UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Interrogative conceptual displays : a new direction for museums of anthropology Willmott, Jill A. 1968

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata


831-UBC_1968_A8 W58.pdf [ 6.4MB ]
JSON: 831-1.0104388.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0104388-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0104388-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0104388-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0104388-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0104388-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0104388-source.json
Full Text

Full Text

INTERROGATIVE CONCEPTUAL DISPLAYS A NEW DIRECTION FOR MUSEUMS OF ANTHROPOLOGY by JILL A. WILLMOTT B.A., University of British Columbia, 1962  A Thesis Submitted i n Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April, 1968  In p r e s e n t i n g the  this  thesis  Columbia,  I agree that  the Library  a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. mission  f o rextensive  representatives*  cation  of this  w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n  D e p a r t m e n t of  forfinancial  Anthropology &  26.  that  gain  1968  f o r scholarly  Sociology  Columbia  copying o r p u b l i -  shall  permission.  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a April  thesis  per-  by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by  I t i s understood  thesis  s h a l l make i t f r e e l y  I f u r t h e r agree that  copying o f t h i s  p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d  Date  fulfilment of  r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f  British  his  i np a r t i a l  n o t be a l l o w e d  - ii -  ABSTRACT  This thesis consists primarily of a detailed account of an experimental exhibition installed at the Museum of Anthropology, University of British Columbia. The exhibit i s termed "experimental" because i t was an attempt to do something new i n the f i e l d of visual education and thereby to provide one possible solution to the problem of the increasing gap between museum and theoretical anthropology. In recent years this problem has become so acute that many academics can find nothing good at a l l to say about the work of museumbased anthropologists, l e t alone collaborate with them, and vice versa. While this fact i n i t s e l f does not necessarily constitute cause for alarm, i t seemed to this student that a great deal could be gained from a rapprochement of the two branches, and after careful consideration that the exhibition h a l l was an excellent place to demonstrate this. To this end I designed an exhibit which uses the most important assets of any museum —  i t s collections —  i n a new way:  instead  of the artifacts being ends i n themselves, they are employed as means for conveying one of the current issues of theoretical anthropology  —  the concept of exchange, and the whole display i s arranged to raise questions, rather than answer them, and to stimulate new thinking. In this way i t was hoped to demonstrate the possibility of introducing into the museum some of the exciting ideas under study by the theorists, and at the same time to indicate the advantages of looking at some of these concepts from the point of view of the goods i n volved.  - iii TABLE OF CONTENTS  I.  II.  Introduction 1.  Rationale for Research  2.  Rationale for Organization of Thesis  Background History 1.  2.  III.  5  The Origin of Museums a.  antiquity  b.  the Middle Ages  c.  the Renaissance  d.  the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries  e.  the eighteenth century  The Development of Anthropology and Anthropology Museums a.  the f i r s t period (1890-1930)  b.  the second period (1930-1960)  The Problem of "the Gap" 1.  Its Recognition and Definition  2.  A Few Suggestions for Its Solution a.  28  general views on the function, scope, and programs of anthropological museums  b.  some research projects sponsored by museums or in some way associated with the study of museum artifacts  c.  a few exhibits of special interest  - i v -  IV.  Exchange 1.  2.  ... What I s I t ? A New T y p e o f Museum E x h i b i t  Preliminary  35  Planning  a.  d e f i n i t i o n of audience  b.  assessment o f resources  c.  selection of topic  Designing the Exhibit a.  topic  analysis  b.  e x h i b i t i o n technique  c.  composition and arrangement o f i n d i v i d u a l  d.  c o m p o s i t i o n and arrangement o f t e x t s on p a n e l  considerations cases  boards e.  e n t r a n c e p a n e l , comment b o o k , e t c .  Comments a n d C o n c l u s i o n s  58  1.  Assessment o f P h y s i c a l  Exhibit  2.  Assessment o f I n t e r r o g a t i v e  Exhibit  Idea  Footnotes  66  Bibliography  68  Appendix  78  LIST OF FIGURES AND ILLUSTRATIONS  1.  Time-distribution of the origin of museums  22  2.  Turkestan Marriage Payments case  47  3.  Jivaro Barter case  47  4.  The Trobriand Kula case  48  5.  European Christmas Gifts case  49  6.  The North Alaskan Katangotigit Relationship case  50  7.  Kuba Markets case  51  8.  The Kwakiutl Potlatch case  51  9.  Okiriawan Ancestor Worship case  52  10.  Exchange ... What Is It? exhibit entrance panel  56  11.  Scale diagram of exhibition layout  59  - vi -  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  Acknowledgement i s gratefully made to a l l those who responded to my badgering good-naturedly and offered advice, support, criticism, or encouragement when i t was most needed. In particular, I would like to thank Dr. H.B. Hawthorn for his patient and understanding supervision. J.A. Willmott  - vii -  "Even physics began with cabinets of curiosities, and the elves of antiquarianism have cut capers about the cradle of more than one serious study." - Marc Bloch, i n Margaret T. Hodgen, Early Anthropology i n the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. "Museums, no less than art galleries, have a potentiality to inspire as well as to instruct ...." - F.J. North, Museum Labels. "The educational value of museums w i l l be i n exact proportion to their powers of awakening new thoughts in the mind." - Edward Forbes, On the Educational Uses of Museums. "The need i s to upset conventions i n order to close the gap between what museums are doing and what the world expects of them." - Alma S. Wittlin, The Museum: Its History and Its Task i n Education. "Generalization i s inductive; i t consists in perceiving possible general laws i n the circumstances of special cases; i t i s guesswork, a gamble, you may be wrong or you might be right, but i f you happen to be right you have learnt something altogether new. "In contrast, arranging butterflies according to their  - viii -  types and sub-types i s tautology.  I t merely reasserts something  you know already i n a slightly different form." - E.R. Leach, Rethinking Anthropology. "In cultural ecology there are some of the issues of contemporary debate, the examination of which properly involves the objects that are created, given and exchanged. For a study of the social processes of the exchange and i t s rituals the material object may have more significance than the words accompanying the transaction or even the words of the ethnographer." - H.B. Hawthorn, Comments i n Minutes of Conference on Museums and Anthropological Research.  - 1-  I INTRODUCTION  Rationale for Research A l l institutions have their problems, and museums are no exception.  Furthermore, specialized institutions have special pro-  blems. I t i s therefore not surprising that museums of anthropology have certain problems which are peculiar to them alone. One of these special museum of anthropology problems concerns the proper function of these museums vis-a-vis the increasingly abstract orientation of anthropological research.  For prior to 1930 anthropology  museums played a central role in the development of the f i e l d of anthropology in North America.  Their- staffs were a prominent segment of the  small number of professional anthropologists and they played an important part in teaching as well as in research.  In fact, up u n t i l that  time museums were the most important centres of ethnological research and the principle sponsors of fieldwork.  This research was mainly orient-  ed toward problems of classification and culture history, and there was great interest i n material culture and technology and i n recording the disappearing cultures and languages of various native peoples. Since 1930, however, the centre of gravity i n anthropology has shifted from the museums to the universities, and North American museums today occupy a peripheral position with respect to anthropological teaching and research.  Only a very small proportion of anthropologists uses  museum collections in their ethnological research, and museums have d i f f i culty in recruiting professional ethnologists for their staffs.  Even  - 2 -  museum curators tend to shift their own research interests into the more fashionable theoretical fields rather than use i n new ways the very rich and extensive ethnographic collections under their care. The question of the proper relationship between theoretical and museum anthropology i s frequently discussed and has become known as the problem of "the gap". In dealing with i t there appear to be two courses of action:  f i r s t l y , to explain and try to justify the discrep-  ancy which i s agreed to exist between the two branches; and secondly, to find ways of bridging this gap. My support i s for those who are involved i n the latter activity for their actions, I feel, are much more constructive than those of the explainers and justifiers.  Furthermore, while this gap-bridging might  be pursued i n any one of a number of different areas, my interest i s i n the exhibition.  For i t seems to me that museums, which have existed up  to now with l i t t l e more than their collections and display cases, are not only particularly well qualified to do something i n this area, but that the exhibition h a l l offers great promise as a place for the much needed rapprochement. Museums could and should become more directly involved i n the curren^issues of theoretical anthropology through their exhibitions, and this could happen i n one of two ways. Lively, attractive exhibits could illustrate through the use of material objects, and thus perhaps convey a better understanding of,the problems and concepts that are currently under discussion by the theorists.  Or, these very same objects could be  used i n other ways as stimuli for further theoretical investigation. It seemed to me that this latter end could be achieved by working out a carefully planned exhibition with an over-all interrogative  - 3-  tone.  Accordingly,  I s e t about d e s i g n i n g  one, which was i n s t a l l e d i n  the Museum o f A n t h r o p o l o g y a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia i n A p r i l 1965.  I t was conceived  as an example o f one p o s s i b l e s o l u t i o n t o  the problem o f "the gap", and I r e f e r t o i t as an "experiment" because I b e l i e v e i t was new i n k i n d and t h e r e f o r e i n need o f r e t r o s p e c t i v e e v a l uation.  Rationale  f o r Organization  With r e g a r d  of Thesis  t o t h e t h e s i s i t s e l f , i t w i l l be noted t h a t Chapter  I I , e n t i t l e d Background H i s t o r y , i s l o n g e r t h a n any o f t h e o t h e r s .  This  f a c t i s due t o a c o n v i c t i o n t h a t o n l y i f seen i n t h e i r p r o p e r h i s t o r i c a l context  c o u l d t h e i n s t i t u t i o n and the problem under s t u d y appear m e a n i n g f u l  t o t h e non-museum worker. I n f a c t , i t has been suggested t h a t an ex c a t h e d r a treatment o f t h e problem o f "the gap" might l e a d t o c o n s i d e r a b l e  misunderstanding.  F o r t h i s r e a s o n I have devoted a separate s e c t i o n , Chapter I I I , t o a more d e t a i l e d l o o k a t i t and a review o f some o f t h e p o s s i b l e of ideas f o r solving i t . The  sources  This section i s f a i r l y straightforward, I think.  o n l y t h i n g t h a t need be s a i d about i t i s t h a t i t undoubtedly  repre-  s e n t s no more than a mere sampling o f t h e k i n d o f t h i n k i n g and a c t i v i t y w h i c h has t a k e n p l a c e i n museum c i r c l e s i n r e c e n t  years..  C h a p t e r IV c o n s i s t s o f an i l l u s t r a t e d d e s c r i p t i o n o f the abovementioned e x p e r i m e n t a l e x h i b i t i o n , p l u s a f a i r amount o f d e t a i l c o n c e r n i n g t h e t h i n k i n g and d i s c u s s i o n which preceded i t s i n s t a l l a t i o n , and i n C h a p t e r V I have t r i e d t o determine some o f i t s f a i l u r e s and  successes,  as w e l l a s t o a s s e s s t h e i d e a o f t h i s type o f i n t e r r o g a t i v e e x h i b i t i n general.  - 4 -  Two with regard  further explanations  to the  footnotes  w o u l d seem e x p e d i e n t .  i t w i l l be  noted t h a t they are  c o n s e c u t i v e l y t h r o u g h o u t t h e e n t i r e t h e s i s and the main t e x t . u s e d and to  the  sub-divide  S e c o n d l y , due  t o the  Firstly, numbered  l o c a t e d a t the end  considerable  number o f  of  references  f a c t t h a t t h e y are v e r y d i f f e r e n t i n k i n d , I have chosen the B i b l i o g r a p h y i n t o four separate  1.  Museum H i s t o r y , P r o b l e m s , a n d  3.  D i s p l a y T e c h n i q u e and  s e c t i o n items are  listed  P r o j e c t s ; 2.  D e s i g n ; and  4.  s e c t i o n s headed:  E t h n o l o g y and  Miscellaneous.  a l p h a b e t i c a l l y by a u t h o r ,  and  e n c e s w h i c h c o n t a i n m a t e r i a l r e l e v a n t t o more t h a n one found under the h e a d i n g most a p p r o p r i a t e  the  Ethnography;  Within few  each  refer-  s e c t i o n are to  to t h e i r t i t l e s .  be  II BACKGROUND HISTORY  The Origin of Museums The English word museum i s a direct derivative of the Greek mouseion. which means Muses' realm or temple. At the time of i t s apparent origin i n ancient Greece the i n s t i t u t i o n bearing this name seems to have been characterized more by i t s general atmosphere than by any concrete features. I t was a place where man's mind was encouraged to go beyond everyday a f f a i r s , to forget sorrow and anxiety and indulge i n creative imagination, and where the study of philosophy was  regarded  as a service to the Muses. Examples of such early museums are Pythagoras' School of Philosophy (530 B.C.) i n southern I t a l y , and Plato's Academy (founded i n 387 B.C.) near Athens. Later, i n the Hellenistic Museum of Alexandria (established by Ptolemy Philadelphus i n the third century B.C.) the emphasis shifted from religious and ethical thinking to more i n t e l l e c t u a l considerations, and the Catholicism of learning and discussion conducted withi n t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n was one of i t s most important characteristics. Learning of an encyclopaedic nature was again connected with the term museum when i n the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries books began to be published under this t i t l e .  Regardless of subject matter,  the method of presentation was i n a l l these writings the same, and i t seemed to imply that each survey contained — able —  i f not a l l the data a v a i l -  at least a representative selection of information on the subject  concerned. Some examples of this use of the term are:  - 6 -  Museum Metallicum - published about 1600  and containing a l l the  then-available information on metals; Museum Museorum - published in Frankfurt in 1704  by Dr. M.B. Valentin!  and being a survey of " a l l materials and spices for chemists and their customers, and also other a r t i s t s " ; Poetical Museum - published i n London i n 17&4 and containing songs and poems on almost every subject; Museum Britannicum - published in 1791  and offering information on  "natural knowledge", on a variety of "elegant matters for conversation", and on things "picturesque", "curious", and "scarce"; and Museum of Dramatists - published i n 1906  and composed of the texts  of plays of English dramatists. However, museums as they are most popularly known today are probably best described as buildings or parts of buildings which house, preserve, and display objects of supposed permanent interest i n one or more of the arts and sciences, or collections of these objects, or both.  And  the foundations of museums so defined were laid i n the numerous preceding treasure houses and collections —  owned mainly by private individuals.  Antiquity Although the term museion was not used to denote a collection of objects, the idea did exist i n ancient Greece. at Delphi contained a collection of statues, —  The Temple of  Apollo  an assemblage of victorious  generals, of infantry and horsemen distinguished in battle, of captive enemy women, and of slain enemy bodies.  Also included were shields and  figure-heads of ships captured i n war, and figures of oxen — of the Greeks' regained freedom to t i l l the earth.  in memory  In the Pallas Temple  - 7 -  at Metapontum smiths' tools were collected for their interest as the implements with which the Trojan horse had been constructed.  There too  were to be seen paintings representing the giant race that in former times was thought to have inhabited the land. An ancient hoard collection has been described for us byHomer, who claims that Priam, king of Troy, had gathered together i n his treasure chamber enough offerings to redeem from the sbesieging Greeks the body of his slain son, Hector. And at the time of the Peloponnesian war the Temple of Athens on the Acropolis at Athens contained uncoined silver and gold i n the form of votive offerings and vessels used i n the processions and games, worth altogether not less than 6,500 talents. These are but four of the many collections of ancient Greece, whose functions may be said to have ranged from enshrining national customs, arts, and history to f u l f i l l i n g the role of a modern bank. Apart from them mention should be made of the several open-air "museums" of statues and pictures, such as were to be seen in the streets of Ahens, Ddphi, and Olympia.  "In Delphi," writes Pausanias i n the second century  A.D., "the road which wound up the steep slope to the temple of Apollo was lined on both, sides with an unbroken succession of monuments which illustrated some of the brightest triumphs and darkest tragedies i n 1 Greek history."  The others are said to have been similar  In Rome the communal collections of the temple appeared not as a gradual accumulation of individual offerings, as they had i n Greece, but  as a sudden acquisition of booty from the victories of war.  Marcus  Claudius Marcellus (c. 268-208 B;C.)* the f i r s t Roman general to conquer  -8-  a Greek city, dedicated the many works of art which he had brought back with him to the deities Honor and Virtus i n a temple by the gate which led out of Rome in the direction of S i c i l y . However, private collections soon replaced those of the Roman community, and by the close of the Republic i t had become fashionable for wealthy citizens to have special rooms i n their houses for the reception and display of treasures.  Most note-worthy among these collections  were those which belonged to Lucius Cornelius Sulla (138-78 B.C.), the notorious general and dictator; Lucius Mummius (second century B.C.), Roman statesman and general; Marcus Aemilius Scaurus ( f i r s t century B.C.), Sulla's step-son; Gaius Verres (circa 120-43 B.C.), Governor of Sicily; and Marcus Tullius Cicero (106-43 B.C.), Roman statesman, orator and writer.  A l l were accumulated more for the prestige they brought their  owners than for the purpose of study or of cultivating taste, and quantity was equally as important as quality. The Middle Ages The idea of visualizing spiritual forces i n material objects and of collecting the latter together as sources of power and inspiration was reintroduced by the Christian Church.  Although even the pro-  sperous were limited i n their opportunity to maintain large collections i n the early Middle Ages, princes and ecclesiastics alike had collections of the relics of saints, which they carried about from place to place i n reliquaries and which were greatly coveted. A reliquary, i t was said, "was the most precious ornament i n the Lady's chamber, i n the Knight's armoury, in the King's hall of state,  - 9-  2 as well as that of the Bishop or Pope." To them, men of faith gave the greatest credence; they were displayed on the ramparts of beseiged fortresses, and travellers would hold them aloft when the skies threatened with thunderstorms. Apart from individuals, many monastaries and a number of medieval churches had treasuries which, as well as relics of saints and gifts of travellers returned from distant lands, contained illuminated manuscripts and other works of art. For example, at St. Mark's i n Venice the walls were covered with narrative mosaics, and fabulous treasures were brought out and displayed on special occasions. However, at early stages of civilization when men had not yet learned to control their environment, they were prone to seek the comfort of blind faith i n the powers of supernatural agents and to accept unquestioningly casual connections between matters not yet understood.  Under  such circumstances any object remarkable for the oddness of i t s appearance, for i t s rarity, or for i t s age came to be regarded as a potential source of mysterious forces. It i s not surprising, therefore, that the vast majority of medieval collections consisted mostly of items of the following "magical" order:  ostrich and " g r i f f i n " eggs (Dorn of Goslar i n the Harz, the  Cathedral of Durham); "thunderbolts" (the Cathedral of Halberstadt; Martha's Hof, Bonn; the parish church of Ensisheim i n Upper Alsace); the horns of goats, antelopes, and "unicorns" (the Cathedral of Brunswick; the Church of St. Michael, Hildesheim; St Denis Church, France); bones marked "giants'", "from Jonah's whale", and some claimed to have belonged to saints (Schloss-Kirehe of Wittenburgj the Cathedral of  - 10 -  Vienna; the parish church of Petty, Moray Firth; the Jesuits' Church at Munich; Kreuz Kirche, Breslau); petrified toadstools; and bits of various minerals and peculiar stones. Even in the Middle Ages, however, monarchs were not to be outdone by ecclesiastics.  In 568 Leuvigild, King of the Visigoths, ex-  hibited his collection of treasures as he sat on his throne in royal robes.  From his day onwards the bulwarks of kingly power have been  realm, subjects, and treasure. The Renaissance The revival of learning i n the fifteenth century led to a passionate interest in the monuments of classical antiquity and to an eager desire for their acquisition and preservation.  Popes, princes and  magistrates promoted and carried on vast excavations of ancient sites. In the one hundred years between 1450 and 1550 an immense number of antiquities was unearthed in Rome and i t s vicinity, and many palaces were f i l l e d with them. Coins and medals seemed especially attractive to men f i l l e d with the new enthusiasm.  Petrarch was a coin collector and Politian was inter-  ested i n coins as vouchers of ancient orthography and customs. Benedetto Dandolo i s said to have been the f i r s t to form a cabinet of coins, and Cardinal Petro Barbo, afterwards Pope Paul I I , was a specialist i n this branch of antiquity. The formation of cabinets of coins and medals grew apace, and by the middle of the sixteenth century i t i s said there were two hundred in the Low Countries, one hundred and seventy-five i n Germany, more than three hundred and eighty i n Italy, and about two hundred i n France.  - 11 -  The value of inscriptions had long been recognised, and from the seventh century onwards pilgrims to Rome were i n the habit of jotting down such as they came across and carrying home their transcripts for preservation.  The Renaissance scholars Pastrengo, Poggio, and Signorilli  devoted themselves to the systematic search for and transcription of epigraphic monuments in Italy, while Cyriaco of Ancona travelled abroad under the patronage of Pope Nicholas V for the purpose of making collections i n foreign countries.  The f i r s t comprehensive printed Corpus of In-  scriptions was the work of two professors of Inglostadt, the mathematician Peter Apianus and the poet Bartholomew Amantius, and was published i n 1534. Engraved gems were likewise coveted and many collections of them were started at this time. A most important English collector was Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel ( I 5 8 6 - I 6 4 6 ) , who as well as the Arundel marbles brought together the magnificent assemblage of intaglios and. cameos long known as "the Marlborough Gems". Then too Greek and Roman statuary and fragments of architectural ornaments were greatly prized possessions; so much so that artists such as the Italians Ghiberti, Squarcione, Mantegna, and Lombard! — as well as many others — assembled ancient statues i n their studios, 3 and elsewhere special buildings were erected to house similar collections. Indeed, nearly every type of object connected with classical antiquity was collected and treasured by men of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.  However, besides these new interests many rare and  beautiful objects which up to this time had been stored more for prestige and protection than for enjoyment or instruction were brought out of their  - 12 -  treasure vaults. With the opening up of treasure chambers the word museo. an Italianization of the Greek museion, came into being and established i t self as meaning the resting-place or repository of things rare, beautif u l , and ancient. In this sense i t was used interchangeably with such other terms as study and cabinet. closet, gallery, or chamber of rarities and curiosities.  However, gradually the word museum came to be adopted  as the technical term for a collection of objects, and from the end of the sixteenth century onwards i t has been i n constant use i n both senses. In terms of i t s physical environment l i t t l e can be said about the Italian museo which i s descriptively typical.  Judging by the synonyms  given above, one can guess that i t s properties were those of any room which was given over to the accommodation and/or display of'treasured collections, and we know that i n a few wealthy cases i t was specially decorated with symbols and allegories of the arts and sciences. Within the room the smaller objects were usually placed i n cabinets or cupboards, which had been s k i l l f u l l y designed and equipped with drawers, trays, and pigeon-holes to make their contents readily available. Most cabinets were of fine wood and simple construction; some, however, were made of ebony and inlaid with l a z u l i and jasper, decorated with columns of alabaster, or covered with canopies "so richly set with precious stones that they resembled a firmament of stars". However, although the Renaissance museo might contain such small pieces of art as bronzes, medals, carvings, portraits and other small paintings ("cabinet pieces"), i t was not the place where large pictures and sculptures were kept.  These were placed i n long promenade  - 13 -  galleries which, by the end of the sixteenth century, had become an integral part of princely palaces throughout Europe.  The one best known  and s t i l l in existence i s the gallery built by Bernardo Buontalenti about 1581 on the top floor of the U f f i z i palace in Florence. Such a galleria represents the immediate predecessor of the nineteenth century art g a l l ery, the principal difference being that the latter structure was lighted by skylights (after the Louvre) rather than by windows along one side. Among the ruling families of Italy who began to display their collections i n grand fashion were the Medici of Florence, the Gonzaga of Mantua, and the Este of Ferrara. In 1471 Pope Sixtus IV gave to the city of Rome a large collection of antique statues and later under Pope Julius II the Belvedere Court of the Vatican was arranged to accomodate a large number of sculptures. In France, Francis I (1494-1547) established a cabinet de curiosite^ at Fontainebleau, and Jean Baptists Gaston, Duke of Orleans, (1608-1660) had one at the Palais du Luxumbourg in Paris. In the old Holy Roman Empire and throughout Scandinavia similar collections were known as Kunst und Wunderkammer. The contents of one of these belonging to Archduke Ferdinand of Austria (1529-1595) at Ambras i n the Tirol were later inherited by the museum i n Vienna; and the Kunstkammer of Albert V of Bavaria (1528-1579) eventually became part of the Munich collections. The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries The naturalists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were not far behind the Renaissance classicists and were certainly as  - 14 -  untiring i n their search for rocks, minerals, plants, and animals as were the latter i n digging up antiquities.  The study of the petrified  remains of marine l i f e was f i r s t pursued i n Italy, where the foothills skirting the Apennines were singularly rich i n deposits.  Leonardo da  Vinci had been one of the f i r s t to realize that marine fossils were irrefutable evidence of the former presence of the sea i n vine-clad valleys.  And Antonio Vallisneni, having begun to collect fossils to  decorate a grotto, decided to preserve the best of them "as a notable 4 diversion for the curious". In Copenhagen the most famous collection i n the seventeenth century was that of the physician Ole Worm (1588-1654). Worm's interests were unusually broad and his museum reflected this fact.  It was divided  into two sections headed A r t i f i c i a l Objects and Natural Objects, the former including coins, vessels, tools, and weapons, a l l of which were classed according to the materials of which they were made; and the latter being further subdivided into Fossils, Plants, and Animals. Others whose collections were very definitely concerned with natural history include:  Henry Cornelius Agrippa von Netteesheym (i486—  1535), best known as the author of Three Books of Occult Philosophy and The Vanity of Science and Arts: Nicolas Monardes of Seville (d. 1578); Paracelsus (1493-1541); Georg Agricola (properly Bauer, 1494-1555), the father of minerology; Valerius Cordus (1515-1544), botanist; Pier Andrea Mattioli of Sienna (1501-1577); Jerome Cardan of Milan (1501-1576), mathematician and physician; Conrad Gesner of Zurich (1516-1565), the German Pliny; Pierre Belon (1517-1564), professor at the College of France; Guillaume Rondelet (1507-1566), ichthyologist and professor of  - 15 -  medicine at Montpellierj Ulisse Aldrovandi of Bologna (1522-1605), the great naturalist whose personal ambition i t was to describe and illustrate a l l external nature; Dr. James Cargill (d. 1616) of Aberdeen; Abraham Ortel (1527-1598), eminent geographer and antiquary; Anselm de Boodt (Latinized Boetius, d. circa 1634) of Bruges, physician to Emperor Rudolph II; and the John Tradescants of England —  father (d. 1637) and  son (1608-1662). A description of the appearance and arrangement of Worm's museum w i l l serve to illustrate this type of collection.  On the floor  and on two shelves above i t were boxes and trays containing the smaller objects, beginning with earths and salts and proceeding i n order through the mineral, vegetable, and animal worlds.  Interspersed among the trays  or hung from the shelves above were various freaks and oddities.  On an-  other shelf there was a miscellaneous assemblage of statuary, antiquities, birds, f i s h , bones, coral and petrifactions.  The upper parts of the walls  were covered with tortoise shells, stuffed crocodiles and lizards, skeletons, spears, lances, arrows, paddles, and costumes from Greenland. Between the windows hung horns, antlers, heads of deer and other animals; and on the floor were the vertebrae of a whale.  In addition a stuffed  polar bear, a shark, other fish and various birds, and an Eskimo kayak were suspended from the ceiling.  It has been suggested that such an  arrangement might have been copied from the apothecary's shop. Most of the seventeenth century museums from Florence to London were similar i n character, and ranked high among the places that the "grand tour" scholars and gentlement visited.  So fashionable, i n  fact, was the inspection of others' collections that i t occurred to  - 16 -  Maistre Pierre Borel of Castres (1614-1671), the biographer of Descartes who himself had a considerable collection, to publish i n 1649 an alphabetical l i s t of the principal cabinets of curiosities i n Europe.  And  this l i s t was just the f i r s t of many. The Eighteenth Century The eighteenth century i s the period when the f i r s t so-called "public" museums were founded. The explanation for this new development i s at least three-fold: In 1565 Samuel van Quiccheberg, a Flemish doctor i n the service of Albert V of Bavaria, wrote a treatise on the subject of collecting under a lengthy t i t l e beginning Inscriptiones ... . According to Quiccheberg the ideal museum should represent the universe by means of a systematic accumulation and classification of a l l subject matter.  Then i n the  seventeenth century journals devoted to "science" f i r s t made their appearance:  i n 1665 the Journal des Scavans. and in 1670 Miscellanea Curiosa  published by the German Academy of Naturae Curiosi, which had been founded i n 1652. Together these agencies exercised considerable .influence.  They  aroused a new s p i r i t of enquiry and stimulated new interests, they preached observation and taught accuracy, they provided new and improved means of communicating ideas and a medium for discussing and criticising others' opinions. And under this influence collections grew apace. For example, by 1733 S i r Hans Sloane, the famous London physician who was president of both the College of Physicians and the Royal Society, had amassed together 69,352 different items ranging from hand-printed books to natural history specimens.  It can be readily understood that scholars such as Sloane were keen to ensure the preservation of their painstaking work, and this frequently resulted i n them donating or selling their collections to government or other public bodies. And so i t came about that Sloane's house i n Bloomsbury, with a l l i t s contents, was opened as a public i n stitution by an act of the British Parliament i n 1759. At the same time, however, something else was happening.  Dur-  ing the French Revolution of 1789 most of the collections owned by the French nobility had been dispersed and the art market shifted to London, England.  To prevent the export of French art and to care for the trea-  sures which were endangered, a commission was formed under Alexandre Lenoir.  He established the Muse'e National des Monuments Frangais at  the cloister of the Petits Augustins, which remained i n existence u n t i l 1815. Even more important than Lenoir's efforts were the decrees that provided for the creation of a national museum i n the old palace of the Louvre, for they testified to the awakening of interest i n the heritage of national collections.  And as in France so in other countries efforts  were begun to found museums on a national basis. A third factor i n the development of public museums i s to be found i n the thinking that preceeded the French Revolution. For i t i n cluded for the f i r s t time a realization of the importance of elementary education.  To this later was added an awareness of the museum as a  possible means of providing general knowledge, and this i n turn led to changes i n administration which provided for unrestricted, i f yet unguided, admission of the public to many formerly private collections. Owing their establishment to one or other of these circumstances,  - 18 -  between the late l600's and the early 1800's the following European museums came into being: 1683  Ashmolean Museum, Oxford England  1694  Naturhistorisches Museum, Berne, Switzerland  1731  National Museum, Dublin, Ireland  1754  Herzog Anton Ulrich Museum, Brunswick, Germany  1759  British Museum, London, England  1760  Statens Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen, Denmark  1764  Hermitage, St. Petersburg, Russia  1771  Museo de Ciencias Naturales, Madrid, Spain  1773  Museo Pio Clementino, Vatican City  1778  Teyler's Museum, Haarlem, Holland  1780  National Museum of Antiquities of Scotland, Edinburgh  1781  The Belvedere, Vienna, Austria  1787  Kunsthaus, Zurich, Switzerland  1792  Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden  1793  Muse'e du Louvre, Paris, France  1799-1803 Musees des Beaux Arts i n Dijon, L i l l e , Lyons and Strasbourg, France 1800  Museo Nazionale, Naples, Italy  1802  Hungarian National Historical Museum, Budapest  1807  Nationalmuseet, Copenhagen, Denmark  1810  Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp, Holland  1811  Muse'e d'Histoire Naturelle, Geneva, Switzerland  1817  Stadelsches Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt, Germany  1818  National Museum, Prague, Czechoslovakia  1819  Museo del Prado, Madrid, Spain;  Naturhistoriska Riksmuseet,  - 19 -  Stockholm, Sweden; Musee des Beaux Arts, Liege, Belgium. As w i l l be seen from the above l i s t many of these museums had begun to specialise i n particular fields, and within the others a certain amount of collection organization had taken place.  The. work of  the French Encyclopaedists i n classifying human knowledge provided both incentive and aid. Art treasures were taken from the old curio cabinets and placed with those already in galleries, thus creating the art museum; scientific objects were gathered together and established i n museums of natural history; and around 1800 certain classes of art monuments — such as tombstones, portraits, coins, medals and seals — began to be considered of special historic interest and were brought together to form the nucleus of future historic museums. These public museums differed greatly from the earlier ones which, for better or worse, had reflected the tastes of their private owners. However, the officers in charge were most often high court o f f i c i a l s and public servants, sometimes eminent connoisseurs but rarely scholars.  L i t t l e effort was spent i n rounding out existing collections,  and the presentation of objects followed a rather crowded, historical arrangement.  - 20 -  The Development of Anthropology and Anthropology Museums As w i l l already have been noted, many of the curiosites a r t i f i c i e l s of the older collections were truly ethnographic in nature. However, they were never separated from finds i n other fields, and the purpose of their exhibition was most often to confirm faith i n the marvellous. A good illustration of this i s to be found in the catalogue published i n 1591 "of a l l the chiefest Rarities i n the Publick Theater and Anatomie-Hall of the University of Leyden".  For i n among the usual  miscellany to be seen i n such an exhibit were also:  a Norway house  built of beams without mortar or stone; shoes and sandals from Russia, Siam, and Egypt; the skin of a man dressed as parchment; a drinking cup made out of the skull of a Moor killed i n the beleaguering of Haarlem; war-like arms used i n China; Chinese gongs, paper, and books; Egyptian mummies and idols; and "a mallet or hammer that the savages i n New Yorke 5 k i l l with". Although such a collector as Ole Worm, who made a theoretical distinction between "natural" and " a r t i f i c i a l " objects i n his museum, failed to treat the latter i n any way differently or to even separate them out when he was arranging his collection, he appears to have been the beginning of a Danish trend to treat ethnographic objects as entities i n their own right.  For by the end of the seventeenth century one room  of the Copenhagen Museum had been given over and especially arranged to display examples of the wearing apparel of different peoples, and the Ethnographical Museum of Copenhagen, opened i n 1846, claims to be the  - 21 -  oldest museum of this kind i n the world. That i t was not until the middle of the nineteenth century that this development took place i s due to several things.  Firstly,  the nineteenth century was characterized by a general upsurge of western European expansion.  This was a period of explorations in a l l parts of the  world, of the building of empires, and of sharp competition between the larger countries of Europe for the remaining unclaimed "primitiye" areas. Such large-scale exploration and travel inevitably resulted in an accumulation of new ethnographic materials, for which no adequate f a c i l i t i e s were available. Then too there was a growing scientific interest i n the study of man. Based on an increased knowledge of geography and ethnography, new archaeological finds which proved the age of man to be considerably older than had formerly been assumed, and Darwin's evolutionary thinking, the new natural science approach proved to have wide appeal.  As a result  objects originating with unknown peoples were brought out and grouped for study purposes into categories based either on themes held to be universal for mankind as a whole or by geographical areas.  And with this change  came a change in the criteria applied to the collecting i t s e l f , for besides the strange and spectacular, familiar and common objects were now wanted for comparison. Clearly what was needed was a new science and a new type of specialized museum, a museum of anthropology, very soon to be born. In western and northern Europe, and to a lesser extent in Canada and the United States where this development started slightly later and lasted longer, the majority of larger anthropological museums was founded during the second half of the nineteenth century.  (Cf. Figure 1 below.)  -  a. Europe  22 -  (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom).  Norway  7 6  5 4  3  2 I  1900  SO  O in O O o in O in CM co 9 9 1 i i CM Oi K) O Y in O in cvi CO CO 92  b. U.S.A. and Canada. Fig.  1. Time-distribution of the origins of museums.  The diagrams show the number of existing anthropology museums founded in each, of the periods indicated, with respect to Northern and Western Europe, and to the 'U.S.A. and Canada, (based on data from The International Directory of  logical Institutions, 1953).  Anthropo-  (After Frese I960: 10) Other phenomena of the times were world fairs and universal exhibitions. 1851,  The f i r s t exhibition of this kind was held i n London i n  and similar ones followed at an ever-increasing pace. A good  example of the importance of such enterprises for the development of  - 23 -  anthropology and anthropological museums i s the effect of the Chicago World's Columbian Exposition of 1893.  Over a period of approxiiiiately  two years prior to i t s opening, Putnam, Boas, and almost one hundred other persons carried out an unprecedented program of collecting anthropological materials and data, and of organizing these collections into meaningful exhibits. The immediate result was the founding of the Field Columbian Museum, which took over most of the materials assembled for the Exposition.  And among others which owe their origin, their collections,  and/or their buildings to exhibitions of this kind are:  the Trocadero  Museum in Paris, the Congo Museum of Tervuren, and the St. Louis Public Museum. Of equal importance was the resulting crystallization of a growing interest — both public and professional — i n the ethnography and antiquities of the New World, and the fact that increasing amounts of money were made available for anthropological research.  For up until  the 1880's there had been very l i t t l e systematic research or f i e l d i n vestigation, and museums were mainly concerned with the acquisition of objects by purchase or g i f t . The great period of growth for anthropological museums dates from about 1890 to 1930, during which time they occupied a central position in the development of anthropology.  The reasons for this are mani-  fold. F i r s t l y , museums were the sponsors, organizers, and fundraisers for archaeological and other f i e l d research. needed material to f i l l their cases.  Museum directors  Generally speaking, the objects  -  24  -  of the sort wanted were to be found i n countries whose people and governments were but l i t t l e concerned with the a r t i s t i c or scientific importance of antiquities, and who frequently allowed the export of a l l or most of the excavated objects. Then i n proportion as the museums were able to impress upon the public the interest and importance of the history conveyed by the antiquities, the greater grew the demand for additions to their collections.  And since only the objects found during the course of scientific-  a l l y controlled field-work could be considered to have real documentary value, more money became available for excavations and more missions took to the f i e l d .  Whereas i n 1922 there were just two archaeological missions  working i n Iraq, the results they obtained were so important and the objects they collected so fine and so numerous that by 1933 there were eleven expeditions i n that country, a l l of them representing museums of the western world. In 1891-92 the American Museum of Natural History sent Lumholtz to Mexico and Bandelier to Peru, and the Peabody Museum initiated research at Copan, Honduras. These were the f i r s t large-scale planned museum expeditions from the United States to Middle and South America, and a l though they were designed primarily as collecting trips, they also resulted i n some publications of scholarly importance.  However, i t must  not be forgotten that i n other instances f i e l d research was guided by the desire to follow up theoretical leads suggested by existing collections. A second reason for the prominence of museums i n the development of anthropology as a whole was the fact that professional anthropologists in considerable numbers began to occupy the curatorial positions  - 25 -  of museums which had formerly been i n the hands of interested amateurs. From these positions they then not only carried out or influenced most of the field-work being done, but also played a major role in the teaching  of anthropology i n the universities.  In the United States, for ex-  ample, such important teachers as Putnam, Boas, Kroeber, Lowie, Wissler, Starr, Sullivan, Dixon, and Hrdliclca — to name but a few — were a l l active museum men. Thus, during the early period the theoretical interests of most anthropologists were empirical and showed considerable retention of the natural history approach of the nineteenth century.  There was a  strong emphasis on descriptive and comparative studies of material culture, and many of the most important theoretical contributions concerned such topics as diffusion, the culture-area and age-area concepts, the relation of man to nature, and the denial of trans-Pacific contact with the New World. At the present time i n the German-speaking countries (Germany, Austria, Switzerland) anthropology i s s t i l l mainly museum-centered. Dealing with geographical distribution and matters of historical connection, in which the study of migration and diffusion s t i l l demands much attention, i t could best be described as prolonging the traditional occupation of ..cultural history.  By and large a similar orientation of anthropology and  the museums i s to be found i n the Scandinavian countries. In France, the Musee de 1'Homme with i t s many associated i n stitutes i s the main center for anthropological research and teaching. Besides the museum research which Leroi-Gourhan and his staff are carrying out, anthropological investigations of many different scopes are undertaken.  The Musee offers hospitality to the Laboratoire  - 26 -  d'Ethnographie Sociale which i s given to the study of the Paris region, and field-work —  whether with the aim of collecting artifacts, general  anthropological information on specific cultures, or as a part of on-thespot film expeditions and sound recordings — de l Homme as headquarters. 1  i s a l l done with the Musee  Hence, the museum interests and those of  anthropology at large are merged. In Belgium and the Netherlands the university departments of anthropology and the museums are separate research institutions.  However,  although each of them has i t s own interests, they share a basically similar scientific orientation.  This i s due i n part to the fact that both  museums and university departments are staffed by people who have had the same kind of training.  In addition, i t i s i n line with the geo-  graphical position of both countries at international and intellectual crossroads that the anthropology to be found there i n general manifests a certain eclecticism, drawing alternately on German, French, British, and American sources, but also incorporating the outcome of their own scholarly research —  on African material i n the case of Belgium, and on  Indonesia, New Guinea, and the West Indies i n the case of the Netherlands. In Great Britain, Canada, and the United States, on the other hand, the cleavage between academic anthropology and that of museums i s of real importance.  Particularly i n the United States, beginning about  1930 two trends set i n that led to the present situation. One was the accelerated increase i n the number of non-museum anthropologists attached to universities, government agencies, hospitals, research institutes, and inter-disciplinary programs. The second, concurrent because related, was a rapid growth of various new anthropological  - 27 -  interests and specialities i n directions away from the traditional museum interests, which tended to remain unchanged. Although nearly a l l archaeologists and students of human paleontology have continued to u t i l i z e museums and their collections, most social and cultural anthropologists have become less and less concerned with historical problems and descriptive ethnography and have, generally speaking, lost interest i n material culture and technology. It i s important to realize that the fact museums i n these countries are out of step with the development of anthropology at large i s not due to any retardation on the part of the museums when compared with similar institutions i n other western countries.  Instead, i t points  up the exceedingly rapid development of theoretical anthropology i n Great Britain, Canada, and the United States, and indicates the kind of problem to be faced by museum anthropologists elsewhere i n the near future.  - 28 -  III THE PROBLEM OF "THE GAP"  Its Recognition and Definition The problem of the relationship between theoretical and museum anthropology has been frequently discussed and become known as the problem of "the gap".  Its recognition by leaders in the mus-  eum f i e l d i s variously expressed as follows: In a f i e l d that no longer tends to be empirical and ethnographic, that i s seriously engaged i n theory construction, and that, above a l l , i s i t s e l f undergoing dramatic change, the collection-centred museum appears to be lagging and i n need of re-evaluation in relation to anthropology as a whole. 6 T.F.S. McFeat ...The rapid growth of anthropology in the United States and the great proliferation of anthropological i n t erests and specialities has resulted in an ever-widening gap between the total range of anthropological activity and the more slowly changing, traditional interests of museums. 7 Donald Collier & Harry Tschopik, Jr. Two other points reinforce the cultural lag that reposes i n museum anthropology. Museum anthropologists are the custodians of the historical approach i n contrast with the functional approach of most social anthropologists. And the gap between museum research and exhibits i s widened by the lag between the former and research i n the universities. Until some closer rapport i s established between university museums and university departments of anthropology in finding problems of mutual interest that advance the science, the professors w i l l consider the curators old-fashioned, and the students soon catch on. Mutual education and a change of museum policy are indicated. 8 William N. Fenton Within the development of cultural anthropology as a whole, the museums are faced with solving two problems which especially apply to them. F i r s t l y , several of the more newly developed subjects of study i n general anthropology deal with the present  - 29 -  world. In fact, the attention given to the contemporary cultures i s a significant feature of the direction i n which anthropology i s moving. The museums, however, mainly possess materi a l s of the past. They w i l l have to extend their collections i f they are to benefit from the more recent knowledge and insights of anthropology. Secondly, most i f not a l l of the more recently added subjects i n cultural anthropology have l i t t l e to do with the direct study of artefacts. S t i l l they may be of great significance for a widened interpretation of the material collections in the possession of the museums. At the same time they may prompt the collecting of other documents like films, photos, and sound recordings. 9 H.H. Frese A Few Suggestions for Its Solution General Views on the Function, Scope, and Programs of Anthropological Museums Recognition of any problem, however, i s just a f i r s t step i n dealing with i t .  Frese, i n the quotation cited above, suggests that  anthropology museums, as institutions which collect things and then house them for study purposes, might lead the f i e l d i n the documentation of culture by means of sound recordings and photography. This suggestion i s one that has been made by others too. Collier and Tschopik i n an article entitled "The Role of Museums i n American.-Anthropology"  note that  ...not only are museums i n a position to take advantage, for ethnographic documentation of this type, of the numerous and varied expeditions they are constantly sending to a l l parts of the globe, but many museums have specialized departments of photography, and a few have sound technicians as well. For due to the increase of inter-cultural contacts and the concommitant acculturation, i n contemporary studies the forms of specimens are no longer clear indicators of cultural differences. i t i s the locally different use made of these objects which i s  Instead,  - 30 -  s i g n i f i c a n t , and the value of audio-visual techniques f o r t h i s type of documentation i s extremely obvious. Others who have mentioned culture contact and acculturation studies as a research f i e l d p a r t i c u l a r l y suited to anthropological museums are Ewers  11  , Frese  12  , Braunholtz  13  14  , and Quimby and Spoehr  .  At the same time there are those who continue to stress the importance of material culture c o l l e c t i n g and analysis which, both i n keeping with t r a d i t i o n and most conveniently, should be carried out under the auspices of museums.  J \ H . Hutton i n his 1944 p r e s i d e n t i a l address  15 to the Royal Anthropological I n s t i t u t e of Great B r i t a i n  emphasized  the r e l a t i o n s h i p between material a r t i f a c t s and s o c i a l behavior, and claimed a study of the former i s not infrequently a valuable means of approach to a study of the l a t t e r . This view i s also held by Adrian Digby, Keeper of Ethnography at the B r i t i s h Museum, London, who expresses himself thus: We may see material culture studies no longer l i m i t e d to t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l roles of a s s i s t i n g archaeologists by the prov i s i o n of analogies, and of contributing to h i s t o r i c a l know- ledge by c a r e f u l l y and s c i e n t i f i c a l l y analysed d i f f u s i o n i s t studies. They have a f a r wider prospect. By invoking time as a c a t a l y s t , correlations between techniques and s o c i a l i n s t i t utions become a p o s s i b i l i t y i n a number of f i e l d s . 1 ° Some Research Projects Sponsored by Museums or i n Some Way Associated with the Study of Museum A r t i f a c t s For anyone interested i n new roles f o r museums of anthropology a look at some of the research projects being sponsored by a few of the leading i n s t i t u t i o n s , or i n some way associated with the study of museum a r t i f a c t s , i s both heartening and r e v e a l i n g . Take, f o r example, the recent work i n ethnology of the  - 31 -  N a t i o n a l Museum o f Canada. i s organized and  A l l research  sponsored b y t h i s  i n terms o f programs, which a r e continuous through time  c o v e r a l l a r e a s o f Canada, e n d e a v o r i n g t o r e l a t e them  i f not h i s t o r i c a l l y . signed  conceptually  These programs i n t u r n c o n s i s t o f p r o j e c t s , d e -  t o d i s c o v e r d e t a i l s (such  as u n i f o r m i t i e s i n c u l t u r e growth)  w h i c h may be g e n e r a l i z e d as p r o c e s s e s ,  and the p r o j e c t s comprise i n -  d i v i d u a l studies o f a s t r i c t l y synchronic One  institution  o f t h e more i m p o r t a n t r e c e n t  the Museum i s t h e A l g o n k i a n P r o j e c t b e i n g  nature. second-level  operations o f  c a r r i e d o u t under t h e d i r -  17 e c t i o n o f Tom F.S.  McFeat.  I n i t s b r o a d e s t terms t h i s p r o j e c t i s  o u t l i n e d as d e a l i n g w i t h a p r e d o m i n a n t l y A l g o n k i a n - s p e a k i n g concerning  population  which i t i s hoped t o f i n d o u t which a s p e c t s o f s t r u c t u r e  have remained s t a b l e and which have changed, and how b e s t t o d e s c r i b e b o t h t h e s t a b i l i t y and t h e change.  I t i s intended  that the findings  o f t h i s p r o j e c t w i l l be d e a l t w i t h under such headings as time o r i e n t a t i o n s , space o r i e n t a t i o n s , r e l a t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n s , s e g r e g a t i o n  and i n t e r n a l  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , s t a b i l i t y o f b e h a v i o r a l p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s , and v a l u e s , p u b l i c o p i n i o n , and l e a d e r s h i p .  However, most i n t e r e s t i n g i s t h e f a c t  t h a t t h e y a r e i n many i n s t a n c e s b e i n g unearthed v i a s t u d i e s o f , f o r example, b a s k e t - and b a r r e l - m a k i n g , as w e l l as t h e more u s u a l  settle-  ment p a t t e r n s and f a m i l y h i s t o r i e s .  18 A sample s t u d y i s t h a t o f Eugene Arima  who i n I960 went  t o I v u y i v i k , Quebec t o observe the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f an Eskimo umiak w h i c h had been commissioned b y t h e N a t i o n a l Museum.  A f t e r an e i g h t  months' s t a y Arima was a b l e t o r e p o r t back on t h e o p e r a t i o n  covering  - 32 -  i n f u l l d e t a i l the gathering of raw materials, the technology of cons t r u c t i o n , the s o c i a l organization of the work group, the ethnology and community organization of the Ivuyivik Eskimo group, and how the Ivuyivik umiak compared with others recorded i n the  literature.  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that f i r s t l y , i n both operations c i t e d above a good deal of highly t h e o r e t i c a l ethnology i s being based on data obtained during f i e l d studies of i n d i v i d u a l items of c u l t u r e , and secondly, verbal and written data are being given the same t r e a t ment as was afforded physical a r t i f a c t s only i n the past, i . e . ,  they  are being c o l l e c t e d , c l a s s i f i e d , analyzed, and then preserved f o r future reference and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .  I m p l i c i t i n this approach i s  the view that museum ethnologists need not address themselves s o l e l y to problems concerning material  objects.  Another project of interest i s the Scheme for the Study of Benin History and Culture sponsored by the Nigerian Government, the  19 B r i t i s h Government, and the Carnegie Corporation of New York.  This  project was begun i n 1956 and was to be based on studies of the contemporary s o c i a l organization of the Edo and their o r a l h i s t o r y , a synt h e s i s of the written history of the Benin Kingdom, and a study of Benin art and technology. This l a s t study was of p a r t i c u l a r importance due to the fact that Benin art i s e s s e n t i a l l y representational and hence a considerable amount of past culture i s documented i n material objects.  The procedure  for t h i s part of the project was to study relevant h i s t o r i c a l and ethnographic sources, the techniques of contemporary craftsmen, the  results  of some experimental technology, Benin objects contemporarily " i n  - 33 -  culture" i n use, non-Benin objects contemporarily "in culture" i n use, Benin objects "out of culture", i . e . i n museums and private collections i n Europe, North America, and Nigeria, and non-Benin objects similarly located. The data so accumulated was then organized into analytical categories, and dealt with i n various vrays. For example, one of the tasks of the investigator was that of relating complexes of contemporary forms to appropriate contemporary cultural complexes of which the symbolic content was known, and then projecting these back i n time i n order to interpret the art of earlier times.  Unfortunately, the re-  sults of this scheme are not known to this student. A Few Exhibits of Special Interest Another source of new ideas for anthropology museums i s provided by some of the more outstanding exhibitions of recent years. For example, the Chicago Natural History Museum installed an exhibit entitled The King's Day.  This was an illustrative display  containing as i t s focal point a replica of a Cameroons king's house with the many different artifacts to be found therein.  The King's Day,  however, was unlike many previous illustrative displays i n that i t attempted to go beyond what the physical objects alone could convey. With the help of a narrative account of a typical Cameroons king's daily activities, thought, problems, and pleasures i n a give-away bookl e t , i t provided the visitor with a sort of fourth dimension —  an i n -  side view of the l i f e of an African people, and made that much more meaningful the inherently dead artifacts.  - 34 -  The h a l l of Amerindian displays entitled Man and Culture installed at the Cranbrook Institute of Science i n 1946 i s interesting because i t dealt as much with the conclusions of science as with the objects in i t s collections.  In particular, such principles .as  Differing cultures may develop i n like environments, The environment helps mould the culture, Cultural traits may spread rapidly, and  New  contacts change cultures, were conveyed through a carefully planned arrangement of selected artifacts displayed against exciting background colors and associated with a ndnimum of labels. A special exhibition Across the Pacific was arranged by Gordon F. Ekholm at the American Museum of Natural History i n 1949, and dealt with the problem of trans-pacific contacts.  This exhibition  was a didactic milestone for i t led directly to a symposium held i n Philadelphia i n 1950,  which in turn resulted in a series of technical  papers on the subject of possible Old World-New World connections. Also i n this category of intellectually stimulating displays are several of the exhibits designed by architect Bernard Rudofsky. In 1944,  for example, Rudofsky was responsible for an unusually imag-  inative exhibit on clothing for the Museum of Modern Art i n New York. Through the use of drawings, photographs, articles of clothing from a wide range of geographic regions and historical periods, plus both pithy and humorous labels, Rudofsky produced a work of art which was said to have had the effect of encouraging the view to think for himself and to evaluate his own  experiences.  - 35 -  IV EXCHANGE ... WHAT IS IT?  A NEW TYPE OF MUSEUM EXHIBIT  Preliminary Planning The above considerations would seem to indicate that there are many different aspects of the work a museum of anthropology .does which could be re-directed, or in some way modified, to help bridge "the gap".  New areas and kinds of research could be explored,  new  kinds of collections could be built up (i.e. films and tape recordings, the manuscript notes of selected fieldworkers, etc.), new themes and techniques could be used i n exhibition work, and new liaisons created with the universities to stimulate inter-institutional rapprochment. My interest, however, i s i n the exhibition area, for i t seems to me that here more than anywhere else museums as they have existed up to now with l i t t l e more than their collections and exhibition halls are particularly qualified to do something.  I think museums of anthropology  could and should become more directly involved i n the current issues of theoretical anthropology through their displays, and this could happen i n one of two ways. Lively, attractive exhibits could illustrate through the use of material objects, and thus perhaps convey a better understanding of, the problems and concepts that are currently under discussion by the theorists.  Such exhibits would be similar in kind to the Man and Cul-  ture exhibition mentioned above in that the objects displayed would not be ends i n themselves, as in the older comparative and descriptive exhibitions. isticated end:  Instead, they could be employed as means to a more sophthe understanding of important non-material principles  - 36 -  and concepts.  However, the exhibits of the really  forward-looking  museum of anthropology could go far beyond the simpler, long-established principles displayed in the Man and Culture exhibition and attempt to convey the problems and issues contemporarily  facing academic anthro-  pologists. But an even more revolutionary approach, and the one that excites me most, would consist i n the use of material objects as stimu l i for further theoretical investigation. For i t i s surely obvious that material objects are the end products of non-material processes. Why then should we not work backwards from these products and attempt to f i l l in some of the blanks i n our knowledge by conjecturing about the processes which produced them? A certain amount of support for this suggestion i s already manifest when one realizes that both linguists and archaeologists have for some time been "spinning" theories on the basis of "bits and pieces" (i.e. morphemes and flint-stones).  20 ample, the work of Swadesh  Take, for ex-  21 and Borden  on prehistoric population move-  ments of the northwest coast of North America. Now i t seemed to me that this latter end could be achieved by working out a carefully planned exhibit with an over-all interrogative tone, i n contrast to the usual this-is-the-way-it-is definitive approach. And i n order to test my hypothesis I have worked up an exhibit for the Museum of Anthropology at the University of British Columbia.  In this  section I w i l l try to convey something of the display i t s e l f , as well as why and how I went about preparing i t .  - 37 -  Definition of Audience The f i r s t step i n planning any exhibit would seem to me to be the definition of one's audience.  Thus, I began with this problem  and my reasoning was the following: besides being formally and financ i a l l y a part of the University, our museum i s a university institution i n at least three other regards.  F i r s t l y , i t i s located on the campus,  which i s outside the city limits, i n the basement of the library building.  I t i s thus hardly at the crossroads of the city's daily l i f e ,  and not l i k e l y to be visited by non-university people unless they make a special t r i p to see i t . Secondly, with the exception of the positions of director and curator, i t i s staffed by university students.  As a result i t i s  not only closed on a l l university holidays, but also between regular sessions when the majority of students leaves the campus. And thirdly, i t i s a museum of anthropology;  i t s collections  as well as i t s regular exhibits pertain to a f a i r l y specialized f i e l d of knowledge or, i n other words, are not of general interest.  Conse-  quently, i t seemed reasonable to assume that the audience for which I should design a display i n this museum consisted primarily of university people — both students and faculty —  interested i n the social sciences,  and this was precisely the kind of audience I required to try out my exhibition hypothesis. Assessment of Resources The second step, as I saw i t , was to assess my resources — spatial, material, temporal, financial, and intellectual.  I was told  - 38 -  I could use the area of the museum reserved for temporary e x h i b i t s , i . e . a central area approximately twenty by twenty-three f e e t , defined s o l e l y by four concrete corner posts twenty by twenty inches each.  The  museum has a concrete f l o o r and c e i l i n g , the height between them being about f i f t e e n f e e t .  At my disposal was a number of portable display  cases i n two sizes — twenty-two by f i f t y - f o u r by sixty-eight inches (including twenty-seven inch legs) and eighteen by t h i r t y - s i x by f i f t y four inches (including three foot legs) i n width, length, and height r e s p e c t i v e l y , and several soft-board panels (four feet high on twentyseven inch legs) which could be joined together to make any length and several d i f f e r e n t angles. In the way of a r t i f a c t s I had at my command anything from the c o l l e c t i o n s of the U . B . C . Museum which was not already i n some permanent e x h i b i t , plus the prospect of borrowing a minimum of other  items  from l o c a l B . C . and Washington museums. The date when I began working on t h i s exhibit was December 1964.  From the point of view of thesis requirements I had two and a  h a l f years to complete i t .  However, because I was planning to i n s t a l l  my work i n a f u l l y - f u n c t i o n i n g i n s t i t u t i o n , i t had to be incorporated i n t o the museum's operational plans, and i t was decided with the Curator that the exhibit should be ready by A p r i l 1965.  Thus, I had approxi-  mately four months i n which to conceive and complete i t . F i n a n c i a l arrangements were the next to. be considered.  Very  b r i e f l y , I was t o l d I could order colored paper, backdrop materials, l e t t e r i n g , tacks, tapes, photo reproductions, etc.  on museum accounts  i f and when I required more than what the museum already had at  its  - 39 -  disposal. In other words, within the limits of the usual museum spending, I was given a free hand. Selection of Topic My next problem was deciding how to go about selecting a topic, and how complicated a topic I could manage. It will be remembered that my main objective was to try out a new approach in the use of museum artifacts.  This meant that the theme by which I achieved my  end was relatively unimportant. I recall considering such topics as a re-analysis of social relationships using artifacts as correctives of theory based on non-material culture; the notion of value — its essence and significance in social science studies; and a conceptual expbration of religion and the supernatural based on their material categories. The idea I finally settled for came to me during a lecture on M. Mauss  1  Essai Sur Le Don.  It was a re-examination of exchange as a theoretical  concept. Designing the Exhibit Topic Analysis For, what is exchange? In its broadest sense this concept has been probed, defined, discussed, and bantered about for some considerbale time. Limited to its narrowest meaning, i.e. market exchange, i t has been used and studied by a good proportion of Western economists. Such people as Mauss, McCarthy, Malinowski, Polanyi and many others have offered classifications of exchange, and proposed theories concerning i t are too numerous to count. S t i l l , i t seems to me, i t remains vaguely defined and poorly understood.  - 40 -  As a p h y s i c a l exhibit I saw the question "What i s exchange?" being treated i n the following manner:  A number of small cases would  each contain the object or objects c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y  exchanged i n a  p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n ; for example, kula arm-bands and necklaces, North-  22 west Coast potlatch goods, Trobriand urigubu yams, facsimiles  of c a t t l e  and other east A f r i c a n b r i d e - p r i c e a r t i c l e s , New Guinea whale teeth and greenstones, Western Christinas packages, e t c . ,  etc.  These a r t i f a c t s  would be the f o c a l points of exchange situations more f u l l y conveyed through the use of associated pictures and t e x t , and each case would be a separate u n i t , complete i n i t s e l f and i n no way associated with any other such u n i t . The r e s t of the exhibit would consist of boards and panels presenting the various theories, c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , comments, etc. have been made i n the l i t e r a t u r e  that  concerning exchange, plus any questions  which seemed pertinent or were currently under d i s c u s s i o n .  Thus, no one  t h e o r e t i c a l framework would be used as the basis of organizing the cases. On the other hand, suggested associations and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s might be i l l u s t r a t e d through the use of the same or d i f f e r e n t l y colored backgrounds, streamers between cases and panels, and other display techniques. I began reading and many questions came to mind.  Firstly, i f  the purpose of my exhibit was to stimulate thought which would ultimately redefine my concept (exchange), how was I to begin? should I choose my i l l u s t r a t i v e material?  On what basis  What was my frame of r e f e r -  ence? A paper by Werner Conn e n t i t l e d "What i s Religion?  An Analysis  23 f o r C r o s s - C u l t u r a l Comparisons"  came to the rescue.  In i t Cohn defines  - 41 -  religion i n terms of contemporary Western institutions and usage, and then looks around to see i f any other culture has something which f i t s this concept. His findings are negative.. He justifies this procedure by pointing out that the presence of things supernatural must be judged from the point of view of the indigenous people of each culture, for much of what we might term "supernatural" i n a given culture i s not thought to be so by the participants. Thus, religion, according to Conn, i s a cultural concept, and stands in direct contrast to such a thing as cancer, which i s non-cultural and analytic, i . e . i t i s profitably analyzable without reference to any specific culture. It seemed to me that exchange too was an analytic concept, that unlike religion but like cancer, i t would be most usefully defined without consideration of any specific behavioral content .or cultural recognition.  I decided i t would be quite proper for me to begin by arbit-  r a r i l y defining exchange for myself, or by choosing anybody else's defini t i o n that suited me, and then selecting examples to f i t i t .  Furthermore,  I concluded, the f i n a l purpose of my exhibit should be to stimulate thought which would not change the definition, but instead, find out what the universal analytic qualities of exchange are. To begin the exhibit I was therefore i n need of a broad defini t i o n of exchange, and the one I finally chose came from Webster's Dictionary.  I t reads:  "Exchange i s the act of giving or taking one thing  in return for another as an equivalent." The next thing I wondered about was what further criteria should guide me in my choice of exchange situations. The following considerations seemed relevant:  - 42 -  1.  the availability for display purposes of the artifacts typical of specific exchange situations  2.  a good geographical or culture area - representation  3.  a typological representation  This last heading was prompted by the many different classifications of exchange I had come across in my reading which, I f e l t , had to be represented i f I was going to test any of the theories based on them. The following dichotomies were uppermost i n my mind: a.  exchange between individuals versus exchange between groups  b.  exchange between mortals versus exchange between mortals and spirits  c.  material exchange versus non-material exchange  d»  personal exchange versus impersonal exchange  e. voluntary exchange versus obligatory exchange f.  barter versus fixed-price exchange  g.  exchange within societies versus exchange between societies  h.  exchange between equals versus exchange between subordinates and superordinates  i.  the exchange of objects of intrinsic value versus the exchange of objects of extrinsic value It then occurred to me that i n view of the wide range of ex*24  change types suggested above Belshaw's concept of"social transaction" was perhaps better than "exchange". However, i n subsequent discussions with colleagues I found that whereas the word "exchange" had an immediate meaning for them a l l , the notion of "social transaction" was  - 43  -  strange and more often than not had to be explained.  This finding  i n i t s e l f was enough to make me return to using "exchange". Exhibition Technique Considerations As a result of much reading and thinking about display designing I saw as my biggest problem the creation of an atmosphere of inquiry within the exhibit. My f i r s t conclusion was that to get any kind of desired effect or impact I needed to control my audience in some subtle way.  For example, i t seemed reasonable that I direct the  flow of t r a f f i c through my exhibit —  not so much to avoid crowding,  but so i t would build up to a climax of inquiry.  I f e l t I could pro-  bably use other similar techniques, so I began consulting artists, architects, and museum specialists.  To my utter amazement most of them  disagreed entirely. The argument they gave me goes something as follows: to date almost a l l thinking, and certainly a l l scientific thinking, has been linear, i.e. i t consists of defining a problem and then proceeding through any number of consecutive steps to i t s solution.  Over the years  linear thinking has proved very useful; however, i t does have a limitation i n that i t i s directional. A second type of reasoning, which i s currently gaining i n creasing popularity, i s the so-called non-linear thinking.  I t differs  from the former i n that i t encourages the following up of any side issue which at the time seems interesting and permits of a series of seemingly unconnected ideas.  Finally, i t i s claimed, the person involved in these  mental meanderings arrives at a stage of creative confusion out of which a l l at once both problem and solution dawn simultaneously.  Obviously,  this type of thinking i s non-directional, and i t therefore allows for  - 44 -  and stimulates a much wider range of associated ideas.  -  ,  To create an exhibit which would provoke significant new thought one should be guided by this second type of reasoning, they said.  In other words the visitors* thoughts should not be channelled,  and no direct associations should be made; the viewers should be l e f t to find their own interpretations and to draw their own conclusions. Furthermore, the physical layout should be as non-conformist and unpredictable as possible. For example, i n order to avoid un-called for associations either a l l showcases should be identical i n shape and size, or entirely different — preferably the latter.  If and where possible,  floors should be modified to include steps, slants, and interesting curves.  False ceilings and partitions might be created to provide i n -  terest and atmosphere, and new colors and textures used to stimulate emotional and intellectual excitement. These considerations were new and interesting to me. However, they seemed not only to best represent the views of artists, but also to be designed for artists* reactions. I wanted to deal with a specific topic, exchange, and I also had to keep i n mind the fact that my audience would consist primarily of social scientists —  traditionally  a l l linear thinkers. Thus, I decided to re-vamp my plans, incorporating what I f e l t I could of the non-linear approach but s t i l l maintaining a modicum of rationality for the benefit of a non-artistic audience. Since our museum floor was cement and I had limited funds, there was really nothing I f e l t I could do about modifying i t in a meaningful way.  On the other hand, the natural ceiling was very ugly  and much too high for any feeling of unity. Also, there were no  - 45 -  partitions other than soft-board panels a mere six and a quarter feet high to delimit my display area.  I t therefore seemed a good idea to  construct some sort of false ceiling which would define the area of this specific exhibit within the museum and help create a more comfortable atmosphere within the exhibit. This was to be accomplished by putting steel strapping around the four cement posts at a level of ten feet, and then stringing wires between them. To these i t was  intended  to attach strips of lightly colored plastic or tulle woven in and out at right angles.  However, i n the end both financial and temporal c i r -  cumstances prevented the carrying out of this plan. After some consideration I decided to use eight of the largersized cases arranged i n such a fashion that the contents of each could be looked at independently of a l l the others.  (It should perhaps be  mentioned that these cases have just three glass panels: and one end.)  front, top  This meant breaking up the display area into alcoves  and corners by placing the cases at right angles to one another.  To  further delimit my exhibit I used soft-board panels to f i l l the gaps between the posts, leaving just two openings for entrance and exit. (Cf. floor plan of exhibit at end of this chapter.) At this point modification of the interior display areas of the cases seemed too d i f f i c u l t , so that idea was also abandoned. As mentioned before, I had originally visualized using a r t i facts as focal points for specific exchange situations more f u l l y conveyed through associated pictures and text.  It was then suggested that  the artifacts alone, without any explanation or context, could say something, —  different things to different people.  I t seemed to me, however,  - 46 -  that while I did not want to provide verbal analyses or total interpretations, I also did not want to leave my cases wide open for just any kind of association; I wanted to stimulate thought about a specif i c idea, I wanted to direct i t without implying any particular end. Thus, I decided on a "happy medium" course of action. As originally planned, each of the eight cases would i l l u s trate a single, distinct type of exchange situation. I would line each of them with a different type of paper, the colors having been chosen both for their over-all aesthetic effect and for the slight association of environment which they suggested.  Each case would bear a purely des-  criptive, non-classificatory t i t l e , and within each, artifacts, maps, photos and labels would be placed i n an aesthetically pleasing but nonsignificant juxtaposition. Composition and Arrangement of Individual Cases The following eight exchange situations were chosen for this type of presentation: 1. Turkestan marriage payments 2. Jivaro barter 3.  the Trobriand kula  4.  European Christmas gifts  5.  the north Alaskan katangotigit relationship  6.  Kuba markets  7. the Kwakiutl potlatch 8. Okinawan ancestor worship The Turkestan Marriage Payments case was lined with a deep sea-blue paper, and contained an elaborately hand-embroidered dowry  - 47 -  gown as i t s only a r t i f a c t .  The function of this gown i n Turkestan  marriage transactions was explained i n two short labels, which were accompanied by a map showing the area.  - 48 -  For the Jxvaro Earter case a textured brown cork paper was chosen. Against this a selection of brightly colored feather and seed ornaments, some blowgun equipment, and two baskets stood out at one end and contrasted with a shotgun and a few shiny metal implements at the other.  These artifacts represented the two kinds of goods ex-  changed between the "interior" and "frontier" Jivaro i n a type of trade more f u l l y conveyed by the accompanying label.  A colored pic-  ture of a l o c a l Indian adorned with feather ornaments and sporting a gun completed the case.  The a r t i f a c t s exchanged i n the Trobriand kula are of just  - 49 -  two kinds:  pink spondylus s h e l l necklaces and white s h e l l arm-bands.  Having just one of the former and three of the l a t t e r to d i s p l a y , i t was obvious I would need something dramatic to o f f - s e t them.  I de-  cided to use a s o - c a l l e d "thunder grey" background paper, and to make up a large map of the kula d i s t r i c t by cutting silhouettes of the islands out of a c o r a l pink paper and s t i c k i n g them on to the inside back of the case.  The a r t i f a c t s were then l a i d out on the f l o o r of  the case with the main l a b e l , and the side panel was hung with photographic reproductions of three successive acts of the kula r i t u a l .  The European Christmas G i f t s setting was next.  This case  was l i n e d with a velvety bright red paper, and i t s t o t a l contents consisted of two l a b e l s , a p i l e of g a i l y wrapped Christmas p a r c e l s , an assortment of Christmas cards representing the various sentiments  - 50 -  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h i s h o l i d a y s e a s o n , and a f i r bough d e c o r a t e d w i t h t i n s e l rope and t h r e e g l a s s b a u b l e s .  The n o r t h A l a s k a n k a t a n g o t i g i t r e l a t i o n s h i p was an example o f exchange d e f i n e d i n terms o f r e c i p r o c a l b e h a v i o r p a t t e r n s , and t h u s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y i n v o l v i n g any m a t e r i a l goods.  To convey t h e s e t t -  i n g I used an i c y b l u e background, a p a i r o f f u r mukluks, two u l u s . and a soapstone c a r v i n g o f an Eskimo woman t e n d i n g h e r d o m e s t i c d u t i e s . The a c t u a l b e h a v i o r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p was e x p l a i n e d i n a l o n g e r - t h a n u s u a l l a b e l r o l l e d l i k e a s c r o l l and a k i n s h i p c h a r t i n w h i c h key p e r sons were emphasized t h r o u g h t h e use o f photos o f Eskimo  faces.  The Kuba Markets case c o n t a i n e d an a s s o r t m e n t o f t h i n g s t o be found a t such a market, many o f w h i c h were dark i n c o l o r .  To  p r o v i d e c o n t r a s t f o r them I d e c i d e d on an o r a n g e y - t a n c o l o r w i t h w h i c h t o l i n e t h e c a s e , and added a b l a c k s i l h o u e t t e map  of A f r i c a w i t h the  - 51 -  " T r e l l i s green" adequately describes the color used f o r the Kwakiutl potlatch case.  For t h i s display I had had to use a  case just s l i g h t l y smaller than the others, so the e f f e c t of l o t s of goods heaped up ready f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n was e a s i l y achieved.  In-  cluded among them were a copper, two button blankets, several bask e t r y hats, a ceremonial headdress, some carved mountain-goat horn spoons, a carved, kerfed box, and f i v e s i l v e r bracelets.  A label  and a photo of a potlatch i n preparation conveyed the r e s t .  The l a s t case was the setting f o r Qkinawan ancestor worship seen  as exchange.  mounted on black.  This case was l e f t white, and a l l l a b e l s were  I t was set up with a cabinet f o r ancestor worship  containing on i t s top shelf tablets for the ancestors'  names and two  - 53 -  flower vases with greens, two tea and one wine cups on the next shelf, and below a burner with incense.  Besides several typewritten labels,  a diagram of a typical Okinawan house showing the location of the ancestral tablets in i t was included. In writing the main case labels the following considerations were uppermost in my mind: 1.  They should be descriptive and non-interpretive, so as to put into more detailed contexts the objects displayed and. s t i l l leave  ••: room for individual associations and conclusions. 2,  They should be short and to the point, as long labels tend to be  tedious and more often than not are apt not to be read. For the complete texts of these labels cf. the Appendix. Composition and Arrangement of Texts on Panel Boards Having set up the cases, i t was time to think about the rest of the exhibit. Including the visible backs of cases, I had a total of twelve different vertical surfaces to which I could attach texts, pictures, streamers, etc. However, the warning "It's nonsense to do i n a museum what could be better done in a book!" kept running through my mind. Then too I was i n general agreement with my consultants who had deplored the spelling out of direct relationships and other people's exchange classifications.  Thus, I decided to throw out my original  plans for streamers and more typewritten texts, and instead scatter throughout the exhibit, wherever the aesthetic effect was not spoiled by doing so, pertinent questions and quotations on exchange.  - 54 -  My objective, of course, was with this device as well to introduce an atmosphere of inquiry and stimulate along the lines of "solution" new ideas about exchange.  The quotations, therefore, needed  to be ponderable; deep enough to demand several readings and cause some perplexity, and yet not so obscure as to i r r i t a t e .  On the other  hand, the questions, I f e l t , should be sufficiently complex that they would not be dismissed with a simple "yes" or "no" answer, but not so general that they caused the visitor to say to himself " I ' l l think about that one later" and move on to the next case. The next job then was to draw up a l i s t of questions and quotations from which to select the most appropriate for specific panels. Within the limits defined above the choice was f a i r l y random. My l i s t of authors included M. Mauss, M.J. Herskovits, E. Adamson Hoebel, Bronislaw Malinowski, Karl Polanyi, C y r i l S. Belshaw, and Karl Marx, and my questions ranged from "Surplus:  necessary or sufficient cause of ex-  change?" to "Does the universality of exchange negate the existence of self-sufficiency?". In the end various considerations (aesthetic, temporal, and financial) resulted i n the putting up of just four questions and four quotations located as shown on the diagram at the end of this chapter. They read: 1.  Are indigenous systems of value keys to an understanding of exchange?  2.  Surplus:  3.  Exchange: means only or an end i n itself?  4.  Does the universality of exchange negate the existence of self-  necessary or sufficient cause of exchange?  sufficiency?  - 55 -  Belshaw: 25 of role.  On the supply side, a l l exchange i s based on differentiation  Hoebel:  The fundamental key to gift-giving i s the reciprocity under26 lying a l l social relations. Mauss: It i s groups, and not individuals, which carry on exchange,  27 make contracts and are bound by obligations. Herskovits:  When the basis of our consideration shifts from the  classification of form to analysis of function, both the rudimentary and the complex forms of exchange turn out to be no more than extremes 28 of a continuum. Entrance Panel, Comment Book, Etc. My f i n a l considerations, concerned what to put on the entrance panel, where and how much to t e l l the viewer about the background of this exhibit; and how to find out what the response to i t was.  I n i t i a l l y , i t seemed to me that the less said about the whys and  hows of my project the more unbiased a response I would get. However, further reading and discussion persuaded me that most exhibits need something to outline their purpose i n a simple but clear way, and that unless I asked for them i n a very specific way I would never get to know the reactions of the viewers. So I began writing, putting down on paper a l l I thought I might t e l l my audience without defeating my own purposes, and outlining the areas i n which I was most interested i n getting comments. The o r i ginal one paragraph quickly became eight, and i t was obvious that not a l l could be said i n one long label. partite division.  In the end I settled for a t r i -  - 56 -  My entrance panel was covered i n black paper to which i n large white l e t t e r s I affixed the exhibit t i t l e "Exchange ... What i s i t ? " , with each of the eight letters of "exchange" centered on a square of one of the colors (except white) that had been used i n the display cases.  Below this i n smaller lettering I spelled out:  Like many other concepts, exchange i s frequently used but vaguely defined by most social s c i e n t i s t s . This exhibit i s designed to stimulate thought which would analyze and explore anew what we mean by exchange. The remaining space was f i l l e d with an abstract arrangement of pairs of arrows ( ^  ~^ ) meant to suggest reciprocity, i f not  exchange, and cut from four of the colored papers used i n the exhibit.  On a box near one of the entrance-exit openings I placed a pen and notebook for comments, above which two separate labels read: This i s an experimental exhibit. comments are cordially invited.  Your reactions and  - 57 -  and In particular your responses along the following lines would be appreciated: 1. Do you feel you have gained a deeper understanding of exchange as a result of this exhibit? Please indicate any new insights or definitions you have arrived at. 2. Has this exhibit confused rather than clarified the concept under consideration for you? If so, can you suggest why? 3. Has your reaction been more aesthetic, because of the colors or arrangements, than intellectual? 4. Has anything important been omitted, or any aspect over-emphasized i n this exhibit, to your way of thinking? And f i n a l l y , on one of the smaller blank panels inside the exhibition area I put up the following typewritten label which contained the remainder of what I deemed expedient to say and re-emphasized my plea for written comments. ABOUT THIS EXHIBIT Since about 1930 museums of anthropology have been grappling with the relationship between theoretical and museum anthropology. The increasingly abstract orientation of academic anthropological research has put in question the proper function of museums. This problem i s frequently discussed, and i s becoming known as the problem of "the gap". In dealing with the issue I see two courses of action: 1. to explain and try to justify the discrepancy between the two branches of anthropology, and 2. to find some way of bringing them together again. This exhibit i s experimental in nature and i s an attempt to bridge "the gap". It i s designed to show that museums could become actively involved in the current issues of theoretical anthropology. In arriving at this conclusion i t was f i r s t necsessary to realize that the same artifacts could be used as means for conveying ideas, rather than as ends or illustrations in themselves. Secondly, i t seemed to me that'not only could they be used to convey concepts and issues, but perhaps also*raise new questions and stimulate new thinking. The main task, therefore, was to work up an exhibit which was provocative and interrogative i n tone,in contrast to the usual this-is-the-way-it-is definite approach. I came to the conclusion that the best way of achieving this tone of inquiry  - 58 -  was to introduce the topic via a juxtaposition of objects, questions, and quotations against a background of non-significant colors, shapes, and textures, and then leave a l l associations i interpretations, and conclusions up to the individual viewer. In attempting to carry out this objective my choice of exchange for the concept to be explored was arbitrary. Having selected i t , I needed some broad definition as a basis for designing the exhibit. The one I f i n a l l y chose comes from Webster's Dictionary and reads as follows: Exchange i s the act of giving or taking one thing i n return for another as an equivalent. I have enjoyed working on this exhibit and hope you enjoy looking at i t . Since, however, the determination of i t s success depends on knowing your response, i t i s hoped that you w i l l take the time afterwards to jot down your comments i n the notebook provided on the other side of this panel. J i l l Willmott  - 60  -  V COMMENTS AND  CONCLUSIONS  Assessment of P h y s i c a l E x h i b i t  It  i s f a i r l y simple to state the  should evaluate the success s e n t a t i o n may  be  regarded  achieved w i t h accuracy  as  of any  exhibit.  c r i t e r i o n by which  one  F o r example, "the  pre-  s u c c e s s f u l i f the d e s i r e d e f f e c t i s  of meaning, w i t h i n reasonable  t i m e , and  with-  29 o u t undue d i f f i c u l t i e s culty lies  on t h e p a r t o f t h e s p e c t a t o r . "  The  real  diffi-  i n d e c i d i n g whether or not a g i v e n d i s p l a y meets these  re-  quirements . I n the case was  hoped t o f i n d  of the experimental e x h i b i t d e s c r i b e d above, i t  some m e a n i n g f u l way  of e v a l u a t i n g i t s success  -discussion w i t h s p e c i a l i s t s i n the f i e l d A p p a r e n t l y , however, the o n l y r e a l l y the success  o f a n y new  s u l t s of a preplanned  of s o c i o l o g i c a l  statistics.  s c i e n t i f i c means o f e s t i m a t i n g  t y p e o f e x h i b i t i o n w o u l d be  t o compare t h e  of time, space,  re-  questionnaire completed a f t e r i t s v i e w i n g w i t h  a n s w e r s t o t h e same q u e s t i o n n a i r e c o m p l e t e d b y a c o m p a r a b l e a f t e r v i e w i n g an  after  e x h i b i t i o n of the o l d e r type.  And  since  audience  limitations  a n d b u d g e t made i t i m p o s s i b l e t o e v e n c o n s i d e r t h e i n -  s t a l l a t i o n of another  e x h i b i t a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h  Columbia,  the f o l l o w i n g conclusions are n e c e s s a r i l y u n s c i e n t i f i c . T h e y a r e , i n f a c t , w h o l l y i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c , b a s e d on  the  w r i t t e n comments c o l l e c t e d i n a n o t e b o o k l e f t n e a r t h e e x i t o f t h e p l a y , and i n g the  o n d i s c u s s i o n s t h e a u t h o r h a d w i t h some o f t h e v i e w e r s  first  couple  Before  of days of the  dis-  dur-  exhibition.  g o i n g on t o d i s c u s s t h e s e  comments i t s h o u l d b e made  - 61 -  clear that although the audience one expected to view this exhibit consisted primarily of university people —  both students and faculty,  the museum i s open to the general public as well and the majority of the written comments give no indication as to the background of their authors. Also, out of a total number of eighty-five comments only thirty-two were specifically concerned with the Exchange exhibit. The following remarks therefore pertain only to the latter. First of a l l i t was generally appreciated that the "Exchange ... What i s it?"exhibit was new i n kind and/step i n the right direction.  Such comments as "An exhilerating and well presented display,  pointing to some exciting new ideas in the future ..." and "An excellent beginning ..." are illustrative of this feeling. While some people merely prefaced their remarks with phrases like "Within the obvious limitations of time, space, and money you have done well  a few indicated in detail the ways in which they  f e l t the display could have been bettered.  One person said he would  like to see a more exciting use of light, color, and design, and with regard to the labelling that he would suggest a departure from the usual paragraph structure; for example, small groupings of words could be "appropriately distributed over the exhibit."  In this same vein an-  other viewer suggested that one might profit from studying some of the techniques journalists use to arrange words and phrases in eye-catching groups. These suggestions, I thought, were well put, for i n working out the display I had been constantly aware of my own imaginative limitations without really knowing what to do about them. In retrospect  - 62 -  t h e n , i t seems t o me  t h a t some v e r y e x c i t i n g d i s p l a y s m i g h t b e  duced i f a team o f s p e c i a l i s t s — g o t t o g e t h e r and  r a t h e r t h a n any  one  j e c t s , f i f t e e n expressed  window-dresser,  j u x t a p o s i t i o n o f i d e a s and  f a v o r a b l e r e a c t i o n s , two  c o n f u s i o n , and  a f t e r i n d i c a t i n g vaguely that t h e i r understanding  c e p t had been deepened by t h e d i s p l a y — g r e a t e r coherence  "economic-type"  cona  arrange-  t o separate the cases c o n t a i n i n g  exchange s i t u a t i o n s f r o m  exchange r e s p e c t i v e l y ; and  of the  different  ob-  two  went on t o s a y t h e y f e l t  c o u l d have been a c h i e v e d through  T h e i r s u g g e s t i o n s were f i r s t ,  "spiritual"  an  o f a t o t a l o f n i n e t e e n comments s p e c i f i c a l l y d e a l i n g w i t h  t h e arrangement of the e x h i b i t , i . e . the  ments.  ex-  a museum e x p e r t .  Out  —  —  I n c l u d e d i n t h i s team I w o u l d hope t o see  e t h n o g r a p h e r - e t h n o l o g i s t , an a r c h i t e c t , a p r o f e s s i o n a l  people  individual  c r e a t e d an " e x p e r i e n c e " a l o n g t h e l i n e s o f t h e  h i b i t d e s c r i b e d above.  a w r i t e r , and  pro-  " c e r e m o n i a l " exchange  second,  and  rather than i s o l a t e  o b j e c t o r i d e a , t o work i t i n t o the t o t a l p a t t e r n o f t h e l i f e  of  one  a  people. In  p l a n n i n g the e x h i b i t I had,  of course, quite consciously  r e f r a i n e d f r o m i n c o r p o r a t i n g b o t h o f t h e s e t y p e s o f o r d e r i n g , and s i n c e t h e m a j o r i t y o f v i e w e r s who  bothered  t o comment h a d  p e r t u r b e d by t h i s l a c k of o r g a n i z a t i o n I f e l t I had  not  done t h e  been right  t h i n g by i g n o r i n g i t . H o w e v e r , i t was f u s e d " v i e w e r s were both  v e r y i n t e r e s t i n g t o n o t e t h a t t h e two  "con-  social s c i e n t i s t s w e l l versed i n theory  but  a l m o s t t o t a l l y u n f a m i l i a r w i t h museums a n d  artifacts.  One  said  e x h i b i t l a c k e d a " s t r u c t u r a l f r a m e w o r k " , i n o t h e r w o r d s i t was  the "too  - 63 -  wide open" for meaningful interpretation, and t h i s resulted i n f r u s t ration.  He f e l t the person responsible should have had well-formu-  lated ideas on exchange i n h i s own mind before beginning to work on the exhibit, and that these ideas should have been evident i n the f i n a l product.  The other person claimed that for him the juxtaposi-  t i o n of objects and conceptual material had certainly not raised any new questions. The two, he f e l t , competed for attention, and "although i t i s interesting to see a kula bracelet, seeing i t i s i n many ways irrelevant to kula exchange." As a result I cannot help but wonder i f social scientists are perhaps not the ones who most need a new type of museum display to shake them out of their time-worn categories! In answer to my question concerning any new insights or defi n i t i o n s of exchange which might have been gained as a result of the exhibit, the following three things were mentioned: i t y of exchange i n some cultures; b. emotional exchange; and c.  a.  the complex-  the basic unity of monetary and  the inter-relationship of ideas and soc-  i e t i e s , "which must not be ignored". The display, i t was claimed, caused one viewer to re-examine his own system of exchange and gift-giving —  "especially for prestige", and another said i t helped him to p u l l  together the ideas about exchange that he had gathered from an i n t r o ductory course i n anthropology. These l a s t two reactions were encouraging, and although not profound, the new associations were a step i n the right direction, I thought. Question 3intellectual?"  "Has your reaction been more aesthetic ... than  e l i c i t e d three answers i n favor of i n t e l l e c t , and five  -6k-  claiming a well-balanced can-you-draw-a-clear-distinction-betweenthe-two? reaction. Nobody offered any suggestions of omission or over-emphasis, but one person queried the rationale for selecting the particular examples of exchange which were illustrated, and another viewer wondered i f the panel questions and quotations could not have been more "meaningful".  ... Quite possibly, I admit.  Of a l l the cases, the one dealing with Okinawan ancestor worship evoked the only specific comments. One viewer said he f e l t the concept of exchange had been well developed "with the possible exception of the section on Okinawan ancestor worship".  Another, the one  who suggested grouping the cases according to exchange categories, singled out the Okinawan example as one of a kind — "spiritual" exchange; and a third person wrote:  illustrating  "The Okinawan ances-  tor worship seems at f i r s t an unusual inclusion, but i t does make one think about the nature of the practice." Of course, this latter i s exactly the kind of reaction I was hoping to inspire, and i t perhaps indicates that not enough of the total exhibit was new and unsettling, for both the comment and the Okinawan case stand out as just one of a kind. And f i n a l l y , two different people went on to offer comments on the f i e l d of anthropology, saying how good i t would be i f i t s subject matter could more often be presented i n exhibits of this kind "which prompt one to further study". In general, then, I cannot help but feel that my exhibit  - 65 -  was quite successful, despite i t s numerous short-comings.  It proved  to be the topic of a f a i r amount of discussion and i t caused a few people to go a b i t farther in their thinking about exchange.  Further-  more, since the compromises made concerned only the physical aspects of the display, i t seems to me that without these and the limitations inherent i n any one person's imagination, audience reaction could only be expected to be more diversified and more rewarding.  Thus, I am i n  favor of more such "experiments". Assessment of Interrogative Exhibit Idea And i f my assessment of the physical exhibit i s positive, i t surely goes without much saying that I think the idea of constructing such a display was also good. This i s not to say that I see this new type of interrogative exhibit as the only way of bridging the gap between theoretical and museum anthropology.  However, I do feel that  i t i s a very worthwhile area for consideration, and I hope the future w i l l bring with i t many new experiments in the f i e l d of museum exhibition work.  - 66 -  FOOTNOTES  1  Wittlin 1949: 39.  2  Murray 1904*. 6.  3 e.g. the Antiquarium i n Munich (after 1584), Arundel House, London (circa 1618), and the Temple of Antiques i n Potsdam (1768). 4  Hodgen 1964: 116.  5  Murray 1904: 30-31.  6  McFeat 1962: 3.  7  Collier & Tschopik Jr. 1954: 772.  8  Fenton I960:  9  Frese I960: 70.  10  Collier & Tschopik Jr. 1954: 776.  11  Ewers 1958: 519.  12  Frese I960:  13  Braunholtz 1942.  14  Quimby & Spoehr 1951.  15  Hutton 1944: 2.  16  Digby 1962-3:  17  McFeat 1962.  18  Arima 1963.  19  Dark 1963.  20  Swadesh 1949 & Swadesh et. a l . 1954.  21  Borden 1951 & 1962.  345-346.  70-71.  9.  22 Since my aim was to use museum objects as means to theoretical ends, I saw no reason why I shouldn't make use of facsimiles of articles too big, perishable, or otherwise impossible to display. Why not exhibit papier-mache' cows i f they help to make a point? Surely the American Museum of Natural History's Hall of Man exhibition (cf. Shapiro 1959) sets a precedent for this kind of thing.  - 67 -  23  Cohn n.d.  24  Belshaw ms.:  25  Belshaw 1965: 110.  8.  26 Hoebel 1958: 450. 27 Mauss 1954: 3. 28  Herskovits 1962:  vii-viii.  29 Wittlin 1949: 235.  - 68 BIBLIOGRAPHY  Museum History. Problems, and Projects ARIMA, E.Y. 1963  Report on an Eskimo Umiak Built at Ivuyivik, P.Q., i n the Summer of I960. Ottawa, Dept. of Northern Affairs & Nationa l Resources. (National Museum of Canada Bulletin 189, Anthropological Series 59.)  BLISS, DOROTHY E. 1959  A Museum Exhibit Interprets Basic Research. Why? II: Summer: 212-218.  Curator  BRAUNHOLTZ, H.J. 1938  Ethnographical Museums and the Collector: Aims and Methods. Royal Anthropological Institute Journal 68: 9 - H .  1942  Culture Contact as a Museum Problem. Royal Anthropological Institute Journal 72: 3-7.  COLLIER, DONALD 1962  Museums and Ethnological Research. Curator V: Autumn:  322-328.  COLLIER, DONALD & TSCHOPIK JR., HARRY 1954  The Role of Museums in American Anthropology. American Anthropologist 56: 768-779.  DARK, PHILIP 1963  The Benin Scheme and the Study of Benin Art i n Museums. Minutes of Conference on Museums & Anthropological Research. Ottawa, National Museum of Canada, October 25-26.  DIGBY, ADRIAN 1962-63 Time the Catalyst: or Why We Should Study the fete r i a l Culture of Primitive Peoples. Advancement of Science XIX:  1-9.  ENCYCLOPAEDIA BRITANNICA 1964  Museums and Galleries. 980.  Encyclopaedia Britannica XV: 963-  - 69 -  EWERS, JOHN C. 1958  A Century of American Indian Exhibits i n the Smithsonian Institution. Smithsonian Institution Report 1958: 513-  522.  FENTON, WILLIAM N. I960  The Museum and Anthropological Research. Autumn: 327-355.  Curator I I I :  FORBES, EDWARD 1853  On the Educational Uses of Museums. London, Metropolitan School of Science Applied to Mining and the Arts. (Introductory lecture of the 1853-54 session.)  FRESE, H.H. 1960  Anthropology and the Public: E.J. B r i l l .  The Role of Museums. Leiden,  GREGORY, WILLIAM K. 1936  The Museum of Things Versus the Museum of Ideas. Science  83: 585-588.  HAWTHORN, HARRY B. 1963  Comments. Minutes of Conference on Museums & Anthropological Research. Ottawa, National Museum of Canada, October 25-  26.  HODGEN, MARGARET T. 1964  Early Anthropology i n the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press.  HUTTON, J.H. 1944  The Place of Material Culture i n the Study of Anthropology. Royal Anthropological Institute Journal 74: 1-6.  KATZ, HERBERT & MARJORIE 1965  Museums U.S.A.: A History and Guide. & Co. Inc.  New York, Doubleday  LEVI-STRAUSS, C. 1961  Today's Crisis i n Anthropology. 17.  Courier 14:  November: 12-  - 70 -  LOG HER, G.W. 1954  Museums of Anthropology and International Understanding. Museum 7: 91-94.  McFEAT, T.F.S. 1962  Museum Ethnology and the Algonkian Project. Ottawa, Dept. of Northern Affairs & National Resources. (National Museum of Canada Anthropological Paper 2.)  1963  The Object of Research i n Museums. Minutes of Conference on Museums & Anthropological Research. Ottawa, National Museum of Canada, October 25-26.  MANDELBAUM, D.G., TASKER, GABRIEL W., & ALBERT, ETHEL M. (eds.) 1963  Resources for the Teaching of Anthropology. American Anthropological Association Memoir 95.  MURRAY, DAVID 1904  Museums: Their History and Their Use. MacLehose & Sons.  Glasgow, James  PARR, A.E. 1963  Civilization and Environment: A Program for Museums. Canadian Museums Association Bulletin 14*  n.d.  F i l l i n g the Gaps of Knowledge. American Museum of Natural History Annual Report 84.  PENNIMAN, T.K. 1965  A Hundred Years of Anthropology. & Co. Ltd.  London, Gerald Duckworth  PLASS, MARGARET 1964  The King's Day. Press.  Chicago, Chicago Natural History Museum  QUIMBY, GEORGE I. & SPOEHR, ALEXANDER 1951  Acculturation and Material Culture I. Fieldiana 36: 17:  July  107-147.  RUDOFSKY, BERNARD 1947  Are Clothes Modern? An Essay on Contemporary Apparel. Chicago, Paul Theobald.  - 71 -  SHAPIRO, HARRY L. 1958  Primitive Art and Anthropology.  Curator I: Winter:  46-51.  TUWAN, JANINA 1949  Ethnographical and Ethnological Museums and the Public. Museum 2: 180-183.  UNESCO I960  The Organization of Museums. Paris, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. (Museums and Monuments 9.) -  WHITEHILL, WALTER MUIR, SHIPTON, CLIFFORD K., TUCKER, LOUIS LEONARD, & WASHBURN, WILCOMB E. 1965  History of Museums i n the United States. Curator VIII: Winter: 5-54.  WINICK, CHARLES 1962  The Public Image of the Museum i n America. Winter: 45-52.  Curator V:  WITTLIN, ALMA S. 1949  The Museum: Its History and Its Tasks i n Education. London, Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd.  WOOLLEY, SIR LEONARD 1956  Digging Up History for the Showcase. Courier 9: ber: 10-12.  Septem-  Ethnology and Ethnography BELSHAW, CYRIL S. ms.  Theoretical Problems i n Economic Anthropology.  1965  Traditional Exchange and Modern Markets. Englewood C l i f f s , N.J., Prentice-Hall, Inc. (Modernization of Traditional Societies Series.)  BOHANNAN, PAUL, & DALTON, GEORGE (eds.) 1962  Markets, i n Africa.  Evanston, Northwestern University Press.  - 72 -  BORDEN, CHARLES E. 1951  Facts and Problems of Northwest Coast Prehistory. pology i n British Columbia 2: 35-52.  Anthro-  1962  West Coast Crossties with Alaska. Arctic Institute of North America Technical Paper 11: December: 9-19 & 170-181.  CODERE, HELEN 1950  Fighting with Property: A Study of Kwakiutl Potlatching and Warfare 1792-1930. New York, J.J. Augustin. (American Ethnological Society Monograph 18.)  COHN, WERNER n.d«  What i s Religion? An Analysis for Cross-Cultural Comparisons. Vancouver, Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of British Columbia.  HARNER, MICHAEL J. 1963  Machetes, Shotguns, and Society: An Inquiry into the Social Impact of Technological Change Among the Jxvaro Indians. Berkeley, Univ. of California. (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. )  HERSKOVTTS, MELVILLE J. 1952  Economic Anthropology.  New York, Alfred A. Knopf.  1962  Introduction. Markets i n Africa (Paul Bohannan & George Dalton ed.s), Evanston, Northwestern University Press.  HOEBEL, E. ADAMSON 1958  Man i n the Primitive World. Inc.  New York, McGraw-Hill Book Co.,  HOMANS, GEORGE C. 1958  Social Behavior as Exchange. American Journal of Sociology 62: May: 597-606.  KEESING, FELIX M. 1958  Cultural Anthropology.  New York, Rinehart & Co., Inc.  - 73 -  KRADER, LAWRENCE 1963.  Peoples of Central Asia. Bloomington, Indiana University. (Uralic & Altaic Series 26.)  LEACH, E.R. 1961  Rethinking Anthropology.  London, Athlone Press.  MALINOWSKI, BRONISLAW 1961  Argonauts of the Western Pacific. & Co., Inc.  New York, E.P. Dutton  MAUSS, MARCEL 1954  The Gift: Forms and Function of Exchange i n Archaic Societies. London, Cohen & West Ltd.  PITTS, F.R., LEBRA, W.P., & SUTTLES, W.P. 1955  Post-War Okinawa. Washington, D.C, National Research Council (Pacific Science Board). (SIRI Report 8.)  POLANYI, KARL 1959  Anthropology and Economic Theory. Readings i n Anthropology 2 (Morton H. Fried ed.), New York, Thomas Y. Crowell Co.  SPENCER, ROBERT F. 1959  The North Alaskan Eskimo: A Study i n Ecology and Society. Washington, D.C, Smithsonian Institution. (Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 171.)  SWADESH, M. 1949  The Linguistic Approach to Salish Prehistory. Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology XXXVI: 161-174.  SWADESH, M. with comments by G.I. QUIMBY, H.B. COLLINS, E.W. HAURY, G.F. EKHOLM, & F. EGGAN 1954  Time Depths of American Linguistic Groupings. Anthropologist 56: 361-377.  UNDERHILL, RUTH ms.  That Midwinter Day Called Christ Mass.  American  - 74 -  VANSINA, JAN 1962  Trade and Markets Among the Kuba. Markets i n Africa (Paul Bohannan & George Dalton eds.), Evanston, Northwestern University Press.  Display Technique and Design BAYER, HERBERT 1961  Aspects of Design of Exhibitions and Museums. Curator IV: Summer: 257-288.  BENEKER, KATHARINE 1958  Exhibits — Firing Platforms for the Imagination. I: Autumn: 76-81.  Curator  BERNARD, FRANK J. 1962  Dynamic Display. Cincinnati, Display Publishing Co.  BIGMAN, STANLEY K. 1953  Evaluating the Effectiveness of Cultural Exhibits. Washington, D.C. Bureau of Social Science Research.  BIRD, JUNIUS B. 1962  Art and Life i n Old Peru: Spring: 147-210.  An Exhibition.  Curator V:  CARMEL, JAMES H. 1962  Exhibition Techniques: Traveling and Temporary. New York, Reinhold Publishing Corp.  DE BORHEGYI, STEPHAN F. 1965  Testing of Audience Reaction to Museum Exhibits. VIII: Winter: 86-93.  Curator  DE BORHEGYI, STEPHAN F. & HAMPTON, PATRICIA 1961  A Primitive Art Exhibit by University Students. Winter: 7-14.  Curator IV:  DOW, STERLING 1953  Athens i n the Vth Century: Museum 6: 111-115.  An Exhibition of Facts and Ideas.  - 75 -  EWERS, JOHN C. 1955  Problems and Procedures in Modernizing Ethnological Exhibits. American Anthropologist 57: 1-12.  HATT, ROBERT T. 1946  Tenets of Anthropology Displayed. Museums Journal 46: August: 88-89.  I965  The Organization of Museum Exhibits. December: 17-20.  Museum News 44:  HELLMAN, ROBERT A. 1958  The Teaching Functions of Exhibits. 74-76.  Curator T:  Winter:  INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS MACHINES n.d.  Mathematics: A World of Numbers ... and Beyond. catalogue.)  (Exhibition  KELEMAN, PAL 1953  Aesthetic Appeal i n Archaeological and Ethnological Museums. Museum 6: 16-23.  NORTH, F.J. 1957  Museum Labels. London, The Museums Association. for Museum Curators B: 3.)  (Handbook  PARR, A.E. 1954  Reprint of Talk Given at the International Design Conference in Aspen.  1958  The Time and Place for Experimentation in Museum Design. Curator I: Autumn: 36-40.  1962a A Nice Gooky Exhibit.  Curator V:  Spring: 118-119.  1962b  Some Basic Problems of Visual Education by Means of Exhibits. Curator V: Winter: 36-44.  1964  Test and Criticism.  Museum News 43:  October:  36-38.  - 76 -  ROSS, J.A. & SMITH, P. 1965  Designs of a Single Stimulus, All-or-Nofching Type. American Sociological Review 1: 68-80.  SCHAEFFER, BOBB 1  1958  Exhibits and Ideas.  Curator I:  Spring:  25-33.  SHAPIRO, HARRY L. 1959  Exhibit in Progress.  Curator II: Summer: 237-251.  SWEENEY, JAMES JOHNSON 1959 UNESCO I963  Some Ideas on Exhibition Installation. 151-156.  Curator I I : Spring:  Temporary and Travelling Exhibitions. Paris, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. (Museums and Monuments 10.)  WILLIAMS, LUTHER A. 1960  Labels: Winter:  Writing, Design, and Preparation.  26-42.  Curator III:  WITTEBORG, LOTHAR P. 1958  Design Standards in Museum Exhibits.  29-41.  Curator I:  Winter:  WRIGHT, GILBERT 1958  Some Criteria for Evaluating Displays i n Museums of Science and Industry. Midwest Museums Quarterly 18: 62-70.  Miscellaneous CLAPP, JANE 1962  Museum Publications.  New York, Scarecrow Press, Inc.  DE BORHEGYI, STEPHAN F. & DODSON, ELBA A. I960  A Bibliography of Museums and Museum Work 1900-1960. consin, Milwaukee Public Museum.  Wis-  - 77 -  DE BORHEGYI, STEPHAN F., DODSON, ELBA A., & HANSON, IRENE A.  1961  B i b l i o g r a p h y o f Museums and Museum Work c o n s i n , Milwaukee P u b l i c Museum.  1900-1961. Wis-  MURDOCK, GEORGE PETER I960  E t h n o g r a p h i c B i b l i o g r a p h y o f North America. ( 3 r d . ed.) New Haven, Conn., Human R e l a t i o n s A r e a F i l e s , I n c . •  ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND . 1951  Notes and Q u e r i e s on A n t h r o p o l o g y . Routledge & Kegan P a u l L t d .  (6th ed.) London,  WINICK, CHARLES 1956  D i c t i o n a r y o f Anthropology. Library, Inc.  New York, P h i l o s o p h i c a l  - 78 APPENDIX Texts of Exchange . . . What Is It?  Exhibit Labels  TURKESTAN MARRIAGE PAYMENTS Like a l l Central Asian f a m i l i e s , the t r a d i t i o n a l Turkestan f a m i l y was extended, p a t r i l o c a l , and p a t r i a r c h a l ,  i . e . composed of a  man, h i s wife or wives, his sons, t h e i r c h i l d r e n , and his unmarried daughters.  Such a family had continuity through i t s male membership,  and through i t maintained i t s r i g h t s i n herds and land from generat i o n to  generation. Marriage among the Turkmens was exogamous, and children  were betrothed by t h e i r parents before they reached maturity.  Usually  a marriage go-between acted on behalf of the family of the groom and made enquiries about the g i r l and her family.  He then brought the  parents of the prospective couple together, at the same time providing proof that the union was permitted by rules of descent and exogamy. Agreement on the amount of dowry and bride-wealth was thereupon arranged. Both dowry and bride-wealth played an important part i n any Central Asian marriage.  This was because the union was e s s e n t i a l l y a  contract concluded between the husband s and w i f e ' s patrilineages 1  for  the services of the woman i n supplying a son, and thus assuring the perpetuation of the husband's l i n e . The dowry moved with the bride from her family to that of her husband's.  In exchange a bride-wealth moved from the husband's  family to the b r i d e ' s .  In f a m i l i e s of moderate means the bride-wealth  was often several times the value of the dowry, but was l i k e i t i n many respects.  Both usually consisted of some l i v e s t o c k , but the dowry  might also contain items of c l o t h i n g , e s p e c i a l l y ceremonial garb for  the  - 79 -  woman. •  •  •  A Turkestan marriage was a complex transaction  involving  a person ( the bride ) and goods (bride-wealth and dowry), together with f e a s t i n g , the paying of respect, competitions, the wedding ceremony, and other r i t u a l s .  actual  Garments such as t h i s , l a b o r -  i o u s l y hand-embroidered by the bride from the time she could use a needle, were very often a part of her dowry.  - 80 -  JIVARO BARTER The Jivaro Indians inhabit the h i l l y tropical forests of eastern Ecuador.  Their territory i s bisected from north to south  by the rugged Sierra de Cutucu, which in many places rises more than 6,000 feet above sea level.  This mountain range has acted as an  effective barrier to White settlement in' the eastern part of the region, and except for a'few cases i n the last two decades a l l reported contacts between Whites and Jivaro have been restricted to that portion of the tribe dwelling west of the Sierra de Cutucu. This relative isolation of the interior Jivaro on the one hand, and increasing involvement of the frontier Jivaro i n the Ecuadorian socio-economic structure on the other has resulted i n clear-cut inequalities i n access to resources and quite different needs on the part of the two groups.  The frontier Jivaro, primarily  through their wage-labor for the Ecuadorians, have acquired a surplus of factory-made goods. At the same time they feel a shortage of native products due to the near exhaustion of local game.  In contrast,  the interior Jivaro have an abundant supply of native-made goods, but a high demand for steel cutting tools and firearms. As a result a complicated system of native trade has developed. It i s based on pairs of men normally living one or two days' walk apart, who v i s i t each other every two and a half to four months. The two men usually decide to become partners only after a series of informal v i s i t s during which they have exchanged small gifts. When they agree to formalize the relationship, each spends two or more months collecting goods which he knows are scarce in his future partner's neighbourhood.  Then one v i s i t s the house of the other, a cloth  - 81 -  i s spread on the d i r t floor, and the gifts of both parties are placed i n two piles on the cloth. facing the other and says:  Each man kneels beside his pile  "Take these things", and they embrace.  The two men's wives then go through the same r i t u a l , and finally both men and their wives embrace a l l around. In this f i r s t as well as a l l subsequent exchanges i t i s usual for several large baskets of goods to be involved. A typical inventory of goods proffered by the man from the interior would i n clude feather ornaments, beads, blowguns, blowgun dart poison, one hunting dog, and a hand-woven k i l t or basket.  The other man with  White man's goods from the west might present such items as black powder, shot, percussion caps, one machete, a steel axe, knives, and a shotgun. Trading partners are expected to exchange equal amounts of goods with each other, i f not i n a single transaction, at least over a period of several months. To guide them in this they recognize certain standards of value. However, due to the regional differences in scarcity of various kinds of goods, such equivalences are never fixed, and strict accounting i s never kept. action i s made with considerable haggling.  Each exchange or trans-  - 82 -  THE TROBRIAND KULA  The kula i s an i n s t i t u t i o n of exchange engaged i n by commu n i t i e s inhabiting the easternmost t i p of mainland New Guinea and a number of adjacent i s l a n d s . I t i s based on a system of partnerships which bind into couples some thousands of c h i e f s , often d i f f e r i n g i n language and culture.  Exchanges are made only between partners, these r e l a t i o n -  ships being l i f e - l o n g bonds implying various mutual duties and p r i v i leges.  Thus, each man engaged i n the kula has a l i m i t e d number of  people with whom he can trade both l o c a l l y and abroad, and t h i s number varies with h i s rank and importance. The a r t i c l e s exchanged i n the kula are of just two kinds: t  long necklaces of red s h e l l disks and white s h e l l arm-bands.  They  t r a v e l between partners along a fixed route i n opposite directions — the necklaces clockwise and the arm-shells counter-clockwise, and are exchanged f o r one another.  As a rule i t takes anywhere from two to  ten years f o r any p a r t i c u l a r item to make one complete round. From an economic point of view, the goods exchanged i n the kula are of no p a r t i c u l a r value.  Even as ornaments they are used only  on the most f e s t i v e occasions and are not always worn by t h e i r owners. A man's renown and prestige increase with the frequency of h i s t r a d i n g rather than with any accumulation of a r t i c l e s , and each communi t y g l o r i e s i n the p a r t i c u l a r l y fine trophies obtained and held temp o r a r i l y i n trust by any one of i t s members. Every movement of the kula a r t i c l e s ,  every d e t a i l of the  transactions i s fixed and regulated by a set of t r a d i t i o n a l rules and  - 83 i  conventions, and some acts are accompanied by elaborate magic rituals and public ceremonies.  Exchange i s not made on the spur of the mom-  ent, but happens periodically at dates and places settled i n advance. There i s no bargaining, but a return of at least equivalent quality i s expected at some future date, and this expectation i s supported by strong and vocal public opinion. .  •  ••  These two articles constitute the sole objects of exchange in the Trobriand kula transactions.  The arm-shells, called mwaLi.  are made by breaking off the tops and narrow ends of large cone-shaped shells, and then polishing up the remaining ring.  They are sometimes  adorned with beads, pendants, and ribbons of dried pandanus.  For the  necklaces (soulava) small disks are made of red spondylus shell and strung together in lengths of from six to sixteen feet. with big shell pendants.  Most are hung  Individual items of both these categories  vary in size and quality, but are cherished because of the historical sentiment which surrounds them.  . . . A Ceremonial Act of the Kula Photo I:  A party approaches the chief's house, the second man blowing on a conch shell whilst the leader carries a necklace on a stick.  Photo II:  The necklace i s thrust on i t s stick into the chief's house.  - 84 -  Photo III:  The chief emerges from his quarters and prepares to ceive his g i f t .  - 85  -  EUROPEAN CHRISTMAS GIFTS  A familiar, but not too often thought about exchange s i t uation i s the Christian practice of gift-giving on and around December 25th.  This date, chosen by the Western Church at the beginning  of the fourth century to represent the birthday of Jesus, has become a holiday festival associated with joy and goodwill throughout the Christian world. Exchanging gifts at Christmas, i t may be assumed, follows the example of the b i b l i c a l Wise Men who brought presents to the Christ Child i n the manger and received others i n return. Whether l e f t i n shoes, found under a gaily decorated evergreen tree, received from a red-clad St. Nicholas, or personally exchanged, these gifts express feelings of love and mutual dependence between people. In days gone by long hours of sewing, hammering, and baking preceeded the actual Christmas festivities, as a l l gifts and surprises were hand-made and exchanged with a limited number of close friends and relatives.  Today the range of any one person's Christmas ex-  changes i s enormous i n comparison with that of his forefathers.  Due  to wholesale manufacturing and world-wide communication services, not only material goods but also season's greetings i n the form of Christmas cards and telephone calls are sent and received from far and near.  •  •  •,  Christmas cards are l i t t l e more than a century old, but are now sent out by the millions every year.  Their immediate pre-  - 86  -  decessors were "Christmas pieces", which schoolboys produced to prove their progress i n the art of writing as well as to convey greetings to their parents.  - 87 -  THE NORTH ALASKAN KATANGOTIGIT RELATIONSHIP  As one considers the balance between s o c i a l forms and economic l i f e , i t i s apparent that the North Alaskan Eskimo sought i n every way possible to extend the patterns of economic cooperation. B i l a t e r a l l y determined blood k i n , the household u n i t , and r e l a t i o n ships established through marriage were everywhere extremely important, but there were also ways of developing l a s t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s between non-kin. One obvious source l a y i n t i e s of crew and dancing house members, and another i n partnerships of various k i n d s .  With respect  to these i t would seem that wife exchange constituted a f i n a l i z i n g mechanism, and served to cement the t i e s of friendship and mutual a i d . When sexual r e l a t i o n s took place and resulted i n the b i r t h of c h i l d r e n , a l l the o f f s p r i n g of the persons involved i n any such union came to occupy s p e c i a l s o c i a l positions with regard to one another.  They  were k a t a n g o t i g i t . Katangotigit were thus not necessarily blood r e l a t i v e s and under most circumstances could marry.  Rather, i t might be s a i d ,  here was an example of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d friendship approaching k i n ship.  As soon as a c h i l d was capable of reasoning and being reasoned  w i t h , he was taught the names of a l l his \t±n, of h i s parents' and of h i s k a t a n g o t i g i t .  partners,  These, he was t o l d , would always help him.  Thus, the keynote of t h i s r e c i p r o c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p was cooperation, prot e c t i o n , and mutual assistance. As a stranger i n a foreign community, i . e . one who was unable to claim kinship with anyone l i v i n g there, a man was subject to being  - 88 -  pummelled and having his clothes torn off his back. He was also cross-questioned  as to his relationships within the community, but  i t was unwise for him to divulge them lest he a l l too unknowingly step into a feud situation. However, i f by some means he was able to learn the names of local household heads and claim a katangotigit r e l ationship with one of them, his safe-conduct was assured.  For not only  would his katangotigit be a guarantor and c a l l off the molesters, but he would invite his visitor (who could no longer be considered a stranger) to his house, provide him with food and lodging, and have, the women of the household repair his clothing and soften his boots. offer him a wife or daughter as company for the night.  He might also A l l this he  did knowing f u l l well that he could expect the same treatment in his katangotigit's community at any time. The katangotigit relationship was important i n other ways too; for example, i n terminating blood feuds. For i f a sexual arrangement could be worked out between a man and a woman of two feuding factions, their respective children then became katangotigit.  And with the est-  ablishment of such a cooperative relationship, further bloodshed between the two groups was unthinkable. It i s interesting to note that inherent i n the nature of the katangotigit relationship was a basis for forming new ones, and consequently most such relationships tended to follow along family lines.  . . . From the point of view of Ego, the children of any persons with whom his father or mother had had sexual relations were his katangotigit.  - 89 -  KUBA MARKETS  The Kuba people dwell i n the country between the Kasai and Sankuru Rivers i n the African Congo. The country i s rich and the Kuba exploit most of i t s resources.  Labor i s valued i n this society, and  there i s a cultural tradition of production beyond subsistence.  Under  such circumstances both regional and craft specialization are well developed, and markets are typical features of the economy. Kuba markets can be divided into local and regional ones, but the products exchanged on them are nearly everywhere the same: foodstuffs, metalwork, carved objects, cloth, basketry, and pottery. Marketing never seems to have been a prerogative of either sex.  Pro-  ducts made by women are brought directly to the market and sold by men, and those of men by  wo-  men.  In days gone by Kuba markets were frequently attended by as many as a thousand people.  This meant that an internal organization  was needed to keep law and order.  Thus there was a market chief, who  saw to i t that no armed persons were allowed in the market place, that dealers in similar products were grouped together, that a duty was paid by a l l traders using the market, and that every important transaction was carried out before witnesses. Nowadays market supervision i s a part of the job of the regular police. Although there i s much haggling i n Kuba markets, one soon learns that the basic commodities have minimum prices. are determined by several factors: a.  supply and demand  b.  the value of the raw materials  These prices  - 90 -  c.  the amount of work required to obtain the raw materials or to fashion the finished products  d.  whether the objects are considered to be of basic necessity or luxuries  e.  the preservability of a product and i t s freshness at the time of sale, and  f.  whether the object i s new or used.  Consequently, woven materials are generally higher priced than baskets, since weaving a square of cloth takes more time than cutting the reeds used for a basket; and old carvings are far less expensive than the new imitations currently on the market. Over the years many different currencies have been used i n Kuba markets. first.  Standard squares of raffia cloth seem to have been the  At the end of the nineteenth century white and green beads  known as amandrilha replaced them, but the latter became so numerous they soon depreciated i n value. Between 1900 and 1925 Katanga copper crosses were i n use, but they too lost their significance following too large an importation, and only the cowrie shell survived. i t too has gone, superseded by the Congolese franc.  Today  - 91 -  THE KWAKIUTL POTLATCH  The word potlatch comes from the Chinook jargon and means to give. Used as a noun i t denotes an institution unqiue to the Northwest Coast of North America, and particularly developed by the Kwakiutl Indians.  The institution i s perhaps best defined as the  ostentatious and dramatic distribution of property by the holder of a fixed, ranked, and named social position for the purpose of validating social claims and ultimately of enhancing social status. The main principles involved i n i t were: 1.  Distribution, and not possession, of property enhanced  prestige and social standing. 2.  No man was at liberty to refuse what was given him, even  though accepting i t obligated him to make a return of a multiple amount at some later date. 3.  The death of an incumbent did not wipe out potlatch property  due his heir, but the latter also had to take over any obligations to creditors. Potlatches were always held for important events:  the nam-  ing of a child, the transfer of the right to use a family crest on the occasion of a marriage, the raising of a new house or totem pole, or the mourning of a passing chief.  In a l l cases the basic procedure  for the performance was the same. The clan chief would c a l l together a l l the older members and announce his plans ., thus inaugurating a period of multifarious preparation. Outstanding loans were called i n , tremendous quantities of food were prepared, entertainers were rehearsed, and messengers were sent out to invite the neighbouring tribes.  - 92 -  With the latter's arrival the potlatch proper began. Formal greetings were exchanged by the chiefs on behalf of their people, and they were seated according to a predetermined, socially s i g n i f i cant plan.  Then the host or his protege' was presented to the group,  and his claims formally announced. Intermittently dancers and singers performed some of the hosting clan's privileges, displaying as they did i t s masks and crests.  Those who heard the claims announced were  regarded as witnesses to the proceedings, and as such were rewarded. This was done by a l i b e r a l distribution of material g i f t s , the order of presentation and value of each of which was again determined by the rank of the receiver. Finally, there was an elaborate feast prepared by the hosts. The goods distributed i n a potlatch were not of a special prestige category, but ordinary u t i l i t a r i a n objects accumulated i n surpluses far above any conceivable need. Aboriginally, the most usual items were cedar-bark and fur blankets, dugout canoes, mats, baskets, boxes of oolachon o i l , and mountain-goat horn spoons. After contact, chief among quantity items were Hudson's Bay blankets, flour, yard goods, sewing machines, and coppers.  . . . Photo taken shortly before potlatch held at Alert Bay, B.C. i n 1900.  Note the fire laid ready and the large pile of flour sacks  to be distributed at the gathering.  -  93  -  OKINAWAN ANCESTOR WORSHIP  A f t e r h i s death an Okinawan does not cease to be of importance to h i s family.  On the contrary, he takes on a new significance  as a f o c a l point f o r ceremonies and f o r feelings of anxiety. The deceased's body i s l a i d i n the "second" room of the "main" house (see diagram) and offerings are placed before i t .  On  the afternoon of the funeral the body i s put into a c o f f i n , and a tray i s arranged nearby with a paper t a b l e t inscribed with the name of the deceased, offerings of f r u i t , and an incense burner. The f u n e r a l proper consists of a ceremony at the home of the deceased, a procession to the tomb, and the p l a c i n g of the c o f f i n i n the tomb.  These steps may be more or less elaborate depending upon  the means of the f a m i l y . A f t e r the f u n e r a l the family of the deceased makes offerings both before the tomb and before the temporary paper tablet i n the home.  During the f i r s t seven weeks a f t e r a death t h i s tablet i s kept  on a low table with incense burning before i t .  Relatives and neigh-  bours make formal v i s i t s i n order to burn incense, pray, and leave g i f t s of money. On every seventh day u n t i l the f o r t y - n i n t h the family makes extra o f f e r i n g s , burns i m i t a t i o n paper money (said to be used f o r payi n g taxes i n the next world), and makes offerings before the tomb. Then the deceased's name i s written on a permanent t a b l e t .  Thereafter,  the family makes offerings at the tomb and at the t a b l e t , and burns paper money on the f i r s t , second, seventh, t h i r t e e n t h , t w e n t y - f i f t h , and t h i r t y - t h i r d anniversaries of the death.  At the end of t h i s time  -9k-  the deceased i s believed to require no more individual consideration, and joins the ranks of those family members previously dead for whom offerings are made throughout each year on a l l major holidays. Okinawans believe there i s a vast and awful chasm between "this world" and "that world", and that a person who has once crossed the chasm ought to say on the other side. A dead person may, however, return and appear to the l i v i n g as a ghost i f something disturbs him. He may also cause disease or other misfortune to come to his own  liv-  ing relatives and descendants i f he has not had sufficient help from them through their offerings. Thus, many Okinawans, particularly the older people, are concerned about the possibility of "an insufficiency of worship", and they explain sickness, accidents, and lack of success i n undertakings as a result of i t .  Similarly, any good fortune, especially that which  helps the family or larger kin grouj), i s attributed to the help of the deceased ancestors.  . . . A "main" house i s the house of an eldest son from which younger sons have gone out to establish branch houses.  Like most other  Okinawan houses, i t consists of three rooms and a kitchen arranged as indicated above. An alcove at the back of the "second" room houses the family ancestral tablets, and i t i s here that the family worships i t s ancestors.  . . . This i s a cabinet containing, on i t s upper shelf, the family  - 95 -  ancestral tablets flanked by a pair of vases.  Every morning before  drinking any herself, the mistress of the house pours an offering of tea into the two matching cups on the second shelf.  On specified  sacred holidays, such as New Years, she puts wine i n the wine cup (also on the second shelf), lights incense in the burner below, and places two trays of food on an extension of the lowest shelf.  


Citation Scheme:


Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics



Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            async >
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:


Related Items