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Country residential growth in the Calgary region : a study of ex-urbanization Whitehead, J. Carl 1968

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COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH IN THE CALGARY REGION: A STUDY OF EX-URBANIZATION by J. CARL WHITEHEAD B.A., University of British Columbia, 1962 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS _ in the Department of GEOGRAPHY We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April, 1968 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by h i s r e p r e s e n -t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f Geography  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a D a t e April 19, 1968 ABSTRACT This thesis presents one aspect of urbanization, the country-residential phenomenon. In the study the country residential process and pattern are defined and described in the context of the urban system. Various factors influencing the location of the country residences in this system and the implications of country residential growth to the agricultural industry, the rural municipality, and the resident himself are analyzed. Based on this analysis a strategy for controlling ex-urban growth is suggested. The Calgary Region offers an interesting case study of the process of country residential growth, since this process is the only form of urban decentralization outside the legal City permitted by public policy. Be-cause of this the familiar residential suburbs and industrial parks found around Canadian cities are absent, and instead, isolated residences dot Calgary's periphery. Country residential growth or ex-urbanization is a term describ-ing a process of fringe development in which the individual decision-maker opts out of the mainstream of the residential growth process, suburban-ization, but nonetheless chooses to remain part of the urban system and identifies with that system. The country resident is differentiated from the suburbanite by motivation. The suburbanite i s in the fringe because that is where the available housing i s . The country resident, on the other hand, i s there because that is where he wants to be. The country resident values the r u r a l landscape and a c t i v i t i e s associated with i t . By f a r the most important a c t i v i t i e s are equestrian. In t h i s study, a l b e i t the survey population was only equivalent to a small c i t y neighbourhood, every occupational grouping was represen-ted. Even though, the randomness and heterogeneity of the country r e s i d e n t i a l pattern implies that no underlying process was responsible f o r the extant pattern, an analysis of consumer preference d i d uncover some order i n the determinants and the constraints o f l o c a t i o n . These include ( l ) the p h y s i c a l environment, (2) the e x i s t i n g road network, (3) a c c e s s i b i l i t y , (4) government p o l i c y , and (5) the l a n d market. Presently, the country resident i s shown to be l e s s a burden on municipal resources than the c i t y r e s i d e n t i s , p r i n c i p a l l y , because the main cost of country r e s i d e n t i a l l i v i n g f a l l on the resident himself. Country r e s i d e n t i a l growth, or as i t u s u a l l y i s c a l l e d i n t h i s context sprawl, i s very much a problem of consumer economics. The cost p i c t u r e w i l l remain more or l e s s the same up u n t i l a suburban form of residen-t i a l growth occurs i n the f r i n g e , wherein the costs are s h i f t e d to the p u b l i c . When t h i s happens the r u r a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s w i l l s u f f e r f i n a n -c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s tantamount to or greater than the central c i t y s 1 . Aside from the ameliorating cost structure, l a n d resources i n the f r i n g e around Calgary are being a l l o c a t e d i n a wasteful and completely undirected fashion. The procedure of resource a l l o c a t i o n i s almost the a n t i t h e s i s of planning but t y p i f i e s what i s occurring throughout Canada. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE I. COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH 1 Outline of the Study . 2 Research Methodology and Data Sources 3 I I . A FRAMEWORK FOR THE ANALYSIS OF THE COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL PHENOMENON 6 Review of the Literature 7 Problem of Definition Ik Growth Process and Pattern . . . . . . . . 15 The Calgary Case Study 18 I I I . PROCESS AND PATTERN IN CALGARY REGION 2k The Fringe Migration 2k Subregions 28 Current Regional Trends and Distribution 35 The Characteristics of the Country Residence Found i n . the Calgary Region kl The Country Resident ' k2 Permanence kk The Country Residence k$ Country Residential Land Use 4-9 A General Classification of Country Residents . . . . 52 CHAPTER PAGE IV. ANALYSIS OF COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH WITHIN THE URBAN SYSTEM 56 Two Approaches to the Analysis of Location 56 Factors of Location • 5°" The Road Network and Accessibility 58 The Physical Environment 62 Government Land Regulations 65 The Land Market . 68 Consumer Preference 71 Reasons for Moving to the Country 72 Reasons for Choosing a Particular Site 76 Residential Sectors 78 Consumer Preference and Regional Variation . . . . . 81 Factors Affecting the Future Location of Country Residence 83 V. ANALYSIS OF THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL PROCESS 88 Country Residential Sprawl and Agriculture 89 Country Residential Sprawl in the Calgary Region and Its Impact on Farming 92 Country Residential Sprawl and the Municipality . . . . 92 Sprawl and Municipal Revenue . . . . 95 Urban Sprawl as a Problem of Consumer Economics . . . . 96 The Country Resident - A Municipal Burden or Not . . . 102 VI. COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH A PROBLEM AND SOLUTION . . . . 103 v CHAPTER PAGE An Overview on Country Residential Growth 103 v The Causes of Country Residential Sprawl 106 Strategy for Country Residential Development . . . . . 107 Standards 109 Development Goals HO Policy Alternatives 110 Conclusion 117 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 121 APPENDIX 1 - CHOOSING PARTICULAR LOCATIONS FOR COUNTRY RESI-DENTIAL ZONES 126 v i LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE I. Place of Employment and Origin as a Function of Access . . 37 II. Distribution of Country Residences 39 III. Length of Residence of those Families Who Left the Fringe 4-5 IV. Regional Variation in Assessed Building Value 47 V. A Classification of Country Residents * 53 VI. Trends in Land Values i n the Municipal District of Rocky View 1966-1967 . 70 VII. Reasons for Moving to the Country 74 VIII. Reasons for Choosing a Particular Site 77 IX. Summary of Consumer Preferences 82 X. Country Residential Costs 101 XI. Tax Revenue Difference Between Farms and Country Residences 128 LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE 1. Cumulative Acreage of Residential Parcels" Created from 195^-65 20 2. Annexations by the City of Calgary 1884-1964 25 3. Country Residential Subregions 29 4. Calgary Regional Country Residential Population 1966 . . . 40 5. Occupations of Country Residents 43 6. Changes in Building Value 1940-1965 48 7. Dominant Land Use According to Parcel Size 51 8. Accessibility to Place of Employment 60 9. Distance to Paved Roads 61 10. Water Scarcity . . . . . . . . . . . 64 11. Accumulated Total Number of New Residential Parcels Formed Between 1954-65 . . . . . 66 12. Occupation Structure: Subregional Variation . . . . . . . . 79 CHAPTER I COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH Country residential or ex-urban growth is one aspect of urban-ization, albeit somewhat less well known than suburbanization. The ex-urban and suburban processes extend the city structure outwards from the original city nucleus, sometimes in an orderly fashion, but more often in an haphazard way. Looked at from a different perspective, the country residence is an extension of the residential housing market. Housing in turn has been changing not only in the character of the product but also in spatial orientation. Nevertheless the country residence rarely has been studied as part of the urban system. In this century, the constraints placed upon residential loca-tion in the city region have lessened. Increasing affluence and the extensive use of the automobile for personal travel have permitted the home buyer to come closer to giving physical and geographic expres-sion to his notion of a better l i f e than at any time in the past. Today, depending on age, family size, and socio-economic status and predilection of the individual, an apartment near the heart of the city, a house in the suburbs, or an estate in the country are familiar residential options. Estates in the country when aggregated, result in a spatial phenomenon often referred to pejoratively as sprawl, scatteration, or 2 " l i t t l e b i t s o f c i t y i n t h e wrong p l a c e " . R e s e a r c h e r s have condemned s p r a w l as b e i n g w a s t e f u l o f l a n d , c o s t l y , and e s t h e t i c a l l y d i s p l e a s -i n g - however few have a t t e m p t e d t o d e s c r i b e i t i n d e t a i l , n o r a c c o u n t f o r i t s c h a r a c t e r . I n t h e r u r a l - u r b a n f r i n g e a r o u n d C a l g a r y , A l b e r t a , t h e s t u d y a r e a , u r b a n growth has n o t assumed a l l o f t h e s p r a w l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s e v i d e n t a r o u n d o t h e r C a n a d i a n c i t i e s . Urban growth i n the f r i n g e a r o u n d C a l g a r y has t a k e n on a d e c i d e d l y c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t i a l f o r m , and d i f f e r s f r o m t h e s m a l l s u b d i v i s i o n s p r a w l a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a n o t h e r w e s t e r n C a n a d i a n c i t y , V a n c o u v e r . C a l g a r y i s used as a case s t u d y t o i d e n t i f y and a c c o u n t f o r one e x - u r b a n phenomenon, t h e c o u n t r y r e s i d e n c e . I n p a r t i c u l a r , t h e o b j e c t i v e s o f t h i s s t u d y a r e : (1) t o d e f i n e t h e c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t i a l phenomenon i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e u r b a n system; (2) t o d e s -c r i b e t h e p a t t e r n o f c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t i a l g r o w t h and the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t , h i s r e s i d e n c e , and h i s l a n d use i n t h e s t u d y a r e a ; (3) t o a n a l y s e t h e f a c t o r s i n f l u e n c i n g t h e l o c a t i o n o f c o u n t r y r e s i d e n c e s w i t h i n t h e u r b a n s y s t e m ; (4) t o a n a l y s e t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t i a l growth t o t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y , t h e r u r a l m u n i c i p a l i t y , and t o t h e r e s i d e n t h i m s e l f , and (5) t o o u t l i n e p o l i c y a l t e r n a t i v e s , w h i c h c a n be u s e d i n a s t r a t e g y f o r c o n t r o l l i n g ex-urban growth. O u t l i n e o f t h e S t u d y The c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t i a l phenomenon i s b r o a c h e d by a r e v i e w o f i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y l i t e r a t u r e , f o l l o w e d by a r e d e f i n i t i o n o f c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t , and a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e p r o c e s s o f e x - u r b a n i z a t i o n . I n t h e 3 third chapter details are presented on the setting and trends associ-ated with country residential growth in the Calgary study area, as well as the end product of the country residential growth process, the coun-try residential pattern, comprised of the resident and residential attributes, and their spatial and temporal variations. An analysis of the factors of residential location follows. The analysis i s divided into two parts: the f i r s t part provides the framework within which a country resident as the decision maker must operate; the second part deals essentially with the decision maker1 s reasons for moving to the fringe, and the criteria he used to select his residence location. In Chapter V, the ramifications of ex-urban sprawl to the agricultural industry, the municipality, and the resident as the consumer are analysed. The study concludes with an outline of the alternative courses of action for controlling ex-urban development. Research Methodology and Data Sources Research on a subject as broad and complex as the country resi-dential problem almost automatically poses difficulties in goal formu-lation and survey design. The country resident, the environment he lives in, and the world he interacts with form a complex and inter-related system and structure. One problem faced by the researcher is how to enter the realm of the country residentrarid discover the questions that beg an answer without being entangled in a maze of detail. If the objective of empirical research, aside from increasing the level of knowledge of any particular subject, is to furnish g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s a t a g i v e n g e o g r a p h i c s c a l e and c o n t e x t w h i c h can be u n i v e r s a l l y a c c e p t e d , and i n t u r n , b u i l t upon, then a h y p o t h e s i s s e r v i n g as t h e b a s i s o f t h e r e s e a r c h must be sound and unambiguous. B u t f r e q u e n t l y , when t h e a n a l y s i s o f l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s o f d a t a i s i n -v o l v e d , t h e f o r m u l a t i o n o f a s i n g l e h y p o t h e s i s , w h i c h i s n o t l o s t i n g e n e r a l i t y , becomes i m p o s s i b l e . T h i s b e i n g t h e case i n t h e c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t i a l s t u d y , two a l t e r n a t i v e c o u r s e s o f a c t i o n were open t o embrace t h e d a t a p r o b l e m . The f i r s t was t o a t t e m p t t h e " s h o t g u n " o r " P l e i a d u s " method, i n w h i c h " a l l f a c t o r s ( a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e phenom-enon b e i n g s t u d i e d ) a r e i n t e r c o r r e l a t e d and t h e m a t r i x o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s „ 2 examined f o r s i g n i f i c a n t p a t t e r n s . The o t h e r a l t e r n a t i v e was t o f o r m u l a t e a s e r i e s o f p r e c i s e h y p o t h e s e s , and d e s i g n t h e r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t around each. T h i s a l t e r n a -t i v e , u n f o r t u n a t e l y , r e q u i r e s p r i o r knowledge o f t h e s u b j e c t and s t u d y a r e a . S i n c e t h i s knowledge was n o t p r e s e n t b e f o r e d a t a c o l l e c t i o n , t o an e x t e n t t h e r e s e a r c h d e s i g n f e l l upon t h e " P l e i a d u s " a p p r o a c h . N e v e r t h e l e s s , even i n u s i n g t h i s a p p r o a c h some b a s i c h y p o t h e s e s , m a i n l y i n t h e q u e s t i o n f o r m e v i n c e d t h e m s e l v e s , and t h e s e w i l l be p r e s e n t e d i n C h a p t e r I I . M o s t o f t h e d a t a f o r t h e p r o j e c t came fr o m a c o u n t r y r e s i d e n -t i a l s u r v e y o f 373 r e s p o n d e n t s , a b o u t s i x t y t o s e v e n t y p e r c e n t o f t h e c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t i a l f a m i l i e s i n t h e C a l g a r y r e g i o n . The s u r v e y was c o m p l e t e d i n t h e f a l l o f I966. A d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n was a c q u i r e d f r o m t h e r u r a l m u n i c i p a l o f f i c e s , t h e u t i l i t y companies, t h e p r o v i n -c i a l government, t h e C a l g a r y R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g Commission, and a v a r i -e t y o f f i r m s c o n n e c t e d i n one way o r a n o t h e r w i t h t h e c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t . 5 FOOTNOTES The Urban Frontier Part I (Supplementary Study No. 1 to Land for Living. New Westminster: Lower Mainland. Regional Planning Board at British Columbia, I963) p. 4. o P. Haggett, Locational Analysis in Human Geography (London: Edward Arnold Ltd., 1965) p. 281. CHAPTER II A FRAMEWORK FOR THE ANALYSIS OF THE COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL PHENOMENON To many students of the urban scene, the country resident i s somewhat of an obscure phenomenon. Whenever the problem of sprawl i s discussed, almost axiomatically the suburbanite comes to mind. Yet the country resident i s probably responsible for much of the sprawl found around cities. However, that is not to say, the country resident and suburbanite are the same. In this chapter the inarticulated image of the country resident will be brought into focus and differentiated from the suburbanite. Many studies on fringe areas of cities have been couched in terms of a rural-urban dichotomy, and in some ways this has contributed to confusion and inconclusiveness in studies. In this study the occupance of the fringe is seen as a part of an urban system. Within this system, not only are the country resident and the suburbanite differentiated but so are the processes of ex-urbanization and suburban-ization. The differences are subtle because both processes are a form of urban decentralization. Definition and process provide the framework for a preview of the country residential problem peculiar to the Calgary v region, and the empirical study of the country resident and his milieux, which follows. A clearer understanding of the country resident and the system he is a part of was sought for in the literature, but with l i t t l e success. 7 A summary of observations and conclusions of studies from several dis-ciplines indicates considerable"ambiguity. 1. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE The literature on the rural-urban fringe is divided among many disciplines, each dealing with a particular aspect, consequently i t appears fragmented and incomplete. Some of the literature imparts a strong urban bias. Few students have produced reports, which are mis-leading to extremes because they generalize about the fringe occupant using census data, which smoothes over the diversity characterizing the fringe and i t s people. Many writers have erroneously combined suburbs and ex-urban developments, two quite different modes of living. Fre-quently, contradictory statements on the same fringe phenomenon appear in the literature. Behind each of these conflicting views seems to be a disparate philosophy. In the brief sampling which follows, four central and recurrent themes or problem areas will be discussed: (l) problem of definition, (2) inference, (3) prediction, and (4) philosophy. Confusion over the definition of fringe and the improper deline-ation of the fringe areas have led to misleading generalizations about 1 the rural-urban fringe. The most persistent errors were: inconsistencies in the use of the term fringe, different criteria of determination, and erroneous combinations with other residential areas. The ambiguity is 2 evident in a sample of current definitions provided by Kurtz and Eicher: "That area of interpenetrating rural and urban land use peri-pheral to the modern city." (Martin) 8 "Fringe herein considered includes suburbs, satellite cities and any other territory outside the central city whose labor force i s engaged in non-farm activities." (G. Jaco and I. Belknap) "Suburbs refers particularly to the residential or dormitory variety, characterized by dependence on the city occupationally and for recreation. A working definition would comprise the area outside the legal city limits but within commuting distance." (S.F. Fava) "Any type of subdivision outside the city limit could be con-sidered the fringe." (W. Firey) "A zone of transition between rural and urban areas." (J.A. Beegle and W. Schroeder) "The fringe i s an open country area in which urban employed individuals reside; the suburb is the traditional cluster of suburban homes." (N.P. Gist) "Where urban and rural occupations and orientations meet." (Kimball) To arrive at a clear and fairly concise definition of the rural-urban fringe, Messrs. Kurtz and Eicher delimit the fringe using the 3 following criteria: (1) location, (2) land characteristics, (3) growth and density, (4) occupation, (5) government structure. (1) Location: (a) Fringe - spatially located in agricultural hinter-land, beyond city limits, and urbanized area. (b) Suburb - beyond city limits frequently contiguous. (2) Land Characteristics: (a) Fringe - mixed rural-urban uses, non-farm residences interspersed among farms, no consistent pattern, interspersion of highway commercial. (b) Suburb - strictly urban. (3) Growth and Density: (a) Fringe - area of rapid growth due to migration, shows potential for future growth, land values continually 9 rising; intermediate density ratio, seems to be in transition. (b) Suburb - intermediate, between city and fringe. (4) Occupation: (a) Fringe - misture of urban, farming, and part-time farming. (b) Suburb - similar to city. (5) Government Structure: (a) Fringe - unincorporated, governed by municipal district or equivalent; lax zoning regulations which have permitted random construction. (b) Suburb - similar to fringe. Just like the other definitions this one is open to debate, but the breakdown of characteristics does point out that the fringe has a mixed identity, whereas the suburb has a consistent identity. Much of the literature on the fringe is out of date in the sense that i t does not accurately describe the process and pattern of today's growth, hence i t serves as a historical treatise. This i s most clearly seen in Firey's marginal utility theory in which he proffers an explan-ation for the slum formation witnessed on the fringe in the post-World War II years. According to Firey's theory, slums are found in the zone of indifference determined by accessibility between competing land uses; in this c griculture and residences. His very simple marginal land use theory i s based on the premise that social utility is a direct function of access. Although social utility has a broader con-notation than economic utility (or value) there is essentially no differ-ence between Firey's theory of marginal land use and that of the economist; both theories f a i l to account for today's growth. 10 Yet the occasional article, such as "Elements in the Fringe Pattern" by Richard B. Andrews, published in 19^2, displays insights into the essential propellants of ex-urban growth, its physical structure, and i t s implications."' In giving the reader a clear idea of the dynamic forces of decentralization Andrews makes the subtle distinction between the catalyst and the cause; something a number of subsequent researchers have failed to do. Automobiles, surfaced highways, septic tanks, and the 6 rising level of income are not as some authors believe, the causes of fringe growth, rather they are the prerequisites. This confusion of cause and effect and mere correlation can be carried to extremes, as shown in the next example. Martin in "Some Socio-Psychological Aspects of Adjustment to 7 Residential Location in the Rural-Urban Fringe" has the courage to state (after asking 832 fringe residents whether they were content with fringe l i f e and correlating the response with the presence of a family garden): Maintenance of a family garden by fringe dweller is indicative of general satisfactory adjustment to residential location in the fringe." Investigators using this conclusion inferentially may be woefully in error. Martin i s not the only researcher of the fringe area, who has been be-mused by statistical techniques at the expense of a sound hypotheses and adequate criteria to test i t against. There i s always a danger of being misled by singling out one determinant of the fringe pattern when such a plurality of forces -social, institutional, economic - are at work. Not only are these forces varied, but so i s the physical setting and the geography of the area in 11 which the pattern forms. Hence many monocausal studies f a l l short of conveying what i s perceived in the landscape around cities by the observer. The notion of two cultures overlapping in the fringe and producing a third i s held by the sociologists, Queen and Carpenter. After analy-zing census data, they state: The rural-urban fringe is not only marginal with regard to land use but also with regard to the degree of acceptance of urban norms. It appears that in the rural-urban fringe we have a valuable laboratory for the study of urbanization as an acculturation process - a process which seems to proceed most rapidly at the level of the market place and job, and least rapidly at the level of innermost sentiment and values.° Can the ex-urbanite become acculturated to urban norms by moving to the fringe. The notion of a third culture, i f one accepts the rural and urban dichotomy, i s harder to accept in the light of the communica-tions implosion which has succeeded in suffusing mass culture to every part of the city region, including the agricultural segment. Whereas the writings of the rural sociologist tend to be esoteric viz .a viz geography, the writings of the planners, geographers, conserva-tionists, and economists are dotted with contradiction, reflecting the writers' biases and lack of empirical evidence. But many of the points of friction arise from the uncertainty attached to fringe growth, and therefore the strategy to deal with i t . The recent exponential growth of fringe areas has and i s creating an urban structure the extent and make-up of which, i s most difficult to predict, and this difficulty has produced variations in what is and what should have been in the earlier 12 prediction studies, especially those pertaining to a specific region. For example, in a background paper for the Resources for Tomorrow. A.D. Crerar calculated the loss of farm land per thousand population increase for the city of London, Ontario to be 458 acres."^ This rate was based on the rate of subdivision between 1951 and 195&. Russwurm, in a recent article in Land Economics, computed a rate of 221 acres between 1941 and 1961.^" For a net increase of about ten thousand people in a period of five years - a relatively modest increase for London - using Crerar's statistic, a seven square mile loss of farmland would be expected; whereas, Russwurm's statistic would predict a three square mile loss, a difference of four square miles or 80 per cent variation. In essence, the contradictions found occasionally in the litera-ture on the fringe are expressions of two diametrically opposed philoso-phies, one centering on individual rights and action, the other centering on societal control and action. The former school believes to a greater or lesser extent that unfettered individual action summed in the market place can create maximum societal satisfaction, in other words what i s good for the parts is good for the whole. J.K. Galbraith, indirectly, 12 expresses the other schools thinking: The family which takes i t s mauve and cerise, air-conditioned, power-steered, and power-braked automobile out for a tour passes through cities that are badly paved, made hideous by l i t t e r , blighted buildings, billboards, and posts for wires that should long since have been put underground. They pass on into a countryside that has been rendered largely invisi-ble by commercial art.... They picnic on exquisitely packaged food from a portable icebox by a polluted stream and go on to spend the night at a park which is a menace to public health and morals. The views evinced by these two schools focus on the perennial arguments of: sprawl versus agricultural viability, public power versus the market 13 as a resource allocator, the balkanized metropolis versus the monolithic metropolis, and urban living versus suburban or ex-urban living. A typical example of this conflict of views i s found i n writings of Thompson and Whyte on the free market, sprawl, and open spaces. On Sprawl. Thompson: "The free market is, more often than not doing its job very efficiently when i t effects the orderly transfer of fringe land from rural to urban uses."13 Whyte: "Sprawl is bad aesthetics; i t i s bad economics. Five acres are being made to do the work of one, and do i t very poorly. It i s bad for the farmers, i t i s bad for the communities, i t i s bad for industry, i t i s bad for utilities, i t i s bad for the railroads, i t i s bad for the recreation groups, i t is bad even for the developer."!^ On Open Space. Thompson: "This in no way denies that society may choose to subsidize the continuation of farming at the edge of a rapidly growing urban area to preserve open space. "15 Whyte: "Most current studies of real estate tax-ation indicate that the community will probably net much less - i f i t does not suffer an actual loss - from subdivided property than the open one."16 Many planning studies are broached with firm biases as guideposts to research: The Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board in the preface 17 to the study Land for Living stated: "There i s l i t t l e to be said for sprawl. It i s socially incon-venient and economically stupid. It i s born of ignorance and short-sightedness." Planner and social scientist must make value judgements in the final analysis; i t would help i f these judgements were based on fact. This brief sampling of literature on the fringe indicates that there i s some discord among the researchers as regards a suitable defini-tion of fringe and country resident and, that generalizations about the fringe have been made which cannot stand close scrutiny and are somewhat 1A. peripheral in furthering knowledge of urban growth and patterns. None of the studies f i t into the general theory of urban growth in fringe areas. The human ecologists more than any other researchers have attempted to explain the fringe pattern. The economists have attempted via economic theory to explain the process of fringe occupance. Eoth the ecological and economic views tend to be deterministic and both views tend to be divorced from a scale, which covers nuances important to the understanding of process and pattern. No study on the country residential phenomenon approaching the subject from the geographical point of view has been produced. A point of view which can serve as the empirical basis for either theoretical work or practical work in regional planning. Problem of Definition Is the country residence best classed as rural or urban? In other words how does one conceptualize this residential type and its occupant? To answer these questions the meaning of urban and rural in the context of the city region must be pondered. So far, the question, "How does one conceptualize the country residence and its occupant in the accepted framework of the rural-urban dichotomy?" has not been satisfactorily answered in the literature. Possibly, the problem lies in retaining the notion of rural-urban con-tinuum. A number of urban theorists have expanded their definition of the spatial city to beyond the legal entity and beyond the city 1 s physical structure to the limit of mutual accessibility sketched out by 15 the maximum commuting range. All land uses and activities within the circumscribed area cannot be rigidly classed as urban or rural. Essentially, the country residence i s in this metropolitan domain of land uses and is a subset of residential land use. The occupant of this residence is differentiated from the suburbanite not so much by the character of the environment he lives in, but by motivation. The sub-urbanite is most likely in the fringe because that i s where the available housing i s . The country resident, on the other hand, is there because he wants to be in the fringe. Growth Process and Pattern The urbanization of rural land surrounding the city i s effected by two growth processes: suburbanization and ex-urbanization. Suburban-ization i s an integral part of the urban growth process, concisely 18 described by the.following excerpt: The growth of an urban area involves the antagonistic yet complementary processes of concentration and decentralization. Growth brings more activities and persons into the urban area, in search of sites, so concentrating more workers, machines, and buildings in that area. This necessarily requires some readjustments to existing uses of land and those lower order uses find that they have become sub-marginal occupiers of near central sites and, in time, will relocate on sites more dis-tant from the position of greatest accessibility where they will also be joined by newer lower order uses attracted to that town. Urban growth thus involves the twin processes of internal reorganization and outward expansion. The suburban. and ex-urban trends have extended functional ties with the city. Suburban growth extends the city structure in a continuous manner where new additions juxtapose the old, and in a discontinuous manner where nucleated growth occurs haphazardly in the commuting zone. 16 Discontinuous growth is also characteristic of ex-urban or country resi-dential growth. The ex-urban growth process is distinguished from sub-urbanization by the relationship between the professional developer, the buyer and seller. In suburbanization, the developer normally buys a large parcel of land from the owner, subdivides, and services the lots. He then either builds houses on the lots and sells both lot and house to the buyer, or sells the improved lot to the buyer. In the ex-urban process, the seller and buyer deal directly with each other. Servicing and building are l e f t to the buyer; the developer never enters the picture. The pattern resulting from these disparate processes, is also different; the suburban subdivision having more locational constraints placed upon i t s growth usually appears on the landscape as a cluster, relatively close to existing water mains, paved roads, et cetera? whereas the ex-urban subdivision appears as a random phenomenon because of the absence of these constraints which affect suburbanization, and the complete independence of each buyer. The root cause of the differ-ence in pattern lies in the differences in motivation and possibly values between the country resident and the suburbanite. The suburbanite i s often depicted as a gregarious person seeking identification and compan-ionship with his peers. Whereas the country resident i s somewhat of an isolationist; this trait i s humourously brought out by Catherine Bauer in her country resident's prayer:. The ex-urbanite going to the rural-urban fringe is seeking a better l i f e , equated with the rural environment. He i s not, as the suburbanite We thank thee Lord that by thy Grace Thou brought us to this lovely place And now dear Lord we humbly pray i s , caught up in the urban growth process. From the standpoint of urban amenities, the fringe simply as a place to live is the last of urban residential alternatives. The fringe only becomes an alternative when there i s a shortage of dwellings in the built-up metropolitan area. The shortage need not be absolute. Many poor families have few suitable prospects within the city because of high rents or high down payments, and therefore, are forced to the fringe to either build in a piecemeal manner, or occupy a former farm house. Today the ex-urban population of the fringe around Calgary is determined primarily by the number of urbanites who desire to live in the fringe and have the income to afford to make the move. This is not to say that the ex-urban growth process around Calgary never was related to overall urban expansion and the housing shortage. Just after World War II and prior to the parcel size restrictions, fringe growth was related to the rapid urban growth, specifically to the resulting shortage of housing and the lack of serviced land, as pointed out by the Royal Commission on the Metropolitan Development of Calgary 20 and Edmonton: The reasons for people going into the fringe areas rather than living in the city turn chiefly though perhaps not entirely on the housing problem. In the Calgary region, ex-urbanization i s not likely to be associated again with a housing shortage because of restrictive land development policies adopted by the rural municipalities since the Royal Commission's report was published. 18 The Calgary Case Study The present pattern of country residential growth and the atten-dant problems manifest in the Calgary region are a result of public policy decisions designed to curb suburban sprawl. These policy decisions were enacted by the farm-oriented councillors of the municipal districts sur-rounding Calgary who foresaw problems arising from this increasing demand for non-farm space. These problems include (l) a weakening tax base, hence higher tax rates, (2) an increasingly higher cost of providing services caused by the spread of development, (3) the indiscriminant and inefficient allocation of land among users resulting in the loss of farm land, (4) a class room shortage, and (5) political friction between the rural council and the urban-oriented suburbanite. All of these difficul-ties to a greater or lesser degree have plagued Calgary's fringe municipal-ities before, and appear to be nearly universally associated with fringe areas experiencing rapid and undirected growth. Apparently, none of these problems have reached the magnitude of the problems which faced the region in the early fifties when the growth of the dormitory suburbs of Bowness, Forest Lawn, and Montgomery burgeoned. The cost of suburbanization overwhelmed the inadequate resources of these small communities, leaving them powerless to improve the public environment. From the offset each of these communities was a "peri-slum". The ALberta Government had to interfere. A Royal Commission was formed. Among it s recommendations was the annexation of the fringe suburbs by Calgary. This recommendation, not without resistance from the City, was eventually adopted, and Calgary 19 became heir to seventy-five square miles of land around its periphery. With a l l of this land for future development under the control of one local government, and restrictive measures placed on land development outside of the city, some semblance of order was brought to land u t i l i -zation. In the area under study, the main development control .tool used in the implementation of the anti-sprawl policy was a parcel size res-triction of twenty acres. To date this restriction has effectively curbed suburban sprawl, and thus has achieved its aim. What the local councils failed to anticipate was the increasing popularity and sub-sequent growth of country residences. To an extent, the country resident was immune to the existing bylaws since his objective was to possess acreage. The problems which raised havoc in the fringe suburbs began to appear again but in a mutated form, a form perceived by the local authorities as entirely new - one which required research. The amount of land consumed by country residences (shown in FIGURE l ) i s inordinately high; on the 9,000 acres housing 373 residences, about 45,000 suburban residences could be built. These 45,000 residences would accommodate at a low density single family residence standard the future growth of Calgary through net migration and nature increase for the next eight or nine years. In the light of these statistics, what justi-fication i s there for the retention of the parcel size restriction? Several reasons are advanced for maintaining the twenty acre res-triction: (1) the subdivision policy i s a deterrent to "excessive" ex-urban and a l l suburban growth; (2) moreover, this policy tends to shift COMBINED r ACREAGE OF PARCELS. FIGURE 10,000 9000 8000 i 7000 6000 5000 4000 - i 3000 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1955 I960 1961 I9S2 1963 1964 1965 Y E A R D A T A S O U R C E ' S U R V E Y 1 9 6 6 21 the cost of developing and maintaining a residence on the owner; so this also i s a reason for retaining the existing controls, not realized by many; (3) the third reason for retaining the parcel size restriction i s the scarcity of ground water in the area - the primary source of dom-estic water. If the average water recharge rate for the region were used as the basis of a parcel size restriction, the minimum parcel size would be 46 acres (16 families/sq. mi.) for a strictly residential parcel. Considering that the density i s many times 16 families/sq. mi., either the statistics are too general, or ground water mining is occurring, or both. There is a considerable difference between the effectiveness of the parcel size restriction in controlling the rate of growth and its effectiveness in controlling sprawl. Not only does the parcel restric-tion cause the consumption of more land than.many country residents need, i t also produces sprawl. But land in the Calgary region i s bountiful, and the sprawl pattern tends to cling to provincial highways thus mini-mizing road maintenance costs to the municipality. Consequently, no one i s really too concerned with sprawl per se, except where i t occurs on arable land. Unfortunately no one knows how much arable land is taken out of production. Besides affecting the physical pattern of growth, the subdivision controls influence the socio-economic structure of the fringe by discrim-inating against the poor. From the country residents point of view, the parcel size restric-tion can be binding on those whose intent is not to possess acreage; but 22 for those who do, the parcel size restriction i s immaterial. How can the one-half of the country residents who do not want or need acreage be satisfied without lowering the barrier against unwanted growth? According to the policies adhered to by the local municipalities, includ-ing the city, the fringe area should not be a substitute or alternative area for suburbanization. These then are some of the problems and questions arising out of country residential growth. FOOTNOTES 1R.A. Kurtz and J.B. Eicher, "Fringe and Suburb: A Confusion of Concept," Social Forces. 37 (October, 1953), 32-37. 2Ibid., p. 32-33-3Ibid.. p. 37. "^Donald L. Firey, "Ecological Considerations in Planning for Rural Fringes," American Sociological Review, XI (September, 1946), 411-421. -'Richard B. Andrews, "Elements in the Urban Fringe Pattern," Journal of Land and Public Utility Economics, 18 (May, 1942), 169. ^Noel P. Gist, "Ecological Decentralization and the Rural-Urban Relationship," Rural Sociology. 1? (December, 1952), 328. ^Walter Martin, "Some Socio-Psychological Aspects of Adjustment to Residence Location in the Rural-Urban Fringe," American Sociological  Review. 18 (June, 1953), 248-253. 8Ibid.. p. 252. 9 Stuart A. Queen and David B. Carpenter, "The Sociological Sig-nificance of the Rural-Urban Fringe from the Urban Point of View," Rural Sociology. XVIII (June, 1953), 108. 2 3 10A.D. Crerar, "The Loss of Farmland in the Growth of the Metropolitan Regions of Canada," Resources for Tomorrow - Supplemen- tary Volume, Conference Background Papers (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1962) , pp. 181-193. •^ •Lorne H. Russwurm, "Expanding Urbanization and Selected Agricultural Elements: Case Study, Southwestern Ontario Area, 1941-1 9 6 1 , " Land Economics. VXLIII (February, 196?), pp. 101-107. 1 2John K. Galbraith, The Affluent Society (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1 9 5 S ) , p. 253. •^Wilbur R. Thompson, Preface to Urban Economics (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, I 9 6 5 ) , p. 3 2 2 . ^"Marion Calwson, R. Burnell Neld, and Charles H. Stoddard, Land  for the Future (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, I960), p. 78. (Quoted from William H. Whyte, Jr. "Urban Sprawl" Fortune (Jan. 1953). "'•-'Thompson, loc. cit. •^William H. Whyte Jr., Securing Open Space for Urban America: Conservation Easements. Urban Land Institute, Technical Bulletin 3 6 , (December, 1 9 5 9 ) , p. 41. •^Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board, Land for Living (New Westminster: Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board of British Columbia, 1963) , p. 1 3 . "^W. Lean and B. Goodall, Aspects of Land Economics (London: The Estate Gazette Limited, I 9 6 6 ) , p. 177. ^Catherine Bauer, "Do Americans Hate Cities?" Journal of  American Institute of Planners. XXIII (Winter, 1957) , 7. ^Metropolitan Development of Calgary and Edmonton (Edmonton: A Report of the Royal Commission, 1956) , ch. 4 , p. 110. CHAPTER III PROCESS AND PATTERN IN CALGARY REGION Most large cities in Western Canada have expanded rapidly horizontally, creating a continual concern for the fringe. Calgary has been no exception; from 1884 when Calgary was a town of 5°6 residents to its present city status and population of 335»806, the built-up area of the city has increased by 46 square miles, and its legal area, by 153 square miles. The commensurate population increase in the same period was 335*300. The direction in which Calgary grew is reflected in (FIGURE 2), a map of annexations. Even with a large undeveloped area within i t s jurisdiction, the functional City of Calgary i s expanding far beyond its physical struc-ture and legal boundary into the surrounding municipalities. In the next few pages, the historic growth of Calgary's fringe will be des-cribed. The study of this phase of growth will be followed by a look at the current trends, and the existing distribution of country residence. After the discussion on fringe migration in the Calgary region, the characteristics of the migrant, his newly founded residence, and his land use activities will be described with a view to presenting an objective picture of the character of the country residence. I THE FRINGE MIGRATION The f i r s t evidence of major peripheral expansion outside Calgary's corporate limits appeared near the termini of the now defunct street car DATA SOURCE : ' CITY 0? CALGARY - C.f». RAILWAY .. DOWNTOWN R £ 0 E V £ L O P 5 « E N T PROPOSALS I9B3 . 26 lines. Much of the older development occurred during the 1920' s and 1930's. However, the expansion during the thirties, as well as earlier growth, in no way compares to the magnitude of what occurred after 19^8 in the fringe, particularly in suburbs of Montgomery, Bowness, and Forest Lawn. Their combined populations increased five times from 5,500 to 25,000 from 1951 to I 9 6 I . This growth coincided with the rapid expansion of Calgary's economic base, and the subsequent population and building booms, which for the years 1956 to I 9 6 I placed the city on the top of the l i s t for housing construction starts for metropolitan areas in Canada. The new growth manifested itself in the spreading out of the city's built-up area from a 2.5 mile radius to a. five mile radius, an increase 1 of about 20 square miles. It is doubtful that during this rapid period of growth, the city could provide sufficient housing for the new arrivals as well as the new families formed within the city, especially the low income family. This is borne out by the continued high level of building starts through 1961 to I966, while the rate of growth declined from 6 .6 percent to 3*3 percent over the same period. The consequent shortage of housing, com-bined with the decentralization of work places and shopping facilities, on the one hand, and the lure of cheap land, low tax levies, and unres-tricted building i n the three suburbs on the other gave rise to rapid fringe growth with associated problems. These problems eventually led to the setting up of the Royal Commission, mentioned earlier. Eight years after the publication of the Commission's report on annexation, through a. protracted process of political manoeuvring and negotiations, agreement to annex the fringe suburbs as well as large 27 parts of the rural municipality of Rocky View was reached. In a l l , seventy-five square miles were absorbed by the city. By I967 almost a l l of the annexed areas had been built upon, with the exception of the area annexed in I962 (FIGURE 2). Within this area the city has the capacity to house a population of about 460,000 people at existing density standards. But current residential growth is ex-tending the city structure toward the north-west and south; therefore, the likelihood exists of these sectors being developed long before growth swings eastward, i f i t ever will. In the future, development pressures could be exerted on land outside the city boundary in the active growth sectors, and in the west where residential growth pending a decision to extend sewer and water mains has been temporarily halted within one mile of the city boundary. Concern over the rapid growth of the fringe suburbs and the pos-sible extension of this growth to other areas of the fringe, prompted the municipal councils of Rocky View and Foothills to institute the twenty acre parcel restriction for a l l land under their jurisdiction, which virtually encompasses the commuting zone of Calgary. This change in subdivision policy marked the start of a new pattern of fringe growth, which actually commenced in the mid 1950's. Since then the fringe around Calgary excluding the fringe suburbs has been experiencing a steadily rising in-migration of former urban residents in search of a better environment for themselves and their children - rather than looking for just a place to live as did their predecessors living in Bowness, Montgomery and Forest Lawn. 28 The areas into which the country resident migrated are shown i n (FIGURE 3) and are b r i e f l y described below: Subregjons Springbank: APR • 68 I FIGURE 3a This subregion was the f i r s t to develop i n t e r s t i t i a l l y because of the poor state of the road network traversing i t . The attractive phy-s i c a l environment, amply supplied with trees, and superb view sites overlooking the c i ty or one of the r iver valleys , also were a strong influence. Other factors affecting the rapid growth of Springbank were i t s position direc t ly i n front of a fast growing middle class residential sector and i t s supply of f ive acre parcels, subdivided during a land boom i n 1912. A l l of these factors contributed to Springbank's domin-ance as the most popular and most populated country residential sub-region. Most of the better farmland i n this subregion l i e s to the west of the present country residential development. Bearspaw; . APR 68 FIGURE 3b Across the Bow River i s Bearspaw, which, l i k e Springbank l i e s i n advance of middle class sururban growth i n the c i t y ; but unlike Springbank, Bearspaw has good access provided by the former Trans-Canada Highway, now the 1A Highway. Much of the earl ier development spread l inear ly along the highway. More recently houses have been b u i l t away from the highway, close to the val ley 's edge. Lots along this str ip and on the Springbank side of the valley s e l l as high as one thousand dollars per acre. The l o c a l terrain i s quite undulating and affords a spectacular view of the Bow Valley, as well as the f o o t h i l l s . The land has l i t t l e tree cover and i t s s o i l composition i s poorly suited for agriculture. ~* r ••^^•••••^•^•••••••••••••••PSE^ FIGURE 3c Loving eastward from Bearspaw, the topography levels out. More farms and fewer country residence are evident, except for a small cluster near Highway 2 North. Directly east of the city i s a recent scatter of country residences i n what i s probably the least attractive residential area i n the entire region and conversely, one of the best farming areas. The land i s f l a t or gently r o l l i n g , and treeless. The only natural break i n the topography i s Chestermere Lake, on the outer edge of the growth area. The inner boundary of this subregion i s contiguous with Forest Lawn, a predominately working class suburb located eastward of the Bow River and Calgary's industrial d i s t r i c t . The small cluster mentioned above represents the f i r s t signs of ex-urban intrusion into the northern part of Rocky View. Flatting there has been more rapid than i n the other subregions because of low land costs. In many respects, Rocky View North and East are similar. 32 DeWinton-Okotoks: APR 68 FIGURE 3d To the south of the City of Calgary i s the varied landscape of the Dewinton-Okotoks subregion. This subregion i s traversed by Highway 2, the main north-south route i n Alberta. To the east of the highway, which acts as a rough physical boundary, the land i s relatively level and well suited for agriculture; on this land i s the largest concentra-tion of country residents engaged i n some quasi-farming pursuit. To the west of the highway the terrain varies from roll i n g to h i l l y and trees grow i n park-like clumps, both of which provide an attraction to country resident not interested i n farming. 33 HJgfr River: APR • 68 I FIGURE 3e The High River subregion i s an extension of DeWinton-Okotoks, but physiographically the subregion i s less h i l l y , therefore better suited to cult ivat ion. Commuting time i s about one hour. Most of the country residents here work i n the High River area, indicating a weak t ie with the c i t y . 34 Turner Valley: FIGURE 3f Directly west and north of High River on either side of Highway 7 i s the old rural community of Turner Valley, settled during the height of o i l production in the valley circa 1936. Much of the housing is now depressed. In contrast the natural setting in Turner Valley is quite attractive. Commuting time is also about one hour from the city. 35 Priddis : APR • 66 i FIGURE 3g The Priddis subregion i s direc t ly north of Turner Valley and a l i t t l e closer 'to the c i t y . The vegetative cover i s predominately trees interspersed with grassland. Both Turner Valley and Priddis are i n the f o o t h i l l s , and both subregions are well suited for country residential development. Current Regional Trends and Distribution Urban growth i n the present fringe around Calgary has originated from three directions: the earl iest migration was a transfer of rural farm to non-farm act ivi t ies i n Turner Val ley , the second movement was from farm to fringe and the th i rd , from c i ty to fringe. The f i r s t movement of residents stands apart from the more recent migration from the c i ty to fringe and the lesser movement of rural residents to the fringe. 36 About one-half of the ex-urbanites work in the city; a few have earnestly taken up farming; some have retired to the fringe; others have jobs in the rural area; a handful have jobs outside the region; and the remaining few work in small towns in the vicinity. As the distance from Calgary increases, fewer ex-urbanites work in Calgary, as indicated by a correlation coefficient of -.88. The ex-urbanites in DeWinton-Okotoks and Rocky View North are noticeable exceptions. This observation is partly explained by the preponderance of retired residents and aspiring farmers who formerly lived in the city. The earliest country residents (+20 years) live in the Springbank subregion quite near the city, and along Highway 22 in the Priddis sub-region. A number of families with more than six years residence are found in Springbank (in the same general area as the early arrivals), in Bearspaw along Highway 1A, and in DeWinton-Okotoks surrounding the hamlet of DeWinton. More recently, ex-urbanites have moved to the eastern side of the fringe near the former Town of Forest Lawn; most of these residences have been established in the last five years. Apart from the recently populated subregion of Rocky View East, the other inner subregions have continued to receive ex-urbanites in increasing numbers. As yet very l i t t l e country residential growth has occurred beyond the 'inner subregions. Those outer subregions having some new country residents are High River, the northern part of Rocky View, and Turner;, Valley. The subregional distribution of country residents interviewed gives a fair indication of the actual distribution since a census rather than a sample of country residential holdings was attempted. This 37 TABLE I PLAGE OF EMPLOYMENT AND ORIGIN AS A FUNCTION OF ACCESS S u b r e g i o n A c c e s s t o Work P l a c e s i n C a l g a r y Employed i n C a l g a r y Former R e s i d e n t -Urban S p r i n g b a n k 16 min. 69$ Bearspaw 18 85 98 Rocky V i e w E a s t 20 67 90 Rocky V i e w N o r t h 21 36 50 DeWinton-Oko t o k s 23 53 91 P r i d d i s 32 57 78 H i g h R i v e r 44 a 73 T u r n e r V a l l e y 47 15 40 C o e f f i c i e n t o f C o r r e l a t i o n ( r ) -.88 -.38 38 d i s t r i b u t i o n i s shown on TABLE I I and p o r t r a y e d c a r t o g r a p h i c a l l y i n (FIGURE 4). As shown on t h e map, t h e p r e s e n t d i s t r i b u t i o n o f c o u n t r y r e s i d e n -c e s e n c i r c l e s t h e c i t y . A r e a s o f c o n c e n t r a t i o n are f o u n d west o f t h e c i t y i n t h e s u b r e g i o n s o f S p r i n g b a n k and Bearspaw and e a s t o f t h e c i t y j u s t o f f o f Highway 1A. To t h e s o u t h o f t h e c i t y t h e o n l y e v i d e n c e o f c l u s t e r i n g i n t h e M u n i c i p a l D i s t r i c t o f F o o t h i l l s i s f ound d i r e c t l y n o r t h o f O k o t o k s , and i n t h e P r i d d i s s u b r e g i o n . The i n c r e a s i n g exodus o f u r b a n i t e s , t h e l a r g e s u p p l y o f m a r k e t -a b l e l a n d untrammeled by z o n i n g , and t h e e x t a n t s u b d i v i s i o n s b y l a w s , * were s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r s i n t h e d i s p e r s i o n o f r e s i d e n t i a l p a r c e l s a r o u n d t h e c i t y . T h i s d i s p e r s e d l y s e t t l e d f r i n g e s t a n d s i n marked c o n t r a s t t o t h e o l d s u b u r b s w h i c h grew as f a i r l y compact e n c l a v e s s u r r o u n d e d by open sp a c e . Not o n l y do o l d and new s p a t i a l p a t t e r n s o f r e s i d e n c e d i f f e r b u t so do t h e i r p h y s i c a l and s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ; l o t s i n t h e e a r l i e r s u burbs were s m a l l and cheap c h i e f l y because t h e y were n o t s e r v i c e d ; houses were " j e r r i - b u i l t " o r s e l f - b u i l t , and i n most i n s t a n c e s t h e y were s m a l l and s u b - s t a n d a r d , few were o f s a t i s f a c t o r y q u a l i t y and d e s i g n t o r e c e i v e N.H.A. a p p r o v a l . A g a i n , i n . . c o n t r a s t , l o t s i n t h e f r i n g e t o d a y a r e f a r more e x p e n s i v e ( m a i n l y because o f t h e i r l a r g e s i z e ) , ^ P a r t i c u l a r l y t h e r e g u l a t i o n w h i c h p e r m i t t e d no more t h a n two p a r c e l s o f l a n d t o be s u b d i v i d e d a t any g i v e n t i m e f r o m an e x i s t i n g p a r c e l o r a r e a d e s c r i b e d u n d e r one t i t l e and p r o h i b i t e d any f u r t h e r s u b - d i v i s i o n o f t h e new o r p a r e n t p a r c e l r e g a r d l e s s o f the p a r c e l s i z e u n t i l b o t h p a r c e l s o r i g i n a l l y c r e a t e d a r e b u i l t upon. TABLE II DISTRIBUTION OF COUNTRY RESIDENCE* Municipal Di s t r i c t of Rocky View Subregions Springbank 116 Bearspaw 41 Rocky View East 32 Rocky View North 19 SUBTOTAL 208 Municipal D i s t r i c t of Foothills Subregions DeWinton-Okotoks 61 Turner Valley 45 Priddis 36 High River 23 SUBTOTAL 165 TOTAL 373 •The spatial distribution i s shown on FIGURE 4. 41 and the houses on the whole are of a much higher standard of construc-t ion. Socio-economically, residents of the earl ier suburbs were predom-inantly from the low income group. Now, no particular area of low income residents can be earmarked. Today's fringe i s a re la t ively new occurrence, as not only evinced by the length of residence* of the fringe dweller, but also by the char-acter of residency, which forms the subject of the next chapter. I I . THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE COUNTRY RESIDENCE FOUND IN THE CALGARY REGION So frequently the derogatory connotation given to sprawl f i l t e r s down to the elements comprising i t , namely the fringe dweller, his dwelling, and his land use or disuse. The fringe dweller at one time or another has been called a c i ty escapist, a person i n need of accultur-ation to urban norms, a "tax evader", an indigent after a cheap place to l i v e , or a dis i l lus ioned home buyer. Other over generalized state-ments refer to fringe housing as makeshift and sub-standard. The country resident i s considered by many, as a "land waster" i n that he never uses land for any worthwhile purpose. These impressions of the country resident need to be challenged. *Length of Residence Less than 10 years Less than 6 years Less than 3 years 9 9 9 • • • • 81$ 62$ 33$ The Country Resident One of the paramount characteristics of the fringe is the heter-ogeneity in resident composition. Therefore, any generalization made about the country resident cannot possibly describe with complete veracity the whole universe of country residents. Every occupation and income group i s represented in the fringe. In fact, l i t t l e variation is apparent between the occupational structure of the city and the fringe, with one obvious exception, the farmer (see FIGURE 5)' This i s s u r p r i s i n g considering that the total fringe popu-lation is about the size of a hypothetical neighbourhood in the city. Quite obviously, no predeliction is shown for the fringe as a place of residence by any particular occupational group. Since there is a. close relationship between occupation and social position, i t can be inferred that no social class favours the fringe over another; although a partic-ular social group, for example the equestrian, is more apt to live in the fringe than, say, the "ski crowd". The fringe i s not the home of the indigent; a statement which i s further substantiated by the data on fringe housing in the next section. Out of this occupational diversity arise certain characteristics common to many of the fringe dwellers: most are ex-urbanit-es who enjoy the rural environment; for some this setting had been a part of their childhood experience; a l l but a very few are content x*ith country living; and most are recent comers to the fringe. The majority of ex-urbanites work in Calgary and earns a better salary or wage than the average employee, but much of i t is consumed in establishing residence in the fringe. Very few fringe residents live beyond two miles of a S OF COUNTRY DENTS. FIGURE LU CD <t t-LU O OC LU CL 100 90 80 70 60 50 -A 40 -30 20 . 10 -< o 2 X o UJ I-(0 < o to 10 iij ti. o oc 0-_l <x oc UJ o < COUNTRY RESIDENTS < O 0C CO UJ < CO K CITY OF CALGARY l -tc o a to z < 0C H (0 < cr c> cO O K-O r> a o cc CL >-oc < J CO cc Ui cr < u. to t r UJ OC o m < Q Ul OC f-Ul 0 C C U P A T I O N D A T A S O U R C E : S U R V E Y 1 9 6 6 44 surfaced road or forty minutes from their place of work; most of the residences have two cars. Eighty per cent of residences are on twenty acres or l e s s ; on their land, about one-half of the residents pursue some agricultural ac t ivi ty and for many this act ivi ty i s s t r i c t l y a le isure time pursuit . Regards shopping habits, the country resident does almost a l l of his grocery, apparel, and specialty shopping i n Calgary. The only town to gain from the ex-urbanite's purchases i s High River, th i r ty miles south of Calgary. Functionally, as evident i n his place of work and his shopping habits, the country resident i s very much a part of the c i ty , even though his residence i s divorced from i t . Permanence. Although the respondents to the survey were over-whelming i n favour of country residential l i v i n g , i t was surprising to f i n d an inordinately high turnover rate of 26 per cent per year for a sample of 199 residents from the subregions of Springbank, Bearspaw and Rocky View North. A frequency analysis of the length, of residence of those who moved showed that over half had l i v e d i n the fringe for four years or l e s s , about the same as the average length of residence for the whole sample for the respective subregion (see TABLE III) . Most homeowners do not move i n less than four years residence unless there are compelling reasons - a. transfer, or forced economic move are two motives. By looking at the various occupations, a rough idea of the number of residents who could have been transferred can be acquired. The number came to ten. A further review of the occupations rules out the possibi -l i t y of a forced economic move, except for a few cases! too many r e s i -dents who moved were well-to-do managers and professional employees. 45 TABLE III LENGTH OF RESIDENCE OF THOSE WHO MOVED Length Springbank Bearspaw Rocky View East 1-2 years 5 1 4 3-4 years 6 5 3 5-6 years 3 3 2 7-11 years 4 4 1 + 11 years 4 av. 5» 5 av. 4.5 av. 2.2 With compulsion - transfer or forced economic - not considered prime causes of moving, the answer remains undetermined. Possibly the cause of the impermanence of country residence is connected with con-sumer economics. The Country Residence A short trip through the older fringe areas now contained within the city limits will lead one to the conclusion that the fringe dweller 3 did in fact live in a "peri-slum" Today the fringe around Calgary has very few shacks (4 per cent) and relatively few cottage-sized houses used as permanent residences: seasonal and year round cottages make up 19 per cent of the total, but are diminishing in proportion. Converted farm houses form only a small part of the total housing stock. The majority of homes (84 per cent) f e l l into the bungalow, split-level, and two-storey categories, being no different in appearance from what can be found in the city. 46 The condition of the shacks and cottages rated on a good, fair, and poor basis was skewed slightly toward the poor; whereas the conven-tional residential housing stock was skewed toward the good rating (63 per cent were rated good). The subregion containing most of the shacks was Turner Valley, followed by Springbank. Springbank has most of the cottages, followed by Turner Valley and DeWinton-Okotoks. The poorest cottages were in Turner Valley. Both shacks and cottages are historical reminders, illustrating that Turner Valley, DeWinton-Okotoks, and Springbank were the f i r s t subregions to receive the non-farm migrant. From a shack worth a few hundred dollars to a mansion worth over one hundred thousand dollars, the gamut of the urban housing price range can be found in the region. Most of the houses l i e within the 4,000 to 40,000 dollar range; the average market value of 16,000 dollars (1966) is similar to the value of new homes in Calgary financed through Central Mortgage and Housing. About thirty respondents owned homes valued above 40,000 dollars; about 200 or 53 per cent owned homes valued at less than the average. The housing with below average values i s , in most cases, the longest standing. According to the Secretary-Treasurer of Rocky View, recently built housing has a market value of 25,000 dollars; in contrast, many earlier dwellings are several thous-ands of dollars cheaper than the value of the land they rest on. Changes in average building assessed values since 1940 are shown *It is interesting to note that even with a large number of shacks and cottages, Springbank had the highest average assessed building value. 47 in (FIGURE 6). For most subregions there has been a gradual increase in the assessed value of buildings, but marked increases have occurred in Bearspaw and Springbank, as the slopes on the graphs indicate. Regional Variation. Spatially, the value of residences diminishes outward from the city and from the western to the eastern side (see TABLE IV). This trend is coincident with the trend in land values. In the west, Springbank and Bearspaw have the highest mean values, although these values hide considerable variations about tiie mean. Springbank has the greatest number of houses in the upper quartile range. Bearspaw, on the other hand, has a much smaller number in this range but a greater number of middle range housing. Similarly, in DeWinton-Okotoks some houses would be priced considerably higher than the average suggests. Because of the wide variations in individual building value, the means should always be considered in conjunction with the standard deviation. TABLE IV REGIONAL VARIATION IN ASSESSED BUILDING VALUE (1966) Subregion Sample Size Average Value S.D.* Percentage Employed in Calgary Average Value S.D. DeWinton-Okotoks 61 $3,250 $3,800 53 $4,300 $3,200 High River 23 3,000 3,400 21 3,600 500 Priddis 36 2,160 2,800 51 3,200 2,900 Turner Valley 45 1,922 2,000 15 3,000 2,080 Springbank 116 4,190 2,500 75 4,500 2,400 Bearspaw 41 4,154 2,100 85 4,600 2,050 Rocky View East 32 2,630 2,400 67 4,300 2,000 •Standard Deviation CHANGES IN BUILDING VALUE SUBREGIONAL VARIATION . I 9 4 0 - I 9 6 5 " LENGTH OF RESIDENCE ( YEAIRS) BASED ON MUNICIPAL ASSESSMENTS 4 9 Besides the strong correlation between parcel value and housing value and length of residence, housing value also i s positively cor-related with employment i n Calgary (TABLE IV, column 5)' For each sub-region tiie relative building value increases for those residences whose wage earners work i n Calgary; the most marked increases appear i n Rocky View East and Turner Valley. Probably, the l o c a l l y employed and retired who comprise the non-Calgary employed group are those residents who have l i v e d longest i n the subregion, and have the lowest incomes. These findings on changing housing value corroborates what i s generally well known that, the secular trend i n housing i s toward the better quality home, at proportionately lower prices for a greater number of people. This trend i s even more evident within ci ty l i m i t s because of tract housing. Country Residential Land Use One of the main concerns of the l o c a l councils i s the misuse of land by the country resident. The apriori assumption held by most councillors and a great many farmers i s that the country resident wastes farm land by doing nothing with the land he owns. The survey findings reveal, i n some cases, the assumption was true but i n other cases i t was not. Of a l l the respondents surveyed 51 P e r cent were using their land, and 38 por cent of those respondents using their land were making some income from i t . Considered i n the l i g h t of the twenty-two persons who expressly indicated that they moved to the country to supplement income, either 51 respondents were reticent to admit their motives, or took on farming i n earnest some time after the move, possibly when they confronted 50 the cost of country living. Regardless of the income made, for the majority of residents part-time farming i s an integral aspect of enjoy-ing the rural environment. The uses on country residential land depend on the activity sought by the resident. The activity sought in turn is reflected in the parcel size, and to a certain extent the subregion. The overt indicator of parcel use is parcel size (see FIGURE 7). There is a clear differ-entiation of land uses between those parcels from which an income is derived and those parcels from which no income is derived (62 per cent of the interviewees). Agricultural or quasi-agricultural uses diminish as the parcel size decreases, as reflected below in the table showing undeveloped land as a percentage of parcel size: Most parcels six acres or less are strictly urban; that i s , the space, rather than the land, i s utilized. The correlate of income producing parcels is the income level of the occupant. There is a tendency as the resident's income level declines to switch from land uses purely recreational in character (e.g. horses) to uses from which some income can be derived. Some resi-dents raise livestock, others cultivate their land, but most just sell the hay off the land. In most instances the operation is not very economical. One major exception to this observation is the group of Parcel size (acres) Percent Undeveloped 23-80 7-22 0-6 13 20 49 INCOME NON-INCOME HG. 35 ACRES 854 ACRES 1518 ACRES HORSES CATTLE LIVESTOCK a CROP PASTURE PARCEL SIZE I 0-6 ACRES 7-22 ACRES 23-80 ACRES HOGS OTHER USES [ HG. MIXED , M LIVESTOCK CASH GRAIN FIGURE 443 ACRES 1195 ACRES HO20 ACRES DOMINANT LAND USE ACCORDING T O PARCEL SIZE ID AT A S O U R C E : S U R V E Y 1966 52 property owners who take up some agricultural ac t ivi ty i n order to claim exemption from paying building taxes. Usually, a f a i r l y large capital input i s required at the offset to earn enough money off a twenty acre parcel to qualify as a farmer under the tax laws. Since low income families rarely make suff ic ient money from their land to claim exemption, the morally questionable gambit i s open only to those residents with some means. From this synopsis of land u t i l i z a t i o n , i t becomes amply clear the statement that the country resident i s a "land waster" i s a half-truth, not only because 50 per cent of the residents use their land for some purpose, but also because about 25 per cent of the residents who do not use their land are victims of the parcel size res t r ic t ion . A l l of the residents i n this 25 per cent group when asked, indicated they wanted a parcel somewhat less i n size than the twenty acre minimum. Put another way, the region l o s t f i v e hundred acres, on which about two thousand houses could be b u i l t , through the parcel size res t r ic t ion . Notwithstanding the l o s s , f ive hundred acres may be a small price to pay compared to what may have been l o s t without any land use controls. A General Class i f ica t ion of Country Residents The following c lass i f i ca t ion was devised to r e a l i s t i c a l l y portray the various kinds of country residences encountered on the survey (see TABLE V) . The main c r i t e r i a used i n establishing the c lass i f i ca t ion were ( l ) land use, (2) goals sought, (3) parcel size, and (4) income. The table shows basically four country resident types: the wealthy householder seeking privacy and exclusiveness, the ruralophile, the 53 TABLE V A CLASSIFICATION OF COUNTRY RESIDENTS Country Resident Residential Space Small Parcel (1-5 acres) Enjoyment of Rural Environment Maintenance Factor i Retired I Middle Income JOW Income Parcel Size Medium Parcel (20+) Privacy and Exclusiveness Wealthy Land Use Medium Parcel I Quasi Agri. Low Income (+20 acres) Horses Middle Income Large 40+ f I Eventual Horses arm Fiddle Income Wealthy 54 aspiring farmer, the part-time farmer, and the horse owner. These classes quite obviously are not mutually exclusive; hopefully they will convey a palpable image of the resident. The difference, for example, between the aspiring farmer and part-time farmer i s a state of mind. Each type of country resident probably has a different conception of what this model residential environment should be. The horse owner may want bridle trails throughout his environs, the person seeking privacy may not want a neighbour within a mile, the old age pensioner may not want twenty acres of land to care for, and so on. To devise a suitable design for a model country residential community seems to be an insur-mountable task for any planner who wants to take into account the varied aspirations of the country resident, and exogenous factors of municipal cost, and farm land losses. Thus far, the pattern of ex-urbanization has been outlined, and the country resident and his milieux has been described and categorized. The next step i s to place the country resident in the role of decision maker in the process of ex-urbanization, to discover what motivated him to move to the country and what criteria he used to select his residence location. In considering the role of the decision maker i t must be underscored that the country resident i s part of an urban system; a. system which imposes constraints on each and every decision maker in-volved in the urban process. The Analysis of Country Residential Growth within the Urban System, the next chapter, explains the overall distrib-ution pattern as well as the regional variation in social, economic, and physical character of the fringe landscape. FOOTNOTES •'•P.J. Smith, "Calgary: A Study in Urban Pattern," Economic  Geography. 38 (October, 1962), 324. City Planning Department, October, I967. ^P.J. Smith, Loc. Cit. CHAPTER IV ANALYSIS OF COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH WITHIN THE URBAN SYSTEM I. TWO APPROACHES TO THE ANALYSIS OF LOCATION The following analysis of location i s based on the premise that some rationale lie s behind the choosing of a particular residential site. If there is a strategy of site selection, then the criteria or factors making up the strategy can be fruitfully analysed. The factors of location can be viewed in two different ways: one approach is to sepa-rate and observe the external forces shaping the country residential pattern; the second i s to study the buyer's preferences and relate them to location. Both approaches are used in the following analysis of location. In the f i r s t approach the assumption made i s that the home-owner or decision-maker can do l i t t l e to alter the pattern of growth - shape, density, and grain - established by the external locative forces. This assumption i s similar to the one made in most simulation studies of urban growth. Some of the external conditions are the existing highway network, the physical environment, existing land uses, government con-trols, and the existing land market, i t s e l f a synthesis of a l l the other factors mentioned, plus more. Once empirical regularities are observed, some generalizations can be posited about the spatial distribution of residences, and their areal association. 57 An analysis of the external forces provides a framework i n which the decisions made by the country resident can be better understood; f o r i n h i s mind the external forces intertwine with h i s concepts of a s a t i s f a c t o r y place to l i v e . This approach i s s t a t i c and d e s c r i p t i v e ; i t s t r i v e s to account f o r the r e s u l t a n t pattern of growth rather than the i n t e r a c t i n g pro-cesses which created i t . With respect to the elements i n the country r e s i d e n t i a l pattern the approach i s macroscopic. The second approach, i n contrast, i s microscopic i n that the focus i s on the resident, the c r i t i c a l decision-maker*in the ex-urban growth process. This b e h a v i o r i s t i c approach i s also e s s e n t i a l l y empirical, but rather than deducing c e r t a i n trends from external r e -l a t i o n s h i p s , inferences are made from the resident's reasons f o r moving to the country and choosing h i s s i t e . By studying the buyer's p r e f e r -ences, the r e l a t i v e importance of the exogenous parameters can be measured. The two approaches combined provide an answer to "why the urbanite i s i n f r i n g e ? " and to "why h i s residence i s located where i t i s ? " I n essence the answers to these two questions explain the causes of ex-urbanization and the r e s u l t i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n pattern, as they r e l a t e to the Calgary scene. One o f the problems o f r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n analysis i s d e f i n i n g the objectives of a buyer. Unlike i n d u s t r i a l and commercial l o c a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s , optimization of a r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n i s a d i f f i c u l t task. * c . f . The developer i n suburbanization. Just as the firm is constrained by external factors of location as well as the means at the firm's disposal, so is the country resident. Where-as the firm has the clear goal of maximizing profit, the country resident optimizes satisfaction, an intangible. As a consequence of the variety of interpretations that satisfaction can possess, and the vari-ety of sites to choose from, i t becomes exceedingly difficult to select areas where the optimum sites can be found. In the next section the way in which the exogenous factors of location affect the country residents' site selection process will be discussed. After this discussion, the country residents' site and locational preferences will be studied with a view to undersooring the importance of the external parameters, as well as indicating that there are other reasons than those associated with the external factors for locating a residence where i t i s . In studying the exogenous factors of location, the framework or bounds of subsystem within which the country resident performs are established. II. FACTORS OF LOCATION The Road Network and Accessibility Whether or not the home buyer or builder considers accessibility as one of his site selection criteria in no way alters the fact that the locus of country residential development is fixed by the rural road network. Given the resources of the average home buyer and the local government's attitude toward extending the road network to cater to the individual country resident, the above statement will remain an unalterable fact. 59 Within a given road network access, primarily to the place of employment, circumscribes the limits of residential location. Within the circumscribed areas, the buyer has a certain freedom of locational choice. How far this commuting zone of the metropolis extends is deter-mined by the capacity of the transportation network and the speed at which i t can handle traffic during peak hours. Around Calgary, very few of the country residents commute more than forty minutes to a work-place. Most residents travel thirty minutes or less (see FIGURE 8). Furthermore, ex-urban growth follows the highway very closely; few residences are found beyond two miles from a paved road, even though a gravelled road network makes much of the region accessible, and even though less costly and more scenic parcels l i e beyond the two miles (see FIGURE 9). All in a l l , access and good roads play an important role in determining the configuration of country residential growth. The tendency to cling to major highways is an indication of incipient growth; the next growth phase will most likely be the f i l l i n g in of the interhighway areas. Springbank as mentioned earlier i s an exception to this process, primarily because of the absence of good access routes radiating out from the city in this sector. Poorer roads have the effect of limiting the outward extent of ex-urban growth. A final aspect of highway development which encourages residential growth along the main routes especially in farming areas, i s the fragmentation of viable farm units. The fraction of land cut from the main unit by the highway right of way i s of marginal farm use, but quite well suited for country residential use. Moreover, parcels formed by higliway con-struction may circumvent the parcel size restriction. FIGURE ACCESSIBILITY TO PLACE r mi 90 CO \-•ZL QJ Q O a. co LU cc o U J CD < I -U J o cc UJ CL 80 70 60 •=« 50 40 30 20 10 0 - 9 . 10-19 2 0 - Z 9 3 0 - 5 3 4 0 - 4 ® 5 0 - 5 0 6 0 - 6 9 MINUTES TRAVEL TIME tS'feTA SOURCE '. S U R V E Y 1966 : - FIGURE DISTANCE TO PAVED ROADS. 62 The Physical Environment What would be the size and distribution of the country residen-ti a l population in a different physical setting? A theoretical question, but nonetheless important because i t underscores the importance of natural amenities. Edmonton, Regina, and Winnipeg have relatively small country residential populations, yet except for the physical environment, the differences between their fringes and Calgary's are slight. The comparison illustrates the importance of the physical environment as a precondition for moving to the country. Several aspects of tiie environment appear to be considered by the residents: the view, vegetative cover, topography, and water. Esthetically, many sites visited on the survey were far superior to any found within the city. The majority of houses in a l l subregions were sited to capture a view of the mountains. Frequently the view rated more highly in the minds of the buyer than the immediate surroundings, particularly in the Bearspaw subregion. As far as the inherent qualities of country residential site i s concerned, about half of the homes surveyed were located in deciduous groves. Since these groves are scarce, trees probably are a catalyst to the clustering evident in Springbank. Only 16 per cent of the residences were found on cropland; these residences were concentrated in Rocky Viex* East and eastern areas of DeWinton-Okotoks. This 16 per cent occupies only 15 per cent of the total land area in the country residential use, equivalent to one fairly large extensive farm. About eighty residences were on improved pasture. Albeit the pasture and cropland are not in themselves attractive for residential location, the 63 view and the topography sometimes mitigate for the absence of trees. Topography and the ground water supply are closely related in the Calgary region; as locational determinants they play against each other. Most of the country residences are located on rolling or hilly terrain suitable for building and road construction, but frequently without a good water supply. To the extent that the buyers heed the water problem, the water supply will influence the pattern of residential growth. Many areas have reported water deficiencies and the wary will avoid them (see FIGURE 10). Unfortunately many buyers find out after having purchased the land, and in some instances, after having the house built that an acute water shortage exists; in these cases, the water supply had no influence as a factor in location. The attraction of the physical environment will continue to be a locational force for most future country residents, though there will always be other considerations. For example, the results of a fairly exhaustive survey of potential country residential areas conducted by the Calgary Regional Planning Commission selected the Jumping Pound Valley and the Priddis subregion located west of the city as being the most attractive in the region. Yet because of the long travelling time to them and availability of quite suitable alternatives closer to the city, these areas in spite of their natural beauty have not and are not likely to grow for many years. A final consideration is that some residents are not swayed one way or the other by the physical environment, to them i t i s neutral stuff. 65 Government Land Regulations Few government controls pertain to country residential develop-ment and unlike the environment they effect the resident uniformly. What controls apply have a noticeable effect on- the density of country residential growth, but not on the overall distribution. The restric-tions placed upon the location of residential parcels are set down by: The Preliminary Regional Plan, The Planning Act for the Province of Alberta, Subdivision and Transfer Regulations, and Miscellaneous Munici-pal and Department of Highway Regulations. Probably the most important document i s the Preliminary Regional Plan which: (1) imposes a minimum parcel size of twenty acres, but allows these parcels to proliferate in any part of the region regardless of the existing uses; (2) restricts the number of subdivisions in one applic-ation to two, and in areas where a number of subdivisions have been made, discourages further subdividing; (3) recommends against the establishing of residential parcels adjacent to urban boundaries; and (4) recommends that the standard of building should comply with the National Housing Act standards. These few regulations have a considerable influence on the quality of residences in the fringe, their density, and their loca-tion with respect to one another. The twenty acre parcel restriction maintains a low country residential density, which gives some assurance of a sufficient water supply. The parcel size restriction also reduces the rate of subdivision by discriminating against the low income buyer,* •FIGURE 11 shows the effect of the parcel size restriction on the growth rate. The parcels under twenty acres are few in number relative to the twenty acre parcel. FIGURE co i UJ o < 0. o _J < o > < _ l -) O o < 300 280 2 6 0 240 220 ~ 200 180 1 6 0 140 120 100 80 60 401 20 -I TOTAL PARCELS OF 20 ACRES OR LESS. NO. OF NEW RESIDI 3 FORMED BETWI 1 9 5 4 - 1 9 6 5 . 7 N PARCELS LARGER THAN 20 ACRES. S2S|£fEK3r ESS css&Lai K S J ^ 7 7~ u 1 7] 1 9 5 4 1 9 5 5 1 9 5 6 1 9 5 7 ' 1 8 5 8 1 9 5 9 I 9 6 0 © S I 1 9 6 2 1 9 6 3 1 9 6 4 1 9 6 5 . . . ' Y E A R DATA SOURCE : S U R V E Y 1966 67 and gives the resident the privacy he seeks. Because the parcel size restriction excludes the lower income groups, i t increases the proba-bility of having a generally higher quality residential development. Subdivision control "(2)" also slows the rate of subdividing, but at the same time, i t encourages scatter by stalling intensive development in any one area. The next most important set of guidelines for country residential growth are put forward by the latest Subdivision and Transfer Regu-lations (I967). An enumeration of the regulations applicable to country residences because they are so explicit and because they can be visualized on the landscape will inculcate the importance of government policy as a locative force; the regulations are: (l) the maximum number of parcels per quarter section is.: limited to six, . (2) location must be at least two miles away from an urbanized area, (3) the quality of the environment must be considered, viz., the topography, view, and soil condition, and (4) minimum parcel sizes of one to three acres for strictly residential parcels and from three to twenty for agricultural parcels are in effect. These restrictions would have a profound influ-ence on the growth of country residences, i f they were adhered to by the municipal councils and regional commissions. At fir s t glance, the influence would be favourable. At present, country residences as such are not recognized by the local planning commission or the municipalities in the region, hence the above regulations do not apply. All small parcels s t i l l are con-sidered agricultural holdings thus, besides the two restrictions men-tioned in the Preliminary Regional Plan, the major requirements for the 68 developer are: subdivision design, road construction, public reserve, and culverts and crossings. None of these requirements except for road construction unduly add to the developer's costs, consequently they do not deter country residential growth, nor do they i n any way give develop-mental preference to one area over another. Consideration has been given to zoning country residential areas i n the past, and some thought has been given to reviving the issue. By designating certain areas as country residential, the scatter of parcels helter-skelter throughout the region would be curtailed. The Land Market The land market i s an abstraction describing the transactions between buyers and sellers of real estate; the exchange of property-occurs when a price i s mutually agreed upon. Looked upon spatially, price, a reflection of current parcel value, i s similar to a control point on a topographic map. The sum of a l l prices over space forms an undulating surface of land values, which determines, i n part, the dis-tribution of land use ac t i v i t i e s , and hence the man-made environment. Whether the pegging of land values i s a discrete or f a i r l y continuous areal phenomenon depends upon communication i n the market; both buyer and seller must be aware of the going price of real estate. This aware-ness i s noticeable i n the homogeneity of land values within a particular area. The market must operate within the framework of the economy, government, and nebulous societal expectation, a l l of which give value to property. In the Calgary region the single most important factor affecting the demand side of the land market by precluding almost a l l low income buyers i s the twenty acre parcel restriction. The supply is affected to the extent that sellers may be less anxious to part with twenty acres than one acre. The land market for country residences i s not only restrictive in one dimension - income, but also in its spatial configuration, further confining the range of potential buyers in select areas. Islands of high value have become quite pronounced west of Calgary. Twenty acre parcels within these islands have sold for upwards of 1,000 dollars per acre, well beyond the reach of most Calgarians, while parcels east of the city and near the outer limits of the commuter zone sell from 100 to 300 dollars per acre (see TABLE VI). In general, the statistical surface of land values peaks near the city boundary in the subregions of Springbank and Bearspaw, and decreases away from these areas. A minor peak occurs in the DeWinton-Okotoks area. At the outer limits of the region, the value of land is determined by i t s potential agricultural use rather than by its poten-tia l residential use. There are exceptions to the general trend, of course. Some sellers may be unaware of the market price of ex-urban real estate. Also some properties found almost anywhere in the region are ill-suited for either agriculture or country residences, and conse-quently they command a low price. The spatial variations in land values has helped to create the scatter of subdivided parcels away from the peaks of land value and toward the troughs located in the east and near the outer limits of 70 TABLE VI TRENDS IN LAND VALUES IN THE MUNICIPAL DISTRICT OF ROCKY VIEW (I966 - I967) Subregions Parcel Size Five Acres Twenty Acres Forty Acres All Sizes Springbank $1000 ( l ) * $585 (l) $331 (2) $416 Bearspaw 387 (8) 177 (9) 455 Rocky View North 192 (4) 25S (10)** ' 213 Rocky View East 280 (4) 280 The Municipal District $ 353 $320 $203 $292 *The values shown are averages expressed in dollars per acre; the numbers in brackets indicate the sample size. All values were acquired from Land Titles for .the years I966-67. **It is worth noting that most of the subdivision activity i s occurring in the subregion which has the lowest priced land. This observation underscores the importance of land value as an allocation of resources and, ultimately, a molder of the fringe pattern. 71 the commuting zone.* Basically, as a factor of location, land values partially deter-mines: (l) who lives in the fringe, and (2) where the financially eligible buyer given his resources can go. Consumer Preference The factors thus far discussed have been external and more or less fixed with respect to the country resident. He, as the buyer, must accept them de facto, with two exceptions, the land market and access. The market, because i t i s created and maintained by consumer preference, is not rigidly fixed. Notwithstanding the foregoing statement, the market does establish limits which are unalterable to many buyers, and in this sense the market is an external factor. Access is only external and fixed to the extent that development i s confined to the existing *Interestingly, in these troughs; the better arable land is found because country residential value has a somewhat inverse relationship to the productive value of land. There is nothing inherent in ara-bility and urban value, other than where good soil belts are, the site qualities for residential purposes are usually inferior to those sites on marginal land. This correlation may just be a local occurrence and therefore may not hold for other city regions. Quality, being a sub-jective measure, varies from person to person; some purchasers may be willing to pay more for twenty acres of bald, flat prairie than for the same acreage in parkland. Notwithstanding a few exceptions the trend in land values is the obverse to the above statement. Probably the main reason why good arable land has been encroached on is accessibility. Areas of good land were opened up early for farming, whereas many attractive residential areas have yet to be traversed .by roads. This situation is not likely to change because neither the municipality nor the developer is anxious to pay the cost of road construction. 72 road network and the maximum commuting limit. Within these bounds access i s a matter of buyers' choice. Even with a l l of the constraints discussed present, the country resident s t i l l has considerable latitude i n the choice of residential location. Therefore the spatial distribution of country residences i s a manifestation of both buyer preference and external constraints. By asking the resident why he moved to the country i t was hoped that his motivating forces could be used in ascertaining something about the environment desired by the country resident. If the resident moved to the country for seclusion, then i t can be inferred that, for .this resident and possibly others, their locational choice f u l f i l l s their desire. This line of reasoning can be followed through for each of the motives and contrasted against the location. It i s then feasible to roughly determine the relationship between motivation and i t s spatial translation as perceived by the resident in a place. The danger of accepting reasons for moving to the country and picking a specific site ex poste facto, and using them to describe the process of fringe occupancy should be pointed out. Rather than indicat-ing the motivating forces, at the time of purchase, the reasons given are a set of rationalizations for being on a particular site and location. Therefore, the reasons should be looked at warily as basic motivations driving people to the fringe. Quite probably the original motivation forces have long ago faded into the subconscious. Reasons for Moving to the Country. The main reasons for moving to the country are: for the children, enjoyment of the rural environment, 73 and privacy and seclusion (see TABLE VII). Although i t is rather d i f f i -cult to translate these reasons into location the latter reason, privacy and seclusion, explains in part the scattered nature of the residential distribution. The search for privacy and seclusion also differentiates the ex-urbanite from the suburbanite. The differences in residential location among suburbanites would relate to the availability of housing at the time of purchase and the suburbanite's socio-economic status, and to a lesser extent, choice; whereas the difference in location between sub-urbanites and ex-urbanites would show up their different aspirations and possibly values, as well as the f i r s t two mentioned factors, and the third, only to a greater extent. The variations in values or perception are manifested in the residents' concern over their children. The rural and urban environ-ments obviously present a contrasting milieux for child rearing, but both are the best in the eyes of either the suburbanite or ex-urbanite. About 60 per cent of the respondents mentioned children as a reason for moving. These country residential families appear to believe that either the rural environment, rural schooling or rural cohorts, or a l l of them, are better for their own children than what i s found in the city. Responses from the most highly urbanized subregions, Springbank and Bearspaw, conformed closely to the three reasons mentioned: children, privacy, and environment. Rocky View East was the only subregion where the residents did not choose the environmental factor, but rather were impressed by the possibility of part-time farming on the good cropland which predominates in this subregion. TABLE VII REASONS FOR MOVING TO THE COUNTRY EXPRESSED AS A PERCENTAGE OF ALL REASONS* n i o CH g °3 G &0 3 h +> P . I H -p to G tu: w ivi H di s ivi 1 ^ • H O G £j •rl -P "S me t - i CO - r l cj o o is .a 3 o o o CH o o <D G H3 o >"3 O CO H SUBREGIONS ^ S c P 4  £ G G W © > J . H J > W . H  t»jC0 CD (3 .ri ,G -O W H O P I P G f j ' C f C P e - P - P (0 > H ^ . . ,. ^ r - . . . ^ w - O ^ - P W ^ <D ^ • H O .ri i C 0 ^ ^ l 3 o o T - 3 f H G W - P ,G 6-< k <D ±5 O <  3 op o O   C S O i l d "P O DeWinton-Okotoks 20 23 0 16 3 5 23 3 6 100 High River 17 26 0 4 4 4 13 4 17 100 Priddis 16 22 0 3 6 0 33 3 17 100 Turner Valley 7 16 4 22 40 0 11 0 20 100 Springbank 24 27 3 08 1 0 25 6 5 100 Bearspaw 29 17 2 0 0 0 29 12 10 100 Rocky View East 31 31 0 19 0 6 3 9 0 100 Rocky View North 5 26 0 21 17 0 11 0 21** 100 Calgary Region 20 24 0 9 8 2 21 5 9 373 *The percentages are the fir s t choices of three choices. **There was such a variety of other reasons that i t was not worthwhile to group them. 75 Most of the fringe residents are aware of the higher cost of living in rural areas, although thirty-one respondents felt that living in the fringe was cheaper than in the city and this was one of the factors influencing their decision to move to the fringe. Many of these residents were among the pioneer fringe dwellers who came before fashion and many of the conveniences. A lower cost of living appears to be a reality to those who choose to live at minimal standards; but to the majority of fringe residence i t i s an illusion frequently discovered too late. Rather than being an inducement to lower income residents the high cost of living in the fringe presents a barrier to the poor, al-though not an impermeable one. Closely related and sometimes synonymous with the resident who seeks a low cost place to reside i s the fringe dweller who moves to enable him to supplement his Income by farming, in addition to provid-ing security in the event of unemployment. Another subgroup within the quasi-agriculture group but entirely divorced from the "income supplementers" and "security seekers" are the horse owners. They came to the fringe to partake in equestrian activi-ties, which are a popular outdoor recreational pursuit for those Calgarians who can afford the expense. Many of these equestrians owned land in the fringe before moving; rather than travelling to and from the pasture, they found i t more convenient to move out of the city and live with their horses. As for those residents who moved to the fringe because their job was there, the reason behind the reason for moving appears to be, prima 76 facie, access, since most of the responses came from residents of the outer subregions. Dissatisfaction with city l i f e as a factor in moving did receive some response, but not enough to attribute any great importance to i t . Possibly, Calgary does not suffer a l l of the problems of the large metropolis, or at least not to the degree where people are encouraged to move out. It must be underscored that the reasons given by the residents for moving into the fringe are not necessarily true motivational forces, but rather affirmation or justification for being in. the fringe. More than likely, the response factors mentioned which are of a positive nature such as "the environment" or "job in the country", are more coincident with the original motive for moving. Whereas, the response to "lower cost of living" or "secondary income", belie an even greater response. This same word of caution applies to the reasons for choos-ing a particular site. Reasons for Choosing a Particular Site. Asking the respondent why he chose his site, is a natural extension of asking why the respondent moved to the country. To a degree, the chosen site reflects: the country resident 1s aspiration, the criteria he more or less intuitively applied, and the constraints affecting his selection. The three main reasons for choosing a particular site were "the view", "proximity to the city", and "low land cost", these were followed closely by "tree cover", which comprised the greater portion of the "other" column (TABLE VIII). Few residents were concerned about recreational facilities, school locations, water supply, snow clearance, o p. TO O 3 6° o CD s! S3 6° o IS (» CO td CD p 4 co 3. 3 •5-CD < P. H CD CQ ft < CD 4 O CD (S 3 I O o pr to vO VJO -<3 VJO VJO ro ro VJX VJO VJO View VJO O ro -p- VJO ro Water Supply-H C O V/i VJO V_n ro V j \ ro H -o vO ro V_n Proximity to City H VjO H o ro ro -o VO £ C O H -o C O Low. Land "Cost ro o VJO o ro o o o V_n Good Soil )— vo ro ro C O C O Access to 4- Main Road ro VjO o u» VJO ON o o o ro vO o o o V n Proximity to Public U t i l i -ties Proximity to School ro o ON VJ-I ro o o o o Lower Tax Rate VjO V n o o VJO ro VJO VO Vjl Near Relatives ro VJO /—\ ro Inherited vV Land o o o o o o o o o Snow Clearance o o o o o o o o o Proximity to Recreation -o VJO ON H VJO H o •p-ro ro VJ-X ro ON C O Other VJJ -Nj-VJl) H o O H O O H 1 o o H o o H o o H o o H o o M o o Total to 8 o CO Cn ts w 8 ts o •s cn W o 8 o CT i-3 o O t-3 S IS C/j 13 C/3 03 tS o IS H H 78 public u t i l i t i e s , lower taxes, or s o i l quali ty . An interesting relationship evinces i t s e l f between the three main reasons - view, proximity, and land costs - and regional variation i n the socio-economic structure. With the exception of the Turner Valley anomoly, the outer subregion respondents traded proximity to c i ty for low cost view si tes , whereas the respondents of Rocky View East traded the attractive si te for proximity and low cost land. In the main, the respondents from the outer subregions and Rocky View East were lower down on the income or purchasing power scale than the respondents of DeWinton-Okotoks, Springbank, and Bearspaw who got both the view si te and proximity, hence paid that much more for land. Generally, view sites with trees, located on r o l l i n g or h i l l y topography attracted the higher income buyers. On l e v e l land si tes , the frequency of parcel use for agriculture pursuits increased. A con-comitant drop i n the quality of housing was often observed and this cor-relat ion was strengthened when i t coincided with the absence of a view and trees. To an extent, these observations are associated with the respondents' reasons for choosing his s i t e . Residential Sectors. In addition to the site selection deter-minants mentioned, there appears to be a weak sector effect , part icularly evident i n the northwest and east. This sector effect i s manifested i n housing values and by the preponderance of managerial, professional, and technical occupational groups i n the western and southern sectors and by the preponderance of blue col lar workers i n the eastern sector, both inside and outside of the c i t y l i m i t s (see FIGURE 12). The same effect i s not apparent i n the outer subregions. This i s explained by OCCUPATIONAL STRUCTURE SUBREGIONAL VARIATION D A T A SOURCE : S U R V E Y 1966 PRIODIS TURNER VA L L E Y DEWINTON-- OKOTOKS > o UJ o U J <r 1'R i f:i 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 SPRINGBANK p '•i^Tf-f^i-"-^" I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 HIGH RIVER ROCKYVIEW - EASt 34 32 30 28 26 -J 24 22 20 ie 16 14 12 -10 -8 -6 4 4 -2 -1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 OCCUPATION LEGEND _L_ - MANAGERIAL , PROFESSIONAL a TECHNICAL J L - CLERICAL 3.- SALES "4~- SERVICE, REREATIONAL S TRANSPORT tl t l i e 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 OCCUPATION BEARSPAW 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 S 5^  - PRIMARY, PRODUCTION 6 CRAFTS JL - FARMERS 7. - LABOURERS "BT - RETIRED 80 the above comments on trade-off of accessibility for site amenities. The trade-off only occurs within the lower income groups - hence, the small proportion of managers, professionals, and technicians in the outer subregions, Priddis, High River and Turner Valley. The regional variation in housing value and occupations is a reflection of economic differentiation of resident groups. Although the attractiveness of the site, primarily determines which parcels will sell, price determines who gets the parcel - the wealthier the resident, the choicer the site and location. Clustering is evidence of comparably wealthy buyers who sought the same environmental amenities and got them. Clustering, to a lesser extent, i s also evidence of the need for identity and protection against unwanted elements i n the environs. Land values act as the o^scriminator. To the degree that occupations are related to incomes this differ-entiation of residence i s reflected in the frequency distributions of occupations by subregions (FIGURE 12). The spatial proximity of occu-pation groups per se appears to be coincidental. This also applies to social groupings. Since the country resident appears to be somewhat of an isolationist, propinquity of similar socio-economic groups cannot very well be caused by the need for a sense of community. Thus, socio-economic class differentiation in the fringe is less a manifestation of interaction in a closed social system and more .a manifestation of income groups struggling over attractive land, a scarce commodity in the region. Spatially, this struggle i s not always evident because of variation interposed by earlier growth. 81 Consumer Preference and Regional Variation* After being shown that there is some relationship between site and preference, i t is not very hard to perceive a subregion as being an area! manifestation of a set of consumer preferences. In the summary of consumer preferences (TABLE IX), the areal separation of the two main classes of country residential pursuits -strictly enjoyment of the rural environment and quasi-farming - can be seen. Springbank, Bearspaw, Priddis, and DeWinton-Okotoks appear to be favoured for their physical amenities; Bearspaw, for view sites; Priddis, for its attractive environs; Springbank and DeWinton-Okotoks, for both site and view. Whereas Springbank, Bearspaw, and Priddis are favoured for residential sites, DeWinton-Okotoks also has an attraction through it s good soils for the part-time farmer. The good soils and cheap land of Rocky View East and North were similarly preferred by the part-time farmer. The Turner Valley subregion where most of the respondents were drawn by work in the o i l fields i s the best example of people with similar preferences coming together. But quite obviously the set of consumer preferences in the Turner Valley subregion should be and are in fact quite different from the set of consumer preferences which lead to the creation of the more recent country residential growth pattern. Whatever impression is gained by looking at TABLE VIII i t should not be clung to steadfastly because of the considerable internal sub-region differences caused mainly by variations in the length of residence, land value and the physical environment. Nevertheless the generaliza-tion that the respondents in the same subregion have more or less the same locational preference s t i l l retains some validity. X CD SO C+ CD 4 5 CD 9> m co 4 CD CO •cs o CO CD 3 CD 3 X CD 4 X X X X X X X X X X X X X 3. to X CD 3 3 8" 6° o a CD t * CD to X X CO co n g si 4 3 X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X . X X X X X ' X X X X X X X X X X X X X Privacy Dissatisfaction with City Enjoy Environ-ment Children Low Cost of Living Quasi-Agricultural Job Secondary Income View Water Supply Soil Low Land Cost Low Taxes Access to Pavement Proximity to City Utilities School Relatives Inherited CO 0 o a Ui 5 o a Ui g a CT O o i-9 o Ui SO ts CO ts o o CO a •3? o *s 8 a CO § ts a o ts CO ts H X 28 83 I I I . FACTORS AFFECTING THE FUTURE LOCATION OF COUNTRY RESIDENCE Of the factors of location discussed, land value, access ibi l i ty , the water supply aspect of the physical environment, and government interference w i l l play a major role i n shaping the future pattern of fringe growth i n the Calgary region. I t i s easy to say that land values w i l l influence growth, but hard to say how they w i l l . Changes i n land values i n the fringe are d i f f i c u l t to predict because they are shrouded with so much uncertainty related to the small size and peculiar character-i s t i c s of the market, and government attitudes toward small parcel growth. As long as the inflat ionary trend continues, real estate value can be expected to appreciate. This appreciation of land values T r i l l undoubt-edly vary spat ia l ly , and therefore, the outcome w i l l be such that i n some select areas, high land values xd.ll preclude most buyers. By forc -ing the prospective buyer to look elsewhere, the sprawl surrounding Calgary i s expected to increase i n i t s areal extent. The areal extent of country residential grox^th i s primarily determined by the existing transportation network, and commuting time. Most of the early growth occurred along the main highways, but after space adjacent to these highways i s consumed, the buyer w i l l have to look i n the i n t e r s t i t i a l areas, where gravel roads exist . I t i s doubts f u i that country residents w i l l be responsible for the creation of any new roads i n the region, except for immediate access roads connecting to the extant network. Nevertheless, he w i l l be a causative factor i n the upgrading of roads during the i n t e r s t i t i a l growth phase. Impetus may be given to i n t e r s t i t i a l growth by the Department of 84 Highways programme of limiting the number of egress points off provin-cially controlled highways. When the programme is completed, the familiar starshaped development delineating the edge of urban growth would be curtailed, and the pattern in i t s place could appear as nodular growth around the permitted entrances, similar to the growth around interurban transit stations. Limited access may curb sprawl and thereby assist the planners in their bid for compact subdivisions, which should reduce the future cost of servicing country residences, i f services are demanded. The one factor which may thwart clustered development near high-way interchanges i s water. Water, or more correctly the lack of, will be one of the most important influences on the future shape and density of country residential growth. The water shortage is associated with the Paskapoo formation consisting of shale, interbedded with irregular sand-stone lenses. The irregularity of the water bearing lenses, the low transmissibility of the shale, and the relatively lower water table in topographically high areas produces an appreciable risk factor for those sites preferred by the buyer.^ " No part of the region is free of this problem, but some limited areas by virtue of their proximity to glacial channels, floodplains, or coulees have better water acqulfers, hence the problem in these areas will not be as acute. The water problem i s expected to increase as the residential den-sities increase. A stage will be reached when mining of the ground crater supply will exceed the demand, thus necessitating trucking in water, since current low densities preclude the construction of .a public water. 85 system .because of high cost,, The anticipation of increased municipal cost emanating from the water shortage is among the reasons which have encouraged municipal councils to vote in favour of the density restriction. Thus, the low densities around Calgary are, in part, an indirect consequence of water supply, and will continue to' be, as long as the councils continue to take a rational approach toward the problem of water supply. Conceivably, in some of the more populated subregions, and Springbank comes to mind, an acute water shortage can occur irrespective of the large parcels, simply because the existing population density is several times greater than permissible density, given the ground water recharge rate for the subregion. Some Springbank residents are already trucking in water, and i t will not be long before these residents agitate for a piped water system. If the municipality submits to their demands, the entire area involved might as well be subdivided into 70 foot lots fully serviced with paved roads, sewer water gutters, curbs and street lighting because the costs of providing water to the dispersed country residences of Springbank would be prohibitive. Given the present technology, i t simply is not econom-2 ically feasible, as Crerar has pointed out, to provide urban service to the average residence sited on one or more acres, unless someone other than the owner pays the b i l l . The advent of the 70 foot subdivision would spell the end of country residential growth in Springbank, and the beginning of suburban-ization. Most likely the ruralphiles and the isolationist will pack-up and leave, as fast as their predecessors l e f t the fringe suburbs of 86 Montgomery, Bowness and Forest Lawn when those suburbs became part of the city. In any area where friction generating change to the existing spatial structure or to the activity pattern is occurring, almost auto-matically political interest i s stirred. Whether or not this interest i s converted to action probably depends on political expediency and the political climate at the time. If government intercedes at the least controls imposed innocu-ously disrupt the operation of the market. Hopefully, the disruptions will bring about more desirable growth. At the most, government regu-lations stifle the market's usefulness as a land resource allocator; again in hopes of creating desirable growth. Land use planning amounts to intervention into the market economy. Ideally this intervention i s promoted and sanctioned by the public. The public, in the rural areas, is comprised mainly of farmers and their families, hence the regulations reflect the influence of this group. One concern of the farmer i s the preservation of good farm land. If the farmers look at the conservation aspect objectively, then in the future exclusive agricultural zoning may come about. If i t does, the future pattern of country residential growth would change radically. Even greater changes can be foreseen i f the Calgary Regional Planning Commission designs the blueprint for future country residential growth. In the next chapter the concern over the preservation of arable land, and increasing municipal costs will be discussed. 87 FOOTNOTES Meyboom, Ground Water Resources of the City of Calgary and  Vicinity (Research Council of Alberta, Bulletin 8. Edmonton: L.S. Wall, Queen's Printer for Alberta), p. 25« A^.D. Crerar, "Population Density and Municipal Development. The Vancouver B.C. Metropolitan Area," Canadian Geographer, 9 (January 1957), 6. CHAPTER V ANALYSIS OF THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL PROCESS So far in this thesis only the country resident and the external factors impinging on the country residential growth pattern have been discussed, now i t i s time to look into the ramifications of country residential growth or as i t i s usually called in this context, sprawl. Overlooked by many persons who have voiced concern with sub-division in fringe areas is the sprawl phenomenon, which could be far more consequential to the municipality, the farmer, the utility companies, and the country resident himself than the loss of arable land. Sprawl is a fairly straight forward problem in transport economics, and economics of scale, and temporary inefficiency in land use. The costs of diseconomies of distance and scale are borne primarily by the resi-dent himself, and to a lesser extent the municipality in which he resides. The costs of temporary inefficiency in land use are borne by the farmer not only in the areas where country residential growth is proceeding, but far beyond in what is frequently called the urban shadow. The effects of sprawl on the farmer are usually felt through increased land values, affecting the efficiency of farm operations by preventing con-solidation and lowering the farmer's planning horizon by introducing elements of uncertainty into the future profit picture. In this chapter, the implications of country residential sprawl to agriculture, to the municipality,,and to the resident himself will be discussed. 89 I. COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL SPRAWL AND AGRICULTURE Sprawl and agricultural losses have been most controverted be-cause of the strongly entrenched, diametrically opposed points of view on this problem. The free enterprise economist considers urban encroach-met on agricultural land insignificant; a typical statement i s : "If developers can outbid agriculture, even i f urban development i s at very low densities, there should be no interference for whatever purpose, be i t conserva-tion of a food resource base, comparative advantage, conservation of agricultural processing industries, avoidance of diseconomies of scattered land use pattern or the achievement of certain local urban benefits. The belief i s based on the (disputable) claim of the market's ability to arrive at the best and highest land use. Any public interference wj.ll disrupt the pricing mechanism, indirectly increasing the costs to the community by the misallocation of resources. Restrictive zoning, for example, on flat or rolling arable land, forces residential development to hilly areas, where the cost of building a house and the road to i t will be higher. Not only that, the number of houses per acre will be reduced. The extra costs purportedly outweigh any losses to the agri-cultural industry. So even from the standpoint of the community's best interest, the preclusion of urban development on good farmland appears to be undesirable. If a shortage of arable land does come about in the future, the price of agricultural land is anticipated to rise above that of urban land, thus stopping the encroachment. The free enterpriser believes a food shortage will not occur because of the great strides made in farming technology, intensification, shifts "to marginal land, and importation of 2 foodstuffs. In the words of economist Lessinger: "No final judgement can be made as to the wisdom of curtailing present uses of agricultural land to insure against shortages after 1975' However, there are many-reasons why such curtailment would not appear to be a rational policy even i f i t were assured that rates of improvement in agricultural technology must f a l l . Essentially, an uneconomical use of land for at least the next 20 years would be exchanged for an uncertain attempt to accomplish what now seems to be an unnecessary objective, namely to make food more plentiful for future consumers." The other point of view emphasizes that good agricultural land is an exhaustable resource, and should therefore be conserved. The propon-ent of ^ agricultural, land conservation exempts arable land from due market processes. The arguments put forward are: (l) food production on a global scale i s far from being plentiful; and (2) the value placed on farm produce in our society will never, i n a l l probability, force the value of cultivated land above that of urban land until i t i s too late to recover the land lost to suburbanization, an irreversible process. Both points of view seem plausible. The free enterpriser who believes strongly in the i n f a l l i b i l i t y of the market:points adeptly at the mechanics of theoretical market structure, and to the historical success achieved by the market process, success being measured by the abundance America has thus far produced. The proponent of conservation i s moved by the apprehension of world food crisis: rather than being smug with past success, he underscores the fact that inordinately large quantities of Glass I land are being converted to urban uses, and that elsewhere in the world today the signs of famine abound. But these non-local and somewhat intangible facts f a i l to convince the decision makers in most metropolitan areas. 91 More important to the local decision maker i s the efficient allocation of land resources within the metropolitan domain. If urban growth tended to spread over non-arable land surrounding the city and l e f t good farm land alone, then from the standpoint of agricultural land conservation there would be no need for alarm. But according to a number of observers sprawl f i r s t gains a foothold on arable land: "The f i r s t to disappear beneath the spreading margins of the city are the 3 fertile, high value, intensively utilized truck farms." This is only one of the examples from which the generalization - sprawl attacks farm land f i r s t and then shifts to marginal land - is advanced. There is no reason to doubt the veracity of the given examples, but the direc-tion of urban growth rather than depending on soil quality, depends on: the location of the city with respect to i t s agricultural hinterland, i f i t has one; the growth rate; the demand characteristics; and the suit-ability of the non-arable land for construction. Where the market for low cost housing is booming the developer i n attempting to minimize his cost and reduce construction time will build on relatively flat land, which may be coincident with farm land. However, i f the demand is for expensive housing the developer would seek the most attractive sites knowing that he can shift the added locational costs, i f any, to the buyer. More than likely the attractive sites are non-arable. Although urban encroachment of vacant land may have its effects felt on the national or international level, the problem of land resource allocation i s a local one. As such i t is up to the local authorities to decide whether the cost of remaining off arable land outweighs the benefits. 9 2 Country Residential Sprawl in the Calgary Region and. Its Impact on  Farming In.the Calgary region during the period I96I-65 approximately 4,500 acres were subdivided into country residential parcels making a total of over 8,000 acres or 13 square miles for the years 1954-1965 in-clusive. When compared to the wheat acreage of Census Division No. 4 (Rocky View, Foothills, and Mountain View), the acreage out of production was a rather insignificant .04 per cent. The loss in productive capacity i f a l l 8,000 acres were in a wheat crop before subdivision would be about 280,000 dollars in gross income. The real loss, of course, would be less than 280,000 dollars because some of the land was idle before subdivision, some of i t was unsuitable for cultivation, some of tiie land after platting was put to a more economical agricultural use, and last but not least only 15 per cent of the residences were in areas where crops were grown. A more realistic approximation of the loss to agri-culture is 42,000 dollars based on average yields and 1966 prices. II. COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL SPRAWL AND THE MUNICIPALITY As mentioned earlier, sprawl affects the rural municipality through diseconomies of distance and scale. With the introduction of new families into the district, the cost to the municipality can be expected to rise because of i (1) increased commuter traffic thus more road maintenance, and (2) increased school population. (The country residential influx in some areas tended to offset the declining rural school population, therefore, i t i s assumed that no increase in costs xd.ll occur until the influx exceeds the decline.) Under road maintenance would come the upgrading of rural roads to a standard which will take the increased traffic volumes. In the most densely populated subregion, Springbank, a regional road study completed in February, 1967 recommended the improvement of three roads used in the main by country residents. The estimated cost was 1.5 million dollars. Although the improvement cost cannot be causally related to country residential traffic, there i s a strong correlation indicating that i t i s . In connection with this last statement, the secretary-treasurer of the Municipal District of Foothills stated roads in country residential areas had to be attended to more frequently than in pre-dominantly farm areas, especially in the winter time. S t i l l some eighty country residents were not satisfied with the existing condition of the roads. The only way the municipality can placate these disgruntled residents i s to provide better service, and this costs more money. Most of the complaints came from the residents of Springbank and Rocky View East. The distance separating the subregions underscores the problem of uncontrolled growth. To maintain services to both country residential communities, the municipality will have to have duplicate sets of equipment or waste considerable time moving one set back and forth. Either way greater expenditures will have to be made. One impor-tant mitigating fact is that most country residences are sited within one mile of a Provincial Highway. At the time of the survey in I966, there were 504 children from residential homes going to school. If al l of the children went to rural schools seventeen classrooms would be required to accommodate them. The 94 expected increase coming from the families with pre-school children i s 228 or eight classrooms. Besides the capital construction costs, opera-ting costs, particularly bussing which accounts for about 24 per cent of the per pupil cost, also add to the burden. About twenty buses would be required to transport the current and known future school population. With a cost of 510 dollars per pupil (estimated), the municipalities of Rocky View and Foothills have to acquire 373,000 dollars to cover the cost of schooling the present and expected increases. These same children i f they were brought up and schooled within the city would cost the local government 313,000 dollars, about 60,000 dollars less."' The 373 families who will be sending 732 children to school in the near future contribute only 50,000 dollars in school taxes toward their children's education. If these were farm children the contribution would be 140,000 dollars, nearly three times higher than the amount paid by the country residents. In Alberta, monies raised to pay for school costs are collected by the municipality for the province which redistributes the tax revenues in such a way that even the poorest municipality will receive enough money to maintain the provincially set standards. But, since school foundation grants are based on pupil enrollment rather than the difference between school cost and revenue, the costs above those.covered by the grant have to be paid for by supplementary requisitions, which amounted to 235s000 dollars for the two municipalities in 1965« As school costs and the number of country residents increase the size of the requisition is expected to increase also. This is borne out by the 1967 requisition of 301,000 dollars, about 67,000 dollars higher than 1965's. The farmer with his 95 higher taxable assessment, will pay the greater portion of the additional costs. It appears as i f the farmer i s compensating for "the imbalance in the interlocal industrial mix. Sprawl and Municipal Revenue Whether or not the country resident increases the service costs of the municipality in a greater proportion than the farmer is a much debated point. As long as the country resident continues to receive the same services as the farmer, his costs to the municipality are more or less the same,* but his share of the taxes paid ranges anywhere from 100 to 800 dollars less. The variation i s created by differences in farm size and productivity (the basis of agricultural assessment), on the one hand, and the quality of the country residence (the basis of urban assessment), on the other. In effect the country resident is being subsidized by the farmer for the services they both receive in more or less equal amounts. (See TABLE XI, Appendix l ) . The current taxation policy is based on ability to pay as opposed to benefits accrued. The question arises, is the farmer's ability to pay greater than the country resident's? While the rural municipality was comprised of extensive farms, an assessment policy based on the size of *Both school and road cost incurred by the country resident are not necessarily higher than the farmer's. In fact, i t could most likely be proven that the farm family incurs higher costs. Looking at school cost, which are identical for both residents except for transport, i t can easily be shown that because of the dispersed location of the farms that bussing costs are higher for the farmer's children than for the country resident's, •'•his same dispersion of farm homes means that the municipality has to main-tain far more miles of road per farm resident than miles of road per country resident and moreover because of the country residents proximity to provin-cial highways, most of his driving costs are a provincial l i a b i l i t y . 96 the size of the farm and the condition of the soil conformed to the prin-ciples of ability to pay. Today farm land is no longer a satisfactory criterion on which to found this policy when extensive farms are not the only land use in the municipality, and when the other land owners may have the ability to pay more but this ability is not reflected in real property, thus not taxed. Another equally valid but contrary argument based on a different premise i s that any family residence regardless of its location is sub-sidized to a certain extent by the industrial, commercial, and institu-tional firms or organizations found within the same political area. The farm is an industrial firm, by definition; therefore, any subsidization of the family residence by farms i s justifiable under current taxation policies. III. URBAN SPRAWL AS A PROBLEM OF CONSUMER ECONOMICS In the introduction of this chapter i t was brought out that sprawl not only adversely affects the income of the farmer and the municipality, but also the resident himself. Although considerable doubt and ambiguity surround the extent to which the country resident i s a burden on others, there is nothing unequivocal about the cost of country living to the resident. Country living is probably foremost a problem in consumer 6 economics. The costs of country living are primarily a. result of geographic location, the most apparent cost being family transportation: to work, to shop, to entertainment, and to vi s i t (since the ex-urbanite probably l e f t 97 behind a number of acquaintances in the city, visiting trips would form no small part of the total trips generated by the family). Within the city, the aggregate miles travelled by the family is less than the fringe family's not only because the mean trip distance is shorter, but also because the city dweller quite often is able to minimize the distance of one or more activity linkages by judiciously selecting his residential location; whereas the country dweller has a fixed distance to travel before entering the urban transportation network. This additional mile-age can be translated into cost-miles. For example, i f the country resident lived fifteen miles or approximately twenty minutes from the built-up area, each trip would cost three dollars at a total cost of ten cents per mile. Assuming that at least two trips per day are made during the working week - commuting to work, and one miscellaneous trip, which accounts for the week-end - the minimum monthly cost for the additional mileage travelled is 120 dollars. This is only the cost involved in getting to the city limits, the total transportation b i l l will be much higher. The additional mileage i s also a cost to whoever provides a service to the country resident. Either the firm providing the service or the resident pays; someone has to. Who pays and what share is most likely determined by the operating policy of the firm, and reflects its competi-tive nature. Other costs based partly on distance and partly on scale of oper-ation are utility cost; power, telephone, and natural gas. The fringe is serviced by two power companies: the City of Calgary Electric System, which extends services to about one to two miles beyond 98' t h e c i t y l i m i t , and C a l g a r y Power, w h i c h s e r v i c e s t h e r e m a i n i n g a r e a t h r o u g h t h e Farm E l e c t r i c S e r v i c e . W i t h i n t h e a r e a s e r v i c e d by t h e C i t y o f C a l g a r y , c o s t s a r e b a s e d on t o t a l l i n e c o n s t r u c t i o n c o s t s d i v i d e d by t h e number o f p o l e s i n s t a l l e d . The maximum amount p a y a b l e i s n o t more t h a n 200 d o l l a r s . Where a l i n e a l r e a d y e x i s t s the new customer pays a p r o p o r t i o n a t e s h a r e o f t h e c o s t , and some r e f u n d o f e q u i t y i s made t o ' t h e o r i g i n a l c u stomer. The Farm E l e c t r i c S e r v i c e , a consumer owned c o o p e r a t i v e , c h a r g e s a f i x e d r a t e 980 d o l l a r s f o r membership; t h i s amount r e p r e s e n t s t h e c o s t o f c o n s t r u c t i n g one m i l e o f t r a n s m i s s i o n l i n e and i s e x p e c t e d t o p a y f o r t h e t o t a l c o s t o f c o n s t r u c t i o n . I f i t were n o t f o r t h e h i g h cost'.-o f l a n d w i t h i n a few m i l e s o f t h e c i t y l i m i t s , no d o u b t most o f the c o u n t r y r e s i d e n c e s w o u l d be f o u n d w i t h i n t h e a r e a s e r v i c e d by t h e C i t y o f C a l g a r y E l e c t r i c System. The t e l e p h o n e i n s t a l l a t i o n c o s t f o r a house b u i l t w i t h i n 5300 f e e t o f a l i n e i s f i v e d o l l a r s f o r t h e f i r s t 300 f e e t and e i g h t e e n c e n t s p e r f o o t t h e r e a f t e r . F o r d i s t a n c e g r e a t e r t h a n 5,300 f e e t t h e c ustomer p a y s 60 p e r c e n t o f t h e l a b o u r and e n g i n e e r i n g , and a l l o f t h e m a t e r i a l c o s t . These c o s t s r a t h e r t h a n b e i n g e f f e c t i v e o u t s i d e t h e c i t y l i m i t s t a k e e f f e c t beyond a l i n e c i r c u m s c r i b i n g t h e b u i l t - u p a r e a o f t h e c i t y ; u s e r s w i t h i n t h e c i t y , t h e r e f o r e , a r e a l s o a f f e c t e d by the p o l i c y o f A l b e r t a Government Telephone Company. The methods o f h e a t i n g a r e gas, o i l , and propane. Gas i s o n l y an a l t e r n a t i v e i n S p r i n g b a n k , Bearspaw, and DeWinton-Okotoks. I n t h e r e m a i n -d e r o f t h e r e g i o n o i l and propane ^are a v a i l a b l e , and t h e i r c o s t s a r e two o r t h r e e t i m e s h i g h e r t h a n n a t u r a l gas. Assuming t h a t n a t u r a l gas i s a v a i l a b l e , t h e c o s t w o u l d v a r y w i t h : t o p o g r a p h y , d i s t a n c e f r o m t r a n s m i s s i o n 99 l i n e , amount o f gas consumed and gas r a t e , d e n s i t y o f c u s t o m e r s , and p e r -c e n t a g e s i g n up. The p r i c e w o u l d p r o b a b l y range f r o m 500 d o l l a r s t o a maximum o f 900 d o l l a r s . Some s e r v i c e s s u c h as w a t e r , sewer, adequate f i r e and p o l i c e p r o -t e c t i o n , and garbage c o l l e c t i o n a r e too c o s t l y t o p r o v i d e because o f t h e l o w consumer d e n s i t i e s . The c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t must f u r n i s h t h e s e s e r v i c e s t h r o u g h h i s own r e s o u r c e s o r do w i t h o u t . To o b t a i n w a t e r , a deep w e l l must be d r i l l e d because o f t h e e x c e p t i o n a l l y l o w w a t e r t a b l e . The c o s t s o f g e t t i n g w a t e r a r e h i g h : D r i l l i n g $5.00 p e r f o o t Pump and Tank $153 ( s h a l l o w w e l l ) $500 (deep w e l l + 100 f t . ) A l s o , a p o s s i b i l i t y e x i s t s t h a t t h e r e s i d e n t w i l l have t o r e d r i l l s h o u l d t h e w a t e r b e a r i n g l e n s e d r y up. Sewage d i s p o s a l methods v a r y and so do t h e i r c o s t . The s e p t i c t a n k i s t h e most c o s t l y d i s p o s a l method, b u t l e s s c o s t l y methods can be employed, t h e l e a s t c o s t l y o f w h i c h i s t h e o u t d o o r p r i v y . B e s i d e s i n a d e q u a t e f i r e and p o l i c e p r o t e c t i o n t h e r e a r e o t h e r s e r v i c e s and c o n v e n i e n c e s w h i c h t h e c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t must s i m p l y f o r e g o . The absence o f some o f t h e s e s e r v i c e s can be c o n s i d e r e d a c o s t a g a i n s t c o u n t r y l i v i n g . A p a v e d r o a d , f o r example, w o u l d r e d u c e wear and t e a r on t h e two a u t o m o b i l e s owned by a l m o s t a l l c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t s . The need f o r two c a r s i s i n i t s e l f an a d d i t i o n a l c o s t , a l t h o u g h i t seems t h a t an i n -c r e a s i n g p r o p o r t i o n o f u r b a n d w e l l e r s a l s o c o n s i d e r two c a r s as a n e c e s s i t y f o r d a i l y l i v i n g . A h y p o t h e t i c a l c a s e can b e s t i l l u s t r a t e t h e t o t a l c o s t s t o t h e c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t who p u r c h a s e s t w e n t y a c r e s i n a c h o i c e r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a 100 of Springbank. His lot is approximately one-half a mile from the nearest utilities and six miles from the city limits. His well is two hundred feet deep. For the f i r s t year of occupancy the costs related solely to location are in the order of 20,000 dollars (for a detailed breakdown of cost see TABLE X, Case 1). At thirty miles out assuming a l l other factors except land value remain the same, the total cost reduces to 13,000 dollars (TABLE X, Case II). Thus by purchasing twenty-four miles farther out a savings of 7,000 dollars can be realized. In comparison a sixty foot lot fully serviced in a new subdivision in Southwest Calgary would cost from about 4,000 to 5,000 dollars, or about one-quarter to one-fifth the price of the country residential lot located six miles from the city limits. Evidently, the country residential serviced lot i s hardly an alternative in the resi-dential land market to a city lot, i f the criterion used is strictly an economic one. The country resident without doubt i s swayed by other than economic reasons, excepting speculation, or he has been grossly misinformed, about the cost of living in the fringe around Calgary. The only cost flexibility the country resident has is in the con-struction of his house. He can build or have built a minimum standard accommodation, which at today's prices would cost about 12,000 dollars, thus making the total cost of home ownership in the f i r s t example about 30,000 dollars. A comparable home in the city would be worth about 16,000 dollars. In sum, the cost of living i n the fringe is appreciably higher than the cost of living within the city proper where urban services are avail-able. In light of these exorbitant costs, the high turnover rate of residences appears more plausible. 101 TABLE X COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL COSTS (1966) (CASE I) A. TRANSPORT $ 580.00 B. SERVICED LAUD 19,900.00 1. Raw Land ® $800/acre 16,000.00 2. U t i l i t i e s a. Power 980.00 b. Heat (gas) 700.00 c. Telephone 420.00 d. Water i . D r i l l i n g 1,000.00 i i . Submerged Pump (3/4 h.p.) 500.00 e. Sewage Disposal - fibre glass septic tank. 300.00 3,900.00 C. TOTAL COST ACCRUING TO LOCATION $20,480.00 (CASE II) A. TRANSPORT $ 2,880.00 B. SERVICED LAND 9,900.00 1. Raw Land @ $300/acre 6,000.00 2. U t i l i t i e s 3,900.00 C. TOTAL COST ACCRUING TO LOCATION .°0. $12,780.00 102 The Country Resident - A Municipal Burden or Not Presently, the country resident i s less of a burden on municipal resources than the city resident i s , and as long as the country residential costs f a l l principally on the resident himself, this statement will remain valid. But the moment a suburban form of residential growth occurs in the fringe wherein servicing costs are shifted to the public, the rural municipalities will suffer financial difficulties tantamount to or greater than the central citys'. The conclusion drawn above does not imply that the land resources in the fringe are being allocated in the most efficient way, nor that the financial solvency of today cannot change into a worrisome problem tomorrow. FOOTNOTES G^.A. Wissink, American Cities in Perspective (Assem: Royal Van Gorcum Ltd., 1962), p. 244. ^Jack Lessinger, "Exclusive Agricultural Zoning: An Appraisal, Part I Agricultural Shortages," Land Economics. XXXIV (May, 1 9 5 8 ) , 159. -^ Jerome D. Fellmann, "Some Agricultural Consequences of the New Urban Explosion," Modern Land Policy (Papers of the Land Institute. Urbana: Universitjr of Illinois Press, i 9 6 0 ) , p. 159« *^M.D. Of Rocky View No. 44 Secondary Road Study 1966 (Calgary Region Rural Road Study Group. Calgary: Calgary Regional Planning Commission and Stanley Associated Engineering Ltd., 1 9 6 7 ) , pp. 4 3 - 4 9 . 5Annual Report (Edmonton: Department of Education, I967), p. 216. ^This point i s also brought out by Wilbur R. Thompson in A Preface to Urban Economics (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, I 9 6 5 ) , pp. 322-24. CHAPTER VT COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH A PROBLEM AND SOLUTION I. AN OVERVIEW ON COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH In retrospect, the findings thus far of this study have served two purposes: fir s t , they served to focus attention on a particular aspect of urbanization, and second, in doing so they brought into focus the country resident, as a participant in fringe growth who has been overshadowed by another participant, the suburbanite. Country residential growth, i t was discovered, i s primarily the process of urbanites moving into the country in pursuit of privacy and environmental amenities; contrary to the findings of Queen and Carpenter,"'" which implied the fringe was a collecting area where rural migrants became accultured to urban norms. It was also discovered that fringe growth, because of i t s location between two major competing land uses - agri-cultural and urban - need not result in slum growth; notwithstanding Firey's Theory on the formation of slums. Albeit empirical evidence in support of his theory can be found in the former fringe suburbs of Bowness, Montgomery and Forest Lawn. But the suburb of Glenmore, which grew rapidly about the same time as these other suburbs, in the 1950*s, does not conform to his theory. Glenmore was an extension of an upper income area within the city, and therefore supports Hoyt's Sector Theory rather than Firey's Social Utility Theory. Today, even less evidence exists to corroborate the latter theory. There i s no reason to believe that social u t i l i t y ever was or i s a direct 104 function of access, especially when substitution of a better environment or more land plays such a major part i n al laying any loss of transporta-tion convenience. Although the country resident i s a party to creating the much deprecated sprawl around c i t i e s , the country.residence i s not a result or manifestation of suburbanization. At the crux of this subtle dist inct ion between the two residents i s motivation. When the effects of suburbanization and country residential growth are reduced to a common denominator - cost, the processes act i n the same direction only at different l e v e l s . Whereas the costs of suburbanization are i n the main public cost, the costs of country residential growth are i n the main private cost, but with either process, costs r ise above the state as i t was i n the fringe. Whether revenues rise to meet cost without over taxing what existed before depends on what taxable properties were there before and what revenue can be acquired from the new taxable prop-ert ies . Obviously, there w i l l be considerable spatial variation i n a region as large as Calgary's. The fact of the matter i s that the develop-ment and the maintenance of a country residence i n the fringe f a l l s mainly upon the resident himself, whereas the development and maintenance of suburban residences f a l l s on the public sector as well as the resident. Land evaluation affects both ex-urban and suburban buyers though i n s l i g h t l y different ways. The country resident deals i n a far more speculative real estate market than the suburbanite does, and consequently can unwillingly buy land at many times i t s economic value and f ind out only after he attempts to s e l l his property. Location i s exceedingly important to the resale value., of the country residence, whereas the 105 size of parcel i s not. The suburban l o t , as long as i t i s f u l l y serviced, does not vary as much i n value from location to location; but as the size of the l o t s increase the value appreciates considerably. Presumably, an optimum size of country residential parcel exists, and any surplus acre-age, which i s part of the parcel , adds very l i t t l e to the total value. Some f ive acre parcels may s e l l for more than twenty acre parcels, and most twenty acre parcels s e l l for more than forty acre parcels. As the size increases the increment of value for each acre above the optimum size decreases. I f the price of a country residential l o t of optimum size i s low, then the base price plus the incremental value added by each new acre w i l l give a total price less than a smaller parcel with a higher base price . For example, a forty acre parcel east of the c i ty could s e l l for several thousand dollars less than a twenty acre parcel west of the c i t y . Higher evaluation i s given a parcel by the attractiveness of the physical setting, and proximity to a favourable growth sector of the c i t y ; this spi l lover effect gives greater confidence to both the buyer and the se l le r . F i n a l l y , although the researcher can forecast the approximate future form of the suburb and ex-urbia, his predictions frequently go awry when he attempts to forecast future fringe populations or land withdrawal, part icularly i f the growth process i s ex-urban rather than suburban. This fact was underscored by the disparity i n the predictions made by Russwurm and Crerar as mentioned i n Chapter I I . Mechanical extrapolations, as these were, are at best risky because the projections take into account only one variable the past rate of population growth. Both suburbanization arid country residential growth are a function of population size, i n that the larger the population of 106 any p a r t i c u l a r c i t y , the greater the potential number of either suburban-i t e or ex-urbanite. But, where the rate of suburbanization i s related to the rate of population growth, the rate of country r e s i d e n t i a l growth appears to be quite independent of i t . Prediction of future country-r e s i d e n t i a l populations, therefore, i s nigh impossible. The Causes of Country Residential Sprawl A g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s and the planners tend to attribute the cause of farmland losses to the ex-urbanite and cast a blind eye on the farmer who i s a party to the creation of spraxtfl; he owns the property, i t i s his decision to s e l l as much as i t i s the ex-urbanite's decision to buy. Why i s land sold f o r urban uses i n the fringe at a time when farm-in g i s becoming more lucrative? One obvious answer i s i n the higher price urban uses can command, the p r o f i t motive. A second i s higher tax rates.* Another reason i s that some tracts of land are not economical f o r farming because of t e r r a i n , flooding, or poor s o i l . A f i n a l reason i s that farms le s s than three-quarters of a section i n size are victims of technological obsolescence - too small to be run at a p r o f i t . The owner has the alternatives of: (1) buying more land, (2) changing to some intensive use, (3) subdividing, or (4) doing nothing. In these alternatives l i e the causes of sprawl. I f the farmer has access to the necessary c a p i t a l the f i r s t two alternatives are open to him. I f not, and t h i s i s usually the case with the small farm, only the *This decision i s not forced upon the farmer through higher assess-ment as i t i s i n some c i t y regions because i n the Calgary region a l l un-subdivided land i s assessed according to i t s productivity and marketability as farmland, not i t s urban value. 107 third and fourth alternatives remain. I f the farmer subdivides he i s creating sprawl, and i f he does not he produces "leap frogging", which results i n patches of vacant land between buil t -up areas, i n effect sprawl. I f he converts his farm to an intensive use (a common procedure around most c i t i e s ) , he could be creating an incompatible use that w i l l affect a l l urban values of the surrounding farm land. Conflicting and undisciplined land use probably i s a far greater threat to future develop-ment than the loss i n farm land. Confl ic t ing uses are not confined to agriculture by any means: mixed residential areas with shacks, houses and t r a i l e r courts; junkyards; and noxious industries have an a f f i n i t y for fringe areas. I I . STRATEGY POR COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL DEVELOPMENT There i s every indication today that country residential growth w i l l continue, and that accompanying this growth w i l l be an increasing demand for public services, part icularly from those residents who were former ex-urbanites. No indication i s evident from any of the residents that they are there to "rough i t " ; on the contrary most want the best of both worlds. In most instances country residents do possess a l l of the house-hold effects, gagetry, and conveniences associated with urban l i v i n g . What residents feel they do lack are the public services they presumably pay taxes for . The survey results show that the most frequently voiced complaint of the country resident was_ that his taxes were too high i n relation to the services provided by the municipality (32 per cent of the respondents). This complaint was followed by complaints of poor roads (21 per cent), and lack of municipal services (10 per cent). The implication i s that the 108 country resident ttfants more in the way of municipal services than he has been getting. The respondents' dissatisfaction with the sparsity of services9 especially road maintenance, is something the rural municipality is not able to cope with: i t lacks the budget, the capital equipment, and the staff. Out of this inability to provide the services demanded, arises much of the political friction between the ex-urbanite and the farmer who retains control over municipal affairs. How long will the ex-urbanite stand by before he agitates for more urban services, which can only be supplied by the municipality because the existing helter-skelter distrib-ution of country residences makes the formation of an incorporated place wherein the country resident might manage his own affairs impossible? Thus, with the Municipal District providing the services to the country resident, a l l ratepayers will have to pay for the additional costs of this select group because no law exists permitting a differential mill rate over a discontinuous area. What can the municipality do? On top of the municipal problem are the fragmentation and removal from use of arable land, which has already been discussed, and the residents' own complaints, aside from taxes and services, of the lack of choice in selecting a desirable parcel size. From the more or less even split between those residences where the land is used and those where i t i s not, a demand evinces itself for two kinds of country residential lots: one just large enough for a house and small enough so that i t can be maintained by the resident, and one large enough to utilize for part-time farming, primarily horse pasturing. 109 Under the current land use regulations, the f i r s t type of lot does not exist, except in Springbank and in Bearspaw where i t is closely approxi-mated by the five acre parcel, but only a limited number of these are le f t . Unfortunately, the five acres is too large to be maintained as strictly a residential site, and too small for some agricultural pur-suits. What is needed is one acre or less as a strictly residential parcel; but the introduction of a small parcel size could encourage more urbanites to move out, creating a mammoth sprawl with a l l its attendant i l l s both real and imaged. The experience of other city regions, Vancouver for example, does show that small acreages permit the developer to enter the market and proliferate housing tracts a l l over the countryside. Leaving country residential growth to the market forces not only is deleterious toward the agricultural industry but also could destroy in the long run the very privacy and physical amenities sought by the resident. Already certain areas of Springbank have become less attrac-tive because of "over-crowding". Even with the parcel size restrictions, the preservation of an idyllic setting for the country resident depends on the growth rate and chance. Standards Mankind is continually striving to improve his private living space, and to a lesser extent the total environment of which his living space is a part. To give assurances that the neighbourhood or city or region in which the person lives is i n keeping with what the public demands from the standpoint of health, productivity, usefulness and harmony, certain minimum standards are imposed upon the individual. As public 110 awareness and frustration increase. over the problems which make our environment less l i v a b l e , new standards are introduced. Here i s a case where new standards seem needed. The municipality wants to maintain a consistently high per household tax revenue and low costs. The country residents:^ want to maintain the privacy, and attractiveness afforded by the physical environment. The agricultural industry, as a whole, wishes to preserve good land, and keep costs down. To ensure that these and other vested interests are preserved the exist ing standards w i l l have to be revised. Development Goals The three goals enumerated below appear to satisfy the require-ments of an acceptable solution to the three-fold problem outlined; the goals are: 1. To promote country residential development considered desirable by the country resident. 2. To minimize the cost of servicing the country residence and maximize the tax revenue from each residence. 3. To avoid unnecessary consumption and fragmentation of farm land. Taking into account the desparate aims of these development goals, the alternative courses of action to be discussed can only strive for a satisfactory compromise solution. Policy Alternatives Six alternative courses of action are considered here, though there are many more - ranging from the removal of a l l government interference i n the land market to complete government ownership of fringe land, hence I l l absolute control. The six alternatives are chosen because they appear to be the most p o l i t i c a l l y acceptable; some courses of action i n the l i s t are, of course, more acceptable than others. There i s a tendency i n each of the alternatives to optimize one (or two) goal(s) at the expense of the other(s). The courses of action open to the Municipal Dis t r i c t are: 1. To increase the parcel size res t r i c t ion and ignore the country resident's demands for more services. 2. To l e t country residential grow without any further res t r i c -tions, and to f u l f i l l the resident's demands. 3. To create country residential zones. 4. To create exclusive agricultural zones. 5. To encourage annexation of country residential subregions by the Ci ty . 6. To exclude country residential growth. Each of these policy alternatives w i l l be considered i n turn. 1. Increase Parcel Size Restriction. This f i r s t policy decision ensures that the country residents w i l l remain few i n number and therefore exert l i t t l e p o l i t i c a l power i n their demand for more services. Since the ground water supply w i l l not sustain i n many subregions a density of more than 16 households per square mile, given an average rate of consump-tion of 400 gallons per household, the large parcel size i s j u s t i f i a b l e . The major disadvantages of the parcel size res t r ic t ion i s f i r s t , the res tr ic t ion allows parcels to be created anywhere, regardless of the capacity and d e s i r a b i l i t y of the land for other uses. Second, the large country residential parcel consumes more land than needed for s t r i c t l y 112 residential purposes. Third, the tax base problem remains unresolved. Even with a larger parcel size restriction, ex-urban growth may continue only at a slightly diminished rate, hence the problems antici-pated in the short run will appear in the long run. All the municipality is doing is temporarily postponing the inevitable. Therefore, the political friction generated by following this alternative could eventually lead to greater political involvement in the affairs of the municipality by the country resident or alternatively lead to incorporation of those electoral divisions predominated by the country resident.* 2* F u l f i l l Residential Demands. Alternative two, in essence, describes what exists today, to continue with this policy is to perpetuate the existence of the .status quo until i t becomes politically expedient to provide more services to country residents. The consequences of the second course of action are far more pres-sing on the farming community. As the country residents' demand are satisfied, the costs are shifted to the farmer through a higher mill rate which has greater impact on the farm due to its generally higher assess-ment. The increased taxes, in some cases, will reduce the profit margin of the farm operation to the point where i t would be more economical to sell the farm. Since urban land commands a higher price than agricultural land in the present land market, more land will be gobbled up in country *With incorporation the country resident would naively expect improvement in services without a rise in taxes; unfortunately the new political entity could not have both. 113 residences. The cost push spiral perpetuates i t s e l f , eventually termin-ating i n the succession of farmland by more intensive uses, a weaker tax base because of a smaller tax revenue per economic unit (household), and a high demand for services. In short, a c r i s i s i n municipal financing and a setback for the agricultural industry i n the Municipality would be precipitated. The shi f t ing of country residential l i v i n g costs from the private sector to the public sector may turn out to be one of the most costly appeasements the rural municipality could have made. 3. Country Residential Zones. There i s a growing opinion among some l o c a l o f f i c i a l s that ex-urban growth should be encouraged to grow i n special zones, or even i n incorporated s a t e l l i t e s removed from the c i ty l i m i t s , similar to the communities discussed i n "Open Space Communities i n the Market Place"."'' I f this scheme were accepted, "then both the f i r s t and third courses of action would lead more or less to the same thing - the form-ation of p o l i t i c a l ent i t ies , wherein the ex-urbanite has greater control over future development. The difference between the two alternatives would be planning, or more precisely the designation of the locations, and internal arrangement of these places. The consequence of the third alternative i s a greatly increased tax levy placed squarely on the shoulders of the country resident. This increase commensurate with the services demanded w i l l be far i n excess of the price paid by the urbanite who i s subsidized by industr ia l and commercial establishments, and who, besides, l i v e s i n a relat ively e f f i c i e n t 114 spatial unit . Servicing the sprawl found around Calgary would be costly; i f not prohibit ive . The only way to reduce service cost i s to prevent sprawl, and the only way sprawl can be curbed i s to l i m i t the area i n which country residential development i s to take place. Under the s a t e l l i t e plan, the service costs per ratepayer should be lower than the anticipated service cost for the sprawl areas, and moreover the incidence of taxation would f a l l upon the person receiving the benefits. The tax levy on the s a t e l l i t e residence w i l l be higher or lower than before incorporation depending on whether or not the incre-mental cost removed by increased spatial efficiency i s greater than the subsidy heretofore paid by the farmer. I t i s suspected that i n order to survive the open space community w i l l have to be comprised entirely of high revenue yie lding homes or a well-balanced mixture of commerce or industry or both, and residences. The suspicion would become a fact i f the parcel size were lowered to a point where most of the suburban services were deemed necessary. The rural municipality w i l l have to decide whether i t i s desirable to create an alternative land market for urban housing, giving due consid-eration to past-experience with fringe suburbs. One of the most d i f f i c u l t problems once country residential zoning i s accepted i n p r i n c i p l e , i s to decide which areas i n the region are best suited for country residences. To this end, a solution i s proffered i n Appendix 1. 4* Exclusive Agricultural Zoning. The fourth alternative, exclusive zoning, achieves the same results with respect to the conservation of good farm land as the country residential zoning, but no control i s exercised 115 over country residential growth outside the exclusive zone. Agricultural zoning would have the effect of lowering any a r t i f i c i a l l y created urban value the land may have acquired through country residential subdivision elsewhere i n the regions; where, i n fact , the land for country residence does have a far greater appeal. The majority of farmers i n the exclusive agricultural zone does not lose anything but false hope because of the s l ight probability of development on any one farmer's land i n this zone. Since the farmers can only subdivide two parcels at a time, and consider-ing the present rate of subdividing i n the rural fringe, i t would take an appreciable length of /.time, possibly more than the remaining years of the farmer's l i f e only to realize a less satisfactory return from the sale of his land than i f he were to s e l l the entire farm to another farmer. The main benefit i n owning a farm i n the exclusive agricultural zone i s the improved opportunity of consolidating the holding because of the absence of the urban influence on land values. Further, i n some city-regions, the farmer i n the exclusive zone would have lower taxes. But around Calgary since land i s not assessed on an ad valorem basis, no respite from taxation would be realized by the farmer within the exclus-ive zone. From the planner's point of view, the main disadvantage of alterna-tive four i s the lack of power to control country residential sprawl out-side the exclusive agricultural zone. From the farmer's point of view this alternative i s an unwarranted res t r i c t ion on his right to subdivide land. In the l i g h t of a production surplus, the farmer on good arable land questions the ethics behind the favour bestowed on the marginal farmer who l i v e s outside the zone. P o l i t i c a l l y , the exclusive agricultural 116 zone in the Calgary region would be most diff icul t to sell to the farming public. The subtle difference between exclusive zoning and country residen—• t ia l zoning is that the latter is designed to stimulate growth in certain designated areas, which appear attractive to the future country resident, xd.thout prohibiting growth in other areas. This could be achieved by having a differential parcel size restriction in the region. 5« Annexation. The f i f th alternative, annexation, follows the prin-ciple of containing city functions in city boundaries in order to maintain an equitable mix of revenue producing units id.thin the legal city, and to avoid a multiplicity of bureaucracies and poorly co-ordinated planning in the city region. » Since annexation requires the consent of the people l iving in the area to be absorbed by the city, at the moment, judging from the attitude of the ex-urbanite in the Calgary region, i t i s improbable that further territorial expansion of the city wil l occur. Paradoxically, the fear associated with annexation has no substan-tive bearing on the demand for urban services. The country resident, apparently, has a split personality: one side vociferously demands a l l the amenities offered by the city, while the other side vehemently 2 rejects any form of city control. 6. Exclusion of Country Residential Growth. A final alternative, which may be diff icul t i f not impossible to impose in Canada's political climate, i s that of prohibiting a l l ex-urban growth in rural areas under the banner of open space preservation - a green belt policy. 11? Today's literature on the ci t y and i t s environs i s replete with pleas to preserve open space for recreation, the protection of good farm land and the prevention of sprawl. Some authors even believe that open space must be thought of as a. benefit i n i t s e l f , not simply as a banner 3 under which farm land i s conserved. Calgary has much open land, but l i t t l e of i t has in t r i n s i c value as open space, hence convincing the public that i t possesses social u t i l i t y would be rather d i f f i c u l t . The widespread use of easements or eminent domain i n the region to procure land for open space per se i s a questionable policy under the circumstances. Any one of these alternative courses of action w i l l have associated a host of constraints and ramifications, beside those mentioned. The selection of the best course of action entails a study i n i t s e l f . I I I . CONCLUSION The rural-urban fringe, the area i n which a country resident makes his home, i s that part of the city's spatial structure most susceptible to changes i n form and character. The outer most boundary of the fringe i s most r e a l i s t i c a l l y determined by the commuting l i m i t , vrhile i t s inner boundary i s roughly the edge of the city's built-up area. Within this so-called zone of transition can be found a sundry of man-made forms, ranging from the sat e l l i t e town, to the unincorporated suburb, to the isolated residence and industrial plant. The kinds of activities found i n fringes are determined by individuals operating independently or collectively i n the real estate market which i s constrained by factors i n the present 118 landscape, such as the existing road network and the physical environ-ment, and by government pol icy . Undoubtedly, the spatial structure of the fringe i s greatly i n f l u -enced by l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s . Manifestly, the p o l i t i c a l animal appears to behave i n a similar fashion i n most c i ty regions; consequently, there tends to be a replicat ion of fringe structures with their attendant prob-lems throughout Anglo-America. To a degree, the character of fringe growth i n the Calgary region i s a deviation from what may be classed as a normal fringe growth described by the word, sprawl. This derogatory connotation used l i b e r a l l y by many planners implies that the market has ceased to be an effective allocator of land resources outside the built -up c i ty area. Instead of buyer's choice, these planners would allocate land by decree, a to ta l ly unpalatable panacea i n a democ-rat ic state, where freedom of choice purportedly ranks higher than the cost of u t i l i t i e s . On the other hand, the shortage of developable space i n the c i t y region and the emerging confl ic ts among vested interests exhorts increased government involvement. But the plans formulated to minimize c o n f l i c t need not be as binding as an engineer's drawing. In the fringe around Calgary, there i s as yet no scarcity of space, nor are there any guidelines shaping the pattern of fringe growth. More-over, what controls exist are more conducive to creating sprawl or more accurately dispersion than no controls but paradoxically the type of sprawl produced costs the rural municipality less than orderly develop-ment. Synonymous with sprawl, i t seems, i s bad esthetics; but, again, i n the l i g h t of the Calgary experience another well-worn generalization 119 becomes disputable. Sprawl in Calgary's fringe is no less displeasing esthetically than the monotomous overplanned suburbs, or the apartment canyons found within any large city. Regards the future, the number of country residences can be expected to increase and their distribution pattern can be expected to be more dis-persed than ever.- There appears to be l i t t l e chance for the large scale subdivision development as long as the parcel size restriction remains. To a certain extent, the exclusion of mass-produced housing should maintain low public costs and high private costs. Notwithstanding the high private costs of country living, municipal cost per ratepayer will probably in-crease; and under the present taxation structure, the farmers' tax monies will be used to subsidize the country resident. Since the economic loss to the agricultural industry is negligible relative to the total supply of farm land in southwest Alberta, arable land will remain vulnerable to urban succession. If the present trend continues, the implication is that very l i t t l e farm land will remain intact in the area circumscribed by the limit of mutual accessibility. However, this is not likely to transpire in the near future. This thesis has focused upon the country residents, one of the participating groups in urban decentralization. They have been shown to be differentiated from the suburbanites by motivation and aspiration. The country residents are seeking a living environment which affords them a place to pursue certain types of activities denied the urbanites, and the suburbanites. Many country residents own horses, or other kinds of livestock. Some derive income from their land use activities, 120 but hardly enough to claim economic independence. Where income is derived from farming i t i s ploughed back into paying the price for a residence on the fringe, a price which exceeds the normal demands on a suburbanite. In Calgary1s fringe, as around most Canadian cities, the country resident has become synonymous with the ex-urbanite, and similarly fringe growth has become synonymous with ex-urbanization. But ex-urbanization i s not a process of opting out of the urban system, rather i t is a process of spatially extending the system into heretofore agricultural land. Seemingly, this process in concert with suburbanization can spread the spatial structure of cities great distances, culminating in an urban pattern Jean Gottmann has referred to as Megalopolis. FOOTNOTES Ippen Space Communities in the Market Place (Technical Bulletin No. 57. Washington: Urban Land Institute, I966X ^See Basil G. Zinner and Amos H. Hawley, "Local Government as viewed by Fringe Residents", Rural Sociology. 23 (December, 1958), 3&3-370. 3 William H. Whyte Jr. Securing Open Space For Urban American (Technical Bulletin No. % . Washington: Urban Land Institute, 1959)» ^Jean Gottmann, Megalopolis: The Urbanized Northeastern Seaboard  of the United States (Twentieth Century Fun. Norwood: Plimpton Press, 1 9 6 l X BIBLIOGRAPHY A. BOOKS Blumenfeld, Hans. The' Modern Metropolis: I ts Origin, Growth, Character- i s t i c s , and. Planning. Edited by Paul D. Spreiregin. Cambridge: The M.I .T . Press, I967. Clawson, Marion, R. Burnell Neld, and Charles H. Stoddard. Land for  the Future. Baltimore: The John Hopkins Press, i960. Crawford, K . G . Canadian Municipal Government. Canadian Government Series. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1964. Eldredge, H. Wentworth (ed.) . Taming Megalopolis, What i t i s and What i t Could be. V o l . I . New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 196?. E l l a s , C E . , . James G i l l i e s , and Svend Pdemer (ed.) . Metropolis: Values  i n Confl ic t . Belmont: Wadsworth Publishing Co. Galbraith, John K. The Affluent Society. Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1958. Gottmann, Jean. Megalopolis: The Urbanized Northeastern Seaboard6fthe United States. Twentieth Century Fund, New York. Norwood: Plimpton Press, 1961. Hoover, Edgar M . , and Raymond Vernon. Anatomy of a Metropolis. Garden City : Doubleday and Company, Inc . , I962. Higbee, Edward.. The Squeeze: Cit ies Without Space. Toronto: Geroge J . McLeod L t d . , i960. Lean, W. and B. Goodall. Aspects of Land Economics. London: The Estate Gazette Limited, 1966. Martin, Walter. The Rural-Urban Fringe: A Study of Adjustment to Resi-dential Location. Eugene: University of Oregon Press, 1953* Netzer, Dick. Economics of the Property Tax. Studies of Government Finance. Washington: The Brookings Inst i tut ion, I966. R a t c l i f f e , Richard U. Urban Land Economics. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1949. Thompson, Wilbur R. Preface to Urban Economics. Baltimore: The John Hopkins Press, I965. 122 Weimer, Author H., and Homer Hoyt. Real Estate, New York: The Ronald Press Company, I966. Wissink, G.A. American Cities in Perspective. Assem: Royal Van Gorcum Ltd., I96T; B. PERIODICALS Andrews, Richard B. "Elements in the Urban Fringe Pattern", Journal of  Land and Public Utility Economics. XVIII (May, 1942), I 6 9 - I 8 3 . Bauer, Catherine. "Do Americans Hate Cities?" Journal of the American  Institute of Planners. XXIII (Winter, 1957) , 7-10. Crerar, A.D. "Population Densities and Municipal Development: The Vancouver B.C. Metropolitan Area", Canadian Geographer, 9« (January, 1957) , 1-6. Dewey, R. "Peripheral Expansion in Milwaukee County", American Journal of Sociology (July, 1 9 4 8 ) , 118-125. Firey, Donald L. "Ecological Considerations in Planning for Rural Fringes", American Sociological Review, XI (September, 1 9 4 6 ) , 411-421. Gist, Noel P. "Ecological Decentralization and the Rural-Urban Rela-tionship", Rural Sociology, 17 (December, 1 9 5 2 ) , 328-335. Gregor, Howard F. "Urban Pressures on California Land", Land Economics, XXXIII (November, 1957) , 3 H - 3 2 5 . Hallman, H.W. "Growth Control: A Proposal for Handling Scattered Metro-politan Development", Land Economics (February, 1957) , 80-83. Harvey, Robert 0. and W.A.V. Clark. "The Nature and Economics of Urban Sprawl", Land Economics, XLI (February, I 9 6 5 ) , 1-9« Kruger, R. "The Rural-Urban Fringe Taxation Problem: A Case Study of Louth Township", Land Economics. XXXIII (August, 1957) , 265-269. Kurtz, R.A. and J.B. Eicher. "Fringe and Suburb: A Confusion of Concept", Social Forces. 37 (October, 1 9 5 8 ) , 32-37. Lessinger, Jack. "Exclusive Agricultural Zoning: An Appraisal, Part I Agricultural Shortages", Land Economics. XXIV (May, 1 9 5 8 ) , I5O-159. Martin, Walter. "Some Socio-Psychologlcal Aspects of Adjustment to Residence Location in the Rural-Urban Fringe", American Socio- logical Review. 18 (June, 1953) , 248-255. 123 Queen, Stuart A. and David B. Carpenter. "The Sociological Significance of the Rural-Urban Fringe from the Urban Point of View", Rural  Sociology. XVIII (June, 1953), 102-108. Smith, P . J . "Calgary: A Study i n Urban Pattern", Economic Geography, J8 (October, 1962), 315-329-Wolfe, M.R. "A Chronology of Land Tenure Influences on Suburban Develop-ment Patterns", Town Planning Review, 3? (January, 1967), 271-28?. Zinner, Basil G. and HaTtfley, Amos H. "Local Government as Viewed by Fringe Residents", Rural Sociology. 23 (December, 1958), 363-370. Russwurm, Lome H. "Expanding Urbanization and Selected Agricultural Elements: Case Study, Southwestern Ontario Area, 1941-1961", Land Economics, VXLIII (February, 1967), 101-107. C. REPORTS Calgary D i s t r i c t Planning Commission. "Land Subdivision and Rural Development". Calgary: Discussion Guide to a Joint Meeting of the Calgary D i s t r i c t Planning Commission Zoning Committee with the Municipal Distr ic ts of Foothills .and Rocky View, I962. Crerar, A.D. "The Loss of Farmland i n the Growth of the Metropolitan Region of Canada". Resources for Tomorrow - Supplementary Volume. Conference Background Papers. Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1962. Fellmann, Jeromi D. "Some Agricultural Consequences of the New Urban Explosion". Modern Land Policy. Papers of the Land Institute, Urbana: University of I l l i n o i s Press, i960. HardxtfLck, W.G. and J . D . Chapman (eds.) . Occasional Papers i n Geography 1-4. Vancouver: Tantalus Research Limited, 1 9 6 5 . ( S p e c i f i c a l l y ar t ic les by A.D. Crerar (p. 7), J . K . Stather (p. 11) and D. South (p. 15). Land for Living. . New Westminister: Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1963* Metropolitan Development of Calgary and Edmonton. Edmonton: Royal Commission on the Metropolitan Development of Calgary and Edmonton, 1956. Meyboom, P. Ground Water Resources of the City of Calgary, and V i c i n i t y . Bullet in B. Edmonton: Research Council of Alberta, 1961. 124 M.D. of Rocky View No. 44 Secondary Road Study, I966. Calgary Region Rural Road Study Group. Calgary: Calgary Regional Planning Commission and Stanley Associated F^gineering L t d . , I967. Open Space Communities i n the Market Place. Technical Bullet in No. 5L» Washington: Urban Land Insti tute, I966. The Preliminary Regional Plan. Calgary: Calgary Regional Planning Commission, 1963* The Subdivision and Transfer Regulation. Alberta Regulation 215/67. Edmonton: Government of the Province of Alberta, I967. Taxation of Farmland on the Rural-Urban Fringe. Agricultural Economic Report No. 119. Washington: Economic Research Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture, I967. The Urban Frontier Part I . Supplementary Study No. 1 to Land for L i v i n g . Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board of Br i t i sh Columbia, 19^ 3» The Why and How of Rural Zoning. Agricultural Information Bullet in No. 196. Washington: Economic Research Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture, I967. Whyte, William H. Securing Open Space for Urban America. Technical Bullet in No. 36. Washington: Urban Land Institute, December, 1959* I -APPENDIX 126 APPENDIX 1 CHOOSING PARTICULAR LOCATIONS FOR COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL ZONES If the municipalities decide to accept the country residential zone alternative, then the problem of selecting locations for the zones arises. From the country resident* s point of view, obviously the best areas for future country residential growth are logical extensions of the present growth areas, as well as other similar areas, which for one reason or another have not been developed yet. Luckily, according to the criteria put forward by the respondents to the survey and as evidenced in the present distribution pattern, the most attractive country residential sites are in those areas where the quality of arable land is lowest. Therefore, the problem of conflicting uses partly solves itself. To ensure that the areas considered by the country resident as being the best are also acceptable from the standpoint of municipal and agricultural economics, a simple exercise in financial zoning was worked out. Tax revenue, a reflection of land assessment based on quality of farm land, was used as a criterion for determining which subregions were least suited for farming, and conversely which were best suited for country residence not only on the assumption that the most attractive residential areas are in the worst farming areas, but also on the assump-tion that in an area where the land yields a low tax revenue, a country residence would produce greater tax revenues for the municipality than 12? the farm in that particular area. With the farm only the land is taxed, whereas with the country residence both land and buildings are taxed. By looking at the regional variation in the tax revenue difference be-tween the farm and country residence (TABLE XI) areas under existing conditions which are best suited for country residential development can be delimited. Existing rank order of the difference i n revenue between Country Residences and Farms i s : (1) Rocky View East - $864 (2) Rocky View North - 804 (3) High River - 436 (4) Bearspaw - 360 (5) Turner Valley - 238 (6) DeWinton-Okotoks - 190 (7) Priddis - 170 (8) Springbank - 50 The country resident under existing conditions only in one area, Springbank, pays more taxes on the average than the farmer residing in that area. The greatest loss to the tax base would occur i f the alterna-tive use, country residence, were allowed into the Rocky View East to disrupt the viable farm units. What about the future? Since the current trend i s toward farm consolidation, let i t be assumed that a l l farms were one section in size, then the rank - order below illustrates the combined effect of the existing quality of country residences and soil productivity: (1) Rocky View East - $574 (2) Rocky View North - 454 (3) High River - 361 (4) DeWinton-Okotoks - 321 (5) Turner Valley - 286 (6) Springbank - 190 (7) Priddis - 146 (8) Bearspaw - 135 128 TABLE XE REGIONAL VARIATION IN THE TAX REVENUE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN COUNTRY RESIDENCES AND FARMS REGION Median Cr Acreage Farm Size Tax/ Acre Cr Revenue Farm Revenue Differ-ence* Cr - F M.D. Rocky View m Acres Acres $ $ $ $ Springbank 5i 320 .73 280 230 + 50 North 21 960 1.15 296 1100 -804 Bearspaw 3 960 .71 320 680 -360 East 15 960 1.22 206 1170 -864 M.D. Foothills #31 Acres Acres $ $ $ $ Turner Valley 7 560 .62 112 350 -238 Priddis 2 480 .45 142 216 -170 High River 14 800 .78 139 625 -486 Okotoks 20 480 .82 204 394 -190 *Difference between country residence and farm. Data Source: Assessment Rolls, M.D.'s of Rocky View and Foothills. 129 With farm size fixed the minimum difference is found in the Bearspaw region. The contributing factor i s the high country residen-ti a l tax revenue per ratepayer. Hence, an overall high standard of building construction reflected in assessments tends to reduce the revenue differential. So far, because of the two variables, farm size and country resi-dential revenue, i t has been impossible to ascertain the minimum dif-ferential areas based on soil productivity. This can be done by holding farm size and country residential revenue constant (at $216 the average for the eight regions). The rank order would be: (1) Rocky View East - $564 (2) Rocky View North - 534 (3) DeWinton-Okotoks - 309 (4) High River - 284 (5) Springbank - 254 (6) Bearspaw - 239 (7) Turner Valley - 182 (8) Priddis - 72 The minimum loss to the agricultural industry, and the minimum differential will be found in the Priddis region, which incidently i s a choice country residential area. If a decision were made to channel country residences (l) to minimize losses in productivity, and assuming the standard of residences improves uniformly in the region with the passage of time, (2) to maxi-mize the tax revenues from a particular subregion, then this last rank order gives the decision-maker a vivid picture of choice districts. 

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