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Public squares : an analysis of an urban space form and itsd functional determinants. Peter, George Michael 1968

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PUBLIC  SQUARES  A N A N A L Y S I S O F A N U R B A N S P A C E F O R M A N D ITS FUNCTIONAL  DETERMINANTS  by GEORGE MICHAEL PETER B . A . , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ,  1963  A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E REQUIREMENTS  FOR THE DEGREE  OF  MASTER OF ARTS  IN T H E S C H O O L of COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING  We accept this thesis as conforming to r e q u i r e d standard.  T H E UNIVERSITY  the  O F BRITISH C O L U M B I A  May,  1968  In p r e s e n t i n g  for  this thesis  in partial  an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y  that  the Library  Study.  thesis  shall  I further  agree  for scholarly  make  publication  that  permission  Department o f  Co  tVvmv  n  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada Date  Mav  14-  ;  b y t h e Head o f my  f o r f i n a n c i a l gain  Rg^'vand  Columbia  I agree  f o r r e f e r e n c e and  It i s understood  permission.  / ;ty  Columbia,  f o r extensive copying of t h i s  p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d  of this thesis  w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n  of British  i tfreely available  D e p a r t m e n t o r b y hits r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  or  f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements  PUn^.'n  shall  that  copying  n o t be a l l o w e d  ABSTRACT Historically the "public square" has been an important element in the physical design of cities drawing its functions from the political, religious, commercial and leisure life of the community. Research of literature has lead the author to conclude that historically the pedestrian usage of public squares was determined by factors of form,. internal development,  adjoining land and building uses, and  the relationship of the square to the urban structure.  The analysis  of these factors in an historical survey and in an investigation, by field, research of eighteen contemporary squares, is the subject of the thesis.  Squares were classified according to form and function. Paul Zucker's spatial analysis was used for the classification by. form. This identifies: l);the closed square;  2);the dominated square;  3) the nuclear square; 4) grouped squares; and 5) the amorphous square.  The author's analysis of functional types identifies four  categories. These are: 1) the internal function square - its use is independent of its surroundings;  2} the associated function square -  its use is closely affiliated with the land and building uses that front onto the square;  3) the arterial node square - this is primarily an  intersection within the urban communication system; 4);the multiple  function square - this combines in one u r b a n space the functions of the f o r m e r functional types.  A s s u m e that the most useful type of public square in the c e n t r a l business d i s t r i c t of a city is one which r e c e i v e s much continuous use by the community for both f o r m a l and casual a c t i v i t i e s . Then the study sets out to isolate the factors that determine the volumes of square usage b y pedestrians and the ways that pedestrians w i l l u t i l i z e this community f a c i l i t y .  It was o b s e r v e d that many functions which were h i s t o r i c a l l y associated with the city square have either been discontinued or are now r e m o v e d to m o r e s p e c i a l i z e d urban s t r u c t u r e s .  Numerous other  functions continue to be a v e r y significant aspect of public squares. The most prevalent type of square usage o b s e r v e d was for functions of leisure. meetings,  T h e s e include i n f o r m a l casual usage for s o c i a l r e c r e a t i o n , and the enjoyment of the urban environment, and f o r m a l  or s p e c i a l usage for such functions as dramas and spectacles, concerts,  festivals,  some athletic events,  musical  and the display of art w o r k s .  Some functions of p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s and c o m m e r c i a l o r i g i n continue in v a r y i n g degrees in some squares.  The people who use squares come f r o m a wide s p e c t r u m of age groups and occupations. Squares s e e m to have an appeal to the  community as a whole. Some groups tend to use squares at p a r t i c u l a r times of the day;  others use squares throughout the day.  The analysi  of the data l e a d to the following conclusions.  F o r m » The f o r m of a public square was not demonstrated to be a factor influencing the volume of pedestrian usage.  Internal Development - The usage of squares is l i k e l y to i n c r e a s e as does the availability of amenable elements of internal development  such as pools, fountains, . sculpture, seating, pavement,  lavatories, r e f r e s h m e n t sources.  A l i m i t e d amount of v e h i c u l a r t r a f f i  in squares does not a d v e r s e l y affect usage.  The. p r e s e n c e of people  and other animate objects ( e s p e c i a l l y pigeons) are a positive influence on p e d e s t r i a n volumes.  Adjoining L a n d and B u i l d i n g Uses - The squares with the broadest v a r i e t y of adjoining uses and the greatest total number of adjoining uses tend to have the greatest usage.  L a n d uses with the  greatest continuous " t u r n o v e r " of clients are b e n e f i c i a l generators of usage.  E x a m p l e s of adjoining land uses that c o r r e l a t e with heavy-  usage of squares are churches, museums, a r t g a l l e r i e s , l i b r a r i e s , tourist f a c i l i t i e s , restaurants, bars, cafes, hotels, and certain r e t a i l shops.  Low  usage of squares was suggested, but not conclusive  shown, to c o r r e l a t e with governmental and institutional uses, and theatres, cinemas,  and auditoria.  In some specific times, the  X V  adjoining land uses have no effect on the volume of usage.  U r b a n Structure when:  P e d e s t r i a n usage tends to be greater  the square is located i n the approximate centre of the C . B . D .  in an immediate a r e a of high p e d e s t r i a n l e v e l s , the availability of public open space i n the v i c i n i t y is not abundant; the square is an a r t e r i a l node i n the urban transportation network with public t r a n s portation f a c i l i t i e s available.  If the square is to be developed as a vital element within the urban structure it should be planned so as to optimize the influence of those factors which w i l l i n c r e a s e its amenity, d e s i r a b i l i t y and hence the degree of its u s e .  iii  T A B L E O F CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. . T A B L E O F CONTENTS  i iii  LIST O F T A B L E S LIST O F FIGURES  CHAPTER I  FOCUS  Introduction  1  The Hypothesis  4  Definitions  6  Limitations and Scope  9  Sources  10  Methods and Procedure  12  C H A P T E R II  T H E M E AND VARIATIONS; A N ANALYSIS O F T H E HISTORICAL FORMS A N D FUNCTIONS  Introduction  19  The Spatial Classification  20  The Closed Square  21  The Dominated Square The Nuclear Square Grouped Squares Amorphous Squares  23 24 27 28  iv  Page A Functional C l a s s i f i c a t i o n The The The The  internal function square associated function square a r t e r i a l node square multiple function square  Agora  31 32 34 36 36 38  Origins Athenian agora - the " o l d " type M i l e t i a n agora - the "new" type Forum  38 44 51 57  The F o r u m Romanum I m p e r i a l fora The f o r u m i n towns P a r v i s and Grande P l a c e O r i g i n of towns G e n e r a l p h y s i c a l character of towns. . G e n e r a l types of squares S o c i a l functions of the M e d i e v o - R e n a i s sance square P i a z z a della Signoria, F l o r e i ce Renaissance to the Nineteenth Century  58 68 72 75 75 78 83 86 88 98  Introduction Form Internal development Adjoining land uses The square and the urban s t r u c t u r e . . .  98 106 110 113 116  The s t r u c t u r a l l y isolated s q u a r e . . The l o c a l l y integrated square The traffic node square  116 116 117  Social functions S u m m a r y of the H i s t o r i c a l Survey  120 125  Form  125  Internal development  126  Adjoining land and building uses The square in the urban structure The s o c i a l functions  Page 127 128 130  Political Religious Commercial Leisure  C H A P T E R IH  131 131 131 131  T H E TRANSPOSITION A N D M A I N T E N A N C E O F FUNCTIONS  Perspective  134  P o l i t i c a l Functions  137  Religious Functions  142  C o m m e r c i a l Functions  145  L e i s u r e Functions  148  Summary  154  C H A P T E R IV  A N ANALYSIS O F T H E PEDESTRIAN USAGE O F C O N T E M P O R A R Y SQUARES  The C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Squares A c c o r d i n g to the Pedestrian Volume  158  P e d e s t r i a n Usage  165  The age of pedestrian u s e r s  165  The occupation of square u s e r s  168  O r i g i n and destination  172  F o r m and P e d e s t r i a n V o l u m e  175  Internal Development and the U s e r  178  Pools and Fountains  181  Sculpture  185  vi Page Pigeons Cafes A u x i l i a r y elements Roadways i n the square D r a m a t i s Personnae Summary T h e Generation of Usage b y Adjoining L a n d s and Buildings Adjoining land uses and the p e d e s t r i a n volume ratio The c o r r e l a t i o n of adjoining uses and times of square usage T h e a t r e s , cinemas, auditoria, and governmental uses A n exception to the rule Summary The Integration of the Square with the U r b a n Structure The location within the C . B . D . and pedestrian l e v e l s The a v a i l a b i l i t y of public open space in the vicinity The square and the street s y s t e m .. . . Summary.  CHAPTER V  191 193 196 205 211 214  216  216 223 226 229 230  231  232 233 239 241  A RESPONSE TOWARD T H E D E V E L O P M E N T O F S Q U A R E S IN U R B A N P L A N N I N G  Introduction  242  Functions of Squares  243  P e d e s t r i a n Usage Determinants - Restatement of the Hypothesis Form Internal Development Adjoining L a n d and B u i l d i n g Uses The U r b a n Structure  245 246 246 247 250  vii Page Planning the Multiple Function Square i n the C . B . D Evaluation of the Study  251 .  254  BIBLIOGRAPHY  256  APPENDIX  261  viii  LIST O F T A B L E S  TABLE  Page  I  The Squares i n the Case Studies  156  II  T h e C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Squares b y V o l u m e of P e d e s t r i a n U s e r s and A r e a  161  A C o m p a r i s o n of the A g e of Squares with the P e d e s t r i a n V o l u m e Ratio.  163  IV  Spatial F o r m and the P e d e s t r i a n V o l u m e Ratio. . . .  176  V  T h e Relation of the Internal Development to the P e d e s t r i a n Volume Ratio  180  The Relationship of the P . V . R . to V e h i c u l a r Traffic  206  Adjoining L a n d Uses and their Relation to the P e d e s t r i a n V o l u m e Ratio  218  T h e Square i n the U r b a n Structure.  236  III  VI  VII  VIII  LIST O F FIGURES FIGURE  Page  I  Plaza Mayor, Madrid  22  II  Notre Dame Cathedral and P a r v i s , P a r i s  24  III  T r a f a l g a r Square, London  25  IV  P l a c e de l ' E t o i l e , P a r i s  26  V  Imperial Fora,  28  VI  S c o l l a y Square, Boston  29  VII  P i a z z a San P i e t r o ,  30  VIII  Hot E l K a d i m Socco,  IX  P r o c e s s i o n of the H o l y C r o s s ,  Rome  Rome Tetuan  33  • P i a z z a San M a r c o , V e n i c e  35  X  P a l a c e of M i n o s ,  Crete  40  XI  Athenian A g o r a , 2nd Cent. A . D . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  47  XII  M i l e t u s and its A g o r a  53  XIII  F o r u m Romanum, I m p e r i a l times (plan)  60  XIV  F o r u m R o m a n u m (perspective)  67  XV  F o r u m of P o m p e i i  74  XVI  Medieval Brussels  80  XVII  F o r m s of the Mediveo - R e n a i s s a n c e .  XVLTI  Sauveterre - de - Guienne  85  XIX XX  P i a z z a della Signoria, F l o r e n c e The Calcio; Florence  89 94  .  84  FIGURE  Page  XXI  Filarete's  P l a n for S f o r z i n a  101  XXII  Ei'Avenue des C h a m p s - E l y s e e s ,  XXni  P i a z z a del Campidoglio  108  XXIV  P i a z z a San P i e t r o and v i c i n i t y , Rome  109  XXV  G r o s v e n o r Square,  Ill  XXVI  P l a c e de l a Concorde,  XXVH  P l a c e Royale,  XXVIII  A x i s f r o m the L o u v r e to P l a c e de l ' E t o i l e  XXIX  W r e n ' s P l a n for L o n d o n ;  Paris  London Paris;  plan of 1753  Paris  105  113 115 117  L ' E n f a n t s ' P l a n for Washington  119  XXX  The P a l i o ;  123  XXXI  P i a z z a N a v o n a , . Rome  124  XXXII  P i a z z a del M e r c a t o ,  145  XXXLU  Knitting i n P l a z a de Espana  170  XXXIV  T a l k i n g in P l a z a M a y o r  170  XXXV  P l a c e du T e r t r e ,  171  XXXVI  Nathan P h i l l i p s Square,. Toronto  181  XXXVII  Fountain,  184  XXXVIH  Sculpture i n Squares  XXXIX  H e n r y M o o r e ' s A r c h e r , Nathan P h i l l i p s Square,  P i a z z a del Campo, Siena  Siena  Paris  Centennial Square,  Victoria  188  Toronto  189  XL  P i g e o n s : P l a z a San M a r c o  192  XLI  P i g e o n s : Syntagma Square  192  xi FIGURE  Page  XLH  Syntagma Square, Athens  194  XLHI  Piazza San Marco, Venice  194  XLIV  Sleeping in the sun, Victory Square; Bench warmers in San Francisco,. Civic Square. .  200  XLV  Garden development, Union Square  201  XLVI  "Fenced in" Squares  204  XLVII  Place de l a Concorde  210  XLVIII  Chiesa San Marco and Piazza  214  XLIX  Piazza San Pietro  215  L  Sunday Afternoon in Union Square.  229  LI  Piazza San Marco and vicinity  234  LII  Grand ' Place and Town Hall  LILT  Place de l'Etoile and vicinity  237 238  i  PREFACE  In the s u m m e r of 1965 this study was f i r s t conceived by the author.  Since that time devotion and labour on the work has  f l o u r i s h e d and waned s e v e r a l t i m e s .  Its final completion brings  r e l i e f to many and m a y r e s t o r e o p t i m i s m to some.  The author hopes  s i n c e r e l y that the contents of this thesis w i l l be u s e f u l to students of u r b a n i s m and b e n e f i c i a l to p r a c t i t i o n e r s of city building and those for whom they p l a n .  The acknowledgement of assistance is greatly owed to a number of persons who have been instrumental in p r e p a r i n g the study. F i r s t and foremost,  the author wishes to express his gratitude to  P r o f e s s o r B r a h m W i e s m a n , of the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a School of C o m m u n i t y and Regional P l a n n i n g .  H i s guidance,  as advisor  helped to b r i n g together into a f o r m a jungle of ideas and data,  and then  to prune much of the nonessential and i r r e l e v a n t through the tedious work of editing.  T o D r . H . P . O b e r l a n d e r , the author i s indebted for  the i n s p i r a t i o n of ideas, p a r t i c u l a r l y regarding human needs in the planning of c i t i e s .  F o r their time and aid i n the collection of data  thanks is due to M i s s Sandra Wood, M e s s r s K e r r y E g d e l l and Gordon Angue, and s e v e r a l now forgotten acquaintances who patiently enumerated people in E u r o p e a n squares.  M i s s M . Dwyer of the U . B . C . l i b r a r y is  ii  thanked for her kind assistance patience when its return  i nlocating literature, and for her  was p a s t due.  F o r their aid i n translating  foreign l i t e r a t u r e a thanks i s owed M i s s Agape Petrochilos P a u l F. W a t s o n .  F o r her perseverance,  and Mr.  experience and careful  attention to d e t a i l thanks i s extended to M r s . V. M u g g e r i d g e .  A  s p e c i a l note f o r their help i s owed to M r s . L. L. R o s s and M r s . M c D e l l whose concern went far beyond the usual.  G.  CHAPTER I  FOCUS  The concept of the public square has been both i d e a l i z e d and c r i t i c i z e d by numerous l e a r n e d and experienced authors on urban form, history, and culture.  Reference to their insights and thoughts on the  matter gives evidence of the significance of the public square i n p a r t i c u l a r and public open space generally i n the "theory and p r a c t i c e " of city planning today. P a u l Zucker, an authority on the square as an urban art form, has written that: ... it i s the square which i s the central f o r m a t i v e element i n the town, which makes a community and not m e r e l y an aggregate of individuals - actually a p s y c h o l o g i c a l p a r k i n g space i n the c i v i c landscape.''' During the l a s t decades city planners have been p r i m a r i l y conc e r n e d with such p r o b l e m s as the use of land, the improvement of t r a f f i c and g e n e r a l communication, zoning, the relationship between the r e s i d e n t i a l and i n d u s t r i a l areas, etc. T h e c o n s i d e r ations have somewhat over-shadowed the importance of the square as a b a s i c factor i n town planning, as the v e r y h e a r t of the city. Only now^ does interest turn toward this central formative lement.  P a u l Zucker, 'The Space Volume Relation i n the H i s t o r y of Town Planning, " J o u r n a l of Aesthetics, XIV. ( June , 1953),p439. 2 P a u l Zucker, Town and Square (New Y o r k : Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1959), p. 1.  2  Z u c k e r ' s estimation of the city square as the dominant focus of c i v i c identity seems justified i f we consider the pride and c i v i c h i s t o r y engendered by and associated with the ' P i a z z a San M a r c o "  in Venice,  " T r a f a l g a r S q u a r e " i n London or ' l a P l a c e de l ' E t o i l e " in P a r i s . and h i s t o r y is demonstrated  by the v e r y existence of these squares which  would add new revenue to city t r e a s u r i e s i f taxable buildings were on the sites; about them;  T h i s pride  by the m u s e u m s ,  erected  churches, and monuments that are located  by the annual repetition of h i s t o r i c public ceremonies on them;  by the spontaneous flocking of citizens to them i n the great moments of c i v i c h i s t o r y such as the ending of a war;  and most important of a l l , i n the  author's opinion, the pride which a city has toward its great square is r e f l e c t e d i n the casual everyday use of that square by great numbers of citizens.  F r e d e r i c k Gutheim i n his article " U r b a n Space and U r b a n D e s i g n " is equally concerned with the importance of maintaining and creating the finest of that elusive quality " u r b a n i t y " through the design of spaces. writes: Where is the center? What do you do when you get there? Popular u r b a n design also involves urbanity, the quality the garden city forgot. It is found i n plazas and squares, in c o r s o s and boulevards, in the alameda and the promenade. It can be found i n a r a i l r o a d station, like "the street between two b u i l d i n g s " in R o m e ; i n the " g a l l e r i a s " i n M i l a n or Naples, or i n a m a i n street like the K u r f t i r s t e n d a m m . When you find it, never let it go. It is the hardest thing to create anew.^  F r e d e r i c k Gutheim, " U r b a n Space and U r b a n D e s i g n , " Cities and Space ( B a l t i m o r e ; R e s o u r c e s for the Future, Inc., 1963), p. 118.  He  3 The difficulty i n creating and maintaining u r b a n spaces as community assets rather than dull and sometimes dangerous p r o b l e m areas is w e l l r e c o r d e d by the sharp pen of Jane J a c o b s . In her r e m a r k a b l e study The Death and L i f e of Great A m e r i c a n C i t i e s she w r i t e s : F o r every Rittenhouse Square in Philadelphia, or R o c k e f e l l e r P l a z a or Washington Square i n New Y o r k , or Boston C o m m o n , or their loved equivalents i n other cities, there are dozens of d i s p i r i t e d city vacuums c a l l e d parks eaten around with decay, little used, unloved. A s a woman i n Indiana s a i d when asked if she l i k e d the town square, "Nobody there but dirty^old m e n who spit tobacco juice and t r y to look up your s k i r t . " The c r i t e r i a which m a y m o r e successfully, p r e d i c t the development of pleasant,  active,  and well used public squares has apparently not been  communicated i n a l l areas of today's Indiana (as noted i n the latter quote), and other unused or empty squares of A m e r i c a even though approximately twenty-five hundred years of p r a c t i c a l experience in the planning and building of squares is now and has been available for guidance!  The  technical and a r t i s t i c skills of contemporary c i \ i c designers m a y cause widespread satisfaction and p r a i s e for their proposals of urban b e a u t i f i cation through the development of public squares;  the general body of  citizens is quick to approve and h a i l new proposals for open space,  in  the crowded city centres, without c r i t i c a l l y asking i f community needs w i l l be s a t i s f a c t o r i l y met by such p r o p o s a l s . But the community planner must assure h i m s e l f that even the finest a r c h i t e c t u r a l conceptions of u r b a n open spaces w i l l r e c e i v e sufficient numbers of u s e r s to warrant the i r n p l e m e n -  Jane Jacobs, The Death and L i f e of Great A m e r i c a n C i t i e s (New Y o r k : Vintage Books, 1961).  4 tation of such p r o p o s a l s .  However, i f such urban open spaces as squares, genuine community need, and i f this can be demonstrated,  do f u l f i l l a then the city  planner m a y wholeheartedly support the effective development and p r e s e r vation of such community f a c i l i t i e s .  I. T H E H Y P O T H E S I S  The goal of this study i s : f i r s t , to examine the uses, to pedestrians,  of the public square, i n the past and present,  i n o r d e r to  gain knowledge about this type of urban open space which w i l l be helpful to city p l a n n e r s ;  and second, to examine s e v e r a l p h y s i c a l factors concerning  public squares to determine the relationship of these factors to the ways in which people use squares, the p e r i o d of that usage.  to the frequency of pedestrian usage,  and to  F u r t h e r m o r e , the identified p h y s i c a l factors  w i l l be evaluated to r e v e a l any c o r r e l a t i o n that m a y exist with u s e .  It  m a y then be p o s s i b l e to p r e d i c t how certain p h y s i c a l factors are l i k e l y to influence the functioning of squares,  and hence,  apply this information  i n community planning.  The vehicle for reaching this goal is the hypothesis.  The i n v e s t i -  gation of the hypothesis, both i n its support and opposition, r i s - intended to p r o v i d e a b a s i s for deriving conclusions and recommendations. the objective of the study.  T h i s is  5  The statement of the hypothesis is the chief guide, to the subjects d i s c u s s e d i n the thesis,  and to the framework of the  research.  The hypothesis has been formulated f r o m readings into the h i s t o r i c a l f o r m s and s o c i a l functions of squares. four dominant factors were noted.  F r o m the b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l sources  T h e s e were each drawn f r o m the  l i t e r a t u r e because they suggested patterns and associations,  about  squares  and their place in the community, which seem to have had a strong influence on the functional and p h y s i c a l integration of the public square w ith the city.  E a c h of the four factors to be examined is a p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of squares within the scope of city planning. they pose,  The p r o b l e m s which  singly or in concert, are thus p o s s i b l e i s s u e s i n the planning  and development of squares.  T h e s e four factors are d i s c u s s e d f r o m the  p e r s p e c t i v e of h i s t o r y , i n Chapter II, where descriptions, analyses are p r e s e n t e d i n b r o a d survey f o r m .  examples,  and  To m o r e fully explain the  hypothesis the factors are b r i e f l y stated below, (definitions of t e r m s fellow in Section II). i)  The four factors for investigation a r e : the f o r m of the square;  ii)  the i n t e r n a l development of the square;  iii)  the land and building uses adjoining the  iv)  the relationship of the square to the surrounding  square;  u r b a n a r e a and the general p h y s i c a l structure of the community.  6  The research concentrates on the public square as an urban area intended for use by people on foot - the pedestrians. (Parts of a square may be set aside for buildings, parking lots, and vehicular traffic movement, but the dominant functions of squares -will be shown to have been historically dedicated to pedestrians, and it is to their use that the hypothesis is directed. The hypothesis is that: T H E PEDESTRIAN USAGE O F PUBLIC SQUARES IS A FUNCTION O F : T H E F O R M O F T H E SQUARE; T H E SQUARE;  T H E INTERNAL D E V E L O P M E N T OF  T H E L A N D AND BUILDING USES ADJOINING T H E SQUARE;  T H E A V A I L A B I L I T Y O F O T H E R T Y P E S O F P U B L I C O P E N S P A C E IN T H E VICINITY O F T H E SQUARE, AND T H E L E V E L S O F PEDESTRIAN ACTIVITY IN T H E VICINITY O F T H E SQUARE.  H. DEFINITIONS  To clarify the meaning of the hypothesis and to prevent its misinterpretation, the following terms are defined according to the way in which the author intends them: Public Square The most immediate term requiring definition is "public square, " but any finite definition in verbal terms is likely to be inadequate because the public square is a concept expressed physically.  A  7  satisfactory explanation and definition m a y be d e r i v e d f r o m a c a r e f u l examination of the f o r m s and s o c i a l functions through which the idea has h i s t o r i c a l l y been r e a l i z e d .  Chapter II is intended to provide a  clear and d e s c r i p t i v e analysis of both the forms and functions of "public squares. "  Such foreign words as the F r e n c h "place, " S p a n i s h " p l a z a , "  and Italian " p i a z z a " are u s e d i n the study to mean the same as "public s q u a r e " or " s q u a r e . "  But it must be noted that i n general usage these  t e r m s havettaken on s p e c i a l and often confusing meanings.  The only  meaning intended for each of these t e r m s is that one e x p r e s s e d through the examples described, analysed, and s u m m a r i z e d i n Chapter II.  P e d e s t r i a n Usage 1  squares,  " P e d e s t r i a n u s a g e " r e f e r s to each of: (1) the people who use their o r i g i n and destination within the city, and any patterns  among the u s e r s that may be identified such as age groups, or occupations; (2) the purposes for which the pedestrians have come into the square, such as to meet other p e r s o n s , to participate i n some activity o c c u r r i n g i n the square,  or to enjoy the amenity of the square;  (3) the various ways  that pedestrians once i n a square use it (eg. talking, eating, sleeping, feeding pigeons, etc. );  (4)Sthe times of the day or night when pedestrians  use squares and any p e c u l i a r i t i e s of types of uses,  times of use, and  duration of u s e .  Form " F o r m " r e f e r s to the b a s i c p h y s i c a l shape of the square - as i f the square were an open container whose volume is defined b y its bottom  8  (the ground)^ its sides (buildings, t r e e s , a h i l l side, a r i v e r ' s bank etc.)  and the open ceiling (the sky)'*  Internal Development "Internal development" r e f e r s to those p h y s i c a l furnishings within the open space of a square that are distinct f r o m the ' f o r m . " The i n t e r n a l development is the way i n which such street furnishings as benches,  g r a s s , pavement,  have been u t i l i z e d ;  t r e e s , flowers, fountains, and sculpture,  i n t e r n a l development also r e f e r s to the ways i n  which a square m a y b e divided into sectors for roadway,  sidewalks,  a p a r k - l i k e a r e a , and o p e n - a i r cafes.  Adjoining L a n d and Building U s e s " A d j o i n i n g land and building uses, " r e f e r s to those l a n d and building uses abutting d i r e c t l y onto the square and f o r m i n g part of the defining elements of the f o r m of the square.  T h e s e adjoining uses have  a c c e s s i b i l i t y to the square without dependency on i n t e r m e d i a r y streets or b u i l d i n g s .  Availability " A v a i l a b i l i t y " of public open space r e f e r s to the condition when public l a n d i s r e a d i l y utilizable for open space.  Vicinity " V i c i n i t y " is the indefinite a r e a of a community surrounding the square;  its general l i m i t s are within easy walking distance of the  9 square,  (ie. ten minutes)*  although, a p h y s i c a l element m a y be strong  enough to m a r k the p e r i m e t e r of the " v i c i n i t y " of a square at a distance c l o s e r to the square than ten minutes walking distance,  ie. a river,  or  steep h i l l which each create a b a r r i e r . . " V i c i n i t y " i s meant as a p h y s i c a l l y defined a r e a without functional connotations although a functionally delimited a r e a may i n fact c o r r e s p o n d to the p h y s i c a l a r e a here r e f e r r e d to as the " v i c i n i t y . "  Other t e r m s which the author uses i n a special sense are explained in the text as they o c c u r .  Words u s e d i n the generally accepted or  dictionary defined way are not defined in the text.  III. L I M I T A T I O N S A N D S C O P E  T h e thesis is l i m i t e d to public squares which are i n the business d i s t r i c t ( C B . D . ) of a community.  central  E a c h of the squares studied,  that is p r e s e n t l y is use and is part of the f i e l d r e s e a r c h , is located i n an u r b a n a r e a whose population exceeds one hundred thousand p e r s o n s .  A l l of the squares studied are p u b l i c l y owned and a d m i n i s t e r e d p r o p e r t y (like a city street, or a city park).  Other squares which are  f r e e l y u s e d by the general public, but that are p r i v a t e l y owned and maintained were not included. T h i s l e a d to the exclusion of such squares as M o n t r e a l ' s " P l a c e V i l l e M a r i e , " or New Y o r k ' s " R o c k e f e l l e r P l a z a . "  The thesis is l i m i t e d to squares which are entirely or p a r t l y  10 dedicated to use by pedestrians and have specific p e d e s t r i a n areas i n addition to p e r i m e t e r sidewalks.  Squares which s e r v e p r i n c i p a l l y as  a p a r k i n g lot or t r a f f i c interchanges without comparatively l a r g e pedestrian sectors were excluded.  Both the h i s t o r i c a l r e s e a r c h and  the case studies were l i m i t e d geographically to nations of western E u r o p e , the United States, and Canada.  But this basis was b r o a d enough  to suggest that the scope of the study and hence its application may be useful to some extent i n a l l areas where W e s t e r n c i v i l i z a t i o n is the c u l t u r a l and p h y s i c a l basis of urban l i f e and f o r m .  Within the total group  of case studies there existed not only national differences, but also s e v e r a l c u l t u r a l groupings, i . e. A n g l o - S axon, West E u r o p e a n .  Mediterranean, North  T h e study did not r e s e a r c h c u l t u r a l factors which influence  usage of squares, but sought, instead, to identify patterns of usage, and factors of usage which cut a c r o s s c u l t u r a l b a r r i e r s and f o r m common links among different cities of western c i v i l i z a t i o n .  IV.  SOURCES  The h i s t o r i c a l section of the thesis is b a s e d on an investigation of l i t e r a t u r e and i n some cases a f i e l d study.  A l l available i n f o r m a t i o n  in the l i t e r a t u r e which was written i n E n g l i s h or F r e n c h , and was relevant to community planning and squares was used as a possible s o u r c e . (Other l i t e r a r y sources which are about  squares but are  concerned solely with design and landscape were reviewed, but it was concluded that they are beyond the scope of this study because they deal  with the design of squares in i s o l a t i o n f r o m the broader aspects of the square i n relation to the city and activities of urban l i f e . )  O n l y two books were found whose p r i m e subject is public square The f i r s t of these ' C i t y Planning A c c o r d i n g to A r t i s t i c P r i n c i p l e s ' by C a m i l l o Sitte was published i n 1889 and is today a c l a s s i c in planning literature.  G . R. C o l l i n s , the t r a n s l a t o r of this work, writes in his  preface, He extracted f r o m the p a r t i c u l a r s that he o b s e r v e d i n old towns c e r t a i n u n i v e r s a l statements that not only have since been accepted as truths, but have conditioned even to this day the judgments which a l l of us make about what i s good or bad in our a r c h i t e c t u r a l environment. 5 The other work is P a u l Z u c k e r ' s Town and Square;  this is a detailed  h i s t o r i c a l study of the f o r m s ,  o r i g i n s , and development of the p l a z a as  an art f o r m in urban design.  The book i n survey f o r m is the p r i n c i p l e  single source of h i s t o r i c a l data on s q u a r e s .  In scope it includes the  total geographical breadth of western c i v i l i z a t i o n f r o m the e a r l i e s t urban settlements up to the beginning of the nineteenth century.  The  r e m a i n i n g m a j o r sources of h i s t o r i c a l data are L e w i s M u m f o r d ' s The C i t y i n H i s t o r y , F r e d e r i c k H i o r n ' s Town B u i l d i n g in H i s t o r y , and Sigfrie Giedion's Space T i m e and A r c h i t e c t u r e .  A l i m i t e d number of l i t e r a r y  sources which became known to the author i n Italian and Greek,  were  used when E n g l i s h sources did not provide equally extensive information. 5 C a m i l l o Sitte, C i t y Planning A c c o r d i n g to A r t i s t i c P r i n c i p l e s , t r a n s . George R. C o l l i n s and Christiane C r a s e m a n n C o l l i n s (New Y o r k : Random House, 1965), p. ix.  L i t e r a t u r e with relevant i n f o r m a t i o n about the contemporaryusage of squares was quite l i m i t e d .  Many authors deal with plazas  f r o m the perspective of landscape and design.  These were not included  in the b i b l i o g r a p h y although many were reviewed to i n s u r e that the p r o b a b i l i t y of omitting important factors was m i n i m i z e d .  F r o m the  planning p e r s p e c t i v e many authors have written about the success or f a i l u r e s of contemporary squares and some of the activities that occur i n them, but the e m p i r i c a l basis for their conclusions a r e frequently not r e c o r d e d i n their l i t e r a t u r e (e. g. " D i s c u s s i o n on Italian P i a z z a s " i n The H e a r t of the City) ^ Smith, K e v i n L y n c h ,  U s e f u l insights of such authors as G . E . K i d d e r -  and Jane Jacobs p r o v i d e d i n f o r m a t i o n about the  c o n t e m p o r a r y usage of squares for a number of locations that were not p a r t of the author's case studies.  These were useful both as a c o m p a r i s o n  of findings and as a " h i n t " of what to look f o r .  V. METHODS AND P R O C E D U R E  The thesis i s o r g a n i z e d into five chapters of individual lengths, and unequal i m p o r t a n c e .  The task of the i n i t i a l chapter i s : to introduce the reader to  International Congress for M o d e r n A r c h i t e c t u r e , " D i s c u s s i o n on Italian P i a z z a s , " T h e H e a r t of the C i t y : Towards the Humanization of U r b a n L i f e (London: L u n d H u m p h r i e s , 1952), pp. 74-80.  13  the subject of p l a z a s ,  and to comment on their relevance as a  community planning topic;  state the goal and objective of the study;  set out the hypothesis and define its t e r m s ; r e s e a r c h and its l i m i t a t i o n s ;  outline the scope of the  describe the sources of b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l  information and the o r i g i n a l r e s e a r c h ;  and s u m m a r i z e the methods of  r e s e a r c h and the p r o c e d u r e s followed.  Chapter II is an e s s a y i n h i s t o r y . U s i n g the survey method, it d e s c r i b e s and analyzes the p h y s i c a l f o r m s and s o c i a l functions of the p u b l i c square f r o m its f i r s t known appearance through its development in western culture.  i) F i r s t ,  T h i s chapter has three p u r p o s e s :  the chapter is a definition, by example,  meant by the t e r m " s q u a r e , " or "public square, " and the in other languages such as " p l a c e " (French), (Spanish) " p l a t e a " (Greek).  of what is counterparts  " p l a t z " (German),  "plaza"  It defines the square as a p h y s i c a l f o r m which  i s c l a s s i f i e d into types f r o m the perspective of spatial volumes which are applicable throughout the h i s t o r y of the squares as an urban open space.  ii) T r a c i n g the development of public squares through the major h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d s of its evolution, this chapter establishes a pattern of p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s pertaining to the square both as a distinct entity, and as an i n t e g r a l p a r t of the community ( p h y s i c a l l y and functionally). T h i s is a pattern of p h y s i c a l f o r m , internal development, adjoining land u s e s ,  and a relationship to the u r b a n a r e a i n the v i c i n i t y of the square;  (in the s m a l l e r cities the whole of the city m a y be the v i c i n i t y s t r u c t u r a l l y related to the square). of the hypothesis,  The description of these patterns is an explanation  and demonstrates its v e r y strong dependency upon  h i s t o r i c a l precedents.  T h i s is the second purpose of Chapter II.  iii) F i n a l l y , the chapter serves to describe and relate the foregoing p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to the numerous s o c i a l functions that the square f u l f i l l e d through t i m e .  T h i s is then, also, a definition by  example of the square a c c o r d i n g to its functions in the community, and is the foundation for l a t e r c o m p a r i s o n of the s o c i a l function which the public square plays i n the community of our own t i m e .  Chapter III, titled " T h e T r a n s p o s i t i o n and Maintenance of F u n c t i o n s " has two p u r p o s e s .  The f i r s t is to outline activities now housed  in s p e c i a l i z e d b u i l d i n g s , . but which were associated with the public square i n different t i m e s , topics of government,  at different places i n the past.  religion, commerce,  Under the  and l e i s u r e , the chapter  is intended to show that indoor spaces are m o r e adequately able to meet the p a r t i c u l a r needs of numerous urban activities than is the public square.  T h i s leads to the n e c e s s i t y of discoveri ng what s p e c i a l  functions are left today for the square, development,  adjoining land uses,  and what s p e c i a l f o r m s ,  internal  and s t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p to the  city, are most able to optimize the functions.  15 The second purpose of the chapter is to outline traditional functions that are found to continue i n the squares of contemporary  cities.  T h i s i s a consideration of the s p e c i a l events that occur i n public squares. Unlike the day to day casual activities that were analyzed i n the following chapter,  the subject here i s those o c c u r r e n c e s that are not part of the  daily, regular function of the square;  i r r e g u l a r , but f o r m a l l y organized  activities of the p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , c o m m e r c i a l ,  athletic,  and cultural  life of cities are found to continue as a significant s o c i a l function of squares.  T h e s e are commented upon i n relation to the hypothesis.  Data  is drawn not only f r o m the case studies but f r o m l i t e r a r y sources as well.  The results and findings of the studies of squares i n use today are r e p o r t e d i n Chapter I V . The data was collected i n the f i e l d i n case studies of seventeen squares which are l i s t e d i n T a b l e I.  A standard survey which i s included in the appendix made p r o v i s i o n for the r e c o r d i n g and collection of i n f o r m a t i o n concerning each of: i) the f o r m of the square and its approximate a r e a ; ii) details of the internal development of the square; iii) mapping of adjoining land u s e s ; iv) the general relationship of the square to the surrounding a r e a of the city;  16 v) the collection of h i s t o r i c a l data relevant to the thesis; vi) the enumeration of square u s e r s ; vii),the d e s c r i p t i o n of the activities of square u s e r s ; viii);other comments.  The completion of i t e m number six above was e x t r e m e l y l i m i t e d by a shortage of manpower, technical equipment, and t i m e .  It was not p o s s i b l e  to maintain a twenty-four hour per day observation of activities and pedestrian count.  U s i n g three different "spot c h e c k s " estimates of the  volume of u s e r s were made.  F i g u r e s used were f r o m days of n o r m a l  use with pleasant seasonal weather and conditions.  The degree of  n u m e r i c a l e r r o r due to simple counting methods is b e l i e v e d (by the author) Ito be consistent for each of the case studies, and of a type which does not a d v e r s e l y affect the findings and conclusions.  P e d e s t r i a n interviews were conducted with fifteen persons i n each of the below l i s t e d s q u a r e s :  C i v i c Square, San F r a n c i s c o Union Square, San F r a n c i s c o V i c t o r y Square, Vancouver F r o m the interviews the following data was c o l l e c t e d : i)date,  t i m e , and weather;  ii) residence, occupation, o r i g i n and destination; iii) purpose for coming to square; iv) activity while i n the square; v) approximate duration of v i s i t to square; vi) additional comments of interviewee about the square. T i m e and language difficulties did not p e r m i t the undertaking of the pedestrian interviews for a l l of the squares studied. T h i s short coming of the p r o c e d u r e causes limitations of scope to be put upon the findings of these interviews. Evidence f r o m the standard s u r v e y and check l i s t f o r m was  able to f i l l much of this gap where i n f o r m a t i o n was  f r o m knowledgeable persons who  recorded  related detailed descriptions of the  p e d e s t r i a n usage.  F r o m the survey data, patterns were identified with the aid of tables. T h e s e relate the volume of p e d e s t r i a n usage of any given square with each of: form, i n t e r n a l development, adjoining land and building uses, and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the vicinity. Conclusions about the determinants of p e d e s t r i a n usage were than made and s u m m a r i z e d at the end of this chapter.  In the final chapter (Chapter V), the conclusions f r o m each chapter were combined and evaluated; these were analyzed and the hypothesis r e - f o r m u l a t e d i n a c c o r d with the new  evidence. Conclusions  were then drawn f r o m the study and recommendations f o r the planning of squares was  proposed.  18  A n appendix following the m a i n body of the thesis includes sample survey f o r m s .  19  C H A P T E R II  T H E M E A N D VARIATIONS  A n A n a l y s i s of the H i s t o r i c a l F o r m s and Functions of P u b l i c Squares  u r b a n spaces have i n t r i n s i c qualities which must be understood before they can be protected, enhanced and reproduced^  The " p u b l i c s q u a r e " is a special type of public open urban space.  In  western c i v i l i z a t i o n it is a r e c u r r i n g theme with archetypes i n the e a r l y cities of Aegean cultures;  it is a theme with unnumbered variations of  f o r m and function i n the past and present of urban l i f e .  The p h y s i c a l f o r m of a square m a y be d e s c r i b e d by reference to its l i m i t s . T h e s e are the defining elements of the open space and also the negative f o r m of the space contained within such l i m i t s .  The bounds m a y be  obvious and tactile such as the ground pavement or a building's facade;  the  bounds of a square m a y b e the p i e r c e d s c r e e n - l i k e w a l l created by a row of t r e e s through which m a s s e s and space are p e r c e i v e d exterior to the  G dy clay, "Magnets Generators Feeders: The Necessities of Open Urban Space," American Institute of Architecture Journal.XXXV.(March, 1961), P«4U ra  20 v o l u m e t r i c l i m i t s of the square;  a square's bounds m a y b e suggested b y  a road's curb o r a t r i m m e d hedge, a r i v e r bank o r a row of columns. The upper l i m i t of this open space i s only i m p l i e d by roof lines or the sky; the gestalt p r o c e s s of the m i n d i s needed here to identify, unify and comprehend m e n t a l l y the spatial confines of the earthbound a r e a beneath.  I. T H E S P A T I A L C L A S S I F I C A T I O N In o r d e r to understand m o r e e a s i l y the p h y s i c a l forms of the square it i s useful to establish a general c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of types which may be b r o a d l y applicable.  The identification of such general types allows  considerable f r e e d o m depending upon the p a r t i c u l a r aspect which is to be the basis of the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n .  P u b l i c squares could thus be c l a s s i f i e d  by g e o m e t r i c ground plan, b y size, by location, by function, o r any number of other aspects related to f o r m i n some degree.  • P a u l Zucker has chosen the aspect of space and how it is aesthetic a l l y unified as a b a s i s for c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . A s the square i s a spatial concept and because the square may be h i s t o r i c a l l y r e s e a r c h e d as a spatial f o r m the author has chosen to accept the t e r m i n o l o g y established b y Zucker. Although not without c e r t a i n complexities of multiple c l a s s i f i c a t i o n for p a r t i c u l a r squares, the types as identified are clear and fundamental. F u r t h e r m o r e , (as i s demonstrated i n succeeding pages of this chapter) a functional c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of a square has the disadvantage of r e q u i r ing r e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n as the uses of a square may change through  time: a c i v i c center may  become a slum;  a m a r k e t square may  become  a p a r k i n g lot. The spatial f o r m tends to continue i n spiteof the changes of use within and about the square. The f o r m i s as permanent as those i  elements that create it; r e m a i n for many y e a r s .  usually these elements are buildings and so P u b l i c squares may  then be c l a s s i f i e d as  follows using Zucker's categories: 1.  The c l o s e d square  2.  The dominated  3.  The nuclear square  4.  Grouped squares  5.  The amorphous square  square  8 A. The C l o s e d Square A simple geometric figure such as the square, c i r c l e , triangle, or quadrangle i s the shape i n plan of the c l o s e d square; c l o s e d geometric form.  it i s a simple"  Its walls are usually defined by a repeated  a r c h i t e c t u r a l facade of a single building or many structures. The abutting buildings are thus designed both for their individual use, and i n conformity with a spatial concept which the buildings themselves make concrete and visible.  The only significant openings i n the closed square are the  streets that l e a d into it and the sky.  The i n t e r i o r ground space may  be  developed i n numerous ways and may  include such street furniture as  decorative sculpture, fountains, pavement, planted areas, trees, or g r a s s and also roadways.  These- developments  are incidental  g P a u l Zucker, Town and Square (New P r e s s , 1959), pp.8-17.  York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y  22  Plaza Mayor,  photo. Dominques,  Madrid.  Madrid.  F i g u r e 1. to the b a s i c f o r m ,  and i n the case of a closed square they are few and  r e s t r i c t e d to a s m a l l size and importance relative to the a r c h i t e c t u r a l concept of the square.  " P l a z a M a y o r " i n M a d r i d ( F i g u r e 1.) is a single piece of architecture with an open central square with an equestrian statue as a point of interest.  A c c e s s to the rectangular space is gained through  any of eight t w o - s t o r e y portals that l e a d to the surrounding streets. This s i m p l e s t f o r m of public square is c l o s e l y r e l a t e d i n design to the a r c h i tectural concept of the " a t r i u m " of a Roman house, the college quadrangle, or the palace c o u r t y a r d ; but unlike these the c l o s e d square is a public open space dedicated to public functions, i n western culture the c l o s e d square  f i r s t appeared i n the planned towns of fifth century B . C . i n Greek civilization.  Numerous examples of t h e m may be found i n each of the  western c u l t u r a l periods since then (e. g. H e l l e n i s t i c , Roman, M e d i e v a l , Renaissance.)  B . The Dominated Square  '  T h e " D o m i n a t e d S q u a r e " directs the view to a single building or group of buildings or some other p h y s i c a l thing such as a l a r g e sculpture, or perhaps a spectacular view;  i n a dominated square the dominating  element v i s u a l l y controls the space of the square before it. dominant feature may be a church, a palace,  The  a city h a l l , or an open  v i s t a which acts l i k e a magnet to attract the p e r s p e c t i v e s of the square, creating a motion and tension between the open space and the dominating element, hence a resulting aesthetic cohesion.  The Dominated Square  thus contains s p e c i f i c elements which v i s u a l l y outweigh the other l i m i t i n g features.  T h i s v i s u a l preponderance m a y be the result of the  size of the dominating element or perhaps its location or design relationship to the other elements of the square.  The " p a r v i s " ,  o r i g i n a l l y an enclosed open space before the m e d i e v a l church was often such a Dominated Square. and P a r v i s " ( F i g u r e II),  The photograph of " N o t r e Dame C a t h e d r a l  depicts this space with its l i m i t e d perspective  concentrated on the cathedral facade.  24  • Notre Dame Cathedral and P a r v i s , Paris.  Edit. Chantal,  Paris.  F i g u r e II  C. The Nuclear Square The spatial unity of public squares i s not n e c e s s a r i l y dependent upon their a r c h i t e c t u r a l or natural boundaries.  Indeed any  element  which i s v i s u a l l y strong and l a r g e enough i n size to f o r m a focus within the space of the square by acting as a nucleus to the square, may  result  in an a r t i s t i c wholeness i n direct contrast to the apparent non-co-ordination of the surroundings.  London's T r a f a l g a r Square i s an example  of this type of n u c l e a r square. ( F i g u r e HI).  T r a f a l g a r Square, London  J . A . Dixon, Newport,  Eng.  F i g u r e III  H e r e the N e l s o n monument produces a sense of o r d e r and i n t e gration amidst unequal s i z e d buildings, uneven street widths, an i r r e g u l a r ground plan of open space and buildings and a visuallyconfusing meeting of streets on the south side.  Without the column  T r a f a l g a r Square breaks down as an organized spatial volume.  In contrast to " N e l s o n ' s Column, "the " A r c h of T r i u m p h " i n P a r i s i s so overwhelming i n relation to the surrounding elements of the P l a c e de l ' E t o i l e that it creates not only a nuclear square of this geometrically c i r c u l a r open space but also a dominated square.  A  pedestrian in the square is only conscious of the buildings and t r e e s ,  26  P l a c e de 1'Etoile, P a r i s .  Yvon, P a r i s .  F i g u r e IV  arranged i n concentric c i r c l e s about the radiating streets, as a m i n o r aspect of the square's total design. ( F i g u r e IV).  But a nuclear square  is not created with each statue, obelisk, or fountain placed i n a square. These focal interests may  only contribute to the furnishing of the square  while the spatial c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the square is determined by other elements.  T h i s i s the case with the P l a z a Mayor, ( F i g u r e I), which is  a "closed s q u a r e " even though i t contains a c e n t r a l l y located equestrian statue.  27 D. Grouped Squares The Chinese developed a type of landscape painting on s c r o l l s which was  designed to be o b s e r v e d i n a continuous motion. Many individual  scenes were complete i n themselves and yet l o g i c a l l y moved to a different p e r s p e c t i v e and location as they unrolled. sonata may  In the field of music,  a  have four quite different movements which are i n t e r r e l a t e d  and yet also are separated as single entities, parts of a whole. So too i n the designing of cities v e r y pleasing results have often been obtained when urban squares were developed i n spatial relationship to each other. Dynamic contrasts of s u c c e s s i v e spaces m a y b e o r d e r e d to create a planned sequence of crescendo and diminuendo i n the d r a m a of the urban space.  The Grouped Squares were axially oriented i n numerous Roman and Baroque examples.  A l e s s f o r m a l non-axial relationship i n the  M e d i e v a l and Renaissance grouped squares was obtained by the opening of a common side and the i n t e r s e c t i o n at right angles of the axes.  A third  category of grouped squares results when three or m o r e squares are ranged about a common dominant building such as a palace or cathedral as i n Salzburg.  L a s t l y squares may  be grouped without d i r e c t p h y s i c a l  contact through the use of some linking device such as a street, a church steeple, or an arcaded passageway.  The specific method may  v a r y but  the goal i s to create mentally a relationship between the p h y s i c a l l y separated units. T h e r e are many means to achieve aesthetic unity between one square and another. The space of a group of squares may  be arranged  28  I m p e r i a l F o r a,  Rome.  Figure  V  through c i v i c design just as a sculptor m o l d s separate figures into a group sculpture.  T h e p l a n above ( F i g u r e V), indicates the ancient R o m a n  concept of 'Grouped Squares'.  H e r e five 'fora' a r e d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to  axes and c o m m o n sides, yet they m a i n t a i n their individuality through porticoes and walls which provide inter-connecting passageways.  In  each case, the size and proportion ofthe separate fora vary.  E. T h e A m o r p h o u s  Square  The fifth spatial c l a s s i f i c a t i o n adopted f r o m Z u c k e r i s the " A m o r p h o u s Square'^  this i sthe t e r m used to describe and classify all  those so called squares which are, f r o m an aesthetic point of view,  29  Scollay Square,  from Lynch s I m a g e o f the C i t y . 1  F I G U R E VI formless.  Y e t , i n o r d e r to c l a r i f y t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e t e r m " s q u a r e "  as u s e d i n t h i s s t u d y t h i s v a r i a t i o n m u s t b e m e n t i o n e d to i n d i c a t e t h a t m a n y open spaces f o r m a l l y b e a r the t i t l e of " s q u a r e " even though they a r e b u t a c r o s s r o a d s s u c h as N e w  York's " T i m e s Square, " Boston's  * " S c o l l a y S q u a r e " ( F i g u r e VI) , a n d V a n c o u v e r ' s P i o n e e r P l a c e .  Each square may nuclear, o r grouped;  not b e e a s i l y c a t e g o r i z e d as c l o s e d ,  dominated,  this question i s often m o r e c o m p l e x and r e q u i r e s  •what m a y b e t e r m e d as " m u l t i p l e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . "  C o n s i d e r the c a s e o f  the P i a z z a San P i e t r o . T h e e t c h i n g b y P i r a n e s i ( F i g u r e VIT) s h o w s the P i a z z a m a y  how  r e a s o n a b l y b e c l a s s i f i e d as e a c h of: c l o s e d , n u c l e a r ,  dominated, and grouped.  L o o k i n g i n t o t h e s q u a r e f r o m the m a j o r  entrance point i t i s a c l o s e d s q u a r e bounded by l a t e r a l colonades and the  * A s p a r t of the redevelopment of Boston, S c o l l a y Square and p a r t s of the s u r r o u n d i n g a r e a have b e e n c l e a r e d . T h i s a m o r p h o u s s q u a r e no l o n g e r e x i s t s .  30  .Piazza San P i e t r o Rome  f r o m Zucker's Town and Square/  7  F I G U R E VII  basilica's facade.  T h e t a l l obelisk erected in the centre, and emphasized  by the pavement's pattern, i s a strong nuclear element. T h e monumental front of San P i e t r o backed b y cupola a r e the greatest aesthetic weights of the p i a z z a and so create what i s essentially a dominated square. The "piazza retta, " the rhomboidal area that f o r m s a parvis before the church facade, and the " p i a z z a obliqua, " the e l l i p t i c a l a r e a of the space,so named by the square's designer Giovanni L o r e n z o B e r n i n i , f o r m two i n t e r - r e l a t e d units both i n plan and three dimensional observation.  The  r a i s e d area of the p i a z z a retta is about four yards higher than the average l e v e l and the p i a z z a obliqua sinks about two yards towards the obelisk;  separate axes which are p e r p e n d i c u l a r to each other also create grouped squares of the P i a z z a di San P i e t r o .  The p o s s i b i l i t y of multiple c l a s s i -  fication of squares is in part a r e s u l t of different values being attributed to different design factors by the p e r s o n or persons who are viewing the square.  The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of squares according to the spatial f o r m i s hence a method of comprehending the way in which a p a r t i c u l a r space is made into an a r t i s t i c whole, that it is articulated by a combination of p h y s i c a l l y d e l i m i t i n g elements.  Z u c k e r says,  "the above outlined scheme  of p r i n c i p a l and b a s i c categories should be taken rather as a starting point for aesthetic and h i s t o r i c a l analysis than as a r i g i d and dogmatic system. "  II. A F U N C T I O N A L C L A S S I F I C A T I O N  E v e r y square has a number of p u r p o s e s ; number of functions m a y be v e r y complex.  in many squares the  T h e s e s o c i a l functions  of a square i n its community are its " r a i s o n d ' e t r e " justification to the community for b e i n g .  ~-  the  The s o c i a l functions  of squares relate to the v e r y ethos of community touching upon such a b r o a d aspect of urban l i f e as to include: _ Ibid. , p . 9.  politics, religion,  32  economics,  defense, u r b a n t r a f f i c c i r c u l a t i o n , agriculture,  and l e i s u r e .  aesthetics,  Because the s o c i a l function of the square extends to such a  comprehensive range of urban activity, it m a y b e t e r m e d the f i r s t community centre. A functional c l a s s i f i c a t i o n has been devised by the author to analytically d e s c r i b e the s o c i a l function of squares.  This classification  establishes three types which are c a l l e d the " i n t e r n a l function" square, the " a s s o c i a t e d function" square, the " a r t e r i a l node function, " and the " m u l t i p l e function" square.  A. types.  T h e i n t e r n a l function square i s the most r u d i m e n t a r y of the three The activities for which it has evolved, or been established take  place e n t i r e l y upon the open space of the square without this activity having a dependence upon the l a n d or building uses that adjoin the square. Its function, relative to the other types outlined below, is independent and self-centered.  T h i s is the e a r l i e s t type of square.  single, or combination of activities;  It is the site for a  these i n c l u d e :  i) a meeting place for a f o r m a l a s s e m b l y of m e m b e r s of the community - - acting as l e g i s l a t o r s ,  administrators  or j u d i c i a r y ; ii) a public gathering place for the p e r f o r m a n c e of r e l i g i o u s rites,  ceremonies,  and affiliated dramatic,  athletic, and  c o m m e m o r a t i v e events; iii) a m a r k e t place for the exchange or selling of goods; iv)  a fountain place for the public w e l l or fountain which supplies the daily water needs of a community or its p a r t s ;  33 v) a place for the m i l i t i a to d r i l l and parade; vi) a place for the g r a z i n g and storage of domestic animals; vii) an ornamental o r decorative place whose sole purpose is b e auti fi c atio n. viii) a "park" for the use and enjoyment of surrounding p r o p e r t y owners (if private), o r for the general public. The most common example of the internal function square i s the m a r k e t place which i s s t i l l v e r y important i n many areas of western culture as w e l l as areas beyond.  F i g u r e VIII shows the o l d fish m a r k e t i n  Tetuan, M o r r o c o . This s m a l l c l o s e d square i n the v e r y densely built up old A r a b quarter of the city i s now used as a cloth and pottery market. The s e l l e r s here do not own o r rent space i n buildings of the vicinity.  The Hot E l K a d i m Socco (Ancient F i s h Market), Tetuan, M o r r o c o F I G U R E VIII  Ediciones Barcelona  34  but instead, they set up their display of merchandise each day, on a table o r cart.  People come to the square for a specific purpose -- the  buying and selling of goods. T h i s dominant function is fully accomplished internally, without a direct dependency upon surrounding structures. In a s i m i l a r way, each of the seven categories of internal functions l i s t e d i s at the time of its performance, independent of the surrounding building and land uses.  B.  The associated function square i s one whose purpose i s d i r e c t l y  related and dependent upon a land o r building use that adjoins the square. It i s dependent to the extent that if the adjoining uses with which it i s associated change, then the function of the square would also change, (but not n e c e s s a r i l y the form).  The associated function square i s most  e a s i l y r e c o g n i z e d due to some dominant building o r landscape feature. S e v e r a l sub-categories within this functional c l a s s i f i c a t i o n type are:  i) The c i v i c square which provides an open public space before the city h a l l o r other governmental buildings and may be u s e d for o f f i c i a l c i v i c ceremonies, receptions, and celebrations, (e. g. Nathan P h i l l i p s Sq. , Toronto), ii) The church square i s an aesthetic space before the church. It was o r i g i n a l l y an open c o u r t y a r d o r " p a r v i s " for the gathering of the non-baptized.  It came to be u s e d for  religious ceremonies, p r o c e s s i o n s , and d r a m a which the church was inadequate to house. A n outstanding example  of the associated function church square is P i a z z a San M a r c o of V e n i c e .  F i g u r e IX is a reproduction  of Gentile B e l l i n e ' s painting of the P r o c e s s i o n of the H o l y C r o s s in P i a z z a San M a r c o .  Clerics,  lay  o f f i c i a l s , and the general body of citizens gathered for the annual pageant that is c l i m a x e d in the piazza.  P r o c e s s i o n of the H o l y C r o s s P i a z z a San M a r c o , Venice F I G U R E IX  painting by Gentile B e l l i n e E d i z i o n e Sigla Beta, Genova  iii) T h e palace square is the great open y a r d before the entrance to a p a l a c e . Its principle function is a r c h i t e c t u r a l but with important m i l i t a r y uses i n time of c i v i l strife or national emergency,  (e. g. Red Square,  . Moscow.) N u m e r o u s other variations of the associated function square include: the square at the entrance to a city (e. g. P i a z z a del Popolo, Rome), the square before a public a u d i t o r i u m or theatre (e. g. Queen E l i z a b e t h Plaza,  Vancouver) the square with a p a n o r a m i c view (e. g. P i a z z a l e  Michelangiolo, F l o r e n c e ) the square i n a city park ( e . g . Athens).  Zapiou Sq. ,  In each case the square is functionally associated with a  contiguous land or building use.  C.  The a r t e r i a l node function square is a c r o s s r o a d s .  It is  developed not only as the i n t e r s e c t i o n of streets, but also as a public square.  It is functionally dependent upon the c i r c u l a t i o n routes that  meet there and m a y also include l a r g e pedestrian a r e a s . example is the P l a c e de l ' E t o i l e ( F i g u r e IV).  A most s t r i k i n g  T h i s nuclear square,  with the A r c h of T r i u m p h c o m m e m o r a t i v e of Napoleon's v i c t o r i e s , is the hub of twelve radiating streets.  The multiple function square is the most complex, the most comprehensive, and the most elusive to define.  It c o m p r i s e s the qualities  of the internal function square,  and the associated function square; and  the a r t e r i a l node square, but it s y m b o l i z e s m u c h m o r e .  Its internal  functions are not the regular f o r m a l i z e d activity of a m a r k e t place, but: the i r r e g u l a r s p e c i a l functions, the regular i n f o r m a l functions of casual gatherings,  a site of spontaneous activity, a place of c i v i c consciousness  a s y m b o l of the community. It is a general purpose public open space in the heart and core of the community. T h i s is the functional type to which this thesis is predominantly directed; by example.  it is perhaps m o r e e a s i l y defined  Syntagma (Constitution) Square i n Athens is a multiple  function square designed i n the 1830's as a p r i n c i p l e focus of the baroque p l a n for the m o d e r n city.  It was i n i t i a l l y a palace square with  the palace situated on a r i s e on the east side; the palace is now the seat of the G r e e k p a r l i a m e n t . governmental edifice.  But Syntagma is m o r e than a forecourt for this  It contains the guarded tomb of the unknown  s o l d i e r where the R o y a l G u a r d are c e r e m o n i o u s l y changed each day; the square is thus i n part a national shrine and a c o m m e m o r a t i v e a s s o c i a t e d square. routes,  Eight streets, of which four are a r t e r i a l traffic  converge at the square making it a " c a r r e f o u r " ;  one half of  the central a r e a is a s m a l l park (the Garden of the Muses), the remainde is an open a i r cafe operated b y four hotels on the p e r i m e t e r of the square T h i s is a v e r y h e a v i l y u s e d square, levels;  in an urban a r e a of high pedestrian  it is a meeting centre, a place of l e i s u r e for Athenians and  tourists f r o m m o r n i n g until late night. F o r m o d e r n Athens, Syntagma is the p r i n c i p l e focus of c i v i c life as the A g o r a was in the ancient p e r i o d .  38 L i k e the A g o r a it is a general purpose public open space i n the urban core  a multiple function square.  Other examples of the multiple function square a r e : II Campo in Seina;  T r a f a l g a r Square, London; Union Square, San F r a n c i s c o ;  and P i a z z a del Duomo,  Milan,  and the ancient Roman F o r u m and  Athenian A g o r a .  ILL A G O R A  A.  Origins The p u b l i c * square is not an urban f o r m c h a r a c t e r i s t i c to a l l  cities, nor is it found i n every c i v i l i z a t i o n or culture. A r c h a e o l o g i s t s have unearthed the ruins of M o h e n j o - D a r o , Babylon, India, Mesopotamia and Egypt respectively,  and Kahun, i n  and these v e r y ancient u r b a n  sites r e v e a l streets, houses, temples and palaces, but not one open space which may be a c c l a i m e d 'a square.  1  E v e n towns in these  cultures l a i d out i n a g r i d pattern did not set aside land for such public use as a market place distinct f r o m the a r c h i t e c t u r a l complex of the palace or temple p r e c i n c t s , confines.  and yet situated within the  settlement  The e a r l i e s t squares reported i n a s e a r c h of l i t e r a t u r e  are  found i n Aegean culture, as regards the squares development in western culture. * owned and maintained by a governmental body or agency for free use by the community.  39  Zucker writes: O n l y after 500 B . C . did genuine squares develop i n G r e e c e . C i t y planning as such, conscious collective and integrated action beyond m e r e construction of individual houses, existed already i n India and Egypt i n the t h i r d m i l l e n i u m B . C . , but never the i m p u l s e to shape a void within the town into a t h r e e dimensional a r e a which we c a l l a " s q u a r e . " T h i s may be explained s o c i o l o g i c a l l y : only within a c i v i l i z a t i o n where the anonymous human being had become a " c i t i z e n , " where d e m o c r a c y had unfolded to some extent, could the gathering place become important enough to take on a s p e c i f i c shape. T h i s s o c i o l o g i c a l development was p a r a l l e l e d by an aesthetic phenomenon: only when a f u l l consciousness of space evolved and at least a certain sensitive perception of spatial expansion began to spread - - one may compare the essentially frontal sculpture of Egypt and Mesopotamia with the roundness of Greek c l a s s i c a l sculpture - - only then could the void before,, around, and within a structure become m o r e than a m e r e counterpart to articulated volume. ^  Z u c k e r sees the square as a f o r m of Greek o r i g i n after 500 B . C . and he suggests a connection between this o r i g i n and the democratic p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m and the development of a three dimensional aesthetic  awareness.  But examining these three points leads to conflicting opinions of other w r i t e r s and a l i m i t a t i o n on the conclusiveness of his findings.  First,  with regards to the Greek o r i g i n and date,  aesthetically  o r g a n i z e d and developed squares existed i n Minoan culture much e a r l i e r than 500 B . C . according to both Robert Scranton the archaeologist, and h i s t o r i a n s F r e d e r i c k H i o r n s and R. H . W y c h e r l e y .  Ibid.,  p.19  The example  40  I* MfMl  10  f  I • • ' "» . •' ton I  r — + -•  1  Palace of Minos, Crete  f r o m Scully Temple Earth and Gods.  FIGURE X  of this is f r o m Knossos in Crete.  The map of the Palace of Minos  (Figure X), shows a central court of approximately twenty thousand square feet. A palace court yard is not a public square; but in the case of this particular central court, it was not always a palace court yard.  41 The P a l a c e of Minos was o r i g i n a l l y an entire townsite. court was the public square for this s m a l l community. square surrounding b y buildings of v a r y i n g heights.  The central It was a c l o s e d  A t a later p e r i o d of  Minoan c i v i l i z a t i o n , the townsite was consolidated into a single a r c h i t e c t t u r a l complex u s e d as the r o y a l household and governmental administration centre - » in this way a public square in a s m a l l community became a court y a r d i n a p a l a c e .  Scranton and H i o r n s attest to this;  Wycherley  sites other Mino an examples; other w r i t e r s have not contradicted? "tit, and Z u c k e r seems unaware of this p r o t o - t y p e .  The Minoan city of  Knossos came to an abrupt and m y s t e r i o u s end at approximately 1450 B ^ C . The central court was the public square even e a r l i e r than this.  So the  square as an u r b a n - f o r m existed at least 1000 y e a r s before Z u c k e r notes, and it originated in the Minoan c i v i l i z a t i o n which predated the invasion of the Aegean a r e a b y the H e l l e n e s . A s r e g a r d s the relationship of d e m o c r a c y and the o r i g i n of the square,. K n o s s o s was r u l e d b y a K i n g ; Furthermore,  d e m o c r a c y was not yet developed.  i n Z u c k e r ' s own book Town and Square, he r e f e r s to temple  plazas in Mayan cities of Chichen Itza and T u l u m in Yucatan i n the fourth and fifth centuries B . O; Peru,  11  In the p r e - c o l u m b i a n e m p i r e of the Incas in  Z u c k e r admits cities with "streets l a i d out i n a rectangular  pattern centered around a p l a z a . " I b i d . , p . 138 12 I b i d . , p.139 1 1  12  Neither the Mayans nor the Incas  42  had  a democratic f o r m of government, yet each of them developed public  squares.  In view of this evidence,  the o r i g i n of the public square is neither  Greek nor dependent upon a democratic governing s y s t e m . true,  that for western culture,  But it i s  the public square d e r i v e d f r o m its  development as an element of city planning f r o m sixth century B . C . i n Greece.  K i n g C y r u s of P e r s i a is quoted b y Herodotus as having said, "I never yet feared the kind of men who have a place set apart i n the middle of the city i n which they get together and t e l l one another lies 13 under oath. "  L a t e r events showed his lack of fear mistaken.  But  R. E . W y c h e r l e y writes; " L i k e other despots he had a m i s p l a c e d contempt for f r e e r institutions;  but at least he had sufficient insight into Greek  life to r e g a r d the agora as p a r t i c u l a r l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the people. " The  14  A g o r a was the e a r l y c o m m e r c i a l and p o l i t i c a l center of  the G r e e k ' p o l i s ' . *  It developed f r o m its simple origins i n the a r c h a i c  p e r i o d (700-500) as a broadening of a m a i n street as i n T h e r a into a planned open space of the ancient Greek and Roman cities.  The A g o r a  was owned by the community - - the polis for public functions - - f o r m a l and i n f o r m a l .  In numerous cities it underwent considerable p h y s i c a l  13 R«E. Wycherly. How the Greeks Built Cities (London: MacMillan and Co.Ltd., 1949), p.50. 14 R. E . Wycherley, How the Greeks Built Cities (London: M a c M i l l a n & C o . L t d . , 1949), p . 50. F o r an explanation of the t e r m " p o l i s " see page 48.  43 change in an evolution that m a y have taken centuries.  New buildings  were set up i n the A g o r a to replace old, statues were r a i s e d and torn down, fountains flowed and d r i e d .  The space i t s e l f  a r t i s t i c a l l y o r g a n i z e d unit only after 500 B . 0.  came to be an  Until then, public  buildings were scattered about it with little apparent i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p of location, t e m p o r a r y stalls were erected between these. The A g o r a was a multiple function square. meeting place for a s s e m b l i e s or committees;  It was an o f f i c i a l  r e l i g i o u s gatherings at  festivals could use the A g o r a ; it s e r v e d as ai.imarket p l a c e ;  it was the  site of c i v i c government buildings, of r e l i g i o u s shrines, of m a r k e t buildings.  The p r i n c i p l e buildings u s u a l l y found i n the A g o r a of Greek  cities w e r e : . i) The "prytaneum, " the home of the chief or head m e n of the city  a vestige of the palace during the m o n a r c h i a l  p e r i o d s of govenment. ii) The "bouleuterion, * the home of the Council,  a limited  body of m e n was appointed b y the people to c a r r y out day to day work of city rule and organization in the 15 "bouleuterion. " iii) A fountain house  not a m e r e l y decorative fountain - -  was often an important element. "  16  15  B r i a n Hackett, M a n , Society and E n v i r o n m e n t (London: P e r c i v a l M a r s h a l l , 1950), p . 34. 16 W y c h e r l e y , op. cit. , p . 53  * 11"bouleuterion", sometimes spelle d "boulouterion 11 or  " b o u l e u t e r i u m 11  44 iv)  Stoas, u s e d as exchanges,  food stores,  and protection against the  •weather. Commenting on the general function of the A g o r a R. E . W y c h e r l e y w r i t e s : One m a y doubt whether the public places of any other cities have ever seen such an intense and sustained concentration of v a r i e d a c t i v i t i e s . T h e A g o r a was i n fact no m e r e public place but the central zone of the city, . its l i v i n g heart. In spite of an inevitable diffusion and s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of functions, it retained a r e a l share of a l l its old m i s c e l l a n e o u s functions. It r e m a i n e d e s s e n t i a l l y a single whole, or at least strongly r e s i s t e d d i v i s i o n . It was the constant r e s o r t of allgCitizens, and it did not s p r i n g to l i f e on s p e c i a l o c c a s i o n s .  B.  Athenian A g o r a - the o l d type Z W y c h e r l e y says that the archaic A g o r a began to develop  on the site northwest of the A c r o p o l i s at the end of the seventh century in an a r e a which was known as the K e r a m e i k o s , or potters'  quarters.  A m a r k e r of the sixth century with the i n s c r i p t i o n , "I a m the boundary of the A g o r a " indicates that the site was o f f i c i a l l y protected.  The  P e r s i a n W a r s which saw the destruction of the existing temples and public buildings of the a r c h a i c A g o r a l e d to the development on the same site of the c l a s s i c a l A g o r a f r o m the m i d fifth century onward.  Its most  complete development o c c u r r e d i n the Roman p e r i o d when a l l its 19 major buildings had been erected.  The plan of the A g o r a of Athens  as it appeared i n the 200 A . D. ( F i g u r e X) shows a f a i r l y large central open space of approximately six a c r e s . 17  Ibid. 18 19I b i d . , p . 55 I b i d . , p p . 55-58.  The Panathenaic Way l e d  45  through the square to the A c r o p o l i s ; other major streets also came together at this core of the city. developed e x t r e m e l y densely. and d i r t y .  The a r e a about the A g o r a was The streets were i r r e g u l a r , narrow,  Only such public open space as the A g o r a , A c r o p o l i s , and  the " g y m n a s i a " ,  gave r e l i e f f r o m the crowded quarters of A t h e n s .  T h i s tended to i n c r e a s e the n e c e s s i t y and hence the value of the A g o r a as a pedestrian p r e c i n c t i n full open a i r .  The result was a v e r y strong  relationship of the A g o r a to the p h y s i c a l structure of Athens.  A large  auditorium — the Odeon, built by A g r i p p a i n the f i r s t century A . D . , and the T e m p l e of A r e s (rebuilt c i r c a 100 A . D. i n the position on the plan) broke the space up to make the Athenian A g o r a a grouped square. B e f o r e the erection of this temple and the Odeon, the A g o r a surrounded by the Stoai of Attalos, P o i k i l e , H e r m e s , and Zeus E l e u t h e r i o s , plus the T h o l o s , Metroan, Bouleterion, and the Middle Stoa, f o r m e d a closed quadrangle with four major streets entering at the c o r n e r s .  A  continuous view through the A g o r a was not possible due to groves of t r e e s , and the erection of these internal buildings, beginning with the Middle Stoa ( c i r c a 150 B . C ) ; without a p r e c o n c e i v e d plan.  The Athenian A g o r a evolved slowly Its continuous change p e r m i t t e d a l i b e r a l  adaptation to alterations of function.  Hence at any given p e r i o d the  f o r m and internal development of the A g o r a was a r e f l e c t i o n of its s o c i a l function.  46 L e w i s M u m f o r d says of the A g o r a that 'its oldest and most 20 persistent function was that of a communal meeting p l a c e . "  He  goes on to relate a H o m e r i c description to this meeting place function. In an image f r o m A c h i l l e ' s shield i n T h e Iliad H o m e r speaks of a "place of a s s e m b l y " where the inhabitants of a town have gathered to hold a 21 public t r i a l .  T h i s governmental utilization of the A g o r a seems to  have p r e c e d e d any functions of c o m m e r c e , r e l i g i o n or even l e i s u r e .  In  his book T h e Nature of C i t i e s , H i l b e r s e i m e r not only a f f i r m s the p o l i t i c a l aspect of the Greek Square, he also emphatically excludes the c o m m e r c i a l aspect.  He writes:  It was b e l i e v e d that the A g o r a was also a m a r k e t p l a c e . T h i s i s not t r u e . T h e r e were markets i n Greek cities, but not on the A g o r a . T h e A g o r a was a p o l i t i c a l meeting place for the d i s c u s s i o n of public affairs and a gathering place for the free m e n of the city. F r o m it, A r i s t o t l e r e m a r k s , " a l l trade should be excluded and no mechanic, husbandman, or any such p e r s o n allowed to enter unless 22 he be summoned by the m a g i s t r a t e s . " But H i l b e r s e i m e r ' s opinion i s not supported by most historians or archaeologist,  ( i . e. Hackett,  Zucker, Mumford, Hamlin, Hiorns).  The A g o r a was a strong symbol of the p o l i t i c a l life of the " p o l i s " and it gained a s p e c i a l distinction among the citizens, this would i n part 20 L e w i s M u m f o r d , T h e C i t y i n H i s t o r y (New Y o r k : H a r c o u r t , B r a c e & W o r l d , I n c . , 1961),. p . 148. 21 E . V . Rieu, (trans. ), H o m e r : T h e Iliad (Harmondsworth, M i d d l e s e x Penguin Books L t d . , 1950), p. 350. 22 Ludwig, H i l b e r s e i m e r , The Nature of Cities (Chicago: P . O . Theobold,  1955),  p. 42.  47  A i flLMO PLAh OF THE. AhClthT •  Athenian Agora, Second Century A . D.  American School of Classical Studies, Athens. F I G U R E XI  account for Aristotle's advocating the exclusion of manual labourers and the lower classes from being present. This semi-religious sanctity of the Agora was connected with the idea of the " p o l i s " as a  48 f o r m of community.  H i l b e r s e i m e r describes this connection:  So far as we know, the P o l i s was the result of the p r o c e s s of s y n o e c i s m ; the condensation of a clan into a city. In its t e r r i t o r y no other independent community was allowed to exist. S y n o e c i s m involved a corporate decision to l i v e together p o l i t i c a l l y which had as its c o r o l l a r y the abolition of l o c a l governments in favor of one. The seat of the new unified government might be at a place selected f r o m among those a l r e a d y in existence; or it might be newly founded as the center for the government which had just come into being. H e r e was the A g o r a , the government offices, the gymnasiums, the theater, the fountain with flowing water. People might s t i l l be allowed to l i v e in their old v i l l a g e s , . but their rights and obligations now had to be e x e r c i s e d i n the P o l i s . ^3 The A g o r a as a s y m b o l of the " p o l i s " was further r e i n f o r c e d by the common p r a c t i c e of consecrating the " p r y t a n e u m " or city h a l l as it m a y be c a l l e d to H e s t i a whose s a c r e d f i r e represented the home of the "polis.  1 , 2 4  The f o r m a l gathering of the popular a s s e m b l y o c c u r r e d in this p r i m e open space not on the nearby Athenian A c r o p o l i s where the mundane transaction r e l i g i o u s site.  of c i v i c affairs was below the dignity of this  (The a c r o p o l i s of Greek cities was the f o r t i f i e d h i l l  which had been a r o y a l place with temples and palace). The business of legislation, j u r i s p r u d e n c e ,  24 and Row,  administration,  and other f o r m a l c i v i c  Ibid. ,  Joseph W a r d Swain, The Ancient W o r l d (New Y o r k ; H a r p e r 1962), I, p . 299.  functions were proper functions for the A g o r a .  The numerous  magistrates of the city had a working a r e a i n the south-west of the A g o r a c a l l e d 'the o f f i c e s ' ;  an important court the Heleaea met h e r e ;  the Areopagus, the highest Athenian law court met i n the R o y a l Stoa 25 of the A g o r a . of the city.  T h e s e courts were c l o s e l y a l l i e d to the p o l i t i c a l l i f e The p o l i t i c a l activities and a l l the i n f o r m a l d i s c u s s i o n ,  lobbying and electioneering connected with secular democratic g o v e r n ment focused on the open areas,  council building,  and " c i t y h a l l " of the  Agora. In the f r e s h air of the s u m m e r heat or the w a r m i n g sun of the winter, citizens gathered daily for talk with friends and acquaintances as w e l l as strangers to the city.  T h i s common p e r s o n to p e r s o n s o c i a l  communication should not be underrated,  for, i n a c i v i l i z a t i o n without  technological advantages to speed the news of w o r l d and community, direct contact was n e c e s s a r y for by far the greater r-rrportion of communication.  L e w i s M u m f o r d writes of the ancient Greek A g o r a :  The A g o r a was above a l l a place for p a l a v e r ; and there is probably no u r b a n m a r k e t place where the interchange of news and opinions did not, at least i n the part, play ^ almost as important a part as the interchange of goods. A s the trade and c o m m e r c e between cities and colonies expanded the c o m m e r c i a l function of the A g o r a as an open air market place also grew. A l l manner of a g r i c u l t u r a l produce and manufactured a r t i c l e s were sold  '  25  W y c h e r l e y , op. cit. p. 65. 26 M u m f o r d , op. cit. , p. 149-  f r o m t e m p o r a r y stalls set up i n the A g o r a f r o m at least the fifth century B . C .  O f f i c i a l s c a l l e d 'agoronomoi' s u p e r v i s e d the s e l l i n g  to ensure f a i r dealing; there were also inspectors of grain, weights 27 and m e a s u r e s .  Many c r a f t s m e n were located i n simple buildings  along streets which s p e c i a l i z e d i n the production of certain goods but people with m e r c h a n d i s e for sale on a less frequent b a s i s without the need of a permanent shop could be accommodated within the A g o r a or one of the " s t o a i " b o r d e r i n g it.  The l a r g e s t and most important of  these was the Stoa of Attalos, named after K i n g Attalos of P e r g a m o n (159-138 B . C ) who contributed the cost of its construction. The two f l o o r e d structure contained twenty-one shops but the greatest amount of its floor space was for promenading; it afforded a good view of 28 processions.  Kimon,  an Athenian statesman,  ( c i r c a 450 B . C . ) ,  had adorned the A g o r a with groves of plane t r e e s , which p r o v i d e d good cover f r o m the s u m m e r sun. for men who gathered to talk of philosophy and such matters, but it was the stoa which gave its name to the philosophic school of Zeno who taught under the colonnades as did 29 Socrates and other e a r l y p h i l o s o p h e r s .  F o r both consumer and vendo  the " s t o a i " were a m o r e pleasant location than the o v e r c r o w d e d maze ,a,c k e d the advantage of air and sun of n a r r o w27i W rre uel a which yg ch r lre ystreets , op._cit. , p. l66. 28 H o m e r A . Thompson, " T h e A g o r a at Athens and the Greek M a r k e t P l a c e , " J o u r n a l of the Society of A r c h i t e c t u r a l H i s t o r i a n s , V o l . XIII, D e c e m b e r , 1954, p. 11. 29 I b i d . , pp. 9 - H .  51 to cleanse the constant cooking odors and other s m e l l s and the threat of disease f r o m i m p r o p e r sanitation.  B e f o r e m o r e s p e c i a l i z e d locations were established athletic and d r a m a t i c presentations  centered on the A g o r a ; but this was before  the great p e r i o d of fifth century Athens and held little significance to the functions of the A g o r a f r o m that time onward.  T h i s great open square,  the heart of c l a s s i c a l Greek cities  combined i n one location the p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , and c o m m e r c i a l character of a city,  and the ethos of a nation.  It was itself no a r c h i -  t e c t u r a l t r i u m p h , even though the g l o r y of the P e r i c l e a n A c r o p o l i s was in nearby view as an example of aesthetic genius.  M o r e important,  it  was a s u c c e s s f u l urban open space for the daily s o c i a l interactions of Athenians i n v o l v e d i n a great v a r i e t y of community a f f a i r s . development,  The p h y s i c a l  of this A g o r a , like others i n old cities of the time such  as C o r i n t h , A e s o s , and E l i a , is a Greek proto-type of square.  It evolved  slowly without a p r e c o n c e i v e d p l a n . The placement of each new building further enclosed its f o r m along an i r r e g u l a r geometric ground p l a n . Its multiple functions were accommodated within a n o n - s p e c i a l i z e d community a r e a .  C . M i l e t i a n A g o r a - - the 'new' type The Hippodamic g r i d s y s t e m of streets that originated in Ionia became the dominant "new town" pattern f r o m the fifth century B . C . on 1  52 through to the Roman p e r i o d . of his time,  Hippodamus,  best known city planner  f o r m a l i z e d the A g o r a by setting aside specific areas for it  in the rectangular blocks of land created by the new s y s t e m .  The following  development of the A g o r a was hence r e g u l a r i z e d as an e a s i l y c l a s s i f i e d geometric open space which is the "new" type of A g o r a explained below in the example of the Ionian city of M i l e t u s .  The f o r m of the M i l e t i a n A g o r a is that of a grouped square with a north and south section which are linked by the "bouLeuterion, " a theatre and a colonnaded walk. The northern section was developed f i r s t with the erection of a long stoa facing the h a r b o u r . It s e r v e d the m a r i t i m e needs of this port city and concentrated m e r c a n t i l e in this section.  activity  T h i s stoa was the f i r s t architectually important structure  The most famous p e r s o n a l i t y i n Greek town planning, Hippodamus, was a M i l e s i a n . . . . We can be sure that he planned P e i r a e u s for the Athenians towards the middle of the fifth century. A s a young man he had experience at the rebuilding of his own city before he brought the new ideas to A t h e n s . We cannot doubt that he used the rectangular plan; . . . it i s reasonable to suppose that the methods which s e e m to have been n o r m a l in his own time and the fourth century were those of the most notable exponent of G r e e k town-planning. Not that he invented them or was the f i r s t to use them i n G r e e c e - - m o r e probably he developed them and made them m o r e widely known. . . . Reference to his 'allocation' of ground may point to the fact that he showed r e a l ingenuity i n arranging his cities and allotting sections for different p u r p o s e s . ( R . W . W y c h e r l e y How the G r e e k s B u i l t C i t i e s . London, M a c M i l l a n and C o . L t d . , 1962, p.17-18. Miletus was destroyed b y the P e r s i a n s i n 494 B . C . , and was refounded in 479 after the Greek defeat of the P e r s i a n s . T h i s rebuilding followed the Hippodamic s y s t e m . ( R. H . W y c h e r l e y . How the Greeks B u i l t C i t i e s . London, M a c M i l l a n & C o . L t d . , 1962, second edition, page 18.  53  ..is  U n 11 i.u.i i,i 111 irrrt —  .  MILETUS—AGORA AREA, C. MID-2ND CKXT, B.C.  Miletus and its Agora f r o m H i o r n s , Town Building in History.  F I G U R E XII  54 adjoining the A g o r a ; A structure,  W y c h e r l e y dates.it at the end of the fourth century.  30  built on a two block site, which was p r o b a b l y the p r y t a n e u m  f o r m e d the western side of the north A g o r a .  A temple and a horseshoe  shaped colonnade were added later to complete the n o r t h e r n e n c l o s u r e . The north section of the A g o r a i s made f r o m a rectangular open c e n t r a l a r e a bounded by three open colannaded stoas;  two of these  are L. shaped, a l l c o n f o r m to the r e c t i l i n e a r pattern of the street s y s t e m . T h i s section was for r e c r e a t i o n ,  general purposes,, and c o m m e r c i a l  activity not d i r e c t l y associated with m a r i n e activity. The square is r e g u l a r , symmetry;  and f o r m a l , but it does not have axial  this was a development to come l a t e r , . i n the H e l l e n i s t i c and  Roman p e r i o d s . The functions of this A g o r a were l i k e those i n Athens and other Greek c o m m u n i t i e s .  It is worth noting that here again, four aspects of  the community are brought together in one location i n a of the s o c i a l life of the city; economics,  cross-section  these are the r e l i g i o n , the p o l i t i c s , the  and the l e i s u r e activities.  F r o m F i g u r e XII the place of the square relative to the p h y s i c a l structure of Miletus is o b s e r v e d .  It is in a central position " c o m p a r a t i v e -  l y l o w - l y i n g and f l a t " with numerous streets of the g r i d leading to it. Ibid. , p . 70.  55 It was not only in the urban core,  it was the urban core and hence was  the point of greatest concentration of p e d e s t r i a n activity.  O f the  developed land of M i l e t u s , this was the l a r g e s t public open space.  In  contrast to the streets of the city it represented a v e r y great expansion of the volume of space.  It is not known whether or not the actual  development adhered to a p r e c o n c e i v e d plan;  the a r e a was set aside f r o m 31  the i n i t i a l p e r i o d of redevelopment and was then p r e s e r v e d until needed; also, each succeeding architect, who erected a building as part of the A g o r a complex, was c a r e f u l to orient the new structure to the r e c t i l i n e a r checkerboard system.  The colonnades, temples,  and c i v i c government  buildings were i n the Greek c l a s s i c a l tradition of a e s t h e t i c s - m o d e r a t i o n , simplicity,  dignity, and c l a r i t y of f o r m .  The H i p p o d a m i c plan and hence  its c l o s e d square spread wherever H e l l e n i s t i c c i v i l i z a t i o n was the conqueror.  It r e c e i v e d common e x p r e s s i o n in the continuous open arcade  which was e s p e c i a l l y prevalent in the H e l l e n i s t i c e r a .  Here perspective  became a featured note i n c i v i c design, set off by the wider streets now a x i a l l y aligned with the A g o r a .  The wider streets and l a r g e r spaces  were i n part an answer to the greater scale of buildings which by this t i m e , ( c i r c a t h i r d century B . C . ) were c o m m o n l y two or three stories in height.  But the continuous facade of equal height and repeated columns  gained in grandeur at the p r i c e of dullness. 3 1  I b i d . , p.  19.  56  In western culture, the public square is of Greek or Minoan invention.  Its e a r l i e s t function was as a public meeting p l a c e .  This  expanded to include casual s o c i a l gatherings, f o r m a l p o l i t i c a l meetings such as councils, committees,  courts of law, and c i v i c administration,  a centre for certain religious buildings, p r o c e s s i o n s and c e r e m o n i e s , a m a r k e t place, a site for o r g a n i z e d sports activity, a centre for t h e a t r i c a l production, for a r t i s t i c display, for c o m m e m o r a t i v e monuments. H o m e r Thompson w r i t e s :  The public buildings . . . combined with monuments that eventually stood i n groves within the square, made of the A g o r a a national art g a l l e r y f r e e l y open to a l l m e n at a l l t i m e s . 32 The public squares of Ancient G r e e c e may be divided into two classes:  those which were conceived and constructed as a planned f o r m a l  a r c h i t e c t u r a l space such as i n Miletus, and those which f o r m e d slowly about a conserved open space without a consistent or simple geometric enclosed space.  T h e s e two types w i l l be found repeatedly i n the h i s t o r y  of s q u a r e s .  Within the context of the total urban pattern the A g o r a was located within the core and was i n fact the focus of urban l i f e .  It was  o r i g i n a l l y the only developed open space of significant size (other than the acropolis) within the m a n - m a d e citysc.ape.  In p r o p o r t i o n to the  roads which gave access to it and through the surrounding built up area,  32  Thompson, op. cit. p. 9.  the A g o r a was a great v o l u m e t r i c expansion of space.  It adapted well  to the M e d i t e r r a n e a n climate by p r o v i d i n g a space for sunshine in the winter months and space for c i r c u l a t i o n of cooling b r e e z e s / sea i n the heat of s u m m e r .  f r o m the  A s the general p h y s i c a l working conditions  and l i v i n g spaces of the streets were far f r o m amenable,the A g o r a s e r v e d as an outdoor casual s o c i a l center for the city. A g o r a of a Greek city was a closed square i n f o r m ;  The p r i n c i p l e  it was a multiple  function square with special emphasis on government, r e l i g i o n , c o m m e r c e , and l e i s u r e .  IV.  W.  FORUM  S. D a v i s , the historian,wrote that the Roman F o r u m had  "become the common center and c r u c i b l e for everything good and bad 33 in the huge, teeming M e d i t e r r a n e a n W o r l d . "  The now hackneyed  phrase " a l l roads l e a d to R o m e " could be amended to read, " a l l roads l e a d to the F o r u m R o m a n u m — the p r i n c i p l e square of the ancient city. The convergence at this point of the t r a f f i c routes of the E m p i r e is r e c o r d e d on a gilded stone p i l l a r c a l l e d the " G o l d e n M i l e s t o n e " which is set up i n the F o r u m .  O n it was i n s c r i b e d the names of the m a i n highways  leaving Rome and the distances f r o m the F o r u m to the chief points along 33 and Bacon,  W i l l i a m S. D a v i s , _A Day i n O l d Rome (New Y o r k : A l l y n 1925), p. 2.  58  the way.  The F o r u m was considered " M i l e C ' f o r the Roman.. World',  it was the hub.  The t e r r i t o r i a l expansion of Rome f r o m the beginning of the Punic W a r s i n 264 B . C . , through the p e r i o d of the E m p i r e ,  (proclaimed  by Augustus i n 27 B . C . ) l e a d to the establishment of Rome as the p o l i t i c a l , economic, based society.  m i l i t a r y , and cultural centre of a vast M e d i t e r r a n e a n  The city came to expect and to r e c e i v e p h y s i c a l e m b e l l i s h -  ment to match and contribute to its p r e s t i g e .  The F o r u m R o m a n u m and  later adjacent f o r a were p r i m e foci within the city of this international prestige.  T h e i r integration with the total sphere of urban and state  activities was an extension i n spatial organization, i n a r c h i t e c t u r a l styles,  and i n s o c i a l function, of the idea of the public square,  initiated  in the Aegean.  The d i s c u s s i o n here of the F o r u m Romanum, and the I m p e r i a l F o r a , i s taken f r o m the p e r i o d 117 A . D. to 138 A . D . i n the reign of Hadrian,  during the " P a x R o m a n a " when the development of the  squares  was essentially complete.  A . The F o r u m R o m a n u m  Rome is traditionally reported to have been founded by the union of s e v e r a l tribes i n the eighth century B . C .  T h i s union was  s y m b o l i z e d by the establishment of a common market place and a s s e m b l y  59 which was sanctified with a temple.  34  Thus f r o m its v e r y beginning  Rome was constituted about its m a i n square, the F o r u m R o m a n u m with institutions of government, r e l i g i o n , and c o m m e r c e . In i m p e r i a l times this was an i r r e g u l a r l y shaped c l o s e d square with approximate dimensions of one hundred and fifty feet b y three hundred feet.  The site was an a r e a of drained swampland (which had  been used as a b u r i a l ground) between the Capitoline, Palatine h i l l s .  E s q u i l i n e , and  T h e s e h i l l s and the buildings on them emphasized the  enclosed character of the square.  Although the ends of the F o r u m p r e s e n t -  ed a confused a r c h i t e c t u r a l wall due to the n o n - a l i g n e d building fronts and heights, the sides of the F o r u m , (along its length) had a strong s i m p l e r h y t h m of almost matching a r c h e d facades of two b a s i l i c a s approximately forty feet high.  The F o r u m R o m a n u m contained certain sites which were s a c r e d  and could not be altered or built upon.  T h e s e considerations strongly affected  the layout of the square and the evolution of its development.  A longitudinal  axis did develop between the R o s t r a and the T e m p l u m D i v i J u l i i ,  (Figure  xni). The land uses adjoining the F o r u m are indicated on the map of its ground plan.  These are:  the B a s i l i c a A e m i l i a ,  a court house dating  f r o m as e a r l y as 179 B . C . ; the " C u r i a , " the Senate house; J u l i a , another court house, 34  six temples,  M u m f o r d , op. cit. , p. 221  the B a s i l i c a  Career Tullianum, a prison;  60  F o r u m Romanum, Imperial times  F I G U R E XIII  the Tabularium, the public record office;  from Sitte City Planning According to Artistic Principles -  and entering streets of  which the principle one is the "Angiletum" between the C u r i a and Basilica Aemilia.  The basilicas were much more than court houses,  and the temples were more than religious buildings. The way in which these generated activity is discussed as a social function of the F o r u m . ,  The internal development of the F o r u m included sculpture, triumphal arches, a speakers platform, altars, and a paved surface of Travertine. There were no tree shaded, or planted areas.  61 The F o r u m was a popular site for the erection of c o m m e m o r ative monuments to dieties and national h e r o e s .  (The number of these  became so great that as e a r l y as 158 B . C . the censors o r d e r e d the 35 r e m o v a l of a l l statues not put up by the government.  )  The most  prominent sculptures were the eight columns, each mounted with a figure, which r a n p a r a l l e l to the B a s i l i c a J u l i a . the m i l i t a r y v i c t o r i e s of Severus, here for clarification),  T r i u m p h a l arches m a r k e d  (not e r e c t e d until 211 A . D. but noted  Augustus, and T i b e r i u s .  Davis wrote:  At e v e r y turn one sees these triumphs of bronze and m a r b l e , A p o l l o s , M i n e r v a s , V i c t o r i e s , Winged M e r c u r i e s , Centaurs, H o m e r i c H e r o e s , and a l l the legendary host of G r a e c o - R o m a n mythology . . . . Interspersed with these gods are the h o n o r a r y statues of the worthies of R o m e . . . . A m e r e walk about the f o r a with an explanation of their p o r t r a i t statues becomes therefore a detailed l e s s o n i n Roman h i s t o r y . 36  The sculpture had an educational function in addition to its m o r e obvious decorative p u r p o s e .  The sculptured altar located near the centre of the F o r u m was dedicated to a Roman youth L a c u s Curtius of disputed fame but commonly 37 revered.  T h i s altar was a v e r y strong v i s u a l element among the  C . C . F . Huelsen, The F o r u m and the Palatine, H . T a n z e r (New Y o r k : A B r u d e r h a u s e n , 1928), p. 10. 36 Davis, op. cit. , p . 259 37 Ibid. , p. 272  trans. Helen  62  internal f u r n i s h i n g s .  The speakers p l a t f o r m and funeral p y r e situated at the north west end of the square was known as the " R o s t r a " after the custom of setting up the prows of captured ships here." A m a r b l e balustrade with bronze statues of such famous Romans as Sulla and Pompeius fronts the elaborate p l a t f o r m .  38  The relationship of the F o r u m R o m a n u m to the city and the v i c i n i t y i s e s p e c i a l l y important. The v i c i n i t y of the F o r u m was the central business d i s t r i c t of the city. The street leading into it were crowded with a v a r i e t y of c o m m e r c i a l e n t e r p r i s e s . The d i s t r i c t was in addition the financial, r e l i g i o u s , judicial, legislative and p r i n c i p l e i n f o r m a l l e i s u r e centre for the city.  Rome was v e r y densly populated. Davis has computed the population at 134 A . D . to be approximately 1,500, 000 p e r s o n s , other 39 estimations go as high as 2, 000, 000. living and working a r e a s ; open space,  The city was congested i n  i n this context the F o r u m was an oasis of  crowded only with people. S e v e r a l authors describe the  general p h y s i c a l character of the streets of R o m e .  Ludwig F r i e d l a n d e r ,  in his work Roman L i f e and M a n n e r s notes building frontage heights of 38 39  *  I b i d . , p. 269. I b i d . , p. 4.  .- " R o s t r u m " : beak, part of the prow of ancient ships. The " R o s t r a of the F o r u m became associated with its location at the speakers p l a t f o r m ; the E n g l i s h usage is d e r i v e d f r o m this association.  1  63  seventy feet in Augustan t i m e s ,  with a street width of only thirteen and  one half feet on the fashionable V i c u s T u s c u s .  40  Davis notes that  balconies were p e r m i t t e d to stretch over the street so m u c h that 41 "neighbours can sometimes touch hands. "  M e r c u r y Street (which  Davis uses as a t y p i c a l example) i s fifteen feet wide f r o m house to house and is c o m p a r a t i v e l y dark due to houses r i s i n g thirty or forty feet over 42 this narrow expanse.  No space was p r o v i d e d between buildings and  alleys were only a few feet wide.  The streets were so crowded i n the  day with every type of c o m m e r c i a l and light manufacturing activity that passage of vehicles was not p o s s i b l e and the use of h o r s e s and wagons 43 was l a r g e l y prohibited i n hours of daylight. condition of narrow,  T h i s omnipresent  crowded, and dark streets, greatly enhanced the value  of the bright, b r o a d expanse of public open space of theatres, arenas, gardens,  and for casual everyday use -—:' the F o r u m .  Julius C a e s a r ,  Until the time of  the F o r u m was the only great square within the city to  meet this need. The p h y s i c a l need for an open space, the numerous facilities of the F o r u m , and the surrounding major c o m m e r c i a l a r e a resulted i n a 40 Ludwig F r i e d l a n d e r , R o m a n L i f e and Manners Under the E a r l y E m p i r e , t r a n s . L e o n a r d A . Magnus (seventh edition; London, George Routledge &t Sons L t d . , n . d.), p. 41 Davis, op. cit. , p. 18 42 Ibid., p.18. 43„ . , I b i d . , p. 4.  64 large and r e g u l a r volume of people to make use of the square.  The F o r u m R o m a n u m • was a p h y s i c a l e x p r e s s i o n of the law, justice,  conquest, power, peace, and ideals of the E m p i r e . It was a  multiple function public square whose p l a s t i c beauty, o b s c u r e d the prevalent character of the city.  and spatial grandeur  Mumford writes:  H e r e , then, the new Rome of aggressive fact and reality, the Rome of looting s o l d i e r s cringing slaves, and c r a s s land speculators was concealed beneath the toga of the traditional Rome of p a t r i o t i c aspiration and Stoic d r e a m . Who could doubt here the r e a l i t y of that i d e a l Rome, under whose e n folding law and peace, o r d e r was o r d e r , justice was justice, efficiency was efficiency . . . . In the F o r u m , one might r e m e m b e r , without i r o n i c r e s e r v e s , indeed with honest admiration, the m o r a l meditations and the duty bound activities of a C i c e r o or a M a r c u s A u r e l i u s . H e r e , too one might e a s i l y forget the stinking pits of the c a r n a r i u m or the o r g y of torture that daily took place i n the nearby arenas. ^4  M u m f o r d s choice of words powerfully creates an image of depravity 1  and decay that m a y b e overzealous even though effective. The uses of the F o r u m that contribute to the i d e a l and the fact are d i s c u s s e d below.  The F o r u m began as a public a s s e m b l y and market p l a c e . On the a r e a of the " F o r u m " known as the " c o m i t i u m " the popular a s s e m b l y held its meetings. When the a s s e m b l y grew too large to meet here Julius C a e s a r established a new a s s e m b l y area on the " C a m p u s Martius. "  T h i s made way for the construction at the C o m i t i u m site of  M u m f o r d , op. cit. , p. 223.  65  a new senate house the " C u r i a J u l i a . " C u r i a almost daily.  R o m a n Senators went to the  It was the c u s t o m that they be accompanied to  the F o r u m by a retinue of  " c l i e n t s " who greeted their patron at his  house each m o r n i n g , r e c e i v e d their dole, and instructions, the Senator i n the difficult journey to the F o r u m . citizens, the senators, and the slaves.  and aided  With the elite  came the knights, the plebians, the f r e e d m e n  Concerning this daily journey Davis w r i t e s :  . . . i f the great men do this, a l l the l e s s e r f r y and above a l l the genteel i d l e r s must do the same. The women frequent the f o r a almost as m u c h as the men do. . . . a l l the f o r a are allowed to be o v e r r u n with i d l e r s . Ragged boys are s c a m p e r i n g between the columns fronting the most s a c r e d temples, and on the steps of the same adult i d l e r s f r o m , m o r n ' t i l l eve are playing " R o b b e r s " . . . (a game) . . . or rattling dice. . . . The foul and the elegant are often i n amazing juxtaposition. " G o i n g to the F o r u m " means v i s i t i n g any place in this crowded swarming d i s t r i c t , where e v e r y public and private interest seems to have its stronghold, and where l i t t e r s of Senators go past so frequently that nobody stops to count them. 45 But it was not just to catch the r e f l e c t i o n of the upper c l a s s e s that the people flocked h e r e .  The court houses - - the B a s i l i c a A e m i l i a ,  and the B a s i l i c a J u l i a were important business centers as well as being law courts.  T h e i r open colonnaded i n t e r i o r s p r o v i d e d ample  lounging space i n bad weather.  M u n i c i p a l o f f i c i a l s and c l e r k s had  their offices h e r e . Davis, opj cit. , p.  223.  T h e y were pleasant meeting p l a c e s . The temples of the F o r u m were not only religious buildings;  the T e m p l e of Castor was a storage place  where money and jewels etc. , could be safely stored for a s m a l l fee. Next to the T e m p l e of C a s t o r , the House of V e s t a was sacrosanct and an important place for the safekeeping of important documents.  46  F r o m the R o s t r a o r a t o r s t r y to sway public opinion, and the E m p e r o r s o c c a s i o n a l l y addressed the people.  F o r m a l public functions  o c c u r r e d at this point. The F o r u m was a n e c e s s a r y place for anyone to v i s i t who wished to l e a r n the latest news. c a l l e d " a l b u m s " were set up.  O f f i c i a l and private notices  T h e " A c t a D i u r n a " were notices and news  items reported on boards p l a c e d about c o l u m n s .  People gathered  about the boards to recopy the news and r e a d it.  New notices of l o c a l ,  foreign,  and private events were continuously put out. Copies of the news  were sent to cities throughout the E m p i r e . Davis writes, "whether you wish to know the p r i c e of g r a i n or the day set for a lawsuit;  whether  Syphax the Moor w i l l r a c e his four i n the next c i r c u s , or Epaphroditus the Athenian w i l l l e c t u r e t o m o r r o w on the nature of the soul,  the  47 F o r u m p l a c a r d s w i l l t e l l you everything. "  The F o r u m thus s e r v e d  the function of a communication center - - the daily newspaper. A s a market for meat and vegetables the F o r u m eventually p r o v e d inadequate and i n 318 B . C . this function was moved to other nearby  ^ I b i d . , p. 231. 47 I b i d . , pp. 268-269.  4  67 locations.  48  T h i s p r o v i d e d space for the establishment of facilities i n  the F o r u m for bankers and moneychangers.  With the t r a n s f e r of power f r o m the people and senate to the e m p e r o r s the F o r u m declined as a focus of actual p o l i t i c a l strength though i m p r e s s i v e edifices continued to e m b e l l i s h the site.  F i g u r e XIV  below is an artists conception of the F o r u m in I m p e r i a l t i m e s .  F o r u m Romanum  f r o m Sitte C i t y Planning A c c o r d i n g to A r t i s t i c P r i n c i p l e s  F I G U R E XIV  M u m f o r d , op. cit. , p. 225.  68 The combination of government buildings, religious institutions, and financial offices created a concentration of v a r i e d activities.  The  common man came to basque i n the amenity of the great open space; of finance and government came for their day to day b u s i n e s s ;  men  all  citizens came to watch and be part of the festivities of m i l i t a r y t r i u m p h s ; six temples in the F o r u m were a s p i r i t u a l focus;  visitors f r o m the  E m p i r e and beyond would seek out (as tourists s t i l l do) this heart of empire;  and the curious interest seeking of a l l groups would hear the  news and gossip,  and " r u b s h o u l d e r s " with their  counterparts.  The F o r u m R o m a n u m was a s m a l l square relative to its significance to the city. The information available about it f r o m the l i t e r a t u r e of the day and f r o m numerous secondary sources suggests that it was a magnificent symbol of a c i v i l i z a t i o n ; it was a junction for numerous influences on the life of a state and its people; affairs of each day found this a suitable activity centre; spectacles of a w o r l d e m p i r e were  the casual the l a v i s h  acted out i n this open air t h e a t r e - i n -  the-round.  B. Imperial F o r a  The I m p e r i a l F o r a of Rome were built north east of the F o r u m R o m a n u m between the Capitoline, Q u i r i n a l ,  and E s q u i l i n e H i l l s .  Each  one has its own f o r m , but considered as a unit they are grouped squares and i n c l u d e : The F o r u m of C a e s a r , F o r u m of Augustus, F o r u m  69 of N e r v a (also c a l l e d F o r u m T r a n s i t o r i u m ) . F o r u m of T r a j a n . plan.  F o r u m of P e a c e ,  and the  E a c h of these squares was built according to a  P e t e r H . von Blanckenhagen notes in his a r t i c l e " T h e I m p e r i a l  F o r a " that the construction of each succeeding F o r u m took into account 49 the p l a n of the others and was then related to them.  T h i s is e s p e c i a l l y  evident on examining the plan of the I m p e r i a l F o r a ( F i g u r e V . ) square has axial s y m m e t r y ,  and the axis of each one is either p a r a l l e l  or p e r p e n d i c u l a r to.the other.  T h e s e f o r a are dominated by a temple,  excepting the F o r u m of T r a j a n which i s dominated a b a s i l i c a . I m p e r i a l F o r a are,  Each  taken individually, closed,  The  regular geometric  squares.  The " F o r u m J u l i u m C a e s a r i s " was built i n 48 B . C . and i s dedicated to V e n u s . system,  Unlike the e a r l i e r Greek squares of the Hippodamic  it is a long rectangle and the temple facade f o r m s one end;  portico of double columns forms the sides.  Davis says that Julius  C a e s a r p a i d out 100, 000, 000 s e s t e r c e s for the land, that it was times u s e d for Senate meetings,  a  some-  and that "the shops under the porticoes  around are among the finest in R o m e . "  50  49 P e t e r H . van Blanckenhagen,. " T h e I m p e r i a l F o r a , " J o u r n a l of the Society of A r c h i t e c t u r a l H i s t o r i a n s , V o l . XIII, December 1954, pp.21-26. 50 Davis, op. cit. p. 277.  70 C a e s a r built his f o r u m as the result of a vow at the battle of Pharsalus;  s i m i l a r l y s e v e r a l years before i n 42 B . C . Augustus (then  Octavius) had p r o m i s e d a temple to M a r s  the A v e n g e r .  a temple with the F o r u m of Agustus before i t . nade at each side before an apse.  T h e r e s u l t was  This square had a c o l o n -  T h e r e were no shops i n the colonnades  but van Blanckenhagen states that r e c i t a l s and l e c t u r e s took place i n . these apses,  and i n the central a r e a of the square important c e r e m o n i e s  took place, ( i . e .  magistrates  r e c e i v e d new o f f i c e s ; the "toga v i r i l i s "  was bestowed upon p r i n c e s of the i m p e r i a l f a m i l y ; on matters of war and peace); The F o r u m of Peace,  and the senate voted  works of art decorated the p l a z a .  51  known after the fourth century as the  F o r u m of V e s p a s i a n , was i n t e r n a l l y developed as a f o r m a l garden; (this is the f i r s t instance i n the h i s t o r y of squares that the author has noted this to o c c u r ) . museum;  T h i s f o r u m contained l i b r a r i e s ; was a kind of  had no known p o l i t i c a l or o f f i c i a l functions;  and was  52 dedicated to P e a c e .  Its f o r m was a c l o s e d colonnaded square;  plan this f o r u m is sometimes shown as rectangular,  in  and sometimes as  square. The F o r u m of N e r v a was a great m a l l . century A . Di and includes a temple to M i n e r v a .  It was built i n the f i r s t It not only acts as a  link to the F o r u m of Augustus and F o r u m of Peace,  but p r o v i d e s a  grand entrance to the F o r u m Romanum through the A n g i l e t u m . 51 Ibid. , p. 22. 5 2  Ibid. ,  71 The F o r u m of T r a j a n is the latest and most complex of the Imperial F o r a .  It is i t s e l f a grouped square of three p a r t s ,  each  aesthetically united by a single longitudinal axis, and the C o l u m n of T r a j a n which towers 128 feet.  In the centre of the f i r s t of this grouped  s e r i e s i s an equestrian statue of T r a j a n ;  beyond this is the B a s i l i c a  Ulpia, the last great law court of the city.  On either side of T r a j a n ' s  column are the "Bibliothecae, ' public l i b r a r i e s : r  the other for L a t i n . Trajan.  one for Greek works,  A t the extreme end of the F o r u m is the T e m p l e of  Behind the F o r u m were colonnaded streets on a h i l l slope;  this a r e a was the M e r c a t i Troiani>.  53  The I m p e r i a l F o r a demonstrate c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Roman squares that are t y p i c a l of Roman c i v i c design. axial symetry,  T h e r e is a strong p r e f e r e n c e for  the squares are each a c l o s e d geometric shape,  a long rectangle in p l a n .  usually  A colonnade along each side and a temple at  the one end was common. Although closed i n f o r m , these squares are each dominated and oriented to a temple. function squares;  The I m p e r i a l F o r a are not multiple  they are either internal function (e.g.  F o r u m of Peace)  or associated function (e. g. F o r u m of N e r v a ) . T h e r e is no question that in s o c i a l function, the F o r u m Romanum had a greater relationship to the city than the I m p e r i a l F o r a . the spontaneity of the F o r u m .  T h e i r somewhat s t e r i l e design,  lacks  C e r t a i n l y the scale, and spatial control  within the F o r a exemplified the p r e c i s i o n and grandeur of this Roman  Ibid. , p. 23.  72 conception, but there seems to be n o n - c o n c e r n for a " h u m a n " s c a l e . C.  The F o r u m in Towns A p p l i e d to cities and towns throughout the E m p i r e the f o r u m  p r o v e d an adequate c i v i c  center of government and religious institutions.  T h e y could be built according to v a r y i n g degrees of size of space needed a c c o r d i n g to the u r b a n population to be s e r v e d and the combination of functions intended.  A f o r m u l a for this is p r e s c r i b e d by the Augustan  architect and author M a r c u s V i t r u v i u s P o l l i o , whose T e n Books on A r c h i t e c t u r e i s the one surviving treatise on c l a s s i c a l architecture,  and  has made h i m the best known, though certainly not the best, of ancient 54 Roman b u i l d e r s . following  O n the subject of squares,  V i t r u v i u s had the  comments: The G r e e k s l a y out their forums in the f o r m of a square surrounded by v e r y spacious double colonnades, adorn them with columns set v e r y c l o s e l y togefher, and with entablatures of stone or m a r b l e , and construct walks above i n the upper story. But in the cities of Italy the same method cannot be followed, for the reason that it is a custom handed down f r o m our ancestors that g l a d i a t o r i a l shows should be given in the f o r u m . T h e r e fore let the intercolumniations around the place be pretty wide; round about in the colonnades put the b a n k e r s ' offices; and have balconies on the upper floor p r o p e r l y a r r a n g e d so as to be convenient, and to b r i n g in some revenue. ^  54 M o r i s H i c k e y M o r g a n ( t r a n s . ) , V i t r u v i u s : The T e n Books on A r c h i t e c t u r e (New Y o r k : Dover Publications I n c . , I960). 55 I b i d . , p.131  The size of a f o r u m should be proportionate to the number of inhabitants, so that it m a y not be too s m a l l a space to be useful, nor look like a desert waste for lack of p o p u lation .. . . T o determine its breadth, divide its length into three p a r t s and assign two of t h e m to the breadth. Its shape w i l l then be oblong, and its ground plan conveniently suited to the conditions of shows. ^  V i t r u v i u s ' s guide to b u i l d e r s of squares,  is far f r o m being c o m p r e h e n -  sive, but it is a useful insight to Roman concern for f o r m , l a n d use, and a dependency of the square  upon the community it s e r v e s .  The " F o r u m of P o m p e i i " ( F i g u r e X V ) , is t y p i c a l in layout and style of the p u b l i c squares found throughout the p r o v i n c e s and Empire.  The inner open space is surrounded b y a colonnade;  decorate the paved open space;  monuments  the temple of Jupiture r a i s e d above  ground l e v e l is the dominating structure,  while other temples and  b a s i l i c a e are located at the sides and at the opposite end; m a r k e t *>lace is found just off the square;  a public  and m u n i c i p a l offices are  p r o v i d e d in the surrounding buildings, and the major roads of the city provide a c c e s s to the p r i n c i p l e public open space. state r e l i g i o n c o m m e r c e ,  M u n i c i p a l government,  and public l i f e are thus given a s p e c i a l site  where they m a y combine in one open space to f o r m a whole of numerous community aspects and i n t e r e s t s .  Ibid.,  p.132  'ig. 1. Pompeii: The Forum. I. Temple of Jupiter.—II. Macellum (pro ision market).—III. Sanctuary of the City Lares.—IV. Temple of Ves •asian.—V. Building of Eurnachia.—VI. Comitium.—VII. Office of th' . )uumvirs.—VIII. The City Council.—IX. Office of the Aediles.X. Basilica,—XI. Temple of Apollo.—XII. Market building -  F o r u m of Pompeii  from Sitte, City Planning According to Artistic Principles  FIGURE XV  75  V.  PARVIS A N D G R A N D E P L A C E  The p e r i o d i n E u r o p e a n c i v i l i z a t i o n when cities and towns r i s e again f r o m the " d a r k - a g e s , " c i r c a 900 A . D . , until the " H i g h R e n a i s s a n c e " (which, taken for the purpose of this study begins c i r c a 1500), m a y be termed, the M e d i e v o - R e n a i s s a n c e .  T h i s five hundred years of the  retrenchment of u r b a n i s m can only be sketched v e r y l i g h t l y i n this study. In this section, it is d i s c u s s e d under the sub-topics of: the o r i g i n s of towns i n the middle ages;  the general p h y s i c a l character of the cities;  the types of public squares i n the m e d i e v o - r e n a i s s a n c e community; and a g e n e r a l d i s c u s s i o n of one m a j o r square of the t i m e .  A . O r i g i n s of Towns  The location, the f o r m , and the uses of adjoining lands, and the functions of squares i n the m e d i e v o - r e n a i s s a n c e p e r i o d i s influenced, by the o r i g i n of any.given community. Z u c k e r outlines four categories which are d e s c r i b e d below:  57  1. Towns developed " f r o m existing Roman cities, the o l d plan i n the scheme of their reconstructed streets.  57 58  Z u c k e r , op. cit. , pp. 67-74. I b i d . , p . 67.  preserving 58  In these  communities the Roman g r i d i r o n pattern of streets may r e m a i n intact, but the f o r u m no longer exists, having lost its function i n centuries of disuse;  it is u s u a l l y built over, p r o v i d i n g ground space for a vh ole new  block of structures - - v e r y often a church.  A s a square,  f o r u m is no longer recognizable in m e d i e v a l c i t i e s .  the ancient  E x a m p l e s are found  throughout the Roman w o r l d i n such cities as F l o r e n c e , T u r i n ,  Nantes,  59 M a i n z and Winchester. 2. Towns developed " a r o u n d existing castles,  monastries,  or independent church structures, their l o c a l i m m u n i t y areas becoming 60 the nucleus of later expansion. "  Communities which grew around the  established location of a church, a monastery, the sanctuary of the place,  or a castle, on account of  or the safety behind the walls, u s u a l l y had an  i r r e g u l a r m a r k e t square on secular ground alongside the site,  or beside a castle.  eclesiastical  A s these towns expanded the castle, or religious  complex continued to dominate the structure of the settlement. The square in these cases is always beyond the i m m u n i t y a r e a of the church, or outside the stronghold.  T h i s is the b a s i s of a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c m e d i e v a l  development - - two different and separate major squares i n a community. The one a p a r v i s ,  always i n direct conjunction with the church, and so  reflecting the s p i r i t u a l w o r l d of man; ^ I b i d . , pp. 67-68. 60 , Ibid. , pp. 67.  the other, a m a r k e t square, a short  77 distance away f r o m the church, the home of c o m m e r c e ,  of secular m a n .  T h i s type of settlement was not planned; the?- layout was irregular,  and n o n - g e o m e t r i c .  The market place was often a widening i n  the m a j o r street which lead to the v i s u a l l y dominating element of the community - - the church, or castle.  E x a m p l e s of towns of this type of  o r i g i n were common f r o m 800-1000 A . D . i n F r a n c e , G e r m a n y , England, and L o w C o u n t r i e s , i . e. St. Denis, St. G a l l , Liiibeck, and Mont St.  Michel.  61  3. Towns developed out of favourably located trading posts at 62 crossroads,  or at a r i v e r f o r d , a harbour, or a bay, etc. ,  nobility and bishops granted p r i v i l e g e s for the establishment, constitution,  The government,  and expansion of secular settlements at important trade points.  The economic impetus for urban growth was e s p e c i a l l y strong i n the twelfth and thirteenth centuries when c o m m e r c i a l groups such as the Hanseatic League were prominent i n town development. Towns of this  transportation  function o r i g i n u s u a l l y had a market develop at an expansion of the m a i n street, which was i n these cases u s u a l l y a major t r a f f i c route along which the settlement had grown. Towns of this type of o r i g i n include H e i d e l b e r g 63 and M a i n . 4.  Towns developed "as newly founded and o r g a n i z e d c o m m u n i t i e s . "  The " b a s t i d e s " and " v i l l e s neuves" of F r a n c e and Great B r i t a i n , and the  6 l l b i d . , pp. 69-71. 62„ . , Ibid. , p. 66. 63„ . , ,„ Ibid., p.67.  78 G e r m a n f o r t r e s s towns of the Teutonic Knights represent a new planned settlement type, whose p r i m e development motive was related to p o l i t i c s , defense, or m i s s i o n s .  A f o r m a l r e c t i l i n e a r street pattern,  with r i g h t - a n g l e d intersections was the c o m m o n feature. s y s t e m focused on a central square;  The street  sometimes there were two s q u a r e s .  The " b a s t i d e s " were strongly f o r t i f i e d with walls and towers,  while  the c i v i l defence of the " v i l l e n e u v e " u s u a l l y was dependent upon a f o r t i f i e d church, or a castle,  each within the town site.  E x a m p l e s of  these m e d i e v a l ? "new-towns" of the frontiers are M o n p a z i e r , . Marienburg,  and C a r n a r v o n .  Carcassone,  F r e d e r i c k H i o r n s says that the bastides  represent a " r e f o r m movement i n planning. A determined effort was being made i n both F r a n c e and England, to follow c l a s s i c a l precedent in so far as it was understood. "  65  B . G e n e r a l P h y s i c a l C h a r a c t e r of Towns The single most s t r i k i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of towns and cities i n the middle ages of western c i v i l i z a t i o n ;  (and often enduring up to m o d e r n  times); is the w a l l . Within it the community was sheltered, and l i m i t e d by this most obvious and p h y s i c a l settlement boundary.  Beyond the wall,  and in sharp contrast to the a r e a within, l a y the a g r i c u l t u r a l lands, the forests,  and the undeveloped and unprotected countryside. R a m p s , moats,  and high towers i m p r e s s e d the image of the wall on the community - _ F r e d e r i c k R. H i o r n s , T o w n - B u i l d i n g i n , H i s t o r y . (London: George G . H a r r a p and C o . L t d . , 1956), p. 126.  creating a sanctuary for c o m m e r c e and industry, for the arts, for the church, for homelife, indeed for a l l aspects of " c o m m u n i t y . "  The wall determined the size of a town, being extended only two or perhaps three times over a course of s e v e r a l centuries. When changes in the size of a town did o c c u r , through the extension of a wall, it was, H i o r n s writes,  "always deliberately a r r a n g e d for i n a c c o r d with a  reasoned method, " and it was the general p r a c t i c e to create new towns rather than i n c r e a s e the size of the existing settlements. * a f a i r l y constant population i n most  T h i s caused  settlements.  The i n t e r n a l structure of the walled town was a development f r o m three c r i t i c a l f a c t o r s .  First,  through a few gates i n the wall;  entrance to the community was gained  second, the approximate geographical  centre of a town was u s u a l l y a square;  third, the network of p r i n c i p a l  streets l e a d l i k e spokes, i n a f a i r l y direct manner, f r o m the town gates to the central square.  T h i s is shown i n G u i c c i a r d i n i ' s map of M e d i e v a l  B r u s s e l s , where the Grand ' P l a c e i s the focal point of the city. ( F i g u r e XVI).  A l s o shown i n the map i s the general tendency to create a r a d i a l -  concentric layout where the blocks of land and the resultant street pattern are c u r v i l i n e a r rather than r e c t i l i n e a r .  F u r t h e r m o r e , the  street pattern tended to be v e r y rationally adapted to the contour of the site,  as was the general shape of the settlement.  of m e d i e v a l planning, H i o r n s w r i t e s :  Ibid. , p. 83.  C o n c e r n i n g this aspect  It was a m a j o r c o n t r i b u t i o n of the m i d d l e ages to the m o d e r n w o r l d , the e x a m p l e of e l a s t i c i t y of a r r a n g e m e n t that, without s e t t i n g a s i d e the t r a d i t i o n a l e s s e n t i a l s of d i s p o s i t i o n , b a s e d town d e s i g n upon the p r o b l e m s to be s o l v e d and the m e r i t s of the c a s e . . . . G e n e r a l l y , . . . the l o g i c of c o n t o u r i n g a n d the advantageous u s e of e x i s t i n g p h y s i c a l f e a t u r e s d e t e r m i n e d the o u t l i n e of t o w n s , as i s e s p e c i a l l y n o t i c e a b l e o n h i l l s i d e s .  M E D I E V A L BRUSSELS From Llidmnco Guicciardmi's "Tutti i Paesi Bassi" ( 1 5 8 1 )  from Hiorns T o w n - B u i l d i n g In H i s t o r y FIGURE XVI  Ibid. , pp. 88-89.  Streets i n the M e d i e v o - R e n a i s s a n c e community had a different function and f o r m f r o m the p o s t - r e n a i s s a n c e  conception.  routes for pedestrians and were narrow, numerous sharp turns, this pedestrian age,  T h e y were communication  often i r r e g u l a r , u s u a l l y with  and frequently leading to a " d e a d - e n d . "  vehicular t r a f f i c was slight, and that was  In mainly  c a r t s . T h i s was the great difference f r o m urban design of later dates when streets were conceived predominately as routes for vehicular traffic.  In northern cities,  the narrow winding streets broke the force  of cold winter winds; i n the south, the n a r r o w streets created shade f r o m the burning s u m m e r sun.  The streets were communication s y s t e m s ;  the  buildings and the square were the activity centres.  The place of the church (that is the p h y s i c a l structure) may not be omitted as the great centre of m e d i e v a l l i f e .  It was a regular,  and continuous magnet for t r a v e l l e r s and townspeople and was much m o r e than a place of w o r s h i p .  Mumford writes:  Che must think of the church, indeed as one would think of a 'community center': not too holy to serve as a dining h a l l for a great festival, as a theatre for a religious play, as a f o r u m where the scholars in church schools might stage o r a t o r i c a l contests and l e a r n e d disputes on a holiday, or even, i n the e a r l y days, as a safe-deposit vault, behind whose high altar deeds or t r e a s u r e s might be deposited, safe f r o m a l l but the i n c o r r i g i b l y wicked. ^ Other buildings of special note i n the m e d i e v a l community were the Town H a l l , the 'great square',  and the guild h a l l s . T h e s e were commonly adjoining but the guild halls may be d i s p e r s e d throughout the  trade a r e a s . Mumford,  op. cit. , pp. 306-307.  82 In l e s s regular communities, these trade areas are observed, by M u m f o r d , to be self-contained quarters or islands of groups of trades, 69 without relationship to the street s y s t e m .  T h i s was a kind of zoning  and neighbourhood structure where working and l i v i n g q u a r t e r s ,  and daily  needs were met i n an urban p r e c i n c t which was devoted to a p a r t i c u l a r trade, or industry.  T h i s was e s p e c i a l l y the situation in Venice where  s m a l l islands in the lagoon exaggerated and facilitated functional zones. Mumford writes: Venetians no doubt inadvertently invented a new type of city, based on the differentiation and zoning of urban functions, separated by traffic ways and open spaces. T h i s was zoning on the grandest scale, p r a c t i c e d in a rational manner, which r e c o g n i z e d the integrity of neighbourhoods and which m i n i m i z e d the wasteful "journey to work. " ^0 Separate churches and market squares s e r v e d each of the districts or quarters while functions relating to the whole community were met i n the c i v i c centre complex about the P i a z z a and P i a z z e t t a of San M a r c o .  71  The m e d i e v a l community's p h y s i c a l structure was then c h a r a c t e r i z e d by c i r c u m v a l l a t i o n , by narrow i r r e g u l a r streets leading to a generally central square located near a p r i n c i p l e church, and town h a l l . The c h u r c h and its p a r v i s were for s p i r i t u a l focus;  the market square,  town  hall and guild halls were for the secular needs of corporate l i f e .  69 I b i d . , p.  308  Ibid. , p.  323  71 In V e n i c e , another 1 focus for the whole city is at the Rialto B r i d g e where important ceremonies have traditionally been held. ( D i s c u s s i o n with D r . A . Rogatnick; at Vancouver, M a y 1968)  83 C . G e n e r a l types of squares T h e r e were s e v e r a l general types of squares of the middle ages which may be mentioned. T h e s e a r e : 1. The " p a r v i s , " the s m a l l square before a church, 2. The square at the gate of a town, u s u a l l y an amorphous space,  triangular i n plan,  3. The broadening of a m a i n street, 4.  The m a r k e t square,  5. Grouped squares, 6. The central multiple function square, often c a l l e d ' p i a z z a grande, ' ' p i a z z a m a g g i o r e ' or 'grande p l a c e . ' The forms of squares i n this p e r i o d are b r o a d and often combine i n one square,  s e v e r a l of the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s d e s c r i b e d i n  Section 1. of this chapter.  Squares that are i n towns of a slow,  elastic,  evolutionary development tend to be i r r e g u l a r i n ground plan with s e v e r a l obtuse and acute angles.  Squares were u s u a l l y flat, paved, and contained  a fountain or statue as a nuclear element. dominated the space.  Often a church o r -city h a l l  The complete a r c h i t e c t u r a l surrounding of the  space excepting i r r e g u l a r l y positioned access routes created i n f o r m a l enclosed squares. countries,  In numerous instances,  e s p e c i a l l y in the n o r t h e r n  a church or town h a l l was built i n the centre of an open space  that was developed as a square; a dominant central element.  this created a grouping of squares about  E x a m p l e s of these are shown below i n  84  •  Fig. 26. Parma. I. Piazza delta Stcccata.II. Piazza Grande (Garibaldi).—a. Palazz< Comunalo (del Covematorc).—b. Ma donna della Stcccata.—c. Palazzo dell; Podesteria (del Municipio)  .... £  "V  M  Fig. 23. Pistoia: Piazza del Duomo. a. Cathedral.—b. Baptistery-—c. Bishop's Palace.—d. Palazzo del Comune. — e . Palazzo del Podesta  . Irregular ground plan.  Grouped squares, also closed and dominated.  — c . Cathedral (Muricrikiitlie)  Fig. 69. Hanover. I. Market place.—a. Markt-Kirchc.— b. Old Hatliaiis  A closed square.  Square with a central church.  Market Bourse.  A variety of forms of the Mediveo-Renaissance.  from Sitte's City Planning According to Artistic Principles  F I G U R E XVII  Figure XVII.  The variety is rep . • -ntative of the freedom to solve  particular problems in different ways according to local site conditions.  In communities of a more regular pattern, the squares were correspondingly formal in their ground plan. The diagram of Sauveterrede-Guienne, a "bastide", shows an equilateral, closed square, which in this case is bordered by the Town Hall (Hotel de Ville) and a church.  SAUVTTERRS-PE-GUIEKKE ' SAUVETERRE-DE-GUIENNE—A THIRTEENTH CENTURY F R E N C H 'BASTIDE'  from Hiorns, Town Building in History  F I G U R E XVIII  86 D. S o c i a l Functions of the M e d i e v o - R e n a i s s a n c e Square  The s o c i a l use of a community's multiple function square, i n the m e d i e v o - r e n a i s s a n c e was a r e - e s t a b l i s h m e n t , on a l e s s e r scale, of the ancient a g o r a - f o r u m function.  The square was the communal a s s e m b l y a r e a where citizens e x e r c i s e d their p o l i t i c a l rights and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , acting as a p a r l i a ment or a committee,  often of s e v e r a l hundred p e r s o n s .  Administrative  and executive offices hence came to be located about the square, i n the town h a l l , or the m a y o r ' s r e s i d e n c e .  Religious p r o c e s s i o n s and pageants, which were so prominent in the t i m e s , l e a d to the church square - - the p a r v i s ; but on many occasions this was too s m a l l and so major religious c e r e m o n i e s , dramas,  pageants  and festivals often culminated i n the great square.  T e m p o r a r y market stalls were an e v e r y day site on the square fulfilling the m a r k e t function, but i n l a r g e r towns and cities there were s p e c i a l m a r k e t squares for meats, vegetables,  d r y goods, and hardware  72 etc. , B e f o r e the establishment of theatre buildings,  theatrical  productions took place i n the square. T h e s e were often e x t r e m e l y elaborate,  mechanized, spectacles^ they were u s u a l l y under the s p o n s o r -  72  I b i d . , p . 307.  87 ship of a guild, and i n celebration of a holiday.  The execution of both r e l i g i o u s and secular justice was a community event,  attended by the public i n the square.  T h i s was the  site, of the public stocks, of hanging and beheading, of the burning of heretics.  Sporting events ranging f r o m b a l l games,  to h o r s e r a c e s  and tournaments of feudal o r i g i n were p e r f o r m e d i n the square.  The  teams u s u a l l y represented different guilds, or d i s t r i c t s of the community.  The m a i n square had a fountain.  It i s difficult to state that  this s e r v e d i n the l a r g e r centres as an actual source of water, c e r t a i n l y i n s m a l l communities, and i n d i s t r i c t squares it d i d .  But it  seems to have become a p u r e l y decorative embellishment.  A p a r t f r o m a l l of the f o r m a l uses of the square, a most significant aspect of it was the casual meeting of people and of t r a v e l l e r s , to exchange news i n casual conversation.  Then as now, the t o u r i s t s , i n  l a r g e r communities, and i n many p a r t i c u l a r s m a l l e r ones, were a common source of interest — this was the great age of p i l g f  mmages  i n C h r i s t e n d o m . T h e o c c a s i o n a l troubador would t e l l his stories and sing, the p r e a c h i n g monks would s e r m o n i z e ; spread the news; by their p r e s e n c e .  the town c r i e r would  the townspeople would participate actively or s i m p l y  88 The m e d i e v o - r e n a i s s a n c e square was a functional space for the p e r f o r m a n c e of c o m m u n a l activities which relate to the g o v e r n ment, r e l i g i o n ,  commerce,  r e c r e a t i o n and l e i s u r e of the day.  Specific  examples are outlined below to give a fuller and m o r e detailed account using p a r t i c u l a r i n c i d e n c e s .  E . P i a z z a della S i g n o r i a , . F l o r e n c e The most elevated p o l i t i c a l thought and the most v a r i e d forms of human development are found united in the h i s t o r y of F l o r e n c e , which i n this sense deserves the name of the f i r s t m o d e r n state i n the w o r l d . H e r e the whole people are b u s i e d with what i n the despotic cities is the affairs of a single f a m i l y . That wondrous F l o r e n t i n e s p i r i t , at once keenly c r i t i c a l and a r t i s t i c a l l y creative, was incessantly t r a n s f o r m i n g the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l condition of the state, and incessantly d e s c r i b i n g and judging the change. ^3 So Jacob B u r c k h a r d t i n his monumental work on the Renaissance, introduces F l o r e n c e , the home of L e o n a r d o , . Michelangelo, Duccio, tello,  Dona-  M a c h i a v e l l i , the M e d i c i , B r u n e l l e s c h i , B o t t i c e l l i , and countless  other great minds of the R e n a i s s a n c e . R i s i n g to the highest position of Italian city-states f r o m its banking and other c o m m e r c i a l activities, the C i t y of F l o r e n c e , and its great square the P i a z z a della Signoria, are a fitting example to speak for an age. In the late thirteenth century the Signoria (council) of F l o r e n c e expelled the U b e r t i f a m i l y for their activities against the city government. T h i s was only one of a number of such incidents common in the strife  Jacob B u r c k h a r d t , The C i v i l i z a t i o n of the Renaissance in Italy, t r a n s . S. G . C . M i d d l e m o r e ( V i e n n a : Phaidon P r e s s ; L o n d o n : George A l l e n & Unwin L t d . , 1937), pp. 41-42.  89 between monarchists, nobility and the people, but it is significant here because the decree of exile ; also brought about the razing of the Uberti • 74 palace and the order that the site should never again be built upon; on this condemned site the P i a z z a della Signoria was developed. Other palaces and small churches were razed to expand the square in 1319, and  1355.  75  •  *  The f o r m of the P i a z z a is a closed square, whose limits are defined by several stone faced buildings of a fairly constant height of five or six floors. The Palazzo Vecchio (the city hall) and its towering campanile dominate the space of this L shaped square.  The  diagram below (Figure XIX).und the photograph, (Figure XX), give an inadequate illustration of this urban space. The three dimensional quality is quite  >  Piazza della Signoria Florence  Fig. 27. Florence: The Signoria.— a. l'alazzo Vecchio. — b . Loggia dei L a n z i . — c. Fountain .of Neptune.— d. Statue of Cosimo I ;  from Sitte A r t i s t i c Principles of City Planning  F I G U R E XIX 74  Italiana,  L . V . Bertarelli, Toscana, (Milan: Touring Club 1935), p. 119. 75 Zucker, op. cit. , p. 11.5. Figure XX, page 94.  90  lost as a r e the grand, yet human proportions of the surroundings and enclosure.  T h e d i a g r a m illustrates a major concept of the m e d i e v o -  r e n a i s s a n c e square which C a m i l l o Sitte places such importance o n . He w r i t e s : E a c h of the three o r four corner streets enters the p l a z a at a different angle. T h i s r e m a r k a b l e feature o c c u r s so often, and with such range of variations, that it, too, must be c o n s i d e r e d to be one of the major conscious or subconscious p r i n c i p l e s of o l d city planning. . . . T h e rule i n question is present, although somewhat m o r e hidden, i n the layout of the P i a z z a della S i g n o r i a . . . . T h e b r o a d m a i n streets c o n f o r m to the p r i n c i p l e , while the intermediate alleys n a r r o w down to only a y a r d ' s width (next to the L o g g i a dei L a n z i ) , and a r e s c a r c e l y noticeable - - much l e s s i n actuality than on our p l a n .  The ground a r e a of the P i a z z a is a flat paved area, the only significant change i n elevation being the p l a t f o r m along the front of the P a l a z z o Vecchio.  The i n t e r n a l development i s r e m a r k a b l y s i m p l e . T h e ground pavement has been mentioned. The only furnishings are a fountain and sculpture.  T h e l a r g e sculptured fountain of Neptune b y Bartolomeo  A m m a n a t i dates f r o m 1557 and ties together the two a r m s of the square. Next to the Neptune, and on the S i g n o r i a p l a t f o r m is the M a r z o c c o , the e m b l e m a t i c a l l i o n of F l o r e n c e .  O n either side of the entrance to the  P a l a z z o V e c c h i o were monumental statues, including M i c h e l a n g e l o ' s David placed i n 1504, B a n d i n e l l i ' s H e r c u l e s and Cacus, placed i n 1534, 76  C a m i l l o Sitte, C i t y Planning A c c o r d i n g to A r t i s t i c P r i n c i p l e s , t r a n s . George R. C o l l i n s and C h r i s t i a n e C a s s e m a n C o l l i n s . (New Y o r k : R a n d o m House, 1965), pp. 34-35.  and Donatello's Judith.  A statue of C o s i m o de M e d i c i b y Giovanni da  Bologna m a r k s off the square into two rectangular a r e a s . C o n c e r n i n g the relevance of these internal s c u l p t u r a l placements Z u c k e r w r i t e s : The angular f o r m of that a r e a , into which streets f r o m a l l sides and in different directions cut, was not alien to m e d i e v a l feelings,. but it was completely c o n t r a r y to e v e r y thing in which the Renaissance b e l i e v e d . During the sixteenth century, therefore, sculptural furnishings turned the m u l t i l a t e r a l and unbalanced a r e a of the m e d i e v a l square into two separate rectangular spatial units whose s m a l l i r r e g u l a r i t i e s then became aesthetically i r r e l e v a n t . * Hence the Renaissance desire to l o g i c a l l y organize and rationalize the space is implemented at F l o r e n c e with the aid of statues.  The internal development, being composed only of a fountain, and a few statues, made it an easy matter to construct t e m p o r a r y stages, buildings,  stands,  and stalls for numerous functions.  The building uses around the P i a z z a included a loge, residences,  private  and public b u i l d i n g s .  The p r i n c i p l e structure was the P a l a z z o V e c c h i o (which m a y also be c a l l e d the P a l a z z o della Signoria). T h i s was the administrative centre for city government,  and was begun i n 1298.  B e s i d e s this and  dominating the south side is the L o g g i a dei L a n z i , begun in 1376 and named after the G e r m a n l a n c e r s ,  ( i . e. lanzi), of Duke C o s i m o , who  were stationed here for a short t i m e . . This building is open on two sides.with three v e r y t a l l arches-facing the P i a z z a .  Z u c k e r , op. cit. , pp. 115-116  It was the location  for magistrates  and p r i o r s to e x e r c i s e public functions, and it was a  s p e c i a l viewing stand for important public figures on the o c c a s i o n of public c e r e m o n i e s .  Antique statues were set up here for public viewing  and works of Renaissance sculptors were later added. ( T h i s includes the famous P e r s e u s of Benvenuto C e l l i n i ) .  A l o n g the V i a Condi (on the  north side of the P a l a z z o Vecchio) was the customs house, the B a r g e l l o a residence for a public servant, l i o n s , the c i t y ' s s y m b o l .  and the S e r r a g l i o , which was a den for  Other private r e s i d e n c e s ,  usually p a l a z z i , w e r e  the r e m a i n i n g adjoining buildings. T h e U f f i z i P a l a c e on the street leading to the A r n o R i v e r f r o m the square is f r o m the late 16th century.  None  of the l i t e r a r y sources r e s e a r c h e d indicate whether o r not shops were located on the ground floors of the p a l a z z i adjoining the square but it m a y be safe to assume they were i f we compare these with p a l a z z i of m o d e r n F l o r e n c e which have been p r e s e r v e d i n their o r i g i n a l state.  The P i a z z a della S i g n o r i a is i n the oldest part of F l o r e n c e ; this is the ancient Roman section and is r e c o g n i z e d on a map by its g r i d pattern.  T h e surrounding streets are e x t r e m e l y n a r r o w , u s u a l l y only  twenty feet wide, with alleys as s m a l l as three feet. In c o m p a r i s o n the P i a z z a is a vast expanse of open public space even though its total a r e a is only approximately 1 1 / 2  a c r e s . A m a i n road, the V i a dei C a l »  zaiuoli, leads d i r e c t l y to the P i a z z a del Duomo, which is only about one thousand feet f r o m the P i a z z a della S i g n o r i a . Maps of the city do not show c l e a r l y i n this case that the streets follow a r a d i a l - c o n c e n t r i c  pattern because of the g r i d pattern of the old p a r t of F l o r e n c e which includes both the Signoria and Duomo squares.  But i f we consider the  whole of this Roman section as the hub (and it i s quite small) then the r e m a i n d e r of the city's t r a f f i c routes do show a tendency for the r a d i a l concentric pattern.  The P i a z z a is at the approximate centre of the city,  including those parts on the southern side of the A r n o . in the city were " p a r v e s " and market squares; this square, not the Duomo square,  Other squares  for the whole city  seems to have f u l f i l l e d the role  of the urban c o r e . The P i a z z a della Signoria was a multiple function square. A s an a s s e m b l y place it was u s e d during periods of democratic rule as the site of p a r l i a m e n t . The ringing of the b e l l on the P a l a z z o V e c c h i o c a l l e d the citizens to the p a r l i a m e n t . The square was also the m i l i t a r y parade ground where companies of a r m e d m e n gathered to p r a c t i s e m i l i t a r y skills and p r o c e d u r e s .  The p l a t f o r m before the Signoria, c a l l e d the  R i n g h i e r a , acted somewhat l i k e the r o s t r u m of the F o r u m R o m a n u m . F r o m here public officials a d d r e s s e d the a s s e m b l e d body of c i t i z e n s ; o f f i c e r s were i n s t a l l e d ; m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s r e c e i v e d their baton of command;  important v i s i t i n g dignitaries were greeted,  and popular d e m o n -  strations were l e a d against the controlling p o l i t i c a l faction.  F r o m the  L o g g i a dei L a n z i other c i v i c officials conducted public b u s i n e s s .  In  the open space of the central a r e a m a r k e t i n g took p l a c e . F o r popular entertainment the square was u s e d for games and tournaments. in M a y , since 1529,  Annually  a magnificent football spectacle c a l l e d the " C a l c i o "  has been celebrated i n the P i a z z a . T h i s event celebrates a football game which the people of F l o r e n c e played i n the square to show their defiance of Pope Clement VII and the E m p e r o r , the city.  C h a r l e s V , who had l a i d siege to  A s a site of spectacles the p i a z z a was quite sufficient and the  people went to great lengths in these pursuits, even having wild animal exhibitions.  Edmund Gardner w r i t e s :  On June 25, 1514, there was a -'caccia' of a s p e c i a l l y m a g nificent kind; a sort of g l o r i f i e d bull fight, in which a fountain surrounded by green woods was constructed in the middle of the P i a z z a , and two l i o n s , with b e a r s and leopards, b u l l s , buffaloes, stags, h o r s e s , and the like were d r i v e n into the arena. E n o r m o u s p r i c e s were p a i d for seats; f o r e i g n e r s came f r o m a l l countries, and four Roman cardinals were conspicuous.. . . S e v e r a l people were k i l l e d by the beasts. It was always a s o r e point with the F l o r e n t i n e s that their lions were such u n s a t i s factory brutes and never distinguished themselves on these o c c a s i o n s ; they were no match for the Spanish b u l l , at a time when, i n p o l i t i c s , the b u l l ' s m a s t e r had yoked a l l Italy to his t r i u m p h a l c a r . 77 Religious pageants most commonly o c c u r r e d in the church squares, which are numerous i n F l o r e n c e , but many were held i n the P i a z z a della Signoria. T h e s e were no m e r e p r o c e s s i o n . T h e y were grand productions directed by specialists who t r a v e l l e d f r o m city to city to design and arrange the event.  Not only people, flags, banners, and t r i u m p h a l c a r s ,  but also great m e c h a n i c a l devices whose breakdowns were as entertaining as s u c c e s s . B u r c k h a r d t w r i t e s : The a r t i f i c i a l means by which figures were made to r i s e and float i n the air - - one of the chief delights of the representations - - were probably m u c h better understood 77  edition;  Edmund Gi G a r d n e r , The Story of F l o r e n c e ( r e v i s e d J . M . Dent & Sons L t d ; , 1924), p. 156.  96  in Italy than elsewhere; and at F l o r e n c e in the fourteenth century the hitches i n these p e r f o r m a n c e s were a stock subject of r i d i c u l e . 78  * The biography of the D o m i n i c a n monk Savonarola  includes s e v e r a l uses  of the P i a z z a della Signoria that we m a y assume f r o m the l i t e r a t u r e ,  were  accepted though no usual functions of the square in the middle ages. A s p a r t of his religious r e f o r m he l e d the city i n a "burning of the v a n i t i e s " — books, p i c t u r e s , he c o n s i d e r e d i m m o r a l .  sculpture,  The burnings took place i n the  e s p e c i a l l y the P i a z z a della S i g n o r i a ; bells,  j e w e l l e r y etc. , of a type which  79  squares,  a l l this done to the ringing of  80  chanting of the " T e Deum, " and playing of drums and trumpets.  In 1498,  Savonarola was to be t r i e d i n the P i a z z a by the ordeal of f i r e .  Great crowds gathered; Dominicans.  the L o g g i a was f i l l e d with F r a n c i s c a n s and  Confusion broke out, and eventually a l l went home when  disappointed that the test had not been taken.  It was, however,  illustra-  tive of the b r o a d scope of usage in such squares at this t i m e . 78 79  B u r c k h a r d t , op_. cit. , p.  G a r d n e r , op_. cit. , p . 80^, . , . Ibid. , p. 156  212  122  r /  * F r a G i r o l a m o Savonarola was a D o m i n i c a n monk who in the late fifteenth century lead a religious p o l i t i c a l r e f o r m movement in F l o r e n c e . He was head of the m o n a s t e r y of San M a r c o i n F l o r e n c e and was a p u r i t a n i c a l l e a d e r , prophet, and p r e a c h e r . He was m a r t y r e d by burning M a y 23, 1498.  97 F i n a l l y Savonarola -was to painfully demonstrate the function of the square as a place of public execution when he was burned at the stake in M a y of 81 1498.  So the square was not always a pleasant,  could be c r u e l , and gruesome,  beautiful space, it  reflecting the s o c i a l conditions of the t i m e .  F r o m other squares of Italy,  e s p e c i a l l y the P i a z z a San M a r c o  in V e n i c e , or the Campo of Siena, fascinating accounts of the activities can be drawn f r o m numerous s o u r c e s . France,  S i m i l a r l y the great squares of  G e r m a n y , the L o w l a n d s , and England have interesting stories  of the public square,  its f o r m , its adjoining uses,  its internal development,  and its v e r y v i t a l relationship to the community - - both p h y s i c a l l y and socially.  B e c a u s e F r e d e r i c k H i o r n s p r o v i d e s such useful i n f o r m a t i o n on the towns and squares of this m e d i e v o - r e n a i s s a n c e p e r i o d , it is fitting to s u m m a r i z e this section in quoting f r o m his w r i t i n g : The p i a z z a , the ' p l a c e ' , the square, was . . . the l i f e - c e n t r e of the city, continuing to serve, in a somewhat changed and l e s s e n e d degree, the functions of the a g o r a - f o r u m a r e a of antiquity. The c i v i c centre was s t i l l the p r i n c i p a l spatial point of the built up area, the common m e e t i n g - g r o u n d of c i t i z e n s ; for which reason the buildings concerned with government and administration, with c o m m e r c i a l and cultural activities, with m a r t and shopping, and with the r e l i g i o u s and c e r e m o n i a l side of communal l i v i n g were there located. It not only p r o v i d e d for the public and p e r s o n a l needs of citizens, but i n a r c h i t e c t u r a l and structural attractions its spatial and m a s s composition s u m m e d up the traditional p r i d e of man in the pageant of cities. ^ I b i d . , pp.135-136 82 H i o r n s , op. cit. , p.  8 1  Ill  98  VI. R E N A I S S A N C E T O T H E N I N E T E E N T H C E N T U R Y  A . Introduction  Antonio di P i e r o A v e r l i n o ,  called Filarete,  sculptor, architect and planner, wrote a t r e a t i s e 1461 and 1464,  a Florentine  on architecture,  between  i n which he p r o p o s e d a comprehensive plan for the 83  construction of an ' i d e a l  1  city, " S f o r z i n d a " and its port,  L i k e other " i d e a l " city planners of the Renaissance,  "Plusiapolis. "  such as A l b e r t i ;  S c a m o z z i , P a l l a d i o , and Cataneo, he was drawn up by the r e v i v a l of ancient Greek and Roman f o r m s and styles. T h i s new intensity of interest in the antique had numerous causes extraneous to the present study, but the i n s p i r a t i o n of V i t r u v i u s , mentioned.  about whose work a cult developed, must be  Though m e d i o c r e by Roman standards,  V i t r u v i u s ' ten books  were the best l i t e r a r y source available on ancient architecture and planning in this new age of d i s c o v e r y . In many respects,  F i l a r e t e is indebted to V i t r u v i u s whose  books were an influential m o d e l . But, F i l a r e t e is important i n this work, as a b r i d g e between the m e d i e v a l squares,  and the new developments of city  planning that emerge f r o m the R e n a i s s a n c e . H i s lengthy d e s c r i p t i o n of Sforzinda goes far beyond the m e r e presentation of a ground p l a n .  In  83 John R . S p e n c e r ( t r a n s . ) , . F i l a r e t e ' s T r e a t i s e on A r c h i t e c t u r e (New Haven: Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1965).  addition he proposes a functional distribution of land and building uses, c i r c u l a t i o n systems,  and a r c h i t e c t u r a l details.  H i s d i s c u s s i o n of the  squares of Sforzinda is a culmination of the m e d i e v a l city; r a t i o n a l i z e d a c c o r d i n g to Renaissance thinking; design;  changes which were i n p r o g r e s s .  scene.  i d e a l i z e d by way of f o r m a l  decorated with the a r c h i t e c t u r a l application of the c l a s s i c a l o r d e r s ;  and finally, made obsolete by the p o l i t i c a l ,  function;  but it is  s o c i a l , and technological  H e designed an ideal, m e d i e v a l , multiple  grouped square, when the m e d i e v a l age was p a s s i n g f r o m the The excerpts below, f r o m his treatise present part of his concept:  The streets w i l l run f r o m the gates to the center and here w i l l be the p i a z z a . . . . A t its head w i l l be the cathedral and its s u b s i d i a r y buildings. At the other end w i l l be the court, that is the p r i n c e l y palace, and the other s u b s i d i a r y palaces (such) as those of the Podesta and the Capitano. . . at each corner of the p i a z z a I w i l l make two other p i a z z a s , one for the merchants and the other for the selling of domestic things. . . behind the p i a z z a we w i l l leave a stadio of space to make a m a r k e t for a n i m a l s . 84 . . . opposite it [^Palazzo del Podesta] the law c o u r t s . . . on the northern part I w i l l make the municipal p r i s o n . . . . On the eastern part . . . the mint where money is made and stored, and near it the customshouse. . . on the other side of the(Pala zzo del Capitano) the butcher, chicken, and f i s h shops, the latter i n season. Behind this p i a z z a toward the south w i l l be the b o r d e l l o s , the public baths, and inns or taverns. . . . Because we have plenty of water nearby, I intend to bring it into the city i n s e v e r a l places, but e s p e c i a l l y into the p i a z z a . A t its center I want to make a r e s e r v o i r arranged i n such a way that when you want to wash the streets you have only to open certain spouts. Enough water w i l l come gushing out to wash a l l the streets and p i a z z a s . . . since the Indo and A v e r l o r i v e r s are so close and useful, I  Ibid. , pp. 26-27.  ro o r  have thought of arranging for the water to go down a l l the m a i n streets. In this way one could (come in) by boat and 85 could go all around the p i a z z a on water. . . .. the butcher shops and also those chosen to s e l l fish w i l l be situated along the canals that surround the p i a z z a . . . so they w i l l be over the water of the canal. This w i l l be done so that no putrefaction can be generated i n t h e m or give bad air to the city. I p l a c e d the h a l l of c i v i c justice i n the middle of the p i a z z a . . . it is completely on p i e r s . I do this so the merchants can c a r r y on m e r c h a n d i s i n g and other business i 86 here. This v e r b a l d e s c r i p t i o n and the diagrams of F i g u r e X X I contain a statement of p r i n c i p l e s already established in ancient and m e d i e v a l squares, that i s , the concentration at the public square of functions of government, religion,  and c o m m e r c e .  But i n F i l a r e t e ' s plan the government is not a  city council representing the people, but it is the new r u l e r of the Renaissance,  the autocrat, the p r i n c e .  Indeed, F i l a r e t e ' s p r o p o s a l is  addressed to P i e r o de M e d i c i .  The square had p r e v i o u s l y focused governmental structures about it as a natural extension of the public a s s e m b l y function; but the continuation of p o l i t i c a l functions within the m a i n square was not a c o r o l l a r y to autocratic p o l i t i c a l f o r m s .  The replacement of the "palazzo p u b b l i c o , "  the s i g n o r i a , or the town hall by the residence of a p r i n c e , or tyrant created a " c h a i n reaction, " which, coupled with factors of technology, and of s o c i a l life,  created new c r i t e r i a for the p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l  aspects of the square.  6  Hence F i l a r e t e ' s plan r e c o g n i z e d a p o l i t i c a l change,  Ibid. , pp. 74-75. Ibid. , p. 123.  Filarete's Plan for Sforzinda  from John R. Spencer's Filarete s Treatise on Architecture. 1  "•'  T A B L E XXI  102  (by the location of the p r i n c e ' s palace on the m a i n square), but this had been i m p o s e d on an old functional grouping  the graft did not take.  B r i a n Hackett indicates this new development when he w r i t e s : In the Renaissance the autocrat dominated the community, and, as his way of life was essentially urban, the focal centre r e m a i n e d i n the town, but its emphasis was now directed towards the p e r s o n and purposes of the autocrat. The palace of the p r i n c e occupied the most commanding site i n the town, and the buildings of the court c i r c l e were distributed among the other important sites. . . . The purpose of the " p l a c e " had changed f r o m the communal meeting ground to a grand a r c h i t e c t u r a l setting for a p a r t i c u l a r building. 87  The m a j o r technological change to effect cities i n this renaissance is the i m p r o v e m e n t of the wheel f r o m a solid object to one built of separate spokes, r i m , and hub.  M u m f o r d notes that carts and  wagons come into general use within cities i n the sixteenth century, and c a r r i a g e s also became popular at about the same time for the upper classes.  T h e city street systems f r o m the medieval e r a were no m o r e  able to handle this onslaught than the cities of this century can efficiently meet the explosive demands of automobile t r a f f i c .  Changes i n warfare methods also affected the s t r u c t u r a l f o r m of cities and the ensuing relationship of the public square.  P r e v i o u s safety  behind m a s s i v e walls and gates is now threatened by i n c r e a s i n g l y efficient i r o n canon b a l l s . A whole new science of defense fortification  Hackett, op. cit. , p. 187  103 changes the orientation of city planning f r o m the a r t i s t - a r c h i t e c t to the engineer. T h i s is c l i m a x e d i n the works of the seventeenth century F r e n c h man Sebastian Vauban.  T h e new s y s t e m r e q u i r e s l a r g e a r m i e s to be  stationed i n the major c i t i e s . T h e y had special housing needs and exaggerated the value of the long straight street, both for parading and for the r a p i d movement of troops and a r t i l l e r y .  Mumford writes:  T u r n i n g out the guard, d r i l l i n g , parading, became one of the great mass spectacles. . . the b l a r e of the bugle, the tattoo of the drum, were as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a sound for this new phase of urban life as the tolling of the bells had been for the m e d i e v a l town. The laying out of the great " V i a e T r i u m p h a l e s , " avenues where a victorious a r m y could m a r c h with the m a x i m u m effect upon the spectator, was an inevitable step i n the replanning of the new capitals: notably P a r i s and B e r l i n . 88 With the a r m i e s r e i n f o r c i n g the power and authority of the absolute r u l e r s , the power of city governments declines, and so the p h y s i c a l nature of the city is t r a n s f o r m e d into a hybrid, retaining the m e d i e v a l in its older quarters,  and seeking different f o r m s , i n the new sections  of established settlements as well as i n the entirely new towns.  These  reflect the p o l i t i c a l , m i l i t a r y , and technological innovations.  Within the a r e a of aesthetics,  a revolution o c c u r s which makes  its way f r o m the a r t i s t i c theory of the painters to a r c h i t e c t - p l a n n e r s .  In  the f i r s t quarter of the fifteenth century, B r u n e l l e s c h i demonstrated as a painter the p r i n c i p l e s of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e .  M u m f o r d , op. cit. , p. 362.  T h e s e were soon to become  1.0-4 a dominant law of design i n painting architecture and, by the sixteenth century, i n c i v i c design.  H e r e , l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e was the aesthetic  influence leading to the creation of streets designed as an a r c h i t e c t u r a l unit.  The means was the long, b r o a d , and straight street, u s u a l l y with a  f a i r l y constant roof line,  and a repetitive pattern on building f a c a d e s .  T h i s meant that a new type of urban public open space would be treated as an a r t i s t i c unit where f o r m e r l y the public square had stood unchallenged. The design of streets a c c o r d i n g to this method o c c u r s f i r s t i n Galeazzo A l e s s i ' s " S t r a d a N u o v a " i n Genoa', Hackett notes that this street, though only 20 feet wide, and 250 yards long was "something quite new and even i n A l e s s i ' s own day was r e g a r d e d as the finest street i n Italy;" it was l i n e d by buildings of a standard height of seventy feet,  each with a  89 crowning c o r n i c e .  T h i s was a sharp contrast to the generally short,  and winding m e d i e v a l street i n which the relationship between structures was not aesthetically controlled either i n height, or decoration. T h e influence of l i n e a r perspective continues into the contemporary city, but probably reached its zenith as a conscious and dominant design p r i n c i p l e in the streets of nineteenth century P a r i s , Haussmann.  as they were developed by B a r o n  F i g u r e XXII i l l u s t r a t e s the l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e p r i n c i p l e  in the Champs E l y s e e s of P a r i s . The s o c i a l factor to effect the new structure of cities concerns the a r i s t o c r a c y . 89  T h e y came m o r e e and m o r e to r e s i d e i n the city near  Hacket, _op. cit. , p. 143  Li'Avenue des C h a m p s - E l y s e e s Paris  E d i t . , Chantal, • Paris.  F I G U R E XXII  the seat of government.  A court life of promenades, and c a r r i a g e rides  r e q u i r e d a suitable urban setting, and the a r i s t o c r a c y were influential enough to r e a l i z e changes to this end.  The f o r m of the city evolves  f r o m a structure designed to meet the needs of the whole community, to a city, expanded, structured, the upper c l a s s .  and e m b e l l i s h e d for the l e i s u r e l y life of  The attention of the city planner is turned towards the  urban areas frequented by the nobility and the paths of movement which their carriages  take.  F r o m the Renaissance until the i n d u s t r i a l age the c r i t i c a l factors of u r b a n i s m to affect change i n the city squares are those outlined above:  the r i s e of autocratic governments;  the great i n c r e a s e of  106 vehicular traffic i n cities; defense;  the new requirements of urban and national  the introduction of l i n e a r perspective into urban design and the  consequent treatment of streets as a r c h i t e c t u r a l units; of the a r i s t o c r a c y ' s  and the dominance  life style over the general urban population i n matters  affecting urban p h y s i c a l growth and devebpment.  Within this context,  the great public squares which were built f r o m approximately 1500 to the i n d u s t r i a l era,  (that i s our own time), are d i s c u s s e d i n the r e m a i n i n g  p o r t i o n of this section.  B.  Form  The m a j o r squares of the post-fifteenth century are designed and articulated u r b a n spaces.  T h e i r f o r m is u s u a l l y the result  of a f o r m a l l y l a y e d out combination of magnificent buildings, i n the ' g r a n d m a n n e r ' of the age. grand,  and f o r m a l .  nuclear,  architecturally  constructed  The spatial organization i s reasoned,  Its c l a s s i f i c a t i o n is often a combination of closed,  dominated, and grouped. T h i s combining of unifying design  determinates strengthens the immediate i m p a c t and aesthetic response!; to such squares.  In an autocratic age this f o r m m i r r o r s and magnifies  t h e r o y a l house or the bishop's palace.  The kings of Europe, and l e s s e r  r u l e r s built palaces and government offices displayed by great organized open spaces to show what became known as "the power;iand the g l o r y " of the baroque phase of the Renaissance.  107 The f i r s t city to respond to the new factors of the age was R o m e . The p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s center of C a t h o l i c i s m , now reacting to the Protestant movement,  was the experimenting city of urban design.  In 1538 Pope P a u l III c o m m i s s i o n e d Michelangelo to create a new grouping of buildings, a c i v i c square on the Capitoline H i l l of R o m e . Two palaces already m a r k e d the site. A f t e r approximately 150 years M i c h e l a n g e l o ' s conception was completed. . The P i a z z a di Campidoglio has three p r i n c i p l e structures,  the P a l a z z o dei C o n s e r v a t o r i , the P a l a z z o  dei Senatori, (the ancient T a b u l a r i u m of the F o r u m Romanum) and the Capitoline M u s e u m .  The Campidoglio is a s m a l l space that appears grand  through the c a r e f u l use of devices of scale. ( F i g u r e XXIII),  The plan of the p i a z z a  shows a control of perspective through building arrangement  to exaggerate the s i z e . The e l l i p t i c a l pavement design is a  characteristic  which w i l l later become c o m m o n in the baroque style. A longitudinal axis leads f r o m the stepped r a m p to the elaborately decorated entrance to the P a l a z z o dei Senatori. A x i a l s y m m e t r y within the space and surrounding structures is countered by diverging facades and the e l l i p t i c a l pattern of the paving. The equestrian statue of M a r c u s A u r e l i u s i s the nuclear focus of the space.  The Campidoglio represents a t r a n s i t i o n •  f r o m the s i m p l e , quiet, quality of the m e d i e v o - r e n a i s s a n c e squares, "dynamic m o t i o n " of the baroque. 90  90  . Z u c k e r , o_p. cit. , pp. 146-148.  to the  108  Piazza del Campidoglio Rome  from Hegeman & Peets Civic A r t .  F I G U R E XXIII  FIGURE XXIV  N e x t i n s i g n i f i c a n c e i s the P i a z z a San P i e t r o , ( F i g u r e X X I V ) , by Giovanni L o r e n z o B e r n i n i .  The f o r m of t h i s was o u t l i n e d e a r l i e r i n  the chapter and s h o u l d be r e f e r r e d to a g a i n b y the r e a d e r , ( i . e . p p . 29-31) G . E . K i d d e r S m i t h says that t h i s s q u a r e m a r k s the apogee of the i n t e 91 g r a t i o n of a r c h i t e c t u r e and p l a n n i n g .  Its s c a l e and m a g n i f i c a n c e  s u r p a s s e s the I m p e r i a l F o r a of ancient R o m e . T h e f o r m s and the new s t y l e s c o n c e i v e d f i r s t i n I t a l y a r e d e v e l o p e d w i t h i n the b r o a d c h a r a c t e r of the p e r i o d t h r o u g h o u t w e s t e r n George E v r a r d K i d d e r Smith, Italy B u i l d s (New Y o r k : Reinhold, 1955), p . 84.  110 Europe,  Great B r i t a i n , and colonial A m e r i c a .  L o u i s X I V s palace city  of V e r s a i l l e sets a standard to be imitated in K a r l s r u h e , St. Mannheim, B e r l i n ,  etc. ,  Petersburg,  Hackett writes that "as a direct and perceptible  influence upon u r b a n environment, the palace-town of V e r s a i l l e s was the  92 most important single creation of the Renaissance i n F r a n c e . " Regular,  c l o s e d squares,  became common, i n F r a n c e , the P l a c e des-Vosges,;.. in P a r i s ;  with the repeated a r c h i t e c t u r a l  pattern  i n a number of 'places r o y a l e s " such as,  P l a c e Dauphine, and the P l a c e Vendome,  i n the P l a z a M a y o r i n M a d r i d ;  each  and in numerous squares of  London (e. g. G r o s v e n o r , St. J a m e s ' , Covent Garden, e t c . ) ;  and in other  centers of western culture.  More  relevant than the f o r m of these squares is their internal  development and their relationship to the urban structure.  C . Internal Development  F r o m the baroque p e r i o d onward the internal ground space of squares tends to continue the tradition of fountains and statues on a paved open a r e a .  But the centrally located equestrian statue, and the  t a l l obelisk are found as p a r t i c u l a r l y common expressions of the sculptural theme used as a focus, (e. g. P i a z z a San P i e t r o , P i a z z a Navona, Rome, P l a c e Vendome, P a r i s ;  Rome;  Plaza Mayor, Madrid;  P l a c e de l a Concorde, P a r i s ; G r o s v e n o r Square, London; A m a l i e n b o r g  Ill  G r o s v e n o r Square, London  f m Giedon'-s Space, T i m e and A r c h i tecture r 0  FIGURE  XXV  Square, D e n m a r k ; P r a c a do C o m e r c i o , L i s b o n , etc.)  Such squares  when l o c a t e d b e f o r e the g r e a t p a l a c e s do not s e e m to have had t e m p o r a r y s t a l l s f o r a m a r k e t i n g f u n c t i o n , f o r none of the l i t e r a r y s o u r c e s s t u d i e d g i v e r e f e r e n c e to t h i s ; the space was r a t h e r l e f t v i s i b l y c l e a r to e m p h a s i z e and enhance the a r c h i t e c t u r e .  The i m p o r t a n t change i n the i n t e r n a l development o f p u b l i c s q u a r e s of b a r o q u e p e r i o d o c c u r s i n the r e s i d e n t i a l s q u a r e s , that i s t h o s e squares surrounded by private dwelling places.  H e r e the open p a v e d a r e a  h a d s e r v e d i n i t i a l l y as a p a r k i n g space f o r c a r r i a g e s .  But this came i n  the eighteenth c e n t u r y to be d e v e l o p e d into two d i s t i n c t f u n c t i o n a l zones.  112  In the center was a s m a l l garden, or park which was often fenced and even l o c k e d for the private use of the residents. was surrounded, by a roadway for vehicular t r a f f i c , b o r d e r e d b y sidewalks.  T h e central park a r e a which was i n t u r n  T h i s type of i n t e r n a l development i s noted i n  P a r i s ' s P l a c e Royale i n 17-37,  93  but was e s p e c i a l l y important i n the  r e s i d e n t i a l squares of London, such as i n G r o s v e n o r Square, ( F i g u r e X X V ) , 94 Soho Square,  and L e i c e s t e r Square.  It became so prevalent i n  England that an 1887 D i c t i o n a r y of A r c h i t e c t u r e defines the square i n the following m a n n e r : " T h e square is a piece of land i n which i s an enclosed garden,  surrounded by a public roadway,  giving access to the  95 houses on each side of i t . "  T h i s p a r k a r e a within the residential  square came to be applied within squares i n the central business d i s t r i c t and so becomes relevant to this study.  T h e r e was precedent for this  development i n the groves of plane t r e e s i n the Athenian A g o r a , i n the courtyards of m o n a s t e r i e s , at Oxford.  and i n the college quadrangle such as i s found  T h i s p a r k development of squares would r e s t r i c t its ability  to be a general purpose meeting place and would tend instead to emphasize i n f o r m a l functions of l e i s u r e . 93 94  M u m f o r d , op. cit. , p. 397.  S i g f r i e d Giedion, Space, T i m e and A r c h i t e c t u r e ( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s : H a95 r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1962), pp. 618-636. I b i d . , p . 620.  D. Adjoining Land Uses  The relationship of the land and buildings uses adjoining public squares is a most obvious reminder of the societal influences that act upon the new urban developments in this period of political absolutism. The general pattern is exemplified in the "Place de la Concorde" of Paris.  This square was built in 1763-1772 on a marshy site of Paris near the Tuilleries and bordering the Seine River.  It was originally  called Place Louis X V ; with the French Revolution it became "Place de la Revolution, " and was given its present name by the Directory in 1795. PLAN C a B U t  Dt LA P L A C O E LoU"3T A  PAIUI  A V E C  TOUTES SCS  DEPINDAUCCJ.  Original design for the Place de la Concorde and the Place di la Madeleine, made by the architect Gabriel about the year 1753.  Place de l a Concorde, Paris  from Hegemann and Peets Civic Art  FIGURE XXVI Thomas Okey, The Story of Paris (London: J. M . Dent & Sons Ltd. , 1925), p. 440.  114 T h i s v e r y l a r g e square, which measures approximately 1150 feet by 700 feet had only four adjoining land u s e s .  T o one side was the R i v e r Seine;  to one flanking side was the great avenue of the Champs E l y s e e s ; opposite this was the entrance to the T u i l l e r i e s Gardens that l e a d d i r e c t l y to the Royal Palace;  and on the r e m a i n i n g side were two matching buildings.  J a c q u e - A n g e G a b r i e l , the designer of the square,  o r i g i n a l l y built these  to house f o r e i g n ambassadors and v i s i t i n g royalty. The axis of the square runs through the street, (the Rue Royale) which was left between the two buildings.  Thus the only buildings d i r e c t l y adjoining the square were the  r e s i d e n c e s and offices of diplomats, hence the day to day use of these structures was quite d i v o r c e d f r o m the life of the P a r i s i a n people. wise, the r o y a l gardens, aristocratic  Like-  the T u i l l e r i e s , (now public) s e r v e d only the  upper class that is admitted to the palace grounds.  Further-  m o r e , the square was on the fringe of the urban a r e a of dense building development, not central to it. The adjoining uses with the f o r m a l garden development of a r u r a l or country view is quite open, in spite of the dominating building facade.  How different this is f r o m the tight crowding  of buildings about the squares of ancient and m e d i e v a l o r i g i n . combination of P a l a c e ,  The  square, b o u l e v a r d and f o r m a l gardens is found in  numerous examples f r o m the Renaissance to m o d e r n times, places as Athens, M a d r i d and London.  in such distant  Sometimes the gardens do not  adjoin the square but are separated b y the palace, The direct spatial relationship of palace,  as is the case in V e r s a i l l e .  and park to the square is a  tendency which decreases the v a r i e t y and number of uses of the square, but  115  at the same time, it greatly  reases the architectural splendour and  beauty of both square and, n  .'.particularly, the adjoining palace. This  was a goal in the examples referred to.  Place Royale  f r o m Hegemann & Peets Civic A r t  FIGURE XXVH  :.1T6 :  E.  The Square and the U r b a n Structure  A s a public open space within the city, the squares built f r o m the Renaissance to the i n d u s t r i a l age m a y be p l a c e d into one of three u r b a n s t r u c t u r a l relationship c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s .  1. The s t r u c t u r a l l y isolated square . entity,  The square built as a spatial  within, but independent f r o m the existing u r b a n structure m a y be  t e r m e d " s t r u c t u r a l l y isolated. "  T h i s o c c u r r e d when a single project  was c a r v e d out of the already established street s y s t e m and.the p h y s i c a l relationship of the resulting square,  e s p e c i a l l y as r e g a r d s a c c e s s i b i l i t y ,  tends to m i n i m i z e the integration of the new space with the existing order.  F i g u r e X X V I I above shows the P l a c e Royale in P a r i s ;  here the  square is like an i s l a n d , separate, and distinct f r o m the surrounding a r e a . O f course there are streets leading to the " o u t s i d e " but they are consciously hidden l e s t they disturb the i d e a l i z e d f o r m of the geometric  square.  -Oth@r "structurally i s o l a t e d " examples are the P l a z a M a y o r , of M a d r i d , the G r a n d ' P I ace of B r u s s e l S j and the Campidoglio and P i a z z a Navona of 1  Rome.  2.  The l o c a l l y integrated square.  The square built as part of a develop-  ment or redevelopment of an urban a r e a which follows a scheme of which a square,  or a number of squares, and streets are included, m a y be  t e r m e d a " l o c a l l y integrated" square.  Place Royale,  also c a l l e d  T h i s was the s t r u c t u r a l relationship  P l a c e des Vosges  117  — e w - i  n  A x i s f r o m the L o u v r e to P l a c e de l ' E t o i l e , Paris.  F I G U R E XXVIII  which was m o s t c o m m o n i n this p e r i o d . T h e ' P l a c e de l a C o n c o r d e " , and the P l a c e de l ' E t o i l e are examples of this type of development;  they  are built along the axis f r o m the L o u v r e through the C h a m p s - E l y s e e . ( F i g u r e XXVIII).  In London the r e s i d e n t i a l areas of B l o o m s b u r y ,  Covent G a r d e n , St. J a m e s ,  G r o s v e n o r , and B e r k l e y Squares,  are  examples of the l o c a l l y integrated s q u a r e s .  3. The t r a f f i c node square.  T h e square built as p a r t of an i n t r a u r b a n  transportation s y s t e m i n which the junction of m a j o r routes is developed as a square,  or the m a j o r routes are aligned so as to focus upon a  square, m a y be t e r m e d ' t r a f f i c n o d e " s q u a r e s .  T h e s e may, or m a y not  include s p e c i f i c areas for p e d e s t r i a n or v e h i c u l a r t r a f f i c . T h e f i r s t great example of this type of s t r u c t u r a l integration of squares with the new  .; •- jDi£t Ss ,—- — 3  -jmuwua,^ r T j j i j j y u j E J W l '  HR . S E I N E * p . r Pt 1 L.lotf t » > u n i......... n•nB A v  s  § j  1  -—'"'  "J  & s  3  I,  A ?. 1  118 renaissance street s y s t e m takes place in R o m e . Pope Sixtus V and his advisor Domenico Fontana l a y e d out long straight streets connecting the seven p r i n c i p l e holy places of the city in the year 1589.  Obelisks were  set up to m a r k the junctions, and squares were built to suitably m a r k the sites.  In S i r C h r i s t o p h e r W r e n ' s plan of 1666 for London,  squares f o r m  important nodes in the communication s y s t e m which was a composite of g r i d - i r o n , and r a d i a l - c o n c e n t r i c street patterns.  It is interesting that  the m a i n square focused about the R o y a l Stock Exchange. The building of nineteenth century P a r i s adopted the 'traffic node' square,  as did l ' E n f a n t ' s plans for Washington, D . C . T h e s e plans  of W r e n and l ' E n f a n t are i l l u s t r a t e d in F i g u r e X X I X .  It is important to distinguish the 'traffic node' square f r o m the squares of the m e d i e v a l p e r i o d which were also traffic nodes. F i r s t , m e d i e v a l squares were for pedestrians,  while the Baroque  the  squares  were built p r e d o m i n a t e l y for v e h i c l e s . Secondly, i n the m e d i e v a l city, the square is set aside and the important buildings are p l a c e d about it, and the p r i n c i p l e streets l e a d f r o m the wall to the square; renaissance t r a f f i c node the linked by streets,  location of buildings is p r i m a r y , these are  and squares are built as an adornment;  of m e d i e v a l pattern.  it is a r e v e r s a l  This i s an effect of the vehicular traffic movement,  f r o m point to point, or square to square, boulevards.  in the  along the generally tree lined  S.IVSR.  THAMES  Wren's P l a n for London  L'ENFANT'S PLAN '  •f  1  > M A if  ) •^y  F r o m Z u c k e r s T o w n jk .Square  rem:  ^s.'''  /  L*. Cmtti  JU.,A X.  '  l'Enfant's P l a n for Washington  f r o m Z u c k e r ' s T o w n fa S q u a r e  FIGURE XXIX  412 F . S o c i a l Functions  L i t e r a r y sources y i e l d great amounts of diverse evidence about s o c i a l functions of public squares in other e r a s , but written m a t e r i a l concerning the functions of squares i n the years after 1500 is m e a g r e . It is n e c e s s a r y to dig deeply i n this a r e a i n o r d e r to piece together scant pieces of relevant data which, when viewed i n concert, present a general d e s c r i p t i o n of the subject.  It m a y be p r e s u m e d that p r i n t e d information  is scattered throughout numerous s c h o l a r l y works,, but present methods, most common i n indexing and b i b l i o g r a p h y do not r e a d i l y r e l e a s e their knowledge within the l i m i t s of time and scale of this study<»  :  The activities that are r e c o r d e d relate both p o s i t i v e l y and negatively to p o l i t i c s , r.eli;gi'on,. commerce," and l e i s u r e .  Concerning  the functions of squares i n the p e r i o d i n question, it must be noted that the squares of two eras converge, for not only are there new squares of Renaissance o r i g i n , but also, i n many cities, the m e d i e v a l squares continue to p l a y their part i n the s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s of urban l i f e .  Regarding"political matters, the public s q u a r e s pass into disuse as a place for pub l i e meetings of legislative a s s e m b l i e s of the townspeopl T h i s is a result of the common p r o c e d u r e of government by a " f e w " - the s m a l l council, the appointee of the autocrat, or the autocrat h i m s e l f . The use of the square for the m i l i t a r y b r a n c h of government is expanded 97 as the parading of " s t a n d i n g " a r m i e s becomes r e g u l a r . ___  M u m f o r d , op. cit. , p. 362.  A s a place  iza of public execution the square s a w ; such mass spectacles as the guillotining of " c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s " i n P a r i s ' s P l a c e de l a C o n c o r d e ; i n 1792 this would include both L o u i s X V I and his Queen.  T h e square beside the  palace is not so m u c h u s e d for government as it is a s y m b o l of the government, that is the palace government.  In r e l i g i o n , the square continues to be the site of religious p r o c e s s i o n s and ceremonies on the great feast days when crowds overflow the church capacity, a single c h u r c h .  or when m e m b e r s of s e v e r a l p a r i s h e s gather before  But the s e c u l a r i z a t i o n of the C h u r c h i n this p e r i o d of  h u m a n i s m introduces new uses to the p a r v i s . blessings,  d r a m a t i c presentations,  In addition to the n o r m a l  and p r o c e s s i o n , L .  Collison-Morley  writes of a 5 a . m . to 8 p. m.. barbeque i n R o m e ' s P i a z z a S. G i r o l a m o della Carita;  this was part of the celebration i n 1688, of the a c c e s s i o n of a C a t h o 98  lie king to the throne of England.  Such o c c u r r e n c e s i n church squares  were probably unusual but nevertheless indicate the s p i r i t of the t i m e s . The traditional marketing i n squares continues i n the o l d squares, but the new a r i s t o c r a t i c places are s e l d o m so mundane.  L i t e r a r y sources  r e v i e w e d do not r e f e r to any c o m m e r c i a l activity i n the new squares of the day,  but such market places as the P l a z a M a y o r i n M a d r i d show that they  were s t i l l being built. Within the l e i s u r e aspect of s o c i a l functions, the public squares  ^ Lacy Collison-Morley, Italy After the Renaissance (London: George Routledge St Sons Ltd., 1930), pp.172-173.  122 become m o r e significant. The great popular spectacles such as the C a l c i o of F l o r e n c e take on m o r e colour than before. In Siena's Campo a h o r s e r a c e c a l l e d the P a l i o is an i m m e n s e l y popular event.  Originally  it was a r a c e throughout the city, by contestants representing the " c o n t r a d a " or divisions of Siena, but since the m i d sixteenth  century  " i t has been held on the Campo and is now so bound up with the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r of the square that the whole P a l i o seems to represent the 99 Campo at its culmination of a r t i s t i c significance. " ( F i g u r e X X X ) by an unknown artist,  The painting  shows the r a c e course fenced off  about the c i r c u m f e r e n c e of the square,  leaving ample r o o m for large  crowds to view the spectacle f r o m t e m p o r a r y stands,  balconies,  windows  and the pavement a r e a i n the centre which holds the m a j o r i t y of people. Other athletic events took place in the squares and included tournaments of feudal o r i g i n , and such games as P a l l o n e , the Italian b a l l game which C o l l i s o n - M o r l e y notes as being popular with the crowds in V e n i c e ' s P i a z z a San Stefano. The " c o o l young s w i n g e r s " who are reported to have " p r a n c e d " and splashed under the water jets in the pool of T o r o n t o ' s Nathan P h i l l i p s Square would have found an affinity for the activities of the P i a z z a Navona, i n Rome, in the seventeenth century.  It was flooded  on Saturday evenings and Sundays i n August. The "fashionable w o r l d " 99 Titus B u r c k h a r d t , Siena; The C i t y of the V i r g i n (London: O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , I960), p. 120. 100 101 C o l l i s o n - M o r l e y , op. cit. , p. 229. News i t e m in the Vancouver Sun, July 24, 1967.  P i a z z a del Campo Siena The P a l i o  by unknown painter, E d i z . Stefano Venturini, Siena.  FIGURE XXX  then drove about it in c a r r i a g e s , some were c a r r i e d i n l i t t e r s , dove for pennies thrown into the water, sides,  boys  spectactors cheered f r o m the  an occasional horse drowned, and the v i s i t i n g dignitaries  a d m i r e d the a r t i f i c a l lake.  102  greatly  P i a z z a Navona was also a good market  "where f o r e i g n e r s . . . would spend the afternoon picking up bargains among the dealers i n medals,  pictures,  103 and antiques. "  The function of squares after the fifteenth century follows a course of decline i n the m u l t i p l i c i t y of uses of many squares,  !02 103  C o l l i s o n - M o r l e y , _op. cit. , p. 19o Ibid. , p. 195.  especially  P i a z z a Navona, Rome  E n g r a v i n g by P i r a n e s i , f r o m Z u c k e r ' s Town and Square FIGURE XXXI  in the f o r m a l aspects of government and r e l i g i o n . Special purpose squares such as the markets continue to be a v i t a l adjunct to town and city l i f e . The great r o y a l squares of the a r i s t o c r a c y are p r e d o m i n ately an aesthetic space affiliated with buildings, vehicular traffic, the s t y l e - o f - l i f e of the upper c l a s s e s .  and  Squares are throughout this  p e r i o d an important urban space for the p e r f o r m a n c e of great spectacles of entertainment.  In the day to day life they were commonly frequented  in periods of l e i s u r e (for those who had any) as a casual meeting p l a c e . It cannot be said that the squares of this p e r i o d are so c l o s e l y related to the p h y s i c a l or s o c i a l f o r m s of cities and city life for the b r o a d mass of citizens as was the case i n the m e d i e v a l age.  VII.  A.  SUMMARY O F T H E HISTORICAL SURVEY  Form  The public square has existed as an a r t i s t i c a l l y o r g a n i z e d u r b a n space since at least 1500 B . C . when the concept was part of  * some Minoan settlements.  Its f o r m m a y b e c l a s s i f i e d as " c l o s e d , "  "dominated, " "nuclear, " "grouped, " or a combination of these.  In each,  the square has f o r m due to its boundaries or l i m i t s , which control the shape. In addition to the ground, and the open sky, the square is f o r m e d by its p e r i m e t e r which is u s u a l l y buildings, but m a y also be other p h y s i c a l elements such as t r e e s , or a r i v e r .  The size of a square  i s s m a l l enough to create an i m p r e s s i o n of a l i m i t e d enclosure, and l a r g e enough to be an expansion of space relative to other open space i n the v i c i n i t y . The f o r m of a square is developed by two methods.  E i t h e r it is  a p r e s e r v e d open a r e a about which separate buildings are erected with minimal architectural  co-ordination,  or, it is a f o r m developed as part  of a comprehensive a r c h i t e c t u r a l concept including detailed design control of both the square and the surrounding s t r u c t u r e s . development are h i s t o r i c a l l y common.  Both types of  Squares may be developed as  a r t i s t i c a l l y o r g a n i z e d space i n a p e r i o d of a few y e a r s , or the construction may be extended over a course of many y e a r s , R e f e r s to W e s t e r n  culture.  perhaps  126  centuries.  The f o r m of a given square tends to r e m a i n constant, but a  change of f o r m c l a s s i f i c a t i o n m a y result due to the alteration of l i m i t s , as may happen when a building i s erected or r a z e d .  The three d i m e n -  sional organization of squares as u r b a n open spaces of a r t i s t i c relevance precedes the a r t i s t i c development of the street.  It m a y then  be c o n s i d e r e d as an archetype of u r b a n space in western c i v i l i z a t i o n .  A square i s not an organization of building m a s s e s ; street, or m a l l , or c o u r t y a r d ;  it is not a  it is not a " l e f t - o v e r " p a r c e l of land.  A square is an aesthetically o r g a n i z e d open space within a human settlement;  it is part of the intraurban communication structure;  it is defined  by d e l i m i t i n g elements as an outward expansion of a volume of space set within a development of volumes of mass which are u s u a l l y buildings.  B . Internal Development  The degree of internal development v a r i e s greatly f r o m squares of one cultural p e r i o d to another,  but the v a r i e t y of internal elements  or furnishings, which are found is quite r e s t r i c t e d n u m e r i c a l l y .  The prevalent feature is that by far the greatest amount of ground space i n squares tends to be free of permanent furnishings resulting i n a v i s u a l l y open expanse which is u s u a l l y paved or planted. H i s t o r i c a l l y the fountain is a furnishing associated with the public square. Next are statues and columns, u s u a l l y of a c o m m e m o r a t i v e sort, p l a c e d  3127  as focal i n t e r e s t s .  T e m p o r a r y stalls of a c o m p a r a t i v e l y s m a l l size are  r e g u l a r l y found in those squares where a marketing function takes place. A r a i s e d a r e a or a p l a t f o r m , of low height and s m a l l dimensions is frequently a permanent furnishing for public functions.  A n internal development common f r o m the seventeenth is the p h y s i c a l separation of vehicular and pedestrian a r e a s ;  century  i n these  cases a c e n t r a l pedestrian p r e c i n c t is often developed as a park with t r e e s , plantings, fences,  and benches.  The internal development of a square is h i s t o r i c a l l y a result of the s o c i a l functions of the square.  C  Adjoining L a n d and Building Uses  In G r a e c o - R o m a n , strong,  Medieval,  and Renaissance periods a very-  and r e c u r r i n g pattern of adjoining land and building uses is  o b s e r v e d about the type of square on which this study concentrates. That i s the p r i n c i p l e or major square of a community;  it i s , in these p e r i o d s ,  an important focus of urban activity,  generally located i n the central  business district,  and u s u a l l y a multiple function  square.  i n the urban core,  The pattern o b s e r v e d adjoining these squares is the siting here  of building of government,  r e l i g i o n , and c o m m e r c e ;  the government  buildings are rthe city h a l l , the court house, executive offices, legislative buildings, palace,  archives,  and o c c a s i o n a l l y a j a i l or p r i s o n . The  r e l i g i o u s structures are, episcopal residence,  the temple, the church, the monastry,  the  and sometimes a baptistry, a chapel, a campanile,  or a church h o s p i t a l . The most important c o m m e r c i a l structures are the numerous s m a l l shops often located i n surrounding a r c a d e s .  Other  c o m m e r c i a l institutions are banks, guild h a l l s , and coffee houses.  A fourth grouping of uses that i s frequent i n the l a r g e r and c u l t u r a l l y prominent cities in the Ancient and Renaissance p e r i o d s is the l i b r a r y , m u s e u m , and art g a l l e r y .  L a n d uses that s e l d o m are found to adjoin the p r i n c i p l e square of a city are,  the hotel or inn, the theatre, auditorium, g y m n a s i u m or  stadium. T h e s e are i n the core area,  and m a y be near the square,  or i n  its vicinity, but they are not commonly adjoining.  Residential uses occur i n many squares of M e d i e v a l and Renaissance o r i g i n , but i n the major city square l i v i n g units are u s u a l l y above the ground floor which i s used for shops.  The building and land uses about the major square are u s e d therefore m a i n l y by the whole community, and are representative  of  functions of the whole community, or i n some way significant or symbolic to vital aspects of community l i f e .  D. The Square i n the U r b a n Structure P u b l i c squares of different functional types are found i n different  129 parts of the city.  T h e comments below r e f e r only to the major square of  a community.  In the h i s t o r i c a l s u r v e y an evolution towards greater integration of the square with the p h y s i c a l structure of the community is o b s e r v e d f r o m the p r o t o - t y p e s , to the " i d e a l " cities of the Renaissance,  and the  metropolitan communities that develop towards the nineteenth century. These follow the pattern and o r d e r l i s t e d below: 1.  F i r s t , the square is a p r e s e r v a t i o n of open space f a i r l y central to the community; the surrounding communication s y s t e m of streets and pathways only slowly develop a tendency to focus upon the square.  2.  The square is developed f r o m a c e n t r a l r e c t i l i n e a r p a r c e l of land within a community developed on a g r i d s y s t e m .  3.  In a g r i d system, the i n t e r s e c t i o n of two p r i n c i p l e streets, at a point central to the community, is the site of the square.  4.  In a r a d i a l - c o n c e n t r i c system, the square is built at the hub, or focus. A l l p r i n c i p l e routes f r o m the  settlement's  p e r i m e t e r l e a d to it. 5.  In a metropolitan community, there are many squares which are nodes i n a complex h i e r a r c h i a l s y s t e m of i n t r a - u r b a n communication. S e v e r a l of these may be i n the central a r e a of the community, and no single one is n e c e s s a r i l y the p r i n c i p l e square.  130 In each of these cases, the square i s part of the urban cation s y s t e m .  communi-  It i s a point of confluence i n the movement of the city.  In a l l p e r i o d s of its development as an urban space f o r m the square i s an opening or l a t e r a l expansion of space within the urban structure. of its central location,  Because  and the concentration of community activities  in its v i c i n i t y , the square is h i s t o r i c a l l y located within the urban structure i n the v i c i n i t y of highest l e v e l s of p e d e s t r i a n activity,  excepting  in the late Renaissance (1650-1800), when it was often d i v o r c e d f r o m the m a s s of daily community activity and serves the upper c l a s s .  E.  T h e S o c i a l Functions  P a r t i c u l a r squares m a y b e c l a s s i f i e d as " i n t e r n a l function, " " a s s o c i a t e d function, " and " m u l t i p l e function. "  T h e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of a  square according to function m a y change through t i m e . These functions, and changes of functions, are reflections of the culture, the society, the community, the vicinity, and other factors that create f o r m s , and functions of u r b a n i s m .  The p r i n c i p l e square of a community m a y  g e n e r a l l y be c l a s s i f i e d as being a multiple function square,  excepting the  squares of the a r i s t o c r a c y that a r e m o r e apt to be associated function squares.  Within the multiple function square four major aspects or functional divisions are observable; commercial,  and l e i s u r e .  these are, p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s ,  A c t i v i t i e s related to each of these a r e : P o l i t i c a l , public a s s e m b l y of the citizen body, of committees, or councils, for a legislative purpose;  a s s e m b l y of a p o l i t i c a l  body for a j u d i c i a l purpose, acting as a tribunal or court; a s s e m b l y for the observation and execution of the d e c i s i o n of a court;  public announcement or posting of laws, regulations  or other news for the citizen body f r o m its p o l i t i c a l organs; o f f i c i a l c i v i c ceremonies or state ceremonies of inauguration, public welcome of v i s i t o r s ;  a n c  j  celebration of important c i v i c  or state h i s t o r i c a l or current events;  parading and d r i l l i n g of  c i v i l defense units, either f r o m the citizen body, or an a r m y ; and any other p o l i t i c a l functions r e q u i r i n g a l a r g e open space within the community and deemed by some o f f i c i a l p o l i t i c a l body or p e r s o n to be p e r f o r m e d i n the square. Religious, the p e r f o r m a n c e of r i t u a l ceremony, prayers,  b l e s s i n g s and s a c r i f i c e ;  including  religious preaching,  celebration of religious festivals, and p r o c e s s i o n s ;  the  the p r e s e n -  tation of r e l i g i o u s d r a m a and spectacle. Commercial,  marketing of a l l manner of food, manufactured  articles,  and other i t e m s ;  banking; f a i r s ;  s e l l i n g of s e r v i c e s .  Leisure,  casual i n f o r m a l gathering of people for no specific  purpose but the amenity of the square;  a rendezvous;  presentation of dramas,  distinct f r o m the religious  or p o l i t i c a l events;  and festivals,  athletic events such as tournaments,  ball  games,  and horse r a c e s ;  playground for c h i l d r e n ; and  spectacles presented and a r r a n g e d by private persons or groups.  In addition to these four functional divisions there is a group that is " a b s t r a c t " as opposed to the tangible or concrete. T h i s type i s not e a s i l y d i s c u s s e d i n quality or quantity but it is v e r y l i k e l y of equal importance to any of the others. T h i s is the s y m b o l i c function which the public squares fulfills to an individual,to a group, and to the community as a whole. T h e A g o r a was a s y m b o l of the p o l i t i c a l union of clans into a new body  the "polis, " and as this p o l i t i c a l f o r m was great i n the  l i v e s of citizens of the " p o l i s " so too was this p h y s i c a l f o r m of the Agora.  The F o r u m was a s y m b o l of the majesty of the state, a union  at one point of the p o l i t i c a l , the r e l i g i o u s , the economic, and the l e i s u r e l i f e of^first a city, and second an e m p i r e . The M e d i e v a l and e a r l y Renaissance square was a s y m b o l of the new vitality of town or city life r i s i n g f r o m the r i g i d structure of a feudal s y s t e m into a p r o g r e s s i v e and productive corporate life of urban society.  T h e Baroque city and  its squares before palaces with great vistas and boulevards was a symbol of the new government structure,  under absolute monarchs with  sweeping powers over their subordinates including the city and its c i t i z e n s . T h e s e squares are a . " g r a n d " demonstration of power, and the g l o r i f i c a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s .  133  The h i s t o r y of the public square is thus the demonstration of the workings and functioning of a most dominant a r e a of urban l i f e , that is the core of the city.  H i s t o r i c a l l y the v e r y r e a l i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p  of the activities of the square with its f o r m , its internal development, its adjoining land and building u s e s ,  and the structure of the community,  a f f i r m and provide the substance of the hypothesis of this study. The patterns of these factors,  as t r a c e d through the many years of urban l i f e ,  show a reasonable application of an urban space f o r m to the needs of the community. F u r t h e r m o r e , manner;  this was not done i n a haphazard or w h i m s i c a l  it was a p r o c e s s of planning, sometimes through slow e v o l u -  tionary methods,  sometimes according to a p r e - c o n c e i v e d idea, brought  c a r e f u l l y to f r u i t i o n . But the developments were consistent, meaningful, and relevant with the society and culture. of s q u a r e s provides  The h i s t o r i c a l development  a vast source of data for examination and study  which m a y be applied u s e f u l l y to c u r r e n t p r o b l e m s of the development of public squares within the urban core;  the i n f o r m a t i o n about squares  and how they were u s e d is a " c o r n u c o p i a " for c o m p a r i s o n s , and p r e d i c t i o n s .  contrasts,  134  c C H A P T E R III  T H E TRANSPOSITION AND M A I N T E N A N C E O F FUNCTIONS  ;  L  PERSPECTIVE  The market-square in-the city of Gait, O n t a r i o , is the scene of a twice weekly public market f r o m e a r l y spring until late f a l l .  Farmers  f r o m the region s e l l t h e i r produce f r o m stalls and t r u c k s , on ground space rented'for the day.  T h i s market is not unusual i n the a r e a ;  s i m i l a r markets occur with equal r e g u l a r i t y i n the surrounding cities of Kitchener,  Guelph, B r a n t f o r d , Hamilton,  throughout E u r o p e and A m e r i c a . one side by the.strong, year o l d C i t y H a l l ;  and indeed, i n cities and towns  Gait's market square is bounded on  simple architecture of the one hundred and twelve  another side looks to W e s l e y United C h u r c h ,  a  structure of the late nineteenth century i n the Gothic R e v i v a l style; the r e m a i n i n g two sides of the rectangular square are defined by an arcaded public market building and private r e t a i l shops. Canada, i n 1968, urban space.  H e r e then i n  is an example of a grouping of ancient origin.about an  T h e grouping represents three p r i n c i p l e aspects of u r b a n ,  society — the p o l i t i e s , the relalgion, and the c o m m e r c e ;  each represented  135 here by the city h a l l ,  a church, and shops, r e s p e c t i v e l y .  But a r e c o l l e c t i o n of the h i s t o r i c a l role of public squares has little i n c o m m o n with the r e a l i t y of the current use of such open public meeting places as Gait's m a r k e t square.  No p o l i t i c a l activities take  place here i n spite of the close p r o x i m i t y of the C i t y H a l l . The adjoining church s e r v e s only a s m a l l part of the community and confines its c e r e mony and preaching to the space within the church structure.  The m a r k e t  building is an a c t i ve r e t a i l centre for about ten hours of each week and is l o c k e d for the r e m a i n d e r .  The p r i n c i p l e function of this square is  that of a m e t e r e d parking lot for the continual daily t r a f f i c into the A & P supermarket which adjoins one side of the square.  Though the utility of this one p a r t i c u l a r square to its community seems to have declined, the public square continues i n this age as a strong symbol of the community and is r e c r e a t e d again and again across this nation i n such cities as Halifax, Toronto, H a m i l t o n and V i c t o r i a . A n d , on p a r t i c u l a r occasions, thousands of p e r s o n s . out the w o r l d .  squares are the gathering place for many E x a m p l e s of this are i l l u s t r a t e d i n cities t h r o u g h -  In San F r a n c i s c o ,  U . S. A . each Sunday afternoon hundreds  of persons congregate to l i s t e n to would-be o r a t o r s defend almost any cause;  i n P e k i n g ' s great square, thousands of Red G u a r d parade in  p r a i s e of Mao T s e - T u n g and v i l l i f y his opponents; San P i e t r o ,  in the V a t i c a n ' s P i a z z a  equal numbers of another faith gather to see the Pope and  r e c e i v e his b l e s s i n g ;  and, in Chicago's new " C i v i c Square, " thousands  of people recently a s s e m b l e d to witness the unveiling of a monumental sculpture by P i c a s s o .  T h e development of the public square f r o m ancient times until the i n d u s t r i a l age as i n t e r n a l function, associated function, and multiple function spaces i n the urban core has been demonstrated in the h i s t o r i c a l analysis and review of the previous chapter. change.  But human p r o g r e s s  means  Many functions of the square have gradually been displaced or  transposed;  that is to say they have been relocated i n different and m o r e  s p e c i a l i z e d f o r m s of either open or closed spaces (i. e. buildings).  This  transposition of functions m a y b e witnessed to some extent i n e v e r y activity and purpose that has been attributed to the square as a f o r m of public open space.  L i k e w i s e , i n spite of the changes i n culture,  and society  through a l l the influences of m o d e r n c i v i l i z a t i o n , there continues to exist, in numerous squares of western Europe and N o r t h A m e r i c a , many examples of t r a d i t i o n a l functions of squares which are maintained even today.  It would s e e m that some squares do continue to f u l f i l l their  traditional roles i n the community;  and i n other cases, traditional  functions of u r b a n squares either do not exist any longer, or they now occur i n some other p l a c e .  T h e s e two functional aspects of decline  and continuation are the subject of this chapter, maintenance of functions.  the transposition and  137 A l l of the u r b a n activities,  that have been linked with the  public square at some point of h i s t o r y , m a y be d i s c u s s e d under the four topics of p o l i t i c s , r e l i g i o n , c o m m e r c e ,  and l e i s u r e .  These  categories were established i n Chapter II and are the areas for analysis of this chapter.  T h e approach i s v e r y general,  drawing f r o m a l l the  l i t e r a t u r e and f i e l d study r e s e a r c h e d by the author.  The objective is to  determine which of the h i s t o r i c a l functions of squares,  f r o m any h i s t o r i c a l  p e r i o d , m a y be reasonably c o n s i d e r e d as a possible function to be planned for i n the cities of the present.  T h i s chapter is not intended to be a further expansion of the h i s t o r i c a l d i s c u s s i o n ; it does not detail places and dates but b r o a d l y s u m m a r i z e s i n e s s a y style the relevance of the h i s t o r i c a l role of squares to their current function.  II. P O L I T I C A L F U N C T I O N S  The t e r m " p o l i t i c a l " is u s e d here to include the s y s t e m of government, both legislative, administrative, and j u d i c i a l ; of selecting governments,  the methods  and a l l aspects of governmental intervention  into community a f f a i r s .  The e a r l i e s t function of squares... that the author has noted, was that of a public meeting p l a c e . T h i s was for a s i m p l e f o r m of d e m o c r a t i c government where each citizen, with voting rights, voted on each  138  public d e c i s i o n of the community. government met i n the square;  Hence the l e g i s l a t i v e b r a n c h of  the executive b r a n c h came to be  established i n the square's p r e c i n c t i n s p e c i a l public b u i l d i n g s . L a w s were p a s s e d and a d m i n i s t e r e d f r o m squares; C i v i c ceremonies were held i n the square; here;  courts of law met h e r e .  p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s were debated  the c i v i l defense groups paraded and p r a c t i c e d h e r e . The square  was the symbol of the p o l i t i c a l life of the community, and on it or within the adjoining buildings, the great events i n the p o l i t i c a l life of a community were enacted.  But what is left of this past significance i n this  century?  The governmental function of the public square is now extant in only m i n o r vestiges of contemporary u r b a n life i n western i n d u s t r i a l i z e d society,  as w i l l be outlined below. It has been brought to decline, f i r s t  by new p o l i t i c a l systems which evolved f r o m the Renaissance nation state, and second, by the development of m o r e s p e c i a l i z e d buildings, which m o r e adequately meet p o l i t i c a l n e e d s and finally by.v<modern c o m m u n i ;  cations m e d i a . The l e g i s l a t i v e p r o c e s s e s of government are delegated to elected or appointed representatives i n national, p r o v i n c i a l , (or state), and m u n i c i p a l government.  The total body of citizens has no need for  a meeting place for legislative p u r p o s e s .  T h e s m a l l bodies who share  the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of legislation r e q u i r e the f a c i l i t y and convenience of enclosed space both for themselves and for their assistants.  These  reasonable demands are answered i n the p a r l i a m e n t buildings, state  139  houses,  congresses,  and city halls of our s o c i e t i e s .  When accommodation  for s e v e r a l hundred or thousands of persons is needed architects have devised excellent auditoria. conditioning,  Comfortable seating, heating and a i r -  s p e c i a l lighting, the e l e c t r i c a l magnification of sound,  and the facilitated control of access i n buildings, i n total have produced a fairr s u p e r i o r arrangement for the s p e c i a l function of public meetings. S i m i l a r l y the stadium i s the s p e c i a l i z e d open air a r c h i t e c t u r a l f o r m which is available for huge p o l i t i c a l meetings. It m a y provide seating for m o r e than a hundred thousand persons i n the m a m m o t h bowls constructed for spectacles.  The use of buildings for p o l i t i c a l functions is not r e s t r i c t e d to cold c l i m a t e s ;  it is the p r a c t i s e i n Spain,  the southern United States as w e l l .  G r e e c e , Italy, M e x i c o , and  It is therefore not reasonable to  assume that public squares w i l l be c a l l e d upon to serve as public a s s e m b l y - p l a c e s for l e g i s l a t i o n .  Likewise, in buildings.  courts of law, i n the western d e m o c r a c i e s , are held  Though these buildings are often fronted by a square,  the  actual court proceedings are inside the building.  P u b l i c c o r p o r a l punishment and executions are not part of the " l i f e " of the square.  In certain r e v o l u t i o n a r y governments, these  rather gruesome happenings do return to the p i a z z a , but there is no question of this i n Canada, or many other western nations. T h e guillotine  and gallows are, most l i k e l y , permanently r e m o v e d f r o m public squares.  In contrast to these departures,  there is some evidence of a  continuation of p o l i t i c a l life i n the city square. This i s i n respect to c i v i c c e r e m o n y and public debate.  In T o r o n t o ' s Nathan P h i l l i p s Square, the M a y o r and C o u n c i l of the C i t y have on s e v e r a l occasions,  r e c e i v e d honoured guests.  From  a t e m p o r a r y p l a t f o r m , speeches of welcome are given and r e c e i v e d before the c r o w d of people that gathers.  In the same square a m i l i t a r y regiment  has paraded and r e c e i v e d its new colours before a v e r y l a r g e crowd and an a r m y band was presented with the s y m b o l i c "key"! of the city.  104  Squares throughout the United States were, this past s u m m e r , (1967), the site for numerous public demonstrations concerning c i v i l rights and the war i n V i e t n a m , (e. g. Union Square, San F r a n c i s c o , and Lafayette Square, Washington).  In Athens, K o t z i a Square before each  election, the p o l i t i c a l parties rent offices i n the adjoining buildings; f r o m the second floor balconies the politicians address the crowds below and rebutt the speeches of their a d v e r s a r i e s .  C l e v e l a n d ' s P u b l i c Square 105  has been the scene of many p r e s i d e n t i a l speeches.  These are o r g a n -  i z e d p o l i t i c a l meetings to the extent that the time, the speaker, and the 104 Interview with Information O f f i c e r , City H a l l , Toronto, O n t a r i o . A p r i l , 1967. 105 G r a d y Clay, " P l e n t y of A c t i o n , " A m e r i c a n Institute of A r c h i t e c t u r e J o u r n a l , 30:35, September, 1958.  141 subject for d i s c u s s i o n is known i n advance of the event. a stage,  s p e c i a l seating,  an e l e c t r i c a l sound system, and lighting m a y  all be added to the square. place.  F o r this reason,  Informal p o l i t i c a l meetings m a y also take  T h i s is the case i n Union Square which is a f o r u m for i n f o r m a l  d i s c u s s i o n of a wide range of topics each Sunday afternoon. hundred persons w i l l sit on the g r a s s , the stone planters,  Several or just stand  for one or perhaps two hours at this unorganized e x e r c i s e of the rights of f r e e speech.  P o l i t i c a l discussions i n public squares  are thus seen as a  most e a r l y function of the square which continues to a l e s s e r today.  degree  But this is not accepted by a l l m u n i c i p a l governments.  The C i t y  C o u n c i l of V i c t o r i a , B . C . has a p o l i c y of not p e r m i t t i n g p o l i t i c a l r a l l i e s in Centennial Square which adjoins the C i t y H a l l .  T h e y p r e f e r that such  gatherings use the "Speakers C o r n e r " in Beacon H i l l P a r k .  *  * Minute of the P a r k s and Beautification Committee of the City of V i c t o r i a , F e b r u a r y 15, 1966. The minute is quoted below: R A L L Y - CENTENNIAL SQUARE - P E A C E ACTION L E A G U E A communication dated 1st F e b r u a r y was r e c e i v e d f r o m the O r g a n i z e r , P e a c e A c t i o n League ( V i c t o r i a ) , seeking p e r m i s s i o n to hold a r a l l y i n Centennial Square on M a r c h 26th next. The r a l l y is intended to be a demonstration, opposing U . S aggression i n V i e t n a m , rand it is expected to drawr. an attendance of approximately 200 people. The M u n i c i p a l Manager pointed out that the C i t y Council had set the p o l i c y that no gatherings of this nature be allowed in Centennial Square. However, he pointed out that C i t y Council some time ago had made arrangements for such gatherings to use the "Speakers C o r n e r " i n Beacon H i l l P a r k . D i s c u s s i o n followed on this matter at some length. A C T I O N : The Committee directed that the O r g a n i z a t i o n be advised of the C i t y ' s existing p o l i c y in connection with the use of Centennial Square, and pointing out that the "Speakers C o r n e r " i n B e a c o n H i l l P a r k was available for gatherings of this nature.  142 But r e m o v i n g such meetings f r o m the urban core a r e a diminishes their effectiveness as w e l l as the attendance.  T h i s may be part of a b r o a d e r  tendency to develop aesthetically satisfying " c i v i c s q u a r e s " which have a m i n i m a l v a r i e t y of functions, that i s , they exist only to "look n i c e . "  ILL R E L I G I O U S F U N C T I O N S  In the c l a s s i c a l r e l i g i o n of G r a e c o - R o m a n c i v i l i z a t i o n numerous r e l i g i o u s rites of a public nature took place i n the open a i r . The temple was considered a home for the statue of the god, it was not a place for mass w o r s h i p . T h e advent of C h r i s t i a n i t y as a state r e l i g i o n saw a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the mode of mass w o r s h i p . The regular  rites  of the C h u r c h were moved into the new t e m p l e s . In the l a r g e m e d i e v a l cities and towns the Gothic churches and their s u c c e s s o r s were able to contain the p a r i s h i o n e r s . B a p t i s m s moved out of the open air into the Baptistry;  weddings m o v e d off the p a r v i s and into the church. The  p a s s i o n plays which had taken place in front of the church evolved into a higher f o r m of d r a m a which again moved into the s p e c i a l i z e d enclosure of the theatre building.  Furthermore,  within the p o l i c y of separation  of church and state, public squares w i l l not -veasily be developed in conjunction with a church, unless that church is i t s e l f able to finance the building of the square,  and support its maintenance.  T h i s is l e s s of  a p r o b l e m i n communities where a single religious sect dominates.  143 Some r e l i g i o u s functions and related activities do occur i n public s q u a r e s .  In Canadian cities the most c o m m o n is the " R e m e m b e r -  ance D a y " c e r e m o n y of c o m m e m o r a t i n g the war dead. A t this event, a l l of the fallen war heroes of the entire community are honoured i n a r e l i g i o u s s e r v i c e which is designed to include a l l major r e l i g i o u s groups. In this way the total c i t i z e n body is brought together as i f i n a unitary religious society.  It is not a coincidence that such cenotaphs are u s u a l l y  in the p r i n c i p l e city square;  it is because an association of the square  as ansymbol of the community continues as a tradition i n cities of western culture. The c o m m e m o r a t i o n of the heroes of the city is thus, in the square, now, as it was i n ancient Athens, or Rome, i n M e d i e v a l Italy, i n nineteenth century England, and i n Vancouver of 1968.  F e s t i v a l s of r e l i g i o u s o r i g i n take place i n many city squares. The celebrations that o c c u r m a y have l i t t l e or no r e s e m b l a n c e to religious c e r e m o n y but are m o r e akin to a pagan bacchannal;  this  is e s p e c i a l l y the case with the p r e - l e n t e n celebration of C a r n i v a l which includes parading i n costume.  In M i l a n ' s P i a z z a del Duomo,  the  celebration lasts for one week and is attended m a i n l y by c h i l d r e n under thirteen.  In this p a r t i c u l a r case, bands of costumed c h i l d r e n ,  c a r r y i n g p l a s t i c b a s e b a l l bats, their almost h a r m l e s s cudgels.  attacked pedestrians of a l l ages, with It was a m o r e interesting activity to  observe f r o m a safe distance. A judging of the "best c o s t u m e s " towards the end of the festival week, took place on a stand set up i n the centre of  * O b s e r v e d by the author i n F e b r u a r y ,  1967.  the square, where the competitors could be seen b y the thousands of persons who were squeezed like " s a r d i n e s " into the P i a z z a .  P a r a d e s and p r o c e s s i o n s f r o m and to c h u r c h squares  are  c o m m o n i n Roman Catholic c o m m u n i t i e s . The St. P a t r i c k ' s Day parades in New O r l e a n s traditionally end on Jackson Square which has an adjoining cathedral.  106  T r i n i t y Square i n Gait, Ontario i s a s h o r t - c u t a c r o s s a block of land.  In over twenty years of experience with this square, the author  can r e c a l l no activity taking place i n it i n any way related to the A n g l i c a n C h u r c h located along its north side. T h i s church is also the owner of the square.  In the same city, Queen's Square contains a l a r g e central  grass area,  surrounded with e l m trees and a hedge.  In its centre  stands the war m e m o r i a l . T h i s square is actively u s e d by pedestrians on one day of each year,  ( i . e. November 11).  It may;then^be concluded that except for a few days each year, the public square is not a significant adjunct to the p r a c t i s e of r e l i g i o n in contemporary cities,  although it may contribute to a r e l i g i o u s  institution's v i s u a l appearance.  106  G r a d y C l a y , op. cit.  145  IV. C O M M E R C I A L F U N C T I O N S  The marketing function of the public square has been transposed by modern methods of production and distribution of goods and s e r v i c e s .  The square was an adequate market place,  for the  p r i m i t i v e and traditional modes of s e l l i n g . That is to say,  it was  adequate for f a r m e r s who occasionally  had produce to s e l l and came  into the city and set up their display, then returned to their home when everything had been sold.  It was adequate for the t r a v e l l i n g merchant  who might come to a town or a city only once annually, or for the poor vendor whose low profits did not make possible the rental of a shop. ( F i g u r e XII, page  145)  P i a z z a del M e r c a t o , Siena.  E d i z . S. A . F . Milan. F I G U R E XXXII  T h i s type of selling is s t i l l common in Europe, e s p e c i a l l y for the marketing of fruit and vegetables. In Canada and the United States it is continued in the weekly or b i - w e e k l y " f a r m e r ' s market, " such as the  146  ones p r e v i o u s l y mentioned at Gait, K i t c h e n e r , B r a n t f o r d , and H a m i l t o n . F o r the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d city of the twentieth century the public market isi^an antique.  The function of the square as a market p l a c e , has had the competition of shops i n buildings located along streets for many centuries, and beginning i n the G r a e c o - R o m a n e r a .  In Canada and the United  States, the c o m m e r c i a l r e t a i l i n g of goods has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been f r o m permanent shops, d i s p e r s e d throughout a community, and concentrated within a c e n t r a l business d i s t r i c t .  The f a r m e r s ' m a r k e t continued as a  p e r i o d i c s e l l i n g place, even though the g r o c e r y store, the butcher's shop, the " g e n e r a l store, " and e m p o r i u m , etc. , p r o v i d e d s e r v i c e six days per week.  The a r c h i t e c t u r a l solution to the mass selling, the crowds, and the wide variety, available i n the l a r g e r m a r k e t squares, is the department store.  T h e s p e c i a l i z e d food r e t a i l i n g square is r e p l a c e d i n contemporary i n d u s t r i a l i z e d western society b y that A m e r i c a n invention, the " s u p e r market. "  T h i s i m p e r s o n a l structure set up i n a p a r k i n g - l o t now dots  our cities as market squares once did i n European c o m m u n i t i e s . C a r s , refrigerators,  and mass production and distribution methods n o u r i s h  this development.  But the s u p e r - m a r k e t and department store which  often " j o i n f o r c e s " i n the "shopping centre" have not been entirely s a t i s -  factory as a s o c i a l meeting place.  Attempts to c o r r e c t this have  resulted i n landscaped m a l l s and courtyards, with bands playing, water flowing, and even carousels and f e r r i s - w h e e l s .  The continuation of the market place is being challenged even by those f a r m e r s who s t i l l vend their produce. Again,  architectural  advancement is providing m o r e satisfactory p h y s i c a l solutions to the p r o b l e m s of s e l l i n g i n a competitive market.  The vegetable and f r u i t  f a r m e r s and the flower vendors who until recently were content with the market square for their weekly or biweekly seasonal s e l l i n g have m o v e d inside.  In the Ontario cities of Kitchener and H a m i l t o n " p a r k a d e s "  have been constructed along side the m a r k e t squares.  These l a t t e r a l l y  open buildings s t i l l p e r m i t the f a r m e r to s e l l d i r e c t l y f r o m his truck when the p a r k i n g building is t e m p o r a r i l y t r a n s f o r m e d into a m a r k e t . The r a i n or snow i s not a h a z a r d in this pseudo market place but the concrete roofs also keep out the light of the sun, and its warmth.  The  m a r k e t in a parkade is perhaps m o r e of a boon to downtown parking throughout the week, than to the o c c a s i o n a l m a r k e t i n g of goods by farmers.  Special c o m m e r c i a l functions of p u b l i c squares are not well documented.  Sidewalk cafe's are well known and are c o n s i d e r e d by the  author to be mo re. important as a function of l e i s u r e , rather than of commerce.  Selling flowers on a regular daily basis is a c o m m e r c i a l  activity that seems to have some continuing i m p o r t a n c e . T h i s is a pleasant feature of B r u s s e l ' s G r a n d ' P l a c e ,  M a d r i d ' s P l a z a M a y o r , and  148 the l a r g e square b y the M u n i c i p a l Theatre i n P i r e u s . function,  A s a special  an annual "flower s a l e " is held i n C i n c i n a t i ' s Fountain Square.  The continuing decline of the square as a marketing place suggests that this function has a low p r i o r i t y i n the planning of squares. The amount of activity due to c o m m e r c i a l functions within the square is negligible in many squares; i n d u s t r i a l i z e d communities,  and, in the p r i n c i p l e squares of m o d e r n  c o m m e r c i a l activities are a p e c u l i a r i t y  found i n only a s m a l l number of c a s e s .  V. LEISURE FUNCTIONS  Within the functional category of l e i s u r e , the square has been demonstrated as h i s t o r i c a l l y used f o r : i) casual s o c i a l r e c r e a t i o n including,  general conversation,  a place for 'rendezvous, " a place for m e r e l y observing the "hustle and b u s t l e " of u r b a n activity,  and other  i n f o r m a l l e i s u r e l y , n o n - p u r p o s i v e activities; i i ) t h e presentation of dramas and spectacles; iii) m u s i c a l concerts; iv) playing games,  sporting competitions and tournaments;  v) festivals of a n o n - r e l i g i o u s o r i g i n ; *vi) partaking of refreshments, 107 G r a d y Clay, op. cit.  "snacks",  and even dining;  149 vi) display of works of art, educational,  for s y m b o l i c , h i s t o r i c a l ,  and their own sake.  E a c h of these may be d i s c u s s e d i n the above o r d e r , number one i), which, for reasons which w i l l become clear,  excepting is best  left to the last. D r a m a s and spectacles were a common function i n the h i s t o r i c a l development of squares, sance p e r i o d .  e s p e c i a l l y i n the m e d i e v o - r e n a i s -  But a r t i s t i c advances of the theatre arose in both  comedy and tragedy.  P r o f e s s i o n a l companies of actors p e r f o r m e d  in r e g u l a r l y scheduled p e r f o r m a n c e s (which were no longer tied to the r e l i g i o u s calendar) and c a m e to be housed i n buildings constructed e s p e c i a l l y for d r a m a t i c p u r p o s e s .  L i k e w i s e , spectacles may be  m o r e adequately staged and viewed in auditoria or a r e n a s . "  So  the function of the square is transposed into a s p e c i a l i z e d building. Open air d r a m a continues, but it has moved into parks which have s p e c i a l theatres. The author has found no evidence that d r a m a t i c events are held i n city squares today.  It is not u n l i k e l y that examples  may be found, but they are certainly not common. M u s i c a l concerts are a different matter. The major,- and m o r e serious concerts are held in concert halls or multipurpose theatres, T h e s e m a y be i n buildings or i n o p e n - a i r theatres. But in many squares of A m e r i c a today, m u s i c a l concerts are held during the s u m m e r months. In Nathan P h i l l i p s Square concerts are r e g u l a r l y organized by Toronto's  15 P a r k s Department. bands,  T h i s included m i l i t a r y tattoos,  and symphony o r c h e s t r a s .  band and sumphony c o n c e r t s . summer concerts.  rock-and-roll  Centennial Square in V i c t o r i a has  Syntagma Square i n Athens has weekly  The 1967 United A p p e a l Campaign in Vancouver,  began with three days of band playing and singing i n the Court House Square.  During the Vancouver F e s t i v a l of 1967,  frequently h e l d on the Queen E l i z a b e t h P l a z a . "live. "  In Nathan P h i l l i p s Square,  m u s i c a l events were The m u s i c is  not always  r e c o r d e d m u s i c is played f r o m  about 10 a. m . . until 10. p. m .  In each of these cases, it should be understood that the noise of the city,  and i n some cases, the natural acoustics of the square,  lower the quality of the p e r f o r m a n c e below that of most concert h a l l s . M u s i c i n squares is m o r e of an attempt to enliven the urban core for the community, than a d e s i r e to present good m u s i c a l c o n c e r t s .  Sporting events are not a continuing common function of square T h e y too have moved to s p e c i a l i z e d s t r u c t u r e s . Exceptions to this rule are known to the author i n only three squares that he has studied. The P a l i o , in Siena, has become a s u m m e r horce r a c e spectacle; Calcio, in Florence, football game.  another spectacle, but i n this case focused on a  T o r o n t o ' s Nathan P h i l l i p s Square held boxing matches  each day for a week, in the s u m m e r of 1966. of judo.  the  It has also seen exhibitions  In a lighter vein, a basketball marathon was h e l d as part of a  Community Chest fund r a i s i n g campagn by U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto  151 fraternities.  E a c h winter, the pool i n Nathan P h i l l i p s Square becomes  an ice skating r i n k ;  this has p r o v e d extremely popular and draws large  crowds of skaters and onlookers f r o m November until A p r i l .  Rockefeller  P l a z a i n New Y o r k has been an excellent p r e c u r s o r to this function of squares.  F e s t i v a l l i k e activities are m o r e common i n the E u r o p e a n tradition of squares than i n Canada or the United States.  Wine and beer  festivals u s u a l l y overflow into the squares of many E u r o p e a n c i t i e s . These m a y be gaily decorated for dancing and general celebration. The numerous ethnic groups i n Toronto have presented festivals of ethnic dances i n Nathan P h i l l i p s Square under the sponsorship of the Folk A r t Community Council.  S i m i l a r events were held at Queen  E l i z a b e t h P l a z a , i n Vancouver i n connection with the Vancouver International F e s t i v a l .  A less o r g a n i z e d festive-type of activity is the annual celebration of  Guy F a u l k s night i n T r a f a l g a r Square i n London.  students,  representing numerous schools,  at the square. the scene;  Thousands of  converge i n the e a r l y evening  They sing their school songs i n vain attempts to dominate  they frequently pour l i q u i d detergent into the fountains (which  soon after overflow intallake of suds);  and the students s e e m to cause  no p r o b l e m s for the companies of " b o b b i e s " who s u r r o u n d the central area.  The Guy F a u l k s celebration is a spontaneous event where each  of the celebrants is a participant.  152 It was noted i n the previous chapter that the Greeks and Romans used their squares for art exhibitions.  In later periods important art  works were set up for permanent display within the square, P i a z z a della Signoria, F l o r e n c e ) . excellent g a l l e r y of art,  (e. g.  The public square can today be an  e s p e c i a l l y for works not damaged by sun or r a i n .  In Vancouver this was s u c c e s s f u l l y done with an exhibition of sculpture at Queen E l i z a b e t h P l a z a ,  as part of the Canadian Centennial celebrations.  The square is thus u s e d as an exhibition h a l l or art g a l l e r y .  In the above d i s c u s s i o n , functions of s q u a r e s i n the categories of: d r a m a and spectacles,  m u s i c a l concerts,  sporting events, festivals,  and art displays, d e s c r i b e d functions which, i n most cases, are s p e c i a l events i n the square; occurrence,  that is to say that they were either, not a daily  or, they were an o r g a n i z e d regular or i r r e g u l a r activity.  In each case, the p a r t i c u l a r event was enhanced by the location of a square i n the core of a city, where large numbers of people were at hand; the surrounding a r e a was able to provide a good p r o p o r t i o n of the audience-participation.  In this way a large open a r e a is adapted to  the p a r t i c u l a r needs of different functions of l e i s u r e .  When the central  a r e a of the square is left free of development, it is easier to a c c o m m o date these different functions. P e r i p h e r a l landscaping, and a r a i s e d p l a t f o r m a r e a would s e e m m o r e functional for these s p e c i a l square u s e s .  The p r i n c i p a l l e i s u r e function of the public square i s the casual s o c i a l use of the a r e a for n o n - f o r m a l i z e d a c t i v i t i e s . T h i s use was l i s t e d  as " n o n - p u r p o s i v e " i n section i).  B y " n o n - p u r p o s i v e " , the author  r e f e r s to the m y r i a d of s o c i a l activities whose m a i n objective is r e a l i z e d i n the activity itself, such as: general conversation; of one's surroundings for p e r s o n a l p l e a s u r e ;  observation  relaxing b y sitting, reading,  looking, etc. ; these are a l l part of experiencing and being part of an environment.  N o n - p u r p o s i v e activities m a y have numerous i n d i r e c t  benefits to the doer, (e. g. healthful relaxation), but, i n these cases, this is not p r i m a r y to the p e r s o n concerned,  at the time of the activity;  he is content to s e e m to do nothing.  Squares have a purposeful o r i g i n i n the establishment of a place for p o l i t i c a l meetings,  for r e l i g i o u s ceremony, for c o m m e r c i a l trade,  and for o r g a n i z e d functions of l e i s u r e . But the total amount of time which is devoted to these activities, i n the m a j o r square of contemporary cities, is v e r y s m a l l i n c o m p a r i s o n with, the amount of time when a square is dependent upon casual s o c i a l u s e . F u r t h e r m o r e specific functions m a y be i m p r o v e d i n a square where the l e v e l of casual s o c i a l use is high. F o r example,  a c i v i c c e r e m o n y of welcome to a v i s i t o r can draw  upon the casual s q u a r e u s e r s at hand;  an art exhibition w i l l be viewed  by m o r e people when the viewers include not only persons who have gone to the square for this p a r t i c u l a r purpose, but also those who happen to be i n the square, better attended.  and a m u s i c a l concert would, i n the same way be  F r o m this, it may be concluded that the p r o b l e m s of  planning city squares must give p a r t i c u l a r emphasis to the use of squares for casual, i n f o r m a l s o c i a l functions.  154  VI.  SUMMARY  In contemporary cities, of an i n d u s t r i a l i z e d western society, the greater part of the f o r m a l functions, h i s t o r i c a l l y associated with the public square, are now housed i n s p e c i a l i z e d buildings. p a r t i c u l a r l y the situation i n r e g a r d to p o l i t i c a l ,  T h i s is  r e l i g i o u s , and c o m m e r -  c i a l activity. Within the category of l e i s u r e , there is wide scope for a continuation of traditional square u s e s .  The fact that f o r m a l l y o r g a n i z e d  activities are numerous i n some squares and not i n others is probably due to the unawareness of private and public authorities that the public square is an available and suitable place for public functions. The most consistent h i s t o r i c a l function of s q u a r e s , which i s , even today, a most l i k e l y a r e a of use and importance i n the square, is casual, i n f o r m a l use b y pedestrians during periods of l e i s u r e .  A detailed examination of this aspect of use of the square by the p e d e s t r i a n for casual l e i s u r e , i s the objective of Chapter I V . the concluding chapter,  In  the interrelationship of the f o r m a l and i n f o r m a l  pedestrian usage of squares w i l l be brought together as a b a s i s for final conclusions and recommendations on the planning of public squares in the urban c o r e .  155  C H A P T E R IV  A N ANALYSIS O F T H E PEDESTRIAN USAGE O F C O N T E M P O R A R Y SQUARES  The core of the city is not its geographical center, or its business d i s t r i c t . It i s the place to which the public r e p a i r s spontaneously on occasions of the greatest urgency, as Washington flocks to its r u d i m e n t a r y c i v i c square, . . . when war ends i n a r m i s t i c e , or Roosevelt dies; as New Y o r k e r s throng T i m e s Square. T h i s relationship of the part to; the whole, of a single center to the greater organic complex, i s a m a j o r k e y by which we can understand the whole of a city as an urban design without ever being able to experience a l l of it at once.108 . . . you m a y go for no purpose at a l l - just to sit and l i s t e n to the fountains splash and the g i r l s giggle and be part of neighbourhood l i f e . • People like to be free to sit and d r e a m 109 without being lonely, or to watch others, joining them at w i l l .  The i d e a l s , needs,  and aspirations of the people of today are  not, nor cannot, be the same as those of the past. So the b u i l d e r s of cities are challenged, b y society, ment.  The square,  to examine and i m p r o v e the e n v i r o n -  as an urban space f o r m , and its supposed functions,  are among those items of our inheritance i n western urban c i v i l i z a t i o n .  108 F r e d e r i c k Gutheim,. " U r b a n Space and U r b a n Design, " Cities and Space, Lowdon Wingo J r . , editor ( B a l t i m o r e : Resources for the F u t u r e , Inc. 1963), p . 109. 109 f C h a r l e s Goodman and Wolf V o n E c k a r d t , L i f e for Dead Spaces (New Y o r k : H a r c o u r t , B r a c e and W o r l d , Inc. 1963), p. 61.  156 Not only do M e d i e v a l ,  Renaissance,  and Baroque public squares s t i l l  e x i s t , but they continue to function, with v a r y i n g degrees of success, as this chapter w i l l demonstrate. and developed each year.  F u r t h e r m o r e , new squares are proposed  The following pages present the findings of  the case studies into seventeen such o l d and new examples, which are l i s t e d below i n Table I.  •  TABLE I  T H E S Q U A R E S IN T H E C A S E S T U D I E S  Name of Square  Grand ' Place Centennial Square Nathan P h i l l i p s Square V i c t o r y Square L e i c e s t e r Square T r a f a l g a r Square P l a c e de l-'Etoile P l a c e de l a Concorde Syntagma Square P i a z z a del Campo P i a z z a del Duo mo P i a z z a San M a r c o P i a z z a della S i g n o r i a P l a z a de E s p a n a Plaza Mayor C i v i c Square Union Square  Country  City  Belgium Canada  Brussels Victoria Toronto Vancouver London 11  England II  France II  Greece Italy 11 it it  Spain II  United States  Paris 11 Athens Sienaa Milan Venice Florence Madrid II  San F r a n c i s c o  157 Initially, the study of contemporary squares, (i.e.  squares  existing and functioning i n present day cities) included only those l i s t e d in Table I, i n San F r a n c i s c o , Vancouver and V i c t o r i a .  But this sampling  was too s m a l l to y i e l d sufficient i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m which conclusions and recommendations could be drawn.  F i e l d r e s e a r c h was therefore extended,  to include case studies which could be undertaken b y the author during a E u r o p e a n tour.  E a c h of the squares is located i n a community exceeding  100, 000 p e r s o n s , (excepting Siena whose current population is only 70, 000);  and is situated within the central business d i s t r i c t of the community.  Although the author was aware of most of the squares by name, or by photograph before their selection for study, he made no conscious attempt to choose squares which would influence the findings i n any p a r t i c u l a r way. Inspection of the squares l i s t e d i n Table I shows a b r o a d v a r i e t y of cities, which i n c l u d e s : capital cities, ports, i n d u s t r i a l centres, tourist " m e c c a s , " ancient cities, m e d i e v a l cities, nineteenth century cities, planned cities, unplanned cities,  cities which are r a p i d l y growing, and cities which have  long ago witnessed their zenith. squares,  A n understanding of the workings of public  f r o m the perspective of the pedestrian, was sought f r o m this  conglomerate of twentieth century u r b a n i s m i n western c i v i l i z a t i o n .  The chapter f i r s t presents a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the squares according to the volume of pedestrian u s e r s and an analysis of the pedestrian usage. The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n then s e r v e s as the ' m e a s u r i n g s t i c k " by which r e l a t i o n ships are examined relevant to:  the f o r m s , the internal developments,  the adjoining land and building uses, and the u r b a n structure of the v i c i n i t y  158 of the square.  The r e s e a r c h methods and data sources are stated in  Chapter I, (pp. 15-18);  other details of survey methods and results  presented i n the relevant sections.  are  Conclusions f r o m the case studies  and a s u m m a r y close the chapter.  I. T H E C L A S S I F I C A T I O N O F S Q U A R E S  ACCORDING TO T H E PEDESTRIAN V O L U M E  A s s u m e that the value of a public square to a community i n c r e a s e s as does the number of persons who make use of the square for i n f o r m a l , casual,  activity i n periods of l e i s u r e .  Then other factors of:  internal development, adjoining land and building uses,  form,  and the u r b a n  structure and pedestrian levels of the vicinity, m a y each be related to the volume of u s e r s .  If the patterns,  thus established, may be isolated and  controlled, then city planners may be able to p r e d i c t the general volume of p e d e s t r i a n u s e r s under a given set of conditions.  With this knowledge,  public squares m a y be developed for the betterment of the community. T h i s i s not meant to i m p l y that the only square of value to a community is a crowded or " b u s y " square, but that i f a relationship m a y be identified with l a r g e volumes of u s e r s ,  and i f this is predictable, then a relationship  m a y also be identified for s m a l l volumes of u s e r s .  Such information  could then be u t i l i z e d to develop squares with v a r y i n g degrees of pedestrian volumes.  159 In each of the squares i n the case studies, the number of p e r s o n s using the square over a five minute p e r i o d was counted at three different t i m e s . (The times were within the p e r i o d s : 10 a . m . to 11 a . m . 12 p. m . to 1 p. m . : and 4 p. m . to 5 p. m . )  P e r s o n s who were only-  walking through the square were not counted; the eenumeration was l i m i t e d to those pedestrians who for some r e a s o n stopped m o m e n t a r i l y or for a longer p e r i o d of t i m e . This was intended to separate f r o m the calculation, the use of the square as a t r a f f i c a r t e r y for pedestrians, that i s , to separate p e r s o n s who use the square as i f it were a street, rather than a stopping place, a square.  O f the three pedestrian counts  for each square, the most crowded five minute p e r i o d was u s e d for the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . A ratio was made for each square using the volume of users,  over the a r e a i n a c r e s , of each square. *  The squares were then  divided into one of the  * T h i s method was l i m i t e d by the i n a c c u r a c y of attempting to count l a r g e numbers of p e r s o n s i n b u s y squares while it was m o r e adequate i n counting the lightly u s e d s q u a r e s . F u r t h e r m o r e , it was i m p o s s i b l e to take counts i n each square on enough days to m i n i m i z e the chance that the days that a square was studied were not unusual. A l l studies of pedestrian volume were made during the p e r i o d N o v e m b e r 1 to A p r i l 15 excepting for the squares i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a which were also studied during the s u m m e r months. A m o r e accurate method of counting would be to place a p e r s o n at each entrance to the square. T h e y would 1) count a l l persons entering and leaving the square over a given time p e r i o d , 2) interview each p e r s o n to determine his use of the square; and 3) i n s u r e that no p e r s o n was counted m o r e than once. Other i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g the pedestrian counts i s found i n Chapter I. p. 16.  :  160 three c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of light, m e d i u m , and heavy usage.  The divisions  were a r b i t r a r i l y selected as : Light  : squares with a 'pedestrian v o l u m e / a r e a " r a t i o of less than,20  Medium :  "  "  "  "  "  "  2.0 to 50  Heavy  "  "  "  "  "  "  m o r e than 50.  :  The results of the ratio c l a s s i f i c a t i o n are l i s t e d i n T a b l e II.  The ratio of the number of p e d e s t r i a n s / a r e a of the square, i n a c r e s , m a y be t e r m e d the " p e d e s t r i a n volume r a t i o , " or P . V . R.  In the squares of " l i g h t " P . V . R, the number of persons to be counted was v e r y low, and this made the task s i m p l e ; the resulting figures are hence quite accurate. The ratios v a r y f r o m 4 to 18.  The squares of  m e d i u m P . V . R. each had a pedestrian count of 110 or l e s s , excepting P l a z a de E s p a n a a v e r y large square which had a count of 360. in the " m e d i u m " class range f r o m 35 to 45.  T h e ratios  The volumes of u s e r s i n the  " h e a v y " P . V . R. c l a s s i f i c a t i o n v a r i e d f r o m 270 to 590.  T h e s e were most  difficult for a single p e r s o n to count accurately, but i n a l l such cases the squares were v e r y obviously crowded b u s y centres of pedestrian activity. The ratios i n the " h e a v y " class v a r y f r o m 57 to 95.  Table II shows a v e r y wide n u m e r i c a l difference between highest ratio of 95,  at Union Square, and the lowest ratio of 4,  at each of C i v i c  Square and P l a c e de l a C o n c o r d e . The average P . V . R. for each of the three classes  was:  161 TABLE I I CLASSIFICATION VOLUME  OF SQUARES BY  OF PEDESTRIAN USERS AND AREA  Classification  Name o f S q u a r e  No. o f P e d e s t r i a n /Area**  Heavy. U s a g e  U n i o n Sq. S y n t a g m a ^Sq. P. S a n M a r c o N a t h a n P h i l l i p s Sq. P. d e l Duomo T r a f a l g a r Sq.  220/ 590/ 270/ 340/ 510/ 350/  4.4 a c r e s 6.5 " 3.4 " 4.3 " 7.0 " 6.1 "  95 91 79 79 73 57  Medium  P I . de E s p a n a P. d e l l a S i g n o r i a C e n t e n n i a l Sq. P. d e l Campo V i c t o r y Sq. Grand'Place  360/ 65/ 20/ 110/ 75/ 70/  7.9 a c r e s 1.6 " 0.5 " 2.9 " 2.1 " 2.0 "  45 40 40 38 36 35  4 5 / 2.5 a c r e s 2 5 / 2.7 " 85/11.3 " 65/15.0 " 3 5 / 9.8 "  18 9 7 4 4  Usage  L i g h t Usage  P I . Mayor L e i c e s t e r Sq. P I . de l ' E t o i l e P I . de l a C o n c o r d e C i v i c Sq.  Pedestrian Volume R a t i o i n Units  Volumes a r e based on c o u n t s t a k e n on days o f n o r m a l usage pleasant seasonal weather c o n d i t i o n s .  during  **  the  A r e a o f e a c h s q u a r e was m e a s u r e d f r o m t h e o u t e r m o s t l i m i t s o f square, and i n c l u d e s s e c t i o n s used f o r v e h i c u l a r t r a f f i c . I n c l u d i n g the P i a z z e t t a .  ***  162 Medium  Heavy P . V . R.  79  Light  39  8  Table II shows that there is not a relationship between the size of a square and the number of u s e r s .  There are:  are little used, such as C i v i c Square;  l a r g e squares that are h e a v i l y  used such as T r a f a l g a r Square; busy u r b a n spaces, usage,  (e.g.  comparatively s m a l l squares that are  (e. g . P i a z z a San M a r c o ) ;  Leicester  l a r g e squares which  and s m a l l squares with little  Square.)  It i s interesting to compare the date of development of a square, with the pedestrian volume ratio.  T h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i s p r o v i d e d below i n  Table HI, " A C o m p a r i s o n of the Age of Squares with the P e d e s t r i a n Volume Ratio. "  The dates l i s t e d are approximated f r o m the century  i n which the major development of a given square was initiated.  In such  cases as Centennial Square i n V i c t o r i a , an exact date could be given with facility.  But i n other examples such as the P i a z z a San M a r c o , and the  Piazzetta,  the development occurs over a long p e r i o d 6 f s e v e r a l centuries  of expansion of the site and the construction of surrounding buildings. the purposes here,  a s e r i e s of dates rather than a single date is m o r e  adequate.  F r o m Table III it can be seen that: i) each pedestrian volume ratio has squares of a b r o a d age group; ii) there is an i n c r e a s e i n usage with an i n c r e a s e i n age, but  For  163  TABLE I I I A COMPARISON OF THE AGE OF SQUARES WITH THE P E D E S T R I A N VOLUME RATIO  P.V.R.  Date by C e n t u r y From F i r s t M a j o r  Name o f S q u a r e 11  HEAVY  Union Sq. Syntagma Sq. P. S a n M a r c o Nathan P h i l l i p s Sq. P. d e 1 Duomo T r a f a l g a r Sq.  12  13  14  15  P I . de E s p a n a P. d e l l a S i g n o r i a C e n t e n n i a l Sq. P. d e l Gampo V i c t o r y Sq. Grand'Place  18  19  20  X X X  X X X X X X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X X  4.16 C e n t u r i e s  X  X  X  X  X  X X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X X X X  X X X X  X  P I . Mayor L e i c e s t e r Sq. P I . de l ' E t o i l e P I . de l a C o n c o r d e C i v i c Sq. A v e r a g e A g e 3.2  X X X X X X  C e n t u r i es  A v e r a g e Age 4.0 LIGHT  17  X  A v e r a g e Age MEDIUM  16  Development  X X  Centuries  X X X X X  164 this i s due to two extreme cases, and i s not to be given great weight; iii) there are twentieth century squares i n each of the three usage c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s .  The oldest square i n the case studies i s M i l a n ' s P i a z z a del Duomo which F . H i o r n s says i s on the same site as the o r i g i n a l Roman F o r u m of the city.  P i a z z a San M a r c o began as a p a r v i s before the  cathedral which was begun i n 830 A . D . ; it was a m a r k e t place b y 1000, and was greatly enlarged i n the twelfth century.  None of the " l i g h t " use squares were of e a r l i e r date than the sixteenth century.  T h i s m a y be explained b y other factors i n succeeding  sections of this chapter.  It should also be noted that there i s no clear relationship between the country i n which a square i s located and the volume of u s e .  Heavy  usage c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s were r e v e a l e d i n such geographically distant cities as Athens and San F r a n c i s c o ; Madrid,  Paris,  and light usage was found i n each of London,  and San F r a n c i s c o .  110 C  F r e d e r i c k R. H i o r n s , Town Building i n History, (London: George G . H a r r a p & C o . L t d . 1956), p . 94. Ill P a u l Z u c k e r , Town and Square (New Y o r k : C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1959), p . 114  165  II. P E D E S T R I A N U S A G E  The total number of persons who use squares m a y be considered as a homogeneous mass of people. T h i s was the method employed in calculating the pedestrian volume ratios; differentiate f r o m one u s e r to another, into s e v e r a l categories.  there was no attempt made to  nor was there grouping of u s e r s  But c l o s e r inspection shows that the total volume  of u s e r s is segmented into numerous types of u s e r s who may be c l a s s i f i e d according to s e v e r a l overlapping d i v i s i o n s . T h e s e include grouping b y : age,  sex,  occupation, o r i g i n and destination, and times of u s e .  These are sub-groups within the total volumes of u s e r s and they are not intended to be c o r r e l a t e d within the pedestrian volume ratio. The patterns of square usage by groups did not i n fact c o r r e l a t e with the P . V . R. of heavy, m e d i u m , or light usage. instead c e r t a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s P . V . R.  The pedestrian usage sub-groups show  found common to the divisions of the  These are d e s c r i b e d below i n the r e m a i n d e r of this section.  A . The A g e of P e d e s t r i a n U s e r s  The age groups of square u s e r s were estimated by the author according to p h y s i c a l appearance, under twenty-one, five.  and only for b r e a d categories of:  twenty-one to forty, forty to s i x t y - f i v e , and over s i x t y -  It is expected that numerous e r r o r s o c c u r r e d i n this estimation  166 but it is reasonable to assume that the e r r o r s were evenly distributed between groups and hence not of great consequence,  (ideally each  p e d e s t r i a n would have been interviewed and asked his age, but even with an a r m y of i n t e r v i e w e r s , numerous people hesitate  or refuse  to r e v e a l this p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n . ) F o r the total group of squares there was no age group that was found to be dominant i n a l l squares or even the great m a j o r i t y of the s q u a r e s .  T h i s was true of both sexes. Neither was any age group  found to be absent f r o m a significant number of the squares. p e c u l i a r i t y of age was r e c o r d e d i n V i c t o r y Square,  But one  Centennial Square,  C i v i c Square, and L e i c e s t e r Square, (representing four out of s e v e n teen squares studied). The p e c u l i a r i t y was that over one-half of the r e g u l a r u s e r s were persons estimated to be over s i x t y - f i v e years o l d . This group was predominately m a l e .  O f the persons interviewed, they  v i s i t e d the squares most frequently and for the longest p e r i o d s of t i m e . Most of these men were r e t i r e d or c l a i m e d to be " t e m p o r a r i l y u n e m ployed. "  T h e i r quality of dress suggested to the author a low l e v e l  of i n c o m e . L a r g e numbers of e l d e r l y m e n were also o b s e r v e d in Nathan P h i l l i p s Square;  but here because the total number of square  u s e r s was great the " s e n i o r c i t i z e n s " did not take on an undue p r o p o r t i o n of the total.  The disproportionate age group of u s e r s in the four squares cited is l i s t e d as follows:  167  Squares With O v e r 50% of U s e r s Aged Above 65 Y e a r s Centennial Square  P e d . V o l u m e Ratio 40  C i v i c Square  "  11  L e i c e s t e r Square  "  V i c t o r y Square  "  Usage M e d i u m  "  4  Light  "  "  9  "  "  "  36  "  11  Light Medium  The reason that so many e l d e r l y persons were i n these squares is not difficult to postulate.  It is quite l i k e l y a matter of l e i s u r e and  l i m i t e d financial r e s o u r c e s . in a pleasant atmosphere.  T h e y desire to pass many hours inexpensively  The public square can offer them this.  The  large old age group was not found i n any of the heavily u s e d squares. A large number of r o o m i n g houses and lower class hotels are located near V i c t o r y , Centennial, and C i v i c Squares, many of the older m e n interviewed l i v e d i n these p l a c e s ;  and L e i c e s t e r Square is at the edge of  London's Soho and Covent Garden d i s t r i c t s which also house numerous o l d people.  v  Abutting Centennial Square is V i c t o r i a ' s "Senior C i t i z e n s '  Activity Center. "  T h i s community f a c i l i t y would be expected to c o n t r i -  bute a large number of square u s e r s .  But this A c t i v i t y Center is frequented  l a r g e l y b y e l d e r l y ladies of whom only a v e r y few use the square as anything but a " s h o r t - c u t " ;  this was reported i n an interview with the  assistant city manager of V i c t o r i a who has taken many opportunities to observe the activity within Centennial Square.  112  112 Interview with M r . W. Hooson, A s s i s t a n t to the C i t y Manager, Victoria,. March, 1966.  168 Jane Jacobs has r e c o r d e d a s i m i l a r factor of people i n l e i s u r e in her examination of public open space.  She w r i t e s :  T h e r e is one group i n cities which, a l l by itself, can enjoy and populate a park long and well — although it s e l d o m draws other types of u s e r s . T h i s is the group of people with total l e i s u r e , the people who lack even the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of home, and in P h i l a d e l p h i a these are the people of Penn's t h i r d park, F r a n k l i n Square, the Skid Row p a r k .  The l a r g e proportion of old people i n these parks is p o s s i b l y also due to the fact that each of, Centennial, C i v i c , L e i c e s t e r , and V i c t o r y Square is i n ah o l d part of the city where low cost accommodation is available i n hotels of the v i c i n i t y .  E l d e r l y residents of these hotels make  use of the nearby open space to pass some of their l e i s u r e .  If these people  were not i n the area, the squares in question would be less important to the community as a meeting p l a c e .  B . The Occupations of Square U s e r s The occupations of persons using squares was r e c o r d e d by p e r s o n a l interview, and f r o m i n f o r m a t i o n volunteered by persons whose own occupation b r i n g s them into close and frequent contact with the general u s e r s .  (These were waiters in sidewalk cafes, c l e r k s in tourist  information centers located b y the squares, in the squares, H3  and salesladies,  students,  who r e a d frequently  i n shops abutting the squares.)  The  Jane Jacobs, The Death and L i f e of Great A m e r i c a n Cities (New Y o r k : Vintage Books, 1961), p. 99.  169 information showed that p a r t i c u l a r occupation groups u s e d the square for l e i s u r e at p a r t i c u l a r times of the day.  In the w e l l known squares of Europe (i.e. , P . San M a r c o , P^della S i g n o r i a , P . del Duomo, P . del Campp, G r a n d ' P l a c e , PI. de l'Etoile,  P I . de l a Concorde and T r a f a l g a r Square), the e a r l y m o r n i n g  v i s i t o r s to the squares were few i n number, and these were drawn l a r g e l y f r o m the tourists who had come to see the squares and the landmarks around them. C o l d m o r n i n g air or r a i n seemed to d i m i n i s h the size of this group in the morning, but, it did not stop them.  T h e y were most  l i k e l y adhering to schedules that established a l i m i t e d and specific time for such v i s i t s .  P e r s o n s employed in the general a r e a of the square were frequent l u n c h - t i m e u t i l i z e r s of the eating f a c i l i t i e s .  In the N o r t h A m e r i c a n  and E n g l i s h squares this meant a b a g - l u n c h and, a bench, a wall, or lying on the g r a s s . The persons doing so were predominantly sales g i r l s , workers f r o m nearby construction sites,  students,  and office staff.  In  E u r o p e the l u n c h - t i m e " s q u a r e - g o e r s " crowded the sidewalk cafes where they p u r c h a s e d drinks and food.  T h e i r occupational group was not  c l a s s i f i e d , but the usually easy to recognize E u r o p e a n labourer was not noticed b y the author, probably because he did not work nearby, and could not afford the r e l a t i v e l y high p r i c e of refreshment on the squares' cafes.  170 M a d r i d ' s P l a z a de Espaha, and San F r a n c i s c o ' s C i v i c Square, were each v i s i t e d in the afternoon b y women who sat alone or met in s m a l l groups. T h e y appeared to be middle aged housewives, and often had babies i n c a r r i a g e s .  In P l a z a de Espana, on the three s u c c e s s i v e  weekday afternoons when it was studied, a group that v a r i e d in size f r o m two to eight women gathered i n f o r m a l l y to knit and, of course, talk.  M i d afternoon casual gatherings of women of an older group i n  P l a z a M a y o r were also observed. ( F i g u r e s XXXIII and X X X I V ) .  P l a z a de Espana F I G U R E XXXIII  Plaza Mayor FIGURE XXXIV  The students were a frequent occupation group to v i s i t V a n c o u v e r ' s V i c t o r y Square and the P i a z z a San M a r c o of V e n i c e . In the f o r m e r case the nearby Vancouver Vocational School and the Vancouver School of A r t were the points of o r i g i n , while i n P i a z z a San M a r c o ,  students  gathered by the Campanile and along the P i a z z e t t a when they left the " B i b l i o teca M a r c i a n a " to smoke cigarettes or just to stand and watch the t o u r i s t s . The r e t i r e d unemployed u s e r s have p r e v i o u s l y been mentioned. Younger  people without occupation were also a frequently interviewed group i n San F r a n c i s c o ' s Union Square. w r i t e r exclaimed, greatest!  One such p e r s o n who c l a i m e d to be a  "I come to this place whenever I can.  It's the  It m o v e s ! "  The P l a c e du T e r t r e in P a r i s ' s M o n t m a r t r e d i s t r i c t is a favourite site for o i l painters to gather. ( F i g u r e X X X V ) . A r t i s t s  are  also common v i s i t o r s to P i a z z a San M a r c o , P i a z z a della Signoria, P i a z z a del Campo, and even V i c t o r y Square.  P l a c e du T e r t r e , Paris.  Albert Monier, Paris. FIGURE XXXX  172 In s u m m a r y , the people who use the public square, wherever it was studied, have come f r o m a b r o a d range of occupational backgrounds. T h e i r d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n was noted on both continents and i m p l i e s that the public square, i n the core of large cities, has an attraction not l i m i t e d to any p a r t i c u l a r occupational section of a community, but includes c h i l d r e n , housewives,  c l e r k s , office personnel, business men, artists,  the unemployed, the r e t i r e d ,  students,  and t o u r i s t s .  C . O r i g i n and Destination  The direct pedestrian interviews (see appendix) conducted for the squares i n San F r a n c i s c o ,  V i c t o r i a , and Vancouver, attempted to  discover the residence of the squares' u s e r s .  T h i s i t e m had to be  abandoned as not a sufficient number of the persons c a r e d to volunteer the information, on which to formulate conclusions. Due to language difficulties and l a c k of time direct interviews with pedestrian u s e r s not conducted in the other squares. were attempted,  were  F r o m the squares where the interviews  many of the older m e n were kind enough to name a nearby  street or hotel i n which they r e s i d e d ; but the m a j o r i t y of persons were uncommunicative and not infrequently hostile on this a r e a of data collection.  The questions of the last point of o r i g i n before coming to the square,  and the point of destination intended upon leaving, were m o r e  readily revealed.  F o r each of C i v i c Square, V i c t o r y Square, and  Centennial Square, most of the persons interviewed came f r o m and were  going to a location within approximately five blocks of the square, that is f r o m a point within the v i c i n i t y of the square. A l s o a l a r g e number of these same persons returned to their point of o r i g i n d i r e c t l y after leaving the square.  A great number of persons walk through a square on a pedestrian t r i p . T h e y throng the p e r i m e t e r sidewalks along squares situated in areas of high pedestrian l e v e l s of a city, del Duomo, and L e i c e s t e r Square. pating i n the activity of the square,  such as i n Union Square, P i a z z a  Although these persons are p a r t i c i and m a y be enjoying its amenity,  they were u s i n g the square as a t r a f f i c route rather than as a meeting place.  These " p a s s e r s - t h r o u g h " were not included in the pedestrian  counts and were not the subject of any i n t e r v i e w s .  Interviews at V i c t o r y Square and C i v i c Squares showed that the greatest m a j o r i t y of persons using the square came f r o m or went to a location within the v i c i n i t y of the square. T h e y were predominately going or coming f r o m their place of residence,  or work.  Unlike this, many u s e r s of Union Square come f r o m a location c o n s i d e r a b l y beyond the general urban core a r e a within which the s q u a r e is situated. Union Square was, therefore,  deemed to be a functional open  space for the whole of the community and for tourists f r o m beyond. Centennial Square is also a magnet for tourists, although the interview did not r e v e a l this. of the city.  (It was l e a r n e d through d i s c u s s i o n with residents  Using the r e s e a r c h data there is evidence to suggest, but not to c o n c l u s i v e l y state the following categorization of the p e d e s t r i a n u s e r s of public s q u a r e s :  i)>  Square u s e r s are generally distributed evenly between the age groups, excepting a disproportionate number of e l d e r l y men found i n N o r t h A m e r i c a n squares of light and m e d i u m use.  ii):  The d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of occupation groups that use the square is general and not l i m i t e d to any s m a l l section of the community. This was the pattern i n squares of a l l volumes of usage.  iii)  Some squares are u s e d predominately by .persons who come f r o m and go to areas quite near the square, while other squares are u s e d predominately by persons who come f r o m and go to areas i n c l u s i v e of a m u c h greater part of the total community.  Neither of these two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  was  p a r t i c u l a r to any P . V . R. group. iv)  Different groups of square u s e r s such as: l o c a l office and r e t a i l shop w o r k e r s , mothers with children, and housewives, were found to use the square at p a r t i c u l a r times of the day; students,  tourists,  the unemployed, and the r e t i r e d were  found to use the square throughout the day.  I  175  in. F O R M AND PEDESTRIAN V O L U M E  In Chapter II a spatial c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of f o r m was outlined which uses the t e r m i n o l o g y of P a u l Z u c k e r . of the study into c l a s s e s of: combination of these. bounding elements;  T h i s s y s t e m divided the  squares  closed, nuclear, dominated, grouped, or a  A n a l y s i s of f o r m by space also recognizes three  these are the ground, the sky, and the sides. The  ground plan of a square has two simple categories which are:  first,  those whose plan are regular geometric shapes, such as a c i r c l e , rectangle,  a  a rhombus, a triangle, a square (geometric), or an e l l i p s e ;  and second, those whose plan is an i r r e g u l a r shape.  A further division  of f o r m is between those squares whose ground is b a s i c a l l y a flat plain in p r o f i l e , and those whose ground is sloped or b r o k e n into two or m o r e l e v e l s . These m a y b e named " f l a t " and " n o n - f l a t . "  These divisions of  f o r m were tabulated i n order to identify the spatial f o r m of the squares, and to demonstrate  any relationship that m a y exist between p a r t i c u l a r  f o r m s and the volumes of pedestrian usage.  (Table IV.)  Regarding the spatial c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of squares,  T a b l e IV  indicates the following c o r r e l a t i o n with the P . V . R .  i)  No p a r t i c u l a r f o r m within the four classifications can be isolated as an influence on the P . V . R.  In each of the  heavy, m e d i u m , and light ratios there was a mixture of at least three f o r m s . S e v e r a l squares had combined  176  T A B L E IV S P A T I A L F O R M A N D T H E P E D E S T R I A N V O L U M E RATIO  P.V.R.  N  *  m  e  o  f  -g  Square  Heavy  o>  <u  o  fl  Union Sq.  X  X  Syntagma Sq  X  1  u  %  3 cf  «j  PH  nj  ,2  I  to  g  g  X  g  *  X  X  X  X  X  Nathan Phillips  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  T r a f a l g a r Sq M e d i u m PI. de E s p a n a P . della S i g nora  X  Centennial Sq P . del Campo  X  X  P . San M a r c o  P . del Duomo  X  X X  Grand' Place  X  PI.  X  X  X X  X X  X  Victory S q  Light  I  S  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  P I . de l ' E t o i l e  X  X  X  P I . de l a C o n cord  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  Mayor  L e i c e s t e r Sq  C i v i c Sq.  X  X  177 classifications;  ii)  this too was found i n each P . V . R. group.  Squares i n the heavy and m e d i u m usage groups had either regular or i r r e g u l a r ground plans. The light usage squares all had regular ground plans. T h i s indicates that squares with a regular or i r r e g u l a r ground plan m a y have a high P . V . R.  T h e author does not believe that being regular  caused a decline i n usage i n the lightly used squares; other stronger influences to be d i s c u s s e d i n the following pages are m o r e l i k e l y influences, iii)  Squares i n the heavy and m e d i u m usage groups had either flat, or non-flat p r o f i l e s . The light usage s q u a r e s were a l l flat.  Again,  a cause and effect r e l a t i o n may not be  c l a i m e d , but it is indicated that both non-flat and flat squares m a y have m e d i u m or heavy usage.  F u r t h e r m o r e a broader  sampling would probably have u n c o v e r e d examples of light usage squares which had a non-flat p r o f i l e .  In s u m m a r y ,  analysis of the s p a t i a l - f o r m of squares and the  volumes of p e d e s t r i a n usage, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of any P . V . R. ; to squares of high usage;  shows that:  no p a r t i c u l a r spatial f o r m is  regular ground plans are not a p r e r e q u i s i t e  and flat p r o f i l e s are not a quality of all heavily  used s q u a r e s . T h e r e f o r e , it is suggested that the p h y s i c a l f o r m s of squares as they are defined i n Chapter II are not functions of the pedestrian usage.  If this opinion of the author is c o r r e c t , it is c o n t r a r y to the  178 hypothesis, and suggests that the question of f o r m s is a flexible issue having different solutions to different p r o b l e m s . regarding flat,  However, if the findings  and regular shaped squares is not explainable by other  m o r e significant factors, are regular i n plan,  then it must be concluded that squares which  and flat i n p r o f i l e have a detrimental effect on the  volume of p e d e s t r i a n usage.  IV.  INTERNAL D E V E L O P M E N T AND T H E USER  The activities of people i n squares encompass the b r o a d scope of actions that are made available to them by the i n t e r n a l p h y s i c a l development of the square.  The actions o b s e r v e d during the course of the study  r e v e a l degrees of movement,  of mental activity, of enthusiasm and  interest towards the happenings of the square, of p r e p o s t e r o u s l y ,  of exuberant joy of l i v i n g ,  humorous people as they react to each other and the  square itself.  Jane Jacobs, S i g f r i e d Giedfon, Gordon Cullen, G r a d y Clay, G. E . K i d d e r smith, L a w r e n c e H a l p r i n , K e v i n L y n c h and C a m i l l o Sitte, are among the numerous authors who refer to the v i t a l importance of the internal development of the square to the effective u t i l i z a t i o n of it by people.  Pools of water, gushing fountains, b o l d sculpture, b r i l l i a n t  flowers, t r e e s ,  and the motion of b i r d s in flight are among the ingredients  of the "potion that w i l l spew forth people. "  Using data collected in the  r e s e a r c h this theory was m o r e c l o s e l y examined. T a b l e V " T h e Relation of the Internal Development to the P e d e s t r i a n Volume R a t i o " was p r e p a r e d  to identify any relationship that may exist between the volume of persons who use squares and certain i n t e r n a l elements of the square.  The items  selected for testing were, whether or not:  i) ii) iii)  a fountain or pool was i n the square; there was sculpture i n the square; food or other refreshments were available to the public i n the open air cafes;  iv)  l a r g e t r e e s were growing i n the square;  v)  a display of flowers was an element of the square;  vi)  there was a p r o v i s i o n for seating i n the square, i n addition to any that may be p r o v i d e d i n a cafe;  vii)  the square was divided into s p e c i f i c areas for pedestrian and v e h i c u l a r use;  viii) ix)  pigeons were numerous i n the square; the ground surface was paved or was g r a s s ,  gravel,  or earth.  None of the components of Table V were evaluated for q u a l i t y ; instead the m e r e presence of the element was sufficient to indicate a positive notation i n the tabulation. b y the table is s t a r t l i n g .  The consistent patterns  suggested  It seems to c o n f i r m the opinions of the authors  cited above and gives concrete support to the i d e a that the pedestrian usage of the public square is a function of the i n t e r n a l elements of the square and these m a y be a p r i n c i p l e determinant of the types, incidence, and p e r i o d of the pedestrian usage.  TABLE V THE RELATION OF THE INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT TO THE PEDESTRIAN VOLUME RATIO Name of Square and P.V.R.  HEAVY P.V.R.' Union Sq. Syntagma Sq. P. San Marco P. d e l Duomo T r a f a l g a r Sq. Nathan P h i l l i p s Sq. % of t o t a l  possible  MEDIUM P.V.R. PI. de Espana P. d e l l a Signoria Centennial Sq. P. d e l Campo V i c t o r y Sq. Grand'Place 7o of t o t a l p o s s i b l e with element  Number FountainSculp tureOpen A i r Large Flowers Seating SeparatePigeons Ground (exclud- Cafe trees (in -Vehicu- numer- paved of and/or ing pooL *Elements pool addition l a r ous element) to cafe)roadway  5 8 3 6 7 6  657,  6 3 3 3 6 0  39%  LIGHT P.V.R. PI. Mayor L e i c e s t e r Sq. PI. de l ' E t o i l e PI. de l a Concorde C i v i c Sq.  2 4 4 2 4  % of T o t a l p o s s i b l e with element  35%  * Excluding  -  -  X . X  X X  X X  X X  x X X X X X  50%  100%  50%  33%  83%  83%  83%  X X  X X  X  X  X  X  X  -'  X X X  X X X  X  -  . X -  .. -  -  X. X X  X  50%  50%  X X X X  33%  83%  X  50%  80%  whether paved or unpaved.  h h  h h  -  X X X X .  83%  83%  17%  1  X  \  %  X  X X  X X  33%  33%  X  -  X  58%  42%  X XX  20%  40%  X  40%  % %  X X X X  X  20%  -  X X X  X  50%  -  X X X  X X X X X  Groun( not paved  40%  80%  h  X  h 0%  70%  30%  A n examination of the details of the findings w i l l attempt to explain how the i n t e r n a l development of a square is related to the pedestrian usage v o l u m e s . l i t e r a r y sources,  E x a m p l e s available f r o m the case studie  and f r o m other squares studied by the author,  will  hopefully allow the reader to imagine or r e c a l l the square i n "action. The internal elements to be d i s c u s s e d are those l i s t e d in Table V .  A . P o o l s and Fountains  Nathan P h i l l i p s S q . , Toronto  Royalty Spec. Sales, Toronto.  FIGURE XXXVII  A fountain or pool of water is the earliest internal element of a square that the r e s e a r c h identified.  It was consistently found i n  squares throughout their h i s t o r i c a l development f r o m the ancient Aegean w o r l d to the m o d e r n age.  In the case studies, it was found that a  fountain or pool was a significant internal element i n :  65% of the heavy volume squares; 39%  "  "  medium "  35%  "  "  light  "  "  ;  "  The sight and sound of water i n motion i n public squares is a consistently observable focus of pedestrian activity. Nathan P h i l l i p s Square, and San F r a n c i s c o ' s  In Toronto's  C i v i c Square, people would  often sit on the benches about the pools or on the stone walls of the p o o l . T h e y r e a d newspapers and books; reflecting p o o l s . be a pleasant,  talk to each other;  and watch the  The flowing of water or its constant splash seemed to  r e f r e s h i n g , and peaceful sound.  A " r o m a n t i c " would  recognize an association of m a n and nature.  The fountains of T r a f a l g a r Square,  P i a z z a San P i e t r o , P i a z z a  della Signoria, and Centennial S q u a r e were m o r e exciting. splashes down f r o m sculpture,  or,  f r o m jets of water.  Water  The continuous  motion of a traditional "wedding cake" like fountain, or the p r o g r a m m e d variations of contemporary fountains, each s e e m to fascinate onlookers. T h e y were o b s e r v e d :  to stand and stare f r o m a short distance;  to sit  183 at the fountains edge and feel the cool water. M o r e youthful delight in the fountain is demonstrated when c h i l d r e n c l i m b right i n and splash to further amuse both themselves and entertain others.  T h i s generally  h a r m l e s s activity is sometimes a r r e s t e d when fences prevent c h i l d r e n f r o m p o s s i b l e danger.  The full extent of public appreciation of fountains was strongly demonstrated to the author at a recent v i s i t to the f o r m e r W o r l d ' s F a i r site i n Seattle.  H e r e , the sunken fountain is p r o g r a m m e d to create  elaborate and complex effects with jets of water that radiate f r o m a central h e m i s p h e r e ;  r e c o r d e d m u s i c accompanies the water c y c l e .  On  a s u m m e r evening a crowd of about fifty persons was seated at the pools edge.  The fountain p e r f o r m e d while H a n d e l ' s "Water M u s i c " accompanied  loudly, and coloured lights exaggerated the effects of the event.  When  the cycle was complete, the onlookers spontaneously began to clap their hands as i f applauding an animate t h e a t r i c a l event — indeed to t h e m it was.  The fountain had p e r f o r m e d a ballet of water and the audience  had shown its appreciation.  While a l l fountains do not r e c e i v e or even m e r i t applause, they were found to be a major attracting element i n public squares.  Why fountains and pools should have this somewhat mysterious m a g n e t i s m on people is not e a s i l y understood.  L a w r e n c e H a l p i n goes  beneath the rational l e v e l of human experience to explain this phenomena of our s p e c i e s .  Halpin writes:  184  Fountain, Victoria  Centennial Square FIGURE XXXVIH  T h e r e i s a quality about water which calls to the most deep rooted and atavistic part of our nature. In the deep canyons of our cities, water, along with f i r e , t r e e s , and the almost hidden sky above, are the elements which can s t i l l tie us to our p r i m i t i v e past. O f a l l these, water and f i r e evoke the most direct r e s p o n s e s . F i r e i n the city is dangerous, n e g a tive and e v i l ; while water is positive and l i f e - g i v i n g — the element f r o m which we have a l l come. T h e wildness and exuberance of water s t i r s us with its qualities of nonconformity and v i g o r . * " The fountain and pool as furnishing elements i n the public square s e e m to answer a human need.  The widespread and general public  gratitude for the pleasure of this community f a c i l i t y is e x p r e s s e d each time  Corporation,  Lawrence Halprin, 1963), p . 134.  Cities (New Y o r k : Reinhold Publishing  185 a pedestrian or m o t o r i s t stops or takes a passing glance at such fountains. The frequent and lengthy duration of onlookers about fountains in each square where they were located reflects their positive influence on the number of persons who use squares.  The author has no doubt  that people w i l l go to a square s p e c i f i c a l l y to see a fountain. The Centennial Fountain i n the square before V a n c o u v e r ' s courthouse is such a case. T o u r i s t s , (easily recognized by their cameras) and l o c a l residents of the a r e a were recently seen by the author at this square after 1 a. m . ;  they were standing or sitting and looking at the spurting  jets of water and the "sculpture, " their number, at this e a r l y hour, exceeded thirty p e r s o n s .  Centennial and C i v i c Squares each had a high  p r o p o r t i o n of their use focused about the fountain and p o o l . F o r each of these light and m e d i u m pedestrian volume squares it m a y not be unjustified to p r e d i c t that without these water elements the number of their u s e r s would decline and hence a s i m i l a r decline of the value of the public square to the respective  B.  community.  Sculpture  Sculpture i n public squares was the internal element most common to the furnishing of the squares studied. Sculptures were found i n 100% of the h e a v i l y u s e d squares, of the light u s e d squares.  50% of the m e d i u m used squares,  and 80%  In Centennial Square and the Campo,  sculpture  186 was not present i n its own right but was part of a fountain. *  In G r a n d /  •'Place there is a considerable amount of sculpture on the building facades, but this was not considered an " i n t e r n a l " element.  In the P l a c e de  l ' E t o i l e sculpture is a great part of the A r c h of T r i u m p h and the A r c h itself could be considered as a gigantic sculpture.  Sculpture i n the square has two p r i n c i p l e functions. The f i r s t is related to the o r i g i n a l reason that the sculpture was p l a c e d . Second is the function of its present day u s e .  Chapter II has shown that, as a c o m m e m o r a t i v e device i n public squares,  sculpture has a long h i s t o r y beginning i n the A g o r a i of G r e e c e  and continuing on through the Baroque p e r i o d .  T h i s is equally true of  the m o d e r n squares whether their sculpture remains f r o m an e a r l i e r date or is of the twentieth century. is a common example:  The column mounted with a figure  in T r a f a l g a r Square is N e l s o n ' s Column —-  a homage to B r i t a i n ' s hero of the Napoleonic W a r s ;  i n Union Square,  the A d m i r a l George Dewey Monument i s a r e m i n d e r of the naval battle at M a n i l a B a y in the S p a n i s h - A m e r i c a n W a r .  In Syntagma Square a b a s -  r e l i e f m a r k s the T o m b of the Unknown Soldier//; in V i c t o r y Square, of three wars are r e m e m b e r e d through sculpture;  'soldiers  and i n P i a z z a del  Duomo, P l a z a de E s p a n a and P l a z a M a y o r , statues of V i c t o r E m m a n u e l , Gervantes,  and P h i l i p IV respectively,  are given a central place of honour.  * It m a y be argued that a l l manmade fountains are i n fact sculpture and water i s a m e d i u m of this f o r m , but for the purpose of this study the two are counted separately.  187 In each of these cases, a city or nation has chosen the public square as a most suitable place to honour its heroes through a sculptured s y m b o l .  The a r t i s t i c genius of a c i v i l i z a t i o n may be represented by the sculpture i n a square. P i a z z a della Signoria is thus a m u s e u m to such F l o r e n t i n e giants as Michelangelo, B a n d i n e l l i , sculptors.  Cellini,  Whether such sculpture is held i n awe,  and c l a s s i c a l  as is M i c h e l a n g e l o ' s  David, or is r e g a r d e d as somewhat of an a r t i s t i c misfortune, as is B a r t o l o m e o A m m a n a t i ' s Neptune, the square i t s e l f gains in importance not only as a m u s e u m but as a focus of community identity.  The Neptune  is disparagingly known to F l o r e n t i n e s as. " i l biancone" which is l o o s e l y translated as "the b i g white thing", but even so it can h a r d l y be doubted that in spite of questionable aesthetic value, the r e m o v a l of " i l biancone" would be s o r e l y m i s s e d i n F l o r e n c e . S i m i l a r l y , i n Toronto, H e n r y Moore's Archer  created public c o n t r o v e r s y upon its erection in Nathan  P h i l l i p s Square;  but this v e r y c o n t r o v e r s y has caused many pedestrians  to go into the square and see for themselves.  O n each occasion that  the author v i s i t e d the square, people continuously gathered about it to see what "the fuss was a l l about;"  they posed beside it for p i c t u r e s ;  c h i l d r e n c l i m b e d on the base and c r a w l e d through the statue's openings; other persons touched it, seeming to draw tactile p l e a s u r e f r o m the cold bronze.  R e g a r d l e s s i f the work is good or bad - ~ today people go to  the square and see the sculpture and are attracted by it and take c o n scious or unconscious joy f r o m it.  People do go to the square with  the objective of seeing the sculpture. The sculpture is thus a contributing  188  Sculpture i n Squares  F I G U R E X X X IX  factor to the pedestrian usage of the square.  Lawrence Halprin  writes that "we need great sculpture i n the street to comment on our c i v i l i z a t i o n and speak of the condition of our culture, even, p o s s i b l y , to 115 throw stones at i t . "  A r t l o v e r s may reject the use of statues as  targets, but H a l p r i n ' s opinion of sculpture for streets c e r t a i n l y warrants 115  I b i d . , p. 9.  Royal Specialty Sales, Toronto.  '.'The A r c h e r " b y H e n r y M o o r e , Nathan P h i l l i p s Square, Toronto.  FIGURE  XL  equal consideration for public squares.  T h i s v a l u e of s c u l p t u r e i n  the h e a r t of a c i t y w a s d i s c u s s e d at t h e 1951 I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o n g r e s s M o d e r n A r c h i t e c t u r e . W r i t i n g f o r the p u b l i c a t i o n of that g a t h e r i n g , J. J.  Sweeney  says:  . . . . i f 'the C o r e ' i s to f u n c t i o n s p i r i t u a l l y as a C o r e , h u m a n a t t e n t i o n m u s t b e b r o u g h t to f o c u s t h e r e as i n t e n s e l y as p o s s i b l e ; a n d s c u l p t u r e b y i t s v e r y n a t u r e i s a m o s t e f f i c a c i o u s m e a n s to t h i s e n d . . . . B u t w h a t i s m o s t i m p o r t a n t f o r the C o r e of t h e c i t y i s the focal intensity which sculpture can provide, whether free s t a n d i n g s c u l p t u r e r e l a t e d b y s i m i l a r i t y o r c o n t r a s t to the a r c h i t e c t u r e o f the c i t y ' s C o r e a n d c o m p o s e d s p a t i a l l y w i t h the s u r r o u n d i n g b u i l d i n g s , o r s c u l p t u r e t h a t m a k e s a n i n t i m a t e  for  190 part of the buildings themselves through a unity with them in technical e x p r e s s i o n as well as in symbolic associations. Such a m a r r i a g e of the m a t e r i a l and i m m a t e r i a l and such a footnote of monumentality is what sculpture, conceived in proper relationship to a building, or to its surroundings w i l l p r o v i d e . H °  The architects have hit upon this relationship of s c u l p t u r e t o the urban core,  but c e r t a i n l y the planner must also be conscious of this urban  amenity and encourage its effective use in public open spaces of c o n t e m p o r a r y c i t i e s . The r e s e a r c h for this paper found numerous examples of sculpture playing a significant role i n the activity of squares as shown by the numbers of persons who gather about it;  l e a r n e d authors and c i v i c  designers have r e c o g n i z e d its value among the furnishings of public open spaces;  f r o m these two sources it is v e r y strongly suggested that  sculpture in the public square is an amenity factor which, when present, tends to i n c r e a s e the number of persons who use squares,  and also  broadens and deepens the relationship of people to the square and hence to the community. The sculpture need not be an individual art object in the c o m m o n l y accepted sense. It includes the sculptural decoration of a building (e. g. a Gothic c h u r c h facade} , or perhaps a building itself, 1  (e. g. San M a r c o i n Venice), or a gushing fountain, even a flashing sign, (e.g.  signs in T i m e s Square New Y o r k , or the m a i n street of L a s V e g a s ) .  It i s not important that the element meet an a r b i t r a r y definition of sculpture, but rather that it has the fascinating and a r r e s t i n g effect of " s c u l p t u r e " on people who see it. 116 J . J . Sweeney, "Sculpture and the C o r e of the City, " The H e a r t of the City, (London: L u n d H u m p h r i e s , 1952), p. 59.  191 C  Pigeons:  Pigeons are dirty, often c o v e r e d -with v e r m i n , and their excrement m a r s : ' c o r n i c e s , pedestrian,  benches,  of many public p l a c e s .  sculptures, and the o c c a s i o n a l Y e t they have a positive side which  should be c o n s i d e r e d . Table V shows that pigeons were numerous i n 83% of the heavy volume squares;  33% of the m e d i u m volume squares;  were not numerous i n any of the light volume squares.  they  It could be  concluded f r o m this that pigeons like people, or perhaps people l i k e pigeons.  It would, however, be m o r e c o r r e c t to suggest that theirs is  a mutual fascination. In T r a f a l g a r Square, P i a z z a San M a r e o , Syntagma Square,  and others,  pigeon feed is sold i n the square each day b y vendors  with a s m a l l t r a y or wagon.  F o r a few cents, a s m a l l bag or can of seeds  is p u r c h a s e d by those numerous people who like to feed pigeons.  With  a r m s outstretched these persons may become l i t e r a l l y covered with pigeons attracted by the food. P e r s o n s without feed who keep their a r m s to their sides are most apt to be i g n o r e d .  In V a n c o u v e r ' s P i o n e e r P l a c e ,  one e l d e r l y gentleman was o b s e r v e d to v i s i t the square three times each day laden with bags. arms,  The pigeons recognized h i m and flock to his  shoulders, and head.  In a short while he w i l l have taken  assorted  grains f r o m his bags and pockets and begun his routine of feeding.  In  —+s  P l a z a de Espana, P i a z z a del Duomo, P i a z z a del Campo, Syntagma Square, and Union Square, pedestrians who had brought pigeon feed with them were also o b s e r v e d . T h e r e is then a cycle of:  pigeons which are i n squares  192  Pigeons,  P i a z z a San M a r c o .  Pigeons,  Syntagma Square.  FIGURE XLI  because they like to be fed; people who know there are pigeons i n the square and like to feed them;  and vendors who see a c o m m e r c i a l  opportunity and make use of it.  It is interesting that Nathan P h i l l i p s  Square has only few pigeons at the present t i m e ; pattern of each of the other heavily used squares,  but i f it follows the then pigeons and their  feeders w i l l eventually congregate there in l a r g e r n u m b e r s .  The  presence of pigeons i n a square is a pleasant distraction to persons in addition to those who feed t h e m .  L a r g e crowds of people were frequently  seen gathered to watch the pi geons being fed.  People stand about the  square waiting for a flock to land or take flight. T h i s can be an exciting event.  In P i a z z a San M a r c o , T r a f a l g a r Square, or the Campo the  193 sudden flight into the a i r of hundreds of b i r d s , flying i n a s w a r m , and creating a loud beating sound with their wings, has frightened and delighted tourists and l o c a l residents for many y e a r s . a magnificent sight.  It can be i v - . ;  In P . San M a r c o , the b i r d s s e e m about to block out  the sun; . when they r e t u r n to ground, their cooing adds another sound to the urban scene. the pigeons;  Some people go to P . San M a r c o s p e c i f i c a l l y to see  it's an event about which v i s i t o r s l i k e to speak. The square  is not only a setting for the byzantine church, but, it is a c i r c u s r i n g for the a e r i a l acrobatics of b i r d s .  T h e i r swift movement contrasts with  the static setting of a r c h i t e c t u r a l facades,  and on the ground they add a  " l i v i n g " texture to the cold h a r d pavement. Other b i r d s m a y have a s i m i l a r affect. D. C a f e s :  The sidewalk cafe i s a m a j o r aspect of public life i n many communities of E u r o p e .  In seven of the seventeen squares surveyed,  this was an additional internal element directed towards l e i s u r e l i f e . Even though it was the winter season, the s m a l l tables i n the open air cafes were well populated by people who gathered; the activity of the square;  to talk;  to r e a d ;  to watch  to meet f r i e n d s ; and to make new  acquaintances. The cost of this is the p r i c e of a coffee or some other beverage;  food is also available.  The duration can be just a few  minutes, or a few h o u r s . U s u a l l y the tables are located on the sidewalks the edge of the square as at II Campo, P . del Duomo, and P . Signoria;  della  or the tables m a y extend into the central a r e a of the square.  Syntagma Square, Athens.  P i a z z a San M a r c o , Venice.  F I G U R E XLLT  F I G U R E XLILT.  In the latter case, the open air cafes are operated b y hotels abutting the square which have underground s e r v i c e passages beneath the road, connecting the i n t e r i o r of the square with the hotels.  Sidewalk cafes were found i n : 50% of the heavily use squares; 50%  "  "  medium »  20%  "  »' light  "  " "  Pedestrians go to open air cafes situated i n squares;  the i n f o r m a t i o n  available does not show that they utilize such cafes i n p r e f e r e n c e to those not on squares.  But the extensive amount of land u s e d for the s i d e -  walk cafes i n P . San M a r c o , and Syntagma Square indicate a m e a s u r e of the success of such f a c i l i t i e s .  These sidewalk cafes are u s u a l l y situated on p u b l i c l y owned land which is rented to adjacent restaurants and b a r s . The cafe may i n t e r f e r e with the width of sidewalk space available for p e d e s t r i a n t r a f f i c ,  but citizens of these cities s e e m to be of the opinion that a busy open air cafe i s a suitable and public use of public land.  If the " c i t y is for  the p e o p l e " this m a y b e a land use concept worthy of extensive  experiment  i n N o r t h A m e r i c a . The l a r g e numbers of persons who eat packed-lunches in the N o r t h A m e r i c a n squares studied indicates a p o s s i b l e m a r k e t .  The  institution of the "coffee b r e a k " in the working day of A m e r i c a is a further source of probable u s e r s ,  as are shoppers. G r a d y C l a y reports the  great public success of the sidewalk cafes i n New O r l e a n s .  He w r i t e s :  Jackson Square is proof that it is p o s s i b l e to attract A m e r i c a n s to outdoor cafes in the United States. T h e r e seems to be a current mythology about sidewalk cafes. ' P r a c t i c a l minded' men say " T h a t ' s a l l right for E u r o p e but it won't work h e r e . " M a y I suggest they go to the Cafe du Mond a c r o s s f r o m Jackson Square, a happy, gay spot both night and day, crowded with l o c a l citizens as well as t o u r i s t s . The cafes s e t u p i n the s u m m e r m a l l s of Ottawa's Sparks St. and K i t c h e n e r ' s K i n g St. are Canadian examples of well used open air food f a c i l i t i e s in the u r b a n c o r e .  But the restaurant located at V i c t o r i a ' s  Centennial Square is reported by city officials to have had only m i n o r success in its attempts at open air s e r v i c e .  The l e s s o n of E u r o p e a n s i d e -  walk cafes m a y b e that beverages and light lunches or " s n a c k s "  receive  considerable public response but " d i n i n g " i n a public street or square is l e s s apt to be of extensive public u s e . The sidewalk cafe m a y be a v e r y casual place, i n a comfortable setting. It can be under an arcade, awning, u m b r e l l a , or completely i n the open. I n many cases, on the boulevards of P a r i s ,  an  especially  the sidewalk cafe may be " g l a s s e d i n " for  weather protection. 117 Grady, C l a y , . "Magnets Generators F e e d e r s : The N e c e s s i t i e of Open U r b a n Space, " A m e r i c a n Institute of A r c h i t e c t s J o u r n a l , 30:33, September, 1958.  196 In T o r o n t o ' s Nathan P h i l l i p s Square "soft d r i n k s " are sold in the s u m m e r months f r o m street vendors. The roof of the portico surrounding the square seems to be an excellent location for casual cafe f a c i l i t i e s , such as u m b r e l l a s and tables, but this has not been attempted.  Renting such space to private restauranteurs  is an idea  that city governments m a y find both profitable and b e n e f i c i a l to the community.  E . A u x i l i a r y E l e m e n t s : T r e e s , Pavement, and F e n c e s .  G r a s s , F l o w e r s , Benches  Since the development of the r e s i d e n t i a l square i n the baroque style the subject of beautification of u r b a n open spaces has frequently turned to garden elements.  Trees,  flowers, grass and shrubs, add  new v a r i e t i e s of colour and texture to the urban space which had f o r m e r l y r e s t r i c t e d its furnishings to the b a s i c s of fountains, statues and pavements, surrounded by b u i l d i n g s . m a t e r i a l s of stone,  T h e s e a l l were fashioned f r o m the concrete  metal, and wood;  a l l were l i m i t e d i n colour to the  natural hues of the building m a t e r i a l s , with o c c a s i o n a l use of paint or coloured t i l e s .  Squares of this type s t i l l are extant, being p r e s e r v e d and highly respected i n their c i t i e s .  O f the squares i n this study, this  type i f e x e m p l i f i e d i n : Grand ' P l a c e , Mayor,  P l a c e de l a Concorde, P l a z a  and each of the Italian squares, ( P .  del Campo, P . del Duomo,  P . San M a r c o , and P . della Signoria).  The introduction of the  a u x i l i a r y elements d r a s t i c a l l y altered the character of the square and its relation to the city.  The public square was the apex of urbanity, the s y m b o l of all that the city had come to represent.  Trees,  g r a s s , flowers, and  shrubs are a natural element even though they m a y be o r g a n i z e d b y m a n . If they are allowed to totally dominate a square, they m a y be l i k e n e d to a ' f o r t r e s s of nature" shutting out the city, and injecting the r u r a l , rejecting both the assets and faults of the community by the isolation of total contrast.  C o n s i d e r i n g the relation of natural elements i n the  townscape J . L . Sert w r i t e s :  The landscape of the C o r e is essentially a c i v i c landscape. It i s a place where the c i v i c e x p r e s s i o n of a town finds its highest point. T h i s c i v i c landscape is a product of man as opposed to a natural landscape, and in some cases natural elements —— even trees — would be out of p l a c e . I would not suggest that this should be a general p r a c t i c e , but just consider for a moment how h o r r i b l e a tree would look i n the P i a z z a San M a r c o ! It just could not live t h e r e : it does not belong, for man has taken the place of the n a t u r a l elements and geometry has become paramount. * ^  O r these same elements m a y b e c a r e f u l l y controlled and l i m i t e d ,  so  that their contrast to the city i s subtle and r e f r e s h i n g . In the l a r g e m o d e r n city, a p a r k - l i k e square into which people may seek an a d j o u r n -  J . L i . Sert, " D i s c u s s i o n on Italian P i a z z a s , " The H e a r t of the City, (London: L u n d H u m p h r i e s , 1952), p. 77.  198 ment f r o m u r b a n life has favourable support f r o m many u s e r s .  But  the public appeal of such park developments i n squares seems to have a d e c r e a s i n g effect on the number of p e d e s t r i a n u s e r s .  F r o m Table V the following data m a y be emphasized..  L a r g e trees were growing i n :  33% of the heavy use squares; 33%  "  40%  "  11  "  medium "  "  light  »  "  ;  In the h e a v i l y u s e d squares ( T r a f a l g a r , and Syntagma) trees were not dominant, and were r e s t r i c t e d to a p e r i m e t e r b o r d e r i n the case of Trafalgar,  and a grove like garden i n a part of the c e n t r a l a r e a of  Syntagma. This may be contrasted with the light use s q u a r e s with trees* P l a c e de l ' E t o i l e ,  and L e i c e s t e r .  In each of these t a l l shade  trees cover an extensive portion of the ground a r e a .  The trees are u s u a l l y a part of squares that are unpaved. The question of whether a square should be paved, o r , planted with grass and a r r a n g e d with g r a v e l walks, is not decided b y r e f e r e n c e to Table V .  It shows that: 83% of the heavy use squares are paved, and 17% are not; 58%  "  "  medium "  "  "  "  "  42%  "  "  ;  70%  "  "  light  "  »  "  "  30%  "  "  .  "  199  T h e r e is no continuous decrease of pedestrian usage to c o r r e s p o n d with the paving or non-paving of a square, between the heavy and light use  even though there is a decrease  squares.  The areas of greatest concentration ofpe'deTs'trians i n squares that have both paved and unpaved ground areas is a source of m o r e useful i n f o r m a t i o n concerning t r e e s ,  and gardens.  I n Athens' Syntagma Square, (heavy P . V . R . ) the park a r e a of the square had few u s e r s ,  while the paved open areas were constantly  crowded. The garden a r e a of T r a f a l g a r Square, (heavy P . V . R.), cut into the t e r r a i n before the National G a l l e r y , was s p a r s e l y occupied at the same time when the paved a r e a with its pigeons, was f i l l e d with movement,  fountains and statues  sounds, excitement and people. The f o r m a l l y  planted trees and unpaved walks i n the P l a c e de l ' E t o i l e had a few strollers,  while a s m a l l , but continuous, group of v i s i t o r s may be o b s e r v e d  about the paved central a r e a b y the A r c h of T r i u m p h .  T h i s same pattern  of pedestrian usage was o b s e r v e d i n P l a z a de Espana, and C i v i c Square . It was not the case i n V i c t o r y Square,  or Union Square.  The planted  areas of these two open spaces are interwoven with sidewalks, or large paved sections.  P e d e s t r i a n activity i s thus d i s p e r s e d throughout the  garden setting.  A l s o the arrangement and s i z e of the trees i n these squares  is not so dense or l a r g e as to shut out a view of the surrounding streets and b u i l d i n g s . O n w a r m sunny days people commonly sit or lie on the g r a s s . Sun bathing and sleeping are not unusual activities among the  200  u s e r s of V i c t o r y or C i v i c Squares. ( F i g u r e X L I V ) .  Sleeping i n the sun, V i c t o r y Square.  B e n c h w a r m e r s i n San F r a n c i s c o C i v i c Square.  FIGURE XLIV  The lawn or a bench are a l l the accommodation they r e q u i r e d to r e s t in this quiet atmosphere.  But a question that must be asked is whether  sleeping or sunning by s m a l l numbers of persons i n public open spaces of an urban core is a justifiable use of land, when this s a m e l a n d could be developed as an open space which has  frequent use by a much  greater number of people.  The desire to beautify squares with garden elements can be the source of v e r y colourful and decorative designs. were an internal development of:  F l o w e r gardens  201  83% of the heavy use s q u a r e s ; 83%  "  "  medium "  40%  "  » light  "  "  ;  "  In the author's opinion, these flower gardens were of importance to the decoration of the square only i n the cases of: heavy use  m e d i u m use  light use  Union Square  P I . de E s p a n a  C i v i c Square  V i c t o r y Square The most outstanding example of beautification through gardens among the case studies was Union Square where flowers are in b l o o m through most of the year.  Garden development, Union Square.  Smith News Company, San F r a n c i s c o . . FIGURE X L V  202  The availability of seating in squares c o r r e l a t e s d i r e c t l y with the pedestrian volume ratio as shown below:  83% of heavy use squares have seating; 50%  " medium "  "  40%  " light  "  "  .  .  "  .  .  .  "  It is not shown that people go into a square because there are benches p r o v i d e d for them, this seems e x t r e m e l y u n l i k e l y .  The case  is m o r e apt to be that administrative bodies provide seating i n a square after the need has been demonstrated,  as w i l l probably o c c u r i n  V a n c o u v e r ' s Court House Square;  seating i s p r o v i d e d in expectation  or,  of a need during the development of a square, two new squares of the case studies,  as was the case i n the  Centennial, and Nathan P h i l l i p s .  Benches were found to be u s e d e s p e c i a l l y b y older persons who tended to sit for long p e r i o d s .  It would seem, that, i n some cases, the designers of public squares have spent considerable sums to shelter and guard the use of the space; public u s e .  but they have, unintentionally, by their actions discouraged Such is the result of the fence. Its message cannot be m i s s e d ,  for, it c l e a r l y says,  "keep-out, " or " k e e p - o f f the g r a s s . "  The fence  singles out an a r e a for viewing only, while public spaces would have m o r e frequent use i f their design was an invitation to enter.  None of  the heavily u s e d squares i n the study were protected with i r o n and w i r e ;  203  none of the ancient, m e d i e v a l , or renaissance squares,  i n urban cores  and u s e d by the general public, had fenced-off central e n c l o s u r e s .  But  the type of squares which evolved f r o m the a r i s t o c r a t i c private squares in r e s i d e n t i a l complexes set the pattern.  V i c t o r y Square and L e i c e s t e r  Square were the only cases i n the study where fences enclosed a park area.  T h e fence m a y facilitate the maintenance of a square, and the  closing of a square, both of which are p e r i o d i c factors,  but a continued  daily effect of a fence is its r e s t r i c t i o n of public access to the square and p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n f e r e n c e s .  Flowers, trees,  shrubs, grass,  and fences are each elements  which m a y be v e r y beautiful i n t h e m s e l v e s .  But their obvious appeal-  is an element of which the landscape architect,  parks board, m u n i c i p a l  council, or their planning advisors must be wary. s a t i s f a c t o r i l y without them;  Many squares work  others i n which they dominate have only  light or m e d i u m p e d e s t r i a n usage;  this tends to destroy the h i s t o r i c  role of the public square as the heart of the city.  A discriminating policy  towards their use would help to control and determine the r o l e of a public square i n the u r b a n c o r e .  204  Square Orbon,  Brussels.  Square Orbon, B r u s s e l s .  V i c t o r y Square, V a n c o u v e r .  L e i c e s t e r Square, London. F e n c e d in Squares FIGURE XLVI  F.  Roadways in the Square Many functions of the square,  which have been p r e v i o u s l y  d e s c r i b e d , exclude vehicular traffic f r o m the public square; more,  further  the idea is in vogue among urban planners that the pedestrian  and the automobile cannot c o - e x i s t a m i c a b l y in such open spaces as plazas and m a l l s .  T h i s is to opt for the easy and obvious solution  to the conflict of pedestrians and automobiles. The basis for the d e c i s i o n is questionable.  The m a j o r square of a community was  h i s t o r i c a l l y found to be an i n t e g r a l part of the community's communi cation s y s t e m whenever the s q u a r e was also an i n t e g r a l part of the community.  But today the urban communication s y s t e m is  p r e d o m i n a t e l y a s y s t e m for vehicular t r a f f i c movement and storage. It therefore seems that a public square which would maintain this r e l a t i o n s h i p of integration with the t r a f f i c network and dominance of the p e d e s t r i a n functions of the square, must adapt to the needs of each.  E x i s t i n g adaptations must be investigated before rejecting the  automobile, or other modes of transport.  Table V I was p r e p a r e d to identify the relationship of the heavy, m e d i u m , and light degrees of the pedestrian volume ratio to v e h i c u l a r t r a f f i c i n public s q u a r e s .  206 TABLE VI ' THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE P.V.R.* TO VEHICULAR TRAFFIC  P.V.R.  ^  Heavy  No. Vehicles.  Name of Square  Union Sq. Syntagma Sq. X P. San Marco Nathan P h i l l i p s Sq. X •.. P. d e l Duomo T r a f a l g a r Sq. »  Vehicles Permitted Veh.'fc Ped.Sep- .Veh.& Ped.Not arated Separated Heavy L i g h t Heavy L i g h t V.T.** V.T. V.T. V.T. X' X  X  Percent per category of t o t a l with v e h i c l e  100%  Medium  X  PI. de Espana P. d e l l a S i g n o r i a Centennial Sq. P. d e l Campo V i c t o r y Sq. Grand'Place  X X X  Percent per category of t o t a l with v e h i c l e s Light  X  50%  PI. Mayor L e i c e s t e r Sq. PI. de l ' E t o i l e PI. de l a Concorde C i v i c Sq.  Percent per category of t o t a l with v e h i c l e s  P.V.R. = pedestrian volume r a t i o , traffic  50% X X  X X X  60%  * V.T. = v e h i c u l a r  X  20%  20%  207  F o u r squares, of the case studies do not allow public use of their space for vehicular t r a f f i c .  T h e s e are Nathan P h i l l i p s  Square, P . San M a r c o , Centennial Square and P .  del C a m p o .  are equally divided between heavy and m e d i u m P . V . R. new, and two are v e r y o l d .  These  Two are very-  P . San M a r c o has no vehicles because  V e n i c e is built on islands i n a lagoon and transportation is by foot or canal.  The canals do not, at the present time,  enter the square.  The P i a z z a del Campo, in the m e d i e v a l h i l l town of Siena, is not e a s i l y a c c e s s i b l e to motor v e h i c l e s , without extreme modification of the surrounding street system,  and wholesale destruction of  numerous splendid old b u i l d i n g s .  The compactness  of the community,  the continued dominance of pedestrian t r a f f i c , the r e l a t i v e l y short distances to be t r a v e l l e d ,  and the h i s t o r i c a l interests of the city,  allow the square to function well without automobiles.  Nathan P h i l l i p s  Square is surrounded on three sides by a colonnade, the roof of which is a p e d e s t r i a n w a l k - w a y .  Beyond the colonnades, l i e the busy streets  of T o r o n t o . V i c t o r i a ' s Centennial Square is bounded on three sides b y buildings, the fourth side is f o r m e d by Douglas Street, the m a i n street i n the core;  Centennial Square f o r m s an alcove off this busy  route and is too s m a l l to r e q u i r e any internal development for v e h i c u l a r t r a f f i c . It is r e a d i l y a c c e s s i b l e to roadways f r o m the openings in its p a r a m e t e r .  208  C o n s i d e r i n g the squares that do p e r m i t public vehicular traffic, two types are observable f r o m the point of view of internal development.  T h e s e types  are:  i) those squares whose i n t e r n a l development does not show any m a r k e d differentiation of zones for pedestrian use and v e h i c u l a r use;  and,  ii) those squares with roadways which separate vehicular t r a f f i c zones f r o m zones for pedestrians only.  The squares which p e r m i t t e d vehicles,  and also  these vehicles f r o m pedestrians by internal development,  separated totalled  ten of thirteen c a s e s . The three cases without separation, (p. della Signoria, G r a n d ' P l a c e , i n o l d parts of the city.  and P I . M a y o r ) , are a l l old squares,  Ln each of these cases, the volume of  vehicular t r a f f i c was noted, by casual observations, The c a r s ,  d r i v i n g into, or through the squares,  to be light.  were few enough  in number, that they did not create a degree of conflict with p e d e s t r i a n u s e r s which was serious enough to warrant the construction of p e d e s t r i a n " i s l a n d s , " roadways,  curbs,  sidewalks, etc.  Two of  these squares were m e d i u m P . V . R. , the other was light P . V . R.  T a b l e V I shows that, of the squares with separation of p e d e s t r i a n and vehicular zones, nine of ten cases were observed to have a high volume of vehicular t r a f f i c .  The existing internal  development of a l l ten cases, is f r o m the nineteenth or twentieth century. . The i n t e r n a l development of roadways i n a l l these cases is integrated with the urban transportation  system.  The most interesting data f r o m T a b l e VI is that: i) 100% of the squares p e r m i t t i n g vehicles and with heavy volumes of pedestrians also had heavy v e h i c u l a r t r a f f i c .  ii) 50% of the squares with vehicles and m e d i u m pedestrian volumes, also had heavy vehicular traffic v o l u m e s ;  iii) 60% of the squares with vehicles and light pedestrian volumes, also had heavy vehicular traffic v o l u m e s . This data indicates that heavy volumes~"of v e h i c u l a r t r a f f i c is not detrimental to the volume of p e d e s t r i a n usage.  Indeed, it is the author's opinion  that p a r t of the interest of a square, movement and stopping of c a r s ,  to the pedestrian,  and buses.  is the  In Syntagma Square  i n Athens, many people at the sidewalk cafes sit and watch the traffic;  the continuous stop and go at t r a f f i c lights, the boarding and  exiting of people f r o m buses, a vitality to the square.  and the honking of horns, each add  But there are certainly l i m i t s to the  p r e s e n c e of automobiles as an amenity. These l i m i t s were not e m p i r i c a l l y defined by this study, but it is p o s s i b l e to draw conclusions Ifrbm the observations.  F i g u r e X L V I :is a photograph  P l a c e de l a Concorde  Paris  FIGURE XLVII  taken i n the P l a c e de l a Concorde, at approximately t h r e e - t h i r t y p . m . on a week day.  Hundreds of automobiles are l i n e d up waiting,  for the t r a f f i c signal to change, others are p a r k e d around the central i s l a n d s . The pedestrian zones within the square are quite empty of people. T o get to t h e m is not a pleasant experience; square, the automobile horns constitute a nuisance; fumes are quite heavy;  the d r i v e r s , (by this author's  are not sympathetic toward pedestrians;  for i n this  the exhaust estimation)  and i n total, the volume  of t r a f f i c i s so dominating and unpleasant that it constitutes an extreme prejudice against pedestrian activity.  The  situation  is s i m i l a r at the P l a c e de l ' E t o i l e , where the v e h i c u l a r t r a f f i c i n t e r change function, of this low P . V . R. square, pedestrian,  detracts for the  f r o m the a r c h i t e c t u r a l grandeur and h i s t o r i c a l interest  of the space.  In s u m m a r y : i) the exclusion of automobiles and other vehicular traffic f r o m public squares is not a p r e r e q u i s i t e to heavy volumes of p e d e s t r i a n usage of the square;  ii) i n squares where vehicular traffic volume is r e l a t i v e l y heavy, pedestrians are u s u a l l y p r o v i d e d with zones separate f r o m vehicles;  iii) v e h i c u l a r t r a f f i c is detrimental to p e d e s t r i a n usage of squares at an undetermined l e v e l when its volume dominates the function of the square;  below this l e v e l , vehicular t r a f f i c m a y be  c o n s i d e r e d an interesting internal element for the p e d e s t r i a n u s e r .  G . D r a m a t i s Personnae One element,  for which it is most difficult to  demonstrate  a relationship with the number of pedestrians is the people themselves It is an a x i o m of "show b u s i n e s s " that the best advertisement is the " s o l d out" sign;  this is to say that people attract people.  Similarly,  i n squares,, there are certain " h i n t s " that the activities and presence of people are a factor influencing the total number of u s e r s .  Some of the activities of the square u s e r s p r e v i o u s l y mentioned include: meeting and talking; feeding and watching  212 pigeons;  eating and drinking;  sitting;sleeping;  looking at the surrounding buildings;  and reading. Another activity which seems to occupy  many v i s i t o r s i n squares i s looking at other people; dress and manner; movement;  listening to their conversation,  o b s e r v i n g their watching their  taking mental note of their d i v e r s i t y and their  sameness.  E s p e c i a l l y i n a square where the number of tourists is l a r g e , languages,  and the  clothing and appearance of people are v a r i e d , the s i m p l e  act of watching can be a pleasant p a s t i m e of l e i s u r e .  G. E . Kidder-  s m i t h has noticed this i n C a p r i where he considers the P i a z z a Umberto to be greatly responsible for the large number of tourists to the i s l a n d . He writes:  . . . the c l i m a t e . . . the B l u e Grotto . . . the dulcet air and the intriguing geology are only p a r t l y responsible for the fact that half the tourists i n E u r o p e s e e m to flock there today. The other r e a s o n . . . is a . . . square. T h i s p i a z z a is not just an open space where people come m e r e l y to shop or post a letter; it i s , unknown even to its citizens, an o p e n - a i r non-stop theater with its stage at one end and a p r o p e r l y shaped a u d i t o r i u m facing. The actors are the fantastic crowd of b i z a r r e tourists, each s t r i v i n g to outdo the other, each a r r a y e d in his p r i v a t e peacock feathers, the b r i l l i a n c e of which is accentuated by the black c l e r i c a l gowns of the p r i e s t s v i s i t i n g the cathedral behind. When these gorgeous b i r d s t i r e of the perambulating r o l e , they continue their s e e - a n d - b e - s e e n p l e a s u r e s in the ' a u d i t o r i u m ' , the convenient cafes whose m y r i a d round tables, gay with awnings, p r a c t i c a l l y f i l l the square. This minute p i a z z a is the key to the secret of today's C a p r i . . . and is Italy's outstanding exposition of what a few s t r a t e g i c a l l y  213  handled square feet of open space can produce in sensitive hands. F o r the P i a z z a Umberto is the eyebrow of C a p r i and gives character to the whole i s l a n d by being a natural, spontaneous meeting spot through which v i r t u a l l y every v i s i t o r p a s s e s . 9 The unconscious participation of pedestrians,  in the P i a z z a Umberto,  or T r a f a l g a r Square, or P i a z z a San M a r c o , or indeed i n any of the studied squares,  is a m a r k e d contribution to the l i f e ,  and interest of the space.  movement  In P i a z z a San M a r c o crowds gather and  b r e a k - u p coming seemingly f r o m nowhere and going nowhere; stopping to talk or look at the church, the pigeons, the arcades and each other.  E a r l y i n the m o r n i n g before the crowds come,  the square  s t i l l has its a r c h i t e c t u r a l beauty - - but it is the people t h a t ' s e e m to give it vitality.  The P i a z z a San P i e t r o i s generally a b u s y square with tourists and c l e r i c s v i s i t i n g the b a s i l i c a and adjoining b u i l d i n g s . But on those days when the Pope is scheduled to appear this m o n u mental setting for the b a s i l i c a fulfills a s p e c i a l s o c i a l function. Thousands of people cheer, wave, and p r a y . T h e y are emotionally r o u s e d by the P o p e ' s p r e s e n c e ;  so too the size of the crowd enhances  the meaning and p l e a s u r e of the experience for the i n d i v i d u a l . comes not only to see the Pope, but also to see the crowd; is c o m p l i m e n t a r y to the other.  He  each  S i m i l a r l y we m a y conceptualize an  George Evrard Kidder Smith. Italy Builds: Its Modern Architecture anA Natural Inheritance. (New York: Reinhold, 1955), P»213»  214  C h i e s a San M a r c o and P i a z z a  R.  Benedetti Venice  F I G U R E XLVIII  individual's pleasure while watching a parade;  i f he were the only-  spectator it is u n l i k e l y that his pleasure would be as great as when he watches the parade f r o m a crowded vantage point. But, in a square, the individual is both the parade and the spectator.  H.  Summary The combined internal elements of each individual square  are contributors to the action which takes place i n the square. m a t e r i a l facilities of p h y s i c a l embellishment such as  The  sculptures,  215  P i a z z a San P i e t r o  E d . Belvedere, Rome. FIGURE X L I X  fountains, paving, flowers and trees have a direct relationship to the numbers of people who use squares and the ways i n which they use them.  Benches,  c h a i r s , o p e n - a i r cafes,  and other food and  l e i s u r e f a c i l i t i e s are a r e c u r r i n g element influencing p e d e s t r i a n volume and the general amenity of a square.  H e a v y volumes of  vehicular t r a f f i c , when separated f r o m p e d e s t r i a n zones within a square, may act as an amenable element, providing that the number of vehicles does not become so great as to dominate the space and adversely detract f r o m the other amenities available.  The p r e s e n c e  of people appears to affect the a ctivity and p o s s i b l y the numbers of persons who use squares but no satisfactory evidence was u n c o v e r e d to c l e a r l y establish a cause and effect relationship i n this case;  V. T H E G E N E R A T I O N O F U S A G E B Y ADJOINING L A N D S A N D BUILDINGS  A . Adjoining L a n d Uses and the P e d e s t r i a n V o l u m e Ratio The functional analysis of squares,  d e s c r i b e d i n Chapter  II, identified and defined the " a s s o c i a t e d function s q u a r e " as one "whose purpose i s d i r e c t l y related and dependent upon a land or building use that adjoins the square. "  T h i s dependency upon  adjoining uses was also one of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  of the " m u l t i p l e  function square. "  A n a l y s i s of functional determinants of usage was d e r i v e d from historical research;  i n this section data f r o m the case studie  collected by mapping, is presented to analyse any relationship that m a y exist between the adjoining land and building uses,  and  the volumes of pedestrian usage of contemporary squares.  T a b l e V I (Adjoining L a n d Uses and T h e i r Relation to the P e d e s t r i a n Volume Ratio), l i s t s a l l of the different adjoining uses that were found i n the field r e s e a r c h . ten categories. *  Chapter II, p . 34.  **  Chapter II, p. 36-38.  T h e s e have been l i s t e d  217  The categories used to c l a s s i f y the land uses were " selected to group certain types of u s e s . have been l i s t e d together,  Some of these might  but a separate category seemed a  n e c e s s a r y means of c l a r i f y i n g the p e c u l i a r frequency of certain building u s e s .  The general headings a r e :  government a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o f f i c e s ;  institutions and o f f i c e s ;  churches;  museums;  galleries  and l i b r a r i e s ; p u b l i c l y a d m i n i s t e r e d t o u r i s t i n f o r m a t i o n b u r e a u s ; t r a v e l agents; hotels and other tourist r e s i d e n c e s ; b a r s and cafes; and s e r v i c e s .  theatres,  restaurants,  cinemas, and auditoria; and r e t a i l shops  The land a r e a occupied by some r e t a i l shops is much  greater than that occupied by others, (eg. , a department store c o m p a r e d with a cigar store).  Hence, i n a given square, one side  m a y be totally b o r d e r e d by one store,  while another square of equal  size m a y have numerous s m a l l shops b o r d e r i n g an equal frontage. In o r d e r to compensate for the m i s l e a d i n g a r i t h m e t i c figures i n such instances T a b l e VI indicates only whether or not r e t a i l shops were  * found adjoining the square.  F o r each of the other uses the incidence  -v* A m o r e sophisticated method for c o m p a r i n g r e t a i l and other land uses would have been to compare the square footage of each land use category as a ratio of the a r e a of the square. A t the time when the study was being c a r r i e d out this method had not been c o n s i d e r e d b y the author. A c o m p a r i s o n of square footage would be more adequate i f it made allowance for the greater t r a f f i c generation of some examples within a grouping than others of the same type, eg. a 1000 square foot fur r e t a i l shop has fewer clients than an equal size drug store.  TABLE V I I ADJOINING LAND USES AND THEIR RELATION TO 1 NAME OF SQUARE  HEAVY VOLUME Syntagma Duomo S. Marco Nathan P h i l l i p s Trafalgar Union Sub t o t a l 7. of t o t a l  Inst. Offices  Govt. Admin.  Church  Museum Gallery Library  Tourist Information  3 3 2  1  -  -  _  -  1 , 1  -  1  . -  2 1  - '  . -  1  11 427»  2 17.7.  ,, . -3 1007.  ' 1 5 1 1 -  1 1 1 3 3  8 537.  9 827.  1  Travel Agents  10 4 .3 •  2 ! t  -  2 1  - !  2  j  ~4~r  20 . 697.  447.  I  I MEDIUM VOLUME 11 Campo Espana Grand'Place Signoria Victory Sub t o t a l 7.. of t o t a l  LIGHT VOLUME Centennial Civic . Concorde Etoile** Leicester Mayor Sub t o t a l 7. of t o t a l  -  1  2 2 6 2  -  12 467.  - , - •  2 1 267.  •  -  1 1  -1 3  -  -  3 ..' 257= •'  1 3 2  --  1  '  1 7 , 587.  0 07.  -  ~5 337.  -  -  , -  ' -  .0 07.  1 1  2 147.  1 -  1 97.  • 1 5 1  3  7 247.  3 347.  1  -  -  1  -  97.  -  - .  -  -  ~T  .  2 -  1 1 77.  '-  . 2 . 227. •  TOTAL • 1007,  26 1007o  12. 1007.  3 1007.  15 1007.  11 1007.  29 1007.  9 1007.  The "Giardino Real" does not d i r e c t l y a d j o i n the Pizaazttee but i s howev **The boundary of the Place de l ' E t o i l e was considered to be the inner c i  TABLE VII  |;  ADJOINING LAND USES AND THEIR RELATION TO i NAME OF SQUARE  HEAVY VOLUME Syntagma Duomo S. Marco Nathan P h i l l i p s Trafalgar Union Sub total 7. of total MEDIUM VOLUME 11 Campo Espana Grand'Place Signoria Vic tory Sub total 7. of total LIGHT VOLUME Centennial Civic Concorde Etoile** Leicester Mayor  Inst. Offices  Govt. Admin.  • 3 3 2  1  2 177.  -  1  12 467.  - , -• 2 1  1 .-1  . • -  .. - • • .  11 427.  2 2 6 2  - •  1  - • ' - •  -  2 1  Church  • •• •  1 • 1  -  .. ' -  -,.-3 1007.  - ..  1 3 2  - ' 1 .  7  -  587.  ' -.0. 07.  TOTAL 1007.  26 1007.  12 1007.  3 1007.  -  1 1 1 3 3  ~8 537.  ~9 827.  1  1  .  -  -  5 337.  97.  J  -  - . -  1 1  , -  '•• ~3 267.  -  1 5 1 1  -  •  Sub total 7. of total  -  1 3  0 07.  "  Tourist Information  -  •• -  3 257.  Museum Gallery Library  Travel Agents  Hot  10. 4 .3 •  j i i i  2 ! -  j  2  i  -  2 1 20 697.  ~4~~ 447.  -  • 1 5 •1  .  -  3  - •' -  7  -  247.  1  -  1  1  -  ~2 147.  1 97.  77.  15 1007.  11 1007. •  29 1007.  347.  -  2  . ~2~ 227. 9 1007  *The "Giardino Real" does not d i r e c t l y adjoin the Pizaazttee but i s howe **The boundary of the Place de l ' E t o i l e was considered to be the inner <  of each category was totalled and tabulated for each square. method is far f r o m perfect.  This  It was accepted by the author on the  grounds that by p e r s o n a l observation,  the v a r i a t i o n of size for uses  other than r e t a i l shops was not so great as to alter the general validity of the tabulations.  In each case study, the building uses l i s t e d were  those found on the ground floor of b u i l d i n g s .  Building uses above the  ground floor were generally offices, hotel, r e s i d e n t i a l or the same as the ground f l o o r . The latter is e s p e c i a l l y the case where ground l e v e l u s e s were institutions and offices; museums,  government administration;  churches  g a l l e r i e s and l i b r a r i e s .  Details of Table VII are s u m m a r i z e d below:  S U M M A R Y C H A R T O F T A B L E VIII Heavy Volume  Medium Volume  A v g . v a r i e t y of different land uses p e r square  6. 0  5. 2  3.8  A v g . number of different land uses per square  18. 2  11. 4  7. 7  42%  32%  26%  100%  0%  0%  % of total number of museums, galleries, libraries  53%  33%  14%  % of total number of t r a v e l agencies  69%  24%  7%  % of total number of Restaurants,. b a r s , or cafes % of total number of churches  Light Volume  E a c h of the above items are land uses that m a y be found throughout the central business d i s t r i c t of large c o m m u n i t i e s . When they are concentrated about a single square, the incidence of p e d e s t r i a n usage has been shown to be greater than the incidence of usage in those squares with fewer of the l i s t e d uses.  Furthermore,  it is noteworthy, that each of these uses  (that i n c r e a s e s in incidence with the m o r e h e a v i l y used squares),  is  functionally related to activities of l e i s u r e . This may be for short periods of l e i s u r e during working hours when restaurants and stores are frequented by people who work in the v i c i n i t y ; or it is the l e i s u r e time spent i n a v i s i t to a m u s e u m , art g a l l e r y , or church;  it is  the time spent outside a l i b r a r y waiting for a f r i e n d who is returning a book;  or it is the time spent l o i t e r i n g - just watching others use  the surrounding buildings.  One p a r t i c u l a r group of building space l e s s e e s must be mentioned;  this is the t r a v e l agencies.  The author observed that  t r a v e l agents generally and a i r - l i n e companies e s p e c i a l l y tend i n large cities, to rent office space within a v e r y short distance of each other.  In Vancouver this is noted in the B u r r a r d Building, on  G e o r g i a Street, where s e v e r a l a i r - l i n e companies have located a ticket office.  But, i n Athens, M i l a n , London, V e n i c e , San F r a n c i s c o  222 Siena,  and M a d r i d , t r a v e l agents' offices are concentrated about a  square. Furthermore,  each of the squares was both a multiple function  square and the p r i n c i p l e square of the city.  In this same p r i n c i p l e  square location an office of the A m e r i c a n E x p r e s s Company was generally found.  With this knowledge,, tourists who make up the l a r g e r portion of  t r a v e l agency c u s t o m e r s ,  m a y e a s i l y locate these offices i n a strange city  by s i m p l y going to the m a i n square.  T h i s r e i n f o r c e s the public square  as a m a j o r focus of tourist activity. The general importance of tourists who are attracted by adjoining land uses should not be underestimated. M u c h of the stature and p r i d e of any city is e x p r e s s e d through the i m p r e s s i o n s and opinions of the v i s i t o r s .  It is their admiration which  can i n s p i r e community p r i d e , or conversely, it is their disappointment which can engender community h u m i l i t y .  E c o n o m i c a l l y t o u r i s m is of  m a j o r s i g n i f i c a n c e . In B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a it is the second l a r g e s t dollar earner for the p r o v i n c e .  No city needs to r e g r e t a high p r o p o r t i o n of  v i s i t o r s to its urban open spaces. opinion.  G r a d y C l a y holds this same general  He w r i t e s : " J a c k s o n Square is to me the perfect example of the n e c e s s i t y of attracting tourists to t o m o r r o w ' s downtown. The tourists are the gay and giddy element in the J a c k s o n Square Scenery. . . . When you consider that b u s i n e s s , trade and p r o f e s s i o n a l conventions have developed into one of the m a j o r industries of A m e r i c a you can no longer afford to write off " t o u r i s t s " as an important part of your community's downtown scene.  Grady, C l a y , " P l e n t y of A c t i o n , " A m e r i c a n Institute of A r c h i t e c t u r e J o u r n a l . Sept. 1958, p. 32.  223 The quote on page  f r o m K i d d e r - S m i t h ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of P i a z z a  U m b e r t o i n C a p r i has a s i m i l a r high r e g a r d for the tourist p r e s e n c e in public squares.  B . T h e C o r r e l a t i o n of Adjoining L a n d Uses and T i m e s of Square Usage The generation of pedestrian usage of squares byadjoining lands and buildings c o r r e l a t e s to the times of the day when the adjoining uses are most active.  The times of the day when pedestrian volumes were generally at a peak were between 11 a . m . and 2 p . m .  E a r l i e r i n the day,  usage was greatest i n squares with s p e c i a l attractions for t o u r i s t s , as i n P . San M a r c o , P l a c e de 1'Etoile, Constitution S q .  P . della Signoria, and  T h o s e squares without s p e c i a l interest to tourists  tended to be used, i n the morning, only by p e r s o n s who walked d i r e c t l y through t h e m .  In the r e m a i n i n g daylight hours (after 2 p . m . ) the  use of squares did not peak. of Spain, Italy,  A n ebb of use o c c u r s i n the squares  and G r e e c e between 1:30 p . m . and 3:30 p . m . when  it is the custom for people to have their lunch. taken i n the o p e n - a i r restaurants,  Although this m a y be  the greatest activity during this  time of day is again created b y tourists who find amusement in the square while the shops, m u s e u m s , g a l l e r i e s , and some closed.  churches"are  224 In the European squares a second peak p e r i o d develops between six o'clock and nine.  T h i s is the time of day after work  and before the late evening dinner. The streets and squares  are  quickened by citizens who come out f r o m their homes to s t r o l l , or sit and drink coffee and eat p a s t r i e s in the sidewalk cafes.  This  p r a c t i c e of the evening walk before dinner is not the c u s t o m i n A m e r i c a n but it is a prominent factor i n many European c i t i e s .  The  n a r r o w s h o p - l i n e d streets of V e n i c e and Athens are e a s i l y clogged with pedestrians who window-shop, talk, and even s i n g .  The walk  seems c o m m o n l y to be t e r m i n a t e d i n the cafe or its o p e n - a i r extension.  The E u r o p e a n squares such as P l a c e de l a Concorde or  the P . della S i g n o r i a where the cafe plays no p a r t or is a c o m p a r a t i v e l y m i n o r feature have little pedestrian use in this evening p e r i o d .  But  Syntagma S q . and P . San M a r c o are thronged by the public at this same t i m e .  None of the E n g l i s h or N o r t h A m e r i c a n squares of the study had open air cafes. N o r is there a custom of late dinners p r e c e d e d by walks which might p r o v i d e this element of evening u s e r s . B u s i n e s s c a r r i e d on i n the shops,  and tourist f a c i l i t i e s are u s u a l l y  c l o s e d at night so they can generate no activity.  T h i s closing of stores is a s p e c i a l "time of u s e " factor to any square whose sides are b o r d e r e d by e a r l y c l o s i n g r e t a i l shops, or other uses that maintain s i m i l a r h o u r s .  225 E x a m p l e s of this were e s p e c i a l l y noticeable i n each of Victory,  Centennial,  and Union Squares whose institutional and  r e t a i l adjoining uses dominate the edges of the square, and after r e g u l a r business hours s e e m to b r i n g down a curtain telling the square goer to go h o m e .  When the land uses adjoining squares are for any r e a s o n not i m m e d i a t e l y available to their would-b u s e r s , then the urban amenities of the square can p r o v i d e a pleasant spot to sit and wait. This waiting is an activity w e l l experienced in the squares of E u r o p e by m a n y N o r t h A m e r i c a n t o u r i s t s . When the stores,  museums,  g a l l e r i e s , and churches close for what m a y s e e m an unending lunch p e r i o d the t r a v e l l e r s quickly gather i n the squares to wait the r e opening. B e s i d e the Spanish Steps i n Rome, i n a s m a l l square before the Cortes (Parliament) i n M a d r i d , i n P a p a Stratos sidewalk cafe i n Syntagma S q . , tourists wait for the end of the lunch p e r i o d so that they can go into the A m e r i c a n E x p r e s s office and collect their m a i l , or cash a cheque. Many of these waiting people know the business hours, but they a r r i v e e a r l y r e g a r d l e s s .  T h i s l e i s u r e l y waiting is  an experience they s e e m to enjoy.  A waiting and meeting cause of usage related to adjoining land uses was identified by interview in Union Sq.  It was r e p o r t e d  that many gentlemen, often with children, w i l l come and wait i n the s q u a r e while their wives shop i n one of the department stores  abutting the square. 1500 car garage.  The f a m i l y car i s p a r k e d below in the square's  Although the author has no direct knowledge of it,  it seems extremely l i k e l y that a s i m i l a r pattern of waiting and meeting takes place in T o r o n t o ' s Nathan P h i l l i p s Square where the amenity of the square,  and the underground garage are just a c r o s s  the street f r o m Eaton's Department Store.  E a t i n g and drinking i n the public square is an activity u s u a l l y p r o v i d e d for solely by f a c i l i t i e s operated through bars,  restaurants,  and cafes situated in abutting buildings. T h i s is the case i n  Syntagma Sq. , P . del Compo, P . del Duomo, P . San M a r c o , P . della S i g n o r i a , and P l a z a M a y o r .  O n l y P l a z a de E s p a n a had a r e f r e s h m e n t  booth which operated as an i n t e r n a l element independent of e s t a b l i s h ments i n the surrounding buildingings.  T h i s general dependence of  food s e r v i c e s on adjoining buildings p e r m i t s b u s i n e s s e s to maintain a m i n i m u m of operational handicaps caused b y distance,  or seasonal  fluctuation of o p e n - a i r amenities.  C . Theatres,  Cinemas - A u d i t o r i a , and Governmental Uses  T a b l e V I showed that one adjoining l a n d use group, which is also r e l a t e d to activities of l e i s u r e , was not found i n either the heavy or m e d i u m pedestrian volume ratio s q u a r e s .  Its incidence  was entirely within the category of squares with a light p e d e s t r i a n volume r a t i o . T h i s is the group made up of cinemas, theatres, and auditoria. T h e s e facilities do not appear to affect in a positive way the use of the square which they b o r d e r .  A l i k e l y explanation is  227 that u s e r s of these facilities s e l d o m find need of a square f r o m the t i m e they a r r i v e at the building until they l e a v e .  It is the author's  opinion that although such new multipurpose theatres as M o n t r e a l ' s " P l a c e des A r t s " or V a n c o u v e r ' s "Queen E l i z a b e t h T h e a t r e " are fronted b y l a r g e open spaces,  c a l l e d squares, these spaces function  p r i m a r i l y as a building set-back for aesthetics; building.  "showing-off" a  The Queen E l i z a b e t h Theatre P l a z a has a few u s e r s before or  after its p e r f o r m a n c e s excepting persons who walk d i r e c t l y through it to p a r k e d c a r s .  T o r o n t o ' s O ' K e e f e Centre, a comparable structure  apparently functions quite well without a fronting p l a z a ; here a wide sidewalk is able to accommodate the i n t e r m i s s i o n s f r e s h - a i r seekers and the a r r i v a l or departure of p e r s o n s .  Patrons to any of L e i c e s t e r  Square's six adjoining cinemas are no m o r e adequately s e r v e d by the p r e s e n c e of a square while they line up for a d m i s s i o n , than are the patrons to V a n c o u v e r ' s  " T h e a t r e Row" section of G r a n v i l l e Street,  inconvenienced by the l a c k of a public square at that l o c a t i o n .  In addition to cinemas, theatres and auditoria, one other group of land uses is suggested i n Table VI, to be a negative influence on the number of pedestrian u s e r s of a square. T h i s is government administration buildings.  Tabulated by P . V . R. calf e gorges, the percent of the governmental buildings w a s : -  229 D. A n Exception to the Rule A n exception to the pattern identified between the volume of pedestrian usage and the adjoining land uses was noted at Union Square. E a c h Sunday afternoon this square is v e r y crowded. People come to hear any of a v a r i e t y of amateur o r a t o r s .  The subjects of  d i s c u s s i o n are apparently without r e s t r i c t i o n . The regular public enthusiasm, demonstrated by lengthy stays and the large attendance seems to owe nothing to the surrounding land uses. The t r a v e l agencies,  the shops, the department stores and the bank, are c l o s e d !  v  Sunday afternoon i n Union Square FIGURE L  T h e r e are two hotels, but there is no indication that they act as generators.  The people s e e m to come here on Sunday s i m p l y because  they can expect to hear and participate i n the excitement of the square's activity spectacle,  or they can sit back and relax i n this human  a continuation of the public speaking functions of the A g o r a  230 and F o r u m .  •  T h i s Sunday usage t r a n f o r m s Union Square f r o m what is a multiple function square six day a week to an i n t e r n a l function square on Sundays. T h e combination of i n t e r n a l functions, functions, and a r t e r i a l  associated  node functions which create a multiple  function square is seen i n this instance to break down.  T h e associated  functions become negligible and the i n t e r n a l functions overshadow the a r t e r i a l node function. The r e s u l t is that simplest and most p r i m i t i v e functional c l a s s i f i c a t i o n «• an internal function square.  E . Summary T h e r e is a pattern of land and building uses that adjoin public squares.  The squares which have the heaviest pedestrian  usage tend also to have a v e r y b r o a d v a r i e t y of adjoining land u s e s . The categories of land uses that s e e m to c o r r e l a t e most strongly with i n c r e a s e d pedestrian usage are each a land use that has a comparatively l a r g e daily " t u r n o v e r " of u s e r s ,  (e.g.  restaurants and l i b r a r i e s i n  contrast to insurance company offices). The adjoining uses that are prevalent in the h e a v i l y u s e d squares are a l l used by individuals for activities related to l e i s u r e t i m e . T h e s e adjoining uses a r e :  churches;  m u s e u m s , art g a l l e r i e s , l i b r a r i e s ; tourist i n f o r m a t i o n centres; t r a v e l agencies; services.  hotels;  restaurants,  bars,  and cafes; and r e t a i l shops and  E a c h of these uses seems to generate pedestrian usage.  Another group of l e i s u r e related building uses and auditoria  the theatres,  are not suggested by case studies to be  cinemas  generators  231 p e d e s t r i a n usage of squares.  The time when squares receive their greatest use for i n f o r m e d casual junctions is d i r e c t l y related to the amount of pedestrian activities r e s u l t i n g f r o m the adjoining land u s e s ;  this i s  e s p e c i a l l y noticeable when r e t a i l shops adjoining squares are c l o s e d .  Squares m a y on occasion function quite independently f r o m the adjoining u s e s ,  while at other times the functioning of the square  m a y be c l o s e l y integrated with the adjoining u s e s .  When this o c c u r s  the " a s s o c i a t e d functions" of a square may become negligible r e s u l t i n g in a corresponding change of the squares functional c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . This c h a r a c t e r i s t i c was only shown i n regards to s p e c i a l functions. It was not suggested by any of the observations or analysis regarding i n f o r m e d casual usage which is the subject of this chapter.  V . T H E I N T E G R A T I O N O F T H E S Q U A R E WITH THE URBAN STRUCTURE Thus far in the analysis of contemporary squares the thesis has dealt with the public square as if it were an isolated space within the city.  Of course this is not the case;  the square (or squares)  is only a v e r y s m a l l portion of the greater f a b r i c of urban land.  Its  functioning is m e s h e d with the general urban structure and activity. The h i s t o r i c a l integration was d e s c r i b e d in the survey of Chapter II and it p r o v i d e s the foundation for the analysis of this section. The areas of concern a r e :  232 i) the location of the square within the C . B . D . ; ii) pedestrian levels i n the v i c i n i t y of the square; iii) the general a v a i l a b i l i t y of the public open space in the v i c i n i t y of the square; iv) the relationship of the square to the u r b a n street system; v) the a v a i l a b i l i t y of public transportation f a c i l i t i e s f r o m the square to other urban d i s t r i c t s . Data relevant to these factors are tabulated i n T a b l e VIII, " T h e Square i n the U r b a n Structure. "  A . T h e L o c a t i o n within the C . B . D . and P e d e s t r i a n L e v e l s E a c h of the squares i n the case studies is located within the c e n t r a l business d i s t r i c t ( C . B . D . ) of a community.  But within this  l o o s e l y and a r b i t r a r i l y defined zone some squares are situated near the fringe while others are located m o r e c l o s e l y to the general centre. F r o m T a b l e VIII it is shown that: 83% of the Heavy P . V . R. squares are near the C . B . D . centre 40% of the M e d i u m P . V . R. squares are near the C . B . D . centre 33% of the L i g h t P . V . R. squares are near the C . B . D . centre  T h i s g e n e r a l i n c r e a s e i n the P . V . R. with m o r e c e n t r a l l y located squares is a benefit d e r i v e d f r o m the l a r g e r number of p e r s o n s within what m a y b e t e r m e d the "catchment a r e a " of squares. T h i s is also r e f l e c t e d by the l e v e l of pedestrians on the streets i n the v i c i n i t y of  the square.  The p e d e s t r i a n l e v e l s were r e c o r d e d by casual  observation.  Results of the tabulation indicate a continuous decrease  of the percentage of squares,  per P . V . R. category, with high p e d e s -  t r i a n l e v e l s i n the v i c i n i t y of the square;  the decrease as would be  expected is f r o m the heavily used squares to the lightly u s e d squares. The location of squares within an a r e a of high pedestrian l e v e l s is not by i t s e l f a great enough factor to create a heavily u s e d square.  This  is demonstrated by the four squares which were of m e d i u m or light P . V . R. although the pedestrian l e v e l of the a r e a around them was o b s e r v e d to be high.  B . The A v a i l a b i l i t y of P u b l i c Open Space in the V i c i n i t y One of the defining elements used in the study describes squares as a v o l u m e t r i c expansion of open space. That is to say that the volume of space contained by a square,  appears v i s u a l l y  to be of greater dimensions than the open space that leads into it. If we assume that the heights of structures that create the walls of streets and squares are a constant, then this v o l u m e t r i c expansion of space should be c l e a r l y v i s i b l e in p l a n . The plan below of parts of V e n i c e w i l l help to c l a r i f y this concept.  The public open space  (which for the purposes of this study include squares, parks) are shown in white;  streets, and  the portions of land available for buildings,  (or private open space) is f i l l e d in black. The space that indicates the P i a z z a San M a r c o , and the Piazzetta,  is c l e a r l y a m u c h greater  Z34  Piazza San Marco and vicinity  F I G U R E LI  opening in the urban landscape than any of the other streets,  squares  or parks. Consider its area in relation to the area, or volume of other space of equal length. This expansion of space is "felt" by persons who walk through the streets and come into the square. The public open space of streets, a very scarce commodity seems to explode.  The square seems all the more precious because of the  tightness of the surrounding area. This is part of its impact.  It is  not a factor that should be geometrically measured, but rather it is an experience which may be assumed to affect most people.  This may  be a consequence of some degree of claustrophobia inherent in the make-up of human beings; this characteristic,  which this study may  only hypothesize, is perhaps relieved in the open space of a square.  235 S i m i l a r l y the l i m i t a t i o n s of size, of boundaries and walls, may satisfy some other e c o l o g i c a l p r e f e r e n c e of the human s p e c i e s .  T a b l e VIII r e c o r d s whether or not there were other open spaces i n the v i c i n i t y of each square which constituted a c o m p a r a t i v e l y l a r g e quantity of public open space.  T h e table shows that this was the  case for 100% of the lightly used squares, squares,  60% of the m e d i u m u s e d  and 50% of the h e a v i l y usedsquares.  T h i s suggests that there  is a "supply and demand" relationship of open spaces i n the C . B . D . A s the supply i n c r e a s e s , may decrease.  the demand for use of any individual square  E x c l u d i n g other squares, the demand for public open  space i n the C . B . D . is met by streets and p a r k s . competition with the squares. Place,  T h e s e are i n  The a e r i a l p e r s p e c t i v e of G r a n d '  (hidden below the town h a l l of B r u s s e l s ) ,  shows what was once  a c o m p a r a t i v e l y l a r g e opening in a m e d i e v a l city, now t r a n s f o r m e d into a closet s i z e d space i n c o m p a r i s o n with the b r o a d roadway of the f o r e ground.  T h i s is a m e d i u m use square.  The map of the P l a c e de l ' E t o i l e and v i c i n i t y i l l u s t r a t e s again, that the square is not so l a r g e a space,  i n p r o p o r t i o n to the  expanses and greater lengths of the four major approaching b o u l e v a r d s . Indeed a p e d e s t r i a n entering this square i s m o r e l i k e l y to be i m p r e s s e d b y the A r c h of T r i u m p h , by the square.  and the v i s t a down the Champs E l y s e e , than  In this " c o r n u c o p i a " of open public space,  de l ' E t o i l e m a y b e i r r e l e v a n t as open space.  the P l a c e  TABLE V I I I THE SQUARE IN THE URBAN STRUCTURE Located approx. at centre of C.B.D.  Ped.Level of immed. area high  Other Open A r t e r i a l Public Trans. space i n Sts. i n f-a c i l i t y routes v i c i n . i n tersect intersect at comp.large a t the the square q u a n t i t i e s * square  _  X  x  Duomo  X  X  San Marco  X  X  N. P h i l l i p s  X  x  Trafalgar  X  X.  X park  Union  X  X  X street  % with f a c t o r  83%  100%  50%  MEDIUM 11 Campo '  X  X  Espana  -  - •  x  -  -  street X streets -  -  Signoria  -  -  X squares -  -  Victory  X  X  X  X bus  "L with f a c t o r  40%  '40% •  60%  60%  40%  LIGHT Centennial  X  X  X streets -  Civic  -  -  X streets X  X bus  Concorde  -  -  x  x  Etoile  -  Leicester  X  X  Mayor  -  . -  7, with f a c t o r  337,  Name of Square of P.V.R.  HEAVY Syntagma :  Grand  ipiace  p a r k  streets  X ' X  x  b  u  s  X  subway XVaporetto** bus trolley X bus subway X bus trolley  66%  100%  X  -  X  —  x  X  p a r k  p a r k  -x  streets  x  33%  X bus  p a r k  X  streets X square  -  b  u  s  subway X  b  x  b  u  s  subway u  s  subway  ^street square 100%  X bus  -• '  50%  66%  "open space" i s meant here to include any public land, open to the a i r , such as parks and s t r e e t s . "kit  "vaporetto" - launch used f o r p u b l i c transportation  canals.  i n Venetian  237  Grand' P l a c e and Town H a l l  Brussells  F I G U R E LII  M a j o r parks were o b s e r v e d i n s e v e r a l instances to be located quite near a major square. and Syntagma Square in Athens;  T h i s o c c u r s with: The Zapiou  St. J a m e s ' P a r k and T r a f a l g a r  Square in London; the T u i l l e r i e s and P l a c e de l a Concorde in P a r i s ; and the Royal Botanical Gardens and the P l a z a de Espana in M a d r i d . They do not c o r r e l a t e to a decrease in the P . V . R.  The author  observed that the squares i n question could be quite busy with pedestrians when the parks seemed lightly u s e d . T h e y each s e e m to f i l l a b a s i c a l l y different function. The streets and squares are an urban  238  Place de 1'Etoile and Vicinity  Paris  FIGURE LDJ  setting with urban activities. Those persons desiring the amenities of an urban environment are thus more satisfactorily accomodated in the streets and squares.  The greater abundance of greenery in  parks is more akin to a r u r a l setting which by its slower tempo is non-urban, and apparently not preferred by those many persons who choose to use a square even though a park is equally available. .  The differentiation between a "park" and a square is a complex subject.  It is, in the author's opinion, a matter of priorities  in distinction of f o r m and internal development. A square may be  239 developed as a p a r k . A park m a y have a square within it. the distinction l i e s i n these points:  a square is a spatial concept  whose defining bounds are c r i t i c a l elements, a container,  But,  i . e. it is a space f o r m - -  but i n the case of a park, the p r i m a r y distinction is its  internal development,  while its bounds are incidental, i . e.  the  p r e s e n c e of vegetation and soil, of growing things, whether they be growing "naturally, a square,  or highly o r g a n i z e d .  When a p e r s o n stands i n  he m a y look in any direction and be aware of its l i m i t s ,  but i n a park, he is m o r e apt to be aware of its vegetation and other aspects of its internal development.  . The result of this distinction  is that a park m a y be u n l i m i t e d in size, while a square m a y not be so l a r g e that its bounds cease to be an important aspect of its development.  C . The Square and the Street System H i s t o r i c a l l y , the focusing of urban l i f e about various public squares was p h y s i c a l l y related to the plan of the community by the convergance of streets at this point.  In this h i e r a r c h y ,  streets i n t e r s e c t e d at the major square.  the major  The square functioned as  an a r t e r i a l traffic node. T h i s condition was also the case for most of the squares in this study. at:  A r t e r i a l streets were found to intersect  240  66% of the heavy P . V . R.  squares;  60% of the m e d i u m P . V . R. 50% of the light P . V . R.  squares;  squares;  T h i s c o r r e l a t i o n of heavy usage with the a r t e r i a l node function in c o n t e m p o r a r y squares maintains the traditional importance of this determinate of usage.  (Other details of this were p r e v i o u s l y  d i s c u s s e d i n section IV, F of this chapter).  A n extension of this s t r u c t u r a l relationship is the routes followed by the public transportation f a c i l i t i e s . T h e s e would tend to follow the routes of the a r t e r i a l streets for buses and t r o l l e y s . addition a subway l i n e , with m o r e flexibility i n its routes, change with other subway routes,  In  may inter-  and also with the surface transport  network. The a v a i l a b i l i t y of these s e r v i c e s ,  and m o r e c r i t i c a l l y ,  their i n t e r s e c t i o n at a square, is noted i n Table VI to be related to the columns of pedestrian usage.  T h e s e public transportation  f a c i l i t i e s including buses, t r o l l e y s , and subways, had i n t e r s e c t i n g routes at 100% of the heavy P . V . R.  squares;  40% of the m e d i u m P . V . R. 66% of the light P . V . R.  squares;  squares;  In r e g a r d to the surface t r a f f i c element, this a r t e r i a l node function is so great at P l a c e de 1'Etoile and Concorde that the pedestrian  241  functions of the squares for casual i n f o r m a l use become relatively" insignificant. This leads to the conclusion that the multiple function relationship of internal, associated,  and a r t e r i a l node functions  ceases to operate beyond a certain undefined point when the a r t e r i a l node function becomes disproportionate to the others.  D. S u m m a r y The volume of pedestrian usage of a public square is influenced by the degree of integration of a square with the p h y s i c a l structure of the community. The evidence gathered shows that the volume of pedestrian usage of a public square is m o r e apt to be greater when: 1. T h e square is located within the approximate -activity centre of the C . B . D. , 2. T h e square is located within an immediate a r e a of high p e d e s t r i a n l e v e l s ; 3. The square is located i n an a r e a i n which public open space is not o v e r l y abundant and the supply of public open space p r o v i d e d by the square seems great relative to other public space available i n the vicinity; 4. The square is an a r t e r i a l node in the network of urban transportation f a c i l i t i e s as regards both the street s y s t e m itself, and the available public transportation f a c i l i t i e s .  242  CHAPTER V A RESPONSE TOWARDS T H E D E V E L O P M E N T O F S Q U A R E S IN U R B A N P L A N N I N G  I  INTRODUCTION  How should a public square be designed in the "downtown" of a city so that it w i l l be significant to the community, b e n e f i c i a l to the community's functioning, and be u t i l i z e d by a sufficient number of persons to warrant its development and maintenance?  T h i s is the  basic question to which this r e s e a r c h has sought a meaningful response. It is dependent upon the assumption that a public square is i n fact an urban s t r u c t u r a l element with vital qualities relevant to the contemporary community. . The latter i s only an assumption, which this study does not c o n c l u s i v e l y p r o v e .  It r e m a i n s , nevertheless,  an assumption which  gathers i n force and c r e d i b i l i t y as a p e r s o n a l reaction to the experiencing of a number of exciting, and busy squares in some cities,  and sensing  the impact of the lack of this same community f a c i l i t y i n others. E q u a l l y important to the conclusions is that group of squares i n the  243 downtown, which though beautiful, have for some combination of reasons, no' sustained demand for use by the community.  In this respect,  their  "beauty" is a sore upon the city, a sore needing either c o r r e c t i v e  action  or r e m o v a l .  Without again s u m m a r i z i n g a l l those s u m m a r i e s of previous sections,  this chapter w i l l b r i e f l y c o n s i d e r :  the determinants of their usage}  the functioning of squaresj  and the validity of the hypothesis.  F r o m the conclusions of these a guide is formulated for the planning of a multiple function square in the C . B . D .  A c r i t i c a l examination of the  study evaluates the methods, p r o c e d u r e s ,  and findings.  further r e s e a r c h are  A r e a s of  suggested.  II  FUNCTIONS O F SQUARES  The activities that take place i n the public square generated by four p r i n c i p l e aspects of urban l i f e . religion,  commerce,  and l e i s u r e .  are  These are p o l i t i c s ,  The association of these aspects  of u r b a n i s m with the public square has h i s t o r i c o r i g i n s that continue into the present age;  examples of these were found in recently developed  squares as w e l l as those that continue to function though built i n another historic period.  The activities that occur within each functional aspect m a y be divided into one of two categories. These are the f o r m a l l y organized  244 or s p e c i a l activities,  and the casual activities which have no f o r m a l  organization. Either of the categories may be regular or I r r e g u l a r .  T h e way i n which the activities of a square take place may be c o n s i d e r e d as a functional c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . The author has analysed the functioning of squares and identified four types. T h e s e a r e :  the  internal function square, the associated function square, the a r t e r i a l node square,  and the multiple function square.  The p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s ,  c o m m e r c i a l and l e i s u r e aspects may each have activities which, when they occur,  would give the square the attributes of one of the four  functional types.  The dominant of these would be the functional c l a s s i -  fication. E a c h of the functional types is o p t i m i z e d by different p h y s i c a l developments.  T h e s e are d e s c r i b e d in this chapter in section III,  " P e d e s t r i a n Usage Determinants. "  T h e most frequent use of squares is for activities of l e i s u r e . This is a regular day to day function that accounts for by far the greatest amount of n o r m a l use. functions tend to be i r r e g u l a r ,  Political, commercial, s p e c i a l and f o r m a l .  and r e l i g i o u s  A l o n g with the  i r r e g u l a r and special l e i s u r e functions, they constitute activities of m a x i m u m use of a square. In such periods of m a x i m u m use a square is not l i k e l y to be c l a s s i f i e d as multiple function.  Concerning the u s e r s of squares, that for regular casual use i n l e i s u r e t i m e :  the case studies showed i) squares are a useful  community f a c i l i t y for a b r o a d and diverse segment of the population including age and occupation groups; the v i c i n i t y of the square, the squares v i c i n i t y ; f r o m the v i c i n i t y ;  ii) the u s e r s come f r o m both  and f r o m parts of the community well beyond  for some squares,  u s e r origins are predominantly  iii) some groups of u s e r s tend to use the square at  p a r t i c u l a r times of the day, others use the square throughout the day.. .  A n abstract function of a square is d e r i v e d f r o m those ideas or things that it m a y symbolize to the community as a whole, or to parts of it. T h i s is a reflection of the degree of functional integration of the square with its v i c i n i t y and community. • A square whose functions, both s y m b o l i c and r e a l ,  are i n complete sympathy with the ideas and  aspirations of the community, w i l l be of most value to the community. A square which is predominantly used by and comes to represent the needs or objectives of a p a r t i c u l a r group or c l a s s , is not l i k e l y to be highly valued by the community.  T o the extent that the uses of a square are predictable and controllable,  they may be planned.  LU  PEDESTRIAN USAGE DETERMINANT: A R E - S T A T E M E N T O F T H E HYPOTHESIS  The investigation of pedestrian usage of public squares a i m e d at isolating those factors which evidence suggested,  influenced the  degree of p e d e s t r i a n usage. four categories of: and building u s e s ; structure.  The factors investigated were within the  f o r m ; i n t e r n a l development;  associated land  and the relationship of the square to the urban  Tabulation of data f r o m the case studies indicated the  following patterns; A.  Form The f o r m of a square is a flexible i s s u e ;  closed, nuclear,  dominated, or grouped squares showed no pattern of influence upon the degree of p e d e s t r i a n usage.  However, squares which are regular  in plan, and flat in p r o f i l e are less apt to be h e a v i l y u s e d than i r r e g u l a r non-flat squares.  But the evidence of this is not strong.  Providing  the f o r m i s within the definition of squares set out i n Chapter II, then it is not a determinate of usage,  except as noted above.  B . Internal Development The combination of i n t e r n a l elements of each individual square are influential on the degree of pedestrian usage of the square. 1.  Usage of the square is l i k e l y to be greater if the following internal elements are available; fountain  2.  or pool;  sculpture (broadly defined); open air cafes;  flowers;  seating, and pavement.  V e h i c u l a r t r a f f i c of h e a v y volumes, below an unidentified point, is a b e n e f i c i a l element providing that the number  247 of vehicles does not become so great as to a d v e r s e l y affect the other elements of the square.  3.  Pigeons and people are two animate i n t e r n a l elements that s e e m to p o s i t i v e l y influence the degree of usage.  4.  P e d e s t r i a n usage of a square is l i k e l y to be greater as the total number of internal elements approaches the complete l i s t d e s c r i b e d above. The c r i t i c a l thing is that the furnishings of the square p r o v i d e a v a r i e t y of interesting and amenable foci which w i l l both attract p e r s o n s into the square and then maintain their i n t e r e s t and involvement over a repeated number of v i s i t s . The square should strike people as being the place "where it's happening!"  C . Adjoining L a n d and Building U s e s 1.  T h e r e is a c o r r e l a t i o n between adjoining l a n d and building uses and p e d e s t r i a n usage.  2.  Squares with the broadest v a r i e t y of adjoining land and building uses tend to have the heaviest usage.  3.  Squares with the greatest total number of different land and building uses tend to have the heaviest usage.  248 4.  L a n d uses with a comparatively l a r g e " t u r n o v e r " of u s e r s are most frequently adjoining heavily u s e d squares.  5.  L a n d uses most prevalent among h e a v i l y used squares  are  u s e d by persons for activities related to l e i s u r e t i m e .  These  are:  churches;  museums;  information centres; bars,  art g a l l e r i e s ;  t r a v e l agencies;  l i b r a r i e s ; tourist  hotels;  restaurants;  cafes; and r e t a i l shops and s e r v i c e s .  T h i s l i s t is made up of two types of u s e s . which an individual v i s i t s infrequently ( e . g .  First,  museums,  those  galleries,  l i b r a r i e s ) but which many people and tourists e s p e c i a l l y do v i s i t , and secondly, those which an individual may v i s i t many times in a short p e r i o d . V i s i t s to this latter group are l e s s apt to be c o n s i d e r e d "special. "  T h e s e uses include r e f r e s h m e n t facilities and r e t a i l shops.  Detailed analysis of the r e t a i l shops was not included in the field research.  But f r o m p e r s o n a l observation the author finds it  n e c e s s a r y to r e c o r d that there is a v e r y wide v a r i e t y of r e t a i l i n g f a c i l i t i e s i n the C . B . D .  O n l y some of these may be considered useful  generators of p e d e s t r i a n usage.  The general types of r e t a i l shops that  are l i k e l y to be generators include department stores, drug stores, clothing shops,  shops with interesting window displays, book stores,  and other shops i n which people are i n c l i n e d to b r o w s e .  Theatres,  cinemas and auditoria are most c o m m o n l y found  adjoining squares of l e s s e r p e d e s t r i a n usage.  Their  t r a f f i c generation is concentrated into a few minutes before and after p e r f o r m a n c e s .  In these short times they are  positive elements.  Governmental and institutional land uses (excepting types l i k e those l i s t e d i n i t e m 5) are generally a negative factor on pedestrian usage.  O n l y when these have a c o m p a r a t i v e l y  l a r g e and frequent " t u r n o v e r " of u s e r s is this tendency l i k e l y to r e v e r s e .  The times of heaviest usage is d i r e c t l y related to the activities generated by adjoining lands and buildings only in some c a s e s .  In others the patterns,  volumes of square usage are,  movements, and  at t i m e s , unrelated to the  nearby facilities.  One community f a c i l i t y that often has urgent demand is the "public l a v a t o r y . "  T h i s m a y be either an adjoining  land use or an internal development. It is easy to o v e r look this f a c i l i t y but it is a v e r y b e n e f i c i a l addition to many squares and it may be s o r r o w l y m i s s e d in squares where it i s not p r o v i d e d .  It may not be overstating the  case to say that this is a generator of pedestrian usage.  250  D. The U r b a n Structure The volume of pedestrian usage tends to be greatest when:  1.  The square is located within the approximate activity centre of the C . B . D . in an immediate a r e a of high pedestrian levels.  2.  The square fulfills a demand for public open space i n an a r e a of the C . B ; D . where this is not o v e r l y abundant.  3.  The square i s an a r t e r i a l node in a network of urban t r a n s portation f a c i l i t i e s , as regards the street s y s t e m and the available public transportation f a c i l i t i e s . T h i s w i l l make the square r e a d i l y a c c e s s i b l e to a greater portion of the urban population, and accessible to a greater geographical portion of the community.  The conclusions stated above are evidence to support the hypothesis as it is stated in Chapter I, page 6.  A detailed explanation of this is  contained in the relevant section of each chapter where the factors are d e s c r i b e d and examples given.  However, the conclusions regarding  f o r m and the urban structure suggest an ammendment to the hypothesis to include the a c c e s s i b i l i t y of the square to the community and deletion of the p h r a s e relevant to f o r m . hypothesis is restated as follows:  Including these ammendments,  the  251  T H E P E D E S T R I A N U S A G E O F P U B L I C S Q U A R E S IS A F U N C T I O N O F : THE INTERNAL D E V E L O P M E N T O F T H E SQUARE: BUILDING USES ADJOINING T H E S Q U A R E :  T H E LAND AND  T H E AVAILABILITY OF  O T H E R T Y P E S O F P U B L I C O P E N S P A C E IN T H E V I C I N I T Y O F T H E SQUARE:  T H E L E V E L S O F P E D E S T R I A N A C T I V I T Y IN T H E V I C I N I T Y  OF T H E SQUARE:  AND T H E ACCESSIBILITY O F T H E SQUARE TO T H E  COMMUNITY.  IV  PLANNING T H E M U L T I P L E  FUNCTION  S Q U A R E IN T H E C . B . D .  A n y satisfactory p r o p o s a l for the development of a public square i n the C . B . D . must consider two distinct and separate types of usage that the square should be planned to accommodate.  The  f i r s t of these is the casual, i n f o r m a l , regular use of the square for activities of l e i s u r e . This is the meeting, talking, r e s t i n g , , " n o n p u r p o s i v e " group of a c t i v i t i e s .  The planning for this use r e q u i r e s an  optimization of a l l the pedestrian usage determinants that have been identified in the study. The second type of usage that r e q u i r e s the p l a n n e r ' s attention is the special, or f o r m a l activity related to p o l i t i c s , r e l i g i o n s , c o m m e r c e and l e i s u r e .  Planning for this usage  combines the needs of the casual usage with the p a r t i c u l a r needs of p a r t i c u l a r events.  252 C o n s i d e r i n g these functions, it is desirable that the p r i n c i p l e square of a community be designed to meet many different needs at different t i m e s . That is to say, that such a square should be designed as a multiple function public square to meet the usual and unusual needs of the community. f o r r e l i g i o u s observances, nature,  It could be a place for p o l i t i c a l meetings,  c o m m e r c i a l activities of a s p e c i a l festive  and the numerous l e i s u r e activities r e l a t e d to " c u l t u r a l , "  ethnic, athletic, be a theatre,  and m u s i c a l , dramatic and festive events.  a sports field,  a dance h a l l ,  It must  an art g a l l e r y , an a r t i s t s ' work  shop, a f a i r ground, a m i l i t a r y parade ground, a c i v i c reception h a l l , a political forum, a discussion place.  It must be able to create both a  " p a r t y " atmosphere and be a p a s s i v e a r e a .  It is not p o s s i b l e that a square is the best place for each of these activities, but h i s t o r i c a l l y it was the one public open space that could accommodate them a l l . In today's squares,  examples have  been cited to demonstrate a continuing interest and need for such an urban space.  T h i s m u l t i p l i c i t y of uses is the functional standard that  m a y guide the planning of squares.  Within this functional objective, a m a j o r public square i n the C . B . D . m a y be p r e d i c t e d to be " s u c c e s s f u l " depending upon the degree to which the p e d e s t r i a n usage determinates, p r e v i o u s l y outlined, have been followed.  253 The study has not given any a r i t h m e t i c a l measurements  from  which a h i e r a r c h y of the pedestrian usage determinants may be concluded. So equal weight must be given to each of: adjoining lands, and building uses,  internal development,  and the relation to the urban structure,  The author would suggest, that when any of the three aspects falls below a m i n i m u m standard, then even a m a x i m u m efficiency of the other aspects w i l l not result in a s u c c e s s f u l multiple function square.  In  fact, the multiple function square seems unable to exist when any of the aspects has a zero value. T h i s indicates that the relationship between the internal, associated,  and a r t e r i a l node functions is that of f a c t o r s .  A l s o , the multiple function relationship breaks down and becomes inoperative when any of the factors becomes so great that it leaves the others insignificant. T h i s is the case i n the m a r k e t square, the square before some monumental buildings, and the t r a f f i c interchange This conclusion is indicated but not p r o v e d by the  square.  research.  F o r s p e c i a l functions, the multiple function relationship is not c r i t i c a l , but for casual,  i n f o r m a l , everyday use of a public square,  generally high levels of p e d e s t r i a n usage are m o r e l i k e l y to result when the multiple function relationship is maintained. This would r e q u i r e an optimum achievement of the p e d e s t r i a n usage f a c t o r s .  P r o p o s a l s for  the development of a major square in the C . B . D . are most  l i k e l y to  be s u c c e s s f u l i n their implementation stage when this course has been followed.  254 It is the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the city planner to advise p o l i c y making bodies of the factors which w i l l determine the use of public squares.  Other groups of less insight or n a r r o w e r objectives may  r e c o m m e n d l e s s adequate development p r o p o s a l s .  In this way a parks  b o a r d m a y be eager to initiate a new " g r e e n space" i n the u r b a n core; the architects m a y speak with one voice for beautiful spaces in the d o w n town - to show-off their buildings;  the r e t a i l merchants w i l l seek  additional p a r k i n g , at public expense,  beneath a new open space; city  h a l l bureaucrats w i l l strive for a monument to their efforts with a great square before the "palace of city a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . "  E a c h of these has  a degree of m e r i t and justification. But the objectives need c o - o r d i n a t i o n and most of a l l , there must be a strong guard on the p a r t of p l a n n e r s . T h e y act on behalf of the citizens as a whole, to ensure that a public square is not a place of disuse but the most v i t a l , and used portion of the community. A place which expresses the dynamic qualities of the urban environment and is fashioned and located to optimize this function.  V  EVALUATION O F T H E STUDY  The m e c h a n i c a l methods available to the author for the measurement of p e d e s t r i a n usage of squares were s i m p l e and not as r e l i a b l e as may be d e s i r a b l e .  T h i s is a definite shortcoming of the  study. F u r t h e r m o r e it would have been interesting if an attempt had been made to test the findings by m e a s u r i n g the usage factors of a square  255 p're dieting its P . V . R . and then taking pedestrian counts to see if the predictions accurately reflect the actual P . V . R.  A m o r e detailed  analysis of r e t a i l stores would have been u s e f u l .  In the author's opinion, the strength of the r e s e a r c h and the findings l i e s in the comprehensiveness concerning the identification of factors of usage and the b r o a d scope of the h i s t o r i c a l r e s e a r c h .  The  author has attempted to d e s c r i b e the " e s s e n c e " of the p l a z a i n the past and present,  to show the reader what it has meant to the community  what it means now, and hopefully to i n s p i r e new variations of this theme for the future. T h e beauty of a city l i e s not m e r e l y i n its p h y s i c a l structures, structures.  but the life that moves through, around and between those L i k e w i s e with public open spaces,  beauty i s inseparable  f r o m the p r e s e n c e of man as he uses those spaces.  T o this extent, this  study of squares intends to put m e n back into urban spaces by d e m o n strating the enjoyable conditions which can result f r o m this move back and how this enjoyment can be enhanced by the p r e s e n c e of the u s e r himself aesthetic.  obtaining a cycle of functions which produce their own  256  BIBLIOGRAPHY  A.  BOOKS  A l b e r t ! , . Leone Battista. T e n Books on A r c h i t e c t u r e . T r a n s . 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New Y o r k : Reinhold P u b l i s h i n g Corporation, 1961. W i l l i a m S. A Day i n O l d R o m e . New Y o r k : A l l y n and Bacon, 1925. W . W a r d e . S o c i a l L i f e at Rome i n the Age of C i c e r o . L o n d o n : M a c m i l l a n & C o . , L i m i t e d , 1908.  FriedlMnder, L u d w i g . Roman L i f e and Manners under the E a r l y Empire. T r a n s . L e o n a r d A . Magnus. Seveneth edition.  257  Gardner,  Edmund G . The Story of F l o r e n c e . R e v i s e d E d i t i o n . J . M . Dent & Sons L t d . , 1924.  London:  Giedion, S i g f r i e d . Space, T i m e and A r c h i t e c t u r e . C a m b r i d g e , chusetts: H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1962.  Massa-  Goodman,  Gruen,  C h a r l e s , and "Wolf V o n E c k a r d t . L i f e for Dead Spaces. New Y o r k : H a r c o u r t , B r a c e and W o r l d , Inc., 1963.  V i c t o r . The H e a r t of our C i t i e s , New Y o r k : Simon and Schuster, 1964.  Hackett, B r i a n . Man,' Society, and Environment. Marshall, 1950.  London,  Percival  H a l p r i n , . L a w r e n c e . C i t i e s . New Y o r k : Reinhold P u b l i s h i n g 1963. Hegemann,  W e r n e r and E l b e r t P e e t s . The A m e r i c a n V i t r u v i u s : A n A r c h i t e c t s Handbook of C i v i c -.Airt. New Y o r k : The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Book P u b l i s h i n g C o . , 1922.  H i l b e r s e i m e r , • L u d w i g . The Nature of C i t i e s . 1955. Hiorns,  Jacobs,  Chicago: P .  F r e d e r i c k R . , Town B u i l d i n g i n H i s t o r y . H a r r a p and C o . L t d . , 1956.  Huelsen,  Corporation,  Theobald,  L o n d o n : George G .  C . C . F . , The F o r u m and the P a l a t i n e . T r a n s . H e l e n H . Tanga. New Y o r k : A . Bruderhausen, 1928. Jane. The Death and L i f e of Great A m e r i c a n C i t i e s . Y o r k : Vintage Books, 1961.  New  Kent,. T . J . , J r . The U r b a n G e n e r a l P l a n . 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Y : Double day and Company, Inc., n . d.  Rieu, E . V . (trans. ) H o m e r ; The Iliad. Middlesex, Penguin Books L t d . , 1950. Schevill,  Garden  England:  F e r d i n a n d . M e d i e v a l and Renaissance F l o r e n c e . H a r p e r and Row, 1963.  New Y o r k :  . Siena;. The H i s t o r y of a M e d i e v a l Commune. New Y o r k : H a r p e r and Row, 1964. Sert, Jose L u i s . C a n Our C i t i e s Survive? Cambridge,. M a s s a c h u s s e t t s : The H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1942. Sitte, C a m i l l o . C i t y Planning A c c o r d i n g to A r t i s t i c P r i n c i p l e s . T r a n s . George R. C o l l i n s and Christiane C r a s e m a n C o l l i n s . New Y o r k : Random House, 1965. Smith,  George E v r a r d K i d d e r . Italy B u i l d s : Its M o d e r n A r c h i t e c t u r e and N a t u r a l Inheritance. New Y o r k : Reinhold, 19 55.  Spencer,  John R. ( t r a n s . ) F i l a r e t e ' s T r e a t i s e on A r c h i t e c t u r e . 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" T h e I m p e r i a l F o r a , " J o u r n a l of the Society of A r c h i t e c t u r a l H i s t o r i a n s . 13 : 21-26, December, 1954. Clay,  G r a d y . "Magnets Generators F e e d e r s : T h e N e c e s s i t i e s of Open U r b a n Space, " A m e r i c a n Institute of A r c h i t e c t u r e J o u r n a l . 35:40-44, M a r c h , 1961. . " P l e n t y of A c t i o n , " A m e r i c a n Institute of A r c h i t e c t u r e . 30: 27-36, September, 1958.  Euston,  E a r l of. " T h e F u t u r e of Town Centres in U r b a n Replanning, " J o u r n a l of Planning Institute. J u l y - A u g . , 1963, pp. 215-221.  Jacobs, Jane. "Downtown i s for People, " Fortune, pp. 133-140.  April,  1958.  T h o m p s o n , H o m e r A . " T h e A g o r a at Athens and the Greek M a r k e t P l a c e , " Journal of the Society of A r c h i t e c t u r a l H i s t o r i a n s . 13 : 9-14, December, 1954. Wolfe, M . R. "Shopping Streets and the P e d e s t r i a n R e d i s c o v e r e d , " A m e r i c a n Institute of A r c h i t e c t u r e J o u r n a l . M a y , 1962, pp. 33-42.  260  Zucker,  P a u l . " T h e Space V o l u m e Relation i n the H i s t o r y of Town • P l a n n i n g , " Journal of A e s t h e t i c s . 14: 439-444, September, 1955.  D. E S S A Y S A N D A R T I C L E S IN C O L L E C T I O N S  Gutheim,  F r e d e r i c k . " U r b a n Space and U r b a n Design, " C i t i e s and Space. Lowdon Wingo, J r . , editor. B a l t i m o r e : R e s o u r c e s for the F u t u r e , I n c . , 1963. p p . 103-131.  T.ankel, Stanley B . " T h e Importance of Open Space i n the U r b a n P a t t e r , " Cities and Space. Lowdon Wingo, J r . , editor. B a l t i m o r e : R e s o u r c e s for the F u t u r e , Inc. , 1966. pp. 57-71.  E.  ENCYCLOPEDIA ARTICLES  A p a v 6 a x T i 5 , I l a u \ o c ; , (ed.).. " P l a n n i n g the M o d e r n C i t y of Athens, " (author's title),. MeyocXri E A A n v i n r i EYHUHXPTIE 10ice (2nd e d . ) , II, 218-231. A t h e n s ^ O l v t C . d. n  261  APPENDIX  PUBLIC SQUARE SURVEY FORffl A:.0 CHECK  LIST  A. Name o f s q u a r e City. Date o f s u r v e y . . B. Form o f s q u a r e : c l o s e d . . . . . . nuclear..... amorphous... Approximate area ......acres photograhs.....  v  dominated...... grouped  C. Comments o n i n t e r n a l  development  D. (flap ofl a d j o i n i n g  uses completed  §. Map o f c i t y F.  Historical  land  and/or  vicinity  data recorded  o f square o b t a i n e d '  G. P e d e s t r i a n Counts '< s u r v e y n o , i . t i m e , . . . A v e . n o . o f p e r s o n s / 5 m i n . ... . i x * •••• ••••• i i i . .... e s t . n o . of, p e d . u s e r s p e r a v e . d a y . . . . 1  H. P e d e s t r i a n a c t i v i t i e s  observed................  I.  (see reverse  Additional  comments  sidel)  PEDESTRIAN INTERVIEWS U N I V E R S I T Y OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA URBAN SQUARE T H E S I S : RESEARCH STUDY • Name o f s q u a r e  City  VicWy  \Atrtc-  Weather:,  fclojt)  Date  Time  '.Sample No.  approximate raining: windy: • cloudy: sunny:  tj- '  temperature S"S* degrees yes/, S no. yes', no i 7©sS no l yes. no»  Interviewer Interviewee 1.address .t .2'. o c c u p a t i o n ' j -; ••  st. . 1  city  •  3 i p u r p o s e f o r b e i n g i n square': •business ^ working - shopping , meeting r e l a x i n g s/ soc.rec. 4 . a c t i v i t y while, i n square: rest • \ s reading e a t i ' '.• ' l o o k i n g \S other (indicate ) 5.last  s t o p b e f o r e coming  t o square  6. d e s t i n a t i o n a f t e r l e a v i n g  square  7. a p p r o»ximat;e x i m a t e ti^ime i m e ^sppperni tt i n s q u a r e minutes A d d i t i o n a l comments: (what d o e s I n t e r v i e w e e l i k e o r d i s l i k e about t h i s square)  

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