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Bath in the time of Ralph Allen : a cultural survey. Rogers, Barbara Marion 1968

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BATH IN THE TIME OF RALPH ALLEN: A CULTURAL SURVEY BY BARBARA MARION ROGERS B.A. Hons., University of London, 1938 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of English We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard. THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March, 1968 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada i i /Abstract The following survey of the changing aspects of l i f e in Bath during the f i r s t f i f t y years of the eighteenth century makes no claim to be an exhaustive study of the subject, but endeavours to show how the personality of one of her c i t i z e n s did much to influence the development of the c i t y . Bath, seen as a complete picture in miniature of English society of the time, possessed in Ralph A l l e n a man eager to forward her int e r e s t s ; a man who combined with his vast personal fortune a character and personality which earned him the respect and veneration of many of the most outstand-ing figures of the age. At his death a unique phase i n Bath's h i s t o r y was brought to an end. In preparing t h i s survey I have consulted the works of various contemporary commentators as well as the writings of a number *of modern s o c i a l historians who have examined in d e t a i l the c i v i c , s o c i a l , and a r c h i t e c t u r a l growth of the c i t y during the period under review. Most valuable among these have been Barbeau's L i f e 1 a n d Letters at Bath i n the XVIIIth Century, R.A.L. Smith's Bath, Bryan L i t t l e ' s Bath P o r t r a i t and W i l l a r d Connely's Beau Nash: Monarch of Bath and Tunbridge Wells. Unfortunately I was unable to use Professor i i i Benjamin Boyce's The Benevolent Man; A L i f e of Ralph  A l l e n of Bath, which was not published u n t i l late in 1967, after the f i n a l d r a f t of th i s thesis had been completed. In addition to the above, I have also consulted the works of those p r i n c i p a l eighteenth century authors who were d i r e c t l y influenced by the c u l t u r a l l i f e of Bath, and who have given us immediate and v i v i d impressions derived from the d a i l y l i f e of t h i s extraordinary c i t y . Defoe, Steele, Pope, Fi e l d i n g , Goldsmith, and Smollett a l l knew Bath well, and a l l have incorporated in the i r works the essence of Bath l i f e . Moreover, Pope and F i e l d i n g were much indebted to Al l e n personally; PJope carried on a constant correspondence with him, and Fi e l d i n g used him as the prototype for Squire Allworthy i n Tom Jones. As for Goldsmith, he centred his intere s t on Beau Nash and l e f t for us t h e . f i r s t f u l l length biographical study of th i s dynamic contemporary of A l l e n . In summary, I have attempted to show, through contemporary and later documents, that Ralph Allen , by his manifold a c t i v i t i e s , contributed greatly to the c u l -t u r a l development of Bath, and that Bath i t s e l f was a b r i l l i a n t mirror, r e f l e c t i n g the ever-changing c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l l i f e of England i t s e l f . i v TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER Page I. THE DEVELOPMENT OF BATH 1 II . THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE CITY . . . . 5 Nash's Reforms and Plans 5 Arc h i t e c t u r a l Developments 7 Ralph A l l e n and John Wood: Prior Park 14 I I I . SOCIETY, MANNERS AND PERSONALITIES AT BATH DURING NASH'S REGIME 24 Beau Nash at Bath 24 Soci a l L i f e at Bath 29 IV. SOCIAL LIFE AT PRIOR PARK 59 Ralph A l l e n as a Personality . . . . 59 V i s i t o r s to Prior Park 65 The F i e l d i n g connection with Prior Park . . . 74 Alexander Pope's connection with Prior Park 81 V. THE CULTURAL MILIEU OF BATH DURING THE FIRST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY I l l V CHAPTER Page VI. BATH AND THE NOVEL IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 135 Fortune-hunters at Bath in the novels of Defoe and Smollett . . . 135 Physicians at Bath i n Smollett's novels 147 Bath Neighbourhood and Local Characters Reflected in Fielding's Writings 162 A 1 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 199 A PLAN OF 18TH CENTURY BATH KEY TO PLAN OF BATH A SKETCH-MAP FROM THOMAS THORPE'S ACTUAL SURVEY OF THE CITY OF BATH, 1742 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I should l i k e to express my gratitude to Professor Stanley E. Read for his patient and hel p f u l guidance during the writing of the manuscript. I am also grateful to Dr. Geoffrey Creigh for a l l his help. KEY TO PLAN OF BATH 1 Abbey Church A Saw Close 2 Cross Bath B Upper Borough Walls 3 Hot Bath C Lower Borough Walls 4 Cold Bath D L i l l i p u t A l l e y 5 King 1s Bath 6 Pump Room [ Harvey, 1706] 7 Lower Assembly Rooms: "Harrison's," 1708 "Dame Lindsey's" Ballroom, 1717 "Thayer's" [ J . Wood I, 1728] 8.. St. John's Hospital f j . Wood I, 1727J 9 Queen Square [ j . Wood I, 1728 - C . 1735J 10 St. Mary's Chapel f.J. Wood I, 1735] 11 General, or Mineral Water Hospital [ j . Wood I, 1738J 12 Kingsmead Square, Globe Inn 13 North and South Parades, Duke Street, Pierrepont Street [ j . Wood I, 1740 - 1748] 14 Orchard Street Theatre [ J e l l y and Palmer, 1750J 15 The Circus [ j . Wood I and II, 1754 - 1765J 16 Gay Street [ j . Wood II, 1756] 17 Milsom Street, 1763 18 Brock Street [ J . Wood II, 1765J 19 The Octagon [ L i g h t o l e r , 1767] 20 The Royal Crescent ["j . Wood II, 1767 - 1775J 21 Assembly Rooms [ j / . Wood II , 1767 - 1771] 22 Pulteney Bridge, jjdesigned by Robert Adam, 177lJ 23 The G u i l d h a l l [T.{ Baldwin, 1775J 24 North Colonnade, Pump Room [Baldwin, 1786j 25 Laura Place, Great Pulteney Street [Baldwin, 1788j 26 Lady Huntingdon's Chapel r o -k:.\ I THE DEVELOPMENT OF BATH AFTER 1702 The development o f Bath was not an i s o l a t e d i n s t a n c e o f 18th c e n t u r y c i t y g r o w t h . U n i q u e , however , .was the e x t e n t to w h i c h the men o f v i s i o n i n v o l v e d i n the c r e a t i o n o f the 18th c e n t u r y c i t y took advantage o f t h e i r o p p o r t u n i t y w h i l e , a t the same t i m e , the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l m i l i e u w h i c h e v o l v e d t h e r e c r e a t e d a demand f o r a wor thy s e t t i n g . At the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y , Bath was s t i l l a w a l l e d town o f no a r c h i t e c t u r a l d i s t i n c t i o n , and no l a r g e r i n a r e a than the o r i g i n a l Roman town. By m i d - 1 8 t h c e n t u r y the c i t y had d o u b l e d i n a rea and was c o m p l e t e l y t r a n s f o r m e d i n a p p e a r a n c e . I t s good f o r t u n e was the c c u i n c i d e n c e o f c i v i c and s o c i a l development w i t h the p e r i o d o f the f l o w e r i n g o f 18th c e n t u r y E n g l i s h a r c h i t e c t u r e . The e x t r a o r d i n a r y c i v i c and a r t i s t i c emergence o f an o b s c u r e and r e l a t i v e l y remote and p r o v i n c i a l c i t y can be t r a c e d to an a lmost f o r t u i t o u s h a p p e n i n g . A l t h o u g h the Roman Baths had l o n g been f o r g o t t e n , the town was s t i l l f r e q u e n t e d d u r i n g the summer months by i n v a l i d s who sought r e l i e f i n the " w a t e r s ; " and gambling had e x i s t e d i n Bath s i n c e the t ime o f C h a r l e s I I ' s v i s i t . But the c i t y was r u s t i c , p r o v i n c i a l and l a c k i n g i n e s s e n t i a l a m e n i t i e s . The t u r n i n g p o i n t i n i t s h i s t o r y 2 was the decision of Queen Anne to "take the waters" there i n 1702, and again i n 1703; and whither the Court repaired, the fashionable world would inev i t a b l y follow. London was the s o c i a l centre of the kingdom, but, since t r a v e l abroad had not yet become as fashionable as i t was to become in Regency days, a suitable summer resort was completely lacking, and the English countryside of those days was considered excessively boring. London was the only theatre "for pleasure or i n t r i g u e , " and the pleasures afforded by the provinces were "merely r u r a l , the company splenetic, r u s t i c and vulgar." People of fashion were obliged to spend the summer season "amidst a solitude of country squires, parsons' wives ... or farmers; they wanted some place where they might have each other's company and win each other's money. Gambling i n England, and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n London, had by t h i s time reached the proportions of a national disease among the leisured classes of both sexes, the men gathering round the card tables at Almack's, White's 2 and Boodle's, the women in th e i r own drawing rooms. Speculation and r i s k were a passion sought for, and found, ••-Oliver Goldsmith, "Life of Richard Nash" in Works, Globe e d i t i o n (1925), p. 519. 2 A.S. T u r b e r v i l l e , English Men and Manners in the  Eighteenth Century (1926), 1959/ ed. p. 88. 3 and fortunes were l o s t and made "at the turn of a card or a throw from a dice-box. "1 Naturally, to London, the "great mart of every f o l l y , sharpers from every country d a i l y arrived."2 Professional gamblers from Aix and Spa flocked to London during the winter, 3 and as soon as people with money to stake began to patronize Bath, the professionals and sharpers l o s t no time i n following i n their wake. Among this inevitable crowd of gamesters and the i r c u l l i e s was Richard Nash, a professional gamester who had made a name for himself i n London as an organizer of s o c i a l ceremonies, but who depended for his l i v e l i h o o d upon h i s gains at the tables. Nash's a r r i v a l at Bath i n 1705 was motivated by the hopes of making money, but the outcome of his v i s i t was the making of Bath. No sooner had he arrived than he began to speculate upon the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of convert-ing the c i t y into an a t t r a c t i v e resort with himself as leader. Nor did he ever lose sight of the lure of the gaming tables for prospective v i s i t o r s . From 1705 t i l l his death i n 1761, Nash's career was intimately linked - K A . E . Richardson, Georgian England (1931), p. 83. 2 0 . Goldsmith, p. 519. 3W. Connely, Beau Nash (1955), p. 12. 4 with the fortunes of Bath and of her s i s t e r - c i t y , Tunbridge Wells. Within a very short time h i s power was such that he was acclaimed "uncrowned King of Bath, the Arbiter of Elegance, Dictator of Manners of p o l i t e society."1 R.A.L. Smith, Bath (1944), p. 54. I I THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE CITY Nash's Reforms and Plans "Beau" Nash saw the necessity for taking p r a c t i c a l steps to introduce improvements in l i v i n g conditions before he could hope to organize s o c i a l l i f e on the scale that he envisaged. The c i t y was "mean and contemptible" with "no elegant buildings, no open streets ... the Pump Room was without a director, the chairmen insulted their customers." The only lodgings available to v i s i t o r s were "paltry tho 1 expensive ... floored with boards, coloured brown with soot and small beer to hide the d i r t . Nash organized the Pump Room where v i s i t o r s gathered d a i l y to drink the waters, had the streets paved, lighted and cleaned, repressed the insolence of the chairmen and gave f a c i l i -t i e s to genuine i n v a l i d s . Houses and promenades soon began to improve, so that, having freed the c i t y from i t s r u s t i c associations, Nash was able to concentrate upon the organization of s o c i a l functions l i k e l y to at t r a c t moneyed and pleasure-seeking v i s i t o r s . The actual building of eighteenth century Bath grew out of t h i s necessity for providing accommodation 1 0 . Goldsmith, p. 520. 6 for a generation of people who were learning to demand higher standards of comfort and for whom elegance was now considered de rigeur. Further, the v i t a l importance of adequate com-munications between London, the source of Bath's prosperity, and the new resort, could not be ignored. Nearly a l l the eminent people who v i s i t e d Bath as late as 1710 t r a v e l l e d on horseback, 1 and conditions of road t r a v e l at this time were appalling. By mid-century the springless stage coach was in general use on the Bath Road, and later in the century, when regular changes of horses could be made at the posting inns, the post-chaise became a safer and more rapid means of t r a v e l l i n g to the West. 2 But even so, the very thought of the speed that could be attained was a source of alarm to p o t e n t i a l t r a v e l l e r s . The Bath  Chronicle, late i n the century, warns readers of the dangers of excessive speeding: The public were frightened by assurances that i f the speed got up to ten miles per hour i t would be a clear tempting of Providence, the brain would be injured, dread-f u l accidents would c e r t a i n l y happen. A l l who t r a v e l l e d R.E.M. Peach, L i f e and Times of Ralph Alle n (1895), p. 48. 2The establishment of the mail coach service was the work of John Palmer of Bath, who was also proprietor of the Orchard Street Theatre. (See p. 127). Palmer e n l i s t e d the help of William P i t t , and in 1784 the f i r s t mail coach was established between London and Bath. 7 must f i r s t make the i r w i l l s ... Instances were offered ... of passengers who had died suddenly of apoplexy from the r a p i d i t y of the motion.1 In the early century the dangers to be encountered on the Bath Road were somewhat more immediate. The journey from London took two days and nights over unending mud and rut s . I f the coach did not get buried in a ditch, or over-turn, there was s t i l l the p r o b a b i l i t y of meeting lurking o highwaymen as the t r a v e l l e r s drew near to Bath. Since i t was not at a l l in Nash's intere s t that prospective gamblers should be robbed before reaching the gaming tables of Bath, he undertook to send agents to catch the highway robbers. Thus he eliminated at least one of the hazards of the Bath Road. At the same time, road-bu i l d i n g gradually improved, with the r e s u l t that, already in Nash's time, Bath was so crowded with v i s i t o r s that the rebuilding of the c i t y i n a st y l e b e f i t t i n g the demands of the age became a worthwhile proposition. A r c h i t e c t u r a l Developments Thus i t became imperative i n the f i r s t decades, •kjerom Murch, Bath C e l e b r i t i e s (1893) , pp. I l l - 112, paraphrasing the Bath Chronicle, Feb. 24, 1785. 2 W. Connely, p. 39. G.M. Trevelyan, I l l u s t r a t e d Social History: III, Pelican e d i t i o n (1964), p. 160. 8 as Bath developed into a resort for the leaders of fashion, wit and public a f f a i r s , that i t s architecture should r e f l e c t the s p i r i t of t h i s age of elegance. This was rendered possible because of the a v a i l -a b i l i t y of funds, the intere s t shown by men of taste and resources, because of the determination of a certain c i t i -zen named Ralph A l l e n to employ the l o c a l Bathstone for building, and because of the decision of Bath's greatest architect, John Wood the elder, to s e t t l e in Bath i n 1727.1 These two men were largely responsible for the creation of the 18th century c i t y . A l l e n developed the l o c a l quarries of soft honey-coloured stone at Combe Down while Wood, an a r t i s t "imbued with a passion for c l a s s i c a l architecture, planned a c i t y beside the Avon with buildings as harmonious as those with which Palladio had adorned the banks of the Brenta and the Po." 2 Together they produced Ijohn Wood i n his Essay towards a Description of Bath (1749) states that his decision was made only after an assurance that roads into Bath were to be improved by Acts of Parliament. He had a plan of Bath sent to him in Yorkshire and there he worked out designs for sections of the c i t y , which he took to London to show to Dr. Gay and the E a r l of Essex, both land-owners i n Bath. In spite of their lack of enthusiasm Wood proceeded to Bath and decided to modify his f i r s t grandiose plan. He was immediately beset by Dame Lindsey, to b u i l d her an Assembly House. (from W. Connely's paraphrase of Wood's Essay, pp. 2 32 - 242, in Beau Nash, pp. 86 - 87). Wood's previous experiences included work on the s w i f t l y developing Grosvenor-Cavendish area of fashionable London (Bryan L i t t l e , Bath P o r t r a i t (1961), p. 45) . I r i s Origo i n Horizon, Vol. VII, No. 1, p. 6. 9 i n a r c h i t e c t u r e , one o f the most s u c c e s s f u l e x p r e s s i o n s o f the 18th c e n t u r y s p i r i t . To the e l d e r Wood's b u i l d i n g o f the P a l l a d i a n c i t y was added the work o f h i s s o n , John Wood the Y'ounger a f t e r the f a t h e r ' s death i n 1754. What may t h e r e f o r e be termed " P a l l a d i a n B a t h " i n c l u d e s the a r c h i t e c t u r e o f the y e a r s between 1727 and 1771.-'-Two b u i l d i n g s e s s e n t i a l f o r the p a t t e r n o f s o c i a l l i f e as d e v i s e d by Nash were a Pump Room and an Assembly Room. Thus the schemes o f Nash, t o o , c o n t r i b u t e d to the r e b i r t h o f the c i t y . Nash d e c r e e d t h a t the d r i n k i n g o f the waters be made an e s s e n t i a l f u n c t i o n o f s o c i a l l i f e . To t h i s end the e a r l i e r Pump Room was r e - b u i l t i n 1706 by the a r c h i t e c t , H a r v e y , and s u b s e q u e n t l y r e - b u i l t t h r e e 9 t imes b e f o r e the end o f the c e n t u r y . open a i r , or in the town h a l l . In order to lend greater dignity to the proceedings, a certain Harrison was com-missioned in 1708, to b u i l d a set of Assembly Rooms. In 1717 "Dame Lindsey's" ballroom was added to "Harrison's" Assembly Rooms. One of the elder Wood's f i r s t projects, See Key to Plan of Bath. John Strahan of B r i s t o l also contributed to the building of Bath during the 1730's (in p a r t i c u l a r , the Kingsmead d i s t r i c t : see Plan of Bath). Because he was treated "with jealousy and unworthy s p i t e " by the elder Wood (Bryan L i t t l e , p. 53) he has always been so much overshadowed by Wood as to be almost forgotten. Dances had hitherto been held, informally, in the after h is a r r i v a l i n 172 7 was the re-building, i n 1728, of the Assembly Rooms, to be known as "Thayer's Rooms" u n t i l 1740, when they were taken over by the manager, Wi l t s h i r e . manner, his o r i g i n a l plans for Bath, the elder Wood was able to f u l f i l l at least a part of hi s dream i n such achievements as St. John's Hospital, his f i r s t b uilding (1727) 2 followed by Chandos Buildings (1727), Queen Square (1728 - c. 1735) and St. Mary's Chapel (1735). 3 He also b u i l t the General, or Mineral Water Hospital (1738) 4 i n order to carry out the philanthropic scheme of a group of Bath c i t i z e n s for the treatment of poor patients, for which purpose Nash had opened a public subscription. Among i t s patrons, the h o s p i t a l included Ralph A l l e n and John Wood, whilst i t s organizer and d i r e c -tor was Dr. William Oliver, the physician celebrated for hi s charity to the poor. William Hoare's painting of "Dr. Oliver examining patients" hangs in the Royal Mineral Water Hospital to thi s day. 1See Plan of Bath, (7). These names, deriving from managers and directors, recur frequently i n the writings of 18th century v i s i t o r s to Bath. See Plan of Bath, (§). 3See Plan of Bath, (9), © . Although he was obliged to modify in a dr a s t i c See Plan of Bath, (Ll) . Wood began i n 1740 to lay out the North and South Parades, Duke Street and Pierrepont Street. They were completed in 1748, and rose from the gardens where the medieval monks of Bath Abbey had f i r s t c u l t i v a t e d the grapes for the celebrated wine of Bath.''" Wood had always intended to endow the c i t y with a parade b e f i t t i n g the elegance of the fashionable world, where beauty, elegance and finery might display i t s e l f for the admiration of a l l . Yet in the architecture i t s e l f "there i s a p l a i n unadorned s i m p l i c i t y about the whole work, which i s i n the most austere t r a d i t i o n of the eighteenth century."2 With i t s Corinthian facades Queen Square, likewise an example of c l a s s i c a l severity has, on account of i t s exquisite pro-portions, been described as "The true consummation of English Palladian s t y l e . " 3 U n t i l the 1770's when super-4 seded by the Royal Crescent and Bathwick, Queen Square was one of the most fashionable places of residence in Bath and for a time Wood resided there himself. Leading u p h i l l from Queen Square, Gay Street^ was b u i l t in 1756 by the younger Wood, as a l i n k with the l a s t ±W. Connely, p. 87. See Plan of Bath, 2R.A.L. Smith, p. 73. 3R.A.L. Smith, p. 70. 12 of h i s father's undertakings — The Circus.1 Before the building of the Circus was far advanced, the elder Wood died (in 1754) and the work was carried out by his son during the years 1754 to 1765. Edith S i t w e l l c a l l s i t "the superb Circus, with i t s fantastic and magnificent houses." 2 Singular indeed, i n thi s c i r c u l a r structure, i s the design of three t i e r s of continuous f r i e z e sup-ported by columns i n the Ionic, Doric and Corinthian orders. While W.S. Landor was moved to declare that "there was nothing i n Rome or in the world to equal i t , " 3 two 18th century voices were raised i n s h r i l l protest against the Circus, that of Mrs. Elizabeth Montagu, in 1779 4 and that of Matthew Bramble i n Smollett's Humphrey  Clinker (1771) . 5 Many of the leading c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the 18th ISee Plan of Bath, . 2Quoted by R.A.L. Smith, p. 71. Imaginery Conversations, quoted by A. Barbeau i n L i f e and Letters at Bath i n the XVIIIth Century (1904), pp. 283 - 284 and notes. in the inside i t i s a nest of boxes, in which I would be s t i f l e d , i f the masonry were not so bad as to l e t in the wind in many places." (Quoted by I r i s Origo in Horizon, Vol. VII, No. 1, 1965, p. 6). 5 "The Circus i s a pretty bauble, contrived for shew, and looks l i k e Vespasian's amphitheatre turned outside in ..." (Humphrey Clinker (1771), Letter of 23 A p r i l , Dolphin edition, p. 39). 13 century c i t y were due to the collaboration of Allen , Wood and Nash. This l a s t had his word to say even in the designs for the Hospital, for the Parades, Queen Square and the Circus.^ Wood, in addition to h i s a r c h i t e c t u r a l theories, was responsible for introducing to Bath modern methods in construction. From Yorkshire he brought excavators and masons, from London, carpenters and introduced to the West Country the use of the lever, pulley and windlass.2 on the l a t t e r ' s town house i n L i l l i p u t Alley,- 5 near to, and conforming i n style with The Parades, and so situated as to face sloping gardens, and a view of the h i l l s beyond.^ The two men were able to combine the i r talents and resources to achieve a common purpose. Wood knew how to work the very f r i a b l e Bathstone that A l l e n was determined to launch on ^Austin J . King and B.H. Watts, "The Renaissance of the C i t y " i n The Municipal Records of Bath quoted by J. Murch in Bath C e l e b r i t i e s , pp. 178 - 179. ^Municipal Records, quoted by Murch, p. 179. Allen, l a t e l y made Postmaster of Bath, moved the old post o f f i c e from i t s quarters i n the nave of an old church in the slums "at the bottom of that d i r t y and loathsome Bath Street" (Peach, L i f e and Times of Ralph Allen, pp. 61 - 62) and accommodated i t in his new house, i n 1728. Connely, pp. 89 - 90. The house commanded a view of Hampton Down on which Richard Jones l a t e r b u i l t Sham Castle. Sham Castle or, "Ralph Allen's F o l l y " constructed in 1762 exemplifies the 18th century custom of "improving" landscapes by the addition of pseudo-Gothic or other picturesque structures. Wood began h i s partnership with A l l e n i n working See Plan of Bath, 'J. Murch, Bath C e l e b r i t i e s , p. 180. the market, and was responsible for canalizing the River Avon between Bath and B r i s t o l (where others had failed),"'" thus opening a waterway for the exports from Allen's Combe Down qu ar r ie s. But the most b r i l l i a n t example, in i t s scope and imaginative appeal, of the co-operation between these two men was destined to be the mansion and property of Prior Park. A l l e n possessed the f i n a n c i a l resources and the daring to project the idea of such magnificence, while Wood had the re q u i s i t e s k i l l and genius to make of Allen's dream a r e a l i t y . Ralph A l l e n and John Wood: Prior Park Ralph A l l e n began his career at Bath i n 1715, as 2 3 a postal clerk. The son of an innkeeper in Cornwall, Al l e n worked as a boy for his grandmother, who was in charge of the post o f f i c e at St. Columb. A passing inspector noticed the boy and obtained for him a vacancy in the post o f f i c e at Bath. Although i t was thought by many that the family had l i v e d in conditions of dire poverty, Richard Graves, a close friend during the l a s t X J . Murch, p. 180. 2Peach, p. 56. 3Rev. Francis K i l v e r t , "Ralph A l l e n and Prior Park" in Remains in Prose and Verse (1866), p. 141. 15 f o u r t e e n y e a r s o f R a l p h ' s l i f e , a f f i r m e d t h a t " M r . P o p e ' s e p i t h e t o f ' l o w - b o r n A l l e n ' " was by no means w a r r a n t e d . A l l e n ' s f a t h e r appears to have been a t y p i c a l l a n d l o r d o f the r o a d s i d e p o s t i n g i n n o f t h a t d a y ; ' w a s w e l l - e d u c a t e d and i n t u r n e d u c a t e d h i s c h i l d r e n . R a l p h , when a l e a d i n g c i t i z e n o f Bath and owner o f wide e s t a t e s , a p p a r e n t l y r e c e i v e d h i s s i s t e r s a t b o t h Hampton and P r i o r P a r k . 3 d e t e r m i n e d upon a r e - o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the system o f c r o s s -p o s t s . H i t h e r t o n e a r l y a l l l o c a l and c r o s s - c o u n t r y m a i l had t r a v e l l e d by way o f London, a system o f i n c r e d i b l e s lowness and i n e f f i c i e n c y . From the government A l l e n o b t a i n e d a c o n c e s s i o n to work the c r o s s - p o s t a l system t h r o u g h o u t E n g l a n d and W a l e s , i n r e t u r n f o r w h i c h c o n -c e s s i o n he had to pay a y e a r l y r e n t o f ^ 2 , 0 0 0 , and to d e f r a y A l l e n ' s c a r e e r ; he h e l d the c o n t r a c t f o r f o r t y y e a r s 0 and i t was the source o f h i s g r e a t w e a l t h . Much o f the x S e e p . 85. 2 Q u o t e d by K i l v e r t , p . 141. 3 Peach , p . 56. 4 H e r b e r t J o y c e , H i s t o r y o f the P o s t O f f i c e (1893), p . 147. Quoted by Barbeau, p . 244. 5 Peach, p . 60. 6 K i l v e r t , p . 176. When he was a p p o i n t e d postmaster o f Bath A l l e n the expenses o f working*' T h i s was the t u r n i n g p o i n t o f information concerning the sources of Allen's wealth i s to be found in the "Diary" of a certain Richard Jones, who became clerk of the works to A l l e n i n 1731, and r e -mained cl o s e l y associated with him u n t i l 1764.1 A close friend of Allen's at thi s time was General Wade2whose natural daughter A l l e n had recently married. Wade and Al l e n worked together to improve the amenities of Bath. Troops were employed to construct "highland roads" around the c i t y and to clear the slums around the post o f f i c e which A l l e n was i n process of reforming. In the early 1730's Al l e n acquired property on the neighbouring Combe Down with the intention of quarry-ing the stone there, being convinced of the value of the Bathstone for building purposes, and of the p o s s i b i l i t y of marketing i t . Defoe describes Allen's invention of a machine to convey huge blocks of stone from the top of Combe Down to the Avon, where they were conveyed by water to a l l parts of England, 3 while Richard Jones' Diary mentions Allen's "carriage road" for "the conveyance i K i l v e r t obtained t h i s "Diary" from a Bath bookseller and quotes from i t in his Remains in Prose and Verse as bearing "strong i n t e r n a l evidence of truth." (p. 175). 2Wade was M.P. for Bath i n 1727. 3 D a n i e l Defoe, A Tour Through Great B r i t a i n (1724 -27), 7th edition, II, p. 300. 17 of stone to ... the D o l m e a d s . T h i s "tramway" was apparently b u i l t some years before work on Prior Park began, and was instrumental i n creating a l o c a l demand for s k i l l e d labour which continued throughout the 19th century.2 Bathstone was used in building the B r i s t o l Stock Exchange and for St. Batholomew's Hospital in London, 3 and became known l o c a l l y when used by John Wood in bu i l d i n g Queen Square, Wood Street, and the North and South Parades.^ But Alle n began to encounter prejudices and objections on the part of the London architects, who 5 set their faces against the use of Bathstone. The grand design for Prior Park originated in Allen's desire to prove to a l l and sundry the q u a l i t i e s of the Combe Down stone, "by exhibiting i t to greater advantage, and as applied to a greater v a r i e t y of uses than i t ever had been before."6 -•-Quoted by K i l v e r t , p. 175. 2Peach, p. 82. 3Defoe, Tour, 7th edition, II, p. 300. ^ K i l v e r t , p. 176. Quoting R. Jones. 5Peach, p. 100. ^ K i l v e r t , pp. 147 - 148. Quoting Woods' Essay Towards  a Description of Bath, p. 227. The o r i g i n a l plan was to display a l l the d i f f e r e n t orders of architecture."'' The f i r s t design was for a mansion "'where the Orders of Architecture were to shine forth i n a l l th e i r glory; but the Warmth of the Resolu-tion at l a s t abating an humble s i m p l i c i t y took i t s place' and i f the eventual construction was considered by Wood to express t h i s l a s t quality, then h i s o r i g i n a l concep-ti o n must have been magnificent in the extreme." 2 "This magnificent building stands on a terrace, about 100 feet below the summit of Combe Down, and 400 feet above the c i t y of Bath. I t consists of a house in the centre, two pav i l i o n s , and two wings of o f f i c e s , a l l united by arcades, and making one continued l i n e of bu i l d i n g . I t i s b u i l t in the Corinthian s t y l e , and crowned by a balustrade. The centre part, projecting from the plane, forms one of the most correct and noble porticoes in the kingdom, supported by s i x large l o f t y , and superb columns. At the bottom of the lawn, before the house, i s a piece of water, and over i t a Palladian bridge at the head of 3 a considerable lake p l e n t i f u l l y stocked with f i s h . " ± K i l v e r t , p. 148. 2W. Ison, Georgian Buildings of Bath (1948), pp. 135 - 6. Quoting from Wood's Essay. 3 K i l v e r t , p. 148. The Reverend Richard Graves, Rector of Claverton for over f i f t y years and author of the S p i r i t u a l Quixote j , wrote: "The pleasure ground of Prior Park, though not extensive, i s b e a u t i f u l l y romantic, and good use i s made of the various r i l l s of water, which appear to issue from a rock stricken by the wand of Moses (a statue of whom i s placed above i t ) , and, t r i c k l i n g down the precipice, are coll e c t e d below into a serpentine r i v e r , which i s orna-mented by a f i c t i t i o u s bridge, designed by Mr. Pope, to conceal i t s termination," and adds that "there i s a gothic b u i l d i n g at the top, or rather at one side of the pleasure ground, which was intended for the head gardener, but which i s r e a l l y a comfortable and elegant dwelling for a small genteel family, and has l a t e l y been rented by many people of fortune. There i s a l o c a l legend that s t i l l p e r s i s t s , to the e f f e c t that Wood was unable to believe that A l l e n had s u f f i c i e n t wealth to pay for the magnificent mansion he envisioned, u n t i l A l l e n showed him the actual coins. K i l v e r t ' s source for t h i s story was H. V. Lansdown, an a r t i s t and c o l l e c t o r of reminiscences of Bath. Lansdown writes: "When Mr. Al l e n had determined to b u i l d the present mansion at Prior Park, he sent for John Wood the architect K i l v e r t , pp.148 - 9. Quoting Richard Graves. who waited upon him at the post o f f i c e in L i l l i p u t A l l e y , where A l l e n then resided. 'I want you,' said A l l e n , 'to b u i l d me a country house on the Prior's estate at Widcombe. Al l e n then described the sort of place he wished erected; but when he entered into the d e t a i l s , and talked about a private chapel, with a tribune for the familyp a portico of gigantic dimensions;' a grand entrance h a l l and wings of o f f i c e s for coach houses, stables, etc. the astonished ar c h i t e c t began to think the postmaster had taken leave of his senses. 'Have you, s i r , sat down and counted the cost of bu i l d i n g such a place?' 'I have, 1 r e p l i e d A l l e n ; 'and for some time past have been laying by money for the purpose.' 'But,' said Wood, 'the place you are tal k i n g about would be a palace and not a house; you have not the least idea of the money 'twould take to complete i t . ' 'Well,' rejoined A l l e n , 'come t h i s way.1 He then took him into the next room, and opening a closet door showed him a strong box. 'That box i s f u l l of guineas:' The archi t e c t shook his head. Allen opened another closet, and pointed to a second and a t h i r d . Wood s t i l l h e s i -tated. 'Well,' said A l l e n , 'come into t h i s room-' a fourth and a f i f t h were discovered. The architect now began to open his eyes with wonder. 'If we have not money enough here, come into t h i s bedroom.1 A sixth, a seventh, and, loJ an eighth appears. Chuckling i n his turn at the astonishment of the architect, A l l e n now inquired i f the house could be b u i l t . ' I ' l l begin the plans immediately, r e p l i e d Wood; 'I see there i s money enough to erect even a palace; and I ' l l b u i l d you a palace that s h a l l be the admiration of a l l beholders.''" 1 A l l e n could claim that his costly but determined e f f o r t to prove the q u a l i t i e s of Bathstone was j u s t i f i e d when Prior Park stood i n majesty, commanding the panorama of the c i t y below, and c l e a r l y v i s i b l e from the c i t y , for a l l to admire. I t stood as a tangible proof of Allen's theory. And to the elder Wood, too, i t brought reward. "The fame of Bath spread everywhere," and contracts were made for works to be supervised by Wood. Wood had worked for A l l e n for a period of five years, but a difference of opinion now arose between the two men. Wood had designed Prior Park with a view to securing unity of a r c h i t e c t u r a l e f f e c t , but he had also in mind certain features which were intended to be unique Peach attributes the decision of the two men to separate, to a difference of opinion concerning the roofing of the stables, saying that "on completion of the f i r s t part of the work Wood's d i r e c t connection with A l l e n ceased," and K i l v e r t , pp. 178 - 179. Peach, p. 101. that "the Eastern wing, Palladian Bridge and planting were entrusted to other hands, a year or so before Wood's death." 1 2 Richard Jones replaced Wood c.. 173 9, designed the East wing and was responsible for the landscaping. This included a front lawn and a " p l e n t i f u l spring gushing out of a rock covered with f i r s ... a cascade ... f a l l i n g into a lake at the foot of the h i l l ... below the house." 3 Jones says that he b u i l t the Palladian bridge over the "pond" in 1755, 4 and mentions a pedestal to the south of the house, bearing on the four panels, b a s - r e l i e f s of the works of Allen's father-in-law, General Wade, "representing the cutting and bl a s t i n g of the rocks when the roads were formed in the Highlands by him." The Bathstone and Cotswold stone i n general, soon grew in reputation, being dressed to s u i t the ar c h i t e c t u r a l styles now i n fashion. In t h i s way, l o c a l Bath materials were to a f f e c t the development of c l a s s i c a l design, even J-Peach, p. 88. 2 K i l v e r t , p. 175. Quoting from Jones' "Diary". 3Peach, p. 113. 4 A copy of the bridge at Wilton (near Salisbury), the property of the Earls of Pembroke. K i l v e r t , p. 176. Quoting from Jones' "Diary". though London continued to be the main source of influence. Further, l o c a l craftsmen i n such places as Bath s t i l l used inventive s k i l l in devising d e t a i l in the material used^ based on c l a s s i c a l prototypes. In fact, so great was the reputation both of Bathstone and Portland stone at t h i s period that they were "considered e s s e n t i a l to the appear-ance and l a s t i n g q u a l i t y of buildings of the f i r s t rank. 1 , 1 A.E. Richardson, Georgian England, p. 117. I l l SOCIETY, MANNERS AND PERSONALITIES AT BATH DURING NASH'S REGIME Beau Nash at Bath Nash's rapid promotion as "Arbiter of Elegance, Dictator of Manners" was a triumph of sheer force of personality. His biographer, Goldsmith, writing after Nash's death, paints t h i s scene of the early century with Nash as i t s central figure. Even though the p o r t r a i t may be larger than l i f e - s i z e , Goldsmith does convey the impression of an extraordinary and highly picturesque figure. "He had too much merit not to become remarkable, 1 yet too much f o l l y to arrive at greatness." His appear-ance was singular and arresting, a deliberate part of Nash's c a r e f u l l y planned mise en scene i n which attention had to be r i v e t t e d on h i s own personality. As the years went by his appearance grew more and more singular. He always wore a white hat (merely "to secure i t from being stolen") ; his dress was tawdry and he mixed the fashions of the past generation and his own. His equipage was sumptuous, he t r a v e l l e d "in a post-chariot and s i x greys, with outriders, footmen, French horns and every display 2 of expensive parade." "Life of R. Nash," p. 526. Goldsmith, p. 515. 25 The then Master of Ceremonies, Captain Webster, was k i l l e d in a duel and Nash succeeding to the post, immediately seized the opportunity to put into e f f e c t his reforms and plans for the development of the resort. As soon as he undertook personally the control of the only recognized place of entertainment, the Pump Room, i n 1706, the number of "noble" v i s i t o r s began to increase r a p i d l y ; and when, i n 1708, "Harrisons" Assembly Rooms were b u i l t , 1 entertainments could be properly organized. Such entertainments, which included "drinking the waters," gambling and dancing, continued to be essen-t i a l features of Bath's s o c i a l l i f e for the greater part of the century. Nash also brought 6 musicians from London 2 and organized an archestra. "Nash's Pump Room Orchestra" survived u n t i l the 1940's. Nash would tolerate no private p a r t i e s . Dancing was permitted from 6 o'clock u n t i l 11 o'clock in the evening, but no permission could be obtained to continue dancing after that hour. Attendance at Assemblies was made obligatory, and Nash's "Code of Laws," posted in the Pump Room regulating dress and deportment at dances, came to be r e l i g i o u s l y observed by his "subjects," neither rank See p. 9. Goldsmith, p. 521. nor fortune shielding them from h i s resentment. Manners, at the time of Nash's a r r i v a l at Bath, were sadly i n need of reform. The amusements of the place were neither elegant nor were they conducted with 2 delicacy. "The n o b i l i t y s t i l l preserved a tincture of Gothic haughtiness and refused to keep company with the gentry at any place of public entertainment. Smoking i n the Rooms was permitted; gentlemen and ladies appeared in a d i s r e s p e c t f u l manner at public entertainments i n aprons and boots. With an eagerness common to those whose pleasures come but seldom, they generally con-tinued them too long. If the company l i k e d each other they danced t i l l morning." 3 Nash's reforms included the outlawing of duels (in which he was only p a r t i a l l y successful) and the wearing of swords. In l i k e manner, swearing was also prohibited. In a l l matters, Nash had the wit to r e a l i z e that organized s o c i a l l i f e would be a stronger force i n a t t r a c t -ing "society" than the prevalent coarseness or even careless ness of manners. Even the Duchess of Queensberry had her apron torn from her by Nash at a public Assembly, 4 and -"-Goldsmith, p. 522. 2 I b i d . , p. 520. 3 I b i d . , pp. 520 - 521. 4 I b i d . , p. 523. the fact that she took the rebuke in good part t e s t i f i e s to the prestige that Nash already enjoyed. The p r i n c i p l e that underlay Nash's organization was that "healing issued from change of scene, of climate and of society, but that relaxation, to be of benefit, must be d i s c i p l i n e d , 1 , 1 and the regulation of d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s was r i g i d l y adhered to. Important newcomers were welcomed by a peal of the Abbey b e l l s , but were expected to pay subscriptions at the Assembly rooms, for the music in the Pump Room, for the use of the private walks, for books borrowed from the booksellers and for pen, ink and paper at the coffee house. 2 The day;'s programme was as c a r e f u l l y organized: bathing i n the morning, to which "the lady i s brought i n a close chair ... i n her bathing clothes ... and in the water (is presented) with a l i t t l e f l o a t i n g dish ... into which (she) puts a handkerchief, a snuff-box and 3 a nosegay." The day passes at the Pump Room, at public breakfasts, at concerts. Optional lectures may be attended, that do not "tease the understanding." After church, "some walk in the meadows ... while others are seen scaling some l-W. Connely, p. 63. 2 Goldsmith, p. 524. 3 Ibid., pp. 524 - 525. 28 of those romantic precipices that overhang the c i t y . " 1 Ba l l s , plays or v i s i t s ' conclude the evening, and every Tuesday and Friday there i s a subscription b a l l . "In th i s manner every amusement soon improved under Mr. Nash's administration. The magistrates of the c i t y found that he was'necessary and useful" and r e a d i l y paid the same respect to his " f i c t i t i o u s r o y a l t y that i s generally extorted by 2 r e a l power." Bath society and manners as presented by such writers as Durfey, Odingsells, Defoe, and Smollett in the f i r s t h a l f of the century, d i f f e r widely from Gold-smith's general v e r d i c t on Nash's r e f i n i n g influence. But Goldsmith found that "he was the f i r s t who diffused a desire of society and an easiness of address among a whole people, who were formerly censured by foreigners - for a reservedness of behaviour and an awkward t i m i d i t y in t h e i r f i r s t approaches ... That ease and open access f i r s t acquired there, our gentry brought back to the metropolis, and thus the whole kingdom by degrees became more refined by lessons o r i g i n a l l y derived from him. 1 , 3 Coarseness and r u s t i c i t y of manners did continue iGo ldsmith, p. 52 5. 2 I b i d . , p. 525. ^Preface to " L i f e of Richard Nash". 29 to e x i s t far into the 18th century. But, " i f they gradually diminished, and f i n a l l y disappeared," wrote Barbeau i n 1904, "Bath and other s o c i a l centres of the same class had a good deal to do with the improvement. 1 1 1 The reason for such a change lay i n the fact that an example was set by a society which had been polished by f a m i l i a r i t y with courts and by foreign t r a v e l . At the same time, Bath enjoyed f a c i l i t i e s of intercourse that existed nowhere e l s e 2 because people from widely d i f f e r i n g walks of l i f e were able to meet there on terms of equality that were not generally tolerated in 18th century society. At a l l events, whether they exercised a r e f i n i n g influence or otherwise, there was hardly a character one can mention i n that century but was seen i n the famous Pump Room where Beau Nash presided. So c i a l L i f e at Bath Writers of the early 18th century who mention Bath, do tend to stress the less desirable c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of s o c i a l l i f e and of manners to the exclusion of more pos i t i v e q u a l i t i e s . Nevertheless, there have survived numerous observations made by divers v i s i t o r s to the c i t y , -•-A. Barbeau, L i f e and Letters at Bath i n the 18th Century (1904), pp. 188 - 189. 2Barbeau, p. 189. 30 who commented on, described and evaluated the contemporary scene, and whose impressions are by no means a l l unfavour-able. Their opinions, naturally, l i k e those of the purely creative writers, were coloured by personal bias or by what they considered that Bath ought to o f f e r i t s v i s i t o r s . But, however ob j e c t i v e l y 18th century Bath i s regarded in retrospect, i t would be d i f f i c u l t to deny that f r i v o l i t y was, at a l l times, i t s most d i s t i n c t i v e feature. This f r i v o l i t y implied an irresponsible a t t i -tude towards certain values which would normally obtain during the ordinary course of l i f e at home, but which could with impunity be discarded at a resort of fashion whose raison d'etre was the pursuit of evanescent pleasures. Furthermore, the adoption of a loose code of behaviour by the i n d i v i d u a l involved a concomitant i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y towards the values and the p e r s o n a l i t i e s of other people, and the prevalence of a general attitude of callous indifference to the feelings and the reputations of others. Such an attitude is only too e a s i l y discernible in the s o c i a l l i f e of the e a r l i e r part of the century. Because society existed only so long as "the season" lasted, i t was a transient one and the people who composed t h i s society tended to be reckless and to seek pleasure at whatever the cost. The enjoyment of the season depended absolutely upon extracting every l a s t drop of "diversion" that the place, the people and the human sit u a t i o n would y i e l d . 31 Some v i s i t o r s went to "the Bath" because they sincerely sought medical help; some used the cure as a pretext for going there, though others went for the sake of congenial companionship. While sharpers preyed upon the pleasure-seekers and quacks upon the in v a l i d s , s o c i a l climbers sought to better t h e i r status by mingling on terms of equality with people who would ignore them elsewhere than at a pleasure resort; and, always w e l l -represented, was that "fringe" society invariably found in an environment i n which money and s o c i a l prestige are the key att r a c t i o n s . By noting what types of people were attracted to the resort, and by r e f l e c t i n g on the impressions they recorded, i t i s possible to form some idea of the s p i r i t of 18th century Bath, and in what way thi s s p i r i t changed during the course of the century. By the end of t h i s period, Bath had changed to such an extent, that i t was rapidly losing i t s d i s t i n c t i v e "18th century" character-i s t i c s and reverting to i t s former status of a p r o v i n c i a l market-town, while i t was at the same time i n process of becoming a place of residence for those who sought peace, and quiet retirement. When Jane Austen, the l a s t of i t s 18th century novelists, died, the glamour of Bath had already faded, and with i t , the e s s e n t i a l l y human qual i t y with which i t s motley crowd of v i s i t o r s of that century had enlivened i t . The remarks of a very early commentator on the s o c i a l scene reveal the r a p i d i t y with which, during the very f i r s t decade of the century, s o c i a l l i f e in Bath developed i t s own p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . In 1709, The Tatler published a l e t t e r "from Bath" in which Richard Steele observed that the sharpers were an already formid-able element i n society there, and expressed indignation at seeing "the noble s p i r i t of gentlemen degenerated to that of private cut-purses."1 An issue of 8 October, 1709 reveals the fact that London physicians were already e x p l o i t i n g the s i t u a t i o n by flocking to Bath during the season, and seizing the practice of l o c a l doctors. Steele protests that there w i l l be a s u f f i c i e n t number of physi-cians i n Bath i f "there are but two doctors to one patient l e f t in town. 1 , 2 He was to return to the attack against medical abuses when he v i s i t e d the c i t y in person, i n 1713. Two years before t h i s , notable v i s i t o r s to the spa included William Wycherley,^ Lady Orrery (who was bored with the s o c i a l l i f e she found there), and Joseph Addison, who was "gone to Bath with pastoral (Ambrose) P h i l i p s for -Tatler, No. 65, Sept. 8, 1709. Tatler, No. 78, Oct. 8, 1709. !See pp. 154 - 155. Wycherley f i r s t v i s i t e d the c i t y i n 1706. 33 his eyes."-1- Addison recorded i n The Spectator, the impressions of Simon Honeycomb, who found that: A sober modest man was always looked upon by both sexes as a precise unfashioned fellow of no l i f e or s p i r i t . I t was ordinary for a man who had been drunk in good company, or passed a night with a wench, to speak of i t next day before women for whom he had the greatest respect. He was reproved, perhaps, with a blow of the fan, or an Oh, f i e j But the lady s t i l l preserved an apparent approbation i n her countenance ..." Daniel Defoe also v i s i t e d Bath i n 1711, while c o l l e c t i n g material for his descriptive Tour Through  Great B r i t a i n , and had l i t t l e to say i n favour of the new resort: "The best part being but a Barren Subject, and the worst Part meriting rather a Satyr, than a Description." I t was formerly a resort for cripples but ... now we may say i t i s the Resort of the Sound rather than the Sick; the Bathing i s made more a Sport and Divertion than a Physical Prescription for Health and the Town i s taken up with R a f f l i n g , Gameing, V i s i t i n g and i n a Word, a l l sorts of Gallantry and Levity. The whole Town indeed i s a Round of the utmost D i v e r t i o n . " 3 He describes the bathing, the ... Walks in the Great Church, and at the R a f f l i n g Shops which are kept ( l i k e the Cloyster at Batholomew Fair) i n -•-J. Swift to S t e l l a , Journal (1766), Aug. 24, 1711, quoted by Connely, p. 43. 2Spectator, No. 179, 1711. 3Defoe, A Tour, Everyman's Library (1928), II, p. 34. 34 the Churchyard and ground adjoining. In the afternoon there i s generally a Play, though the Decorations are mean, and the Performance accordingly; but i t answers for the company here (not the Actors) make the Play, to say no more. He mentions the regular evening b a l l and "dancing at least twice a week ... where there never f a i l s i n the season to be a great deal of very good company." Defoe writes of the hot springs, that the drinking of the waters i n addition to bathing in them i s considered to be a modern innovation, but adds that "I my s e l f drank the waters of the Bath above f i f t y years ago; But be i t so, ... ' t i s a Modern Discovery compared to the former Use of these Waters." 1 Commentators at thi s time have much to say on the subject of mixed bathing, which may have been the reason that Nash decided to put an end to such a "scandal." Steel* regarded the practice with considerable misgiving, 2 while Defoe had this to say: In the Cross-Bath The Ladies and Gentlemen pretend to keep some distance, and each to their proper side, but frequently mingle here too, as in the King's and Queen's Bath, though not so often; and the Place being but narrow, they converse freely, and talk, make vows, and sometimes Love. 1Tour, 1928 edition, II, p. 35. 2Guardian, No. 174, 1713. 3Tour, 1928 edition, II, p. 34. 35 Steele was amused during his v i s i t i n 1713 at the sight of dancers on their way to the minuet, and sometimes entertained himself "by observing what a large quantity of ground was h i d under spreading petticoats, and what l i t t l e patches of earth were covered by creatures with wigs and hats," but he was ready to pay tribute to the democratic s p i r i t of Nash's organized s o c i a l l i f e , when he viewed "the mixed mass of a l l ages and d i g n i t i e s upon a l e v e l , partaking of the same benefits of nature, and mingling i n the same diversions."! His impressions, however, of some other aspects of s o c i a l l i f e , were more i r o n i c and much less favourable, and he undoubtedly would have agreed with a later commentator, Doran, who remarked that "the ladies were the only saints some worshippers came (to the Abbey) to adore," and that the sides of some of the pews had had to be raised to stop ogling during services between the sexes, an a l t e r a t i o n which did not, however, remove the practice of passing notes from one pew to another.2 Concerning the degree to which women at Bath were by t h i s time addicted to gambling, Steele's irony grows more i n c i s i v e . These were w i l l i n g , he said, to " s a c r i f i c e J-Guardian, No. 174, 1713. ^Connely, p. 48. Quoting from J . Doran's Memories of  our Great Towns (p. 90). the fortunes of th e i r children l i k e a Spartan or a Roman dame." To cast a dice was the i d e a l way "to display the well-turned arm, and to scatter the rays of the diamond," and yet, here at the gaming tables, ladies "wore their l i l i e s and roses i n tedious watching and r e s t l e s s lucubra-tions, " what they r e a l l y craved, being, to emulate manhood. To Steele, i t was an undoubted argument of their ease of conscience that they would go d i r e c t l y from church to the gaming-table, "and so highly reverence play as to make i t a great point of th e i r exercise on Sundays. 1 , 1 Alexander Pope paid h i s f i r s t v i s i t to Bath in 1714, when Wycherley and Thomas Parnell were also present. Pope describes to Martha Blount (when he has time to "neglect the company of a great number of ladies" to write to her), his f i r s t impressions of the c i t y . From h i s window he commands the prospect of "twenty or t h i r t y " i n one of the f i n e s t promenades i n the world. I f he forgets Martha, his excuse i s that he has s l i d , he cannot t e l l how, "into a l l the amusements of the place." His day " i s shared by Pump-Assemblies, the Walkes, the Chocolate houses, R a f f l i n g Shops, Plays, Medleys, etc.," and he i s endeavouring "to become agreeable by imitation." In t h i s same l e t t e r he comments on Nash as having an impudent a i r , and further adds Guardian, No. 174, 1713. 37 I have i n one week run thro 1 whatever they c a l l d i v e r t i n g here, and I should be ashamed to pass two just i n the same track. I w i l l therefore but take a Trip to Long-leat 1 (which i s twelve miles hence) to v i s i t my Lord Lansdowne, and return to London. 2 Pope was to v i s i t Bath many times i n subsequent years, and by 1738 had become an annual patient at the spa. His chief connection with the c i t y a f t e r t h i s ; however, dated from the beginning of his friendship with Ralph A l l e n , William Warburton and t h e i r c i r c l e at Pr i o r Park. 3 John Gay followed Pope to Bath i n 1715, and the Duke and Duchess of Malborough appeared there i n 1716, 4 after two years of p o l i t i c a l e x i l e i n Flanders. This was the f i r s t of several v i s i t s , and was greeted with a peal of b e l l s . Nash was i n v i t e d to t h e i r house and 5 the Duchess found him "a most engaging man," with whom she struck up a sincere, informal friendship^ she. cor-responded with him for many years. The Malboroughs Longleat House near Warminster, seat of the Marquesses of Bath was b u i l t during the 16th century by John of Padua. It i s famed for i t s l i b r a r y , paintings and furniture. 2Pope to Martha Blount, Oct. 6, [1714] Correspondence of  A. Pope, ed. George Sherburn (1956), 5 Vols., I', pp'. 259 - 261. 3See pp. 81 - 110. 4 Connely, p. 49. 5 I b i d . , p. 49. 6 I b i d . , p. 106. 38 soon became known to the Bath gambling world; she, as an habituee of the gaming tables, playing high and resenting any interruption while at the tables; the Duke, because he would venture to play no higher than at piquet at sixpence a game. Goldsmith records that the Duchess, "not famed for her generosity," was approached by Nash in the Assembly Rooms, for a subscription to his Hospital. The Duchess hedged, protested that she was "frightened out of her wits -- that she would die," but f i n a l l y after much al t e r c a t i o n , Nash agreed to compound with her for t h i r t y guineas. Her grace however, seemed displeased with the whole evening, and when Nash approached the table where she was playing, she bid him stand farther, crying, "You ugly d e v i l ; I hate the sight of youi" But l a t e r , after a run of luck, she relented to the extent of adding another ten guineas, "to l e t him see she was not angry. 1 , 2 The Malboroughs' f i r s t v i s i t occurred at a moment in the history of the c i t y ' s development when the number of v i s i t o r s was increasing so r a p i d l y that, i n order to accommodate the inf l u x , the Assembly Rooms, under Dame 3 Lmdsey's management, had to be expanded, and t h i s J-See p. 10. 2Goldsmith, p. 542. 3See p. 9,. expansion i n turn, by increasing the f a c i l i t i e s for entertainment, attracted an even greater number of pers o n a l i t i e s eminent in London society. In 1721, v i s i t o r s included the Duchess of Queensbury, Congreve, gouty at f i f t y and losing his eyesight, but " s t i l l the foremost comic dramatist of the age," 2 Lady B r i s t o l for an " h y s t e r i c a l disorder," and Mrs. Peggy Bradshaw who was f l i r t i n g with John Gay, while the l a t t e r danced attendance upon hi s then patroness, the Duchess of Shrewsbury. Mrs. Bradshaw was c a r e f u l to record the d a i l y gossip of the place in her correspondence, in spite of her pronouncement that Bath was " a l l noise and nonsense." J Defoe returned to Bath in the following year (1722) and was more favourably impressed with the s o c i a l scene than he had been in 1711. "Everything looks gay and serene here ... i t ' s a place of universal sobriety; to be drunk at Bath i s as scandalous as mad." He was however, h o r r i f i e d at the spectacle that the baths and the bathers presented: "The smoke and slime of the waters, -•-See pp. 26 - 27. 2 Connely, p. 66. 3 Ibid., p. 66. the promiscuous multitude of the people in the bath, with nothing but th e i r heads and hands above the water," gave him a l i v e l y idea of cert a i n Fra Angelico paintings he had seen i n I t a l y : "Of Purgatory, with heads and hands u p l i f t e d in the midst of smoke, just as they are here."-*-Lady Hervey v i s i t e d the c i t y in 1725, and her remark on the many "well-conducted pleasures" 2 that she found there stands i n marked contrast to the impression of Bath society given i n Gabriel Odingsell's s a t i r i c a l comedy, The Bath Unmask'd, written and produced in th i s same year; and whether or not Odingsells'-. presentation conformed to fact, i t was written at the very time when the prestige of Bath was being enhanced by the patronage which r o y a l v i s i t o r s now began to extend to the c i t y . The f i r s t of these was Lady Walsingham, daughter of George I and the Duchess of Kendall, 4 and Nash took advantage of her v i s i t to accelerate the pace of the diversions in 5 order to encourage further royal patronage. Before the a r r i v a l of Princess Amelia i n 1728, which did much to xTour, quoted by Connely, p. 70 from the 1722 e d i t i o n . 2 Lady Hervey to Mrs. Howard Suffolk, quoted by Connely, p. 81. 3See pp. 117 - .119. 4She became the wife of Lord Chesterfield in 1732. •^Connely, p. 81. enhance the c i t y ' s reputation, notable v i s i t o r s included Fanny Braddock. The disastrous " a f f a i r e " of Fanny Braddock, and Nash's unavailing intervention on her p behalf, were recounted by both Goldsmith and John 3 Wood, and may have been the basis of Fielding's "History of Mrs. F i t z p a t r i c k " i n Tom Jones,^ an episode which i n t r o -duces Nash in person into the novel. In the same year that Princess Amelia v i s i t e d the c i t y , Swift spent ten days at Bath while the Beggar's Opera was being performed there, Gay himself being present 5 for the occasion; and Lord Orrery arrived in 1730, when Thayer's Rooms were opened for the purpose of accommodating the dancers.^ But Orrery was not impressed by what he saw of the dancing. He seemed to notice only the elderly, "the Methusalems and Abrahams," who "dance with as much vigour at the baths as i f they had flourished i n a courant at Charles the Second's restoration." Apart from these, and the "antidiluvians of lesser note and fewer years," Barbeau, p. 83. 2 "Life of Richard Nash," pp. 533 - 536. 3 Essay Towards a Description of Bath, x i i , pp. 446 - 452. 4See pp. 188 - 189. 5See p. 12 3. See p. 10-. Lord Orrery was struck by l i t t l e else than the sight of "Mr. P i t t with a swinging cane,, and two eyes each looking a d i f f e r e n t way ... and many lords, pickpockets, broken merchants and disconsolate widows."1 Nevertheless, the c i t y continued to develop as a place of entertainment with the re-building of the Pump Room in 1732 in time to welcome Princess Amelia (on her second v i s i t ) , i n that year. The princess bore Nash no grudge for the fact that, on her f i r s t v i s i t , he had refused to allow her to continue dancing, i n spite of her pleading, after eleven o'clock, "the laws of Bath," he declared, being "as changeless as the laws of Lycurgus. 1 The Prince of Orange arrived two years l a t e r . Goldsmith records that the Prince showed great favour to Nash, followed the cure, and in gratitude for recovered health, presented him with a jewelled snuff-box. Nash responded by having an obelisk set up to commemorate the Prince's v i s i t . 3 Bath was c e r t a i n l y gaining rapi d l y in prestige and i n reputation, but that this reputation was not for p a r t i c u l a r l y s o l i d q u a l i t i e s i s suggested by a French commentator during the same year. Quoted by Connely, pp. 95 - 96. Connely, p. 89. Goldsmith, p. 542. 43 The Abbe' Antoine Prevost, author of Memo ires et aventures d'un homme de q u a l i t e , 1 and translator of many English works including Richardson's novels, had fl e d to England in 1723 when his Benedictine superiors at St. Germain-des-Pres detained a l e t t r e de cachet against him. In 1733, again in England, he made a tour of the country's watering-places, which he described as "perhaps of a l l places in the world those in which pleasures are most l a v i s h l y multiplied and continue with least interruption. 1 , 2 He v i s i t e d Bath in 1734, and the impressions he recorded reveal the way in which an experienced and widely t r a v e l l e d Frenchman of that period reacted to the f r i v o l i t i e s of Bath l i f e : We s h a l l f i n d here at a l l times, Beauties of a l l ages who come to show o f f their charms, young g i r l s and widows in quest of Husbands, married women who seek solace for the unpleasant Ones they possess, Players making or becom-ing Dupes, Musicians, Dancers, Actors, growing r i c h on the pleasure for which others pay, and sharing i t with them; f i n a l l y , Dealers i n a l l kinds of Jewels, d e l i c a c i e s , and ga l l a n t r i e s , taking advantage of a kind of enchantment which blinds every one i n these realms of enjoyment, to s e l l for t h e i r weight in gold t r i f l e s one i s ashamed of having brought after leaving the p l a c e . 3 1-Abbe Antoine Prevost, Memoires et aventures d'un homme de qua l i t e . Publication began i n 1728, Vol. VII, contained Manon Lescaut (1731). 2 . >" Abbe Antoine Prevost, Le Pour et Contre (1733 - 1740), 20 Vols., No. 38. Quoted by Barbeau, p. 80, note 3. Le Pour et Contre, No. 38. Quoted by Barbeau, p. 80. 44 In spite of so much l e v i t y exhibited, the charms of the place were not l o s t upon the Abbe", who was delighted at the lack of formality that characterized i t s society. "It i s d i f f i c u l t , " he wrote, "to imagine anything more agreeable than the easy and familiar l i f e that every one a d o p t s ; a n d indeed, even the most high-ranking v i s i t o r s experienced the contagion of the c i t y ' s gaiety and appeared w i l l i n g to enter into the s p i r i t of the l i f e there, and thi s i n an age noted for i t s usually r i g i d class d i s t i n c -tions . Those eminent members of the n o b i l i t y who frequented the spa for reasons of health or pleasure also added colour and v i v a c i t y to the scene. Prominent among such personali-t i e s was the E a r l of Che s t e r f i e l d whose views and comments on the scene contribute to the sum of contemporary impressions that have survived. Chesterfield paid a yearly v i s i t to the spa, and much of h i s correspondence i s dated from Bath, including a number of the l e t t e r s to 2 his son. In addition to taking the cure, Chesterfield Le Pour et Contre, No. 38. Quoted by Barbeau, p. 80. 2 E a r l of Chesterfield, Letters, ed. Lord Mahon (1892), and Letters to his Son, P h i l i p Stanhope, Esq. (1774). Also dated from Bath are the obituary notices of Montesquieu and Fontanelle, which he sent to the London Evening Post in 1755 and 1765 (Barbeau, p. 86, note 1). enjoyed the s o c i a l pleasures of the Assembly Rooms, v i s i t e d Lady Huntingdon's chapel out of c u r i o s i t y ! (his s i s t e r was a fervent Methodist), and was so far regarded as a Bathonian as to be appointed one of the f i r s t governors of the Mineral Water Hospital.^ He was patronizing in his attitude to Richard Nash, whom he found a somewhat ri d i c u l o u s person: Nash ... gave a b a l l at Lindsey's ... he wore his gold-laced clothes on this occasion, and looked so fine that, standing by chance i n the middle of the dancers, he was taken by many at a distance for a g i l t garland. 3 On h i s v i s i t of 1734, Chesterfield with his wife, the German-speaking Countess of Walsingham,4 was welcomed with a peal of b e l l s , and Nash c a l l e d upon the E a r l at his home, where at the time were gathered such notables as Pope, with Martha Blount, Lady Suffolk and Bolingbroke. Chesterfield's 1738 v i s i t had a p o l i t i c a l motive. I t was a move on the part of P i t t , Cobham, Lyttleton, Bubb Doddington and Chesterfield himself^ — a l l of whom 1See p. 50. 2See p. 10. 3 C h e s t e r f i e l d to Lady Suffolk, Letters, Oct. 30, 1734, II, p. 14. 4See p. 40. 5Connely, p. 103. 6 I b i d . , p. 114. were opponents of the Walpole ministry — to support Frederick Prince of Wales against the King. The reason given for i n v i t i n g the Prince and Princess to Bath was to celebrate the b i r t h of Frederick's h e i r . Chesterfield wrote i n connection with the royal v i s i t that the party needed a place to muster a n t i - m i n i s t e r i a l forces, and for planning operations.^ He mentions that he chose Bath because "this elegant town much resembles the Bajae of the luxurious Romans. Like that, i t i s distinguished by i t s waters, i t s magnificence and i t s pleasures. I t i s there that twice a year health, diversions, p o l i t i c s and play, a t t r a c t what is calculated best company.1,2 C h e s t e r f i e l d made use of Nash i n preparing for the event, a celebration that was to exceed any f e s t i -v i t i e s ever seen at Bath. The royal couple were met at the c i t y gates by the mayor and corporation who preceded them bareheaded in a procession to the Prince's lodging in Queen Square, where the company, including Nash, kissed hands. In the evening a grand b a l l marked the opening of the f e s t i v i t i e s , and the town later presented the Prince with an address, whilst the l a t t e r presented a s i l v e r cup and salver to the c i t y , and a goId-enamelled snuff-box to a r l of Chesterfield, Miscellaneous Works: to which are prefixed Memoirs of h i s L i f e . By M. Maty (1778), 2 Vols., I, p. 88. ^Miscellaneous Works, I, p_. 88. Nash. Nash's gratitude for thi s royal favour and for the success of the v i s i t was expressed by an obelisk in Queen Square,^ twice as high as that erected for the Prince of Orange. Since Nash considered that only a t r u l y great writer could be c a l l e d upon for an i n s c r i p t i o n for the obelisk, he decided to ask Pope to write one. The l a t t e r f i n a l l y , and most r e l u c t a n t l y yielded to Nash's insistence, but sent only, such an i n s c r i p t i o n as "scarce a Common Councilman i n the Corporation of Bath but could have done as well.'"^ Pope stipulated that h i s name should not be mentioned. 3 In the same year Nash, at the height of his glory, was showered with g i f t s of snuff-boxes from noble v i s i t o r s and a f u l l - l e n g t h p o r t r a i t of him was placed in the Assembly Rooms between the busts of Newton and Pope, which event led to the penning of the following epigram: Immortal Newton never spoke More truth than here y o u ' l l find; Nor Pope himself e'er penn'd a joke Sever'r on mankind. The picture plac'd the busts between, Gives satyr i t s f u l l strength, Wisdom and wit are l i t t l e seen But f o l l y at f u l l length. IConnely, pp. 115 - 116. 2Goldsmith, p. 543. 3Pope, Letters to Nash of [? A p r i l , 1739] and of [c.15 May, 1739], Correspondence of Alexander Pope, ed. G. Sherburn, IV, p. 170 and IV, p. 176, also quoted by Goldsmith, p. 543. 48 I t has never been c l e a r l y e s t a b l i s h e d that these l i n e s were a c t u a l l y w r i t t e n by C h e s t e r f i e l d . Goldsmith 1 2 i n h i s biography of Nash, and Richard Graves claim that they were, and t h e i r o pinion has received popular 3 support, but Peach a t t r i b u t e s the verses to Jane Brereton, k a c o n t r i b u t o r to The Gentleman's Magazine. C h e s t e r f i e l d r e t a i n e d a b r i l l i a n t place i n Bath s o c i e t y even when deafness was making i t impossible f o r him to remain a c t i v e i n p u b l i c l i f e . Even though he stated i n 1752:, "Je su i s revenu des Bains tout a u s s i f f sourd que j ' y s u i s a l l e ; j e n ' a i plus d'esperance ®t s y 5 me v o i c i b i f f e pour toujours de l a s o c i e t e . " Horace l " L i f e of R. Nash," p.544. p R. Graves, Festoons (1766), p. 36. 3A. Barbeau i n L i f e and L e t t e r s at Bath i n the  X V I I I t h Century. p.~~4"3, note 1, a t t r i b u t e s the l i n e s to C h e s t e r f i e l d . ^""It i s c l e a r that C h e s t e r f i e l d has no claim to t h e i r authorship." They "are to be found i n V o l . I of Soutthey's Specimens of Later E n g l i s h Verse, p. 392 and were w r i t t e n by Jane Brereton, who died i n 1740." Peach quotes verse 2, 2 as: "Adds to the thought much strength." He adds that the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , which was i n r e a l i t y a s t a t u e , was not i n existence u n t i l many years a f t e r the verses were w r i t t e n . ( L i f e and Times of Ralph A l l e n , pp. 223-224). ^ C h e s t e r f i e l d , L e t t e r LXIX, Dec. 18, 1752, Miscellaneous Works, I I , p. 205. 49 Walpole wrote of him three years l a t e r : "While England and France are at war, and Mr. Fox and Mr. P i t t going to war, his lordship i s coo l l y amusing himself at picquet at Bath."^ So f u l l y , indeed, did he remain an outstanding figure i n society, that i n his o ld age the younger genera-tio n modelled themselves upon him, as a perfect type of the politeness, the fine manners, and the wit of the past. 2 Since 18th century Bath was "a complete picture in l i t t l e of English s o c i e t y , 3 i t must inevitably experi-ence to some measure that movement which s t i r r e d the whole country and which was e s s e n t i a l l y a n t i t h e t i c a l to the main current of 18th century l i f e and thought, that of Methodism. A band of apostles suddenly appeared among the assemblage of i d l e r s , f r i b b l e s and l i b e r t i n e s ; above the din of this Vanity Fair r i s e voices, fervent and austere; Wesley elbows Nash on the Parades; and in the public streets, before a mocking or a h o s t i l e crowd, unbidden preachers speak of salvation and judgement, of the world that passeth away and of l i f e everlasting.^ John and Charles Wesley had l a t e l y opened a chapel in B r i s t o l , whence they proceeded to Bath i n 1739. John preached there several times before large and mixed crowds, 1 L e t t e r s of Horace Walpole, ed. Peter Cunningham (1891), 9 Vols., II, p. 480, March 29, 1755. 2Barbeau, p. 87. 3 I b i d . , p. 152. 4 I b i d . , p. 153. although Nash t r i e d , without success, to interrupt the meetings. Richard Graves, i n his S p i r i t u a l Quixote, recounts an incident, possibly f i c t i t i o u s , i n which Nash even e n l i s t e d h i s Orchestra,^ reinforced by French horns and kettle-drums to play "God Save the King," secure i n the b e l i e f that no one would dare to interrupt o "so l o y a l a piece of music."^ But i n that same year there arrived at Bath a formidable personage, the great Selina, Countess of Huntingdon, the a r i s t o c r a t i c champion of Methodism. Nash, not daring to affront so p a t r i c i a n a convert, went so far as to l i s t e n to Whitefield in her house, but found himself at once, and to his great annoyance, the target of broadsides and of s a t i r i c a l verses in the Pump Room. He was to be known henceforth as the Rev. Richard Nash, who had promised h i s f i r s t sermon on the morrow. Nash had now incurred defeat both by opposing evangelism and in countenancing i t , and abruptly ceased c a l l i n g at Lady Huntingdon's house. 4 !See p. 25. ^R. Graves, The S p i r i t u a l Quixote (1773), e d i t i o n of 1967, p. 145. The novel uses Bath settings for a s a t i r i c a attack upon Methodism. 3Her husband was the friend of Ralph Allen, Pope and W. Warburton. 4Connely, p. 144. 51 This lady soon became an outstanding figure i n Bath. She returned there in 1747 and continued to v i s i t the c i t y during the next f i f t y years. In 1765 she b u i l t her famous chapel i n the Paragon where, after 1766, Wesley frequently preached.''" A fearless, domineering, yet sympa-th e t i c personality, Lady Huntingdon, whether in London or at Bath, attracted a host of outstanding 18th century pe r s o n a l i t i e s to discuss r e l i g i o n and to l i s t e n to Wesley 2 and Whitefield. Among these were the Duchess of Malborough, Lady Suffolk, Chatham, Horace Walpole and Chester f i e l d . Many came merely out of c u r i o s i t y , but even Chesterfield was moved to o f f e r h e r ^ 2 0 towards the building of a "new tabernacle." 3 In Bath i t s e l f the number of converts to Methodism seems to have been considerable, as i s attested by the many l o c a l s c r i b b l e r s who made Methodism the butt of their f a c i l e wit. And, as the century progressed, even ••-Barbeau, p. 162. See Plan of Bath, (26) . 2 From 1752 onward, Whitefield preached often at Bath. Southey's L i f e of Wesley (1820), (Barbeau, p. 158 and note 9) . Quoted by Barbeau, p. 159, and note 1. Barbeau gives as his source, L i f e and Times of Selina, Countess of  Huntingdon, by a member of the Houses of Shirley and Hastings, who quotes a l e t t e r , Chesterfield to Lady Huntingdon, June 18, 1749, which i s not given i n the Miscellaneous Works or i n Mahon's or Bradshaw's edition of his correspondence. at Bath, "that centre of f r i v o l i t y , " the far-reaching e f f e c t s of the movement came to be f e l t , and began to exercise a sobering influence on i t s s o c i a l l i f e . The process was a very gradual one, but by the close of the 18th century, the once dissolute resort may well have undergone the transformation that was to change England i t s e l f . Barbeau i s of opinion that a reformed Bath may be one of the reasons that "the birds of passage she was wont to a t t r a c t " then deserted her. ^  The more profound effects of t h i s s p i r i t , however, were by no means apparent in the d a i l y round of amusement that preoccupied the great majority of v i s i t o r s during the decade following Wesley's appearance at the spa. There loomed, nevertheless, at thi s time, a serious threat to the prosperity and popularity of Bath, when stringent parliamentary l e g i s l a t i o n against the e v i l s of gambling was passed in the years 1739, 1740 and 1745. It was a serious threat to a s t i l l v i t a l s o c i a l a c t i v i t y , and spelt, in the long run, disaster to Richard Nash, who began to experience f i n a n c i a l losses from which he never recovered. Although gambling gradually ceased to be the paramount a t t r a c t i o n that Bath could o f f e r , during the Barbeau, p. 167. 1740's i t was s t i l l her biggest asset. Ingenious minds began devising methods of circumventing the gaming laws as quickly as the Acts came into force, u n t i l f i n a l l y , a kind of s i m p l i f i e d roulette, c a l l e d E 0 (Even and Odd) was invented at Tunbridge Wells. I t side-stepped the law simply by substituting l e t t e r s for numbers. Nash introduced E 0 to Wiltshire's Rooms, and Bath immediately took on a new lease of l i f e when gamblers from a l l parts of England flocked to the new game, secure i n their b e l i e f that i t was within the law. Whether i n Simpson's or i n Wiltshire's, by the dim l i g h t of the candelabra, the r a t t l e of dice, the shuffle of cards, the c l i n k of glasses, the j i n g l e of coin, mingled with the r i p p l e of b a l l s at E O.1 At the same time the prestige of the c i t y was maintained because royal v i s i t o r s continued to extend their patronage to i t . In 1740, Princesses Mary of Hesse, and Carolina v i s i t e d the c i t y ; in 1746 Princesses Carolina and Augusta attended a coronation b a l l there, while 1752 saw the v i s i t of Augusta and the Duke of York. Of much weight i n the i r decision to honour the c i t y was the fact that rapid and s t r i k i n g a r c h i t e c t u r a l progress was transforming Bath into an imposing and b e a u t i f u l city. 2 Connely, p. 128. See pp.. 8 - 9. 54 This development, of the utmost importance to leaders of society i n an age of elegance, both quickened the interest of r o y a l v i s i t o r s , and inspired their patronage.^ But apart from i t s elegance, society as a whole, during t h i s period, does not seem to have been distinguished at Bath by any manifestation of talent or wit. A l l serious subjects of conversation were banished from the Pump Room and the Parades, as having no part in the Bath season. Only t r i f l e s were of interest, as i s demonstrated by the out-pouring of thousands of pamphlets, miscellanies and verses "valueless in proportion to the slightness of the i n t e l l e c t u a l e f f o r t that produced them. 1 , 2 Even i f one makes allowance for the asperity which characterized her comments on s o c i a l l i f e , Mrs. Elizabeth Montagu's opinion on the matter may be accepted. "I think" she wrote in 1740, that one may l i v e here (at Bath) at as small expense of wit as in any place I ever was in my l i f e , and by a l l the rules of economy, the disbursement bearing proportion to the receivings, one ought to lay out very l i t t l e . 3 Connely, p. 126. 2 Barbeau, p. 110. See pp. m -.115. 3 Elizabeth Montagu, Letters published by Matthew  Montagu, Esq. (1809), 4 Vols. Letter of Jan. 1740, I, "p. "907 • (Barbeau, .p. I l l ) . Yet, once again, commentators on the Bath scene of the 1740's and 1750's d i f f e r widely in the i r pronounce-ments. R.E.M. Peach, wr i t i n g some one hundred and f i f t y years l a t e r , was shocked at the immorality p r e v a i l i n g at Bath i n the 1740's. "The age was t r u l y a vicious one, and the worst of i t s vices cumulated in Bath." Although i t was an age "not altogether incompatible with public and private v i r t u e , " "these were d i f f i c u l t amidst so much p r o f l i g a c y and so many shameless v i c e s . " 1 G. Monkland, on the other hand, writing in 1852, maintained that Nash, a man of extraordinary a b i l i t y , to have led and governed Bath at such a time (as the mid-18th century) must have possessed strong sense, sound judgment and 2 wonderful tact. In 1752, Lady Luxborough, a s i s t e r of Lord Bolingbroke, was tr y i n g to persuade her friend William Shenstone, to jo i n her at Bath. Her l e t t e r , i n marked contrast to the comments of Peach, suggests that there was much i n Bath l i f e at the time that was at t r a c t i v e and congenial. "We can of f e r you," she t e l l s Shenstone: Friendly conversations, f r i e n d l y springs, f r i e n d l y rides and walks, f r i e n d l y pastures to dissipate gloomy •"-R.E.M. Peach, L i f e and Times of Ralph Allen, p. 219. 2 G. Monkland, "Literature and L i t e r a t i of Bath;" an essay read at the L i t e r a r y Club ,(1854') , p. 86. 56 thoughts, f r i e n d l y booksellers who ... w i l l furnish you with a l l the new books, f r i e n d l y chairmen who w i l l carry you through storm and tempest for sixpence and seldom less — for Duchesses tread the streets here unattended. We have also f r i e n d l y Othellos, F a l s t a f f s , Richard I l l ' s and Harlequins, who entertain one d a i l y for h a l f the price of your Garricks, Barrys and Rich's. We can also o f f e r you f r i e n d l y solitude, for one can be anchorite here without being disturbed by the question 'Why?' Would you see the fortunate Mr. Allen , his fine house and stone quarries? Would you see our law-giver, Mr. Nash, whose white hat commands more respect and non-resistance than the crowns of some kings? To promote society and good manners, and a c o a l i t i o n of parties and ranks, to suppress scandal and late hours are his views, and he succeeds rather better than h i s brother-monarchs generally do.l Very similar to the Abbe Prevost's impressions recorded i n 1734, to the e f f e c t that he was charmed at the easy and familiar mode of l i f e he found at Bath, another French Abbe, Monsieur Le Blanc, i n describing his impressions of Bath i n 1745, found that, unlike the waters of Bourbon, where only infirm, p a r a l y t i c and valetudinarian persons were to be seen, Bath was the place i n a l l England, to enjoy good health and to turn i t to good account. 2 As compared with those of London, the Abbe found that the ladies v.;„.'. • . at Bath were no longer reserved and inaccessible, but gentle and easy with strangers. "As a rule, a party of English women -••Letter to W. Shenstone, quoted by Connely, pp. 152 -153. o / ''Abbe Le Blanc, Lettres d'un Francois, La Haye (1745) , 3 Vols. Letter LXXXVIII, I I I , p. 310. (Barbeau, p. 12, note 2). 57 taking tea, i s a rather d u l l assembly" he continued. "The most gallant of men are shy of presenting them-selves to such a company who speak very l i t t l e unless slander loosens their tongues," whereas at Bath, "the Tea-Parties are extremely gay."''" The Abbe' Le Blanc has a theory as to the reason that women at Bath "are indeed d i f f e r e n t beings" when, because of the wearisome uniformity of their ordinary l i f e , they leave London for the spa. A v i s i t to the spa i s very probably the r e s u l t of s i x months of intrigue and consideration. "The f a i r patient has had to feign i l l n e s s , to win over the servants, to corrupt the doctor, to persuade an aunt, to deceive a husband," so she na t u r a l l y seeks compensation for a l l the trouble she has taken. He concludes that "pleasure i s a l l the more at t r a c t i v e to Englishwomen in that i t i s unfamiliar to them, and that i t costs them a-good deal." Their melan-choly temperament, which often restrains them from pleasure, must make them more keenly a l i v e to i t when they once give themselves up to i t . " As for the young men who frequent the spa: they come here "to take a course as i t were, in p r o f l i g a c y , " xLe Blanc, No. LXXXVIII, pp. 312 - 313. (Barbeau, p. 82). 2 L e t t r e s d'un Francois, LXXXVIII, I I I , pp... . „ 312 - 313. (Barbeau, p. 82, note 1). and consider a season at Bath the l a s t t r a i n i n g necessary before approaching London.-'- "It i s here," says the Abbe Le Blanc, "that successful l i b e r t i n e s come from a l l quarters to esta b l i s h t h e i r reputations," and "he who has attracted much attention i n the autumn at Bath w i l l i n f a l l i b l y make a season i n London the following winter. He excites the c u r i o s i t y of Duchesses, and is observed of a l l the women of the Court. 1 , 2 ^Barbeau, p. 108. 2 L e t t r e s d'un Frangois, LXXXVIII, III, p. 312. (Barbeau, p. 108, note 3). IV SOCIAL LIFE AT PRIOR PARK Ralph A l l e n as a Personality "In the frivolous Bath of Beau Nash A l l e n repre-sents the s o l i d q u a l i t i e s and the virtues of private l i f e . " He is at the same time, the great c i v i c figure,^ and although Mayor of Bath only once, he exercised, u n t i l his death, a commanding influence upon the a f f a i r s of the cxty. Although the buildings and grounds of his great mansion, Prior Park, were not completed before 1743, the house was opened in 1741, and i n th i s same year Ralph A l l e n established a p a r t i c u l a r pattern of s o c i a l l i f e for himself and for a number of outstanding 18th century per s o n a l i t i e s , a pattern which was to l a s t u n t i l his death in 1764. With the passing of the Maecenas of Bath, a unique phase i n her s o c i a l h i s t o r y also ended. R.E.M. Peach says that the s o c i a l l i f e at Prior Park, i n addition to being unique in character, was of a "special and peculiar R.A.L. Smith, Bath, p. 66. 2 F.H. Dudden, Henry F i e l d i n g : His L i f e , Works and Times (1952), 2 Vols., I, p. 408. 3 See pp. 21 - 22. 60 h i s t o r i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . " 1 That i t could e x i s t at a l l , l e t alone continue at such a high l e v e l of excellence for 22 years, was due to the combination of prodigious material means, with the rare personality and the extra-ordinary q u a l i t i e s of the master of the house. A r e a l i z a t i o n of why thi s l i f e was unique i s impossible unless i t i s interpreted as an expression of Allen's personality. Henry Fielding's t h i n l y disguised "likeness" of 2 A l l e n , as Squire Allworthy i n Tom Jones i s that which has made the widest appeal to the imagination of posterity, and was everywhere regarded as a p o r t r a i t by those who knew him personally. Francis K i l v e r t , w r i t i n g a hundred years l a t e r , declared, "at the distance of a century he s t i l l stands out in bold r e l i e f as "The Man of Bath'," 4 while Peach says that the marvellous charm of Allen's personal character was "established by a large and varied body of competent and independent witnesses."^ x L i f e and Times of Ralph Allen, p. 129. 2See pp. 167 - 182. ^Wilbur Cross, History of Henry F i e l d i n g (1918), 3 Vols., II, p. 162. 4 Remains i n Prose and Verse:"Ralph A l l e n and Prior Park," p. 132. L i f e and Times of Ralph Allen, Pre face ,vlL«: r K i l v e r t can find only one dissenting voice among contemporaries of A l l e n who commented upon h i s character. P h i l i p Thicknesse, author of the Prose Bath Guide for the Year 1778, a man notorious for h i s i r r i t a b l e , v i n d i c t i v e and sometimes malevolent spirit"'' charged A l l e n with a f f e c t i n g a s i m p l i c i t y of manners and address, saying that he was "deeply charged with pride, and without address enough to conceal i t , " even though h i s " p l a i n -quaker-coloured s u i t of clothes and shirtsleeves with only a c h i t t e r l i n g up the s l i t , might and did deceive the vulgar eye." Nevertheless, having been i n v i t e d to "a most magnificent dinner at (Allen's) table," Thicknesse concedes that the man was not mean and "seemed to take i n f i n i t e pains to show his munificence in a l l respects. K i l v e r t , commenting on Thicknesse's c r i t i c i s m of Allen's dress, i s convinced that, far from being deceptive i n intent, h i s apparel corresponded with the general sobriety of Allen's character, since his countenance denoted a steady 3 and sedate demeanour. His dress, i n an age delighting in gay colours and expensive materials, consisted in a Barbeau, p. 288, note 4. 2 P. Thicknesse, Prose Bath Guide for the Year 1778 (1778?) quoted by K i l v e r t i n Remains, p. 172. 3 K i l v e r t , Remains, p. 171. This description corres-ponds with William Hoare's drawing of Allen now i n the possession of the Corporation of the City of Bath. p l a i n s u i t of broad-cloth, generally of a dark colour, with linen equally p l a i n . In strong contrast, a taste for elegance was seen i n his "equipage," in which he "maintained a certain state and dignity suitable to his mansion, his v i s i t o r s , and h i s general s t y l e of l i v i n g ; d r i v i n g commonly into Bath, as i s reported, i n his coach and four."1 The testimony of Bishop Hurd, who knew A l l e n well, being a frie n d of long standing and a frequent v i s i t o r at P r i o r Park, seems to bear out the general impression that A l l e n made upon his contemporaries: Mr. A l l e n was a man of p l a i n good sense, and the most benevolent temper .... He was of that generous composi-t i o n that his mind enlarged with his fortune; and the wealth he so honourably acquired he spent in a splendid h o s p i t a l i t y and the most extensive c h a r i t i e s . His house, in so public a scene as.that of Bath, was open to a l l men of rank and worth, and e s p e c i a l l y to men of distinguished parts and learning, whom he honoured and encouraged, and whose respective merits he was enabled to appreciate by a natural discernment and superior good sense, rather than any acquired use and knowledge of l e t t e r s . His domestic virtues were above a l l praise. With these q u a l i t i e s he drew to himself universal respect.2 Samuel Derrick, w r i t i n g shortly before Allen's death, confirms Hurd's opinion, and dwells upon Allen's gravity and courtesy, and h i s amiable character, saying that he and his wife were "the parents of the industrious K i l v e r t , Remains, p. 171. 2 ''R. Hurd, L i f e of Bishop War bur ton, quoted by K i l v e r t , pp. 171 - 172. poor, the protectors of the r e a l l y distressed, and the nourishers of distressed genius."-'- William Warburton studied i n vain "to f i n d where Allen's weakness l a y , " 2 and when A l l e n died i n 1764, h i s friend of many years' standing, William P i t t , paid the following tribute to him in a l e t t e r to Mrs. A l l e n : "In Mr. Allen, mankind has l o s t such a benevolent and tender f r i e n d as, I fear, not a l l the example of his virtues w i l l have power to 3 r a i s e up to the world again." There seem: to have co-existed i n A l l e n two apparently contradictory tendencies: on the one hand, a personal modesty and si m p l i c i t y , sug-gesting a desire to avoid p u b l i c i t y , and on the other, a desire for the spectacular as seen i n his mode of l i v i n g , which he made possible by bui l d i n g up a great fortune used de l i b e r a t e l y for a display of magnificence. What Hurd c a l l s h i s "splendid" h o s p i t a l i t y achieved dimensions scarcely equalled elsewhere at that time i n England even i n the houses of the landed Whig a r i s t o c r a t s , and thi s S. Derrick, l e t t e r of May 10, 1763, quoted by K i l v e r t , Remains, p. 166. See also p. 91. 2 Warburton, Letter to Doddridge, Feb. 1743, quoted by Barbeau, p. 248. 3William P i t t to Mrs. Allen, 4 June, 1764, quoted by Peach, Preface ix:, from the Chatham Correspondence (1838 - 40). splendor was frequently matched in the great names or the great merits of the guests who were only too w i l l i n g to be i n v i t e d to h i s house and table. The reception was l o r d l y , and A l l e n always expected a l l guests from Bath who were i n v i t e d for concerts or to dinner, to sleep at the mansion; and in winter, he would have them accompanied by private watchmen or by link-boys.^ Yet, despite the scale upon which entertaining was maintained, there was no s t a t e l y or r e p e l l i n g ostentation towards guests, who f e l t always the warmth and s i n c e r i t y of the welcome extended to them. Allen, having no p a r t i c u l a r preference for rank or wealth, succeeded i n bringing together men and women of widely d i f f e r i n g walks of l i f e , thus effacing what Peach c a l l s "the s t i f f and preposterous b a r r i e r s and conventionali-t i e s by which society was kept asunder." 3 I t becomes apparent that Prior Park was an i n d i s -pensable component of that unique phenomenon that was 18th century Bath. Whilst the c i t y could o f f e r m u l t i f o l d opportunities for encounters between eminent 18th century personalities, i t was, of necessity,, a transient society and a loosely organized community, whereas A l l e n d e l i b e r -Peach, L i f e and Times, p. 130. Ibid., p. 130. L i f e and Times, p. 129. ately created a gracious and elegant ^and, i n spite of a l l , exclusive^ environment to which leading figures i n art, l i t e r a t u r e and p o l i t i c s brought a contribution, and enriched the whole by the fact of their presence there. V i s i t o r s to Prior Park Among the eminent 18th century figures, one of the e a r l i e s t to v i s i t Prior Park on i t s opening in 1741, was Alexander Pope, who, already a well-known figure at the spa, had.formed a friendship with A l l e n . 1 Pope was instrumental i n introducing William Warburton to Prior 2 Park, also i n 1741. Warburton, a country parson from Lincolnshire, who became Pope's l i t e r a r y executor, editor of Pope's works (in 1751), and who published an e d i t i o n of Shakespeare (in 1747) was always a con-t r o v e r s i a l figure in the Prior Park scene. " T a l l , robust and large-boned, 1 , 3 Warburton soon became a familiar figure in the household, and such was Allen's regard for him that he gave Warburton his favourite niece in marriage i n 1746; procured for him through the influence of William P i t t the Deanery of B r i s t o l and subsequently the Bishopric of See pp.81 - 84. See pp.94 - 95. Dudden, I, p. 409. Gloucester (in 1760) ; and as a f i n a l gesture, the rever-sion of his estates of Claverton and Prior Park after the death of Mrs. A l l e n . K i l v e r t i s of opinion that a l l these benefits resulted from the way in which Warburton successfully c u l t i v a t e d to advantage h i s i n i t i a l introduction. At a l l events, he appeared to have been a d i f f i c u l t charac-2 t e r . He was nearly always of the party and was wisely permitted to do as he pleased. He was d e f i c i e n t i n humour, arrogant and opinionated and would brook no arguments. Peach, however, maintains that Warburton was bound to A l l e n by more than s e l f i s h interest, admired 3 him inordinately, and was h i s f a i t h f u l champion. Isaac D ' I s r a e l i claimed that the arrogant and vituperative Warburton was only such i n h i s assumed character; "in private l i f e he was the creature of benevolence, touched by generous passions." 4 And Richard Graves, always kindly, always a l e r t to the better side of a man's character, on 5 his f i r s t v i s i t to Prior Park found Warburton one of the Remains, pp. 152 - 153. 2 After h i s marriage to Miss Gertrude Tucker in 1746. he became a permanent member of the Prior Park household. 3 L i f e and Times, p. 140. 4 I . D ' I s r a e l i , Quarrels of Authors (1814), I, p. 134, quoted by K i l v e r t i n Remains, p. 160. 5See p. 71. 67 p o l i t e s t men he had ever seen, who was "attentive to everyone who spoke," paying "deference to h i s i n f e r i o r s , as most of the company were." Graves seems to f i n d as s u f f i c i e n t reason for Warburton's superiority, the fact that: "he was then Dean of B r i s t o l . " 1 In t h i s same year of 1741, a notable group of pe r s o n a l i t i e s at Prio r Park included John Arbuthnot, John Gay, Chesterfield, Bolingbroke and Charles Yorke. In 1743 Bolingbroke and Chesterfield were again at Prior Park, and i t was i n t h i s year that Pope and Martha Blount cut short th e i r stay, and l e f t the Aliens abruptly as the r e s u l t of a "quarrel. 1 , 2 i n 1749, when Henry F i e l d i n g and h i s s i s t e r were almost d a i l y guests at Prior Park, "the amiable and accomplished" Bishop Hurd was also present. 3 A fr i e n d and d i s c i p l e of Warburton, and already 4 well-known as a c r i t i c and theologian, he was to become Quoted by K i l v e r t i n Remains, pp. 159 - 160. F i e l d i n g praised Warburton's vast and varied learning (see p.180). But Dr. Johnson, although appreciating "the wonderful extent and v a r i e t y " of Warburton's knowledge, declared that i t was "too multifarious to be always exact" (S. Johnson, Lives of  the English Poets, Oxford University Press (1906), 2 Vols., II, p. 275) . 2See pp. 99 - 108. 3 K i l v e r t , Remains, pp. 163 - 164. 4Barbeau, p. 275. 68 Bishop of L i c h f i e l d , Coventry and Worcester, in turn. With a reputation for being "precise and fastidious,"1 he was, at the same time "held i n high and deserved esteem at Prior Park." 2 At the Abbey Church where d a i l y morning services were held, could be heard "the s i l v e r y periods of the excellent Bishop" whom his admirers fondly c a l l e d "the Beauty of Holiness." 3 Another guest at th i s time was William Hoare, a predecessor of Gainsborough as a painter whose name i s intimately connected with Bath. Hoare was one of Allen's friends, and stood for many years at the head of his pro-fession i n that c i t y . 4 Among the perso n a l i t i e s of the century whom he painted were Richard Nash,^ William P i t t (twice), Samuel Derrick^ and Christopher Anstey; and i t was probably at Bath that Camden, Chesterfield, the Dukes of Grafton and Newcastle, Pope, and A l l e n 7 sat to him. Sudden, I, p. 410. 2 K i l v e r t , Remains, pp. 163 - 164. ^Austin Dobson in Preface to A. Barbeau's L i f e and  Letters, i x . 4R. Graves, The T r i f l e r s (1806), p. 67. 5 The engraving appears i n the 1762 edi t i o n of Goldsmith's L i f e of R. Nash (Barbeau, p. 287, note 4). ^Master of Ceremonies at Bath i n 1763. 7Barbeau, pp. 2 87 - 288. The p o r t r a i t s of P i t t , Camden and A l l e n were hung in the Town H a l l , and that of Derrick in the Assembly Rooms (Barbeau, p. 287, note 5). Peach says of Hoare, that he was "an accomplished a r t i s t , a r i p e scholar, and a very gracious man, 1 , 1 and Richard Graves, who met Hoare at P r i o r Park, wrote that he was "not only one of the most virtuous, f r i e n d l y and i n o f -fensive men, but one of the best c l a s s i c a l scholars, both i n Greek and Latin, with whom I was ever acquainted." James Quin, the actor, on his retirement from the London stage, s e t t l e d at Bath, where he spent the 3 l a s t sixteen years of h i s l i f e . Quin met Warburton frequently at Prior Park. They were not on good terms, but Quin's g i f t for prompt repartee generally gave him the v i c t o r y i n verbal b a t t l e s . On one occasion Warburton, apparently seeking to degrade Quin from the s o c i a l equal to the i n f e r i o r status of a "player," asked him to give a specimen of h i s dramatic a r t . Quin, looking f i r s t at Allen, then at Warburton, i n such a manner that the reference was understood by a l l the company,4 r e c i t e d , from Otway's Venice Preserved: Honest men Are the sof t and easy cushions on which knaves repose and fatten. L i f e and Times, p. 134. Quoted by K i l v e r t , Remains, p. 157. i . e . , from 1751 to 1766. Barbeau, p. 2 76, note 2. Peach, L i f e and Times, p. 139. 70 An occasional v i s i t o r was Thomas Edwards, 1 the c r i t i c , who also aroused Warburton's enmity. "Since" writes K i l v e r t , " l i t e r a r y subjects formed the usual conversation" and the controversy was running high, Edwards incurred Warburton's mortal hatred through an unexpected display of erudition. "To this circumstance," K i l v e r t adds " i s attributed Edwards' Canons of C r i t i c i s m (a keen s a t i r e upon Warburton's ed i t i o n of Shakespeare) which was followed up by Warburton with incessant attacks;/ in every new edi t i o n of Pope, i n the Essay on C r i t i c i s m , o and i n the Dunciad. •3 The Countess of Huntingdon was another v i s i t o r at t h i s period, as also were John Wood, Lady Luxborough (in 1752), Marshal Wade (father of the f i r s t Mrs. Allen) and S i r John Cope, commander of the royal army defeated at the b a t t l e of Preston Pans; he who "outrid the express" to inform the King of the event. His Majesty observed that "he was the f i r s t general he ever heard of who brought the news of his own defeat" and immediately turned h i s back 4 upon the general. Richard Graves who recounts the -"-Edwards also contributed to Pope's grotto. See pp. 88 - 90. Pope's desire for "minerals" i s mentioned i n the i r correspondence. 2 K i l v e r t , Remains, pp. 156 - 157, quoting D'Israeli's Quarrels of Authors, I, pp. 91 - 92 note. , 3See pp. 50 - 51. ^ K i l v e r t , Remains, pp. 158 - 159, quoting Richard Graves. incident, must have been present when the story was t o l d at Ralph Allen's table, and Cope said: "Aye, so i t i s written, but you must never believe anything you read in the newspapers." 1 Royalty was also represented at Prior Park. In 1750 the Prince and Princess of Wales with their daughter, Augusta, were entertained "to tea at Prior Park" before 2 attending a command performance at the theatre in Bath. Two years later Princess Amelia and her brother, the Duke of York, were also entertained by Al l e n , who offered them Prior Park during h i s absence at Weymouth. I t was i n 1750 that Richard Graves, one of the most picturesque characters in the Prior Park scene, appeared in person. He was made Rector of the neighbour-ing parish of Claverton, and from 1750 t i l l h is death i n 1794, was never absent for a month together from h i s parish. He knew Bath intimately, was uniquely conversant with the l o c a l h i s t o r y and t r a d i t i o n 4 and i s one of the most authoritative sources of information concerning p e r s o n a l i t i e s i n the neighbourhood whom he knew, or ••"Quoted by K i l v e r t i n Remains, p. 159. 2 S.M. Rosenfeld, S t r o l l i n g Players and drama i n the  Provinces 1660 - 1765 (1939), p. 183. See p. 129.-3 Peach, Remains, p. 130. 4Dudden, II, p. 593. about whom he learnt at f i r s t hand. 1 Peach says that Graves was one of the best-known and most esteemed of neighbours. "A wit, and a most voluminous w r i t e r , " 2 he soon became a highly popular figure at Prior Park and 3 an intimate fr i e n d of Allen's. K i l v e r t refers continu-a l l y to the authority of "this amiable and g i f t e d person, whose ... good humour and spr i g h t l y s a l l i e s ... must have 4 been a welcome addition to the c i r c l e of Prior Park." This great favourite with A l l e n and his guests i s des-cribed by Peach: A peculiar-looking man with a singular g a i t ... dressed i n the c l e r i c a l s t y l e of the period — black- and-all-black ... He always car r i e d a black baggy umbrella, which he held before him ... His features, while pleasant and i n t e l l e c t u a l , wore an eager expres-sion, and he never walked but trott e d . Graves was the frie n d of Lady Luxborough, and of William Shenstone whom he introduced to Prior Park where they met William Hoare, the painter.^ This was i n 1752, the year i n which Graves mentions meeting another c e l e b r i iDudden says that R. Graves' testimony cannot be disregarded. Henry F i e l d i n g , II, p. 593. 2 L i f e and Times, p. 134,. . 3 A l l e n bought Claverton Manor i n 1758 and dined there regu l a r l y once a week. "^Remains, p. 161. ^ L i f e and Times, p. 134. ^Peach, L i f e and Times, p. 134. then on a v i s i t to Bath. "I met Mr. (Samuel) Richardson in Mr. Leaks, the bookseller's, parlour (whose s i s t e r Richardson had married)." Graves describes Richardson's delight at being honoured by an i n v i t a t i o n to Prior Park: "He t o l d me he was going to dine with Mr. Allen, at Prior Park. 'Twenty years ago' he said, "I was the most obscure man i n Great B r i t a i n ; and now I am admitted to the company of the f i r s t characters i n the kingdom'. 1 , 1 "The company of the f i r s t characters" may have been a l l that impressed such a man as Samuel Richardson. The impact upon h i s c i r c l e , of the man, Allen^and the gracious se t t i n g A l l e n had created, i s expressed i n a more sensitive vein by the talented, but unfortunate, Charles Yorke, whose sudden and mysterious death on attaining the o f f i c e of Lord Chancellor (in 1770) "hor-r i f i e d the public mind, and wrung the hearts of so many 2 admiring friends." After a v i s i t to Prior Park in 1746, Yorke wrote: "The natural beauty ... makes i t one of the most d e l i g h t f u l spots I ever saw." He wonders at: The elegance and judgement with which art has been employed, and the a f f e c t a t i o n of false grandeur c a r e f u l l y avoided ... but even scenes of t h i s kind ... were the least of i t s charms to me. I soon found those scenes animated Graves, quoted by K i l v e r t , Remains, p. 159. K i l v e r t , Remains, p. 154. 74 by the presence of the master; the t r a n q u i l i t y and harmony of the whole only r e f l e c t i n g back the image of h i s own temper, an appearance of wealth and plenty with plainness and f r u g a l i t y , and yet no one envying, because a l l are warmed into friendship and gratitude by the rays of h i s benevolence.1 The F i e l d i n g connection with Prior Park The author of the Dunciad and the author of Tom Jones — these are the two guests whose presence sheds an undy-ing l u s t re on the splendid domain of Prior Park, whose memory lingers round a l l i t s s t a t e l y rooms, i t s avenues, i t s terraced garden; the two whom the imagination best loves to picture there.in a l l th e i r d i v e r s i t y of mind and body ... F i e l d i n g — t a l l , broad-shouldered, robust, overflowing with l i f e and s p i r i t s ; chatting h e a r t i l y with everyone he comes across ... keeping the re s t of the company in good humour ... the serene figure of Allen, amiable, yet gravely d i g n i f i e d , or Warburton, with h i s massive head and n a t u r a l l y imperious manner.2 Tripping g a i l y up to them comes the excellent Graves ... 3 Fielding's close association with Prior Park, and the r e s u l t of this connection upon the structure of Tom Jones, was at least i n part due to the fact that his 4 s i s t e r had been l i v i n g at Widcombe within view of Prior Park, probably since 1739.^ Peach^ describes Sarah F i e l d i n g "•"Quoted by K i l v e r t , p. 155. 2 According to Hoare's p o r t r a i t in Warburton's complete works 3 Barbeau, pp. 273 - 274, 4Peach, L i f e and Times of R. Allen, p. 133. ^R.E.M. Peach, H i s t o r i c Houses in Bath .and Their Asso- ciations (1883), p. 32. °Peach, L i f e and Times, p. 133. as "a handsome well-bred lady" with whom Al l e n had formed a close friendship. Sarah, author of the novel, David Simple, was unmarried and had no private means. Over the years Alle n , with c h a r a c t e r i s t i c consideration, not only gave her f i n a n c i a l a i d , 1 and thus a great measure of security, but always bestowed upon her h i s "chivalrous attention, kindness and bounty." 2 Daily, A l l e n would pass her door on h i s way to and from the c i t y , and cheer her somewhat d u l l existence by a kindly word. She was seldom omitted as a guest at his table, and would be con-3 veyed to Prior Park i n h i s carriage. I t i s not known at what date A l l e n made the acquaint-ance of her brother, Henry. Sarah may have been the means of bringing them together. 4 In the winter of 1741 - 1742, Pope and Warburton spent several weeks together at Prior 5 Park. "There too," writes Wilbur Cross, "at near the ±R. Graves, The T r i f l e r s , p. 77, stated that Alle n gave her an allowance of /100 a year. Sarah undertook to publish (as a sequel to David Simple), The Familiar  Letters i n 1747, to which her brother contributed a Preface and 5 of the l e t t e r s . Among the subscribers (who included Lady Mary Wortley Montagu and S. Richardson), A l l e n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y ordered 5 sets (Cross, History of  Henry Fi e l d i n g , II, pp. 46 - 47). 2Peach, L i f e and Times, p. 133. 3 I b i d . , p. 133. 4Barbeau, p. 267. See pp. 94 - 95. same time had been 'courteously entertained' Henry F i e l d i n g . 1 , 1 F i e l d i n g and Pope may never have met at Prio r Park, but A l l e n must have contributed to an under-standing between the poet and the n o v e l i s t . Thereafter F i e l d i n g began to praise the scholarship of Warburton a l s o . 2 At a l l events, after the summer Assizes of 1742, F i e l d i n g went to Bath, probably accompanied by his wife, to drink the waters. 3 I t i s probable that t h i s v i s i t was the beginning of a residence there, sometimes for several months of each year 4 and possibly at Allen's . i n s t i g a t i o n . ^ According to t r a d i t i o n , Fielding's f i r s t residence was at Twerton-on-Avon, on the lower B r i s t o l road, and a mile and a h a l f from Bath, i n a house since known as "Fielding's Lodge."6 At a l a t e r date, t r a d i t i o n has i t , F i e l d i n g s e t t l e d at Widcombe, in the lodge belong-ing to Widcombe Manor, an estate which A l l e n had recently 7 purchased. Widcombe Manor and Lodge are situated below -^ H. F i e l d i n g , I, p. 377. See also p. 163. 2Cross, I, p. 377. 3 I b i d . , p. 377. 4 I b i d . , p. 379. 5Dudden, I, p. 412. Cross, I, p. 379. Twerton i s now part of an industria See sketch map from Thorpe's Survey quarter of Bath. 7 Cross, I, p. 379 "Mr. Bennet's house." P r i o r Park and the view with which F i e l d i n g must have become very familiar was destined to play a part in Tom  Jones. 1 I t i s doubtful whether F i e l d i n g would have l i v e d for any length of time i n such a neighbourhood without being i n contact with his s i s t e r , and although only a t r a d i t i o n that cannot be confirmed, i t i s highly pro-bable that Sarah, l i k e her brother, l i v e d at Widcombe Lodge and "that A l l e n permitted the Fieldings to occupy the Lodge, whenever they so desired, and that i t eventu-a l l y became Sarah's home."2 Peach states that "her brother Henry ... l i v e d with his s i s t e r at Yew Cottage." That Tom Jones (published i n 1749) was p a r t l y written while F i e l d i n g was l i v i n g at Twerton i s stated 4 by his contemporary, Richard Graves, who may or may not have met F i e l d i n g i n person but who dined more than once at Claverton Manor after 1757 with Sarah F i e l d i n g . ^ The garrulous Mr. Graves, who knew a l l about the l o c a l xCross, I, p. .379. 2Cross, III, p. 113. 3 L i f e and Times, p. 133. 4See p. '71. -^ The T r i f l e r s , quoted by K i l v e r t in Remains i n Prose  and Verse, p. 157. 78 c e l e b r i t i e s , 1 says that F i e l d i n g "dined almost d a i l y at Prior Park, while he was writing h i s novel, Tom Jones," and l i v e d at Twerton "in the f i r s t house on the r i g h t hand, with a spread eagle over the door." 2 Wilbur Cross asserts that the f i r s t books of Tom  Jones, and some of the later chapters, were composed at Twerton and i t may be assumed that, after he had r e l i n -quished The True Patrio t , and was edit i n g the Jacobite's  Journal, F i e l d i n g spent the summer and autumn of 1746 at Twerton and returned for b r i e f e r periods the two follow-ing years. But before the novel had passed through the press, he had permanently s e t t l e d at Bow Street as a ju s t i c e of the peace. 3 In The T r i f l e r s , Richard Graves mentions, among h i s friends i n the Prior Park c i r c l e , several persons of d i s t i n c t i o n who came i n c i d e n t a l l y into the l i f e of Fi e l d i n g , including Lord Camden, Shenstone, Lady Luxborough and Warburton. 4 In Tom Jones F i e l d i n g was generous in his praise of Warburton's learning, yet, not u n t i l two years Cross, II, p. 112. 2 •^The T r i f l e r s , quoted by K i l v e r t i n Remains, p. 157. - See p. 198. 3Henry Fi e l d i n g , II, p. 111. 4Cross, II, p. 110. after the publication of t h i s novel did Warburton con-descend to notice Fielding's merits as a w r i t e r . 1 By the year 1751, Fielding's health was already f a i l i n g . Only those immediately associated with him were aware to what extent i l l n e s s , and his experience as a po l i c e magistrate were taking their t o l l of him. There were members of Ralph Allen's c i r c l e who could not, or would not, understand how the s t r a i n was taxing Fielding's powers to maintain h i s outward j o c u l a r i t y . Richard Hurd, for example, writing to a friend, from Prior Park, thus contrasts A l l e n and F i e l d i n g : I wish you had seen Mr. A l l e n . He comes up to my notion of my favourites in Queen Elizabeth's reign; good sense in conjunction with the p l a i n e s t manners — simplex  et nuda Veritas. I dined with him yesterday, where I met Mr. F i e l d i n g — a poor, emaciated, worn-out rake, whose gout and i n f i r m i t i e s have got the better even of his buffoonery.2 Presumably, "this divine of formal morals," as ignorant of Fielding's works as of his l i f e and the vast public services he was then performing, f e l t cheated of the jests he expected on such a s o c i a l occasion. And Thomas Edwards, who must have heard much from other Prior Icross, II, p. 127. See p. 180, footnote 2. p F. K i l v e r t , Memoirs of the L i f e and Writings of  Richard Hurd (1860), p. 45, quoted by W. Cross, II, p. 310. 'Wilbur Cross, II, pp. 310 - 311. Park friends about F i e l d i n g , even i f he never met him, so l i t t l e knew or understood the r e a l import of the Voyage  to Lisbon, and the courage which i t s " t r i f l i n g " masked, as to write to h i s friend, Samuel Richardson, of his indignation. "That a man who had led such a l i f e as he (Fielding) had, should t r i f l e in that manner when immediate death i s before h i s eyes, i s amazing." Hurd was confirmed i n his opinion that, "with a l l his parade of pretences to virtuous and humane aff e c t i o n , the f e l -low has no heart. And s o — h i s k n e l l i s knolled. 1 , 1 ever l o y a l , continued to show great s o l i c i t u d e to Sarah F i e l d i n g as also to her brother's second wife and her children. He had been appointed executor of Fielding's w i l l , but, although renouncing the execution of the w i l l , he contributed to the children's education and bequeathed to the widow, her children, and to Sarah, _/100 apiece, at hi s death. Of the few likenesses of F i e l d i n g that were made, Allen possessed a p o r t r a i t based on Hogarth's draw-ing of him. It now hangs in the Royal Mineral Water 3 Hospital i n Bath. ^Correspondence of Richardson, ed. A.L. Barbauld (1804), 6 Vols., I l l , p. 135, quoted by Cross, III, p. 97. "'Dudden, II, p. 1059. John F i e l d i n g was given the guardianship of the children. But, when F i e l d i n g died in 1754, Ralph Allen, Dudden, II, p. 1057. 81 Sarah F i e l d i n g during her l a t e r years spent much of her time at Bath. Apparently A l l e n allowed her to make Widcombe Lodge her permanent home, and continued to extend to her his p r o t e c t i o n . 1 She died i n 1768, and was buried i n the stone church at Charlcombe near Bath. It was the very church which Henry F i e l d i n g and Charlotte Cradock, the "Sophia Western" of Tom Jones and heroine of Amelia, had chosen for t h e i r marriage. Alexander Pope's connection with Prior Park Standing i n the long ga l l e r y , once the l i b r a r y of the house, one can c a l l up the f r a i l , s l i g h t l y deformed figure of Pope, his del i c a t e expressive face; he appears i n his morning undress -- a dark grey waistcoat and blue dressing gown2 — he discusses the plan of the l a s t book of the Dunciad with Warburton. Or again, the centre of a chosen group, he r e t a i l s some anecdote; less b r i l l i a n t , however, i n conversation than i n w r i t i n g , 3 he f a l l s r e a d i l y into silence or abstraction, seldom going 'beyond a p a r t i c u l a r easy smile',4 laughing very rarely, and 'never ... very h e a r t i l y " . ^ Barbeau i s of opinion that the friendship between 1See p. 77. 2See his pastel p o r t r a i t by W. Hoare i n the National P o r t r a i t Gallery, London. (Barbeau, p. 274, note 2). 3 S. Johnson, Lives of the Poets I I , p. 296. 4 J . Spence, Anecdotes, V, p. 206. Although published only i n 1820, the Anecdotes were well known and much quoted during the 18th century. J. Spence, V, p. 206 quoting Mrs. Rackett. (Barbeau, p. 274). Ralph A l l e n and Pope dated from about the year 1732, quoting i n support of t h i s , a fragment of a l e t t e r from Pope to A l l e n which appears i n Ruffhead's l i f e of Pope published i n 1769. George Sherburn, on the other hand, states that: No important new correspondents emerge (in 1732) but the year i s notable for the Swift-Gay correspondence as well as for Pope's l e t t e r s to his noble lords Bathurst, Burlington, Peterborow, and Oxford. I t i s a year of l i t e r a r y labour rather than of s o c i a l amusement.3 Sherburn also mentions that Pope's f i r s t "known" v i s i t to Bath (after that of 1716) took place i n 1728 and was to be the l a s t u n t i l the death of his mother. Pope was also discouraged by the r e a l i z a t i o n that the 4 waters did his health no good. His mother died i n 1733; and i n the following year he paid a short v i s i t to Bath. Sherburn makes no mention of Allen's name i n connection with Pope u n t i l his foreword for the year 1736 and t h i s , i n connection with the publication of Pope's L i f e and Letters, p. 251. 20. Ruffhead, L i f e of A. Pope, Esq. (1769), p. 465. (Barbeau, p. 256, note 2). •^Correspondence of A. Pope, ed. G. Sherburn, I I I , p. 264. (Hereafter referred to as Correspondence). ^Correspondence I I , p. 467. 5 Correspondence I I I , p. 399. ^ i . e . , Correspondence IV, p. 1. 83 l e t t e r s the year before. This f i r s t e d i t i o n of the l e t t e r s was an elaborate plo t contrived by Pope, "so as to make i t only right i n self-defence to publish his own edi t i o n of his l e t t e r s . " 1 But i t was from the perusal of his f i r s t e d i t i o n that A l l e n conceived the 2 desxre of knowing Pope. This*publication, says Samuel Johnson: " F i l l e d the nation with the praises of his candour, tenderness and benevolence, the purity of his purposes, and the f i d e l i t y of his friendship." 3 And Bonamy Dobree: "The l e t t e r s were acclaimed; everybody said what a great and good man Mr. Pope must be: and among them was the great 'good man1 of the time, Ralph A l l e n ,.." 4 When Pope t o l d A l l e n of his intention "to vindicate his own property, by a genuine edi t i o n , " with so much zeal did Al l e n c u l t i v a t e the friendship, that he offered to pay the cost of a new editi o n . ~^  Sherburn writes that at the time of meeting A l l e n , Pope was presumably preparing the "authentic" e d i t i o n , and was desirous -- though not too hopeful -- of receiving a subscription that would enable him to avoid excessive XB. Dobre*e, Alexander Pope, e d i t i o n of 1963, pp. 83 - 84. 2 S. Johnson, Lives of the Poets II , p. 270. 3 Lives of the Poets II , p. 270. 4 A. Pope, p. 84. ^S. Johnson, Lives of the Poets II, p. 270. 84 indebtedness to his new admirer and "angel," Ralph Allen.1 In A p r i l of 1736 he wrote to A l l e n , and Sherburn 2 states that t h i s was the f i r s t of Pope's l e t t e r s to A l l e n . Writing from Twickenham, Pope thanks A l l e n for his. very-kind v i s i t and yet more for the extreme zeal and f r i e n d -ship he has manifested on the occasion of the " l e t t e r s , " " i n so warm a Desire that I should be j u s t i f i e d even during my l i f e which t r u l y i s less my concern than yours ..." From t h i s sentence i t seems evident that A l l e n had just v i s i t e d the poet and offered f i n a n c i a l assistance.^ By the following year (1737), the friendship had apparently extended to include Mrs. A l l e n , who "obliges me much by what you t e l l me, & has a great Right i n me, because I am very much yours." Pope regrets having to 5 be i n Bath, instead of joining the Aliens at Widcombe. But even though not under the same roof, they presumably met at Bath and Pope had already t o l d Lyttleton that: "Were i t not for a hankering ... aft e r some friends," he Correspondence IV, p. 1. 2 Correspondence IV, p. 9, note 1. No l e t t e r s from A l l e n to Pope have been preserved. 3Pope to A l l e n , 7 A p r i l £l736~}, Correspondence IV, p. 9. 4 Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 9, note 1. 5 Pope to A l l e n , 8 June, 1737. Correspondence IV, p. 74. 85 "could l i v e with honest Mr. A l l e n a l l his l i f e . " x In 1738, of the new correspondents, A l l e n and Lord Orrery, were the most notable. 2 The Epilogue to  the Satires was published in t h i s same year, and so great an esteem had Pope by now conceived for Allen, that, anxious to make thi s evident even in h i s works, he begged Allen's permission to mention his name in one of the two poems of the Epilogue, "provided I say ... for example that you are no Man of high b i r t h or q u a l i t y ? " 3 The couplet, well-intentioned, but scarcely t a c t f u l : Let low-born Allen, with an awkward shame Do good by s t e a l t h & blush to f i n d i t fame might well have caused some offence to the man whose obscure ori g i n s were a matter of common knowledge. Be i t as i t may, i n November Pope offers amende honorable by changing the epithet "low-born" to "humble," assuring A l l e n that every one w i l l be t o l d that the change was not made at Allen's or any friend's request, but by the writer's -•-Pope to Lyttleton, 12 Dec. 1736 . Works, ed. W. Elwin and W.J. Courthope, 10 Vols. (1871 - 1881), IX, p. 172. 2Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 91. 3Pope to Alle n , 28 A p r i l [l738X Correspondence IV, pp. 92 - 93. 4pope, Epilogue to the Satires (1738), Dialogue I, 135 - 136, quoted by Barbeau, p. 257. The epithet, "low-born" appeared only i n the quarto of 1738 and in the Dublin edition of that year. (Barbeau, p. 257, note 2). 86 knowledge that he merited i t . He explains t h i s change by declaring: I have found a Virtue i n You, more than I c e r t a i n l y knew before, t i l l I made Experiment of i t : I mean Humility: I must therefore in j u s t i c e to my own Conscience of i t , bear testimony to i t , & change the Epithet I f i r s t gave you . . . 1 So great was the a t t r a c t i o n that A l l e n exercised on Pope by t h i s time as to be at least comparable with that of his "demi-god," Bolingbroke. In t h i s year (1738), Pope wrote to A l l e n that should Bolingbroke be obliged to v i s i t the Bath, he (Pope), w i l l have "Two Temptations to go Thither;" 2 and, some few weeks l a t e r : "When the Bath grows a private place, such as i t was i n the Court of King Bladud, 3 I w i l l 4 come & l i v e with you." The general pattern of existence that Pope had evolved since the death of h i s mother in 1733, began to ••-Pope to Allen, 2 Nov. [l738~). Correspondence IV, pp. 144 - 145. 2Pope to Allen, 19 Aug. [l738~]. Correspondence IV, p. 119. 3 A legendary B r i t i s h King said to have been the great-grandson of Aeneas. The story runs that Bladud, after bathing in the muddy swamp by the r i v e r Avon, was cured of leprosy. This induced him to clean the muddy, but healing springs there, and construct baths, thus laying the foundations of the c i t y of Bath (R.A.L. Smith, Bath, pp. 11 - 12). 4Pope to Allen, 10 Oct. [1738"]. Correspondence IV, p. 134. show a v a r i a t i o n from winters spent at home with but b r i e f excursions to London, and a month-long "ramble" in July. By the autumn of 1739 there were two deciding factors: his health, and h i s new-found friendship with Ralph A l l e n . Both of these considerations led him to Bath. 1 Whether at Hampton Manor, Allen's v i l l a at Bathampton, or later on, at Prior Park, Pope was a familiar and constant guest, ever-expected, ever-2 welcome. Rxchard Graves, Allen's intimate friend, wrote: "Mr. Pope was an almost constant intimate in the family during the Bath season for many years." J But Pope would have another c a l l upon h i s attention, when the Dowager Duchess of Malborough, a d i f f i c u l t lady, would sometimes keep him away from his Bath friends. Both your Grace & Mr. A l l e n have done for me more than I am worth; he has come a hundred miles to fetch me; & I think i n gratitude I should stay with him for ever, had I not an equal Obligation to come back to Your Grace. 4 In mid-November, 1739, Pope attempted a cure Isherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 157. 2Barbeau, p..253. 3The T r i f l e r s , pp. 66 - 67. 4Pope to the Duchess of Malborough f? June, Correspondence IV, p. 457. 88 at the B r i s t o l Well,! but the accommodations for taking the waters there were so unsatisfactory in cold weather that after a fortnight he returned to Widcombe, to be 2 with the Aliens. He was advised by Dr. Oliver and Dr. 3 Cheyne, both eminent Bath physicians, to mix the B r i s t o l water (brought by c a r r i e r on the Avon Canal) with the hot water of Bath. If this p r e s c r i p t i o n f a i l e d , he was to t r y the water of the Lyncombe Spa, discovered the previous year, the well being on the Lyncombe h i l l s i d e not far from Allen's house. 4 Pope's connection at t h i s p a r t i c u l a r time, with Allen and Allen's neighbourhood, was to be of importance with regard to the b u i l d i n g of his grotto at Twickenham. A l l e n at the time was quarrying the Bathstone i n the Combe Down area for his b u i l d i n g projects and for export, 5 xHe gives an "Account of B r i s t o l and the Countryside" to Martha Blount: l e t t e r s of ? 19 Nov, 1739 Correspondence IV, pp. 200 - 202, and of 24 Nov., 1739 IV, pp. 204 - 205. "The C i t y of B r i s t o l i t s e l f i s very unpleasant and no c i v i l i z e d Company i n i t . " (p. 204). 2See pp. 10, 157. > 3See pp. 157 - 159. 4 Benjamin Boyce, "Mr. Pope, in Bath, Improves the Design of his Grotto," p. 143, in Restoration and Eighteenth-Century  Literature (1963). Boyce refers to Wood's Essay, I, pp. 79 -81. 5See pp. 16- - 17. and Pope probably came to know something about the str a t a of rock under the surface of t h i s area. He may have v i s i t e d one of Allen's quarries. Although he had con-sidered h i s grotto "finished," about the year 172 5 , h i s enthusiasm was aroused anew, and he now envisaged a type of "grotto" bearing some resemblance to an actual quarry 1 ( l i k e those on Combe Down) and the natural rock formations of the Cotswolds. Dr. Oliver was an eager friend of Pope's and "must 2 have been an important abettor i n the new plan." He en l i s t e d the help of a Cornish r e l a t i v e named Borlase, who was an amateur geologist. E a r l y i n 1740, Borlase began sending shipments of stones, "Mundicks & Minerals" and written advice to Twickenham, and Allen sent c o n t r i -butions from h i s Combe Down qu a r r i e s . 3 Pope was delighted with these g i f t s which gave a new impetus to h i s "grotto-fying," but at the same time begged A l l e n not to think: "That when I thank you for Water, Wine, Alabaster, Spars & Snakestones, they were the best things I have ever had from you." 4 1Boyce, pp. 144 - 146 . 2 I b i d . , p. 146 . 3 I b i d . , pp. 146 - 149 . 4Pope to Allen, 19 A p r i l [l74o"] . Correspondence IV, p. 2 3 5 . I f the r e s u l t i n g grotto at Twickenham was more "domestic" than i t s West Country models that had aroused Pope's enthusiasm, Boyce remarks that i t was nevertheless "true to nature" i n the way Pope had planned i t i n the winter of 1739 - 1740, "with encouragement from a cheerful Bath doctor, an amateur Cornish geologist, and a generous quarry owner." 1 But, back in the cold winter of 1739 at Bath, Pope, i n spite of hi s good friends 1 medical advice, and fr i e n d l y s o l i c i t u d e , had grown weary and d i s i l l u s i o n e d with the c i t y of Bath. As time passed, he grew a c t i v e l y to d i s l i k e the place, and the presence of Al l e n there was f i n a l l y h i s sole inducement to stay i n the neighbour-hood. "But for your News of my qu i t t i n g Twitnam for Bath," he was to write to Jonathon Richardson: Inquire into my Years, i f they are past the bounds of Dotage? ask my Eyes, i f they can See, & my n o s t r i l s i f they can smell? To prefer Rocks & D i r t , to flowry Meads & s i l v e r Thames, & Brimstone & Fogs to Roses & Sunshine? When I arrive at these Sensations, I may se t t l e at Bath; of which I never yet dreamt, further, than to l i v e just out of the Sulphurous P i t & at the Edge of the Fogs, at Mr. Allen's for a month or so. I l i k e the place so l i t t l e , that Health i t s e l f should not draw me thither, tho Friendship has, twice or t h r i c e . ^"Mr. Pope i n Bath ...," p. 153. o ^Pope to J . Rxchardson. Elwin & Courthope in Works, IX, p. 508, date the l e t t e r : 21 Nov. 1739, but Sherburn, Correspondence IV, p. 484 maintains that i t was dated 21 Nov. [1743J . To Hugh Bethel, i n November of 1739, he writes that he w i l l be very l i t t l e at Bath, but that a l e t t e r w i l l f i n d him: At Ralph Allen's Esq's, at Widcomb, where I s h a l l l i v e , read and plant away my time, leaving the Madness of the L i t t l e Town beneath me, as I've done the Madness of the Great Town behind me.l The winter of 1739 - 1740 was b i t t e r l y cold and kept Pope at Bath u n t i l February of 1740.2 Pope noted that Allen's great charity to the country people who suffered so intensely during that winter, led him to employ some hundreds of labouring men by opening a quarry for which he had, as yet, no r e a l use: Whoever i s lame, or any way disabled, he gives weekly allowances to the wife or children ... (and) to other Poor. God made t h i s Man r i c h , to shame the Great, & wise to humble the Learned ... I have past th i s Christmas with the Most Noble Man of England. 3 I f Pope was paying a glowing tribute to his friend, Dr. Oliver, writing only nine days e a r l i e r to Borlase, had, i n his turn, paid a great trib u t e to both of these men with Pope to H. Bethel, Bath 27 Nov. 1739. Correspondence IV, pp. 205 - 207. p ^Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 157. JPope to Fortescue, 2 3 Jan. 1740. Correspondence IV, pp. 221 - 222. ^Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 222, note 1, finds a p a r a l l e l i n t h i s tribute, to Fielding's portrayal of Allen i n Tom Jones. whom he was on terms of intimate friendship. Of Pope, he writes: "He i s the freest, humblest, most entertain-ing Creature you ever met with" whose friendship with A l l e n w i l l deliver the l a t t e r ' s name "in the most amiable l i g h t to Posterity." They are extremely happy i n each other, he continues: The one fe e l i n g great Joy in the good Heart, & Strong Sense of h i s t r u l y generous Host, while the other, with the most pleasing attention, drinks i n Rivers of Knowledge continuously flowing from the Lipps of h i s d e l i g h t f u l Stranger.1 Before returning to Twickenham to continue working on his grotto, Pope remained for a while at Allen's, i n some hopes that he had of serving him "a l i t t l e i n laying out his garden e t c . " 2 The garden referred to, i s that of Prior Park which was in process of building during these years. 3 Pope had mentioned in a l e t t e r of November, 1739, his intention of " l i v i n g , reading & planting away his time 4 at A l l e n ' s , " and h i s l e t t e r of May 15, 1740 to Allen, suggests that by t h i s date, the laying out of the grounds Borlase Correspondence (Penzance Library) Vol. I, f o i 119, quoted by Boyce, p. 147. A portion of t h i s l e t t e r i s also quoted by Sherburn, Correspondence IV, p. 222, note 1 2 Pope to Fortescue, 5 Jan. 1740. Correspondence IV, pp. 216 - 217. 3See pp. 18 - 19. 4See p. 91. of Prio r Park had reached an advanced stage: 93 I t i s my firm resolution to inhabit the Room at the end of your Gallery one Fortnight at least i n September, & as much longer as I can, to see your Gardens finished (ready for Mrs Allen's Grotto & Cascade in the following years) . He enquires after the health of the Aliens: "After that of the Elms we planted on each Side of the Lawn? and of the l i t t l e Woodwork to j o i n one wood to the other below, which I hope you planted t h i s Spring." 1 K i l v e r t says that the taste of Pope was exerted both within and with-out the house, and that "the impress of his suggestive mind i s s t i l l traceable there." K i l v e r t also mentions a l i n g e r i n g t r a d i t i o n that assigns the name of "Pope's Study" to a r u s t i c building, l a t e r used as a c a t t l e -shed, 2 and "Pope's House" (so-called), to a cottage at 3 the foot of Beechen C l i f f . There i s a ruined grotto, of which one of three arches survives, below the west wing of Prior Park, where 4 Pope's dog was buried, and which may be "Mrs Allen's Grotto" referred to i n the l e t t e r of 15 May, 1740. One Pope to Allen, 15 May, 1740. Correspondence IV, pp. 238 - 239. 2 On a footpath through the " M i l e - f i e l d . " ( K i l v e r t ) . 3 F . K i l v e r t , "Prose Essay on the Connection of Pope with the West of England ... and Bath ..." i n Remains in  Prose and Verse (1766), p. 124. 4 P r i o r Park Magazine, Vol. XII, No. 1, 1965, p. 27. -In May, 1738, Pope had given A l l e n a Great Dane puppy, one of "Bounce's" progeny. (Boyce, p. 145). of the walks to the lake below the house i s s t i l l known as "Pope's Walk." x Although no meeting seems to have taken place between Pope and h i s future friend, Warburton, u n t i l 2 A p r i l , 1740, so far as Pope was concerned the major publication of 1739 had been Warburton's Vindication  of the Essay on Man. The fact that his " r i v a l mentor," Bolingbroke, had withdrawn to France i n 1739, aided the increasing ascendancy of Warburton over Pope's mind. And Pope's desire of bringing together t h i s new friend, and Ralph Allen, was decisive to the future career of Warburton. Late i n 1741 A l l e n took Pope down to Prior Park for a long v i s i t , and the l a t t e r soon prevailed upon h i s host to i n v i t e Warburton to j o i n them. 4 Pope's intention (which he realized) was .to work there under lp r i o r Park Magazine, p. 27. Barbeau states that i t i s of l a t e r date than the poet's sojourn i n the neighbour hood. (Life and Letters at Bath, p. 2 74, note 1). Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 214. Correspondence IV, p. 157. Warburton had defended Pope's Essay against Crousaz's attacks so well, "that Pope f e l l into his arms and ... established him as a kind of protector." (B. Dobre"e, A. Pope, p. 80). 4See p. 75. 95 Warburton's guidance, at the Fourth Book of The Dunciad; x and he wrote i n glowing terms of the i d e a l surroundings and conditions for work that Prior Park offered. "This house would be an i n v i o l a b l e asylum to you," he t o l d Warburton, and the worthy Man who i s the Master of i t in v i t e s you in the strongest terms, & i s one who would treat you with Love & Veneration, rather than what h i s World c a l l s C i v i l i t y & Regard .... You 11 want no Servant here, your Room w i l l be next to mine ... Here i s a Library, and a Gallery ninety foot long to walk i n and a Coach whenever you would take the a i r with me.? Ten days l a t e r , he further presses the point, and, in c i d e n t a l l y , makes a prophetic remark: "You w i l l owe me a r e a l Obligation by being made acquainted with the Master of t h i s House; and by sharing with me, what I think one of 3 the chief Satisfactions of my L i f e , His Friendship." Thus did Warburton become an intimate of Ralph Allen's c i r c l e , and, so far as Pope's career was concerned, their reunion in the winter of 1741 - 1742 resulted in the plan-ning of Book IV of the Dunciad at Prior Park. 4 Bonamy l-And possibly at the r e v i s i o n of the f i r s t . t h r e e books (Sherburn, in Correspondence IV, p. 32 3). 2Pope to Warburton, 12 Nov. 1741. Correspondence IV, pp. 370 - 371. 3 Pope to Warburton, 2 2 Nov. 1741. Correspondence IV, p. 373. See also pp. 65 - 66. 4"A great part of the new poem was read and highly approved; the rest was finished in the year 1742." Warburton, Works I, p. 40, quoted by Barbeau, p. 260, note 2. Warburton w r o t e t h e chief part of the notes on Dunciad IV. (Barbeau, p. 259, note 2). 96 Dobree, describing Warburton as a d u l l , heavy, ambitious, bullying man, "whom nobody seems to have l i k e d while he l i v e d , and most have contemptuously loathed since he d i e d , " 1 regrets that t h i s leaden-minded man should have become 2 guardian of Pope's memory and .works, and George Sherburn finds l i t t l e of genuine worth i n t h e i r association: The two men were at once so transparently aware of t h e i r serviceable p o t e n t i a l i t i e s to each other that the associa-t i o n — one hesitates to c a l l i t friendship — became perma-nent. I t took longer for Pope (in good King George's golden words) to make Warburton a bishop than i t did for Warburton to make Pope a Ch r i s t i a n : but such were the rewards of t h e i r connexion. 3 During the summer of 1742, Warburton v i s i t e d P r i o r Park while Pope's entanglement with the Dowager Duchess of Malborough prevented him from joining his fri e n d there u n t i l October. The death of his landlady led to some tal k of his s e t t l i n g at Widcombe with A l l e n , while Martha Blount might s e t t l e at Hampton Manor, but no d e f i n i t e plans were 4 made. Meanwhile, his l i t e r a r y labour consisted of the xSee pp. 66 - 67, 69. o Instead of "the amiable and sensitive, but too modest Spence, who would have done i t a l l so much better." (A. Pope, p. 80). 3 Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 214. Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 375. Also, Pope to All e n , 8 Dec. [1742], pp. 430 - 431. f i n a l r e v i s i o n of the Dunciad, 1 and the preparation of a d e f i n i t i v e e dition of his works, with commentary by 2 Warburton. Pope's l e t t e r s of 1742, p r i n c i p a l l y of course, those addressed to Warburton, seem to prove that he was by now convinced that the former's authority as a commenta-4 tor was indispensable; and t h e i r close contact during the long v i s i t to the Aliens i n the winter of 1741 to 1742 firmly established the authority of Warburton over the . 5 poet. The problems of the poet, Richard Savage, which absorbed much of Pope's attention at thi s time, also touch xPope to Al l e n , London, 8 Feb. 1741, refers to the pr i n t i n g of the "Widcomb" Poem, "which must be The New  Dunciad ( i . e . , Book IV), upon which Pope evidently worked at Allen's house. I t was published 20 March, 1742." (Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 387, note 3). 2 Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 375. 3 A t least 9 i n the Sherburn e d i t i o n for that year. 4Pope to A l l e n , 27 Dec. [1742]: "When you write t e l l Mr. W. how much i t i s owing to him that (Dunciad IV) i s complete, & how much I think i t advantaged by his Notes & Discourses before i t . " (Correspondence IV, pp. 432 -433) . 5 In his poem, La Religion, Louis Racine had attacked the Essay on Man on d o c t r i n a l grounds. Pope protested that his opinions conformed to those of Pascal and Fenelon, and sent Racine Warburton's Vindication as incontestible evidence to thi s e f f e c t . (Pope to L. Racine, 1 Sept. 1742, Correspondence IV, pp. 415 - 416). Racine acknowledged Pope's view i n a generous l e t t e r of 25 Oct. 1742 (IV, pp. 422 - 423). 98 upon the l a t t e r 1s re l a t i o n s with Allen, insofar as, w r i t i n g to his fr i e n d i n September, "Savage plagues me with h i s Misunderstandings, & Miseries" he asks A l l e n to act as intermediary i n adding to a l e t t e r to Savage, "an order for f i v e guineas," & to "inquire whether he be i n any p a r t i c u l a r misfortune, or i n p r i s o n ? " 1 With this f i n a l remittance, Pope confesses to his friend: "I can r e a l l y a s s i s t him no further, nor w i l l i t be in that case to any 9 purpose." At the time when A l l e n was elected Mayor of Bath and while Warburton was staying at Widcombe, Pope had expressed anxiety to be with them, but his l e t t e r of 23 September (1742), r e f l e c t s the increasing f r a i l t y of his health: I am so crazy, & see a Journey with so much Apprehension & so l i t t l e pleasure, that were i t not we are unfortunately so far asunder, I would never more go twenty miles from home. The least cold I catch takes from me a l l Enjoyment of my L i f e & a l l comfort of Conversation. 3 He did journey to Widcombe in October, "which ... no man could do with a better Heart, or a more jaded Body," 4 xSavage was imprisoned for debt in B r i s t o l , in 1742. Dictionary of National Biography, ed. L e s l i e Stephen. 2Pope to A l l e n [l3 Sept. 17421. Correspondence IV, p. 417. The l e t t e r to R. Savage follows, pp. 417 - 418. 3Pope to Allen , Correspondence IV, pp. 420 - 421. 4 Pope, in the same l e t t e r , p. 421. but by the following year, could undertake no further t r a v e l i n winter, so paid his v i s i t to A l l e n in July of 1743, together with Warburton and Martha Blount. 1 Pope, wr i t i n g to another friend, early i n July, mentioned dining "en malade," with Chesterfield ("there i s not one man at Bath besides whom I know"), and declared that he "was never more at ease in his l i f e than at t h i s p l a c e . " 2 Yet, within a month, the whole si t u a t i o n was to change, and Pope was to leave Prior Park for the l a s t time. There may have been two reasons for Pope 1 s abrupt 3 departure. On the one hand, Pope appeared somewhat annoyed at Allen's r e f u s a l to lend one of h i s houses to himself and h i s friend, George Arbuthnot. Pope seemed •"-Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 436. 2Pope to the E a r l of Marchmont [ j u l y , 1743], Correspondence IV, pp. 458 - 459. 3 J . Spence thinks that reasons for h i s quarrel were: The r e f u s a l of Bathampton Manor to M. Blount; the r e f u s a l of Allen's carriage to take her to the Roman Catholic Chapel, and Mrs. Allen's suspicions as to the nature of the intimacy between M. Blount and Pope. (Anecdotes, pp. 358 - 359, quoted by Barbeau, p. 262, note 3). R. Warner gives as the reason, the r e f u s a l to lend the Manor to M. Blount, "which so exasperated the l i t t l e wasp, that he quitted h i s house i n disgust," t h i s remark i s quoted by Peach, who observes: "There i s not one word of truth in th i s statement" (Life and Times, p. 94). 100 to be growing r e s t i v e under Allen's kind, but persistent h o s p i t a l i t y . A l l e n , he t e l l s Arbuthnot, "absolutely declares you s h a l l be h i s guest at his own house .... I t o l d him both you & I should be Easyer at the other house ... but a l l to no purpose." He doubts whether Arbuthnot w i l l care to stay so long at Allen's, adding, "I owne I should not." i At the same time, the presence of Martha Blount at Prior Park may not have been conducive to harmony i n the household. Pope, ever anxious on her behalf, had asked the Aliens to extend th e i r protection to Miss Blount, by i n v i t i n g her to stay. Her mother had recently died, and the "tenderness" of Miss Blount's d i s p o s i t i o n and a "Dejection of S p i r i t s " had thrown her into so weak a condition, that Pope dreaded the consequence of her being l e f t at home. "She i s i n Terrors at every thing," wrote Pope and: " A l l my present Care i s for thi s poor, foolishly-tender, but exceedingly honest, Woman ... for indeed Many Dangers compass her round at this time." Martha Blount's evident state of tension may well have p r e c i p i t a t e d a quarrel that, according to several Pope to S. Arbuthnot, 2 3 July, 1743. Correspondence IV, pp. 461 - 462. 2Pope to Allen, 12 Apr. [1743^, Correspondence IV, pp. 452 - 453. 101 historians, broke out between her hosts and Martha Blount. Pope had already l e f t the Allen's house, to t r a v e l with 1 2 George Arbuthnot to B r i s t o l . Sherburn suggests that "Miss Blount has perhaps been blamed too much," and that the "quarrel" has largely been presented by historians through the eyes of Pope's biographer, Ruffhead, who was prejudiced in favour of Warburton and the A l i e n s . 3 K i l v e r t states that Ruf Ahead*s L i f e of Pope i s thought to have been sanctioned by Warburton, so that i t thereby constitutes " r e l i a b l e evidence," 4 and quotes Ruffhead as saying that Miss Blount: "Behaved herself i n so arrogant and unbecoming a manner that i t occasioned an ir r e c o n c i l a b l e breach between her and some part of Mr. Allen's f amily." 5 Peach asserts that: The truth i s that both Martha Blount and Mrs. Allen were women of high temper; that Pope was i n some way the ••-Evidently in some annoyance because of Allen's r e f u s a l to lend them a house. (Sherburn, in Correspondence IV, p. 436) . 2Correspondence IV, p. 463, note 1. 3 I b i d . , p. 463, note 1. 4 K i l v e r t , "Essay on the Connection of Pope ... with Bath," p. 131. Ruffhead, Lxfe of Pope, quoted by K i l v e r t in his "Essay on ... Pope," pp. 131 - 132. 102 cause of the difference between the two women, and that the poet and Miss Blount at once l e f t P r i o r Park.! In Remains i n Prose and Verse, K i l v e r t quotes Polwhele's Biographical Sketches i n Cornwall (1831) to the e f f e c t that o l d Mrs. E l l i o t , a s i s t e r of Ralph A l l e n (with whom Polwhele was well acquainted, as a boy in Trur o ) 2 affirmed that both Pope and Miss Blount occasioned much uneasiness to her brother "in consequence of what Dr. Johnson c a l l e d her 'indecent arrogance'," and that the quarrel lay between Mrs. A l l e n and "that insolent lady." 3 "Dr. Johnson unhappily follows Ruffhead" 4 i n stating that: "Mrs. Blount ... comported he r s e l f with such indecent arrogance that she parted with Mrs. Allen i n a state of such i r r e c o n c i l e a b l e d i s l i k e , and the door was for ever barred against her." Certainly Miss Blount's l e t t e r to Pope after h i s departure reveals a state of extreme agitation, accusing the entire household of "much greater inhumanity than I could conceive any body should show;" she i s bent on L i f e and Times, p. 94. The Aliens were a Cornish family. Remains, p. 153. Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 463, note 1. Lives of the Poets II, pp. 292 - 293. leaving at once, "for I r e a l l y do think, these people would shove me out, i f I did not go soon" and adding that her present state i s "deplorable." x Pope's reply was equally agitated, urging her to leave Prior Park at once: A l l I beg i s , that you'1 not stay a moment at the only place in England (I am satisfyd) where you can be so used; & where ... I w i l l never set foot more — however w e l l I might wish the Man, the Woman i s a Minx, & an impertinent one. Warburton too, comes under attack. Pope says he dare not d i r e c t t h i s l e t t e r to Miss Blount h e r s e l f because: "I should not wonder i f l i s t e n e r s at doors should open Letters. W. i s a sneaking Parson, & I t o l d him he f l a t t e r e d . " 2 But he takes the blame upon himself for being the cause of the trouble: "The b i t t e r Reflection that I was wholly the unhappy cause of i t . " Nevertheless, his animosity towards A l l e n i s revealed by a remark to the Duchess of Malborough when he asks her to write to Lord Che s t e r f i e l d at Bath, 4 because he fears that her 1M. Blount to Pope [28 J u l y or 4 Aug. 1743].. Correspondence IV, p. 462. 2Pope to M. Blount [ e a r l y Aug. 1743] , Correspondence IV, pp. 463 - 464. 3 Pope, i n the same l e t t e r , p. 463. ^Through which Pope was passing en route for B r i s t o l . Miss Blount apparently reached London by 16 August. 104 l e t t e r "under Mr. Allen's Cover," had been opened. x But Pope was evidently embarrassed at the necessity he 9 f e l t i n avoiding Allen, and asked Dr. Oliver not to reveal his presence for one night at Bath, "or Mr. Al l e n w i l l take i t i l l . " 3 began, and for the res t of the year, l e t t e r s to A l l e n (and doubtless from him — not preserved) worked gradually 4 towards t h i s end. Nevertheless, in view of the increas-ing warmth i n the tone of Pope's l e t t e r s to Allen, and the apparent renewal of the friendship on i t s e a r l i e r footing, the w i l l made by Pope and published after h is death i n May, 1744 insofar as i t concerns Allen, seems to suggest that there subsisted i n Pope's mind, some lin g e r i n g resentment over the "quarrel." Pope orders his executors to pay Al l e n j * 150, as being, "to the best of his c a l c u l a t i o n , " the sum that he had received from A l l e n . Should the l a t t e r refuse the payment, he i s asked to bequeath the money to the Bath Hospital. Pope also bequeaths some of h i s books to A l l e n . Pope to the Duchess of Malborough, 6 Aug. 1743. Correspondence IV, p. 465. 9 Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 470, note 1, and Pope to Dr. Oliver, 28 Aug. 1743, IV, p. 470. 3Pope to Dr. Oliver, 18 Aug. [1743], Correspondence IV, Very soon after t h i s , a r e c o n c i l i a t i o n with Allen p. 469. 4 Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 436. 105 The w i l l , a c c o r d i n g to S h e r b u r n , was made on 12 December, 1 7 4 3 . 1 Courthope l i k e w i s e mentions Decem-2 b e r o f t h a t y e a r . And y e t i n P o p e ' s l e t t e r s w r i t t e n 3 between September, 1743 and the end o f the y e a r , c o n c e r n f o r A l l e n ' s h e a l t h , and p r o f e s s i o n s o f a d m i r a t i o n and a f f e c t i o n are m a n i f e s t . Three weeks b e f o r e making h i s w i l l , Pope appears a n x i o u s to r e c i p r o c a t e A l l e n ' s e v i d e n t t e n d e r o f f r i e n d s h i p : "I w o u l d n o t l e t the P o s t go, w i t h o u t t h a n k i n g you f o r y o u r s , and a s s u r i n g y o u , You are n o t wrong, to imagine t h a t I would p r e s e r v e (not o n l y the Form, but) the S t r i c t n e s s & E s s e n c e o f our F r i e n d s h i p . " And as r e g a r d s M r s . A l l e n : " I t i s w i t h a l l the s i n c e r i t y i n .the w o r l d , t h a t I say , I w i s h h e r as w e l l as your S e l f . . . ; " t e r m i n a t i n g w i t h : " A c q u a i n t me as u s u a l w i t h any t h i n g . . . t h a t concerns y o u , as One who takes p a r t i n t h a t C o n c e r n . " 4 The w o r d i n g o f the f i r s t sentence quoted i n the above l e t t e r p o i n t s to e i t h e r a hope , or an Correspondence I V , p . 501, note 1. 2 " L i f e o f P o p e , " i n Works, V , p . 341. 3 Pope to A l l e n , 13 S e p t . , 30 O c t . , 8 N o v . , 17 N o v . , 23 N o v . , 1743, Correspondence I V . 4 P o p e to A l l e n , 23 Nov. [ l 7 4 3 ] , Correspondence I V , p p . 485 - 486. H i s l e t t e r to J . R i c h a r d s o n (quoted on p . 90) shows t h a t he even contemplates a r e t u r n to B a t h . 106 affirmation expressed by Allen , that the e s s e n t i a l nature of t h e i r friendship had not been destroyed. In spite of the protestations, can a certain reserve on Pope's part, be detected from a reading of the entire l e t t e r ? Pope's w i l l , after the l a t t e r * s death, there i s a t r a d i -tion, according to Dr. Johnson, that he observed simply, that Mr. Pope "was always a bad accomptant, and i f to the / 150 he had put a cypher more, he had come nearer Mineral Water Hospital in Bath. Johnson also lays the blame for the w i l l upon Martha Blount, averring that Pope, having long been under her domination, and now t o t t e r i n g in the decline of l i f e and unable to r e s i s t "the violence of her temper ..., " complied with her demand and "polluted his w i l l with female resentment. In t h i s connection Johnson i s following Ruf Ahead's lead. The l a t t e r quotes the w i l l i n h i s biography of Pope (published in 1769), and makes Martha Blount responsible for such an "ostenta-4 tious reimbursement" of a l l that Pope owed to Allen, Lives of the Poets II, p. 293. When Allen was acquainted with the content of over to the 2 I b i d . , p. 293. o J 0 . Ruffhead, L i f e of A. Pope, Esq., p. 546. ^Ruffhead, quoted by Barbeau, p. 265, note 3. 107 whereas Joseph Spence, who knew Pope personally, quoted Martha Blount as saying she had never read the w i l l , and that when Pope mentioned to her the clause i n question, she begged him, i n vain, to omit i t . 1 Barbeau points out, that i f Ruffhead i s the source of a l l the bias against Martha Blount, i t i s an open secret that Ruff-head's L i f e was written under the i n s p i r a t i o n of, i f not i n collaboration with Warburton, who on more than one occasion shows (in the posthumous e d i t i o n of Pope's o Works) that he was i l l - d i s p o s e d towards Miss Blount. Whatever the reason commentators suggest as motivating Pope in t h i s "petulant & contemptuous mention"-1 of A l l e n i n his w i l l , a l l their accounts of the a f f a i r agree in stating, or at least, implying their disapproval. Pope's friend, Orrery writes i n June, 1744 of Allen's being "extremely enraged;" and avows that the whole matter J. Spence, Anecdotes V, pp. 357 - 358. o Barbeau, p. 262, note 2, gives as an example, Warburton's attempt to deprive her of the dedication of Pope's E p i s t l e "Of the Characters of Women," c i t i n g Elwin and Courthope, III, pp. 10 - 11 i n support of th i s remark. JS. Johnson, Lives of the Poets II, p. 292. 108 i s indeed a perfect mystery to him. x However, during the l a s t few months of Pope's l i f e , there was nothing to indicate such an eventuality. His health was declining so rapidl y that h i s a c t i v i t i e s were confined to concentration upon the edi t i o n of his works, with Warburton's commentary, and upon h i s f r i e n d -s h i p s . 2 As regards h i s r e l a t i o n s with Alle n , i n thi s spring of 1744, the l e t t e r s s t i l l express esteem and aff e c t i o n , "from a Man, whom you w i l l f i n d ... wholly disinterested, & upon generous P r i n c i p l e s , Your Fr i e n d . " J A l l e n planned a v i s i t to London i n March, 1744, and i t was 4 at Twickenham that the two friends met for the l a s t time. The Aliens v i s i t e d Pope on Good Friday, and during t h i s 1Lord Orrery to Mallet, 14 July, 1744: "I f i n d people i n general seem surprised at the l a s t act of one departed f r i e n d ... I t i s reported that Mr. A(llen) i s extremely enraged at his share of money ... or rather at the manner i n which i t i s given, and which i s indeed a mystery to me" (Works, ed. Elwin & Courthdpe, VIII, p. 523) .. Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 488. 3Pope to Allen, 25 Feb. [ 1744^. Correspondence IV, 502 - 503, written from Chelsea Hospital. 4The Act forbidding Catholics to reside within 10 miles of London, now invoked because of the threatened Jacobite invasion from France, would have made a meeting i n London d i f f i c u l t (Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 504, note 3), had not Pope's state of health made i t impossible for him to t r a v e l at the time. Pope to Warburton [March, 1744], IV, pp. 505 - 506. 109 meeting they discussed openly and fre e l y the recent "misunderstanding," and parted, apparently, on the best of terms. On Easter Sunday Pope wrote a "coloured report" of the meeting to Martha Blount. I f writing had not been so d i f f i c u l t Pope says, he would have t o l d her "everything that past between Mr. A l l e n & himself." x Sherburn finds that the l e t t e r was both p h y s i c a l l y and psychologically d i f f i c u l t for Pope because he had gone much further towards r e c o n c i l i a t i o n with the Aliens than he found 2 i t diplomatic to confess to Martha. Allen had strongly vindicated himself and h i s wife against the reproach of wishing to offend the other couple, and attributed the trouble to a misunderstanding between the two women, and "never i n his l i f e was so sorry at any disappointment. 1 , 3 "I thought her (Mrs. Allen's) Behaviour a l i t t l e shy" Pope observes, "but i n mine I did my very best to show I was unconcerned ..." At parting, A l l e n had i n v i t e d himself "to come again at his return in a f o r t n i g h t , " 4 xPope to Martha Blount (25 March, 1744), Correspondence IV, pp. 510 - 511. . 2Correspondence IV, p. 510, note 1. ^Whether the d i f f i c u l t y had arisen over Bathampton Manor (p. 99) or the r e f u s a l of Allen's carriage (p. 99 footnote 3), Sherburn concludes that the quarrel had affected the ladies more than i t did the two men. (Correspondence IV, p. 510, note 1) . 4Pope to Martha Blount [ 25 March, 17441 . Correspondence  IV, p. 511. 110 but they were not destined to meet again. Pope had hoped he might meet and dine with them "on the road," on the i r return to Widcombe, but could not do so. x His l a s t l e t t e r to Allen, dictated but signed by Pope, from "Chelsea College"^ says: "I am now not able to express a great part of my good sentiments for you, much less to write," and concludes: "I must just set my hand to my heart. Yours / A. Pope. 1 , 3 xPope to Al l e n 1 ? 9 A p r i l , 1744J , Correspondence IV, p. 517. 2 i . e . Chelsea Hospital, where he was staying, probably for his l a s t treatment from Dr. Cheselden (Sherburn, i n Correspondence IV, p. 522, note 2). 3Pope to Allen, 7 May \_ 1744^, Correspondence IV, p. 522. This i s also the l a s t l e t t e r from Pope to be included i n Sherburn's e d i t i o n of The Correspondence. V THE CULTURAL MILIEU OF BATH DURING THE FIRST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY Bath played a conspicuous part i n the a r t i s t i c l i f e of England during the f i r s t f i f t y years of the century, on the one hand as she figured i n the writings of the period, on the other, to the extent that the singu-l a r development of the Bath way of l i f e gave opportunity for a r t i s t i c achievement there. It i s i n the n o v e l 1 that she has figured most prominently. Although the representa-tion of Bath society i n the dramatic works of the period p i s inconsiderable, the development of theatre i n the c i t y , made possible by e x i s t i n g conditions and by the presence of g i f t e d men and women was a remarkable achievement and gave to Bath the b r i l l i a n t p o s i t i o n she has occupied in the h i s t o r y of the English stage. 3 She was in truth, "the Queen of the West". The poetic t r a d i t i o n i s less distinguished. In the Dunciad the shade of Settle points out to Cibber: xSee Chapter VI. 2See pp. 115 - 119. 3See pp. 119 - 134. "Each cygnet sweet of Bath and Tunbridge race .... " L Pope i s alluding to the "tuneful w h i s t l i n g " of the would-be poets who in their multitudes had descended upon Bath. During the whole of the 18th century the charms of Bath c a l l e d forth a torrent of panegyrics, of descriptive pieces, of s a t i r e s , of conundrums and a c r o s t i c s . The most favoured themes were the f a i r women and th e i r cava-l i e r s , the pangs of love, or, in another vein, l o c a l scandal and the absurdities of i n d i v i d u a l s . 2 "This farrago of stale compliments, of s i l l y and pretentious g a l l a n t r i e s , of pointless epigrams, acrostics and bouts rimes, i s the d u l l e s t reading i n the world." 3 So numerous were the poetasters in 1713 that Richard Steele styled them the "Water Poets" (a t i t l e which they by no means resented) and mentioned them in Guardian No. 174 as ... an innocent t r i b e .... who never write out of the season, and whose works are useful with the waters .... There are an hundred topics put into metre every year, v i z . 'The lover i s inflamed i n the water; or, 'the nymph feels her own pain, without regarding her lover's torment'. These being for ever repeated, have at present a very good e f f e c t ; and a physician assures me, that laudanum i s almost out of doors at the Bath. 4 Pope, Dunciad, III, 154. A. Barbeau, L i f e and Letters, p. 221. ;Ibid., p. 224. 30 September, 1713. 113 "A Dream: or the Force of Fancy" the oldest l o c a l poem yet discovered, x was a c o l l e c t i o n of short poems each eulogising one of the ladies then taking the waters, and set the pattern for an interminable seri e s . These were followed by p o r t r a i t s , of no greater l i t e r a r y merit, which were published separately or with epigrams and madrigals in the keepsakes and miscellanies of the period. One such selection c a l l e d the -"'Bath Miscellany" expresses the hope "by showing these specimens of con-cealed Genius's ... to convince Pope and Swift that there o are more poets in England than themselves.'"1 Monkland, however, mentions a l o c a l poet who seems to have enjoyed a greater reputation during the early part of the century: In the days of Beau Nash, Mary Chandler, the s i s t e r of Dr. Chandler, proved herself as accomplished with her pen as with her needle — she was p r a c t i s i n g as a m i l l i n e r , and wrote a s p i r i t e d poem, descriptive of Bath which she dedicated to the Princess Amelia. However, i t was not u n t i l the 1760's that any poetry worthy of s u r v i v a l appeared in connection with Barbeau (p. 2 22) w r i t i n g i n 1904, states that i t was printed in 1710. The B r i t i s h Museum Catalogue gives 1719 as the date of p r i n t i n g . 2The Bath Miscellany for the Year 1740: Wrote by the Gentlemen and Ladies of that Place. Containing a l l the Lampoons, Satyrs, Panegyrics, etc., for that Year. Bath: 1741. (Barbeau, x v i i i ) . JG. Monkland, Supplement to Literature and L i t e r a t i of  Bath (1855), p. 25. 114 Bath, when Christopher Anstey was to produce his New Bath  Guide i n 1766. But the poetasters had not died out. At Batheaston V i l l a , two miles from Bath, a certain Lady M i l l e r began organizing in 1769, s o c i a l and l i t e r a r y gatherings intended to emulate the London salons of such "bluestockings" as Mrs Elizabeth Montagu. Poetic contests were held regularly at Batheaston i n an earnest i f some-what ludicrous attempt to esta b l i s h a high l e v e l of "refinement." Even Horace Walpole attended the contests at which, as he mentions i n his l e t t e r s : "... a l l the flux of q u a l i t y at Bath contend for the pri z e s . " "A Roman vase, dressed with pink ribands and myrtles receives the poetry" and the writers of the "brightest compositions" - - T "kneel to Mrs C a l l i o p e , 1 kiss her f a i r hand, and are crowned by i t with myrtle .... Be dumb, unbelievers.' 9 The c o l l e c t i o n i s printed, published — ." Lady M i l l e r and her "Ciceronian urn" writes Monkland "added to the l i t e r a r y noteriety of Bath, i f not to i t s fame, as in truth, her p o e t i c a l conceits were rather the jes t than i . e . , Lady M i l l e r . 2 Letters of Horace Walpole, ed i t i o n of 1891, VI, pp. 170 - 172. These statements are borne out by Richard Graves, a constant v i s i t o r to the house, in The T r i f l e r s , pp. 11 - 12. (Barbeau, p. 226). 3 Discovered at Fr a s c a t i i n 1757. (G. Monkland, Literature and L i t e r a t i of Bath, p. 20 note). 115 the a d m i r a t i o n o f men o f r e a l t a l e n t . " Drama o f the e a r l y p e r i o d does n o t p r e s e n t a f l a t t e r i n g image o f the s p a . In two comedies w r i t t e n d u r i n g the f i r s t q u a r t e r o f the 18th c e n t u r y the a c t i o n , o r some p a r t o f the a c t i o n , takes p l a c e i n Bath i t s e l f . Both p l a y s are i n t e n d e d as d i r e c t r e f l e c t i o n s o f c o n -temporary manners and s o c i e t y t h e r e . Barbeau s t a t e s t h a t a t t h i s p e r i o d manners were nowhere i n E n g l a n d so d i s s o l u t e , l i a s o n s so e a s i l y formed nor v i c e so p u b l i c as i n the w a t e r i n g - p l a c e s . 2 In 1700 the anonymous w r i t e r o f A Step to the Bath d e c l a r e d t h a t Bath i s "as eminent f o r w i c k e d n e s s as London,) ' b a t i n g i t s magnitude . . . ' t i s a V a l l e y o f P l e a s u r e , y e t a S i n k o f I n i q u i t y , Nor i s t h e r e any i n t r i g u e or debauch a c t e d i n London, b u t i s m i m i c k ' d t h e r e . " S i n c e p r o f e s s i o n a l gaming and f o r t u n e h u n t i n g were two major, reasons a t the t i m e , f o r f r e q u e n t i n g B a t h , b o t h a v o c a t i o n s were p o p u l a r as s u b j e c t matter f o r w r i t e r s who used Bath as a s e t t i n g . As has a l r e a d y - ' -L i tera ture and L i t e r a t i o f B a t h , p . 20. o L i f e and L e t t e r s a t B a t h , p . 105. 3 A Step to the Bath w i t h a C h a r a c t e r o f the P l a c e (1700), quoted by Barbeau, p . 106. 116 been shown,1 the importance of cards and dice in the d a i l y l i f e of v i s i t o r s to the spa was primordial, and such pursuits culminated^only too frequently, i n scenes of violence. Quarrels a r i s i n g from dishonest play led in'many instances to duels i n spite of Beau Nash's attempts to avert these l a s t , and suicides were often caused by losses at the gaming tables. I t i s t h i s atmosphere of violence that p a r t i c u l a r l y attracted the attention of both the writers of these early comedies, and both comedies include a scene between players i n a gaming house. Thomas Durfey's The Bath or The Western Lass, a li c e n t i o u s comedy written i n 1701 and performed at Drury Lane i n the following year, seems to have enjoyed some success. The setting of the opening scene of The Bath 3 i s the King's Bath or a room adjoining i t . Genest c a l l s i t "a tolerable comedy,4 but i t r e f l e c t s the coarseness iSee pp. 35 - 36, . 52 - 53. 2The actor-dramatist, Samuel Foote, whose Maid of Bath (1771) also r e f l e c t e d manners and society in that c i t y i n his day, remembered an occasion on which a t r i c k s t e r was hurled from an upper window by his victims. (Memoirs of  Samuel Foote, Esq. (1778), quoted by Barbeau, pp. 98 - 99). 3See Plan of Bath, (f) . 4 J . Genest, Some Account of the English Stage from  the Restoration i n 1660 to 1830 (1832), 10 Vols, II, p. 236. 117 and b r u t a l i t y that prevailed i n such places. The open-ing scene of Act IV takes place in a gaming house. The only character of any o r i g i n a l i t y in the play i s the "Western Lass" h e r s e l f . A l l the other personages belong to the current repertory of the day, "the male and female rakes of English comedy at the turn of the century," but, apart .from two s p e c i f i c scenes, the manners and speech r e f l e c t the society and l i f e of Bath only in a very general way.x The Bath Unmasked, by Gabriel Odingsells, written in 1725, f i r s t performed at Lincoln's Inn Fields on Feb-ruary 27, 1725 and acted about seven times, does not suggest any refinement i n morals and manners during the years that had intervened since the appearance of Durfey's The Bath. The same disreputable society and the same lax manners are depicted i n t h i s mediocre play. Odingsells 1 work shows l i t t l e power of observation or of description, but i t s suggestion of a frivolous and equivocal society seems to r e f l e c t the idea that London audiences entertained of Bath at t h i s time. 2 In the Lincoln's Inn F i e l d s production a leading role as S i r Captious Whiffle, was played by John Hippisley who some years later undertook the b u i l d i n g of the Orchard Barbeau, p. 178. 2 I b i d . , pp. 178 - 179. 118 Street Theatre in Bath. 1 The theme of th i s s a t i r i c a l comedy i s the havoc wrought by gaming amongst people who could not afford to lose, and a t y p i c a l scene i s that of the opening of Act I, Scene i i . In a gaming room: "Lady Ambs-ace r i s i n g from a table i n a fury, w h i l s t the sharpers divide her money: FIRST SHARPER: I profess we would not refuse your Ladyship a few pieces, but cash runs low at t h i s time - and th i s i s such an Iron age that a gentleman has a v i l l a i n o u s time of i t to l i v e upon c r e d i t . Your Ladyship cannot want money. Whenever you are prepared we w i l l give you your revenge. LADY A: Get you gone for a set of bloodhoundsJ .... here are my d e i t i e s (takes up dice) though I have no s a c r i f i c e to o f f e r them .... Yet such i s the power of your charms that rather than want offerings for you I ' l l keep a set of bravos 3 i n ..pay, who s h a l l cut throats and rob a l t a r s to adorn your s h r i n e . 4 Other scenes of The Bath Unmasked take place in Harrison's Gardens, The Grove, before the Abbey and in various lodgings. In Act I, Scene i i Pander remarks of Bath manner s: People always come to the Bath with the same happy Disposition for Idleness and Pleasure. Men of large fortunes come to spend 'em. Those of small ones expect some lucky cast of Chance to raise them; the Wise and the Witty are content to play the Fool and Fools pass See p. 126. Connely, p. 80. i . e . , h i r e d assassins The Bath Unmasked (1725), Act I, Scene i i . 119 for Wits .... Lords, and Pickpockets consort very amicably together; and a profound Statesman s h a l l s i t and look diverted at a Puppet-show, or a Match of Whistling, as i f he was projecting a Scheme to cheat the Nation or buy himself a T i t l e . O d ingsells 1 opinion of the ladies at Bath i s expressed by Pander, who volunteers that: Coquettes enlarge their conquests, prudes indulge in a corner, and are demure in public (though thanks to spreading l i b e r t i n i s m that class diminishes d a i l y ) ; professed ladies of pleasure f i n d c u l l i e s i n abundance. These dramatic works are of l i t t l e i n t e r e s t except as s a t i r i c a l commentaries on the s o c i a l scene. It was not u n t i l R. B. Sheridan produced The Rivals (in 1775) that, using as material for comedy the types, the absurdities and intrigues, the gaiety and v i t a l i t y of Bath society of which he. had much personal knowledge, 2 he made that c i t y immortal on the stage. By that time Bath was already renowned throughout the kingdom for her theatre and for the q u a l i t y of pro-duction and acting there. In fact, the h i s t o r y of the The Bath Unmasked, Act I, Scene i i . 2B.S. Penley, The Bath Stage: a History of Dramatic Representations i n Bath (1892) , p. 55 states that portions of the .School for Scandal (1777), undoubtedly had their o r i g i n i n the gossip of Pump Room scandal-mongers. For the Bath production, which was highly acclaimed in the c i t y , the author himself superintended rehearsals, and took im-mense pains with the production. 120 Bath stage "may be said to be a his t o r y of the English stage i n miniature."1 A 1694 plan of Bath shows that a stable had been transformed into a rudimentary theatre, and the municipal archives, although incomplete, record that mysteries and miracles were acted i n Bath, and also that numerous actors and v i s i t o r s v i s i t e d the c i t y , from o Elizabethan times onward. But i t was only after Richard Nash's a r r i v a l i n 1705, that a r e a l theatre was b u i l t . 3 The b u i l d i n g of theatres, as such, in the pro-vinces, a c t u a l l y dated from the second h a l f of the 18th century. Before th i s time, s t r o l l i n g players used tents or booths while t r a v e l l i n g , while "stock" or repertory companies would make use of any available h a l l , and did not o f f e r regular performances. 4 Bath was somewhat of an exception i n t h i s matter, however, because an interest i n the development of theatre resulted from the second v i s i t of Queen Anne i n 1703, and i t was recorded at the time by C o l l y Cibber that the Drury Lane Company went XB.S. Penley, The Bath Stage, Preface, v i i . 2Barbeau, pp. 62 - 63. 3 S. Rosenfeld, S t r o l l i n g Players and Drama i n the  Provinces: 1660 - 1765, p. 166. 4 G.D.H. Cole in Johnson's England, ed. A.S. Turberville (1933), 2 Vols., I, p. 212. 121 down to Bath to entertain the Queen there. 1 Additional evidence that an interest in theatre existed at this early date i s the fact that, i n thi s same year, Mrs. Nance O l d f i e l d appeared at Bath as Lenora in Crowne's Si r Courtly. Nice (1665) . She was the f i r s t of a long l i n e of actresses who were to make their name on the Bath stage. 2 By 172 7, Mrs. O l d f i e l d had made such a reputa-t i o n i n London that for C o l l y Cibber's production of Vanbrugh's Provoked Husband, the theatre was f i l l e d - o n account of her wonderful acting in the part of Lady Townly. 3 John Wood, the architect, mentions that a theatre was b u i l t i n Bath as early as 1705, by subscrip-t i o n supported "by people of the highest rank, who per-mitted their names to be engraven on the inside of the house" as a public testimony of the i r l i b e r a l i t y towards i t . 4 This theatre appears on Wood's map of Bath of 1735. I t xRosenfeld, p. 168. 2 I b i d . , pp. 168 - 169. 3Wilbur Cross, History of Henry Fie l d i n g , I, p. 61. Fie l d i n g , in Tom Jones, writes as i f he were present on the f i r s t night. The leading part in Fielding's Wedding Day (1743) was intended for Mrs. O l d f i e l d but she died before the play could be produced. (Wilbur Cross, I, p. 74). 4Essay towards a Description of Bath, quoted by Rosenfeld, pp. 169 - 170. 122 stood on the s i t e of the present Mineral Water Hospital and was erected for the Company of John Power, who were known as "the Duke of Grafton's servants." Power was a former comedian of the King's Company i n London. 1 His Company was suppressed i n 1706, but i t i s recorded that Farquhar's Recruiting O f f i c e r , produced in t h i s same year, was acted at Bath "before the Duke and Duchess of Beaufort and other people of q u a l i t y , " the occasion being the 2 reception of the news of Prince Eugene's v i c t o r y . A very popular feature at t h i s time i n the c i t y , were the puppet shows, and The Tatler, mentions the 3 r i v a l r y that existed between players and puppets. Ladies of q u a l i t y i n their turn made use of the players for their own aggrandizement and i n the cause of th e i r own petty j e a l o u s i e s . 4 Both of these conditions suggest that theatre at Bath s t i l l lacked s t a b i l i t y and any degree of independence. The f i r s t actor of note to make h i s name on the Bath stage was Henry G i f f a r d , who appeared there in 1719, - LRosenfeld, p. 170. o Rosenfeld, p. 170, quoting The Daily Courant, Sept. 24, 1706. 3 T a t l e r , / May 14,.17, 1709. 4Rosenfeld, p. 171. 123 and later l e f t to make his reputation in London, 1 where he became manager of Goodman's Fie l d s , bought half the shares of Drury Lane i n 1733, and removed to Lincoln's p Inn F i e l d s in 1736, where he produced Fielding's Pasquin. But Giffard's renown lay s t i l l i n the future. In Bath i t s e l f , theatre at this time seems to have done l i t t l e more than survive, and Defoe, v i s i t i n g the c i t y i n 1711, made the remark that "the Company here (not the Actors) make the Play." 3 However, a turn i n the players' fortunes came about i n 1728, when the s i t u a t i o n was — at least tempor-a r i l y — improved by the performance at Bath, of The  Beggar's Opera, John Gay himself being present, and supervising the whole operation. The B r i s t o l News com-mented, concerning the great success of t h i s production: "We don't indeed much wonder at their (the players') per-forming of i t so well, when we hear, that Mr. Gay hath taken so much Pains to ins t r u c t them."4 Jonathan Swift wrote in the same year: "I have been at the Bath about ten days .... the Beggar's Opera i s acted here; but our P o l l y ^Penley, p. 32. 2Wilbur Cross, I, pp. 148, 178, 217. 3Defoe, Tour Thro' Great B r i t a i n , 1928 edition, II, p. 35. See p. 34. ^ B r i s t o l News, May 11, 1728, quoted by Rosenfeld, p. 174. 124 has got no fame, though the actors have got money."! At t h i s period plays were also being performed in some of the great houses of the neighbourhood, as for instance, at Longleat, where Lord Weymouth, father of the f i r s t Marquess of Bath, sent, in 1733, for the players from the spa to entertain h i s guests. Scenes were mounted for the players in the great parlour, and when they arrived an eye-witness remarked that "This was as entertaining a part as any, and put her in mind of Scarron's comical ,.3 romance." As regards the Bath theatre i t s e l f , players and audiences were continually labouring under the disadvantage of being housed in small and inconvenient premises; audiences were, of necessity, limited, and actors i l l - p a i d . During -*-Works of Jonathan Swift, ed. Walter Scott (1814) , XVII, p. 221. o See p. 37, footnote 1. 3 From the Autobiography and Correspondence of Mrs.  Delaney (1861), I, p. 424, quoted by Rosenfeld, p. 177. Mrs. Delaney (who i n 1786 introduced Fanny Burney at court), stayed at Bath also i n 1736, and wrote to Swift in that year: "I think Bath a more comfortable place to l i v e i n than London ... You are at l i b e r t y to partake of a l l the entertainment, or l e t them alone just as i t suits your humour." (Mrs. Delaney, l e t t e r to Swift, A p r i l 22, ,1736, Autobiography, I, pp. 553 - 554, quoted by Barbeau, 'p. 49, note 3)1 125 the 17 30*s t h e a t r e a t Bath was a t a v e r y low e b b . P l a y s were " b e s p o k e n " 1 by i n d i v i d u a l s ( i n c l u d i n g R i c h a r d N a s h ) , 2 and C h e s t e r f i e l d , d u r i n g h i s 1734 v i s i t , commented on the poor a t t e n d a n c e a t t h e a t r i c a l p e r f o r m a n c e s : "The Countess o f B u r l i n g t o n bespoke the p l a y . . . . the a u d i -ence c o n s i s t e d o f seventeen s o u l s , o f w h i c h I made o n e . " 3 F o l l o w i n g the c l o s u r e o f p r o v i n c i a l p l a y -houses when the L i c e n c i n g A c t o f 1737 came i n t o f o r c e , the Bath T h e a t r e was p r o m p t l y d e m o l i s h e d by o r d e r o f the t r u s t e e s o f the new H o s p i t a l , 4 and the p l a y e r s were o f f e r e d asylum under the b a l l r o o m o f the Assembly Room. They now s t y l e d themselves "The Bath Company o f C o m e d i a n s , " and somehow c o n t r i v e d to s u r v i v e i n s p i t e o f the s h o r t -comings o f t h e i r new s u r r o u n d i n g s . ^ There was no p r o s -cenium and no s c e n e r y , and a u d i e n c e s who had to s i t i n a c e l l a r w i t h t h e i r heads o n l y f o u r f e e t below the c e i l i n g were e x p e c t e d "to endure the n o i s e o f dancers above, and -"-To " b e s p e a k " : a term used a t t h i s p e r i o d meaning to " o r d e r " o r " r e q u e s t " the performance o f a p a r t i c u l a r p l a y . ••' 2 S e e p . 45 . 3 C h e s t e r f i e l d , l e t t e r to Lady S u f f o l k , O c t . 31, 1734, quoted by C o n n e l y , p . 103. 4 R o s e n f e l d , p . 178. See a l s o p . 10. 5 P e n l e y , p . 29. ° T h e y . were a l s o encouraged by Nash, who was anxious to keep as many forms o f e n t e r t a i n m e n t as p o s s i b l e , a l i v e i n the c i t y . 126 the smell of tallow candles below." x But the premises proved so highly inadequate that i n 1747 the players moved to the Globe Inn i n Kingsmead Square, thence to the George Inn near the Cross Bath. 2 Shortly after t h i s , a scheme for the building of an independent and adequate theatre was proposed by a B r i s t o l theatre manager. This was John Hippisley, who 3 was an actor of repute, in addition to being an experi-enced manager. The importance of Hippisley's project lay i n i t s giving Bath an opportunity to develop a stage p e c u l i a r l y i t s own, and i n keeping with the unique s o c i a l conditions that prevailed there, and proved to be a v i t a l factor i n the c i t y ' s future as a resort for appreciative theatre-goers. Hippisley argued that the p r o f i t s from the e x i s t i n g arrangement would not support "a larger or a better Company of Actors. And nothing can be more d i s -agreeable than for Persons of the f i r s t Quality, and those of the lowest Rank, to be seated on the same Bench together. •"•Jerora Murch, Bath C e l e b r i t i e s , p. 411. "Rosenfeld, p. 179. Source: The Bath Journal during the years 1745 - 1747. See Plan of Bath, 2 , 12 . 3See p. 117. 4The Bath Journal, Nov. 30, 1747, quoted by Rosenfeld, p. 181. 127 John Wood remarked that Hippisley's scheme met with such approval from "People of Rank and Distinction,"1 that although Hippisley died i n 1748, the scheme was proceeded with. The enterprise was now taken i n hand by a l o c a l brewer and chandler named John Palmer, who bought up a l l the shares of the ol d acting company and b u i l t a new theatre i n Orchard Street which opened i n October, 1750. He was assisted, and succeeded, by h i s son (also John Palmer), who became the Orchard Street's very able manager; and l a t e r , i t s proprietor, u n t i l 1785. The younger Palmer was also the manager of a group of theatres i n B r i s t o l and neighbouring towns, with c i r c u l a t i n g companies in which many of the leading actors and actresses of the day made thei r names. In h i s quest for good actors, Palmer was in the habit of paying yearly v i s i t s to the p r i n c i p a l theatres of England, and as a r e s u l t of such journeying, r e a l i z e d that the e x i s t i n g methods of transportation must be improved i f he was to succeed i n attra c t i n g talent. He did succeed, after obtaining government support, in replac-ing the primitive one-horse carts then i n general use, by LJohn Wood, Essay, p. 166. -Penley, p. 64. 5G.D.H. Cole i n Johnson's England, I, p. 212. 128 faster carriages, thus transforming the whole system of cross-country transportation, 1 whilst his work also extended to the establishment of the mail coach service throughout England. 2 In t h i s way, Palmer was responsible for improving conditions of t r a v e l and, at the same time, enhancing the s o c i a l reputation and popularity of Bath on account of the high standard of acting and of plays which could be offered by the Orchard Street Theatre. The successful opening performance at th i s theatre was that of Shakespeare's Henry IV, Part I , 3 which was followed during the next few years, by most of the comedies and tragedies that were in favour at Drury Lane or Covent Garden at this period. Chetwood, a contemporary h i s t o r i a n of the theatre, wrote in 1749, that already at that time Bath had a repu-ta t i o n for audiences highly exacting in th e i r demands: "An audience as d i f f i c u l t to be pleased as that i n London, being generally Persons of the higher Rank that frequent these diversions in the C a p i t a l . 1 , 4 That Bath was considered xBarbeau, p. 68, note 3. Murch, pp. 105 - 108. 2See p. 6. 3 Barbeau, p. 66. 4W.R. Chetwood, A General History of the Stage, from  i t s o r i g i n in Greece to the present time (1749), quoted by Penley, p. 32. 129 at t h i s time, a centre whence actors might hope to gradu-ate to the London stage, also appears from Chetwood's remark that a certain actor, had had "the Fortune to give s a t i s f a c t i o n there (at Bath), insomuch that several Persons of D i s t i n c t i o n and Taste promised to recommend him to one of the established theatres i n London." x The Palmers had been much encouraged in t h e i r plans to b u i l d , on account of the b r i l l i a n t audiences that had attended t h e a t r i c a l performances during the two pre-ceding seasons,. It can be seen that Bath theatre had been patronized by "Persons of the higher Rank" even before the opening of the Orchard Street Theatre from an item i n the Bath Journal to the e f f e c t that on July 16, 1750, Nicholas Rowe's Tamerlane was performed at the Kingsmead Theatre at the command of the Lady Augusta. "The Prince and Princess of Wales attended after drinking tea at Ralph A l l e n ' s . " 2 The Orchard Street Theatre flourished for f i f t y years and became a t r a i n i n g ground for great actors during the second h a l f of the century, although, u n t i l 1755, the Assembly Rooms (now known as "Simpson's" from the name of Chetwood, quoted by Penley, p. 32. 2 y,Bath Journal, July 16, 1750, quoted by Rosenfeld, p. 183. See also p. 71. 130 i t s manager), continued to of f e r t h e a t r i c a l performances and was even considered a r i v a l , even though actors would s h i f t between the two theatres. In 1755, however, on the death of Mr. Simpson, Palmer succeeded in securing for the Orchard Street Theatre, the monopoly of a l l dramatic per-formances . x At t h i s period, since dramatic performances were., under the Licencing Act i l l e g a l , some companies took to circumventing the law by the subterfuge of "concerts," in order to avoid threats of prosecution. A play would be given (gratis) between two sections of a concert, 2 which l a s t was permitted by law. That the Methodist element sought to have the law enforced i s suggested by Mrs. Charke, an actress and daughter of Colly Cibber, who 3 played at Chippenham in 1749, and later at Bath, but, apart from a few instances of attempted enforcement of the law, 4 theatres were, on the whole, l e f t unmolested. 5 xPenley, p. 31. 2Rosenfeld, pp. 9, 197. 3 , 1 A Narrative of the L i f e of Mrs. Charlotte Charke" (1755), Constable's Miscellany (1929), Rosenfeld, pp. 182, 19 4 Mrs. Charke decided to leave Bath when both playhouses were shut down "consequent upon information lodged against them under the Licencing Act." Simpson's re-opened three weeks later as "The Concert Room." (Rosenfeld, pp. 196 - 197 5Rosenfeld, pp. 8 - 9 , 196. 131 Indeed, such was the hold that the drama had at thi s time that the Act was, for the most part, ignored, and the s t r o l l e r s by t h e i r persistence won th e i r way, i n spite of i t , from vagabondage to the recognition of Theatres Royal. x In 1768, through the e f f o r t s of John Palmer, the Orchard Street Theatre was granted, by Act of Parliament, the status of "Theatre Royal." The Bath Theatre became 2 the f i r s t r oyal theatre of the provinces. Contemporary l o c a l newspaper items are an i n d i c a -t i o n of popular taste in theatre at Bath i n mid-century. Even before the bu i l d i n g of the Orchard Street Theatre i n 1750, while premises were so inadequate to the needs of both players and theatre-goers, such records nevertheless show a wide range i n the choice of plays. Barbeau, draw-ing his information from the Bath Chronicle for the years 1746 - 1751 says that although the performances were rare, the repertory at Simpson's RoomsJ "was not i l l - c h o s e n ; " that Shakespeare was represented by Othello, The Merchant  of Venice, Richard III and Romeo and J u l i e t . Restoration drama included Otway's Orphan (1680) which was performed at a h a l l i n Kingsmead S t r e e t , 4 Nathaniel Lee's Theodosius -•-Rosenfeld, p. 9. 2 H i t h e r t o , only Drury Lane and Covent Garden Theatres had been granted royal patents. (Penley, p. 35). 3See p. 129. 4The Bath Journal, February 12, 1749 - 1750, quoted by Barbeau, p. 65, note 3. 132 (1680), Thomas Southerne's Oroonoko 1 (1695) and Farquhar's Constant Couple (1700), while 18th century drama included Steele's Constant Lover, Mrs Centilevre's Gamester (1705), Addison's Cato, Gay's Beggar's Opera, Garrick's Albumazar and Miss i n her Teens and L i l l o ' s George Barnwell. 2 An impression of those t h e a t r i c a l items which were popular in the years immediately following the opening of the Orchard Street Theatre may be gained from S. Rosenfeld's mention of the actual number of performances given during the "season" for the years 1750 to 1755. Those performances she mentions for 1755 include both the Orchard Street and 3 Simpson's Rooms as f u l l y advertised i n the newspapers. The popularity of d i f f e r e n t items may be deduced from the following table composed from Rosenfeld's figures: 1750 1751-1752 1753-1754 1755 Elizabethan & Jacobean, 7 - - 2 2 of which: Shakespearian 5 11 14 19 Restoration 4 7 9 12 18th Century 9 23 11 36 "Afterpieces" 10 31 29 57 -•-Rosenfeld, p. 203. 2 Barbeau, p. 65. 3 S t r o l l i n g Players, pp. 203 - 204. In 1755 Palmer secured the monopoly for dramatic performances. See p. 130. 133 The above table shows c l e a r l y the sudden increase in the number of Elizabethan and Jacobean plays performed in 1755 x whereas the popularity of Shakespeare had increased s t e a d i l y after 1751. Eighteenth century plays seem to have enjoyed greater popularity than did Restoration drama. There i s a noticeable increase i n the popularity of "Afterpieces" during these mid-century years. Bath followed f a i t h f u l l y the prevalent 18th century tastes in t h e a t r i c a l oddities which cannot be classed as regular drama. I t has been seen that early i n the century puppet shows had a c t u a l l y constituted a threat to the development o of true drama i n the city^ and Rosenfeld records that in 1715 puppet shows at Bath included nine d i f f e r e n t items which were "mightily frequented by a l l sorts of Quality, and Punch, with his Gang soon broke the Strolers, and enjoyed the Cit y of Bath by themselves" the t r a d i t i o n a l Punch having by t h i s time changed from a "roaring, lewd, rakish, empty Fellow" to a speaker "of choice Apothegms and s t e r l i n g Wit." J By 1760 the number had dropped to f i v e . y See p. 122. 3Rosenfeld, p. 171 quoting a-Satire on Harley (Oxford): "A Second Tale of a Tub: or the, History of Robert Powel the Puppet Show-Man" (1715). 134 Homes Dudden comments on the evolution of the "Afterpiece" as a highly popular item i n 18th century theatre where Pantomime,1 also known as "Entertainment" was presented as a rule, not in the place of regular drama, but along with i t as the "Afterpiece." So popu-l a r did t h i s become that often the play had to be cur-t a i l e d i n order to leave time for the Afterpiece. Although allowance must be made for a probable increase in the number of performances which would be given in Bath while Simpson's Rooms and the Orchard Street Theatre were both i n operation and a certain r i v a l r y e x i s t e d , 3 the fact that i n 1755 the number of Afterpieces prac-t i c a l l y doubled that of the previous year i s s t r i k i n g evidence of i t s appeal to the highly exacting audience of "Persons of D i s t i n c t i o n and Taste" in Bath to whom 4 Chetwood alludes i n his General History of the Stage. -Created by John Rich, the London producer (A.S. Turb e r v i l l e , English Men and Manners in the 18th Century, ed i t i o n of 1964, p. 408). 2 Henry F i e l d i n g , I, pp. 36 - 37. Fielding's Tumble Down Dick parodied John Rich's current type of Pantomime. Rich i s also accused i n the parody, of cutting down Othello to make room for an Afterpiece (Wilbur Cross, Henry Fi e l d i n g , I, pp. 194 - 195, III, pp. 299 - 300). 3See pp.- 129 - 130. 4See p. 129. VI BATH AND THE NOVEL IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY Fortune-hunters at Bath i n the  novels of Defoe and Smollett While gambling at Bath i s portrayed by the drama-t i s t s Durfey and Odingsells,-'- for tune-hunting as a reason for frequenting t h i s c i t y i s a favourite theme of other writers of the f i r s t h a l f of the century. Throughout the 18th century Bath was to be a recognized centre for match-making, but gradually a more romantic approach tended to replace the sordid mercenary motives which the writers of the early years suggest. Defoe's unfavourable impression of Bath during his 1711 v i s i t as recorded in his Tour Through Great  B r i t a i n 2 i s also expressed i n f i c t i o n a l form when he allows his Moll Flanders 3 to make a sad comment upon her personal disappointment as a fortune-hunter i n t h i s c i t y . When, after her return from V i r g i n i a she was obliged to take a journey to B r i s t o l , she "took the diversion of going to the Bath," 4 expecting "something or other might 1See pp. 116 - 119. 2See pp. 33 - 34. 3D. Defoe, Moll Flanders (1722). 4 M o l l Flanders, p. 109. happen her way that might mend her circumstances. M i Moll admits that she did go there "in the view of taking any-thing that might o f f e r , " but protests that she "meant nothing but in an honest way." She was soon to discover that "Bath i s a place of gallantry enough; expensive and f u l l of snares" where after spending the whole l a t t e r season, she contracted some unhappy acquaintances, which, she r e f l e c t s , "rather prompted the f o l l i e s I f e l l a f t e r -wards into than f o r t i f i e d me against them." She l i v e d pleasantly enough keeping "fine company," but with the depletion of her stock of money her hopes of advancement also vanished. "I was i n the wrong place" she says sadly, for here was no "honest sea captain or other" who might have proposed matrimony: "But I was at the Bath, where men f i n d a mistress sometimes, but very r a r e l y look for a wife. " 2 Such was the probable destiny of a woman fortune-hunter ; but male adventurers there were who did indeed descend upon Bath in search of a wife, although interested exclusively i n procuring a wife with s u f f i c i e n t money to support a husband. In contemporary f i c t i o n the most celebrated fortune-hunters to v i s i t Bath were Smollett's Moll Flanders, pp. 109 - 110. Ibid., p. 110. Roderick Random, Fielding's Mr. F i t z p a t r i c k , 1 and later o in the century, Christopher Anstey's Captain Cormorant.^ Tobias Smollett in his capacity as a physician, occasionally resided at Bath during the season in the hope that v i s i t i n g i n v a l i d s might c a l l him in profession-'s a l l y . There i s no record of the date of h i s presence in the c i t y before 1752 4 but h i s f a m i l i a r i t y with the Bath scene i n Roderick Random (1748) and Peregrine Pickle (1751) i s evident. Smollett's works suggest "the nightmare of an outraged hygenist." 5 In h i s "Essay on the External Use of Water With P a r t i c u l a r Remarks on the Mineral Waters of Bath" of 1752 he contended that the therapeutic properties xSee p. 188-. 2 I n the New Bath Guide of 1766. This i s described by Horace Walpole as: "A set of l e t t e r s i n verses ... des-c r i b i n g the l i f e of Bath ... so much wit, so much humour, fun and poetry ... never met together before." Letters (1891), IV, p. 50, quoted by Barbeau, L i f e and Letters  at Bath, p. 231. (See also p.156) 4. Although, unlike the work of Smollett,"Anstey's aim was l i g h t and good-humoured s a t i r e , Barbeau finds that the sceme of the New Bath Guide — either by accident or design — was adopted by Smollett for his Humphrey Clinker (1771) (Life and Letters, p. 233) . L.S. Benjamin, L i f e and Letters of Tobias Smollett (1927), p. 79. 4 I b i d . , p. 80. W. Allen , The English Novel (1954), p. 69. 138 of the waters had been greatly exaggerated, x an argument which did nothing to a t t r a c t patients at Bath, and in 1753, after the publication of Ferdinand Count Fathom and his f a i l u r e as a medical p r a c t i t i o n e r he abandoned medicine for l e t t e r s . I t i s i n his f i c t i o n that Smollett has succeeded in conveying h i s protest against what he saw of l i f e i n the watering places. But his s a t i r e i s not directed s o l e l y against the malpractices of his confreres, or what he considered to be the appalling conditions under which cures were undertaken. 2 In Roderick Random and Peregrine Pickle the scenes connected with Bath are equally a s a t i r e upon the f o l l i e s , affectations and vices of society i n general. Like those episodes in the f i r s t novel describing l i f e at sea and in fashion-able London, the Bath scene are "relentless, savage cartoons inhabited by c a r i c a t u r e s . " 3 The picaresque adventures in the manner of Le Sage's G i l Bias include a number of episodes at Bath, whither Smollett sends the unprincipled Roderick Random -•-L.S. Benjamin, p. 80. •'This attitude finds expression in Humphrey Clinker (1771). P a r t i c u l a r l y v i o l e n t on this subject are the judgments passed by Matthew Bramble in the l e t t e r s of A p r i l 20 from the Hot Well, and of A p r i l 28 from Bath. (Dolphin edition, pp. 26 - 28, 51 - 54). 3W. A l l e n , The English Novel, p. 70. 139 as a fortune-hunter to win the hand and fortune of the wealthy Miss Snapper. I n t e l l i g e n t and witty, Miss Snapper i s however a cripple, and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y , Smollett brings to bear his powers of accurate observation com-bined with intense passion, upon the description of Miss Snapper's ordeal on entering the Bath Assembly Rooms. Here, where she i s exposed to the callousness and bru-t a l i t y of manners of the assembled company Smollett introduces the reader to the Bath scene: We no sooner entered, than the eyes of everybody present were turned upon us; and when we had suffered the martyrdom of their looks for some time, a whisper c i r c u l a t e d at our expense ... accompanied with many contemptuous smiles and t i t t e r i n g observations. The unmannerly behaviour of the whole company "seemed to be assumed merely to put her out of countenance." At t h i s point Richard Nash, present on the occasion, comes under attack from the author. The celebrated Mr. Nash, says Smollett "perceiving the d i s p o s i t i o n of the assembly, took upon himself the task of g r a t i f y i n g their i l l - n a t u r e s t i l l further, by exposing my mistress to the edge of his wit. " In wit, however, he was matched by Miss Snapper whose r e t o r t "raised such an universal laugh" that Nash T. Smollett, Roderick Random (1748), Everyman ed i t i o n (1927), lv, p. 331. 140 l o s t his composure and "was obliged to sneak o f f in a very ludicrous attitude" whereas Miss Snapper was applauded to the skies for the b r i l l i a n c y of her wit "and her acquaint-ance immediately courted by the best people of both sexes in the room."x 0 l i v e r Goldsmith accepts t h i s incident as being authentic and mentions that i t " i s t o l d i n a celebrated romance."2 While Smollett uses the incident to suggest a disagreeable character whose former imperturbable assurance and freedom of manner had "degenerated into 3 impertinence" Fielding's mention of Nash i n Tom Jones and his commendation of him i n the Covent Garden Journal are both generous and sympathetic. 4 The l a s t mentioned works appeared within three years of the publication of Roderick Random. On yet another occasion the Assembly Rooms give Smollett an opportunity to portray an aspect of contem-porary manners at Bath. On receiving an i n s u l t i n g b i l l e t Roderick Random, lv, p. 331. 2Works_, Globe e d i t i o n . "Life of Richard Nash, " p. 550. I t appears in a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t form i n The Jests of  Beau Nash (1763), pp. 67 - 68. (Barbeau, pp. 45, note 2, 188, note 2). JBarbeau, p. 45. 4See p. 189, footnote 2. 141 at the door of the Long Room, the hero affronts the writer of i t , reduces a young lady present x to tears of spite and vexation, receives a challenge from the sneering Lord Quiverwit, whom he "meets, engages and vanquishes" in a 2 duel- In consequence of this v i c t o r y Random i s acclaimed in the coffee house next day "by a great many of those very persons who had shunned me the preceding day." 3 A number of episodes i n Peregrine Pickle also occurring at Bath enable Smollett to extend even further hi s s a t i r e upon the society and manners of that c i t y . Peregrine Pickle also sets out for Bath when the season begins, "panting with the desire of d i s -tinguishing himself at that resort of the fashionable world." 4 He proceeds to d i r e c t his attention to "gallantry." His reputation for being "of a good family and hei r to an immense fortune, reinforced with sprightliness of conver-sation, and a most insinuating address" renders him so i r r e s t i b l e that he has soon "set a l l the ladies by the ear and furnished a l l the hundred tongues of scandal with f u l l employment," whilst meeting "with such advances from xMelinda, Random's former love. 2Roderick Random, l i x . 3 l b i d . , Ix, p. 361. 4T. Smollett, Peregrine Pickle (1751), Everyman edition (1956 r e p r i n t ) , 2 Vols., I, l x v i i i , p. 336. 142 some of the f a i r sex ... rendered him extremely fortunate in h i s amours. 1 , 1 The f a i r sex, as depicted here by Smollett range from "those inamoratas who were turned of t h i r t y " with whom there i s no "necessity of proceeding by tedious addresses," to ... those who laboured under the disease of celibacy, from the pert miss of f i f t e e n , who with a f l u t t e r i n g heart tosses her head, b r i d l e s up, and giggles involun-t a r i l y at sight of an handsome young man, to the s t a i d maid of twenty-eight, who ... moralizes on the vanity of beauty, the f o l l y of youth ... and expatiates on friendship, benevolence and good sense, i n the style of a platonic philosopher. 2 "In such a d i v e r s i t y of d i s p o s i t i o n s " Peregrine's con-quests "were attended with a l l the heart burnings, animosities and turmoils of jealousy and s p i t e . " The younger class mortified their seniors i n public, "treating them with that indignity which ... i s by the consent ... of mankind, l e v e l l e d against those who are c a l l e d o l d maids, 11 these l a s t r e t o r t i n g "in the private machinations of slander, supported by experience and s u b t i l i t y of invention." J •'-Peregrine Pickle, I, lxx, p. 342. 2 I b i d . , p. 343. 3 I b i d . , p. 343. 143 Among the r i v a l s , not a day passed without there being c i r c u l a t e d some scandal "whispered as secrets among those who were known to be communicative, so that in a few hours, i t became the general topic of discourse." x This novel also gives an instance of the pre-v a i l i n g cruelty towards those who were thought to be at a disadvantage. Peregrine, at the house of Lady Plausible, witnesses a scene i n which a "wit" among the guests, spurred on by h i s hostess, torments a deaf old man to the general delight of the company who "burst out into a loud f i t of (laughter. " Peregrine learns that the o l d man i s i n v i t e d because of the entertainment that his misanthropy and i n f i r m i t y afford the company. In a subsequent chapter, the o l d man — one Cadwallader Crabtree — reveals to Peregrine that he i s in r e a l i t y , feigning deafness in order to turn the tables upon his tormentors. Smollett, the e s s e n t i a l l y embittered and d i s -appointed man, puts into the mouth of Crabtree, the one clearsighted man among thi s horde^, the following words: "I have learned that the characters of mankind are every-where the same; that common sense and honesty bear an Iper egrine Pickle, I, lxx, p. 344. ''Ibid., l x x i . 144 i n f i n i t e l y small proportion to f o l l y and v i c e . " 1 Crabtree i s , nevertheless, no more morally elevated than others. He describes himself as appearing i n the world, not as "a s o c i a l creature, but merely as a spectator, who ... banquets his spleen i n beholding his enemies at logger-heads." By feigning deafness, he i s able to become master of a thousand l i t t l e secrets, and the ladies "divest their conversation of a l l r e s t r a i n t before him," and t h i s same method he practices upon the supercilious pedant, the petulant c r i t i c , the fawning t o o l , s l y sharper and every "species of knaves and fools with which th i s kingdom abounds. " 2 Smollett dwells frequently on the practices of the "sly sharper" i n this novel. Peregrine and his com-panion on the way to the spa learn " a l l the p o l i t i c a l systems at Bath." 3 Smollett describes in d e t a i l the London organiza-t i o n which furnishes Bath with fortune-hunters and sharpers. London adventurers were i n the habit of employing agents throughout England to whom they paid a certain proportion ••-Peregrine Pickle, I, l x x i i , pp. 356 - 357. 2 I b i d . , p. 357. 3 Ibid., l x v i i , p. 337. 4 I b i d . , p. 337. o f the p r o f i t s , e q u i p p i n g them and making good l o s s e s s u s t a i n e d by them. Some agents were d e l e g a t e d to "making l o v e to l a d i e s o f f o r t u n e " on c o n d i t i o n o f h a n d i n g over a p a r t o f the dowries r e c e i v e d on the day o f m a r r i a g e . O t h e r s w o u l d be c a r e f u l l y t r a i n e d to " f r e q u e n t a l l those p l a c e s where games o f h a z a r d are a l l o w e d . " In a d d i t i o n , e x p e r t s i n " b i l l i a r d s , t e n n i s and b o w l s " would be c o n -t i n u o u s l y l y i n g i n w a i t f o r the i g n o r a n t and unwary, and y e t o t h e r s w o u l d a t t e n d h o r s e - r a c e s . Even women a d v e n -t u r e r s were employed f o r the e x t o r t i o n o f money from u n s u s p e c t i n g v i c t i m s . But the most i m p o r t a n t r e t u r n s were made by those s h a r p e r s who f r e q u e n t e d the c a r d -t a b l e s , "at w h i c h no s h a r p e r can be too infamous to be r e c e i v e d and even c a r e s s e d by p e r s o n s o f the h i g h e s t rank and d i s t i n c t i o n , " and i n the case o f Bath , " those a g e n t s , by whom t h e i r gues t was b r o k e , and e x p e l l e d from B a t h , had c o n s t i t u t e d a bank a g a i n s t the s p o r t e r s , and m o n o p o l i z e d the advantage i n a l l k i n d s o f p l a y . M i P e r e g r i n e and h i s companion p r o j e c t a scheme " f o r p u n i s h i n g those v i l l a i n o u s p e s t s o f s o c i e t y , " w h i c h p e r m i t s S m o l l e t t to d e s c r i b e a scene a t Bath i n w h i c h a whole company o f s h a r p e r s are seen a t work a t the b i l l i a r d t a b l e and are v a n q u i s h e d by an opponent who assumes the P e r e g r i n e P i c k l e , I , l x v i i , p . 337. 146 a i r of a "self-conceited dupe." 1 As Smollett recreates the atmosphere of the gaming-room, the t o t a l absorption of those who stood to gain much, or to lose more than they dared imagine, the tension mounts and the onlookers j o i n in the excitement as the sharpers begin to r e a l i z e that the tide i s turning in favour of their supposed victims. While the sharpers waited in intolerable suspense: "The blood forsook th e i r cheeks, and the i n t e r j e c t i o n zounds.' pronounced ... i n a tone of despair, proceeded from every mouth .... They were overwhelmed with horror and astonish-ment. " At every hazard th e i r opponent had taken the visages of the 'sharpers" had adopted d i f f e r e n t shades of complexion from pale to yellow, which degenerated to a. mahogany t i n t . And now that "they saw seventeen hundred pounds of their stock depending upon a single stroke, they stood l i k e so many swarthy Moors, jaundiced with terror and vexation" while the complexion of the player appeared as l i v i d as i f a gangrene had already set in, and he was f a i n to swallow a bumper of brandy to steady his nerves. But t h i s proved his undoing. He aimed so badly as to lose the game. There arose at this point "an universal groan as i f the whole universe had gone to wreck." Of the adventurers, "one turned up h i s eyes to heaven and b i t ^-Peregrine Pickle, I, l x i x , p. 338. 147 his nether lip.; another gnawed h i s fingers ... a t h i r d blasphemed with h o r r i d imprecations" while the player sneaked o f f , grinding h i s teeth together, with a look that b a f f l e s a l l description, and, as he crossed the threshold, exclaiming, "A damned b i t e , by G—d." x Physicians at Bath in Smollett's novels Peregrine Pickle had also much to learn concerning another aspect of Bath l i f e . While s t i l l d i r e c t i n g h i s attention to gallantry, he began to perceive that among the secret agents of scandal, none were so busy as the physicians: "A class of animals who l i v e in this place, l i k e so many ravens hovering about a carcase, and even ply for employment, l i k e s c u l l e r s at Hungerford S t a i r s . " 2 Most of these had correspondents i n London, who furnished information concerning prospective patients coming to Bath, with p a r t i c u l a r reference to the fees that might conceivably be charged. These Bath physicians also had l o c a l agents, apothecaries and nurses, who would inform them of the private a f f a i r s of each family, thus enabling the physicians "to g r a t i f y the rancour of malice, arouse the spleen of peevish indispositions and entertain the eagerness of impertinent c u r i o s i t y . ,l3 Peregrine also ^Peregrine Pickle, I, l x i x , pp. 340 2 I b i d . , lxx, p. 344. 3 I b i d . , p. 344. - 341. learned that i t was a common practice among physicians at Bath to dissuade their patients from drinking the water "that the cure, and i n consequence their attendance, might be longer protracted. " 1 Although Peregrine remains throughout the novel e n t i r e l y in character as a picaresque hero, he serves, in addition to being an independent personage following a destiny of his own, the function of a l i t e r a r y device permitting Smollett to express a highly personal opinion of prevalent f o l l y and v i c e . As in the episode of the b i l l i a r d players, Peregrine i s made to play a f a r c i c a l t r i c k upon the Bath physicians, a t r i c k designed to draw r i d i c u l e upon the malpractices and absurdities of the medical profession "and practice a pleasant Project of Revenge upon the Physicians of the Place." 2 To t h i s end Peregrine summoned every doctor available to the bedside of an i n v a l i d , "an old o f f i c e r , whose temper, naturally impatient, was, by repeated attacks of the gout ... sublimated into a remarkable degree of virulence and perverseness." Each doctor made a d i f f e r e n t diagnosis of the ^Peregrine Pickle, I, lxx, p. 345. 2 I b i d . , p. 342. 3 I b i d . , p. 345. malady "supported by a v a r i e t y of quotations from medical authors, ancient as well as modern" but, since these were not e x p l i c i t enough to decide the dispute "the contention rose to such a p i t c h of clamour" as to wake the patient from the f i r s t sleep he had enjoyed in the space of ten whole days. When the patient rang his b e l l the doctors erupted into his room and the colonel, seeing himself "surrounded by these gaunt ministers of death," sprang out of bed "with incredible a g i l i t y " and l a i d about him with a crutch u n t i l he f e l l exhausted upon hi s bed. When, f i n a l l y , i t dawned on the physicians that they had been made victims of a hoax, nothing remained for them but to sneak " s i l e n t l y o f f with the loss they had sustained" and subject "to the r i d i c u l e of a l l the company in town."1 In Ferdinand Count Fathom Smollett's denunciation of medical malpractices i s s t i l l more ferocious in i t s s a t i r e . I f Bath i s not a c t u a l l y the scene of those parts of the novel connected with the medical profession, the s a t i r e i s directed against English watering places i n general. Fathom, at one stage i n h i s picaresque career, J-Peregrine Pickle, I, lxx, pp. 346 - 348. repaired to the B r i s t o l Spring. 1- Here, as was his wont "Fathom ... formed the ... nucleus of the beau monde ... the soul that animated the whole society. 1 , 2 Because he was an object of admiration i t followed that "his advice was an oracle." One day, before a large audience in the room he defeated in argument an o l d physician who p l i e d at the w e l l . Fathom was accorded the v i c t o r y since he was " i n f i n i t e l y superior in every a c q u i s i t i o n but that of s o l i d learning, of which the judges had no idea" so that henceforward he was to be s o l i c i t e d by every v a l e t u d i -narian i n the place u n t i l "the poor doctor was u t t e r l y deserted by h i s p a t i e n t s . " 3 Shortly afterwards Fathom decided — "wisely" says Smollett — to become a physician. In t h i s capacity his adventurer's i n s t i n c t t o l d him he would be i n a position -•-"The B r i s t o l Hotwells, though important and much frequented by people of the same rank as Bath's more eminent patrons, were complementary to Bath and not i t s r e a l r i v a l . " (Bryan L i t t l e , Bath P o r t r a i t , p. 35).-Matthew Bramble and his family stayed at the "Hot Well" before v i s i t i n g Bath (Humphrey Clinker, three l e t t e r s of A p r i l 20 and 21). A. .Pope attempted a cure at the B r i s t o l Well in 1739 (See p.'88). 2T. Smollett, Ferdinand Count Fathom (1751), Novelist's Library 1821 edition, 10 Vols.', I l l , xxxv, p. 79. 3 I b i d . , p. 80. 151 "to learn the secrets of his patients or to captivate the heart of an heiress or a r i c h widow. M ± To t h i s end he bought a few medical books, studied them and repaired to Tunbridge Wells to pra c t i s e . There by a combination of deviousness and sheer b l u f f , he succeeded in triumphing 3 over a medical r i v a l . When later in London, "in consequence of a lucky miscarriage," Fathom effected a true cure "his fame soon diffused i t s e l f into a l l the corners of the great c a p i t a l " 4 and his future seemed assured. "When a physician becomes the town t a l k " remarks Smollett, ... he generally concludes h i s business more than h a l f done, even though h i s fame should wholly turn upon his malpractice: insomuch that some members of the faculty ... complain ... that they never had the misfortune to be p u b l i c l y accused of homicide. At t h i s point i n the adventures of Fathom^Smollett interpolates a passage which i s an enlightening commentary upon p r e v a i l i n g manners at the watering places, and speci-f i c a l l y , at Bath. Notwithstanding his fortunate experience ^Ferdinand Count Fathom, III, 1, p. 116. 2 I b i d . , p. 116. 3 I b i d . , I i . 4 I b i d . , l i i i , p. 125. 5 I b i d . , p. 124 152 in London, Fathom had l e f t Tunbridge Wells f u l l y r e a l i z i n g that success i n a p r o v i n c i a l spa was not necessarily a passport to success in London. This knowledge ... was grounded upon a maxim which u n i v e r s a l l y prevails among the English people, namely, to overlook and wholly neglect, on their return to the metropolis, a l l the connections they may have chanced to acquire during their residence at any of the medical wells; and thus s o c i a l d i s p o s i t i o n i s so scrupulously maintained, that two persons who l i v e d in the most intimate correspondence at Bath or Tunbridge Wells, s h a l l , in four and twenty hours, so t o t a l l y forget their friendship, as to meet in St. James's Park without betraying the least token of recognition; so that one would imagine those mineral waters were so many streams issuing from the water of Lethe, so famed of o l d for washing away a l l traces of memory and r e c o l l e c t i o n . 1 Such episodes and commentaries found in Smollett's novels have been quoted i n some d e t a i l i n order to present t h i s novelist's case. Smollett had considerable knowledge of Bath l i f e , but i t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine to what extent h i s view was a biased one, and to what extent he may have distorted the image because he derived a personal -'-Ferdinand Count Fathom, III, l i , p. 121. According to Sir Walter Scott, this s i t u a t i o n s t i l l obtained one hundred years l a t e r . "The society of such places i s regulated by their very nature" and whatever degree of intimacy and s o c i a b i l i t y may e x i s t among people of d i f -f e r i n g ranks " i t is not understood to imply any duration beyond the length of the season. No intimacy can be supposed to be more close for the time, and more transito r y in i t s endurance than that which i s attached to a watering-place acquaintance." (St. Ronan's Well (1824) Introduction). 153 s a t i s f a c t i o n from imaginary situations wherein the physicians might be completely discomfited. That i s to say: did a'personal grudge impel him to w i l f u l d i s -tortion? David Hannay, i n his biography of Smollett questions the idea that the novelist ever did t r y to obtain a medical practice at Bath and maintains that he was genuinely fond of the c i t y : "The medical l i f e of the place, and i n p a r t i c u l a r i t s quackery, had an endless a t t r a c t i o n for him, but his descriptions are enough to account for his f a i l u r e as a doctor." 1 Barbeau maintains that Smollett, f a i l i n g to a t t r a c t patients himself, would not have forgiven his 2 successful r i v a l s at Bath, but Walter A l l e n points to the preface to Roderick Random as revealing Smollett's reason for a crude and brutal exposure of a crude and brutal society. A l l e n describes Smollett as ... a man born with a skin too few, and affronted i n a l l his senses by l i f e as he has experienced i t ; and he f l i n g s back at society, with a l l the contempt and indignation he can muster, rather more than he has got. 3 In t h i s preface Smollett pays homage to Cervantes XD. Hannay, L i f e of Tobias Smollett (1887), p. 112. 2 L i f e and Letters at Bath, p. 94. 3The English Novel, pp. 68 - 69. 154 who, "by an inimitable piece of r i d i c u l e , reformed the taste of mankind" and pointed out "the f o l l i e s of ordinary l i f e . " Whilst also acknowledging h i s debt to Le Sage for his general plan, Smollett seems to suggest h i s own b a s i c a l l y serious purpose when he c r i t i c i z e s Le Sage for i n c i t i n g the reader to mirth rather than to i n d i g -nation. "The disgraces of G i l Bias" he writes, are "for the most part, such as rather excite mirth than compassion." "This conduct, i n my opinion, not only deviates from pro-b a b i l i t y , but prevents that generous indignation which ought to animate the reader against the sordid and vicious d i s -p o sition of the w o r l d . M ± Whether or not Smollett's indictment of the medical corps at Bath was j u s t i f i e d might be determined by a com-parison with opinions voiced by other responsible con-temporaries. Both Richard Steele and Christopher Anstey are s a t i r i c a l , in a more good-natured vein than i s Smollett, in their attitude to the physicians. As has already been mentioned, Steele was attacking medical abuses and the behaviour of physicians at Bath as early as 1709. In a 1713 issue of the Guardian he avers that such was the "oppression of c i v i l i t i e s " that he underwent from "the iRoderick Random, Preface, 4 - 5 . 2See p. 32. 155 sage members of the faculty" as to frighten him "from making such inq u i r i e s into the nature of these springs, as would have furnished out a nobler entertainment upon the Bath" than the loose hints he has given. Thanks to these "charitable gentlemen" Steele claims that he was cured in a week's time "of more distempers than he ever had i n h i s l i f e , " the physicians almost k i l l i n g him with their humanity. The s o l i c i t u d e of which Steele found himself the object included the pre s c r i p t i o n of "a l i t t l e something, at h i s f i r s t coming, to keep up his s p i r i t s " by one of the faculty, w h i l s t another, the next morning, ordered him to be bled for h i s fever. A t h i r d proferred a cure for the scurvy, another a recipe for the dropsy. "In vain did he modestly decline these favours," for early the next morning he was awakened by an apothecary who brought him a dose from one of h i s well-wishers, which Steele paid for "but withal, t o l d him severely that he never took physic." His landlord, Steele concludes, hereupon took him for an I t a l i a n merchant that suspected poison, but the apothecary, "with more sagacity, guessed I was c e r t a i n l y a physician myself." x Christopher Anstey at a later date contributes his s a t i r e upon the Bath physicians in several " l e t t e r s " 1Guardian No. 174. Sept. 1713. 156 of his New Bath Guide. Letter VI, refers to the legend of the founding of Bath, and the healing powers of the 1 springs: Since the Day that King Bladud f i r s t found out the Bogs, And thought them so good for himself and his Hogs, No one of the Faculty ever has try'd These excellent Waters to cure his own Hide ...2 But such s a t i r e does not represent the views of a l l r e l i a b l e commentators upon conditions at the spa. Many of these genuinely sought r e l i e f from their ailments in the medical treatments available there. Barbeau, who in c l i n e s to the view that Smollett's denunciation was motivated by some personal grudge, 3 points out that the l a t t e r either did not see, or did not choose to mention that there also existed learned and honourable p r a c t i t i o n e r s , among whom Barbeau names Dr. Moysey, 4 Dr. Hartley, the friend of Pope and Warburton, and Dr. Henry Harington. 5 This l a s t i s mentioned by Jerom ••-See p. 86 and footnote 3. 2C. Anstey, The New Bath Guide (1766), Letter VI, 65 - 68. 3 L i f e and Letters at Bath, pp. 94 - 95. Chapter lxx of Peregrine Pickle (I, p. 342) describes "a pleasant Project of Revenge upon the Physicians of the Place." ^Mentioned with "affection and esteem" by Chesterfield in h is correspondence. (Barbeau, p. 94). ^Barbeau, p. 95. 157 Murch as a Bath Hospital physician known "to the country round" for h i s benevolence and for h i s love of l i t e r a t u r e , while George Monkland refers to him as "a true son of Apollo, s k i l l e d a l i k e in music and medicine" who "for si x t y years of hi s l i f e contributed to the welfare, the harmony, and the delight of our c i t y . " 2 Perhaps the most eminent names are those of Dr. Oliver and Dr..Cheyne i f only on account of the long association of both men with Ralph A l l e n and with Pope. Barbeau i s of opinion that although these doctors, and others of the same class, were ignored by the s a t i r i s t s , the f a u l t lay with the invalids of Bath. I f the invalids occasionally became the prey of the "ravens," i t was by no means of necessity but through their own f o l l y and imprudence. Henry F i e l d i n g refers to "Dr. Harrington" and Dr. Brewster by name in Tom Jones. 4 He also composed some extempore verses in the Pump Room during his 1742 v i s i t to the spa, which verses were addressed to a young lady, and conclude with a tribute to the s k i l l of Dr. J-Bath C e l e b r i t ies, xv, p . 148 . ^Literature and L i t e r a t i of Bath, p. 2 9 . L i f e and Letters, p. 9 5 . 4H. Fie l d i n g , Tom Jones ( 1749) , Penguin e d i t i o n (1966) XVIII, i v , p. 823 . See p. 187 . 158 Brewster, who may have been prescribing at the time, for Mrs. F i e l d i n g : x But say, sweet maid, what waters can remove The pangs of cold despair, of hopeless love? The pains (of love) which ... we endure Not Brewster, glory of his art, can cure. 2 These lines were published i n the M i s c e l l a n i e s J to which both Brewster and Harington subscribed. 4 Few men of l e t t e r s who had experience of the medical resources in Bath were more in need of s k i l f u l physicians than was Alexander Pope and no man would have been more ready to c r i t i c i z e had he thought his physicians were mere charlatans. Yet his correspondence reveals again and again his appreciation for^his intense gratitude to eminent Bath doctors who were likewise contemporaries of Tobias Smollett's. As early as 1738 Pope mentions Dr. Cheyne^ i n a l e t t e r to A l l e n : "If ever I change my Religion i t s h a l l XW. Cross, History of Henry Fielding, I, pp. 377 - 378. 2Quoted by Wilbur Cross, I, p. 378. 31743, I, 114. (W. Cross, I,,p. 378). 4Wilbur Cross, II, p. 174. ^Dr. George Cheyne was an authority on hypochondria: 7 Sherburn, Correspondence.IV, p. 449, note 3. Sherburn here states that Cheyne was f i r s t mentioned in Pope's l e t t e r to A l l e n of 27 Dec, 1742. 159 be to his (Dr. Cheyne's), or to the Quakers, I am not determined to which."! Beau Nash, also a patient of Cheyne's, would engage with the doctor i n s p i r i t e d disputes at Morgan's coffee house, the Beau designating the p o r t l y doctor as "the most sensible fool he ever knew" for l i v i n g on a di e t of f r u i t and vegetables, and for his f a i t h i n the complete e f f i c a c y of external and i n t e r n a l use of the Bath waters, and George Lyttleton, i n a l e t t e r to Pope (1736) gives an admirable description of Cheyne's character: The Immortal Doctor Cheney ... i s the greatest Singu-l a r i t y , and the most D e l i g h t f u l l I ever met with. I am not his Patient, but am to be his D i s c i p l e , and to see a Manuscript of his which comprehends a l l that i s neces-sary, salutary, or useful, either for the Body or the Soul. 3 That Pope was to become deeply attached to Dr. Cheyne i s shown from the following passage in a l e t t e r to L yttleton from Bath: Tho I enjoy deep Quiet, I can't say I have much Pleasure or even any Object that obliges me to smile, except Dr. Ch. who i s yet so very a c h i l d i n true Simplicity of Heart, that I love him; as He loves Don Quixote, for the Most Moral and Reasoning Madman in the World. Ipope to Allen, 19 Aug. |_ 1738 J. Sherburn, Correspondence IV, p. 120. 2W. Connely, Beau Nash, p. 69. 3 L y t t l e t o n to Pope, 4 Dec. f~1736"]. Correspondence IV, p. 46. 160 He i s , says Pope, "an I s r a e l i t e i n whom t h e r e i s no  G u i l e , " o r , i n the language o f Shakespeare , "as f o o l i s h  a good k i n d o f C h r i s t i a n C r e a t u r e as one s h a l l meet w i t h . " To another a c q u a i n t a n c e Pope wrote i n 1740: "I am g l a d you found the B e n e f i t I p r o m i s e d my s e l f you w o u l d from D r . C h e y n e ' s Care . . . . There l i v e s n o t an Honester Man, nor a T r u e r P h i l o s o p h e r . " 2 D r . O l i v e r , who p l a y e d such an i m p o r t a n t p a r t i n the c i v i c development o f Bath i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the M i n e r a l Water H o s p i t a l was a v e r y c l o s e f r i e n d o f b o t h Pope and R a l p h A l l e n 4 and the former mentions D r . O l i v e r i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h D r . Moysey and D r . H a r t l e y i n h i s l e t t e r s . 5 W r i t i n g to D r . O l i v e r i n 1743 Pope s a y s : P r a y make my compliments to D r . H a r t l e y . . . . I have h a d such o b l i g a t i o n s to the b e s t o f your f a c u l t y , d u r i n g my whole l i f e , t h a t I w i s h a l l o t h e r s , b o t h my F r i e n d s and my Enemies , were t h e i r P a t i e n t s . 6 And i t was to D r . H a r t l e y t h a t Pope t u r n e d f o r h e l p when, x P o p e to L y t t l e t o n , 12 D e c , 1739. Correspondence IV, p . 208. 2 P o p e to S. G e r r a r d , 17 May, 1740. Correspondence I V , p . 242. 3 S e e p . 10. 4 S e e p p . 91 - 92. 5 A s f o r example, t h a t o f 27 D e c . [17421 to A l l e n . Correspondence I V , p . 433. ^Pope to D r . O l i v e r , 28 A u g . , 1743. Correspondence IV, p . 470. 161 distraught with anxiety about the state of Martha Blount's health i n the spring of 1743, he put her i n the care of the Aliens at Prior Park. 1 Pope wrote to A l l e n : "I beg you ... to ingage Dr. Hartleys P a r t i c u l a r Care of her at her f i r s t Coming, for I am alarmed at the Apprehension of 2 her Distemper, which i s more and more f a t a l ..." That Ralph Allen, who was c e r t a i n l y i n a position to know the capacities of the Bath physicians, was also treated by Oliver and Hartley while "extremely i l l of an Inflammatory Fever" in 1743, i s suggested i n a l e t t e r from Pope who expresses great r e l i e f at h i s friend's recovery. I t was i n h i s l a s t l e t t e r to Ralph A l l e n dictated from "Chelsea College" shortly before his death 4 that Pope expressed once more h i s gratitude to Oliver and Hartley and paid his generous tribute to the medical faculty: Pray give him (Dr. Hartley) my thanks for h i s kind p r e s c r i p t i o n and likewise to Dr. Oliver for another ... there i s no end of my kind treatment from the Facultie they are i n general the most Amiable Companions, and the best friends as w e l l as the most learned men I know.5 The consequences of this v i s i t to Prior Park have been discussed in connection with the quarrel between Pope and the Aliens. See p. 100. ^Pope to Allen, 12 A p r i l f 1743~J. Correspondence IV, p. 453. Part of t h i s l e t t e r i s also quoted on p.'100. 3Pope to Allen, 30 Oct. [l743]. Correspondence IV, pp. 476 - 477. 4See p. 110. 5Pope to Allen, 7 May fl744]. Correspondence IV, p. 52 2. 162 Bath Neighbourhood and Local Characters  Reflected i n Fielding's Writings While mentioning him i n the other two novels, i t i s i n Tom Jones that F i e l d i n g makes extensive use of an actual personality, that Ralph A l l e n of Prior Park who was such a determining force i n 18th century Bath's s o c i a l l i f e and manners, and i n her a r c h i t e c t u r a l and a r t i s t i c development;^ and i t i s thanks to the rap-port between these two men that an eminent Bath character has come to f i l l a place of outstanding importance i n the l i t e r a t u r e of 18th century England. The f i r s t mention of Ralph Allen, i n Joseph  Andrews published i n February 1742, occurred at a time when the author was in considerable f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s , was borrowing money, and was unable to pay h i s debts. Although as was mentioned i n "The F i e l d i n g connection with Prior Park" 2, i t i s not known at what date the two men became acquainted, F i e l d i n g c e r t a i n l y did receive u n s o l i c i t e d assistance from Alle n before the publication of Joseph Andrews.J Samuel Derrick, in a l e t t e r of 1763 stated that before the two men met, Al l e n had sent xSee pp-. 15 2 3,/ 59 - 65. 2See pp. 75 - 76. 3 I t i s not known whether the g i f t was made before or after a personal acquaintance, Wilbur L. Cross, History  of,Henry Fi e l d i n g , I, p. 377. 163 F i e l d i n g "a present of 200 i n consideration of his merit."! At a l l events, F i e l d i n g made an a l l u s i o n in Joseph Andrews to Allen's "charitable actions," as though i n f e r r i n g that he had had personal experience of them.2 F i e l d i n g f i r s t mentions Allen as one of two examples of "high people" who, whilst they are an honour to t h e i r high rank, make the i r superiority "as easy as possible to those whom Fortune hath ... placed below them."3 And Wilbur Cross 4 i d e n t i f i e s as Allen, the man described in t h i s same chapter as: The commoner, raised higher above the multitude by superior talents than i s in the power of his prince to exalt him; whose behaviour to those he hath obliged i s more amiable than the obli g a t i o n i t s e l f . ^ F i e l d i n g further alludes to t h i s man's h o s p i t a l i t y towards even "The lowest of his acquaintance" i n "that palace where they are so courteously entertained"^ as though XS. Derrick, Letters (1767) . Letter of 10 May, 1763, II, p. 58 c i t e d by Wilbur Cross, I, p. 377. Rev. F. K i l v e r t , in Remains, p. 158 also quotes R. Graves to t h i s e f f e c t . 2Wilbur Cross, I, p. 377. 3 H. Fi e l d i n g , Joseph Andrews (1742), Norton Library e d i t i o n (1958), pp. 167 - 168. 4Henry Fi e l d i n g , I, p. 377. 5 Joseph Andrews, II I , i , p. 168. 6 I b i d . , p. 168. See pp. 76, 175. speaking from personal experience. The picture of t h i s commoner F i e l d i n g declares, "must be known" i t i s "taken from the l i f e , and not intended to exceed i t . " x Allen's house i s also mentioned by the hero, Joseph, during a moral d i s q u i s i t i o n on "The few instances of charity among mankind" to which Fanny l i s t e n s eagerly while Parson Adams stretched on h i s back, snores loudly. "Nobody scarce doth any good" says Joseph, " a l l men consent i n commanding goodness" yet none endeavour to deserve that commendation. " A l l r a i l at wickedness, and a l l are eager to be what they abuse." "Are a l l the great folks wicked then?" asks Fanny, and Joseph r e p l i e s that there are some exceptions, and to th i s effect, quotes "Squire Pope, The great poet" at Lady Booby's table (where Joseph waited as footman) t e l l i n g stories of such. One of these, "a man that l i v e d at a place c a l l e d Ross," and "mentioned i n the book of verses" i s , of course, the "Man of Ross" of Pope's Moral Essays. 3 And another such man, "at the Bath," continues Joseph: ^Joseph Andrews, III, i , p. 168. 2 I b i d . , v i , pp. 209 - 211. 3A. Pope, Moral Essays (1731 - 35), E p i s t l e III, 250 -290. 165 One AI- AI- I forget his name, but i t i s in the book of verses. This man hath b u i l t up a s t a t e l y house too, which the squire ( Pope 1 l i k e s very w e l l ; but hi s charity i s seen further than his house, though i t stands on a h i l l , aye, and brings him more honour too. 2 Wilbur Cross says that i n thi s passage F i e l d i n g attributed to A l l e n a l l the q u a l i t i e s that Pope had bestowed on the 3 "Man of Ross" in the book of verses. "It was his charity" says Joseph, i n the same passage, ... that put him to the book where the squire says he puts a l l those who deserve i t , and to be sure, as he f Squire Pope} l i v e s among a l l the great people, i f there were any such, he would know them. 4 AMELIA appeared at a time when once again, Fielding's finances were running low, so that he turned yet again to l i t e r a t u r e while carrying on with the duties of h i s court. The novel was dedicated to Ralph Alle n Esq.,^ from whom he had received so much pecuniary assistance and valuable counsel. 7 F i e l d i n g expressed, xSee p. 191. 2Joseph Andrews, III, v i , pp. 210 - 211. % e n r y F i e l d i n g , I, p. 377. 4Joseph Andrews, II I , v i , p. 211. 5Wilbur Cross, II, p. 303. 6H. Fi e l d i n g , Amelia (1751), Everyman's Library (1950). The Dedication \£s dated 12 D e c , 1751. 7 F . K i l v e r t , Remains i n Prose and Verse, p. 158. 166 his great debt to A l l e n when he observed that this novel "was sincerely designed to promote the cause of virtue, to expose some of the most glowing e v i l s , as well public as private, which then infested the country." He had chosen Ralph Allen, because "The best man i s the properest patron of such an attempt, 11 and he i s sure that "the public voice" w i l l agree to this appelation. "Should a l e t t e r , indeed be thus addressed, DETUR OPTIMO, there are few persons who would think i t wanted any other d i r e c t i o n . " x Ralph A l l e n does not play a part in the novel i t s e l f , unless, as Wilbur Cross suggests Dr. Harrison's action p a r a l l e l s the intervention of Al l e n i n the l i f e of F i e l d i n g and h i s wife, by making h i s appearance at the opportune moment to aid a young couple i n f i n a n c i a l s t r a i t s . A l l e n perhaps took Henry and Charlotte to Bath. "Certainly 9 he gave them a house to l i v e i n near h i s mansion, just as Dr. Harrison aided Booth and Amelia in similar circum-stances . Wilbur Cross sees i n Dr. Harrison a learned brother of Squire Allworthy i n Tom Jones, "Conservative in h i s opinions, bent upon aiding h i s friends in distress, e a s i l y imposed upon by a rogue, and sometimes blinded by h i s Amelia, dedication. Henry Fi e l d i n g , II, p. 333. See also p. 76. 167 prejudices,"1 but adds that in his opinion, "This close kinship extends no f u r t h e r . " 2 Of the Dedication of Amelia to Ralph Allen , K i l -vert remarks that, strong as the expressions may appear "they flowed from the heart of the writer, and i f a p p l i c -able to any human being they may f a i r l y be taken to have been so to the noble-minded personage to whom they were addressed" 3 and Wilbur Cross: Dr. Harrison became Fielding's mouthpiece .... Almost always, whether F i e l d i n g spoke through h i s characters or in h i s own person, h i s thought and emotion rose to the highest plane .... The dedication to Ralph Alle n i s among the f i n e s t memorials ever erected to f r i e n d s h i p . 4 The "portrayal" of Ralph A l l e n as Squire Allworthy has been a subject of discussion since the f i r s t appearance of the novel, but most of the attention has been devoted to deciding to what extent "Allworthy" i s or i s not, a p o r t r a i t of Allen, and whether this p o r t r a i t i s "successful" or not, both from the standpoint of f i d e l i t y to the o r i g i n a l , and of i t s l i t e r a r y merits. Arguments r e s t r i c t e d merely to the question for or against the "success" of Allworthy are, unless Tom Jones J-Henry F i e l d i n g , II, p. 324. See pp.' 176 - 177. 2 I b i d . , p. 324. ^Remains, p. 158. 4Henry Fie l d i n g , II, p. 353. 168 be' considered as no more than a piece of entertainment in the form of a novel of manners, beside the point. The reason that he chose to portray A l l e n was that the l a t t e r furnished an i l l u s t r a t i o n of Fielding's e t h i c a l theory of the "t r u l y benevolent mind," a theory which he formulated as such, only i n 1752, but which i s i m p l i c i t in his e a r l i e r writings. Certain papers of Fielding's Covent Garden Journal of 1752 contain what amounts to a clear statement of the conclusions he had reached as the r e s u l t of a l i f e - l o n g study of h i s fellow men, and those "virtues" i n man which, he considered, are most greatly to be admired. Although i t s apparent object was, to be "A Paper of Entertainment and News," the prime object of the Covent  Garden Journal, says Fielding, was, "to correct and reform" the age. 1 The "virtue" which F i e l d i n g admired above a l l others was what he c a l l e d "good nature," which he i d e n t i -f i e d with "benevolence, or the love of doing good. 1 , 2 He described i t as ... a q u a l i t y i n which, though there i s l i t t l e of glaring pomp and ostentation, there i s much of s o l i d and i n t r i n s i c ^Quoted by Wilbur Cross, II, p. 364. 2H. Dudden, Henry Fie l d i n g , II, p. 915, quoting the Covent Garden Journal, 25 Feb., 1752. 169 worth .... I f i t be not admirable, i t i s in the highest degree, amiable. I f i t doth not constitute the heroic, i t adorns the human, and i s es s e n t i a l to the Christian character.1 F i e l d i n g stressed the most strongly "the most exquisite pleasure" which attends the performance of a beneficent a c t i o n , 2 "the secret comforts which a good heart may dictate from within even when a l l without are s i l e n t , " this supreme "happiness" deriving from the consciousness of "having r e l i e v e d the misery or contributed to the w e l l -being of one's fellow-creatures." 4 In the Dedication of Tom Jones he speaks of "that s o l i d inward comfort of mind, which i s the sure companion of innocence and v i r t u e . " 5 Charity, i n the sense of l i b e r a l i t y to those i n need, i s the most obvious form of doing good, and since Charity i s enjoined both by the Law of Nature, and by the Divine Law as formulated i n the Jewish and Chri s t i a n scriptures, F i e l d i n g draws the conclusion "that a person void of charity i s unworthy of the appelation of a Christian; that he hath no pretence either to goodness or ju s t i c e , or even to the character of humanity." In addition to thi s a i F i e l d i n g , Covent Garden Journal, 25 Feb., 1752. Edi t i o n of 1915. 2 I b i d . , 25 Feb., 1752. 3 I b i d . , 14 March, 1752. 4 I b i d . , 2 June, 1752, quoted by H. Dudden, II, p. 917. 5Dedication, p. 37. 170 man without charity i s not only a knave, but "a downright f o o l . h 1 As examples of the "Good-Natured" character, F i e l d i n g created Parson Adams i n Joseph Andrews, 2 Dr. Harrison i n Amelia, "Axylus" i n the Covent Garden Journal, and Squire Allworthy i n Tom Jones. The Dedication of Tom Jones i s no mere d u t i f u l passage of vague moralizing considered appropriate to mid-eighteenth century l i t e r a r y modes. It i s es s e n t i a l to an understanding of the purpose of the novel, so long as t h i s l a s t i s considered i n the l i g h t of the Covent  Garden Journal statements. Although F i e l d i n g states that for the "purposes" he has i n mind he has employed a l l his wit and humour "to 3 laugh mankind out of t h e i r favourite f o l l i e s and vices," 4 the underlying motifs are deeply serious. His "sincere endeavour" he writes, has been "to recommend goodness and Covent Garden Journal, 16 May, 1752, quoted by Dudden II, p. 918. 2 See p. 179, footnote 4. 3Tom Jones, Dedication, p. 38. 4How l i t t l e Fieldings seriousness of purpose was under-stood by some of those associated with him during the Prior Park years, i n p a r t i c u l a r by Bishop Hurd and Thomas Edwards, the c r i t i c , has been demonstrated i n "The Fi e l d i n g connection with P r i o r Park," pp. '79 - 80. 171 innocence," to "display that beauty of virtu e which may at t r a c t the admiration of mankind,"1 to which end he has employed the f i c t i o n a l form — that i s to say — i l l u s -t r a t i o n of his theme: "For an example i s a kind of picture, i n which virt u e becomes as i t were an object of sight, and st r i k e s us with an idea of i t s l o v e l i n e s s . " 2 In the l i g h t of these passages from the Dedication i t becomes clear that F i e l d i n g was aiming at much more than a novel of manners on a l e v e l on which " r e a l " characters, events or settings were used for no better reason than that they were ready to hand, familiar and convenient "copy." Therefore, the di d a c t i c purpose inherent in Tom Jones obliges the c r i t i c to consider the Allen-Allworthy p o r t r a i t in a larger context than that of the novel i t s e l f since i t ought to be related to the body of Fielding's thought. This e n t a i l s a s h i f t -ing of the emphasis from a purely l i t e r a r y consideration to that of a Ralph Alle n who figures in Fielding's writings both as himself, and as a f i c t i t i o u s character. Even though F i e l d i n g claims in the Dedication that the character of "Allworthy" i s inspired by three men: xTom Jones, Dedication, p. 37. 2 I b i d . , p. 37. 172 George Lyttleton, his patron and benefactor, the Duke of Bedford, and Ralph Allen, Wilbur Cross maintains that the inclusion of the f i r s t two men was an afterthought only, and intended by way of compliment, 1 whereas i t was Allen's virtues that F i e l d i n g wished to immortalize. F i e l d i n g never quite asserted that Allworthy was a por-t r a i t of Allen, but when the novel was completed, the character displayed so many of Allen's t r a i t s as to be regarded as such by those who knew him. "In Allworthy's kindliness, generous s p i r i t , h o s p i t a l i t y , and c h a r i t i e s , they at once saw the i r friend at Prior Park." 3 F i e l d i n g encourages the reader to i d e n t i f y Allworthy with A l l e n . "Allworthy's mind, he said i n substance ... was but a copy of A l l e n ' s , " 4 and in the Dedication, addressing Lyttleton, F i e l d i n g writes: "As a great poet says of one of you, ... you 1 Do good by stealth, and blush to find i t fame115 -which l i n e i s a quotation from Pope's Epilogue to the . -'-In his Dedication, F i e l d i n g acknowledges h i s debt to Lyttleton, to whom he p a r t l y owed h i s existence "during great part of the time" of wri t i n g the novel. Without Lyttleton's assistance "this h i s t o r y had never been com-pleted. " (Dedication, p. 35). 2Henry Fie l d i n g , II, p. 162. 3Wilbur Cross, II, p. 162. 4 I b i d . , p. 162. ^Dedication, p. 36. 173 Satires, Dialogue I, 1. 136, and addressed by Pope to Ralph A l l e n . 1 Although very few d e t a i l s of Allen's actual l i f e were used i n Tom Jones, F i e l d i n g draws a very close p a r a l l e l between Allworthy and A l l e n . As an example: Above a l l others, men of genius and learning shared the p r i n c i p a l place i n his favour ... for though he had missed the advantage of a learned education, yet being b l e s t with vast natural a b i l i t i e s , he had so well pro-f i t e d by a vigorous, though late application to l e t t e r s , and by much conversation with men of eminence in t h i s way, that he was himself a very competent judge i n most kinds of l i t e r a t u r e 2 and another, when Squire Allworthy walked out on h i s t e r r a c e 3 on a May morning as the sun rose: Than which one object above in thi s lower creation could be more glorious, and that Mr. Allworthy himself presented: a human being replete with benevolence, meditating i n what manner he might render himself most acceptable to his Creator, by doing most good to his creatures. 4 "That was c e r t a i n l y Ralph A l l e n " writes Wilbur Cross, "walking on the terrace of Prior Park to enjoy the fresh a i r ... and the distant view of Bath." 5 x xSee p. 85. o ^Tom Jones, I, x, p. 74. See also p. 62. 3See p. 18- , for K i l v e r t ' s description of Allen's mansion. 4Tom Jones, I, iv, p. 59. 5Henry Fie l d i n g , II, p. 163. 174 If a s l i g h t pomposity i s detectable in the Allworthy described by F i e l d i n g in the foregoing passage, Wilbur Cross suggests that, l i k e many self-educated men of humble b i r t h , A l l e n had acquired from reading "a st a t e l y and pompous manner of speech, as i f that were the s t y l e among the learned, which F i e l d i n g consistently imitated, often with a touch of quiet humour, 1 , 1 and fu r -t h e r i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s by c i t i n g the example of the long oration (two and a h a l f pages in length) which Squire Allworthy, s i t t i n g up in bed, delivered to h i s family when he thought he was going to die of a severe c o l d . 2 Although very few d e t a i l s of Allen's l i f e were used i n Tom Jones, there are a s u f f i c i e n t number of points upon which the Allen-Allworthy characters are found to be p a r a l l e l . Both were men of great wealth, "both agreeable in person, of good constitution and s o l i d understanding." Both were slow to detect a rogue, so ingenuous were the i r own characters. "Both were benevolent to the point where benevolence becomes a weakness, having a comic aspect when imposed upon by adventurers." 3 Allen, l i k e Allworthy, favoured men of genius and 3-Henry Fi e l d i n g , II, p. 163. 2Tom Jones, V, v i i , pp. 226 - 229. 3Wilbur Cross, II, p. 163. 175 learning: "Neither Mr. Allworthy's house, nor his heart were shut against any part of mankind, but they were both more p a r t i c u l a r l y open to men of merit." x Squire Allworthy's h o s p i t a l i t y was similar in a l l points, to that dispensed by Ralph A l l e n : "To say the truth, t h i s was the only house i n the kingdom where you was sure to gain a dinner by deserving i t . " 2 Nor did Mr. Allworthy "bountifully ... bestow meat, drink and lodging on men of wit and learning" in return for "entertainment, instruction, f l a t t e r y , and subserviency." On the contrary, "every person i n the house was perfect master of h i s own time" and free to follow h i s i n c l i n a t i o n s "within the r e s t r i c t i o n s only of law, virt u e and r e l i g i o n . " Not only those who were A l l -worthy's equals in fortune, and whose presence might be considered a favour, were so treated by their host, but even those "whose indigent circumstances makes such an eleemosynary abode convenient to them, and who are there-fore less welcome to a great man's table because they stand in need of i t . " 3 This l a s t remark cannot but be read with Fielding's experience of Allen's h o s p i t a l i t y towards himself i n mind. 4 •'-Tom Jones, I, x, p. 74. See also p. 62. 2 I b i d . , p. 74. 3 I b i d . , p. 75. 4See pp. 76, 163 - 164. 176 Wilbur Cross i s of opinion that F i e l d i n g has dealt in "correspondences" between A l l e n and Allworthy rather than i n copying an exact o r i g i n a l , and suggests that the writer amused himself by imagining how an Al l e n who received into h i s household a l l kinds of people would behave " i f they should happen to be B l i f i l , Tom Jones, Square, Thwackum, and the res t of that motley company."1 Taking incidents and t r a i t s of character together, Wilbur Cross concludes that "Allworthy appears as a shadowy 2 counterpart of Al l e n — a likeness rather than a p o r t r a i t . " Homes Dudden, i n h i s biography of Fie l d i n g , sees the l a t t e r , i n h i s desire to portray an " i d e a l l y good man," and in his attempt to do so by presenting a " g l o r i f i e d p o r t r a i t " of h i s friend and patron, as labouring under the disadvantage of "painting such a likeness as would be acceptable to the l i v i n g o r i g i n a l . " The r e s u l t he says, " i s not successful" since he finds the figure of Allworthy " s t i f f and wooden, and lacking i n l i f e l i k e n e s s . 1 , 3 This i d e a l l y good man i s "too d u l l and u n i n t e l l i g e n t to be altogether admirable, 1 , 4 and because lacking the sense -'-Henry Fie l d i n g , II, p. 163. 2 Ibid., p. 164. 3Dudden,,H. Fi e l d i n g , II, p. 646. 4 I b i d . , p. 646. 177 to confine his benefactions to deserving objects, he becomes the dupe of plausible hypocrites and adventurers. x And as he i s wanting i n sagacity, so also i s he d e f i c i e n t i n humour. Dudden c r i t i c i z e s the solemn seriousness, the gravely decorous behaviour and ponderous, high-toned discourses which seem to ape the style of the p e r f e c t l y philosophical man, as conceived by the s t o i c w r i t e r s . Allworthy, he concludes, can command respect but as an earthly pattern of heavenly goodness, 2 "the glory of the human species," 3 he i s inadequate. 4 Barbeau finds that the over-simple, over-conventional figure of Allworthy suffers from the l i t e r a r y point of view and that the rather weak and credulous kind-ness of Allworthy does not render the energetic, active, p r a c t i c a l side of the o r i g i n a l A l l e n , 5 while R.E.M. Peach •^enry F i e l d i n g , II, p. 646. Dudden c i t e s as an example of lack of perspicacity, Allworthy's dismissal of Tom without an examination of the charges brought against him (VI, i i ) . As further examples he suggests: IV, i ; VII, x i i ; II, V ; V, v i i ; XVII, i i i ; XVIII, x. 9 '"Heaven only can know him, can know that benevolence which i t copied from i t s e l f , and sent upon earth as i t s own pattern." (Tom Jones, VIII, i i , p. 370). 3XII, x, p. 583. 4Henry Fi e l d i n g , II, p. 646. 5 L i f e and Letters at Bath, p. 270, note 3. 178 makes F i e l d i n g largely answerable for the notion that A l l e n was "deficient i n the stronger elements of character" but excuses th i s on the grounds that i t would have been inconsistent with Fielding's general plan to portray any-thing beyond the softer and more amiable q u a l i t i e s of his model, "just as i t would be absurd to wholly i d e n t i f y the domestic scenery amidst which Squire Allworthy moves, with the scenery of Prior Park." Maintaining nevertheless, that Allworthy was capable of firmness and resolution "on supreme occasions, " Peach finds i n him "the conception of gentleness and strength harmoniously blended in a b e a u t i f u l character. " 1 Wilbur Cross concedes that Allworthy i s "not altogether successful." His head i s s a c r i f i c e d to h i s heart, "but he i s saved from being a fo o l by a certain quiet humour and a determination, when once undeceived, to punish the rascals that have fed upon him."2 While Wilbur Cross finds a complete contrast as regards char-acter drawing in Squire Western, he considers Allworthy a character of one consistent piece from beginning to end of the novel, a "stationary figure," whose kindness, s i m p l i c i t y and generous nature "shine i n the varied l i g h t s •Life and Times of Ralph Allen, Preface, xiv - xv. Henry Fie l d i n g , II, p. 207. 179 turned upon him." And t h i s , Wilbur Cross concludes, was inevitable for the very reason that F i e l d i n g began the portraiture with A l l e n d e f i n i t e l y in mind. 1 Wilbur Cross's conclusion seems to bear out the argument that the Allen-Allworthy p o r t r a i t should be accepted i n the wider context of Fielding's c r i t i c i s m of l i f e ; 2 and s t i l l further grounds for arguing the intention of F i e l d i n g to present Allen-Allworthy exactly as he did can be found i n Cross's suggestion of Allworthy as a Cervantes type. Partridge in Tom Jones, never fathoms, despite hard experiences, the motives of men and reads l i f e i n the l i g h t of hi s whimsical dreams just as Parson Adams i n Joseph Andrews^ reads i t i n the l i g h t of ancient l i t e r a t u r e , and Don Quixote in that of romances of c h i v a l r y . Likewise Squire Allworthy (writes Wilbur Cross), with a difference, i s in l i n e with the knight and the parson: J-Henry Fie l d i n g , II, p. 209. 2See pp.. 168' - 171. ^Walter A l l e n writes: "Fielding was indebted lar g e l y to Cervantes for h i s conception of the novel." The English Novel, p. 69. 4 I n the Preface (xxvi - x x v i i ) , F i e l d i n g states that "Adams ... i s designed a character of perfect simplicty, and ... the goodness of hi s heart w i l l recommend him to the good-natured." 180 He i s blinded by the glare of an unblemished char-acter into taking hypocrites and pretenders for what they seem; only the most conclusive evidence can induce him to change his favourable opinion of men by whom he has been grossly deceived.! I f F i e l d i n g endowed his f i c t i t i o u s Squire A l l -worthy with an "unblemished character," his opinion of the prototype, Ralph Allen, i s made abundantly clear on two occasions. In the introductory chapter to Book XIII he mentions A l l e n (coupled with Lyttleton) by name: And thou ... Humanity, bring a l l thy tender sensations. If thou hast already disposed of them a l l between thy All e n and thy Lyttleton, s t e a l them awhile from their bosoms .... From these alone proceed the noble d i s i n -terested friendship ... and a l l those strong energies of a good mind . . .2 and i n the prologue to Book VIII, "Concerning the Marvellous," there i s no suggestion that the man here described i s the f i c t i t i o u s Allworthy, since the passage occurs in an introductory chapter interpolated into the novel and having no connection with the story. F i e l d i n g J-Henry F i e l d i n g , II, p. 205. 2Pp. 608 - 609. In th i s same chapter, F i e l d i n g also mentions William Warburton, to whom he generously pays homage as the keeper of the key to a l l the treasures-: of learning (p. 609) . See pP- 78 - 79. 3 0 n l y a few of the introductory chapters have any organic connection with the story, and include, as in VIII, i , independent essays on the art of f i c t i o n . Although he makes no s p e c i f i c mention of VIII, i , Cross says that i t was c l e a r l y the novelist's custom in revisi o n , to insert such references or allusions to persons and events as would give point to his narrative. (H. Fiel d i n g , II, pp. 103 - 104) . affirms that he has known a man whom he describes as being endowed with a penetrating genius which had enabled him to raise a large fortune "where no beginning was chaulked out to him," possessing h i s i n t e g r i t y with-out i n j u s t i c e or injury to any one, with "the highest advantage to trade, and a vast increase of the public revenue;" a man who spent one part of h i s fortune "in discovering a taste superior to most, by works where the highest dignity was united with the purest s i m p l i c i t y , " and another part "in displaying a degree of goodness superior to a l l men, by acts of charity to objects whose only recommendations were their merits, or their wants." Possibly with his own debt to such a man in mind, x F i e l d i n g speaks of the object of h i s admiration as being "most industrious i n searching after merit i n di s t r e s s , most eager to r e l i e v e i t , and then as careful, (perhaps too careful) to conceal what he had done." 2 Of this man's house and h o s p i t a l i t y , " a l l denoted the mind from which they flowed, and were a l l i n t r i n s i c a l l y r i c h and noble, without t i n s e l or external ostentation." 3 In !See pp. 162 - 163. 2See p. 172. 3See pp. 64'; 74. 182 glowing terms F i e l d i n g speaks of this man's "virtue," as a Christian, "a most tender husband ... a warm and firm friend, a knowing and a chearful companion, indulgent to his servants, hospitable to his neighbours, charitable to the poor, and benevolent to a l l mankind." x "Quis Credet?" asks Fi e l d i n g , and r e p l i e s : "and yet I know a man who i s a l l that I have here described. F i e l d i n g claimed that a l l his characters are i n harmony with human nature and, "to keep them true to l i f e " says Wilbur Cross, "he l e t his memory ... play about per-sons he had known, they were his models, so to speak." But Cross adds that, i f based on observation, t h i s does not mean that F i e l d i n g was free from t r a d i t i o n a l and rather a r t i f i c i a l methods in moulding h i s observations. 3 Not so i n the drawing of Squire Western's character, which takes shape and evolves, (unlike Squire Allworthy"s) as the novel progresses. Squire Western emerges as the most c o l o u r f u l character i n Tom Jones, "a ve r i t a b l e whirlwind of contending passions." 4 Neither Western 1Tom Jones, VIII, i , p. 365. 2 I b i d . , p. 365. 3H. Fiel d i n g , II, p. 205. Wilbur Cross, I I , p. 210. 183 nor his home i s ever described, as though F i e l d i n g wished to conceal the id e n t i t y of thi s Jacobite squire, whose character, he knew, would be resented by his p o l i t i c a l opponents, 1 but he i s given a l o c a l habitation-in Somerset-and a name. According to Wilbur Cross no one has quite found out the o r i g i n a l . With regard to l o c a l Somerset characters employed by Fi e l d i n g for the setting i n the neighbourhood of Bath, a t r a d i t i o n says that he was Sir Paulet St John, or Mildmay, 2 whom Dudden describes as a b l u f f o l d Tory sportsman, a friend of Bolingbroke and Pope and, as owner of estates near East Stour and near Glastonbury was possibly known to Fi e l d i n g i n person. 3 However, Dudden i n c l i n e s to the view that F i e l d i n g did not confine himself to one single model but gathered h i s material from the pers o n a l i t i e s of several other squires whom he had met while hunting in Somerset and Dorset. 4 Squire Western, with his broad Somerset d i a l e c t , h i s v o l l e y of oaths and curses,5 h i s extravagant "caperings"^ and Iwilbur Cross, II, p. 166. 2Notes and Queries, 11 s. VI, 470, Dec. 14, 1912, cit e d by Wilbur Cross, II, p. 166. 3H./Dudden, II, p. 641, c a l l s him "Horace Walpole"s 'old Mildmay'" of The Letters, ed. Toynbee (1903-5), 16,Vols1.', . . VI, p. 208. 4H. Fi e l d i n g , II, pp. 641 - 642. ^Tom Jones, VI, Ix. 6 I b i d . , VI, v i i ; XVI, i i ; XVII, i i i ; XVIII, x i i . 184 "hallowings," ± his uncouth manners, was a sportsman of the old school and the f i n a l and perfect embodiment of Fielding's studies of the t y p i c a l "booby squir e . " 2 A.S. Tu r b e r v i l l e mentions that, the t y p i c a l squires of t h i s time ( c i t i n g S i r Roger de Coverley as another example) , l i v e d on t h e i r own r u r a l estates and seldom went beyond thei r immediate county town. The r u r a l boorishness of the squirearchy, of which Western i s a t y p i c a l example, came i n the process of time, to be mitigated. They no longer confined themselves to "interests in the trencher-board, the hunting f i e l d s and prize pigs." 3 Fielding's West Country Squire had not yet undergone the r e f i n i n g influcence of contact with the metropolis, which says Tur b e r v i l l e , increased as the century advanced and t r a v e l l i n g became more rapid and more comfortable with the r e s u l t that t h i s kind of provincialism was corrected. 4 iTom Jones, V, i i ; VII, i i i , v i ; X, v i ; XVIII, x i i . 2Dudden, II, 642. Preliminary sketches were Squire Badger and Sir Gregory Kennel. ^English Men and Manners in the 18th Century, pp. 72, 130. 4 E n g l i s h Men and Manners, pp. 129 - 130. 185 Peach i s quoted by Barbeau 1 as asserting that P h i l i p Bennet, the owner of Widcombe House, was the prototype of Squire Western. Barbeau also quotes G.H. Wright, as stating i n 1864: It i s singular, yet satisfactory, that no personal designation has been given by biographers; l o c a l i s suf-f i c i e n t . But thi s may be asserted, 'A sporting squire' 'of high degree,' and a neighbour of Ralph Allen's, had a daughter ... and the f a i r lady did marry a foundling, and thus she became possessed of two adjoining e s t a t e s . 3 Of a l l of t h i s , of course, Barbeau adds, not the s l i g h t e s t proof i s o f f e r e d . 4 G. Monkland mentions that "many of the scenes i n thi s highly-wrought 'History' are i d e n t i f i e d with Bath and i t s neighbourhood" and that "a gentleman of the name of Bayley, I have ascertained, then l i v e d at the house close to the church at Widcombe, the supposed residence of Squire Western."5 1R.E.M. Peach, Bath Old and New (1888), pp. 225 -226, quoted by Barbeau, p. 269, note 1. In L i f e and  Times of Ralph Allen, p. 206, Peach also states that the second wife of R. Allen was the s i s t e r of P h i l i p Bennet of Widcombe House, who was MP for Bath, 1741 - 1747. 2See p. 76 and footnote 7. 3G.H. Wright, H i s t o r i c Guide to Bath (1864), quoted by Barbeau, p. 269, note 1. 4 L i f e and Letters, p. 269, note 1. ^Literature and L i t e r a t i of Bath, p. 13. 186 Monkland states that many of the scenes are i d e n t i f i e d with the Bath neighbourhood. 1 F i e l d i n g also draws many of his characters (apart from those of Allworthy and Western) from r e a l men and women. Not every one of them had an exact o r i g i n a l , not every incident occurred as recounted in the story, nor is there absence of pure f i c t i o n , so that i t i s impossible to say how far fact i s mingled with f i c t i o n i n a novel that reads as though i t were a l l true. But Fxelding c a l l e d i t "a his t o r y , " having as i t s motto: Mores hominum multorum for the very reason that i t was so largely based on personal reminis-cences of r e a l men and women.3 There are some two hundred characters, either with f i c t i t i o u s names, or no names, but probably a l l drawn from memories associated with London and the West Country. 4 Of his friends and acquaintances, some bear their r e a l names, without entering largely into the story. In most cases they are mentioned in order to receive a compliment from the author.5 Among those who are i d e n t i f i a b l e with o r i g i n a l s in -'-Literature and L i t e r a t i , p. 13. 2Wilbur Cross, II, pp. 161 - 162. 3 I b i d . , p. 1.61. 4 I b i d . , p. 172. 5 I b i d . , p. 173. 187 the v i c i n i t y of Bath i s Mr. Whitefield, landlord of the B e l l Inn at Gloucester and "brother to the great preacher."! F i e l d i n g had stayed many times at the B e l l Inn, and upon no other minor character in the novel "did he dwell with more pleasant r e c o l l e c t i o n s . " There i s also "The Man of the H i l l " 3 (whom Tom encounters after leaving the B e l l Inn), a l o c a l character born, says Fi e l d i n g , in 1657 at Mark, near Glastonbury in Somerset. 4 In Book XVIII, the "philosopher" Square, knowing he i s about to die, writes to Mr Allworthy to make amends for h i s past treatment of Tom. The l e t t e r i s written from Bath whither Square had resorted to drink the waters and to consult Dr. Brewster and "Dr. Harrington" who were actual, and well-known physicians of that c i t y . 5 F i e l d i n g does not mention h i s s i s t e r Sarah by name, but the book that Sophia Western i s reading when she is interrupted by her aunt i s evidently David Simple,^ "the production of a young lady of fashion, whose good 387. See pp; 156 - 157. See p. 75. -'-Tom Jones, VIII, v i i i , p. ^Wilbur Cross, II, p. 175. -a JTom Jones, VIII, x - xv. 4 I b i d . , x i , p. 404. 5 I b i d . , XVIII, iv, p. 823. 6wilbur Cross, II, p. 173. "understanding" thinks Sophia, "doth honour to her sex, and whose good heart i s an honour to human nature." To thi s sentiment Mrs Western r e p l i e s : "Yes, the author i s of a very good family; but ... i s not much among people one knows." She has never read the book she adds, "for the best judges say, there i s not much in i t . " 1 9 "The History of Mrs. F i t z p a t r i c k , " interpolated into Tom Jones, has been mentioned in connection with "Social L i f e at Bath" 3 as being, in a l l probability, based on the story of Fanny Braddock, an actual person whom Beau Nash counselled in vain when she became the vi c t i m of a fortune-hunter at Bath. Harriet F i t z p a t r i c k ' s predicament c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l s that of the o r i g i n a l Fanny Braddock, her husband being "among the gay young fellows" who spent the season at Bath, 4 and a t y p i c a l fortune-hunter, 5 ready to accept whichever of two women, the niece (Harriet) or her aunt (Mrs. Western), might produce xTom Jones, VI, v, p. 265. 2XI, iv, v, v i i . 3See p. '41-. 4 F i e l d i n g comments on the subject of manners at Bath that "people of qu a l i t y at t h i s time l i v e d separate from the r e s t of the company, and excluded them from a l l their p a r t i e s . " (Tom Jones, XI, iv, p. 518). "His designs were s t r i c t l y honourable, as the phrase i s ; that i s , to rob a lady of her fortune by way of marriage." (XI, i v , p. 519). 189 the "ready money" he so much needed.! F i e l d i n g also introduces Richard Nash by name into the novel at this point. "I cannot omit expressing my gratitude to the kindness intended me by Mr Nash" declares Harriet, "who took me one day aside, and gave me advice, which i f I had followed, I had been a happy woman."2 Fi e l d i n g "quotes" the words of Nash, who mentions h i s "pretty Sophy Western" with sympathy, but has l i t t l e use for the o l d aunt, Mrs Western: "I never advise old women: for i f they take i t into their heads to go to the d e v i l , i t i s no more possible, than worthwhile, to keep them from him. 1 , 3 Harriet and her cousin Sophia meet at the inn at Upton whither the; former had journeyed from Bath i n a coach "belonging to Mr. King of Bath," an actual character XXI, v, p. 52 3. 2X. i v , p. 521. W. Connely remarks that whether or not F i e l d i n g was making use of the actual story, he took advantage i n Tom Jones, of saying a good word for Nash at a time when the Master stood i n need of i t (Beau Nash, p. 142). Nash i s also commended in the Covent Garden Journal of August 24, 1752, for his "well-known prudent management ... with regard to the regulation of the diversions, the accommodation of persons resorting to Bath and the general good of the c i t y . " (Quoted by Connely, p. 156). The occasion was the unveiling of the statue of Nash i n 1752 in Bath, at which F i e l d i n g assisted. "Fielding ... saw in Nash what Smollett had chosen to disregard" (Connely, p. 140). See pp. 139 - 140. Tom Jones, XI, iv, p. 521. 190 described by F i e l d i n g as: "One of the worthiest and honest-est men that ever dealt i n horse-flesh, and whose coaches we h e a r t i l y recommend to a l l our readers who t r a v e l that road."I I t may also be noted that Bath i s s p e c i f i c a l l y mentioned by Harrie t as having been her intended destina-t i o n in her f l i g h t from Ireland and her husband "in order to throw myself into the protection of my aunt Mrs Western , or of your father, 1 , 2 which d e t a i l places Squire Western's residence d e f i n i t e l y i n the neighbourhood of Bath. Further, witnessing the a r r i v a l of Sophia and her maid at the Upton inn, Partridge exclaims: "I warrant neither of them are a b i t better than they should be. A couple of Bath t r u l l s , I ' l l answer for them."3 In the allegory, "A Journey from This World to the Next" 4 a s a t i r i c a l account of a journey to Elysium, the t r a v e l l e r s reach a b i f u r c a t i o n of two roads, the one J-Tom Jones, X, v i , p. 488. 2 I b i d . , XI, v i i , p. 536. 3 I b i d . , X, v, p. 483. Barbeau states that the estab-lisment of loose women at Bath seems to have been proverbial (Life & Letters, p. 106, note 6). See also p.M^ . ^F i e l d i n g , "A Journey from This World to the Next" published i n The Miscellanies II (1743). (Wilbur Cross III, p. 309). 191 leading to greatness and the other to goodness. They take the second one, "the most d e l i g h t f u l imaginable," which leads through lovely flower-spangled meadows, but with scarcely a b u i l d i n g in sight except for one: "A handsome bui l d i n g ... greatly resembling a certain one by the Bath."1 In the same year (1743) that volume II of the Miscellanies was published; Pope, wrote in a l e t t e r to Ralph A l l e n : F i e l d i n g has sent the Books you subscribed for by ye hands imployed in conveying ye 20 11. to him. In one Chapt of ye Second Vol. he has paid you a pretty complement upon your House. 2 The passage, quoted above, may well have been a reference to Prior Park. Joseph Andrews contains one s p e c i f i c reference to Allen's house, and with i t , a mention of Pope. Speaking of A l l e n during his discourse on " c h a r i t y , " 3 ("one AI- AI- I forget his name"), he adds that "this gentleman hath b u i l t up a s t a t e l y house too, which the squire Pope l i k e s very w e l l " and "It stands on a h i l l . " 4 ^Quoted by H. Dudden, I, p. 430, and by W. Cross, I, p. 383. 2Pope to Allen, A p r i l 12, 1743. B r i t i s h Museum, Egerton MSS, 1947. (Wilbur Cross, I, p. 383) . 3See p. 164. 4Joseph Andrews, p. 210. 1 9 2 I n Tom J o n e s t h e r e i s l i t t l e d e s c r i p t i o n o f a n y o u t d o o r s c e n e r y a n d o f d e t a i l s c o n s t i t u t i n g t h e m a k e - u p o f i n t e r i o r s , n o n e a t a l l . 1 A n d y e t F i e l d i n g i s v e r y p r e c i s e i n g i v i n g i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h r e g a r d t o r o a d s t a k e n b y h i s t r a v e l l e r s o n t h e i r w a y t o L o n d o n f r o m G l a s t o n b u r y i n S o m e r s e t , u s i n g e x i s t i n g h o s t e l r i e s a n d i n n s a n d q u o t i n g d i s t a n c e s b e t w e e n p l a c e s w i t h w h i c h h e w a s o b v i o u s l y f a m i l i a r . He w a s n o t i n d i f f e r e n t t o t h e 2 c h a r m s o f n a t u r a l s c e n e r y , b u t l i k e t h e m a j o r i t y o f h i s 1 8 t h c e n t u r y c o n t e m p o r a r i e s , h e s e e m s t o h a v e p r e -f e r r e d n a t u r e " i m p r o v e d " b y a r t , t o n a t u r e u n a d o r n e d . H i s i d e a l w a s a f i n e l y s i t u a t e d , e l e g a n t l y c u l t i v a t e d e s t a t e ; 3 w h e r e " a r t " a n d " n a t u r e " w e r e c o m b i n e d : A t E s h u r , a t S t o w e , a t W i l t o n , a t E a s t b u r y , a n d a t P r i o r ' s P a r k , d a y s a r e t o o s h o r t f o r t h e r a v i s h e d i m a g i n a t i o n w h i l e we a d m i r e t h e w o n d r o u s p o w e r o f a r t i n i m p r o v i n g n a t u r e , a n d y e t , i n " P r i o r ' s P a r k " n a t u r e s e e m s t o t r i u m p h , a n d a p p e a r s : -•-Dudden, I I , p . 7 0 3 . ? 0 f t h e n a t u r a l s c e n e r y b e s t k n o w n t o h i m h e s a y s : "The s ame t a s t e , t h e s ame i m a g i n a t i o n , w h i c h l u x u r i o u s l y r i o t s i n ... e l e g a n t s c e n e s , c a n b e a m u s e d w i t h o b j e c t s o f f a r i n f e r i o u r n o t e . T h e w o o d s , t h e r i v e r s , t h e l a w n s o f D e v o n a n d D o r s e t , a t t r a c t t h e e y e o f t h e i n g e n i o u s t r a v e l l e r Tom J o n e s , X I , i x , p p . 5 4 5 - 5 4 6 . D u d d e n , I I , p . 7 0 3 . 193 In her ric h e s t a t t i r e , and art dressed with the modestest s i m p l i c i t y .... Here nature indeed pours forth the choicest treasures which she hath lavished on t h i s world. x In the f i r s t part of the novel which lays i n much d e t a i l , the foundation for the main action of the rest of the story, there occurs what i s , for F i e l d i n g , a lengthy description of Squire Allworthy's estate, i t s s i t u a t i o n , and the "prospect of the valley beneath." The house i s described as being i n the "Gothick s t i l e " which could produce nothing nobler than the Allworthy house, having "an a i r of grandeur i n i t , that struck you with, awe, and r i v a l ' d the beauties of the best Grecian architecture." He describes a lake at the foot of the h i l l , "a quarter of a mile below the house" which " f i l l e d the centre of a beautiful p l a i n " and out of which issued a r i v e r which meandered through an amazing variety of meadows and woods, " t i l l i t emptied i t s e l f into the sea; with a large arm of which and an island beyond i t , the prospect was closed." To the right of thi s v a l l e y he continues, opened another, "adorned with several v i l l a g e s , and terminated by one of the towers of an old ruined abbey, grown over with ivy." To the l e f t lay "a very fine park ... agreeably xTom Jones, XI, i x , p. 545. 2 l b i d . , I, i v , p. 58. 194 varied with a l l the d i v e r s i t y that h i l l s , lawns, wood, and water, l a i d out with admirable taste, but owing less to art than to nature, could give." Beyond t h i s , he concludes, "the country gradually rose into a ridge of wild mountains, the tops of which were above the clouds." 1 The readers of Tom Jones, having i d e n t i f i e d Squire Allworthy with Ralph A l l e n , have always been puzzled by the discrepancies between the above description and the r e a l P r i o r Park and i t s prospect. Among contemporary 2 c r i t i c s , Old England, eager to point out what a sorry performance was Tom Jones, c a l l e d attention to Fielding's "error" i n thus describing Allworthy's estate, while Coleridge was to regard the description as a chorographic mistake and wonder from what point of vantage F i e l d i n g saw those wild, cloud-covered mountains, since the so-c a l l e d mountains of Somerset here are only h i l l s ; 4 and the c i t y of Bath f i l l s the prospect as seen from the actual P r i o r Park. 1Tom Jones, I, i v , pp. 58 - 59. o A newspaper established i n 1743 by the Broad Bottom Administration, and to which Ches t e r f i e l d contributed (Cross, I I , p. 13). "To reconcile t h i s Description with Probab i l i t y w i l l be the D i f f i c u l t y .... A most extensive ken indeed! and shows the accurate Author endued with more than a second-sighted Mind." (Old England, May 27, 1749, quoted by W. Cross, I I , 153). 4Cross, I I , pp. 152, 164. 195 In point of fact, Fielding's description i s a composite one, but Cross remarks that no d e t a i l of t h i s composite scene appears to have been f i c t i t i o u s . 1 Ralph Allen's house i s of the Corinthian order, 2 but Fi e l d i n g apparently preferred the "Gothick s t i l e " or, thinks Cross, may have wished to pay a compliment in Tom Jones to his friend, Sanderson M i l l e r , who, i n the 1740's was adorning h i s Tudor house at Radway, with Gothic t u r r e t s . 3 Factual i n Tom Jones, was the description of the spring gushing out of the fir-covered rock, f a l l i n g i n a cascade, and f i n a l l y reaching the lake at the foot of the h i l l , as depicted by Fielding's contemporary Richard Graves and quoted i n "Ralph A l l e n and Prior Park." 4 Both Wilbur Cross and Homes Dudden have i d e n t i f i e d Fielding's description of the "prospect" from the house 5 with the view from the top of Tor H i l l to the northeast •'-Henry Fie l d i n g , II, p. 166. 2See p. 18. 3H. F i e l d i n g , II, 164. M i l l e r , a conspicuous, mid-18th century squire, " s k i l l e d " i n Gothic architecture, enter-tained F i e l d i n g , Lyttleton, and P i t t while Tom Jones was s t i l l i n MS form. "By common report" P i t t and Lyttleton bore a hand in the r e v i s i o n of the novel, and helped spread abroad i t s fame. (W. Cross, II, pp. 112 - 113, 114). 4See p.;19. 5Cross, II, pp. 165 - 166, Dudden, II, p. 602. of Glastonbury, which does correspond with that i n Book I, chapter i v , in every d e t a i l . This summit, writes Dudden, F i e l d i n g must frequently have v i s i t e d . 1 From t h i s height on a fine morning, he could c l e a r l y have beheld the scene he describes; the "meandering r i v e r " being the Brue; the "sea," the B r i s t o l channel; the "island," Stert Island i n Bridgewater Bay; while the "ruined abbey" would be Glastonbury and "the ridge of wi l d mountains," The Quantocks and Mendips. In this way F i e l d i n g transferred the s i t e of Prior Park, Combe Down, Bath to Tor H i l l , Glastonbury i n a not so distant part of Somerset. 2 For t h i s reason the narrative of the e a r l i e r stages of the journey of Tom and Sophia, "con-ceived as having th e i r homes i n the neighbourhood of Glastonbury," exactly agrees with t h i s conclusion. While Monkland suggests the house close to Widcombe church as the "supposed residence" of Squire Western, 4 i t has been suggested by G.H. Wright^ that xWhen staying with r e l a t i v e s at nearby Sharpham Park (Henry Fi e l d i n g , II, p. 602). 2Dudden, II, pp. 602 - 603. 3 I b i d . , p. 603. 4See p. 185; % i s t o r i c Guide to Bath, p. 381. 1 9 7 the scene of the "battle" in the churchyard during which Molly Seagrim i s rescued by Tom,1 i s that of Claverton. 2 A f i n a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of an actual l o c a l i t y i n Tom Jones may be that of a certain " l i t t l e parlour" mentioned i n the "Invocation" to Book XIII. When F i e l d i n g speaks of "The l i t t l e parlour i n which I s i t at this i n s t a n t , " 3 he may have been giving a clue to the reader as to the place i n which he was wri t i n g Tom Jones. 4 The passage i s an invocation to future fame "when I s h a l l be read with honour, by those who never knew nor saw me."5 i t i s i n t h i s passage that he speaks of "The r e a l worth which once existed in my Charlotte" who i s presented in the novel "under the f i c t i t i o u s name of Sophia," 6 and of "the p r a t t l i n g babes, whose innocent play hath often been interrupted by my labours."' The assumption that Tom Jones was p a r t l y written while F i e l d i n g was 1Tom Jones, IV, v i i i . 2The neighbouring parish. R. Al l e n bought Claverton Manor i n 1 7 5 8 . See p. 7 2 , footnote 3 . 3Tom Jones, XIII, p. 6 0 7 . 4Cross, II, pp. 1 0 8 - 1 0 9 . 5Tom Jones, XIII, i , p. 6 0 7 . 6 I b i d . , p. 6 0 7 . 7 I b i d . , p. 6 0 8 . These are his children, Harriot and William (Cross, II, p. 1 0 9 ) . l i v i n g at Twerton-on-Avon, near Bath, has already been discussed i n "The F i e l d i n g connection with Prior Park." x A t " F i e l d i n g 1 s Lodge," writes Wilbur Cross, "as one enters through the quaint doorway, there i s 'a l i t t l e parlour' ... with an ancient f i r e p l a c e , unchanged since F i e l d i n g sat and wrote there." 2 I t i s clear however, Cross adds, that even though the l i t t l e parlour at Twerton exactly f i t s the s i t u a t i o n as F i e l d i n g describes i t , " i t must be l e f t undetermined where he composed the most eloquent passage that ever came from h i s pen." 3 1pp. ;77 - 78. 2H. Fi e l d i n g , II, p. 111. 3 I b i d . , p. 111. 199 A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen, Walter. The English Novel: a short c r i t i c a l h i s t o r y . Pelican edition, 1958. Anstey, Christopher. The New Bath Guide: or, the  Memoirs of the B-R-D family. In a series of p o e t i c a l e p i s t l e s . Bath, 1807" Barbeau, A. L i f e and Letters at Bath i n the XVIIIth  Century. London, 1904. Benjamin, Lewis Saul. The L i f e and Letters of Tobias  Smollett. Port Washington, N.Y., 1927. Boyce, Benjamin. "Mr. Pope, in Bath, Improves the Design of h i s Grotto," i n Restoration and  Eighteenth Century Literature; essays in honor  of Alan Dugald McKillop. University of Chicago Press, 1963. Chesterfield, P h i l i p , E a r l of. Letters, ed. F. Bradshaw. 3 vols. London, 1892. . Letters to his son, P h i l i p Stanhope, Esq. 2 vols. London, 1774. . Miscellaneous Works: to which are pre- ' fixed Memoirs of his L i f e . By M. Maty. 2 vols. London, 1778. Connely, W i l l a r d . Beau Nash: Monarch of Bath and Tunbridge Wells. London, 1955. Cross, Wilbur L. The History of Henry F i e l d i n g . 3 vols. • New Haven, 1918. Defoe, Daniel. A Tour Through the Whole Island of Great B r i t a i n . A Tour Through England and Wales, etc. Extracts from A Tour ... Introd. by G.D.H. Cole. 2 vols. Everyman's Library, 1928. 7th e d i t i o n . 4 vols. London, 1769. 200 . The Fortunes and Misfortunes of Moll Flanders. New York: Washington Square Press, 1962. Dictionary of National Biography, The, ed. L e s l i e Stephen and Sidney Lee. 22 vols. London: Oxford University Press, 1921 - 22. Dobree, Bonamy. Alexander Pope. London: Oxford University Press, 1963. Dudden, F. Homes. F i e l d i n g : h i s l i f e , works and times. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952. Durfey, Thomas. The Bath or the Western Lass. London, 1701. Fi e l d i n g , Henry. Amelia. 2 vols. London: Everyman's Library, 1950. . The Covent Garden Journal, ed. G.E. Jensen. London: Oxford University Press, 1915. . The History of the Adventures of Joseph Andrews and hi s Friend Mr. Abraham Adams. New York: Norton Library, 1958. . The History of Tom Jones, ed. R.P.C. Mutter. Penguin English Library, 1966. Foote, Samuel. The Maid of Bath. 1771. Genest, John. Some Account of the English Stage from  the Restoration in 1660 to 1830. 10 vols. Bath, 1832. Goldsmith, Oli v e r . "Life of Richard Nash, Esq.," Works. London: Globe edition, 1925. Graves, Richard. The Festoons. A Co l l e c t i o n of Epigrams, ancient and modern. London, 1766. . The S p i r i t u a l Quixote, or the Summer's Ramble of Mr. Geoffry Wildgoose, ed .""Clarence Tracy. London: Oxford University Press, 1967. . The T r i f l e r s . London, 1806. 201 Hannay, David. The L i f e of Tobias Smollett in Great Writers, ed. E.S. Robertson. London, 1887. Ison, W. Georgian Buildings of Bath. London, 1952. Johnson, Samuel. Lives of the English Poets. 2 vols. London: Oxford University Press, 1906. K i l v e r t , Francis. Remains i n Prose and Verse. Bath, 1866. L i t t l e , Bryan. Bath P o r t r a i t : The Story of Bath, i t s  L i f e and i t s Buildings. B r i s t o l , 1961. Monkland, George. Literature and L i t e r a t i of Bath. Bath, 1854. . Supplement to the Literature and L i t e r a t i of Bath. Bath, 1855. Murch, Jerom. Biographical Sketches of Bath C e l e b r i t i e s , /Ancient and Modern, with some fragments of Local  History. Bath, 1893. Odingsells, Gabriel. The Bath Unmasked. 1725. Origo, I r i s . "The Pleasures of Bath i n the Eighteenth Century," i n Horizon, Winter 1965, VIII, No. 1, p. 6. Peach, R.E.M. H i s t o r i c Houses i n Bath and Their Associa-t i o n . London, 1883. . The L i f e and Times of Ralph Alle n of Prior Park, Bath, introduced by a short account of Lyncombe  and Widcombe ... London, 1895. Penley, B e l v i l l e , S. The Bath Stage: A History of Dramatic  Representatations i n Bath. Bath Herald Office, 1892. Pope, Alexander. The Correspondence of Alexander Pope, ed. George Sherburn. 5 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956. . The Works of Alexander Pope ..., ed. W. Elwin and W.J. Courthope. 10 v o l s . London, 1871 - 89. . The Works of Alexander Pope, Esq., ed. William L i s l e Bowles. 10 vols. London, 1806. 202 Richardson, A.E. Georgian England: a survey of Social  L i f e ... from 1700 to 1820. London, 1931. Rosenfeld, S y b i l Marion. S t r o l l i n g Players and drama i n  the Provinces, 1660 - 1765. Cambridge University Press, 1939. Ruffhead, Owen. L i f e of A. Pope, Esq. ... with a c r i t i c a l  essay on his writings and genius. London, 1769. Scott, S i r Walter. St. Ronan's Well. Edinburgh, 1824. Sheridan, Richard Brinsley. The R i v a l s . 1775. The School for Scandal. 1777. Smith, R.A.L. Bath. London, 1944. Smollett, Tobias. The Adventures of Ferdinand Count  Fathom, in Novelist's Library. 10 vols. 1821. . The Adventures of Peregrine P i c k l e . 2 vols. London: Everyman's Library, 1930. . The Adventures of Roderick Random. London: Everyman's Library, 1956 r e p r i n t . ' . The Expedition of Humphrey Clinker. New York: Dolphin e d i t i o n . Spence, Joseph. Anecdotes, Observations, and Characters  ..., ed. S.W. Singer. London, 1820. Swift, Jonathan. The Works of Jonathan Swift ed. Walter Scott. 19 vols. Edinburgh, 1814. Trevelyan, G.M. I l l u s t r a t e d Social History. 4 vols. Pelican edition, 1964. Tur b e r v i l l e , A.S. English Men and Manners in the Eighteenth  Century. New York: Oxford University Press, 1959. , ed .'""Johnson ' s England. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952. Walpole, Horace. Letters, ed. Peter Cunningham. 9 vols. London, 1891. \ 203 Wood, John. Essay towards a Description of Bath. 2nd ed i t i o n . London, 1749. Wright, G.H. The H i s t o r i c Guide to Bath. Bath, 1864. PERIODICALS Guardian, The. Mar. 1713 - O c t . 1713. Prior Park Magazine. Vol. XII. No. 1. 1965, p. 27. Spectator, The. 1 Mar. 1711 - 6 Dec. 1712. Tatler, The. Apr. 1709 - Jan. 1711. 

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