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Political alienation Koerner, Kirk F. 1968

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POLITICAL ALIENATION  by K i r k F. Koerner B.A. University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1965.  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts i n the Faculty of Arts Dept. of P o l i t i c a l Science  We accept;this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1968  In p r e s e n t i n g  for  that  this  an a d v a n c e d  thesis  in p a r t i a l  degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h  t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make  Study.  thesis  I further  agree  it freely  that  may be g r a n t e d  o r b y h.ils r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s  thesi.s  of  ^o\^;^o-Q ^Q-vt-i-AM?  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada Date  It  for reference  Columbia  I agree  and  copying of  this  b y t h e Head o f my  is understood  for financial  w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n .  Department  available  requirements  Columbia,  permission for extensive  f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes  Department  f u l f i l m e n t of the  gain  shall  that  copying  n o t be a l l o w e d  i  ABSTRACT  This study attempts to c l a r i f y the meaning of the concept of a l i enation f o r p o l i t i c a l science by integrating theoretical discussions and empirical studies of a l i e n a t i o n with research on p o l i t i c a l pation i n order to assess the implications of alienation,  partici-  specifically  p o l i t i c a l alienation, f o r both p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l systems. To t h i s end, the present study reviews the l i t e r a t u r e on a l i e n a tion, both theoretical and empirical.  This involves appraisal of the  use of the concept by social philosophers, analysis of studies considering a l i e n a t i o n as a psychological condition as well as empirical studies concerning the social sources and d i s t r i b u t i o n of a l i e n a t i o n . These studies are then related to research on p o l i t i c a l  participation.  The idea of alienation found expression i n eighteenth century social and p o l i t i c a l c r i t i c i s m and i s p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n the writing of Jean Jacques Rousseau.  Hegel was the f i r s t to give systematic con-  sideration to the problem of estrangement; he had an important influence on Marx, who recognized Hegel s insight, but rejected h i s metaphysical 1  explanation of alienation.  Hegel and Marx, i n turn have had a profound  influence on twentieth century discussions of a l i e n a t i o n . A review of recent l i t e r a t u r e on a l i e n a t i o n indicated that the most frequent meanings attached to the concept of a l i e n a t i o n are powerlessness, meaninglessness, normlessness, i s o l a t i o n , self-estrangement, aloneness,  ii  and cynicism.  Discussions  of personal effectiveness, sense of p o l i t i c a l  e f f i c a c y , and p o l i t i c a l cynicism were found to be related to  discussions  of a l i e n a t i o n . A review of the l i t e r a t u r e also indicated that most frequently i s said to be alienated from God, from society and culture.  nature, himself,  other persons, and  P o l i t i c a l l y , alienated man  enated from p o l i t i c a l processes.  The  man  i s said to be  ali-  causes of estrangement include  i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n involving technological advances, the d i v i s i o n of labour and ownership, the t r a n s i t i o n from gemeinschaft to gesellschaft, the size of the modern state, and p o s i t i o n i n the s o c i a l structure. Empirical research  studies of a l i e n a t i o n d i f f e r i n terms of r e -  search objectives, assumptions about alienation, and i n terms of the measures and scales used. research age,  Review of empirical studies reveals  gaps including lack of information  family cycle, residence,  serious  on the relationship between  r e l i g i o n , race, and alienation.  The  review  also found that evidence concerning the relationship between a l i e n a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n tends to be contradictory, although a l i e n a t i o n seems to a f f e c t the d i r e c t i o n of the vote and the l e v e l of p o l i t i cal information.  More research  a l i e n a t i o n and personality.  i s required on the relationship between  The need for comparative research  The review of empirical research  did f i n d a substantial body of  i s evident. research  which indicates that alienation decreases as socio-economic status i n creases, that women tend to be more alienated than men,  that within  an  organizational context, alienation i s highly related to s a t i s f a c t i o n with  the organization and that organizational structure i t s e l f affects a l i enation.  F i n a l l y , organization members tend to be less p o l i t i c a l l y  alienated than non-members. In conclusion, a l i e n a t i o n appears to be a promising concept, however, empirical evidence on the question i s often lacking or inconclusive, and there i s need f o r further research.  iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS  CHAPTER I  II  III  IV  PAGE INTRODUCTION  1  Purposes of the Study  2  Sources of Data  3  Review of the Literature  6  Measurement of A l i e n a t i o n  10  D e f i n i t i o n of Terms  13  Procedure  13  ALIENATION AND POLITICAL ALIENATION  15  The Evolution of the Concept  15  P o l i t i c a l Alienation  20  SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION  27  Social Participation  27  Political Participation  33  ALIENATION AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION  38  Socio-Economic Factors Associated with P o l i t i c a l A l i e n a t i o n  39  A l i e n a t i o n and Personality  45  P o l i t i c a l A l i e n a t i o n and the Degree and D i r e c t i o n of P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n Conclusion V  51 54  SOURCES OF ALIENATION Political  . . . .  Culture  56 57  CHAPTER Structure and Process VI  SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS  BIBLIOGRAPHY  APPENDIX  CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION  The theme of alienation, as Robert Nisbet suggests, "has reached an extraordinary degree of importance.  I t has become nearly as preva-  lent as the doctrine of enlightened s e l f - i n t e r e s t was two generations ago.  I t i s more than a hypothesis, i t i s a perspective.""''  To Ernest  Becker, the idea of a l i e n a t i o n "may well be f o r twentieth century man 2 what 'Liberty' was f o r the Enlightenment . . . "  Yet the theme of  alienation i s not new and students of the concept have traced i t back to Calvin f o r whom i t meant man's f a l l from grace and eternal separa3 4 t i o n from God, to the Old Testament concept of i d o l a t r y , and to Plato, 5 for whom "being was less than the good."  Robert A. Nisbet, The Quest f o r Community (New York: U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1953), p. 15.  Oxford  2 Ernest Becker, Beyond Alienation: A Philosophy of Education f o r the C r i s i s of Democracy (New York: George B r a z i l l e r , 1967), p. 88. 3 Lewis Feuer, "What i s Alienation? The Career of a Concept," Sociology on T r i a l , Maurice S t e i n and Arthur V i d i c h , editors (Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall, 1963), pp. 127-147. ^ E r i c h Fromm, Marx's Concept of Man (New York: Publishing Co., 1961), p. 44. Becker, op_. c i t . , p. 89.  1  Frederick Ungar  2  Frequently, the term alienation i s used indiscriminately without e x p l i c i t d e f i n i t i o n and some writers define i t so broadly that i t becomes meaningless for purposes of analysis.  Often, a l i e n a t i o n i s confused with  related terms such as anomie with which i t i s sometimes used interchangeably and i t i s often defined as a f r e e - f l o a t i n g psychological  state with-  out s p e c i f i c a t i o n of the s o c i a l and personal sources of t h i s  condition.  Frequently, t h e o r e t i c a l discussions related empirical  of alienation make no reference to  research, or assess i t s implications  i n terms of be-  haviour, and there are few studies which examine or discuss the consequences of alienation for p o l i t i c a l behaviour and p o l i t i c a l systems.  I The  PURPOSES OF THIS STUDY:  THE PROBLEM  purpose of t h i s study i s to examine the h i s t o r i c a l development  of the concept of a l i e n a t i o n and to synthesize relevant  empirical r e -  search i n order to assess the impact of the concept of alienation on p o l i t i c a l participation i n political w i l l consider the following 1)  systems.  To t h i s end, t h i s study  questions:  what i s meant by the term a l i e n a t i o n and what i s the meaning of p o l i t i c a l  alienation;  2)  i s alienation a concept relevant to p o l i t i c a l  analysis;  3)  who are the p o l i t i c a l l y  4)  what i s t h e i r orientation to the p o l i t i c a l system and  alienated;  i t s components; 5)  how does alienation a f f e c t p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n ;  6)  what are the determinants of p o l i t i c a l and  alienation;  3 7)  what are the implications of p o l i t i c a l alienation f o r p o l i t i c a l behaviour i n p o l i t i c a l  II  systems?  SOURCES OF DATA  This study of the concept of a l i e n a t i o n and i t s application to p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l systems i s based on a review and analysis of relevant l i t e r a t u r e on a l i e n a t i o n .  This l i t e r a t u r e can be  c l a s s i f i e d into several categories which are not necessarily discrete or mutually exclusive, as follows: 1.  Discussions  of the o r i g i n and evolution of the concept, i n -  cluding attempts at d e f i n i t i o n and assessments of i t s u s e f u l ness.  Numerous writers have successfully traced the develop-  ment of the concept from a p a r t i c u l a r s t a r t i n g point, whether i t be Plato, the Hebrew Prophets, or Calvin, discussed i t s evolution from Hegel through Marx to the present, and have t r i e d to define what i s meant by alienation. 2.  Analysis of the Marxian concept of alienation.  The writing 7  on Marx's concept of a l i e n a t i o n includes polemical works  as  well as attempts to c l a r i f y what Marx meant by a l i e n a t i o n i n cluding a "great debate" on whether or not Marx abandoned the There are numerous discussions of t h i s nature, but see especially: Fromm, og. c i t . , pp. 1-83; Becker, jop. c i t . , pp. 87-113; Feuer, op. c i t . , pp. 127-147; and Melvin Seeman, "On the Meaning of Alienation," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXIV (December, 1959), pp. 783-91. 7 For a c o l l e c t i o n of e s s e n t i a l l y polemical a r t i c l e s see: Herbert Aptheker (ed.), Marxism and Alienation: A Symposium (New York: Humanities Press,1965) .  4 concept i n his l a t e r works along with consideration of Marx's g forerunners, Hegel and Feuerbach, and t h e i r influence on 3.  him.  Discussions i n which the concept or idea of a l i e n a t i o n i s a central theme i n analyzing the q u a l i t y of human experience and l i n k i n g this to social situations and structures. analyses often contain conceptions  Such  of desirable programmes  for change to minimize the influence of a l i e n a t i o n . These discussions have considered the implications of the t r a n s i t i o n from gemeinschaft to gesellschaft, with a concomitant increase i n normative uncertainty, secularization, and the decline of moral certitudes.  They suggest that p o l i t i c a l  alienation stems from the size and complexity  of the modern  state; the technical nature of p o l i t i c a l questions  combined  with a lack of adequate p o l i t i c a l information on the part of the masses; and the remoteness of p o l i t i c a l decision makers. These general themes are echoed not only by Marx and  the  Marxists, but also by Weber, Durkheim, Toenies, Simmel, and,  4.  more recently by Mannheim, Nisbet, Merton, Maclver, M i l l s , 9 Kahler, De Grazia, Pappenheim, Becker, and others. Empirical studies of a l i e n a t i o n which focus on the social and  There i s a vast l i t e r a t u r e on t h i s subject, but see e s p e c i a l l y ; Sidney Hook, From Hegel to Marx (Ann Arbor: The U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan Press, 1962), "Introduction."; Daniel B e l l , The End of Ideology (New York: The Free Press, I960), Chapter XV; Eugene Kamenka, The E t h i c a l Foundations of Marxism (New York: F.A. Praeger, 1962); and Robert C. Tucker, Philosophy and Myth i n K a r l Marx (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961). 9 \ H.H. Gerth and C. Wright M i l l s (trans), From Max Weber: Essays i n Sociology (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1946); Emile Durkheim,  5 personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of those i d e n t i f i e d as alienated.  Such  s o c i o l o g i c a l studies d i f f e r i n terms of research objectives, assumptions about alienation, and the measures used to i d e n t i f y the alienated i n d i v i d u a l .  Although p s y c h i a t r i s t s have become  interested i n the question of a l i e n a t i o n recently,"*"^ unfortunately few studies systematically assess personality c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the alienated i n terms of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and electoral choice.  Suicide, A Study i n Sociology, J.A. Spaulding and George Simpson, trans. (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1951); Ferdinand Toonies, Community and Society (Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft ), C.P. Loomis, t r a n s . ( E a s t Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1957); Kurt H. Wolff (trans.), The Sociology of George Simmel (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1950); K a r l Mannheim, Man and Society i n An Age of Reconstruction (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Co., 1954); Nisbet, op. c i t . , R.K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (New York: The Free Press, 1957); R.K. Merton, S o c i a l Theory and S o c i a l Structure (New York: The Free Press, 1957); R.K. Merton, Mass Persuasion: The Social Psychology of a War Bond Drive (New York: Harper and Bros., 1946); Robert M. Maclver; The Ramparts We Guard (New York: The MacMillan Co., 1950); C. Wright M i l l s , The Power E l i t e (New York: Oxford University Press, 1959); C. Wright M i l l s , The Sociological Imagination (New York: Grove Press, 1959); E r i c h Kahler, The Tower and the Abyss; An Inquiry into the Transformation of the Individual, (New York: George B r a z i l l e r , 1 9 5 7 ) ; F r i t z Pappenheim, The A l i e n a t i o n of Modern Man, (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1959), and Becker, ££. c i t . "^There are many studies and discussions of this nature. An e x c e l l ent anthology containing numerous such a r t i c l e s i s : Maurice Friedman (ed.), The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader (New York: Random House, 1964); see also R.D. Laing, The P o l i t i c s of Experience and the B i r d of Paradise (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1967). ''"'''See, however: Kenneth Keniston, The Uncommitted: Alienated Youth i n American Society (New York: Harcourt Brace and World, 1960); and Herbert McClosky and John H. Schaar, "Psychological Dimensions of Anomy," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXX (February, 1956), pp. 14-40.  6 The theme of a l i e n a t i o n i s found also i n contemporary art and 12 l i t e r a t u r e but t h i s study does not include such material.  In con-  temporary philosophy, p a r t i c u l a r l y e x i s t e n t i a l i s t thought, the concept 13 of a l i e n a t i o n has had a central r o l e .  This study draws on existen-  t i a l i s t thought where appropriate i n considering the s o c i a l sources and implications of a l i e n a t i o n but i t does not attempt to synthesize a l l of the works of p a r t i c u l a r thinkers i n this area.  Since this study  seeks to relate research on p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n to studies of p o l i t i c a l alienation, relevant reviews of the l i t e r a t u r e on organiza14 t i o n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n general  and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n  15 particular  are included. I l l REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE  This study i s i t s e l f a review of the l i t e r a t u r e about alienation; consequently this section w i l l note only those works which have reviewed the  l i t e r a t u r e on a l i e n a t i o n .  See, however: Penguin, 1963).  Some reviews have examined the l i t e r a t u r e  Ernst Fisher, The Necessity of A r t 9Harmondworth:  13 See F.H. Heinemann, E x i s t e n t i a l i s m and the Modern Predicament (New York: Harper and Row, 1958), p. 9. 14 Two comprehensive reviews of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e are: Edmund de S. Brunner, An Overview of Adult Education Research (Chicago: Adult Education Association, 1959), pp. 102-18; and Coolie Verner and John S. Newberry J r . , "The Nature of Adult P a r t i c i p a t i o n , " Adult Education, VIII (Summer, 1958), pp. 208-22. 15 Bernard Berelson and Gary A. Steiner, Human Behavior: An Inventory of S c i e n t i f i c Findings (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1964), pp. 422-28; and Lester M. Milbrath, P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n (Chicago: Rand McNally and Co., 1965), pp. 78-81.  7 for the purpose of defining alienation or to i d e n t i f y the sources of i t . Some have summarized empirical studies i n sociology and p o l i t i c a l science, and some reviews have appraised the research methodology of the various empirical studies. The p r i n c i p a l review of works about the concept of alienation i t X6 self i s that of Melvin Seeman.  He i s o l a t e d five separate meanings  which have been attached to the concept of alienation and l i s t s these as powerlessness, meaninglessness, normlessness, i s o l a t i o n , and s e l f estrangement . Seeman found the idea of powerlessness to be central to Marx's understanding of a l i e n a t i o n and to Max Weber's discussion of bureaucracy. Seeman suggests that the notion of powerlessness i s the most common meaning attached to the concept of a l i e n a t i o n i n contemporary  social theory.  He also finds that the ideas of alienation-as-meaninglessness and alienation-as-normlessness are central ideas i n contemporary  social theory.  The discussion of normlessness was p a r t i c u l a r l y c r u c i a l i n the Durkheim and Merton discussions of anomie.  Seeman found that the idea of a l i e n a -  t i o n - a s - i s o l a t i o n i s most common i n those discussions concerned with the role of the i n t e l l e c t u a l .  The f i n a l variant of alienation, i d e n t i f i e d by  Seeman as self-estrangement, was found to be central to Fromm's discussion of a l i e n a t i o n . ^ 1  Seeman approached the concept of alienation from an e s s e n t i a l l y Seeman, oj>. c i t . , pp. 783-91. 17 E r i c h Fromm, The Sane Society (New York: Winston, 1955).  Holt, Rinehart and  h i s t o r i c a l and thematic perspective.  Although he made no attempt to re-  late the variant concepts, he did t r y to i d e n t i f y them i n s p e c i f i c operational  terms.  Both D e a n ^ and Middleton"'"^ also reviewed the  liter-  ature from the point of view of d e f i n i t i o n but they do not d i f f e r from Seeman i n any s i g n i f i c a n t degree. Two  reviews t r i e d to determine the most frequently mentioned  sources or causes of alienation.  Feuer not only traced the  evolution  of the concept, but also i s o l a t e d s i x p r i n c i p a l modes of a l i e n a t i o n as discussed  i n the l i t e r a t u r e he reviewed.  He  i d e n t i f i e d these as the  a l i e n a t i o n of: 1)  class society,  2)  competitive society,  3)  i n d u s t r i a l society,  4)  mass society,  5)  race,  and  v  20  6) He  the a l i e n a t i o n of the generations.  concluded his analysis by questioning  the essential u t i l i t y of the con-  cept i t s e l f i n view of the f a c t that " i t s dimensions w i l l be as varied as human desire and need."^ Scott, too, reviewed the l i t e r a t u r e from the point of view of the 18 Dwight G. Dean, "Alienation: Its Meaning and Measurement," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXVI (October, 1961), pp. 753-758. 19 Russell Middleton, "Alienation, Race and Education," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXVII (December, 1963), pp. 973-77. ^ F e u e r , £p. c i t . , p. 2 1  I b i d . , p.  143.  137.  9  sources of a l i e n a t i o n and developed a f o u r - f o l d typology including a l i e n 22 ation from f a c i l i t i e s , roles, norms, and values.  Scott t r i e d to group  numerous discussions of a l i e n a t i o n into his four categories and emphasized that "the psychological states of alienation, or so-called variants . . . do not correspond to any single source.  Between the sources and  the  23 variant f a l l s the shadow of indeterminancy. 24 Mizruchi  25 and Erbe  have reviewed research  the f i e l d s of sociology and p o l i t i c a l science.  on a l i e n a t i o n from  Mizruchi discussed  various  studies separately without attempting to synthesize the research findings. Erbe reviewed research studies r e l a t i n g p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n to a l i e n a t i o n and alienation to socio-economic status.  Although incomplete, i t  indicates that numerous studies have found that the l e v e l of a l i e n a t i o n decreases as socio-economic status increases and that the greater his rate of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n social organizations the less l i k e l y i s the i n dividual to be alienated. 26 Neal and R e t t i g reviewed empirical studies of a l i e n a t i o n primarily i n terms of research methodology. They conclude that the various studies of a l i e n a t i o n " d i f f e r i n research objectives, i n assumptions about a l i e n a 27 tion, and i n operational c r i t e r i a . "  22  Scott, o j 3 . c i t . , pp. 239-52.  23 Scott, OJD. c i t . , p. 2  241.  'Slphraim H. Mizruchi, Success and Opportunity (New York: Press, 1964), Chap. 2.  Free  25 William Erbe, "Social Involvement and P o l i t i c a l A c t i v i t y : A Replication and Elaboration," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXLX ( A p r i l , 1964), pp. 198-215. Arthur G. Neal and Saloman R e t t i g , "On the Multi-dimensionality of A l i e n a t i o n , " American Sociological Review, XXXII (February, 1967), pp. 54-61. 27  I b i d . , p.  62.  Although there has been much theorizing on the subject, there are large lacunae i n empirical research on p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n .  Specifi-  c a l l y , the bulk of research has been conducted i n the United States and the empirical studies of a l i e n a t i o n d i f f e r i n terms of research  object-  ives, assumptions about alienation, and i n the measures and scales used. Because of t h i s , caution must be exercised i n drawing conclusions or making generalizations about the degree, d i s t r i b u t i o n , and consequences of p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n on the basis of existing empirical studies.  IV  THE MEASUREMENT OF ALIENATION  Empirical studies of alienation have spawned numerous measures and scales with each r e f l e c t i n g to a c e r t a i n degree the researcher's standing of the concept of alienation.  under-  Three scales seem to measure what  Erbe has termed " r e t r e a t i s t alienation" involving apathy, despair, and 28 passivity.  Among the most frequently used measures of r e t r e a t i s t 29 a l i e n a t i o n i s Srole's 5-item anomia scale which s a t i s f i e s the c r i t e r i o n  •* of unidimensionality and i s a Guttman-type  scale.  The scale i s based on  Srole's d e f i n i t i o n of anomia as the f e e l i n g of self-to-others a l i e n a t i o n . Srole attempted to measure the r e l a t i o n s h i p between anomia, authoritarianism and race prejudice. 28  W i l l i a m Erbe,  Others have used t h i s scale to determine the c i t . , pp. 198-215.  29 Leo Srole, " S o c i a l Integration and Certain C o r o l l a r i e s : An Exploratory Study," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXI (December, 1956), pp. 709-716. See Appendix I.  social c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the alienated  30  or to determine the r e l a t i o n 31  ship between anomia and voting behaviour. A second scale devised to measure r e t r e a t i s t a l i e n a t i o n i s Nettler's 32 scale which assesses commitment to popular culture,  and a t h i r d measure  was developed by Dean who constructed three Likert-type scales to measure powerlessness, normlessness, and s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n as well as interest 33 apathy, information apathy, behaviour apathy, and voting apathy.  Dean  found that powerlessness, normlessness, and social i s o l a t i o n were so highly intercorrelated that he could combine them into a single measure of a l i e n a t i o n . Srole's conceptualization of anomia as r e t r e a t i s t alienation has 34 35 been c r i t i c i z e d by Campbell and Middleton among others. As Middleton suggests, "although pessimism and cynicism or despair may o r d i n a r i l y accompany anomia, they do not i n themselves constitute i t , and the degree 37 of association i s an empirical question."  In addition to conceptual  c r i t i c i s m , Campbell considers Srole's measuring techniques to be crude and 30 Dorothy L. Meier and Wendell B e l l , "Anomia and D i f f e r e n t i a l Access to the Achievement of L i f e Goals," American Sociological Review, XXIV ( A p r i l , 1959), pp. 189-202; and E.H. Mizruchi, Success and Opportunity (New York: The Free Press, 1964). ^ " H v i l l i a m Kornhauser et _al., When Labor Votes: Workers (New York: Basic Books, 1956).  A Study of Auto  32 Gwynn N e t t l e r , "A Measure of Alienation," American Sociological Review, XXII (December, 1957), pp. 670-677. See Appendix I . 33 Dwight G. Dean, "Alienation and P o l i t i c a l Apathy," S o c i a l Forces, XXXVIII (March, I960), pp. 185-189. 34 Angus Campbell, "The Passive C i t i z e n , " Acta Sociologica, VI (fasc. 1-2), p. 13. 35 Russell Middleton, "Alienation, Race, and Education," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXVIII (December, 1963), pp. 973-977. 37 Middleton, op. c i t . , p. 973.  12  the r e s u l t s therefore inconclusive.  38  He  suggests that i t may  to d i s t i n g u i s h between s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l detachment and  be wise  political  a l i e n a t i o n on the basis of whether estrangement i s active or  passive.  "Personal detachment from community a c t i v i t i e s and associations does not necessarily imply active r e j e c t i o n of them. son may  The detached per-  simply never have learned to communicate at the community  l e v e l or the physical circumstances of h i s l i f e may  make communication  39 difficult."  The Srole, Nettler, and Dean measures do not determine  whether r e j e c t i o n i s active or passive, but they do measure attitudes about the responsiveness of p o l i t i c a l leaders and are relevant to t h i s study. Angus Campbell draws a sharp l i n e between " s o c i a l detachment" and " p o l i t i c a l alienation".  The alienated, as he uses the term, are suspi-  cious, d i s t r u s t f u l , h o s t i l e , and c y n i c a l .  "They believe that p o l i t i c a l  o f f i c e holders are corrupt, self-seeking and incompetent, and that the 40 whole p o l i t i c a l process i s a fraud and a betrayal of the public t r u s t . " If p o l i t i c a l alienation i s conceptualized  i n terms of cynicism and d i s -  trust, various measures of misanthropy and p o l i t i c a l cynicism are r e l e vant to studies of p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n . One such measure i s Rosenberg's 41 widely used " f a i t h i n people" scale. I t contains f i v e items and i s a 38 Campbell, l o c . c i t . 3  9  - r T .  *  j  Ibid., p.  14.  40 Campbell, l o c . c i t . 41 Morris Rosenberg, "Misanthropy and P o l i t i c a l Ideology", American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXI (December, 1956), pp. 690-695. See Appendix.  13  Guttman type scale.  Another scale of the same type i s the p o l i t i c a l 42  cynicism measure developed hy Agger et a l . Several studies define alienation i n terms of feelings of powerlessness and negative evaluations of this condition involving cynicism toward 43 and d i s t r u s t of p o l i t i c a l leaders.  Seeman, for example, defines power-  lessness as "the expectancy or p r o b a b i l i t y held by the individual that his  own behaviour cannot determine the occurrence of the outcomes or r e -  inforcements he seeks." 44 nent of a l i e n a t i o n .  He considers t h i s f e e l i n g to be a major compoV  DEFINITION OF TERMS  The analysis of the term a l i e n a t i o n as i t has been used i n the l i t e r a t u r e i s a major task of t h i s study.  In the use of the term i n this  study, a l i e n a t i o n w i l l be considered to be a r e l a t i o n a l concept which i d e n t i f i e s a s p e c i f i c and p a r t i c u l a r orientation that an individual has to s o c i a l processes and objects.  With respect to p o l i t i c a l  participation  and the orientation of an individual to p o l i t i c a l systems, the term a l i e n a t i o n involves estrangement from the values, norms, roles, or f a c i l i t i e s of a p o l i t i c a l system and i s used i n that sense i n t h i s study.  VI  PROCEDURE  In meeting the purpose of t h i s study the l i t e r a t u r e r e l a t i n g to the  42 Robert E. Agger et a l . , " P o l i t i c a l Cynicism: Measurement and Meaning," The Journal of P o l i t i c s , XXIII (August, 1961), pp. 477-506. See Appendix. 43 See, f o r example: Wayne E. Thompson and John E. Horton, " P o l i t i c a l A l i e n a t i o n as a Force i n P o l i t i c a l Action," S o c i a l Forces, XXXVII (March, 1960), pp. 190-195. Melvin Seeman, "On the Meaning of Alienation," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXIV (December, 1959), pp. 783-91. 44 Seeman, op. c i t . , pp. 783-91.  concept of a l i e n a t i o n has been reviewed and analyzed. have been codified and arranged systematically.  The  s a l i e n t ideas  At the outset,  the  l i t e r a t u r e has been analyzed to trace the evolution of the concept of a l i e n a t i o n h i s t o r i c a l l y and to seek d e f i n i t i o n s that w i l l provide a structure for the analysis of p o l i t i c a l alienation. d e f i n i t i o n of the term, i t was  In pursuing the  determined that a l i e n a t i o n can be mean-  i n g f u l l y studied by using the structure f o r analysis which involves  the  45 four basic components of social action i d e n t i f i e d by Smelser: 1.  Values, the ends or goals of s o c i a l behaviour.  2.  Norms, the legitimate regulatory rules governing the means for pursuing ends or goals.  3.  Roles, the patterned  organization of individuals or groups  i n society. 4.  F a c i l i t i e s , the means available to the actor to perform a role. This structure i s then applied to p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by  ing a l i e n a t i o n from p o l i t i c a l values, norms, roles and  analyz-  facilities.  S p e c i f i c a l l y , t h i s provides a structure useful i n examining how  an i n d i v i d -  ual or group r e l a t e s to the p o l i t i c a l system as a whole as well as to specific p o l i t i c a l  structures, processes, roles and behaviour.  This  leads  to a more detailed analysis of p a r t i c u l a r aspects of a l i e n a t i o n as they r e l a t e to attitudes about p o l i t i c a l input processes and evaluations one's s e l f as a participant i n those processes. N e i l J . Smelser, Theory of C o l l e c t i v e Behaviour (New The Free Press, 1963), p. 24-25.  York:  of  CHAPTER II  ALIENATION AND POLITICAL ALIENATION  P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l processes i n the society i s related to p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a l l other s o c i a l systems i n a society.  Consequently,  a l i e n a t i o n from the p o l i t i c a l system i s related to a l i e n a t i o n from society itself.  In order to approach an understanding of p o l i t i c a l  alienation,  therefore, i t i s necessary f i r s t to examine the very broad and general concept of alienation i t s e l f .  This can be f a c i l i t a t e d by an examination  of the h i s t o r i c a l evolution of the concept of alienation.  In turn,  analysis of the various meanings attached to the concept can lead to a d e f i n i t i o n of alienation that has functional u t i l i t y f o r an assessment of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  I  THE EVOLUTION OF THE CONCEPT  E r i c h Fromm suggests that the idea of a l i e n a t i o n was f i r s t expressed i n western thought i n the Old Testament concept of i d o l a t r y i n which there was a protest against the r e i f i c a t i o n of man-created objects."''  To others,  2 the idea of a l i e n a t i o n i s as o l d as l i t e r a r y h i s t o r y .  Although the theme  "*"Erich Fromm, Marx's Concept of Man (New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1961), p. 44. 2 John H. Schaar, Escape from Authority (New York: Basic Books, 1961), p. 174.  15  16 of a l i e n a t i o n i s not new, twentieth century discussions of the problem are probably most closely related to eighteenth century s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l c r t i c i s m which was centred mainly i n France. I t was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of enlightenment thinkers to believe i n the p o s s i b i l i t y of happiness and progress under reason and to believe that reason provided a standard f o r evaluating both personal conduct and social institutions.  To a considerable extent, the u t i l i t a r i a n i s m of  Helvetius, Holbach's attack on r e l i g i o n and government, and Condorcet's b e l i e f i n the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of education, echo contemporary discussions 3 of the a l i e n a t i n g effects of existing conditions i n the s o c i a l structure. Rousseau, too, was c r i t i c a l of the s o c i a l order he found i n France, though h i s c r i t i c i s m d i f f e r e d from h i s contemporaries i n many s i g n i f i c a n t 4 respects.  Rousseau believed that man i s b a s i c a l l y neutral but formed and 5  shaped by h i s community and i s nothing apart from i t .  According to  Plamenatz, There i s i n Rousseau a conception, r i c h though confused, of a l i e n ated man, of man deeply disturbed, psychologically and morally, by the pressure of society on him, of man 'outside h i m s e l f . . . driven by h i s environment to seek s a t i s f a c t i o n where i t i s not to be had 6  For discussions of 18th Century thought see: Paul Hazard, European Thought i n the Eighteenth Century, trans. J . Lewis May (New York: Meridian, 1963); George H. Sabine, A History of P o l i t i c a l Theory (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1961), Chap. 27. 4 r \ C E . Vaughan (ed.), The P o l i t i c a l Writings of Jean Jacques Rousseau (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1915). Ernest Becker, Beyond Alienation: A Philosophy of Education f o r the C r i s i s of Democracy (New Y o r k : B r a z i l l e r , 1 9 6 7 , p. 102. John Plamenatz, Man and Society (London:  Longmans, 1963), I I , p. 40.  Plamenatz suggests that this idea i s lacking i n the early s o c i a l i s t s , French and English, but that the idea of alienation c l o s e l y l i n k s Rousseau to Hegel and Marx who are i n turn linked to the contemporary debate on alienation.  Current discussion of a l i e n a t i o n therefore, has i t s roots,  i n the eighteenth  century.  The concept of a l i e n a t i o n or estrangement was central to Hegel's socio—philosophical system and he was one of the f i r s t to give  extensive 7  consideration to the problem.  In h i s E a r l y Theological Writings,  refers to an o r i g i n a l unity between God,  nature, and man.  Hegel  Later, this  unity becomes fragmented and opposition develops between them.  This  opposition i s an aspect of estrangement; consequently, the over-coming of a l i e n a t i o n requires the ultimate r e c o n c i l i a t i o n and re-union of  God,  nature, and man.  As noted by Schaar, "Hegel's largest question was, how g can the consciousness of man become t o t a l , u n i f i e d , at rest?" Hegel 9  t r i e s to answer t h i s question i n three works, Logic, History,  1 0  and Phenomenology of M i n d .  Philosophy of  11  G.W.F. Hegel, E a r l y Theological Writings, trans. T.M. Knox (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1948). g Schaar, oj). c i t . , p. 176. 9  G.W.F. Hegel, Science of Logic, trans. W.H. Johnston and Struthers (London: George A l l e n and Unwin, 1951), 2 v o l s .  L.G.  G.W.F. Hegel, Th The Philosophy of History, trans. J . Sibree (New W i l l e y Book Co,, 1944J7 10  York:  G.W.F. G.W.F. Hegel, The Th Phenomenology of Mind, trans. J.B. B a i l i e (London: George A l l e n and Unwind 1964). 11 1:L  18  Hegel's concept of estrangement was modified by Ludwig Feuerbach who,  i n his Essence of C h r i s t i a n i t y , took issue with Hegel's notion that  a l i e n a t i o n involved disassociation between God and man. buted a l i e n a t i o n to the fact that man  Feuerbach a t t r i -  projects human q u a l i t i e s on to an 12  Absolute God thus negating and diminishing himself.  Marx took Feuerbach  as a s t a r t i n g point and declared i n The Holy Family: Real Humanism has no more dangerous enemy i n Germany than s p i r i t u a l i s m or speculative idealism which substitutes self-consciousness' or the ' s p i r i t ' for the r e a l individual man and teaches with the evangelist 'that the s p i r i t quickeneth everything and that the f l e s h p r o f i t e t h not'".13 1  1  Humanistic elements i n Marxian Socialism have been re-discovered by Western Scholars both Marxist and non Marxist that has resulted i n a 'great debate  1  as to whether Marx abandoned h i s e a r l i e r concept of a l i e n -  14 ation i n h i s l a t e r work.  A l i e n a t i o n , as Marx defined i t i n h i s early 15 writings, p a r t i c u l a r l y his Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts written  12 Ludwig Feuerbach, The Essence of C h r i s t i a n i t y , ed. and trans. E.G. Waring and F.W. Strothman (New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1957) . 13 K a r l Marx and Frederich Engels, The Holy Family (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1956), p. 15. 14 r See: Daniel B e l l , The End of Ideology (New York: The Free Press, 1960); T.B. Bottomore and Maximilian Rubel (editors and t r a n s l a t o r s ) , K a r l Marx: Selected Writings i n Sociology and S o c i a l Philosophy (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company 1964, "Introduction"; Lewis Feuer, "What i s Alienation? The Career of a Concept." Sociology on T r i a l , Maurice Stein and Arthur V i d i c h , editors (Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice H a l l , 1963), p. 135; Sidney Hook, From Hegel to Marx (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1962), "New Introduction"; Herbert Marcuse, Reason and Revolution (Boston: Beacon Press, 1960), p. 275; Robert C. Tucker, Philosophy and Myth i n K a r l Marx (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1961). 15 K a r l Marx, Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts, trans. T.B. Bottomore, i n E r i c h Fromm, oj). c i t . , p. 97.  19 i n Paris i n 1844,  has four main aspects:  alienation from the products of  work, a l i e n a t i o n from the process of work, alienation of man and a l i e n a t i o n from others.  The  from himself  so-called Revisionists of the  Bloc have tended to adhere to t h i s early concept.  Soviet  Jordan suggests that  the r e v i s i o n i s t s found i n Marx's s o c i a l i s t humanism an alternat i v e to i n s t i t u t i o n a l marxism, the importance of which was enhanced hy the disclosure of the crimes and c r u e l t i e s of Stalinism.16 Various e x i s t e n t i a l i s t s have been influenced by the discussions  of a l i e n -  ation of Marx and Hegel and have sought to extend consideration  of the  17 problem beyond the point where they l e f t o f f .  Some of the major i n -  sights of Hegel and e s p e c i a l l y Marx have been incorporated orary s o c i o l o g i c a l and psychological to test some of these propositions  into contemp-  theory and e f f o r t s have been made  through empirical research.  In the evolution of the concept of alienation there have been three main approaches to both the problem and to the meaning of the concept i t s e l f . The  f i r s t approach treats alienation as primarily a psychological  menon and  seeks to delineate the subjective  pheno18  states associated with i t .  This approach has obvious l i m i t a t i o n s because i t i s essential to specify X6 Z.A. Jordan, "Socialism, A l i e n a t i o n , and P o l i t i c a l Power," Survey (July, 1966), p. 123; see also, BertmanD. Wolfe, "Marxism Today;" P o l i t i c a l Thought Since World War I I , W.J. Stankiewicz, editor (New York: The Free Press, 1964), pp. 130-42; Daniel B e l l , "In Search of Marxist Humanism: The Debate on Alienation," P o l i t i c a l Thought Since World War I I , W.J. Stankiewicz, editor, pp. 143-58; and V i c t o r Z i t t a , Georg Lukacs Marxism: Alienation, D i a l e c t i c s , Revolution, A Study i n Utopia and Ideology^ (The Hague: Martinus N i j h o f f , 1 9 6 4 ) . 17 See F.H. Heinemann, E x i s t e n t i a l i s m and the Modern Predicament (New York: Harper and Row, 1958), p. 12. 18 See, for example, Melvin Seeman, "On the Meaning of Alienation," American Sociological Review, XXIV (December, 1959), p. 788.  not only the ways i n which alienation i s manifest, hut also the focus of 19 alienation and the agent of estrangement.  A second approach considers  and categorizes the social sources of alienation, however defined. Scott, for example, contends that an ad hoc  l i s t i n g of the variants  of  a l i e n a t i o n i s not too useful because i t f a i l s to r e l a t e them so his 20 alternative strategy An obvious d i f f i c u l t y  i s to determine the s o c i a l sources of alienation. with t h i s approach relates to the area of  indeter-  minancy between the sources and outcomes of alienation. A t h i r d and more promising approach involves a narrowing of f i e l d of inquiry;  i . e . the s p e c i f i c a t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r objects from  which the individual i s alienated, orientations to these objects, orientations, cations.  the  the examination of an  the consideration  individual's  of reasons for these  and assessing any possible behavioural or systems i m p l i -  This approach involves  asking a related series of questions:  1)  from what i s one  alienated,  2)  who  i s alienated,  3)  how  i s alienation manifested,  4) v 5)  by what i s alienation produced, and 21 what are the consequences of II In considering  alienation?  POLITICAL ALIENATION  the application of the concept of alienation to  19 Kenneth Keniston, The Uncommitted: Alienated Youth i n American Society (New York: Harcourt Brace and World, 1960), p. 454. 20 Marvin B. Scott, "The Social Sources of Alienation," The New Sociology, Irving L. Horowitz, editor (New York: Oxford University Press 1965), pp. 250-251. 21 Igor S. Kon, "The Concept of A l i e n a t i o n i n Modern Sociology," S o c i a l Research, XXXIV (Autumn, 1967), pp. 507-528.  p o l i t i c a l systems, the t h i r d approach noted above provides a functional basis f o r the analysis of p o l i t i c a l alienation.  This i s derived from  22 Smelser's  discussion of the basic components of social action and the  l i s t i n g of p o l i t i c a l objects of orientation proposed by Almond and ,  23  Verba.  In this approach, p o l i t i c a l alienation refers to an i n d i v i -  dual's attitude toward, appraisal of, and relations to the p o l i t i c a l world.  This encompasses varying kinds and degrees of estrangement from  p o l i t i c a l structures, p o l i t i c a l processes, and p o l i t i c a l leadership as well as certain subjective evaluations of the s e l f as a p o l i t i c a l  parti-  cipant . P o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n may involve estrangement from the p o l i t i c a l system as a whole and i t s dominant values.  This kind of a l i e n a t i o n i s  s i g n i f i c a n t because the s t a b i l i t y of the system depends, i n part, upon i t s legitimacy and an underlying consensus as to c o l l e c t i v e goals or 24 ends.  Political  allegiants tend to regard the system as legitimate 25  because i t s values coincide with t h e i r own;  p o l i t i c a l alienates  "assign low reward value to goals or b e l i e f s that are t y p i c a l l y highly valued i n the given s o c i e t y . " ^ 22  / N e i l J . Smelser, Theory of C o l l e c t i v e Behaviour (New York:  The  Free Press of Glencoe, 1963). 23 Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The C i v i c Culture (Boston: L i t t l e Brown and Company, 1963), pp. 14-15. ^ R o b e r t A. Dahl, A Preface to Democratic Theory (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press,1956), p. 133. 25 Robert E. Lane, P o l i t i c a l Ideology (New York: The Free Press, 1962), p. 162. Seeman, _OJD. c i t , , p. 789,  22  P o l i t i c a l alienation may  involve the r e j e c t i o n of or d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n  with the norms governing p o l i t i c a l behaviour.  Such alienation from the  27 norms of society was  i d e n t i f i e d by Durkheim  who  used the word anomie  to i d e n t i f y a s o c i a l condition of deregulation or r e l a t i v e normlessness. This concept has become a central theme i n many analyses of modern society. Merton uses anomie to refer to a s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n i n which there i s an acute disjunction between c u l t u r a l goals and 28 achieve these goals. timate means may  s o c i a l l y prescribed  means to  He hypothesizes that i n such a s i t u a t i o n i l l e g i -  be used to achieve certain goals.  The  term anomie, there-  fore, most often describes a s o c i a l condition. On the other hand, Srole has used the L a t i n equivalent, anomia, to r e f e r to a subjective state, 29 the f e e l i n g of self-to-others alienation. McClosky and Schaar use the E n g l i s h translation, anomy, to denote a state of mind, a cluster of attitudes, b e l i e f s , and feelings i n the minds of i n d i v i d u a l s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , i t i s the feeling that the world and one-self are a d r i f t , wandering, lacking i n clear rules and stable moorings.^0 Seeman considers normlessness to be a variant of alienation and the anomie s i t u a t i o n from the individual point of view as "one  defines i n which  there i s a high expectancy that s o c i a l l y unapproved behaviours are  required  27 Emile Durkheim, Suicide: A Study i n Sociology, John A. Spaulding and George Simpson, editors ( G l e n c o e : T h e Free Press, 1951), p. 257. 28 Robert K. Merton, S o c i a l Theory and S o c i a l Structure (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1957), pp. 121-94. 29 Leo Srole, "Social Integration and Certain C o r o l l a r i e s : An Exploratory Study," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXI (December, 1956), p. 711. 30 Herbert McClosky and John H. Schaar, "Psychological Dimensions of Anomy," American Sociological Review, XXX (February, 1965), p. 19.  to achieve given goals."  31  This a l i e n a t i o n from norms, as Smelser indicates, may give r i s e to a norm-oriented movement, an "attempt to restore, protect, modify, 32 or create norms i n the name of a generalized b e l i e f . "  Clearly,  alienation from norms may involve normative and value commitment but the " f r u s t r a t i o n of e f f o r t s to be p o l i t i c a l l y effective within the 33 framework of those norms." In applying the concept of anomie or alienation from the norms of society to the p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n , F a i a suggests that any examinat i o n of a l i e n a t i o n from p o l i t i c a l norms involves three basic  tasks:  1.  determining what the p o l i t i c a l norms are,  2.  comparing these to data on actual p o l i t i c a l behaviour, 34 i d e n t i f y i n g those who conform and those who deviate.  3.  In addition to anomie or normlessness, p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n may r e l a t e also to an individual's orientation towards roles and sets of roles such as p o l i t i c a l organizations  and structures.  Included here i s  an individual's orientation to and attitudes about the "output structures" such as courts, bureaucracies, l e g i s l a t u r e s , and executives as well as "input structures" including p o l i t i c a l parties, interest groups, p o l i t i c a l 31 Seeman, oj). c i t . , p. 788. 32 Smelser, ag. c i t . , p. 270. 33 John E. Horton and Wayne E. Thompson, "Powerlessness and P o l i t i c a l Negativism: A Study of Defeated Local Referendums," American Journal of Sociology, LXV, 1962, p. 486 M i c h a e l A. Faia, "Alienation, Structural Strain, and P o l i t i c a l Deviancy: A Test of Merton's Hypothesis," S o c i a l Problems, XIV (Spring, 1967), p. 392. 34  24  leadership and evaluations of the s e l f as a participant i n p o l i t i c a l 35 processes. but  Some people may be alienated from the output structures  not from the input structures of p o l i t i c s . According to Campbell, the p o l i t i c a l l y alienated exhibit suspi-  cion, d i s t r u s t , h o s t i l i t y , and above a l l , cynicism. These people believe that p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e holders are corrupt, self-seeking and incompetent, that the whole p o l i t i c a l process i s a fraud and betrayal of the public t r u s t . They a c t i v e l y r e j e c t  politics.  P o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n has also been examined i n terms of an i n d i v i dual's evaluation of h i s personal p o l i t i c a l role or sense of p o l i t i c a l efficacy.  Thus, those who f e e l p o l i t i c a l l y powerless believe that t h e i r  actions cannot determine p o l i t i c a l outcomes.  Discussions of this aspect  of p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n i n the l i t e r a t u r e centre on " a l i e n a t i o n from r o l e s " and " a l i e n a t i o n from f a c i l i t i e s " where f a c i l i t i e s refer to the means available to influence p o l i t i c a l outcomes. are  In the l i t e r a t u r e these  i d e n t i f i e d as powerlessness and meaninglessness.  Seeman, f o r example,  defines powerlessness as the expectancy or p r o b a b i l i t y held by the individual that h i s own behaviour cannot determine the occurrence of the outcomes, or reinforcements he s e e k s . ^ He found this conception to be central to Marx's discussion of alienation and to a c e r t a i n extent i n Max Weber's discussion of bureaucracy.  Angus  Campbell's understanding of personal effectiveness closely approaches  35 Almond and Verba, OD. c i t . , pp. 14-5. 36 Angus Campbell, "The Passive C i t i z e n " , Acta Socio-logica, VI (Fasc. 1-2), pp. 11-12. 37 Seeman, op_. c i t . , p. 784.  25  Seeman's concept of powerlessness.  Campbell assumes that  people begin at an early age to develop a sense of t h e i r own capacity to manage the world around them. We think that some people develop a self confident, positive attitude with which they meet the problems of everyday l i f e while others see themselves as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y giving way i n the face of environmental pressure, unable to manage the c o n f l i c t i n g forces which they encounter. Meaninglessness, on the other hand, i s defined by Seeman as a state i n which the individual f e e l s "unclear as to what he ought to believe—when the individual's minimal standards f o r c l a r i t y i n decision39 making are not met."  Since p o l i t i c a l knowledge i s a major tool or  p o l i t i c a l f a c i l i t y essential to p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the b e l i e f that p o l i t i c a l information i s either absent or purposely confusing induces meaninglessness and the consequent alienation from the p o l i t i c a l process. Many writers view powerlessness and meaninglessness as synonymous with a l i e n a t i o n but t h i s i s a f a l l a c y since the alienated need not neces s a r i l y f e e l powerless.  The p o l i t i c a l l y alienated may d i f f e r i n t h e i r  appraisals of the existing p o l i t i c a l order, i n the degree of t h e i r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the p o l i t i c a l process, and i n terms of their b e l i e f i n the p o s s i b i l i t y or necessity of producing p o l i t i c a l change through either legitimate or i l l e g i t i m a t e channels but t h i s i s not necessarily powerlessness. Estrangement  or alienation from the p o l i t i c a l system may involve one 40 or several of the components of s o c i a l action as i d e n t i f i e d by Smelser. Campbell, 0 £ . c i t . , pp. 11-12. Seeman, on. c i t . , p. 786. Smelser, ap_. c i t . , p. 270.  Disagreement with p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l p o l i c i e s does not necessarily  con-  s t i t u t e p o l i t i c a l alienation unless t h i s disagreement i s such that i t translates  into alienation from values, norms, r o l e s , or f a c i l i t i e s  which are the components of s o c i a l action. who  disagree with p o l i c y as alienated,  to constitute  Rather than i d e n t i f y those  Almond and Verba consider them  a p o l i c y sub-culture or the "population strata that  p e r s i s t e n t l y oriented i n one way  are  toward p o l i c y inputs and outputs, hut 41  are  1  allegiantly  1  oriented toward the p o l i t i c a l  structure."  Since t h i s thesis i s concerned with the d i s t r i b u t i o n of p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n within society and with the effect of alienation on  political  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i t becomes important to discuss (a) the nature of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , (b) the d i s t r i b u t i o n of p o l i t i c a l  aliena-  t i o n i n society,  (c) the e f f e c t of alienation on p o l i t i c a l  parti-  In effect, what i s required i s a closer look at the  social  cipation. and  and  c u l t u r a l environment of the p o l i t y from which p o l i t i c a l demands stem.  Almond and Verba, oj>. c i t . , p.  27.  CHAPTER III  SOCIAL AND  POLITICAL PARTICIPATION  Since a l i e n a t i o n implies a withdrawal or i s o l a t i o n from society, alienated individuals do not participate a c t i v e l y i n the organized group l i f e of a community.  The  study of alienation, therefore,  to explain such i s o l a t i o n . Before considering  seeks  alienation i n more speci-  f i c d e t a i l , i t i s necessary to examine p a r t i c i p a t i o n per se as t h i s approaches the question of a l i e n a t i o n from a d i f f e r e n t point of view and provides a measure of the degree of integration i n a community. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s and p o l i t i c a l systems i s closely related to general s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  The p a r t i c i p a t i o n of  individuals i n the ongoing group l i f e of a community has been studied extensively  and provides a description of those who  that i s useful i n the analysis of a l i e n a t i o n .  p a r t i c i p a t e or not  Furthermo re,  the  analysis  of general s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a useful background f o r the assessment of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  I  SOCIAL PARTICIPATION  Research into the question of general s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n has been concerned with a determination of the extent to which individuals are a c t i v e l y involved i n s o c i a l structure and systems.  I t also has  sought to  i d e n t i f y those factors which appear to exert an influence on p a r t i c i p a t i o n  27  by distinguishing between those who  do or do not p a r t i c i p a t e i n terms of  c e r t a i n socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the ongoing group l i f e i n a community has been examined from a number of d i f f e r e n t aspects.  Formal p a r t i c i p a t i o n has  been studied by measuring membership i n voluntary associations. has tended to concentrate  This  on the s t a t i c aspects of p a r t i c i p a t i o n and does  not attempt to explain the degree or quality of the involvement of i n d i v i duals i n the organizational a c t i v i t i e s i n a community.  In recent years  research has concentrated more on the dynamic aspects of involvement by analyzing attendance at meetings, f i n a n c i a l contributions, o f f i c e s held, and committee memberships among other attributes which i l l u s t r a t e the more active involvement of individuals i n s o c i a l organizations and associations . Informal p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n community l i f e i s more complex and  im-  precise, nevertheless, t h i s aspect of involvement has been studied to some extent.  Such p a r t i c i p a t i o n has been studied by measuring the degree  of involvement i n various kinds of informal or autonomous groups,''" by measuring voting behaviour, and similar a c t i v i t i e s that are separate  and  d i s t i n c t from the formally organized l i f e of a community. The general consensus from p a r t i c i p a t i o n studies i s that a minority of the population i n any community i s a c t i v e l y involved i n social organizations.  Brunner notes that "Church membership and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n  r e l i g i o u s organizations are generally the most widely reported forms of  See: Hinley H. Doddy, Informal Groups and the Community (New York: Teachers College, Columbia University, 1952) .  contact with formal organizations."  A substantial number of people i n  a community have no contact of any kind with any formal organizations but the proportions w i l l vary from one area to another and among d i f f e r 3  ent groups of people.  This does not suggest that the non-participants  would a l l be classed as alienated since alienation implies a psychol o g i c a l state of withdrawal which i s not necessarily c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the non-joiners. S o c i a l Status  S o c i o l o g i c a l research on p a r t i c i p a t i o n has been reviewed recently i n two comprehensive  reviews prepared by Brunner jit al. and by Verner  4 and Newberry.  These reviews indicate that p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n formal  associations i s c l o s e l y related to socio-economic status, whether measured by occupation, income, or education.  Brunner et al. indicate that  professional-technical and managerial personnel have the highest rates of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , are involved i n the widest v a r i e t y of associations, and hold a disproportionate number of o f f i c e s .  Both reviews indicate that  income i s an important determinant of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , but stress thatthe r e s u l t s of income ( i . e . degree of social acceptance, heightened sense of Edmund deS. Brunner jit a l . , An Overview of Adult Education Research (Chicago: Adult Education Association, 1959), p. 99. 3  I b i d . , p. 100.  4 Coolie Verner and John S. Newberry J r . , "The Nature of Adult P a r t i cipation," Adult Education, VIII (Summer, 1958), pp. 208-222. Brunner, et a l . , j)g. c i t . , p. 100; Verner and Newberry, oj>. c i t . , p. 209. Bninner et a l . , op. c i t .  3  p. 102.  c i v i c r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , a v a i l a b i l i t y of time, a v a i l a b i l i t y of resources) 7 are more i n f l u e n t i a l than the amount of income i t s e l f .  Education i s  also related to the rate of p a r t i c i p a t i o n since education i s a determinant of occupation and thus income which usually leads to a higher status position.  Consequently, as occupation, income, and educational l e v e l  increase, so do rates of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Age  Age affects p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n formal associations as young adults participate rarely.  The rate increases sharply i n the late 20"s and  early 30 s and remains f a i r l y constant u n t i l the age of 50 when i t begins g to decrease with a more rapid decline after age 60, although "older 1  people tend to r e t a i n t h e i r e a r l i e r membership long after they have 9 ceased to be active." Sex Both reviews note that most p a r t i c i p a t i o n studies have found that sex i s related to p a r t i c i p a t i o n and to both age and s o c i a l status.  "Women  i n r u r a l areas and from lower socio-economic l e v e l s are least active, however, as s o c i a l status and the degree of urbanism increases, the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women increases even i n non church related associations. 7 Ibid., p. 103; Verner and Newberry, og. c i t . , p. 210. g Brunner, et aJ., jop. c i t . , pp. 105-106; Verner and Newberry, op. c i t . , pp. 210-211. 9 Verner and Newberry, og. c i t . , p. 211.  Urban, middle class women attend more meetings more regularly, but men i n similar situations belong to more organizations.""^  R e l i g i o n and Race  Religion and the degree of involvement i n church a c t i v i t i e s i n fluence other kinds of p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  Protestants are more active than  Catholics i n non-church related associations, but Catholics are more active than Protestants i n church organizations."'""'" Verner and Newberry indicate that Jews are s i g n i f i c a n t l y more active i n formal associations 12 than are Protestants or Catholics. F i n a l l y , patterns of p a r t i c i p a t i o n among Negroes i n the United States c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l those of the white race insofar as status and 13 education influence p a r t i c i p a t i o n and recent immigrants participate 14 less than those of longer residence. Informal social p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n unorganized or informal and autonomous groups i s very d i f f i c u l t to measure because such groups have limited v i s a b i l i t y .  Such informal p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s found among a l l  strata of society but i t tends to be the dominant or only form of p a r t i cipation other than church attendance f o r those on the lower socioeconomic l e v e l s .  This suggests that the lower strata of society are  10, Verner and Newberry, oj3. c i t . , p. 211. 11  Ibid., p. I l l erner and Newberry, JTD. c i t . , p. 212.  13. Ibid. 1 4  v erner and Newberry, og. c i t . , p. 212.  the least involved i n the organized group l i f e i n the community and can thus be expected to show higher degrees of alienation and less i n t e r e s t in p o l i t i c a l  activities.  In summary, then, the most important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that appear to be related to general social p a r t i c i p a t i o n are occupation, income and educational l e v e l .  These socio-economic  status variables  indicate  that those individuals at higher levels are more apt to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the organized group l i f e of the community and, conversely, those at the other extreme are less l i k e l y to p a r t i c i p a t e .  II  POLITICAL PARTICIPATION  There are a number of ways i n which individuals can participate i n ,  politics.  These include voting, working i n elections, making f i n a n c i a l  contributions  to p o l i t i c a l parties, petitioning and writing l e t t e r s to  public o f f i c i a l s , reading about p o l i t i c s , viewing or l i s t e n i n g to i c a l broadcasts, engaging i n discussions about p o l i t i c s ,  and  polit-  holding  15 memberships i n p o l i t i c a l organizations.  Some of these modes of p a r t i -  cipation are i d e n t i c a l with formal s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n as discussed e a r l i e r but much of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s informal i n character  and  thus more d i f f i c u l t to assess. For the most part, p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n does not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y from general s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n with respect to the t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s studied.  Here too,  descrip-  socio-economic status appears  to be the most s i g n i f i c a n t variable influencing a l l aspects of p o l i t i c a l participation. Exposure to p o l i t i c a l s t i m u l i , interest and involvement i n p o l i t i c s , the development of sophisticated  b e l i e f s about p o l i t i c s ,  and  political  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i t s e l f , are also c l o s e l y related to socio-economic There i s a large body of empirical  evidence to substantiate the  status. following  propositions: l)  exposure to stimuli and  socio-economic status are p o s i t i v e l y  correlated; ^ 1  15  See:  Robert E. Lane, P o l i t i c a l L i f e (Glencoe:  The Free Press,  1959). Lester W. Milbrath, P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n , (Chicago: McNally and Co., 1965). 33  Rand  34 2)  the higher the socio-economic status, the greater the l i k e l i h o o d 17 of becoming psychologically involved i n p o l i t i c s ;  3)  people of higher socio-economic status tend to f e e l more p o l i t i cally  4)  efficacious;^  8  socio-economic status and p o l i t i c a l knowledge correlate p o s i tively,  5)  "No matter how class i s measured, studies consistently show that higher class persons are more l i k e l y to p a r t i c i p a t e i n p o l i t i c s than lower class persons.""''^  The major exception i s noted by Berelson and Steiner.  Their review  indicates that " p o l i t i c a l action i s r e l a t i v e l y high among socio-economic groups i n communities i n which they dominate the p o l i t i c a l and/or social i, spheres." 2  0  Although income i s postively correlated with exposure, interest, involvement, sophistication, and p a r t i c i p a t i o n , ; i t i s a less useful measure than either occupation or education f o r several reasons. income results from occupation, and second, while middle-income  First, persons  are more l i k e l y to be p o l i t i c a l l y active than low-income persons, highincome persons are not l i k e l y to be s i g n i f i c a n t l y more p o l i t i c a l l y active than middle-income  persons.^  17 Ibid., pp. 53-54. ^^Ibid.j p. 57. 19 Ibid., p. 116. 20 Bernard Berelson and Gary A. Steiner, Human Behaviour: An Inventory of S c i e n t i f i c Findings (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1964), p. 424. 2  \ l i l b r a t h , op_. c i t . , p. 54.  35  Occupation i s a less useful measure than education because i t , i n turn, depends on education.  Lipset suggests that some occupations i n -  volve a great amount of interaction, leadership s k i l l s , and awareness of complex problems and that people i n these occupations w i l l tend to be 22 more exposed, more interested and participate more i n p o l i t i c s . Further, some occupations do not permit much actual leisure-time, time which could be devoted to p o l i t i c a l stimuli and, according to Lipset, some occupations allow l i t t l e psychic leisure-time "free of anxieties 24 that can be devoted to non-personal problems."  Also, the  stressfull-  ness of an occupational role w i l l depend upon the incumbent's capacity i n that role and upon certain other personality c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  Thus,  psychic leisure-time depends both on the occupation i t s e l f and upon the c a p a b i l i t i e s and personality of the actor. Thus, of the three p r i n c i p a l socio-economic variables related to p a r t i c i p a t i o n , education i s the most useful with reference to p o l i t i c a l participation. 1)  Research evidence indicates the following:  a more educated person encounters more p o l i t i c a l  stimuli  than a person of lesser education; ^ 2  2)  persons of higher education tend to be more psychologically 26 involved i n p o l i t i c s than persons of lower educational status; 22  p.  196. 24  Seymour M. Lipset, P o l i t i c a l Man (Garden City: Lipset, j)j>. c i t . , p. 198.  25 Milbrath, on. c i t . , p. 44. ^ I b i d . , pp. 53-54.  Doubleday, I960),  3)  persons of high educational status are more sophisticated about 27 p o l i t i c s than persons of lower educational status;  4)  and  "A trend f o r those with higher education to be more l i k e l y to p a r t i c i p a t e i n p o l i t i c s has also been found i n many Western countries."^  8  Also with reference to education, Almond and Verba suggest that: a)  the more educated person i s more aware of the impact of government upon the individual than i s the person of low education,  b)  he i s more l i k e l y to follow p o l i t i c s and election campaigns,  c)  he exhibits more p o l i t i c a l information,  d) \  the focus of h i s attention i s wider, and  e)  he i s more l i k e l y to p a r t i c i p a t e i n p o l i t i c a l discussion.  29  They suggest that "more complex attitudes and behaviour depend on such basic orientations as awareness of the p o l i t i c a l system, information about i t , and some exposure to i t s operations.  I t i s just t h i s basic 30  set of orientations that those of l i m i t e d education tend not to have." I t should be remembered that within the various educational s t r a t a there are wide differences i n the l e v e l of p o l i t i c a l information, interest, and p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  Motivation must also be taken into c o n s i d e r a t i o n —  Milbrath, oj). c i t . , p. 68. *Ibid., p. 122. *Almond and Verba, OJD. c i t . , p. 381. 'ibid., p. 382.  37  motivation usually increases with education, but involvement i s important i n i t s own r i g h t and may  in politics  act as a surrogate f o r education.  Since t h i s study i s concerned primarily with p o l i t i c a l  alienation,  the question of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i l l be discussed i n more d e t a i l from the point of view of the relationship between p o l i t i c a l and p o l i t i c a l  participation.  alienation  CHAPTER IV  ALIENATION AND  POLITICAL PARTICIPATION  Much of the empirical research on a l i e n a t i o n depicts the alienated voter as "a person who  resents being powerless but i s t i e d weakly i f at  a l l , to organized groups through which he might wield power; who d i s t r u s t s those who a)  do exercise power . . . T h i s  conception  implies,  a sense of powerlessness or i n e f f i c a c y r e l a t i v e to expectations ,  b)  d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with one's own role i n the p o l i t i c a l  input  process, c)  d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the agents and agencies i n the input process,  d)  and  possible d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with governmental output. This conception  of the alienated voter suggests that the f a i l u r e  to p a r t i c i p a t e i n p o l i t i c a l action or to become involved i n p o l i t i c a l systems involves both socio-economic and social-psychological f a c t o r s . The  socio-economic factors are those related to status and are, for the  most part, consistent with the variables associated with general  social  Clarence N. Stone, "Local Referendums: An A l t e r n a t i v e to The Alienated - Voter Model," Public Opinion Quarterly, XXIX (Summer, 1965), p. 214.  38  p a r t i c i p a t i o n discussed  earlier.  The  social-psychological variables  related to p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n are those which have been found to be descriptive of the alienated individuals i n society.  The  application  of the concept of alienation to p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , therefore, provides an analysis of the social-psychological factors influencing p o l i t i cal p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  These factors include socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  of the alienated as well as c e r t a i n psychological  t r a i t s which have found  to be descriptive of a l i e n a t i o n .  I  SOCIO-ECONOMIC FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH POLITICAL ALIENATION  Research studies that have sought to analyze the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p o l i t i c a l l y alienated have examined the same socio-economic variables which have been used i n other kinds of p a r t i c i p a t i o n studies. S o c i a l Status Empirical research  studies conducted i n the United States  indicate  that socio-economic status and p o l i t i c a l alienation are closely related and the higher the s o c i a l status the lower the l e v e l of p o l i t i c a l  alien-  2 ation.  Of the measure of social status, educational  l e v e l seems to  r e l a t e more strongly to p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n than either occupation or ^Dwight G. Dean, "Alienation: Its Meaning and Measurement," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXVI (October, 1961), p. 757; Russel Middleton, "Alienation, Race, and Education," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXVTH (December, 1963), p. 977; Arthur Kornhauser, et a l . , When Labor Votes: A Study of Auto Workers, (New York: Universal Books, 1956), p. 101; Robert E. Agger, et a l . , " P o l i t i c a l Cynicism: Measurement  income.  3  Agger et a l found that "within every income l e v e l , the higher 4  the l e v e l of education, the lower the proportion of p o l i t i c a l cynics." Similar r e s u l t s have been reported from research i n other countries. 5 Cantril,  6 Kornhauser,  7 and Lipset  found that workers with lower socio-  economic status were more alienated than people of higher status i n France, Germany and I t a l y .  In t h e i r comparative  study, Almond and Verba  found that those of higher educational level and higher occupational status expressed pride i n the p o l i t i c a l system more frequently than did others i n the United States, B r i t a i n , and Mexico while i n Germany and I t a l y " l e v e l of education seems to have l i t t l e relationship to the f r e g quency with which p o l i t i c a l pride was  expressed."  Educational l e v e l  and occupation i n these two countries d i d r e l a t e to input and output satisfaction. and Meaning", The Journal of P o l i t i c s , XXIII, (August, 1961), p. 487; Wayne E. Thompson and John E. Horton, " P o l i t i c a l A l i e n a t i o n As a Force i n P o l i t i c a l Action", S o c i a l Forces, XXVII (March, I960), p. 192; Dorothy L. Meier and Wendell B e l l , "Anomia and D i f f e r e n t i a l Access to the Achievement of L i f e Goals", American Sociological Review, XXIV, ( A p r i l , 1959), p. 140. 3 Middleton, OJD. c i t . , p. 977. 4 Agger, et a l . , op. c i t . , p. 487. Hadley C a n t r i l , The P o l i t i c s of Despair (New York: Books, 1962).  Collier  ^William Kornhauser, The P o l i t i c s of Mass Society, (New The Free Press, 1959). Seymour M. Lipset, P o l i t i c a l Man (Garden City:  York:  Doubleday,  1960). g Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The C i v i c Culture, (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Company, 1963), p. 67.  41 Age Research findings on the relationship between age and alienation are  inconclusive.  One study found that age and a l i e n a t i o n are d i r e c t l y 9  related only f o r people f i f t y years of age and over.  Another study  found that persons 21 to 30 years of age are as l i k e l y as those who are over sixty to be p o l i t i c a l l y alienated with the least a l i e n a t i o n among those of middle age."*"^  Three studies note rather vaguely that the aged  are more alienated than other age groups, but do not e l a b o r a t e . ^ Although research evidence i s inconclusive, i t can be hypothesized that middle-aged people w i l l be more involved i n community a c t i v i t i e s  and  organizations, have greater opportunity f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and w i l l therefore tend to be less alienated than young adults or the aged.  Further  research i s needed on t h i s question, c o n t r o l l i n g f o r education and organizational involvement. Sex Several studies have found that women tend to be more p o l i t i c a l l y 12 alienated than men. who  An interesting exception i s reported by Zeigler  conducted a random sample of the Oregon teacher population.  (N - 803)  9  Meier and B e l l , og. c i t . , p. 196. •^Thompson and Horton, ^"'"Murray B. Levin, The Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Dean, OJD. c i t . , p. 757. 12 Middleton, op. c i t . ,  og. c i t . , p. 192. Alienated Voter: P o l i t i c s i n Boston (New York: 1960), p. 66; Agger, et a l . , op. c i t . , p. 487; p. 977; Kornhauser,  et a l . ,  JJ>D.  c i t . , p. 191.  He notes that among teachers, men do not feel more p o l i t i c a l l y  effi-  cacious than women. He notes further that "certain kinds of male teachers (downward mobile and high stationary) are considerably more 13 alienated than women."  As with sex d i f f e r e n t i a l s i n terms of  p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , differences i n l e v e l of p o l i t i c a l  alienation  for men and women seem to be related to differences i n childhood socialization. Family Cycle  Only one study t r i e d to determine whether married people tend to be less alienated than single people, or vice-versa. Middleton found that single people are more p o l i t i c a l l y alienated than those who • A are married.  1  4  R e l i g i o n and Race Two studies found that Protestants and Jews are more p o l i t i c a l l y alienated than Catholics; they do not report whether Jews are more a l i e n 15 ated than Protestants, or vice-versa.  Campbell reports no r e l a t i o n 16 between r e l i g i o n and p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n .  13  Cliffs:  Harmon Zeigler, The P o l i t i c a l L i f e of American Teachers Prentice-Hall, 1967), p. 45.  1 4  (Englewood  M i d d l eton, op. c i t . , p. 977.  15 Kornhauser, et a l . , op. c i t . , p. 191; Levin, op. c i t . , p. 66. Campbell, "The Passive C i t i z e n , " Acta Sociologica, VI (Fasc. 1-2), p. 14.  43 Two  studies report that Negroes i n the United States are consider-  ably more p o l i t i c a l l y alienated than whites even i f socio-economic status i s controlled."^ Residence There appear to be no empirical studies examining rural-urban differences i n p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n l e v e l s , or the r e l a t i o n s h i p between community i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , length of residence, and p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n . Organizational Membership At least f i v e studies have found that p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n and anomia are strongly associated with organizational membership—those  who  are involved i n organizations tend to be less alienated p o l i t i c a l l y than those who  are uninvolved,  and those who  are a c t i v e l y involved are less 18  p o l i t i c a l l y alienated than those who  are minimally involved.  Of these  f i v e studies, two of them found that the r e l a t i o n s h i p held even with Middleton, og. c i t . , p. 975; Marvin E. Olsen, " A l i e n a t i o n and P o l i t i c a l Opinions", Public Opinion Quarterly, XXLX (Summer, 1965), p.  201.  18 Wendell B e l l , "Anomie, S o c i a l I s o l a t i o n , and the Class Structure," Sociometry, XX (June, 1957), pp. 105-116; Dorothy L. Meier and Wendell B e l l , op. c i t . , pp. 159-202; E.H. Mizruchi, " S o c i a l Structure and Anomia i n a Small C i t y , " American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXV (October, I960), pp. 645-654; Arthur G. Neal and Melvin Seeman, "Organizations and Powerlessness: A Test of the Mediation Hypothesis", American Sociol o g i c a l Review, XXIX ( A p r i l , 1964), pp. 216-226; and Melvin Seeman, "Alienation, Membership, and P o l i t i c a l Knowledge: A Comparative Study," Public Opinion Quarterly, XXX, ( F a l l , 1966), pp. 353-367.  socio-economic status c o n t r o l l e d .  19  N o n - p o l i t i c a l , middle-class associations w i l l tend to have more p o l i t i c a l l y aware members than most workers' groups.  Lazarsfeld et al  indicate that involvement i n organizations has a more p o s i t i v e e f f e c t on p o l i t i c a l information and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y  f o r the middle-class  than f o r the lower-class, and that as f a r as manual workers are concerned, only trade unions have a strong effect on p a r t i c i p a t i o n . ^  0  There i s considerable evidence that n o n p o l i t i c a l group membership i s related to p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n : nity affairs  "Persons who are active i n commu-  are much more l i k e l y than those not active to p a r t i c i p a t e 21  in politics."  Persons belonging to two or' more groups may be subject  to cross-pressures, i . e . the groups may make c o n f l i c t i n g or incompatible demands on the individual i n which case p o l i t i c a l interest and p a r t i c i 25 pation w i l l tend to decrease. Lipset suggests that membership i n n o n - p o l i t i c a l groups may stimulate p o l i t i c a l awareness and involvement, but that the development of interest group organizations whose prime purpose i s to arouse awareness of common problems and organize p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c s  i s r e l a t e d to  19 Neal and Seeman, "Organizations and Powerlessness", American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXLX, p. 226; Seeman, "Alienation, Membership and P o l i t i c a l Knowledge," Public Opinion Quarterly, v o l . XXX, p. 366. 20 P.F. Lazarsfeld, et al., The People's Choice (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1944). 21 Milbrath, op. c i t . , p. 17. 25 Berelson and Steiner, op. c i t . , p. 425.  a high degree of s o c i a l intercourse  among people who  have similar back-  26 grounds and needs.  He  indicates that the i n t r a - c l a s s communications  network i s more intense i n the higher strata than i n the lower and  that  the farther one moves down the class ladder the weaker in-group communication becomes. II The  ALIENATION AND  PERSONALITY  degree and d i r e c t i o n of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a function  of personality t r a i t s , b e l i e f s , attitudes, knowledge, p o l i t i c a l information, and the immediate p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n .  The  study of attitudes,  b e l i e f s , and personality i s complex and attitudes, b e l i e f s and very often must be inferred from behaviour.  Personality may  personality  or may  not  be relevant to p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a given context because s o c i a l situations structure behaviour. fluence that personality may  Lane suggests that the degree of i n -  have on p o l i t i c a l behaviour depends on at  l e a s t four factors including the degree to which an approved norm for p o l i t i c a l conduct has been established by the national or l o c a l culture, the extent to which economic, s o c i a l , or p o l i t i c a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t guide p o l i t i c a l choice, the degree to which choice i s guided by personal  ex-  perience and information, and the extent to which the individual i s 27 subject  to cross-pressures.  Lane notes that "behind the demographic  relationships there lurk the unexplored problems of motivation, both Lipset, on. c i t . , p.  194.  27 Robert E. Lane, " P o l i t i c a l Personality and E l e c t o r a l Choice," P o l i t i c s and S o c i a l L i f e , Nelson W. Polsby, et a l . , editors, pp. 232-33.  46 for the portion of the vote that i s 'explained'  i n t h i s fashion and even 28  more f o r the portion which i s considered deviant." personality and motivation  The influence of  on p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a r e l a t i v e l y  unexplored area i n p o l i t i c a l science although the so-called t r a i t approach has been used to examine the influence of s o c i a b i l i t y , ego-strength, dominance-manipulativeness, i n t e l l e c t u a l i t y , authoritarianism, anomie, 29 alienation, etc.  A number of hypotheses have been suggested about the  relationship between motivation and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y as well as between motivation and information-seeking  behaviour.  A f t e r 70 q u a l i t a t i v e interviews with a non-random sample of American adults, Morris Rosenberg offered a number of suggestive hypotheses about 30 determinants of p o l i t i c a l apathy. Rosenberg, may  P o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , according to  have c e r t a i n threatening consequences.  I t may  pose threats  31 to interpersonal harmony, occupational success, and to ego. also that people who  feel that p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i s f u t i l e may  He notes tend to  32 be p o l i t i c a l l y apathetic a c t i v i t y i s f u t i l e may  and suggests that the f e e l i n g that p o l i t i c a l  be based on a sense of personal inadequacy, a  f e e l i n g that p o l i t i c a l forces are unmanageable, that the outcomes are a 28 Ibid., p.  233.  29 Milbrath, og. c i t . , pp. 72-84. 30 Morris Rosenberg, "Some Determinants of P o l i t i c a l Apathy", P o l i t i c a l Behaviour, H. Eulau, et a l . , editors, pp. 160-164. Ibid., p.  162.  ^ I b i d . , p.  163.  foregone conclusion, that there i s too great a gap between the p o l i t i c a l ideal and r e a l i t y .  He also suggests that to some people the subject  matter of p o l i t i c s i s not psychologically compelling. Lane and Sears maintain that there are a number of reasons  why  people either seek or avoid p o l i t i c a l information. F i r s t , p o l i t i c a l information may be of l i t t l e u t i l i t y to the i n d i v i d u a l and may 33 have a lower p r i o r i t y than other kinds of information.  thus  Second, a  person with a sense of personal inadequacy or low self-esteem may be so involved with his own dilemmas that he devotes l i t t l e time to p o l i t i cal  34 information.  Third, news about p o l i t i c s may "grate upon the  nerves" of the anxious, the insecure, and the very sensitive, therefore, 35 these people may tend to avoid p o l i t i c a l  stimuli.  In P o l i t i c a l L i f e , Lane suggests that people reject certain kinds 36 of  information because i t i s threatening to them.  His classification  i s somewhat similar to Rosenberg's and i s based on types of ignorance: cathartic ignorance, status quo ignorance, s o c i a l i z i n g ignorance, and p r i v a t i z i n g ignorance.  Cathartic ignorance results from the need to  have unchallenged biases for the purposes of emotional  argumentation.  Status quo ignorance may become evident when a person who  i s satisfied  with the status quo screens out information which might challenge t h i s contentment.  S o c i a l i z i n g ignorance may be the r e s u l t of a s o c i a l need  not to appear too informed, the need to remain unaware of information which might make one s o c i a l l y unpopular with one's peer group. 33 Cliffs:  Robert E. Lane and David 0. Sears, Public Opinion (Englewood Prentice-Hall, 1964), p. 65. Ibid. Ibid., p. 66. Lane, P o l i t i c a l L i f e , pp. 113-114.  48  P r i v a t i z i n g ignorance may result from the i n d i v i d u a l ' s desire to protect himself from threatening news i n h i s environment—the i n d i v i d u a l may desire to be l e f t alone and p o l i t i c a l information represents an unwarranted i n t r u s i o n into h i s private world. Another important  determinant of information avoidance would appear  to be intolerance of ambiguity.  Attention to the mass media reveals that  few issues are black and white and few are resolved quickly.  Thus, the  individual who i s i n t o l e r a n t of ambiguity might tend to avoid information which would create doubt.  Milbrath's review of the l i t e r a t u r e finds a  f a i r body of evidence to support the following: 1)  the greater the degree of exposure to p o l i t i c a l  stimuli,  . the greater the l i k e l i h o o d of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c s 37 and the greater the depth of that p a r t i c i p a t i o n ; 2)  the greater the attraction to p o l i t i c s , the greater the 38 degree of exposure to p o l i t i c a l  3)  stimuli;  the greater the psychological involvement i n p o l i t i c s , the 39 greater the extent of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n beyond voting;  4)  the greater the degree of p o l i t i c a l sophistication, the greater 40 the l i k e l i h o o d of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n ;  37 Milbrath, 38 Ibid., p. 39 , Ibid., p. T  4 0  oj^. c i t . , p. 39. 49. _, 51.  I b i d . , p. 64.  5)  p o l i t i c a l information-seeking behaviour tends to be cumulat i v e . ^ I t i s also possible to relate exposure to p o l i t i c a l  stimuli,  psychological involvement i n p o l i t i c s , p o l i t i c a l sophistication and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i t s e l f to various demographic and s o c i a l factors. The only adequate in-depth study of the p o l i t i c a l l y alienated i s 42 by Kenneth Keniston who  focused primarily on r e t r e a t i s t a l i e n a t i o n .  He found that the fathers of the alienated and uncommitted tended to be p r a c t i c a l men devoted to career success whereas the mothers of the alienated tended to be h y p o c r i t i c a l i d e a l i s t s who  c r i t i c i z e d t h e i r hus-  bands, yet enjoyed the f r u i t s of business success.  From these and other  childhood-related experiences arose an extremely negative view of adulthood on the part of the alienated, a conscious longing f o r deep perception and f e e l i n g , a sense of fragmented i d e n t i t y , a negative core ideology, and a fear of commitment i n any d i r e c t i o n . However, Beneath the alienated emphasis on the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of certainty, however, l i e s a less conscious and contrasting feeling, a yearning f o r absolutes. J u s t as a conscious d i s t r e s s at self-fragmentation conceals an unconscious wish to renounce selfhood altogether, and just as a conscious emphasis on the present masks an unconscious desire to regain the past, so here lack of commitment to any p o s i t i v e value overlap an unconscious search for absolute embracing values, causes, and goals.43 Keniston s study deals with the alienated and uncommited who 1  41  reject  Ibid., p. 45.  Kenneth Keniston, The Uncommitted (New York: and World, I960), p. 454. ATI  Ibid., p. 193.  Harcourt Brace  s o c i e t a l values and norms, but who do not a c t i v e l y seek to change society. S i m i l a r research i s needed on the background and personality characteri s t i c s of the alienated and committed. Although there i s a lack of extended, in-depth psychological r e search on the background and personality c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the a l i e n a ted, several studies have taken basic predispositions as a s t a r t i n g point and have t r i e d to determine how these predispositions r e l a t e to "anomy" or alienation.  McClosky and Schaar, f o r example, define anomy as "the f e e l -  ing that the world and oneself are a d r i f t , wandering, lacking i n clear 44  rules and stable moorings,"  and hypothesize that the anomie may never  have learned to communicate, that s o c i a l norms must be learned, that not only may s o c i a l p o s i t i o n impede learning, but also cognitive and emotional factors as well as substantive b e l i e f s and attitudes may have s i m i l a r effects i n terms of the learning of social norms. Their study involved a cross-section random sample of the Minnesota population (N = 1082) and a national cross-section (N = 1484).  They found  that independent of s o c i a l f a c t o r s , anomy and cognitive functioning were inversely related and that psychological i n f l e x i b i l i t y , anxiety, low ego strength, generalized anger, and aggression "lower the l e v e l of cognitive functioning, d i s t o r t perception, i n t e r f e r e with s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and communication, and generally impair the a b i l i t y to sort out and make co45  herent connection  among the diverse elements of the social world."  The  ^ H e r b e r t McClosky and John H. Schaar, "Psychological Dimensions of Anomy," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXX (February, 1965), p. 19. 45  McClosky and Schaar, op. c i t . , p. 28.  51 McClosky and Schaar findings regarding  substantive  b e l i e f s and attitudes  also indicate that deviant b e l i e f s and attitudes act as b a r r i e r s to i n t e r a c t i o n and s o c i a l l e a r n i n g . ^ The problem of determining the temporal p r i o r i t y of the two v a r i a b l e s — a l i e n a t i o n and l e a r n i n g — h a s not been resolved.  Seeman s 1  studies (discussed previously) have approached the problem from the other d i r e c t i o n , i . e . a l i e n a t i o n impedes learning of control-relevant information.  The i n t e r a c t i o n i s t solution to t h i s problem has been set  f o r t h by Hobart who conceptualizes  alienation as a process involving the  f e e l i n g that others do not understand which leads to an impaired a b i l i t y to communicate and to learn which i n turn increases Ill  47 alienation further.  POLITICAL ALIENATION AND THE DEGREE AND DIRECTION OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION  Does p o l i t i c a l alienation a f f e c t the degree and d i r e c t i o n of p o l i t i c a l participation?  One study found that i f socio-economic status and  organizational membership were controlled there was no c o r r e l a t i o n between p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n and the degree of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and suggests that "most of i t s e f f e c t (alienation) seems to be due to the fact that the l e a s t alienated (and the highest participators) are also the 48 highest i n status and i n organizational  activity."  46 Ibid., p. 32. 47 Charles W. Hobart, "Type of Alienation: E t i o l o g y and Interrelationships," The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, II (May, 1965), pp. 92-107. ^ W i l l i a m Erbe, "Social Involvement and P o l i t i c a l A c t i v i t y : A Replication and Elaboration", American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXIV ( A p r i l , 1964), p. 213.  52  Angus Campbell reports that at every status l e v e l the p o l i t i c a l l y alienated are "most withdrawn from the normal concern with party 49 politics."  Kornhauser s study of automobile workers i n D e t r o i t found 1  that the most "cynical workers tend not to vote at a l l or to vote con50 trary to the p r e v a i l i n g sentiment among t h e i r fellow workers."  The  alienated also had markedly less interest i n p o l i t i c a l matters.  McDill  and Ridley report that the p o l i t i c a l l y alienated are less sophisticated about p o l i t i c s and are l e s s l i k e l y to vote than t h e i r non-alienated 51 counterparts.  Both the Campbell and Kornhauser findings r e l a t e to  interest and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n national p o l i t i c s . However, as Thompson and Horton suggest, "given the two party system, the compromising nature of national p o l i t i c s , and the l i m i t e d chance to vote on s p e c i f i c issues, the ' p o l i t i c a l l y alienated  1  would  be predicted i n national elections more l i k e l y to be found among the 52 non voters." In a number of studies at the l o c a l l e v e l i t was found that the p o l i t i c a l l y alienated d i d not show appreciably less i n t e r e s t 53 i n p o l i t i c a l issues and were only s l i g h t l y less l i k e l y to vote. Dean 49 Campbell, "The Passive C i t i z e n " , p. 14. 50 Kornhauser, _et _al., When Labor Votes, p. 193. 5 1  M c D i l l and Ridley, 0 £ . c i t . , pp. 205-213.  52 Thompson and Horton, og. c i t . , pp. 190-191. 53 See, f o r example: Dwight G. Dean, "Alienation and P o l i t i c a l Apathy", S o c i a l Forces, XXXVJI (March, I960), pp. 185-189; Thompson and Horton, op. c i t . , p. 193, Agger et a l . , op. c i t . , p. 494.  suggests that the low correlations between a l i e n a t i o n and apathy i n h i s study may  be because the alienated may  personalize p o l i t i c s or vote for  a p o l i t i c a l reasons. 54 In terms of p o l i t i c s at the l o c a l l e v e l , there exists what Stone has c a l l e d an alienated voter model which involves the following assumptions: a)  r i s i n g tension i n a p o l i t i c a l system may  lead to increased  voter p a r t i c i p a t i o n ; b)  most communities consist of c i v i c leaders and upper s t r a t a c i t i z e n s who  i d e n t i f y with the e x i s t i n g regime and lower  status c i t i z e n s loosely attached to the community and latently dissatisfied; c)  the lower status c i t i z e n s tend to fluctuate between apathy and opposition to the p r e v a i l i n g leadership and at e l e c t i o n time between non-voting and protest voting, thus a l i e n a t i o n leads to p o l i t i c a l negativism at the l o c a l l e v e l which "cannot be accounted f o r s o l e l y by economic s e l f - i n t e r e s t 55 or similar f a c t o r s " ;  d)  and  as turnout r i s e s the proportion of "no" votes increases. This model of community c o n f l i c t has been amplified by Coleman  who  suggests that "lack of attachment to community organizations or  through them to the national government allows people to vent on the l o c a l government those f r u s t r a t i o n s and aggressions which would 54 55  Stone, _0£. cit», p. ., Loc. c i t .  T  214.  o r d i n a r i l y be expressed elsewhere."  56  The alienated voter model was found to have v a l i d i t y i n at l e a s t four studies at the l o c a l l e v e l :  The p o l i t i c a l l y alienated tended to  vote negatively on various l o c a l issues i n protest against the c i v i c 57 administration causing the defeat of administration backed proposals. I t may well be that i n national voting i n the United States the opportun i t i e s f o r expression of discontent are smaller than at the l o c a l l e v e l , hence alienated voter apathy and withdrawal.  As Janowitz and Marvick  suggest, "a consensus i s incomplete and f r a g i l e which lacks the adequate 58 involvement of one s o c i a l class or ethnic group." The same model may be useful at the national l e v e l i n countries where there are or can be viable protest p a r t i e s .  In France and I t a l y  the Communist Party a t t r a c t s the alienated lower status voter who, "while he i s properly described as cautious and conservative, as reformist rather than revolutionary may vote f o r the Communist Party despite a l l i t s shortcomings." IV  CONCLUSION  I t was noted e a r l i e r that the most displaced strata i n society w i l l  James S. Coleman, Community C o n f l i c t (New York: 1957), p. 19.  The Free Press,  57 Thompson and Horton, oj>. c i t . , pp. 190-195; M c D i l l and Ridley, op. c i t . , pp. 205-213; Frederick Templeton, "Alienation and P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n : Some Research Findings", Public Opinion Quarterly, XXX (Summer, 1966), pp. 249-261; Dean, op. cit., pp. 184-189. 58 Morris Janowitz and Dwaine Marvick, Competitive Pressure and Democ r a t i c Consent (Ann Arbor: I n s t i t u t e of Public Administration, U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan, 1956), p. 98. 59 C a n t r i l , op. c i t . , p. 231.  tend to be the most p o l i t i c a l l y alienated. of two p r i n c i p a l groups:  The displaced s t r a t a consist  those most distant or i s o l a t e d from positions  of power and those least integrated into the social structure.  Empirical  studies i n the United States indicate that i n absolute terms, the lower orders manifest the greatest degree of p o l i t i c a l alienation, are most d i s s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r own role i n the p o l i t i c a l input process and are most alienated from the process i t s e l f .  They are also less committed to 60  democratic values and to the democratic rules of the game.  But while  the empirical studies of p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n do point to reservoirs of discontent among the lower orders they f a i l to grasp the problem e n t i r e l y . This i s because they attempt to assess absolute l e v e l s of p o l i t i c a l ation.  alien-  There are too few studies focusing on a l i e n a t i o n within the upper  s t r a t a alone.  Riesman believes that the p o l i t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t  "center  of gravity of discontent has s h i f t e d upward i n the status system."  The  i s o l a t e d and unorganized lower-class c i t i z e n s , he points out, are "as 61 yet unavailable as constituencies f o r r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l  leadership.  Most empirical studies of p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n are too narrow i n t h e i r focus:  they account neither for p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n i n the upper and  middle strata nor do they adequately assess the implications of a l i e n a t i o n f o r p o l i t i c a l systems.  60 Samuel A. Stouffer, Communism, Conformity and C i v i l L i b e r t i e s (New York: Doubleday, 1955); Lipset, £p. c i t . , pp. 92-95.  ^"4)avid  Riesman, "The I n t e l l e c t u a l s and the Discontented Classes: Some Further Reflections," The Radical Right, Daniel B e l l , E d i t o r (Garden C i t y : Doubleday, 1964), p. 141.  CHAPTER V  THE SOURCES OF ALIENATION  The p o l i t y performs many functions f o r the more i n c l u s i v e social system of which i t i s a component part.  These functions include goal  s p e c i f i c a t i o n , resource mobilization, integration and a l l o c a t i o n of costs and b e n e f i t s .  From i t s physical and s o c i a l environment the p o l i t -  i c a l system receives numerous "inputs" which may be grouped as follows: (a) demands and expectations, (b) resources, and (c) supports.  Various  p o l i t i e s have various structures, i . e . p a r t i c u l a r sets of i n t e r r e l a t e d roles, which perform the functions and through which the inputs are processed or translated into p o l i t i c a l system outputs.  1  The study of p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n focuses attention primarily on the  support input into the p o l i t i c a l system and upon the legitimacy of  the  system.  P o l i t i c a l support relates to d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l objects  which stand i n an h i e r a r c h i c a l relationship to one another and which include public p o l i c i e s , p o l i t i c a l leaders and personnel, p o l i t i c a l processes, p o l i t i c a l structures, and p o l i t i c a l values.  Political  ^For similar analyses, see: Gabriel Almond, "Comparative P o l i t i c a l Systems," Journal of P o l i t i c s , XVIII (August, 1956), pp. 391-409; David Easton, "An Approach to the Analysis of P o l i t i c a l System," World P o l i t i c s , LX ( A p r i l , 1957), pp. 383-400; Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1957), chap. 1; William C. M i t c h e l l , The American P o l i t y (New York: The Free Press, 1962), chap. i .  56  57 a l i e n a t i o n (and possible s o c i a l c o n f l i c t ) may be caused by innumerable factors and i s most l i k e l y to occur during periods of change which place strains on s o c i a l structure.  Change and s t r a i n may a f f e c t one or several  of the objects of p o l i t i c a l support and as s t r a i n moves from lower to higher l e v e l s of the hierarchy, legitimacy i s threatened. Any discussion of p o l i t i c a l support i s inextricably linked to consideration of p o l i t i c a l culture defined as "the pattern of individual 2 attitudes and orientation toward p o l i t i e s . . ."  Thus the sources of  s t r a i n and of p o l i t i c a l alienation are most conveniently analyzed within the  following general categories:  ( l ) the p o l i t i c a l culture and s o c i a l  environment of the p o l i t y , and (2) i n terms of the structure and process of the p o l i t y i t s e l f with reference to responsiveness to demands, expectations and to change i t s e l f . I  POLITICAL CULTURE  The nature of p o l i t i c a l demands, expectations, resources and support which flow into the p o l i t y i s determined by the composition of the physical and s o c i a l environment of the p o l i t i c a l system which i n turn a f f e c t i t s p o l i t i c a l culture.  By social environment i s meant the nature and compo-  s i t i o n of the social system subsystems including the economic, cation and s o c i a l i z a t i o n systems.  stratifi-  As Almond and Powell suggest, "the degree  of homogeneity of p o l i t i c a l culture i s a matter f o r empirical investigation." One of the most important problems facing a l l p o l i t i c a l systems relates to  Gabriel A. Almond and G. Bingham Powell, Comparative P o l i t i c s : A Developmental Approach (Boston: L i t t l e Brown, 1966), p. 50. 3  I b i d . , p. 63.  the i n c l u s i o n of various ethnic, geographic, economic and s o c i a l groups within a centralised p o l i t i c a l framework and the creation of a homogeneous p o l i t i c a l culture.  In part, success or f a i l u r e i n this en-  deavour i s determined by when and how  the problem has been confronted.  Eisenstadt suggests that there were and are d i s c e r n i b l e patterns of continuous, p l u r a l i s t i c modernization i n B r i t a i n , the Netherlands, Scandinavia, the United States and the Dominions, that these societies successfully confronted three c r u c i a l developmental  problems:  the  incorporation of various t r a d i t i o n s , the extension of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i cipation, and the problems attendant on urbanization and i n d u s t r i a l i 4 zation.  In part, success was attained because the problems did not  occur simultaneously and because "only r a r e l y d i d there develop movements i n which p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , economic, and cultural d i v i s i o n s coalesced so as to create total r i f t s among groups and strata."  Thus  central i n s t i t u t i o n s were s o l i d i f i e d and various t r a d i t i o n s were i n corporated before the development of broad demands f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n and before the development of problems caused by urbanization and i n dustrialization.  Further, i n these countries the p o l i t i c a l system was  responsive enough to develop p o l i c i e s dealing with p o l i t i c a l problems, p o l i c i e s which f a c i l i t a t e d the extension of the suffrage and wider p a r t i c i p a t i o n and which l e d to the development of s o c i a l services.  In  most cases t h i s resulted i n a rather homogeneous p o l i t i c a l culture and  Cliffs:  S.N. Eisenstadt, Modernization: Protest and Change (Englewood Prentice-Hall, 1966), pp. 55-64. Ibid., p. 62.  i n a p o l i t y that i s responsive to change. process i s r e l a t i v e l y consistent  Furthermore, the s o c i a l i z a t i o n  and the agencies of s o c i a l i z a t i o n —  schools, family, church, youth organizations, p o l i t i c a l parties,  interest  groups, mass media—tend to reinforce t h i s homogeneity of p o l i t i c a l culture. State and nation building, p a r t i c i p a t i o n , urbanization and  indust-  r i a l i z a t i o n have posed serious problems for the s o c i e t i e s such as France and I t a l y . These problems were not successfully resolved and serious r i f t s developed i n these countries i n the central symbols."^  "rather  political  S p e c i f i c a l l y , the temporal sequence of problems was  central i n s t i t u t i o n s were not s o l i d i f i e d and various t r a d i t i o n s  such that incor-  porated before the advent of demands f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n and before the development of changes r e s u l t i n g from i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n .  Thus i n France  there developed d i v i s i o n s between groups with t r a d i t i o n a l and modern, a r i s t o c r a t i c and republican, r e l i g i o u s and strata exhibited  secular orientations,  a wide degree of i s o l a t i o n and  groups and social movements were not "integrated  segregation, and  social interest  into wider party p o l i t i -  7  cal frameworks."  Hence the p o l i t i c a l system never gained legitimacy  and the p o l i t i c a l culture remained fragmented. discernible i n I t a l y .  Similar patterns are  In Canada, too, n o n - p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r a l d i v i s i o n s  have p e r i o d i c a l l y lessened the homogeneity of p o l i t i c a l culture and have c a l l e d into question support for various component parts of the system. Ibid., p.  65.  Ibid., p.  66.  political  Fragmentation, involving d i s t i n c t subcultural orientations has often been reinforced and perpetuated by the various subcultural s o c i a l i z a t i o n agencies which do not r a t i f y common symbols or inculcate common p o l i t i c a l orientations. In Germany, p o l i t i c a l u n i f i c a t i o n was imposed by e l i t e s t r a t a and the bureaucracy.  Legitimacy of the p o l i t i c a l  system was not assured  before the advent of demands f o r p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and the e l i t e t r i e d to bloc f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n f o r the wider s t r a t a .  As Lipset has  noted, " i n nations l i k e Germany where access was denied f o r prolonged periods, f i r s t to the bourgeoisie force was used to r e s t r i c t  and l a t e r to the workers, and where  access, the lower s t r a t a were alienated from  the system and adopted extremist  ideologies which i n turn, kept the more  established groups from accepting the workers' p o l i t i c a l movement as a 8 legitimate alternative,"  The onset of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urbani-  zation i n Germany i n the 1960's further increased the already e x i s t i n g cleavages and i n Germany and Russia "a tension developed between the attempt to forge out new symbols of national unity and the existing state, which was to some extent the repository of the more t r a d i t i o n a l symbols of u n i t y . " All  9  of the problems discussed above are, of course, highly s i g n i -  f i c a n t when considering the legitimacy of p o l i t i c a l nations i n A s i a and A f r i c a .  systems of the emerging  In many, the p o l i t i c a l culture i s fragmented  Seymour M. Lipset, P o l i t i c a l Man (New York: p. 67. 9 Eisenstadt, op. c i t . , p. 74.  Doubleday, 1960),  and there exist within a single p o l i t i c a l system d i s t i n c t r e l i g i o u s , caste, t r i b a l , and l i n g u i s t i c communities.  Clearly, these l o y a l t i e s  must be transferred to the wider p o l i t i c a l system, a system which 9  strengthens and widens i d e n t i t y . The above discussion of p o l i t i c a l culture, abbreviated though i t i s , serves to indicate one major source of p o l i t i c a l  alienation.  The degree of cohesion or fragmentation i n a p o l i t i c a l culture w i l l a f f e c t the nature of demands and expectations and the degree of p o l i t i c a l system; where p o l i t i c a l culture i s fragmented there w i l l be a m u l t i p l i c i t y of c o n f l i c t i n g demands, low support l e v e l s , and a higher degree of p o l i t i c a l alienation.  This proposition appears to be empi-  r i c a l l y v e r i f i e d by the C i v i c Culture data which indicate, f o r example, that p e r s i s t i n g cleavages i n Germany and I t a l y stemming from the f a i l u r e to resolve various systems development problems have resulted i n higher overall levels of p o l i t i c a l alienation than i n societies such as B r i t a i n and the United States which have by and large resolved them."^ II  STRUCTURE AND PROCESS  P o l i t i c a l structure refers to p a r t i c u l a r sets of i n t e r - r e l a t e d roles which perform p o l i t i c a l functions and through which inputs are processed or translated into p o l i t i c a l system outputs.  Two  important processes to  consider when discussing p o l i t i c a l alienation are interest a r t i c u l a t i o n and interest aggregation.  Interest a r t i c u l a t i o n refers to the process by  Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The C i v i c Culture (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown, 1963), pp. 307-336.  62  which individuals and groups make demands upon p o l i t i c a l makers. ''" 1  Interest  into general p o l i c y Interest  decision-  aggregation i s the process of converting demands alternatives.  12  a r t i c u l a t i o n i s performed by individuals, by several  d i f f e r e n t kinds of interest groups, by s o c i a l movements and p o l i t i c a l parties.  These structures use d i f f e r e n t means and d i f f e r e n t channels 13  i n the process of interest a r t i c u l a t i o n .  A l l structures  performing  i n t e r e s t a r t i c u l a t i o n may also perform interest aggregation, however, i n modern p o l i t i c a l systems the aggregation function i s performed by p o l i t i c a l parties and the bureaucracy  primarily.  The degree of alienation i n a society may depend upon f i r s t , the p o s s i b i l i t y of forming groups f o r the purpose of i n t e r e s t a r t i c u l a t i o n and second upon the openness of channels of access to p o l i t i c a l  decision-  makers. As Almond and Powell put i t : 1. Where certain groups i n a society are denied the right to form p o l i t i c a l groups and to engage i n interest a r t i c u l a t i o n . . . the responsiveness of the system i s limited and d i s content can e a s i l y a r i s e . ^ 2. The access structure can also hinder e f f e c t i v e responsiveness. I f only one major legitimate access channel i s available . . . i t i s d i f f i c u l t f o r a l l groups to achieve adequate a r t i culation. 15 3. Access may e a s i l y be closed, and entrenched interests may dominate whatever access e x i s t s .  1  "''Almond and Powell, <££. c i t . , p. 73,  1 2  I h i d . , p. 98.  N e i l J . Smelser, Theory of C o l l e c t i v e Behavior (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1963), p. 283. 1 3  14 Almond and Powell, OJD. c i t . , p. 84. 15 . , Loc. c i t . T  16  Almond and Powell, op. c i t . , p. 89.  Th(  Interest a r t i c u l a t i o n structures such as i n t e r e s t groups, s o c i a l movements and p o l i t i c a l parties may make demands f o r modifications or changes of p o l i t i c a l values, structures, norms, leaders or p o l i c i e s . Structural conduciveness refers to the p o s s i b i l i t y of demanding changes or modifications at one l e v e l without at the same time having to advocate modifications at higher l e v e l s .  For example, when there i s no  p o s s i b i l i t y of a g i t a t i n g f o r normative change, discontent may move to the l e v e l of values and c a l l into question the legitimacy of" the p o l i t i cal system as a whole."^ Modern p o l i t i c a l systems generally have f u n c t i o n a l l y s p e c i a l i s e d structures which aggregate demands.  The structures include p o l i t i c a l  parties and the bureaucracy; the importance of these agencies should not be underrated.  Eisenstadt, i n his comparative analysis of s i t u a -  tions of breakdown and of sustained growth, found that very often breakdown was  the r e s u l t of the fact that few effective i n t e r e s t aggre-  gation agencies developed within which various types of p o l i t i c a l 18 demands could be regulated and made concrete.  Hence demands were made  to central decision makers d i r e c t l y or to central decision-making structures.  In many cases support f o r the system was weakened.  Also, the  volume of unaggregated demands became too great f o r central d e c i s i o n making structures to handle r e s u l t i n g i n "overloading" and a weakening of  responsiveness. Two r e l a t e d problems concern the degree of autonomy of i n t e r e s t  Smelser, oj>. c i t . , p.  284.  ^Eisenstadt, op_. c i t . , p.  135.  64 aggregation structures and whether or not they accept the rules of the p o l i t i c a l game.  Smelser found that i f a p o l i t i c a l party sees i t s e l f  as a prime l e g i t i m i z i n g instrument of the state, i t w i l l interpret a l l challenges to i t as threats to the state and i t becomes d i f f i c u l t " f o r competing p a r t i e s or interest groups to challenge this party on bases 19 other than the claims to legitimacy."  Johnson sees this as central  to the f r u s t r a t i o n and a l i e n a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l conservative groups i n Mexico which are excluded from effective involvement 20 cal system by v i r t u e of one party dominance.  i n the p o l i t i -  The pattern i s similar  i n Communist countries and i n many other newly established revolutionary regimes. Second, c o n f l i c t regulation requires that interest aggregation structures accept other such structures as legitimate.  Where t h i s i s  not the case i t may "impair "the a b i l i t y of a p o l i t i c a l system to win or r e t a i n the support of d i f f e r e n t s o l i t a r y groupings  . . ."^  This chapter has considered the structures and processes involved i n i n t e r e s t a r t i c u l a t i o n and interest aggregation.  Demands and expect-  ations are seen as arising from the physical and s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l environment of the p o l i t y ; these demands may focus on p o l i c i e s , leaders and personnel, structures, norms, or values and can be c l a s s i f i e d on t h i s 19 Smelser, OJD. c i t . , p. 281, 20 Kenneth F. Johnson, "Ideological Correlates of Right Wing P o l i t i c a l A l i e n a t i o n i n Mexico," American P o l i t i c a l Science Review, LIV (Sept. 1965), pp. 656-664. ^^Lipset, o_p. c i t . , p. 44.  basis.  Whether these demands r e s u l t i n threats to the s t a b i l i t y of the  p o l i t i c a l system i s contingent on at least four factors: legitimacy of the system; (3)  (2)  (l)  i t s effectiveness i n responding to them  the openness of channels f o r i n t e r e s t a r t i c u l a t i o n and  aggregation; (4) p o l i t i c a l process.  the  interest  and by the manner i n which people p a r t i c i p a t e  i n the  CHAPTER VI  SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS  There are three approaches to both the problem and to the meaning of the concept of a l i e n a t i o n .  The f i r s t approach seeks to delineate  the subjective states associated with alienation, a second approach considers and categorizes  the s o c i a l sources of alienation however defined,  and a t h i r d approach considers  i n d i v i d u a l and group orientations to  s o c i a l objects, assesses reasons for these orientations and t r i e s to assess possible behavioural or systems implications.  This study has  determined that the f i r s t two approaches are of l i t t l e u t i l i t y to s o c i a l science  since the subjective states associated with a l i e n a t i o n are varied,  the sources of a l i e n a t i o n innumerable.  The t h i r d approach, however, pro-  vides a functional basis f o r the analysis of p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n since i t narrows the f i e l d of inquiry and attempts to be r e l a t i v e l y s p e c i f i c . I t involves the development of an a l i e n a t i o n model based on i n d i v i d u a l or group orientations to s p e c i f i c p o l i t i c a l objects which stand i n an h i e r a r c h i c a l relationship to one another and which include public p o l i c i e s , p o l i t i c a l leaders and personnel, p o l i t i c a l norms, structures, and values. The  sources of these orientations and of possible p o l i t i c a l alienation are  to be located i n the physical, s o c i a l , and c u l t u r a l environment of the p o l i t y from which p o l i t i c a l demands stem; they are shaped also by the performance of the p o l i t y i t s e l f .  This conceptual and analytic framework  66  67 aids systematic study of a l i e n a t i o n within one cross-national  comparisons.  society and  facilitates  The model has predictive value and  asserts  that the s t a b i l i t y of the p o l i t i c a l system i s threatened as alienation moves from lower to higher l e v e l s of the  hierarchy.  Analysis of p o l i t i c a l alienation within the above framework i n volves consideration of the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l environment of the p o l i t y and of p o l i t i c a l structures and processes with p a r t i c u l a r r e f e r ence to the following variables: (b) consistency  (a)  homogeneity of p o l i t i c a l  of s o c i a l i z a t i o n processes;  (c)  culture;  degree of responsive-  ness of the p o l i t i c a l system; (d) the p o s s i b i l i t y of forming groups for the purpose of i n t e r e s t a r t i c u l a t i o n ; (e) gating structures; decision-makers.  (f)  effectiveness of aggre-  openness of channels of access to p o l i t i c a l  Attention to these variables as they r e l a t e to orient-  ations toward p o l i t i c a l objects provides insight into  cross-national  differences i n l e v e l s and kinds of p o l i t i c a l alienation. conclusions  with reference  more research  Some tentative  to them were presented i n Chapter V, however  i s required i n t h i s area.  I t i s also important to consider the s o c i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of a l i e n a t i o n and the impact of a l i e n a t i o n on p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  In an  e f f o r t to r e l a t e alienation studies to findings on p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the present study focused on p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and then reviewed and synthesized was  empirical research  found that empirical research  of research  on p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n .  studies of alienation d i f f e r i n terms  objectives, assumptions about alienation, and i n terms of  the measures and  scales used.  The review indicated serious  gaps including lack of information  It  research  on the relationship between  age,  68 family cycle, residence, r e l i g i o n , and alienation. that evidence concerning  The review also found  the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a l i e n a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l  p a r t i c i p a t i o n tends to be contradictory, although a l i e n a t i o n seems to a f f e c t the d i r e c t i o n of the vote and the l e v e l of p o l i t i c a l  information.  More research i s required on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a l i e n a t i o n and personality.  The need for comparative research i s evident.  The review  of empirical research did f i n d a substantial body of evidence which i n d i cates that a l i e n a t i o n decreases as socio-economic status increases, that women tend to be more alienated than men, that within an organizational context, a l i e n a t i o n i s highly related to s a t i s f a c t i o n with the  organiza-  t i o n and that organizational structure i t s e l f a f f e c t s a l i e n a t i o n .  Finally,  organization members tend to be l e s s p o l i t i c a l l y alienated than nonmembers. In conclusion, alienation appears to be a promising concept, however, empirical evidence on the question i s often lacking or inconclusive, and there i s need f o r further research.  BIBLIOGRAPHY A.  BOOKS  Adorno, T.W., et a l . The Authoritarian Personality. Harper and Brothers, 1950.  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"In Search of Marxist Humanism: The Debate on Alienation," P o l i t i c a l Thought Since World War I I , W.J. Stankiewicz, editor. New York: The Free Press, 1964. Pp. 143-158. Berelson, Bernard. "Democratic Theory and Public Opinion," P o l i t i c a l Behavior, Heinz Eulau, et a l . , editors. Glencoe: The Free Press, 1956. Pp. 107-115. Binswanger, Ludwig. "Freud's Conception of Man i n the Light of Anthropology," The Worlds of E x i s t e n t i a l i s m : A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 413-426. Boss, Medard. "Psychoanalysis and Daseinanalysis," The Worlds of E x i s t e n t i a l i s m : A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964, Pp. 426-440.  79 Campbell, Angus. "Recent Developments i n Survey Studies of P o l i t i c a l Behavior," Essays on the Behavioral Study of P o l i t i c s , A. Ranney, editor. Urbana: University of I l l i n o i s Press, 1962. Pp. 103-171. Dalton, M. " C o n f l i c t Between S t a f f and Line Management O f f i c e r s , " Complex Organizations: A S o c i o l o g i c a l Reader, A. E t z i o n i , editor. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. Farber, L e s l i e H. " W i l l and W i l l f u l l n e s s i n Hysteria," The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 455-462. Feuer, Lewis. "What Is Alienation? The Career of a Concept," Sociology on T r i a l , M. Stein and A. V i d i c h , e d i t o r s . Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall, 1963. Pp. 127-147. Frankl, V i k t o r E. "From Death-Camp to Existentialism," The Worlds of E x i s t e n t i a l i s m : A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 462-468. Fromm, E r i c h . "Alienation Under Capitalism," Man Alone: A l i e n a t i o n i n Modern Society, E r i c and Mary Josephson, editors. New York: D e l l , 1962. Pp. 56-73. Greenstein, F.I. "Sex-Related P o l i t i c a l Differences i n Childhood," P o l i t i c s and S o c i a l L i f e , Nelson W. Polsby, _et a l . , editors. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1963. Pp. 244-254. Goldstein, Kurt. "Human Nature i n the Light of Psychopathology," The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 403-404. Janowitz, M. "Hierarchy and Authority i n the M i l i t a r y Establishment," Complex Organizations: A Sociological Reader, A. E t z i o n i , editor. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1964. Pp. 198-212. Lane, Robert E. " P o l i t i c a l Personality and E l e c t o r a l Choice," Politics and S o c i a l L i f e , Nelson W. Polsby, et al., editors. Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Co., 1963. Pp. 231-243. L a s l e t t , Peter. "The World We Have Lost," Man Alone: A l i e n a t i o n i n Modern Society, E r i c and Mary Josephson, e d i t o r s . New York: D e l l , 1962. Pp. 86-93. LeRoy, Gaylord C. "The Concept of Alienation: An Attempt At a D e f i n i t i o n , " Marxism and Alienation: A Symposion, Herbert Aptheter, editor. New York: Humanities Press, 1965. Pp. 1-14.  80 Marx, K a r l . "Theses on Feuerbach," A Handbook of Marxism, Emile Burns, editor. London: V i c t o r Gollanz Ltd., 1935. Pp. 228-251. May, R o l l o . " E x i s t e n t i a l Bases of Psychotherapy," The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 440-454. Merton, Robert K. "Bureaucratic Structure and Personality," Complex Organizations: A S o c i o l o g i c a l Reader, A. E t z i o n i , editor. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. Pp. 48-61. Mizruchi, E.H. "Alienation and Anomie: Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives," The New Sociology, Irving L. Horowitz, editor. New York: Oxford University Press, 1965. Pp. 253-267. Moreno, J.L. "Philosophy of the Third P s y c h i a t r i c Revolution," The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 468-472. Mumford, Lewis. "The Mechanical Routine," Man Alone: A l i e n a t i o n i n Modern Society. E r i c and Mary Josephson, editors. New York: D e l l , 1962. Pp. 114-122. Neumann, Franz. "Anxiety and P o l i t i c s , " Man Alone: A l i e n a t i o n i n Modern Society, E r i c and Mary Josephson, editors. New York: D e l l , 1962. Pp. 239-262. Rogers, C a r l R. "On Becoming a Person," The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 476-485. Rosenberg, Morris. "Some Determinants of P o l i t i c a l Apathy," Political Behavior. Heinz Eulau, et al., editors. Glencoe: The Free Press, 1956. Pp. 160-169. Scott, Marvin B. "The S o c i a l Sources of Alienation," The New Sociology, I r v i n g L. Horowitz, editor. New York: Oxford University Press, 1955. Pp. 239-252. Stanton, A.H., and M.S. Schwartz, "The Mental Hospital and the Patient," Complex Organizations: A S o c i o l o g i c a l Reader, A. E t z i o n i , editor. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. Pp. 234-243. Sykes, G.M. "The Corruption of Authority and Rehabilitation," Complex Organizations: A S o c i o l o g i c a l Reader, A. E t z i o n i , editor. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. Pp. 191-197. Trub, Hans. "Individuation, G u i l t , and Decision," The Worlds of E x i s t e n t i a l i s m : A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 404-410.  81 Von Weizacker, V i c k t o r . "The Unity of Perception and Movement," The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 404-410. Wolfe, Bertram D. "Marxism Today," P o l i t i c a l Thought Since World War I I , W.J. Stankiewicz, editor. New York: The Free Press, 1964. Pp. 130-142. Whyte, W.J. "Human Relations: A Progress Report," Complex Organizations: A S o c i o l o g i c a l Reader, A. E t z i o n i , editor. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. Pp. 100-112. Z i t t a , V i c t o r . George Lukacs Marxism: Alienation, D i a l e c t i c s , Revolution. A Study i n Utopia and Ideology. The Hague: Martinus N i j h o f f , 1964.  APPENDIX  APPENDIX ON SCALES AND INDEXES 1.  Srole's Eunomia-Anomia Scale Respondents were asked to agree or disagree with the following  items: There's l i t t l e use writing to public o f f i c i a l s because they aren't r e a l l y interested i n the problems of the average man. Nowadays a person has to l i v e pretty much f o r today and l e t tomorrow take care of i t s e l f . In spite of what some people say, the l o t of the average i s getting worse, not better.  man  It's hardly f a i r to bring children into the world with the way things look f o r the future. These days a person doesn't r e a l l y know whom he can count on. Respondents agreeing with items were given a score value of one for each item. index.  The number of points was then summed to compose the  An explanation, see:  Corollaries:  Leo Srole, "Social Integration and Certain  An Exploratory Study,"  American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review,  XXI (December, 1956), pp. 709-716. 2.  Nettler's A l i e n a t i o n Scale (Commitment to popular culture) Respondents were asked to respond to the following items: Do you vote i n national elections? age?)  (Or would you i f of voting  Do you enjoy T.V.? What do you think of the new model American automobiles?  82  Do you read Reader's Digest? Were you interested i n the recent national elections? Do you think children are generally a nuisance to t h e i r parents? Are you interested i n having children? Do you p a r t i c i p a t e i n church a c t i v i t i e s ? Do national spectator-sports you?  ( f o o t b a l l , baseball) i n t e r e s t  Do you think most married people lead trapped, frustrated lives? Do you think most p o l i t i c i a n s are sincerely interested i n the public's welfare or are they more interested i n themselves? Do you think r e l i g i o n i s mostly myth or mostly truth? L i f e , as most men or disagree?  l i v e i t , i s meaningless.  Do you agree  For yourself, assuming you could carry out your decision or do things over again, do you think a single l i f e or married l i f e would be more satisfactory? Do you believe human l i f e i s an expression of a divine purpose, or i s i t only the r e s u l t of chance and evolution? Most people l i v e l i v e s of quiet desperation. or disagree?  Do you agree  Respondents were given a f i v e point response choice. For discussion, see:  R =  Gwynn Nettler, "A Measure of Alienation,"  American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXII (December, 1957), pp. 670-677 3.  Rosenberg's F a i t h i n People Scale Respondents were asked to answer the following items: Some people say that most people can be trusted. Others say you can't be too careful i n your dealings with people. How do you f e e l about i t ?  Would you say that most people are more i n c l i n e d to help others or more i n c l i n e d to look out f o r themselves? If you don't watch yourself, people w i l l take advantage of you. No one i s going to care much what happens to you when you get r i g h t down to i t . Human nature i s fundamentally cooperative. Respondents were scored according to their responses. For discussion, see: Ideology,"  Morris Rosenberg, "Misanthropy  R = 92$.  and P o l i t i c a l  American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XXI (December, 1956),  pp. 690-695. 4.  The Agger, et a l . P o l i t i c a l Cynicism Scale Respondents were asked to agree or disagree with the following  items: In order to get nominated, most candidates for p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e have to make basic compromises and undesirable commitments. P o l i t i c i a n s spend most of t h e i r time getting re-elected or reappointed. Money i s the most important factor influencing p o l i t i c a l hacks. People are very frequently manipulated  by p o l i t i c i a n s .  P o l i t i c i a n s represent the general interest more frequently than they represent special interest. Guttman scaling procedures were used and a composite p o l i t i c a l cynicism scale was see:  assigned to each person.  R = 94$.  R.E. Agger, et a l . j " P o l i t i c a l Cynicism:  For discussion,  Measurement and Meaning,  The Journal of P o l i t i c s , XXIII (August, 1961), pp. 479-506. 5.  The Campbell, et a l . Sense of P o l i t i c a l E f f i c a c y Scale Respondents were asked to agree or disagree with the following  85 items: I don't think public o f f i c i a l s care much about what people l i k e me think. Voting i s the only way people l i k e me can have any say about how the government runs things. People l i k e me don't have any say about what the government does. Sometimes p o l i t i c s and government seems so complicated that a person l i k e me can't r e a l l y understand what's going on. Disagreement with items was treated as an efficacious response. For Discussion, see: Angus Campbell, jit al_., The Voter Decides (Evanston, 111.: Row, Peterson, 1954), pp. 187-194. 6.  The Campbell, et a l .  Personal Effectiveness Scale  Respondents were asked to agree or disagree with the following items: I would rather decide things when they come up than always t r y to plan ahead. I seem to be the kind of person that has more bad luck than good luck. There's not much use f o r me to plan ahead because there's usually something that makes me change my plans. I often have the f e e l i n g that i t ' s no use to t r y to get anywhere i n this l i f e . Persons disagreeing with these items were scored as e f f e c t i v e . The scale was developed by Survey Research Center, University of Michigan. C i t e d i n Lester Milbrath, P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n (Chicago: 1965), p. 168.  Rand McNally,  

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