miles SCALE Vancouver Area 3.26 of pertinent theoretical and methodological material, as well as f o r pretesting and revision of the questionnaire. The interviews are scheduled on the basis of random sample selection. The unit of inquiry i s the head of household and spouse. The interviews are conducted i n pairs.by a male and female interviewer, and interviewer report sheets of each interview allow for coverage of the event. To date only a limited number of interviews have been completed, because the interview phase of the study project has only recently gone under way. The study i s t e r r i t o r i a l l y linked with a computer programmed socia l area analysis u t i l i z i n g D.B.S. Canada Census Tracts data of the Greater Vancouver Metropolitan Area, of 1961. 2 5 In addition, some data has been u t i l i z e d from a survey inquiry into conditions of urban renewal relocatees. Several of the questions i n this interview survey have been taken from, the social area research project. Control of the interview situation i n this case was limited to the extent of the interviewers training, 24 which was r e l a t i v e l y b r i e f due to circumstances beyond control. 23 - Landauer, E. Metropolitan Vancouver Urban Research Project. An ongoing study since 1965; and Tryon, R.C. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Social  Areas by Cluster Analysis. Berkeley: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1955. 24 - C o l l i e r , R.W. From his Workshop on Urban Renewal, Planning 510. Vancouver: University of B.C., 1967. 3.27 3- Treatment of the Data The social and residential characteristics for the quotient computation have been a r b i t r a r i l y * selected from census tracts 7 to 12 f o r comparison purposes with ethnic correlations of the social area research project. Several of the responses of the social area inquiry's interim results, and of the urban renewal relocatee study have been coded, 25 and tabulated v i a MVTAB System at U.B.C.'s Computer Centre. Inferences have been drawn were possible, and tentative statements formulated, pending confirmation or refutation by the f i n a l results. In connection with the group thesis a mail survey questionnaire was formulated to e l i c i t responses from several U.S. and Canadian Urban Renewal Agencies on some of their projects/schemes. The instrument of inquiry — a f t e r i t s i n i t i a l phase of pretesting — i s now facing a revision stage. This has been based on a desire for more time to adequately formulate the questionnaire. A further delay occurred i n the slowness of replies. The data obtained, the revision phase, and the inquiry stage must await continuation of this study at a l a t e r date. 25 - Multivariate Contingency Tabulation System; and f o r Coding Mannual, see APPENDIX E. * - a r b i t r a r i l y , because of the specific correlation data which was available already. 3.28 G. RESULTS AMD THEIR INTERPRETATION 1. Comparison of Research Area with Metropolitan Area Hypothesis EL states that: The di s t r i b u t i o n of aggregate social and residential characteristics over a given sub-area i s the same as for the whole Metropolitan Area. A location quotient has been computed to determine the degree to which a s p e c i f i c area has more or less than i t s share of p a r t i c u l a r social and residential characteristics. The quotient i s based on a per capita breakdown of selected census tract data for 1961. The area selected coincides with census tracts 7 to 12, and the social area research project. The social and residential characteristics for the quotient computation have been a r b i t r a r i l y selected f o r comparison purposes with ethnic correlations of the social area research proje c t . 2 ^ 26 - Also see B e l l , L.I. Metropolitan Vancouver .... An Overview  for Social Planners. Research Department, Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, 1965; and Shevky; E., and B e l l , W. Social Area Analysis: Theory, I l l u s t r a t i v e Application and Computation  Procedures. Stanford Sociological Series, No. 1. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1955; and Tryon, op.cit.; and Broek, J.O.M. Geography: Its Scope and S p i r i t . Columbus: M e r r i l l Books, Inc., 1965, p. 62; and Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . "Population and Housing Characteristics by Census Tracts: Vancouver." 1961 Census of Canada. Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1963; and Wise, M. et a l . Multivariate  Analysis of Poverty i n Greater Vancouver. Unpublished Paper i n Sociology 425. Vancouver, B.C.: University of B.C., 1967. 3.29 On the basis of the location quotient the area selected has a proportionately greater share of several variables than i s observed for the whole metropolitan area. These variables and their location quotients are l i s t e d i n APPENDIX C * The location quotient of these variables ranges from a high of 5.98 to 1.02 for the area. For two of the variables the area's proportionate share i s less than for the metropolitan area as a whole. These are income (.46) and families with three or more children (.87). The computed results of ethnic correlations not only confirm differences observed f o r the area, but also are indicative of variations i n general f o r the census tracts of the metropolitan area as a whole. (See APPENDIX D)** Therefore, i f the model used was correct, and i f the measurement requirement was s a t i s f i e d , then on the basis of the results, can be rejected i n favor of : The d i s t r i b u t i o n of aggregate social and residential characteristics over a given sub-area i s not the same as for the whole Metropolitan Area. * - see page 3«52 ** - see page 3.53 3.50 2. Results and their Interpretation of the selected Research Area Hypothesis. H^-states..that: ,• , '.• t ...-v. (,.••: I f persons do not perceive that they can move to other urban areas, then certain conditions and referents do not 27 allow for i t . Since the sub-area under study i s different from the metro area as a whole, the question then concerns the problem, whether certain conditions and referents act as constraints under which persons 28 operate. This means that certain conditions and referents have to be i d e n t i f i e d from the way people act and respond. These a c t i v i t i e s and responses, i t i s expected, would show up as 29 modalities. The extent to which these conditions and referents do not vary, that i s , the lack of v a r i a b i l i t y i n the way people respond or act, may indicate to what extent these conditions and/or referents act as constraints. In order to make E operational, the following research hypothesis has been formulated: LThere i s no v a r i a b i l i t y i n the responses and a c t i v i t i e s of the members of the population under study. 27 - certain conditions: i . e . terminating funnel conditions 28 - The dimensions for the exchange of costs to gains may be different here. 29 - Landauer, E. Social Control, op.cit., pp. 1 2 - 1 5 3.31 a. General Observation One general observation of the incoming results from the social area research project i s that on a number of open ended questions some of the respondents refer to events, while others refer to places. b. Nominals: City Area, Home, Occupation, etc. An exploratory frequency di s t r i b u t i o n has been tabulated from the survey data obtained so far. (See APPENDIX E)# On the face of these interim results i t seems that the "last address of respondents" category only maps 33 % into the same area. This i s followed by 29 % for previous locations elsewhere i n Metro Vancouver, 21 fo elsewhere i n B.C., and l a s t l y 17 % elsewhere abroad. V a r i a b i l i t y i n this case i s greater than expected. 30 - This i s indicative of where work ought to go on. Geographic mobility should be correlated with social mobility*using s t r a t i f i c a t i o n * * variables. For instance, closer and less close correlation of frequency/distance of moving and so c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n variables could be studied. This points i n the direction of subsequent study on Planning and Social S t r a t i f i c a t i o n , Status C r y s t a l l i z a t i o n , * * * Status Inconsistency, etc. I t raises the question as to the extent to which status c r y s t a l l i z a t i o n plays a function i n planning; and whether status mobility/geographic mobility play a function as to the kinds or l i m i t s of planning; that i s , are these due to constraints of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ? * - socia l mobility: movement i n and out of social positions; oppor-tunity f o r changing the amount of influence one can exert; opportunity for changing one's s o c i a l status. ** - s t r a t i f i c a t i o n : h ierarchically organized inequalities of privileges which produce structural aggregates. *** - status c r y s t a l l i z a t i o n : degree of correlation (consistency) among statuses; the degree of consistency i s a product of the way i n which statuses are organized. Also see Lenski, G. "Status Crystallization", A.S.R., 19, (1954),405-413; and Duncan, O.D. "The Trend of Occupational Mobility i n the U.S.", A.S.R. (Aug. 1965), 491-498. # - see pages 3.54-3-58 3.32 I t i s much less for place of bir t h , where foreign born account for only 25 Place of work also shows less v a r i a b i l i t y than expected. 46 fo work i n the same area where they reside. Occupations show a limited v a r i a b i l i t y , such as 37.5 % each f o r trades and housewives, the rest f o r laborers and c l e r i c a l workers. Schooling varied more than expected from 42 % for 9 - 1 1 years, 29 %> f o r 5 - 8 years, 21 % f o r 12 and more years, and 8 fo for no response. Income also varied more than expected, from 50 % f o r the $5,000 to $6,999 group, and 17 f> each f o r those below $5,000 and above $7,000, to a residue of 16 fo who either did not know or made no response. Age varied much less. I t was distributed mainly over two groups, 67 fo for those between 45 - 64 years, and 29 f° accounted f o r those between 25 - 44 years. A fo did not respond. 3-33 Five of the eight foregoing social characteristics show a limited variability and one might speculate that these may represent conditions of constraint, which act as referents of social behavior, and sort people into areas. In such case, should new development plans be introduced, which would vary the place of work and residence patterns from the present ones, they would probably meet with limited success. However, these interim figures have yet to be born out by the final results. c. Responses: "Change", "Doing New Things" Responses to the "change" and "doing new things" questions indicate a different kind of variability. (See APPENDIX E, questions 69, and 72; and APPENDIX F ) 5 1 Variability in this case ranges from those perceiving change and doing new things — 75 % and 58 fo respectively — to those that did not perceive — 16 % and 17 % — and those that did not know or did not respond — 8 fa and 21 %. In this case i t appears that, even though there is a fair amount of consensus on "change" (as an event or a place), there is much less consensus on whether doing new things was related to change, in fact 38 % responded negatively. 31 - See pages 3.57; 3.59-3-63. 32 - The future orientation responses on change and doing new things are then checked against past social organization orientation, because people may say one thing, but think and do something else. 3.34 d. A c t i v i t i e s : Driving f o r Pleasure, Going to the Park,, etc. At this time only a limited number of a c t i v i t y characteristics 33 have been selected f o r tabulation. (See APPENDIX E and P) The v a r i a b i l i t y of these a c t i v i t i e s people are engaged i n i s both limited and extensive, depending on the type. There i s a strong — 96 f> — consensus on the "driving for pleasure" referent. This also holds for referents on "going to the park" — 83 f, and "going to the beach" — 75 f°. (The 25 % non-goers i n the l a t t e r case are made up of homeowners.) "Going to the community centre" only scores 25 f°, which are enti r e l y made up of persons from the 45 to 64 age group. "Going to the l i b r a r y " shows greater v a r i a b i l i t y of behavior, 58 f> of goers are made up of a number of different social characteristics. I t would appear from„these interim results that any new ci t y development plans for an area with similar social behavioral characteristics may have to provide continuing opportunities f o r certain leisure-time a c t i v i t i e s , i n order to be assured adoption. These leisure time a c t i v i t i e s would include "driving for pleasure", "going to the park", and "going to the beach", which are so far non-local i n nature. ••.• -33 - see pages 3-56-3.57; 3.63f3«68. 3.35 Leisure time a c t i v i t i e s of a lo c a l nature at present score very low with the respondents, i . e . "going to the Community Centre" and "going to lo c a l Parks" . (See APPENDIX E) 34 These may not be ready referents for this population, due to the fact that there are very few l o c a l parks (which are not playing f i e l d s ) . 35 The limited reference made to "going to the community center" may not be as easily explained by the local/non-local dichotomy and would require further study. Since l i b r a r y behavior i s r e l a t i v e l y variable, this function perhaps can be accommodated i n a number of ways i n any new ci t y development plans. A b r i e f review of shopping characteristics exhibits f a i r l y variable behavior with the exception of shopping at the corner store. (See APPENDIX E ) ^ 6 Thus i t would appear, that any major new development plans f o r such an area would meet with more success, were changes i n the concentration of shopping f a c i l i t i e s introduced f i r s t , with changes i n place of work concentrations as a second stage, and residential changes 37 thereafter. 34 - see pages 3-55, 3.57. 35 - Cowie, A., op.cit. 36 - see pages 3.56; also APPENDIX F, p. 3.68 . 37 - Shahani, A. The Nodular Metropolitan Concept: Some Aspects of Transportation Planning. Unpublished Master's Thesis i n Community and Regional Planning. Vancouver: University of B.C., 1968. 3-36 e. Comparison with Urban Renewal Relocatee Study As a measure of comparison a frequency di s t r i b u t i o n has been tabulated from some similar data of the urban renewal relocatee study. While these results d i f f e r i n some d e t a i l from the social area research project, the Mann-Whitney U test indicates that the two independent groups have been drawn from the same population. 3 8 (See APPENDIX G and H ) 5 9 The data at this stage i s not conclusive enough to reject R i n favor of H^. However, once a l l the data have been collected for this exploratory study, a multiple regression analysis of the data i s scheduled to work out pr o b a b i l i t i e s for analytical and predictive purposes. At that stage the study would provide more conclusive evidence. H. LIMITATIONS OF. THE - EMPIRICAL. STUDY ... 1. The limited size samples available to date. (24 cases of the Social Area Research Project; and 22 cases of the Urban Renewal Relocatee Study) 38 - Siegel, S. Nonparametric S t a t i s t i c s f o r the Behavioral  Sciences. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1956, pp. 116-127. 39 - see pages 3.69-3.70. 3-37 2. The pre-selected study area of the City of Vancouver. (Census Tracts 7 to 12, for the Social Area Research Project) 3. Constraints on the type of household selected f or the Social Area Research Project, namely that of secondary school students, so that this study can be compared with a study of the secondary school population i n that d i s t r i c t . 4. Restricting selection of respondents to head of household and spouse, fo r the Social Area Research Project, and to head of household only, for the Urban Renewal Relocatee study. 5. The limited size of sample severely l i m i t s use of s t a t i s t i c a l tests, and any statement on the interim results has to await confirmation or refutation of the f i n a l survey results. 3.38 CHAPTER III I. CONCLUSIONS AND THEORY FORMULATION 1. Conclusions In summary, comparison results of the subarea under study and the metropolitan area as a whole indicate that the social and residential characteristics d i f f e r from those of the whole metro area. In addition, results on selected nominals, responses and a c t i v i t i e s show certain tendencies of social behavior which, i f born out by the f i n a l data, could provide some insight into the reference structure of a population. Where these referents are not readily transferable from non-local to l o c a l conditions i n new development plans, as for instance i n the caseof "going to the Park", which turns out to be non-local, then such referents have to be analysed further to get at their elements, i . e . ^ adventure", "courage", "relaxation", etc. Then l o c a l open spaces could be planned so that they are encompassing these composite elements, and thus serve a need of the lo c a l 40 residential population. 40 - Planning ought to depend on data of comparable social areas; reference i s made to methods developed by Shevky and B e l l , op.cit., and Tryon, op.cit. 3-39 Further, the cross tabulated results indicate that social behavior of certain aggregates of persons i s more fixed than that of others, and that the environment i s more variable for some than for others. (See APPENDIX F ) 4 1 Yet, due to the severe l i m i t a t i o n of the sample size, evidence on the future orientation and v a r i a b i l i t y c r i t e r i o n i s not conclusive, and can only be considered as exploratory. But, once a l l the data have been collected f o r this exploratory study, and a multiple regression analysis has been run to compute the probabilities, the study would then provide more conclusive evidence. 2. Suggestions for further Study The bivariate tabulations are suggestive of directions i n which investigation could lead. For instance, the way some of these variables seem to go together and some do not, could be indicative of a task to sort their p r i o r i t y f o r planning. Also, the correlation of geographic mobility with s t r a t i f i c a t i o n variables, and the e.xtent to which status c r y s t a l l i z a t i o n i s a function i n planning, i s another study area. The change and in-migration variables and the a c t i v i t i e s requiring open and closed spaces are indicative of another area where work ought to go on. The extent to which these scale, and rank as valued resources, and to the extent to which access exists to them, ought to be investigated. 41 - see pages 3.59-3.68. 3-40 3. Theory Formulation I f the tentative conclusions were eventually born out by the f u l l results of the social area study, then these results could be used to b u i l t s o c i a l / s p a t i a l models. I t could be observed whether a condition for development or for conservation obtains. A proposition could then be formulated that where socia l behavior i s "fixed" and the environment "variable", — i n terms of urban growth and development — conservation should take place i n an urban system i n this state. This i s a state i n which sanctions of other members of the system have such an effect on the individual who wants to maximize his own gains, that he w i l l forego some of the gains i n favor of some gains for the other members, and i n favor of the security of mutual expectations. Thus i n such an aggregate, persons are ensured of a greater reward i n t h e i r protection of encroachment on rights and privileges, and l i t t l e room i s l e f t for variable behavior. Persons i n this state rationalize that which i s "good", i s also "sure", and "right". Therefore, on the basis of r e l a t i v e l y fixed sociocultural behavior, plans which aim at conservation i n the c i t y development process are more l i k e l y to be adopted, because the "rules of the game" are conserved, even though they hold less promise for g a i n s . ^ 42 - Firey, op.cit., pp. 207-245 3.41 A further proposition would be that where social behavior i s ' \:- .. '.. variable, and the environment either fixed or variable, the urban system i s i n a state where development rather than conservation should occur. This would mean a state where sanctions of other members are less effective on persons* individual incentive for gain. They have calculated their rewards and penalties and decided on a course of foregoing some of the protection against encroachment. This i s a state where reward for gains to individual persons i s greater than the reward for cooperation.I I f the urban planner opts for development instead of conservation i n the c i t y development process, i t i s more l i k e l y that such development plan w i l l be adopted and successful, because constraints are leas than 43 the v a r i a b i l i t y of social behavior i n the state this system i s i n . In an application of this formulation to the Nodular Metropolitan Concept of the group thesis, i t would appear, that the concept could accommodate different states of a system. Since i t i s a concept, which allows for both conservation and development over time, i t accommodates present states of "fixed" or "variable" social behavior and "fixed" or "variable" environment. The incremental changes also w i l l contribute toward s h i f t s i n the internal state of the system. The c r i t i c a l point i s i n the introductory stage. At this point i n time a desirable state would be one of less "fixed" social behavior and less "fixed" environment, thus favoring the i n i t i a l 43 - Ibid. 3.42 introduction of this c i t y development concept i n the process. One would suspect though that perhaps conservation would be a. more successful introductory stage, based on the f i r s t proposition, with incremental changes (planned development) over time. In an application of the results of this study to the push-pull concept of the nodular model, i t would appear that there i s an home ownership trade-off against parks. Home ownership may be a force of p u l l from near open space, and a force of push to farther open space. The force of p u l l to non-local parks could be u t i l i z e d to increase use of f a c i l i t i e s ( w h i c h are at present of a l o c a l nature and l i t t l e used), i f these were located i n non-local p a r k s . 4 4 In an application of some of the results to the funnel model, i t may well be that some social areas are terminating funnels, where there i s — f o r instance — limited educational achievement and limited occupational upward mobility; I t could well be that the nodular metropolitan concept may be one way of eliminating these kinds of soci a l areas, because the phasing stages over time could 45 on the basis of ecological findings solve this problem'. 44 - Clawson, M. and J.L. Knetsch. Economics of Outdoor Recreation. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1966. Use of areas and f a c i l i t i e s i n -creases with increasing investment, development, i.e. more f a c i l i t i e s , higher quality services, etc. i n non-local parks. 45 - see l i t e r a t u r e by Duncan, Hauser and Schnore. 3.43 J . BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Books Abrams, C. The City i s the Frontier. New York: Harper & Row, 1965. Alonso, ¥. "Ci t i e s and City Planners" i n Taming Megalopolis. Vol. 2. ed. H. Wentworth Eldredge. New York: F.A. Praeger, 1967. Arbib, M.A. Brains, Machines and Mathematics. New York: McGraw-H i l l , 1965. Anderson, J.E. (ed.) Psychological Aspects of Aging. Washington: American Psychological Association, Inc., 1956. Bauer Wurster, C. "The Form and Structure of theFuture Urban Complex" i n Cities and Space, ed. L. Wingo. Resources for the Future Inc. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1966. Besher, J.M. Urban Social Structure. New York: Free Press of Glencoe, Inc., 1962. Birren, J.E. The Psychology of Aging. 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Megalopolis Formation i n the Midwest: Regional Development Studies V. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1965. M i l l e r , N.P. and D.M. Robinson. The Leisure Age: I t s Challenge  to Recreation. Belmont, Cal.: Wadsworth Publishing Co. Inc., 1963-Outdoor Recreation Resources Review Commission. Projections to  the Years 1976 and 2000: Economic Growth, Population.  Labor Force, Leisure and Transportation. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1962. Owen, W. The Metropolitan Transportation Problem. New York: Doubleday & Co. Inc., 1966. 3.45 Samuelson, P.A. and A. Scott. Economics. Toronto: McGraw-Hill, 1966. Shevky, E. and ¥. B e l l . Social Area Analysis. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1955-Siegel, S. Nonparametric S t a t i s t i c s f o r the Behavioral Sciences. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1956, Spreiregen, P.D. The Architecture of Towns and Ci t i e s . New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965-Taeuber, K.E. and A.F. Taeuber. Negroes i n C i t i e s . 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Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1963. 3.46 2. Journals and Journal A r t i c l e s Anger, R. and M. Heumann. "Urbanisme Volumetrique", i n L'Architecture d'Au.jourd'hui. No. 132, (June-July 1967), 36-37. Bauen und tfohnen. 21. Jahrgang, Heft 5 (Mai 1967). Calhoun, J.B. "Role of Space i n Animal Sociology," i n Journal of  Social Issues. Vol. 22, No. 4 (Oct. 1966), 46-58. Chansky, N.M. "Learning: A Function of Schedule and Type of Feedback." Psychological Reports. Vol. 7, (i960), 362. Chombart de Lauwe, P.H. "Soziologie des Wohnens", i n Bauen und  Wohnen. 15. Jahrgang, Heft 6 (juni 196l), 218-224. Duncan, O.D. "The Trend of Occupational Mobility i n the U.S.", American Sociological Review, (Aug. 1965), 491-498. Gerson, W. "Residential Environs i n the Urban Area", i n Architectural Canada. Vol. 44, No. 11, (Nov. 1967), 39-41. Hall, H.D. and A.E. Fagen. "Definition of System", i n General  Systems. Vol. 1, (1956), 18-24. Journal of American Institute of Planners. Vol. 31, No. 5, (1965) Katz, S. "The Machine, that puts the Nurses into Nursing", i n McLeans. Vol. 78, No. 2, (Jan. 1965), 8-9, 34. Lenski, G. "Status Crystallization", American Sociological Review, 19, (1954), 405-413. Lessing, L. "Systems Engineering invades the City", i n Fortune. Vol. 77, No. 1, (Jan. 1968), 155-157, 217-221. Lynch, K. and L. Rodwin. "A Theory of Urban Form", i n Journal of  American Institute of Planners. Vol. 24, No. 4, (1958), 201-214. Manheim, M.L. "Principles of Transport Systems Analysis w, i n Highway Research Record. No. 180, (1967), 11-20. McGuigan, F.J. et a l . "The Effect of Knowledge of Results before and after aResponse", i n Journal of General Psychology. Vol. 63, (i960), 51-55. 3.47 Michelson, Wm. "Urban Sociology as an Aid to Urban Physical Development", i n E k i s t i c s . Vol. 24, No. 144, (Nov. 1 9 6 7 ) , 401-404. Nations C i t i e s . Vol. 5, No. 4, (April 1 9 6 7 ) , 18. Rapaport, A. "Critiques of Game Theory". Behavioral Science. 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Unpublished M.A. Thesis i n Community and Regional Planning. Vancouver: University of B.C., 1968. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . "Population and Housing Characteristics by Census Tracts: Vancouver." 1961 Census of Canada. Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1963. E l l i s , J.B. et a l . Computers and Engineering Design. Waterloo: University of Waterloo, 1 9 6 7 . (Mimeo) 3.48 Hardwick, W. From his Lectures on the Changing Location of Work Places and the Internal Structure of the City, Urban Geography 415. Vancouver: University of B.C., 1967. , The Vancouver Sun. July 8, 1967. p. 6. Interview with Dr. Walter Hardwick, Vancouver, B.C., A p r i l 1967. Interview with Dr. Edward Higbee, Vancouver, B.C., November 1967. Interview with Alan Voohrees of Alan M. Voohrees & Associates Inc., Vancouver, B.C., March 22, 1968. Landauer, E. Social Control i n Ramified and Non-Ramified Societies. A Discussion Paper. Vancouver: Interdisciplinary Colloquium, University of B.C., 1966. 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Rome, Italy: B r i t i s h and American Foundations on Automation & Employment, 1967. 3.49 Rice, A.R. " P o s s i b i l i t i e s for Past Surface Tranport: The Case for Fast Rail Service." Planning 1966. Selected papers from A.S.P.O. National Planning Conference, Philadelphia, Pa., (Ap r i l 17-21, 1966), Shahani, A. The Nodular Metropolitan Concept: Some Aspects of  Transportation Planning. Unpublished M.A. Thesis i n Community and Regional Planning. Vancouver: University of B.C., 1968. Thompson, W.R. A Preface to Urban Economics. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins press, 1965. Vorhees, A. From his Seminar on Future Aspects of Transportation Planning. Vancouver: University of B.C., 1968. Wittinger, J . From his Lectures i n Audio-Visual Education. Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1966. Wolf, A.R. Elements of a Future Integrated Highway Concept. Presented at the Transportation Research Seminar, March 17-18, 1965- Washington, D. C.: U.S. Department of Commerce, 1965. Wise, M. et a l . Multivariate Analysis of Poverty i n Greater Vancouver. Unpublished Paper i n Sociology 425. Vancouver, B.C.: University of B.C., 1967. 3.50 Firey's Schematic Diagram of Resource Processes I f (Source: Firey, W. Man, Mind and Land. Glencoe: The Free Press, I960, pp. 99-TOO) ft ft The set of resource processes which are possible in a given organic and physical environment. The set of resource processes which are adoptable by a given population. The set of resource processes which are gainful for the members of a given population. The set of resource processes which are efficient for the members of a given population. The set of resource processes which are culturally available to a given population. The set of resource processes which are included in a resource system (the location, of which has yet to be determined). X' The set of resource processes which are included in a resource complex (a type of resource system whose location has yet to be determined). The set of resource processes which are included in a resource congeries (another type of resource system whose location has yet to be determined.) Appendix A P-A-G-E-C-X -3-51 Appendix B Pirey's Hierarchy of Alternatives in Resource Development (Source: Pirey, W. Han, Mind and Land. Glencoe: The Free Press, I960, pp. 176-177, 227) G;L O ' L / X . G G - L A resource process which f a l l s within this subset w i l l be valued more than one f a l l i n g within any of the other three types; hence, i t may be placed at the top of the diagram. G-L G _ A resource process f a l l i n g within one or the other of these • — L * V o subsets w i l l be valued more than one f a l l i n g within: G- L These two former combinations may accordingly be placed above the l a t t e r on the" diagram. Since these two subsets are simply incomparable, one cannot be valued more than the other; hence they are to be placed i n a horizontal position without any connecting l i n e between them. For: Substitute: G - L G - L G • L •ft--I Gainful f or s e l f & gainful for others Gainful for s e l f nongainful for others Nongainful for s e l f & gainful f or others Nongainful for s e l f & nongainful for others 3.52 APPENDIX C Location Quotient - Vancouver Metro Area vs. Area of Census Tracts 7 to 11 (Source: DBS, 1961 Census of Canada) Metro Area Area Metro Area Area Ratio Location Quotient No. No. p.1,000 POD. • '•. p.1,000 POP, .:; Area Metro Population 790,165 45,126 t."• . I t a l i a n Ethnic Group 18,300 5,925 23 137 157 23 5.98 Asi a t i c Ethnic Groups 25,519 2,917 32 65 65 32 2.02 Dwellings b u i l t before 1920 36,920 3,512 46 78 78 46 1.69 Crowded Dwellings 18,977 1,481 24 33 21 24 1.37 Foreign Born 226,689 16,810 287 372 372 287 1.29 Length of Occupancy 6 or more years 96,604 6,907 120 150 150 120 1.25 Dwls needing major repair 8,510 586 11 1 3 12 11 1.18 Owner-Occupied Dwellings 159,414 10,666 201 236 236 201 1.17 Number of Males 393,452 25,706 498 570 570 498 1.14 Number of Families 196,300 11,829 248 262 262 248 1.05 German Ethnic Group 51,056 3,003 64 67 67 64 1.04 Occupied Dwellings 228,598 13,538 290 300 300 290 1.03 # Single Detached Dwellings 171,620 10,000 217 222 222 217 1.02 Fam. with 3 or more Children 42,193 2,105 53 46 46 53 .87 Income $6,000 and over 31,046 789 39 18 18 39 .46 3.53 APPENDIX D Ethnic Correlations (Using Raw Data) (Source: DBS, 1961 Census of Canada: Metro Vancouver; Metropolitan Vancouver Urban Research Project, 1965-1968) Data A s i a t i c German Size of Tract (People) - .077 .644 Dwellings b u i l t before 1920 • 379 .208 Crowded Dwellings .240 .551 Foreign Born .441 .475 Length of Occupancy, 6 or more years - .022 .447 Dwellings needing major repair .572 .110 Owner-Occupied Dwellings - .166 .538 Number of Males .206 .610 Number of Families - .044 .653 Occupied Dwellings - .040 .615 # Single Detached Dwellings - .139 .534 Fam. with 3 or more Children - .080 .501 Income $6,000 and over - .202 - .079 Distance from Downtown - .153 - .043 3.54 APPENDIX E Survey: Interim Results of Selected Questions and Frequency Distribution (Source: Metropolitan Vancouver Urban Research Project, 1965-1968; Urban Renewal Relocatee Study, 1967; MVTAB System) Sample 1 Sample 2 Qu Col Number Number f % f % 1- 5 2- 3 24 100.00 22 100.00 Question Code Respondent's s e r i a l number Sample number of households 11 45.83 18 81.82 13 54.17 4 18.18 1 4.17 0 .00 7 29.17 9 40.91 16 66.67 8 36.36 0 .00 5 22.73 Sex of Respondent 1 Male 2 Female Age of Respondent 0 No response 1 2 5 - 4 4 years 2 4 5 - 6 4 years 3 65 and over 15 Occupation 2 8.33 1 4.55 1 C l e r i c a l 9 37.50 1 4.55 2 Housewife 4 16.67 6 27.27 3 Laborer 9 37.50 9 40.91 4 Trades 0 .00 5 22.73 5 Other (Retired, assistance) 10 65 Place of Work 0 .00 8 36.36 0 No response 11 45.83 4 18.18 I North East Vancouver 13 54.17 10 45.45 2 Elsewhere i n Metro Vancouver 23 61 Years i n School - Respondent 23 63 2 8.33 6 27.27 0 No response 0 .00 2 9.09 1 1 - 4 years 7 29.17 10 45.45 2 5 - 8 years 10 41.67 3 13.64 3 9 - 1 1 years 5 20.83 1 4.55 4 12 and more Place of Birth - Respondent 0 .00 2 9.09 0 No response 18 75.00 7 31.82 1 Canada 6 25.00 7 31.82 2 Europe 0 .00 6 27.27 3 Japan and China 3.55 Sample 1 Sample 2 Qa Col Number Number Question Code f % f jo  34 1 7 Home owned or rented 1 4.17 0 .00 0 No response 20 83.33 14 63.64 1 Owned 3 12.50 8 36.36 2 Rented 36 19 36 21 36 23 8 2 14 1 3 20 4 12 33.33 8.33 .58.33 4.17 12.50 83.33 16.67 50.00 What places do you frequently v i s i t when you go out i n the evening f o r entertainment, for example, movies, sports events, concerts, and so on? 1 Parks, other than l o c a l 2 Local Parks 3 Other places What places do you regularly go to other than for entertainment and shopping, f o r example, v i s i t i n g , work, business t r i p s within the cit y , and so on? 0 No response 1 Parks, other than l o c a l 2 Other places What places do you v i s i t infrequently or on special occasions, or only at certain times of the year? 0 No response 1 Parks, other than l o c a l 8 33.33 2 Other places 37 25 Last Address 8 33.33 16 72.73 1 North East Vancouver 7 29.17 5 22.73 2 Elsewhere i n Metro Vancouver 5 20.83 1 4.55 3 Elsewhere i n B.C. 4 16.67 0 .00 4 Elsewhere abroad 44 27 Were you ever re-located during World War Two? 19 79.17 0 No 5 20.83 1 Yes 50 29 Shopping - Butcher Shop ( i f within - 5 - mi of residence, tabulated as 'yes') 12 50.00 0 No 12 50.00 1 Yes 3.56 Sample 1 Sample 2 Qu Col Number Number Question Code f % f %  50 31 Shopping - Bakery ( i f within 7 mi of residence, tabulated as 'yes') 10 41.67 0 No 14 58.33 1 Yes 50 33 Shopping - Corner Store ( i f within \ mi of residence, tabulated as 'yes') 9 37.50 0 No 15 62.50 1 Yes 54 35 What kinds of things do you l i k e to do that don't cost anything? 11 45.83 1 Other 8 33.33 2 Walking 3 12.50 3 Nature Study 1 4.17 4 Fishing 1 4.17 5 Swimming 54 37 What kinds of things do you l i k e to do that do cost something? 22 91.67 1 Other 2 8.33 2 Fishing 56 39 Can you t e l l me the l e t t e r that f i t s the bracket representing the t o t a l income that  comes into your household? 2 8.33 22 9.Q9 0 No response 2 8.33 4 18.18 1 Don't know 2 8.33 7 31.82 2 $1,000 - 1,999 2 8.33 4 18.18 3 4,000 - 4,999 6 25.00 2 9.09 4 5,000 - 5,999 6 25.00 1 4.55 5 6,000 - 6,999 4 16.67 2 9.09 6 7,000 and over 60 Here are some questions about the various :•• ' '• • a c t i v i t i e s people engage i n . 41 Go driving f o r pleasure 1 4.17 0 Don't 23. 95.83 1 Do 3-57 Sample 1 Sample 2 Qu Col Number Number Question Code f jo f %  60 43 to to a l i b r a r y 10 41.67 1 Don't 14 58.33 2 Do 60 45 Go to a comnrunity centre 18 75.00 0 Don't 6 25.00 1 Do 60 47 4 16.67 20 83.33 Go to the Park 0 Don't 1 Do 60 49 Go to the beach 6 25.00 0 Don't 18 75.00 1 Do 69 51 What major events i n your l i f e have caused changes i n your style of l i f e or l e v e l of  liv i n g ? 0 .00 6 27.27 0 No response 18 75.00 14 63.64 1 Did perceive changes 4 16.67 1 4.55 2 Did not perceive changes 2 8.33 1 4.55 3 Did not know 72 53 Did these events force you to do new things? 5 20.83 13 59.09 0 No response 15 62.50 5 22.73 1 Did 4 16.67 3 13.64 2 Did not 0 .00 1 4.55 3 Did not know 89 55 - What are the major problems you face, and th e i r order of importance to you? 0 .00 3 13.64 0 No response 15 62.50 14 63.64 1 Did perceive problems 9 37.50 5 22.73 2 Did not perceive problems 3.58 Sample 1 Sample 2 Qu Col Number Number Question Code f % f fo  95 57 How much was the income of the household i n which you l i v e d i n I960? 2 8.33 0 No response 4 4.17 1 Don't know 1 4.17 2 31,000 - 1,999 2 8.33 3 3,000 - 3,999 6 25.00 4 4,000 - 4,999 3 12.50 5 5,000 - 5,999 4 16.67 6 6,000 - 6,999 2 8.33 7 7,000 and over 122 59 Respondent's Comprehension (interviewer's report sheet) 2 8.33 0 .00 0 Not reported 8 33-33 12 54.55 1 Respondent had no d i f f i c u l t y understanding 11 45-83 6 27-27 2 Respondent had minor d i f f i c u l t y 3 12-50 4 18.18 3 Respondent had major d i f f i c u l t y 3.59 APPENDIX F Survey: Interim Results of Selected Questions and Bivariate Tables, Total Percentages*.- ;(Source:; . Metropolitan .Vancouver Urbani-Re:search Project, ; 1965-1968;' MVTAB System) Change vs. Last Address N.E.Van. Metro B.C. Abroad Total Did perceive change 33.33 16.67 12.50 12.50 75.00 Did not - 4.17 8.33 4.17 16.67 Did not know- — 8.33 — — 8.33 Total 33.33 29.17 20.83 16.67 24 Change vs. Place of Birth Canada Europe Total Did perceive change 54.17 20.83 75.00 Did not 12.50 4.17 16.67 Did not know 8.33 — 8.33 Total 75.00 25.00 24 Change vs. Place of Work N.E.Van. Metro Total Did perceive change 25.00 50.00 75.00 Did not 16.67 - 16.67 Did not know 4.17 4.17 8.33 Total . 45.83 54.17 24 Change vs. Occupation C l e r i c a l Housewife Laborer Trades Total Did perceive change 8.33 25.00 8.33 33.33 75.00 Did not - 8.33 8.33 - 16.67 Did not know - 4.17 - 4.17 8.33 Total 8.33 37.50 16.67 37.50 24 Change vs. Number of Years i n School N.R. 5-8 yrs 9-11 yrs 12 & more Total Did perceive change 8.33 25.00 29.17 12.50 75.00 Did not - - 8.33 8.33 16.67 Did not know — 4.17 4.17 — 8-35 Total 8.33 29.17 41.67 20.83 24 3.60 Change vs. Income N.R. D.K. $1,000- $4,000- $5,000- $6,000- $7,000& Total 1,999 4,999 5,999 6,999 over Did perceive 8.33 8.33 4.17 4.17 16.67 20.83 12.50 75.00 Did not - 4.17 4.17 8.33 - 16.67 Did not know - — — - — 4.17 4.17 8.33 Total 8.33 8.33 8.33 8.33 25.00 25.00 16.67 24 Change vs. Age N.R. 25-44 yrs 45-64 yrs Total Did perceive change _ 16.67 58.33 75.00 Did not 4.17 4.17 8.33 16.67 Did not know — 8.33 - 8.33 Total 4.17 29.17 66.67 24 Change vs. Home owned or rented N.R. Owned Rented Total Did perceive change 4.17 58.33 12.50 75.00 Did not - 16.67 - 16.67 Did not know — 8.33 — 8.33 Total 4.17 83.33 12.50 24 Change vs. Doing New Things N.R. Did Did not Total perceive perceive Did perceive change 4.17 58.33 12.50 75.00 Did not 8.33 4.17 4.17 16.67 Did not know 8.33 • — - 8.33 Total 20.83 62.50 16.67 24 Change vs. Places you regularly go to N.R. Parks Other Total non-local Places Did perceive change 4.17 8.33 . 62.50 75.00 Did not - - 16.67 16.67 Did not know _ 4.17 4.17 8.33 Total 4.17 12.50 83.33 24 Change vs. Places you v i s i t infrequently N.R. Parks Other Total non-local Places  Did perceive change 12.50 45-83 16.67 75-00 Did not 4.17 - 12-50 16.67 Did not know - 4.17 4-17 8.33 Total 16.67 50.00 33-33 24 Change vs. Respondent's Comprehension Not No Minor Major Total reported D i f f i c . D i f f i c . D i f f i c .  Did perceive change 8.33 20.83 33.33 12.50 75.00 Did not - 4.17 12.50 - 16.67 Did not know • = 8.53 - - 8.53 Total • 8.33 33-33 45.83 12.50 24 Doing New Things vs. Last Address N.E.Van. Metro B.C. Abroad Total No response • - 12.50 8.33 - 20.83 Did perceive doing 29.17 12.50 12.50 8.33 62.50 Did not 4.17 4.17 = 8.35 16.67 Total 33.33 29.17 20.83 16.67 24 Doing New Things vs. Place of Birth Canada Europe Total No response 20.83 _ 20.83 Did perceive doing 45.83 16.67 62.50 Did not 8.33 8.33 16.67 Total 75.00 25.00 24 Doing New Things vs. Place of Work N.E.Van. Metro Total No response 16.67 4.17 20.83 Did perceive doing 16.67 45.83 62.50 Did not 12.50 4.17 16.67 Total 45.83 54.17 24 Doing New Things vs. Occupation C l e r i c a l Housewife Laborer Trades Total No response _ 12.50 4.17 4.17 20.83 Did perceive doing 8.33 12.50 12.50 29.17 62.50 Did not — 12.50 - 4.17 16.67 Total 8.33 37.50 16.67 37.50 24 Doing New Things vs. Number of Years i n School N.R. 5-8 yrs 9-11 yrs 12 & more Total No response _ 4.17 16.67 _ 20.83 Did perceive doing - 25.00 25.00 12.50 62.50 Did not 8.33 — — 8.33 16.67 Total 8.33 29.17 41.67 20.83 24 Doing New Things vs. Income N.R. D.K. $1,000- $4,000- $5,000- $6,000- $7,000& Total 1,999 4,999 5.999 6.999 over  No response 4.17 - - - 8.33 4.17 4.17 20.83 Did perceive 4.17 4.17 4.17 8.33 16.67 16.67 8.33 62.50 Did not 4.17 4.17 4.17 4.17 16.67 Total 8.33 8.33 8.33 8.33 25.00 25.00 16.67 24 Doing New Things vs. Age NJt. 25-44 yrs 45-64 yrs Total No response - 16.67 4.17 20.83 Did perceive doing - 8.33 54.17 62.50 Did not 4.17 4.17 8.33 16.67 Total 4.17 29.17 66.67 24 Doing New Things vs. Home owned or rented N.R. Owned Rented Total No response _ 20.83 _ 20.83 Did perceive doing 4.17 50.00 8.33 62.50 Did not _ 12.50 4.17 16.67 Total 4.17 83.33 12.50 24 Doing New Things vs. Places you regularly go to N.R. Parks Other Total non-local Places No response 4.17 4.17 12.50 20.83 Did perceive doing - 4.17 58.33 62.50 Did not — 4.17 12.50 16.67 Total 4.17 12.50 83.33 24 Doing New Things vs. Places you infrequently v i s i t N.R. Parks Other Total non-local Places No response 4.17 4.17 12.50 20.83 Did perceive doing 8.33 33.33 20.83 62.50 Did not 4.17 12.50 — 16.67 Total 16.67 50.00 33.33 24 Doing New Things vs. Respondent's Comprehension Not No Minor Major Total reported D i f f i c . D i f f i c . D i f f i c . No response _ 12.50 4.17 4.17 20.83 Did perceive doing 8.33 20.83 29.17 4.17 62.50 Did not - — 12.50 4.17 16.67 Total 8.33 33.33 45.83 12.50 4 Driving f o r Pleasure vs. Occupation C l e r i c a l Housewife Laborer Trades Total Don't - 4.17 - - 4.17 Do 8.53 35.53 16.67 57.50 95.83 Total 8.33 37.50 16.67 37.50 24 Driving f o r Pleasure vs. Age N.R. 25-44 yrs 45-64 yrs Total Don't - - 4.17 4.17 Do 4.17 29.17 62.50 95.83 Total 4.17 29.17 66.67 24 Driving f o r Pleasure vs. Home owned or rented N.R. Owned Rented Total Don't - 4.17 - 4.17 Do 4.17 79.17 12.50 95.83 Total 4.17 83.33 12.50 24 Going to the Park vs. Occupation C l e r i c a l Housewife Laborer Trades Total Don't Do 8.33 8.33 29.17 16.67 8.33 29.17 16.67 83.33 Total 8.33 37.50 16.67 37.50 24 Going to the Park vs. Age N.R. 25-44 yrs 45-64 yrs Total Don't Do 4.17 4.17 8.33 25.00 58.33 16.67 83.33 Total 4.17 29.17 66.67 24 Going to the Park vs. Home owned or rented N.R. Owned Rented Total Don't Do 4.17 12.50 4.17 70.83 8.33 16.67 83.33 Total 4.17 83.33 12.50 24 Going to the Park vs. Places you frequently v i s i t Parks non-local Local Other Parks Places Total Don't Do 4.17 29.17 4.17 8.33 4.17 50.00 16.67 83.33 Total 33.33 8.33 58.33 24 Going to the Park vs. Places you regularly go to N.R. Parks Other nonr-local Places Total Don't Do 4.17 4.17 12.50 8.33 70.83 16.67 83.33 Total 4.17 12.50 83.33 24 Going to the Park vs. Places you infrequently v i s i t N.R. Parks Other non-local Places Total Don't Do 4.17 12.50 12.50 -37.50 33.33 16.67 83.33 Total 16.67 50.00 33.33 24 Going to the Beach vs. Occupation C l e r i c a l Housewife Laborer Trades Total Don't Do 8.33 12.50 25.00 16.67 12.50 25.00 25.00 75.00 Total 8.33 37.50 16.67 37.50 24 Going to the Beach vs. Age N.R. 25-44 yrs 45-64 yrs Total Don't Do 4.17 8.33 12.50 20.83 54.17 25.00 75.00 Total 4.17 29.17 66.67 24 Going to the Beach vs. Home Owned or Rented N.R. Owned Rented Total Don't Do 4.17 25.00 58.33 12.50 25.00 75.00 Total 4.17 83.33 12.50 24 Going to the Beach vs. Places you frequently v i s i t Parks non-local Local Other Parks Places Total Don't Do 12.50 20.83 4.17 8.33 4.17 50.00 25.00 75.00 Total 33.33 8.33 58.33 24 Going to the Beach vs. Places you regularly go to N.R. Parks Other non-local Places Total Don't Do 4.17 4.17 16.67 8.33 66.67 25-00 75.00 Total 4.17 12.50 83.33 24 Going to the Beach vs. Places you infrequently v i s i t N.R. Parks Other Total non-local Places  Don't 8.55 8.33 8.33 25.00 Do 8.33 41.67 25.00 75.00 Total 16.67 50.00 33-33 24 Going to the Community Centre vs. Occupation C l e r i c a l Housewife Laborer Trades Total Don't 4.17 33-33 12.50 25.00 75.00 Do 4.17 4.17 4.17 12.50 25.00 Total 8.33 37.50 16.67 37.50 24 Going to the Community Centre vs. Age N.R. 25-44 yrs 45-64 yrs Total Don't 4.17 29-17 41.67 75-00 Do - - 25.00 25.00 Total 4-17 29.17 66.67 24 Going to the Community Centre vs. Home owned or rented N.R. Owned Rented Total Don't 4.17 66.67 4.17 75.00 Do 16.67 8.33 25-00 Total 4-17 83.33 12.50 24 Going to the Community Centre vs. Places you frequently v i s i t Parks Local Other Total non-local Parks Places  Don't 20.83 8.33 45.83 75-00 Do 12.50 z 12.50 25.00 Total 33.33 8.33 58.33 24 Going to the community Centre vs. Places you regularly go to N.R. Parks Other Total non-local Places  Don't 4.17 4.17 66.67 75-00 Do - 8.53 16.67 25.00 Total 4-17 12.50 83.35 24 Going to the Community Centre vs. Places you infrequently v i s i t N.R. Parks Other non-local Places Total Don't Do 16.67 29.17 29.17 20.83 4.17 75.00 25.00 Total 16.67 50.00 33-33 24 Going to the Library vs. Occupation C l e r i c a l Housewife Laborer Trades Total Don't Do 8.55 20.83 8.33 16.67 "8.33 12.50 25.00 41.67 58.33 Total 8.33 37.50 16.67 37.50 24 Going to the Library vs. Age N.R. 25-44 yrs 45-64 yrs Total Don't Do 4.17 20.83 16.67 8.33 50.00 41.67 58.33 Total 4.17 29-17 66.67 24 Going to the Library vs. Home owned or rented N.R. Owned Rented Total Don't Do 4.17 37.50 4.17 45.83 :'8.33 41-67 58.33 Total 4.17 83.33 12.50 24 Going to the Library vs. Places you frequently v i s i t Parks Local Other Total non-local Parks Places  Don't 8.33 8.33 25.00 41.67 Do 25.00 z 35.33 58.35 Total 33-55 8.55 58.55 24 Going to the Library vs. Places you regularly go to N.R. Parks Other Total non-local Places Don't 4.17 - 57-50 41.67 Do - 12.50 45.85 58.55 Total 4.17 12.50 85-55 24 3.68 Going to the Library vs. Places you infrequently v i s i t N.R. Parks Other Total non-local Places  Don't 12.50 12.50 16.67 41.67 Jb 4.17 37.50 16.67 58.35 Total 16.67 50.00 33.33 24 Corner Store Shopping* vs. Sex Male Female Total No Yes 16.67 29-17 20.83 33.55 37.50 62.50 Total 45.83 54.17 24 Corner Store Shopping* vs. Income N.R. D.K. $1,000-1,999 14,000- $5,000-4,999 5,999 K6,000- $7,000& Total 6,999 over  No Yes 4.17 4.17 4.17 4.17 4.17 4-17 4.17 4.17 8.33 16.67 8.33 16.67 4.17 12.50 37.50 62.50 Total 8.33 8.33 8.33 8.33 25.00 25.00 16.67 24 - I f within -§- mi of residence, tabulated as yes' 3.69 APPENDIX tt- Mann-Whitney U Test: Sample n^ (Social Area Research Project), Sample n^ (Urban Renewal Relocatee Study), and Responses on "Change" Question Score Rank Score Rank 18 7 6 5 4 4 14 6 2 3 1 1.5 1 1.5 ^ * 14 R 2 - 14 u u * 3 n 2 = 4 u s ^ + i  12 + 6 V14 .628 Region of Rejection of H^: I t consists of a l l values of U which are so small that the probability associated with their occurrence under i s equal to or less than < - .05 The n u l l hypothesis i s that sample n^ and sample n^ have been drawn from the same population. We see that U * 4 when n^ = 3 has a probability of occurrence under ^ of p s- .628. The data do not give evidence which j u s t i f y rejecting IL at the previously set le v e l of significance. 3.70 APPENDIX H Mann-Whitney U Test: Sample (Social Area Research Project), Sample n (Urban Renewal Relocatee Study), and Responses on Doing New Things" Question Score Rank Score Rank 5 4.5 13 6 15 7 5 4.5 4 3 3 2 1 1 R^  - 14.5 R 2 - 13-5 \ * 5 n 2 « 4 n l W * ^ U « IL n + IL 2 U = 1 2 + 6 + 1 4 . 5 U * 5.5  p « .628 Region of Rejection of H^: It consists of a l l values of U which are so small that the probability associated with their occurrence under i s equal to or less than .05 The n u l l hypothesis i s that sample n^ and sample n have been drawn from the same population. We see that U s. 5.5 when n^ 9 5 has a probability of occurrence under of p 5 .628. The data do not give evidence which j u s t i f y rejecting H at the previously set le v e l of significance. 

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