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Political alienation Koerner, Kirk F. 1968

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POLITICAL ALIENATION by Kirk F. Koerner B.A. University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1965. A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts Dept. of P o l i t i c a l Science We accept;this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April , 1968 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and S t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by h.ils r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i . s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f ^o\^;^o-Q ^ Q-vt-i-AM? The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada Date i ABSTRACT This study attempts to c l a r i f y the meaning of the concept of a l i -enation for p o l i t i c a l science by integrating theoretical discussions and empirical studies of alienation with research on p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i -pation in order to assess the implications of alienation, specifically p o l i t i c a l alienation, for both p o l i t i c a l participation and p o l i t i c a l systems. To this end, the present study reviews the literature on aliena-tion, both theoretical and empirical. This involves appraisal of the use of the concept by social philosophers, analysis of studies consid-ering alienation as a psychological condition as well as empirical studies concerning the social sources and distribution of alienation. These studies are then related to research on p o l i t i c a l participation. The idea of alienation found expression in eighteenth century social and p o l i t i c a l criticism and is particularly evident i n the writing of Jean Jacques Rousseau. Hegel was the f i r s t to give systematic con-sideration to the problem of estrangement; he had an important influence on Marx, who recognized Hegel 1s insight, but rejected his metaphysical explanation of alienation. Hegel and Marx, in turn have had a profound influence on twentieth century discussions of alienation. A review of recent literature on alienation indicated that the most frequent meanings attached to the concept of alienation are powerlessness, meaninglessness, normlessness, isolation, self-estrangement, aloneness, i i and cynicism. Discussions of personal effectiveness, sense of p o l i t i c a l efficacy, and p o l i t i c a l cynicism were found to be related to discussions of alienation. A review of the literature also indicated that most frequently man is said to be alienated from God, nature, himself, other persons, and from society and culture. P o l i t i c a l l y , alienated man i s said to be a l i -enated from p o l i t i c a l processes. The causes of estrangement include industrialization involving technological advances, the division of labour and ownership, the transition from gemeinschaft to gesellschaft, the size of the modern state, and position in the social structure. Empirical research studies of alienation d i f f e r i n terms of re-search objectives, assumptions about alienation, and i n terms of the measures and scales used. Review of empirical studies reveals serious research gaps including lack of information on the relationship between age, family cycle, residence, religion, race, and alienation. The review also found that evidence concerning the relationship between alienation and p o l i t i c a l participation tends to be contradictory, although aliena-tion seems to affect the direction of the vote and the level of p o l i t i -cal information. More research is required on the relationship between alienation and personality. The need for comparative research is evident. The review of empirical research did find a substantial body of research which indicates that alienation decreases as socio-economic status i n -creases, that women tend to be more alienated than men, that within an organizational context, alienation i s highly related to satisfaction with the organization and that organizational structure i t s e l f affects a l i -enation. Finally, organization members tend to be less p o l i t i c a l l y alienated than non-members. In conclusion, alienation appears to be a promising concept, how-ever, empirical evidence on the question i s often lacking or incon-clusive, and there is need for further research. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I INTRODUCTION 1 Purposes of the Study 2 Sources of Data 3 Review of the Literature 6 Measurement of Alienation 10 Definition of Terms 13 Procedure 13 II ALIENATION AND POLITICAL ALIENATION 15 The Evolution of the Concept 15 P o l i t i c a l Alienation 20 III SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 27 Social Participation 27 P o l i t i c a l Participation 33 IV ALIENATION AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 38 Socio-Economic Factors Associated with P o l i t i c a l Alienation 39 Alienation and Personality 45 P o l i t i c a l Alienation and the Degree and Direction of P o l i t i c a l Participation . . . . 51 Conclusion 54 V SOURCES OF ALIENATION P o l i t i c a l Culture 56 57 CHAPTER Structure and Process VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The theme of alienation, as Robert Nisbet suggests, "has reached an extraordinary degree of importance. It has become nearly as preva-lent as the doctrine of enlightened self-interest was two generations ago. It i s more than a hypothesis, i t is a perspective.""'' To Ernest Becker, the idea of alienation "may well be for twentieth century man 2 what 'Liberty' was for the Enlightenment . . . " Yet the theme of alienation i s not new and students of the concept have traced i t back to Calvin for whom i t meant man's f a l l from grace and eternal separa-3 4 tion from God, to the Old Testament concept of idolatry, and to Plato, 5 for whom "being was less than the good." Robert A. Nisbet, The Quest for Community (New York: Oxford University Press, 1953), p. 15. 2 Ernest Becker, Beyond Alienation: A Philosophy of Education for the C r i s i s of Democracy (New York: George Braziller, 1967), p. 88. 3 Lewis Feuer, "What is Alienation? The Career of a Concept," Sociology on T r i a l , Maurice Stein and Arthur Vidich, editors (Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall, 1963), pp. 127-147. ^Erich Fromm, Marx's Concept of Man (New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1961), p. 44. Becker, op_. c i t . , p. 89. 1 2 Frequently, the term alienation is used indiscriminately without explicit definition and some writers define i t so broadly that i t becomes meaningless for purposes of analysis. Often, alienation i s confused with related terms such as anomie with which i t i s sometimes used interchange-ably and i t i s often defined as a free-floating psychological state with-out specification of the social and personal sources of this condition. Frequently, theoretical discussions of alienation make no reference to related empirical research, or assess i t s implications in terms of be-haviour, and there are few studies which examine or discuss the conse-quences of alienation for p o l i t i c a l behaviour and p o l i t i c a l systems. I PURPOSES OF THIS STUDY: THE PROBLEM The purpose of this study i s to examine the historical development of the concept of alienation and to synthesize relevant empirical re-search i n order to assess the impact of the concept of alienation on p o l i t i c a l participation in p o l i t i c a l systems. To this end, this study w i l l consider the following questions: 1) what i s meant by the term alienation and what i s the meaning of p o l i t i c a l alienation; 2) is alienation a concept relevant to p o l i t i c a l analysis; 3) who are the p o l i t i c a l l y alienated; 4) what i s their orientation to the p o l i t i c a l system and it s components; 5) how does alienation affect p o l i t i c a l participation; 6) what are the determinants of p o l i t i c a l alienation; and 3 7) what are the implications of p o l i t i c a l alienation for p o l i t i c a l behaviour in p o l i t i c a l systems? II SOURCES OF DATA This study of the concept of alienation and i t s application to p o l i t i c a l participation in p o l i t i c a l systems is based on a review and analysis of relevant literature on alienation. This literature can be classified into several categories which are not necessarily discrete or mutually exclusive, as follows: 1. Discussions of the origin and evolution of the concept, i n -cluding attempts at definition and assessments of i t s useful-ness. Numerous writers have successfully traced the develop-ment of the concept from a particular starting point, whether i t be Plato, the Hebrew Prophets, or Calvin, discussed i t s evolution from Hegel through Marx to the present, and have tried to define what is meant by alienation. 2. Analysis of the Marxian concept of alienation. The writing 7 on Marx's concept of alienation includes polemical works as well as attempts to c l a r i f y what Marx meant by alienation i n -cluding a "great debate" on whether or not Marx abandoned the There are numerous discussions of this nature, but see especially: Fromm, og. c i t . , pp. 1-83; Becker, jop. c i t . , pp. 87-113; Feuer, op. c i t . , pp. 127-147; and Melvin Seeman, "On the Meaning of Alienation," American  Sociological Review, XXIV (December, 1959), pp. 783-91. 7 For a collection of essentially polemical articles see: Herbert Aptheker (ed.), Marxism and Alienation: A Symposium (New York: Humanities Press,1965) . 4 concept in his later works along with consideration of Marx's g forerunners, Hegel and Feuerbach, and their influence on him. 3. Discussions in which the concept or idea of alienation i s a central theme in analyzing the quality of human experience and linking this to social situations and structures. Such analyses often contain conceptions of desirable programmes for change to minimize the influence of alienation. These discussions have considered the implications of the transi-tion from gemeinschaft to gesellschaft, with a concomitant increase in normative uncertainty, secularization, and the decline of moral certitudes. They suggest that p o l i t i c a l alienation stems from the size and complexity of the modern state; the technical nature of p o l i t i c a l questions combined with a lack of adequate p o l i t i c a l information on the part of the masses; and the remoteness of p o l i t i c a l decision makers. These general themes are echoed not only by Marx and the Marxists, but also by Weber, Durkheim, Toenies, Simmel, and, more recently by Mannheim, Nisbet, Merton, Maclver, Mills, 9 Kahler, De Grazia, Pappenheim, Becker, and others. 4. Empirical studies of alienation which focus on the social and There is a vast literature on this subject, but see especially; Sidney Hook, From Hegel to Marx (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1962), "Introduction."; Daniel B e l l , The End of Ideology (New York: The Free Press, I960), Chapter XV; Eugene Kamenka, The Ethical Foundations  of Marxism (New York: F.A. Praeger, 1962); and Robert C. Tucker, Philosophy and Myth in Karl Marx (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961). 9 \ H.H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (trans), From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946); Emile Durkheim, 5 personal characteristics of those identified as alienated. Such sociological studies dif f e r i n terms of research objectives, assumptions about alienation, and the measures used to identify the alienated individual. Although psychiatrists have become interested in the question of alienation recently,"*"^ unfortunately few studies systematically assess personality characteristics of the alienated in terms of p o l i t i c a l participation and electoral choice. Suicide, A Study in Sociology, J.A. Spaulding and George Simpson, trans. (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1951); Ferdinand Toonies, Community and  Society (Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft), C.P. Loomis, trans.(East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1957); Kurt H. Wolff (trans.), The Socio- logy of George Simmel (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1950); Karl Mannheim, Man and Society i n An Age of Reconstruction (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Co., 1954); Nisbet, op. c i t . , R.K. Merton, Social Theory and Social  Structure (New York: The Free Press, 1957); R.K. Merton, Social Theory  and Social Structure (New York: The Free Press, 1957); R.K. Merton, Mass  Persuasion: The Social Psychology of a War Bond Drive (New York: Harper and Bros., 1946); Robert M. Maclver; The Ramparts We Guard (New York: The MacMillan Co., 1950); C. Wright Mills, The Power E l i t e (New York: Oxford University Press, 1959); C. Wright M i l l s , The Sociological Imagination (New York: Grove Press, 1959); Erich Kahler, The Tower and the Abyss; An Inquiry into the Transformation of the Individual, (New York: George Braziller,1957); F r i t z Pappenheim, The Alienation of Modern Man, (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1959), and Becker, ££. c i t . "^There are many studies and discussions of this nature. An excell-ent anthology containing numerous such articles i s : Maurice Friedman (ed.), The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader (New York: Random House, 1964); see also R.D. Laing, The Po l i t i c s of Experience and the Bird of  Paradise (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1967). ''"'''See, however: Kenneth Keniston, The Uncommitted: Alienated Youth  in American Society (New York: Harcourt Brace and World, 1960); and Herbert McClosky and John H. Schaar, "Psychological Dimensions of Anomy," American  Sociological Review, XXX (February, 1956), pp. 14-40. 6 The theme of alienation is found also in contemporary art and 12 literature but this study does not include such material. In con-temporary philosophy, particularly existentialist thought, the concept 13 of alienation has had a central role. This study draws on existen-t i a l i s t thought where appropriate i n considering the social sources and implications of alienation but i t does not attempt to synthesize a l l of the works of particular thinkers in this area. Since this study seeks to relate research on p o l i t i c a l participation to studies of p o l i t i c a l alienation, relevant reviews of the literature on organiza-14 tional participation in general and p o l i t i c a l participation i n 15 particular are included. I l l REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE This study is i t s e l f a review of the literature about alienation; consequently this section w i l l note only those works which have reviewed the literature on alienation. Some reviews have examined the literature See, however: Ernst Fisher, The Necessity of Art 9Harmondworth: Penguin, 1963). 13 See F.H. Heinemann, Existentialism and the Modern Predicament (New York: Harper and Row, 1958), p. 9. 14 Two comprehensive reviews of the participation literature are: Edmund de S. Brunner, An Overview of Adult Education Research (Chicago: Adult Education Association, 1959), pp. 102-18; and Coolie Verner and John S. Newberry Jr., "The Nature of Adult Participation," Adult Educa-tion, VIII (Summer, 1958), pp. 208-22. 15 Bernard Berelson and Gary A. Steiner, Human Behavior: An  Inventory of Scientific Findings (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1964), pp. 422-28; and Lester M. Milbrath, P o l i t i c a l Participation (Chicago: Rand McNally and Co., 1965), pp. 78-81. 7 for the purpose of defining alienation or to identify the sources of i t . Some have summarized empirical studies in sociology and p o l i t i c a l science, and some reviews have appraised the research methodology of the various empirical studies. The principal review of works about the concept of alienation i t -X 6 self i s that of Melvin Seeman. He isolated five separate meanings which have been attached to the concept of alienation and l i s t s these as powerlessness, meaninglessness, normlessness, isolation, and self-estrangement . Seeman found the idea of powerlessness to be central to Marx's understanding of alienation and to Max Weber's discussion of bureaucracy. Seeman suggests that the notion of powerlessness i s the most common mean-ing attached to the concept of alienation i n contemporary social theory. He also finds that the ideas of alienation-as-meaninglessness and alienation-as-normlessness are central ideas in contemporary social theory. The discussion of normlessness was particularly crucial i n the Durkheim and Merton discussions of anomie. Seeman found that the idea of aliena-tion-as-isolation is most common in those discussions concerned with the role of the intellectual. The fin a l variant of alienation, identified by Seeman as self-estrangement, was found to be central to Fromm's discussion of alienation. 1^ Seeman approached the concept of alienation from an essentially Seeman, oj>. c i t . , pp. 783-91. 17 Erich Fromm, The Sane Society (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1955). historical and thematic perspective. Although he made no attempt to re-late the variant concepts, he did try to identify them in specific operational terms. Both Dean^ and Middleton"'"^ also reviewed the l i t e r -ature from the point of view of definition but they do not di f f e r from Seeman in any significant degree. Two reviews tried to determine the most frequently mentioned sources or causes of alienation. Feuer not only traced the evolution of the concept, but also isolated six principal modes of alienation as discussed in the literature he reviewed. He identified these as the alienation of: 1) class society, 2) competitive society, 3) industrial society, 4) mass society, 5) race, and v 20 6) the alienation of the generations. He concluded his analysis by questioning the essential u t i l i t y of the con-cept i t s e l f in view of the fact that " i t s dimensions w i l l be as varied as human desire and need."^ Scott, too, reviewed the literature from the point of view of the 18 Dwight G. Dean, "Alienation: Its Meaning and Measurement," American Sociological Review, XXVI (October, 1961), pp. 753-758. 19 Russell Middleton, "Alienation, Race and Education," American  Sociological Review, XXVII (December, 1963), pp. 973-77. ^Feuer, £p. c i t . , p. 137. 2 1 I b i d . , p. 143. 9 sources of alienation and developed a four-fold typology including alien-22 ation from f a c i l i t i e s , roles, norms, and values. Scott tried to group numerous discussions of alienation into his four categories and emphasized that "the psychological states of alienation, or so-called variants . . . do not correspond to any single source. Between the sources and the 23 variant f a l l s the shadow of indeterminancy. 24 25 Mizruchi and Erbe have reviewed research on alienation from the fields of sociology and p o l i t i c a l science. Mizruchi discussed various studies separately without attempting to synthesize the research findings. Erbe reviewed research studies relating p o l i t i c a l participation to aliena-tion and alienation to socio-economic status. Although incomplete, i t indicates that numerous studies have found that the level of alienation decreases as socio-economic status increases and that the greater his rate of participation in social organizations the less l i k e l y i s the i n -dividual to be alienated. 26 Neal and Rettig reviewed empirical studies of alienation primarily in terms of research methodology. They conclude that the various studies of alienation "d i f f e r i n research objectives, in assumptions about aliena-27 tion, and in operational c r i t e r i a . " 22 Scott, o j 3 . c i t . , pp. 239-52. 23 Scott, OJD. c i t . , p. 241. 2 'Slphraim H. Mizruchi, Success and Opportunity (New York: Free Press, 1964), Chap. 2. 25 William Erbe, "Social Involvement and P o l i t i c a l Activity: A Replication and Elaboration," American Sociological Review, XXLX (April, 1964), pp. 198-215. Arthur G. Neal and Saloman Rettig, "On the Multi-dimensionality of Alienation," American Sociological Review, XXXII (February, 1967), pp. 54-61. 27 Ibid., p. 62. Although there has been much theorizing on the subject, there are large lacunae i n empirical research on p o l i t i c a l alienation. Specifi-cally, the bulk of research has been conducted in the United States and the empirical studies of alienation dif f e r i n terms of research object-ives, assumptions about alienation, and in the measures and scales used. Because of this, caution must be exercised in drawing conclusions or making generalizations about the degree, distribution, and consequences of p o l i t i c a l alienation on the basis of existing empirical studies. IV THE MEASUREMENT OF ALIENATION Empirical studies of alienation have spawned numerous measures and scales with each reflecting to a certain degree the researcher's under-standing of the concept of alienation. Three scales seem to measure what Erbe has termed "retreatist alienation" involving apathy, despair, and 28 passivity. Among the most frequently used measures of retreatist 29 alienation is Srole's 5-item anomia scale which satisfies the criterion •* of unidimensionality and is a Guttman-type scale. The scale is based on Srole's definition of anomia as the feeling of self-to-others alienation. Srole attempted to measure the relationship between anomia, authoritarian-ism and race prejudice. Others have used this scale to determine the 2 8William Erbe, c i t . , pp. 198-215. 29 Leo Srole, "Social Integration and Certain Corollaries: An Exploratory Study," American Sociological Review, XXI (December, 1956), pp. 709-716. See Appendix I. 30 social characteristics of the alienated or to determine the relation-31 ship between anomia and voting behaviour. A second scale devised to measure retreatist alienation i s Nettler's 32 scale which assesses commitment to popular culture, and a third measure was developed by Dean who constructed three Likert-type scales to measure powerlessness, normlessness, and social isolation as well as interest 33 apathy, information apathy, behaviour apathy, and voting apathy. Dean found that powerlessness, normlessness, and social isolation were so highly intercorrelated that he could combine them into a single measure of alienation. Srole's conceptualization of anomia as retreatist alienation has 34 35 been c r i t i c i z e d by Campbell and Middleton among others. As Middleton suggests, "although pessimism and cynicism or despair may ordinarily accompany anomia, they do not in themselves constitute i t , and the degree 37 of association i s an empirical question." In addition to conceptual criticism, Campbell considers Srole's measuring techniques to be crude and 30 Dorothy L. Meier and Wendell B e l l , "Anomia and Differential Access to the Achievement of Life Goals," American Sociological Review, XXIV (April, 1959), pp. 189-202; and E.H. Mizruchi, Success and Opportunity (New York: The Free Press, 1964). ^"Hvilliam Kornhauser et _al., When Labor Votes: A Study of Auto  Workers (New York: Basic Books, 1956). 32 Gwynn Nettler, "A Measure of Alienation," American Sociological  Review, XXII (December, 1957), pp. 670-677. See Appendix I. 33 Dwight G. Dean, "Alienation and P o l i t i c a l Apathy," Social Forces, XXXVIII (March, I960), pp. 185-189. 34 Angus Campbell, "The Passive Citizen," Acta Sociologica, VI (fasc. 1-2), p. 13. 35 Russell Middleton, "Alienation, Race, and Education," American  Sociological Review, XXVIII (December, 1963), pp. 973-977. 37 Middleton, op. c i t . , p. 973. 12 38 the results therefore inconclusive. He suggests that i t may be wise to distinguish between social or cultural detachment and p o l i t i c a l alienation on the basis of whether estrangement is active or passive. "Personal detachment from community activities and associations does not necessarily imply active rejection of them. The detached per-son may simply never have learned to communicate at the community level or the physical circumstances of his l i f e may make communication 39 d i f f i c u l t . " The Srole, Nettler, and Dean measures do not determine whether rejection i s active or passive, but they do measure attitudes about the responsiveness of p o l i t i c a l leaders and are relevant to this study. Angus Campbell draws a sharp line between "social detachment" and " p o l i t i c a l alienation". The alienated, as he uses the term, are suspi-cious, distrustful, hostile, and cynical. "They believe that p o l i t i c a l office holders are corrupt, self-seeking and incompetent, and that the 40 whole p o l i t i c a l process is a fraud and a betrayal of the public trust." If p o l i t i c a l alienation i s conceptualized i n terms of cynicism and dis-trust, various measures of misanthropy and p o l i t i c a l cynicism are rele-vant to studies of p o l i t i c a l alienation. One such measure i s Rosenberg's 41 widely used "faith i n people" scale. It contains five items and is a 38 Campbell, loc. c i t . 3 9 - r T . * j Ibid., p. 14. 40 Campbell, loc. c i t . 41 Morris Rosenberg, "Misanthropy and P o l i t i c a l Ideology", American  Sociological Review, XXI (December, 1956), pp. 690-695. See Appendix. 13 Guttman type scale. Another scale of the same type i s the p o l i t i c a l 42 cynicism measure developed hy Agger et a l . Several studies define alienation i n terms of feelings of powerless-ness and negative evaluations of this condition involving cynicism toward 43 and distrust of p o l i t i c a l leaders. Seeman, for example, defines power-lessness as "the expectancy or probability held by the individual that his own behaviour cannot determine the occurrence of the outcomes or re-inforcements he seeks." He considers this feeling to be a major compo-44 nent of alienation. V DEFINITION OF TERMS The analysis of the term alienation as i t has been used in the literature i s a major task of this study. In the use of the term i n this study, alienation w i l l be considered to be a relational concept which identifies a specific and particular orientation that an individual has to social processes and objects. With respect to p o l i t i c a l participation and the orientation of an individual to p o l i t i c a l systems, the term alienation involves estrangement from the values, norms, roles, or f a c i l i -ties of a p o l i t i c a l system and is used in that sense in this study. VI PROCEDURE In meeting the purpose of this study the literature relating to the 42 Robert E. Agger et a l . , " P o l i t i c a l Cynicism: Measurement and Meaning," The Journal of P o l i t i c s , XXIII (August, 1961), pp. 477-506. See Appendix. 43 See, for example: Wayne E. Thompson and John E. Horton, " P o l i t i c a l Alienation as a Force in P o l i t i c a l Action," Social Forces, XXXVII (March, 1960), pp. 190-195. Melvin Seeman, "On the Meaning of Alienation," American Sociological Review, XXIV (December, 1959), pp. 783-91. 44 Seeman, op. c i t . , pp. 783-91. concept of alienation has been reviewed and analyzed. The salient ideas have been codified and arranged systematically. At the outset, the literature has been analyzed to trace the evolution of the concept of alienation h i s t o r i c a l l y and to seek definitions that w i l l provide a structure for the analysis of p o l i t i c a l alienation. In pursuing the definition of the term, i t was determined that alienation can be mean-ingfully studied by using the structure for analysis which involves the 45 four basic components of social action identified by Smelser: 1. Values, the ends or goals of social behaviour. 2. Norms, the legitimate regulatory rules governing the means for pursuing ends or goals. 3. Roles, the patterned organization of individuals or groups in society. 4. F a c i l i t i e s , the means available to the actor to perform a role. This structure is then applied to p o l i t i c a l participation by analyz-ing alienation from p o l i t i c a l values, norms, roles and f a c i l i t i e s . Specifically, this provides a structure useful i n examining how an individ-ual or group relates to the p o l i t i c a l system as a whole as well as to specific p o l i t i c a l structures, processes, roles and behaviour. This leads to a more detailed analysis of particular aspects of alienation as they relate to attitudes about p o l i t i c a l input processes and evaluations of one's self as a participant in those processes. Neil J . Smelser, Theory of Collective Behaviour (New York: The Free Press, 1963), p. 24-25. CHAPTER II ALIENATION AND POLITICAL ALIENATION Participation i n p o l i t i c a l processes in the society i s related to participation in a l l other social systems in a society. Consequently, alienation from the p o l i t i c a l system is related to alienation from society i t s e l f . In order to approach an understanding of p o l i t i c a l alienation, therefore, i t i s necessary f i r s t to examine the very broad and general concept of alienation i t s e l f . This can be fa c i l i t a t e d by an examination of the historical evolution of the concept of alienation. In turn, analysis of the various meanings attached to the concept can lead to a definition of alienation that has functional u t i l i t y for an assessment of p o l i t i c a l participation. I THE EVOLUTION OF THE CONCEPT Erich Fromm suggests that the idea of alienation was f i r s t expressed in western thought i n the Old Testament concept of idolatry in which there was a protest against the reifica t i o n of man-created objects."'' To others, 2 the idea of alienation is as old as literary history. Although the theme "*"Erich Fromm, Marx's Concept of Man (New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1961), p. 44. 2 John H. Schaar, Escape from Authority (New York: Basic Books, 1961), p. 174. 15 16 of alienation i s not new, twentieth century discussions of the problem are probably most closely related to eighteenth century social and p o l i t i c a l crticism which was centred mainly in France. It was characteristic of enlightenment thinkers to believe in the possibility of happiness and progress under reason and to believe that reason provided a standard for evaluating both personal conduct and social institutions. To a considerable extent, the utilitarianism of Helvetius, Holbach's attack on religion and government, and Condorcet's belief in the possibilities of education, echo contemporary discussions 3 of the alienating effects of existing conditions in the social structure. Rousseau, too, was c r i t i c a l of the social order he found i n France, though his criticism differed from his contemporaries in many significant 4 respects. Rousseau believed that man is basically neutral but formed and 5 shaped by his community and is nothing apart from i t . According to Plamenatz, There i s in Rousseau a conception, rich though confused, of alien-ated man, of man deeply disturbed, psychologically and morally, by the pressure of society on him, of man 'outside himself . . . driven by his environment to seek satisfaction where i t is not to be had 6 For discussions of 18th Century thought see: Paul Hazard, European  Thought i n the Eighteenth Century, trans. J . Lewis May (New York: Meridian, 1963); George H. Sabine, A History of P o l i t i c a l Theory (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1961), Chap. 27. 4 r \ C E . Vaughan (ed.), The P o l i t i c a l Writings of Jean Jacques Rousseau (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1915). Ernest Becker, Beyond Alienation: A Philosophy of Education for  the C r i s i s of Democracy (New Y o r k : B r a z i l l e r , 1 9 6 7 , p. 102. John Plamenatz, Man and Society (London: Longmans, 1963), II, p. 40. Plamenatz suggests that this idea is lacking in the early socialists, French and English, but that the idea of alienation closely links Rousseau to Hegel and Marx who are in turn linked to the contemporary debate on alienation. Current discussion of alienation therefore, has i t s roots, in the eighteenth century. The concept of alienation or estrangement was central to Hegel's socio—philosophical system and he was one of the f i r s t to give extensive 7 consideration to the problem. In his Early Theological Writings, Hegel refers to an original unity between God, nature, and man. Later, this unity becomes fragmented and opposition develops between them. This opposition i s an aspect of estrangement; consequently, the over-coming of alienation requires the ultimate reconciliation and re-union of God, nature, and man. As noted by Schaar, "Hegel's largest question was, how g can the consciousness of man become total, unified, at rest?" Hegel 9 tries to answer this question i n three works, Logic, Philosophy of His t o r y , 1 0 and Phenomenology of Mind. 1 1 G.W.F. Hegel, Early Theological Writings, trans. T.M. Knox (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948). g Schaar, oj). c i t . , p. 176. 9 G.W.F. Hegel, Science of Logic, trans. W.H. Johnston and L.G. Struthers (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1951), 2 vols. 10G.W.F. Hegel, Th Willey Book Co,, 1944J7 1:LG.W.F. Hegel, Th George Allen and Unwind 1964). T e Philosophy of History, trans. J . Sibree (New York: 1 he Phenomenology of Mind, trans. J.B. Bailie (London: 18 Hegel's concept of estrangement was modified by Ludwig Feuerbach who, in his Essence of Christianity, took issue with Hegel's notion that alienation involved disassociation between God and man. Feuerbach a t t r i -buted alienation to the fact that man projects human qualities on to an 12 Absolute God thus negating and diminishing himself. Marx took Feuerbach as a starting point and declared in The Holy Family: Real Humanism has no more dangerous enemy in Germany than spiritualism or speculative idealism which substitutes 1 self-consciousness'1 or the ' s p i r i t ' for the real individual man and teaches with the evangelist 'that the s p i r i t quickeneth everything and that the flesh profiteth not'".13 Humanistic elements in Marxian Socialism have been re-discovered by Western Scholars both Marxist and non Marxist that has resulted i n a 'great debate1 as to whether Marx abandoned his earlier concept of alien-14 ation in his later work. Alienation, as Marx defined i t i n his early 15 writings, particularly his Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts written 12 Ludwig Feuerbach, The Essence of Christianity, ed. and trans. E.G. Waring and F.W. Strothman (New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1957) . 13 Karl Marx and Frederich Engels, The Holy Family (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1956), p. 15. 14 r See: Daniel B e l l , The End of Ideology (New York: The Free Press, 1960); T.B. Bottomore and Maximilian Rubel (editors and translators), Karl Marx: Selected Writings in Sociology and Social Philosophy (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company 1964, "Introduction"; Lewis Feuer, "What i s Alienation? The Career of a Concept." Sociology on T r i a l , Maurice Stein and Arthur Vidich, editors (Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice Hall, 1963), p. 135; Sidney Hook, From Hegel to Marx (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1962), "New Introduction"; Herbert Marcuse, Reason and Revolution (Boston: Beacon Press, 1960), p. 275; Robert C. Tucker, Philosophy and Myth in Karl Marx (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961). 15 Karl Marx, Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts, trans. T.B. Bottomore, in Erich Fromm, oj). c i t . , p. 97. 19 in Paris i n 1844, has four main aspects: alienation from the products of work, alienation from the process of work, alienation of man from himself and alienation from others. The so-called Revisionists of the Soviet Bloc have tended to adhere to this early concept. Jordan suggests that the revisionists found in Marx's socialist humanism an alterna-tive to institutional marxism, the importance of which was en-hanced hy the disclosure of the crimes and cruelties of Stalinism.16 Various existentialists have been influenced by the discussions of alien-ation of Marx and Hegel and have sought to extend consideration of the 17 problem beyond the point where they l e f t off. Some of the major i n -sights of Hegel and especially Marx have been incorporated into contemp-orary sociological and psychological theory and efforts have been made to test some of these propositions through empirical research. In the evolution of the concept of alienation there have been three main approaches to both the problem and to the meaning of the concept i t s e l f . The f i r s t approach treats alienation as primarily a psychological pheno-18 menon and seeks to delineate the subjective states associated with i t . This approach has obvious limitations because i t is essential to specify X 6 Z.A. Jordan, "Socialism, Alienation, and P o l i t i c a l Power," Survey (July, 1966), p. 123; see also, BertmanD. Wolfe, "Marxism Today;" P o l i t i c a l Thought Since World War II, W.J. Stankiewicz, editor (New York: The Free Press, 1964), pp. 130-42; Daniel B e l l , "In Search of Marxist Humanism: The Debate on Alienation," P o l i t i c a l Thought Since World War II, W.J. Stankiewicz, editor, pp. 143-58; and Victor Zitta, Georg Lukacs  Marxism: Alienation, Dialectics, Revolution, A Study in Utopia and  Ideology^ (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff,1964). 17 See F.H. Heinemann, Existentialism and the Modern Predicament (New York: Harper and Row, 1958), p. 12. 18 See, for example, Melvin Seeman, "On the Meaning of Alienation," American Sociological Review, XXIV (December, 1959), p. 788. not only the ways in which alienation i s manifest, hut also the focus of 19 alienation and the agent of estrangement. A second approach considers and categorizes the social sources of alienation, however defined. Scott, for example, contends that an ad hoc l i s t i n g of the variants of alienation is not too useful because i t f a i l s to relate them so his 20 alternative strategy is to determine the social sources of alienation. An obvious d i f f i c u l t y with this approach relates to the area of indeter-minancy between the sources and outcomes of alienation. A third and more promising approach involves a narrowing of the f i e l d of inquiry; i.e. the specification of particular objects from which the individual is alienated, the examination of an individual's orientations to these objects, the consideration of reasons for these orientations, and assessing any possible behavioural or systems impli-cations. This approach involves asking a related series of questions: 1) from what is one alienated, 2) who is alienated, 3) how is alienation manifested, 4) by what is alienation produced, and v 21 5) what are the consequences of alienation? II POLITICAL ALIENATION In considering the application of the concept of alienation to 19 Kenneth Keniston, The Uncommitted: Alienated Youth in American  Society (New York: Harcourt Brace and World, 1960), p. 454. 20 Marvin B. Scott, "The Social Sources of Alienation," The New  Sociology, Irving L. Horowitz, editor (New York: Oxford University Press 1965), pp. 250-251. 21 Igor S. Kon, "The Concept of Alienation i n Modern Sociology," Social Research, XXXIV (Autumn, 1967), pp. 507-528. p o l i t i c a l systems, the third approach noted above provides a functional basis for the analysis of p o l i t i c a l alienation. This is derived from 22 Smelser's discussion of the basic components of social action and the l i s t i n g of p o l i t i c a l objects of orientation proposed by Almond and , 23 Verba. In this approach, p o l i t i c a l alienation refers to an i n d i v i -dual's attitude toward, appraisal of, and relations to the p o l i t i c a l world. This encompasses varying kinds and degrees of estrangement from p o l i t i c a l structures, p o l i t i c a l processes, and p o l i t i c a l leadership as well as certain subjective evaluations of the self as a p o l i t i c a l parti-cipant . P o l i t i c a l alienation may involve estrangement from the p o l i t i c a l system as a whole and i t s dominant values. This kind of alienation i s significant because the st a b i l i t y of the system depends, in part, upon i t s legitimacy and an underlying consensus as to collective goals or 24 ends. P o l i t i c a l allegiants tend to regard the system as legitimate 25 because i t s values coincide with their own; p o l i t i c a l alienates "assign low reward value to goals or beliefs that are typically highly valued i n the given society."^ 22 / Neil J . Smelser, Theory of Collective Behaviour (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1963). 23 Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Boston: L i t t l e Brown and Company, 1963), pp. 14-15. ^Robert A. Dahl, A Preface to Democratic Theory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1956), p. 133. 25 Robert E. Lane, P o l i t i c a l Ideology (New York: The Free Press, 1962), p. 162. Seeman, _OJD. c i t , , p. 789, 22 P o l i t i c a l alienation may involve the rejection of or dissatisfaction with the norms governing p o l i t i c a l behaviour. Such alienation from the 27 norms of society was identified by Durkheim who used the word anomie to identify a social condition of deregulation or relative normlessness. This concept has become a central theme in many analyses of modern society. Merton uses anomie to refer to a social situation in which there i s an acute disjunction between cultural goals and socially prescribed means to 28 achieve these goals. He hypothesizes that i n such a situation i l l e g i -timate means may be used to achieve certain goals. The term anomie, there-fore, most often describes a social condition. On the other hand, Srole has used the Latin equivalent, anomia, to refer to a subjective state, 29 the feeling of self-to-others alienation. McClosky and Schaar use the English translation, anomy, to denote a state of mind, a cluster of attitudes, beliefs, and feelings in the minds of individuals. Specifically, i t i s the feeling that the world and one-self are adrift, wandering, lacking i n clear rules and stable moorings.^0 Seeman considers normlessness to be a variant of alienation and defines the anomie situation from the individual point of view as "one i n which there is a high expectancy that socially unapproved behaviours are required 27 Emile Durkheim, Suicide: A Study in Sociology, John A. Spaulding and George Simpson, editors (Glencoe:The Free Press, 1951), p. 257. 28 Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1957), pp. 121-94. 29 Leo Srole, "Social Integration and Certain Corollaries: An Exploratory Study," American Sociological Review, XXI (December, 1956), p. 711. 30 Herbert McClosky and John H. Schaar, "Psychological Dimensions of Anomy," American Sociological Review, XXX (February, 1965), p. 19. 31 to achieve given goals." This alienation from norms, as Smelser indicates, may give rise to a norm-oriented movement, an "attempt to restore, protect, modify, 32 or create norms in the name of a generalized belief." Clearly, alienation from norms may involve normative and value commitment but the "frustration of efforts to be p o l i t i c a l l y effective within the 33 framework of those norms." In applying the concept of anomie or alienation from the norms of society to the p o l i t i c a l situation, Faia suggests that any examina-tion of alienation from p o l i t i c a l norms involves three basic tasks: 1. determining what the p o l i t i c a l norms are, 2. comparing these to data on actual p o l i t i c a l behaviour, 34 3. identifying those who conform and those who deviate. In addition to anomie or normlessness, p o l i t i c a l alienation may relate also to an individual's orientation towards roles and sets of roles such as p o l i t i c a l organizations and structures. Included here i s an individual's orientation to and attitudes about the "output structures" such as courts, bureaucracies, legislatures, and executives as well as "input structures" including p o l i t i c a l parties, interest groups, p o l i t i c a l 31 Seeman, oj). c i t . , p. 788. 32 Smelser, ag. c i t . , p. 270. 33 John E. Horton and Wayne E. Thompson, "Powerlessness and P o l i t i c a l Negativism: A Study of Defeated Local Referendums," American Journal of  Sociology, LXV, 1962, p. 486 3 4Michael A. Faia, "Alienation, Structural Strain, and P o l i t i c a l Deviancy: A Test of Merton's Hypothesis," Social Problems, XIV (Spring, 1967), p. 392. 24 leadership and evaluations of the self as a participant i n p o l i t i c a l 35 processes. Some people may be alienated from the output structures but not from the input structures of p o l i t i c s . According to Campbell, the p o l i t i c a l l y alienated exhibit suspi-cion, distrust, h o s t i l i t y , and above a l l , cynicism. These people believe that p o l i t i c a l office holders are corrupt, self-seeking and incompetent, that the whole p o l i t i c a l process i s a fraud and betrayal of the public trust. They actively reject p o l i t i c s . P o l i t i c a l alienation has also been examined i n terms of an i n d i v i -dual's evaluation of his personal p o l i t i c a l role or sense of p o l i t i c a l efficacy. Thus, those who feel p o l i t i c a l l y powerless believe that their actions cannot determine p o l i t i c a l outcomes. Discussions of this aspect of p o l i t i c a l alienation i n the literature centre on "alienation from roles" and "alienation from f a c i l i t i e s " where f a c i l i t i e s refer to the means available to influence p o l i t i c a l outcomes. In the literature these are identified as powerlessness and meaninglessness. Seeman, for example, defines powerlessness as the expectancy or probability held by the individual that his own behaviour cannot determine the occurrence of the outcomes, or reinforcements he seeks.^ He found this conception to be central to Marx's discussion of alienation and to a certain extent in Max Weber's discussion of bureaucracy. Angus Campbell's understanding of personal effectiveness closely approaches 35 Almond and Verba, OD. c i t . , pp. 14-5. 36 Angus Campbell, "The Passive Citizen", Acta Socio-logica, VI (Fasc. 1-2), pp. 11-12. 37 Seeman, op_. c i t . , p. 784. 25 Seeman's concept of powerlessness. Campbell assumes that people begin at an early age to develop a sense of their own capacity to manage the world around them. We think that some people develop a self confident, positive attitude with which they meet the problems of everyday l i f e while others see them-selves as characteristically giving way in the face of environ-mental pressure, unable to manage the conflicting forces which they encounter. Meaninglessness, on the other hand, is defined by Seeman as a state in which the individual feels "unclear as to what he ought to believe—when the individual's minimal standards for c l a r i t y in decision-39 making are not met." Since p o l i t i c a l knowledge is a major tool or p o l i t i c a l f a c i l i t y essential to p o l i t i c a l participation, the belief that p o l i t i c a l information is either absent or purposely confusing induces meaninglessness and the consequent alienation from the p o l i t i c a l process. Many writers view powerlessness and meaninglessness as synonymous with alienation but this is a fallacy since the alienated need not nece-ssarily feel powerless. The p o l i t i c a l l y alienated may differ in their appraisals of the existing p o l i t i c a l order, i n the degree of their dissa-tisfaction with the p o l i t i c a l process, and in terms of their belief i n the possibility or necessity of producing p o l i t i c a l change through either legitimate or illegitimate channels but this is not necessarily powerless-ness. Estrangement or alienation from the p o l i t i c a l system may involve one 40 or several of the components of social action as identified by Smelser. Campbell, 0 £ . c i t . , pp. 11-12. Seeman, on. c i t . , p. 786. Smelser, ap_. c i t . , p. 270. Disagreement with particular p o l i t i c a l policies does not necessarily con-stitute p o l i t i c a l alienation unless this disagreement is such that i t translates into alienation from values, norms, roles, or f a c i l i t i e s which are the components of social action. Rather than identify those who disagree with policy as alienated, Almond and Verba consider them to constitute a policy sub-culture or the "population strata that are persistently oriented in one way toward policy inputs and outputs, hut 41 are 1allegiantly 1 oriented toward the p o l i t i c a l structure." Since this thesis is concerned with the distribution of p o l i t i c a l alienation within society and with the effect of alienation on p o l i t i c a l participation i t becomes important to discuss (a) the nature of social and p o l i t i c a l participation, (b) the distribution of p o l i t i c a l aliena-tion in society, and (c) the effect of alienation on p o l i t i c a l p a r t i -cipation. In effect, what is required is a closer look at the social and cultural environment of the polity from which p o l i t i c a l demands stem. Almond and Verba, oj>. c i t . , p. 27. CHAPTER III SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Since alienation implies a withdrawal or isolation from society, alienated individuals do not participate actively i n the organized group l i f e of a community. The study of alienation, therefore, seeks to explain such isolation. Before considering alienation i n more speci-f i c detail, i t i s necessary to examine participation per se as this approaches the question of alienation from a different point of view and provides a measure of the degree of integration i n a community. Participation in p o l i t i c a l activities and p o l i t i c a l systems i s closely related to general social participation. The participation of individuals i n the ongoing group l i f e of a community has been studied extensively and provides a description of those who participate or not that is useful in the analysis of alienation. Furthermo re, the analysis of general social participation i s a useful background for the assessment of p o l i t i c a l participation. I SOCIAL PARTICIPATION Research into the question of general social participation has been concerned with a determination of the extent to which individuals are actively involved i n social structure and systems. It also has sought to identify those factors which appear to exert an influence on participation 27 by distinguishing between those who do or do not participate in terms of certain socio-economic characteristics. Participation i n the ongoing group l i f e in a community has been examined from a number of different aspects. Formal participation has been studied by measuring membership in voluntary associations. This has tended to concentrate on the static aspects of participation and does not attempt to explain the degree or quality of the involvement of i n d i v i -duals in the organizational activities in a community. In recent years research has concentrated more on the dynamic aspects of involvement by analyzing attendance at meetings, financial contributions, offices held, and committee memberships among other attributes which i l l u s t r a t e the more active involvement of individuals in social organizations and asso-ciations . Informal participation in community l i f e i s more complex and im-precise, nevertheless, this aspect of involvement has been studied to some extent. Such participation has been studied by measuring the degree of involvement in various kinds of informal or autonomous groups,''" by measuring voting behaviour, and similar activities that are separate and distinct from the formally organized l i f e of a community. The general consensus from participation studies i s that a minority of the population in any community is actively involved in social organi-zations. Brunner notes that "Church membership and participation in religious organizations are generally the most widely reported forms of See: Hinley H. Doddy, Informal Groups and the Community (New York: Teachers College, Columbia University, 1952) . contact with formal organizations." A substantial number of people i n a community have no contact of any kind with any formal organizations but the proportions w i l l vary from one area to another and among d i f f e r -3 ent groups of people. This does not suggest that the non-participants would a l l be classed as alienated since alienation implies a psycho-logical state of withdrawal which i s not necessarily characteristic of the non-joiners. Social Status Sociological research on participation has been reviewed recently in two comprehensive reviews prepared by Brunner jit al. and by Verner 4 and Newberry. These reviews indicate that participation i n formal associations is closely related to socio-economic status, whether measured by occupation, income, or education. Brunner et al. indicate that professional-technical and managerial personnel have the highest rates of participation, are involved i n the widest variety of associations, and hold a disproportionate number of offices. Both reviews indicate that income i s an important determinant of participation, but stress thatthe results of income (i.e. degree of social acceptance, heightened sense of Edmund deS. Brunner jit a l . , An Overview of Adult Education Research (Chicago: Adult Education Association, 1959), p. 99. 3Ibid., p. 100. 4 Coolie Verner and John S. Newberry Jr., "The Nature of Adult P a r t i -cipation," Adult Education, VIII (Summer, 1958), pp. 208-222. Brunner, et a l . , j)g. c i t . , p. 100; Verner and Newberry, oj>. c i t . , p. 209. Bninner et a l . , op. c i t . 3 p. 102. civic responsibility, availability of time, ava i l a b i l i t y of resources) 7 are more influential than the amount of income i t s e l f . Education i s also related to the rate of participation since education i s a determi-nant of occupation and thus income which usually leads to a higher status position. Consequently, as occupation, income, and educational level increase, so do rates of participation. Age Age affects participation i n formal associations as young adults participate rarely. The rate increases sharply i n the late 20"s and early 30 1s and remains f a i r l y constant until the age of 50 when i t begins g to decrease with a more rapid decline after age 60, although "older people tend to retain their earlier membership long after they have 9 ceased to be active." Sex Both reviews note that most participation studies have found that sex is related to participation and to both age and social status. "Women in rural areas and from lower socio-economic levels are least active, however, as social status and the degree of urbanism increases, the participation of women increases even in non church related associations. 7 Ibid., p. 103; Verner and Newberry, og. c i t . , p. 210. g Brunner, et aJ., jop. c i t . , pp. 105-106; Verner and Newberry, op. c i t . , pp. 210-211. 9 Verner and Newberry, og. c i t . , p. 211. Urban, middle class women attend more meetings more regularly, but men in similar situations belong to more organizations.""^ Religion and Race Religion and the degree of involvement in church activities i n -fluence other kinds of participation. Protestants are more active than Catholics in non-church related associations, but Catholics are more active than Protestants in church organizations."'""'" Verner and Newberry indicate that Jews are significantly more active in formal associations 12 than are Protestants or Catholics. Finally, patterns of participation among Negroes i n the United States closely parallel those of the white race insofar as status and 13 education influence participation and recent immigrants participate 14 less than those of longer residence. Informal social participation in unorganized or informal and auto-nomous groups i s very d i f f i c u l t to measure because such groups have limited v i s a b i l i t y . Such informal participation i s found among a l l strata of society but i t tends to be the dominant or only form of parti -cipation other than church attendance for those on the lower socio-economic levels. This suggests that the lower strata of society are 10, Verner and Newberry, oj3. c i t . , p. 211. 11 Ibid., p. I l l erner and Newberry, JTD. c i t . , p. 212. 13. Ibid. 1 4 v erner and Newberry, og. c i t . , p. 212. the least involved i n the organized group l i f e in the community and can thus be expected to show higher degrees of alienation and less interest in p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . In summary, then, the most important characteristics that appear to be related to general social participation are occupation, income and educational level. These socio-economic status variables indicate that those individuals at higher levels are more apt to participate in the organized group l i f e of the community and, conversely, those at the other extreme are less l i k e l y to participate. II POLITICAL PARTICIPATION There are a number of ways in which individuals can participate in , p o l i t i c s . These include voting, working in elections, making financial contributions to p o l i t i c a l parties, petitioning and writing letters to public o f f i c i a l s , reading about po l i t i c s , viewing or listening to p o l i t -i c a l broadcasts, engaging in discussions about pol i t i c s , and holding 15 memberships in p o l i t i c a l organizations. Some of these modes of p a r t i -cipation are identical with formal social participation as discussed earlier but much of p o l i t i c a l participation is informal in character and thus more d i f f i c u l t to assess. For the most part, p o l i t i c a l participation does not dif f e r signi-ficantly from general social participation with respect to the descrip-tive characteristics studied. Here too, socio-economic status appears to be the most significant variable influencing a l l aspects of p o l i t i c a l participation. Exposure to p o l i t i c a l stimuli, interest and involvement in politics, the development of sophisticated beliefs about p o l i t i c s , and p o l i t i c a l participation i t s e l f , are also closely related to socio-economic status. There is a large body of empirical evidence to substantiate the following propositions: l) exposure to stimuli and socio-economic status are positively correlated; 1^ 1 5See: Robert E. Lane, P o l i t i c a l Life (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1959). Lester W. Milbrath, P o l i t i c a l Participation, (Chicago: Rand McNally and Co., 1965). 33 34 2) the higher the socio-economic status, the greater the likelihood 17 of becoming psychologically involved in po l i t i c s ; 3) people of higher socio-economic status tend to feel more p o l i t i -cally efficacious;^ 8 4) socio-economic status and p o l i t i c a l knowledge correlate posi-tively, 5) "No matter how class i s measured, studies consistently show that higher class persons are more l i k e l y to participate in p o l i t i c s than lower class persons.""''^ The major exception is noted by Berelson and Steiner. Their review indicates that " p o l i t i c a l action is relatively high among socio-economic groups in communities in which they dominate the p o l i t i c a l and/or social i , - 2 0 spheres." Although income i s postively correlated with exposure, interest, involvement, sophistication, and participation,;it is a less useful measure than either occupation or education for several reasons. F i r s t , income results from occupation, and second, while middle-income persons are more l i k e l y to be p o l i t i c a l l y active than low-income persons, high-income persons are not l i k e l y to be significantly more p o l i t i c a l l y active than middle-income persons.^ 17 Ibid., pp. 53-54. ^^Ibid.j p. 57. 19 Ibid., p. 116. 20 Bernard Berelson and Gary A. Steiner, Human Behaviour: An Inventory  of Scientific Findings (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1964), p. 424. 2 \ l i l b r a t h , op_. c i t . , p. 54. 35 Occupation is a less useful measure than education because i t , in turn, depends on education. Lipset suggests that some occupations i n -volve a great amount of interaction, leadership s k i l l s , and awareness of complex problems and that people in these occupations w i l l tend to be 22 more exposed, more interested and participate more in p o l i t i c s . Further, some occupations do not permit much actual leisure-time, time which could be devoted to p o l i t i c a l stimuli and, according to Lipset, some occupations allow l i t t l e psychic leisure-time "free of anxieties 24 that can be devoted to non-personal problems." Also, the s t r e s s f u l l -ness of an occupational role w i l l depend upon the incumbent's capacity in that role and upon certain other personality characteristics. Thus, psychic leisure-time depends both on the occupation i t s e l f and upon the capabilities and personality of the actor. Thus, of the three principal socio-economic variables related to participation, education is the most useful with reference to p o l i t i c a l participation. Research evidence indicates the following: 1) a more educated person encounters more p o l i t i c a l stimuli than a person of lesser education; 2^ 2) persons of higher education tend to be more psychologically 26 involved in politics than persons of lower educational status; 22 Seymour M. Lipset, P o l i t i c a l Man (Garden City: Doubleday, I960), p. 196. 24 Lipset, j)j>. c i t . , p. 198. 25 Milbrath, on. c i t . , p. 44. ^ I b i d . , pp. 53-54. 3) persons of high educational status are more sophisticated about 27 poli t i c s than persons of lower educational status; and 4) "A trend for those with higher education to be more li k e l y to participate in po l i t i c s has also been found in many Western countries."^ 8 Also with reference to education, Almond and Verba suggest that: a) the more educated person i s more aware of the impact of govern-ment upon the individual than i s the person of low education, b) he i s more li k e l y to follow p o l i t i c s and election campaigns, c) he exhibits more p o l i t i c a l information, d) the focus of his attention i s wider, and \ 29 e) he i s more l i k e l y to participate in p o l i t i c a l discussion. They suggest that "more complex attitudes and behaviour depend on such basic orientations as awareness of the p o l i t i c a l system, information about i t , and some exposure to i t s operations. It i s just this basic 30 set of orientations that those of limited education tend not to have." It should be remembered that within the various educational strata there are wide differences in the level of p o l i t i c a l information, interest, and participation. Motivation must also be taken into consideration— Milbrath, oj). c i t . , p. 68. *Ibid., p. 122. *Almond and Verba, OJD. c i t . , p. 381. 'ibid., p. 382. 37 motivation usually increases with education, but involvement in politics is important i n i t s own right and may act as a surrogate for education. Since this study is concerned primarily with p o l i t i c a l alienation, the question of p o l i t i c a l participation w i l l be discussed i n more detail from the point of view of the relationship between p o l i t i c a l alienation and p o l i t i c a l participation. CHAPTER IV ALIENATION AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Much of the empirical research on alienation depicts the alienated voter as "a person who resents being powerless but i s tied weakly i f at a l l , to organized groups through which he might wield power; who distrusts those who do exercise power . . . T h i s conception implies, a) a sense of powerlessness or inefficacy relative to expecta-tions , b) dissatisfaction with one's own role in the p o l i t i c a l input process, c) dissatisfaction with the agents and agencies in the input process, and d) possible dissatisfaction with governmental output. This conception of the alienated voter suggests that the failure to participate in p o l i t i c a l action or to become involved in p o l i t i c a l systems involves both socio-economic and social-psychological factors. The socio-economic factors are those related to status and are, for the most part, consistent with the variables associated with general social Clarence N. Stone, "Local Referendums: An Alternative to The Alienated - Voter Model," Public Opinion Quarterly, XXIX (Summer, 1965), p. 214. 38 participation discussed earlier. The social-psychological variables related to p o l i t i c a l participation are those which have been found to be descriptive of the alienated individuals in society. The application of the concept of alienation to p o l i t i c a l participation, therefore, pro-vides an analysis of the social-psychological factors influencing p o l i t i -cal participation. These factors include socio-economic characteristics of the alienated as well as certain psychological traits which have found to be descriptive of alienation. I SOCIO-ECONOMIC FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH POLITICAL ALIENATION Research studies that have sought to analyze the characteristics of the p o l i t i c a l l y alienated have examined the same socio-economic variables which have been used in other kinds of participation studies. Social Status Empirical research studies conducted in the United States indicate that socio-economic status and p o l i t i c a l alienation are closely related and the higher the social status the lower the level of p o l i t i c a l alien-2 ation. Of the measure of social status, educational level seems to relate more strongly to p o l i t i c a l alienation than either occupation or ^Dwight G. Dean, "Alienation: Its Meaning and Measurement," American Sociological Review, XXVI (October, 1961), p. 757; Russel Middleton, "Alienation, Race, and Education," American Sociological  Review, XXVTH (December, 1963), p. 977; Arthur Kornhauser, et a l . , When  Labor Votes: A Study of Auto Workers, (New York: Universal Books, 1956), p. 101; Robert E. Agger, et a l . , " P o l i t i c a l Cynicism: Measurement 3 income. Agger et al found that "within every income level, the higher 4 the level of education, the lower the proportion of p o l i t i c a l cynics." Similar results have been reported from research i n other countries. 5 6 7 Cantril, Kornhauser, and Lipset found that workers with lower socio-economic status were more alienated than people of higher status in France, Germany and Italy. In their comparative study, Almond and Verba found that those of higher educational level and higher occupational status expressed pride in the p o l i t i c a l system more frequently than did others in the United States, Britain, and Mexico while i n Germany and Italy "level of education seems to have l i t t l e relationship to the f r e -g quency with which p o l i t i c a l pride was expressed." Educational level and occupation in these two countries did relate to input and output satisfaction. and Meaning", The Journal of P o l i t i c s , XXIII, (August, 1961), p. 487; Wayne E. Thompson and John E. Horton, " P o l i t i c a l Alienation As a Force in P o l i t i c a l Action", Social Forces, XXVII (March, I960), p. 192; Dorothy L. Meier and Wendell B e l l , "Anomia and Differential Access to the Achieve-ment of Life Goals", American Sociological Review, XXIV, (April, 1959), p. 140. 3 Middleton, OJD. c i t . , p. 977. 4 Agger, et a l . , op. c i t . , p. 487. Hadley Cantril, The P o l i t i c s of Despair (New York: Collier Books, 1962). ^William Kornhauser, The P o l i t i c s of Mass Society, (New York: The Free Press, 1959). Seymour M. Lipset, P o l i t i c a l Man (Garden City: Doubleday, 1960). g Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture, (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Company, 1963), p. 67. 41 Age Research findings on the relationship between age and alienation are inconclusive. One study found that age and alienation are directly 9 related only for people f i f t y years of age and over. Another study found that persons 21 to 30 years of age are as l i k e l y as those who are over sixty to be p o l i t i c a l l y alienated with the least alienation among those of middle age."*"^  Three studies note rather vaguely that the aged are more alienated than other age groups, but do not elaborate.^ Although research evidence is inconclusive, i t can be hypothesized that middle-aged people w i l l be more involved i n community activities and organizations, have greater opportunity for participation, and w i l l there-fore tend to be less alienated than young adults or the aged. Further research i s needed on this question, controlling for education and or-ganizational involvement. Sex Several studies have found that women tend to be more p o l i t i c a l l y 12 alienated than men. An interesting exception i s reported by Zeigler who conducted a random sample of the Oregon teacher population. (N - 803) 9 Meier and B e l l , og. c i t . , p. 196. •^Thompson and Horton, og. c i t . , p. 192. "^'"Murray B. Levin, The Alienated Voter: P o l i t i c s i n Boston (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1960), p. 66; Agger, et a l . , op. c i t . , p. 487; Dean, OJD. c i t . , p. 757. 12 Middleton, op. c i t . , p. 977; Kornhauser, et a l . , JJ>D. c i t . , p. 191. He notes that among teachers, men do not feel more p o l i t i c a l l y e f f i -cacious than women. He notes further that "certain kinds of male teachers (downward mobile and high stationary) are considerably more 13 alienated than women." As with sex differentials i n terms of p o l i t i c a l participation, differences i n level of p o l i t i c a l alienation for men and women seem to be related to differences i n childhood socialization. Family Cycle Only one study tried to determine whether married people tend to be less alienated than single people, or vice-versa. Middleton found that single people are more p o l i t i c a l l y alienated than those who • A 1 4 are married. Religion and Race Two studies found that Protestants and Jews are more p o l i t i c a l l y alienated than Catholics; they do not report whether Jews are more alien-15 ated than Protestants, or vice-versa. Campbell reports no relation 16 between religion and p o l i t i c a l alienation. 13Harmon Zeigler, The P o l i t i c a l Life of American Teachers (Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall, 1967), p. 45. 1 4Middl eton, op. c i t . , p. 977. 15 Kornhauser, et a l . , op. c i t . , p. 191; Levin, op. c i t . , p. 66. Campbell, "The Passive Citizen," Acta Sociologica, VI (Fasc. 1-2), p. 14. 43 Two studies report that Negroes in the United States are consider-ably more p o l i t i c a l l y alienated than whites even i f socio-economic status i s controlled."^ Residence There appear to be no empirical studies examining rural-urban differences i n p o l i t i c a l alienation levels, or the relationship between community identification, length of residence, and p o l i t i c a l alienation. Organizational Membership At least five studies have found that p o l i t i c a l alienation and anomia are strongly associated with organizational membership—those who are involved i n organizations tend to be less alienated p o l i t i c a l l y than those who are uninvolved, and those who are actively involved are less 18 p o l i t i c a l l y alienated than those who are minimally involved. Of these five studies, two of them found that the relationship held even with Middleton, og. c i t . , p. 975; Marvin E. Olsen, "Alienation and P o l i t i c a l Opinions", Public Opinion Quarterly, XXLX (Summer, 1965), p. 201. 18 Wendell B e l l , "Anomie, Social Isolation, and the Class Structure," Sociometry, XX (June, 1957), pp. 105-116; Dorothy L. Meier and Wendell B e l l , op. c i t . , pp. 159-202; E.H. Mizruchi, "Social Structure and Anomia in a Small City," American Sociological Review, XXV (October, I960), pp. 645-654; Arthur G. Neal and Melvin Seeman, "Organizations and Powerlessness: A Test of the Mediation Hypothesis", American Socio-logical Review, XXIX (April, 1964), pp. 216-226; and Melvin Seeman, "Alienation, Membership, and P o l i t i c a l Knowledge: A Comparative Study," Public Opinion Quarterly, XXX, ( F a l l , 1966), pp. 353-367. 19 socio-economic status controlled. Non-political, middle-class associations w i l l tend to have more p o l i t i c a l l y aware members than most workers' groups. Lazarsfeld et al indicate that involvement in organizations has a more positive effect on p o l i t i c a l information and p o l i t i c a l activity for the middle-class than for the lower-class, and that as far as manual workers are con-cerned, only trade unions have a strong effect on participation.^ 0 There is considerable evidence that nonpolitical group membership is related to p o l i t i c a l participation: "Persons who are active in commu-nity affairs are much more l i k e l y than those not active to participate 21 in p o l i t i c s . " Persons belonging to two or' more groups may be subject to cross-pressures, i.e. the groups may make conflicting or incompatible demands on the individual in which case p o l i t i c a l interest and p a r t i c i -25 pation w i l l tend to decrease. Lipset suggests that membership in non-political groups may stimu-late p o l i t i c a l awareness and involvement, but that the development of interest group organizations whose prime purpose i s to arouse awareness of common problems and organize participation i n po l i t i c s i s related to 19 Neal and Seeman, "Organizations and Powerlessness", American  Sociological Review, XXLX, p. 226; Seeman, "Alienation, Membership and P o l i t i c a l Knowledge," Public Opinion Quarterly, vol. XXX, p. 366. 20 P.F. Lazarsfeld, et al., The People's Choice (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944). 21 Milbrath, op. c i t . , p. 17. 25 Berelson and Steiner, op. c i t . , p. 425. a high degree of social intercourse among people who have similar back-26 grounds and needs. He indicates that the intra-class communications network is more intense in the higher strata than in the lower and that the farther one moves down the class ladder the weaker in-group communi-cation becomes. II ALIENATION AND PERSONALITY The degree and direction of p o l i t i c a l participation i s a function of personality t r a i t s , beliefs, attitudes, knowledge, p o l i t i c a l inform-ation, and the immediate p o l i t i c a l situation. The study of attitudes, beliefs, and personality i s complex and attitudes, beliefs and personality very often must be inferred from behaviour. Personality may or may not be relevant to p o l i t i c a l participation in a given context because social situations structure behaviour. Lane suggests that the degree of i n -fluence that personality may have on p o l i t i c a l behaviour depends on at least four factors including the degree to which an approved norm for p o l i t i c a l conduct has been established by the national or local culture, the extent to which economic, social, or p o l i t i c a l self-interest guide p o l i t i c a l choice, the degree to which choice is guided by personal ex-perience and information, and the extent to which the individual i s 27 subject to cross-pressures. Lane notes that "behind the demographic relationships there lurk the unexplored problems of motivation, both Lipset, on. c i t . , p. 194. 27 Robert E. Lane, " P o l i t i c a l Personality and Electoral Choice," P o l i t i c s and Social Life, Nelson W. Polsby, et a l . , editors, pp. 232-33. 46 for the portion of the vote that is 'explained' in this fashion and even 28 more for the portion which i s considered deviant." The influence of personality and motivation on p o l i t i c a l participation is a relatively unexplored area i n p o l i t i c a l science although the so-called t r a i t approach has been used to examine the influence of sociability, ego-strength, dominance-manipulativeness, intellectuality, authoritarianism, anomie, 29 alienation, etc. A number of hypotheses have been suggested about the relationship between motivation and p o l i t i c a l activity as well as between motivation and information-seeking behaviour. After 70 qualitative interviews with a non-random sample of American adults, Morris Rosenberg offered a number of suggestive hypotheses about 30 determinants of p o l i t i c a l apathy. P o l i t i c a l activity, according to Rosenberg, may have certain threatening consequences. It may pose threats 31 to interpersonal harmony, occupational success, and to ego. He notes also that people who feel that p o l i t i c a l activity is f u t i l e may tend to 32 be p o l i t i c a l l y apathetic and suggests that the feeling that p o l i t i c a l activity i s f u t i l e may be based on a sense of personal inadequacy, a feeling that p o l i t i c a l forces are unmanageable, that the outcomes are a 28 Ibid., p. 233. 29 Milbrath, og. c i t . , pp. 72-84. 30 Morris Rosenberg, "Some Determinants of P o l i t i c a l Apathy", P o l i t i c a l Behaviour, H. Eulau, et a l . , editors, pp. 160-164. Ibid., p. 162. ^ I b i d . , p. 163. foregone conclusion, that there is too great a gap between the p o l i t i c a l ideal and reality. He also suggests that to some people the subject matter of p o l i t i c s is not psychologically compelling. Lane and Sears maintain that there are a number of reasons why people either seek or avoid p o l i t i c a l information. F i r s t , p o l i t i c a l information may be of l i t t l e u t i l i t y to the individual and may thus 33 have a lower pr i o r i t y than other kinds of information. Second, a person with a sense of personal inadequacy or low self-esteem may be so involved with his own dilemmas that he devotes l i t t l e time to p o l i t i -34 cal information. Third, news about po l i t i c s may "grate upon the nerves" of the anxious, the insecure, and the very sensitive, therefore, 35 these people may tend to avoid p o l i t i c a l stimuli. In P o l i t i c a l L i f e , Lane suggests that people reject certain kinds 36 of information because i t is threatening to them. His classification i s somewhat similar to Rosenberg's and is based on types of ignorance: cathartic ignorance, status quo ignorance, socializing ignorance, and privatizing ignorance. Cathartic ignorance results from the need to have unchallenged biases for the purposes of emotional argumentation. Status quo ignorance may become evident when a person who i s satisfied with the status quo screens out information which might challenge this contentment. Socializing ignorance may be the result of a social need not to appear too informed, the need to remain unaware of information which might make one socially unpopular with one's peer group. 33 Robert E. Lane and David 0. Sears, Public Opinion (Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall, 1964), p. 65. Ibid. Ibid., p. 66. Lane, P o l i t i c a l Life, pp. 113-114. 48 Privatizing ignorance may result from the individual's desire to protect himself from threatening news in his environment—the individual may desire to be l e f t alone and p o l i t i c a l information represents an un-warranted intrusion into his private world. Another important determinant of information avoidance would appear to be intolerance of ambiguity. Attention to the mass media reveals that few issues are black and white and few are resolved quickly. Thus, the individual who i s intolerant of ambiguity might tend to avoid information which would create doubt. Milbrath's review of the literature finds a f a i r body of evidence to support the following: 1) the greater the degree of exposure to p o l i t i c a l stimuli, . the greater the likelihood of participation in po l i t i c s 37 and the greater the depth of that participation; 2) the greater the attraction to po l i t i c s , the greater the 38 degree of exposure to p o l i t i c a l stimuli; 3) the greater the psychological involvement in pol i t i c s , the 39 greater the extent of p o l i t i c a l participation beyond voting; 4) the greater the degree of p o l i t i c a l sophistication, the greater 40 the likelihood of p o l i t i c a l participation; 37 Milbrath, oj^. c i t . , p. 39. 38 Ibid., p. 49. 39T, _, Ibid., p. 51. 4 0 I b i d . , p. 64. 5) p o l i t i c a l information-seeking behaviour tends to be cumulat i v e . ^ It i s also possible to relate exposure to p o l i t i c a l stimuli, psychological involvement i n p o l i t i c s , p o l i t i c a l sophistication and p o l i t i c a l participation i t s e l f to various demographic and social factors. The only adequate in-depth study of the p o l i t i c a l l y alienated is 42 by Kenneth Keniston who focused primarily on retreatist alienation. He found that the fathers of the alienated and uncommitted tended to be practical men devoted to career success whereas the mothers of the alienated tended to be hypocritical idealists who c r i t i c i z e d their hus-bands, yet enjoyed the fruits of business success. From these and other childhood-related experiences arose an extremely negative view of adult-hood on the part of the alienated, a conscious longing for deep per-ception and feeling, a sense of fragmented identity, a negative core ideology, and a fear of commitment in any direction. However, Beneath the alienated emphasis on the impossibility of certainty, however, l i e s a less conscious and contrasting feeling, a yearning for absolutes. Just as a conscious distress at self-fragmentation conceals an unconscious wish to renounce selfhood altogether, and just as a conscious emphasis on the present masks an unconscious desire to regain the past, so here lack of commitment to any posi-tive value overlap an unconscious search for absolute embracing values, causes, and goals.43 Keniston 1s study deals with the alienated and uncommited who reject 41 Ibid., p. 45. Kenneth Keniston, The Uncommitted (New York: Harcourt Brace and World, I960), p. 454. ATI Ibid., p. 193. societal values and norms, but who do not actively seek to change society. Similar research is needed on the background and personality character-i s t i c s of the alienated and committed. Although there i s a lack of extended, in-depth psychological re-search on the background and personality characteristics of the aliena-ted, several studies have taken basic predispositions as a starting point and have tried to determine how these predispositions relate to "anomy" or alienation. McClosky and Schaar, for example, define anomy as "the fe e l -ing that the world and oneself are adrift, wandering, lacking i n clear 44 rules and stable moorings," and hypothesize that the anomie may never have learned to communicate, that social norms must be learned, that not only may social position impede learning, but also cognitive and emotional factors as well as substantive beliefs and attitudes may have similar effects i n terms of the learning of social norms. Their study involved a cross-section random sample of the Minnesota population (N = 1082) and a national cross-section (N = 1484). They found that independent of social factors, anomy and cognitive functioning were inversely related and that psychological i n f l e x i b i l i t y , anxiety, low ego strength, generalized anger, and aggression "lower the level of cognitive functioning, distort perception, interfere with social interaction and communication, and generally impair the a b i l i t y to sort out and make co-45 herent connection among the diverse elements of the social world." The ^Herbert McClosky and John H. Schaar, "Psychological Dimensions of Anomy," American Sociological Review, XXX (February, 1965), p. 19. 45 McClosky and Schaar, op. c i t . , p. 28. 51 McClosky and Schaar findings regarding substantive beliefs and attitudes also indicate that deviant beliefs and attitudes act as barriers to interaction and social learning.^ The problem of determining the temporal priority of the two variables—alienation and learning—has not been resolved. Seeman1s studies (discussed previously) have approached the problem from the other direction, i.e. alienation impedes learning of control-relevant information. The interactionist solution to this problem has been set forth by Hobart who conceptualizes alienation as a process involving the feeling that others do not understand which leads to an impaired a b i l i t y 47 to communicate and to learn which in turn increases alienation further. I l l POLITICAL ALIENATION AND THE DEGREE AND DIRECTION OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Does p o l i t i c a l alienation affect the degree and direction of p o l i -t i c a l participation? One study found that i f socio-economic status and organizational membership were controlled there was no correlation be-tween p o l i t i c a l alienation and the degree of p o l i t i c a l participation and suggests that "most of i t s effect (alienation) seems to be due to the fact that the least alienated (and the highest participators) are also the 48 highest i n status and in organizational activity." 46 Ibid., p. 32. 47 Charles W. Hobart, "Type of Alienation: Etiology and Inter-relationships," The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, II (May, 1965), pp. 92-107. ^William Erbe, "Social Involvement and P o l i t i c a l Activity: A Replication and Elaboration", American Sociological Review, XXIV (April, 1964), p. 213. 52 Angus Campbell reports that at every status level the p o l i t i c a l l y alienated are "most withdrawn from the normal concern with party 49 po l i t i c s . " Kornhauser1s study of automobile workers i n Detroit found that the most "cynical workers tend not to vote at a l l or to vote con-50 trary to the prevailing sentiment among their fellow workers." The alienated also had markedly less interest in p o l i t i c a l matters. McDill and Ridley report that the p o l i t i c a l l y alienated are less sophisticated about p o l i t i c s and are less l i k e l y to vote than their non-alienated 51 counterparts. Both the Campbell and Kornhauser findings relate to interest and participation i n national p o l i t i c s . However, as Thompson and Horton suggest, "given the two party system, the compromising nature of national p o l i t i c s , and the limited chance to vote on specific issues, the ' p o l i t i c a l l y alienated 1 would be predicted in national elections more lik e l y to be found among the 52 non voters." In a number of studies at the local level i t was found that the p o l i t i c a l l y alienated did not show appreciably less interest 53 in p o l i t i c a l issues and were only slightly less l i k e l y to vote. Dean 49 Campbell, "The Passive Citizen", p. 14. 50 Kornhauser, _et _al., When Labor Votes, p. 193. 5 1 M c D i l l and Ridley, 0 £ . c i t . , pp. 205-213. 52 Thompson and Horton, og. c i t . , pp. 190-191. 53 See, for example: Dwight G. Dean, "Alienation and P o l i t i c a l Apathy", Social Forces, XXXVJI (March, I960), pp. 185-189; Thompson and Horton, op. c i t . , p. 193, Agger et a l . , op. c i t . , p. 494. suggests that the low correlations between alienation and apathy in his study may be because the alienated may personalize p o l i t i c s or vote for apolitical reasons. 54 In terms of p o l i t i c s at the local level, there exists what Stone has called an alienated voter model which involves the following assump-tions: a) rising tension in a p o l i t i c a l system may lead to increased voter participation; b) most communities consist of civic leaders and upper strata citizens who identify with the existing regime and lower status citizens loosely attached to the community and latently dissatisfied; c) the lower status citizens tend to fluctuate between apathy and opposition to the prevailing leadership and at election time between non-voting and protest voting, thus alienation leads to p o l i t i c a l negativism at the local level which "cannot be accounted for solely by economic self-interest 55 or similar factors"; and d) as turnout rises the proportion of "no" votes increases. This model of community conflict has been amplified by Coleman who suggests that "lack of attachment to community organizations or through them to the national government allows people to vent on the local government those frustrations and aggressions which would 54 Stone, _0£. cit», p. 214. 55T ., Loc. c i t . 56 ordinarily be expressed elsewhere." The alienated voter model was found to have v a l i d i t y in at least four studies at the local level: The p o l i t i c a l l y alienated tended to vote negatively on various local issues in protest against the civic 57 administration causing the defeat of administration backed proposals. It may well be that in national voting in the United States the opportu-nities for expression of discontent are smaller than at the local level, hence alienated voter apathy and withdrawal. As Janowitz and Marvick suggest, "a consensus is incomplete and fragile which lacks the adequate 58 involvement of one social class or ethnic group." The same model may be useful at the national level in countries where there are or can be viable protest parties. In France and Italy the Communist Party attracts the alienated lower status voter who, "while he i s properly described as cautious and conservative, as reformist rather than revolutionary may vote for the Communist Party despite a l l i t s shortcomings." IV CONCLUSION It was noted earlier that the most displaced strata i n society w i l l James S. Coleman, Community Conflict (New York: The Free Press, 1957), p. 19. 57 Thompson and Horton, oj>. c i t . , pp. 190-195; McDill and Ridley, op. c i t . , pp. 205-213; Frederick Templeton, "Alienation and P o l i t i c a l Participation: Some Research Findings", Public Opinion Quarterly, XXX (Summer, 1966), pp. 249-261; Dean, op. cit., pp. 184-189. 58 Morris Janowitz and Dwaine Marvick, Competitive Pressure and Demo-cratic Consent (Ann Arbor: Institute of Public Administration, University of Michigan, 1956), p. 98. 59 Cantril, op. c i t . , p. 231. tend to be the most p o l i t i c a l l y alienated. The displaced strata consist of two principal groups: those most distant or isolated from positions of power and those least integrated into the social structure. Empirical studies in the United States indicate that in absolute terms, the lower orders manifest the greatest degree of p o l i t i c a l alienation, are most dissatisfied with their own role in the p o l i t i c a l input process and are most alienated from the process i t s e l f . They are also less committed to 60 democratic values and to the democratic rules of the game. But while the empirical studies of p o l i t i c a l alienation do point to reservoirs of discontent among the lower orders they f a i l to grasp the problem entirely. This i s because they attempt to assess absolute levels of p o l i t i c a l alien-ation. There are too few studies focusing on alienation within the upper strata alone. Riesman believes that the p o l i t i c a l l y significant "center of gravity of discontent has shifted upward in the status system." The isolated and unorganized lower-class citizens, he points out, are "as 61 yet unavailable as constituencies for radical p o l i t i c a l leadership. Most empirical studies of p o l i t i c a l alienation are too narrow in their focus: they account neither for p o l i t i c a l alienation in the upper and middle strata nor do they adequately assess the implications of aliena-tion for p o l i t i c a l systems. 60 Samuel A. Stouffer, Communism, Conformity and C i v i l Liberties (New York: Doubleday, 1955); Lipset, £p. c i t . , pp. 92-95. ^"4)avid Riesman, "The Intellectuals and the Discontented Classes: Some Further Reflections," The Radical Right, Daniel B e l l , Editor (Garden City: Doubleday, 1964), p. 141. CHAPTER V THE SOURCES OF ALIENATION The polity performs many functions for the more inclusive social system of which i t is a component part. These functions include goal specification, resource mobilization, integration and allocation of costs and benefits. From i t s physical and social environment the p o l i t -i c a l system receives numerous "inputs" which may be grouped as follows: (a) demands and expectations, (b) resources, and (c) supports. Various polities have various structures, i.e. particular sets of interrelated roles, which perform the functions and through which the inputs are pro-cessed or translated into p o l i t i c a l system outputs. 1 The study of p o l i t i c a l alienation focuses attention primarily on the support input into the p o l i t i c a l system and upon the legitimacy of the system. P o l i t i c a l support relates to different p o l i t i c a l objects which stand in an hierarchical relationship to one another and which include public policies, p o l i t i c a l leaders and personnel, p o l i t i c a l processes, p o l i t i c a l structures, and p o l i t i c a l values. P o l i t i c a l ^For similar analyses, see: Gabriel Almond, "Comparative P o l i t i c a l Systems," Journal of Po l i t i c s , XVIII (August, 1956), pp. 391-409; David Easton, "An Approach to the Analysis of P o l i t i c a l System," World P o l i t i c s , LX (April, 1957), pp. 383-400; Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social  Structure (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1957), chap. 1; William C. Mitchell, The American Polity (New York: The Free Press, 1962), chap. i . 56 57 alienation (and possible social conflict) may be caused by innumerable factors and is most l i k e l y to occur during periods of change which place strains on social structure. Change and strain may affect one or several of the objects of p o l i t i c a l support and as strain moves from lower to higher levels of the hierarchy, legitimacy is threatened. Any discussion of p o l i t i c a l support i s inextricably linked to consideration of p o l i t i c a l culture defined as "the pattern of individual 2 attitudes and orientation toward polities . . ." Thus the sources of strain and of p o l i t i c a l alienation are most conveniently analyzed within the following general categories: ( l ) the p o l i t i c a l culture and social environment of the polity, and (2) i n terms of the structure and process of the polity i t s e l f with reference to responsiveness to demands, ex-pectations and to change i t s e l f . I POLITICAL CULTURE The nature of p o l i t i c a l demands, expectations, resources and support which flow into the polity i s determined by the composition of the physical and social environment of the p o l i t i c a l system which in turn affect i t s p o l i t i c a l culture. By social environment is meant the nature and compo-sition of the social system subsystems including the economic, s t r a t i f i -cation and socialization systems. As Almond and Powell suggest, "the degree of homogeneity of p o l i t i c a l culture i s a matter for empirical investigation." One of the most important problems facing a l l p o l i t i c a l systems relates to Gabriel A. Almond and G. Bingham Powell, Comparative P o l i t i c s : A Developmental Approach (Boston: L i t t l e Brown, 1966), p. 50. 3Ibid., p. 63. the inclusion of various ethnic, geographic, economic and social groups within a centralised p o l i t i c a l framework and the creation of a homo-geneous p o l i t i c a l culture. In part, success or failure in this en-deavour i s determined by when and how the problem has been confronted. Eisenstadt suggests that there were and are discernible patterns of continuous, p l u r a l i s t i c modernization i n Britain, the Netherlands, Scandinavia, the United States and the Dominions, that these societies successfully confronted three crucial developmental problems: the incorporation of various traditions, the extension of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i -cipation, and the problems attendant on urbanization and i n d u s t r i a l i -4 zation. In part, success was attained because the problems did not occur simultaneously and because "only rarely did there develop move-ments in which p o l i t i c a l , social, economic, and cultural divisions coalesced so as to create total r i f t s among groups and strata." Thus central institutions were solidified and various traditions were i n -corporated before the development of broad demands for participation and before the development of problems caused by urbanization and i n -dustrialization. Further, in these countries the p o l i t i c a l system was responsive enough to develop policies dealing with p o l i t i c a l problems, policies which fac i l i t a t e d the extension of the suffrage and wider participation and which led to the development of social services. In most cases this resulted i n a rather homogeneous p o l i t i c a l culture and S.N. Eisenstadt, Modernization: Protest and Change (Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall, 1966), pp. 55-64. Ibid., p. 62. i n a polity that is responsive to change. Furthermore, the socialization process is relatively consistent and the agencies of s o c i a l i z a t i o n — schools, family, church, youth organizations, p o l i t i c a l parties, interest groups, mass media—tend to reinforce this homogeneity of p o l i t i c a l culture. State and nation building, participation, urbanization and indust-r i a l i z a t i o n have posed serious problems for the societies such as France and Italy. These problems were not successfully resolved and "rather serious r i f t s developed in these countries in the central p o l i t i c a l symbols."^ Specifically, the temporal sequence of problems was such that central institutions were not s o l i d i f i e d and various traditions incor-porated before the advent of demands for participation and before the development of changes resulting from industrialization. Thus in France there developed divisions between groups with traditional and modern, aristocratic and republican, religious and secular orientations, social strata exhibited a wide degree of isolation and segregation, and interest groups and social movements were not "integrated into wider party p o l i t i -7 cal frameworks." Hence the p o l i t i c a l system never gained legitimacy and the p o l i t i c a l culture remained fragmented. Similar patterns are discernible in Italy. In Canada, too, non-political cultural divisions have periodically lessened the homogeneity of p o l i t i c a l culture and have called into question support for various component parts of the p o l i t i c a l system. Ibid., p. 65. Ibid., p. 66. Fragmentation, involving distinct subcultural orientations has often been reinforced and perpetuated by the various subcultural social-ization agencies which do not ra t i f y common symbols or inculcate common po l i t i c a l orientations. In Germany, p o l i t i c a l unification was imposed by elite strata and the bureaucracy. Legitimacy of the p o l i t i c a l system was not assured before the advent of demands for p o l i t i c a l participation and the elite tried to bloc f u l l participation for the wider strata. As Lipset has noted, "in nations like Germany where access was denied for prolonged periods, f i r s t to the bourgeoisie and later to the workers, and where force was used to restrict access, the lower strata were alienated from the system and adopted extremist ideologies which in turn, kept the more established groups from accepting the workers' p o l i t i c a l movement as a 8 legitimate alternative," The onset of industrialization and urbani-zation in Germany in the 1960's further increased the already existing cleavages and in Germany and Russia "a tension developed between the attempt to forge out new symbols of national unity and the existing state, which was to some extent the repository of the more traditional symbols of unity." 9 A l l of the problems discussed above are, of course, highly signi-ficant when considering the legitimacy of p o l i t i c a l systems of the emerging nations in Asia and Africa. In many, the p o l i t i c a l culture is fragmented Seymour M. Lipset, P o l i t i c a l Man (New York: Doubleday, 1960), p. 67. 9 Eisenstadt, op. c i t . , p. 74. and there exist within a single p o l i t i c a l system distinct religious, caste, t r i b a l , and linguistic communities. Clearly, these loyalties must be transferred to the wider p o l i t i c a l system, a system which 9 strengthens and widens identity. The above discussion of p o l i t i c a l culture, abbreviated though i t i s , serves to indicate one major source of p o l i t i c a l alienation. The degree of cohesion or fragmentation i n a p o l i t i c a l culture w i l l affect the nature of demands and expectations and the degree of p o l i -t i c a l system; where p o l i t i c a l culture is fragmented there w i l l be a multiplicity of conflicting demands, low support levels, and a higher degree of p o l i t i c a l alienation. This proposition appears to be empi-r i c a l l y verified by the Civic Culture data which indicate, for example, that persisting cleavages i n Germany and Italy stemming from the failure to resolve various systems development problems have resulted in higher overall levels of p o l i t i c a l alienation than in societies such as Britain and the United States which have by and large resolved them."^ II STRUCTURE AND PROCESS P o l i t i c a l structure refers to particular sets of inter-related roles which perform p o l i t i c a l functions and through which inputs are processed or translated into p o l i t i c a l system outputs. Two important processes to consider when discussing p o l i t i c a l alienation are interest articulation and interest aggregation. Interest articulation refers to the process by Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown, 1963), pp. 307-336. 62 which individuals and groups make demands upon p o l i t i c a l decision-makers.1''" Interest aggregation i s the process of converting demands into general policy alternatives. 1 2 Interest articulation i s performed by individuals, by several different kinds of interest groups, by social movements and po l i t i c a l parties. These structures use different means and different channels 13 in the process of interest articulation. A l l structures performing interest articulation may also perform interest aggregation, however, in modern p o l i t i c a l systems the aggregation function i s performed by p o l i t i c a l parties and the bureaucracy primarily. The degree of alienation in a society may depend upon f i r s t , the possibility of forming groups for the purpose of interest articulation and second upon the openness of channels of access to p o l i t i c a l decision-makers. As Almond and Powell put i t : 1. Where certain groups in a society are denied the right to form p o l i t i c a l groups and to engage i n interest articulation . . . the responsiveness of the system i s limited and dis-content can easily a r i s e . ^ 2. The access structure can also hinder effective responsive-ness. If only one major legitimate access channel i s available . . . i t i s d i f f i c u l t for a l l groups to achieve adequate a r t i -culation. 15 3. Access may easily be closed, and entrenched interests may dominate whatever access exists. 1 "''Almond and Powell, <££. c i t . , p. 73, 1 2 I h i d . , p. 98. 1 3 N e i l J . Smelser, Theory of Collective Behavior (New York: Th( Free Press of Glencoe, 1963), p. 283. 14 Almond and Powell, OJD. c i t . , p. 84. 15T . , Loc. c i t . 16 Almond and Powell, op. c i t . , p. 89. Interest articulation structures such as interest groups, social movements and p o l i t i c a l parties may make demands for modifications or changes of p o l i t i c a l values, structures, norms, leaders or policies. Structural conduciveness refers to the possibility of demanding changes or modifications at one level without at the same time having to advo-cate modifications at higher levels. For example, when there is no possibility of agitating for normative change, discontent may move to the level of values and c a l l into question the legitimacy of" the p o l i t i -cal system as a whole."^ Modern p o l i t i c a l systems generally have functionally specialised structures which aggregate demands. The structures include p o l i t i c a l parties and the bureaucracy; the importance of these agencies should not be underrated. Eisenstadt, in his comparative analysis of situa-tions of breakdown and of sustained growth, found that very often breakdown was the result of the fact that few effective interest aggre-gation agencies developed within which various types of p o l i t i c a l 18 demands could be regulated and made concrete. Hence demands were made to central decision makers directly or to central decision-making struc-tures. In many cases support for the system was weakened. Also, the volume of unaggregated demands became too great for central decision-making structures to handle resulting i n "overloading" and a weakening of responsiveness. Two related problems concern the degree of autonomy of interest Smelser, oj>. c i t . , p. 284. ^Eisenstadt, op_. c i t . , p. 135. 64 aggregation structures and whether or not they accept the rules of the p o l i t i c a l game. Smelser found that i f a p o l i t i c a l party sees i t s e l f as a prime legitimizing instrument of the state, i t w i l l interpret a l l challenges to i t as threats to the state and i t becomes d i f f i c u l t "for competing parties or interest groups to challenge this party on bases 19 other than the claims to legitimacy." Johnson sees this as central to the frustration and alienation of traditional conservative groups in Mexico which are excluded from effective involvement in the p o l i t i -20 cal system by virtue of one party dominance. The pattern is similar in Communist countries and in many other newly established revo-lutionary regimes. Second, conflict regulation requires that interest aggregation structures accept other such structures as legitimate. Where this i s not the case i t may "impair "the a b i l i t y of a p o l i t i c a l system to win or retain the support of different solitary groupings . . ."^ This chapter has considered the structures and processes involved in interest articulation and interest aggregation. Demands and expect-ations are seen as arising from the physical and social and cultural environment of the polity; these demands may focus on policies, leaders and personnel, structures, norms, or values and can be cl a s s i f i e d on this 19 Smelser, OJD. c i t . , p. 281, 20 Kenneth F. Johnson, "Ideological Correlates of Right Wing P o l i t i c a l Alienation i n Mexico," American P o l i t i c a l Science Review, LIV (Sept. 1965), pp. 656-664. ^^Lipset, o_p. c i t . , p. 44. basis. Whether these demands result i n threats to the s t a b i l i t y of the p o l i t i c a l system i s contingent on at least four factors: ( l ) the legitimacy of the system; (2) i t s effectiveness in responding to them (3) the openness of channels for interest articulation and interest aggregation; (4) and by the manner in which people participate in the p o l i t i c a l process. CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS There are three approaches to both the problem and to the meaning of the concept of alienation. The f i r s t approach seeks to delineate the subjective states associated with alienation, a second approach con-siders and categorizes the social sources of alienation however defined, and a third approach considers individual and group orientations to social objects, assesses reasons for these orientations and tries to assess possible behavioural or systems implications. This study has determined that the f i r s t two approaches are of l i t t l e u t i l i t y to social science since the subjective states associated with alienation are varied, the sources of alienation innumerable. The third approach, however, pro-vides a functional basis for the analysis of p o l i t i c a l alienation since i t narrows the f i e l d of inquiry and attempts to be relatively specific. It involves the development of an alienation model based on individual or group orientations to specific p o l i t i c a l objects which stand in an hierarchical relationship to one another and which include public policies, p o l i t i c a l leaders and personnel, p o l i t i c a l norms, structures, and values. The sources of these orientations and of possible p o l i t i c a l alienation are to be located in the physical, social, and cultural environment of the polity from which p o l i t i c a l demands stem; they are shaped also by the performance of the polity i t s e l f . This conceptual and analytic framework 66 67 aids systematic study of alienation within one society and fa c i l i t a t e s cross-national comparisons. The model has predictive value and asserts that the s t a b i l i t y of the p o l i t i c a l system is threatened as alienation moves from lower to higher levels of the hierarchy. Analysis of p o l i t i c a l alienation within the above framework i n -volves consideration of the social and cultural environment of the polity and of p o l i t i c a l structures and processes with particular refer-ence to the following variables: (a) homogeneity of p o l i t i c a l culture; (b) consistency of socialization processes; (c) degree of responsive-ness of the p o l i t i c a l system; (d) the possibility of forming groups for the purpose of interest articulation; (e) effectiveness of aggre-gating structures; (f) openness of channels of access to p o l i t i c a l decision-makers. Attention to these variables as they relate to orient-ations toward p o l i t i c a l objects provides insight into cross-national differences i n levels and kinds of p o l i t i c a l alienation. Some tentative conclusions with reference to them were presented in Chapter V, however more research i s required i n this area. It is also important to consider the social distribution of aliena-tion and the impact of alienation on p o l i t i c a l participation. In an effort to relate alienation studies to findings on p o l i t i c a l participa-tion, the present study focused on p o l i t i c a l participation and then reviewed and synthesized empirical research on p o l i t i c a l alienation. It was found that empirical research studies of alienation d i f f e r i n terms of research objectives, assumptions about alienation, and in terms of the measures and scales used. The review indicated serious research gaps including lack of information on the relationship between age, 68 family cycle, residence, religion, and alienation. The review also found that evidence concerning the relationship between alienation and p o l i t i c a l participation tends to be contradictory, although alienation seems to affect the direction of the vote and the level of p o l i t i c a l information. More research i s required on the relationship between alienation and personality. The need for comparative research is evident. The review of empirical research did find a substantial body of evidence which i n d i -cates that alienation decreases as socio-economic status increases, that women tend to be more alienated than men, that within an organizational context, alienation i s highly related to satisfaction with the organiza-tion and that organizational structure i t s e l f affects alienation. 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East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1957. Tucker, Robert C. Philosophy and Myth in Karl Marx. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961. Vaughan, C E . (ed.). The P o l i t i c a l Writings of Jean.Jacques Rousseau. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1915. Wolff, Kurt H. (trans.). The Sociology of Georg Simmel. Glencoe: The Free Press, 1950. Zeigler, Harmon. The P o l i t i c a l Life of American Teachers. Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall, 1967. B. PERIODICALS Agger, Robert E., et al. " P o l i t i c a l Cynicism: Measurement and Meaning," The Journal of P o l i t i c s , XXIII (August, 196l), pp. 477-506. Aiken, Michael, and Jerald Hagei "Organizational Alienation: A Comparative Analysis," American Sociological Review, XXXI (August, 1966), pp. 497-507. Almond, Gabriel. "Comparative P o l i t i c a l Systems," Journal of P o l i t i c s , XVIII (August, 1956), pp. 391-409. Braybrooke, David. "Diagnosis and Remedy in Marx's Doctrine of Alienation," Social Research, XXV ( F a l l , 1958), pp. 325-345. Browning, Charles J., et a l . "On the Meaning of Alienation," American Sociological Review, XXVI (October, 1961), pp. 780-81. Campbell, Angus. "The Passive Citizen," Acta Sociologica, VI (fasc. 1-2), 1962, pp. 9-21. Clark, John P. "Measuring Alienation Within a Social System," American  Sociological Review, XXIV (December, 1959), pp. 849-852. Coleman, James S. "Implications of the Findings on Alienation," American Journal of Sociology, LXX (July, 1964), pp. 76-8. Dean, Dwight G. "Alienation: Its Meaning and Measurement," American Sociological Review, XVII (October, 1961), pp. 753-758. Dean, Dwight G. "Alienation and P o l i t i c a l Apathy," Social Forces, XXXVIII (March, 1960), pp. 185-189. Erbe, William. "Social Involvement and P o l i t i c a l Activity: A Replication and Elaboration," American Sociological Review, XXIX (April, 1964), pp. 198-215. Faia, Michael A. "Alienation, Structural Strain, and P o l i t i c a l Deviancy: A Test of Merton1s Hypothesis," Social Problems, XIV (Spring 1967), pp. 389-413. Faris, Ellsworth. "The Primary Group: Essence and Accident," American Journal of Sociology, XXXVIII (July, 1932), pp. 41-50. F r e i l i c h , Morris. "Toward an Operational Definition of Community," Rural Sociology, XXVIII (June, 1963), pp. 117-127. Hajda, Jan. "Alienation and Integration of Student Intellectuals," American Sociological Review, XXVI (October, 1961), p. 758. Hanley, F.W. "Some Social Attitudes to Personality With Implications for Psychotherapy," The Canadian Psychiatric Association  Journal, II (December, 1966), pp. 492-496. Hil l e r y J r . , George A. "Definitions of Community: Areas of Agreement," Rural Sociology, XX (June, 1955), pp. 111-123. Hobart, Charles W. "Types of Alienation: Etiology and Inter-relationships," The Canadian Review of Sociology and  Anthropology, II (May, 1965), pp. 92-107. Horton, John. "The Dehumanization of Anomie and Alienation: A Problem in the Ideology of Sociology," B r i t i s h Journal of Sociology, XV (1964), pp. 283-300. Johnson, Kenneth F. "Ideological Correlates of Right Wing P o l i t i c a l Alienation in Mexico," American P o l i t i c a l Science Review, LIV (Sept. 1965), pp. 656-664. 76 Jordan, Z.A. "Socialism, Alienation and P o l i t i c a l Power," Survey, July, 1966, pp. 119-133. Kon, Igor S. "The Concept of Alienation i n Modern Sociology," Social Research, XXXIV (Autumn, 1967), pp. 507-528. L i t t , Edgar. " P o l i t i c a l Cynicism and P o l i t i c a l F u t i l i t y , " The Journal of P o l i t i c s , XXV (May, 1963), pp. 312-323. Lowith, Karl. "Man's Self-Alienation in the Early Writings of Marx," Social Research, XXI (Summer, 1954), pp. 204-230. McClosky, Herbert, and John H. Schaar. "Psychological Dimensions of Anomy," American Sociological Review, XXX (February, 1965), pp. 14-40. McDill, Edward L., and Jeanne Clare Ridley. "Status, Anomia, P o l i t i c a l Alienation, and P o l i t i c a l Participation," American  Journal of Sociology, LXVIII (September, 1962), pp. 205-213. Meier, Dorothy L., and Wendell B e l l . "Anomia and Differential Access to the Achievement of Life Goals," American Sociological Review, XXIV (April, 1959), pp. 189-202. Middleton, Russell. "Alienation, Race, and Education," American  Sociological Review, XXVIII (December, 1963), pp. 973-977. Milbrath, Lester W., and Walter W. Klein. "Personality Correlates of P o l i t i c a l Participation," Acta Sociologica (fasc. 1-2), 1962, pp. 53-66. Mouledous, Joseph C , and Elizabeth Mouledous. "Criticisms of the Concept of Alienation," American Journal of Sociology, LXV (July, 1964), pp. 78-82. Neal, Arthur G., and Melvin Seeman. "Organizations and Powerlessness: A Test of the Mediation Hypothesis," American Sociological  Review, XXIX (April, 1964), pp. 216-226. Neal, Arthur G., and Saloman Rettig. "On the Multi-dimensionality of Alienation," American Sociological Review, XXXII (February, 1967), pp. 54-64. Neal, Arthur G., and Saloman Rettig. "Dimensions of Alienation Among Manual and Non-Manual Workers," American Sociological Review, XXVIII (August, 1963), pp. 599-608. Nettler, Gwynn. "A Measure of Alienation," American Sociological Review, XXII (December, 1957), pp. 670-77. Roberts, AlanH., and Milton Rokeach. "Anomie, Authoritarianism and Prejudice: A Replication," American Journal of Sociology, LXI (January, 1956), pp. 355-358. Rosenberg, Morris. "Misanthropy and P o l i t i c a l Ideology," American  Sociological Review, XXI (December, 1956), pp. 690-691T! Seeman, Melvin. "On the Personal Consequences of Alienation in Work," American Sociological Review, XXXII (April, 1967), pp. 273-285. Seeman, Melvin. "Powerlessness and Knowledge: A Comparative Study of Alienation and Learning," Sociometry, XXX (June, 1967), pp. 105-123. Seeman, Melvin. "Alienation and Social Learning i n a Reformatory," American Journal of Sociology, LXIX (November, 1963), pp. 270-284. Seeman, Melvin. "Alienation, Membership and P o l i t i c a l Knowledge: A Comparative Study," Public Opinion Quarterly, XXX ( F a l l , 1966), pp. 353-367. Seeman, Melvin. "On the Meaning of Alienation," American Socio-logical Review, XXIV (December, 1959), pp. 783-91. Seeman, Melvin, and John W. Evans, "Alienation and Leaning i n a Hospital Setting," American Sociological Review XXVII (December, 1962), pp. 772-782. Shils, E.A., and Morris Janowitz, "Cohesion and Disintegration i n the Wehrmacht in World War II," Public Opinion Quarterly, (Summar, 1948), pp. 280-315. Simmons, J.L. "Some Intercorrelations Among 'Alienation' Measures," Social Forces, III (March, 1966), pp. 370-372. Srole, Leo. "Social Integration and Certain Corollaries: An Exploratory Study," American Sociological Review, XXI (December, 1956), pp. 709-716. Srole, Leo. "Anomie, Authoritarianism and Prejudice," American Journal of Sociology, LXII (July, 1956), pp. 63-67. Stone, Clarence W. "Local Referendums: An Alternative to the Alienated-Voter Model," Public Opinion Quarterly XXIX (Summer, 1965, pp. 213-222. Streuning, Elmer L., and Arthur H. Richardson. "A Factor Analytic Exploration of the Alienation, Anomia, and Authoritarianism Domain," American Sociological Review, XXX (^October, 1965), pp. 760-76. 78 Thompson, Wayne E., and John E. Horton. " P o l i t i c a l Alienation As a Force in P o l i t i c a l Action," Social Forces, XXXVII (March, I960), pp. 190-195. Verba, Sidney. " P o l i t i c a l Participation and Strategies of Influence: A Comparative Study," Acta Sociologica (fasc. 1-2), 1962, pp. 22-42. Verner, Coolie and John S. Newberry J r . "The Nature of Adult Participation," Adult Education, VIII (Summer, 1958), pp. 208-222. Z e i t l i n , Maurice. "Alienation and Revolution," Social Forces XLV (December, 1966), pp. 224-236. C. ESSAYS AND ARTICLES IN COLLECTIONS A r i e t i , Silvano. "Recent Conceptions and Misconceptions of Schizophrenia," The World of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l  Reader,, Maurice Friedman,, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 472T476. . Becker, Ernest. "Mills' Social Psychology and the Great Historical Convergence on the Problem of Alienation," The New Sociology, Irving L. Horowitz, editor. New York: Oxford University Press, 1965. Pp. 108-133. Becker, H.S. "The Teacher i n the Authority System of the Public School," Complex Organizations: A Sociological Reader, A. Etzioni, editor. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1964. Pp. 243-251. Be l l , Daniel. "In Search of Marxist Humanism: The Debate on Alienation," P o l i t i c a l Thought Since World War II, W.J. Stankiewicz, editor. New York: The Free Press, 1964. Pp. 143-158. Berelson, Bernard. "Democratic Theory and Public Opinion," P o l i t i c a l Behavior, Heinz Eulau, et a l . , editors. Glencoe: The Free Press, 1956. Pp. 107-115. Binswanger, Ludwig. "Freud's Conception of Man in the Light of Anthropology," The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 413-426. Boss, Medard. "Psychoanalysis and Daseinanalysis," The Worlds of  Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964, Pp. 426-440. 79 Campbell, Angus. "Recent Developments in Survey Studies of P o l i t i c a l Behavior," Essays on the Behavioral Study of P o l i t i c s , A. Ranney, editor. Urbana: University of I l l i n o i s Press, 1962. Pp. 103-171. Dalton, M. "Conflict Between Staff and Line Management Officers," Complex Organizations: A Sociological Reader, A. Etzioni, editor. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. Farber, Leslie H. "Will and Willfullness i n Hysteria," The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 455-462. Feuer, Lewis. "What Is Alienation? The Career of a Concept," Sociology on T r i a l , M. Stein and A. Vidich, editors. Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall, 1963. Pp. 127-147. Frankl, Viktor E. "From Death-Camp to Existentialism," The Worlds  of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 462-468. Fromm, Erich. "Alienation Under Capitalism," Man Alone: Alienation  in Modern Society, Eric and Mary Josephson, editors. New York: D e l l , 1962. Pp. 56-73. Greenstein, F.I. "Sex-Related P o l i t i c a l Differences in Childhood," P o l i t i c s and Social Lif e , Nelson W. Polsby, _et a l . , editors. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1963. Pp. 244-254. Goldstein, Kurt. "Human Nature in the Light of Psychopathology," The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 403-404. Janowitz, M. "Hierarchy and Authority in the Military Establishment," Complex Organizations: A Sociological Reader, A. Etzioni, editor. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1964. Pp. 198-212. Lane, Robert E. " P o l i t i c a l Personality and Electoral Choice," P o l i t i c s  and Social Life, Nelson W. Polsby, et al., editors. Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Co., 1963. Pp. 231-243. Laslett, Peter. "The World We Have Lost," Man Alone: Alienation in  Modern Society, Eric and Mary Josephson, editors. New York: Dell, 1962. Pp. 86-93. LeRoy, Gaylord C. "The Concept of Alienation: An Attempt At a Definition," Marxism and Alienation: A Symposion, Herbert Aptheter, editor. New York: Humanities Press, 1965. Pp. 1-14. 80 Marx, Karl. "Theses on Feuerbach," A Handbook of Marxism, Emile Burns, editor. London: Victor Gollanz Ltd., 1935. Pp. 228-251. May, Rollo. "Existential Bases of Psychotherapy," The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 440-454. Merton, Robert K. "Bureaucratic Structure and Personality," Complex Organizations: A Sociological Reader, A. Etzioni, editor. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. Pp. 48-61. Mizruchi, E.H. "Alienation and Anomie: Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives," The New Sociology, Irving L. Horowitz, editor. New York: Oxford University Press, 1965. Pp. 253-267. Moreno, J.L. "Philosophy of the Third Psychiatric Revolution," The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 468-472. Mumford, Lewis. "The Mechanical Routine," Man Alone: Alienation in  Modern Society. Eric and Mary Josephson, editors. New York: Dell, 1962. Pp. 114-122. Neumann, Franz. "Anxiety and P o l i t i c s , " Man Alone: Alienation in  Modern Society, Eric and Mary Josephson, editors. New York: Dell, 1962. Pp. 239-262. Rogers, Carl R. "On Becoming a Person," The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 476-485. Rosenberg, Morris. "Some Determinants of P o l i t i c a l Apathy," P o l i t i c a l  Behavior. Heinz Eulau, et al., editors. Glencoe: The Free Press, 1956. Pp. 160-169. Scott, Marvin B. "The Social Sources of Alienation," The New Sociology, Irving L. Horowitz, editor. New York: Oxford University Press, 1955. Pp. 239-252. Stanton, A.H., and M.S. Schwartz, "The Mental Hospital and the Patient," Complex Organizations: A Sociological Reader, A. Etzioni, editor. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. Pp. 234-243. Sykes, G.M. "The Corruption of Authority and Rehabilitation," Complex  Organizations: A Sociological Reader, A. Etzioni, editor. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. Pp. 191-197. Trub, Hans. "Individuation, Guilt, and Decision," The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 404-410. 81 Von Weizacker, Vicktor. "The Unity of Perception and Movement," The Worlds of Existentialism: A C r i t i c a l Reader, Maurice Friedman, editor. New York: Random House, 1964. Pp. 404-410. Wolfe, Bertram D. "Marxism Today," P o l i t i c a l Thought Since World  War II, W.J. Stankiewicz, editor. New York: The Free Press, 1964. Pp. 130-142. Whyte, W.J. "Human Relations: A Progress Report," Complex Organizations: A Sociological Reader, A. Etzioni, editor. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. Pp. 100-112. Zitta, Victor. George Lukacs Marxism: Alienation, Dialectics, Revolution. A Study in Utopia and Ideology. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1964. APPENDIX APPENDIX ON SCALES AND INDEXES 1. Srole's Eunomia-Anomia Scale Respondents were asked to agree or disagree with the following items: There's l i t t l e use writing to public o f f i c i a l s because they aren't really interested in the problems of the average man. Nowadays a person has to live pretty much for today and let tomorrow take care of i t s e l f . In spite of what some people say, the lot of the average man i s getting worse, not better. It's hardly f a i r to bring children into the world with the way things look for the future. These days a person doesn't really know whom he can count on. Respondents agreeing with items were given a score value of one for each item. The number of points was then summed to compose the index. An explanation, see: Leo Srole, "Social Integration and Certain Corollaries: An Exploratory Study," American Sociological Review, XXI (December, 1956), pp. 709-716. 2. Nettler's Alienation Scale (Commitment to popular culture) Respondents were asked to respond to the following items: Do you vote in national elections? (Or would you i f of voting age?) Do you enjoy T.V.? What do you think of the new model American automobiles? 82 Do you read Reader's Digest? Were you interested in the recent national elections? Do you think children are generally a nuisance to their parents? Are you interested i n having children? Do you participate in church activities? Do national spectator-sports (football, baseball) interest you? Do you think most married people lead trapped, frustrated lives? Do you think most politicians are sincerely interested in the public's welfare or are they more interested i n them-selves? Do you think religion is mostly myth or mostly truth? Life, as most men live i t , is meaningless. Do you agree or disagree? For yourself, assuming you could carry out your decision or do things over again, do you think a single l i f e or married l i f e would be more satisfactory? Do you believe human l i f e is an expression of a divine purpose, or is i t only the result of chance and evolution? Most people li v e lives of quiet desperation. Do you agree or disagree? Respondents were given a five point response choice. R = For discussion, see: Gwynn Nettler, "A Measure of Alienation," American Sociological Review, XXII (December, 1957), pp. 670-677 3. Rosenberg's Faith i n People Scale Respondents were asked to answer the following items: Some people say that most people can be trusted. Others say you can't be too careful in your dealings with people. How do you feel about it? Would you say that most people are more inclined to help others or more inclined to look out for themselves? If you don't watch yourself, people w i l l take advantage of you. No one i s going to care much what happens to you when you get right down to i t . Human nature is fundamentally cooperative. Respondents were scored according to their responses. R = 92$. For discussion, see: Morris Rosenberg, "Misanthropy and P o l i t i c a l Ideology," American Sociological Review, XXI (December, 1956), pp. 690-695. 4. The Agger, et a l . P o l i t i c a l Cynicism Scale Respondents were asked to agree or disagree with the following items: In order to get nominated, most candidates for p o l i t i c a l office have to make basic compromises and undesirable commitments. Politicians spend most of their time getting re-elected or reappointed. Money is the most important factor influencing p o l i t i c a l hacks. People are very frequently manipulated by politicians. Politicians represent the general interest more frequently than they represent special interest. Guttman scaling procedures were used and a composite p o l i t i c a l cynicism scale was assigned to each person. R = 94$. For discussion, see: R.E. Agger, et a l . j " P o l i t i c a l Cynicism: Measurement and Meaning, The Journal of P o l i t i c s , XXIII (August, 1961), pp. 479-506. 5. The Campbell, et a l . Sense of P o l i t i c a l Efficacy Scale Respondents were asked to agree or disagree with the following 85 items: I don't think public o f f i c i a l s care much about what people like me think. Voting i s the only way people like me can have any say about how the government runs things. People like me don't have any say about what the government does. Sometimes pol i t i c s and government seems so complicated that a person like me can't really understand what's going on. Disagreement with items was treated as an efficacious response. For Discussion, see: Angus Campbell, jit al_., The Voter Decides (Evanston, 111.: Row, Peterson, 1954), pp. 187-194. 6. The Campbell, et a l . Personal Effectiveness Scale Respondents were asked to agree or disagree with the following items: I would rather decide things when they come up than always try to plan ahead. I seem to be the kind of person that has more bad luck than good luck. There's not much use for me to plan ahead because there's usually something that makes me change my plans. I often have the feeling that i t ' s no use to try to get anywhere in this l i f e . Persons disagreeing with these items were scored as effective. The scale was developed by Survey Research Center, University of Michigan. Cited in Lester Milbrath, P o l i t i c a l Participation (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1965), p. 168. 

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