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Country residential growth in the Calgary region : a study of ex-urbanization Whitehead, J. Carl 1968

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COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH IN THE CALGARY REGION: A STUDY OF EX-URBANIZATION by J . CARL WHITEHEAD B.A., University of British Columbia, 1962  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS _ i n the Department of GEOGRAPHY We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April, 1968  In  presenting  advanced  Library  agree  this  degree  shall  that  thesis  at the University  make  i tfreely  permission  p u r p o s e s may  be g r a n t e d  financial  gain  of  shall  April  that  Geography  19, 1968  Columbia  Columbia,  f o r reference  copying  o f my  copying  n o t be a l l o w e d  The University of British V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada  Date  available  by t h e Head  I t i s understood  f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements  of British  f o rextensive  tatives.  Department  in partial  of this  Department  and s t u d y .  thesis  my  that  I  the  further  f o r scholarly  o r by h i s r e p r e s e n -  or publication  without  I agree  f o r an  written  of this  thesis f o r  permission.  ABSTRACT This thesis presents one aspect of urbanization, the countryresidential phenomenon. In the study the country residential process and pattern are defined and described i n the context of the urban system. Various factors influencing the location of the country residences i n this system and the implications of country residential growth to the agricultural industry, the rural municipality, and the resident himself are analyzed.  Based on this analysis a strategy for controlling ex-urban  growth i s suggested. The Calgary Region offers an interesting case study of the process of country residential growth, since this process i s the only form of urban decentralization outside the legal City permitted by public policy.  Be-  cause of this the familiar residential suburbs and industrial parks found around Canadian cities are absent, and instead, isolated residences dot Calgary's periphery. Country residential growth or ex-urbanization i s a term describing a process of fringe development i n which the individual decision-maker opts out of the mainstream of the residential growth process, suburbanization, but nonetheless chooses to remain part of the urban system and identifies with that system. The country resident i s differentiated from the suburbanite by motivation.  The suburbanite i s i n the fringe because that i s where the  available housing i s .  The country resident, on the other hand, i s there  because that i s where he wants to be.  The country resident values the  r u r a l l a n d s c a p e and important  a c t i v i t i e s associated with i t .  a c t i v i t i e s are  I n t h i s study, to  By f a r the most  equestrian.  a l b e i t the survey p o p u l a t i o n was  only  equivalent  a s m a l l c i t y neighbourhood, e v e r y o c c u p a t i o n a l grouping was  ted.  Even though, the randomness and h e t e r o g e n e i t y  o f the  r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n i m p l i e s t h a t no u n d e r l y i n g p r o c e s s for  was  represen-  country responsible  the e x t a n t p a t t e r n , an a n a l y s i s o f consumer p r e f e r e n c e d i d uncover  some o r d e r i n the d e t e r m i n a n t s and the c o n s t r a i n t s o f l o c a t i o n . i n c l u d e ( l ) the p h y s i c a l environment, (2) (3)  accessibility,  (4)  municipal  resources  main c o s t o f c o u n t r y  the e x i s t i n g road network,  government p o l i c y , and  P r e s e n t l y , the c o u n t r y  (5) the l a n d market.  r e s i d e n t i s shown to be l e s s a burden on  than the c i t y r e s i d e n t i s , p r i n c i p a l l y , because residential living f a l l  s p r a w l , i s v e r y much a problem o f consumer economics. w i l l remain more o r l e s s the same up u n t i l  The  context  cost picture  a suburban form o f r e s i d e n -  growth o c c u r s i n the f r i n g e , wherein the c o s t s are s h i f t e d to  public.  the  on the r e s i d e n t h i m s e l f .  C o u n t r y r e s i d e n t i a l growth, o r as i t u s u a l l y i s c a l l e d i n t h i s  tial  These  the  When t h i s happens the r u r a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s w i l l s u f f e r f i n a n -  cial difficulties  tantamount to o r g r e a t e r than the c e n t r a l c i t y s . 1  A s i d e from the a m e l i o r a t i n g c o s t s t r u c t u r e , l a n d r e s o u r c e s the f r i n g e around C a l g a r y a r e b e i n g a l l o c a t e d i n a w a s t e f u l and undirected fashion.  The p r o c e d u r e o f r e s o u r c e  iii  completely  a l l o c a t i o n i s almost the  a n t i t h e s i s o f p l a n n i n g but t y p i f i e s what i s o c c u r r i n g throughout Canada.  in  TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE I.  II.  COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH  1  Outline of the Study .  2  Research Methodology and Data Sources  3  A FRAMEWORK FOR THE ANALYSIS OF THE COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL PHENOMENON  6  Review of the Literature  7  Problem of Definition  Ik  Growth Process and Pattern . . . . .  ...  The Calgary Case Study III.  15 18  PROCESS AND PATTERN IN CALGARY REGION The Fringe Migration  2k 2k  Subregions  28  Current Regional Trends and Distribution  35  The Characteristics of the Country Residence Found i n . the Calgary Region The Country Resident  kl '  Permanence  k2 kk  The Country Residence  k$  Country Residential Land Use  4-9  A General C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Country Residents . . . .  52  PAGE  CHAPTER IV.  ANALYSIS OF COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH WITHIN THE URBAN SYSTEM  56  Two Approaches to the Analysis of Location Factors of Location  56  •  5°"  The Road Network and Accessibility  58  The Physical Environment  62  Government Land Regulations  65  The Land Market  .  68  Consumer Preference  71  Reasons for Moving to the Country  72  Reasons for Choosing a Particular Site  76  Residential Sectors  78  Consumer Preference and Regional Variation . . . . .  81  Factors Affecting the Future Location of Country Residence  83  V. ANALYSIS OF THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL PROCESS  88  Country Residential Sprawl and Agriculture  89  Country Residential Sprawl i n the Calgary Region and Its Impact on Farming  92  Country Residential Sprawl and the Municipality Sprawl and Municipal Revenue Urban Sprawl as a Problem of Consumer Economics  . . . .  92  . . . .  95  . . . .  96  The Country Resident - A Municipal Burden or Not . . . VI.  102  COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH A PROBLEM AND SOLUTION . . . . 103 v  CHAPTER  PAGE An Overview on Country Residential Growth  103  v The Causes of Country Residential Sprawl  106  Strategy for Country Residential Development  . . . . .  107 109  Standards Development Goals  HO  Policy Alternatives  110 117  Conclusion BIBLIOGRAPHY.  121  APPENDIX 1 - CHOOSING PARTICULAR LOCATIONS FOR COUNTRY RESI126  DENTIAL ZONES  vi  LIST OF TABLES TABLE I. II. III.  IV.  PAGE Place of Employment and Origin as a Function of Access . .  37  Distribution of Country Residences  39  Length of Residence of those Families Who Left the Fringe  4-5  Regional Variation i n Assessed Building Value  47  V. A Classification of Country Residents VI.  Trends i n Land Values i n the Municipal District of Rocky .  70  Reasons for Moving to the Country  74  Reasons for Choosing a Particular Site  77  Summary of Consumer Preferences  82  View 1966-1967 VII. VIII. IX.  X. Country Residential Costs XI.  * 53  101  Tax Revenue Difference Between Farms and Country Residences  128  LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 1.  PAGE  Cumulative Acreage of Residential Parcels" Created from  195^-65  20  2.  Annexations by the City of Calgary 1884-1964  25  3.  Country Residential Subregions  29  4.  Calgary Regional Country Residential Population 1966  5.  Occupations of Country Residents  43  6.  Changes i n Building Value 1940-1965  48  7.  Dominant Land Use According to Parcel Size  51  8.  Accessibility to Place of Employment  60  9.  Distance to Paved Roads  61  10.  Water Scarcity  ......  11.  Accumulated Total Number of New Residential Parcels Formed Between 1954-65  12.  ...  .....  .....  Occupation Structure: Subregional Variation . . . . . . . .  40  64  66 79  CHAPTER I COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH Country residential or ex-urban growth i s one aspect of urbanization, albeit somewhat less well known than suburbanization.  The  ex-urban and suburban processes extend the city structure outwards from the original city nucleus, sometimes i n an orderly fashion, but more often i n an haphazard way. Looked at from a different perspective, the country residence i s an extension of the residential housing market.  Housing i n turn  has been changing not only i n the character of the product but also i n spatial orientation. Nevertheless the country residence rarely has been studied as part of the urban system. In this century, the constraints placed upon residential location i n the city region have lessened.  Increasing affluence and the  extensive use of the automobile for personal travel have permitted the home buyer to come closer to giving physical and geographic expression to his notion of a better l i f e than at any time i n the past. Today, depending on age, family size, and socio-economic status and predilection of the individual, an apartment near the heart of the city, a house i n the suburbs, or an estate i n the country are familiar residential options. Estates i n the country when aggregated, result i n a spatial phenomenon often referred to pejoratively as sprawl, scatteration, or  2 "little  b i t s o f c i t y i n the wrong p l a c e " .  s p r a w l as b e i n g w a s t e f u l o f l a n d ,  R e s e a r c h e r s h a v e condemned  costly,  and e s t h e t i c a l l y  i n g - however few have attempted t o d e s c r i b e i t i n d e t a i l ,  displeasnor account  for i t s character. I n the rural-urban f r i n g e  around Calgary, A l b e r t a , the study  a r e a , u r b a n g r o w t h h a s n o t assumed a l l  of the sprawl c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  e v i d e n t around o t h e r Canadian c i t i e s .  Urban growth i n the f r i n g e  C a l g a r y has t a k e n on a d e c i d e d l y c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t i a l f o r m , and  around  differs  from the small s u b d i v i s i o n sprawl a s s o c i a t e d w i t h another western Canadian c i t y , Vancouver. and a c c o u n t f o r one particular,  C a l g a r y i s used as a case s t u d y t o i d e n t i f y  e x - u r b a n phenomenon, t h e c o u n t r y r e s i d e n c e .  the o b j e c t i v e s o f t h i s  s t u d y a r e : (1)  to define the country  r e s i d e n t i a l p h e n o m e n o n i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e u r b a n s y s t e m ; (2) c r i b e the p a t t e r n o f country r e s i d e n t i a l  In  g r o w t h and t h e  to des-  characteristics  o f t h e c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t , h i s r e s i d e n c e , and h i s l a n d use i n t h e s t u d y area;  (3)  to analyse the factors i n f l u e n c i n g the l o c a t i o n of country  r e s i d e n c e s w i t h i n t h e u r b a n s y s t e m ; (4) country r e s i d e n t i a l  to analyse the i m p l i c a t i o n s  growth to the a g r i c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y , the  m u n i c i p a l i t y , and t o t h e r e s i d e n t h i m s e l f ,  a n d (5)  to outline  a l t e r n a t i v e s , w h i c h c a n be u s e d i n a s t r a t e g y f o r c o n t r o l l i n g  of  rural policy ex-urban  growth.  O u t l i n e o f the Study The  c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t i a l phenomenon i s b r o a c h e d b y a r e v i e w o f  interdisciplinary literature,  f o l l o w e d by a r e d e f i n i t i o n o f c o u n t r y  r e s i d e n t , and a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e p r o c e s s o f e x - u r b a n i z a t i o n .  I n the  3 third chapter details are presented on the setting and trends associated with country residential growth i n the Calgary study area, as well as the end product of the country residential growth process, the country residential pattern, comprised of the resident and residential attributes, and their spatial and temporal variations. the factors of residential location follows.  An analysis of  The analysis i s divided  into two parts: the f i r s t part provides the framework within which a country resident as the decision maker must operate; the second part deals essentially with the decision maker s reasons for moving to the 1  fringe, and the c r i t e r i a he used to select his residence location.  In  Chapter V, the ramifications of ex-urban sprawl to the agricultural industry, the municipality, and the resident as the consumer are analysed. The study concludes with an outline of the alternative courses of action for controlling ex-urban development. Research Methodology and Data Sources Research on a subject as broad and complex as the country residential problem almost automatically poses difficulties i n goal formulation and survey design.  The country resident, the environment he  lives i n , and the world he interacts with form a complex and interrelated system and structure.  One problem faced by the researcher i s  how to enter the realm of the country residentrarid discover the questions that beg an answer without being entangled i n a maze of detail. I f the objective of empirical research, aside from increasing the level of knowledge of any particular subject, i s to furnish  g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s a t a given geographic u n i v e r s a l l y accepted,  s c a l e and  c o n t e x t w h i c h can  and i n t u r n , b u i l t u p o n , t h e n  s e r v i n g a s t h e b a s i s o f t h e r e s e a r c h m u s t be  a  be  hypothesis  sound and  unambiguous.  B u t f r e q u e n t l y , when t h e a n a l y s i s o f l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s o f d a t a i s i n volved, the f o r m u l a t i o n of a s i n g l e hypothesis, which i s not l o s t i n g e n e r a l i t y , becomes i m p o s s i b l e . residential  study,  two  T h i s b e i n g the case i n t h e  a l t e r n a t i v e courses  embrace t h e d a t a p r o b l e m .  The  f i r s t was  " P l e i a d u s " method, i n w h i c h " a l l f a c t o r s  country  o f a c t i o n were open to  to attempt  the "shotgun"  or  ( a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e phenom-  enon b e i n g s t u d i e d ) a r e i n t e r c o r r e l a t e d and  the m a t r i x o f  relationships  „ 2 examined f o r s i g n i f i c a n t p a t t e r n s . The hypotheses, tive, area.  o t h e r a l t e r n a t i v e was  to formulate a series of p r e c i s e  and d e s i g n t h e r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t a r o u n d e a c h .  This  alterna-  u n f o r t u n a t e l y , r e q u i r e s p r i o r knowledge o f the s u b j e c t and S i n c e t h i s k n o w l e d g e was  study  not present before data c o l l e c t i o n ,  an e x t e n t t h e r e s e a r c h d e s i g n f e l l  upon t h e  to  " P l e i a d u s " approach.  N e v e r t h e l e s s , e v e n i n u s i n g t h i s a p p r o a c h some b a s i c mainly i n the q u e s t i o n form evinced themselves,  and  hypotheses, these w i l l  be  presented i n Chapter I I . M o s t o f t h e d a t a f o r t h e p r o j e c t came f r o m a c o u n t r y r e s i d e n tial  s u r v e y o f 373  respondents,  about s i x t y  country r e s i d e n t i a l f a m i l i e s i n the completed i n the f a l l  of  I966.  ety  Calgary region.  percent of  The  survey  A d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n was  from the r u r a l m u n i c i p a l o f f i c e s , cial  to seventy  the u t i l i t y  i n one  way  or another  was  acquired  companies, the p r o v i n -  government, t h e C a l g a r y R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g Commission, and of f i r m s connected  the  a  vari-  w i t h the country r e s i d e n t .  5  FOOTNOTES  The Urban Frontier Part I (Supplementary Study No. 1 to Land for Living. New Westminster: Lower Mainland. Regional Planning Board at British Columbia, I 9 6 3 ) p. 4. o P. Haggett, Locational Analysis i n Human Geography (London: Edward Arnold Ltd., 1965) p. 281.  CHAPTER II A FRAMEWORK FOR THE ANALYSIS OF THE COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL PHENOMENON To many students of the urban scene, the country resident i s somewhat of an obscure phenomenon. Whenever the problem of sprawl i s discussed, almost axiomatically the suburbanite comes to mind. Yet the country resident i s probably responsible for much of the sprawl found around c i t i e s .  However, that i s not to say, the country resident  and suburbanite are the same. In this chapter the inarticulated image of the country resident w i l l be brought into focus and differentiated from the suburbanite. Many studies on fringe areas of cities have been couched i n terms of a rural-urban dichotomy, and i n some ways this has contributed to confusion and inconclusiveness i n studies.  In this  study the occupance of the fringe i s seen as a part of an urban system. Within this system, not only are the country resident and the suburbanite differentiated but so are the processes of ex-urbanization and suburbanization.  The differences are subtle because both processes are a form  of urban decentralization.  Definition and process provide the framework  for a preview of the country residential problem peculiar to the Calgary  v region, and the empirical study of the country resident and his milieux, which follows. A clearer understanding of the country resident and the system he i s a part of was sought for i n the literature, but with l i t t l e success.  7  A summary of observations and conclusions of studies from several disciplines indicates considerable"ambiguity. 1.  REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE  The literature on the rural-urban fringe i s divided among many disciplines, each dealing with a particular aspect, consequently i t appears fragmented and incomplete. strong urban bias.  Some of the literature imparts a  Few students have produced reports, which are mis-  leading to extremes because they generalize about the fringe occupant using census data, which smoothes over the diversity characterizing the fringe and i t s people.  Many writers have erroneously combined suburbs  and ex-urban developments, two quite different modes of l i v i n g .  Fre-  quently, contradictory statements on the same fringe phenomenon appear i n the literature.  Behind each of these conflicting views seems to be  a disparate philosophy. In the brief sampling which follows, four central and recurrent themes or problem areas w i l l be discussed: ( l ) problem of definition, (2) inference, (3) prediction, and (4) philosophy. Confusion over the definition of fringe and the improper delineation of the fringe areas have led to misleading generalizations about 1 the rural-urban fringe.  The most persistent errors were: inconsistencies  i n the use of the term fringe, different c r i t e r i a of determination, and erroneous combinations with other residential areas.  The ambiguity i s 2  evident i n a sample of current definitions provided by Kurtz and Eicher: "That area of interpenetrating rural and urban land use peripheral to the modern city." (Martin)  8 "Fringe herein considered includes suburbs, satellite cities and any other territory outside the central city whose labor force i s engaged i n non-farm activities." (G. Jaco and I. Belknap) "Suburbs refers particularly to the residential or dormitory variety, characterized by dependence on the city occupationally and for recreation. A working definition would comprise the area outside the legal city limits but within commuting distance." (S.F. Fava) "Any type of subdivision outside the city limit could be considered the fringe." (W. Firey) "A zone of transition between rural and urban areas." (J.A. Beegle and W. Schroeder) "The fringe i s an open country area i n which urban employed individuals reside; the suburb i s the traditional cluster of suburban homes." (N.P. Gist) "Where urban and rural occupations and orientations meet." (Kimball) To arrive at a clear and f a i r l y concise definition of the ruralurban fringe, Messrs. Kurtz and Eicher delimit the fringe using the  3 following criteria:  (1) location, (2) land characteristics, (3) growth  and density, (4) occupation, (5) government structure. (1) Location: (a) Fringe - spatially located i n agricultural hinterland, beyond city limits, and urbanized area. (b) Suburb - beyond city limits frequently contiguous. (2) Land Characteristics: (a) Fringe - mixed rural-urban uses, non-farm residences interspersed among farms, no consistent pattern, interspersion of highway commercial. (b) Suburb - s t r i c t l y urban. (3)  Growth and Density: (a) Fringe - area of rapid growth due to migration, shows potential for future growth, land values continually  9  rising; intermediate density ratio, seems to be i n transition. (b) Suburb - intermediate, between city and fringe. (4)  Occupation: (a) Fringe - misture of urban, farming, and part-time farming. (b) Suburb - similar to city.  (5)  Government Structure: (a) Fringe - unincorporated, governed by municipal d i s t r i c t or equivalent; lax zoning regulations which have permitted random construction. (b) Suburb - similar to fringe.  Just l i k e the other definitions this one i s open to debate, but the breakdown of characteristics does point out that the fringe has a mixed identity, whereas the suburb has a consistent identity. Much of the literature on the fringe i s out of date i n the sense that i t does not accurately describe the process and pattern of today's growth, hence i t serves as a historical treatise.  This i s most clearly  seen i n Firey's marginal u t i l i t y theory i n which he proffers an explanation for the slum formation witnessed on the fringe i n the post-World War II years.  According to Firey's theory, slums are found i n the zone  of indifference determined by accessibility between competing land uses; in this c  griculture and residences. His very simple marginal  land use theory i s based on the premise that social u t i l i t y i s a direct function of access.  Although social u t i l i t y has a broader con-  notation than economic u t i l i t y (or value) there i s essentially no difference between Firey's theory of marginal land use and that of the economist; both theories f a i l to account for today's growth.  10 Yet the occasional article, such as "Elements i n the Fringe Pattern" by Richard B. Andrews, published i n 19^2, displays insights into the essential propellants of ex-urban growth, i t s physical structure, i t s implications."'  and  In giving the reader a clear idea of the dynamic  forces of decentralization Andrews makes the subtle distinction between the catalyst and the cause; something a number of subsequent researchers have failed to do.  Automobiles, surfaced highways, septic tanks, and the  6 rising level of income are not as some authors  believe, the causes of  fringe growth, rather they are the prerequisites.  This confusion of  cause and effect and mere correlation can be carried to extremes, as shown i n the next example. Martin i n "Some Socio-Psychological Aspects of Adjustment to 7 Residential Location i n the Rural-Urban Fringe"  has the courage to  state (after asking 832 fringe residents whether they were content with fringe l i f e and correlating the response with the presence of a family garden): Maintenance of a family garden by fringe dweller i s indicative of general satisfactory adjustment to residential location i n the fringe." Investigators using this conclusion inferentially may be woefully i n error. Martin i s not the only researcher of the fringe area, who has been bemused by statistical techniques at the expense of a sound hypotheses and adequate criteria to test i t against. There i s always a danger of being misled by singling out  one  determinant of the fringe pattern when such a plurality of forces social, institutional, economic - are at work.  Not only are these forces  varied, but so i s the physical setting and the geography of the area i n  11 which the pattern forms.  Hence many monocausal studies f a l l short of  conveying what i s perceived i n the landscape around cities by the observer. The notion of two cultures overlapping i n the fringe and producing a third i s held by the sociologists, Queen and Carpenter.  After analy-  zing census data, they state: The rural-urban fringe i s not only marginal with regard to land use but also with regard to the degree of acceptance of urban norms. I t appears that i n the rural-urban fringe we have a valuable laboratory for the study of urbanization as an acculturation process - a process which seems to proceed most rapidly at the level of the market place and job, and least rapidly at the level of innermost sentiment and values.° Can the ex-urbanite become acculturated to urban norms by moving to the fringe.  The notion of a third culture, i f one accepts the rural  and urban dichotomy, i s harder to accept i n the l i g h t of the communications implosion which has succeeded i n suffusing mass culture to every part of the city region, including the agricultural segment. Whereas the writings of the rural sociologist tend to be esoteric viz .a viz geography, the writings of the planners, geographers, conservationists, and economists are dotted with contradiction, reflecting the writers' biases and lack of empirical evidence.  But many of the points  of friction arise from the uncertainty attached to fringe growth, and therefore the strategy to deal with i t .  The recent exponential growth of  fringe areas has and i s creating an urban structure the extent and makeup of which, i s most d i f f i c u l t to predict, and this difficulty has produced variations i n what i s and what should have been i n the earlier  12 prediction studies, especially those pertaining to a specific region. For example, i n a background paper for the Resources for Tomorrow. A.D. Crerar calculated the loss of farm land per thousand population increase for the city of London, Ontario to be 458 acres."^ on the rate of subdivision between 1951 and 195&.  This rate was based Russwurm, i n a recent  article i n Land Economics, computed a rate of 221 acres between 1941 and 1961.^"  For a net increase of about ten thousand people i n a period of  five years - a relatively modest increase for London - using Crerar's statistic, a seven square mile loss of farmland would be expected; whereas, Russwurm's statistic would predict a three square mile loss, a difference of four square miles or 80 per cent variation. In essence, the contradictions found occasionally i n the l i t e r a ture on the fringe are expressions of two diametrically opposed philosophies, one centering on individual rights and action, the other centering on societal control and action. The former school believes to a greater or lesser extent that unfettered individual action summed i n the market place can create maximum societal satisfaction, i n other words what i s good for the parts i s good for the whole.  J.K. Galbraith, indirectly,  12  expresses the other schools thinking:  The family which takes i t s mauve and cerise, air-conditioned, power-steered, and power-braked automobile out for a tour passes through cities that are badly paved, made hideous by l i t t e r , blighted buildings, billboards, and posts for wires that should long since have been put underground. They pass on into a countryside that has been rendered largely i n v i s i ble by commercial art.... They picnic on exquisitely packaged food from a portable icebox by a polluted stream and go on to spend the night at a park which i s a menace to public health and morals. The views evinced by these two schools focus on the perennial arguments of: sprawl versus agricultural v i a b i l i t y , public power versus the market  13 as a resource allocator, the balkanized metropolis versus the monolithic metropolis, and urban l i v i n g versus suburban or ex-urban l i v i n g .  A  typical example of this conflict of views i s found i n writings of Thompson and Whyte on the free market, sprawl, and open spaces. On Sprawl. Thompson: "The free market i s , more often than not doing i t s job very efficiently when i t effects the orderly transfer of fringe land from rural to urban uses."13 Whyte: "Sprawl i s bad aesthetics; i t i s bad economics. Five acres are being made to do the work of one, and do i t very poorly. I t i s bad for the farmers, i t i s bad for the communities, i t i s bad for industry, i t i s bad for u t i l i t i e s , i t i s bad for the railroads, i t i s bad for the recreation groups, i t i s bad even for the developer."!^ On Open Space. Thompson: "This i n no way denies that society may choose to subsidize the continuation of farming at the edge of a rapidly growing urban area to preserve open space. "15 Whyte: "Most current studies of real estate taxation indicate that the community w i l l probably net much less - i f i t does not suffer an actual loss - from subdivided property than the open one."16 Many planning studies are broached with firm biases as guideposts to research: The Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board i n the preface to the study Land for Living  17  stated:  "There i s l i t t l e to be said for sprawl. I t i s socially inconvenient and economically stupid. I t i s born of ignorance and short-sightedness." Planner and social scientist must make value judgements i n the final analysis; i t would help i f these judgements were based on fact. This brief sampling of literature on the fringe indicates that there i s some discord among the researchers as regards a suitable definition of fringe and country resident and, that generalizations about the fringe have been made which cannot stand close scrutiny and are somewhat  1A. peripheral i n furthering knowledge of urban growth and patterns. None of the studies f i t into the general theory of urban growth i n fringe areas.  The human ecologists more than any other researchers have  attempted to explain the fringe pattern.  The economists have attempted  via economic theory to explain the process of fringe occupance.  Eoth  the ecological and economic views tend to be deterministic and both views tend to be divorced from a scale, which covers nuances important to the understanding of process and pattern. No study on the country residential phenomenon approaching the subject from the geographical point of view has been produced.  A point  of view which can serve as the empirical basis for either theoretical work or practical work i n regional planning. Problem of Definition Is the country residence best classed as rural or urban?  In  other words how does one conceptualize this residential type and i t s occupant?  To answer these questions the meaning of urban and rural i n  the context of the city region must be pondered. So far, the question, "How does one conceptualize the country residence and i t s occupant i n the accepted framework of the rural-urban dichotomy?" has not been satisfactorily answered i n the literature. Possibly, the problem l i e s i n retaining the notion of rural-urban continuum.  A number of urban theorists have expanded their definition of  the spatial city to beyond the legal entity and beyond the city s 1  physical structure to the l i m i t of mutual accessibility sketched out by  15 the maximum commuting range.  A l l land uses and activities within the  circumscribed area cannot be rigidly classed as urban or rural. Essentially, the country residence i s i n this metropolitan domain of land uses and i s a subset of residential land use.  The occupant of  this residence i s differentiated from the suburbanite not so much by the character of the environment he lives i n , but by motivation.  The sub-  urbanite i s most l i k e l y i n the fringe because that i s where the available housing i s .  The country resident, on the other hand, i s there because he  wants to be i n the fringe. Growth Process and Pattern The urbanization of rural land surrounding the city i s effected by two growth processes: suburbanization and ex-urbanization.  Suburban-  ization i s an integral part of the urban growth process, concisely 18 described by the.following excerpt: The growth of an urban area involves the antagonistic yet complementary processes of concentration and decentralization. Growth brings more activities and persons into the urban area, i n search of sites, so concentrating more workers, machines, and buildings i n that area. This necessarily requires some readjustments to existing uses of land and those lower order uses find that they have become sub-marginal occupiers of near central sites and, i n time, w i l l relocate on sites more distant from the position of greatest accessibility where they w i l l also be joined by newer lower order uses attracted to that town. Urban growth thus involves the twin processes of internal reorganization and outward expansion. The suburban. and ex-urban trends have extended functional ties with the city.  Suburban growth extends the city structure i n a continuous  manner where new additions juxtapose the old, and i n a discontinuous manner where nucleated growth occurs haphazardly i n the commuting zone.  16 Discontinuous growth i s also characteristic of ex-urban or country residential growth.  The ex-urban growth process i s distinguished from sub-  urbanization by the relationship between the professional developer, the buyer and seller.  In suburbanization, the developer normally buys  a large parcel of land from the owner, subdivides, and services the lots. He then either builds houses on the lots and sells both l o t and house to the buyer, or sells the improved l o t to the buyer.  In the ex-urban  process, the seller and buyer deal directly with each other.  Servicing  and building are l e f t to the buyer; the developer never enters the picture.  The pattern resulting from these disparate processes, i s also  different; the suburban subdivision having more locational constraints placed upon i t s growth usually appears on the landscape as a cluster, relatively close to existing water mains, paved roads, et cetera? whereas the ex-urban subdivision appears as a random phenomenon because of the absence of these constraints which affect suburbanization, and the complete independence of each buyer.  The root cause of the differ-  ence i n pattern l i e s i n the differences i n motivation and possibly values between the country resident and the suburbanite.  The suburbanite i s  often depicted as a gregarious person seeking identification and companionship with his peers.  Whereas the country resident i s somewhat of an  isolationist; this t r a i t i s humourously brought out by Catherine Bauer i n her country resident's prayer:. We thank thee Lord that by thy Grace Thou brought us to this lovely place And now dear Lord we humbly pray The ex-urbanite going to the rural-urban fringe i s seeking a better l i f e , equated with the rural environment.  He i s not, as the suburbanite  i s , caught up i n the urban growth process.  From the standpoint of urban  amenities, the fringe simply as a place to l i v e i s the l a s t of urban residential alternatives.  The fringe only becomes an alternative when  there i s a shortage of dwellings i n the built-up metropolitan area. The shortage need not be absolute.  Many poor families have few suitable  prospects within the city because of high rents or high down payments, and therefore, are forced to the fringe to either build i n a piecemeal manner, or occupy a former farm house. Today the ex-urban population of the fringe around Calgary i s determined primarily by the number of urbanites who desire to l i v e i n the fringe and have the income to afford to make the move. This i s not to say that the ex-urban growth process around Calgary never was related to overall urban expansion and the housing shortage. Just after World War II and prior to the parcel size restrictions, fringe growth was related to the rapid urban growth, specifically to the resulting shortage of housing and the lack of serviced land, as pointed out by the Royal Commission on the Metropolitan Development of Calgary 20 and Edmonton: The reasons for people going into the fringe areas rather than l i v i n g i n the city turn chiefly though perhaps not entirely on the housing problem. In the Calgary region, ex-urbanization i s not likely to be associated again with a housing shortage because of restrictive land development policies adopted by the rural municipalities since the Royal Commission's report was published.  18 The Calgary Case Study The present pattern of country residential growth and the attendant problems manifest i n the Calgary region are a result of public policy decisions designed to curb suburban sprawl.  These policy decisions were  enacted by the farm-oriented councillors of the municipal districts surrounding Calgary who foresaw problems arising from this increasing demand for non-farm space.  These problems include ( l ) a weakening tax base,  hence higher tax rates, (2) an increasingly higher cost of providing services caused by the spread of development, (3) the indiscriminant and inefficient allocation of land among users resulting i n the loss of farm land, (4) a class room shortage, and (5) p o l i t i c a l friction between the rural council and the urban-oriented suburbanite.  A l l of these d i f f i c u l -  ties to a greater or lesser degree have plagued Calgary's fringe municipali t i e s before, and appear to be nearly universally associated with fringe areas experiencing rapid and undirected growth. Apparently, none of these problems have reached the magnitude of the problems which faced the region i n the early f i f t i e s when the growth of the dormitory suburbs of Bowness, Forest Lawn, and Montgomery burgeoned. The cost of suburbanization overwhelmed the inadequate resources of these small communities, leaving them powerless to improve the public environment.  From the offset each of these communities was a "peri-slum".  The ALberta Government had to interfere. A Royal Commission was formed.  Among i t s recommendations was the  annexation of the fringe suburbs by Calgary.  This recommendation, not  without resistance from the City, was eventually adopted, and Calgary  19 became heir to seventy-five square miles of land around i t s periphery. With a l l of this land for future development under the control of one local government, and restrictive measures placed on land development outside of the city, some semblance of order was brought to land u t i l i zation. In the area under study, the main development control .tool used i n the implementation of the anti-sprawl policy was a parcel size restriction of twenty acres.  To date this restriction has effectively  curbed suburban sprawl, and thus has achieved i t s aim.  What the local  councils failed to anticipate was the increasing popularity and subsequent growth of country residences.  To an extent, the country resident  was immune to the existing bylaws since his objective was to possess acreage.  The problems which raised havoc i n the fringe suburbs began to  appear again but i n a mutated form, a form perceived by the local authorities as entirely new - one which required research. The amount of land consumed by country residences (shown i n FIGURE l ) i s inordinately high; on the 9,000 acres housing 373 residences, about 45,000 suburban residences could be built.  These 45,000 residences  would accommodate at a low density single family residence standard the future growth of Calgary through net migration and nature increase for the next eight or nine years.  In the l i g h t of these statistics, what j u s t i -  fication i s there for the retention of the parcel size restriction? Several reasons are advanced for maintaining the twenty acre restriction:  (1) the subdivision policy i s a deterrent to "excessive" ex-  urban and a l l suburban growth; (2) moreover, this policy tends to shift  r COMBINED  ACREAGE OF PARCELS.  1954  1958  FIGURE  10,000 9000 8000  i  7000 6000 5000 4000 - i 3000  1955  1956  1957  1955  I960  1961  I9S2  1963  1964  1965  YEAR  D A T A  SOURCE'  SURVEY  1966  21 the cost of developing and maintaining a residence on the owner; so this also i s a reason for retaining the existing controls, not realized by many; (3) the third reason for retaining the parcel size restriction i s the scarcity of ground water i n the area - the primary source of domestic water.  I f the average water recharge rate for the region were used  as the basis of a parcel size restriction, the minimum parcel size would be 46 acres (16 families/sq. mi.) for a s t r i c t l y residential parcel. Considering that the density i s many times 16 families/sq. mi., either the statistics are too general, or ground water mining i s occurring, or both. There i s a considerable difference between the effectiveness of the parcel size restriction i n controlling the rate of growth and i t s effectiveness i n controlling sprawl.  Not only does the parcel restric-  tion cause the consumption of more land than.many country residents need, i t also produces sprawl.  But land i n the Calgary region i s bountiful,  and the sprawl pattern tends to cling to provincial highways thus minimizing road maintenance costs to the municipality.  Consequently, no one  i s really too concerned with sprawl per se, except where i t occurs on arable land.  Unfortunately no one knows how much arable land i s taken  out of production. Besides affecting the physical pattern of growth, the subdivision controls influence the socio-economic structure of the fringe by discriminating against the poor. From the country residents point of view, the parcel size restriction can be binding on those whose intent i s not to possess acreage; but  22 for those who do, the parcel size restriction i s immaterial.  How can  the one-half of the country residents who do not want or need acreage be satisfied without lowering the barrier against unwanted growth? According to the policies adhered to by the local municipalities, including the city, the fringe area should not be a substitute or alternative area for suburbanization. These then are some of the problems and questions arising out of country residential growth. FOOTNOTES  R.A. Kurtz and J.B. Eicher, "Fringe and Suburb: A Confusion of Concept," Social Forces. 37 (October, 1953), 32-37. 1  2  Ibid., p. 32-33-  3  Ibid.. p. 37.  ^"Donald L. Firey, "Ecological Considerations i n Planning for Rural Fringes," American Sociological Review, XI (September, 1946), 411-421. -'Richard B. Andrews, "Elements i n the Urban Fringe Pattern," Journal of Land and Public U t i l i t y Economics, 18 (May, 1942), 169. ^Noel P. Gist, "Ecological Decentralization and the Rural-Urban Relationship," Rural Sociology. 1? (December, 1952), 328. ^Walter Martin, "Some Socio-Psychological Aspects of Adjustment to Residence Location i n the Rural-Urban Fringe," American Sociological Review. 18 (June, 1953), 248-253. 8  I b i d . . p. 252.  9 Stuart A. Queen and David B. Carpenter, "The Sociological Significance of the Rural-Urban Fringe from the Urban Point of View," Rural Sociology. XVIII (June, 1953), 108.  23  A.D. Crerar, "The Loss of Farmland i n the Growth of the Metropolitan Regions of Canada," Resources for Tomorrow - Supplementary Volume, Conference Background Papers (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1962) , pp. 181-193. 10  •^•Lorne H. Russwurm, "Expanding Urbanization and Selected Agricultural Elements: Case Study, Southwestern Ontario Area, 19411 9 6 1 , " Land Economics. VXLIII (February, 196?), pp. 101-107. John K. Galbraith, The Affluent Society (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1 9 5 S ) , p. 253. 12  •^Wilbur R. Thompson, Preface to Urban Economics (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, I 9 6 5 ) , p. 3 2 2 . ^"Marion Calwson, R. Burnell Neld, and Charles H. Stoddard, Land for the Future (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, I960), p. 78. (Quoted from William H. Whyte, J r . "Urban Sprawl" Fortune (Jan. 1953). "'•-'Thompson, loc. c i t . •^William H. Whyte Jr., Securing Open Space for Urban America: Conservation Easements. Urban Land Institute, Technical Bulletin 3 6 , (December, 1 9 5 9 ) , p. 41. •^Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board, Land for Living (New Westminster: Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board of British Columbia, 1963) , p. 1 3 . "^W. Lean and B. Goodall, Aspects of Land Economics (London: The Estate Gazette Limited, I 9 6 6 ) , p. 177. ^Catherine Bauer, "Do Americans Hate Cities?" Journal of American Institute of Planners. XXIII (Winter, 1 9 5 7 ) , 7. ^Metropolitan Development of Calgary and Edmonton (Edmonton: A Report of the Royal Commission, 1 9 5 6 ) , ch. 4 , p. 110.  CHAPTER III PROCESS AND PATTERN IN CALGARY REGION Most large cities i n Western Canada have expanded rapidly horizontally, creating a continual concern for the fringe.  Calgary has  been no exception; from 1884 when Calgary was a town of 5°6 residents to i t s present city status and population of 335»806, the built-up area of the city has increased by 46 square miles, and i t s legal area, by 153 square miles. period was 335*300.  The commensurate population increase i n the same The direction i n which Calgary grew i s reflected  i n (FIGURE 2), a map of annexations. Even with a large undeveloped area within i t s jurisdiction, the functional City of Calgary i s expanding far beyond i t s physical structure and legal boundary into the surrounding municipalities.  In the  next few pages, the historic growth of Calgary's fringe will be described.  The study of this phase of growth will be followed by a look  at the current trends, and the existing distribution of country residence. After the discussion on fringe migration i n the Calgary region, the characteristics of the migrant, his newly founded residence, and his land use activities will be described with a view to presenting an objective picture of the character of the country residence. I  THE FRINGE MIGRATION  The f i r s t evidence of major peripheral expansion outside Calgary's corporate limits appeared near the termini of the now defunct street car  DATA  SOURCE: '  CITY  0?  C A L G A R Y - C.f». RAILWAY .. DOWNTOWN  R£0EV£LOP5«ENT  PROPOSALS  I9B3 .  26 lines. 1930's.  Much of the older development occurred during the 1920' s and However, the expansion during the thirties, as well as earlier  growth, i n no way compares to the magnitude of what occurred after 19^8 in the fringe, particularly i n suburbs of Montgomery, Bowness, and Forest Lawn. Their combined populations increased five times from 5,500 to 25,000 from 1951  to I 9 6 I .  This growth coincided with the rapid expansion  of Calgary's economic base, and the subsequent population and building booms, which for the years 1956 to I 9 6 I placed the city on the top of the l i s t for housing construction starts for metropolitan areas i n Canada. The new growth manifested i t s e l f i n the spreading out of the city's built-up area from a 2.5 mile radius to a. five mile radius, an increase 1  of about 20 square miles. I t i s doubtful that during this rapid period of growth, the city could provide sufficient housing for the new arrivals as well as the new families formed within the city, especially the low income family. This i s borne out by the continued high level of building starts through 1961 to I966, while the rate of growth declined from 6 . 6 percent to 3*3 percent over the same period.  The consequent shortage of housing, com-  bined with the decentralization of work places and shopping f a c i l i t i e s , on the one hand, and the lure of cheap land, low tax levies, and unrestricted building i n the three suburbs on the other gave rise to rapid fringe growth with associated problems.  These problems eventually led  to the setting up of the Royal Commission, mentioned earlier. Eight years after the publication of the Commission's report on annexation, through a. protracted process of p o l i t i c a l manoeuvring and negotiations, agreement to annex the fringe suburbs as well as large  27  parts of the rural municipality of Rocky View was reached.  In a l l ,  seventy-five square miles were absorbed by the city. By I 9 6 7 almost a l l of the annexed areas had been built upon, with the exception of the area annexed i n I962 (FIGURE 2).  Within this area  the city has the capacity to house a population of about 460,000 people at existing density standards.  But current residential growth i s ex-  tending the city structure toward the north-west and south; therefore, the likelihood exists of these sectors being developed long before growth swings eastward, i f i t ever w i l l .  In the future, development  pressures could be exerted on land outside the city boundary i n the active growth sectors, and i n the west where residential growth pending a decision to extend sewer and water mains has been temporarily halted within one mile of the city boundary. Concern over the rapid growth of the fringe suburbs and the possible extension of this growth to other areas of the fringe, prompted the municipal councils of Rocky View and Foothills to institute the twenty acre parcel restriction for a l l land under their jurisdiction, which virtually encompasses the commuting zone of Calgary.  This change  i n subdivision policy marked the start of a new pattern of fringe growth, which actually commenced i n the mid 1950's.  Since then the  fringe around Calgary excluding the fringe suburbs has been experiencing a steadily rising in-migration of former urban residents i n search of a better environment for themselves and their children - rather than looking for just a place to l i v e as did their predecessors l i v i n g i n Bowness, Montgomery and Forest Lawn.  28 The areas into which the country resident migrated are shown i n  (FIGURE 3) and are b r i e f l y described below: Subregjons Springbank: APR  •  68  I  FIGURE 3a This subregion was the f i r s t to develop i n t e r s t i t i a l l y because of the poor state of the road network traversing i t .  The a t t r a c t i v e phy-  s i c a l environment, amply supplied with trees, and superb view s i t e s overlooking the c i t y or one of the r i v e r v a l l e y s , also were a strong influence.  Other factors a f f e c t i n g the rapid growth of Springbank were  i t s p o s i t i o n d i r e c t l y i n f r o n t of a f a s t growing middle class r e s i d e n t i a l sector and i t s supply of f i v e acre parcels, boom i n 1912.  subdivided during a land  A l l of these factors contributed to Springbank's domin-  ance as the most popular and most populated country r e s i d e n t i a l subregion.  Most of the better farmland i n t h i s subregion l i e s to the west  of the present country r e s i d e n t i a l  development.  Bearspaw; .  APR  68  FIGURE 3b Across the Bow River i s Bearspaw, which, l i k e Springbank l i e s i n advance of middle class sururban growth i n the c i t y ; but unlike Springbank, Bearspaw has good access provided by the former TransCanada Highway, now the 1A Highway. spread l i n e a r l y along the highway.  Much of the e a r l i e r development More recently houses have been  b u i l t away from the highway, close to the v a l l e y ' s edge.  Lots along  t h i s s t r i p and on the Springbank side of the v a l l e y s e l l as high as one thousand d o l l a r s per acre.  The l o c a l t e r r a i n i s quite undulating  and affords a spectacular view of the Bow V a l l e y , as well as the foothills.  The land has l i t t l e tree cover and i t s s o i l composition i s  poorly suited f o r  agriculture.  ~*  r  ••^^•••••^•^•••••••••••••••PSE^ FIGURE 3c Loving eastward from Bearspaw, the topography l e v e l s out.  More  farms and fewer country residence are evident, except f o r a small c l u s t e r near Highway 2 North.  D i r e c t l y east of the c i t y i s a recent scatter of  country residences i n what i s probably the l e a s t attractive r e s i d e n t i a l area i n the entire region and conversely, one of the best farming areas. The land i s f l a t or gently r o l l i n g , and t r e e l e s s .  The only natural break  i n the topography i s Chestermere Lake, on the outer edge of the growth area.  The inner boundary of t h i s subregion i s contiguous  Lawn, a predominately  with Forest  working class suburb located eastward of the  Bow  River and Calgary's i n d u s t r i a l d i s t r i c t . The small c l u s t e r mentioned above represents the f i r s t signs of exurban i n t r u s i o n i n t o the northern part of Rocky View.  F l a t t i n g there has  been more rapid than i n the other subregions because of low land costs. In many respects, Rocky View North and East are similar.  32 DeWinton-Okotoks: 68  APR  FIGURE 3d  To the south of the City of Calgary i s the varied landscape of the Dewinton-Okotoks subregion.  This subregion i s traversed by Highway  2, the main north-south route i n Alberta. To the east of the highway, which acts as a rough physical boundary, the land i s relatively l e v e l and well suited for agriculture; on this land i s the largest concentration of country residents engaged i n some quasi-farming pursuit.  To the  west of the highway the terrain varies from r o l l i n g to h i l l y and trees grow i n park-like clumps, both of which provide an attraction to country resident not interested i n farming.  33 HJgfr River: APR  •  68  I  FIGURE 3e The High River subregion i s an extension of DeWinton-Okotoks, but physiographically the subregion i s l e s s h i l l y , to c u l t i v a t i o n .  therefore better suited  Commuting time i s about one hour.  Most of the  country  residents here work i n the High River area, i n d i c a t i n g a weak t i e with the  city.  34  Turner Valley:  FIGURE 3f Directly west and north of High River on either side of Highway 7 i s the old rural community of Turner Valley, settled during the height of o i l production i n the valley circa 1936.  Much of the housing i s  now depressed. In contrast the natural setting i n Turner Valley i s quite attractive.  Commuting time i s also about one hour from the city.  35 Priddis: APR  •  66  i  FIGURE 3g The Priddis subregion i s d i r e c t l y north of Turner Valley and a l i t t l e closer 'to the c i t y . interspersed with grassland. foothills,  The vegetative cover i s predominately trees Both Turner V a l l e y and Priddis are i n the  and both subregions are well suited f o r country r e s i d e n t i a l  development. Current Regional Trends and D i s t r i b u t i o n Urban growth i n the present fringe around Calgary has originated from three d i r e c t i o n s :  the e a r l i e s t migration was a transfer of r u r a l  farm to non-farm a c t i v i t i e s i n Turner V a l l e y , the second movement was from farm to fringe and the t h i r d , from c i t y to f r i n g e . movement of residents  The f i r s t  stands apart from the more recent migration from  the c i t y to fringe and the l e s s e r movement o f rural residents fringe.  to the  36 About one-half of the ex-urbanites work i n the city; a few have earnestly taken up farming; some have retired to the fringe; others have jobs i n the rural area; a handful have jobs outside the region; and the remaining few work i n small towns i n the vicinity. As the distance from Calgary increases, fewer ex-urbanites work in Calgary, as indicated by a correlation coefficient of -.88.  The  ex-urbanites i n DeWinton-Okotoks and Rocky View North are noticeable exceptions.  This observation i s partly explained by the preponderance  of retired residents and aspiring farmers who formerly lived i n the city. The earliest country residents (+20 years) l i v e i n the Springbank subregion quite near the city, and along Highway 22 i n the Priddis subregion.  A number of families with more than six years residence are  found i n Springbank (in the same general area as the early arrivals), i n Bearspaw along Highway 1A, and i n DeWinton-Okotoks surrounding the hamlet of DeWinton.  More recently, ex-urbanites have moved to the  eastern side of the fringe near the former Town of Forest Lawn; most of these residences have been established i n the last five years.  Apart  from the recently populated subregion of Rocky View East, the other inner subregions have continued to receive ex-urbanites i n increasing numbers.  As yet very l i t t l e country residential growth has occurred  beyond the 'inner subregions.  Those outer subregions having some new  country residents are High River, the northern part of Rocky View, and Turner;, Valley. The subregional distribution of country residents interviewed gives a f a i r indication of the actual distribution since a census rather than a sample of country residential holdings was attempted.  This  37  TABLE I P L A G E OF EMPLOYMENT AND O R I G I N AS A FUNCTION OF  Access to Work P l a c e s i n Calgary  Subregion  ACCESS  Employed in Calgary  Former ResidentUrban  Springbank  16  Bearspaw  18  85  98  69$  min.  Rocky V i e w  East  20  67  90  Rocky View  North  21  36  50  DeWinton-Oko t o k s  23  53  91  Priddis  32  57  78  High  44  a  73  47  15  40  River  Turner  Valley  Coefficient of Correlation ( r )  -.88  -.38  38 d i s t r i b u t i o n i s shown o n (FIGURE  cartographicallyi n  4). As  ces  TABLE I I a n d p o r t r a y e d  shown o n  t h e map,  e n c i r c l e s the c i t y .  c i t y i n the  subregions  the present d i s t r i b u t i o n of country  residen-  Areas o f c o n c e n t r a t i o n are f o u n d west o f o f S p r i n g b a n k and  j u s t o f f o f H i g h w a y 1A.  To  the  B e a r s p a w and  south o f the  the  east o f the  city  c i t y the o n l y evidence  of  c l u s t e r i n g i n the M u n i c i p a l D i s t r i c t of F o o t h i l l s i s found d i r e c t l y o f O k o t o k s , and i n t h e P r i d d i s The  subregion.  i n c r e a s i n g exodus o f u r b a n i t e s , the l a r g e supply o f market-  a b l e l a n d untrammeled by  zoning,  and  the e x t a n t s u b d i v i s i o n s bylaws,*  were s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r s i n the d i s p e r s i o n o f r e s i d e n t i a l p a r c e l s the c i t y .  north  This dispersedly s e t t l e d fringe  o l d s u b u r b s w h i c h grew as f a i r l y  around  s t a n d s i n marked c o n t r a s t t o the  compact e n c l a v e s  s u r r o u n d e d by  open  space. N o t o n l y do so do  o l d and  t h e i r p h y s i c a l and  new  s p a t i a l patterns of residence d i f f e r  socio-economic  e a r l i e r s u b u r b s were s m a l l and  cheap c h i e f l y because they were  s e r v i c e d ; houses were " j e r r i - b u i l t " t h e y were s m a l l and  characteristics; lots i n  sub-standard,  or s e l f - b u i l t ,  the  not  and i n most i n s t a n c e s  few were o f s a t i s f a c t o r y q u a l i t y  design  t o r e c e i v e N.H.A. a p p r o v a l .  Again, in. .contrast, l o t s i n  fringe  today  ( m a i n l y because o f t h e i r l a r g e  a r e f a r more e x p e n s i v e  but  and  the size),  ^ P a r t i c u l a r l y t h e r e g u l a t i o n w h i c h p e r m i t t e d no more t h a n two p a r c e l s o f l a n d t o be s u b d i v i d e d a t any g i v e n t i m e f r o m an e x i s t i n g p a r c e l o r a r e a d e s c r i b e d u n d e r one t i t l e a n d p r o h i b i t e d any f u r t h e r s u b - d i v i s i o n o f t h e new o r p a r e n t p a r c e l r e g a r d l e s s o f t h e p a r c e l s i z e u n t i l b o t h p a r c e l s o r i g i n a l l y c r e a t e d a r e b u i l t upon.  TABLE I I DISTRIBUTION OF COUNTRY RESIDENCE*  Municipal D i s t r i c t of Rocky View Subregions Springbank Bearspaw Rocky View East Rocky View North  116 41 32 19 SUBTOTAL  208  Municipal D i s t r i c t of F o o t h i l l s Subregions DeWinton-Okotoks Turner Valley Priddis High River  61 45 36 23 SUBTOTAL  165  TOTAL  373  •The s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n i s shown on FIGURE 4.  41 and the houses on the whole are of a much higher standard of tion.  construc-  Socio-economically, residents of the e a r l i e r suburbs were predom-  i n a n t l y from the low income group.  Now, no p a r t i c u l a r area of low income  residents can be earmarked. Today's fringe i s a r e l a t i v e l y new occurrence,  as not only evinced  by the length of residence* of the fringe dweller, but also by the character of residency, which forms the subject of the next chapter. II.  THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE COUNTRY RESIDENCE FOUND IN THE CALGARY REGION  So frequently the derogatory connotation given to sprawl f i l t e r s down to the elements comprising i t , namely the fringe dweller, his dwelling, and h i s land use or disuse.  The f r i n g e dweller at one time or  another has been c a l l e d a c i t y escapist, ation to urban norms, a "tax evader",  a person i n need of  accultur-  an indigent a f t e r a cheap place  to l i v e , or a d i s i l l u s i o n e d home buyer.  Other over generalized state-  ments r e f e r to fringe housing as makeshift and sub-standard.  The  country resident i s considered by many, as a "land waster" i n that he never uses land f o r any worthwhile purpose.  These impressions of the  country resident need to be challenged.  *Length of Residence Less than 10 years Less than 6 years Less than 3 years  9  9 9 • • •  •  81$ 62$ 33$  The Country Resident One of the paramount characteristics of the fringe i s the heterogeneity i n resident composition.  Therefore, any generalization made  about the country resident cannot possibly describe with complete veracity the whole universe of country residents. Every occupation and income group i s represented i n the fringe. In fact, l i t t l e variation i s apparent between the occupational structure of the city and the fringe, with one obvious exception, the farmer (see FIGURE 5)'  This  is  surprising  considering  that the total fringe popu-  lation i s about the size of a hypothetical neighbourhood i n the city. Quite obviously, no predeliction i s shown for the fringe as a place of residence by any particular occupational group.  Since there i s a. close  relationship between occupation and social position, i t can be inferred that no social class favours the fringe over another; although a particular social group, for example the equestrian, i s more apt to l i v e i n the fringe than, say, the "ski crowd". The fringe i s not the home of the indigent; a statement which i s further substantiated by the data on fringe housing i n the next section. Out of this occupational diversity arise certain characteristics common to many of the fringe dwellers: most are ex-urbanit-es who enjoy the rural environment; for some this setting had been a part of their childhood experience; a l l but a very few are content x*ith country l i v i n g ; and most are recent comers to the fringe.  The majority of  ex-urbanites work i n Calgary and earns a better salary or wage than the average employee, but much of i t i s consumed i n establishing residence i n the fringe.  Very few fringe residents l i v e beyond two miles of a  FIGURE  S  OF COUNTRY DENTS.  100  90  CITY OF CALGARY COUNTRY RESIDENTS  80  70  < o  2 X  60 LU CD  <t t-  ltc  50 -A  OC  40 -  30  20 .  <  o  I-  c> r c cO  a to z <  (0  <  LU O LU CL  o UJ  0C H  o to 10 iij ti. o oc  O  (0  KO  r> a o cc  0-  CL  _l <x  >-  oc <  oc UJ o <  J  < O  CO UJ  0C  <  CO  10 -  K  to tr  Q Ul OC  o m <  fUl  UJ OC  CO  cc Ui  cr  < u.  0CCUPATION  DATA  SOURCE  :  S U R V E Y  1966  44 surfaced road or f o r t y minutes from t h e i r place of work; most of the residences have two cars.  Eighty per cent of residences are on twenty  acres or l e s s ; on t h e i r l a n d , about one-half of the residents pursue some a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y and f o r many t h i s a c t i v i t y i s s t r i c t l y a l e i s u r e time p u r s u i t .  Regards shopping habits, the country resident does  almost a l l of h i s grocery,  apparel, and specialty shopping i n Calgary.  The only town to gain from the ex-urbanite's purchases i s High River, t h i r t y miles south of Calgary. Functionally, as evident i n h i s place of work and h i s shopping habits, the country resident i s very much a part of the c i t y , even though h i s residence i s divorced from i t . Permanence.  Although the respondents to the survey were over-  whelming i n favour of country r e s i d e n t i a l l i v i n g , i t was s u r p r i s i n g to f i n d an i n o r d i n a t e l y high turnover rate of 26 per cent per year for a sample of 199 residents from the subregions of Springbank, Bearspaw and Rocky View North.  A frequency analysis of the length, of residence of  those who moved showed that over h a l f had l i v e d i n the fringe f o r four years or l e s s ,  about the same as the average length of residence f o r the  whole sample f o r the respective subregion (see TABLE I I I ) .  Most homeowners  do not move i n l e s s than four years residence unless there are compelling reasons - a. transfer,  or forced economic move are two motives.  By looking at the various occupations,  a rough idea of the number  of residents who could have been transferred can be acquired. came to ten.  The number  A further review of the occupations rules out the p o s s i b i -  l i t y of a forced economic move, except f o r a few cases! too many r e s i dents who moved were well-to-do managers and professional employees.  45 TABLE III LENGTH OF RESIDENCE OF THOSE WHO MOVED  Length  Springbank  Bearspaw  Rocky View East  5 6 3 4 4  1 5 3 4  4 3 2 1  1-2 years 3-4 years 5-6 years 7-11 years + 11 years  av. 5» 5  av. 4.5  av. 2.2  With compulsion - transfer or forced economic - not considered prime causes of moving, the answer remains undetermined.  Possibly the  cause of the impermanence of country residence i s connected with consumer economics. The Country Residence A short trip through the older fringe areas now contained within the city limits w i l l lead one to the conclusion that the fringe dweller 3 did i n fact l i v e i n a "peri-slum"  Today the fringe around Calgary has  very few shacks (4 per cent) and relatively few cottage-sized houses used as permanent residences: seasonal and year round cottages make up 19 per cent of the total, but are diminishing i n proportion.  Converted  farm houses form only a small part of the total housing stock. The majority of homes (84 per cent) f e l l into the bungalow, split-level, and two-storey categories, being no different i n appearance from what can be found i n the city.  46 The condition of the shacks and cottages rated on a good, f a i r , and poor basis was skewed slightly toward the poor; whereas the conventional residential housing stock was skewed toward the good rating (63 per cent were rated good).  The subregion containing most of the shacks  was Turner Valley, followed by Springbank.  Springbank has most of the  cottages, followed by Turner Valley and DeWinton-Okotoks. cottages were i n Turner Valley.  The poorest  Both shacks and cottages are historical  reminders, illustrating that Turner Valley, DeWinton-Okotoks, and Springbank were the f i r s t subregions to receive the non-farm migrant. From a shack worth a few hundred dollars to a mansion worth over one hundred thousand dollars, the gamut of the urban housing price range can be found i n the region.  Most of the houses l i e within the 4,000 to  40,000 dollar range; the average market value of 16,000 dollars (1966) i s similar to the value of new homes i n Calgary financed through Central Mortgage and Housing.  About thirty respondents owned homes  valued above 40,000 dollars; about 200 or 53 per cent owned homes valued at less than the average.  The housing with below average values  i s , i n most cases, the longest standing.  According to the Secretary-  Treasurer of Rocky View, recently built housing has a market value of 25,000 dollars; i n contrast, many earlier dwellings are several thousands of dollars cheaper than the value of the land they rest on. Changes i n average building assessed values since 1940 are shown  *It i s interesting to note that even with a large number of shacks and cottages, Springbank had the highest average assessed building value.  47 i n (FIGURE 6).  For most subregions there has been a gradual increase  i n the assessed value of buildings, but marked increases have occurred i n Bearspaw and Springbank, as the slopes on the graphs indicate. Regional Variation.  Spatially, the value of residences diminishes  outward from the city and from the western to the eastern side (see TABLE IV).  This trend i s coincident with the trend i n land values. In  the west, Springbank and Bearspaw have the highest mean values, although these values hide considerable variations about tiie mean.  Springbank  has the greatest number of houses i n the upper quartile range. Bearspaw, on the other hand, has a much smaller number i n this range but a greater number of middle range housing.  Similarly, i n DeWinton-  Okotoks some houses would be priced considerably higher than the average suggests.  Because of the wide variations i n individual building value,  the means should always be considered i n conjunction with the standard deviation. TABLE IV REGIONAL VARIATION IN ASSESSED BUILDING VALUE (1966)  Sample Size  Average Value  DeWintonOkotoks  61  High River  23  $3,250 3,000  Priddis  36 45 116  Subregion  Turner Valley Springbank Bearspaw Rocky View East  41  32  •Standard Deviation  S.D.*  Percentage Employed Average i n Calgary Value  S.D.  $4,300  $3,200  3,400  53 21  3,600  500  2,160  2,800  51  3,200  2,900  1,922  2,000  15  3,000  2,080  4,190 4,154 2,630  2,500 2,100  75 85 67  4,500 4,600 4,300  2,400  $3,800  2,400  2,050 2,000  CHANGES IN BUILDING VALUE SUBREGIONAL VARIATION . I940-I965"  LENGTH  OF  RESIDENCE  ( YEAIRS)  BASED ON MUNICIPAL ASSESSMENTS  4 9  Besides the strong c o r r e l a t i o n between parcel value and housing value and length of residence, housing value also i s p o s i t i v e l y corr e l a t e d with employment i n Calgary (TABLE I V , column 5)' region tiie r e l a t i v e building value increases  for those residences whose  wage earners work i n Calgary; the most marked increases View East and Turner V a l l e y .  For each sub-  appear i n Rocky  Probably, the l o c a l l y employed and r e t i r e d  who comprise the non-Calgary employed group are those residents who have l i v e d longest i n the subregion, and have the lowest incomes. These findings on changing housing value corroborates what i s generally well known that, the secular trend i n housing i s toward the better q u a l i t y home, at proportionately lower prices f o r a greater number of people.  This trend i s even more evident within c i t y l i m i t s  because of t r a c t housing. Country Residential Land Use One of the main concerns of the l o c a l councils i s the misuse of land by the country resident.  The a p r i o r i assumption held by most  councillors and a great many farmers i s that the country resident wastes farm land by doing nothing with the land he owns.  The survey findings  r e v e a l , i n some cases, the assumption was true but i n other cases i t was not. Of a l l the respondents surveyed 51 P  e r  cent were using t h e i r l a n d ,  and 38 por cent of those respondents using t h e i r land were making some income from i t .  Considered i n the l i g h t of the twenty-two persons who  expressly i n d i c a t e d that they moved to the country to supplement income, either 51 respondents were reticent to admit t h e i r motives, or took on farming i n earnest some time a f t e r the move, possibly when they confronted  50 the cost of country l i v i n g .  Regardless of the income made, for the  majority of residents part-time farming i s an integral aspect of enjoying the rural environment. The uses on country residential land depend on the activity sought by the resident.  The activity sought i n turn i s reflected i n the  parcel size, and to a certain extent the subregion. of parcel use i s parcel size (see FIGURE 7).  The overt indicator  There i s a clear differ-  entiation of land uses between those parcels from which an income i s derived and those parcels from which no income i s derived (62 per cent of the interviewees). Agricultural or quasi-agricultural uses diminish as the parcel size decreases, as reflected below i n the table showing undeveloped land as a percentage of parcel size: Parcel size (acres) 23-80  Percent Undeveloped  7-22  13 20  0-6  49  Most parcels six acres or less are s t r i c t l y urban; that i s , the space, rather than the land, i s utilized. The correlate of income producing parcels i s the income level of the occupant.  There i s a tendency as the resident's income level  declines to switch from land uses purely recreational i n character (e.g. horses) to uses from which some income can be derived.  Some r e s i -  dents raise livestock, others cultivate their land, but most just s e l l the hay off the land. economical.  In most instances the operation i s not very  One major exception to this observation i s the group of  INCOME  PARCEL SIZE  NON-INCOME  FIGURE  I  HG.  0-6 ACRES  35 ACRES 443 ACRES  7-22 ACRES  854  ACRES 1195 ACRES  23-80 ACRES  HO20 ACRES  1518 ACRES HG.  HORSES  HOGS  CATTLE  OTHER USES  [  LIVESTOCK a CROP PASTURE  MIXED LIVESTOCK CASH GRAIN  ,  DOMINANT  LAND TO  ACCORDING M  PARCEL ID A T A  USE  SIZE  SOURCE  :  SURVEY  1966  52 property owners who take up some a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y i n order to claim exemption from paying building taxes.  Usually, a f a i r l y large  c a p i t a l input i s required at the o f f s e t to earn enough money o f f a twenty acre parcel to q u a l i f y as a farmer under the tax laws.  Since  low income families r a r e l y make s u f f i c i e n t money from t h e i r land to claim exemption, the morally questionable gambit i s open only to those residents with some means. From t h i s synopsis of land u t i l i z a t i o n , i t becomes amply clear the statement that the country resident i s a "land waster" i s a h a l f t r u t h , not only because 50 per cent of the residents use t h e i r land f o r some purpose, but also because about 25 per cent of the residents who do not use t h e i r land are victims of the p a r c e l size r e s t r i c t i o n .  All  of the residents i n t h i s 25 per cent group when asked, indicated they wanted a parcel somewhat l e s s i n size than the twenty acre minimum. Put another way, the region l o s t f i v e hundred acres, on which about two thousand houses could be b u i l t , through the parcel size r e s t r i c t i o n . Notwithstanding the l o s s , f i v e hundred acres may be a small p r i c e to pay compared to what may have been l o s t without any land use controls. A General C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Country Residents The following c l a s s i f i c a t i o n was devised to r e a l i s t i c a l l y portray the various kinds of country residences encountered on the survey TABLE V ) .  (see  The main c r i t e r i a used i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n  were ( l ) l a n d use, (2) goals sought,  (3) p a r c e l s i z e , and (4) income.  The table shows b a s i c a l l y four country resident types: the wealthy householder seeking privacy and exclusiveness,  the r u r a l o p h i l e , the  53  TABLE V A CLASSIFICATION OF COUNTRY RESIDENTS  Country Resident  Residential Space  Land Use  Parcel Size  Small Parcel (1-5 acres)  Medium Parcel (20+)  Medium Parcel (+20 acres)  Enjoyment of Rural Environment  Privacy and Exclusiveness  Quasi Agri.  Horses  Low Income  Middle Income  Maintenance Factor i  Retired  I  Middle Income JOW  Income  Wealthy  I  Large 40+ f I Eventual Horses arm Fiddle Income  Wealthy  54 aspiring farmer, the part-time farmer, and the horse owner. These classes quite obviously are not mutually exclusive; hopefully they w i l l convey a palpable image of the resident.  The difference, for example,  between the aspiring farmer and part-time farmer i s a state of mind. Each type of country resident probably has a different conception of what this model residential environment should be.  The horse owner  may want bridle t r a i l s throughout his environs, the person seeking privacy may not want a neighbour within a mile, the old age pensioner may want twenty acres of land to care for, and so on.  not  To devise a suitable  design for a model country residential community seems to be an insurmountable task for any planner who wants to take into account the varied aspirations of the country resident, and exogenous factors of municipal cost, and farm land losses. Thus far, the pattern of ex-urbanization has been outlined, and the country resident and his milieux has been described and categorized. The next step i s to place the country resident i n the role of decision maker i n the process of ex-urbanization,  to discover what motivated him  to move to the country and what criteria he used to select his residence location.  In considering the role of the decision maker i t must be  underscored that the country resident i s part of an urban system; a. system which imposes constraints on each and every decision maker i n volved i n the urban process.  The Analysis of Country Residential Growth  within the Urban System, the next chapter, explains the overall distribution pattern as well as the regional variation in social, economic, and physical character of the fringe landscape.  FOOTNOTES  •'•P.J. Smith, "Calgary: A Study i n Urban Pattern," Economic Geography. 38 (October, 1962), 324. City Planning Department, October, I967. ^P.J. Smith, Loc. Cit.  CHAPTER IV ANALYSIS OF COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH WITHIN THE URBAN SYSTEM I.  TWO APPROACHES TO THE ANALYSIS OF LOCATION  The following analysis of location i s based on the premise that some rationale l i e s behind the choosing of a particular residential site. I f there i s a strategy of site selection, then the criteria or factors making up the strategy can be f r u i t f u l l y analysed. The factors of location can be viewed i n two different ways: one approach i s to separate and observe the external forces shaping the country residential pattern; the second i s to study the buyer's preferences and relate them to location. Both approaches are used i n the following analysis of location. In the f i r s t approach the assumption made i s that the home-owner or decision-maker can do l i t t l e to alter the pattern of growth - shape, density, and grain - established by the external locative forces.  This  assumption i s similar to the one made i n most simulation studies of urban growth.  Some of the external conditions are the existing highway  network, the physical environment, existing land uses, government controls, and the existing land market, i t s e l f a synthesis of a l l the other factors mentioned, plus more. Once empirical regularities are observed, some generalizations can be posited about the spatial distribution of residences, and their areal association.  57 An  a n a l y s i s o f the e x t e r n a l f o r c e s p r o v i d e s  a framework i n which  the d e c i s i o n s made by the c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t can be b e t t e r understood; f o r i n h i s mind t h e e x t e r n a l f o r c e s i n t e r t w i n e w i t h h i s concepts o f a s a t i s f a c t o r y place to l i v e . T h i s approach i s s t a t i c and d e s c r i p t i v e ; i t s t r i v e s to account for  t h e r e s u l t a n t p a t t e r n o f growth r a t h e r than the i n t e r a c t i n g p r o -  c e s s e s which c r e a t e d i t .  With r e s p e c t t o the elements i n the c o u n t r y  r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n t h e approach i s m a c r o s c o p i c . The  second approach, i n c o n t r a s t , i s m i c r o s c o p i c  f o c u s i s on the r e s i d e n t , the c r i t i c a l d e c i s i o n - m a k e r * i n growth p r o c e s s .  i n t h a t the the ex-urban  T h i s b e h a v i o r i s t i c approach i s a l s o e s s e n t i a l l y  e m p i r i c a l , b u t r a t h e r than d e d u c i n g c e r t a i n trends lationships, inferences  from e x t e r n a l r e -  a r e made from t h e r e s i d e n t ' s reasons f o r moving  to t h e c o u n t r y and c h o o s i n g h i s s i t e .  By s t u d y i n g  the buyer's p r e f e r -  ences, t h e r e l a t i v e importance o f t h e exogenous parameters can be measured.  The two approaches combined p r o v i d e  an answer t o "why the  u r b a n i t e i s i n f r i n g e ? " and t o "why h i s r e s i d e n c e i s l o c a t e d where i t is?"  I n essence t h e answers t o these two q u e s t i o n s  of ex-urbanization to t h e C a l g a r y One  e x p l a i n t h e causes  and t h e r e s u l t i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n p a t t e r n , as they r e l a t e  scene.  o f t h e problems o f r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n a n a l y s i s i s d e f i n i n g  the o b j e c t i v e s o f a buyer.  U n l i k e i n d u s t r i a l and commercial l o c a t i o n a l  analysis, optimization of a residential l o c a t i o n i s a d i f f i c u l t  *c.f.  The d e v e l o p e r i n s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n .  task.  Just as the firm i s constrained by external factors of location as well as the means at the firm's disposal, so i s the country resident. Whereas the firm has the clear goal of maximizing profit, the country resident optimizes satisfaction, an intangible.  As a consequence of the  variety of interpretations that satisfaction can possess, and the variety of sites to choose from, i t becomes exceedingly d i f f i c u l t to select areas where the optimum sites can be found. In the next section the way i n which the exogenous factors of location affect the country residents' site selection process will be discussed.  After this discussion, the country residents' site and  locational preferences will be studied with a view to undersooring the importance of the external parameters, as well as indicating that there are other reasons than those associated with the external factors for locating a residence where i t i s .  In studying the exogenous factors of  location, the framework or bounds of subsystem within which the country resident performs are established. II.  FACTORS OF LOCATION  The Road Network and Accessibility Whether or not the home buyer or builder considers accessibility as one of his site selection c r i t e r i a i n no way alters the fact that the locus of country residential development i s fixed by the rural road network.  Given the resources of the average home buyer and the  local government's attitude toward extending the road network to cater to the individual country resident, the above statement w i l l remain an unalterable fact.  59 Within a given road network access, primarily to the place of employment, circumscribes the limits of residential location.  Within  the circumscribed areas, the buyer has a certain freedom of locational choice.  How far this commuting zone of the metropolis extends i s deter-  mined by the capacity of the transportation network and the speed at which i t can handle traffic during peak hours. Around Calgary, very few of the country residents commute more than forty minutes to a workplace.  Most residents travel thirty minutes or less (see FIGURE 8).  Furthermore, ex-urban growth follows the highway very closely; few residences are found beyond two miles from a paved road, even though a gravelled road network makes much of the region accessible, and even though less costly and more scenic parcels l i e beyond the two miles (see FIGURE 9).  A l l i n a l l , access and good roads play an important  role i n determining the configuration of country residential growth. The tendency to cling to major highways i s an indication of incipient growth; the next growth phase w i l l most l i k e l y be the f i l l i n g i n of the interhighway areas.  Springbank as mentioned earlier i s an  exception to this process, primarily because of the absence of good access routes radiating out from the city i n this sector.  Poorer roads  have the effect of limiting the outward extent of ex-urban growth.  A  f i n a l aspect of highway development which encourages residential growth along the main routes especially i n farming areas, i s the fragmentation of viable farm units.  The fraction of land cut from the main unit by  the highway right of way i s of marginal farm use, but quite well suited for country residential use.  Moreover, parcels formed by higliway con-  struction may circumvent the parcel size restriction.  FIGURE  ACCESSIBILITY  TO  r  mi  PLACE  90  80  CO  \-  •ZL  70  QJ Q O  a. co  60 •=«  LU  cc  o UJ CD < I-  50  40  UJ  o cc  UJ CL  30  20  10  0-9 .  10-19  MINUTES 20-Z9  TRAVEL  30-53  40-4®  50-50  60-69  TIME  tS'feTA  SOURCE  '.  SURVEY  1966  :  DISTANCE  TO  PAVED  -  ROADS.  FIGURE  62 The Physical Environment What would be the size and distribution of the country resident i a l population i n a different physical setting? A theoretical question, but nonetheless important because i t underscores the importance of natural amenities.  Edmonton, Regina, and Winnipeg have relatively  small country residential populations, yet except for the physical environment, the differences between their fringes and Calgary's are slight.  The comparison illustrates the importance of the physical  environment as a precondition for moving to the country. Several aspects of tiie environment appear to be considered by the residents: the view, vegetative cover, topography, and water. Esthetically, many sites visited on the survey were far superior to any found within the city.  The majority of houses i n a l l subregions were  sited to capture a view of the mountains.  Frequently the view rated  more highly i n the minds of the buyer than the immediate surroundings, particularly i n the Bearspaw subregion. As far as the inherent qualities of country residential site i s concerned, about half of the homes surveyed were located i n deciduous groves.  Since these groves are scarce, trees probably are a catalyst  to the clustering evident i n Springbank.  Only 16 per cent of the  residences were found on cropland; these residences were concentrated i n Rocky Viex* East and eastern areas of DeWinton-Okotoks.  This 16 per  cent occupies only 15 per cent of the total land area i n the country residential use, equivalent to one f a i r l y large extensive farm. eighty residences were on improved pasture.  About  Albeit the pasture and  cropland are not i n themselves attractive for residential location, the  63 view and the topography sometimes mitigate for the absence of trees. Topography and the ground water supply are closely related i n the Calgary region; as locational determinants they play against each other. Most of the country residences are located on rolling or h i l l y terrain suitable for building and road construction, but frequently without a good water supply. To the extent that the buyers heed the water problem, the water supply w i l l influence the pattern of residential growth. Many areas have reported water deficiencies and the wary will avoid them (see FIGURE 10).  Unfortunately many buyers find out after having purchased  the land, and i n some instances, after having the house built that an acute water shortage exists; i n these cases, the water supply had no influence as a factor i n location. The attraction of the physical environment w i l l continue to be a locational force for most future country residents, though there will always be other considerations. For example, the results of a f a i r l y exhaustive survey of potential country residential areas conducted by the Calgary Regional Planning Commission selected the Jumping Pound Valley and the Priddis subregion located west of the city as being the most attractive i n the region. Yet because of the long travelling time to them and availability of quite suitable alternatives closer to the city, these areas i n spite of their natural beauty have not and are not l i k e l y to grow for many years.  A final consideration i s that some residents  are not swayed one way or the other by the physical environment, to them i t i s neutral stuff.  65 Government Land Regulations Few government controls pertain to country residential development and unlike the environment they effect the resident uniformly. What controls apply have a noticeable effect on- the density of country residential growth, but not on the overall distribution.  The restric-  tions placed upon the location of residential parcels are set down by: The Preliminary Regional Plan, The Planning Act for the Province of Alberta, Subdivision and Transfer Regulations, and Miscellaneous Municipal and Department of Highway Regulations. Probably the most important document i s the Preliminary Regional Plan which: (1) imposes a minimum parcel size of twenty acres, but allows these parcels to proliferate i n any part of the region regardless of the existing uses; (2) restricts the number of subdivisions i n one application to two, and i n areas where a number of subdivisions have been made, discourages further subdividing; (3) recommends against the establishing of residential parcels adjacent to urban boundaries; and (4) recommends that the standard of building should comply with the National Housing Act standards.  These few regulations have a considerable influence on  the quality of residences i n the fringe, their density, and their location with respect to one another.  The twenty acre parcel restriction  maintains a low country residential density, which gives some assurance of a sufficient water supply.  The parcel size restriction also reduces  the rate of subdivision by discriminating against the low income buyer,*  •FIGURE 11 shows the effect of the parcel size restriction on the growth rate. The parcels under twenty acres are few i n number relative to the twenty acre parcel.  FIGURE  TOTAL  NO. OF NEW RESIDI 3 FORMED BETWI N 1954-1965.  300 280 260  PARCELS LARGER THAN 20 ACRES.  240  co i  UJ  o <  220 ~  PARCELS OF 20 ACRES OR LESS.  7]  200  0.  o _J <  o  > < _l -)  180 160  7~  140 120 100  7  80  O  o <  60  1  40  20  7  -I  u 1  ESS css&Lai KSJ^  S2S|£fEK3r 1954  1955  1956  1957 ' 1 8 5 8  .  .'  1959  I960  © S I  1962  1963  1964  1965.  YEAR  DATA  SOURCE  :  SURVEY  1966  67 and gives the resident the privacy he seeks.  Because the parcel size  restriction excludes the lower income groups, i t increases the probab i l i t y of having a generally higher quality residential development. Subdivision control "(2)" also slows the rate of subdividing, but at the same time, i t encourages scatter by stalling intensive development in any one area. The next most important set of guidelines for country residential growth are put forward by the latest Subdivision and Transfer Regulations (I967).  An enumeration of the regulations applicable to  country residences because they are so explicit and because they can be visualized on the landscape w i l l inculcate the importance of government policy as a locative force; the regulations are: ( l ) the maximum number of parcels per quarter section  is.: limited to six, . (2) location must  be at least two miles away from an urbanized area, (3) the quality of the environment must be considered, viz., the topography, view, and soil condition, and (4) minimum parcel sizes of one to three acres for s t r i c t l y residential parcels and from three to twenty for agricultural parcels are i n effect.  These restrictions would have a profound i n f l u -  ence on the growth of country residences, i f they were adhered to by the municipal councils and regional commissions.  At f i r s t glance, the  influence would be favourable. At present, country residences as such are not recognized by the local planning commission or the municipalities in the region, hence the above regulations do not apply.  A l l small parcels s t i l l are con-  sidered agricultural holdings thus, besides the two restrictions mentioned i n the Preliminary Regional Plan, the major requirements for the  68  developer are: subdivision design, road construction, public reserve, and culverts and crossings.  None of these requirements except for road  construction unduly add to the developer's costs, consequently they do not deter country residential growth, nor do they i n any way give developmental preference to one area over another. Consideration has been given to zoning country residential areas i n the past, and some thought has been given to reviving the issue.  By  designating certain areas as country residential, the scatter of parcels helter-skelter throughout the region would be curtailed. The Land Market The land market i s an abstraction describing the transactions between buyers and sellers of real estate; the exchange of propertyoccurs when a price i s mutually agreed upon. Looked upon spatially, price, a reflection of current parcel value, i s similar to a control point on a topographic map.  The sum of a l l prices over space forms an  undulating surface of land values, which determines, i n part, the distribution of land use a c t i v i t i e s , and hence the man-made environment. Whether the pegging of land values i s a discrete or f a i r l y continuous areal phenomenon depends upon communication i n the market; both buyer and s e l l e r must be aware of the going price of real estate.  This aware-  ness i s noticeable i n the homogeneity of land values within a particular area. The market must operate within the framework of the economy, government, and nebulous societal expectation, a l l of which give value to property. In the Calgary region the single most important factor  affecting the demand side of the land market by precluding almost a l l low income buyers i s the twenty acre parcel restriction.  The supply  i s affected to the extent that sellers may be less anxious to part with twenty acres than one acre. The land market for country residences i s not only restrictive i n one dimension - income, but also i n i t s spatial configuration, further confining the range of potential buyers i n select areas.  Islands of  high value have become quite pronounced west of Calgary.  Twenty acre  parcels within these islands have sold for upwards of 1,000  dollars per  acre, well beyond the reach of most Calgarians, while parcels east of the city and near the outer limits of the commuter zone sell from 100 to 300 dollars per acre (see TABLE VI). In general, the statistical surface of land values peaks near the city boundary i n the subregions of Springbank and Bearspaw, and decreases away from these areas. Okotoks area.  A minor peak occurs i n the DeWinton-  At the outer limits of the region, the value of land i s  determined by i t s potential agricultural use rather than by i t s potent i a l residential use. course.  There are exceptions to the general trend, of  Some sellers may be unaware of the market price of ex-urban  real estate.  Also some properties found almost anywhere i n the region  are i l l - s u i t e d for either agriculture or country residences, and consequently they command a low price. The spatial variations i n land values has helped to create the scatter of subdivided parcels away from the peaks of land value and toward the troughs located i n the east and near the outer limits of  70 TABLE VI TRENDS IN LAND VALUES IN THE MUNICIPAL DISTRICT OF ROCKY VIEW (I966 - I967)  Subregions  Springbank  Parcel Size Five Acres  Twenty Acres  Forty Acres  A l l Sizes  $1000 ( l ) *  $585 ( l )  $331 (2)  $416  387 (8)  177 (9)  455  Bearspaw Rocky View North  192 (4)  Rocky View East  25S (10)**  '  280 (4)  213 280  The Municipal  District  $ 353  $320  $203  $292  *The values shown are averages expressed i n dollars per acre; the numbers i n brackets indicate the sample size. A l l values were acquired from Land Titles for .the years I966-67. **It i s worth noting that most of the subdivision activity i s occurring i n the subregion which has the lowest priced land. This observation underscores the importance of land value as an allocation of resources and, ultimately, a molder of the fringe pattern.  71 the commuting zone.* Basically, as a factor of location, land values partially determines: ( l ) who lives i n the fringe, and (2) where the financially eligible buyer given his resources can go. Consumer Preference The factors thus far discussed have been external and more or less fixed with respect to the country resident. He, as the buyer, must accept them de facto, with two exceptions, the land market and access. The market, because i t i s created and maintained by consumer preference, i s not rigidly fixed.  Notwithstanding the foregoing statement, the  market does establish limits which are unalterable to many buyers, and in this sense the market i s an external factor.  Access i s only external  and fixed to the extent that development i s confined to the existing  *Interestingly, i n these troughs; the better arable land i s found because country residential value has a somewhat inverse relationship to the productive value of land. There i s nothing inherent i n arab i l i t y and urban value, other than where good soil belts are, the site qualities for residential purposes are usually inferior to those sites on marginal land. This correlation may just be a local occurrence and therefore may not hold for other city regions. Quality, being a subjective measure, varies from person to person; some purchasers may be willing to pay more for twenty acres of bald, f l a t prairie than for the same acreage i n parkland. Notwithstanding a few exceptions the trend i n land values i s the obverse to the above statement. Probably the main reason why good arable land has been encroached on i s accessibility. Areas of good land were opened up early for farming, whereas many attractive residential areas have yet to be traversed .by roads. This situation i s not l i k e l y to change because neither the municipality nor the developer i s anxious to pay the cost of road construction.  72 road network and the maximum commuting l i m i t .  Within these bounds  access i s a matter of buyers' choice. Even with a l l of the constraints discussed present, the country resident s t i l l has considerable latitude i n the choice of residential location.  Therefore the spatial distribution of country residences i s  a manifestation of both buyer preference and external constraints. By asking the resident why he moved to the country i t was hoped that his motivating forces could be used i n ascertaining something about the environment desired by the country resident.  I f the resident moved  to the country for seclusion, then i t can be inferred that, for .this resident and possibly others, their locational choice f u l f i l l s their desire.  This line of reasoning can be followed through for each of the  motives and contrasted against the location.  I t i s then feasible to  roughly determine the relationship between motivation and i t s spatial translation as perceived by the resident i n a place. The danger of accepting reasons for moving to the country and picking a specific site ex poste facto, and using them to describe the process of fringe occupancy should be pointed out.  Rather than indicat-  ing the motivating forces, at the time of purchase, the reasons given are a set of rationalizations for being on a particular site and location. Therefore, the reasons should be looked at warily as basic motivations driving people to the fringe.  Quite probably the original motivation  forces have long ago faded into the subconscious. Reasons for Moving to the Country.  The main reasons for moving  to the country are: for the children, enjoyment of the rural environment,  73 and privacy and seclusion (see TABLE VII). Although i t i s rather d i f f i cult to translate these reasons into location the latter reason, privacy and seclusion, explains i n part the scattered nature of the residential distribution. The search for privacy and seclusion also differentiates the exurbanite from the suburbanite.  The differences i n residential location  among suburbanites would relate to the availability of housing at the time of purchase and the suburbanite's socio-economic status, and to a lesser extent, choice; whereas the difference i n location between suburbanites and ex-urbanites would show up their different aspirations and possibly values, as well as the f i r s t two mentioned factors, and the third, only to a greater extent. The variations i n values or perception are manifested i n the residents' concern over their children.  The rural and urban environ-  ments obviously present a contrasting milieux for child rearing, but both are the best i n the eyes of either the suburbanite or ex-urbanite. About 60 per cent of the respondents mentioned children as a reason for moving.  These country residential families appear to believe that either  the rural environment, rural schooling or rural cohorts, or a l l of them, are better for their own children than what i s found i n the city. Responses from the most highly urbanized subregions, Springbank and Bearspaw, conformed closely to the three reasons mentioned: children, privacy, and environment.  Rocky View East was the only subregion where  the residents did not choose the environmental factor, but rather were impressed by the possibility of part-time farming on the good cropland which predominates i n this subregion.  TABLE VII REASONS FOR MOVING TO THE COUNTRY EXPRESSED AS A PERCENTAGE OF ALL REASONS*  i  O > ^ • H k  H  W .H. O <D  ,. .ri ±5  to -p -P & G0 G w W . H OP  s  "S  0 0 0  16  3  5  4  4  4  3  6  4  22  40  08  1  0 0 0  0  0  Turner Valley Springbank  24  23 26 22 16 27  Bearspaw  29  17  3 2  Rocky View East  31  31  0  19  5  26  0  20  24  0  High River Priddis  Rocky View North Calgary Region  +> P  433 £ G G . WI H © H H t » j C di 0 CD (3 .ri ,G 1 ^ jC f C P e I P G f G j £' - P- P •H O •rl -P ^ tr - i - .CO - r.l . O ^ - P W ^ cj^ ow ois C 0 ^ ^.al 3 3 o oo To - 3 f H G W - P <D O C< HH 3 op o o o O <D GG C S O il d o >"3 O CO H H3 o  20 17 16 7  DeWinton-Okotoks  h  g  me  c  > J . H J >  tu:  ^ S °3 G  ivi  SUBREGIONS  CH  n o  23 13 33 11  3 4  3 0 6  -  (0 <D ,G "P  ^ 6-< O  6 17 17 20  100 100 100 100 100  0  25 29  12  5 10  0  6  3  9  0  100  21  17  0  11  0  21**  100  9  8  2  21  5  9  373  100  *The percentages are the f i r s t choices of three choices. **There was such a variety of other reasons that i t was not worthwhile to group them.  75 Most of the fringe residents are aware of the higher cost of l i v i n g i n rural areas, although thirty-one respondents f e l t that l i v i n g i n the fringe was cheaper than i n the city and this was one of the factors influencing their decision to move to the fringe.  Many of these  residents were among the pioneer fringe dwellers who came before fashion and many of the conveniences.  A lower cost of l i v i n g appears to be a  reality to those who choose to l i v e at minimal standards; but to the majority of fringe residence i t i s an i l l u s i o n frequently discovered too late.  Rather than being an inducement to lower income residents the  high cost of l i v i n g i n the fringe presents a barrier to the poor, a l though not an impermeable one. Closely related and sometimes synonymous with the resident who seeks a low cost place to reside i s the fringe dweller who moves to enable him to supplement his Income by farming, i n addition to providing security i n the event of unemployment. Another subgroup within the quasi-agriculture group but entirely divorced from the "income supplementers" and "security seekers" are the horse owners.  They came to the fringe to partake i n equestrian activi-  ties, which are a popular outdoor recreational pursuit for those Calgarians who can afford the expense. Many of these equestrians owned land i n the fringe before moving; rather than travelling to and from the pasture, they found i t more convenient to move out of the city and l i v e with their horses. As for those residents who moved to the fringe because their job was there, the reason behind the reason for moving appears to be, prima  76 facie, access, since most of the responses came from residents of the outer subregions. Dissatisfaction with city l i f e as a factor i n moving did receive some response, but not enough to attribute any great importance to i t . Possibly, Calgary does not suffer a l l of the problems of the large metropolis, or at least not to the degree where people are encouraged to move out. I t must be underscored that the reasons given by the residents for moving into the fringe are not necessarily true motivational forces, but rather affirmation or justification for being in. the fringe. More than l i k e l y , the response factors mentioned which are of a positive nature such as "the environment" or "job i n the country", are more coincident with the original motive for moving. Whereas, the response to "lower cost of l i v i n g " or "secondary income", belie an even greater response.  This same word of caution applies to the reasons for choos-  ing a particular site. Reasons for Choosing a Particular Site.  Asking the respondent why  he chose his site, i s a natural extension of asking why the respondent moved to the country.  To a degree, the chosen site reflects: the  country resident s aspiration, the c r i t e r i a he more or less intuitively 1  applied, and the constraints affecting his selection. The three main reasons for choosing a particular site were "the view", "proximity to the city", and "low land cost", these were followed closely by "tree cover", which comprised the greater portion of the "other" column (TABLE VIII).  Few residents were concerned about  recreational f a c i l i t i e s , school locations, water supply, snow clearance,  o  p.  6° o  6° o  p  4  TO  co CD  s! O  3  S  3  O  td  CD  3.  CD  3  CD  •5-  <  IS (»  CQ  ft <  3  4  O  CD  P. H CD  to  (S  8  I  o CO  o  CO  pr to  cn vO  VJO  VJO  O  H  VJO  CO  V/i  VjO  H  H o  ro  o  VjO  ro VjO  ro VJO  V_n  -o  o  o u»  VJO  ON  o  ON  Vn  o  ro  ro Vj\  ro  Water Supply-  H  ro  Proximity to City  CO  Low. Land "Cost  V_n  -o  vO  £  CO  ro  o  o  o  ro  ro  CO  VO  o  ro ro  ro  ro  VJO  vO  V_n  CO  o  o  o  Vn  o  o  o  o  ro  VJO  VO  Vjl  VJO  /—\  ro  vV  o  o  o  o  o  o  o  o  o  o  o  o  o  o  o  o  o  o  H  •pro  ro  ro  -o  VJJ -Nj-  VJl)  VJO  ON  H  o  VJO  H  H  H  O  O  o  o  O  1  o  VJ-X  ON  CO  H  H  H  H  M  o  o  o  o  o  o  o  View  VJO  H -o  o  o  VJO VJO  VJX  -p-  o  VJ-I  ro  VJO  ro  vo  )— 4-  ro  ro  -<3  VJO  o  o  o  Cn  o  ts  w  Near Relatives Inherited Land Snow Clearance Proximity to Recreation Other Total  8 o  8 CT  i-3  ts  IS  o  •s o  Good Soil Access to Main Road Proximity to Public U t i l i ties Proximity to School Lower Tax Rate  W  O S  C/j  t-3 IS  13 C/3  03 tS  o  H H  78 public u t i l i t i e s , lower taxes, or s o i l q u a l i t y . An i n t e r e s t i n g relationship evinces i t s e l f between the three main reasons - view, proximity, and land costs - and regional v a r i a t i o n i n the socio-economic structure.  With the exception of the Turner  Valley anomoly, the outer subregion respondents traded proximity to c i t y f o r low cost view s i t e s , whereas the respondents of Rocky View East traded the a t t r a c t i v e s i t e f o r proximity and low cost l a n d .  In the main,  the respondents from the outer subregions and Rocky View East were lower down on the income or purchasing power scale than the respondents of DeWinton-Okotoks, Springbank, and Bearspaw who got both the view s i t e and proximity, hence paid that much more f o r l a n d . Generally, view s i t e s with trees, l o c a t e d on r o l l i n g or h i l l y topography attracted the higher income buyers.  On l e v e l land s i t e s ,  the frequency of parcel use f o r agriculture pursuits increased.  A con-  comitant drop i n the q u a l i t y of housing was often observed and this corr e l a t i o n was strengthened when i t coincided with the absence of a view and trees.  To an extent, these observations are associated with the  respondents' reasons f o r choosing h i s s i t e . Residential Sectors.  I n addition to the s i t e selection deter-  minants mentioned, there appears to be a weak sector e f f e c t , p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n the northwest and east.  This sector e f f e c t i s manifested i n  housing values and by the preponderance of managerial, p r o f e s s i o n a l , and technical occupational groups i n the western and southern sectors and by the preponderance of blue c o l l a r workers i n the eastern sector, both i n s i d e and outside of the c i t y l i m i t s (see FIGURE 12). e f f e c t i s not apparent i n the outer subregions.  The same  This i s explained by  OCCUPATIONAL  STRUCTURE  SUBREGIONAL VARIATION DATA  PRIODIS  SOURCE  :  SURVEY  TURNER  1966  VALLEY  DEWINTON-- O K O T O K S  1'R i f:i 1 2  3  4  5  6  7  8  SPRINGBANK  tll ti e  34  '•i^Tf-f^i-"-^"  32  I  p  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  30  HIGH  28 26  >  24  o  22  UJ  o UJ  <r  RIVER  -J  BEARSPAW  20  ie 16  ROCKYVIEW  14 12  -  10  -  -  EASt  8 6  4  4 2 -  12  3  4  5  6  7  8  12  3  4  5  6  7  8  12  3  4  5  6  7  S  OCCUPATION OCCUPATION _L_ JL3."4~-  LEGEND  MANAGERIAL , P R O F E S S I O N A L a TECHNICAL CLERICAL SALES SERVICE, R E R E A T I O N A L S TRANSPORT  5^ JL 7. "BT  -  PRIMARY, PRODUCTION FARMERS LABOURERS RETIRED  6  CRAFTS  80 the above comments on trade-off of accessibility for site amenities. The trade-off only occurs within the lower income groups - hence, the small proportion of managers, professionals, and technicians i n the outer subregions, Priddis, High River and Turner Valley. The regional variation i n housing value and occupations i s a reflection of economic differentiation of resident groups.  Although  the attractiveness of the site, primarily determines which parcels w i l l s e l l , price determines who gets the parcel - the wealthier the resident, the choicer the site and location.  Clustering i s evidence of comparably  wealthy buyers who sought the same environmental amenities and got them. Clustering, to a lesser extent, i s also evidence of the need for identity and protection against unwanted elements i n the environs.  Land values  act as the o^scriminator. To the degree that occupations are related to incomes this differentiation of residence i s reflected i n the frequency distributions of occupations by subregions (FIGURE 12).  The spatial proximity of occu-  pation groups per se appears to be coincidental. This also applies to social groupings.  Since the country resident appears to be somewhat of  an isolationist, propinquity of similar socio-economic groups cannot very well be caused by the need for a sense of community. Thus, socio-economic class differentiation i n the fringe i s less a manifestation of interaction i n a closed social system and more .a manifestation of income groups struggling over attractive land, a scarce commodity i n the region.  Spatially, this struggle i s not always  evident because of variation interposed by earlier growth.  81 Consumer Preference and Regional Variation*  After being shown  that there i s some relationship between site and preference, i t i s not very hard to perceive a subregion as being an area! manifestation of a set of consumer preferences. In the summary of consumer preferences (TABLE IX), the areal separation of the two main classes of country residential pursuits s t r i c t l y enjoyment of the rural environment and quasi-farming - can be seen.  Springbank, Bearspaw, Priddis, and DeWinton-Okotoks appear to be  favoured for their physical amenities; Bearspaw, for view sites; Priddis, for i t s attractive environs; Springbank and DeWinton-Okotoks, for both site and view.  Whereas Springbank, Bearspaw, and Priddis are favoured  for residential sites, DeWinton-Okotoks also has an attraction through i t s good soils for the part-time farmer.  The good soils and cheap land  of Rocky View East and North were similarly preferred by the part-time farmer.  The Turner Valley subregion where most of the respondents were  drawn by work i n the o i l fields i s the best example of people with similar preferences coming together.  But quite obviously the set of  consumer preferences i n the Turner Valley subregion should be and are i n fact quite different from the set of consumer preferences which lead to the creation of the more recent country residential growth pattern. Whatever impression i s gained by looking at TABLE VIII i t should not be clung to steadfastly because of the considerable internal subregion differences caused mainly by variations i n the length of residence, land value and the physical environment.  Nevertheless the generaliza-  tion that the respondents i n the same subregion have more or less the same locational preference s t i l l retains some validity.  3.  3  8 " 6° o a  CD  3  CD  to  X CD  3  CD  4 CD SO C+ CD  CO  CO CD  t *  co  3  4  n g si  0 o a  Ui  3  to  4  5  X  X  X  X  X  X  CD  9>  m  X  co  X  4  CD CO  •cs o CO CD  Enjoy Environment  Low Cost of Living QuasiAgricultural Job  X X  X  X  X  X  X  X  Secondary Income  X  X  X  Dissatisfaction with City  Children  X  X  Privacy  X  X  X  .  X  X  5 o a  Ui  g a CT O  o i-9  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X X  '  X  X  X  X  28  X  X  a  ts  Low Taxes Access to Pavement Proximity to City  Relatives X  8  Water Supply  School  X  o *s  §  Utilities X  •3?  View  Low Land Cost  X  a  CO  Soil X  CO  Inherited  a o ts CO  o Ui  SO  ts CO  ts o  o  ts H X  83  III.  FACTORS AFFECTING THE FUTURE LOCATION OF COUNTRY RESIDENCE  Of the factors of l o c a t i o n discussed, land value, a c c e s s i b i l i t y , the water supply aspect of the physical environment, and government interference w i l l play a major r o l e i n shaping the future pattern of fringe growth i n the Calgary region.  I t i s easy to say that land values  w i l l influence growth, but hard to say how they w i l l .  Changes i n land  values i n the fringe are d i f f i c u l t to p r e d i c t because they are shrouded with so much uncertainty related to the small size and p e c u l i a r characteri s t i c s of the market, and government attitudes  toward small parcel growth.  As long as the i n f l a t i o n a r y trend continues, r e a l estate value can be expected to appreciate.  This appreciation of land values  edly vary s p a t i a l l y , and therefore,  Trill  undoubt-  the outcome w i l l be such that i n  some s e l e c t areas, high land values xd.ll preclude most buyers. i n g the prospective buyer to look elsewhere,  By f o r c -  the sprawl surrounding  Calgary i s expected to increase i n i t s areal extent. The areal extent of country r e s i d e n t i a l grox^th i s primarily determined by the e x i s t i n g transportation network, and commuting time. Most of the early growth occurred along the main highways, but after space adjacent to these highways i s consumed, the buyer w i l l have to look i n the i n t e r s t i t i a l areas, where gravel roads e x i s t .  I t i s doubts  f u i that country residents w i l l be responsible for the creation of any new roads i n the region, except f o r immediate access roads connecting to the extant network.  Nevertheless, he w i l l be a causative factor i n  the upgrading of roads during the i n t e r s t i t i a l growth phase. Impetus may be given to i n t e r s t i t i a l growth by the Department of  84  Highways programme of limiting the number of egress points off provinc i a l l y controlled highways. When the programme i s completed, the familiar starshaped development delineating the edge of urban growth would be curtailed, and the pattern i n i t s place could appear as nodular growth around the permitted entrances, similar to the growth around interurban transit stations. Limited access may curb sprawl and thereby assist the planners i n their bid for compact subdivisions, which should reduce the future cost of servicing country residences, i f services are demanded. The one factor which may thwart clustered development near highway interchanges i s water. Water, or more correctly the lack of, will be one of the most important influences on the future shape and density of country residential growth.  The water shortage i s associated with the  Paskapoo formation consisting of shale, interbedded with irregular sandstone lenses.  The irregularity of the water bearing lenses, the low  transmissibility of the shale, and the relatively lower water table i n topographically high areas produces an appreciable risk factor for those sites preferred by the buyer.^" No part of the region i s free of this problem, but some limited areas by virtue of their proximity to glacial channels, floodplains, or coulees have better water acqulfers, hence the problem i n these areas w i l l not be as acute. The water problem i s expected to increase as the residential densities increase.  A stage will be reached when mining of the ground crater  supply w i l l exceed the demand, thus necessitating trucking i n water, since current low densities preclude the construction of .a public water.  85  system .because of high cost,, The anticipation of increased municipal cost emanating from the water shortage i s among the reasons which have encouraged municipal councils to vote i n favour of the density restriction.  Thus, the low  densities around Calgary are, i n part, an indirect consequence of water supply, and w i l l continue to' be, as long as the councils continue to take a rational approach toward the problem of water supply. Conceivably, i n some of the more populated subregions, and Springbank comes to mind, an acute water shortage can occur irrespective of the large parcels, simply because the existing population density i s several times greater than permissible density, given the ground water recharge rate for the subregion. Some Springbank residents are already trucking i n water, and i t w i l l not be long before these residents agitate for a piped water system. I f the municipality submits to their demands, the entire area involved might as well be subdivided into 70 foot lots fully serviced with paved roads, sewer water gutters, curbs and street lighting because the costs of providing water to the dispersed country residences of Springbank would be prohibitive.  Given the present technology, i t simply i s not econom2  i c a l l y feasible, as Crerar has pointed out,  to provide urban service  to the average residence sited on one or more acres, unless someone other than the owner pays the b i l l . The advent of the 70 foot subdivision would spell the end of country residential growth i n Springbank, and the beginning of suburbanization.  Most l i k e l y the ruralphiles and the isolationist w i l l pack-up  and leave, as fast as their predecessors l e f t the fringe suburbs of  86  Montgomery, Bowness and Forest Lawn when those suburbs became part of the city. In any area where f r i c t i o n generating change to the existing spatial structure or to the activity pattern i s occurring, almost automatically p o l i t i c a l interest i s stirred.  Whether or not this interest  i s converted to action probably depends on p o l i t i c a l expediency and the p o l i t i c a l climate at the time. If government intercedes at the least controls imposed innocuously disrupt the operation of the market. w i l l bring about more desirable growth.  Hopefully, the disruptions  At the most, government regu-  lations s t i f l e the market's usefulness as a land resource allocator; again i n hopes of creating desirable growth. Land use planning amounts to intervention into the market economy. Ideally this intervention i s promoted and sanctioned by the public.  The public, i n the rural areas,  i s comprised mainly of farmers and their families, hence the regulations reflect the influence of this group. One concern of the farmer i s the preservation of good farm land. I f the farmers look at the conservation aspect objectively, then i n the future exclusive agricultural zoning may come about. I f i t does, the future pattern of country residential growth would change radically. Even greater changes can be foreseen i f the Calgary Regional Planning Commission designs the blueprint for future country residential growth. In the next chapter the concern over the preservation of arable land, and increasing municipal costs w i l l be discussed.  87  FOOTNOTES  Meyboom, Ground Water Resources of the City of Calgary and Vicinity (Research Council of Alberta, Bulletin 8. Edmonton: L.S. Wall, Queen's Printer for Alberta), p. 25« ^A.D. Crerar, "Population Density and Municipal Development. The Vancouver B.C. Metropolitan Area," Canadian Geographer, 9 (January  1957), 6.  CHAPTER V ANALYSIS OF THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL PROCESS So far i n this thesis only the country resident and the external factors impinging on the country residential growth pattern have been discussed, now i t i s time to look into the ramifications of country residential growth or as i t i s usually called i n this context, sprawl. Overlooked by many persons who have voiced concern with subdivision i n fringe areas i s the sprawl phenomenon, which could be far more consequential to the municipality, the farmer, the u t i l i t y companies, and the country resident himself than the loss of arable land. Sprawl i s a f a i r l y straight forward problem i n transport economics, and economics of scale, and temporary inefficiency i n land use.  The costs  of diseconomies of distance and scale are borne primarily by the resident himself, and to a lesser extent the municipality i n which he resides. The costs of temporary inefficiency i n land use are borne by the farmer not only i n the areas where country residential growth i s proceeding, but far beyond i n what i s frequently called the urban shadow. The effects of sprawl on the farmer are usually f e l t through increased land values, affecting the efficiency of farm operations by preventing consolidation and lowering the farmer's planning horizon by introducing elements of uncertainty into the future profit picture. In this chapter, the implications of country residential sprawl to agriculture, to the municipality,,and to the resident himself w i l l be discussed.  89  I.  COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL SPRAWL AND AGRICULTURE  Sprawl and agricultural losses have been most controverted because of the strongly entrenched, diametrically opposed points of view on this problem.  The free enterprise economist considers urban encroach-  met on agricultural land insignificant; a typical statement i s : "If developers can outbid agriculture, even i f urban development i s at very low densities, there should be no interference for whatever purpose, be i t conservation of a food resource base, comparative advantage, conservation of agricultural processing industries, avoidance of diseconomies of scattered land use pattern or the achievement of certain local urban benefits. The belief i s based on the (disputable) claim of the market's ability to arrive at the best and highest land use.  Any public interference wj.ll  disrupt the pricing mechanism, indirectly increasing the costs to the community by the misallocation of resources.  Restrictive zoning, for  example, on f l a t or rolling arable land, forces residential development to h i l l y areas, where the cost of building a house and the road to i t w i l l be higher. reduced.  Not only that, the number of houses per acre w i l l be  The extra costs purportedly outweigh any losses to the agri-  cultural industry.  So even from the standpoint of the community's best  interest, the preclusion of urban development on good farmland appears to be undesirable. I f a shortage of arable land does come about i n the future, the price of agricultural land i s anticipated to rise above that of urban land, thus stopping the encroachment.  The free enterpriser believes a  food shortage w i l l not occur because of the great strides made i n farming technology, intensification, shifts "to marginal land, and importation of  foodstuffs.  2  In the words of economist Lessinger:  "No final judgement can be made as to the wisdom of curtailing present uses of agricultural land to insure against shortages after 1975' However, there are manyreasons why such curtailment would not appear to be a rational policy even i f i t were assured that rates of improvement i n agricultural technology must f a l l . Essentially, an uneconomical use of land for at least the next 20 years would be exchanged for an uncertain attempt to accomplish what now seems to be an unnecessary objective, namely to make food more plentiful for future consumers." The other point of view emphasizes that good agricultural land i s an exhaustable resource, and should therefore be conserved.  The propon-  ent of ^agricultural, land conservation exempts arable land from due market processes.  The arguments put forward are: ( l ) food production on  a global scale i s far from being plentiful; and (2) the value placed on farm produce i n our society w i l l never, i n a l l probability, force the value of cultivated land above that of urban land until i t i s too late to recover the land l o s t to suburbanization, an irreversible process. Both points of view seem plausible.  The free enterpriser who  believes strongly i n the i n f a l l i b i l i t y of the market:points adeptly at the mechanics of theoretical market structure, and to the historical success achieved by the market process, success being measured by the abundance America has thus far produced.  The proponent of conservation  i s moved by the apprehension of world food c r i s i s : rather than being smug with past success, he underscores the fact that inordinately large quantities of Glass I land are being converted to urban uses, and that elsewhere i n the world today the signs of famine abound. But these nonlocal and somewhat intangible facts f a i l to convince the decision makers i n most metropolitan areas.  91 More important to the local decision maker i s the efficient allocation of land resources within the metropolitan domain. I f urban growth tended to spread over non-arable land surrounding the city and l e f t good farm land alone, then from the standpoint of agricultural land conservation there would be no need for alarm.  But according to a  number of observers sprawl f i r s t gains a foothold on arable land: "The f i r s t to disappear beneath the spreading margins of the city are the 3 f e r t i l e , high value, intensively utilized truck farms."  This i s only  one of the examples from which the generalization - sprawl attacks farm land f i r s t and then shifts to marginal land - i s advanced.  There  i s no reason to doubt the veracity of the given examples, but the direction of urban growth rather than depending on soil quality, depends on: the location of the city with respect to i t s agricultural hinterland, i f i t has one; the growth rate; the demand characteristics; and the suitability of the non-arable land for construction.  Where the market for  low cost housing i s booming the developer i n attempting to minimize his cost and reduce construction time w i l l build on relatively f l a t land, which may be coincident with farm land. However, i f the demand i s for expensive housing the developer would seek the most attractive sites knowing that he can shift the added locational costs, i f any, to the buyer. More than l i k e l y the attractive sites are non-arable. Although urban encroachment of vacant land may have i t s effects f e l t on the national or international level, the problem of land resource allocation i s a local one.  As such i t i s up to the local authorities to  decide whether the cost of remaining off arable land outweighs the benefits.  92  Country Residential Sprawl i n the Calgary Region and. Its Impact on Farming In.the Calgary region during the period I 9 6 I - 6 5 approximately 4,500 acres were subdivided into country residential parcels making a total of over 8,000 acres or 1 3 square miles for the years 1954-1965 i n clusive.  When compared to the wheat acreage of Census Division No. 4  (Rocky View, Foothills, and Mountain View), the acreage out of production was a rather insignificant .04 per cent.  The loss i n productive capacity  i f a l l 8,000 acres were i n a wheat crop before subdivision would be about 280,000 dollars i n gross income.  The real loss, of course, would  be less than 280,000 dollars because some of the land was idle before subdivision, some of i t was unsuitable for cultivation, some of tiie land after platting was put to a more economical agricultural use, and l a s t but not least only 15 per cent of the residences were i n areas where crops were grown. A more realistic approximation of the loss to agriculture i s 42,000 dollars based on average yields and 1966 prices. II.  COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL SPRAWL AND THE MUNICIPALITY  As mentioned earlier, sprawl affects the rural municipality through diseconomies of distance and scale.  With the introduction of new families  into the d i s t r i c t , the cost to the municipality can be expected to rise because of i ( 1 ) increased commuter traffic thus more road maintenance, and (2) increased school population.  (The country residential influx i n some  areas tended to offset the declining rural school population, therefore, i t i s assumed that no increase i n costs xd.ll occur until the influx exceeds  the decline.) Under road maintenance would come the upgrading of rural roads to a standard which w i l l take the increased t r a f f i c volumes. In the most densely populated subregion, Springbank, a regional road study completed in February, 1967 recommended the improvement of three roads used i n the main by country residents. dollars.  The estimated cost was 1.5 million  Although the improvement cost cannot be causally related to  country residential t r a f f i c , there i s a strong correlation indicating that i t i s .  In connection with this l a s t statement, the secretary-  treasurer of the Municipal District of Foothills stated roads i n country residential areas had to be attended to more frequently than i n predominantly farm areas, especially i n the winter time.  S t i l l some eighty  country residents were not satisfied with the existing condition of the roads.  The only way the municipality can placate these disgruntled  residents i s to provide better service, and this costs more money. Most of the complaints came from the residents of Springbank and Rocky View East.  The distance separating the subregions underscores the  problem of uncontrolled growth.  To maintain services to both country  residential communities, the municipality w i l l have to have duplicate sets of equipment or waste considerable time moving one set back and forth.  Either way greater expenditures w i l l have to be made. One impor-  tant mitigating fact i s that most country residences are sited within one mile of a Provincial Highway. At the time of the survey i n I966, there were 504 children from residential homes going to school. I f a l l of the children went to rural schools seventeen classrooms would be required to accommodate them.  The  94 expected increase coming from the families with pre-school children i s 228 or eight classrooms.  Besides the capital construction costs, opera-  ting costs, particularly bussing which accounts for about 24 per cent of the per pupil cost, also add to the burden.  About twenty buses would be  required to transport the current and known future school population. With a cost of 510 dollars per pupil (estimated), the municipalities of Rocky View and Foothills have to acquire 373,000 dollars to cover the cost of schooling the present and expected increases.  These same  children i f they were brought up and schooled within the city would cost the local government 313,000 dollars, about 60,000 dollars less."' The 373 families who w i l l be sending 732 children to school i n the near future contribute only 50,000 dollars i n school taxes toward their children's education.  I f these were farm children the contribution  would be 140,000 dollars, nearly three times higher than the amount paid by the country residents. In Alberta, monies raised to pay for school costs are collected by the municipality for the province which redistributes the tax revenues i n such a way that even the poorest municipality will receive enough money to maintain the provincially set standards.  But, since school foundation  grants are based on pupil enrollment rather than the difference between school cost and revenue, the costs above those.covered by the grant have to be paid for by supplementary requisitions, which amounted to 235s000 dollars for the two municipalities i n 1965«  As school costs and the number  of country residents increase the size of the requisition i s expected to increase also.  This i s borne out by the 1967  requisition of 301,000  dollars, about 67,000 dollars higher than 1965's. The farmer with his  95 higher taxable assessment, will pay the greater portion of the additional costs.  I t appears as i f the farmer i s compensating for "the imbalance i n  the interlocal industrial mix. Sprawl and Municipal Revenue Whether or not the country resident increases the service costs of the municipality i n a greater proportion than the farmer i s a much debated point.  As long as the country resident continues to receive the  same services as the farmer, his costs to the municipality are more or less the same,* but his share of the taxes paid ranges anywhere from 100 to 800 dollars less.  The variation i s created by differences i n farm size  and productivity (the basis of agricultural assessment), on the one hand, and the quality of the country residence (the basis of urban assessment), on the other.  In effect the country resident i s being subsidized by the  farmer for the services they both receive i n more or less equal amounts. (See TABLE XI, Appendix l ) . The current taxation policy i s based on ability to pay as opposed to benefits accrued.  The question arises, i s the farmer's ability to pay  greater than the country resident's?  While the rural municipality was  comprised of extensive farms, an assessment policy based on the size of  *Both school and road cost incurred by the country resident are not necessarily higher than the farmer's. In fact, i t could most likely be proven that the farm family incurs higher costs. Looking at school cost, which are identical for both residents except for transport, i t can easily be shown that because of the dispersed location of the farms that bussing costs are higher for the farmer's children than for the country resident's, •'•his same dispersion of farm homes means that the municipality has to maintain far more miles of road per farm resident than miles of road per country resident and moreover because of the country residents proximity to provinc i a l highways, most of his driving costs are a provincial l i a b i l i t y .  96 the size of the farm and the condition of the soil conformed to the principles of ability to pay.  Today farm land i s no longer a satisfactory  criterion on which to found this policy when extensive farms are not the only land use i n the municipality, and when the other land owners may have the ability to pay more but this ability i s not reflected i n real property, thus not taxed. Another equally valid but contrary argument based on a different premise i s that any family residence regardless of i t s location i s subsidized to a certain extent by the industrial, commercial, and institutional firms or organizations found within the same p o l i t i c a l area. The farm i s an industrial firm, by definition; therefore, any subsidization of the family residence by farms i s justifiable under current taxation policies. III.  URBAN SPRAWL AS A PROBLEM OF CONSUMER ECONOMICS  In the introduction of this chapter i t was brought out that sprawl not only adversely affects the income of the farmer and the municipality, but also the resident himself.  Although considerable doubt and ambiguity  surround the extent to which the country resident i s a burden on others, there i s nothing unequivocal about the cost of country l i v i n g to the resident.  Country l i v i n g i s probably foremost a problem i n consumer 6  economics. The costs of country l i v i n g are primarily a. result of geographic location, the most apparent cost being family transportation: to work, to shop, to entertainment, and to v i s i t (since the ex-urbanite probably l e f t  97 behind a number of acquaintances i n the city, visiting trips would form no small part of the total trips generated by the family). Within the city, the aggregate miles travelled by the family i s less than the fringe family's not only because the mean trip distance i s shorter, but also because the city dweller quite often i s able to minimize the distance of one or more activity linkages by judiciously selecting his residential location; whereas the country dweller has a fixed distance to travel before entering the urban transportation network. This additional mileage can be translated into cost-miles.  For example, i f the country  resident lived fifteen miles or approximately twenty minutes from the built-up area, each trip would cost three dollars at a total cost of ten cents per mile.  Assuming that at least two trips per day are made during  the working week - commuting to work, and one miscellaneous trip, which accounts for the week-end - the minimum monthly cost for the additional mileage travelled i s 120 dollars. This i s only the cost involved i n getting to the city limits, the total transportation b i l l will be much higher. The additional mileage i s also a cost to whoever provides a service to the country resident.  Either the firm providing the service or the  resident pays; someone has to.  Who pays and what share i s most l i k e l y  determined by the operating policy of the firm, and reflects i t s competitive nature. Other costs based partly on distance and partly on scale of operation are u t i l i t y cost; power, telephone, and natural gas. The fringe i s serviced by two power companies: the City of Calgary Electric System, which extends services to about one to two miles beyond  98'  the  city limit,  and  Calgary  t h r o u g h the Farm E l e c t r i c of Calgary,  Power, w h i c h s e r v i c e s the r e m a i n i n g  Service.  c o s t s a r e b a s e d on  Within  total line  the area  The  t h a n 200  already exists  proportionate original  Where a l i n e  share of the  customer.  The  c o s t , and  pay  f o r the  total  residences  Calgary  Electric The  w o u l d be  telephone  foot thereafter.  p a y s 60 cost. take users  per  amount  a  to'the  cooperative,  represents  and i s e x p e c t e d  to  I f i t w e r e n o t f o r t h e h i g h cost'.-  c i t y l i m i t s , no d o u b t m o s t o f  found w i t h i n the  installation  a r e a s e r v i c e d by  the  the C i t y  of  c o s t f o r a h o u s e b u i l t w i t h i n 5300  d o l l a r s f o r the f i r s t For distance  cent o f the l a b o u r  and  e f f e c t beyond a l i n e  300  f e e t and  eighteen  cents  g r e a t e r t h a n 5,300 f e e t t h e  customer  engineering,  material  These c o s t s r a t h e r t h a n b e i n g  w i t h i n the  by  System.  feet of a l i n e i s five per  S e r v i c e , a consumer owned  mile of transmission l i n e  o f l a n d w i t h i n a few m i l e s o f the  customer pays  some r e f u n d o f e q u i t y i s made  cost of construction.  country  t h e new  d o l l a r s f o r membership; t h i s  t h e c o s t o f c o n s t r u c t i n g one  City  maximum amount p a y a b l e i s n o t m o r e  Farm E l e c t r i c  c h a r g e s a f i x e d r a t e 980  the  construction costs divided  t h e number o f p o l e s i n s t a l l e d . dollars.  s e r v i c e d by  area  and  a l l o f the  e f f e c t i v e o u t s i d e the c i t y  c i r c u m s c r i b i n g the  limits  b u i l t - u p area o f the  c i t y , t h e r e f o r e , are a l s o a f f e c t e d by  the p o l i c y  city; of  A l b e r t a G o v e r n m e n t T e l e p h o n e Company. The  methods o f h e a t i n g a r e  gas,  o i l , and p r o p a n e .  a l t e r n a t i v e i n S p r i n g b a n k , B e a r s p a w , and  DeWinton-Okotoks.  d e r o f t h e r e g i o n o i l a n d p r o p a n e ^are a v a i l a b l e , a n d or three  times  available,  higher  t h a n n a t u r a l gas.  Gas  i s only  I n the  remain-  t h e i r costs are  A s s u m i n g t h a t n a t u r a l gas  the c o s t would vary w i t h : topography, d i s t a n c e from  an  two  is  transmission  99 line,  amount o f gas consumed a n d gas r a t e , d e n s i t y o f c u s t o m e r s ,  centage s i g n up. maximum o f 900  The p r i c e w o u l d p r o b a b l y  as water,  sewer, adequate f i r e  and p o l i c e  pro-  and garbage c o l l e c t i o n a r e t o o c o s t l y t o p r o v i d e because o f t h e  l o w consumer d e n s i t i e s . through  r a n g e f r o m 500 d o l l a r s t o a  dollars.  Some s e r v i c e s s u c h tection,  and per-  The c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t m u s t f u r n i s h t h e s e s e r v i c e s  h i s own r e s o u r c e s o r do w i t h o u t . To  obtain water,  a deep w e l l must be d r i l l e d  exceptionally l o w water table.  Also, a p o s s i b i l i t y  because o f t h e  The c o s t s o f g e t t i n g w a t e r a r e h i g h :  Drilling  $5.00  Pump a n d T a n k  $153  (shallow well)  $500  (deep w e l l +  per foot  100 f t . )  e x i s t s t h a t t h e r e s i d e n t w i l l have t o r e d r i l l  should  the w a t e r b e a r i n g l e n s e d r y up. Sewage d i s p o s a l m e t h o d s v a r y  a n d so do t h e i r c o s t .  The s e p t i c  tank i s t h e most c o s t l y d i s p o s a l method, b u t l e s s c o s t l y methods c a n be employed, t h e l e a s t c o s t l y o f w h i c h i s t h e outdoor Besides inadequate s e r v i c e s and conveniences The  and p o l i c e p r o t e c t i o n t h e r e a r e o t h e r  which the country  a b s e n c e o f some o f t h e s e  country l i v i n g .  r e s i d e n t must simply  forego.  s e r v i c e s c a n be c o n s i d e r e d a c o s t a g a i n s t  A paved road, f o r example, would reduce wear and t e a r on  t h e two a u t o m o b i l e s two  fire  privy.  owned b y a l m o s t  a l l country residents.  The n e e d f o r  c a r s i s i n i t s e l f a n a d d i t i o n a l c o s t , a l t h o u g h i t seems t h a t a n i n -  c r e a s i n g p r o p o r t i o n o f u r b a n d w e l l e r s a l s o c o n s i d e r two c a r s a s a n e c e s s i t y for  daily  living.  A h y p o t h e t i c a l case  can best i l l u s t r a t e  c o u n t r y r e s i d e n t who p u r c h a s e s  thetotal costs to the  twenty acres i n a choice r e s i d e n t i a l  area  100 of Springbank.  His l o t i s approximately one-half a mile from the nearest  u t i l i t i e s and six miles from the city limits. feet deep.  His well i s two hundred  For the f i r s t year of occupancy the costs related solely to  location are i n the order of 20,000 dollars (for a detailed breakdown of cost see TABLE X, Case 1). At thirty miles out assuming a l l other factors except land value remain the same, the total cost reduces to 13,000 dollars (TABLE X, Case II).  Thus by purchasing twenty-four miles farther out a savings of 7,000  dollars can be realized.  In comparison a sixty foot l o t fully serviced  in a new subdivision i n Southwest Calgary would cost from about 4,000 to 5,000 dollars, or about one-quarter to one-fifth the price of the country residential l o t located six miles from the city limits.  Evidently, the  country residential serviced l o t i s hardly an alternative i n the residential land market to a city l o t , i f the criterion used i s strictly an economic one.  The country resident without doubt i s swayed by other than  economic reasons, excepting speculation, or he has been grossly misinformed, about the cost of l i v i n g i n the fringe around Calgary. The only cost f l e x i b i l i t y the country resident has i s i n the construction of his house.  He can build or have built a minimum standard  accommodation, which at today's prices would cost about 12,000 dollars, thus making the total cost of home ownership i n the f i r s t example about 30,000 dollars.  A comparable home i n the city would be worth about 16,000  dollars. In sum, the cost of l i v i n g i n the fringe i s appreciably higher than the cost of l i v i n g within the city proper where urban services are available.  In l i g h t of these exorbitant costs, the high turnover rate of  residences appears more plausible.  101 TABLE X COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL COSTS  (1966)  (CASE I )  580.00  A.  TRANSPORT  $  B.  SERVICED LAUD  19,900.00  1.  Raw Land ® $800/acre  16,000.00  2.  Utilities a.  Power  980.00  b.  Heat (gas)  700.00  c.  Telephone  420.00  d.  Water i. ii.  e.  C.  Drilling  1,000.00  Submerged Pump  (3/4 h.p.)  500.00  Sewage Disposal - f i b r e glass septic tank.  300.00 3,900.00 $20,480.00  TOTAL COST ACCRUING TO LOCATION (CASE I I )  A.  TRANSPORT  $ 2,880.00  B.  SERVICED LAND  9,900.00  1.  6,000.00  Raw Land @ $300/acre  2. U t i l i t i e s C.  TOTAL COST ACCRUING TO LOCATION  3,900.00 .° . $12,780.00 0  102  The Country Resident - A Municipal Burden or Not Presently, the country resident i s less of a burden on municipal resources than the city resident i s , and as long as the country residential costs f a l l principally on the resident himself, this statement w i l l remain valid.  But the moment a suburban form of residential growth occurs i n  the fringe wherein servicing costs are shifted to the public, the rural municipalities w i l l suffer financial d i f f i c u l t i e s tantamount to or greater than the central citys'. The conclusion drawn above does not imply that the land resources i n the fringe are being allocated i n the most efficient way, nor that the financial solvency of today cannot change into a worrisome problem tomorrow. FOOTNOTES  ^G.A. Wissink, American Cities i n Perspective (Assem: Royal Van Gorcum Ltd., 1962), p. 244. ^Jack Lessinger, "Exclusive Agricultural Zoning: An Appraisal, Part I Agricultural Shortages," Land Economics. XXXIV (May, 1 9 5 8 ) , 1 5 9 . -^Jerome D. Fellmann, "Some Agricultural Consequences of the New Urban Explosion," Modern Land Policy (Papers of the Land Institute. Urbana: Universitjr of I l l i n o i s Press, i 9 6 0 ) , p. 159« ^*M.D. Of Rocky View No. 44 Secondary Road Study 1966 (Calgary Region Rural Road Study Group. Calgary: Calgary Regional Planning Commission and Stanley Associated Engineering Ltd., 1 9 6 7 ) , pp. 4 3 - 4 9 . 5Annual Report (Edmonton: Department of Education, I 9 6 7 ) , p. 216. ^This point i s also brought out by Wilbur R. Thompson i n A Preface to Urban Economics (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, I 9 6 5 ) , pp. 322-24.  CHAPTER VT COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH A PROBLEM AND SOLUTION I.  AN OVERVIEW ON COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH  In retrospect, the findings thus far of this study have served two purposes: f i r s t , they served to focus attention on a particular aspect of urbanization, and second, i n doing so they brought into focus the country resident, as a participant i n fringe growth who has been overshadowed by another participant, the suburbanite. Country residential growth, i t was discovered, i s primarily the process of urbanites moving into the country i n pursuit of privacy and environmental amenities; contrary to the findings of Queen and Carpenter,"'" which implied the fringe was a collecting area where rural migrants became accultured to urban norms. I t was also discovered that fringe growth, because of i t s location between two major competing land uses - agricultural and urban - need not result i n slum growth; notwithstanding Firey's Theory on the formation of slums.  Albeit empirical evidence i n  support of his theory can be found i n the former fringe suburbs of Bowness, Montgomery and Forest Lawn. But the suburb of Glenmore, which grew rapidly about the same time as these other suburbs, i n the 1950*s, does not conform to his theory.  Glenmore was an extension of an upper  income area within the city, and therefore supports Hoyt's Sector Theory rather than Firey's Social U t i l i t y Theory. Today, even less evidence exists to corroborate the latter theory. There i s no reason to believe that social u t i l i t y ever was or i s a direct  104 function of access, e s p e c i a l l y when substitution of a better environment or more land plays such a major part i n a l l a y i n g any l o s s of transportation convenience. Although the country resident i s a party to creating the much deprecated sprawl around c i t i e s ,  the country.residence i s not a r e s u l t or  manifestation of suburbanization.  At the crux of t h i s subtle d i s t i n c t i o n  between the two residents i s motivation. When the effects of suburbanization and country r e s i d e n t i a l growth are reduced to a common denominator - cost, the processes act i n the same d i r e c t i o n only at d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s .  Whereas the costs of suburbanization  are i n the main p u b l i c cost, the costs of country r e s i d e n t i a l growth are i n the main private cost, but with either process, costs r i s e above the state as i t was i n the f r i n g e .  Whether revenues r i s e to meet cost without  over taxing what existed before depends on what taxable properties were there before and what revenue can be acquired from the new taxable properties.  Obviously, there w i l l be considerable s p a t i a l v a r i a t i o n i n a  region as large as Calgary's.  The f a c t of the matter i s that the develop-  ment and the maintenance of a country residence i n the fringe f a l l s mainly upon the resident himself, whereas the development and maintenance of suburban residences f a l l s on the public sector as well as the resident. Land evaluation affects both ex-urban and suburban buyers though i n s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t ways.  The country resident deals i n a f a r more  speculative r e a l estate market than the suburbanite does, and consequently can u n w i l l i n g l y buy land at many times i t s economic value and f i n d out only a f t e r he attempts to s e l l h i s property. important to the resale  Location i s exceedingly  value., of the country residence, whereas the  105 size of parcel i s not.  The suburban l o t ,  as long as i t i s f u l l y serviced,  does not vary as much i n value from l o c a t i o n to l o c a t i o n ; but as the size of the l o t s increase the value appreciates  considerably.  Presumably, an  optimum size of country r e s i d e n t i a l parcel e x i s t s , and any surplus acreage, which i s part of the p a r c e l , adds very l i t t l e to the t o t a l value. Some f i v e acre parcels may s e l l f o r more than twenty acre parcels, and most twenty acre parcels s e l l f o r more than f o r t y acre parcels. size increases decreases.  As the  the increment of value f o r each acre above the optimum size  I f the p r i c e of a country r e s i d e n t i a l l o t of optimum size i s  low, then the base p r i c e plus the incremental value added by each new acre w i l l give a t o t a l price l e s s than a smaller parcel with a higher base price.  For example, a forty acre parcel east of the c i t y could s e l l f o r  several thousand d o l l a r s l e s s than a twenty acre parcel west of the c i t y . Higher evaluation i s given a parcel by the attractiveness of the physical setting,  and proximity to a favourable growth sector of the c i t y ;  this  s p i l l o v e r e f f e c t gives greater confidence to both the buyer and the s e l l e r . F i n a l l y , although the researcher can forecast the approximate future form of the suburb and ex-urbia, h i s predictions frequently go awry when he attempts to forecast future fringe populations or land withdrawal, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f the growth process i s ex-urban rather than suburban. This f a c t was underscored by the d i s p a r i t y i n the predictions made by Russwurm and Crerar as mentioned i n Chapter I I . Mechanical extrapolations,  as these were, are at best r i s k y because  the projections take i n t o account only one variable the past rate of population growth.  Both suburbanization arid country r e s i d e n t i a l growth  are a function of population s i z e , i n that the larger the population of  106 any p a r t i c u l a r c i t y , the greater the p o t e n t i a l number of e i t h e r suburbani t e or ex-urbanite.  But, where the r a t e of suburbanization i s r e l a t e d to  the rate o f population growth, the rate of country r e s i d e n t i a l growth appears to be q u i t e independent of i t .  P r e d i c t i o n of future country-  r e s i d e n t i a l populations, t h e r e f o r e , i s nigh impossible. The Causes of Country R e s i d e n t i a l Sprawl A g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s and the planners tend to a t t r i b u t e the cause of farmland l o s s e s to the ex-urbanite and cast a b l i n d eye on the farmer who i s a party to the c r e a t i o n of spraxtfl; he owns the property, i t i s h i s d e c i s i o n to s e l l as much as i t i s the ex-urbanite's d e c i s i o n to buy. Why i s l a n d s o l d f o r urban uses i n the f r i n g e at a time when farmi n g i s becoming more l u c r a t i v e ? One obvious answer i s i n the higher p r i c e urban uses can command, the p r o f i t motive.  A second i s higher tax r a t e s . *  Another reason i s that some t r a c t s of l a n d are not economical f o r farming because o f t e r r a i n , f l o o d i n g , or poor s o i l .  A f i n a l reason i s that farms  l e s s than three-quarters of a s e c t i o n i n s i z e are v i c t i m s of technological obsolescence  - too small to be run at a p r o f i t .  The owner has the  a l t e r n a t i v e s of: (1) buying more l a n d , (2) changing to some i n t e n s i v e use, (3) s u b d i v i d i n g , or (4) doing nothing. I n these a l t e r n a t i v e s l i e the causes of sprawl.  I f the farmer has  access to the necessary c a p i t a l the f i r s t two a l t e r n a t i v e s are open to him.  I f not, and t h i s i s u s u a l l y the case w i t h the small farm, only the  *This d e c i s i o n i s not forced upon the farmer through higher assessment as i t i s i n some c i t y regions because i n the Calgary region a l l unsubdivided l a n d i s assessed according to i t s p r o d u c t i v i t y and m a r k e t a b i l i t y as farmland, not i t s urban value.  107 t h i r d and fourth alternatives remain.  I f the farmer subdivides he i s  creating sprawl, and i f he does not he produces "leap frogging", which r e s u l t s i n patches of vacant land between b u i l t - u p areas, i n e f f e c t sprawl. I f he converts his farm to an intensive use (a common procedure around most c i t i e s ) ,  he could be creating an incompatible use that w i l l  a f f e c t a l l urban values of the surrounding farm land.  C o n f l i c t i n g and  undisciplined land use probably i s a f a r greater threat to future development than the l o s s i n farm l a n d .  C o n f l i c t i n g uses are not confined to  agriculture by any means: mixed r e s i d e n t i a l areas with shacks, houses and t r a i l e r courts;  junkyards; and noxious i n d u s t r i e s have an a f f i n i t y f o r  fringe areas. II.  STRATEGY POR COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL DEVELOPMENT  There i s every i n d i c a t i o n today that country r e s i d e n t i a l growth w i l l continue, and that accompanying t h i s growth w i l l be an increasing demand f o r public services, p a r t i c u l a r l y from those residents who were former ex-urbanites.  No i n d i c a t i o n i s evident from any of the residents that  they are there to "rough i t " ; on the contrary most want the best of both worlds.  In most instances country residents do possess a l l of the house-  hold e f f e c t s ,  gagetry,  and conveniences associated with urban l i v i n g .  What residents f e e l they do l a c k are the p u b l i c services they presumably pay taxes f o r . The survey results show that the most frequently voiced complaint of the country resident was_ that h i s taxes were too high i n r e l a t i o n to the services provided by the municipality (32 per cent of the respondents). This complaint was followed by complaints of poor roads (21 per cent), and l a c k of municipal services (10 per cent).  The implication i s that the  108 country resident ttfants more i n the way of municipal services than he has been getting. The respondents' dissatisfaction with the sparsity of services  9  especially road maintenance, i s something the rural municipality i s not able to cope with: i t lacks the budget, the capital equipment, and the staff.  Out of this inability to provide the services demanded, arises  much of the p o l i t i c a l friction between the ex-urbanite and the farmer who retains control over municipal affairs.  How long w i l l the ex-urbanite  stand by before he agitates for more urban services, which can only be supplied by the municipality because the existing helter-skelter distribution of country residences makes the formation of an incorporated place wherein the country resident might manage his own affairs impossible? Thus, with the Municipal District providing the services to the country resident, a l l ratepayers w i l l have to pay for the additional costs of this select group because no law exists permitting a differential mill rate over a discontinuous area.  What can the municipality do?  On top of the municipal problem are the fragmentation and removal from use of arable land, which has already been discussed, and the residents' own complaints, aside from taxes and services, of the lack of choice i n selecting a desirable parcel size. From the more or less even s p l i t between those residences where the land i s used and those where i t i s not, a demand evinces i t s e l f for two kinds of country residential lots: one just large enough for a house and small enough so that i t can be maintained by the resident, and one large enough to u t i l i z e for part-time farming, primarily horse pasturing.  109 Under the current land use regulations, the f i r s t type of l o t does not exist, except i n Springbank and i n Bearspaw where i t i s closely approximated by the five acre parcel, but only a limited number of these are left.  Unfortunately, the five acres i s too large to be maintained as  s t r i c t l y a residential site, and too small for some agricultural pursuits.  What i s needed i s one acre or less as a strictly residential  parcel; but the introduction of a small parcel size could encourage more urbanites to move out, creating a mammoth sprawl with a l l i t s attendant i l l s both real and imaged.  The experience of other city regions, Vancouver  for example, does show that small acreages permit the developer to enter the market and proliferate housing tracts a l l over the countryside. Leaving country residential growth to the market forces not only i s deleterious toward the agricultural industry but also could destroy i n the long run the very privacy and physical amenities sought by the resident.  Already certain areas of Springbank have become less attrac-  tive because of "over-crowding".  Even with the parcel size restrictions,  the preservation of an i d y l l i c setting for the country resident depends on the growth rate and chance. Standards Mankind i s continually striving to improve his private l i v i n g space, and to a lesser extent the total environment of which his l i v i n g space i s a part.  To give assurances that the neighbourhood or city or  region i n which the person lives i s i n keeping with what the public demands from the standpoint of health, productivity, usefulness and harmony, certain minimum standards are imposed upon the individual.  As public  110 awareness and f r u s t r a t i o n increase.  over the problems which make our  environment l e s s l i v a b l e , new standards are introduced. where new standards seem needed.  Here i s a case  The municipality wants to maintain a  consistently high per household tax revenue and low costs.  The country  residents:^ want to maintain the privacy, and attractiveness afforded by the physical environment.  The a g r i c u l t u r a l industry, as a whole, wishes  to preserve good l a n d , and keep costs down. other vested i n t e r e s t s  To ensure that these and  are preserved the e x i s t i n g standards w i l l have to  be revised. Development Goals The three goals enumerated below appear to s a t i s f y the requirements of an acceptable goals 1.  solution to the t h r e e - f o l d problem o u t l i n e d ; the  are: To promote country r e s i d e n t i a l development considered desirable by the country resident.  2.  To minimize the cost of s e r v i c i n g the country residence and maximize the tax revenue from each residence.  3.  To avoid unnecessary consumption and fragmentation of farm l a n d . Taking into account the desparate aims of these development goals,  the alternative courses of action to be discussed can only s t r i v e f o r a satisfactory  compromise s o l u t i o n .  P o l i c y Alternatives Six alternative courses of action are considered here, though there are many more - ranging from the removal of a l l government interference i n the land market to complete government ownership o f fringe l a n d , hence  Ill absolute c o n t r o l .  The s i x alternatives  to be the most p o l i t i c a l l y acceptable;  are chosen because they appear some courses of action i n the  l i s t are, of course, more acceptable than others. each of the alternatives  There i s a tendency i n  to optimize one (or two) goal(s) at the expense  of the o t h e r ( s ) . The courses of action open to the Municipal D i s t r i c t are: 1.  To increase the parcel size r e s t r i c t i o n and ignore the country r e s i d e n t ' s demands f o r more services.  2.  To l e t country r e s i d e n t i a l grow without any further  restric-  t i o n s , and to f u l f i l l the r e s i d e n t ' s demands. 3.  To create country r e s i d e n t i a l zones.  4.  To create exclusive a g r i c u l t u r a l zones.  5.  To encourage annexation of country r e s i d e n t i a l subregions by the C i t y .  6.  To exclude country r e s i d e n t i a l growth. Each of these p o l i c y alternatives w i l l be considered i n turn.  1.  Increase Parcel Size R e s t r i c t i o n .  This f i r s t p o l i c y decision  ensures that the country residents w i l l remain few i n number and therefore exert l i t t l e p o l i t i c a l power i n t h e i r demand f o r more services.  Since  the ground water supply w i l l not sustain i n many subregions a density of more than 16 households per square mile, given an average rate of consumption of 400 gallons per household, the large parcel size i s j u s t i f i a b l e . The major disadvantages of the parcel size r e s t r i c t i o n i s  first,  the r e s t r i c t i o n allows parcels to be created anywhere, regardless of the capacity and d e s i r a b i l i t y of the land f o r other uses.  Second, the l a r g e  country r e s i d e n t i a l parcel consumes more l a n d than needed f o r s t r i c t l y  112 residential purposes.  Third, the tax base problem remains unresolved.  Even with a larger parcel size restriction, ex-urban growth may continue only at a slightly diminished rate, hence the problems anticipated i n the short run will appear i n the long run.  A l l the municipality  i s doing i s temporarily postponing the inevitable. Therefore, the p o l i t i c a l friction generated by following this alternative could eventually lead to greater p o l i t i c a l involvement i n the affairs of the municipality by the country resident or alternatively lead to incorporation of those electoral divisions predominated by the country resident.* 2*  F u l f i l l Residential Demands. Alternative two, i n essence, describes  what exists today, to continue with this policy i s to perpetuate the existence of the .status quo until i t becomes p o l i t i c a l l y expedient to provide more services to country residents. The consequences of the second course of action are far more pressing on the farming community.  As the country residents' demand are  satisfied, the costs are shifted to the farmer through a higher mill rate which has greater impact on the farm due to i t s generally higher assessment.  The increased taxes, i n some cases, w i l l reduce the profit margin  of the farm operation to the point where i t would be more economical to s e l l the farm.  Since urban land commands a higher price than agricultural  land i n the present land market, more land w i l l be gobbled up i n country  *With incorporation the country resident would naively expect improvement i n services without a rise i n taxes; unfortunately the new p o l i t i c a l entity could not have both.  113 residences.  The cost push s p i r a l perpetuates i t s e l f ,  eventually termin-  ating i n the succession of farmland by more intensive uses, a weaker tax base because of a smaller tax revenue per economic u n i t (household), and a high demand f o r services.  In short, a c r i s i s i n municipal financing  and a setback f o r the a g r i c u l t u r a l industry i n the Municipality would be precipitated. The s h i f t i n g of country r e s i d e n t i a l l i v i n g costs from the private sector to the public sector may turn out to be one of the most costly appeasements the r u r a l municipality could have made. 3.  Country Residential Zones.  There i s a growing opinion among some  l o c a l o f f i c i a l s that ex-urban growth should be encouraged to grow i n special zones, or even i n incorporated s a t e l l i t e s removed from the c i t y limits,  s i m i l a r to the communities discussed i n "Open Space Communities  i n the Market Place"."'' I f t h i s scheme were accepted,  "then both the f i r s t and t h i r d  courses of action would l e a d more or l e s s to the same thing - the formation of p o l i t i c a l e n t i t i e s , wherein the ex-urbanite has greater control over future development.  The difference between the two alternatives  would be planning, or more p r e c i s e l y the designation of the l o c a t i o n s , and i n t e r n a l arrangement of these places. The consequence of the t h i r d alternative i s a greatly increased tax l e v y placed squarely on the shoulders of the country resident.  This  increase commensurate with the services demanded w i l l be f a r i n excess of the p r i c e paid by the urbanite who i s subsidized by i n d u s t r i a l and commercial establishments,  and who, besides, l i v e s i n a r e l a t i v e l y e f f i c i e n t  114 spatial unit.  Servicing the sprawl found around Calgary would be c o s t l y ;  i f not p r o h i b i t i v e .  The only way to reduce service cost i s to prevent  sprawl, and the only way sprawl can be curbed i s to l i m i t the area i n which country r e s i d e n t i a l development i s to take place. Under the s a t e l l i t e p l a n , the service costs per ratepayer should be lower than the anticipated service cost f o r the sprawl areas, and moreover the incidence of taxation would f a l l upon the person r e c e i v i n g the b e n e f i t s .  The tax l e v y on the s a t e l l i t e residence w i l l be higher  or lower than before incorporation depending on whether or not the i n c r e mental cost removed by increased s p a t i a l e f f i c i e n c y i s greater than the subsidy heretofore paid by the farmer.  I t i s suspected that i n order to  survive the open space community w i l l have to be comprised e n t i r e l y of high revenue y i e l d i n g homes or a well-balanced mixture of commerce or industry or both, and residences. The suspicion would become a f a c t i f the parcel size were lowered to a point where most of the suburban services were deemed necessary. The r u r a l municipality w i l l have to decide whether i t i s desirable to create an alternative land market f o r urban housing, giving due consideration to past-experience with f r i n g e suburbs. One of the most d i f f i c u l t problems once country r e s i d e n t i a l zoning i s accepted i n p r i n c i p l e , i s to decide which areas i n the region are best suited f o r country residences.  To this end, a solution i s proffered i n  Appendix 1. 4*  Exclusive A g r i c u l t u r a l Zoning.  The fourth a l t e r n a t i v e ,  exclusive  zoning, achieves the same r e s u l t s with respect to the conservation of good farm land as the country r e s i d e n t i a l zoning, but no control i s  exercised  115 over country r e s i d e n t i a l growth outside the exclusive zone.  Agricultural  zoning would have the e f f e c t of lowering any a r t i f i c i a l l y created urban value the l a n d may have acquired through country r e s i d e n t i a l subdivision elsewhere i n the regions; where, i n f a c t , does have a f a r greater appeal.  the land f o r country residence  The majority of farmers i n the exclusive  a g r i c u l t u r a l zone does not l o s e anything but f a l s e hope because of the s l i g h t p r o b a b i l i t y of development on any one farmer's land i n this zone. Since the farmers can only subdivide two parcels at a time, and consideri n g the present rate of subdividing i n the r u r a l f r i n g e , i t would take an appreciable length of /.time, possibly more than the remaining years of the farmer's l i f e only to r e a l i z e a l e s s s a t i s f a c t o r y return from the sale of h i s land than i f he were to s e l l the entire farm to another farmer. The main benefit i n owning a farm i n the exclusive a g r i c u l t u r a l zone i s the improved opportunity of consolidating the holding because of the absence of the urban influence on l a n d values.  Further, i n some city-  regions, the farmer i n the exclusive zone would have lower taxes.  But  around Calgary since land i s not assessed on an ad valorem b a s i s , no respite from taxation would be r e a l i z e d by the farmer within the exclusi v e zone. From the planner's point of view, the main disadvantage of alternat i v e four i s the l a c k of power to control country r e s i d e n t i a l sprawl outside the exclusive a g r i c u l t u r a l zone.  From the farmer's point of view  t h i s alternative i s an unwarranted r e s t r i c t i o n on h i s r i g h t to subdivide land.  In the l i g h t of a production surplus, the farmer on good arable  land questions the ethics behind the favour bestowed on the marginal farmer who l i v e s outside the zone.  P o l i t i c a l l y , the exclusive a g r i c u l t u r a l  116  zone i n the Calgary region would be most d i f f i c u l t to s e l l to the farming public. The subtle difference between exclusive zoning and country residen—• t i a l zoning i s that the latter i s designed to stimulate growth i n certain designated areas, which appear attractive to the future country resident, xd.thout prohibiting growth i n other areas.  This could be achieved by  having a differential parcel size restriction i n the region. 5«  Annexation.  The f i f t h alternative,  annexation, follows the prin-  ciple of containing city functions i n city boundaries in order to maintain an equitable mix of revenue producing units id.thin the legal city, and to avoid a multiplicity of bureaucracies and poorly co-ordinated planning i n the city region.  »  Since annexation requires the consent of the people l i v i n g i n the area to be absorbed by the city, at the moment, judging from the attitude of the ex-urbanite i n the Calgary region, i t i s improbable that further t e r r i t o r i a l expansion of the city w i l l occur. Paradoxically, the fear associated with annexation has no substantive bearing on the demand for urban services.  The country resident,  apparently, has a s p l i t personality: one side vociferously demands a l l the amenities offered by the city, while the other side vehemently 2  rejects any form of city control. 6.  Exclusion of Country Residential Growth. A final alternative,  which may be d i f f i c u l t i f not impossible to impose i n Canada's p o l i t i c a l climate, i s that of prohibiting a l l ex-urban growth i n rural areas under the banner of open space preservation - a green belt policy.  11?  Today's l i t e r a t u r e on the c i t y and i t s environs i s replete with pleas to preserve open space for recreation, the protection of good farm land and the prevention of sprawl.  Some authors even believe that open  space must be thought of as a. benefit i n i t s e l f , not simply as a banner 3  under which farm land i s conserved. Calgary has much open land, but l i t t l e of i t has i n t r i n s i c value as open space, hence convincing the public that i t possesses social u t i l i t y would be rather d i f f i c u l t .  The widespread use of easements or  eminent domain i n the region to procure land for open space per se i s a questionable policy under the circumstances. Any one of these alternative courses of action w i l l have associated a host of constraints and ramifications, beside those mentioned. The selection of the best course of action entails a study i n i t s e l f . III.  CONCLUSION  The rural-urban fringe, the area i n which a country resident makes his home, i s that part of the city's spatial structure most susceptible to changes i n form and character.  The outer most boundary of the fringe  i s most r e a l i s t i c a l l y determined by the commuting l i m i t , vrhile i t s inner boundary i s roughly the edge of the city's built-up area.  Within this so-  called zone of transition can be found a sundry of man-made forms, ranging from the s a t e l l i t e town, to the unincorporated suburb, to the isolated residence and i n d u s t r i a l plant. The kinds of a c t i v i t i e s found i n fringes are determined by individuals operating independently or collectively i n the real estate market which i s constrained by factors i n the present  118 landscape,  such as the e x i s t i n g road network and the physical environ-  ment, and by government p o l i c y . Undoubtedly, the s p a t i a l structure of the fringe i s greatly i n f l u enced by l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s .  Manifestly, the p o l i t i c a l animal appears to  behave i n a s i m i l a r fashion i n most c i t y regions; consequently, there tends to be a r e p l i c a t i o n of fringe structures with t h e i r attendant problems throughout Anglo-America.  To a degree,  the character of fringe growth  i n the Calgary region i s a deviation from what may be classed as a normal fringe growth described by the word, sprawl. This derogatory connotation used l i b e r a l l y by many planners implies that the market has ceased to be an e f f e c t i v e allocator of land resources outside the b u i l t - u p c i t y area. would allocate land by decree,  Instead of buyer's choice, these planners a t o t a l l y unpalatable panacea i n a democ-  r a t i c state, where freedom of choice purportedly ranks higher than the cost of u t i l i t i e s .  On the other hand, the shortage of developable space i n the  c i t y region and the emerging c o n f l i c t s among vested interests increased government involvement.  exhorts  But the plans formulated to minimize  c o n f l i c t need not be as binding as an engineer's drawing. In the f r i n g e around Calgary, there i s as yet no scarcity of space, nor are there any guidelines shaping the pattern of fringe growth.  More-  over, what controls e x i s t are more conducive to creating sprawl or more accurately dispersion than no controls but paradoxically the type of sprawl produced costs the r u r a l municipality l e s s than orderly development. Synonymous with sprawl, i t seems, i s bad esthetics;  but, again, i n  the l i g h t of the Calgary experience another well-worn generalization  119 becomes disputable. Sprawl i n Calgary's fringe i s no less displeasing esthetically than the monotomous overplanned suburbs, or the apartment canyons found within any large city. Regards the future, the number of country residences can be expected to increase and their distribution pattern can be expected to be more dispersed than ever.-  There appears to be l i t t l e chance for the large scale  subdivision development as long as the parcel size restriction remains. To a certain extent, the exclusion of mass-produced housing should maintain low public costs and high private costs. Notwithstanding the high private costs of country l i v i n g , municipal cost per ratepayer will probably i n crease; and under the present taxation structure, the farmers' tax monies w i l l be used to subsidize the country resident. Since the economic loss to the agricultural industry i s negligible relative to the total supply of farm land i n southwest Alberta, arable land w i l l remain vulnerable to urban succession. I f the present trend continues, the implication i s that very l i t t l e farm land will remain intact i n the area circumscribed by the l i m i t of mutual accessibility. However, this i s not l i k e l y to transpire i n the near future. This thesis has focused upon the country residents, one of the participating groups i n urban decentralization.  They have been shown to  be differentiated from the suburbanites by motivation and aspiration. The country residents are seeking a l i v i n g environment which affords them a place to pursue certain types of activities denied the urbanites, and the suburbanites. kinds of livestock.  Many country residents own horses, or other Some derive income from their land use activities,  120 but hardly enough to claim economic independence. Where income i s derived from farming i t i s ploughed back into paying the price for a residence on the fringe, a price which exceeds the normal demands on a suburbanite. In Calgary s fringe, as around most Canadian cities, the country 1  resident has become synonymous with the ex-urbanite, and similarly fringe growth has become synonymous with ex-urbanization.  But ex-urbanization  i s not a process of opting out of the urban system, rather i t i s a process of spatially extending the system into heretofore agricultural land.  Seemingly, this process i n concert with suburbanization can  spread the spatial structure of cities great distances, culminating i n an urban pattern Jean Gottmann has referred to as Megalopolis. FOOTNOTES  No. 57.  Ippen Space Communities i n the Market Place (Technical Bulletin Washington: Urban Land Institute, I966X  ^See Basil G. Zinner and Amos H. Hawley, "Local Government as viewed by Fringe Residents", Rural Sociology. 23 (December, 1958), 3&3-  370.  3 William H. Whyte Jr. Securing Open Space For Urban American (Technical Bulletin No. % . Washington: Urban Land Institute, 1959)» ^Jean Gottmann, Megalopolis: The Urbanized Northeastern Seaboard of the United States (Twentieth Century Fun. Norwood: Plimpton Press,  196lX  BIBLIOGRAPHY A.  BOOKS  Blumenfeld, Hans. The' Modern Metropolis: I t s O r i g i n , Growth, Characteri s t i c s , and. Planning. Edited by Paul D. Spreiregin. Cambridge: The M . I . T . Press, I967. Clawson, Marion, R. Burnell Neld, and Charles H. Stoddard. Land f o r the Future. Baltimore: The John Hopkins Press, i960. Crawford, K . G . Series.  Canadian Municipal Government. Canadian Government Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1964.  Eldredge, H . Wentworth ( e d . ) . Taming Megalopolis, What i t i s and What i t Could be. V o l . I . New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 196?. E l l a s , C E . , . James G i l l i e s , and Svend Pdemer ( e d . ) . Metropolis: Values i n C o n f l i c t . Belmont: Wadsworth Publishing Co. Galbraith, John K.  The A f f l u e n t Society.  Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1958.  Gottmann, Jean. Megalopolis: The Urbanized Northeastern S e a b o a r d 6 f t h e United States. Twentieth Century Fund, New York. Norwood: Plimpton Press, 1961. Hoover, Edgar M . , and Raymond Vernon. Anatomy of a Metropolis. C i t y : Doubleday and Company, I n c . , I962. Higbee, Edward.. The Squeeze: C i t i e s Without Space. McLeod L t d . , i960. Lean, W. and B. Goodall. Aspects of Land Economics. Estate Gazette Limited, 1966.  Garden  Toronto: Geroge J . London: The  Martin, Walter. The Rural-Urban Fringe: A Study of Adjustment to Residential Location. Eugene: University of Oregon Press, 1953* Netzer,  Dick. Economics of the Property Tax. Studies of Government Finance. Washington: The Brookings I n s t i t u t i o n , I966.  R a t c l i f f e , Richard U. Urban Land Economics. Book Company, 1949.  New York: McGraw-Hill  Thompson, Wilbur R. Preface to Urban Economics. Hopkins Press, I965.  Baltimore:  The John  122  Weimer, Author H., and Homer Hoyt. Press Company, I966. Wissink, G.A.  Real Estate,  American Cities i n Perspective.  Ltd., I96T;  B.  New York: The Ronald Assem: Royal Van Gorcum  PERIODICALS  Andrews, Richard B. "Elements i n the Urban Fringe Pattern", Journal of Land and Public U t i l i t y Economics. XVIII (May, 1942), I 6 9 - I 8 3 . Bauer, Catherine. "Do Americans Hate Cities?" Journal of the American Institute of Planners. XXIII (Winter, 1 9 5 7 ) , 7-10. Crerar, A.D. "Population Densities and Municipal Development: The Vancouver B.C. Metropolitan Area", Canadian Geographer, 9« (January, 1 9 5 7 ) , 1 - 6 . Dewey, R. "Peripheral Expansion i n Milwaukee County", American Journal of Sociology (July, 1 9 4 8 ) , 118-125. Firey, Donald L. "Ecological Considerations i n Planning for Rural Fringes", American Sociological Review, XI (September, 1 9 4 6 ) , 411-421. Gist, Noel P. "Ecological Decentralization and the Rural-Urban Relationship", Rural Sociology, 17 (December, 1 9 5 2 ) , 328-335. Gregor, Howard F. "Urban Pressures on California Land", Land Economics, XXXIII (November, 1 9 5 7 ) , 3 H - 3 2 5 . Hallman, H.W. "Growth Control: A Proposal for Handling Scattered Metropolitan Development", Land Economics (February, 1 9 5 7 ) , 80-83. Harvey, Robert 0. and W.A.V. Clark. "The Nature and Economics of Urban Sprawl", Land Economics, XLI (February, I 9 6 5 ) , 1-9« Kruger, R. "The Rural-Urban Fringe Taxation Problem: A Case Study of Louth Township", Land Economics. XXXIII (August, 1 9 5 7 ) , 265-269. Kurtz, R.A. and J.B. Eicher. "Fringe and Suburb: A Confusion of Concept", Social Forces. 37 (October, 1 9 5 8 ) , 3 2 - 3 7 . Lessinger, Jack. "Exclusive Agricultural Zoning: An Appraisal, Part I Agricultural Shortages", Land Economics. XXIV (May, 1 9 5 8 ) , I5O159.  Martin, Walter. "Some Socio-Psychologlcal Aspects of Adjustment to Residence Location i n the Rural-Urban Fringe", American Sociological Review. 18 (June, 1 9 5 3 ) , 248-255.  123 Queen, Stuart A. and David B. Carpenter. "The Sociological Significance of the Rural-Urban Fringe from the Urban Point of View", Rural Sociology. XVIII (June, 1953), 102-108. Smith, P . J . "Calgary: A Study i n Urban Pattern", Economic Geography, (October, 1962), 315-329-  J8  Wolfe, M.R. "A Chronology of Land Tenure Influences on Suburban Development Patterns", Town Planning Review, 3? (January, 1967), 271-28?. Zinner, B a s i l G. and HaTtfley, Amos H. "Local Government as Viewed by Fringe Residents", Rural Sociology. 23 (December, 1958), 363-370. Russwurm, Lome H. "Expanding Urbanization and Selected A g r i c u l t u r a l Elements: Case Study, Southwestern Ontario Area, 1941-1961", Land Economics, VXLIII (February, 1967), 101-107. C.  REPORTS  Calgary D i s t r i c t Planning Commission. "Land Subdivision and Rural Development". Calgary: Discussion Guide to a Joint Meeting of the Calgary D i s t r i c t Planning Commission Zoning Committee with the Municipal D i s t r i c t s of F o o t h i l l s . a n d Rocky View, I 9 6 2 . Crerar,  A . D . "The Loss of Farmland i n the Growth of the Metropolitan Region of Canada". Resources for Tomorrow - Supplementary Volume. Conference Background Papers. Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1962.  Fellmann, Jeromi D. "Some A g r i c u l t u r a l Consequences of the New Urban Explosion". Modern Land P o l i c y . Papers of the Land I n s t i t u t e , Urbana: University of I l l i n o i s Press, i960. HardxtfLck, W.G. and J . D . Chapman ( e d s . ) . Occasional Papers i n Geography 1-4. Vancouver: Tantalus Research Limited, 1 9 6 5 . ( S p e c i f i c a l l y a r t i c l e s by A . D . Crerar (p. 7), J . K . Stather (p. 11) and D. South (p. 15). Land f o r L i v i n g . . New Westminister: Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1963* Metropolitan Development of Calgary and Edmonton. Edmonton: Royal Commission on the Metropolitan Development of Calgary and Edmonton,  1956.  Meyboom, P. Ground Water Resources of the City of Calgary, and V i c i n i t y . B u l l e t i n B. Edmonton: Research Council of Alberta, 1961.  124 M.D. of Rocky View No. 44 Secondary Road Study, I966. Calgary Region Rural Road Study Group. Calgary: Calgary Regional Planning Commission and Stanley Associated F^gineering L t d . , I967. Open Space Communities i n the Market Place. Technical B u l l e t i n No. 5L» Washington: Urban Land I n s t i t u t e , I966. The Preliminary Regional Plan. Commission, 1963* The  Calgary: Calgary Regional Planning  Subdivision and Transfer Regulation. Alberta Regulation 215/67. Edmonton: Government of the Province of Alberta, I967.  Taxation of Farmland on the Rural-Urban Fringe. A g r i c u l t u r a l Economic Report No. 119. Washington: Economic Research Service, U . S . Department of Agriculture, I967. The  Urban Frontier Part I . Supplementary Study No. 1 to Land f o r L i v i n g . Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board of B r i t i s h Columbia, 19^3»  The Why and How of Rural Zoning. A g r i c u l t u r a l Information B u l l e t i n No. 196. Washington: Economic Research Service, U . S . Department of A g r i c u l t u r e , I967. Whyte, William H. B u l l e t i n No.  Securing Open Space f o r Urban America.  36.  Technical  Washington: Urban Land I n s t i t u t e , December,  1959*  I -  APPENDIX  126 APPENDIX 1 CHOOSING PARTICULAR LOCATIONS FOR COUNTRY RESIDENTIAL ZONES I f the municipalities decide to accept the country residential zone alternative, then the problem of selecting locations for the zones arises. From the country resident* s point of view, obviously the best areas for future country residential growth are logical extensions of the present growth areas, as well as other similar areas, which for one reason or another have not been developed yet. Luckily, according to the criteria put forward by the respondents to the survey and as evidenced i n the present distribution pattern, the most attractive country residential sites are i n those areas where the quality of arable land i s lowest.  Therefore, the problem of conflicting  uses partly solves i t s e l f . To ensure that the areas considered by the country resident as being the best are also acceptable from the standpoint of municipal and agricultural economics, a simple exercise i n financial zoning was worked out.  Tax revenue, a reflection of land assessment based on quality of  farm land, was used as a criterion for determining which subregions were least suited for farming, and conversely which were best suited for country residence not only on the assumption that the most attractive residential areas are i n the worst farming areas, but also on the assumption that i n an area where the land yields a low tax revenue, a country residence would produce greater tax revenues for the municipality than  12? the farm i n that particular area.  With the farm only the land i s taxed,  whereas with the country residence both land and buildings are taxed. By looking at the regional variation i n the tax revenue difference between the farm and country residence (TABLE XI) areas under existing conditions which are best suited for country residential development can be delimited. Existing rank order of the difference i n revenue between Country Residences and Farms i s : (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)  Rocky View East Rocky View North High River Bearspaw Turner Valley DeWinton-Okotoks Priddis Springbank  - $864 - 804 - 436 - 360 - 238 - 190 - 170 50  The country resident under existing conditions only i n one area, Springbank, pays more taxes on the average than the farmer residing i n that area.  The greatest loss to the tax base would occur i f the alterna-  tive use, country residence, were allowed into the Rocky View East to disrupt the viable farm units.  What about the future?  Since the current trend i s toward farm consolidation, l e t i t be assumed that a l l farms were one section i n size, then the rank - order below illustrates the combined effect of the existing quality of country residences and soil productivity: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)  Rocky View East Rocky View North High River DeWinton-Okotoks Turner Valley Springbank Priddis Bearspaw  - $574 - 454 - 361 - 321 - 286 - 190 - 146 - 135  128 TABLE XE REGIONAL VARIATION IN THE TAX REVENUE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN COUNTRY RESIDENCES AND FARMS  Median Cr Acreage  Farm Size  Tax/ Acre  Cr Revenue  Farm Revenue  Difference* Cr - F  Acres  Acres  $  $  $  $  5i  320  .73  280  230  + 50  21  960  1.15  296  1100  -804  3  960  .71  320  680  -360  15  960  1.22  206  1170  -864  Acres  Acres  $  $  $  $  Turner Valley  7  560  .62  112  350  -238  Priddis  2  480  .45  142  216  -170  High River  14  800  .78  139  625  -486  Okotoks  20  480  .82  204  394  -190  REGION  M.D. Rocky View  m  Springbank North Bearspaw East M.D. Foothills  #31  *Difference between country residence and farm. Data Source:  Assessment Rolls, M.D.'s of Rocky View and Foothills.  129 With farm size fixed the minimum difference i s found i n the Bearspaw region.  The contributing factor i s the high country residen-  t i a l tax revenue per ratepayer.  Hence, an overall high standard of  building construction reflected i n assessments tends to reduce the revenue differential. So far, because of the two variables, farm size and country residential revenue, i t has been impossible to ascertain the minimum differential areas based on s o i l productivity.  This can be done by holding  farm size and country residential revenue constant (at $216 the average for the eight regions). (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)  The rank order would be: Rocky View East Rocky View North DeWinton-Okotoks High River Springbank Bearspaw Turner Valley Priddis  -  $564 534 309 284 254 239 182 72  The minimum loss to the agricultural industry, and the minimum differential w i l l be found i n the Priddis region, which incidently i s a choice country residential area. I f a decision were made to channel country residences ( l ) to minimize losses i n productivity, and assuming the standard of residences improves uniformly i n the region with the passage of time, (2) to maximize the tax revenues from a particular subregion, then this l a s t rank order gives the decision-maker a vivid picture of choice districts.  

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