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Hannah More : her message and her method Andrews, Margaret Winters 1968

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HANNAH MORE: HER MESSAGE AND HER METHOD by MARGARET WINTERS ANDREWS B.A., Denison U n i v e r s i t y , 1954 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department o f H i s t o r y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the r e q u i r e d standard THE/ UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June, 1968 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements fo r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y . a v a i l a b l e fo r re ference and Study. I f u r t h e r agree that permiss ion fo r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s fo r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h its r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s fo r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be a l lowed wi thout my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of History  The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8 , Canada Date June. 1 9 6 8 i i A b s t r a c t Hannah More (1745-1833), the daughter o f an impover-i s h e d gentleman-schoolmaster, r o s e through charm and l i t e r a r y -t a l e n t i n t o the b r i l l i a n t London l i t e r a r y s o c i e t y of the l a s t q u a r t e r o f the e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . In middle age she became an E v a n g e l i c a l and j o i n e d the "Clapham S a i n t s " i n t h e i r cam-paigns f o r " v i t a l r e l i g i o n " and f o r r e f o r m a t i o n o f manners and morals. She made her c o n t r i b u t i o n through the e s t a b l i s h -ment o f Sunday and day s c h o o l s f o r t h e poor i n the Mendip H i l l s o f Somerset, and through the composition o f "improving" books f o r r i c h and poor. These d i d a c t i c works were v e h i c l e s f o r her s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s p h i l o s o p h y , and Hannah More intended t h a t they should be the means f o r c o n v e r s i o n to these i d e a s . Her t r a -d i t i o n a l and c o n s e r v a t i v e s o c i a l p h i l o s o p h y saw s o c i e t y as an o r g a n i c , h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e , cemented by deference and p a t e r n a l i s m . Her r e l i g i o n was p a r t o f the broader evan-g e l i c a l r e v i v a l and s t r e s s e d deep p e r s o n a l commitment, s c r i p t u r a l i s m , m i s s i o n a r y z e a l , and r e g u l a r r e l i g i o u s d u t i e s . Her method o f p e r s u a s i o n i g n o r e d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and assumed t h a t Englishmen o f v a r i o u s ranks s t i l l accepted the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l framework; at the same time i t p l a y e d upon the f e a r s and p r i v a t i o n s of the moment which grew from the i n d u s t r i a l and French r e v o l u t i o n s , and from the Napoleon-i c Wars. i i i Her books were popular, p r i m a r i l y because her a t t i t u d e s matched those o f many of her countrymen; many of her opponents were even more c o n s e r v a t i v e than she was. Her p o p u l a r i t y d i d not d e c l i n e n o t i c e a b l y u n t i l a f t e r her death. By mid-nineteenth century her i d e a s were i n c r e a s -i n g l y out o f keeping with those h e l d by p a r t o f the r e a d i n g p u b l i c , and f o r them the obsolescence o f her s o c i a l views hastened the e c l i p s e of her r e l i g i o u s w r i t i n g s . Another group co n t i n u e d t o accept the o l d inter-dependent s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p o r t o f a s h i o n new o r g a n i c s t r u c t u r e s . They c o u l d s t i l l accept Hannah More's views and p r o v i d e d her with r e a d e r s d u r i n g the g r e a t e r p a r t o f the n i n e t e e n t h century. TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . CHAPTER I : Hannah More . . . . . CHAPTER I I : Hannah More's Message: A Product o f Her Times . . . . . CHAPTER I I I : Hannah More's Method: For the " B e t t e r S o r t of People . . . . CHAPTER IV: Hannah More's Method: For the Lower Orders . . . . . . CHAPTER V: C o n c l u s i o n . . . . . BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX . . . . . . . . V ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are many people whose a s s i s t a n c e has made t h i s t h e s i s p o s s i b l e . The s t a f f o f the B r i t i s h Museum and of the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia l i b r a r y have been p a t i e n t and ing e n i o u s i n answering q u e r i e s . The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia h i s t o r y department p r o v i d e d a grant which made r e s e a r c h i n England f e a s i b l e . Two members of tha t department have been p a r t i c u l a r l y generous with t h e i r time and h e l p . Dr. John N o r r i s guided my r e a d i n g i n modern B r i t i s h h i s t o r y , and gave v a l u a b l e s u g g e s t i o n s and c r i t i c i s m s on the f i r s t t h r e e c h a p t e r s . Dr. James Winter d i r e c t e d my r e s e a r c h from i t s i n c e p t i o n with thoroughness, p e r c e p t i o n , and t a c t . Without the encouragement and c o - o p e r a t i o n o f my husband and c h i l d r e n the ta s k c o u l d never have been under-taken nor completed. To them a l l I g i v e s i n c e r e thanks. CHAPTER I Hannah More Hannah More i s known to history as a minor eighteenth century dramatist, a member of l i t e r a r y salons, an active p a r t i c i p a n t i n the Evangelical r e v i v a l , and an educator of young l a d i e s and of the poor. She was a l l of these, but was best known to her contemporaries as a d i d a c t i c author. She wrote to convince her readers that a set of r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l ideas should be implemented i n t h e i r l i v e s . She was one part of a crusade to improve the manners, p r i n c i p l e s , and s p i r i t u a l i t y of England, and the V i c t o r i a n s ' conformity, at leas t externally, to i t s standards i s a measure of i t s success. Her d i d a c t i c books were well received because she said something which was important to her readers, i n a way which evoked a sympathetic response. Her own l i f e experiences i n -fluenced the message she offered and the propaganda methods which she employed. As a conservative parvenu i n a period of revolution she appears to have struck a note which harmonized with the emotional and i n t e l l e c t u a l predisposition of a s i g n i -f i c a n t portion of her countrymen. I f her ideas p a r a l l e l e d those of her readers her responses to the contemporary envir-onment may have been t y p i c a l of t h e i r s . Thus f a m i l i a r i t y with her l i f e throws l i g h t upon Hannah More, the propagandist, and upon her period. Her father, Jacob More, had hoped to enter the church, but the f a i l u r e of a lawsuit against a cousin meant that t h i s 2 was not economically possible, and so he had chosen teaching as a career. With the lowering of h i s professional expecta-tions he l e f t his native Norfolk and moved west to Glouces-t e r s h i r e . When Hannah was born on February 2, 1745» he was master of the Free School at Fishponds i n Stapleton parish.1 Her father gave a l l f i v e daughters t h e i r basic education, and even before they were old enough for formal i n s t r u c t i o n he r e c i t e d the r o l l i n g speeches from f a v o r i t e Greek and Latin texts and then translated them into English f o r the benefit of the l i t t l e g i r l s upon his knee.2 Although Jacob More had been forced to r e l i n q u i s h a career i n the church i t s hold upon h i s heart had not weakened. He inculcated i n h i s daughters moral p r i n c i p l e s based upon r e l i g i o n and Sabbatarianism.3 He was a high churchman, but had been influenced by dissent. His mother was a staunch Presbyterian and two of h i s great-uncles had been captains i n O l i v e r Cromwell*s army.^ His blend of orthodoxy and puritanism, passed on to h i s daughters, predisposed them to respond with sympathy to the Evangelical movement within the church. Hannah was the next to youngest of the More s i s t e r s and was early recognized as the brightest of a clever family. Before she was four she had r e c i t e d her catechism i n church to the admiration of the minister and had amazed her parents by teaching herself to read. She delighted i n writing, and created "suppositious l e t t e r s to depraved characters to reclaim 'them from t h e i r errors"** and composed poems and essays. She added application to a b i l i t y : a c l e r i c a l Latin tutor who was 3 later engaged to polish her education said that she had learned more, in a shorter period, than any student he had ever known.0 Her studies included modern languages (French, Spanish, and Italian) and history and literature.^ o In early childhood chronic i l l health became evident. Her f i r s t biographer, writing just after her death, spoke of a recurrent "morbid sensibility of constitution, which exposed Q her to severe suspensions of her mental activity." It has been suggested that this was a nineteenth century euphemism for a nervous breakdown.^° This diagnosis i s questionable. Except for the lengthy incapacitating illness which coincided with the vituperative Blagdon controversy (a public battle between conservative and Evangelical church factions over one of her Mendip schools) her i l l health did not stop her pen for any length of time. Bishop of London, Beilby Porteus who knew her intimately wrote: "You well know that . . . the vigour of your mind i s in inverse ratio to the strength of your body."^ She suffered from bronchitis, "bilious fever," ague, nervous 1 o headaches, and sleeplessness. While i t xs li k e l y that she was susceptible to respiratory ailments, much of her i l l health may have been triggered by emotional pressures. She was a sen-sit i v e , ambitious, and insecure person. Illness may have been an unconscious escape from, or effect of, frustration and 1"? internal conflict. She did not use i l l n e s s as an excuse for giving up in the face of pressure, she merely continued to work from bed, with some of the problems held at bay by her chamber door. 4 There were s t r e s s e s upon a l l o f t h e More g i r l s as daughters o f a gentleman i n reduced circumstances. There were o t h e r s t o which Hannah alone was s u b j e c t . There i s e v i -dence t h a t her pa r e n t s d i s a g r e e d about her t r a i n i n g , and t h a t two r o l e s i n l i f e were t h e r e f o r e p resented t o the c h i l d . In a f a m i l y w i t h no son upon whom to p i n the f a m i l y a s p i r a t i o n s , Hannah as the most p r o m i s i n g o f the f i v e g i r l s , was the sub-s t i t u t e . Her mother seems to have been whole-heartedly behind such a r o l e f o r her daughter, f o r i t was she who bought Hannah the longed f o r q u i r e o f paper f o r her j u v e n i l e l i t e r a r y e f -f o r t s ^ and who supported Hannah's e n t r e a t i e s f o r p e r m i s s i o n t o undertake new studies.^-* Jacob More had a s t r o n g d i s l i k e o f female pedantry. He s t a r t e d t o i n s t r u c t Hannah i n both L a t i n and mathematics, but was so alarmed at her p r o g r e s s t h a t he permanently d i s c o n t i n u e d the l a t t e r study.1° T h e i r daughter's a d u l t ambivalence echoed the parents' l a c k o f agree-17 ment. ' In her d i d a c t i c works she s e t s t r i c t boundaries t o the f i e l d o f feminine l e a r n i n g , boundaries which she d i d not always observe h e r s e l f . She assumed that marriage was the n a t u r a l d e s t i n y f o r women, but chose to remain s i n g l e . She condemned women who were a g g r e s s i v e , y e t waged s u c c e s s f u l war upon the Mendip farmers and m a g i s t r a t e s who were i n i t i a l l y opposed t o her s c h o o l s . She valued t h e r e c o g n i t i o n o f the world o f t h e great and she l i k e d to s h i n e i n a s o c i a l group, y e t she c o n s i d e r e d these d e s i r e s l a c k i n g i n C h r i s t i a n h u m i l i t y and feminine s u b m i s s i o n . ^ T h i s d u a l i t y o f goals may have helped t o produce c o n f l i c t which sought r e l e a s e i n i l l n e s s . 5 A l l the More g i r l s must have f e l t s o c i a l l y i n s e c u r e . T h e i r f a t h e r was a gentleman who had seen b e t t e r days, and t h e i r mother was below the l i n e of g e n t i l i t y — " o f p l a i n edu-c a t i o n " and "the daughter o f a c r e d i t a b l e farmer. "19 Teach-i n g i n the mid-eighteenth century was a c a r e e r which y i e l d e d l i t t l e s o c i a l p r e s t i g e or wealth. More's s a l a r y was £15 per year u n t i l 1745 and subsequently between £20 and £25, o r about h a l f the s a l a r y of a country clergyman. I t was p o s s i b l e t o add t o t h i s income by t a k i n g p r i v a t e s t u d e n t s i n a d d i t i o n t o 20 h i s t h i r t y c h a r i t y c h i l d r e n . The More s i s t e r s ' s o c i a l p o s i t i o n was p r e c a r i o u s . I f they married a farmer they would cease t o be " g e n t l e . " The f a m i l y income c o u l d not have s t r e t c h e d t o cover v i s i t s t o the marriage markets of Bath o r London, and i n any case there were no doweries t o a t t r a c t e l i g i b l e s u i t o r s . Upon t h e i r f a t h e r ' s death poverty would become a r e a l t h r e a t . What c o u l d impoverished gentlewomen 21 do? A l i t e r a r y c a r e e r was not y e t f u l l y r e s p e c t a b l e . A governess r e c e i v e d l i t t l e r e s p e c t i n many homes, 2 2 but t h a t was p r e f e r a b l e to g o ing i n t o domestic s e r v i c e . There was s c h o o l t e a c h i n g , t h e i r f a t h e r ' s o c c u p a t i o n , but where were they to teach? The f u t u r e must have appeared u n c e r t a i n t o the g i r l s , y e t they knew t h a t i t depended upon t h e i r own e f f o r t s . 2 3 The s i s t e r s were not without r e s o u r c e s . Apart from t h e i r n a t i v e i n t e l l i g e n c e , t r a i n e d by t h e i r f a t h e r ' s t e a c h i n g , and t h e i r c h a r a c t e r , f o s t e r e d by t h e p r e c e p t s o f r e l i g i o n , they had won f r i e n d s i n B r i s t o l who were i n a p o s i t i o n t o 6 help them and did so. When the eldest c h i l d , Mary, was only nineteen these friends enabled the two oldest g i r l s to set up a girls'boarding school i n B r i s t o l . * ^ The Mores may also have had the patronage of the Beaufort family. J I t i s cer-t a i n that the influence of Norborne Berkely, l a t e r Baron Bottentourt, uncle of the f i f t h Duke of Beaufort, obtained the Stapleton master's po s i t i o n for Jacob More. The Duchess of Beaufort and her mother, Mrs. Boscawen, were also good friends of Hannah More afte r her s o r t i e into London society, yet the evidence does not show active help from the Beauforts while the More s i s t e r s were unknown g i r l s . Their supporters were more l i k e l y won by the Mores' merits than by a r i s t o -c r a t i c patronage. When Mary and Elizabeth More set up school i n 1757 t h e i r three younger s i s t e r s joined them, f i r s t as students and l a t e r as mistresses. Hannah was then twelve years old, and i t was an opportune time to widen her i n t e l l e c t u a l and s o c i a l horizons. The school flourished and soon attracted 26 the daughters of substantial and respected B r i s t o l f a m i l i e s . These g i r l s and t h e i r families often became Hannah More's friends and were useful to her. B r i s t o l was the greatest port af t e r London. I t mon-opolized most of the Welsh trade, did a good business with Ireland and the western counties of England, and grew r i c h from the slave trade. I t also manufactured glass and pottery, processed lime and zinc, and refined West Indian sugar. The merchants were wealthy and reputed to be more ostentatious 7 and l e s s refined than those of London. Nevertheless they patronized lectures and the theater as well as cockfights and b u l l b a i t i n g , and managed to present "a great face of seriousness and r e l i g i o n . " The magistrates were " s t r i c k i n exacting the observation of the Sabbath."27 After Stapleton v i l l a g e l i f e , B r i s t o l was a stimula-t i n g environment f o r an a t t r a c t i v e , i n t e l l i g e n t , and charming gir l , 2 $ and Hannah More took advantage of i t . There were outstanding men who v i s i t e d or l i v e d i n B r i s t o l , and who be-came her friends and added to her education. Thomas Sheridan, father of Richard Brinsley, was so impressed with verses written by the sixteen year o l d g i r l that he asked to meet her. Thus commenced a long friendship with both father and son.29 xhe astronomer James Ferguson asked her to c r i t i c i s e h i s compositions, and taught her science.30 Josiah Tucker, l a t e r Dean of Gloucester, Tory i n p o l i t i c s and l i b e r a l i n his free trade economics, submitted h i s p o l i t i c a l pamphlets f o r her inspection.31 A l i n e n draper, Samuel Peach, whom David Hume had asked to correct his History of England for S c o t t i -cisms helped to form Hannah More's l i t e r a r y taste and sense of criticism.32 James Stonehouse, doctor and clergyman, f r i e n d of actor David Garrick, of Nonconformist P h i l i p Dodd-ridge, and of Methodist George Whitefield, was a neighbour, counsellor, and dear f r i e n d . He guided her study of theology and r e l i g i o u s w r i t e r s 3 3 and to him may be credited her ecu-menical taste i n r e l i g i o u s l i t e r a t u r e . 8 The move to B r i s t o l not only gave Hannah More the opportunity f o r education and i n f l u e n t i a l f r i e n d s , but also ultimately gave her f i n a n c i a l independence. She became en-gaged to William Turner, wealthy squire of Belmont and nearly twice her age, who was cousin and holiday host to two pu p i l s of the More's school. He was "generous and sensible" and an advantageous match f o r the penniless daughter of a school master. Hannah More sold her intere s t i n the school and ordered her trousseau. Three times the wedding date was set and three times the hesitant groom postponed the event. At that point she broke the engagement. Turner, s t i l l p rotesting that he wanted to marry her, i n s i s t e d upon s e t t l i n g an annuity upon her (Dr. Stonehouse accepted i t on Hannah More's behalf and without her knowledge), and l e f t her £ 1 , 0 0 0 i n his w i l l . 3 4 Years l a t e r William Turner appeared at the More s i s t e r s ' country home and f r i e n d l y intercourse was resumed, a t e s t i -mony to the character and self-possession of them both. The f i n a n c i a l r e s u l t s of t h i s episode were b e n e f i c i a l ; the emotional ones were l e s s happy. I t i s easy to imagine the emotional turmoil caused by t h i s romantic misadventure. Han-nah More must have f e l t personally rejected and may have come to doubt her sexual appeal. Apart from her inner doubts there was the embarrassment of meeting acquaintances and making ex-planations. She never again risked a r e p e t i t i o n of these pa i n f u l experiences, and fi r m l y turned her back on marriage. She l a t e r received o f f e r s of marriage from the poet, Dr. John Langhorn, at that time rector of Blagdon, Somerset, and from 9 the eccentric Lord Monboddo.3-* Both men were e l i g i b l e and were friends whose company she enjoyed, but her answer was, "No." She had t r i e d the feminine r o l e set i n childhood by her father. Through no f a u l t of her own (William Turner seems to have been a middle-aged bachelor unable to take the f i n a l step into matrimony) t h i s r o l e was denied her. She was then free to t r y the competitive course suggested by her mother's attitude, and to seek success through her l i t e r a r y t a l e n t s . The need to succeed may have been i n t e n s i f i e d by the public humiliation of her frequently postponed wedding. 3^ Insecurity, the legacy of Hannah More's youthful experiences, seems to have had a l a s t i n g influence. The pre-carious s o c i a l and economic position, ambiguity of l i f e r o l e , and broken engagement may have affected her health. I t also influenced her s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s ideas. A person who i s uncomfortable i n a given s o c i a l milieu may c l i n g to the status quo f o r security or t ry to create a new order where others w i l l be equally inexperienced; Hannah More's s o c i a l ideas were conservative and her r e l i g i o u s ones were innovatory. Her per-sonal experience with i n s e c u r i t y may have increased her aware-ness of i t s presence among her contemporaries as they adjusted to new demographic, economic, s o c i a l , and p o l i t i c a l conditions, making her a more e f f e c t i v e propagandist. During the B r i s t o l years, 1757-1774, Hannah More began to write s e r i o u s l y . 3 7 she wrote her early dramas f o r the pupils of the boarding school: Search A f t e r Happiness, written i n 1762, provided unobjectionable material f o r t h e i r amateur 1 0 t h e a t r i c a l s , and c i r c u l a t e d from school to school i n manuscript form for t h i r t e e n years before i t s p u b l i c a t i o n . The school's children also produced Sacred Dramas before t h e i r p ublication i n 1 7 8 2 . During these years Hannah More studied play produc-t i o n at B r i s t o l ' s excellent Theatre Royal and made friends among the actors and actresses. She wrote her f i r s t f u l l -fledged play, The I n f l e x i b l e Captive, i n B r i s t o l and took i t with her on her f i r s t t r i p to London.^ When she arrived i n the metropolis she found that some of her epitaphs, l i g h t poetry, and hymns had preceeded her, f o r when she entered S i r Joshua Reynold's drawing room to f i r s t meet Samuel Johnson he greeted her with a verse of "Morning Hymn."39 Edmund Burke followed s u i t on a sim i l a r occasion, choosing as h i s compli-ment an epitaph i n B r i s t o l ' s R e d c l i f f Church which had been written by Hannah More.40 Her conquest of London i s a remarkable episode. Not yet t h i r t y , with few contacts i n the c a p i t a l , she was welcomed during the s i x weeks of her f i r s t v i s i t by distinguished f i g -ures of l i t e r a r y society. A B r i s t o l f r i e n d , Mrs. Lov e l l Gwatkin, provided an introduction to S i r Joshua Reynolds and his s i s t e r . Through them she met and impressed Edmund Burke and Dr. Johnson. A mutual f r i e n d , perhaps Dr. Stonehouse, showed Garrick a l e t t e r from Hannah More describing his per-formance as Lear. He asked to meet the author and they were delighted with each other. The next day he introduced her to Mrs. Elizabeth Montagu, one of the leading hostesses of the bluestocking l i t e r a r y set.4 1 The reception given to Hannah 11 More by these c e l e b r i t i e s t e s t i f i e s to her a t t r a c t i v e person-a l i t y . The impression given by her f i r s t biographer, and propagated by most subsequent nineteenth century biographers, i s of a devout, charitable p r e c i s i a n . I f Hannah More had been only that her history would have been very d i f f e r e n t . She was enthusiastic, delighted with her new acquaintances (always a winning t r a i t ) , well educated, and endowed with wit, and ready conversation. Her correspondence recreates drawing rooms and dining rooms f i l l e d with merriment to which she contributed her f u l l share. The l a t e eighteenth century London society was com-posed of overlapping c i r c l e s . The introductions of her f i r s t v i s i t l e d to others and her acquaintance expanded. Although l i t e r a r y c i r c l e s contained her f a v o r i t e friends, she was ex-posed to the routs, "at homes," and musicals of the l e s s i n t e l l e c t u a l sets, e s p e c i a l l y as her l i t e r a r y renown grew and she was sought by hostesses eager to display a new cele-b r i t y . London society was a r i s t o c r a t i c , but the r u l i n g class extended the entree to tal e n t and wit born outside i t s con-f i n e s . Hannah More was one of these. Recognition by the greatest names i n the land must have soothed the humiliation of her broken engagement. However, London was not unalloyed s a t i s f a c t i o n and f u l f i l l m e n t . Many of "the great and the gay" were not r e l i g i o u s , and t h e i r values were m a t e r i a l i s t i c and s e l f i s h . She did not accept t h e i r standards, but she had to reconcile the s a t i s f a c t i o n created by the plaudits of the great with the r e a l i z a t i o n that she often condemned t h e i r 12 moral values. She also had to j u s t i f y her presence i n the midst of such people; as she said of herse l f , "What doest thou here E l i j a h ? " 4 2 During her regular winter v i s i t s to London over nearly t h i r t y years she found i n the bluestocking group 4^ a n accept-able compromise f o r t h i s dilemma. The group was r a t i o n a l , moral, and i n some cases r e l i g i o u s , and Hannah More's scruples were quite i n t h e i r midst. Bluestockings came from middle class and aristocracy, and for her there was security i n the company of the former because i t was f a m i l i a r , and g r a t i f i c a -t i o n i n the presence of the l a t t e r because i t was prestigious. She was not a snob 44 but was t h r i l l e d to win acceptance by the Mrs. Mary Delany^S who refused to know Dr. Johnson. Her bluestocking friends included the wealthy society hostess Elizabeth Montagu, the impulsive, c h i l d - l i k e l i t e r a r y hostess Elizabeth Vessey, the Greek scholar Elizabeth Carter, Frances Boscawen who was widow of an admiral and mother of a Duchess, shy young Fanny Burney of Evelina fame, and the Dowager Duch-ess of Portland, mother of the prime minister. Among the bluestocking gentlemen were Horace Walpole, Benjamin S t i l l i n g -f l e e t , the n a t u r a l i s t grandson of the seventeenth century bishop, the poet Richard Owen Cambridge, Soame Jenyns, author of View of the Internal Evidence of the Ch r i s t i a n Religion. Garrick, Johnson, and Boswell. This cot e r i e was at i t s zenith i n the 1770*s and early 1780*s, and consisted l a r g e l y of middle aged and elde r l y men and women with i n t e l l e c t u a l i n t e r e s t s who preferred conver-sation--an art enjoyed for i t s own sake, 4 0 not as a t o o l — t o the fashionable and ubiquitous card games. At a time when well-read women tended to hide t h e i r learning the bluestocking l a d i e s took pride i n gathering for informed conversation rather than empty-headed female chatter. While bluestockings might gather f o r a cozy dinner or an intimate evening of con-versation they did not i s o l a t e themselves from the beau monde. They joined i n the formal c i r c l e of fops, d i l e t t a n t i , p o l i -t i c i a n s , and society matrons i n the g l i t t e r i n g opulence of Mrs. Montagu's salon. Mrs. Boscawen thoughtfully provided fo r cards i n some rooms and for conversation i n others so that the "blues" and the s o c i a l b u t t e r f l i e s need not unduly oppress each other. Mrs. Vessey's simple cake and lemonade and i n -formal touch managed to make " d i f f e r e n t kinds amalgamate." At such bluestocking gatherings . . . sober duchesses [were! seen, Chaste wits, and c r i t i c s void of spleen; Physicians, fraught with r e a l science, And Whigs and Tories i n a l l i a n c e ; Poets, f u l f i l l i n g C h r i s t i a n duties, Just lawyers, reasonable beauties; Bishops who preach, and peers who pay, And countesses who seldom play; Learn Td antiquaries, who, from college, Reject the rust, and bring the knowledge; And, hear i t , age, believe i t , y o u t h , — Polemics, r e a l l y seeking truth; And t r a v e l l e r s of that rare t r i b e , Who've seen the countries they describe;^' She had a number of acquaintances and some good friends apart from the l i t e r a t i . Her l e t t e r s reveal her chatting with Lord Howe upon h i s return from America,48 s t r o l l i n g i n a garden with the landscaper John "Capability" Brown, and f l i r t i n g with her "beaux" General Oglethorpe, the founder of Georgia"*® and General P a o l i , leader of the Corsican insurgents against the French and Genoese.-*•"• Lord Chancellor and Lady Bathurst opened t h e i r home to her and t h e i r purse to her c h a r i t i e s , and Lady Spencer, mother of the notorious Duchess of Devon-shire, entertained her at St. Albans.^2 Edmund Burke e n l i s t e d her help with h i s campaign correspondence i n the 1774 B r i s t o l election.53 She benefited from her London v i s i t s . They taught her the mores of upper c l a s s society, and they brought her praise and recognition from members of that select world. As the years passed praise ceased to s a t i s f y her. She grew impatient with the a r t i f i c i a l s o c i a l forms of the metropolis and longed f o r solitude away from the bustle of the c i t y . " * 4 Biographers of Hannah More have seen a sharp contrast between the worldly f i r s t h a l f of her l i f e and the r e l i g i o u s l a t t e r part.-*-* The contrast was one of degree rather than kind and developed gradually. She was devout from childhood. In B r i s t o l she wrote hymns f o r Dr. Stonehouse and r e l i g i o u s dramas fo r school children. In the 'seventies she was a s t r i c t Sabbatarian amidst London society,-*** chose St. Paul's e p i s t l e s i n three d i f f e r e n t t r a n s l a t i o n s for summer reading,57 and wrote moral essays for young l a d i e s . In the early 'eigh-t i e s she refused to go to the theater because of r e l i g i o u s scruples.5^ Many of her London friends were also serious about t h e i r r e l i g i o n : Mrs. Boscawen, Mrs. Montague, and Mrs. Hester Chapone were "ladies of high character for p i e t y , , , : > y 60 and Samuel Johnson was "a most zealous C h r i s t i a n . " During these years she numbered several bishops among her friends: Beilby Porteus, Robert Lowth, Shute Barrington, Thomas Newton, and Richard Watson. Although Hannah More had long been devout near her f o r t i e t h birthday she began to profess the v i t a l r e l i g i o n of the Evangelicals, a party which had been growing i n the Church of England since mid-century. °^ The Evangelicals wanted to replace c l e r i c a l l a x i t y with zeal, and rekindle personal s p i r i t u a l i t y among a l l churchmen. In order to encourage genuine piety they censured pursuits which g r a t i f i e d s e l f -centered, rather than God-centered, feelings—gambling, osten-tat i o u s dress, t h e a t r i c a l performances, sec u l a r i z a t i o n of the Sabbath—and urged meaningful and emotional relationships with God through private devotions, public worship, and charitable works. The Evangelicals and Methodists were s i m i l a r i n many respects.** 2 Both sought to revive v i t a l personal C h r i s t i a n i t y , and both based t h e i r f a i t h upon a l i t e r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Bib l e . During the eighteenth century the outer world con-t i n u a l l y confused the two groups; nevertheless they were d i s -tinguishable. The Evangelical clergy usually confined t h e i r ministrations to t h e i r own parish, while the Methodists gen-e r a l l y preferred a system of itinerancy, taking "the world f o r t h e i r parish." The Methodists depended primarily upon the Methodist organizational machinery—the s o c i e t i e s , 1 6 c i r c u i t s , and conference, with their superintending o f f i c e r s -while the Evangelicals typically worked within the parochial system. Although both accepted the articles of faith, they received more emphasis from the Evangelicals. By the end of the century there were other distinctions. The Evangelicals used a more dignified and calm method of preaching, and con-verted mainly i n the upper and upper middle classes of society. Theologically the distinction between the two groups was less clear cut. Generally speaking the Evangelicals were moderate Calvinists, and the Methodists were Arminian ,63 but George Whitefield's branch of Methodism was Calvinistic, and prominent Evangelicals—William Wilberforce, leader of the Clapham sect, Thomas Gisborne, the finest sermon writer of his day, and Hannah More—were Arminian. A l l of the revival-i s t s believed i n the personal influence of the Holy Spirit, the total degeneracy of man, the vicarious nature of Christ's atonement, and the necessity of God's grace for salvation, but the Wesleyans ascribed to their leader's doctrine of Christian perfection, a belief that was unacceptable to a l l Evangelicals. Hannah More moved slowly, over a period of years, into the Evangelical c i r c l e through two interests: she wanted to find a more satisfying religion, and she wished to see the abolition of the slave trade. In 1 7 8 7 she began to attend St. Mary's Woolnoth to hear the blunt ex-slaver and Evangeli-cal, John Newton. Often she "afterwards went and sat an hour with him, and came home with two pockets f u l l of sermons."^4 Their correspondence began the same year and records her s p i r -i t u a l struggle "between a conception of r e l i g i o n as an essen-t i a l of l i f e and a conception of r e l i g i o n as the essential of l i f e . " 0 ^ In London i n 1776 she met Charles Middleton, l a t e r Lord Barham, and h i s wife.** 0 The Middletons were among the f i r s t a b o l i t i o n i s t s and i n the 1 7 8 0 T s they e n l i s t e d Hannah More*s help i n the campaign to support a parliamentary b i l l . In 1787 she met Wilberforce, the twenty-eight year o l d leader of the movement, and through him came to be a part of the group of Evangelicals who a f t e r 1792 l i v e d about Clapham Common.°7 The members of that Clapham sect became her close f r i e n d s . She was notable f o r her long friendships, and she did not abandon her bluestocking friends or other London acquaintances, but as the years passed her time and interest were more and more absorbed into the projects of the Evan-g e l i c a l s . Among her Clapham fr i e n d s was Zachary Macaulay, at twenty-six governor of S i e r r a Leone and from 1802 to 1816 editor of the Evangelical organ The Ch r i s t i a n Observer. His wife had been a mistress of the More s i s t e r s * B r i s t o l school. Hannah More was god-mother to t h e i r daughter Hannah, l a t e r Lady Trevelyan, and hostess, playmate, and mentor to t h e i r 6Q son Tom, l a t e r Lord Macaulay. 7 Other favorites were Henry Thornton, banker and member of parliament, and h i s family,70 Charles Grant, one of the court of d i r e c t o r s of the East India Company, and Lord Teignmouth, a former governor-general of India. The Clapham group l i v e d l i v e s of " p r a c t i c a l 18 C h r i s t i a n i t y . " Part of each day, at least three hours, was devoted to prayer and s p i r i t u a l renewal. The rest of t h e i r waking hours were devoted to implementing t h e i r C h r i s t i a n creed i n charitable a c t i v i t i e s and crusades to improve s o c i -ety's manners and morals. The ultimate aim of these good works was to bri n g t h e i r fellow men to a state of g r a c e . ^ Why did Hannah More become an Evangelical? One pos-s i b l e reason, admittedly speculative, i s that she found emo-t i o n a l security i n t h e i r type of C h r i s t i a n i t y . She wrote to John Newton, "Upon the arch of C h r i s t i a n i t y , the more I press, the stronger I f i n d i t . " ^ 2 Adoption of the Evangelical approach to r e l i g i o n provided security i n several ways. A deep personal rela t i o n s h i p with God could f i l l an emotional void i n the middle-aged spinster. Absolute commitment to God, pla c i n g Him i n the center of l i f e , passed the i n i t i a t i v e from the i n d i v i d u a l to God. He was then the di r e c t o r and the i n -di v i d u a l the instrument of h i s w i l l . ^ 3 The regular personal d i s c i p l i n e demanded by the Evangelical f a i t h — p r a y e r , i n t r o -spection, s e l f - d e n i a l , and good w o r k s — i n i t s e l f provided a f a m i l i a r and secure framework f o r l i f e . She may also have found i n Evangelicalism a challenge for her a b i l i t i e s at a time when she had conquered the London l i t e r a r y world and was seeking new outlets for her ta l e n t s . The Evangelical b a t t l e against s i n and i n f i d e l i t y was never ending; she would never again need to look f o r new worlds to conquer. When she enlist e d i n the Evangelical army she d e t e r -mined to teach both the r i c h and the poor to be true 19 C h r i s t i a n s . The means were her Mendip schools and her published works. In 1785 Hannah More bought a summer cottage, Cowslip Green, ten miles from B r i s t o l on the Exeter road. I t s pur-chase was a symptom of her discontent with her London centered l i f e . She had not then found the new d i r e c t i o n that Evangeli-calism soon provided. Cowslip Green was bought as a retreat from the a r t i f i c i a l s o c i a l conventions of the metropolis, and as a spot f o r l e i s u r e and me d i t a t i o n . 7 4 A v i s i t from Wilber-force i n 1789 ended l e i s u r e , and also the discontent of pur-poselessness. He was appalled at the s p i r i t u a l ignorance of the inhabitants of Cheddar, a Mendip v i l l a g e nearby. He offered to provide the funds f o r a Sunday school i f Hannah More and her younger s i s t e r Martha would provide the super-• • 75 vxsxon. J The conquest of the Mendips by the two More s i s t e r s i s as impressive i n i t s own way as the elder's e a r l i e r con-quest of London. Two f a r from robust women established Sunday schools and day schools for children, evening i n s t r u c t i o n for adults, and f r i e n d l y benefit clubs for the women i n a dozen communities which were scattered over f i f t y square miles, and connected by deeply rutted, muddy roads. By being out f o r thirteen hours and t r a v e l i n g by horseback the s i s t e r s could v i s i t two schools each Sunday. The aim of the Mores was to save souls, but since cleanliness and godliness, industry and r e l i g i o n were inseparably united i n the s i s t e r s ' minds the physical as well as the s p i r i t u a l welfare of the Mendip poor benefited. The two women encountered o b s t a c l e s . ' They com-bated the ignorance and su p e r s t i t i o n of the people they wished to help, the absenteeism and indif f e r e n c e of the l o c a l clergy, the s c a r c i t y of proper teachers, and the h o s t i l i t y of the l o c a l farmers who f e l t that education was the beginning of r e b e l l i o n . The obstacles were overcome. In Cheddar (where . mothers refused at f i r s t to send t h e i r children to school f o r fear they would be shipped over-seas) there were at the end of si x years two hundred children and two hundred adults regular-l y attending instruction.7$ Charles Moss, bishop of Bath and Wells, agreed to appoint to the Mendip parishes clergymen who were sympathetic to Sunday schools. He even accepted names suggested by Hannah More who gave her patronage to Evangelical clergy.79 i f teachers could not be found, the s i s t e r s trained a l o c a l c o l l i e r or milk maid f o r the task. The once antagon-i s t i c Nailsea farmers began to take turns v i s i t i n g the Sunday school and to help d i s c i p l i n e the c h i l d r e n . o v Hannah More could write to Wilberforce, "God has blessed the work beyond 81 a l l my hopes." The More's organizational s k i l l i s only a p a r t i a l explanation f o r the success of the Mendip schools, f o r i n the 1780*s Sunday schools flourished a l l over the country subsequent to Robert Raikes successful experiment i n Glouces-t e r . The movement's success was compounded from a growing humanitarianism, an awakening missionary s p i r i t within the church, lower class yearnings for a better way of l i f e , and upper cl a s s attempts to use r e l i g i o n to keep the poor i n t h e i r proper s t a t i o n . 21 Her a p p l i e d r e l i g i o n reached f a r beyond her own neighbourhood through her t r a c t s , d i d a c t i c essays, and r e l i -g ious n o v e l . She sought to make England t r u l y r e l i g i o u s , t o f e e l the s p i r i t o f i t s C h r i s t i a n f a i t h i n s t e a d of merely ob-s e r v i n g i t s forms, and t o apply the s p i r i t t o d a i l y p r a c t i c e . She wrote p r i m a r i l y f o r the upper s o c i a l o r d e r s , f o r i n an a r i s t o c r a c y reform must spread from t h e top down. I t was not u n t i l t h e d i r e c t i o n of reform threatened to r e v e r s e i t s e l f , under the s t i m u l u s o f t h e French R e v o l u t i o n , t h a t she wrote f o r the "lower o r d e r s . " Hannah More continued to t e a c h the C h r i s t i a n way of l i f e by w r i t t e n word and example u n t i l her death on Septem-ber 7, 1833. In 1802 she moved t o B a r l e y Wood, a l a r g e r r e s i -dence a m i l e d i s t a n t from Cowslip Green, and her s i s t e r s soon j o i n e d her. They continued t o n o u r i s h the Mendip s c h o o l s and women's c l u b s , t o be benevolent n e i g h b o u r s ^ 2 to the r i c h and poor o f Wrington, and to extend h o s p i t a l i t y t o the droves o f v i s i t o r s , ^ 3 many from abroad, who wished to meet the c e l e -b r a t e d author. Hannah More found great s a t i s f a c t i o n i n the " i n c r e a s e o f genuine r e l i g i o n among the higher c l a s s e s o f s o c i e t y , " ^ but she f e l t i t necessary to continue w r i t i n g f o r the o b s t i n a t e l y s i n f u l remnant. She wrote e l e v e n books a f t e r the age of s i x t y , w h i l e f a i t h f u l l y answering a massive correspondence from a l l p a r t s of the world. She kept her charm to t h e end^S and was l o v e d by the c h i l d r e n o f her f r i e n d s as she had been by t h e i r p a r e n t s . A f t e r her s i s t e r s d i e d , between 1813 and 1819, young companions l i v e d with her 22 and helped with the correspondence and v i s i t e d the schools, which were often taught by former students.^° In 1828 the large Barley Wood establishment was too much for her strength, and she moved to nearby C l i f t o n . There she died f i v e years l a t e r . Hannah More had been r i c h l y endowed with talents which brought her success by the world's standards, yet such success was not enough to meet her deepest needs. She turned to Evangelicalism, and found a s a t i s f y i n g personal r e l a t i o n -ship with God. The f r u i t s of t h i s experience demanded an outlet i n action, and she sought, for the rest of her l i f e , to b ring to her countrymen the r e l i g i o n which she had found rewarding for h e r s e l f . 23 Footnotes •'"Henry Thompson, The L i f e of Hannah More: with  Notices of Her S i s t e r s (London, 1838), p. 5. 2 W i l l i a m Roberts (ed.), Memoirs of the L i f e and Corres-pondence of Mrs. Hannah More (London, 1834J, Vol. I, p. 12. 3 I b i d . . Vol. I, p. 15. 4 I b i d . . Vol. I, p. 7. 5 I b i d . . Vol. I, p. 14. ^Joseph Cottle, Early Recollections: Chiefly Relating  to the Late Samuel Taylor Coleridge During His Long Residence  i n B r i s t o l (London, 1837), V o l . I, p. 81, note. 7M. G. Jones, Hannah More (Cambridge, 1952), p. 13. ^Roberts, op., c i t . . Vol. I, p. 11. 9 I b i d . . Vol. I, p. 17. I®Jones, oo.. c i t . , p. 18. ^Roberts, op., c i t . . V ol. I l l , p. 35, Bishop Porteus to Hannah More, St. James Square, 1789. With a high fever, a pulse above one hundred, and under sedation she wrote the pre-face to the seventh edition of Moral Sketches, fourteen manu-s c r i p t pages, i n two days. Ibid.. Vol. IV, p. 112, Hannah More to Mr. and Mrs. Huber, Barley Wood, 1820. •--2". . . at one time I very seldom closed my eyes i n sleep f o r for t y days and nights." Ibi d . , Vol. IV, p. 43, Hannah More to William Wilberforce, Barley Wood, 1818. ^ F l o y d L. Ruch, Psychology and L i f e (Chicago, 1948), pp. 501 - 504. -•-^Roberts, op., c i t . . Vol. I, p. 14. 15ibid.. Vol. I, pp. 12 - 13, "The mother . . . was as anxious f o r the in s t r u c t i o n of t h e i r promising daughter, as the father was f e a r f u l of i t s consequences . . . ." l 6 I b i d . . Vol. I, p. 12. •*-7". . . l i k e Beatrice, *I would I were a man,1 f o r not being one, I did not care to say much i n so large and learned an assembly. However, . . I did venture to say a l i t t l e . . . ." Roberts, op., ext., Vol. I, p. 395, Hannah More to her s i s t e r , London, 1785. 24 •-"8James J . Hornby (ed.) Remains of Alexander Knox (London, 1837), Vol. IV, pp. 166 - 169, Alexander Knox to Mrs. Peter La Touche, Barley Wood, September 10 and 14, 1804. •^Roberts, op_. c i t . . Vol. I, p. 7. 2 0M. G. Jones, The Charity School Movement; A Study  of Eighteenth Century Puritanism i n Action (2nd. ed.; London, 1964), p. 100; Great B r i t a i n Sessional Papers 1825, Vol. X, PP. 53 - 55. Anna L a e t i t i a Barbauld (ed.), Correspondence of  Samuel Richardson (London, 1804), Vol. I l l , p. 90. In 1757 a woman would publish a work "at the hazard of f o r f e i t i n g a l l her hopes of a settlement i n the world, and friendship with the rest of her sex." 2 2Mary Wollstonecraft, The Rights of Women (published with J . S. M i l l ' s The Subjection of Women; London, 1929, [ F i r s t published i n 1792J), p. 162. 23Roberts, op,, c i t . . Vol. I, p. 66, from one of Hannah More's s i s t e r s , London, 1776. 2 4 C h a r l o t t e M. Yonge, Hannah More (London, 1888), p. 6. She i n c o r r e c t l y gives Mary's age as twenty-one. See Jones Hannah More, p. 237, note 1 and p. 4. 25jones, Hannah More, p. 10. 2 6 I b i d . . p. 9. 27J. F. Nicholls and John Taylor (eds.), B r i s t o l Past  and Present ( B r i s t o l , 1881-1882), Vol. I l l , passim. The quota-t i o n i s on p. 198 and was taken from an up-dated edition of Daniel Defoe's A Tour Through the Island of Great B r i t a i n (6th edition, 1761). Also see Richard Jenkins, Memoirs of the  B r i s t o l Stage ( B r i s t o l , 1826), pp. 66 - 67. 28 For testimony to her charm see Roberts, op_. c i t . , Vol. I, pp. 15 - 16; Walter Sidney Scott (ed.), Letters of  Maria Edgeworth and Anna L e t i t i a Barbauld (London, 1953), p. 74, A. L. Barbauld to Miss Carr, Stoke Newington, October 16, 1812 . 2^Roberts, op., ext., Vol. I, p. 15; p. 180 Hannah More to Mrs. Boscawen, B r i s t o l , May 13, 1780; p. 140, Hannah More to Mrs. Gwatkin, Hampton, March 5, 1778; p. 395, Hannah More to her s i s t e r , London, 1785. 3°Ibid.. Vol. I, p. 16. 25 3 1 I b i d . , V o l . I, p. 71 note; p. 221, Mrs. K e n n i c o t t t o Hannah More, Oxford, 1782; Jones, Hannah More, p. 10. 3 2 R o b e r t s , op., c i t . . V o l . I, pp. 16 - 17. 3 3 I b i d . . V o l . I, pp. 30 - 31, p. 33, and p. 56, Hannah More to one o f her s i s t e r s , London, 1775. 3 4 i D i d . . V o l . I, pp. 31 - 34, Jones, Hannah More, pp. 15 - 16, [Thomas de Quincey!?, "Mrs. Hannah More," T a i t ' s  Edinburgh Magazine. December, 1833, p. 300 g i v e s the amount of t he an n u i t y as £400. 15 J J o n e s , Hannah More, pp. 18 and 62. Hannah More remained f r i e n d s of them both. See Roberts, op., e x t . , V o l . I , pp. 19 - 29, Langhorne t o Hannah More, October 22, 1773 and February 12, 1775j pp. 252 - 253, Hannah More to her s i s t e r , London, 1782; V o l . I I , pp. 22 - 23, Hannah More to her s i s t e r , London, May 10, 1786. •^Roberts, op., c i t • . V o l . I , p. 34, "The im p u t a t i o n of in c o n s t a n c y , o r a c a l c u l a t i n g prudence" was made by some people when the r u p t u r e became known. •77 *"See Appendix. Except f o r the p u b l i c a t i o n date o f Slave Trade the i n f o r m a t i o n there i s taken from Jones, Hannah  More, pp. 272 - 274. 3 ^ J o n e s , Hannah More, pp. 17 - 18; J e n k i n s , op., ext., p. 37 and pp. 82 - 83. 39Roberts, op_. c i t . . V o l . I, p. 48. 4°Ibid.. V o l . I, p. 214, Hannah More to one of her s i s t e r s , London, 1781. E p i t a p h on Mrs. L i t t l e 0 c o u l d t h i s verse her f a i r example spread, And t e a c h the l i v i n g w h i l e i t p r a i s T d t h e dead! Then, reader, should i t speak her hope d i v i n e , Not t o r e c o r d her f a i t h , but stre n g t h e n t h i n e ; Then should her every v i r t u e stand c o n f e s t , T i l l every v i r t u e k i n d l e d i n thy b r e a s t . But i f thou s l i g h t the monitory s t r a i n , And she has l i v e d , to thee at l e a s t , i n v a i n ; Yet l e t her death an awful l e s s o n g i v e , The d y i n g C h r i s t i a n speaks t o a l l that l i v e . Enough f o r her t h a t here her ashes r e s t , T i l l God's own p l a u d i t s h a l l her worth a t t e s t . ^ R o b e r t s , op., ext., V o l . I, pp. 47 - 50. 4 2 I b i d . , V o l . I, p. 5 6 , Hannah More to a s i s t e r , London, 1775. 26 "^Sources f o r t h e b l u e s t o c k i n g s are: Jones, Hannah  More, chap, i i i , "The L i t e r a t i ; " Walter S. S c o t t , The Blue-s t o c k i n g L a d i e s (London, 1947); R. Brimley Johnson ( e d . ) , B l u e s t o c k i n g L e t t e r s (New York, 1926). 4 4 C f . [ d e Quincey], l o c . c i t . . pp. 312 - 314. 4 5 R O D e r t s , oj>. c i t . , V o l . I, pp. 172 - 173, Hannah More t o her s i s t e r , London, 1780. 4 % >Hannah More, Works of Hannah More (London, 1834), V o l . V, p. 314. 4 7 I b i d . , V o l . V, p. 321. 48R 0berts, V o l . I, p. 1 5 9 , Hannah More t o her s i s t e r , London, 1779. 4 9 i b i d . . V o l . I, p. 2 6 7 , Hampton, December 3 1 , 1 7 8 2 . 5 0 i b i d . , V o l . I, p. 400, Hannah More to her s i s t e r , London, 1785; p. 316, from the same to the same, A d e l p h i , 1784; p. 3 5 9 , from t h e same t o t h e same, London, 1784; and p. 3 3 9 , Hannah More t o W i l l i a m W e l l e r Pepys, B r i s t o l , J u l y 17, 1784. 5 ^ I b i d . . V o l . I, p. 242, Hannah More to her s i s t e r , Hampton, 1782. 5 2 i b i d . . V o l . I, pp. 311 - 312, Hannah More to her s i s t e r , H o l y w e l l House, S t . Albans, March, 1784. 53jones, Hannah More, pp. 19 - 20. 54R 0berts, op_. ext., V o l . I I , pp. 11 - 12, Hannah More t o her s i s t e r , London, February 17, 1786; V o l . I, p. 242, Hannah More to her s i s t e r , Hampton, 1782. 5 5 I b i d . , V o l . I I , pp. 4 - 5 and Jones, Hannah More. P. 7 7 . ^ R o b e r t s , op_. ext., V o l . I , p. 113, Hannah More t o her s i s t e r , Farnborough P l a c e , 1777. 57Roberts, op_. ext., V o l . I , p. 144, Hannah More to Mrs. Gwatkin, August 9 , 1778. 5 ^ I b i d . , V o l . I, p. 2 7 5 , Hannah More t o Martha More, London, March 7 , 1783. 59ibid.. V o l . I , p. 57, Hannah More to a s i s t e r , London, 1775. 27 E a r l o f Bessborough (ed.), Georgiana. E x t r a c t s from  the Correspondence o f Georgiana. Duchess o f Devonshire (Lon-don, 1955), p. 17, Lady Spencer to t h e Duchess, Tuesday, October 11, 1774. ^ S o u r c e s f o r the E v a n g e l i c a l s are: S. C. Carpenter, E i g h t e e n t h Century Church and People (London, 1959), chap, x x i i , "The E v a n g e l i c a l s ; " Jones, Hannah More, pp. 97 - 100; G. R. B a l l e i n e , A H i s t o r y o f the E v a n g e l i c a l P arty i n the  Church o f England (London, 1909), chap, i v , "The E a r l y Evan-g e l i c a l s ; " John Henry Overton, The E v a n g e l i c a l R e v i v a l i n the  E i g h t e e n t h Century (London, 1907), chap, i v , "Methodism and E v a n g e l i c a l i s m . " ^ 2The f o l l o w i n g two paragraphs are drawn from Overton, op. c i t . , chap, i v , "Methodism and E v a n g e l i c a l i s m . " ^ 3 I b i d . , p. 45. A moderate C a l v i n i s t was a b l e t o agree with the T h i r t y - N i n e A r t i c l e s , s t r e s s e d man's wickedness and h e l p l e s s n e s s without d i v i n e a i d , and s a i d l i t t l e about the "decrees" o f p r e d e s t i n a t i o n , see I b i d . . pp. 195 - 198. 64Roberts, op., ext., V o l . I I , p. 54, Hannah More t o her s i s t e r , London, 1787. °5Jones, Hannah More, p. 89. ^ R o b e r t s , op., ext., V o l . I , p. 77, Hannah More t o her f a m i l y , London, 1776. ^ S o u r c e s f o r the Clapham s e c t are: B a l l e i n e , op., c i t chap, v, "The Clapham S e c t ; " James Stephen, Essays i n E c c l e s -i a s t i c a l Biography (2nd ed.; London, 1850), V o l . I I , chap, i v , "The Clapham S e c t ; " Ernest M a r s h a l l Howse, S a i n t s i n P o l i t i c s . The 'Clapham S e c t ' and the Growth o f Freedom (London, 1953), chap, i i , "Brotherhood of C h r i s t i a n P o l i t i c i a n s ; " Ford K. Brown, F a t h e r s o f the V i c t o r i a n s . The Age of W i l b e r f o r c e (Cambridge, 1961), passim. °^Hannah More's correspondence r e f l e c t s the t r a n s i -t i o n . Apart from l e t t e r s t o her s i s t e r s Volume I i s mainly t o London f r i e n d s ; i n Volume I I John Newton and Horace Wal-p o l e are c o n t r a s t i n g key f i g u r e s ; i n Volume I I I the l e t t e r s a r e t o and from E v a n g e l i c a l s and those of her London f r i e n d s who shared her c h a r i t a b l e and r e l i g i o u s i n t e r e s t s ; and Volume IV's l e t t e r s are l a r g e l y t o and from a new g e n e r a t i o n o f Evan-g e l i c a l s . Death o f course p l a y e d a p a r t i n the change f o r her London acquaintances were u s u a l l y o l d e r than Hannah More. °^George Otto T r e v e l y a n , L i f e and L e t t e r s o f Lord  Macaulay (London, 1908), pp. 24 - 25; "Macaulay as a Boy D e s c r i b e d i n Two Unpublished L e t t e r s o f Hannah More," Mac-ftillan's Magazine. V o l . I (February, i860), pp. 289 - 293. 28 7 G S t a n d i s h Meacham, Henry Thornton o f Clapham 1760- 1815 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1964), pp. 48 - 49; E. M. F o r s t e r , Marianne Thornton. 1797-1887. A Domestic Biography (London, 1956), passim. These summarize h i s a t t i t u d e toward the m o t i v a t i o n o f the Clapham s e c t . 7 2 R o b e r t s , op_. c i t . , V o l . I I , p. 116, Cowslip Green, J u l y 23, 1788. 7 3 I b i d . . V o l . I I , p. 464, Hannah More t o John Newton, Cowslip Green, September 15, 1796. 74ibid.. V o l . I I , pp. 87 - 88, Hannah More t o John Newton, Cowslip Green, 1787. 75ibid.. V o l . I I , p. 217, Hannah More t o W i l l i a m W i l -b e r f o r c e , 1789(?), Robert Isaac and Samuel W i l b e r f o r c e , The  L i f e of W i l l i a m W i l b e r f o r c e (London, 1838), V o l . I I , pp. 299 -302 note t h a t i n 1798 W i l b e r f o r c e pledged £100, Henry Thornton, £100, and Mrs. Bouverie (who used Henry Thornton as her almon-e r ) , £200; A r t h u r Roberts ( e d . ) , Mendip Annals o r a N a r r a t i v e  o f the C h a r i t a b l e Labours o f Hannah and Martha More i n T h e i r  Neighbourhood. B e i n g the J o u r n a l o f Martha More (2nd ed.; London, 1859), p. 13. ^ S o u r c e s f o r the Mendip c h a r i t i e s a r e : A r t h u r Rob-e r t s , op,, c i t . . passim: and W i l l i a m Roberts, oj>. c i t . . V o l . I I , pp. 206 - 224 and 298 - 322, V o l . I l l , pp. 133 - 136, Hannah More t o Dr. Beadon, Bishop o f Bath and W e l l s , 1801. 77 'The d i l i g e n t W i l b e r f o r c e s a i d o f Hannah More, " I t would be d i f f i c u l t to f i n d any one who l a b o u r s so d i l i g e n t l y , under circumstances i n which I f e a r I should g i v e up the s t r u g g l e , and f a l l back i n t o my easy c h a i r . " W i l b e r f o r c e , OP. c i t . . V o l . I I , p. 314. 7 8 W i l l i a m Roberts, op. ext., V o l . I I , pp. 301 - 302 and p. 305, Hannah More to W i l l i a m W i l b e r f o r c e , 1791. (The date i s i n c o r r e c t ; i t i s more l i k e l y t o be 1795.) 79Arthur Roberts, op., ext., p. 185 and p. 44. 8 0 I b i d . . p. 199. 81 W i l l i a m Roberts, op. c i t . . V o l . I I , p. 305, Hannah More t o W i l l i a m W i l b e r f o r c e , 1791. (The date i s i n c o r r e c t ; i t i s more l i k e l y to be 1795.) 8 2 A l e x a n d e r H. Japp ( e d . ) , De Ouincev Memorials.  Being L e t t e r s and Other Records, here f i r s t p u b l i s h e d w i t h Communications from C o l e r i d g e , t h e Wordsworths. Hannah More. 29 P r o f e s s o r W i l s o n and Others (London, 1891), V o l . I I , L e t t e r s o f Mary de Quincey and o f Mrs. de Quincey, passim. 8 3 W i l l i a m Roberts, op., c i t . , V o l . IV, p. 253. 8 4 l b i d . . V o l . IV, p. 167, Hannah More t o Rev. D. Wilson, B a r l e y Wood, 1822, "My c o n c l u s i o n i s t h a t wickedness i s wickeder than i t used to be, and t h a t goodness i s better;.-" A l s o see p. 240, Hannah More to Mr. and Mrs. Huber, B a r l e y Wood, August 3, 1825. ^ F o r s t e r , ojj. c i t . . p. 48; 0 0 W i l l i a m Roberts, op., e x t . , V o l . IV, pp. 176 - 177, Hannah More t o W i l l i a m W i l b e r f o r c e , 1823. CHAPTER I I Hannah More's Message; A Product o f Her Time Men's i d e a s are determined by the world they know: by the s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s t h a t they experience, and by the i n t e l l e c t u a l l e g a c y which they i n h e r i t . I n the same p e r i o d t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s vary w i t h geographic and s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . There i s always a spectrum o f o p i n i o n r e p r e -s e n t i n g d i v e r s i t y o f experience and o f acuteness o f o b s e r v a t i o n . I t i s t h e r e f o r e with a sense o f inadequacy t h a t the student o f i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y attempts t o g e n e r a l i z e and c a t e g o r i z e about i n s t i t u t i o n s o r i d e a s . By s e p a r a t i n g the warp o f i n t e l -l e c t u a l h i s t o r y from the weft the f a b r i c i s d i s t o r t e d , but i f the p a t t e r n i s l o p s i d e d at l e a s t the c o l o u r s remain t r u e . Hannah More's i d e a s and the e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y are interwoven, and her message, her m i l i e u , and t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n although d e f i n e d s e p a r a t e l y must be s t u d i e d t o g e t h e r . She was born i n t o the f i r s t h a l f o f the century, i n 1745, and l i v e d on u n t i l 1833. During her l i f e t i m e England became an i n d u s t r i a l n a t i o n . Looking back w i t h t h e wisdom o f hi n d s i g h t i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was the most important event o f her l i f e span, y e t Hannah More was v i r t u a l l y unaware o f i t . A r e c e n t study o f the working c l a s s from 1780 to 1832 concludes t h a t d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d the working c l a s s developed a sense o f i d e n t i t y o f i n t e r e s t w i t h i n i t s e l f , and t h a t the r u l i n g c l a s s underwent a s i m i l a r p r o c e s s " i n t h e f a c e o f an i n s u r g e n t work-i n g c l a s s . Thus the w o r k i n g - c l a s s presence was, i n 1832, t h e 31 most s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n B r i t i s h p o l i t i c a l l i f e . " " * " D uring t h i s same p e r i o d Hannah More thought and wrote i n terms o f t r a d i t i o n a l , h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . She p r e s e n t s a s a l u t o r y reminder t h a t those who l i v e through momentous eco-nomic and s o c i a l change do not n e c e s s a r i l y see the p r o c e s s c l e a r l y . I t i s n e v e r t h e l e s s necessary i n a study o f Hannah More's r o l e as a propagandist to c o n s i d e r t h e impact o f i n d u s -t r i a l i z a t i o n upon England i n the second h a l f o f the e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . I t a f f e c t e d the background a g a i n s t which she wrote and her audience r e a d . They may not have i d e n t i f i e d i n d u s t r i -a l i z a t i o n as the cause o f the changes i n t h e i r environment, but they r e c o g n i z e d t h e e f f e c t s . They saw economic d i s t r e s s i n depressed c r a f t s and sensed i n s u b o r d i n a t i o n i n the r e l a t i o n s between p a r e n t s and c h i l d r e n , and masters and s e r v a n t s . I t i s a l s o necessary t o know t h e c h a r a c t e r o f the f i r s t h a l f o f the century, f o r i t determined the content o f the message she brought t o her r e a d e r s . Mid-century i s an a r b i t r a r y l i n e o f demarcation, and the c h a r a c t e r o f a p e r i o d does not change wi t h the t u r n i n g of the c a l e n d a r . N e v e r t h e l e s s i t i s p o s s i b l e , and o f t e n necessary, to g e n e r a l i z e about the nature o f a p e r i o d . The presence o f e x c e p t i o n s need not i n v a l i d a t e t h e c o n c l u s i o n s . D u r i n g t h e second h a l f o f the e i g h t e e n t h century the slowly-growing demographic and economic changes connected with the a g r i c u l t u r a l and i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n s became more e v i -2 dent. The p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d a t an a c c e l e r a t i n g r a t e and l a b o u r was p l e n t i f u l . Farms became l a r g e r , more s p e c i a l i z e d , and more p r o d u c t i v e . The i n v e n t i o n o f the steam engine and s p i n n i n g jenny meant that the s p i n n i n g o f c o t t o n began t o move from home t o f a c t o r y . T r a n s p o r t a t i o n improved: the t u r n p i k e s brought more r a p i d and freq u e n t s t a g e s e r v i c e , and the c a n a l s enabled bulky goods t o be moved cheap l y . As a r e s u l t more Englishmen were aware o f each o t h e r ; t h e i r s o c i a l h o r i z o n s widened. The market town and the r e g i o n gained a t the expense o f t h e v i l l a g e as the f o c a l p o i n t f o r p r o d u c t i o n . I t was a time o f m o b i l i t y , both s o c i a l and geographic, and i n t h e course o f movement some men b e n e f i t e d and some men s u f f e r e d , but a l l f a c e d , although perhaps u n c o n s c i o u s l y , a world t h a t was chang-i n g , t h a t was new, and t h a t was to a degree unknown. These impersonal f o r c e s a f f e c t e d the l i v e s o f E n g l i s h -men o f a l l c l a s s e s , and changed f a m i l i a r p a t t e r n s o f l i f e . The t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e l i f e d i d not dis a p p e a r over n i g h t , 3 but i n -c r e a s i n g l y o l d ways were r e p l a c e d by new. Day l a b o u r e r s began, e s p e c i a l l y i n the home c o u n t i e s , t o r e p l a c e the s e r v a n t s i n husbandry who had l i v e d and eaten i n t h e farm house. 4 E n c l o s -ure g e n e r a l l y meant t h e l o s s o f common r i g h t s f o r the t i t l e l e s s c o t t a g e r s and without t h e a u x i l i a r y income f o r m e r l y p r o v i d e d by t h e i r v e g e t a b l e p a t c h and common-grazing cow, thes e l a b o u r e r s were completely at the mercy o f economic f l u c t u a t i o n s . - * With the d e c l i n e o f c o t t a g e i n d u s t r y men, women, and c h i l d r e n went out o f the home where they had worked as a f a m i l y u n i t t o be-come day workers i n farm o r f a c t o r y . They experienced more r e g u l a r work and g r e a t e r d i s c i p l i n e , i n l a r g e r groups. Rapid 33 technical innovation, by threatening the status of old s k i l l s , created i n s e c u r i t y f o r many workers.** For those who d r i f t e d from r u r a l to urban areas? there was a l o s s of a l l that was f a m i l i a r and a sense of anonymity i n a strange and ugly world. The middle classes flourished and grew i n the new environment. High war-time p r i c e s brought prosperity to f a r -Q mers and provided a stimulus f o r improved agri c u l t u r e . Farm women could become "ladies of l e i s u r e " for household items such as soap and candles no longer had to be produced i n the home, the population increase insured an abundant supply of domestic servants, and the new wealth meant opportunity f o r a genteel education. 0 . Expanding technology benefited the ingen-ious s k i l l e d craftsman and enabled him to make a comfortable fortune with l i t t l e c a p i t a l i f he possessed enterprise and appl i c a t i o n . Increasing trade gave opportunities f o r greater prosperity to men i n commerce, banking, insurance, and law. Upward s o c i a l mobility meant that the r i s i n g middle c l a s s mem-bers were faced with adjustment to the outlook, standards, and customs of the next rung of the s o c i a l ladder. Wealthy landowners took advantage of the greater ease of t r a v e l and of higher incomes"'"0 to spend more time i n London, the watering places, and country house p a r t i e s . T h e y spent l e s s time upon t h e i r estates, and the intimate knowledge of t h e i r tenants and servants, fostered by day to day r e l a t i o n -ships, declined. The lack of personal contact undermined the humanizing factor i n the t r a d i t i o n a l subordination and con-sequently the system i t s e l f . 34 The bustle and v i t a l i t y of change i n the second h a l f of the century were i n marked contrast to the s t a b i l i t y and balance of the f i r s t h a l f . The revolutionary economic forces were slowly developing but they had not yet gathered s u f f i c i e n t momentum to intrude upon the general consciousness. After the passionate r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l controversies of the seven-teenth century and the r e s u l t i n g turmoil many Englishmen sought a breathing period. Society's structures tended to display 12 equilibrium i f not harmony. In p o l i t i c s there was a comfort-able sameness. Both Whigs and Tories agreed with the p r i n -c i p l e s of 1688 and united i n a desire f o r s t a b i l i t y of the throne. Personalities and s e l f - i n t e r e s t distinguished p a r t i e s , not p o l i c y . ^ 3 The Walpole era stressed peace and an unadven-turesome foreign p o l i c y . Most Englishmen were content with B r i t a i n ' s c o l o n i a l possessions and cherished no dreams of 1 A. imperial expansion. In agriculture, the basis of the nation-a l wealth,*-* the p a t e r n a l i s t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p between land lords and tenants created a sense of mutual confidence and i n t e r -dependence.^ In the church the missionary s p i r i t of Queen Anne's day subsided*? and churchmen maintained a cautious balance between deism and z e a l . There were violent d o c t r i n a l disputes between theologians which kept c l e r i c a l pens busy but were not designed to arouse r e l i g i o u s enthusiasm of ordinary Christians to a disruptive p i t c h . The i n t e l l e c t u a l , d o c t r i n a l basis of C h r i s t i a n i t y was strengthened, but as a s p i r i t u a l force f o r godly l i v i n g i t declined. There were devout Chris-tians, l i k e the Wesleys of Epworth, tucked away i n corners of 35 England who carr i e d on the seventeenth century pattern of family prayers, Bible reading and good works, but they were i n a minority and were often persecuted for t h e i r " p e c u l i a r i -t i e s . 1 * Historians of the Church of England conclude that the general character of r e l i g i o n f o r much of the eighteenth cen-18 tury was desiccated, complacent, and r a t i o n a l . Philosophy, l i t e r a t u r e , and theology displayed r a t i o n a l r e s t r a i n t . Reason had vanquished much of the medieval super-s t i t i o n , and enthusiasm was suspect. For many the Old Testa-ment Jehovah, God of the Puritans, had given way to the Great Watch Maker, God of the d e i s t s . "Even the orthodox [christian/} who retained the supernatural basis, f e l t that f a i t h must be grounded firmly upon Nature before one had recourse to super-nature."* 0 There were vehement theological discussions but both sides by t a c i t agreement kept argument on a s u p e r f i c i a l 20 l e v e l and avoided fundamental issues, issues which might upset the conventional i n t e l l e c t u a l framework. In l i t e r a t u r e , r e l i g i o n , and philosophy there was a moralizing tendency. Samuel Richardson, Thomas Sherlock, and Bernard de Mandeville a l l charted the correct, r i g h t , safe, or necessary course of actio n . L i b e r a l l y educated Englishmen i n the f i r s t half of the eighteenth century t y p i c a l l y sought cool r a t i o n a l equilirr brium. Alexander Pope's monotonous couplets, Lord Shaftes-bury's complacent optimism, Lord Chesterfield's preoccupation with form, and David Hartley's mathematical categories f o r pleasure and pain a l l demonstrate the sway of reason. C u l t i -vated men were c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y concerned with the law of 36 nature, codes of morality, s o c i a l contracts, and correct manners—all of which were r a t i o n a l l y , not i n t u i t i v e l y per-ceived, and a l l of which defined b a r r i e r s against chaos. 2* The forces of economic and s o c i a l change i n the second part of the century had t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l counterpart. When pressures for id e o l o g i c a l change challenged those f o r s t a b i l i t y , descendents from e a r l i e r decades, each side had i t s adherents. English thought of the second h a l f of the century was turbulent with currents pushing forward to new times and backward to the past. B e l i e f s are s i g n i f i c a n t only when they are given r e a l i t y i n action. The t i d e of i n t e l l e c t u a l change i s evident i n econ-omical reform which curbed royal patronage and i n the e f f o r t s of Major John Cartwright and Thomas Hardy f o r parliamentary reform. I t was also expressed i n the emotionalism of the Evangelical and Wesleyan r e v i v a l , the romanticism of Anne Rad-c l i f f e f s gothic novels, the feminism of Mary Wollstonecraft, and the republicanism of Thomas Paine. Conservative trends were also evident and i n t e n s i f i e d as the century drew to a close. Those who were comfortable within the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l arrangements were not eager to ex-periment. The French Revolution brought t h i s natural conser-vatism to a reactionary p i t c h . Subsequent attempts by the masses to change t h e i r economic or p o l i t i c a l p o s ition usually aroused fears of Jacobinism, and enthusiasm brought down char-ges of revolution. Friends of the established order formed the Association f o r Preserving Liberty and Property against Republicans and Leve l l e r s . The government supported the 37 e f f o r t s o f i n d i v i d u a l s and i n May 1792 i s s u e d a p r o c l a m a t i o n a g a i n s t s e d i t i o u s w r i t i n g . I t strengthened the i n t e l l i g e n c e s e r v i c e , suspended Habeas Corpus i n 1794, and i n t h e f o l l o w i n g y e a r brought i n l e g i s l a t i o n a g a i n s t l a r g e p u b l i c meetings, and f o r a broader d e f i n i t i o n o f t r e a s o n . I n 1799 and 1800 t h e Combination A c t s a g a i n s t workers* o r g a n i z a t i o n s were p a s s e d . 2 2 Hannah More*s most important works almost c o i n c i d e with t h e p e r i o d o f r e a c t i o n and r e p r e s s i o n , which extended from 1790 when Edmund Burke*s Thoughts on t h e R e v o l u t i o n i n  France appeared t o 1819 when par l i a m e n t e s t a b l i s h e d a committee of i n q u i r y i n t o c r i m i n a l laws. P r i o r t o t h i s p e r i o d , i n t h e 1770*s and e a r l y 1780*s she wrote p r i m a r i l y t o amuse and sub-s i d i a r i l y t o i n s t r u c t . A f t e r 1788 she r e v e r s e d t h i s o r d e r and was i n c r e a s i n g l y i n f l u e n t i a l . Her l a s t book, a group o f s e l e c t i o n s from p r e v i o u s works, appeared i n 1825 when v a r i o u s l i b e r a l i n n o v a t i o n s and reforms were s t i r r i n g but the octogen-a r i a n d i d not change the p e r s p e c t i v e o f her prime. I t was a g a i n s t a background o f r e a c t i o n ( i n s p i r e d by t h e French Revo-l u t i o n ) superimposed upon change (caused by the a g r i c u l t u r a l and i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n s ) t h a t Hannah More wrote and her p u b l i c r e a d . Hannah More's message has a c o n s e r v a t i v e aspect which i s p a r a l l e l t o the c a r e f u l l y p r e s e r v e d e q u i l i b r i u m o f the f i r s t h a l f o f the century, and a r a d i c a l one which corresponds to the changes which upset the balance, changes which became more evident as the century p r o g r e s s e d . Her r a d i c a l s i d e was a r e a c t i o n t o the formalism o f the f i r s t p a r t of the century and her c o n s e r v a t i v e aspect was r e i n f o r c e d by the burgeoning m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of change of the second h a l f c e n t u r y . Her c h i e f i n t e r e s t l a y with r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l i s s u e s and her r e l i g i o n sought t o change the e x i s t i n g a t t i t u d e s and p r a c t i c e s o f the church, w h i l e her s o c i a l p h ilosophy based upon r e l i g i o n sought t o m a i n t a i n the s t a t u s quo. Hannah More, i n common with her f e l l o w E v a n g e l i c a l s and w i t h t h e Methodists, was r e a c t i n g a g a i n s t the i n t e l l e c -t u a l i s m and "deadness o f h e a r t " which was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the e a r l y Georgian church. ° In s p i t e o f the church's a c t i v e war a g a i n s t deism i t had been i n f e c t e d by the a n t a g o n i s t ' s optimism and r a t i o n a l i s m . Nature's evidence f o r C h r i s t i a n i t y h e l d as important a p l a c e i n t h e o l o g i a n s ' thought as r e v e l a -t i o n ' s evidence. G e n e r a l l y the c l e r g y d i d not emphasize the unpleasant d o c t r i n e s o f man's c o r r u p t i o n and h i s i n a b i l i t y t o m e r i t s a l v a t i o n by h i s own e f f o r t s . They gave the impr e s s i o n t h a t conformity to t h e outward form o f moral and r e l i g i o u s 0 A d u t i e s was enough to i n s u r e s a l v a t i o n . Hannah More wanted t o r e - i n t r o d u c e the emotional element. R e l i g i o n was something t h a t a man had to f e e l . He had to f e e l h i s own s i n f u l n e s s and b a s i c c o r r u p t i o n , h i s i n a b i l i t y t o do good without d i v i n e a i d , and he then had t o f e e l the presence, compassion, and mercy of God. J The s e r v i c e s o f the church c o u l d a i d the i n d i v i d u a l i n h i s p e r s o n a l s t r u g g l e f o r v i t a l r e l i g i o n . E v a n g e l i c a l preach-i n g and d e v o t i o n a l m a t e r i a l were u s e f u l a i d s , but Hannah More was not "h i g h " church and sacraments, the r e l i g i o u s seasons, and d o c t r i n e took a sub o r d i n a t e p l a c e to p i e t i s m . 39 Important as doctrines are . . . yet except the leading ones, f o r which we ought to be ready to be l e d to the stake, they y i e l d much with me to the p u r i f y i n g of the inward hidden man of the heart. Conformity to God, a walking i n h i s steps, s p i r i t u a l mindedness, a subduing the old Adam within us—here i s the g r a n d . d i f f i c u l t y and the acceptable o f f e r i n g to God! 2 The i n d i v i d u a l ' s d a i l y struggle to come into emotional contact with his Maker was ultimately a matter of private prayer, Bible reading, and soul searching. A man had to f e e l the proper emo-tio n s . Pride was the most serious vice for i t stood between the i n d i v i d u a l and hi s communion with God. Only the humble and c o n t r i t e were able to admit helplessness, a precondition to reception of g r a c e . 2 7 Her r e l i g i o n was emotional, but i t was also p r a c t i c a l . I t has l i t t l e i n common with an other-worldly mysticism, but taught that the f r u i t s of a l i v e l y f a i t h were necessarily e v i -28 dent i n d a i l y l i f e . - 4 0 There was as much stress upon C h r i s t i a n duties as upon C h r i s t i a n s p i r i t . A person's c a l l i n g was h i s sphere f o r Chr i s t i a n action, and he was to make the best pos-29 sxble use of his time therein. 7 Diligence and e f f i c i e n c y were f a v o r i t e virtues and idleness a prime vice. Apart from a man's c a l l i n g there was the need f o r him to perform c h a r i t -able good works as a further avenue of C h r i s t i a n action. This necessary contact with the world, part of which was unconverted to true C h r i s t i a n i t y and therefore exception-a l l y s i n f u l , presented a problem. I t was a Christian's duty to t r y to convert and better the world, yet he ran a r i s k of contagion from i t s vices. Hannah More proposed a twofold solution—avoidance and antidote. Popular vices were to be avoided, among them the theater, profane and sentimental l i t -erature, cards, and, unless there was the p o s s i b i l i t y of doing e f f e c t i v e missionary work, worldly assemblies. She condemned these amusements because they were a waste of time and because they s t i r r e d the passions. Passions such as avarice, vanity, and r i v a l r y were e v i l f o r they stood between man and God, they made man's emotions self-centered, not God-centered. Hannah More was a step-chi l d i f not the daughter of the age of reason for she discouraged emotions unless they were directed toward God. 3® The antidote was maintenance of an active f a i t h by such regular r e l i g i o u s exercises as family prayers, private devotions, regular attendance at church, r e l i g i o u s reading, and r e l i g i o u s conversations with fellow C h r i s t i a n s . I r o n i c a l l y some of the Evangelical e f f o r t s to streng-then the church r e c o i l e d upon i t . Their emphasis upon the teachings of the Bible by implication gave a subordinate p o s i -t i o n to the teachings of the church. They responded approv-ingly to v i t a l Christians, whether Anglicans or dissenters, and t h i s recognition raised the status of competitors with 11 the Church of England. When Evangelicals dwelt upon the church's true function they simultaneously drew attention to i t s f a i l u r e to f u l f i l l i t . Hannah More was car e f u l i n her st o r i e s and novel to portray clergymen as models of piety, industry, and charity, and yet any reader could place beside t h i s image an absentee, i n e f f i c i e n t , or disinterested clergy-man with whom they were actually acquainted. The Evangelicals 41 emphasized i n d i v i d u a l r e l i g i o u s duties, and as a resu l t sacer-dotal a c t i v i t i e s seemed l e s s important. S i m i l a r l y t h e i r s t r e s s upon lay r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for teaching and v i s i t i n g of the si c k undermined a t r a d i t i o n a l c l e r i c a l function. To many churchmen the Evangelical campaign threatened the church, and they saw the Evangelicals as revolutionaries. Although Hannah More and the other Evangelicals a g i t a -ted f o r r e l i g i o u s change they looked to the past f o r t h e i r model and authority. Like the seventeenth century Puritans they intended to revive the "pure" practices of the past, not to revolutionize by tearing down an ancient i n s t i t u t i o n . Their c hief and i r r e f u t a b l e authority was the Bible, f o r i n 32 i t lay divine revelation. I t contained a l l that a C h r i s t i a n needed to know f o r salvation and so the Evangelicals studied i t assiduously. Hannah More was a staunch Anglican and accep-ted the l i t u r g y and a r t i c l e s of f a i t h , 3 3 although they were not as fundamental to her r e l i g i o n as the B i b l e . She steeped herself i n the great seventeenth century theologians—Jeremy Taylor, Issac Barrow, and John T i l l o t s o n . She did not confine herself to Anglican divines and read widely and with tolerance f o r r e l i g i o u s i n s p i r a t i o n . Among an assortment of authors she was able to f i n d i n the past evangelically-minded men. Among 34 these were the French Port Royal authors, seventeenth cen-tury Puritan writers Richard Baxter 3 ~* and John Milton, William Law who had great influence upon John Wesley, and dissenter P h i l l i p Doddridge whose Rise and Progress of Religion i n the  Soul was responsible f o r the conversion of Wilberforce. These 42 authors provided a stimulating s p i r i t u a l d i e t and evidenced a l i n e of continuity with the past f o r the C h r i s t i a n piety she worked to revive i n the church of her day. She c e r t a i n l y did not consider herself a revolutionary. Hannah More's s o c i a l philosophy was completely t r a d i -t i o n a l and the eighteenth century h e i r to two medieval con-cepts: the organic s o c i a l theory which compared society to a human body i n which a l l parts were harmoniously i n t e r r e l a t e d with the welfare of each dependent upon the welfare of a l l , and the "great chain of being" theory which placed the universe i n a l i n e of subordination ranging from God and the angels down to the lowest forms of l i f e . Her s o c i a l views, commonplace i n her period, represented a desire to hold f a s t to the s t a b i l i t y and balance of the f i r s t h a l f of the century i n the face of change. They were f i r s t given to her by her Tory father, re-inforced by her B r i s t o l f r i e n d s and perhaps c r y s t a l i z e d by the American Revolution which she condemned. Although they were not created by the English reaction against the French Revolu-t i o n , they were strengthened by i t , and the reaction brought public opinion i n the 1790's to an equally conservative p o s i t i o n . Subordination, upon p r i n c i p l e s of r e l i g i o n , was the essence of Hannah More's s o c i a l philosophy. Religion was a guarantee of subordination i n society and God the ultimate subordinating agent. In His wisdom He designed a world i n which subordination and inequality of a b i l i t y , of pos i t i o n , of happiness, and of power were fa c t s of l i f e . 43 . . . the gospel can make no part of a scheme i n which . . . want and misery are considered as e v i l s a r i s i n g s o l e l y from the defects of human govern-ments, and not as making part of the dispensations of God* i n which poverty i s represented as merely a p o l i t i c a l e v i l , and the r e s t r a i n t s which tend to keep the poor honest, are painted as the most f l a -grant i n j u s t i c e . The gospel can make no part of a system i n which the absurd idea of p e r f e c t i b i l i t y i s considered as applicable to f a l l e n creatures* i n which the chimerical project of consumate earthly happiness (founded on the mad pretence of lo v i n g the poor better than God loves them) would defeat the divine plan, which meant t h i s world f o r a scene of d i s c i p l i n e , not of remuneration.36 Men were God's childre n and as such owed obedience to him. They were a l l subordinate to h i s w i l l . The s o c i a l structure might present an h e i r a r c h i c a l pyramid of subordination, but i n r e l a t i o n to God a l l men were equal,3 7 and i f they were obedient to Him they would a l l be rewarded with eternal l i f e where there would be equality.3 8 There were then two para-doxes i n C h r i s t i a n subordination. In t h i s world men must accept w i l l i n g l y a s o c i a l structure based on subordination and the discomforts and i n j u s t i c e s which might be inherent i n i t ; by so doing they would i n h e r i t eternal l i f e free of subordination. Secondly subordination was the prescribed character of human society; at the same time a l l men were equally subordinate to the w i l l of God and equal i n His sight. Although r e l i g i o n enforced subordination i t also made i t bearable. A l l men were brothers through t h e i r common sub-ordination to God the father, and brotherly love and kindness soothed the ch a f f i n g of subordination's yoke.39 Religion taught not only the correct r e l a t i o n to God but also the 4 4 proper attitude and duties to fellow men, and the love of God naturally- overflowed i n sympathy and charity towards humanity. Religion explained and enforced subordination but a l l aspects of society exemplified i t . From the smallest unit, the family, to the largest, the state, subordination was the organizational principle. 4® In the family the woman was below her husband, the c h i l d below h i s mother, and the servant below his master.4-*- Submission was not a natural but rather an ac-quired t r a i t , and education was necessary from infancy f o r children brought "into the world a corrupt nature and e v i l d i s p o s i t i o n . " 4 2 Both boys and g i r l s needed lessons i n submis-sion, but they were of greater importance f o r g i r l s , f o r they were subservient i n more of l i f e ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Hannah More wrote: G i r l s should be led to d i s t r u s t t h e i r own judgment; they should learn not to murmur at expostulation; they should be accustomed to expect and to endure opposition. I t i s a lesson with which the world w i l l not f a i l to furnish them; and they w i l l not prac t i s e i t the worse, f o r having learnt i t the sooner . 4 3 Family members must submit to those above them but they must also be kind to those below them. A husband's love for hi s wife would lead him to "improve and ex a l t " her c h a r a c t e r . 4 4 He would encourage her advice and ask her to share i n h i s a f f a i r s . 4 " * The f i n a l decision was his to make, but he would include her i n the discussion. Parents' d i s c i p l i n e of t h e i r c h i l d r e n was a sign of t h e i r love. A spoiled c h i l d was an unhappy c h i l d and l a t e r would be an unhappy adult f o r d i s c i p -l i n e was e s s e n t i a l for moral e x c e l l e n c e — a q u a l i t y which not only led to happiness i n t h i s world (since happiness tended to follow v i r t u e ) , but more importantly i n the world to come.4° The master's and mistress's d i s c i p l i n e of servants s i m i l a r l y sprang from motives of kindness. The parents and children i n addition were to be thoughtful and considerate i n the demands they made upon the servants and never i n f r i n g e upon t h e i r hours of meals and rest.47 Class structure was family structure on a more complex l e v e l . There were more members i n t e r a c t i n g but s t i l l i f each f u l f i l l e d h i s duties and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s then harmony and wellbeing f o r a l l prevailed, and conversely neglect on the part of one^section of the s o c i a l structure harmed a l l . 4 8 The d i f f e r e n t ranks and orders had d i f f e r e n t r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and d i f f e r e n t talents, and a man was not to pine f o r a p o s i t i o n f o r which he had no aptitude, but rather to exercise h i s own God-given ta l e n t s i n h i s own sphere to the best of h i s a b i l i t y . Such a man, regardless of his rank, was worthy of respect by all.49 The higher a man's p o s i t i o n the greater h i s responsi-b i l i t i e s . Noblesse oblige was a C h r i s t i a n duty which also mitigated discontent, a powerful consideration a f t e r the out-break of revolution i n France. Reciprocal obligations also characterized p o l i t i c a l subordination. Hannah More was an ardent admirer of a l l things English and f e l t that her country's mixed co n s t i t u t i o n superbly i l l u s t r a t e d the benefits of subordination and r e c i p r o c i t y : each part gave support, each part received support, and each part gave strength and s t a b i l i t y to a l l . - * " Subjects owed duty to t h e i r r u l e r yet princes should never multiply the occasions f o r exacting obedience.5-*-Hannah More's i d e a l society suffered rude shocks from the s o c i a l and economic changes connected with the i n d u s t r i a l and a g r i c u l t u r a l revolutions, changes which became more e v i -dent as the century progressed. D i s s a t i s f a c t i o n of small gentry, farmers, and urban middle c l a s s expressed i t s e l f i n pressures f o r p o l i t i c a l reform, f o r reduction i n sinecures, and f o r a more balanced representation of the country.52 Absentee landlords, larger farm and factory units, and mobility of labour weakened deference and paternalism. As the v e r t i c a l t i e s weakened the horizontal ones strengthened and c l a s s anta-gonism was possible.53 Men were taking advantage of the eco-nomic opportunities to r i s e i n the world, through competition not co-operation, and they judged s o c i a l mobility to be good. The spokesmen of the new t r e n d s — W i l l i a m Godwin, Thomas Paine, Adam Smith—were concerned with t h i s world, not with the next, and looked to experience before revelation. They made e x p l i c i t the implications of the new s o c i a l and economic conditions, and forced them upon t h e i r readers' consciousness. Hannah More was aware that there were s o c i a l and eco-nomic changes, but she disapproved. She deplored the insub-ordination, "In no age has the paternal authority been so contemptuously treated, or every species of subordination so d i s d a i n f u l l y trampled upon."54 She noted that baking and brewing were no longer done i n r u r a l homes and worked to 47 restore "the good o ld management."55 she d i s l i k e d the new fancy education given to farmers' daughters: Everything they have been taught to do i s of no use, while they are u t t e r l y unacquainted with a l l which they ought to have known. . . . . For the wife of a farmer, she was too i d l e ; for the wife of a tradesman, she was too expensive; f o r the wife of a gentleman, she was too ignorant. 56 She knew that s o c i a l mobility was a frequent occurrence, her f i c t i t i o u s characters p r a c t i s e i t , but she f e l t i t undesirable, "Those who are raised, by some sudden stroke, much above the sta t i o n i n which Divine Providence had placed them seldom turn out very good or very happy."57 There i s no evidence to sug-gest that she was aware of the economic basis for the s l o t h f u l , vain, and competitive practices which she c r i t i c i s e d . She was f a m i l i a r with the south and i t s t r a d i t i o n a l trades and occu-pations and had no contact with the north and l i t t l e with the new industries.5 8 Prom her point of view these challenges to her i d e a l society stemmed from man's corrupt nature and con-sequently there would always be i n j u s t i c e wrought by tyrannical fathers, unjust princes, s l o t h f u l labourers, and s e l f i s h mas-t e r s . Human p e r f e c t i b i l i t y was impossible i n t h i s world so there would always be some i n j u s t i c e and suff e r i n g i n i t , and men, according to Hannah More, must accept t h i s fact as in e v i t a b l e . Yet s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e loomed large to some of her con-temporaries. The American colonies and the French poor fought for the natural r i g h t s which they f e l t were j u s t l y t h e i r s , and 48 they claimed r e b e l l i o n as one of these r i g h t s . Hannah More believed that r e b e l l i o n was never j u s t i f i e d , not even to r i g h t i n j u s t i c e . She distinguished between the o f f i c e and the i n d i -vidual, and subordination to the o f f i c e — t o the r u l e r , p a t r i -arch, master, or squire—was necessary regardless of the charac-t e r of the man who f i l l e d i t . Since a l l power came from God to r e s i s t power was to r e s i s t the ordinance of God.57 This view had to be reconciled with the English revolution of 1688 and i n doing so her l o g i c a l consistency broke down. The Glorious Revolution was . . . one of those rare and c r i t i c a l cases, which can never be pleaded as a precedent by discontent or d i s a f f e c t i o n . I t was a singular instance, when a high duty was of necessity superseded by a high-er* and when the paramount ri g h t s of law and con-science united i n urging the p a i n f u l but i r r e s i s -t i b l e necessity.60 She avoided suggesting c r i t e r i a for i d e n t i f y i n g other such c r i t i c a l cases. Nor does she suggest how the r i g h t s of law and conscience can be paramount when contesting with God's ordinances and delegated power. The s o c i a l structure, being God's handiwork, was bas-i c a l l y good and the flaws which were there sprang only from the e v i l i n men. Improvement was a matter of correcting these flaws, not of razing the e d i f i c e , ^ x a destruction which verged upon s a c r i l e g e . She shared many views with her f r i e n d Edmund Burke and her indignation at r a d i c a l proposals could have been h i s : 49 . . . the modern idea of improvement does not consist i n a l t e r i n g , but extirpating. We do not reform, but subvert. We do not correct o l d sys-tems, but demolish them; fancying that when everything s h a l l be new, i t w i l l be perfect. ... . Excellence i s no longer considered as an experimental thing, which i s to grow gradually out of observation and pr a c t i c e , and to be im-proved by the accumulating additions brought by the wisdom of successive a g e s . 0 2 Yet i n her own way Hannah More was a s o c i a l reformer ** and possessed a reformer's zeal. She sought to change mankind, the source of the world's troubles; i f e v i l came from man's corrupt nature then she proposed to turn men's hearts to God so that His grace might transform them. Conversion from a f a l s e to a true r e l i g i o n was a r a d i c a l process. . . . there was no such thing as mending i d o l a t r y ; i t was not a b u i l d i n g to be repaired; i t must be demolished; no materials were to be picked out from i t s ruins towards the construction of the everlasting e d i f i c e ; the rubbish must be r o l l e d away. A c l e a r stage must be l e f t for the new order of things; . . . ,°4 The converted would then be able to better, though not per-f e c t l y , execute God's plan and subordination would function with love, kindness, j u s t i c e , and harmony. Religion would r e c t i f y a monarch's p r i n c i p l e s and cure insubordination i n the subjects, and there would be no demand for r e b e l l i o n since there would be no need for i t . In order to believe i n s o c i a l reform through conversion, she had to believe that salvation was available to a l l . She parted company with many of the Evangelicals i n her Arminianism, 0^ 50 . . . the p o s s i b i l i t y of salvation i s universal; the i n v i t a t i o n i s as large as the benevolence of God, the persons i n v i t e d as numerous as his whole r a t i o n a l c r e a t i o n . 0 0 I t followed that "none are excluded [from salvation] who do not exclude themselves."*' 7 T h e o r e t i c a l l y those who were unregener-ate were so from choice and she could t h e o l o g i c a l l y j u s t i f y the d i s t i n c t i o n commonly made between the deserving and the undes-erving poor. Rioters should receive no r e l i e f , "but with the quiet, contented, hard-working man" she would share her " l a s t morsel of bread . " ° 8 However, on a p r a c t i c a l l e v e l she knew that there were many i n England who had never had a chance to learn of C h r i s t i a n i t y . In some areas the parishes were too large or the clergy inadequate i n number or quality and often the poor had no clothes s u i t a b l e for church.^9 j n her own Mendip H i l l s Hannah More found miners and workers i n glass houses who knew nothing of England's established r e l i g i o n . She therefore taught the higher orders that noblesse oblige consisted not only of r e l i e v i n g the physical deprivations of t h e i r subordinates but also of r e l i e v i n g t h e i r s p i r i t u a l ignor-ance, and that charity presupposed moral reform. This c l u s t e r of concepts i s l o g i c a l , granting her presuppositions, nonethe-l e s s i t must have encouraged hypocrisy among the poor. Her acceptance of suf f e r i n g , poverty, and ignorance as ine v i t a b l e seems callous today. Perhaps her r e a l compassion for the unfortunate would have l e d her to modify her views, i f t h i s world were the only one under consideration. For her t h i s world was only a prelude to eternity and even a l i f e t i m e of 51 s u f f e r i n g here was but a moment subtracted from i n f i n i t e time. The very f a c t that i n t h i s world vice was often rewarded and v i r t u e penalized strengthened her b e l i e f i n an a f t e r l i f e where compensation would be made and j u s t i c e f i n a l l y r e a l i z e d . ? 0 God generously arranged matters so that those who were most subor-dinate i n t h i s world, women and the poor, were spared many of the temptations and were thus i n a preferred position f o r i n -heritance of eternal l i f e . ? * When condemning her acceptance of misery i t i s necessary to look at her actions as well as her words. In the Mendip H i l l s she gave generous r e l i e f to the poor i n times of s u f f e r i n g ? 2 and, more important, gave t i r e -l e s s l y ©f her time and money to help these poor to help them-selves—through t r a i n i n g i n manual s k i l l s , teaching of economic household management, and founding of sickness benefit clubs. She was appalled at the workhouse conditions, asked her i n f l u -e n t i a l f r iends to work fo r t h e i r improvement,? 3 and eagerly promoted the cause of Louisa the wandering l u n a t i c and of Anne Yearsiey the wretchedly poor milkmaid and poetess. Hannah More accepted s u f f e r i n g as i n e v i t a b l e , but did a l l she could to mitigate i t s pangs. Hannah More was s u f f i c i e n t l y r e a l i s t i c to know that men did not always do what they knew was r i g h t , and that some men, remaining untouched by conversion, had no desire to do r i g h t . Religion therefore could not be the sole bulwark against i n -subordination. Law was the best subsidiary a id to r e l i g i o n ? 4 and shared some of i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . A l l men were equally subordinate to law and i t treated a l l men equally,75 hence i t 52 could prevent some i n j u s t i c e s which e v i l men would otherwise perpetrate. Nevertheless law was only a dim r e f l e c t i o n of divine law, and being made by f a l l i b l e men was at best imper-f e c t . I t ignored sins such as l y i n g and ingratitude which Hannah More f e l t must therefore be of a p a r t i c u l a r l y heinous nature because they were "judged above the reach of human punishment, and . . . reserved f o r the f i n a l j u s t i c e of God himself." 7^ Although Hannah More, when wr i t i n g for the lower orders, pointed out that a poor man could go to law with a r i c h man 7 7 she must have known that lawsuits were too expensive for many poor men. She presumably ranked t h i s inequality of opportunity with the many t r i a l s the unfortunate were asked to endure i n an imperfect world. Hannah More's amalgamation of reformation and conserva-tism were representative of her time. Her desire to reform, to convert, to make t h i s world a better place had p a r a l l e l s i n other reform movements of the period and possessed appeal for a society emerging from a f a i r l y stable, formal era. People might not sympathize with her views, but they were f a m i l i a r with the impulse. On the other hand her determined grip upon the stable s o c i a l order of the past was t y p i c a l of the l a t e eighteenth century, e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the implications of the revolution i n France became evident. Hannah More's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c responses of her period increased her effectiveness as a di d a c t i c writer. 53 Footnotes ^E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working  Class (Vintage Books paperback e d i t i o n : New York, 1966), pp. 11 - 12. 2That the two halves of the eighteenth century are characterized as units does not deny continuity. The popula-t i o n increase which began about 1740 and accelerated sharply a f t e r 1780 grew from the run of good harvests between 1715 and the 1750*s. Enclosure was a century-long process, but i t accelerated as the decades passed. S i l k was manufactured i n f a c t o r i e s throughout the century. Nor i s i t to deny that there were cases of greater s t a b i l i t y i n the second half of the century than i n the f i r s t . G. E. Mingay, English Landed  Society i n the Eighteenth Century (London, 1963), p. 39 and p. 47 states that the composition of landowners was more stable i n the l a s t h a l f of the century than i t had been fo r the previous two hundred years. 3Mary Mitford's Our V i l l a g e (London, 1910 [1824-1832] ) shows how slowly change came to some areas. 4 I v y Pinchbeck, Women Workers inthe I n d u s t r i a l  Revolution (London, 1930), pp. 37 - 40. $E. C. K. Gonner, Common Land and Inclosure (London, 1912), pp. 362 - 368. W. E. Tate, The English V i l l a g e Commu-n i t y and the Enclosure Movements (London, 1967), pp. 174 - 175. P h y l l i s Deane, The F i r s t I n d u s t r i a l Revolution (Cambridge, 1965), p. 224. ". . . i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n meant an insecure as well as a r i s i n g standard of l i v i n g for the majority of the people." p. 236. ^Thompson, oj>. c i t . . p. 244 f f . He speaks p a r t i c u l a r l y of the early nineteenth century yet sees the threat to trades* status e x i s t i n g i n the eighteenth century as well, p. 253. ^Generally agriculture was requi r i n g more labour. A. H. John, "Aspects of English Economic Growth i n the F i r s t Half of the Eighteenth Century," Essays i n Economic History, ed. M. E. Carus-Wilton (London, 1954), I I , p. 364 points out that there were regional variations and that i n the midland clay areas labour was moving from the country to towns and i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s . Cf. Deane, op_. c i t . . pp. 138 - 139. O Deane, oj>. c i t . . p. 48. ^Pinchbeck, op., c i t . , pp. 33 - 37. l^Mingay, ojp.. c i t . . p. 20. He says that landed income i n 1790 was 40 to 50 percent more than at mid-century. 54 Dorothy M a r s h a l l , E i g h t e e n t h Century England (London, 1962), p. 23 f o r the c o n t r a s t o f the e a r l y e i g h -t e e n t h c e n t u r y . l 2 L e s l i e Stephen, H i s t o r y of E n g l i s h Thought i n the  Ei g h t e e n t h Century (New York, 1962 [ f i r s t p u b l i s h e d i n 1876J), V o l . I I , pp. 282 - 283. •""^Marshall, op_. c i t . , p. 43, Pp. 58 - 60. For Lord B o l i n g b r o k e ' s a t t i t u d e to p a r t y see Stephen, op., c i t . . V o l . I I , pp. 144 - 145. 1 4 M a r s h a l l , op., ext., p. 233. •^^Mingay, op., c i t . . pp. 4 - 5. l 6 I b i d . , pp. 186 - 187. 1 7John Henry Overton, The E v a n g e l i c a l R e v i v a l i n the  Ei g h t e e n t h Century (London, 1900 [ f i r s t p u b l i s h e d i n 1889J), PP. 2 - 3 . •*-8John Henry Overton and F r e d e r i c k R e l t o n , The E n g l i s h  Church from the A c c e s s i o n o f George I to the End of the E i g h -t e e n t h Century (1714-1800) (London, 1906), pp. 1 - 2, p. 4, pp. 63 - 64, pp. 69-70. S. C. Carpenter, E i g h t e e n t h Century  Church and People (London, 1959), chap, x, "The P a r i s h e s , " and pp. 273 - 277. The r e l i g i o u s r e v i v a l can be dated from John Wesley's c o n v e r s i o n i n 1738. The 1740fs saw John B e r r i d g e , W i l l i a m Romaine, and W i l l i a m Grimshaw become e v a n g e l i c a l . The 1750*s brought John Newton, John F l e t c h e r , and Henry Venn i n t o the f o l d . The e a r l y r e a c t i o n o f churchmen to the r e v i v a l of emotion i n r e l i g i o n was to " s e t t h e i r f a c e s a l l the more ag a i n s t t h e r e l i g i o n o f f e e l i n g " Overton and Rel t o n , op., e x t . , p. 73. By 1760 t h e r e were very f a i n t s i g n s of improvement i n the general church tone. I b i d . , pp. 158 - 161. •^^B a s i l W i l l e y , The E i g h t e e n t h Century Background (Boston, 1961 (Jcirst p u b l i s h e d i n 1940J), P. 3. 2 0 S t e p h e n , op. ext., V o l . I I , p. 313. 2^The f o r e g o i n g paragraph does not deny t h e i n t u i t i v e aspect of Lord S h a f t e s b u r y ' s moral sense, the d e v o t i o n a l nature o f W i l l i a m Law's works, t h e appeal to the he a r t o f John Wesley, o r the s e n t i m e n t a l i t y o f Samuel Richardson's C l a r i s s a  Harlowe. However, thes e were more p r o p h e t i c o f the l a t e r f u l l development o f e v a n g e l i c a l i s m and romanticism than r e p r e s e n t a -t i v e of the s p i r i t o f the time. 2 2 A s a B r i g g s , The Age of Improvement 1783-1867 (London, 1959), pp. 133 - 136. 55 3 G e o r g i a n a , Lady C h a t t e r t o n ( e d . ) , Memorials. Personal  and H i s t o r i c a l o f Admiral Lord Gambier. G.C.B. (London, 1861), V o l . I, p. 213, Hannah More to S i r Charles M i d d l e t o n , Bath, 8 Jan., 1793. 24overton, op_. ext., pp. 144 - 145. 25nannah More, Works o f Hannah More (London, 1834), V o l . I l l , chap, xx i s t y p i c a l . 2 o W i l l i a m Roberts ( e d . ) , Memoirs o f the L i f e and  Correspondence o f Mrs. Hannah More (London, 1834), V o l . IV, p. 90. 2?More, op_. ext., V o l . X, p. 283. 2 8More, op_. ext., V o l . I l l , pp. 351 - 352. 2 9 I b i d . . V o l . IX, chap. v i i i . 3 0 E v e n r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g s were deep but not d i s r u p t i v e . The i d e a l was achieved by S t . P a u l : "His ardent f e e l i n g s be-t r a y him i n t o no intemperance o f speech, i n t o no i n e q u a l i t y o f a c t i o n . H i s p i e t y i s f r e e from e c c e n t r i c i t y , h i s f a i t h from presumption." I b i d . , V o l . X, p. 149. ^ C h a t t e r t o n , op_. ext., V o l . I, p. 210, Hannah More t o S i r C h a r l e s M i d d l e t o n , Bath, 8 January, 1793. A l s o see Over-to n and R e l t o n , og. ext., p. 249. "At the b e g i n n i n g o f the ei g h t e e n t h century the p r o p o r t i o n o f d i s s e n t e r s t o churchmen was one t o twenty-four, at the b e g i n n i n g of the n i n e t e e n t h one t o f o u r , and the enormous d i f f e r e n c e was l a r g e l y due t o the r e v i v a l . " 3 2 M o r e , op_. ext., V o l . IV, p. 149. 3 3 R o b e r t s , op_. ext., V o l . I l l , p. 229, Hannah More to Mr. Knox, B a r l e y Wood, 1805. More, op_. e x t . , V o l . I I , p. 289. ^ R o b e r t s , op_. ext., V o l . I l l , p. 283, Hannah More to Rev. Joseph B e r r i n g t o n , B a r l e y Wood, 1809. 35it>id.. V o l . I l l , p. 203, from her j o u r n a l f o r 1803. 3 o M o r e , op_. c i t . . V o l . I l l , p. 31. 3 7 I b i d . . V o l . I, p. 88. 3 8 I b i d . . V o l . I l l , p. 204. 3°Ibid., V o l . I l l , p. 366 and V o l . I, p. 216. 4 0 I b i d . . V o l . I l l , p. 283. 56 41ibid., Vol. I I , p. 227. 42ibid., Vol. I l l , p. 47. 43ibid., Vol. I l l , p. 106. 44ibid., Vol. I l l , p. 260. 45ibid., Vol. I l l , p. 69. 4 6 i b i d . , Vol. I l l , p. 104, p. 133. 47ibid., Vol. I l l , p. 82, Vol. I, p. 83. 4 8 i b i d . , Vol. I I , p. 226, and Vol. IV, p. 203. 4 9 i b i d . , Vol. I* P. 4, p. 25, p. 100. 5 0 I b i d . , Vol. IV, p. 37. 5 1 I b i d . , Vol. IV, p. 38. ->2Mingay, op. c i t . , p. 261. ^^Asa Briggs, "The Language of 'Class* i n Early teenth Century England," Essays i n Labour History. eds. Asa Briggs and John S a v i l l e (London, I960), p. 53 and p. 47. 54More, op_. ext., Vol. I I , p. 313 and Vol. I l l , p. 100. Hannah More was not alone. "But what you say . . . of ' f i l i a l obedience not being the character of the age,* i s so true i n these topsy-turvy times, that i t seems as much abolished i n t h i s country, as n o b i l i t y and l o y a l t y i n France. Parents are now a f r a i d of t h e i r children—masters of t h e i r servants—and, i n State t r i a l s , judges of the prisoners." Roberts, op_. c i t • Vol. I l l , p. 73, Charles Burney to Hannah More, Chelsea College, A p r i l , 1799. 55 56 57 More, op_. ext., Vol. I, p. 175 and p. 177. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 108. Ibid.. Vol. I, p. 283. 5 8 g n e v i s i t Coalbrookdale. Her reaction shows no consciousness of the implications of the town*s chief industry, apart from aesthetic ones. " . . . Colebrook Dale, the most wonderful mixture of Elysium and Tartarus my eyes ever beheld* steam-engines, h i l l s , wheels, forges, f i r e s , and dunnest and densest smoke, and the most stupendous iron-bridge, a l l r i s i n g amidst h i l l s that i n natural beauty r i v a l Dovedale and Matlock," Roberts, op_. ext., Vol, I I I , p. 349, Hannah More to Mr. Harford, Shrewsbury, September 9, 1811. 57 59jiore, op., c i t . . V o l . I I , p. 227. 6 0 I b i d . , V o l . IV, p. 384. 6 l I b i d . . V o l . I l l , p. 23. °^Loc. c i t . ° 3Ibid.. V o l . I I , p. 222. 6 4 I b i d . . V o l . X, p. 76. ^ O v e r t o n and R e l t o n , op., c i t . . , p. 140. Augustus Toplady and W i l l i a m Romaine were " s t r o n g " C a l v i n i s t s . John Newton, Thomas S c o t t , W i l l i a m Cowper, and most o f t h e Clapham group were "moderate" C a l v i n i s t s . 0 0 M o r e , op_. e x t . , V o l . X, p. 236. ° 7Ibid.. V o l . I l l , p. 342. 6 8 I b i d . . V o l . I I , p. 118. ^ R o b e r t s , op_. c i t . . V o l . I I , p. 306. Hannah More t o W i l l i a m W i l b e r f o r c e , 1791. (The date i s i n c o r r e c t ; i t i s probably 1795.) 7 0 M o r e , op., ext.., V o l . I l l , p. 133. 7 1 M o r e , op.. ci£., V o l . I , pp. 150-141; V o l . I l l , p. 205; V o l . 14, p. 225. 7 2 H e n r y Thompson, The L i f e of Hannah More with N o t i c e s  o f Her S i s t e r s (London, 1838), p. 373 says t h a t she f r e q u e n t l y spent £900 per year on c h a r i t i e s . 7 3 C h a t t e r t o n , op., c i t . . V o l . I, pp. 262 - 264. 7 4 M o r e , op_. ext., V o l . IV, p. 50. 7 5 l b i d . . V o l . IV, p. 32. 7 6 I b i d . . V o l . VI, p. 294. 7 7 I b i d . . V o l . I I , p. 223. CHAPTER III Hannah More's Method; For the "Better Sort of People." In persuasion what one says i s important, but no more important than how one says i t . I f Hannah More's message was rooted i n the past, her presentation was grounded i n the present. Her r e l i g i o u s o r i e n t a t i o n stemmed from the piety, d i s c i p l i n e , and single-mindedness of puritanism, and her s o c i a l philosophy grew from the medieval concept of an organic society, ignoring the e f f e c t s of economic changes brought by the previous three centuries. However, when she considered a persuasive technique she had a cl e a r i f narrow vision of s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l f a c t s of the day. She spoke to those who were experiencing s o c i a l mobility, who suffered economic d i s l o c a t i o n , and who watched with varying emotions, the p o l i t i c a l revolution across the English Channel. She spoke to the psychological needs engendered by t h i s en-vironment. During her l i f e she wrote for a l l s o c i a l classes, but most of her many books were designed f o r middle and upper cla s s readers, f o r those who had money and l e i s u r e to buy and read books. John Wesley had sent word to Hannah More saying, " T e l l her to l i v e i n the world; there i s the sphere of her usefulness; they w i l l not l e t us come nigh them."* He was right f o r "they" did receive her books. One reason, although a subsidiary one, was that Han-nah More's s t y l e followed the model set by the recognized 59 masters o f the day, Samuel Johnson and Edward Gibbon. I t was p o l i s h e d , e l e v a t e d , and f o r m a l . I t c o u l d never be taken f o r c o l l o q u i a l speech. She c o n s i s t e n t l y used m u l t i p l e p a r a l l e l s : R e l i g i o n i s an i n d e f i n i t e term, a vague word, which may be made to i n v o l v e a v a r i e t y o f meanings, and to amalgamate a number o f d i s c r e p a n c i e s . 3 In t h i s example she used two s e t s of p a r a l l e l s , the f i r s t c o n s i s t i n g o f two elements, the second of t h r e e . The m u l t i -p l i c a t i o n was not used f o r r a n g e — t o l i s t members o f a c a t e -g o r y — b u t f o r emphasis. She was a l s o fond of a n t i t h e t i c a l p a r a l l e l s . I n the f o l l o w i n g passage t h e r e are two a n t i t h e t i -c a l members, each w i t h t h r e e elements. I f you advance, you g l o r i f y God, and promote your own s a l v a t i o n , i f you recede, you i n j u r e t h e cause you now i n t e n d t o serve, and b r i n g upon y o u r s e l f a f e a r f u l condemnation.4 Her d i c t i o n favoured words t h a t were general and non-sensory, words such as "communities," " d o c t r i n e s , " " e r r o r s , " " o p i n i o n s , " "church," " c h a r a c t e r , " " p u r s u i t s , " " d i s t i n c t i o n s , " " m a t e r i a l s , " " i n h a b i t a n t s , " "mass." Although she avoided the Johnsonian h a b i t of frequent use of e r u d i t e L a t i n and Greek d e r i v a t i v e s , she d i d o c c a s i o n a l l y s c a t t e r a " p u l l u l a t i o n , " o r a " v a r i o l u s , " a c r o s s her pages. She r e l i e v e d the s o p o r i f i c e f f e c t o f the r e g u l a r cad-ences and general terms, by r e f e r e n c e s to s p e c i f i c contemporary events, o r p e r s o n a l i t i e s , and by t h r u s t s at human f o i b l e s . 60 T y p i c a l i s her d e l i n e a t i o n o f two C h r i s t i a n types, r e c o g n i z -a b l e even today: the p i o u s l a d y whose busy c h a r i t a b l e p u r s u i t s are " i n f l u e n c e d by a n a t u r a l fondness f o r b u s t l e , o r animal a c t i v i t y , a l o v e o f n o t i c e , " and the p h r a s e o l o g i s t s who alarm the new and t i m i d C h r i s t i a n by the " i m p e t u o s i t y o f t h e i r ques-t i o n s . . . 'does she pray extempore? 1" and " * W i l l she t e l l her e x p e r i e n c e ? 1 " ^ The t r a d i t i o n a l sentence s t r u c t u r e may s u b t l y have r e i n f o r c e d her message. I t , l i k e her s o c i a l p h i l o s o p h y , was f a m i l i a r t o a g e n e r a t i o n brought up on the Rambler. I t s con-v e n t i o n a l i z e d p a t t e r n and balance of element a g a i n s t element was a c o u n t e r p a r t o f her i d e a l s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . In one t h e r e were accepted b a r r i e r s to d i s o r d e r l y f l i g h t s o f words, i n the o t h e r , o f a c t i o n s . Those who f e a r e d the changes i n r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e which she advocated may have been l e s s apprehensive as the words which conveyed the i d e a s r o l l e d a l o n g i n t h e f a m i l i a r n e o - c l a s s i c a l cadence. Her s t y l e had p e r s u a s i v e a s p e c t s a p a r t from those of s t r u c t u r e . She wrote i n a manner desig n e d to e s t a b l i s h em-pathy w i t h her reader. She f r e q u e n t l y used "we" when r e f e r -r i n g t o her felow-countrymen. When she condemned f a u l t s she thus i n c l u d e d h e r s e l f i n t h e condemnation, and when she spoke o f the s a t i s f a c t i o n s of a v i r t u o u s and C h r i s t i a n l i f e she i n c l u d e d t h e reader i n these p l e a s u r e s . She d i d not stand apart and preach but r a t h e r showed she understood and sym-p a t h i s e d ; by enumerating the s p e c i f i c temptations and f r a i l -t i e s t o which men are prone** she showed t h a t she a l s o had been 61 s u b j e c t to them. She avoided vague g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s , she d i d not speak o f s i n i n g e n e r a l , but of p a r t i c u l a r s i n s o f the p e r i o d . She appealed to common sense, to common experiences, t o t he s e l f - e v i d e n t t r u t h o f her p r o p o s i t i o n s . She spoke t o p r a c t i c a l , r a t i o n a l Englishmen as one of t h e i r number. With r a p p o r t e s t a b l i s h e d she c o u l d proceed t o c o n v e r t . Hannah More was a widely read author because her message was r e l e v a n t to her audience. She had to be a sen-s i t i v e p s y c h o l o g i s t i n order to be an e f f e c t i v e p r o p a g a n d i s t . Her correspondence p r o v i d e s abundant evidence t h a t she was an a s t u t e amateur p s y c h o l o g i s t , a d d r e s s i n g h e r s e l f to the i n t e r -e s t s o f those t o whom she spoke. The f o l l o w i n g excerpt from a l e t t e r t o W i l l i a m W i l b e r f o r c e t e l l i n g o f her e f f o r t s t o win the wealthy Cheddar f a r m e r s 1 support f o r her s c h o o l , shows her s k i l l i n a c t i o n . . . . I found t h a t f r i e n d s must be secured a t a l l events, f o r i f these r i c h savages s e t t h e i r f a c e s a g a i n s t us, and i n f l u e n c e d the poor people, I saw t h a t n o t h i n g but h o s t i l i t i e s would ensue* so I made eleve n more of these agreeable v i s i t s ; and as I improved i n the a r t o f canvassing, had b e t -t e r s u c c e s s . Miss W i l b e r f o r c e would have been shocked, had she seen t h e p e t t y t y r a n t s whose i n s o l e n c e I s t r o k e d and tamed, the ugly c h i l d r e n I p r a i s e d , the p o i n t e r s and s p a n i e l s I c a r e s s e d , the c i d e r I commended, and t h e wine I swallowed. A f t e r these i r r e s i s t i b l e f l a t t e r i e s , I i n q u i r e d of each i f he c o u l d recommend me to a house; and s a i d t h a t I had a l i t t l e p l a n which I hoped would secure t h e i r orchards from b e i n g robbed, t h e i r r a b b i t s from b e i n g shot, t h e i r game from b e i n g s t o l e n , and which might lower the p o o r - r a t e s . I f e f f e c t be t h e best proof o f eloquence, then mine was a good speech, f o r I gained at l e n g t h the hearty concurrence of the whole people, and t h e i r promise t o d i s c o u r a g e o r fav o u r the poor i n 62 p r o p o r t i o n as they were a t t e n t i v e o r n e g l i g e n t i n s e nding t h e i r c h i l d r e n . 7 T h i s a b i l i t y t o understand others and t o adapt h e r s e l f t o them undoubtedly smoothed her p r o g r e s s upwards i n B r i s t o l and London s o c i e t y and must have been one o f the s e c r e t s o f her charm. When she wrote to convert England t o " t r u e C h r i s -t i a n i t y " she wanted as deeply to win f r i e n d s t o God's cause as she had e a r l i e r wished t o win them t o her own, and she d i d not abandon a we l l - p r o v e d technique. As an amateur p s y c h o l o g i s t she d i r e c t e d her message to b a s i c human needs. These may be grouped under t h r e e main headings: the need f o r p h y s i c a l w e l l - b e i n g , t h e need to be regarded as a person o f worth and importance, and the need f o r both emotional and p h y s i c a l s e c u r i t y . Hannah More ap p e a l -ed t o those needs which s u i t e d her purpose and her assessment o f t he contemporary upper c l a s s mind. When w r i t i n g f o r t h i s group she d i d not appeal to a d e s i r e f o r b e t t e r l i v i n g c o n d i -t i o n s . The upper o r d e r s were comfortably p r o v i d e d with t h e m a t e r i a l t h i n g s o f l i f e i n most cases. I n a d d i t i o n , accep-tance o f one's l o t i n l i f e was an e s s e n t i a l p a r t o f her p h i l -osophy. Seeking b e t t e r c o n d i t i o n s c o u l d l e a d to i n s u b o r d i n a -t i o n . When w r i t i n g f o r the poor she d i d speak t o the need f o r p h y s i c a l w e l l - b e i n g , i f t h e r e appeared to be no e f f e c t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e , but f o r t h e we l l - t o - d o she appealed r a t h e r to the d e s i r e f o r importance and f o r s e c u r i t y . To a p p r e c i a t e her p e r s u a s i v e technique i t i s necessary to see i t i n use. P r a c t i c a l P i e t y , p u b l i s h e d i n 1811, w e l l 63 i l l u s t r a t e s her approach to the upper c l a s s . I t r e p r e s e n t s her mature w r i t i n g and i t was one of her most popu l a r b o o k s — the f i r s t e d i t i o n was bespoken b e f o r e i t appeared i n the book shops and i t went through t h i r t e e n e d i t i o n s t o t a l i n g 24,000 c o p i e s . 0 A n a l y s i s o f the method of p e r s u a s i o n she used i n t h i s book r e v e a l s t h r e e main approaches to the reader: an appeal to u n i v e r s a l human needs i n terms of the c u r r e n t Eng-l i s h environment, an appeal t o the i n t e r e s t s o f s p e c i f i c groups w i t h i n E n g l i s h s o c i e t y , and an appeal through f a m i l i a r p h i l o s o p h i c concepts. In P r a c t i c a l P i e t y she spoke to man's need to f e e l of worth and importance when she reminded her r e a d e r s t h a t they were l o v e d and valued by omnipotent God, t h e r u l e r o f the u n i v e r s e , and t h a t He p r o v i d e d " i n e x h a u s t i b l e i n s t a n c e s " of t h i s r e g a r d . * 0 among these the promise of e t e r n a l l i f e . I t remained f o r the C h r i s t i a n t o r e t u r n God's l o v e and t o seek t o do H i s w i l l . He would not then m e r i t s a l v a t i o n , but would be l e s s unworthy o f i t . She i n d i c a t e d t h a t no matter how b e r e f t o f human esteem one might be, a more important and more rewarding l o v e — t h a t o f God—was a v a i l a b l e to everyone. T h i s had appeal f o r the s o c i a l l y i s o l a t e d , t h e l o n e l y , and the f a i l u r e s : f o r the n e g l e c t e d w i f e , the man who was s l i p p i n g down the s o c i a l l a d d e r , and the maiden aunt who was g i v e n c h a r i t y , but not r e s p e c t by the f a m i l y c i r c l e . The same mes-sage was a p p l i c a b l e to t h e s u c c e s s f u l , to the r e s p e c t e d p r o -f e s s i o n a l man, t h e d a r l i n g of s o c i e t y , and the l e a d e r of f a s h i o n . The v a l u e o f r e c o g n i t i o n by the t r a n s i e n t world 64 crumbled i n t o i n s i g n i f i c a n c e b e f o r e the e t e r n a l value of God's l o v e . The s t a t u s bestowed by men, who were a f t e r a l l but the middle l i n k i n the " c h a i n of b e i n g , " was n o t h i n g i n comparison w i t h the s t a t u s g i v e n by God, the most h i g h . Hannah More t o l d her r e a d e r s t h a t they were important t o God, she a l s o t o l d them that they were important i n the eyes of t h e i r peers and o f t h e i r i n f e r i o r s . She was too much the parvenu t o i g n o r e the o p i n i o n of t h e world h e r s e l f and she d i d not recommend such a c o u r s e to her r e a d e r s . She be-lie/ed, as d i d the Clapham group g e n e r a l l y , t h a t example, e s p e c i a l l y o f the " g r e a t , " was a powerful i n f l u e n c e f o r improv-i n g s o c i e t y because dependents n a t u r a l l y f o l l o w e d the p a t t e r n s e t by t h e i r p a t r o n or master. Reputation, i n f l u e n c e , and p u b l i c o p i n i o n were prominent weapons i n the Clapham a r s e n a l . She t o l d her r e a d e r s t h a t no one, no matter how humble, was without a sphere of i n f l u e n c e * everyone was looked up t o by someone, and t h e r e f o r e c o u l d c o n v e r t through the i n f l u e n c e o f t h e i r example.*"*" She f l a t t e r e d both the obscure and the promi-nent by her s t r e s s upon t h e i r i n f l u e n c e , but she d i d not em-p l o y i d l e f l a t t e r y — h a v i n g e s t a b l i s h e d empathy with her r e a d -e r s she proceeded to p o i n t out i m p e r f e c t i o n s i n t h e i r C h r i s -t i a n i t y which must be c o r r e c t e d b e f o r e t h e i r i n f l u e n c e reached i t s f u l l p o t e n t i a l ,-*-2 T h i s emphasis upon i n f l u e n c e and the world's o p i n i o n p l a c e d Hannah More and her r e a d e r s i n a dilemma. I t was necessary t o be p o p u l a r i n order to win the world t o t r u e C h r i s t i a n i t y , y e t a t t h e same time C h r i s t i a n p r i n c i p l e s must not be s a c r i f i c e d i n order t o win p o p u l a r i t y . I t might sometimes be p o s s i b l e t o balance n e a t l y between the a l t e r n a -t i v e s , but i f a d e c i s i o n had to be made a man's own s o u l came f i r s t . I f h i s good name be put i n com p e t i t i o n w i t h any o t h e r e a r t h l y good, he w i l l p r e s e r v e i t , however dear may be the good he r e l i n q u i s h e s ; but i f t h e co m p e t i t i o n l i e between h i s r e p u t a t i o n and h i s c o n s c i e n c e , he has no h e s i t a t i o n i n making the s a c r i f i c e , c o s t l y as i t i s . . . . f o r he knows t h a t i t i s not the l i f e o f h i s soul.14 She touched her r e a d e r s ' d e s i r e f o r d i s t i n c t i o n by showing t h a t they were important t o both God and men. I f heavenly and w o r l d l y i n t e r e s t s c l a s h e d , God's came f i r s t s i n c e H i s were o f more l a s t i n g consequence. She appealed to the human need f o r r e c o g n i t i o n , but to an even g r e a t e r extent she appealed to the need f o r secur i t y . P r a c t i c a l P i e t y c o u l d w e l l be s u b t i t l e d , "A study i n i n s e c u r i t y . " Time and time again the author p o r t r a y e d t h e i n s e c u r i t i e s o f the world: . . . we a r e c o n t i n u a l l y f l y i n g to f a l s e r e f u g e s , c l i n g i n g t o f a l s e h o l d s , r e s t i n g on f a l s e supports, as they are u n c e r t a i n , they d i s a p p o i n t us; as they a r e weak, they f a i l us; but as they are numerous, when one f a i l s , another p r e s e n t s i t s e l f . T i l l they s l i p from under us, we never suspect how much we r e s t e d upon them. L i f e g l i d e s away i n a p e r -p e t u a l s u c c e s s i o n o f these f a l s e dependencies and s u c c e s s i v e p r i v a t i o n s . 1 5 In t h i s passage words o f i n s e c u r i t y - — " f a l s e , " " u n c e r t a i n , " " d i s a p p o i n t , " " s l i p " — a r e juxtaposed with words o f s e c u r i t y -66 " r e f u g e s , " " h o l d s , " " s u p p o r t s . " The f a c t s o f l i f e were c o n t r a s t e d w i t h men's wishes. I n s e c u r i t y was emphasised, i n p a r t , t o c o n t r a s t w i t h the s e c u r i t y which God o f f e r e d . God's l o v e p r o v i d e d a sense o f importance, and a l s o one of emotional s e c u r i t y . A deep p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p with God c o u l d compensate f o r emotional p r i v a t i o n i n human r e l a t i o n s h i p s . I n a p e r i o d when parents o f t e n arranged marriages with an eye to m a t e r i a l and s o c i a l advantage r a t h e r than to p e r s o n a l c o m p a t i b i l i t y , * * * and when men's c l u b s p r o v i d e d a c o n g e n i a l s u b s t i t u t e f o r a harmonious home many upper c l a s s women must have been s u s c e p t i b l e t o such an appeal. Hannah More went so f a r as t o suggest t h a t God, as an answer t o men's a f f e c t i v e needs, was an ac c e p t a b l e s u b s t i t u t e f o r the s a t i s f a c t i o n o f men's p h y s i c a l needs, needs which were o f t e n not met i n the God-ordained s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . She compared a prosperous wicked man with a s u f f e r i n g good one i n these terms: I s i t not d i s t i n c t i o n enough t h a t the one, though sad, i s safe* t h a t t h e o t h e r , though c o n f i d e n t , i s i n s e c u r e ? I s not the one as f a r from r e s t as he i s from v i r t u e ? as f a r from enjoyment of q u i e t , as from the hope o f heaven? as f a r from peace, as he i s from G o d ? 1 7 God o f f e r e d s e c u r i t y i n t h i s world and i n the next, and t h i s was one o f the c h i e f a t t r a c t i o n s o f C h r i s t i a n i t y as Hannah More drew i t . Yet as t h e reader of P r a c t i c a l P i e t y p r o g r e s s e s through the volume he i s aware i t emphasizes not C h r i s t i a n 67 s e c u r i t y but v a r i o u s forms o f i n s e c u r i t y . There i s a chapter e n t i t l e d "Happy Deaths" which d e a l s not with the serene pass-i n g o f s i n c e r e C h r i s t i a n s but with the death beds o f the l a p s e d C h r i s t i a n and t h e i n f i d e l . Hannah More warned a g a i n s t t h i n k i n g "that heaven i s cheaply o b t a i n e d , t h a t a m e r c i f u l God i s e a s i l y p l e a s e d . " * 8 Such thoughts l u l l e d one " i n t o a IQ dangerous s e c u r i t y " and i n t o a " f a l s e peace," 7 Her method was t o rouse the l a p s e d o r nominal C h r i s t i a n who r e s t e d secure on the promises o f C h r i s t , and make him f e e l i n s e c u r e , make him wonder i f he r e a l l y was a f t e r a l l a t r u e C h r i s t i a n des-t i n e d f o r s a l v a t i o n . When he was aware o f h i s danger t h e r e was hope o f reform. As she s a i d , "We do not t e l l a s i c k f r i e n d o f h i s danger i n o r d e r to g r i e v e or t e r r i f y him, but t o induce him to apply to h i s p h y s i c i a n , and to have r e c o u r s e 20 t o h i s remedy." The chapter on p r a y e r dwells on t h e deep emotional involvement and s e l f - e x a m i n a t i o n i n h e r e n t i n p r a y e r which i s a c c e p t a b l e i n God fs s i g h t . The a n t i t h e t i c a l d e f i n i -t i o n o f p r a y e r i n the f i r s t paragraph i n v i t e s the reader t o ask h i m s e l f , "To which camp do I belong?" I t i s not eloquence, but earnestness; not d e f i n i -t i o n o f h e l p l e s s n e s s , but t h e f e e l i n g of i t ; not f i g u r e s o f speech, but compunction of soul.21 The r e s t of the chapter makes him f e e l t h a t he i s very u n l i k e l y t o be i n the r i g h t one. Her c h o i c e o f imagery s u b t l y r e -i n f o r c e s the sense o f i n s e c u r i t y . I l l n e s s was a f a v o u r i t e i m a g e , 2 2 i l l n e s s which presaged death and the end of opportun-i t y f o r reform. War was a n o t h e r 2 3 and r e c a l l e d the dangers 68 o f the c u r r e n t s t r u g g l e with France and the h o r r o r s o f the French R e v o l u t i o n . She appealed to her readers* p s y c h o l o g i -c a l need f o r emotional s e c u r i t y i n s t r e s s i n g God's l o v e and the hope o f s a l v a t i o n , she appealed to the obverse s i d e o f the same need when she s t r e s s e d i n s e c u r i t y i n o r d e r to en-courage men to seek God's s e c u r i t y . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that the s e c u r i t y she p o r t r a y e d was one o f p a s s i v e acceptance r a t h e r than the a c t i v e o r d e r i n g of c h a o s . 2 4 She d i d not suggest t h a t s e c u r i t y was c r e a t e d by men's e f f o r t s ; i t was r e c e i v e d as a g i f t from God. T h i s was not an approach designed to appeal t o reformers and malcon-t e n t s , but r a t h e r to the weary and t r o u b l e d c o n s e r v a t i v e s i n a p e r i o d o f upheaval. Hannah More spoke to t h e need f o r p h y s i c a l as w e l l as emotional s e c u r i t y , and here her approach became l e s s widely a p p l i c a b l e , f o r i t presumed concurrence with the s t a t u s quo. P h y s i c a l s e c u r i t y was p r o v i d e d by s o c i a l o r d e r . As she had presented God as t h e bulwark o f emotional s e c u r i t y , she a l s o drew C h r i s t i a n i t y as t h e b u t t r e s s of s o c i a l o r d e r . Order was t h e customary and the f a m i l i a r , i t was u n i t y not d i v e r s i t y . C h r i s t i a n i t y was i d e n t i f i e d w i t h o r d e r . " C h r i s t i a n i t y , i n -s t e a d o f b r e a k i n g i n on t h e r e g u l a t i o n s o f s o c i e t y , . . . f u r n i s h e s new fences to i t s o r d e r , a d d i t i o n a l s e c u r i t y t o i t s repose, and f r e s h s t r e n g t h to i t s s u b o r d i n a t i o n s . " 2 - * C h r i s -t i a n i t y was p a i n t e d as a s t a b i l i z i n g f o r c e i n a world o f economic, p o l i t i c a l , and s o c i a l c h a n g e — a p o r t r a y a l aimed at those who f e a r e d a l t e r a t i o n or n o v e l t y . C o n f l i c t and d i s -69 o r d e r were v i c e s , 2 7 or i n o t h e r words, s i n . To upset the e s t a b l i s h e d o r d e r , t h e s t a t u s quo, was s i n and by i m p l i c a t i o n t o support i t was v i r t u e . Hannah More assumed t h a t her read-er s favoured c o n t i n u a t i o n o f the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l arrangements and they undoubtedly l i k e d h e a r i n g t h a t t h i s view (perhaps h e l d from s e l f i s h n e s s , f e a r , or i n e r t i a ) was v i r t u o u s . I f C h r i s t i a n i t y was a powerful means t o the d e s i r e d end, i t f o l -lowed t h a t they should support C h r i s t i a n i t y by b e i n g good C h r i s t i a n s . But were they good C h r i s t i a n s ? Here Hannah More had s k i l l f u l l y l e d them t o what was f o r her the h e a r t o f the m a t t e r — s h e was w r i t i n g to make them t r u e C h r i s t i a n s . As her c h o i c e o f imagery had f o s t e r e d a sense o f i n s e c u r i t y , so i t supported the concept o f o r g a n i c o r d e r . She spoke o f "the threads and f i l a m e n t s which g e n t l y , but f i r m l y , t i e [the C h r i s t i a n graces] t o g e t h e r " 2 8 and o f the "golden c h a i n o f C h r i s t i a n d u t i e s , " 2 0 a f i g u r e o f speech remi-n i s c e n t o f the s o c i a l p h i l o s o p h y i n h e r e n t i n the "great c h a i n o f b e i n g " concept. Hannah More used her p s y c h o l o g i c a l s e n s i t i v i t y t o appeal t o human needs i n language o f wide a p p l i c a t i o n , and she used i t w i t h equal shrewdness t o touch the s e n s i t i v e areas of p a r t i c u l a r s e c t i o n s of s o c i e t y . As one who had r i s e n s o c i -a l l y she was w e l l q u a l i f i e d t o speak t o oth e r parvenus. For those who had l o n g been p r e o c c u p i e d with i n c r e a s i n g each y e a r ' s income and with a t t r a c t i n g to each p a r t y a l a r g e r group o f s o c i a l l y prominent guests, the language w i t h which she d i s -cussed r e l i g i o u s p r o g r e s s must have had a f a m i l i a r r i n g , " L e t 70 t us be s o l i c i t o u s t h a t no day pass without some augmentation o f our h o l i n e s s , some added h e i g h t i n our a s p i r a t i o n s , some wider expansions i n the compass o f our v i r t u e s . " 3 0 She asked them to concern themselves w i t h r e l i g i o u s p r o g r e s s as they had with s o c i a l p r o g r e s s . Her emphasis upon e f f i c i e n c y , the v a l u e o f time, and the advantages o f d e c i s i v e n e s s 3 * would appeal t o men o f b u s i n e s s . Her derogation o f p r i d e , 3 2 an a t t r i b u t e o f the gre a t a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l i e s , was not unaccept-a b l e t o those who had perhaps f e l t snubs caused by such p r i d e . Most a t t r a c t i v e o f a l l was t h e guidance i n t o t h e mys t e r i e s o f customs, manners, and standards of p o l i t e s o c i e t y which she gave t o t h e newly a r r i v e d . In P r a c t i c a l P i e t y t h e r e are r e f -erences t o good t a s t e and good u n d e r s t a n d i n g , 3 3 but some o f her o t h e r works proved b e t t e r i l l u s t r a t i o n s o f t h i s t e c h n i q u e . Thoughts on the Importance o f the Manners o f the Great. An Estimate o f the R e l i g i o n o f t h e F a s h i o n a b l e World. Coelebs i n  Search o f a Wife, and S t r i c t u r e s on t h e Modern System o f Female  Education were v e r i t a b l e e t i q u e t t e books, a l b e i t p i o u s e t i -q uette, f o r those e n t e r i n g a new s o c i a l m i l i e u . In the l a t t e r t h e r e i s a chapter devoted t o c o n v e r s a t i o n — t o h i n t s on appro-p r i a t e s u b j e c t s f o r c o n v e r s a t i o n , t o "the tempers and d i s p o s i -t i o n s t o be i n t r o d u c e d i n i t , " and t o e r r o r s t o be avoided. The f o l l o w i n g q u o t a t i o n from t h i s chapter shows how u n d i s -g u i s e d l y she addressed t h i s group. I am not d i s c o u r a g i n g study at a l a t e p e r i o d i n l i f e , o r even c e n s u r i n g s l e n d e r knowledge* . . . But i n such cases i t should be attended with 71 p e c u l i a r h u m i l i t y : and t h e new poss e s s o r should bear i n mind, t h a t what i s f r e s h to her has been l o n g known to o t h e r s ; . . . . 3 4 I n speaking to s p e c i f i c groups Hannah More was c a r e f u l not to l i m i t her message t o one s e c t i o n o f t h e middle and upper c l a s s e s . I f she aimed comments a t parvenus she a l s o d i r e c t e d them to the l e a d e r s o f s o c i e t y . L~There3 are t o be found, e s p e c i a l l y i n the higher c l a s s o f females, the amiable and the i n t e r e s t i n g , . . . c h a r a c t e r s so engaging, so e v i d e n t l y made f o r b e t t e r t h i n g s , so cap a b l e o f r e a c h i n g h i g h degrees o f e x c e l l e n c e , so formed t o g i v e the tone t o C h r i s t i a n p r a c t i c e , as w e l l as to fashion;^-* She a s t u t e l y suggested that those who l e d f a s h i o n should extend t h e i r sphere o f i n f l u e n c e and a l s o l e a d i n C h r i s t i a n v i r t u e s . She spoke not o n l y to those at t h e top of the s o c i a l heap, and t o those p r o g r e s s i n g up i t s s l o p e s , but a l s o t o those who had f a l l e n o r remained a t i t s base. She urged t h a t "every a f f l i c t i o n " was r e a l l y "a mercy and the s e v e r e s t t r i a l s the c h o i c e s t b l e s s i n g s " i f o n l y men c o u l d see beyond second causes to t h e purpose o f t h e a l l wise G o d . 3 ° She s t r e s s e d the e q u a l i t y o f C h r i s t i a n i t y . T h i s was a message which she a l s o preached t o the lower o r d e r s , but i t was e q u a l l y a p p l i c a b l e to the d i s c o n t e n t e d member of the middle c l a s s , a p o t e n t i a l l e a d e r i n p o p u l a r reform movements. In P r a c t i c a l P i e t y she wrote, C h r i s t i a n i t y has . . . no i n d i v i d u a l immunities. . . . i f rank cannot p l e a d i t s p r i v i l e g e s , genius cannot c l a i m i t s d i s t i n c t i o n s . . . . The gospel 72 e n j o i n s the same p r i n c i p l e s of l o v e and obedience on a l l o f every c o n d i t i o n ; o f f e r s the same a i d s under t h e same e x i g e n c i e s ; t h e same supports under a l l t r i a l s , the same pardon to a l l p e n i -t e n t s ; the same Saviour t o a l l b e l i e v e r s ; 3 7 She countered the c r y " E q u a l i t y and F r a t e r n i t y " with the e q u a l i t y o f C h r i s t i a n b r o t h e r s i n the s i g h t o f God t h e i r f a t h e r . As a sound p s y c h o l o g i s t Hannah More presented her message i n terms s u i t e d to t h e c o n d i t i o n s of her time, but t h i s does not imply t h a t she was i n s i n c e r e i n o f f e r i n g t h a t message. A s k i l l f u l salesman can b e l i e v e f i r m l y i n the m e r i t s o f h i s p r o d u c t . Some tend to condemn a l l propagandists as unscrupulous because propaganda t e c h n i q u e s have been used by the unscrupulous t o manipulate o p i n i o n i n our own day.*5 T h i s i s as i l l o g i c a l a s i t i s u n j u s t . C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f i s many f a c e t e d and a t d i f f e r e n t times and under d i f f e r e n t c i r -cumstances d i f f e r e n t a s p e c t s have r e c e i v e d g r e a t e r emphasis. At t h e t u r n of the e i g h t e e n t h century those which promoted the s t a t u s quo were s t r e s s e d . Hannah More was one spokesman among many f o r these p a r t s of C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f . An equal o p p o r t u n i t y f o r t h e j o y s of heaven was more important i n her view than an equal o p p o r t u n i t y f o r the good t h i n g s of e a r t h . She sought t o convince o t h e r s o f t h i s f o r the sake o f t h e i r e t e r n a l w e l f a r e . That the w e l f a r e o f the e s t a b l i s h e d temporal o r d e r a l s o b e n e f i t e d was f o r t u n a t e but f o r t u i t o u s . In o r d e r to be an e f f e c t i v e propagandist Hannah More spoke to general needs of human beings and to p a r t i c u l a r needs 73 of d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l groups; f o r the same reason she spoke i n the f a m i l i a r terms of current philosophic concepts. There were not enough metaphysicians among her readers to make an appeal to them as a group worth while, and she herself d i s -l i k e d "metaphysical j a r g o n , " 3 0 but philosophic concepts and vocabulary do not remain the property of philosophers. When she used language and concepts which had permeated from the philosophic l e v e l she was associating her propositions with accepted phrases and ideas and thus easing th e i r own accep-tance. Her use of progress, u t i l i t a r i a n morality and i n d i v i -dualism i l l u s t r a t e t h i s technique. I t has been shown how she used progress to appeal to those readers who had i n fact pro-gressed upwards s o c i a l l y . The concept of progress was i n favour with both C h r i s t i a n and i n f i d e l p h i l o s o p h e r s 4 0 and the language of progress would s t r i k e a p o s i t i v e chord with both extremes of a philosophic scale and also with a wide range of ordinary men. Progress makes the status quo a strange bed-fellow, but Hannah More, and presumably some of her readers, reconciled the two with the Burkean theory of slow organic change and evolution. U t i l i t a r i a n morality had pervaded moral philosophy f o r over a century and while moral philosophy was the domain of the philosopher, ethics was the property of the ordinary Englishman. Hannah More was t y p i c a l of her educated countrymen when she accepted the premises of u t i l i t a r i a n mor-a l i t y . For her the theological sanction was the e f f e c t i v e means of r e c o n c i l i n g the happiness of the i n d i v i d u a l , which men naturally seek, with the happiness of a l l , which was the c r i t e r i o n of morality. When she i d e n t i f i e d C h r i s t i a n duty with happiness 4* she was speaking i n a f a m i l i a r context. Yet, she was a reluctant u t i l i t a r i a n for, while she urged the theological sanction as the most e f f e c t i v e way of making men good, she f e l t that being good purely and u n s e l f i s h l y from a love of God was much more v i r t u o u s . 4 2 That she l a i d more stress on u t i l i t a r i a n than on u n s e l f i s h motivation i s consistent with her view of human nature. Even though Hannah More emphasized the influence of example, had veneration for public opinion, and urged the avoidance of s i n g u l a r i t y , when Ch r i s t i a n p r i n c i p l e s were at stake she spoke the language of individualism, "Our business i s with ourselves. Our respon-s i b i l i t y i s on our own heads." 4 3 In a period when paternalism, c r a f t guild protections, and trade r e s t r i c t i o n s were breaking down, unions were i n t h e i r infancy, and state r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r health and education s t i l l lay i n the future the i n d i v i -dual was responsible for his own temporal welfare. Hannah More, as i n the case of progress and u t i l i t a r i a n morality, took the f a m i l i a r concept and applied i t to the s p i r i t u a l sphere where i t s f a m i l i a r i t y presumably aided i t s acceptance. There i s one facet of her method which i s better i l -l u s t r a t e d from the t o t a l range of her didactic works and her one novel than from P r a c t i c a l Piety alone, and that i s her s p e c i a l appeal to women. In the l a s t quarter of the eigh-teenth century middle class women turned into r e a d e r s , 4 4 and Hannah More provided reading material especially suited to them. She used the basic methods which have already been 75 d i s c u s s e d but shaped them to the s o c i a l r o l e o f women. For example she s t r e s s e d the p o t e n t i a l power f o r moral reform i n h e r e n t i n women's i n f l u e n c e over t h e i r husbands and c h i l -dren. 45 On women depended " i n no s m a l l degree the p r i n c i p l e s o f the whole r i s i n g generation."4^ She t o l d women t h a t God's regard compensated f o r t h e i r i n f e r i o r s o c i a l p o s i t i o n : "What-ever c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n s may e x i s t ; whatever i n f e r i -o r i t y may be attac h e d t o woman from the s l i g h t e r frame o f her body, o r t h e more c i r c u m s c r i b e d powers o f her mind . . . t h e r e i s one gr e a t and l e a d i n g circumstance which r a i s e s her impor-tance and even e s t a b l i s h e s her e q u a l i t y . C h r i s t i a n i t y has e x a l t e d women t o t r u e and undisputed d i g n i t y ; i n C h r i s t Jesus . . . th e r e i s n e i t h e r 'male nor female.*»47 ^11 o f her books i n c l u d e d i l l u s t r a t i o n s t h a t were a p p l i c a b l e to women, Coelebs  i n Search o f a Wife was c a s t i n the shape o f a n o v e l — a l i t e r -ary form which was i n grea t demand by women,48 and t h r e e books were s p e c i f i c a l l y d i r e c t e d to women: H i n t s towards Forming  the C h a r a c t e r o f a Young P r i n c e s s . S t r i c t u r e s on the Modern  System o f Female Education, and Essays on Various S u b j e c t s . p r i n c i p a l l y designed f o r Young L a d i e s . Her s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n t o women may r e f l e c t a n a t u r a l i n t e r e s t i n her own sex, o r i t may be one more i n d i c a t i o n o f her s e n s i t i v i t y t o f o r c e s i n her environment. There were i n c r e a s i n g numbers of middle c l a s s women who were b e t t e r educated, who had more l e i s u r e time at t h e i r d i s p o s a l , and who were t h e r e f o r e p o t e n t i a l doers o f good deeds and read e r s o f r e l i g i o u s books. 7 6 I l l u s t r a t i n g Hannah More's method from one book neg-l e c t s evolution i n her technique. Between 1 7 7 7 and 1 8 1 9 the various modes of appeal, and her message, remained fundamen-t a l l y the same, but by emphasizing one type of appeal or one part of her message the tone of the books varied. Essays on  Various Subjects, p r i n c i p a l l y designed for Young Ladies ( 1 7 7 7 ) and Thoughts on the Importance of the Manners of the Great ( 1 7 8 8 ) were published before the French Revolution aroused fears for the s o c i a l order and before her Mendip schools drew her i n t e r e s t away from the metropolis. She was s t i l l part of London society and untouched, or only recently touched, by Evangelicalism which attracted her increasingly a f t e r 1 7 8 7 . A l l of these circumstances affected her early public c r i t i c i s m of the great, and provided a contrast f o r such l a t e r works as P r a c t i c a l Pietv and C h r i s t i a n Morals. In the early d i d a c t i c books she spoke as a lay, not a semi-professional churchwoman; she spoke f a m i l i a r l y of the standards of the world of the great, not as one who had, to a large extent, renounced them. There was l e s s stress upon the threat of h e l l and upon man's sinfulness and more upon optimism and upon the advantages i n t h i s world of a r e l i g i o u s l i f e . She d i d indicate that f a i l u r e to reform could place her readers' souls i n jeopardy, 4 0 but then went on to p i t the joys of r e l i g i o n against those of worldly p r a c t i c e s , 5 ° confident that r e l i g i o n would emerge vic t o r i o u s and concluded that "the moral and i n t e l l e c t u a l scene about us begins to brighten. " ^ Although the r i c h and the great were urged to spread correct p r i n c i p l e s and 77 practices i n the lower orders through example'' insubordina-tion was not seen as a threat. Those books which appeared after the French Revolution erupted are more pessimistic, s t r i c t , and doctrinal. In An  Estimate of the Religion of the Fashionable World (1791) she told "the great" that they were undermining religion, that many of them neglected public worship, labelled piety hypoc-risy, and encouraged free thinking and insubordination.-*3 T n  Remarks on the Speech of M. Dupont. made in the French Conven-tion (1793) she warned that the distresses of France could v i s i t England and that anarchy and atheism went hand in hand.54 It behooved men to examine their own consciences and reform lest " i t shall please the Almighty in his anger to loose this infatuated [French] people, as a scourge."55 Strictures on  the Modern System of Female Education (1799) i s an elaboration of Thoughts on the Importance of the Manners of the Great, but there are noticeable differences. Hannah More was less d i f f i -dent in her condemnation of the prevalent practices among the upper class which she believed to be at variance with a Chris-tian l i f e , and was outspoken i n her criticism of children's balls, extravagant apparel, and duelling. She used war, pro-fane literature, and potential social "inversion"56 as press-ing reasons for immediate reform. This book reflected the growing devotional .and doctrinal quality of her compositions with two chapters on prayer and one on the Christian doctrines of corruption, redemption, and conversion through grace. Coelebs in Search of a Wife (1808) expressed her detachment from London s o c i e t y . While she d i d not go so f a r as to say t h a t a C h r i s t i a n l i f e c o u l d not be l i v e d i n the m e t r o p o l i s , the model f a m i l y , the S t a n l e y s , and t h e hero Coelebs, l i v e d i n the country and the nominal C h r i s t i a n s converted i n the course o f the n o v e l to " t r u e " C h r i s t i a n i t y , determined to spend l e s s time i n the c i t y whose wicked ways pr o v i d e d con-s t a n t temptation. The French R e v o l u t i o n and Napoleonic Wars e x p l a i n i n p a r t the changed tone i n her w r i t i n g f o r the upper o r d e r s . The f e a r o f an E n g l i s h working c l a s s r e b e l l i o n , and the pos-s i b i l i t y o f a French i n v a s i o n c r e a t e d among at l e a s t p a r t o f the r u l i n g c l a s s a mood o f u n c e r t a i n t y . Hannah More responded to t h i s s t a t e o f mind and sought to use i t as an impulse f o r reform when she dwelt upon i n d i v i d u a l and n a t i o n a l s i n and i n s e c u r i t y . There were p e r s o n a l reasons f o r the a l t e r a t i o n i n tone. She became a more deeply convinced E v a n g e l i c a l , and was no l o n g e r content merely t o i n d i c a t e d e f e c t s i n s o c i e t y ' s manners. She came t o f e e l i t e s s e n t i a l to emphasize the doc-t r i n e s from which C h r i s t i a n reform had to grow. As she drew away from London s o c i e t y she was f r e e t o censure more s t r i c t l y m e t r o p o l i t a n w o r l d l i n e s s . As she grew o l d e r she n a t u r a l l y l ooked t o the world to come; her books took on a more s p i r i -t u a l c a s t and the t h r e a t of death occupied a more important p o s i t i o n i n them. A l l o f Hannah More's p u b l i c a t i o n s s o l d w e l l . The p u b l i c l i k e d her s t y l e , q u i t e a p a r t from her s o c i a l and r e l i -g i o us message, f o r even those e a r l y p l a y s and poems which were 79 moral but not r e l i g i o u s were p o p u l a r . Search A f t e r Happiness s o l d s i x e d i t i o n s i n the f i r s t two y e a r s ; 5 7 Percy s o l d n e a r l y f o u r thousand c o p i e s i n a f o r t n i g h t and earned n e a r l y £600 f o r t h e a u t h o r ; 5 8 the poem "Ode t o Dragon, Mr. G a r r i c k ' s house-dog a t Hampton" s o l d one thousand c o p i e s i n a week;5° and Thomas C a d e l l , the p u b l i s h e r , o f f e r e d her as much f o r her f i r s t volume o f p o e t r y , " S i r E l d r e d o f the Bower and the B l e e d i n g Rock," as O l i v e r Goldsmith had r e c e i v e d f o r h i s "De-s e r t e d V i l l a g e . " 0 0 Her d i d a c t i c works were i n even g r e a t e r demand. Thoughts on the Importance of the Manners of the  Great went through seven l a r g e e d i t i o n s i n a few months, the second o f which was exhausted i n a week, and the t h i r d i n f o u r hours. 6 * Remarks on the Speech o f M. Dupont. made i n the  French Convention, p u b l i s h e d f o r the b e n e f i t of the French emigrant c l e r g y , earned £240. 6 2 S t r i c t u r e s on the Modern  System o f Female Educa t i o n s o l d 19,000 c o p i e s i n t h i r t e e n e d i t i o n s , seven o f which were p r i n t e d i n the f i r s t y e a r . 6 3  H i n t s towards Forming the Character o f a Young P r i n c e s s s o l d s i x e d i t i o n s of one thousand c o p i e s each** 4 and Coelebs i n  Search o f a Wife s o l d 21,000 c o p i e s , with twelve e d i t i o n s i n the f i r s t y e a r . 6 5 I t was "the f a s h i o n to t a l k o f n o t h i n g but ^Marmion* and C o e l e b s 1 . " 6 6 C h r i s t i a n Morals and Moral Sketches s o l d 10,000 c o p i e s each, The C h a r a c t e r and P r a c t i c a l W r i t i n g s  o f S t . Paul, seven thousand f i v e hundred, and her l a s t book, S p i r i t o f Prayer. 17,500. 6 7 She admitted t h a t she had made £30,000 from her p u b l i c a t i o n s . 6 8 80 These c i r c u l a t i o n f i g u r e s r e p r e s e n t o n l y a f r a c t i o n o f her r e a d e r s . A f t e r 1780 book p r i c e s doubled, and i n the f i r s t q u a r t e r o f the n i n e t e e n t h century the p r i c e doubled a g a i n . The r e s u l t was that books were p r o h i b i t i v e t o a l l but the r i c h , ^ 9 a m j those who d i d own books shared them with o t h e r s . A contemporary of Hannah More's estimated t h a t every copy o f S t r i c t u r e s on the Modern System o f Female Education had t e n r e a d e r s . 7 0 The l e s s a f f l u e n t readers used the c i r c u -l a t i n g l i b r a r i e s where a s i n g l e copy reached a wide audience. In the l a t e e i g h t e e n t h century the annual s u b s c r i p t i o n ranged from 15s. t o a guinea, or about the p r i c e of a quarto volume.'' Many o f Hannah More's contemporaries were convinced t h a t her books were i n f l u e n t i a l . In t h e i r l e t t e r s are r e f e r -ences to the good e f f e c t her books had upon th e manners and morals o f s o c i e t y . The reviews of her books, even those by unsympathetic reviewers, admitted t h a t her work was " u s e f u l . " The s c u r r i l o u s pamphlets d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t her acknowledged her i n f l u e n c e , and her success may have accounted f o r t h e i r heat.72 j n h i s r a d i c a l phase W i l l i a m Cobbett d i s a g r e e d w i t h her message but admired her p e r s u a s i v e s k i l l : "HANNAH was, perhaps, as a r t f u l , as a b l e , and as u s e f u l a s c r i b e as ever drew pen i n t h e cause of the system."73 The American ambas-sador, the r o y a l f a m i l y , country clergymen, j o u r n a l i s t s , and members o f p a r l i a m e n t a l l f e l t t h a t she was an i n f l u e n c e i n E n g l i s h s o c i e t y . An e a r l y biographer and contemporary c r e d -i t e d her books wi t h s p e c i f i c reforms: t h e d i m i n u t i o n o f con-c e r t s and h a i r d r e s s i n g on Sunday, and o f the s o c i a l l i e , "Not 81 a t home." 7 4 Her admirers b e l i e v e d that she had i n c r e a s e d the " u s e f u l n e s s " o f female o c c u p a t i o n s . I t was due to Hannah More's i n f l u e n c e t h a t Marianne Thornton, daughter o f the Evan g e l i c a l banker and member o f p a r l i a m e n t , "was taken to any-handy s c h o o l and encouraged to impart her knowledge t o the 7 "» l e s s f o r t u n a t e . " J Hannah More made v i s i t i n g the poor a f a s h i o n a b l e pastime f o r young l a d i e s . hel , i n her "Coelebs," by r e p r e s e n t i n g her p a t t e r n young l a d y as r e g u l a r l y d e v o t i n g two evenings i n a week to making her round among the v i l l a g e poor, u n f o r t u n a t e l y made i t a f a s h i o n and a rage . . . . The impulse was g i v e n , however, and n o t h i n g c o u l d stop i t . I t a c t e d at f i r s t c h i e f l y w i t h i n the E v a n g e l i c a l p a r t y ; but t h a t p a r t y became at l e n g t h , great enough to g i v e the tone t o s o c i e t y at l a r g e ; and the p r a c t i c e o f thus s u p e r i n t e n d i n g the poor has become so gen-e r a l , t h a t I know no one circumstance by which t h e manners, s t u d i e s and o c c u p a t i o n s of E n g l i s h -women have been so e x t e n s i v e l y m o d i f i e d , o r so s t r i k i n g l y c o n t r a - d i s t i n g u i s h e d from those o f a former generation.76 Her w r i t i n g s were c o n s i d e r e d to have " l a r g e l y c o n t r i b u t e d " to the i n c r e a s e i n p i e t y and t h e r e v i v a l o f r e l i g i o n which was n o t i c e a b l e i n the country,77 a n d her correspondents t o l d her t h a t they, or t h e i r acquaintances, had been s p i r i t u a l l y 7 8 touched by her books.' Her works were a l s o read abroad. M i s s i o n a r i e s found P r a c t i c a l P i e t v " i n many hands" i n Sweden, and Coelebs i n  Search o f a Wife popular i n I c e l a n d . A Russian p r i n c e s s took the message of P r a c t i c a l P i e t v and C h r i s t i a n Morals to h e a r t , and the S i n g h a l e s e read Sacred Dramas and The C h a r a c t e r and  P r a c t i c a l W r i t i n g s o f S t . Paul i n t h e i r own language. Coelebs 82 i n Search of a Wife was translated into French and favourably reviewed by Mme. de S t a e l . Two Persian noblemen took P r a c t i c a l Pietv home from England intending to translate i t into Per-79 sxan. America gave Hannah More fs works an enthusiastic wel-come. Before her death 30,000 copies of Coelebs i n Search of  a Wife had been sold there. Search After Happiness, her f i r s t publication, was printed i n Philadelphia the year after i t came out i n England, i n Boston i n 1796, a year l a t e r i n Worcester, and i n 1811 again i n Philadelphia. A A l l her other works had American editions, eventually even Hints towards  Forming the Character of a Young Princess, which was judged to be inapplicable to a republic u n t i l twenty years aft e r i t s 82 publication i n England. An American f e l t that she had prob-ably been of f a r more use i n elevating "the standard of female .84 education and female character, than any other person l i v i n g . 8 3 An examination of Hannah More's propaganda technique throws l i g h t upon the English mind of her day. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to recapture the psychology of a prosperous farmer's daughter, a serious young lawyer, or a f r i v o l o u s London hostess—people who experienced or understood the fear of invasion following the French landing at Fishguard, the shock of mutiny i n the navy, the t e r r o r of Luddite r i o t s , and the d i s t r e s s engendered by the disastrous harvests of 1799 and 1800. Hannah More knew the needs, aspirations, and stresses of the people of southern England i n the l a t e eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries fo r she l i v e d amidst them. 8 5 The popularity of her works i n d i -cates that she struck the right note and endorses her interpre-t a t i o n . 83 Her p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s are r e v e a l i n g . She assumed t h a t her r e a d e r s would accept the B i b l e as an i r r e f u t a b l e a u t h o r i t y . That human nature was n a t u r a l l y c o r r u p t and h e l l a very r e a l t h r e a t f o l l o w e d as c o r o l l a r i e s . One hundred y e a r s e a r l i e r s c h o l a r s had p o i n t e d out i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s i n the B i b l e and c a l l e d a t t e n t i o n t o the v a s t number of d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a -t i o n s which had been gi v e n to the same passages. However, j u d g i n g from her p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s and the p o p u l a r i t y o f her books, doubts about the c o n s i s t e n c y and l i t e r a l t r u t h o f s c r i p -t u r e s had not touched the educated p u b l i c any more deeply than they had touched Hannah M o r e . 8 7 She a l s o assumed t h a t her r e a d e r s b e l i e v e d s o c i e t y to be a harmonious organism i n which c o n f l i c t had no n a t u r a l p l a c e . The hoary medieval concept had a f i r m h o l d upon E n g l i s h minds even a f t e r the p r e v a l e n c e o f s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t had prompted th e works o f Thomas Hobbes and Adam Smith. The f r e q u e n t contem-porary condemnation of p o l i t i c a l f a c t i o n i s i n d i c a t i v e o f the same l a g between s o c i a l f a c t s and i n t e l l e c t u a l t heory. A f u r -t h e r assumption was that her r e a d e r s d e s i r e d the c o n t i n u a t i o n of the s t a t u s quo, that they d i d not want r a d i c a l reform. Thomas Paine and Major John C a r t w r i g h t d i d not b e l i e v e t h a t change i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e was s i n f u l . Hannah More d i d not w r i t e f o r them or t h e i r sympathizers; she spoke to the men who supported t h e r e p r e s s i v e l e g i s l a t i o n and i t s s t r i c t enforcement a c r o s s the c o u n t r y s i d e . These p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s were a l l b a s i c p a r t s o f her r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l p h i l o s o p h y , o f what she s a i d ; they were a l s o p a r t o f her p e r s u a s i v e method, o f how she s a i d i t . She c a s t her r e a d e r s i n her own image. That her readers were numerous and r e s p o n s i v e i n d i c a t e s t h a t they wished t o be r e -f l e c t i o n s o f t h a t image. To many o f her contemporaries Han-nah More was not the amusing o d d i t y she may appear to modern r e a d e r s . The motives she appealed to are e q u a l l y r e v e a l i n g . She b e l i e v e d t h a t her r e a d e r s were l i v i n g i n a t h r e a t e n i n g and i n s e c u r e world. To them she o f f e r e d s e c u r i t y i n t h e next world and importance as an instrument o f good i n t h i s one. Some o f her r e a d e r s i g n o r e d the p r e c a r i o u s nature o f t h e i r e x i s t e n c e and f o r these she emphasized i n s e c u r i t y . I t i s q u i t e p o s s i b l e to make people who are c o n s c i o u s l y secure but u n c o n s c i o u s l y i n s e c u r e respond a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r unconscious 88 r a t h e r than conscious s t a t e . A w e l l known psychoanalyst f e e l s t h a t the events of h i s t o r y i n t e r a c t with c y c l e s o f a l t e r n a t i n g world moods. In each c a r e l e s s p e r i o d l a t e n t p a n i c o n l y w a i t s f o r c a t a s t r o p h e — f a m i n e s , pest and d e p r e s s i o n s , o v e r p o p u l a t i o n and m i g r a t i o n , sudden s h i f t s i n technology o r i n l e a d e r s h i p — t o cause a shrinkage i n t h e world image, a k i n d of c h i l l a t t a c k i n g the sense o f i d e n t i t y o f l a r g e masses." 0 I f t h i s i s t r u e the combination of c r i s e s i n the l a t e e i g h -t e e n t h and e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s — t h e demographic, i n d u s t r i a l , and a g r i c u l t u r a l changes, the French R e v o l u t i o n and the Napoleonic Wars—must have encouraged such a sense o f f o r e b o d i n g i n the middle and upper c l a s s e s , 0 0 and made 85 them p a r t i c u l a r l y s u s c e p t i b l e t o Hannah More's c a l l . I t has been shown t h a t the s e c u r i t y she proposed was p a s s i v e not a c t i v e , a c c e p t i v e not c r e a t i v e . I f she was r i g h t i n her eva-l u a t i o n , a s i g n i f i c a n t p a r t of upper and middle c l a s s England wanted t o t u r n t o the p a s t f o r s e c u r i t y r a t h e r than f o r g e a new s o l u t i o n f o r t h e f u t u r e . 86 Footnotes ^Quoted by M. G. Jones, Hannah More (Cambridge,, 1952), p. 103. 2Monthlv Review. 2nd s e r i e s , V o l . X I I (1793), p. 361. C i t e d by W. K. Wimsatt, J r . , The Prose S t y l e of Samuel  Johnson (New Haven, 1941), p. 129. H i s i n s i g h t s have a l s o made t h e f o l l o w i n g paragraph p o s s i b l e . ^Hannah More, The Works of Hannah More (London, 1853), V o l . XI, p. 49. 4 I b i d . . V o l . XI, p. 56. 5 I b i d . . V o l . XI, p. 89 and p. 100. 6 I b i d . . V o l . V I I I , p. 100 and p. 212. 7 W i l l i a m s Roberts ( e d . ) , Memoirs o f the L i f e and Cor-respondence o f Mrs. Hannah More (London, 1834), V o l . I I , pp. 207-208, George H o t e l , Cheddar, 1789. 8 L o u i s P. Thorpe, The Psychology o f Mental H e a l t h (New York, 1950), pp. 39 - 41. 9 R o b e r t s , op_. c i t . . V o l . I l l , p. 327. H i l l Wickham (e d . ) , J o u r n a l s and Correspondence o f Thomas Sedgewick Whallev.  o f Mendip Lodge. Somerset (London, 1863), V o l . I I , note p. 346. 1 0 M o r e , op_. c i t . , V o l . V I I I , pp. 119 - 121. n I b i d . , V o l . V I I I , pp. 185 - 186. l 2 I b i d . . V o l . V I I I , pp. 246 - 253. 1 3 i b i d . . V o l . V I I I , p. 255. 1 4 I b i d . . V o l . V I I I , p. 263. 1 5 I b i d . , V o l . V I I I , p. 123. l ^ G . E. Mingay, E n g l i s h Landed S o c i e t y i n t h e  Ei g h t e e n t h Century (London, 1963), p. 29. 1 7 M o r e , op., c i t . , V o l . V I I I , p. 396. l 8 I b i d . . V o l . V I I I , p. 366. 1 9 I b i d . . V o l . V I I I , p. 362 - 363. 2 0 I b i d . . V o l . V I I I , p. 90. 87 2 1 I b i d . . V o l . V I I I , p. 84. 2 2 M o r e , op_. ext., V o l . V I I I , pp. 373 - 374. 2 3 l b i d . . V o l . V I I I , p. 239 and p. 389. 24por example: " . . . t h e r e i s something i n f i n i t e l y -s o o t h i n g t o the f e e l i n g s of a C h r i s t i a n , something i n e x p r e s s -i b l y t r a n q u i l l i z i n g to h i s mind, to know t h a t he has n o t h i n g t o do w i t h events, but t o submit to them; t h a t he has n o t h i n g t o do w i t h the r e v o l u t i o n s of l i f e , but t o a c q u i e s c e i n them, as t h e d i s p e n s a t i o n s o f e t e r n a l Wisdom;" I b i d . , V o l . V I I I , p. 391. A l s o see p. 125. 2 5 i b i d . , V o l . V I I I , p. 165. 2 6 F o r example, she recommended becoming " h a b i t u a t e d t o l o o k death i n t h e f a c e , " to a n t i c i p a t e "the agonies o f d i s s o l v i n g n a t u r e " because when " h a b i t u a t e d to the contem-p l a t i o n , he w i l l not, a t l e a s t , have the d r e a d f u l a d d i t i o n s o f s u r p r i s e and n o v e l t y t o aggravate t h e t r y i n g scene." I b i d . . V o l . V I I I , p. 415. 2 7 I b i d . , Vol. VIII, P. 182. 2 8 L o c . c i t . 2°Ibid., Vol. VIII, P. 117. 3°Ibid., Vol. VIII, P. 175. 3 1 I b i d . , Vol. VIII, PP . 188 32ibid., Vol. VIII, PP . 218 cusses t h i s point i n "The Clapham Sect: Some Social and P o l i -t i c a l Aspects," Vol. V, V i c t o r i a n Studies (September, 1961), p. 46. 3 3More, OEA ext., Vol. VIII, pp. 106 - 107. 34lbid.. Vol. I l l , p. 220. 35ibid.. Vol. VIII, p. 114. 3°Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 131. 37ibid.. Vol. VIII, pp. 155 - 156. 3 8 F l o y d L. Ruch, Psychology and L i f e (3rd ed.: Chicago, 1948), p. 665. 3°Roberts, op_. c i t . . Vol. I I , p. 371. 88 4°Leslie Stephen, History of English Thought i n the Eighteenth Century (Harbinger paper back e d i t i o n : New York, 1 9 6 2 , [ f i r s t published 1 8 7 6 J ) ; Vol. I, pp. 120 - 1 2 1 , p. 121 note 24' Vol. I I , pp. 228 - 229. 4 1More, op.. c±t., Vol. VIII, p. 1 2 3 , pp. 176 - 1 7 7 . 4 2More, op_. ext., Vol. VIII, p. 1 7 7 . 4 3 I b i d . . Vol. VIII, p. 1 0 5 . 4 4 J . M. S. Tompkins, The Popular Novel i n England  1770-1800 (London, 1 9 3 2 ) , p. 2 . 45More, pj>. c i t . . Vol. I l l , chap. i . 4 6 I b i d . . Vol. I l l , p. 4 4 . 4 7 I b i d . . Vol. I l l , p. 2 0 4 . M Q ** Jane Austen, The Complete Novels of Jane Austen (New York, n.d.), pp. 1077 - 1 0 8 0 . 4 9More, op_. ext., Vol. I I , p. 240 - 2 4 4 . 5°Ibid.. Vol. I I , pp. 272 - 2 7 3 . "Religion . . . imposes fewer s a c r i f i c e s , not only of r a t i o n a l , but of plea-surable enjoyment, than the uncontrolled dominion of any one vice. Her service i s not only safety hereafter, but freedom here. She i s not so tyrannizing as appetite, so exacting as the world, nor so despotic as fashion." 5 1 I b i d . , Vol. I I , P. 2 7 9 . 5 2 i b i d . , Vol. I I , p. 2 8 1 . 5 3 i b i d . , Vol. I I , Introduction, chap, i , and p. 3 1 3 . 5 4 i b i d . , Vol. I I , pp. 402 - 403 • 5 5 i b i d . , Vol. I I , P. 4 0 5 . 5 6 i b i d . . , Vol. I I I , pp. 13 - 1 4 , 33 - 3 4 , and p. 2 3 . S^Henry Thompson, The L i f e of Hannah More with Notices  of Her S i s t e r s (London, 1 8 3 8 ) , p. 27. Thompson had the use of l e t t e r s from Hannah More to Thomas Cadell, her publisher. His figures for t o t a l sales would only be those made up to 1838 at the l a t e s t . 5 8 I b i d . . p. 3 3 . 59 I b i d . . p. 3 6 . 89 60 Ibi d . . p. 28. 6 l I b i d . . p. 81. 6 2Roberts, oj>. c i t . , Vol. I I , p. 359; Thompson, op. c i t . , p. 144, believed the book helped the public subscription on behalf of the emigrant clergy reach £1,000. E l i e Halevy sets the subscription at £33,775, A History of the E n g l i s h People i n the Nineteenth Century. Vol. I, England i n 1815. trans. E. I. Watkin and D. A. Barker (paperback ed.; London, 1964), p. 479. 6 3Thompson, ojp.. c i t . , p. 170. ° 4Ibid.. p. 237. ^Thompson, op_. ext., p. 244. 6 6 A 1 exander H. Japp (ed.), De Quincey Memorials Being  Letters and Other Records, here F i r s t Published with Communi-cations from Coleridge, the Wordsworths. Hannah More. Profes-sor Wilson, and Others (London, 1891), Vol. I I , p. 3, Jane to Thomas De Quincey, Wednesday, May 17, 1809. Scott's "Marmion" sold 11,000 copies i n the f i r s t year. Richard D. A l t i c k , The  English Common Reader. A Social History of the Mass Reading  Public 1800-1900 (Chicago. 19 57). p. 262. ^Thompson, op., ext., pp. 287, 266, 307, and 258. 6 8The Reverend Dr. Valpy, "Cursory Reminiscences of Hannah More," The Chr i s t i a n Observer. Conducted by Members  of the Established Church. Vol. XXXIV (March. 1835). p. 169. 6°Altick, op_. c i t . . pp. 52 and 260. 7°Roberts, QJJ^  ext., Vol. I l l , p. 83, Mrs. Kennicott to Hannah More, Richmond, A p r i l 19, 1799. Thompson, op. ext., p. 176, judged the same book to have had twenty readers f o r each copy. A Review of Popular Tales by Maria Edgeworth, The  Edinburgh Review. Vol. IV (July, 1804), p. 329 estimated that there were 80,000 readers i n the United Kingdom. 7 1 A l t i ek, op. ext., pp. 62. 72peter Pinder {Dr. John Wolcot] , N i l Admirari; or. a  Smile at a Bishop: occasioned bv An Hyperbolical Eulogy on  Miss Hannah More, by Dr. Porteus. i n h i s l a t e Charge to the  Clergy. Also Expostulation; or an Address to Miss Hannah  More. Likewise. D u p l i c i t y , or The Bishop; and Sim p l i c i t y ,  or The Curate; and F i n a l l y . An Ode to some Robin Red-Breasts  i n a Country Cathedral (London, 1799), no page numbers. F.J. Harvey Darton (ed.), The L i f e and Times of Mrs. Sherwood  (1775-1851) from the Di a r i e s of Captain and Mrs. Sherwood 90 (London, 1 9 1 0 ) , p. 1 8 8 . Charles Forster, The L i f e of John  Jebb. P.P. F.E.S. Bishop of Limerick. Ardfert and Aghadoe.  with a Selection from his Letters (London, 1 8 3 6 ) , Vol. I I , p. 5 5 , to Miss Jebb, June 3 0 , 1 8 0 5 . Edward Spencer, Truths.  respecting Mrs. Hannah More's Meeting-Houses. and the Conduct  of her Followers; addressed to the Curate of Blagdon (Bath, 1 8 0 2 ) , pp. 4 8 - 4 9 , and 6 4 . A l i c e C. C. Gauseen (ed.), A Later Pepvs. The Correspondence of S i r William Weller Peovs.  Bart.. Master i n Chancery 1 7 5 8 - 1 8 2 5 . with Mrs. Chapone, Mrs.  Hartley. Mrs. Montagu. Hannah More. William Franks. S i r James  MacPonald. Major Rennell. S i r Nathaniel Wraxall. and others (London, 1 9 0 4 ) , p. 3 1 4 , S i r William Pepys to Hannah More, 1 8 1 3 . The E c l e c t i c Review. Vol. VII (May, 1 8 1 1 ) , p. 4 4 3 . Elizabeth and Florence Anson (eds.), Mary Hamilton Afterwards Mrs. John  Pickenson at Court and at Home. From Letters and Diar i e s 1 7 5 6 - 1 8 1 6 (London. 1 9 2 5 ) , pp. 217 - 2 1 8 , Diary, Saturday, July 1 6 , 1 7 8 4 . James J . Hornby ( e d # ) , The Remains of Alexander Knox.  Esq. (London, 1 8 3 7 ) , Vol. IV, pp. 3 2 6 - 3 2 7 , Alexander Knox to Hannah More. Viscountess Knutsford, L i f e and Letters of Zach-arv Macaulav (London, 1 9 0 0 ) , p. 3 0 0 , Martha More to Zachary Macaulay, Barley Wood, May 4, 1 8 1 3 , Roberts, op., c i t . , passim. B r i t i s h C r i t i c Series 1, Vol XLII (July, 1 8 1 3 ) , p. 6. 7 3G. p. H. and Margaret Cole (eds.), The Opinions of William Cobbett (London, 1 9 4 4 ) , p. 1 3 3 . ^Thompson, op_. ext., p. 8 1 . 7 5 E . M. Forster, Marianne Thornton. 1 7 9 7 - 1 8 8 7 : A  Domestic Biography (London, 1 9 5 6 ) , p. 2 2 4 . 7' f\ Anna L e t i t i a Le Breton (ed.), Correspondence of  William E l l e r v Channing. P.P. and Lucv A i k i n . from 1 8 2 6 to  1 8 4 2 (London, 1 8 7 4 ) , pp. 3 9 6 - 3 9 7 , Lucy A i k i n to Pr. Chan-ning, Hampstead, June 30, I 8 4 I . 77 ''Gaussen, op., ext., Vol. I I , pp. 3 1 4 - 3 1 5 , S i r William Pepys to Hannah More, 1 8 1 3 . "Obituary of Mrs. Hannah More," The C h r i s t i a n Observer. Conducted by Members of the  Established Church. XXXII (October. 1 8 3 3 ) . Roberts, op., c i t . Vol. I l l , pp. 4 3 2 - 4 3 3 , Miss Jane Porter to Hannah More, Long Pit t o n , Surrey, Easter Pay (T.815?J . 7 8Roberts, op. c i t . . V ol. I l l , pp. 3 2 2 - 3 2 3 , Rev. John Venn to Hannah More, Clapham A p r i l 30, 1 8 1 0 . 7 9 I b i d . . Vol. IV, pp. 4 - 6 , Princess Sophia Metscher-skey to Hannah More, St. Petersburgh, October 2 2 , old s t y l e C l 8 l 7 ? J j pp. 1 8 - 1 9 . Review of Coelebs. ou l e Choix d'une  Espose. Roman moral, contenant des Remarques sur l e s Usages  et l e s Pevoirs domestique. sur l a Religion et sur l e s Moeurs. par Mde. Hannah More, The Chris t i a n Observer. Conducted by 91 Members o f the Established Church. V o l . XVII (September, 1 818 ) , Pp. 595 - 600. 8 oThompson, op_. e x t . , pp. 244 - 245 . 8 x H a r r y B. Weiss, Hannah More's Cheap R e p o s i t o r y  T r a c t s i n America (New York, 1 946 ) , p. 5. "•'Letter, The C h r i s t i a n Observer. Conducted by Members  of the E s t a b l i s h e d Church. V o l . XXXII (October, 1833 ) , c o n t a i n -ed i n a note p. 630 . ° 3 L o c . c i t . 8 4 R u c h , op_. ext., pp. 666 - 667 g i v e s a l i s t of s i x c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f propaganda. Hannah More used the f o l l o w i n g f o u r techniques from h i s l i s t : " 1 . I f you have an i d e a t o put over, keep p r e s e n t -i n g i t i n c e s s a n t l y . Keep t a l k i n g ( o r p r i n t i n g ) s y s t e m a t i c a l l y and p e r s i s t e n t l y . 3. In every p o s s i b l e way, connect t h e i d e a you wish to put over w i t h the known d e s i r e s of your audience. Remember t h a t wishes are the b a s i s of the acceptance o f i d e a s i n more cases than l o g i c i s . 4 . Make your statement c l e a r and i n such language t h a t your audience can repeat them, i n thought, without the need f o r t r a n s f o r m i n g them. 6. For t h e most permanent eventual r e s u l t s , aim your propaganda a t the c h i l d r e n : mix i t i n your pedagogy." The f o r e g o i n g i s quoted by Ruch from K. Dunlap, C i v i l i z e d L i f e ( W i l k i n s Co., 1 9 3 4 ) , pp. 360 - 361 . -'Hannah More was not f a m i l i a r w i t h the North and her i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the E n g l i s h mind may not be a p p l i c a b l e t h e r e . For c o n t r a s t o f n o r t h e r n and southern p a t t e r n s see Asa B r i g g s , The Age o f Improvement 1783-1867 (London, 1959 ) , pp. 50 - 57 . 176 . 8 6 S t e p h e n , op_. ext., V o l . I , pp. 170 - 172 and 175 -87 More, op_. ext., V o l . X, pp. v i - v i i . She r e c o g n i z e d d i f f e r e n c e s o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n on " a b s t r u s e p o i n t s " i n S t . Paul's l e t t e r s but those were " r a r e o c c u r r e n c e " and d i d not e f f e c t the e s s e n t i a l d o c t r i n e s . ® 8Thorpe, op_. e x t . , p. 64 . 8 9 E r i c k H. E r i k s o n , Young Man Luther. A Study i n  P s y c h o a n a l y s i s and H i s t o r y (Norton L i b r a r y paperback e d i t i o n : New York, 1 9 6 2 ) , p. 7 5 . 92 y u C f . The Annual Register for 1811, "General History," p. 89, "The commercial distresses, indicated by l i s t s of bank-rupts more numerous than were ever before known, induced among the middle classes of society a kind of desponding apathy, adapted to damp . . . p o l i t i c a l ardour . . . . At the same time the uncertain state of h i s Majesty's health, and of the consequent duration of the regency, and the system of govern-ment l i k e l y to be pursued under i t , kept persons i n the superior ranks i n a state of dubious expectation." CHAPTER IV / / Hannah More's Method: For t h e Lower Orders Hannah More's t a l e s and b a l l a d s f o r the lower c l a s s e s adapted her s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s message to the comprehension l e v e l o f the new o r u n s k i l l e d reader, and to the purse o f the l a b o u r i n g man. A p p r o p r i a t e l y V i l l a g e P o l i t i c s has been c a l l e d "Burke f o r Beginners" and "Turn the C a r p e t , " "Bishop B u t l e r ' s Analogy f o r a Halfpenny." To reach t h i s new audience she de-v i s e d new methods, and t h e i r success, measured by s a l e s and apparent i n f l u e n c e , s e t a p a t t e r n f o r t r a c t w r i t i n g and d i s t r i -b u t i o n f o r the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . E a r l y i n 1792 her f i r s t pamphlet, V i l l a g e P o l i t i c s bv  W i l l Chip, appeared i n answer t o Thomas Paine's R i g h t s o f Man, p a r t one. Paine was o n l y one p a r t o f t h e e n t h u s i a s t i c e a r l y response t o the r e v o l u t i o n i n France. R i c h a r d P r i c e preached, poets Southey, Blake, and Burns rhapsodized, Mary W o l l s t o n e -c r a f t , W i l l i a m Godwin, and James Mackintosh wrote i n p r a i s e o f the French events. Such j o u r n a l s as Hogs Wash wrote a t a r u d i -mentary e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l ; c o n g r a t u l a t o r y messages went f o r t h t o the N a t i o n a l Assembly, and many sympathetic Englishmen adopted the t i t l e o f " C i t i z e n . " The movement f o r p o l i t i c a l reform gained new impetus. The S o c i e t y f o r Promoting C o n s t i -t u t i o n a l I n f o r m a t i o n r e v i v e d , wealthy and i n f l u e n t i a l l i b e r a l s formed t h e S o c i e t y o f F r i e n d s o f the People, and educated working men e s t a b l i s h e d t h e London Corresponding S o c i e t y . In 94 t h e country p r o v i n c i a l Corresponding S o c i e t i e s sprang up, c o n t a i n i n g both gentry and working c l a s s members. The f i r s t p a r t o f R i g h t s o f Man posed a new t h r e a t : i t was w r i t t e n i n words which the common man c o u l d e a s i l y grasp, i t was widely d i s t r i b u t e d among the lower o r d e r s by the v a r i o u s c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and c o r r e s p o n d i n g s o c i e t i e s , and i t d i sseminated i d e a s which dismayed many t h o u g h t f u l Englishmen. As the p r e s e n t g e n e r a t i o n o f people i n England d i d not make the Government, they are not accountable f o r i t s d e f e c t s ; but t h a t sooner o r l a t e r i t must come i n t o t h e i r hands t o undergo a n a t i o n a l r e f o r -mation, i s as c e r t a i n as t h a t the same t h i n g has happened i n France.^ Edmund Burke had p e r c e i v e d w i t h i n t h e French R e v o l u t i o n a t h r e a t t o o r d e r l y government throughout Europe b e f o r e Paine*s book gave r i s e t o wide spread upper c l a s s apprehension. In November 1790 h i s Thoughts on t h e R e v o l u t i o n i n France appeared f o r t he educated. When Paine's p o i s o n t h r e a t e n e d t o i n f e c t the masses Hannah More, as W i l l Chip, took i d e a s s i m i l a r to Burke's to t h e l e v e l o f the b a r e l y l i t e r a t e v i l l a g e l a b o u r e r and a r t i s a n . The impulse f o r her f i r s t p u b l i c a t i o n f o r the lower o r d e r s can bes t be d e s c r i b e d i n her own words: As soon as I came to Bath, our dear Bishop o f London came to me wit h a dismal countenance, and t o l d me t h a t I should repent i t on my death-bed, i f I , who knew so much o f the h a b i t s and s e n t i -ments o f t h e lower o r d e r s o f people, d i d not w r i t e some l i t t l e t h i n g t e n d i n g t o open t h e i r eyes under t h e i r p r e s e n t w i l d i mpressions o f l i b e r t y and e q u a l i t y . . . . a g a i n s t my w i l l and my judgment, on one s i c k day, I s c r i b b l e d a l i t t l e pamphlet 95 c a l l e d ' V i l l a g e P o l i t i c s , by W i l l C h i p ; 1 and t h e very next morning a f t e r I had f i r s t c onceived the i d e a , I sent i t o f f t o R i v i n g t o n , changing my b o o k s e l l e r , i n order t h e more s u r e l y t o escape d e t e c t i o n . 2 The pamphlet s o l d f o r twopence or 3s. a q u a r t e r hundred. 3 The s e c r e t was s h o r t - l i v e d and soon l e t t e r s o f approbation poured i n t o Cowslip Green. The pamphlet was popu l a r with t h e upper c l a s s e s , 4 and they a c t e d as agents f o r i t s d i s t r i b u t i o n . R i v i n g t o n s o l d i t by the t h o u s a n d s 5 and r e p o r t e d t h a t the pur c h a s e r s were people o f rank. Mrs. Montagu sent c o p i e s s y s t e m a t i c a l l y t o a l l t h e c o u n t i e s where she had correspondents. The parson o f her Northumberland p a r i s h was so d e l i g h t e d with i t t h a t he intended to get a thousand c o p i e s p r i n t e d f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n t h e r e and a G l o u s t e r s h i r e gentleman ordered a gross f o r a s i m i l a r purpose. In t y p i c a l e i g h t e e n t h century f a s h i o n t h e network o f f a m i l y and i n f l u e n c e were c a l l e d i n t o p l a y . Mrs. Boscawen sent c o p i e s t o the clergyman and apothecary a t Richmond where she had a coun-t r y r e s i d e n c e , and to her daughter, the Duchess o f Beau f o r t , a t Badminton. They i n t u r n d i s t r i b u t e d them w i t h i n t h e i r r e s p e c -t i v e c i r c l e s . Although the r e p o r t t h a t P i t t had h i r e d Hannah g More to w r i t e a n t i - r e v o l u t i o n a r y t r a c t s was i n c o r r e c t , the government d i d help w i t h the d i s p e r s a l o f V i l l a g e P o l i t i c s by o sending "many thousands" o f c o p i e s t o S c o t l a n d and I r e l a n d . 7 The A t t o r n e y General a l s o recommended i t to the A s s o c i a t i o n f o r P r e s e r v i n g L i b e r t y and Property a g a i n s t Republicans and L e v e l l e r s f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n throughout the c o u n t r y . * 0 That t h e upper c l a s s e s f e l t V i l l a g e P o l i t i c s e f f e c t i v e i s evidenced by 96 i t s r e - i s s u e d u r i n g the post-war unrest and the c r i s e s o f the e a r l y t h i r t i e s . 1 1 Hannah More was p l e a s e d with i t f o r she a g a i n used t h e c h a r a c t e r s Tom Hod and Jack A n v i l and the d i a l o g u e form i n the Cheap Re p o s i t o r y T r a c t s . " The Cheap R e p o s i t o r y T r a c t s grew from Hannah More's work with e d u c a t i o n . 1 3 To t e a c h the poor to read y e t p r o v i d e no " s a f e " r e a d i n g matter was o f dubious wisdom and experience taught t h a t the l i t e r a t e poor d i d not c o n f i n e themselves t o the B i b l e . Her i n i t i a l p l a n was t o s e t up a shop i n her own neighbourhood and get hawkers, p e d d l e r s , and match women to d i s t r i b u t e the t r a c t s . 1 4 By e a r l y 1795 the p l a n had enlarged to n a t i o n a l scope and her E v a n g e l i c a l f r i e n d s had become i n -v o l v e d . In January o f t h a t y e a r they i n i t i a t e d a s u b s c r i p t i o n w i t h Henry Thornton s e r v i n g as t r e a s u r e r . The fund was to s u b s i d i z e the p r o d u c t i o n c o s t so t h a t the t r a c t s c o u l d compete w i t h the items hawked by the chapmen at a p r o f i t o f t h r e e hun-dred per c e n t . 1 5 Horace Walpole gave f i v e guineas and asked h i s i n f l u e n t i a l f r i e n d s t o a l s o support the p l a n . 1 0 H i s and s i m i l a r e f f o r t s brought success and over £1,000 were s u b s c r i b e d i n t h e f i r s t y e a r , but the t r a c t s were soon found to pay f o r themselves and even t o c a r r y some p r o f i t , so t h e c o n t i n u a t i o n o f the s u b s c r i p t i o n was not n e c e s s a r y . 1 7 The format o f the p r o j e c t v a r i e d d u r i n g i t s l i f e t i m e . On opening day, March 3, 1795 twenty t r a c t s and b roadsides were gi v e n t o a group o f r i b b o n bedecked hawkers i n Samual Hazard's Bath l i b r a r y , i n t h e presence of s u b s c r i b i n g l a d i e s and g e n t l e -18 men. No f u r t h e r a d d i t i o n s were made u n t i l May. From t h a t 97 d a t e onward t h r e e t r a c t s were p u b l i s h e d on t h e f i r s t o f each month, "of which one was a b a l l a d ( i n b r o a d s i d e form), one a moral t a l e , and one a 'Sunday r e a d i n g ' (which c o n t a i n e d more r e l i g i o n and l e s s tale)."*° E a r l y i n 1796 a cheap and deluxe e d i t i o n appeared each month. There were a l s o annual c o l l e c t e d volumes and e i g h t page b a l l a d b o o k l e t s to which th e b a l l a d b r o a d s i d e s c o u l d be a d d e d . 2 0 Hannah More had d i f f i c u l t y f i n d i n g s u i t a b l e m a t e r i a l f o r t h e t r a c t s . She deplored "the v a r i e t y o f t r a s h t h a t i s sent . . . weekly i n prose and v e r s e from a l l p a r t s o f the kingdom f o r the R e p o s i t o r y , " and was amazed t h a t " t h e r e was s t u p i d i t y enough to produce such s t u f f , or v a n i t y enough t o 21 d e s i r e t o p u b l i s h i t . " She found t h a t n e a r l y every p i e c e had t o be s e v e r e l y e d i t e d : the s t y l e made more f a m i l i a r , the phraseology changed, and the s e l e c t i o n abridged. Many items were so f u l l o f dreams and ghosts t h a t she, " d i d not b e l i e v e 22 one word o f i t " h e r s e l f . Others were so f u l l o f l o v e and 23 p o l i t i c s t h a t she f e l t t h a t they were u n s u i t a b l e . The r e s u l t was t h a t Hannah More, her s i s t e r S a l l y , and c l o s e f r i e n d s wrote most o f the m a t e r i a l . 2 4 She d i d r e s e a r c h on t h e p o p u l a r chap-books and b r o a d s i d e s , the.profane and r e v o l u t i o n a r y l i t e r a t u r e which she was t r y i n g to combat, b u y i n g a v i r t u a l sans c u l o t t e l i b r a r y f o r the p u r p o s e . 2 5 She adapted the chapbook technique f o r her own purposes, and s e l e c t e d r a k i s h t i t l e s and woodcuts f o r her t r a c t s so t h a t they were a b l e to compete with the o t h e r wares s o l d by the hawkers. There was The S t o r y o f S i n f u l S a l l y .  T o l d by h e r s e l f . Shewing how from b e i n g S a l l v o f the Green she 98 was f i r s t l e d t o become S i n f u l S a l l y , and afterwards Drunken  S a l ; and how a t l a s t she came to a melancholy, and almost  hopeless end; b e i n g t h e r e i n a warning to a l l young women i n town and country. I t was accompanied by "a woodcut o f a p r o f l i g a t e - l o o k i n g young woman r e c l i n i n g amid r u b b i s h on the f l o o r o f a r u i n e d b a r n . " 2 0 She based her p l o t s on a c t u a l i n c i d e n t s 2 7 and drew the d e t a i l s too from r e a l l i f e . 2 8 The machinery o f d i s t r i b u t i o n was more thorough than t h a t used f o r V i l l a g e P o l i t i c s . There were the u s u a l book-s e l l e r o u t l e t s , 2 9 and sc h o o l s and i n d i v i d u a l s s u b s c r i b e d through them on a r e g u l a r b a s i s . 3 0 The c l e r g y e a g e r l y sup-p o r t e d the p r o j e c t w i t h Hannah More*s e p i s c o p a l f r i e n d s i n the f o r e f r o n t ; even the Archbishop o f Canterbury helped with t h e i r d i s s e m i n a t i o n . 3 1 Bishop Porteus o f London was an a c t i v e worker f o r the p l a n he had helped i n s p i r e . He loaded d e p a r t i n g m i s s i o n a r i e s w i t h bundles o f t r a c t s , kept a l a r g e d i s p l a y o f t r a c t s as a permanent f e a t u r e of h i s l i b r a r y , and d i s t r i b u t e d them t o the London c h a r i t y c h i l d r e n . 3 2 Members o f Parliament and other gentlemen formed committees f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n i n the C i t y and Westminster. The Cheap Re p o s i t o r y T r a c t s broke new ground i n t r y i n g t o reach the poor through the same channels as the chapbooks and b r o a d s i d e s . Hannah More's f r i e n d s helped e n l i s t hawkers and peddlers as salesmen. Henry Thornton q u i z -zed them on the economics o f the trade, the Duchess o f Glou-c e s t e r persuaded a p a s s i n g orange g i r l t o s e l l t r a c t s , and Lady Howard not onl y s u p p l i e d s m a l l shops w i t h the t r a c t s , but performed the more d i f f i c u l t f e a t o f b a n i s h i n g the " v i c i o u s 99 t r a s h " from s i x of them. J The prxces of the t r a c t s were l o w — a £d., Id., and l ^ d . — w i t h reductions for mass buying. The gentry could get penny t r a c t s to give away at twenty-four or twenty-five f o r l s . 6 d . and hawkers o r i g i n a l l y got twenty-five for lOd. and af t e r February 1796 got twenty-four for 6 d . 3 4 The c i r c u l a t i o n of the t r a c t s was astonishing. "There had never been anything l i k e i t i n the history of English books." 3 5 Between March 3, the f i r s t day and A p r i l 18 three hundred thousand copies were sold, by July seven hundred thou-sand, and at the end of the f i r s t year over two m i l l i o n . 3 0 The c i r c u l a t i o n figures of Paine's Rights of Man, a previous record-breaker, o f f e r a basis for comparison. In the f i r s t year, part one, priced at 3s. sold 50,000 copies. In the spring of 1792, part two came out i n a 6 d . e d i t i o n as well as the more expensive one, and part one also appeared i n the 6 d . form. In a month's time 32,000 copies of the cheap ed i t i o n were sold and i n 1793 200,000 copies of Rights of Man were alleged to be i n c i r c u l a t i o n . 0 ' Hannah More experienced d i f f i c u l t i e s with p r i n t e r s from the beginning of the Cheap Repository Tract venture; they continued throughout i t s l i f e , and were p a r t i a l l y responsible fo r the c l o s i n g of the p r o j e c t . 3 8 The s t r a i n of working to a monthly deadline i n conjunction with her exhausting work with the schools began to a f f e c t her h e a l t h . 3 9 In September 1798 she sold the right to publish reprints of the t r a c t s to a new p r i n t i n g company, and disbanded the d i s t r i b u t i n g organization. One of the two o r i g i n a l p r i n t e r s continued to produce the 100 t h r e e monthly Cheap R e p o s i t o r y T r a c t s under h i s own d i r e c t i o n f o r over a year, an i n d i c a t i o n t h a t the b u s i n e s s was a p a y i n g p r o p o s i t i o n . H i s broader e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y f o r t r a c t s s t i l l b e a r i n g the f a m i l i a r name must have d i s t r e s s e d Hannah More. 4® I t was n e a r l y two decades b e f o r e she a g a i n wrote f o r the lower o r d e r s , nonetheless she had accomplished her purpose and pro-v i d e d cheap, s a f e l i t e r a t u r e f o r the common rea d e r . The year 1817 saw another p e r i o d o f " c r i s i s " . The summer and f a l l o f 1816 had been wet, t h e h a r v e s t poor, and c o r n p r i c e s h i g h . There had been bread r i o t s i n East A n g l i a , Welsh miners had walked i n a hunger-march as f a r as S t . A l -bans, and t h e r e had been machine wrecking i n Nottingham. I n November and December Henry Hunt had harangued l a r g e crowds i n Spa F i e l d s i n the cause of u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e . The w i n t e r a l s o brought growing a c t i v i t y among the p r o v i n c i a l Hampton Clubs, c u l m i n a t i n g i n the London meeting e a r l y i n January 1817 f o r the reform o f t h e House of Commons. The j u x t a p o s i t i o n o f events s e r i o u s l y alarmed Lord L i v e r p o o l ' s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n — t h e Habeas Corpus Act was suspended f o r n e a r l y twelve months, the l o c a l i n t e l l i g e n c e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f Lords L i e u t e n a n t , J u s t i c e s o f t h e Peace, and s p i e s i n c r e a s e d t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s , and r e p r e -s e n t a t i o n s "from the h i g h e s t q u a r t e r s " urged Hannah More to w r i t e f o r the r e s t l e s s lower o r d e r s . 4 * Hannah More u t i l i z e d the wisdom gained i n the Cheap R e p o s i t o r y T r a c t p l a n . In under e i g h t weeks she wrote more than a dozen new p i e c e s , and rewrote p r e v i o u s t r a c t s t o s u i t the new times. The A n t i - C o b b e t t p u b l i s h e d some of the items, 101 but most of them c i r c u l a t e d as t r a c t s . Concerned gentlemen a g a i n formed a London d i s t r i b u t i o n committee, and a l s o one i n Manchester. Hannah More again designed the t r a c t s f o r the hawkers* baskets, d e c o r a t i n g them w i t h woodcuts, and p r i c i n g them at a penny and a halfpenny. She once more t r i e d t o i n v e s t i g a t e the enemy's goods, but e i t h e r the new g e n e r a t i o n wrote more v i r u l e n t l y or the septugenarian was more e a s i l y shocked f o r a f t e r r e a d i n g s i x l i n e s o f one t r a c t she stopped, "and n o t h i n g , no not even the wish to answer, c o u l d make [her/ wade through another l i n e o f such u n p a r a l l e l e d blasphemy." 4"" Hannah More's methods o f p r o d u c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n show her thoroughness, e f f i c i e n c y , and i n d u s t r y ; the t r a c t s themselves r e v e a l her s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s and propaganda t e c h -n i q u e s . In her c o l l e c t e d works the b a l l a d s , t a l e s , d i a l o g u e s , and a l l e g o r i e s were d i v i d e d i n t o those f o r "Persons i n the M i d d l e Ranks" and f o r "the Common People." What s o r t s o f people were they? The l e a d i n g c h a r a c t e r s i n the s t o r i e s and poems i n d i c a t e the s o c i a l background o f her intended audience. Among the middle c l a s s c h a r a c t e r s were wealthy farmers, p r o s -perous r e t a i l tradesmen, a daughter o f a clergyman who was the widow o f a g e n t e e l tradesman," and a widow of a bankrupt "great merchant" who was l i v i n g on "a very narrow income." Her l a b -o u r i n g heros and h e r o i n e s were a shoemaker, a weaver, a b l a c k -smith, a c a r p e n t e r , a shepherd, a c o l l i e r , a postboy become farmer, and a daughter o f a v i l l a g e l a b o u r e r who became a s s i s -t a n t t e a c h e r i n the v i l l a g e s c h o o l . I n every case these were t r a d i t i o n a l o c c u p a t i o n s . The n e g l e c t o f the new f a c t o r y workers 1 0 2 by Hannah More and her c i r c l e i s i n t e r e s t i n g testimony t o t h e i r unawareness o f momentous new t r e n d s . The s t y l e o f her w r i t i n g i n d i c a t e s that she assumed her audience was l i t e r a t e but not l i b e r a l l y educated. I n -stead o f c l a s s i c a l a l l u s i o n s , t h e r e are r e f e r e n c e s to p o p u l a r songs o r t o the w r i t i n g o f Paine and Cobbett. Her vocabulary and sentence s t r u c t u r e are simple and d i a l o g u e i s o c c a s i o n -a l l y l a r d e d w i t h v e r n a c u l a r phrases. She assumed t h a t p e r i -o d i c a l s were more commonly read than books. The f o l l o w i n g speech by a middle c l a s s hero Mr. Trueman i l l u s t r a t e s her p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s about her audience's e d u c a t i o n and r e a d i n g h a b i t s : I remember t o have read i n some book, a magazine, I suppose f o r my r e a d i n g does not go f a r , of a gr e a t s c h o l a r o f the l a s t age, Locke, I t h i n k , was the gentleman's name, . . . he never s a i d a word about every man's s t u d y i n g p o l i t i c s ; I sup-pose by t h a t he thought i t a deep study, f i t on l y f o r such wise men as h i m s e l f . I myself have heard s e n s i b l e men s a y — t h a t t o understand p o l i t i c s , i t i s necessary to understand many ot h e r t h i n g s , more than a r e to be p i c k e d up i n a Saturday's Register.4 3 The u n d e r l y i n g p h i l o s o p h y of the s t o r i e s and b a l l a d s i s the same as that o f her works f o r t h e upper c l a s s e s but she presented i t i n a f a s h i o n designed to make i t c l e a r and appeal-i n g t o more humble r e a d e r s . She showed through the words and a c t i o n s o f her c h a r a c t e r s t h e C h r i s t i a n l i f e i n p r a c t i c e . She p o r t r a y e d t y p i c a l e v i l s and temptation which working men f a c e d and showed how a C h r i s t i a n should meet them. The message was enhanced by her shrewd a n a l y s i s o f human na t u r e . The f o l l o w i n g 103 c a p s u l e s k e t c h d i s p l a y s i t , and must have e s p e c i a l l y d e l i g h t e d the common read e r s by the unvarnished r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the gentry: S i r John was t h o u g h t l e s s , l a v i s h , and i n d o l e n t . The S q u i r e was o v e r - f r u g a l , but a c t i v e , sober, and not i l l - n a t u r e d . S i r John was one o f those p o p u l a r s o r t o f people who get much p r a i s e , and y e t do l i t t l e good; . . . He was . . . always ready t o g i v e h i s guinea; but I q u e s t i o n whether he would have gi v e n up h i s h u n t i n g and h i s gaming, to have cured every g r i e v a n c e i n the l a n d . . . . He n e i t h e r d i s c r i m i n a t e d between t h e degrees o f d i s t r e s s , nor the c h a r a c t e r s o f the d i s t r e s s e d . . . . On the o t h e r hand, the S q u i r e would a s s i s t Mrs. Jones [Hannah More l i g h t l y disguised"/ i n any o f her p l a n s , i f i t c o s t him nothing, so she shew-ed her good sense by never a s k i n g S i r John f o r advice, o r the S q u i r e f o r s u b s c r i p t i o n s , and by t h i s prudence gained t h e f u l l support o f both.44 The S q u i r e and S i r John had t h e i r f a u l t s y e t they s t i l l f u l -f i l l e d t h e i r proper s o c i a l r o l e s . There was room f o r improve-ment, y e t each i n h i s way was l o o k i n g a f t e r the l e s s f o r t u n a t e i n h i s domaine. Hannah More was c a p t u r i n g her r e a d e r s ' i n t e r -e s t , making her p o i n t , and, f o r any gentry who p i c k e d up c o p i e s o f the t a l e , a d ding a few p l a i n truths.4 5 "The R i o t o r H a l f a Loaf i s B e t t e r than No Bread," i s i l l u s t r a t i v e of her method with t h e lower o r d e r s . T h i s b a l l a d , w r i t t e n i n 1795, i s i n the form o f a d i a l o g u e between Jack A n v i l , a b l a c k s m i t h , and Tom Hod, a mason, and was to be sung to a popular tune, "A Cobbler t h e r e Was." Hannah More and her f r i e n d s b e l i e v e d t h a t i t q u e l l e d two i n c i p i e n t r i o t s , one i n Bath and one i n H u l l . . . . a very f o r m i d a b l e r i o t among the c o l l i e r s i n the neighbourhood o f Bath, was h a p p i l y prevented by 1 0 4 t h e b a l l a d o f 'The R i o t . * The p l a n was thoroughly-s e t t l e d ; they were r e s o l v e d to work no more, but to a t t a c k f i r s t the m i l l s , and then the gentry. A gentleman o f l a r g e f o r t u n e got i n t o t h e i r c o n f i -dence, and a few hundreds were d i s t r i b u t e d and sung w i t h t h e e f f e c t , as they say, mentioned above. 46 T h i s remarkable e f f i c a c y , although p o s s i b l y merely hearsay, makes "The R i o t " an a p p r o p r i a t e item f o r d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s . "The R i o t " Tom Come, neighbours, no l o n g e r be p a t i e n t and q u i e t , Come l e t us go k i c k up a b i t o f a r i o t ; I'm hungry, my l a d s , but I've l i t t l e t o eat, So w e ' l l p u l l down the m i l l s , and w e ' l l s e i z e a l l t h e meat: I ' l l g i v e you good s p o r t , boys, as ever you saw, So a f i g f o r t h e j u s t i c e , a f i g f o r the law. Derry down. Then h i s p i t c h f o r k Tom s e i z e d — H o l d a moment, .'isays Jack, I ' l l shew thee thy blunder, brave boy, i n a crack, And i f I don't prove we had b e t t e r be s t i l l , I ' l l a s s i s t thee s t r a i g h t w a y to p u l l down every m i l l ; I ' l l shew thee how p a s s i o n thy reason does cheat, Or I ' l l j o i n thee i n plunder f o r bread and f o r meat. Derry down. What a whimsey to t h i n k thus our b e l l i e s t o f i l l , F or we stop a l l the g r i n d i n g by b r e a k i n g the m i l l : Because I am hungry and want t o be f e d , That i s sure no wise reason f o r wasting my bread: And j u s t such wise reasons f o r mending t h e i r d i e t Are used by those blockheads who rush i n t o r i o t . Derry down. I would not take comfort from o t h e r s " d i s t r e s s e s , But s t i l l I would mark how God our l a n d b l e s s e s ; For though i n O l d England the times are but sad, Abroad, I am t o l d , they are t e n times as bad; In t he l a n d o f t h e pope t h e r e i s s c a r c e any g r a i n , And ' t i s worse s t i l l , they say, both i n H o l l a n d and S p a i n . Derry Down. L e t us l o o k to the h a r v e s t our wants t o b e g u i l e , See the l a n d s w i t h r i c h c r o p s how they every where s m i l e ! Meantime t o a s s i s t us, by each western breeze, Some c o r n i s brought d a i l y a c r o s s the s a l t seas! Of t e a w e ' l l d r i n k l i t t l e , o f gin* none at a l l , And w e ' l l p a t i e n t l y wait, and the p r i c e s w i l l f a l l . Derry down. But i f we're not q u i e t , then l e t us not wonder I f t h i n g s grow much worse by our r i o t and plunder; And l e t us remember whenever we meet, The more a l e we d r i n k , boys the l e s s we s h a l l eat. On those days spent i n r i o t , no bread you brought home; Had you spent them i n l a b o u r , you must have had some. Derry down. A d i n n e r o f herbs, says the wise man, with q u i e t , I s b e t t e r than beef amid d i s c o r d and r i o t . I f the t h i n g c o u l d be h e l p ' d , I'm a foe t o a l l s t r i f e , And I pray f o r a peace every n i g h t o f my l i f e ; But i n matters o f s t a t e not an i n c h w i l l I budge, Because I c o n c e i v e I'm no very good judge. Derry down. But though poor, I can work, my brave boy, w i t h t h e b e s t , Let the k i n g and the parliament manage the r e s t ; I lament both the war and the taxes t o g e t h e r , Though I v e r i l y t h i n k they don't a l t e r t h e weather. The k i n g , as I take i t , w i t h very good reason, May prevent a bad law, but can't help a bad season. Derry down. The p a r l i a m e n t men, although great i s t h e i r power, Yet they cannot c o n t r i v e us a b i t o f a shower; And I never y e t heard, though our r u l e r s are wise, That they know very w e l l how to manage the s k i e s ; For the best of them a l l , as they found to t h e i r c o s t , Were not a b l e to hinder l a s t w i n t e r ' s hard f r o s t . Derry down. Besides, I must share i n the wants of t h e times, Because I have had my f u l l share i n i t s crimes; And I'm apt to b e l i e v e the d i s t r e s s which i s sent, I s t o p u n i s h and cure us o f a l l d i s c o n t e n t . But h a r v e s t i s c o m i n g — p o t a t o e s are come! Our p r o s p e c t c l e a r s up; ye complainers, be dumb! Derry down. 106 And though I've no money, and though I've no lan d s , I've head on my sh o u l d e r s , and a p a i r o f good hands; So I ' l l work the whole day, and on Sundays I ' l l seek At church how to bear a l l the wants o f t h e week. The g e n t l e f o l k s too w i l l a f f o r d us s u p p l i e s , T h e y ' l l s u b s c r i b e — a n d t h e y ' l l g i v e up t h e i r puddings and p i e s . Derry down. Then b e f o r e I'm induced t o take p a r t i n a r i o t , I ' l l ask t h i s s h o r t q uestion—What s h a l l I get by i t ? So I ' l l e'en wait a l i t t l e , t i l l cheaper the bread, For a mittimus hangs o'er each r i o t e r ' s head; And when o f two e v i l s I'm ask'd which i s best I'd r a t h e r be hungry than hang'd, I p r o t e s t . Derry down. Quoth Tom, thou a r t r i g h t ; i f I r i s e , I'm a Turk; So he threw down h i s p i t c h f o r k , and went t o h i s work. Hannah More persuaded on two l e v e l s , t he e x p l i c i t and the i m p l i c i t . The main purpose of the s t a t e d argument i n "The R i o t " was to dissuade i n c i p i e n t r i o t e r s . To do t h i s she f i r s t examined the cause o f Tom Hod's d e c i s i o n t o a t t a c k the l o c a l m i l l s and b u t c h e r s . I t was hunger, but hunger was caused by t h e poor h a r v e s t , which i n t u r n was the r e s u l t o f adverse weather. Before r e v e a l i n g the t r u e cause of t h i s c h a i n o f e f f e c t s she d i s c u s s e d causes which had been put forward by malcontents, but which would not e x p l a i n the bad w e a t h e r — t h e k i n g and p a r l i a m e n t . The sequence o f t h i s argument was c l e v e r -l y c o n s t r u c t e d , f o r w h i l e i t was p o s s i b l e t o blame the govern-ment f o r u n r e l i e v e d hunger, i t was r i d i c u l o u s to h o l d i t r e s -p o n s i b l e f o r l a c k o f r a i n . The r e a l cause of the d i s t r e s s was man's wickedness, o f which d i s c o n t e n t was one aspect. A f t e r s t a t i n g the cause of t h e s c a r c i t y she t u r n e d t o s o l u t i o n s . I m p l i c i t i n the b a s i c cause was a b a s i c cure—men should mend t h e i r ways—and i n due course a whole l o a f would again be a v a i l a b l e . In the meantime she o f f e r e d s u g g e s t i o n s f o r o b t a i n i n g h a l f a l o a f . Her suggestions were t h r e e i n number: s o c i a l c o - o p e r a t i o n , s e l f - h e l p , and s e l f - s a c r i f i c e . Among the s a c r i f i c e s were the p e r n i c i o u s l u x u r i e s , g i n and t e a . R i o t i n g d i d not q u a l i f y as a u s e f u l s o l u t i o n f o r i t destroyed food p r o c e s s o r s and hindered r a t h e r than helped food produc-t i o n ; i t wasted time i n s t e a d o f pr o d u c i n g income with which to buy food. I f a l l o t h e r arguments f a i l e d , the c l i n c h i n g one was s t i l l i n r e s e r v e — r i o t e r s r an the r i s k o f hanging. Apart from the main stream o f p e r s u a s i o n a g a i n s t r i o t -i n g she made a v a r i e t y o f s u b s i d i a r y p o i n t s . There was p o s i -t i v e progaganda f o r the King, Parliament, and gentry. The k i n g was one who prevented bad laws, the p r o t e c t o r o f h i s people, and the members of parliament were "wise." The upper o r d e r s a l s o s u f f e r e d under the harsh weather, and they too made s a c r i -f i c e s , a l b e i t p i e s r a t h e r than bread, t o a i d the lower o r d e r s . A l l these p o i n t s suggested t h e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e which Hannah More b e l i e v e d i n , a s t r u c t u r e where each man and order had a proper f u n c t i o n , and a l l were i n t e r - r e l a t e d , s u f f e r i n g t o g e t h e r and a i d i n g each o t h e r . She must have thought t h a t her working c l a s s reader h e l d s i m i l a r s o c i a l views, f o r s u b s i d i a r y argu-ments i n a p i e c e o f p e r s u a s i o n i n order t o be u s e f u l t o the main purpose, must e l i c i t a sympathetic response o r e l s e they c r e a t e h o s t i l i t y which i s t r a n s f e r e d t o the main argument, and r e t a r d r a t h e r than a i d t h e cause. 108 In "The R i o t " she drew a p i c t u r e of the i d e a l working man. He was hard working and proud o f i t . He g l o r i e d i n his. a b i l i t y to take c a r e of h i m s e l f , and was f u l l o f s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e and s e l f - r e s p e c t with h i s p e e r s . 4 8 With h i s b e t t e r s he was submissive because he r e c o g n i z e d t h e i r competence i n spheres o f a c t i o n which were beyond h i s knowledge. He was p a t i e n t under a d v e r s i t y , but not d e f e a t e d by i t , and subscribed to the adage, "The Lord helps those who help themselves." He was devout and r e g u l a r i n h i s d u t i e s to God, and l o y a l and obedient to the laws o f h i s k i n g . Such a man was Hannah More's i d e a l , r: and the upper c l a s s e s admired him f o r p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n s — h e p l a c e d no s t r a i n on the poor r a t e s , made a good employee, and d i d not a g i t a t e f o r s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l reforms. I t i s i n t e r -e s t i n g , however, t h a t Hannah More b e l i e v e d t h i s model was a l s o the working man's i d e a l . I f t h e poem d i d i n f a c t q u e l l two r i o t s , i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s l e n d s support to her b e l i e f . In a time o f war and economic "take o f f " i n t o i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , when th e r e were many i n d i c a t i o n s of c o r r e l a t e d changes i n s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l i d e a s , the mass o f working men may s t i l l have c l u n g to the t r a d i t i o n a l p i c t u r e o f themselves. I f t h i s was t r u e Hannah More's unawareness o f the " r e v o l u t i o n a r y " eco-nomic developments at work i n the England o f her day made her more e f f e c t i v e . No c l o u d s o f i n d u s t r i a l smoke marred the "golden age" landscape she p a i n t e d with i t s r u r a l l a b o u r e r s and craftsmen. Apart from e x p l i c i t p e r s u a s i o n Hannah More used l e s s obvious means o f c o n v i n c i n g her r e a d e r s . The c h o i c e of 1 0 9 dialogue form was useful. I t avoided the preaching tone that would be i n e v i t a b l e i f the lesson was being taught by a non-peer and c l e a r l y distinguished good from bad—recognition of only black and white conveniently ignored the many possible shadings of grey which would blur the c l a r i t y of her message. She set pugnacious Tom, f u l l of bravado and disrespect f o r law and order, out f o r sport as much as for bread, against Jack the r a t i o n a l , manly, industrious spokesman f o r God, law, and the s o c i a l order. The bet placed i n the second stanza provides tension to hold the reader's i n t e r e s t . Would Jack f a i l to con-vince Tom and be forced to j o i n him i n h i s m i l l wrecking? The names of Hannah More's characters were usually s i g n i f i c a n t . "Bragwell," "Worthy," "Squeeze," and "Trueman" indicated t h e i r bearer's character, and so, l e s s obviously, did "Tom Hod" and "Jack A n v i l . " "Tom" could c a l l to mind Tom Paine and h i s r a d i c a l philosophy, and the doubting d i s c i p l e of Jesus. "Hod" was the mason's trough and indicated Tom's occupation which i n turn suggested the secret oaths of fr e e -masonry—rites which were suspect as a cover f o r revolutionary organizations. "Jack" was a nickname fo r John and reminiscent of John B u l l and of St. John, the author of the book of Reve-l a t i o n s . An a n v i l was the durable form upon which malleable objects were shaped. Jack A n v i l , the blacksmith wrought a r t i c l e s of the most l a s t i n g material. The mason's blocks f e l l when the mortar crumbled. In the course of her stanzas Hannah More played upon her readers' prejudices and biases. She admitted and 110 sympathized with the h a r d s h i p s o f war and h i g h taxes, and l i n k e d domestic peace w i t h i n t e r n a t i o n a l peace. She asked i n d i r e c t l y , "How can you promote warfare upon butchers and m i l l e r s at home when you d e p l o r e the e f f e c t s o f the war w i t h France?" She mentioned the pope and hoped t h a t the a n t i -C a t h o l i c f e e l i n g s o f the populace would l e a d them r e a d i l y t o agree t h a t s c a r c i t y was Providence's way o f d e a l i n g with be-n i g h t e d p a p i s t s . They c o u l d then accept more e a s i l y her argu-ment t h a t s c a r c i t y i n England was a l s o God's punishment f o r s i n s o f the people. She connected murder with r i o t and by so do i n g p l a c e d r i o t i n g i n a l e s s a c c e p t a b l e p o s i t i o n . R i o t i n g was a t r a d i t i o n a l E n g l i s h response to d i s t r e s s , but while the eig h t e e n t h century crowd m e r r i l y destroyed p r o p e r t y they r a r e l y d e stroyed human l i f e . 4 9 Hannah More p l a y e d upon t h i s r e l u c t a n c e . In "The R i o t " Hannah More preached optimism. She brushed l i g h t l y over the m i s e r i e s o f a "spare d i e t " i n order to be c h e e r f u l i n a Pollyanna v e i n . England was b l e s s e d i n comparison with other c o u n t r i e s . T h i s was the " t h i n g s c o u l d be worse" d e v i c e and was used i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the "we're over the worst now" theme. T h i s hearty optimism was t y p i c a l o f her approach to the poor, and the s t r e n g t h o f the dose i n "The R i o t " was m i l d when compared t o t h a t o f a t r a c t c a l l e d a p p r o p r i a t e l y n , T i s A l l f o r t h e Best." "The R i o t " i s d i r e c t e d t o d i f f e r e n t fundamental human needs than her w r i t i n g s f o r the upper ranks. She s t r e s s e d the need f o r p h y s i c a l w e l l - b e i n g i n p r e f e r e n c e t o t h e need t o f e e l I l l of worth and t o the need f o r s e c u r i t y . Although the t h r e a t o f the gallows i n v o l v e d i n s e c u r i t y , the whole poem centered upon the best means o f g e t t i n g h a l f a l o a f o f bread s i n c e a whole l o a f was t e m p o r a r i l y out of t h e q u e s t i o n . T h i s i s not the case i n a l l o f her t r a c t s . The t h r e a t of death f o r the wicked i s a frequent theme and The Death of Mr. Fantom. the Great  R e f o r m i s t i s devoted t o a l u r i d d e s c r i p t i o n of the d y i n g t e r -r o r s o f a r e p u b l i c a n . She a l s o dwelt f r e q u e n t l y upon the s o c i a l u s e f u l n e s s , the importance, o f even the l o w l i e s t member of s o c i e t y . Women were taught t h a t they were important as good household managers, s m a l l c h i l d r e n were t o l d t h a t they were u s e f u l when g a t h e r i n g wool from the brambles o f the downs and k n i t t i n g i t i n t o s t o c k i n g s , and a l l were reminded o f the importance o f t h e i r example. C o r r e l a t e d with her c o n c e n t r a t i o n upon p h y s i c a l needs i n "The R i o t " i s her unusual n e g l e c t of the b l i s s o f heaven. I t i s reasonable t o assume t h a t she knew t h a t " p i e i n the sky, bye and bye" was not going to appeal t o hungry men here and now. She showed Jack A n v i l to be devout, y e t the r e l i g i o u s comfort which she l i s t e d was not the hope of heaven but s t r e n g t h "to bear a l l the wants o f the week." The appeal o f the b a l l a d i s t o s e l f - i n t e r e s t , not to C h r i s t i a n a l t r u i s m , and i s made e x p l i c i t i n Jack's q u e s t i o n , "What s h a l l I get by i t ? " She knew t h a t i n a matter of s u r v i v a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t dominated a l t r u i s m f o r most men. An a n a l y s i s o f the machinery f o r p r o d u c t i o n and d i s -t r i b u t i o n o f t r a c t s , and o f the arguments used and the motives 112 appealed t o i n the t e x t o f the pamphlets does not answer the e s s e n t i a l q u e s t i o n , "How i n f l u e n t i a l were t h e y ? " An answer i s d i f f i c u l t , and when an h i s t o r i a n t r i e s t o determine i n f l u e n c e h i s answer i s an i n d i c a t i o n o f o n l y the evidence which he has found. He hopes i t r e p r e s e n t s a c r o s s s e c t i o n sampling but has no way o f knowing. That a f i n a l answer i s unobtainable does not mean t h a t a t e n t a t i v e answer i s u n p r o f i t a b l e . I n f l u -ence i s the dynamic element i n i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y . I t s mode of t r a v e l i s o f t e n unknown o r obscure, y e t i t s p a s s i n g i s c l e a r l y seen i n waxing and waning schools o f thought. I t s very e l u s i v e n e s s adds t o i t s f a s c i n a t i o n . Did the poor read and enjoy the t r a c t s ? I f they d i d the t r a c t s were l i k e l y t o have i n f l u e n c e d them. The c i r c u l a -t i o n f i g u r e s are imp r e s s i v e and t h e t r a c t s c o n t i n u e d to be r e p r i n t e d w e l l i n t o the n i n e t e e n t h century. For example, the B r i t i s h Museum Catalogue l i s t s l a t e r e d i t i o n s o f The Shepherd  of S a l i s b u r y P l a i n f o r 1840, i860, 1874, 1876 and 1883. How-ever many, p o s s i b l y the m a j o r i t y , o f the t r a c t s were bought by the r i c h f o r the poor. Recent students o f the working c l a s s reader i n the l a t e e i g h t e e n t h and e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h cen-t u r i e s have f e l t t h a t the t r a c t s and other c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n -ary propaganda were i n e f f e c t i v e because they d i d not speak the language of the common man, or e l s e offended him by condescen-s i o n . 5° i t has a l s o been suggested that t r a c t w r i t e r s , b e i n g dependent upon the upper c l a s s e s to a i d i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h e i r p r o d u c t s , conformed to upper c l a s s r a t h e r than lower c l a s s c r i t e r i a . 5 1 These judgements do not appear a p p l i c a b l e t o Hannah More. 113 Her t h e o r y o f w r i t i n g f o r the poor, s t a t e d i n her l e t t e r s , makes i t c l e a r t h a t she c o n s c i o u s l y designed her t r a c t s t o appeal t o the poor, and t h a t she thought she knew what would a t t r a c t them. Now i t has oc c u r r e d t o me to w r i t e a v a r i e t y o f t h i n g s some where between v i c i o u s papers and hymns, f o r i t i s i n v a i n t o w r i t e what people w i l l not read:52 Dry m o r a l i t y o r r e l i g i o n w i l l not answer the end, f o r we must ever bear i n mind t h a t i t i s a p l e a s -ant p o i s o n t o which we must f u r n i s h an a n t i d o t e . Catechisms and Sermons a l r e a d y abound: 53 I am r e s o l v e d , i n t r y i n g t o reform the poor, t o p l e a s e them too, a p o i n t which I t h i n k we do not s u f f i c i e n t l y attend t o . We are very apt to f o r g e t they have the same t a s t e s , a p p e t i t e s , and f e e l i n g s as o u r s e l v e s ; ay, and the same good sense, too, though not r e f i n e d by education. I t h e r e f o r e con-c e i v e t h a t i n w r i t i n g f o r them we are not to lower th e sense, but o n l y the phraseology and s t y l e , and to a v o i d hard words and a l l u s i o n s t o t h i n g s they have had no o p p o r t u n i t y t o learn.54 I am a t a l o s s f o r a good t i t l e t o my p l a n , I do not l i k e to use the word poor; ' t i s not c o n s o l a -t o r y and a l l u r i n g — ' t i s l i k e c a l l i n g names and reminding people o f t h e i r misfortune.55 Hannah More had many o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o know w e l l v a r i o u s members o f the lower o r d e r s . She had, as a c h i l d , c o n t a c t with the s c h o l a r s i n her f a t h e r ' s c h a r i t y s c h o o l i n the v i l l a g e o f S t a p l e t o n . Through her s c h o o l s and women's c l u b s i n the Mendip H i l l s she knew the r u r a l p o o r — p a r t i c u l a r l y miners, g l a s s makers, a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s , and v i l l a g e c r a f t s m e n — a n d she a l s o knew co t t a g e s p i n n i n g and s t o c k i n g k n i t t i n g i n d u s t r i e s . I f i n d t h a t s p i n n i n g l i n e n i s a s t a r v i n g employment: a woman must add great s k i l l to gre a t i n d u s t r y , t o 114 get one s h i l l i n g and sixpence per week; whereas the same e x e r t i o n s w i l l enable her t o get near t h r e e s h i l l i n g s by s p i n n i n g wool. Now, i t s t r i k e s me t h a t i t would be p r o f i t a b l e and p l e a s a n t , i f they c o u l d be taught to s p i n the worsted f o r t h e i r own k n i t t i n g ; and I have found out a manufacturer whom I hope I s h a l l p r e v a i l upon t o buy the s t o c k -i n g s ; but as they w i l l probably s p i n a great d e a l more m a t e r i a l than they can use, I must f i n d another who w i l l take the y a r n when spun . . . . I can get wheels f o r s p i n n i n g wool f o r about f o u r s h i l l i n g s and sixpence each . . . . 5 6 She had some knowledge o f the seamy s i d e of London. She and o f f i c e r s from Bow S t r e e t took p a r t i n a lengthy s e a r c h through London l o d g i n g houses f o r an eloped f o u r t e e n year o l d s c h o o l g i r l and her seducer. She wrote, MMy time has been l i t e r a l l y p a s t w i t h t h i e f - t a k e r s , o f f i c e r s o f j u s t i c e , and such p r e t t y k i n d o f people."-" On another o c c a s i o n she went to the a i d o f an attempted s u i c i d e , a g i r l whose " f a t h e r had s o l d her at s i x t e e n i n the King's Bench, to a f e l l o w - p r i s o n e r , " and found her i n lodgings " i n a s t r e e t of very bad fame."^ 8 For a woman of her s t a t i o n she had unique o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r knowledge o f the poor.-59 The most c o n v i n c i n g , though scanty, proof t h a t she s t r u c k the r i g h t note i s testimony by the poor themselves t h a t they were i n f l u e n c e d by the t r a c t s . The t u r n of the century l a b o u r e r l e f t l i t t l e w r i t t e n evidence o f h i s i d e a s and motives, and h i s c l a s s remains f o r the h i s t o r i a n o f the p e r i o d v i t a l but l a r g e l y i n a r t i c u l a t e . The few known cases of change of heart due to i n f l u e n c e o f the t r a c t s may r e p r e s e n t o n l y them-s e l v e s or many more. The most common and most vague evidence o f e f f e c t i v e n e s s i s the o f t e n repeated c o n v i c t i o n on the p a r t of Hannah More's f r i e n d s and acquaintances t h a t she was do i n g a g r e a t d e a l o f good through her t r a c t s . 6 0 S l i g h t l y l e s s d i f f u s e i s the evidence o f p a r t i c u l a r clergymen t h a t the Cheap R e p o s i t o r y T r a c t s were o f b e n e f i t to t h e i r p a r i s h e s 0 ^ and o f a York b o o k s e l l e r t h a t "the poor were very fond o f them." 6 2 The More s i s t e r s taught i n t h e i r s c h o o l s the same views which appeared on the pages of the t r a c t s . That the ph i l o s o p h y was not r e p e l l e n t t o the v i l l a g e r s i s i n d i c a t e d by the response o f the men o f Shipham i n "a time o f great i n s u b o r d i n a t i o n and d i s l o y a l t y . " Every " s i n g l e e f f e c t i v e male i n h a b i t a n t . . . came forward, begging p e r m i s s i o n t o e n r o l l h i m s e l f i n an asso-c i a t i o n , i f i t were necessary, or, at any r a t e , r e q u e s t i n g t h a t t h e i r l i t t l e community might send up an address, expres-s i v e o f t h e i r h o r r o r of r e v o l u t i o n a r y p r i n c i p l e s , and t h e i r d e s i r e to prove t h e i r l o y a l t y on any s u i t a b l e o c c a s i o n . " 0 3 There are recorded a few s p e c i f i c cases where the t r a c t s seem to have a f f e c t e d b e h a v i o r . There were the two r i o t s r e p u t e d l y stopped by Hannah More's b a l l a d "The R i o t " 6 4 and t h e r e was a "poor s a i l o r , who r e f u s e d two guineas f o r s a v i n g a man's l i f e , because the l i t t l e books [the Cheap R e p o s i t o r y Tracts], t o l d him he must not be p a i d f o r d o i n g good, but must do i t f o r the l o v e o f God."65 The Reverend J . Venn, r e c t o r of Clapham r e -corded the c o n v e r s i o n o f a p a r i s h i o n e r i n e v a n g e l i c a l l y toned d e t a i l : The case which has suggested t h e s e r e f l e c t i o n s , i s t h a t o f a poor man i n t h i s v i l l a g e , who l a t e l y d i e d i n a most p e n i t e n t and happy s t a t e , which he owed e n t i r e l y t o the p e r u s a l o f your l i t t l e t r a c t s . He was a d r i v e r o f one o f the stage coaches i n t h i s 116 p l a c e , was very drunken and p r o f l i g a t e , and never attended a p l a c e o f worship; but b e g i n n i n g to s i n k under the i n j u r i e s which dram d r i n k i n g d i d t o h i s c o n s t i t u t i o n , one of our benevolent v i s i -t o r s o f the d i s t r i c t i n which he l i v e d , c a l l e d upon him, and l e f t with him a p a r c e l o f t r a c t s . 'Sorrowful Sam* was the one which p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r u c k him, and was b l e s s e d , I t h i n k I may j u s t l y say, t o h i s e n t i r e c o n v e r s i o n . H i s i l l n e s s was l o n g and l i n g e r i n g , but he gave every s a t i s f a c t i o n which c o u l d be d e s i r e d o f a s o l i d change of h e a r t ; and upon h i s death he e a r n e s t l y d e s i r e d t h a t a copy o f t h a t t r a c t might be given t o each o f h i s c h i l d r e n , with a solemn charge to them t o read i t over every month. H i s widow was a l s o very deeply impressed, and i s become now, I hope, t r u e l y r e l i g i o u s ; and thus has a whole f a m i l y , probably, been rescued from r u i n by t h a t e x c e l l e n t t r a c t . 0 0 T h i s p a r t i c u l a r t r a c t was w r i t t e n by S a l l y More, but under the e d i t o r s h i p o f Hannah i t would have conformed t o her standards f o r lower c l a s s l i t e r a t u r e . Even i f i t i s conceded t h a t t h e t r a c t s l a c k e d the a p p r o p r i a t e tone f o r the common man, a co n c e s s i o n t h a t the evidence does not seem to support, they may have been read simply because they were cheap, simple r e a d i n g matter. In the second h a l f o f the e i g h t e e n t h century the number o f working c l a s s men and women who c o u l d read was growing, due to the Sunday s c h o o l s , the c h a r i t y s c h o o l s , and a s l i g h t l y h i g h e r standard o f l i v i n g , and t h e r e was an i n c r e a s e d demand f o r cheap r e a d i n g matter which was s u i t a b l e f o r the s e m i - l i t e r a t e . There were a v a i l a b l e near the t u r n o f the century chap-books, b l u e -books (a cheap form o f the Gothic n o v e l ) , almanacs, b r o a d s i d e s , and i l l e g a l newspapers o f a r a d i c a l tendency. 0? The supply was i n s u f f i c i e n t f o r the demand and the q u a l i t y was i n many cases low. Hannah More's s p r i g h t l y , w e l l - w r i t t e n t r a c t s with t h e i r common sense and touches of wit must have appeared as green oases i n a d e s e r t o f l i t e r a r y t r a s h . A man who belonged to the g e n e r a t i o n brought up upon Hannah More's t r a c t s s a i d , "Next t o John Bunyan, [Hannah MoreJ i s the most remarkable i n s t a n c e of a person a b l e t o make e x p o s i t i o n o f d o c t r i n a l views t o be i n t e r e s t i n g r e a d i n g , even to those who are i n d i f -f e r e n t about o r opposed to the d o c t r i n e s themselves." Her t r a c t s formed "a p r i n c i p a l p a r t o f many an E n g l i s h c o t t a g e r ' s l i b r a r y , " * * 9 and although i t has been suggested t h a t t r a c t s were o n l y kept f o r d i s p l a y t o the clergyman or v i s i t i n g l a d -70 l e s i t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e t h a t they were read f o r amusement by a p r i n t - h u n g r y people. T h e i r author would have hoped t h a t some " u s e f u l " i n f o r m a t i o n rubbed o f f i n the p r o c e s s . I t i s evident t h a t Hannah More knew the poor, t r i e d t o speak t h e i r language, and appealed t o at l e a s t some of her r e a d e r s . T h i s was not t r u e o f a l l t r a c t w r i t e r s o f her day. One o f her f r i e n d s observed t h a t Archdeacon Paley i n Reasons  f o r Contentment Addressed to the Labouring P a r t o f the B r i t i s h  P u b l i c d i s p l a y e d an i n f e r i o r u nderstanding o f the common l a n -guage than Hannah More d i d i n her t r a c t s . 7 * I t i s a v e r d i c t d i f f i c u l t to d i s p u t e . P a l e y ' s s t r a i n e d r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s o f the b l e s s i n g s o f p o v e r t y — " F r u g a l i t y i t s e l f i s a p l e a s u r e . . . . T h i s i s l o s t amidst abundance"—were more l i k e l y t o a l i e n -ate than convince the p o o r . 7 2 The charges of i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s because of f a u l t y knowledge or method are a p p r o p r i a t e l y l a i d a g a i n s t some t r a c t w r i t e r s o f the 1790's but not a g a i n s t Hannah More. 118 In a s s e s s i n g i n f l u e n c e o f the t r a c t s t h e i r e f f e c t upon the poor i s o n l y one p o i n t of c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Although the t r a c t s were w r i t t e n f o r the E n g l i s h poor, t h e i r appeal was more wide spread. The wealthy were d e l i g h t e d w i t h them. T r a c t d i s t r i b u t o r s f o r a l o n g time t o come adopted Hannah More's technique o f t e a c h i n g l o y a l t y and r e l i g i o n through wholesomely e n t e r t a i n i n g t a l e s and b a l l a d s . 7 3 The f o u n d i n g i n 1799 of the R e l i g i o u s T r a c t S o c i e t y , a body sponsored by both E v a n g e l i c a l s and D i s s e n t e r s , f o l l o w e d c l o s e l y upon the Cheap R e p o s i t o r y T r a c t s ' s u c c e s s . The upper c l a s s e s read and enjoyed the t r a c t s . P r i n c e s s Sophia o f G l o u c e s t e r was "amused as much as . . . charmed" by the t r a c t s , 7 4 a clergyman wrote t h a t h i s own s o u l had been touched by one o f the t r a c t s , 7 5 and R i c h a r d Owen Cambridge thought t h a t S w i f t c o u l d not have p e r -formed b e t t e r than Hannah More had i n V i l l a g e P o l i t i c s . Nearly a y e a r a f t e r the Cheap Re p o s i t o r y t r a c t s commenced appe a r i n g the demand from the upper c l a s s e s f o r an e d i t i o n o f b e t t e r q u a l i t y paper s u i t a b l e f o r b i n d i n g r e s u l t e d i n two e d i t i o n s of each i s s u e . 7 7 These t r a c t s were s t a p l e s i n the l i t e r a r y d i e t of E n g l i s h c h i l d r e n brought up i n the f i r s t two decades of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . 7 8 There are s e v e r a l p o s s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r the t r a c t s ' p o p u l a r i t y as upper c l a s s r e a d i n g matter. They may have h e l d a m i r r o r up t o contemporary l a b o u r i n g l i f e and charmed by t h e i r f a i t h f u l r e f l e c t i o n of a world which the w e l l - t o - d o knew from a d i s t a n c e . On the o t h e r hand they may have por-t r a y e d an i d e a l i z e d v e r s i o n of a world t h a t was p a s s i n g , much 119 to the regret of the upper layers of society. Cobbett harkened back to a si m i l a r i d e a l i z e d golden age i n his appeals to the ordinary Englishman. The tr a c t s * simple, t r u s t i n g f a i t h i n a God who made everything come right i n the end may have struck a responsive cord i n cu l t i v a t e d as well as common Englishmen. Certainly the evangelical approach to r e l i g i o n gained ground i n England as the decades passed and the fathers of the Bible reading and domestically praying Victorians may have responded to Hannah More's evangelical message, even i n very simple form. The t r a c t s were also popular abroad. Some were trans-lated into I t a l i a n and c i r c u l a t e d through the new r e p u b l i c , 7 9 the Rajah of Tanjore prefered Hannah More's t r a c t s to Johnson's 80 Rambler. the tr a c t s were "read with a v i d i t y " at Sie r r a 81 Leone, and after the war the Paris Religious Tract Society wanted to p r i n t an expensive edition of selected t r a c t s f or the F r e n c h . 8 2 America was deluged with t r a c t s . In 1796 P i t t reported that 40,000 t r a c t s had been sent to America. 8 3 In July 1797 William Cobbett, then i n Philadelphia, ordered two thousand of each of the Cheap Repository t r a c t s from Hannah 84. More. * Zachary Macaulay i n Sierra Leone sent specimens of the t r a c t s to a correspondent, Dr. Samuel Hopkins, i n Newport, 8 *> Rhode Island. 0 The t r a c t s were also printed i n America. They were published separately, as they appeared i n England, and i n 1800 as a s e r i a l i n forty-two weekly issues. The most popular t r a c t s continued to be reprinted f o r years, and at mid-century a se l e c t i o n was being published i n New York by the American Tract Society and i n Philadelphia by the Episcopal 120 Female Tract Society. At one time there were more than 150,000 copies of The Shepherd of Salisbury P l a i n , one of the t r a c t s , i n c i r c u l a t i o n . 8 7 The American puritan t r a d i t i o n and i n t e r e s t i n revivalism can explain the t r a c t s * popularity i n the United States, but the reason f o r t h e i r appeal i n various corners of Europe, A f r i c a , and Asia which possessed cultures and r e l i g i o n s very d i f f e r e n t from that of England remains a mystery. Once again, i n her t r a c t s as i n her essays and her s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s philosophy, Hannah More was a blend of old and new. She innovated when she selected the seductive format of the chapman's wares for her pure t a l e s and ballads and when she adapted the Evangelical penchant for organization to the d i s t r i b u t i o n of t r a c t s . With the poor as with the r i c h she depended upon the appeal of a t r a d i t i o n a l concept of s o c i -ety. She assumed that they were "Church and King" and would respond to arguments based upon t h i s assumption. Her cheap publications augmented other forces—Wesleyanism, the Loyal Associations, the repressive law enforcement—which fought i n -subordination i n the l a t e eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. They helped teach r e l i g i o n of the heart to the children of the r i c h and of the poor, contributed to the im-provement i n manners and morals which contemporaries noted approvingly, and aided, by t h e i r mere m u l t i p l i c i t y , the growth of a labouring class reading public. 121 Footnotes Thomas Paine, The Rights of Man (Dolphin ed., New York, published with Reflections on the Revolution i n France by Edmund Burke, 1 9 6 1 ) , p. 3 7 1 . 2 William Roberts, Memoirs of the L i f e and Corres-pondence of Mrs. Hannah More (London, 1 8 3 4 ) , Vol. I I , p. 3 7 8 , Hannah More to Mrs. Boscawen, Bath, 1 7 9 3 . [bate i s incorrect, probably January, 1 7 9 2 J ^Georgiana, Lady Chatterton (ed.), Memorials. Per-sonal and H i s t o r i c a l of Admiral Lord Gambler. G.C.B. (London, 1 8 6 1 ) , Vol. I, p. 2 0 5 , Hannah More to Mrs. Bouverie, Bath, 24 December 1792 . ^Roberts, op_. c i t . , Vol. I I , pp. 346 - 352, Bishop Porteus, Mrs. Montagu, and Mrs. Boscawen to Hannah More, 1 7 9 2 . -*Ibid. . Vol. I I , p. 3 5 1 . Mrs. Boscawen to Hannah More, 1 7 9 2 . P. 3 7 9 , Hannah More to Mrs. Boscawen, Bath, 1 7 9 3 , [Date i s incorrect, probably January, 1 7 9 2 . J I b i d . , Vol. I I , p. 3 4 9 , Mrs. Montagu to Hannah More, 1 7 9 2 . 7 I b i d . , Vol. I I , pp. 3 50 - 3 5 1 , Mrs. Boscawen to Hannah More, 1 7 9 2 . 8 I b i d . . Vol. I l l , p. 1 3 2 , Hannah More to Dr. Beadon, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1 8 0 1 . 9 I b i d . . Vol. I I , p. 3 4 6 . 1 0 I b i d . . Vol. I I , p. 3 4 8 , Bishop Porteus to Hannah More, Fulham, £L792j. 1 : LR. K. Webb, The B r i t i s h Working Class Reader 1 7 9 0 - 1 8 4 8 . Literacy and Social Tension (London, 1 9 5 5 ) , p. 4 2 . -• ^The B r i t i s h Museum Catalogue of Printed Books. Vol. XXXVIII, c o l . 5 7 0 , ascribes another pamphlet by W i l l Chip to Hannah More, A Country Carpenter's Confession of Faith; with  a few p l a i n remarks on The Age of Reason. In a l e t t e r from  W i l l Chip. Carpenter, i n Somersetshire, to T. Pain, Stavmaker.  i n Paris. 1 7 9 4 . G. H. Spinney, "Cheap Respository Tracts: Hazard and Marshall E d i t i o n , " The Library A Quarterly Review  of Bibliography. 4 t h Series, Vol. XX (December, 1 9 3 9 ) , p. 297 thinks i t i s "very probable that i t i s her work," and mentions that i t was entered at Stationers' H a l l on 11 Oct., 1 7 9 4 . Han-nah More writing to S i r Charles Middleton from Cowslip Green, 122 30 October [JL794J adds i n a postscript, "I never saw or heard of a pamphlet advertised by the name of W i l l Chip, and which I suppose i s ascribed to me." Chatterton, op_. ext., Vol. I, p. 268. Hannah More i n the same l e t t e r discussed her plans f o r the Cheap Repository Tracts so concealment of producing t h i s sort of work was not a motive. Furthermore honesty was one of her chief c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . She might remain s i l e n t while authorship of one of her anonymous works was discussed, but she would not deny i t outright. * 3Roberts, op., ext., Vol. I l l , p. 135. Hannah More to Bishop Beadon, 1801. l 4 I b i d . . Vol. I I , p. 454 and pp. 427 - 428, Bishop Porteus to Hannah More, London, 1795 and 1794. Chatterton, op. c i t . . Vol. I, pp. 266 - 268, Hannah More to S i r Charles Middleton, Cowslip Green, 30 October £71794}. 1 5 C h a t t e r t o n , op_. ext., Vol. I, p. 349, Hannah More to S i r Charles Middleton, Bath, January 10 [17967. 1°W. S. Lewis (ed.), The Yale Edition of Horace Wal-pole's Correspondence with Hannah More. Lady Browne. Lady  George Lennox. Lady Mary Coke. Anne P i t t . Lady Hervey. Lady  Suffolk. Mary Hamilton (Mrs. John Dickenson) (New Haven, 1961), Vol. XXXI, pp. 395 - 397, Horace Walpole to Hannah More, Berkeley Square, Saturday, January 24, 1795. 1 7Spinney, l o c . ext. p. 302. l 8 B a t h Chronicle. March 4, 1795. Quoted by Spinney, l o c . c i t . . p. 302. -^Spinney, l o c . c i t . . p. 302. 2 0 I b i d . , p. 3 0 3 . 2lChatterton, op. £it., Vol. I, p. 294. 22ibid., V ol. I, p. 274. 23Roberts, op_. c i t . V o l . I I , p. 432. The selections too f u l l of love and p o l i t i c s were from William Mason. She did not know "what so great a man w i l l say at having any of his offerings rejected." 2 4 F o r authorship see Spinney, l o c . ext., pp. 310 -311. Nearly h a l f the t r a c t s were written by Hannah More. I t i s probable that others were by William Mason, Henry Thornton, John Newton, Selina M i l l s , and Zachary Macaulay. 123 25R 0berts, op_. ext., Vol. I I , p. 4 2 8 , Bishop Porteus to Hannah More, 1 7 9 4 . 2 oSpinney, l o c . c i t . . p. 295. 2 7Roberts, op_. ext., Vol. I I , p. 429, Hannah More to Rev. J . Newton, Bath, 1794. Henry Thompson, The L i f e of Han-nah More with Notices of Her S i s t e r s (London,.1838), p. 153. 28 Chatterton, op., ext., Vol. I, p. 2 8 5 , Hannah More to Mrs. Bouverie, Cowslip Green, August 14, [ 17953. I n The Way  to Plenty "the part you w i l l meet with, about having a shoul-der of mutton on Easter Monday, was taken from a conversation I had . . . l a s t Easter Monday, when we met your carpenter, & c , going to keep the holiday." 2 9 F o r a l i s t of booksellers see A. de Morgan, Notes  and Queries. 3 r d Series, Vol. VI (September 2 4 , 1 8 6 4 ) , p. 2 4 2 . 3°Spinney, l o c . ext., p. 3 0 9 . 3 1Roberts, op_. c i t . , V ol. I I , pp. 430 - 432, Hannah More to her s i s t e r , London, 1795 and pp. 445 - 4 4 6 , Hannah More to William Wilberforce, London, 1 7 9 6 . 12 Ibid.. Vol. I I , p. 4 3 1 , Hannah More to her s i s t e r , London, 1795? p. 4 5 6 , Bishop Porteus to Hannah More, Sunbridge, October 9 , 1 7 9 5 ; pp. 458 - 4 5 9 , Hannah More to Zachary Mac-aulay, Bath, January 6 , 1 7 9 6 . 3 3 C h a t t e r t o n , op_. ext., Vol. I, p. 3 4 9 , Hannah More to S i r Charles Middleton, Bath, January 1 0 , [17961. 3 4Spinney, l o c . ext., p. 3 0 3 . 3 5 R i c h a r d D. A l t i c k , The English Common Reader, A  Social History of the Mass Reading Public 1800-1900 (Chicago, 1 9 5 7 ) , p. 7 5 . 3 6Spinney, l o c . ext., pp. 301 - 3 0 2 . The figure of two m i l l i o n for the f i r s t year appears i n Roberts, op_. ext., Vol. I l l , p. 6 1 , Hannah More's Journal, September 2 2 , 1 7 9 8 . 17 ' " A l t i c k , op., ext., pp. 6 9 - 7 0 3 8Chatterton, op_. ext., Vol. I, p. 274, Hannah More to Mrs. Bouverie, January 1795 (?). Spinney, l o c . c i t . . pp. 303 -3 0 9 . M. G. Jones, Hannah More (Cambridge, 1 9 5 2 ) , pp. 142 - 1 4 3 . Miss Jones has drawn on l e t t e r s i n the Forster Papers. 3 9Roberts, op_. ext., Vol. I l l , p. 9 2 , Rev. James Bean to Hannah More, Carshalton, May, 1 7 9 9 . 124 Spinney, l o c • c i t . . p. 308. Samuel Marshall's i n t e r -pretation of a t y p i c a l Hannah More theme, " I t ' s a l l for the best," i s expressed by a poor cobbler whose wife presented him with t r i p l e t s instead of the expected single mouth to feed: *0 never you mind' Says I, 'Be resign'd, There's no use to f r e t and to stew.' Now sure I was r i g h t For before the next night The two eldest took leave and withdrew. 4*R. J . White, Waterloo to Peterloo (London: Mercury Books, 1 9 6 3 ) , passim, p a r t i c u l a r l y chaps, i x , x i , and x i i . Roberts op., ext., Vol. I l l , p. 4 7 3 , Hannah More to S i r William W. Pepys, Barley Wood, January 24, 1817. 42Roberts, op_. ext., Vol. I l l , p. 4 6 8 , Hannah More to the Misses Roberts. The paragraph i s based on pp. 4 6 6 - 481, l e t t e r s written i n the f i r s t quarter of 1 8 1 7 from Hannah More to the Misses Roberts, S i r William W. Pepys, and Mr. Harford. 4 3Hannah More, Works of Hannah More (London, 1 8 3 4 ) , Vol. XI, p. 144. 4 4 I b i d . . Vol. I, pp. 169 - 170. 4%annah More was charged with " l e t t i n g the poor know that the great have f a u l t s . " She replied i n part, "They must be very d u l l i f they have not found out the f a u l t s alluded to before . . . . When I wrote for the poor, I only spoke of t h e i r f a u l t s , and kept those of the great out of sight, and i n each story introduced a most exemplary clergyman, and none but such." Roberts, op., ext., Vol. I l l , pp. 390 - 391, Hannah More to Lady O l i v i a Sparrow, 1813. She could not have been unaware that she revealed the f a u l t s of the great. Probably, i n the above quotation, she was on the defensive and glossed over her exposure of a r i s t o c r a t i c f o i b l e s . ^Roberts, op., ext., Vol. I I , p. 3 8 6 , Hannah More to Mrs. Boscawen, Cowslip Green, November, 1 7 9 3 . The date i s wrong, i t i s more l i k e l y to be at le a s t two years l a t e r ; and Henry Thompson, op_. ext., p.158. 4 7More, op., ext., Vol. VI, pp. 6 2 - 6 5 . 4 8 A l t i c k , op_. ext., p. 104, writes, "The most serious mistake made by Hannah More and her generation of d i s c i p l e s was to underestimate the independence and i n t e l l i g e n c e of the humbly born Englishman. Their assumption was that he was a d u l l beast who, i f he were treated with some kindness, could be r e l i e d upon to follow the bidding of h i s superiors. They did not reckon on the p o s s i b i l i t y that he had a mind of h i s 125 own, a stubborn w i l l , and a strong sense of h i s own dignity-even i n the midst of degradation. Because of t h i s , t r a c t s and the bearers of t r a c t s often rubbed him the wrong way." This comment suggests that Mr. A l t i c k has not read Hannah More widely or thoroughly. H 7George Rude, The Crowd i n History A Study of Popular  Disturbances i n France and England 1730-1848 (New York, 1964), P. 2 5 5 . 5°Webb, op_. ext., pp. 27 - 2 8 , pp. 159 - 160. A l t i c k op. ext., pp. 104 - 1 0 7 . He suggests, however, that t h i s was increasingly true after 1 8 1 5 . ^^Webb, op_. ext., p. 159. 5 2Chatterton, op_. ext., Vol. I, p. 275. 5 3 I b i d . . Vol. I, p. 267 , Hannah More to S i r Charles Middleton, Cowslip Green, 30 October (l794j. 5 4 I b i d . . Vol. I, pp. 275 - 276. S^Ibid.. Vol. I, p. 268, Hannah More to S i r Charles Middleton, Cowslip Green, 30 October, [1794]. 56Roberts, op., ext., Vol. I I , pp. 218 - 219. Hannah More to William Wilberforce, Cowslip Green, n.d., 0.789?] 5 7 I b i d . , Vol. I I , pp. 334 - 336, Hannah More to Mrs. Kennicott, London, A p r i l 2 3 , [1792]. 5 8Roberts, op_. ext., Vol. I I , pp. 338 - 3 3 9 , Hannah More to her s i s t e r , London, 1 7 9 2 . 5 9 c h a t t e r t o n , op_. ext., Vol. I, p. 266, Hannah More to S i r Charles Middleton, Cowslip Green, 30 October, [1794J . "My f a m i l i a r acquaintance with vulgar l i f e leads me to the know-ledge of some small avenues to usefulness, which much better people than myself, who l i v e i n the great world, cannot know." ^Roberts, op_. ext., Vol. I I , pp. 452 - 4 5 3 , Bishop Porteus to Hannah More, London, 1 7 9 5 ; pp. 348 - 3 4 9 , Mrs. Montagu to Hannah More, 1 7 9 2 . 6 l I b i d . . Vol. I l l , p. 197, Hannah More's Journal for 1 8 0 3 , September 3 0 , pp. 92 - 93, Reverend James Bean to Hannah More, Charshalton, May, 1799. 6 2 Roberts, op. ext., Vol. I I , p. 4 5 5 , Bishop Porteus to Hannah More, Sunbridge, October 9, 1795. 126 ^ A r t h u r Roberts (ed.), Mendip Annals: or. a Narrative  of the Charitable Labours of Hannah and Martha More i n Their  Neighbourhood. Being the Journal of Martha More (2nd ed.: London, 1859), note, p. 242. 6 4 S e e pp. 103 - 104 supra. ^ W i l l i a m Roberts, p_p_. ext., Vol. I I , p. 446, Hannah More to William Wilberforce, London, 1796. 6 6 I b i d . . Vol. I l l , pp. 321 - 322, J . Venn to Hannah More, Clapham, A p r i l 30, 1810. rgaret D a l z i e l , Popular F i c t i o n of One Hundred  Years Ago (London, 1957), pp. 5 - 8 . ^ 8A. de Morgan, l o c . ext., p. 241. 69 H enry Thompson, op_. ext., p. 150. He was writing within f i v e years of Hannah More's death. 70 Webb, op_. c i t . . p. 27. The s t a t i s t i c s upon which he bases h i s comments come from the Journal of S t a t i s t i c a l Society  of London. Vol. I, p. 457 - 458 (December, 1830), and Vol. XI, p. 218 (August, 1848). I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that Webb's conclu-sion i s based upon London sources and Thompson's upon those of r u r a l Somersetshire. 71 ' W i l l i a m Roberts, op_. ext., Vol. I I , p. 351. Mrs. Boscawen to Hannah More, 1792. 72Newcastle, 1819 D-7931. For a reaction to i t see A Letter to William Paley. M.A. Archdeacon of C a r l i s l e , from  A Poor Labourer, i n Answer to His Reason for Contentment.  Addressed to the Labouring Part of the B r i t i s h Public (London, 1793). 73Altick, op. ext., p. 76. 74william Roberts, op_. ext., Vol. I l l , p. 470, Prin-cess Sophia to Hannah More, Bagshot Park, January 21 JJL8173. 7 5 w i l l i am Roberts, op_. ext., Vol. I l l , p. 197, Hannah More's Journal for 1803, September 30. 7 6 i D j d . . Vol. I I , p. 348, Bishop Porteus to Hannah More, Fulham, [17923. Also see p. 350, Mrs. Boscawen to Hannah More, 1792. The Duchess referred to i n t h i s l e t t e r i s the Duchess of Beaufort. 77ibid. , Vol. I I , pp. 457 - 458. Also see Spinney, l o c . ext., p. 303. 127 78 'A. de Morgan, l o c . ext., p. 241. 7 g C h a t t erton, op_. ext., Vol. I, p. 334, Hannah More to Mrs. Bouverie, Bath, December 28, U17972-8 o W i l l i a m Roberts, op_. ext., Vol. I I , pp. 433 - 434, Lady Waldegrave to a fr i e n d , n.d. S l l b i d . . Vol. I l l , p. 5, Bishop Porteus to Hannah More, St. James Square, January 16, 1797. 8 2 I b i d . . Vol. IV, pp. 35 - 36, Hannah More to the Misses Roberts, 1818. Also see p. 120, Hannah More to S i r William W. Pepys, Barley Wood, December 23, 1820. 8 3 I b i d . . Vol. I I , p. 470, Hannah More to Martha More, Fulham Palace, 1796. 8 4 C h a t t e r t o n , op., ext., Vol. I, p. 329, Hannah More to S i r Charles Middleton, jjuly 28, 1797 J . Viscountess Knuts-ford, L i f e and Letters of Zacharv Macaulay (London, 1900), pp. 177 - 178, Hannah More to Zachary Macaulay, Cowslip Green, September 8, 1797* G. D. H. Cole (ed.), Letters from William  Cobbett to Edward Thornton written i n the Years 1797-1800 (London, 1937), p. 5, Bustleton, 27 August, 1798. 85Rnutsford, op_. ext., p. 180. I t would be i n t e r e s t -i n g to know what t h i s extreme C a l v i n i s t who denied that un-r.egenerate sould could or should pray thought of Hannah More's Arminian t r a c t s . For Hopkins see Edmund S. Morgan, The Gentle  Puritan; A L i f e of Ezra Styles 1727-1795 (New Haven, 1962), chap, x i , passim. OA Harry B. Weiss, Hannah More's Cheap Repository  Tracts i n America (New York, 1946), pp. 5 - 6 . 8 7Ibid.» pp. 9 - 10. CHAPTER V Conclusion Hannah More, a v i l l a g e school master's daughter, became a c e l e b r i t y . Her name was f a m i l i a r to a generation of C hristians from childhood,* and at Barley Wood she received more v i s i t s from "bishops, nobles, and persons of d i s t i n c t i o n o than perhaps any private family i n the kingdom." How did she achieve such eminence? Patronage launched her career. Her personal charm enhanced her talents, and those B r i s t o l acquaintances whom she impressed i n her youth helped her to gain entree into London l i t e r a r y society. John Langhorne, poet, c r i t i c , and rejected s u i t o r , did much to help her early l i t e r a r y career. He wrote the prologue to The I n f l e x i b l e Captive and an admir-ing review of her f i r s t volume of poems fo r the February 1776 Monthly Review. 3 Dr. James Stonehouse probably recommended her to h i s friends, David Garrick and Samuel Johnson, both of whom helped to make her a notable f i g u r e i n l i t e r a r y London. Garrick ensured the success of Percy by his personal superin-tendence of the production and wrote the prologue and e p i -logue. 4 Johnson's judgement that she was "the most powerful v e r s i f i c a t r i x i n the English language," 5 was sure to carry weight among the l i t e r a t i . In order to maintain a prominent place i n the l i t e r a r y world Hannah More needed tale n t , f o r the cultivated eighteenth century reader would not accept an inelegant s t y l e . 6 In 129 general her contemporaries approved of the way she wrote, 7 although most were more moderate i n t h e i r enthusiasm than Bishop Porteus who fulsomely praised S t r i c t u r e s on the Modern  System of Female Education i n one of h i s episcopal charges to the clergy: "Such b r i l l i a n c e of wit, such richness of imag-ery, such variety and f e l i c i t y of a l l u s i o n , such neatness and elegance of d i c t i o n , as are not, I conceive, e a s i l y to be found combined and blended together i n another work i n the English language." Her measured periods appear a r t i f i c i a l to a modern reader, and i t i s when she abandoned the conventional l i t e r a r y mode, and addressed the lower orders or her corres-pondents that her words come to l i f e , and that her insight into human motivation, and s k i l l i n character delineation become most apparent. But what seems s t i l t e d or insincere to one age may seem deeply-felt to another. Her reputation as a dramatist and poet was made p r i o r to her conversion to Evangelicalism and ensured that her "serious" books would be read. When Percy appeared i n London i n l a t e 1777 i t became the most successful tragedy to play there for many years. Lord Lyt t l e t o n watched every perfor-mance f o r the f i r s t week.9 Ten years l a t e r a London r e v i v a l of Percy was well received, and moved Charles Fox to t e a r s . * 0 The following year she published her f i r s t evangelically moti-vated c r i t i c i s m of "the great." James Stephen wrote to Hannah More: "Many who too r a r e l y open a r e l i g i o u s book w i l l read a work of yours, even on p r a c t i c a l piety, l e s t they should seem to be ignorant of such n o v e l i t i e s i n the l i t e r a r y 130 world as are sure to engage general attention.'*** The fundamental reason f o r her popularity was the compatibility of her attitudes with those of most of her readers. The E c l e c t i c Review i n 1811 accounted f o r her "high esteem with the public at large" by noting that "her p r i n -c i p l e s , though too s t r i c t for general adoption, are afte r a l l the most i n t e r e s t i n g to the feelings of mankind, the most suita b l e to t h e i r wants, the most concordant with t h e i r under-standings and experience . . . ."* 2 Thomas de Quincey, an antipathetic c r i t i c , f e l t that her works were espe c i a l l y adapted to those "who seek, i n a l l they read, to see t h e i r own ordinary sentiments r e f l e c t e d . " * 3 The Evangelical Lord Teignmouth wrote Hannah More: " I t i s sure that we have many excellent manuals of piety and devotion; but the public taste varies, and those productions only which are adapted to i t w i l l stimulate i t . . . you possess the tale n t of adapting your writings to a l l tastes, with very few exceptions."* 4  The B r i t i s h C r i t i c approvingly noted "the soundness of [Hannah More'sJ p r i n c i p l e s i n everything which regards our es t a b l i s h -ments i n church and state."*-* Hannah More was herself con-scious that her success was due i n part to her response to a p r e v a i l i n g public mood. I f I have been favoured with a measure of success, which has as much exceeded my expectation as my desert, I ascribe i t p a r t l y to a d i s p o s i t i o n i n the public mind to encourage, i n these days of alarm, attack, and agitation, any productions of which the tendency i s favourable to good order and C h r i s t i a n morals . . . . In some instances I t r u s t I have written seasonably, when I have 131 not been able to write well. Several pieces, perhaps of small value i n themselves, have helped to supply i n some i n f e r i o r degree the exigence of the moment . . . . On that which had only a temporary use, I do not aspire to b u i l d a l a s t i n g reputation. 16 As the eighteenth century progressed a noticeable improvement occurred i n English manners and humanitarian con-cern. 1? Responsible men and women were increasingly aware of the s u f f e r i n g of the i l l , aged, orphaned, criminal, and en-slaved, and sought i t s r e l i e f . A country woman "was the lady doctor of a l l the country round." 1 8 Even the imperious Lady Holland gave up pastry and r e s t r i c t e d bread consumption i n her household during a period of s c a r c i t y . 1 9 Elizabeth Fry, s t i l l i n her teens, v i s i t e d the Norwich poor and s i c k . Jonas Hanway helped establish Magdalen Hospital, and brought the cause of young chimney sweeps and London foundlings to the House of Commons. Granville Sharp took the slave's cause to court and won the decision that a slave was free as soon as 20 he set foot on English s o i l . Toward the end of the century the semblance of r e l i -gion became "fashionable," and "morality and the whole duty of man fjwerej. the haut t o n . " 2 1 For some r e l i g i o n became a form of nationalism and Hannah More commented i n 1792: " I t i s the fashion to a f f e c t to be r e l i g i o u s and to show i t by inveighing against the wickedness of France! I r e a l l y know many who believe they are pious on no other ground." 2 2 Most of her d i d a c t i c writing coincided with the period of revolu-tionary alarm i n England. 2 3 i n an era of government secret 132 committees, spies and treason t r i a l s , of l o c a l watch and ward organizations, and of troop manoeuvers 2 4 many people turned to r e l i g i o n as a second l i n e of defence against insubordina-t i o n . 25 Some who feared s o c i a l inversion became convinced that t h e i r own outward, i f not inward, conformity to r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e s was necessary f o r the preservation of the s o c i a l order;26 by admitting the equality of souls they helped to bridge the developing gap between the "two nations" and de-f l e c t e d attention from s o c i a l e q u a l i t y . 2 7 There was a r e l i g i o s i t y which had preceded the new ton. Many people had as children been trained i n C h r i s t i a n precepts and followed them i n adult l i f e . They were not necessarily " v i t a l " C h r istians, but l i k e the correct Lady Spencer who possessed a sense of "duty" to God and to her fellowmen, and believed i n the u t i l i t y of a reputation f o r 28 r e c t i t u d e . Others, l i k e Lady Spencer's daughter, the Duch-ess of Devonshire, intended to follow t h e i r C h r i s t i a n t r a i n i n g , but found despite a w i l l i n g s p i r i t that the f l e s h was weak. The Duchess read sermons, wrote (when i n p e r i l ) hymns, heard her children's prayers, and f e l t pangs of conscience i f on Sunday (as often happened) she played cards, or overslept and missed church, 2 9 but at the same time, through extravagance and compulsive gambling, she went into debt to approximately £100,000 and bore an i l l e g i t i m a t e daughter by Charles Grey, the future prime minister. Even those who "quite abhor[redJ the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n " often had "a considerable share of information i n theology" 3® which they aired i n society. 1 3 3 In t h i s milieu Hannah More's books found w i l l i n g readers. Those who were apprehensive of domestic unrest and national danger were t r a n q u i l i z e d by her platitudinous s o c i a l views. The humanitarians gleaned from her pages ideas f o r improving the l o t of the p o o r — c o l l e c t i o n s of cheap, nourish-i n g recipes, hints on the establishment of a charity school, methods f o r bringing fraudulent shopkeepers to j u s t i c e . The devotees of r e l i g i o u s books chose hers because they were the new vogue i n devotional l i t e r a t u r e , and were directed to con-temporary issues. The i r r e l i g i o u s might read her books i n order to deride them e f f e c t i v e l y . There were contemporaries who disapproved of Hannah More's books. The warmth of t h e i r c r i t i c i s m indicates her influence upon society; the rati o n a l e behind i t reveals con-servatism among her detractors as well as her admirers. Her s o c i a l views were not p a r t i c u l a r l y controversial, and generally only the r a d i c a l fringe wished to challenge a s o c i a l philosophy b u i l t upon subordination. A few of her women friends did murmur against the great superiority she granted men over women.3* William Cobbett resented her ef-12 f o r t s to reconcile the poor with t h e i r s u f f e r i n g , J f o r he wanted to s t i r them to reform. Both he and Hannah More looked backward to a "golden age" which was being undermined by indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n , but he was acute enough to co r r e c t l y d i s t i n g u i s h the cause of the s o c i a l changes. The most heated c r i t i c i s m came from those who objected to her r e l i g i o u s views. In the eighteenth century r e l i g i o u s 134 issues excited general i n t e r e s t , and unbelievers and l i b e r a l s , as well as the orthodox 3 3 participated i n the r e l i g i o u s con-t r o v e r s i e s . The nuances of b e l i e f , p ractice, or merely of emphasis varied among church parties, and a d e f i n i t i o n of orthodoxy frequently became l o s t i n a maze of polemics. Some c r i t i c s , the "nominal C h r i s t i a n s , " objected to making r e l i g i o n the touchstone of l i f e . They f e l t that t h e i r r e l i g i o n was sensible and proper, and were offended when Hannah More suggested that t h e i r s a l v a t i o n was f a r from cer-t a i n . For them r e l i g i o n was necessary i n i t s place, but should remain there. Religion should not dominate conversa-t i o n and s o c i a l l i f e 3 4 f o r i t was a personal matter and "the world i n general [hadj nothing to do with one's f a i t h . " 3 ^ Nor should r e l i g i o n i n t e r f e r e with the conventional amusements of society; 3** to emphasize t h i s view the Westminster school boys burned her i n e f f i g y 3 7 and a London matron had a dummy, dressed to represent a disapproving Hannah More, preside over her "baby b a l l . " 3 8 The most ferocious attacks upon Hannah More's r e l i -gious views came from men who were themselves deeply r e l i g i o u s . With abusive language, i n pamphlets and a r t i c l e s , these fellow Christians charged her with subversion of the established church, with being a r e l i g i o u s r a d i c a l . They believed that r e l i g i o u s f a c t i o n weakened church authority and that the Evan-g e l i c a l campaign was leading towards church schism. They saw Hannah More as a woman driven to head a sect ( b u i l t upon her Sunday s c h o o l s 3 9 ) by personal ambition and the need f o r 135 r e c o g n i t i o n . 4 0 These church conservatives resented her t o l e r -ance f o r Christians outside of the established church. They charged that she took communion "from the hands of a Lay-man!!!"4* (In r e a l i t y i t was from a popular Non-conformist preacher i n Bath, William Jay) and that she considered a Cath-o l i c p r i e s t a minister of God. 4 2 In her admission that truth could be found outside the established church they saw a threat to the Anglican Church's authority. These c r i t i c s c a l l e d her a C a l v i n i s t and a Me t h o d i s t — l a b e l s which r e f l e c t t h e i r own conservative fears, for one could lead to Antinom-ianism, and the other to enthusiasm, both of which disrupted church order. The conservative complaints against her r e l i g i o u s philosophy came prominently before the public i n the Daubeny dispute and the Blagdon controversy. In both cases there was a heated pamphlet war 4 3 between her friends and opponents while she maintained a discreet s i l e n c e . In both her oppo-nents attacked her as a representative of the Evangelical party. The dispute generated deeply f e l t animosities among the Somerset gentry, d i v i d i n g the countryside, and i n some cases f a m i l i e s , into two opposed camps. The Daubeny dispute began when the Reverend Charles Daubeny, minister of Christ's Church, Bath, published a c r i -t i c i s m of Hannah More's comment on Saint Paul's E p i s t l e to the Romans contained i n her S t r i c t u r e s on the Modern System  of Female Education. She had said that Saint Paul believed C h r i s t i a n practices naturally grow from a Ch r i s t i a n f a i t h "as 136 44 any other consequence grows out of i t s cause." Daubeny, seconded by The Anti-Jacobin Review, objected that t h i s view would render needless human exertion i n the work of salvation. Her friends answered that Daubeny implied that Hannah More annexed Christian practice to mere profession of C h r i s t i a n doctrine, and that nothing could be further from the p r i n c i p a l theme of her w o r k s — t o t a l C h r i s t i a n commitment.4** The charges and counter charges continued u n t i l they were absorbed into the more prominent Blagdon controversy which "raged so long and so loudly that a l l England became aware of i t s existence and progress." 4 x* The Blagdon controversy of 1801 and 1802 centered about a disagreement between Hannah More and the Reverend Thomas Bere, curate of Blagdon, over the f i t n e s s of the teacher of the Blagdon school, one of the schools under the d i r e c t i o n of the More s i s t e r s . Bere claimed that the teacher was a Methodist and was converting an Anglican Sunday school into an unlicensed c o n v e n t i c l e . 4 7 The disputants brought other r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l questions into t h i s l o c a l issue. They aired the advantages and disadvantages of Sunday s c h o o l s , 4 8 some pamphleteers advocating them because they inculcated r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e s which kept the lower orders submissive, others abusing them because education l e d to s o c i a l mobility and revolution. Some combatants vigorously supported the e x i s t i n g practices of the church and clergy, and f e l t the Evangelicals were weakening both bodies by t h e i r advocacy of lay leadership and i n f l u e n c e 4 9 i n such t r a d i t i o n a l l y c l e r i c a l preserves as education, and by t h e i r c r i t i c i s m of the clergy. Evangelicals had inveighed against c l e r i c a l "dumb dogs" and Hannah More's supporters had claimed that Bere preached an h e r e t i c a l sermon against the T r i n i t y . Early i n the nineteenth century The E c l e c t i c Review had prophetically observed that the timeliness of Hannah More's books rendered t h e i r " c e l e b r i t y and usefulness, however extensive . . . necessarily . . . t r a n s i e n t . " 5 0 During her l i f e t i m e her detractors were i n a minority, but soon afte r her death i n 1833 the t i d e of public opinion began to turn against her. In 1837 Thomas Babbington Macaulay refused to review her l i f e or works because of his a f f e c t i o n and regard f o r her: "I . . . could not possible write about her unless I wrote i n her praise; and a l l the praise which I could give to her writings, even a f t e r s t r a i n i n g my conscience i n her favour would be f a r indeed from s a t i s f y i n g any of her admirers." 5 1 Sydney Smith, not restrained by personal t i e s , burned her Works i n his garden. 5 2 The environment f o r which Hannah More wrote was fading. By mid-nineteenth century change was no longer tinged with r e b e l l i o n ; i t was a f a c t of l i f e , which most Englishmen accep-ted, some with resignation, others with enthusiasm. England had c l e a r l y changed since the beginning of the century. The population had doubled, and despite pessimistic Malthusian predictions the working class standard of l i v i n g was probably improving. 5 3 A g r i c u l t u r a l productivity had r i s e n , but one quarter of the wheat consumed came from abroad. Trade and 138 industry were the basis of national prosperity, although a g r i -culture s t i l l absorbed one f i f t h of the nation's labour force and affected, through the harvests, the economic cycles.-* 4 The i n d u s t r i a l and mercantile classes had grown with the i n -crease i n power, machines, and national output. Technical innovations had changed whole in d u s t r i e s ; t e x t i l e production was factory centered, and the hand loom weavers were s u f f e r i n g into extinction. The r a i l r o a d mania of the 1840's had pro-duced 5,000 miles of track by 1850-*-* and pointed the way to a national economy. L e g i s l a t i o n had simultaneously recognized long-developing changes, and authorized further change: the 1832 Reform B i l l acknowledged the middle c l a s s "stake i n the nation" and doubled the electorate; the Municipal Reform Act swept away the ancient town corporations and replaced them with municipal boroughs governed by councils which were elec-ted by a l l ratepayers; and Catholic Emancipation and the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts removed p o l i t i c a l and economic d i s a b i l i t i e s from non-Church members, and admitted that the composition of state and state church need not be i d e n t i c a l . Observable f a c t s often contradicted the concept of an harmonious organic s o c i a l structure. Economic complexities grew as England's economy came to depend to a greater extent upon overseas raw materials and markets; with complexity the c o n f l i c t of economic in t e r e s t s became.more evident. For some competition brought a sense of i s o l a t i o n . In 1845 D i s r a e l i wrote, "In great c i t i e s men are brought- together by the desire of gain. They are not i n a state of cooperation, but of i s o l a t i o n . . . . Modern society acknowledges no neighbour." 5 0 For others c o n f l i c t encouraged a drawing together i n the face of a common enemy. A sense of c l a s s i d e n t i t y slowly developed, and the concept of cleavage between classes and i n t e r e s t s often replaced that of continuity between o r d e r s . 5 7 The Grand Na-t i o n a l Consolidated Trades Union r e f l e c t e d the drawing together of working class members. There were, however, c o n f l i c t s of i n t e r e s t within as well as between classes, so cleavage was complex and incomplete. In t h i s new s e t t i n g Hannah More's books were anachro-n i s t i c . 5 8 By mid-century some of her r e l i g i o u s views were repudiated as i l l i b e r a l by the Evangelicals. Their organ, The C h r i s t i a n Observer.regretted "the narrowness of mind which could lead [the Mores] to speak of ( s i c . ) 'wish to prevent the stupid and ruinous idea of Methodism possessing the minds of the people.*" 5 9 Hannah More's assumptions about the s o c i a l attitudes of the poor were l e s s accurate. The C h r i s t i a n Ob-server remarked that poor people would not "submit to be l e c -tured as a cl a s s , s t i l l l e s s to be addressed as i n f e r i o r s . " 6 0 Housemaids kick[edj away a t r a c t 'for servants,' and mechanics rjwerel very jealous of being 'put upon.*" 6* The Mechanics I n s t i t u t e s , Society f o r Di f f u s i o n of Useful Knowledge, and such cheap weekly magazines as Chambers* Journal had come into being and provided i n t e l l e c t u a l "improvement" as well as amuse-ment unalloyed with " s t r i c t " r e l i g i o n . Deference to s o c i a l superiors no longer necessarily permeated s o c i a l r e lationships, although i t remained an accessory to the "cash nexus." As The 140 C h r i s t i a n Observer noted, "To be addressed as i n f e r i o r s . . . may be tolerated from an employer, but i t w i l l not be t o l e r -ated i n a book; fo r the master pays wages, but the book pays ft o none." "The great" no longer r e l i s h e d her thoughts, s t r i c -tures or hints upon t h e i r manners, morals, amusements, and education. The B r i t i s h Museum Catalogue l i s t s no edition of her Works a f t e r 1853, and with the exception of tracts** 3 and an 1879 edi t i o n of Coelebs i n Search of a Wife, a l l her sub-sequent English language entries are devotional, dramatic, or poetic compositions. These categories were reissued well into the twentieth century: Percy was reprinted i n 1911, and s e l -ections from her poems together with Bible Dramas and her tragedies i n 1931. A new and abbreviated e d i t i o n of her correspondence appeared i n 1925. Changes i n s o c i a l customs helped to render her books obsolete. Hannah More, always modest and often percipient i n assessing her own a b i l i t i e s , observed that she had not added one o r i g i n a l idea to the stock of general knowledge; her f i e l d of study had been l i f e and manners.**4 When the mode of l i f e and the form of manners changed many of her s t r i c t u r e s l o s t t h e i r point and t h e i r pertinence. Changes i n s o c i a l attitude accelerated her decline i n popularity. She had written, "Be-tween him who writes and him who reads, there must be a part-nership . . . i n mental property; a sort of joint-stock of taste and ideas."**** By mid-century many Englishmen saw s o c i -ety as dynamic not s t a t i c . They believed i n improvement and Samual Smiles not Hannah More caught the public mood; "God 141 helps those who help themselves" not "Be content i n the s t a t i o n God has pleased to place you" was the current catch-word. 6 6 In 1851 John Ruskin wrote, "Now that a man may make money, and r i s e i n the world, and associate himself, unre-proached, with people once f a r above him . . . i t becomes a v e r i t a b l e shame to him to remain i n the state he was born i n " 6 7 Hannah More's mode of expression became a l i a b i l i t y . The measured neo-classical s t y l e l o s t i t s vogue. Three months a f t e r her death Thomas de Quincey wrote: As a writer, how eminently a r t i f i c i a l she was, . . . i s evident from the very structure of her sentences; which are a l l turned i n a lathe, and are so e n t i r e l y dependent for t h e i r e f f e c t upon an t i t h e s i s , or d i r e c t contraposition i n the words, even where there i s l i t t l e or none i n the thoughts, that once a great poet C W o rdsworthJ, opening one of her works and reading a paragraph, made t h i s remark to me: "These feeble thinkers dare not t r u s t a singl e thought to i t s native powers: so a f r a i d are they of seeming d u l l , and so conscious of no innate right to challenge or support attention, that each p a r t i c u l a r sentence i s polished into a sparkling and independent whole; so that, open the book where you w i l l , a l l has an exterior b r i l -l i a n c y , and w i l l bear being detached without any injury to i t s e f f e c t , having no sort of natural cohesion with the context . . . ."68 The Lake D i s t r i c t c o t e r i e was i n the van of a change i n l i t e r -ary taste which ultimately became wide spread. In 1861 the author of Li t e r a r y Women of England, a c o l l e c t i o n of biograph-i e s , complained that Hannah More's s t y l e was "too a n t i t h e t i c a l , and . . . thoroughly Johnsonian," 6 9 and by the end of the cen-tury she was judged to be "an encyclopoedia of a l l l i t e r a r y v i c e s . " 7 0 142 The antipathetic reaction continued throughout the century, and by i t s end Hannah More, the leader of humanitar-ian reforms i n her own day, stood condemned of i n s e n s i t i v i t y to s o c i a l needs. J . L. and Barbara Hammond complained that " i t never seems to have crossed" her mind "that i t was desirable that men and women should have decent wages, or decent homes, or that there was something wrong with the arrangements of a society that l e f t the mass of people i n t h i s plight. 7**- Augus-t i n e B i r r e l l compounded her crime by adding hypocrisy to i n s e n s i t i v i t y : Hannah More was the f i r s t , and I tr u s t the worst, of a large c l a s s . . . . This class may be im-per f e c t l y described as "the well-to-do C h r i s t i a n * . I t inhabited snug places i n the country- and kept an excellent, i f not dainty, table. The money i t saved i n a ball-room i t spent upon a greenhouse. It s horses were f a t , and i t s coachmen invariably present at family prayers. I t s pet v i r t u e was Church twice on Sunday, and i t s peculiar horrors t h e a t r i c a l entertainments, dancing, and three penny points. Outside i t s garden wall l i v e d the poor, who, i f virtuous, were fo r ever curtseying A to the ground or wearing net uniforms, except when expiring upon truckle-beds beseeching God to bless the young l a d i e s of The Grange or the Manor House, as the case might be.72 Although change, progress, cleavage, and individualism were part of the Vi c t o r i a n psyche, there were a n t i t h e t i c a l a t t i t u d e s . For some mid-century Englishmen an atomistic s o c i -ety of unfettered individualism seemed to lead to anarchy, and as the old s o c i a l order died under the impact of i n d u s t r i a l -i z a t i o n they constructed new "organic" systems. Marxism and the i d e a l states designed by Coleridge, C a r l y l e , and Ruskin stressed the interdependence of the s o c i a l components. 7 3 Side by side with the l a i s s e z - f a i r e s p i r i t existed conservative fears. Matthew Arnold wrote: "That profound sense of s e t t l e d order and security, without which a society l i k e ours cannot l i v e and grow at a l l , sometimes seems to be beginning to threaten us with taking i t s departure." 7 4 Apart from the i n t e l l e c t u a l s , there were ordinary men who were reluctant to abandon the old s o c i a l concepts because they had grown up be-l i e v i n g them true. Scattered across B r i t a i n , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n ru r a l areas, many s t i l l f e l t deference to be the " r i g h t " s o c i a l a t t i t u d e . The desire f o r pattern and harmony, and the fear of disorder was responsible f o r Hannah-More*s continued popular-i t y among ce r t a i n parts of the population. Enclaves of her supporters existed amidst her detractors, and i n 1866 the i authors of a l i t e r a r y reminiscence claimed that while nearly a l l of Hannah More's female contemporaries were forgotten her reputation had "stood the test of time;" she s t i l l received "honour and homage from the e x i s t i n g generation." 7 5 Her i n -fluence lingered longest i n c i r c l e s sympathetic to her puritan and Sabbatarian views, and to her r e l i g i o n of the heart. An American i n 1900 r e c a l l i n g the " s t r a i t and t a l l boundaries set about 'Sunday Reading'" i n her childhood remembered The Works  of Mrs. Hannah More as "an oasis i n the Sahara of bound ser-mons and semi-detached t r a c t s . " 7 0 Her v i t a l Bible r e l i g i o n was consistent with l a t e r fundamentalist C h r i s t i a n i t y . This type of C h r i s t i a n may have.read her r e l i g i o u s message, undisturbed by the s o c i a l one, f o r r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l con-servatism often go hand i n hand. The appearance i n 1883 of Pietas Privata: the book of private devotion, prayers, and  meditations. C h i e f l y from the writings of Hannah More i n d i -cates that one editor t r i e d to untwine her s o c i a l attitudes from her r e l i g i o u s writing. The middle and upper cl a s s read-ing public favoured biographies of Hannah More long a f t e r part of i t had turned away from her di d a c t i c works. 7 7 The bio-graphical perspective i s revealed by the t i t l e s : Pioneer  Women and The Library of Ch r i s t i a n Biography. Hannah More's t r a c t s continued to be re-issued. Tract s o c i e t i e s i n B r i t a i n and America reprinted the Cheap Reposi-tory t r a c t s well into the nineteenth century. The s o c i e t i e s may have misjudged the attitudes of the tr a c t s * r e c i p i e n t s ' i t i s also possible that those who relinquished o l d b e l i e f s r e l u c t a n t l y continued to respond to Hannah More's philosophy of harmony, contentment and deference. The American Tract Society of New York i n 1851 advertised sixty-seven of the Cheap Repository t r a c t s i n t h e i r "Youth's L i b r a r y . " 7 8 Favour-i t e t r a c t s — e s p e c i a l l y the popular Shepherd of Salisbury  Plain—were reprinted i n London i n the 1850 fs, l860*s, and 1880*s. In 1861 one of her biographers t o l d of Welsh trans-l a t i o n s being dispersed among the poor where she believed they added "to the happiness of many a cottage home."79 Although many of the poor d i s l i k e d being patronized, the r u r a l labour-ers were slow to abandon old attitudes and a contemporary f e l t that they would " s t i l l bear a l i t t l e printed ' t a l k i n g t o . * " 8 0 145 Middle and upper class parents may s t i l l have stocked t h e i r nurseries with the t r a c t s as pure and simple l i t e r a t u r e f o r novice readers. Hannah More's d i d a c t i c compositions were popular i n her own period because her philosophy r e f l e c t e d that of many of her readers. Judged by the c r i t e r i a of her time, her soc-i a l theory was conservative, her r e l i g i o u s philosophy innova-tory. Her most p r o l i f i c contemporary c r i t i c s were conserva-t i v e s who objected to her r e l i g i o u s n o v e l t i e s . Study of Hannah More's works, and of contemporary and subsequent reaction to them provides a reminder that i n the midst of the f i r s t i n d u s t r i a l revolution, harbinger of fundamental s o c i a l , economic, p o l i t i c a l , and i n t e l l e c t u a l changes, a s i g n i f i c a n t part of England's population wanted to conserve the t r a d i t i o n a l aspects of l i f e . Although the passage of time made her views appear anachronistic to many, others s t i l l found them appealing f o r the greater part of the nineteenth century. Today her volumes tend to gather dust, unopened except by those who seek to re-capture a bygone mood. 146 Footnotes xReview of Moral Sketches of P r e v a i l i n g Opinions and Manners. Foreign and Domestic: with Reflections on Prayer, by Hannah More, The Christian Observer. Conducted bv Members of  the Established Church. Vol. XVIII (October, 1819), p. 668. 2Joseph Cottle, Early Recollections; Chiefly Relating  to the Late Samuel Coleridge. During His Long Residence i n B r i s t o l (London, 1837), Vol. I, p. 80. 3M. G. Jones, Hannah More (Cambridge, 1952), p. 19. ll i a m Roberts (ed.), Memoirs of the L i f e and Cor-respondence of Mrs. Hannah More (London, 1834), Vol. I, p. 122 Hannah More to her s i s t e r , Gerrard Street, 1777, and p. 116, David Garrick to Hannah More, Broadlands, 1777. 5lbid., Vol. I I , note p. 343. "Robert Isaac and Samuel Wilberforce (ed.), The Cor-respondence of William Wilberforce (London, 1840), Vol. I, p. 143, J . Bowdler Jun. to William Wilberforce, 25 Lincoln's Inn, Thursday night [Sept., 1808?^. 7 'Review of Essays on Various Subjects. P r i n c i p a l l y  Designed for Young Ladies, by Hannah More, Monthly Review or  Lite r a r y Journal. Vol. LVII (September, 1777), p. 201; Roberts, op. c i t . , Vol. I l l , p. 90 and p. 377, William Pepys to Hannah More Wimpole Street 1799 and March 31, 1813; Charlotte Barrett (ed.), Diary and Letters of Madam D'Arblav (1778-1840)(London, 1904), Vol. I, p. 403; Review of An Address to Mrs. Hannah More  on the Conclusion of the Blagdon Controversy, with Observations  on an Anonymous Tract e n t i t l e d "A Statement of Facts", by Thomas Bere, The Anti-Jacobin Review. Vol. XI ( A p r i l , 180 2), p. 419; Review of Percy, The Monthly Review or Literary Journal. Vol. LVIII (Jan. 1778), pp. 23 - 26. In general, her s t y l e i n Coelebs i n Search of a Wife received negative c r i t i c i s m : The  Chr i s t i a n Observer. Conducted by Members of the Established  Church. Vol. VIII (Feb. 1809), p. 113 and pp. 120-212; The Lon-don Review. Vol. I (Feb.-May, 1809), pp. 424 - 444. For a favourable review of st y l e f o r t h i s book see The Edinburgh  Review, or C r i t i c a l Journal. Vol. XIV ( A p r i l , 1809), p. 151. 8 P e t e r Pindar [Dr. John Wolcotl, N i l Admirari; or. a  Smile at a Bishop; Occasioned by an Hyperbolical Eulogy on  Miss Hannah More, by Dr. Porteus, i n His Late Charge to the  Clergy, Also Expostulation; or an Address to Miss Hannah More. Likewise. D u p l i c i t y , or the Bishop; and Simplicity, or the Curate: a Pair of Tales. Moreover, an Ode to the Blue- Stocking-Club, and F i n a l l y , an Ode to Some Robin Red-Breasts  i n a Country Cathedral (London, 1799), pages not numbered. 147 9Roberts, op_. c i t . , Vol. I, pp. 140 - 141, Hannah More to Mrs. Gwatkin, March 5, 1778; E. V. Knox, "Percy (A Tale of a Dramatic Success)," The London Mercury. Vol. XIII (Mar., 1926), p. 511. i 0Roberts, op_. c i t . , V ol. I I , p. 54, Hannah More to her s i s t e r , London, 1787. i : L I b i d . , Vol. I l l , p. 328, Ormond Street, London, A p r i l 30, 1811; p. 432 Jane Porter to Hannah More, Long Ditton, Surrey, Easter Day Q.815?!. 1 2 V o l . VIII (May), p. 435. *3 LThomas de Quincey] , "Mrs. Hannah More," T a i t * s  Edinburgh Magazine. Dec, 1833, p. 321. ^Roberts, op., c i t . , Vol. I l l , pp. 331 - 332, Portman Square, May 28, 1811. -^Review of The Works of Hannah More. Vol. XVII (1801), p. 526. ^Hannah More, The Works of Hannah More (London, 1834), Vol. I, pp. v i i - v i i i . 1 7 A s a Briggs, The Age of Improvement 1783-1867 (London, 1959), p. 13 and pp. 66 - 74. l 8 F . J . Harvey Darton (ed.), The L i f e and Times of  Mrs. Sherwood (1775-1851) from the Dia r i e s of Captain and  Mrs. Sherwood (London, 1910), p. 188. 1 9 T h e Earl of Ilchester (ed.), The Journal of Elizabeth  Lady Holland (1791-1811) (London, 1908), Vol. I I , p. 59. ••Dictionary of National Biography. 2-""Ilchester, op_. c i t . , V ol. I, p. 258. 2 2Roberts, op., c i t . , Vol. I I , p. 312, Jan. 1, 1792, Bath. 2 3R. J . White, Waterloo to Peterloo (Mercury ed.; London, 1963), chap, i x "Alarm". 24 ^Ibid., p. I l l , "In 1812 there were already more troops i n the Luddite areas than had gone to the Peninsula with Wellesley i n 1808." White c i t e s as h i s source F. 0. Darvall, Public Order and Popular Disturbances i n Regency  England, p. 1. 2 5 l l c h e s t e r , op., c i t . , Vol. I I , p. 16. 148 26(-f v. Kiernan, "Evangelicalism and The French Revolution" Fast and Present. No. 1 (Feb., 1952), p. 45. 2 7 I b i d . . pp. 49 - 50. 2 8The Earl of Bessborough, Georgiana Extracts from  the Correspondence of Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire (London, 1955), pp. 2 1 - 2 2 , Lady Spencer to the Duchess of Devonshire, Wimbledon Park, A p r i l 14, 1775. 2 9 l b i d . . p. 200, p. 218, and p. 18 and p. 50. 3°Ilchester, op_. c i t . , Vol. I I , p. 28; also see p. 22. 3 1Roberts, op_. ext., Vol. I, pp. 190 - 191, Frances Boscawen to Hannah More, 1780. 3 2G. D. H. Cole and Margaret Cole (eds.), The Opinions  of William Cobbett (London, 1944), p. 133 and p. 136. Before 1802 Cobbett was an enthusiastic admirer of Hannah More and helped to d i s t r i b u t e her t r a c t s i n America. In that year he and h i s patron William Windham opposed Wilberforce and Hannah More over the issue of b u l l b a i t i n g and opposed the l a t t e r i n the Blagdon Controversy, G. D. H. Cole (ed.) Letters from  William Cobbett to Edward Thornton Written i n the Years 1797 - 1800 (London, 1937), p. 5, pp. 11 - 12, p. 76. 33iichester, op_. c i t . , Vol. I I , p. 60, p. 55, p. 44, p. 45, p. 28. Lady Sarah Lennox represents another type; her l e t t e r s c o l l e c t e d into two volumes ignore r e l i g i o n , the Coun-tess of Ilchester and Lord Stavordale (eds.), The L i f e and  Letters of Lady Sarah Lennox 1745-1826. Daught er of Charles.  2nd Duke of Richmond, and successively the wife of S i r Thomas  Charles Bunbury, Bart., and of the Hon. George Napier; Also a  Short P o l i t i c a l Sketch of the Years 1760 to 1763 by Henry Fox. 1st Lord Holland (London, 1901). 3 4 R e v i e w 0 f Coelebs i n Search of a Wife, by Hannah More, The Edinburgh Review, or C r i t i c a l Journal, Vol. XIV ( A p r i l , 1809), p. 150. 35W. S. Lewis (ed.), The Yale Edition of Horace Wal-pole's Correspondence. Vol. XXXI Horace Walpole's Correspon-dence with Hannah More. Lady Browne. Lady George Lennox. Lady  Mary Coke. Anne P i t t . Lady Hervey, Lady Suffolk. Mary Hamilton  (Mrs. John Dickenson) (New Haven, 1961), note p. 390 quoting Lady Theresa Lewis (ed.), Extracts from the Journals and Cor-respondence of Miss Berry (1866), Vol. I I , p. 91. •^Review of Coelebs i n Search of a Wife, by Hannah More, The Edinburgh Review, or C r i t i c a l Journal, Vol. XIV ( A p r i l , 1809), pp. 148 - 149; review of The Controversy be-tween Miss Hannah More and the Curate of Blagdon Relative to 149 the Conduct of her Teacher of the Sunday School i n that Parish:  with the Original Letters, and Explanatory Notes, by Thomas Bere; of A Letter to the Rev. Thomas Bere. Rector of Butacombe. Occasioned bv his Late Unwarrantable Attack on Mrs. Hannah More; With an Appendix. Containing Letters and Other Documents  Relative to the Extraordinary Proceedings at Blagdon. by S i r Abraham.Elton; and o f A n Appeal to the Public on the Contro-versy between Hannah More, the Curate of Blagdon. and the Rev.  S i r Abraham Elton. Bart., by Thomas Bere, The Anti-Jacobin  Review. Vol. IX (July, 1801), p. 287; Sappho Search rjpseud.J , A Poetica l Review of Miss Hannah More's S t r i c t u r e s on Female  Education (London. 1800), p. 30 and p. 41; Observations on the  Effec t of Theatrical Representations, with Respect to Religion  and Morals Occasioned bv the Preface to the Third Volume of  the Works of Mrs. H. More (Bath, 1804), p. 22; A Letter to the  Author of Thoughts on the Manners of the Great (London, 1788), pp. 104 - 105 and pp. 108 - 109. 3 7 K a t h e r i n e Balderston (ed.). Thraliana: The Diary  of Mrs. Hester Lynch Thrale (Later Mrs. P i o z z i ) . 1776-1809 (Oxford, 1942), Vol. I I , note p. 1000. 3 8Roberts, op_. ext., Vol. I I , p. 322, Hannah More to William Wilberforce, Bath, 1792. 3 9Thomas Bere, An Address to Mrs. Hannah More, on the  Conclusion of the Blagdon Controversy. With Observations on  an Anonymous Tract E n t i t l e d 'A Statement of Facts.' (London, 1801) , p. 5 ; Archibald Mac Sarcasm jjaseudT] , The L i f e of  Hannah More with a C r i t i c a l Review of Her Writings (London, 1802) , p. 87, pp. 66 - 67. 4°"What else, can occasion, the weekly paragraphs with which a l l the p r o v i n c i a l papers teem respecting HANNAH MORE'S charity, morality and universal benevolence!—No object of d i s t r e s s s o l i c i t s public attention, but HANNAH MORE and a brace of her s i s t e r s , appear i n c a p i t a l s as benefactors: even the blue covers of the Methodist Magazine, are made to pour f o r t h t h e i r t r i b u t e of adulation." Edward Spencer, Truths. Respecting Mrs. Hannah More's Meeting-Houses. and the Conduct of Her Followers; Addressed to the Curate of Blagdon (Bath, 1802), p. 49. 4 iReview of An Address to Mrs. Hannah More, on the Con-clusion of the Blagdon Controversy; With Observations on an Anonymous Tract E n t i t l e d 'A Statement of Facts'. by Thomas Bere, The Anti-Jacobin Review. Vol. XI ( A p r i l , 1802), pp. 428 - 429. ^Gideaon's Cake of Barley Meal; A Letter to the Rev.  William Romaine, on his Preaching f o r the Emigrant Popish  Clergy; With Some S t r i c t u r e s on Mrs. Hannah More's Remarks.  Published for~Their Benefit (2nd ed.; London. 1793), P. 49. 150 43 A good bibliography of the pamphlets i s i n Ford K. Brown, Fathers of the Vict o r i a n s : The Age of Wilberforce (Cambridge, 1961), pp. 539 - 541. Also see The B r i t i s h C r i t i c and The Anti-Jacobin Review fo r 1801 and 1802. 4 4More, op., c i t . , I l l , pp. 351 - 352. 4-*A Minister of the Church of England) A Letter to the  Rev. Charles Daubenv. L.L.B. on Some Passages Contained i n His  Letter to Mrs. Hannah More (London. 1799). p. 15J A Layman of the Established Church, A B r i e f Confutation of the Rev. Mr.  Daubenv's S t r i c t u r e s on Mr. Richard Baxter, i n the Appendix to  His Guide to the Church: and also of His Animadversions on Mrs.  Hannah More. In a Letter to the Editor of S i r James Ston-house's Letters (Shrewsbury. 1801). p. 15. 46[de Quinceyl, l o c . c i t . . p. 299. 4 7Thomas Bere, The Controversy between Mrs\ Hannah  More, and the Curate of Blagdon; Relative to the Conduct of  her Teacher of the Sunday School i n That Parish with the O r i -ginal Letters, and Explanatory Notes (London, 1801), p. 35. 4 8 W i l l i a m Shaw, Suggestions Respecting a Plan of Nation-a l Education, with Conjectures on the Probable Consequences of  Non-Descript Methodism and Sunday-Schools; i n a l e t t e r Address-ed to His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury (Bath. 1801), p. 9; A Friend of the Establishment, The Force of Contrast  Continued: or Extracts and Animadversions with Occasional  S t r i c t u r e s on the Contraster and Others of Mr. Bere's Oppo-nents, and Observations on the E f f e c t s of Mrs. H. More's  Schools to Which i s Added, a Postscript, on the Editors of the  B r i t i s h C r i t i c . Respectfully Submitted to the Consideration of  Those Who Have Interested Themselves i n the Blagdon Controversy ( B r i s t o l , 1802), pp. 75 - 77 and p. 70; Spencer, op_. c i t . , p. 66; Bere, An Address to Mrs. Hannah More . . . , p. 32; A Layman, The Blagdon Controversy; or Short C r i t i c i s m s on the  Late Dispute between the Curate of Blagdon. and Mrs. Hannah  More. Relative to Sunday Schools, and Monday Private Schools (Bath, 1801), p. 29. 4 9Spencer, op., c i t . , p. 48; Review of Suggestions  Respecting a Plan of National Education . • . , by William Shaw and of The Blagdon Controversy . . . Relative to Sunday  Schools . . . , by A Layman, The Anti-Jacobin Review. IX (August, 1801), p. 394; Review of An Address to Mrs. Hannah  More . . . , by Thomas Bere, The Anti-Jacobin Review. XI ( A p r i l , 1802), p. 423. 5°The E c l e c t i c Review. VII (May, 1811), p. 435. 5lGeorge Otto Trevelyan, The L i f e and Letters of Lord  Macaulay (London, 1908), p. 335, From T. B. Macaulay to Napier, Calcutta, June 15, 1837. 151 C O J S. Addleshaw, "Hannah More, Blue-Stocking and Re-former," The Church Quarterly Review. Vol. CXVIII (April, 1934), p. 58. 5 3Phyllis Deane, The First Industrial Revolution (Cambridge, 1965), p. 249. 5 4 I b i d . , p. 228. 55sriggs, op., c i t . . p. 395. 5°Svbil or the Two Nations (Penguin ed., 1954), p. 40. Cited by Raymond Williams, Culture and Society (Penguin ed.; Harmondsworth, 1963), p. 109. 5 7Briggs, op_. c i t . , p. 297. 5 8For a brief account of the historiography of Evangeli-calism i n general see Standish Meacham, "The Evangelical Inheri-tance," Journal of British Studies. Vol. I l l , (Nov. 1963), p. 88. 59"Hannah More and Her Sister," a review of Mendip  Annals: or. a Narrative of the Charitable Labours of Hannah  and Martha More in Their Neighbourhood. Being the Journal of  Martha More, edited by Arthur Roberts, The Christian Observer. Conducted bv Members of the Established Church. Vol. LVIII (Feb., 1859), p. 128. 6o"Hannah More and Her Sister," loc. c i t . . p. 123. 6ANemo £pseud.J , "Hannah More's, and Her Sister's Cheap Repository tracts; with Anecdotes, &C," The Christian  Observer. Conducted bv Members of the Established Church. Vol. LXIII (Dec, 1864), p. 947. ^"Hannah More and Her Sister," loc. c i t . . p. 123. 6 3See below, p. 144. °^Uore, op_. c i t . , Vol. I, pp. v i - v i i . 6 5 i b i d . , Vol. I, p. x i . 6°Asa Briggs, Victorian People, a Reassessment of  persons and Themes 1851-67 (Penguin ed.. Harmondsworth. 1965)» pp. 126 - 127. 6 7"Pre-Raphaelitism," Works. Vol. XII, p. 342, cited by Walter E. Houghton, The Victorian Frame of Mind 1830-1870 (New Haven, 1957), p. 187. ^ 8[de QuinceyJ, loc. c i t . , p. 321. ^ 9Jane Williams, (London, 1861), p. 327. 152 7 oAugustine B i r r e l l , Collected Essays (London, 1899), II, P. 255. 7 1The Town Labourer 1760-1832. The New C i v i l i z a t i o n (London: paperback ed i t i o n , 1966 ["first published 191ZT), pp. 220 - 225. J 72 7 ^ B i r r e l l . OP . c i t . . p. 256. 7 3 R . Williams, ojg. c i t • , p. 146. 7 4 C u l t u r e and Anarchy, p. 42. Cited by R. Williams, op. c i t . . p. 132. 7 S S . C. and Mrs. H a l l , "Memories of the Authors of the Age: A series of Written P o r t r a i t s (from Personal Acquaintance) of Great Men and Women of the Epoch," The Art Journal. No. 54, new seri e s (June, 1866), p. 187. 7 oMarion Harland [Mary V i r g i n i a Hawes, afterwards TerhuneJ , Hannah More (New York, 1900), p. i i i . 77Biographies appeared i n 1834, 1838, 1854 (2), 1856, 1862, 1882, 1888 (2), 1900, 1911, 1925, 1928, 1947, 1952, and 1955. This l i s t i s not exhaustive. 78 Harry B. Weiss, Hannah More's Cheap Repository  Tracts i n America (New York, 1946), pp. 9 - 10. 7 9 w i l l i a m s , op., c i t . . p. 340. 8oNemo, l o c . c i t . . p. 947. 153 Bibliography Books and Tracts * Indicates t r a c t s which are i n the University of B r i t i s h Columbia Library's c o l l e c t i o n of eighteenth and nineteenth century t r a c t s . An Address to Parents. Earnestly Recommending Them to Promote  the Happiness of Their Children bv a Due Regard to  Their Virtuous Education. Uxbridge, 1787. Advice from a Lady of Quality to Her Children i n the Last Stage of a Lingering I l l n e s s , i n a Series of Evening  Confessions on the Most Interesting Subjects. Trans. by Samuel Glasse. Gloucester, 1778. 2 vols. A l l e n , John Ward. A Sermon Preached May 6. 1787 before the Mayor and Corporation of the City of Rochester at the  Parish Church o f Strood. f o r the Benefit of the Humane  Society. Rochester, 1787. A l t i c k , Richard D. 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Quennell, Peter. Four P o r t r a i t s . Studies of the 1 8 t h Century. London, 1 9 4 7 . Renwick, W. L. English Literature 1 7 8 9 - 1 8 1 5 . Vol. IX of the Oxford History of English L i t e r a t u r e . Ed. by F. P. Wilson and Bonamy Dobree. Oxford, 1 9 6 3 . Rev. , Rector of . ^Attributed to Wilberforce, WilliamJ. Candid Observations on Mrs. H. More's  Schools: i n Which i s Considered Their Supposed Con- nection with Methodism. Recommended to the Attention  of the Public i n General; and P a r t i c u l a r l y to the Clergy. Bath, 1 8 0 2 . Richmond, Legh. Annals of the Poor. 5th ed.; London, 1 8 2 6 . Roberts, Arthur (ed.). Mendip Annals: or. A Narrative of the Charitable Labours of Hannah and Martha More i n Their Neighbourhood. Being the Journal of Martha More. 2nd ed.; London, 1 8 5 9 . Roberts, William (ed.). Memoirs of the L i f e and Correspondence  of Mrs. Hannah More. 4 vols. London, 1 8 3 5 . Roberts edited with an Evangelical bias. To obtain a balanced impression of Hannah More, her l e t t e r s published i n Chatterton, supra, and The Private Corres-pondence of David Garrick . . . . , i n f r a . should also be read. 165 Routh, Harold V. "The Georgian Drama," The Cambridge History  of English Literature. Vol. XI: The Period of the  French Revolution, chap, x i i . Cambridge, 1914. Ruch, FJoyd L. Psychology and L i f e . 3rd ed.; Chicago, 1948. Rude, George. The Crowd i n History A Study of Popular Dis-turbances i n Franch and England. 1730-1845. John Wiley & Sons paperback ed i t i o n ; New York, 1964. Scott, Walter S. The Bluestocking Ladies. London, 1947. , (ed.). Letters of Maria Edgeworth and Anna L e t i t i a Barbauld. London, 1953. The Season of Scarcity . London: The Religious Tract Society, n.d. Search, Sappho [pseud J . A Poetical Review of Miss Hannah More's S t r i c t u r e s on Female Education. Ipswich, 1800. Shaw, William. Suggestions Respecting a Plan of National Education, with Conjectures on the Probable Conse-quences of Non-Descript Methodism and Sunday-Schools:  i n a Letter Addressed to His Grace the Archbishop of  Canterbury. London, 1801. Smelser, Neil J . Soc i a l Change i n the Industrial Revolution,  an Application of Theory to the Lancashire Cotton  Industry 1770-1840. London, 1959. Spencer, Edward. Truths. Respecting Mrs. Hannah More's Meeting- Houses. and the Conduct of her Followers; addressed to  the Curate of Blagdon. Bath, 1802. A Statement of Facts Relative to Mrs. H. More's Schools. Occasioned bv Some Late Misrepresentations. 3rd ed.; Bath, 1801. Stenton, Doris Mary. The English Woman i n History. London, 1957. Stephen, James. Essays i n E c c l e s i a s t i c a l Biography. 2nd ed.; London, 1850. Stephen, L e s l i e . History of English Thought i n the Eighteenth  Century. 2 vols. Harbinger paperback edition; New York, 1962. ( F i r s t published i n 1876.) Taylor, A. J . 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An Inquiry into the Present State of Popula-t i o n i n England and Wales, and the Proportion Which  the Present Number of Inhabitants Bears to the Number  at Former Periods. London, 1781. 167 Watson, J . Steven. The Reign of George I I I 1760-181I. Vol. XII of The Oxford History of England. Ed. by George Clark. Oxford, I960. Webb, R. K. The B r i t i s h Working Class Reader 1790-1848.  Literacy and Social Tension. London, 1955. Weiss, Harry B. Hannah More's Cheap Repository Tracts i n America. New York, 1946. Whalley, Thomas Sedgewick. Animadversions on the Curate of  Blagdon*s Three Publications. E n t i t l e d The Controversy  between Mrs. Hannah More and the Curate of Blagdon. &c.  An Appeal to the Public, and An Address to Mrs. Hannah  More; with Some Allusions to His Cambrian Descent from  "Gwvr Ap Glendour. Ap Cadwalleder. Ap Stvfnig." as Affirmed and Set Forth by Himself, i n the Twenty-Eighth  Page of His Appeal to the Public. London, 1802. Whitbread, Samuel. 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Wimsatt, W. K., J r . The Prose Style of Samuel Johnson. New Haven, 1941. 168 Wollstonecraft, Mary. The Rights of Women published with J . S. M i l l ' s Subjection of Women . London, 1929. ( F i r s t published i n 1792.) *Wood, I. Some Account of the Shrewsbury House of Industry. I t s Establishment and Regulations; with Hints to Those  Who May Have Similar I n s t i t u t i o n s i n View. 4th ed.j Shrewsbury, 1795. Woolsey, Sarah Chauncey (ed.). The Autobiography and Corres-pondence of Mrs. Delanv. Vol. I. Boston, 1898. Yonge, Charlotte M. Hannah More. London, 1888. A r t i c l e s and Per i o d i c a l s Addleshaw, S. "Hannah More, Blue-Stocking and Reformer," The Church Quarterly Review. Vol. CXVIII ( A p r i l -July, 1934), PP. 57 - 79. Aikin-Sneath, Betsey. "Hannah More," The London Mercury. Vol. XXVIII (Oct., 1933), PP. 528 - 536. Anti-Profanus. Letter t o the Editor, The Anti-Jacobin Review. Vol. V (Jan., 1800), pp. 80 - 81. Armstrong, Martin. "In Darkest Mendip," The London Mercury. Vol. IV (Oct., 1921), pp. 602 - 612. Bennett, Charles H. "Text of Horace Walpole's Correspondence with Hannah More," Review of English Studies. Vol. I l l , new serie s (Oct., 1952), pp. 341 - 345. Best, G. F. A. "The Evangelicals and the Established Church i n the Early 19th Century," Journal of Theological  Studies. Vol. X (1959), pp. 63 - 78. "The Blagdon Controversy," The B r i t i s h C r i t i c . Vol. XVII ( A p r i l , 1801), pp. 4 4 4 — - 4 4 5 . "Blagdon Controversy," The B r i t i s h C r i t i c . Vol. XIX (Jan., 1802), pp. 90 - 94. The Cottager's Monthly V i s i t o r . A p r i l , 1821. Crosse, Edward. Letter to the Editor, The Anti-Jacobin Review. Vol. IX (Aug., 1801), pp. 415 - 419. 169 Currie, R. and Hartwell, R. M. Review of The Making of the English Working Class, by E. P. Thompson, The Economic  History Review, Vol. XVIII, second series (Dec, 1965), P P . 633 - 643. de Morgan, A. Notes and Queries. 3rd Series, VI (September 24, 1864), P P . 241 - 245. jjde Quincey, ThomasJ . "Autobiography of an English Opium-Eater," T a i t ' s Edinburgh Magazine (Aug., 1840). r .7 "Mrs. Hannah More, " T a i t ' s Edinburgh Magazine L (December, 1833), pp. 293 - 321. "Duty of Prayer f o r our Gracious Queen; with H. More's Remarks on the Stage," The Christian Observer. Conducted bv Members of the Established Church. Vol. XXXVII (May, 1839), pp. 276 - 282. E.S. Letter to the Editor, The Anti-Jacobin Review. Vol. IX (June, 1801), pp. 201 - 203. Forster, E. M. "Mrs. Hannah More," The Nation and the Athen-aeum. Vol. XXXVIII (Jan. 2, 1926), pp. 493 - 494. H a l l , S. C. and Mrs. "Memories of the Authors of the Age: A series of Written P o r t r a i t s (from Personal Acquain-tance) of Great Men and Women of the Epoch," The Art Journal. No. 54, new series (June, 1866), pp. 186 -188. "Hannah More," Meliora: a Quarterly Review of Social Science  i n I t s E t h i c a l . Economical. P o l i t i c a l , and Ameliora-t i v e Aspects. Vol. VI, (1864), P P . 250 - 262. Harner, Joyce Mary. "The English Women Novelists and t h e i r Connection with the Feminist Movement (1688-1797)," Smith College Studies i n Modern Languages. Vol. XL, Nos. 1-3 (October 1929, January and A p r i l 1930). J . S. Letter to the Editor, The Anti-Jacobin Review, Vol. V. (March, 1800), pp. 320 - 332. Kiernan, V. "Evangelicalism and the French Revolution," Past and Present. No. 1 (Feb. 1952), pp. 44 - 56. Knox, E. V. "Percy' (A Tale of a Dramatic Success)," The London Mercury, Vol. XIII (March, 1926), pp. 509 - 515. "Last Days of Dr. Johnson, The Quarterly Review, and Hannah More," The Ch r i s t i a n Observer. Conducted bv Members  of the Established Church. Vol. XXXIV (Jan., 1835), pp. 5 1 - 6 2 . 170 Letters from Hannah More and Mrs. Cowley, The Gentleman's  Magazine (Aug., 1779), p. 407. Letters to the Editor, The Chr i s t i a n Observer. Conducted bv Members of the Established Church, Vol. XVIII (Sept., 1819), pp. 581 - 582. Letter to the Editor, The Christian Observer. Conducted bv  Members of the Established Church. Vol. XXXII (Oct., 1833), pp. 629 - 631. "Macaulay as a Boy, Described i n Two Unpublished Letters of Hannah More," MacMillan's Magazine. Vol. I, (Feb., 1860), pp. 289 - 293. Meacham, Standish. "The Evangelical Inheritance," Journal of  B r i t i s h Studies. Vol. I l l (November, 1963), pp. 80 -104. "Mrs. Grant on the C a p a b i l i t i e s of Females f o r Public L i f e , " The Christian Observer. Conducted bv Members of the  Established Church. V o l . VIII (June, 1809), pp. 365 -368.. Nemo jpseud . l . "Hannah More's, and Her S i s t e r ' s Cheap Reposi-tory Tracts; with Anecdotes, &c," The Chr i s t i a n Obser-ver. Conducted bv Members of the.Established Church. Vol. LXIII (Dec, 1864), pp. 944 - 949. "Obituary, Mrs. Martha More," The Ch r i s t i a n Observer. Conducted  bv Members of the Established Church. Vol. XVIII (Nov., 1819), pp. 757 - 760. "Obituary, The Hon. and Right Rev. the Bishop of L i c h f i e l d and Coventry," The Christian Observer. Conducted bv Members  of the Established Church. Vol. XXXV (May, 1836), PP. 315 - 318. "On the E f f i c a s y of Divine Grace," The Evangelical Magazine. Vol. XVI ( A p r i l , 1808), pp. 199 - 204. P o l i t i c s f o r the People. Part I I , Nos. 5, 8, 9. 1794. "Remarks on Mr. Romaine's Letter; with Letters of Berridge," The Christian Observer. Conducted bv Members of the  Established Church. Vol. XXXVI ( A p r i l . 1837). P P . 220 - 223. Review of A Bri e f Sketch of the P r i n c i p a l Features Which Dis-tinguish the Character of His Present Majesty. George  the Third, by T. Dutton, The Anti-Jacobin Review. Vol\ XI (Feb., 1802), pp. 182 - 187. 171 Review of A Letter Humbly Addressed to the Most Reverend and  Right Reverend the Archbishops and Bishops of the  Church of England. The Anti-Jacobin Review. Vol. XI (Feb., 1802), pp. 176 - 182. Review of A Letter to Mrs. Hannah More, on Some Part of Her Late Publication. E n t i t l e d S t r i c t u r e s on Female Edu-cation, to Which Is Subjoined a Discourse on Genesis  XV. 6. Preached at Christ Church i n Bath, by Charles Daubeny, Anti-Jacobin Review. Vol. IV (Nov., 1799), pp. 253 - 256. Review of A Letter to Mrs. Hannah More, on Some Part of Her  Late Publication E n t i t l e d "Strictures on Female Edu-cation.'* to Which i s Subjoined, a Discourse on Genesis  XV.6. Preached at Chr i s t ' s Church, i n Bath. The B r i t i s h  C r i t i c . Vol. XVI ( D e c , 1800), p. 687. Review of An Address to Mrs. Hannah More, on the Conclusion  of the Blagdon Controversy, with Observations on an  Anonymous Tract E n t i t l e d "A Statement of Facts." by Thomas Bere, The Anti-Jacobin Review. Vol. XI ( A p r i l , 1802), pp. 417 - 431. Review of A Poetical Review of Miss Hannah More's S t r i c t u r e s  on Female Education, The B r i t i s h C r i t i c . Vol. XVI (Aug., 1800), p. 202. Review of A Statement of Facts Relative to Mrs. H. More's Schools. Occasioned by Some Late Misrepresentations.  The B r i t i s h C r i t i c . Vol. XVIII (Aug., 1801), pp. 216 - 217. Review of Chri s t i a n Morals, by Hannah More, The B r i t i s h C r i t i c . Vol. XLII (July, 1813), pp. 6 - 18. Review of Coelebs i n Search of a Wife, by Hannah More, The B r i t i s h C r i t i c Vol. XXXIII (May, 1809), pp. 481 - 494. Review of Coelebs i n Search of a Wife, by Hannah More, The Chris t i a n Observer. Conducted by Members of the Estab-l i s h e d Church. Vol. VIII (Feb., 1809), pp. 109 - 122. Review of Coelebs i n Search of a Wife, by Hannah More, The Edinburgh Review or C r i t i c a l Journal. Vol. XXVII ( A p r i l , 1809), PP. 145 - 151. Review of Coelebs i n Search of a Wife, by Hannah More, The London Review. Vol. I (Feb.-May, 1809), pp. 424 - 444. Review of Coelebs. or l e Choix d'une Espose. Roman moral, con-tenant des Remarques sur l e s Usages et l e s Devoirs 172 domestique. sur l a Religion et sur l e s Moeurs. Par Mde. Hannah More, Traduit de 1 *Anglais sur l a t r e i z -ieme ed i t i o n , par M. Huber de Hartwell Farm, The  Ch r i s t i a n Observer. Conducted bv Members of the Estab-l i s h e d Church. Vol. XVII (Sept., 1 8 1 8 ) , pp. 595 - 6 0 0 . Review of Essay on the Character and P r a c t i c a l Writings of Saint Paul, by Hannah More, The B r i t i s h C r i t i c . Vol. V, new seri e s (Jan., 1 8 1 6 ) , pp. 86 - 9 4 . Review of Essavs on Various Subjects. P r i n c i p a l l y Designed for Young Ladies, by Hannah More, The Monthly Review or L i t e r a r y Journal, Vol. LVII (Sept. 1777), pp. 200 -2 0 7 . Review of Hints to the Public and the Legislature on the Nature  and E f f e c t of Evangelical Preaching, by A B a r r i s t e r , Part 1 , The Evangelical Magazine. Vol. XVI (March, 1 8 0 8 ) , pp. 131 - 1 3 4 . Review of Part I I , Vol. XVI (Aug. 1 8 0 8 ) , pp. 350 - 3 5 1 . Review of Hints toward Forming the Character of a Young Pri n -cess, by Hannah More, The B r i t i s h C r i t i c . Vol. XXVI (Sept., 1 8 0 5 ) , pp. 244 - 2 5 3 . Review of Hints towards Forming the Character of a Young P r i n -cess . by Hannah More, The C h r i s t i a n Observer. Conducted  bv Members of the Established Church. Vol. IV (Aug., 1 8 0 5 ) , pp. 487 - 4 9 8 . Review of Hints towards Forming the Character of a Young Prin-cess, by Hannah More, The Edinburgh Review of C r i t i c a l  Journal. Vol. XII (Oct., 1 8 0 5 ) , pp. 91 - 1 0 0 . Review of Hints toward Forming the Character of a Young P r i n -cess, by Hannah More, The Monthly Review or Literary  Journal. Vol. XLVII (June, 1 8 0 5 ) , pp. 180 - 188. Review of Mendip Annals: a Narrative of the Charitable Labours  of Hannah and Martha More, ed. by Arthur Roberts, The  C h r i s t i a n Observer. Conducted by Members of the Estab-l i s h e d Church. Vol. LVIII (Feb., 1 8 5 9 , pp. 122 - 1 2 8 . Review of Moral Sketches of P r e v a i l i n g Opinions and Manners. Foreign and Domestic; with Reflections on Prayer, by Hannah More, The C h r i s t i a n Observer. Conducted by  Members of the Established Church. Vol. XVIII (Oct., 1 8 1 9 ) , pp. 668 - 6 8 5 . Review of Percy as i t was acted at the Theatre-Royal i n Covent Garden, The Monthly Review or Literary Journal. Vol. LVIII (Jan., 1 7 7 8 ) , pp. 23 - 2 6 . 173 Review of Peter Not I n f a l l i b l e ! or a Poem Addressed to Peter  Pindar, Esq. on Reading His N i l Admirari. a Late  I l l i b e r a l Attack on the Bishop of London; together  with Unmanly Abuse of Mrs. Hannah More: also Lines  Occasioned by His Ode to Some Robin Red Breasts i n  a Country Cathedral. The Anti-Jacobin Review. Vol. V (March, 1800), pp. 314 - 315. Review of Popular Tales, by Maria Edgeworth, The Edinburgh  Review or C r i t i c a l Journal. Vol. VIII (July, 1804), PP. 329 - 337. Review of P r a c t i c a l Pietv. by Hannah More, The B r i t i s h C r i t i c , Vol. XXXVIII (Sept., 1811), pp. 234 - 246. Review of P r a c t i c a l Piety, by Hannah More, The E c l e c t i c Review, Vol. VII (May, 1811), pp. 435 - 443. Review of Remarks on the Speech of M. Dupont. Made i n the  National Convention of France on the Subjects of  Religion and Public Education, by Hannah More, The  B r i t i s h C r i t i c . Vol. I (May, 1793), pp. 31 - 34. Review of S t r i c t u r e s on the Modern System of Female Education, by Hannah More, The B r i t i s h C r i t i c . Vol. XIII (Jan., 1799), pp. 643 - 651. Review of Strictures on the Modern System of Female Education,  with a View of the Princi p l e s and Conduct Prevalent  among Women of Rank and Fortune, by Hannah More, The  Anti-Jacobin Review. Vol. IV (Oct., 1799), pp. 190 -199. Review of Suggestions Respecting a Plan of National Education. by William Shaw, of The Blagdon Controversy: or Short  C r i t i c i s m s on the Late Dispute between the Curate of  Blagdon and Mrs. Hannah More. Relative to Sunday  Schools and Monday Private Schools, by a Layman, of A Statement of Facts Relative to Mrs. H. More's Schools  Occasioned bv Some Late Misrepresentations, and of A Letter to the Rev. T. Bere. Rector of Butcombe. The  Anti-Jacobin Review. Vol. IX (Aug., 1801), pp. 391 -397. Review of Tales of Fashionable L i f e bv Maria Edgeworth. The  Edinburgh review or C r i t i c a l Journal. Vol. XXVIII (July, 1809), pp. 375 - 388. Review of The Controversy between Miss Hannah More and the  Curate of Blagdon Relative to the Conduct of Her  Teacher of the Sunday School i n That Parish; with the Original Letters, and Explanatory Notes, by Thomas Bere; of A Letter to the Rev. Thomas Bere. 174 Rector of Butcombe. Occasioned bv His Late Unwarrant-able Attack on Mrs. Hannah More: with an Appendix. Containing Letters and Other Documents Relative to  the Extraordinary Proceedings at Blagdon. by Rev. S i r Abraham Elton, Bart.; and of An Appeal to the Public  on the Controversy between Hannah More, the Curate of  Blagdon. and the Rev. S i r Abraham Elton, Bart., by Thomas Bere. The Anti-Jacobin Review. Vol. IX (July, 1801) , pp. 277 - 296. Review of The Influence of the Female Character Upon Society. Considered More Especially with Reference to the Pres-ent Crises, i n a Sermon Preached i n the Parish Church  of St. John, at Hackney, on Sunday. November 22. 1801, by the Rev. Henry Handley Norris, The Anti-Jacobin  Review, Vol. XI (Feb., 1802), pp. 145 - 155. Review of The L i f e of Hannah More, with Notices of her S i s t e r s , by Henry Thompson, The E c l e c t i c Review. Vol. VI, new series (Oct., 1839), pp. 438 - 459. Review of The Works of Hannah More i n Eight Volumes. Including  Several Pieces never before Published. The B r i t i s h  C r i t i c . Vol. XVII (May, 1801), pp. 526 - 530. Review, part I I , of An Essay on War to Restore and Perpetuate  Peace. Good Order, and Prosperity to the Nations, by Bryce Johnston, The Anti-Jacobin Review. Vol. XI (Jan., 1802) , pp. 14 - 19. Smyth, Charles. "The Evangelical Movement i n Perspective," The Cambridge H i s t o r i c a l Journal. Vol. VII (1943), pp. 160 - 174. Snodgrass, A. E. "Dr. Johnson's Petted Lady," C o r n h i l l Maga-zine. Vol. LXXV (September, 1933), pp. 336 - 342. Soulbury, Viscount. "Women of Influence, 1750-1800," The Quarterly Review. Vol. CCXCVII (Oct., 1959), pp. 400 -407. Spring, David. "The Clapham Sect: Some Social and P o l i t i c a l Aspects," V i c t o r i a n Studies. Vol. V (September, 1961), PP. 35 - 48. The St. James Chronicle: or. B r i t i s h Evening-Post. Sat., Aug. 12 and F r i . , Aug 11, 1778. Valpy, The Rev. Dr. "Cursory Reminiscences of Hannah More," The  C h r i s t i a n Observer. Conducted bv Members of the Estab-l i s h e d Church. Vol. XXXIV (Mar., 1935), pp. 166 - 169. 175 "Wilberforce and His Contemporaries - John Newton and Hannah More," The C h r i s t i a n Observer. Conducted by Members  of the Established Church. Vol. LXIII (Nov., 1864), pp. 823 - 845. 176 Appendix Hannah More's major writings as published i n her l i f e t i m e 1773 The Search after Happiness. 1774 The I n f l e x i b l e Captive. A Tragedy. 1776 S i r Eldred of the Bower and the Bleeding Rock. Two  Legendary Tales. 1777 Ode to Dragon. Mr. Garrick's house-dog at Hampton. Essays on Various Subjects, P r i n c i p a l l y designed for Young Ladies. 1778 Percy. A Tragedy. 1779 The Fatal Falsehood. A Tragedy. 1782 Sacred Dramas, Chiefly Intended for Young Persons, to  Which i s Added S e n s i b i l i t y . A Poem. 1786 F l o r i o . A Poem. Bas Bleu or Conversation. A Poem. 1788 The Slave Trade. A Poem. Thoughts on the Importance of the Manners of the Great. 1789 Bishop Bonner's Ghost. A Poem. 1790 An Estimate of the Religion of the Fashionable World. 1792 V i l l a g e P o l i t i c s . 1793 Remarks on the Speech of M. Dupont. Made i n the French  Convention. 1795-8 Cheap Repository Tracts. 1799 S t r i c t u r e s on the Modern System of Female Education. 180 5 Hints towards Forming the Character of a Young Princess, 1808 Coelebs i n Search of a Wife. 1811 P r a c t i c a l Pietv. 177 C h r i s t i a n Morals. The Character and P r a c t i c a l Writings of St. Paul. Tracts and reprints of the Cheap Repository Tracts. Moral Sketches. The Feast of Freedom. Bible Rhymes. The S p i r i t of Prayer. Cheap Repository Tracts ascribed to Hannah More The Apprentice's Monitor; or Indentures i n Verse. The Carpenter; or the Danger of E v i l Company. The Gin Shop; or a Peep into a Prison. The History of Tom White, the P o s t i l l i o n . The Market Woman, a True Tale, or Honesty i s the Best Policy. The Roguish M i l l e r ; or Nothing Got by Cheating. The Shepherd of Salisbury P l a i n . Patient Joe: or the Newcastle C o l l i e r . The Riot: or Half a Loaf Is Better than No Bread. The Way to Plenty. The Honest M i l l e r of Gloucestershire. The Two Wealthy Farmers; or the History of Mr. Bragwell. Robert and Richard. The Apprentice Turned Master. The History of Idle Jack Brown. The Shopkeeper Turned S a i l o r . Jack Brown i n Prison. 1812 1815 1817-8 1819 1821 1825 178 The Hackney Coachman, or the Way to Get a Good Fare. Sunday Reading; On Carrying Religion into the Common Business  of L i f e . Turn the Carpet; or the Two Weavers. Betty Brown, the St. Giles's Orange G i r l . Sunday Reading; The Grand Assizes; or General Gaol Delivery. A Hymn of Praise for the Abundant Harvest of 1796. Black Giles the Poacher. Sunday Reading; Bear Ye One Another's Burdens; or the Valley  of Tears. The Cottage Cook, or Mrs. Jones's Cheap Dishes etc.  The Good Militiaman. Tawnev Rachel, or the Fortune T e l l e r . The Sunday School. The Two Gardeners. The Day of Judgement. The History of Hester Wilmot. The Ladv and the Pve; or Know Thyself. Sunday Reading; The S t r a i t Gate and the Broad Way. The History of Mr. Fantom. the New Fashioned Philosopher and his Man William. Sunday Reading: The Pilgrims. An Allegory. Dan and Jane; or Faith and Works. The Plum-cakes. 

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