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The development of landscape in Venetian Renaissance painting 1450-1540 Tresidder, Warren David 1968

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T H E D E V E L O P M E N T O F L A N D S C A P E IN V E N E T I A N R E N A I S S A N C E P A I N T I N G 1450 - 1540 by W A R R E N D A V I D T R E S I D D E R B . A . , University of New South Wales, 1964 A THESIS S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S in the Department of F I N E A R T S We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F BRITISH C O L U M B I A August, 1968 In presenting t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and Study. I f u r t h e r agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It is understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thes.is f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Department of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada A B S T R A C T The landscape in Venetian Renaissance painting makes its first important appearance in the Sketch-books of Jacopo B e l l i n i . These landscapes depend little on the observation of nature. They are not drawings done f r o m life, but imaginary landscapes which show that Jacopo was far more interested in creating f o r m and space than in giving the landscape a particular mood. The landscapes of Giovanni Bel l in i are far more dependent on the observation of natural phenomena than those of Jacopo. Giovanni's landscapes usually depict the undulating and broken 0 topography of the Veneto, but he did not paint particular views of this area. There is always much evidence of man's activity in Giovanni's landscapes. In these paintings the human figures are sometimes small , but never insignificant. The relationship of figures to the landscape is of great importance to the formal design, the emotional appeal and the spiritual significance of the whole. The dominant mood of Giovanni Bel l ini ' s landscapes is that of quiet r eligosity. F r o m whom Giovanni learnt the use of the o i l technique could not be accurately determined, but the fact that he did adopt the o i l medium was of great importance to the development of Venetian landscape painting, as it enabled painters to capture the subtleties of light, colour and texture in their paintings. The landscapes of Giorgione are dependent upon the technical achievements of Giovanni Bel l in i , but while Bel l ini ' s landscapes are predominantly religious in character, those of Giorgione were closely connected with the new humanist culture of early sixteenth century Venice . Giorgione sought a direct and sensuous portrayal of man and nature in gentle and harmonious union. His landscapes appear to be physically softer than those of Bel l ini and he devoted greater attention to atmosphere. The forms in a Giorgione landscape are less precisely defined than those of a Bel l ini work, and contours are often blurred as Giorgione was concerned with painting a general visual impression. Nature in a Giorgione landscape is tamed and ordered, but seldom cultivated as his landscapes are p r i m a r i l y Arcadian . Despite the fact that Tit ian came f r o m a mountainous region, his early landscapes are not mountainous but Giorgionesque. While Titian's early frescoes in Padua show a more active and dramatic relationship between man and nature, than was shown by either Giovanni Bel l in i or Giorgione, they are unlike his other early landscapes. After Giorgione's death Titian painted many bucolic landscapes in the manner of Giorgione. With the mythological paintings done for Alfonso, Duke of F e r r a r a , Tit ian's forms become more plastic and assertive, and his landscapes more joyous and Pandean in mood. While Ti t ian made less use of landforms as a compositional device, he exploited clouds and foliage to a far greater degree. H i s use of foliage as a means of expression, to amplify and intensify the human action of the painting, reached its fullest development in the Murder of St. Peter  M a r t y r . Tit ian's mountain landscapes, wilder than anything in previous Venetian painting, represent one climax in the development of Venetian landscape painting, at the same time that he was reworking idyll ic Giorgionesque motifs in his Venus del Par do. A s far as is known, not one of the Venetian Renaissance painters painted a landscape as an end in itself. That development took place in the seventeenth century. It was the Venetian Renaissance painters who played the major role in the process which led to its acceptance as a legitimate mode of artistic expression. T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S P A G E Chapter I The Landscapes of Jacopo Bel l ini 1 Chapter II The Landscapes of Giovanni Bel l ini 12 Chapter III The Landscapes of Giorgione 45 Chapter IV The Landscapes of Ti t ian 84 Chapter V Conclusion 127 Chapter I Footnotes 137 Chapter II Footnotes 140 Chapter III Footnotes 145 Chapter IV Footnotes 151 Chapter V Footnotes 156 B I B L I O G R A P H Y 158 . C H A P T E R O N E T H E L A N D S C A P E S O F J A C O P O B E L L I N I Venetian Renaissance painting begins with the Sketch-books of Jacopo B e l l i n i . * In them we see evidence of an enquir-ing and fertile mind wrestling with two of the great problems which occupied painters of the fifteenth century: the depiction of convincing and rationally controlled forms and spaces and at-tempts to resolve these into a single harmony. In the sketch-2 books there are no rapid sketches done f r o m nature. In fact they have much in common with the pattern books of the Middle Ages in that they are collections of motifs and compositions which could be used later, either by the artist or members of his studio. In some ways the drawings resemble those of Pisanello in the number of courtly scenes, the prevalence of horses, the profile portrait , and especially the drawings of lions and lionesses. But his range of subjects is more extensive than that of Pisanello . In his figure groups he often includes peasants whereas costume design which 2 so occupied Pisanello has little attraction for h i m . Studies for traditional religious compositions and numerous versions of men fighting dragons take the place of Pisanello 's animal studies. But what is completely foreign to Pisannelo's art are Jacopo 1 s a r c h i -tectural fantasies and landscape compositions. It is clear that Jacopo was much concerned with the r e -presentations of landscape and sometimes this interest outweighs his interest in the human content of the scene. The broad, bare plains depicted in the sketch-books do not appear to be very hospitable places: "sempre l iscio e come se coperto di neve" (al -3 ways bare and as if covered with snow). The fantastically shaped mountains, bare and sterile, reinforce this feeling of aridity. Only on rare occasions do trees soften their hard rocky forms. When hedges grow around fields they are there to define the shape of the f ield and help in the perspective scheme. In The Baptism 4 of Chris t in the Louvre Sketch-book there is not one tree, shrub, or even tuft of grass to soften the harsh forms of the mountains and ravines. Jacopo is interested in a tree-trunk or a mountain only as a pic tor ial object, as something which is a f o r m in i t -self and which can help in the creation of a pictorial space. He is not concerned with drawing different species of trees - they are nearly all the same in form, and in foliage differ little f r o m 3 hedges. Jacopo did not set out to f i l l the leaves of his Sketch-books with pleasant r u r a l scenes, leafy trees or sheltered rustic retreats. The shapes, forms and spaces are what interest h i m . Once he has defined the banks of a s tream he seldom bothers to draw the water flowing between them. These Sketch-books were not meant for general exhibi-tion. In them Jacopo Bel l in i was p r i m a r i l y concerned with solv-ing formal pic tor ial problems, and especially that of the r e p r e -sentation of pic tor ial space in outdoor scenes. In the sketch-books drawings which face each other are s ometimes linked together to f o r m one composition. M a r c e l " 5 Rothlisberger has convincingly demonstrated that Jacopo first drew the scenes on the right-hand pages (rectos) throughout the sketch-book in the B r i t i s h Museum and then later added the lef t -hand sides (versos), in some cases to create single compositions extending over both pages. The situation is not as clear in the case of the Louvre Sketch-book where there are fewer composi -tions extending over double pages. In the Crucifixion this was done by using a linear perspective scheme as a linking motif, 7 whereas in the Adoration of the Magi the mountains were merely extended into the verso. In both cases the representations were compositionally and iconographically complete without the additions. 4 There is no evidence to suggest that the rectos were planned with extension into the versos in mind. " T h e chief characteristic of the rectos appears to be a traditionally fixed formal scheme, that of the versos a new enlargement of space. H o w -ever, in the rectos we can find already, compared with previous works, that obsession with space, which made Jacopo the first Venetian to adopt Florentine perspective. The landscape drawings (unique in Venetian art of his time) show clear evidence of this aspect of our theory. Jacopo's mastery of perspective schemes nowhere ap-proached that of the Florentines, but his naive delight in con-structing rapidly diminishing architectural fantasies is r e m i n i s -cent of some of the paintings of Masolino such as The Feast of 9 H e r o d in the baptistry at Castiglione d' Olona. The simplest method used by Jacopo Bel l ini to create space in his landscapes is that borrowed f r o m architectural p e r -spectives, such as those of Masolino. The rapidly receding o r -thogonals give a deep but narrow pictorial space. Strong onthog-10 anals are sometimes formed by rocks. (The Resurrection ), rows of trees (The Deposition^"), or even crowds of.people (The 12 B u r i a l of the V i r g i n ). In these landscapes the viewer appears to be at some distance f r o m the figures represented, and to have a viewpoint ra ised above them. Consequently these l a n d -5 scape drawings do not seem to have any real foreground. Any person or large object could only be represented close to the viewer as a part, such as the upper part of a person's body. If this had been done then the drawing would appear to be more of an extension of the viewer's space - but this was not in keep-ing with the sensibility of the fifteenth century and so there are no effective connecting motives between the two spaces - real and pic tor ia l . The stump and the withered tree, so often to be 13 found in the foreground of Jacopo's drawings, were probably placed there to act as connecting motifs. This method borrowed f r o m architectural perspectives is suitable mainly for works which include many figures, such as processions, for the figures are usually smal l - less than half the height of the page. A great problem with the use of this method in landscape painting is the lack of orthogonals in nature which has not been 14 altered by man. In a drawing of St. George and the Dragon Jacopo uses a city wall to f o r m one very strong orthogonal and hints at another on the other side of the drawing by a series of dots running through some rocks. Variations on the orthogonal 15 method are common. In the Entombment a chain of mountains set obliquely across the background gradually diminishes in size as the forms recede. Sometimes a strong geometrical 6 form, such as a building consisting only of framework and roof is set obliquely to the plane of the picture to provide the orthog-onals, such as in the N a t i v i t y ^ . i A second method used by Jacopo Bel l ini to create space in his landscapes is the use of the serpentine form, part icularly •17 that of a winding r iver or pathway such as in St. Christopher 18 and the Baptism of Chr is t . Instead of the eye quickly travelling back along rapidly receding orthogonals, it slowly wanders back-wards and forwards as the f o r m recedes into the distance. Whereas the orthogonals of the f irst method are most positive in their definition, the serpentine f o r m is less obtru-sive and offers more possibil i t ies . It is easier to disguise as it occurs in nature more frequently than do orthogonals. It can be used in the representation of flat plains as in St. Christopher or mountainous topography as in The Baptism of Chris t . Another advantage of the serpentine f o r m is that it can be used to create a much wider space. By comparison orthogonals seem to create 19 holes in the picture. The greatest problem associated with the use of the serpentine f o r m is that of the vanishing point. Once geometrical elements such as buildings or rows of hedges are included, their vanishing point(s) must be determined. In The Nativity the 7 source of the serpentine f o r m and the vanishing point of the frames of the rustic buildings coincide on the horizon but in many drawings they do not. In the St. Christopher the geome-t r i c a l forms of the fields on the left are not unified with the s e r -pentine forms of paths and the r iver on the right. There are in fact three distinct vanishing points - one for the fields, one for the r iver , and one for the building on the right hand side. This problem is especially noticeable in The Adoration of the 20 Magi where the deep interior space created by the orthogonals of the frame of the building is not convincingly connected with the space in the rest of the drawing, determined largely by the path sweeping f r o m the foreground round behind the mountain. The walled city on the left hand side of the drawing seems to be related to the interior space of the building (through which it is seen) but to have no relationship to the exterior space on the right hand side of the drawing. A variation on the serpentine f o r m is the single loop 21 or curve, such as is used in The Stigmatisation of St. Francis in which a pathway rushes toward the viewer f r o m the right hand side, turns around the large central mountain mass, and curves back around the mountain into the left hand side back-ground. This obviously comes f r o m Jacopo's carrying the scene 8 on the recto over to the verso. This method of creating pictorial space by making a r iver or path swoop out around a central feature also occurs in 22 single sheets such as in the St. Jerome in the Louvre Sketch-book and was regarded as so successful by Jacopo 1 s son Giovanni 23 B e l l i n i that he used it as the basis for his Agony in The Garden in the National Gal lery in London. Jacopo sometimes uses a third method when depicting 24 mountain topography. In the Descent Into Limbo Jacopo strongly models his mountains, giving them a feeling of corpor -eality and overlaps these mountains to give a convincing pictor ial space. In this particular drawing the feeling of forms within space is further enhanced by his hollowing out of caverns within the mountains. Mountains are always prominent in Jacopo's Sketch-books, sometimes overwhelming the human content of the scene, and never real ly absent, even in landscapes p r i m a r i l y concerned with plains. He seems always to have felt that mountains were necessary on the horizon to close off the space. Attention is never drawn to the sky as clouds are never depicted. The moun-tains are usually steep rock cones which r ise abruptly f r o m the plain. Foothills are seldom drawn but smal l towns often cluster at the feet of the mountains while improbable, castles perch p r e -cariously on summits. The mountains are formal improvisations on Jacopo's part, and seem nearly always to have been drawn by h i m moving his pen f r o m left to right across the page. The left hand sides of mountains appear to be more smooth than right hand sides and to have been created using one or two strokes of the pen. These strange conical shapes depend very little on observations of natural forms and ultimately go back to Byzantine prototypes which Jacopo could have seen in the mosiacs of the Baptistery 25 of San Marco in Venice . Actually the mountain shapes are common in Italian painting of the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. He must have known those in Alt ichiero 's frescoes 26 m Padua. Similar mountains occur in the works of Pietro 27 28 29 Lorenzetti , Simone Mart ini , Masolino and others. In drawing mountains Jacopo used a common convention of his day, but unlike these other artists he is almost never content to de-fine mountains solely in terms of outline. Jacopo's mountains are monoliths with sharp edges, spiral paths and steps, often with deep crevices and improbable caverns. None of the surviving paintings which can be unquestion-30 ably given to Jacopo contain landscapes comparable to those 10 in the Sketch-books. The few paintings that have survived ex-hibit strong ties with the International Gothic style of Gentile da Fabriano and Pisanello . What Jacopo could do in his private Sketch-books and what his patrons would accept in paintings are 31 of course two different things. , . Only in the predella of the Annunciation of S. Alessandro 32 33 i in B r e s c i a and the St. Jerome in Verona is there comparable attention given to the landscape. Only Berenson gives both these 34 works to Jacopo. The mountains in the Visitation in the p r e -della of the B r e s c i a altarpiece, with their smooth forms defined mainly in terms of contour have very little in common with Jacopo's drawings. The landscape forms in the St. Jerome unquestionably 35 depend on those of the sketch-booksl The clear-cut cones of rock with sharp facets and spirals , the eagle in the withered tree have their counterparts in Jacopo's drawings. Yet it is another things to say that Jacopo painted it. I believe that Jacopo did paint the work with possible studio help. This painting is important in the development of Venetian landscape painting because it shows that Jacopo also used aerial perspective to achieve depth in his landscapes. A far -off range of mountains appears as if through haze in the break in the nearby mountains above the aged saint's head. Jacopo's teacher was Gentile da Fabriano who worked for a number of years in Venice in the early part of the fifteenth 3 6 century. Jacopo followed his master to Florence and doubtless helped in a menial capacity in 1423 when Gentile painted his most 37 famous work, The Adoration of the Magi . The painting exerted a powerful influence upon the young Jacopo who remembered the retinue of the Magi and the poses of the main figures when he 38 created his own version in his Sketch-books. But it is not the crowded pageant of the main scene which is important to the h i s -tory of landscape painting, but the Flight Into Egypt in the p r e -39 4 della. Perceptive cri t ics f r o m Zimmermann to Kenneth Clark have noted its importance, for here for the first time in Italian painting is a landscape united by light. The sun, a solid disc of gold, sheds its morning light upon the hi l ls , the fruit trees and the H o l y F a m i l y as they hurry along. Not only is there light, but there is atmosphere as well . A wispy cloud lingers above the hi l ls , between a hilltop castle on the right, and the viewer. Jacopo took many things f r o m Gentile's art but only in the St. Jerome seems to have attempted to create atmosphere in a painting and never to have real ized the possibilities of light as a means of achieving pictorial space and unity. It was left to his son Giovanni to take it up to explore all its subtleties and expressive possibili t ies , and make it the main instrument of his landscape painting. C H A P T E R IT. T H E L A N D S C A P E S O F GIOVANNI B E L L I N I Giovanni Bel l ini most probably received his artistic training in his father's workshop. Jacopo, it wi l l be remember ed, had been a pupil of Gentile da Fabriano but in his Sketch-books had shown a greater predilection for Tuscan Renaissance forms than those of the International Gothic style. Giovanni's art also contains a mixture of elements drawn f r o m different, but more complex sources. H i s Madonna and Child paintings often show his Byzantine heritage while other paintings show elements borrowed f r o m his father's Sketch-books. Jacopo took his sons to Padua where Giovanni came into contact with the sculpture of Donatello and the paintings of the man who became his brother - in- law: Andrea Mantegna. Giovanni absorbed al l th influences without becoming imitative. What he added was something which had no precedent in Venetian painting - the ex -pression of emotion. This emotion has its source in deeply r e -ligious beliefs and fil ls his landscapes in the same way that they are f i l led with colour and light. Giovanni Bel l in i ' s Agony in the Garden*" derives f r o m a 2 drawing in Jacopo's Sketchbook in the B r i t i s h Museum, and the painting of the same subject by his brother- in- law, Andrea 3 Mantegna, which also hangs in the National Gal lery in London. In all three renditions Chris t kneels at the rocky knoll , fashioned conveniently in the f o r m of a prayer -s tool while the disciples sleep below. Giovanni's debt to Andrea Mantegna is obvious, especially in the poses of the figures: that of the p r a y -ing Chr is t has been simply reversed while the daring foreshort-ening of the sleeping disciple shows a close familiari ty with the works of the Paduan. Mantegna omitted the garden of Gethsemane while Bel l in i ' s rendition in the bottom right-hand corner, is curiously out of scale with the rest of the painting. In both paintings the rock forms are loke those of Jacopo Bel l in i ' s Sketchbooks, but it is Mantegna's hard cones of rock defined by innumerable contours which most closely resemble those of Jacopo. In fact there is very little feeling of space in Mantegna's picture, so crowded is it with these rocky forms, bare and ar id like those of Jacopo. 14 In Giovanni's painting the book Cedron swoops out around the knoll on which Christ kneels, to create a reasonably convinc-ing space. The method of achieving a large flat middleground also derives f r o m Jacopo's Sketchbooks and is seen in such draw«. 4 ings as the St. Jerome in the L o u v r e . The passage to the right of the rocky knoll , f r o m the garden to the middle distance, is less successful . While Giovanni in this early work utilizes this device inherited f r o m his father's Sketchbooks, he uses it in conjunction with something of his own, which he was to exploit more and more as a means of creating space - light. Dawn has just started to lighten the sky in Mantegna's picture drawing attention to the figures of Judas and the soldiers on that side of the painting, rather than to C h r i s t . The faint light of f irst dawn is. there p r i m a r i l y to give a feeling of space. It is difficult to concentrate upon the figure of Chr is t : his robes are the darkest of those of the main figures and he is set against the background mountains in such a way that it is difficult to make out the contour of his head and the expression on his face. There are other distractions: the rabbits on the rock ledges, the pelicans in the brook and the fascinating architectural details of the city. In Giovanni's version the sun has just touched the towns on the hil l - tops and the tallest buildings on the slopes, while the plain sti l l l ies in deep, cool shadow. By comparison the severly plastic world of Mantegna's painting looks to be devoid of any real atmosphere. Even in his early work Giovanni shows something which his father and brother- in- law had not achieved and which is essential for any great landscape painter: an understanding of the expressive pic tor ia l use of light and atmospheric effects. . The eye travels f r o m the sleeping disciples upward, a -cross the smooth f o r m of the hillock to the figure of the praying Chris t set against the horizon, and then, via a hil l - top tower leaps across the sky to the angel. At the moment that this gleaming, translucent, figure appears - bringing Chris t ' s cup of sorrow-dawn; which brings a day of agony, suffuses the pale blue sky with a delicate pink, illuminating the lower edges of the greyish clouds. Chris t ' s head and suppliant hands are silhouetted above the horizon, against the light prec isely where it is the most intense. Human emotion, spiritual significance and natural phenomena are fused together as Christ , realizing what suffering he must endure, ac -cepts the symbol of his sacr i f i c ia l death. To my knowledge, no author has pointed out that Bel l ini ' s 5 picture is not a correct rendition of the bibl ical narrative The  Agony in the Garden took place at night, while the disciples slept and the soldiers came "with lanterns and torches. This distortion on Bel l in i ' s part gives us an important i n -sight into his artistic intentions. He chose to portray the event as happening in the dawn light because he wanted to make this natural phenomenon his main vehicle of expression in a painting of great emotion and spirituality. H i s intentions are made more clear by . 7 the fact that Chr is t does not have a halo. The inclusion of this feature would have interfered with the dramatic silhouette of Chris t ' s head against the bright dawn sky. Bel l in i in this early work shows that he was quick to under-stand how colour could be used to unify a painting. The landscape is a harmony of golden browns and dark greens, while the red, white, apricot and blue of Chr is t and the disciples in the lower part of the picture are repeated with great delicacy in the early morning sky. Neither the forms nor the space is entirely convincing in The Agony in the Garden and the distribution of light is arbitrary . The hi l l - top town on the left is l i t by the delicate raysoof t h e / r i s -ing sun, Logica l ly this side of the town, facing away f r o m the sun, should be in darkness. The logic in its illumination is purely p i c -tor ia l . S imilar ly , that side of the foreground figures facing the viewer should also be in darkness. The soft, diffused lighting of the foreground is a pictorial necessity. This picture is a key work in the history of Venetian l a n d -scape painting. Never before did anyone paint a landscape of such great spaciousness, showing such evidence of observation of natural phenomena, unified by colour and using light as its principal ex-pressive means. But it is not a landscape painted for its own sake: everything is subservient to the spiritual content: the Passion of Jesus Chris t . 8 The Pesaro Altarpiece is a crucial work not only in Giovanni's development as a painter, but in the development of Venetian painting as a whole. It is also the most controversial of Giovanni's work, both in regard to its dating and the technique 9 10 used. The altarpiece is much larger than The Agony in the Garden, so large that the panel must have been painted in Pesaro . A journey by Giovanni Bel l in i to Pesaro would have allowed h i m opportunity to see works by Piero della Francesca in F e r r a r a , R i m i n i and Urbino and al l cri t ics f r o m Roberto Longhi'''''' have generally seen strong influences of Piero della Francesca in this work, par t icular ly in the monumental composition based on a p e r -spective scheme, and the solemn grandeur of the saints. The sacred ceremony of the Coronation of the V i r g i n had been a favourite theme for. Venetian painters part icularly in the fourteenth century, and was usually handled in a very elaborate 18 and ornamental fashion, such as in Paolo Veneziano's version in 12 the National Gal lery in Washington. In these large ceremonial polytypchs landscape never figured. Giovanni Bel l in i brought the ceremony down to earth, showing the modest V i r g i n bending low as Chris t gently places the crown on her head. Above these two major figures, in an elaborately carved marble frame, dominating the altarpiece and seeming to have nothing to do with the main subject, is a very prominent landscape. This landscape seems to have been given unwarranted prominence, which can probably be explained 13 by the patronage of the work. In 1909 the castle which dominates the landscape was identified as the Rocca di Gradara, a fortress situated near Pesaro . This stronghold was captured in 1463 by Alessandro Sforza and thus became a symbol of his power. In 1474, after Ajlessandro's death, his son Costanzo m a r r i e d C a m i l l a Marzana d' Aragon of Naples. It is most probable that the a l tar -piece was commissioned by either Alessandro or Costanzo for the church of San Francesco in Pesaro and that the painter was required, either by the father or the son, to include in the al tar -piece in a very prominent place, the symbol of the patron's power. Thus I propose that Giovanni Bel l ini solved the problem by making the castle seem as if seen through a window in the back of the throne. At the same time he t r ied to harmonize the general lines of the hi l l - top fortress with the two principal figures, making the h i l l a sort of arch, joining the bending figures together. The powerful mass of the h i l l with its fortress so domin-ates the landscape that there is little in the way of penetration into depth. The geological formations are less in evidence than they were in the Agony in the Garden and appear to have no relation to those of Mantegna, probably because of the specific scene to be depicted. The forms of the landscape exhibit a greater dependence on observation especially in the particularization of the mountain shapes and the hil lside covered with grass and bushes. The light f r o m one natural source- the sun, strikes the castle walls evenly, defining the forms with clarity and logic . One side of the h i l l is in sunlight, the other in deep brown-green shadow, far more logically depicted than in the Agony in the Garden. 14 Six out of the seven panels of the predella contain l a n d -scapes which are real ly more important than that of the main panel. Here Giovanni was probably allowed more personal freedom in how 15 he depicted the scenes. In the Nativity panel the main motif -Joseph and M a r y in front of the framework of the stable, adoring the Chris t Chi ld lying on the ground, occupies less than one quarter of the panel - the rest is landscape. The Holy F a m i l y has been 20 placed on a smal l plateau jutting out in the right foreground. A r iver flowing back around this small plateau and a hillock jutting out f r o m the left hand side of the panel, direct the viewer's gaze obliquely into the middle-distance where a counter diagonal leads back further. By this system of interlocking diagonals which travel slowly back into the distance, progressively diminishing in size, we are led around the mass of a large dark h i l l to that part of the distant valley where the sun's rays have just penetrated, past the hil lside with its castle just receiving the first rays of light, to the distant low mountain,blue and hazy. The Nativity of the Pesaro Altarpiece is one of Giovanni Bel l in i ' s most successful early creations of pic tor ial space-achieved by the employment of gradations of tone and aerial perspective. Each step into the distance is marked by a gradual heightening of the tone; f r o m the dark bushes and trees in the right foreground to the dawn sky on the horizon. There are no harsh outlines as in the work of Jacopo Bel l in i and Andrea Mantegna, only the subtle modulation of tones. The depiction of forms seen through, and modified by at-mospheric conditions had been the invention of early fifteenth cen-tury F l e m i s h painters and can be seen in such paintings as the Chancellor Rolin Madonna by Jan van Eyck. Paintings by Van Eyck 21 and other F l e m i s h painters had been brought to Italy thirty years 16 before Giovanni Bel l in i painted the Pesaro Altarpiece . M i l l a r d 17 Meiss believes that Giovanni B e l l i n i undoubtably knew the works of Van Eyck, Rogier van der Weyden or their followers. A c c o r d -18 ing to V a s a r i the technique of oil painting was brought to Venice by Antonello da Messina (1475) and Giovanni learnt the technique f r o m this artist. There is s t i l l support among present day ar t -19 historians for this view. F r o m whom Giovanni Bel l in i learnt the use of the oi l technique cannot be accurately determined but the fact that he did change to this technique is of great importance to his own art, to the development of landscape painting in Venice, and through Titian, to the whole subsequent development of E u r o p -ean art. Giovanni Bel l in i was neither suddenly converted to the use of the oi l medium nor granted instant mastery when Antonello visited Venice . It is quite possible that he did use the oil technique 20 before Antonello's 1475 visit to Venice, and that what he gained f r o m Antonello was greater competence in the handling of it. C e r -tainly B e l l i n i ' s understanding of the expressive possibilit ies of the medium increased dramatically in the late 'seventies and early 'eighties. A superb example of Bel l ini ' s exploitation of the expressive 22 21 possibili t ies of the new oil medium as The Resurrection of Chris t in the Staatliche Museum in B e r l i n which came f r o m the church of 22 San Michele at Murano and is generally dated 1478-79. In this painting the viewer is confronted in the lower part of the picture with the strong wall of rock which contains the dark empty tomb. There is no easy way around this wall and the eye is forced to go straight up, via a group of verticals both below and above the figure of the sleeping soldier in the lower centre of the painting. The frame of the doorway, the formations of the rocks, the distant towers al l emphasize this upward movement. The group of oblique lines on the left hand side of the picture together with the stance of the helmeted soldier and even the rabbits on the hillock lead the viewer's eyes up to the horizon and the dawn sky. F r o m the right foreground a strongly lit diagonal of the road leads in behind the wall of rock, inward and upward. The soldier on the right hand side shielding his eyes f r o m the bewildering brightness above him, and the figures of the approaching Maries help to lead our eyes back and upward to the apex of the underlying triangle, to the triumphant figure of the resurrected Chris t . Be l l in i shows a greater range of tonal values than in any previous work, f r o m the dark depths of the tomb to the shining whiteness of Chris t ' s loin cloth. He also shows great control in the subtle modulations of the tonal passages throughout the painting using them to create depth. This exploration of tone was made possible by the use of the o i l medium (in combination with tempera, especially in the underlayers), and given direction by Giovanni's desire to exploit the expressive possibilities of oi l painting. In the lower half of the painting, the tones are low with dark greens and browns predominating. The sunburnt nude in this lower half, next to the empty tomb is a remarkable foil to Chris t ' s light pink which is the same colour as Bel l in i ' s dawn skies. The subtle accents of delicate blues and pinks of the early morning illuminate the upper half of the painting, as if to symbolize man's new promise of eternal life by Chris t ' s act. Directly above the dark hi l ls , under Chris t ' s feet are very high tones which give the figure of Chris t the appearance of absolute weightlessness. Light is the key to the meaning of the painting. The new day sumbolizes not only Chris t ' s victory over death, but his great gift to man - ever-lasting l i fe . The strong plane of the rock wall, s t i l l with a few memories of Mantegna, looks much like a piece of stage scenery; it has no existence in depth. Tn fact most of the landscape appears to be like stage scenery, but a deep landscape space would have been distracting to Bel l ini ' s main aim - to give a convincing rendition of the miracle of the Ressurection - a task of such difficulty that few painters have been able to succeed. His main task was to give the viewer a feeling of verticality and ascent -not penetration into depth. In the background of The Resurrection is a group of houses built on piles over a stream, painted with an astonishing amount of detail. These must have closely resembled many houses in Venice in Giovanni's time, with space underneath the house where boats were kept. Behind this group of buildings is a steep mountain, important in the composition of the picture. On top is a castle, a motif very common in Jacopo's Sketchbooks. But in Giovanni's painting both the mountain and the castle seem so much dependent on observation of nature that some writers have claimed that the castle is an actual one - that of Monselice, between Padua and 22 F e r r a r a . While individual details may be realistic , Giovanni Bel l in i was not interested in devoting his whole painting to an actual view of a particular place. Neither did he regard the landscape as a mere addition to provide an appropriate setting for a religious event. The landscape is important to the meaning of the picture. The earth is not only dark but bare, rocky and infertile . The grass is brown and withered; the few shrubs and trees in the a r id earth struggle for l ife , but above this barrenness of nature is symbolized eternal life for man. The landscapes of Giovanni B e l l i n i , such as in The Resurrection are integral parts of an overal l conception, protagonists in paintings pre-eminently and profoundly religious in content and meaning. The early landscapes of Giovanni Bel l ini are al l part of depictions of religious events which take place in the light of 24 early morning. The St. F r a n c i s in the F r i c k Collection generally 25 dated about 1480, shows a departure f r o m this. The sun is s t i l l low in the sky, but because of the warmth and luminosity of the painting it could be late afternoon or even a night scene super-26 naturally lit by divine radiance . This is very puzzling because 27 St. F r a n c i s received the Stigmata in the early morning. St. F r a n c i s , with the palms of his hands opened towards the light streaming out f r o m between the clouds in the upper left-hand corner, and his left foot forward, fixes his gaze on the source of the light. Behind the standing figure of the saint is a cave and at its mouth is his lectern with a skull and volume of the Scriptures. Whether St. Francis is depicted as receiving the Stigmata or 28 singing his Cantico delle Creature is not clear . Nevertheless, when we consider this painting in relation to Giovanni Bel l ini ' s 26 overall development, keeping in mind the character of the Agony  in the Garden and the Resurrection, it becomes clear that Giovanni continually strove to express the supernatural in terms of the natural. Mainly for this reason it seems almost certain that the F r i c k panel represents St. Francis receiving the Stigmata -not f r o m the seraph as in older representations - but by divine grace as expressed in the intense light of the sun. The whole landscape is f i l led with the w a r m spirit of St. F r a n c i s . The rabbit which peeps out of its burrow under the saint's right arm, the b i r d near the water-spout, the heron and the donkey.and the sheep in the middle distance, in fact all the l iving things in the painting, share in the warmth of divine light and the saint's love. The creatures which f i l l the landscape have no clear symbolic significance. Not only is the saint's love present but also Giovanni Bel l in i ' s love of naturalistic detail which forms part of the overall phenomenon of Quattrocento love of the part icular . With love and precis ion he paints each of the host of smal l plants, shrubs and flowers which sprout out between cracks and crevices . Juniper, o r r i s , willow, laurel and grape 29 are al l c learly recognisable. On the other side of the stream in the middle distance, the houses, towers and fortifications are bathed in what appears to be w a r m sunlight. The lighting is so convincing that the time of day must be the late afternoon. The cultivation on the hil lsides extends up to the hil l - top fortress-painted with incredibly subtle modulations of light and colour as the warm sun bathes its old stone walls . The saint occupies only a very small area of the picture , hovering on the edge in the first plane nearest the viewer but without h i m the painting would lose al l of its emotional and spiritual power and very much weaken the design of the work. It is the presence of the saint that gives the landscape its meaning -emotionally, spiritually and pictorial ly . The landscape is a very f i r m l y structured one, with strong diagonals above the f igure of the saint and equally strong verticals above and behind h i m . At these major lines emphasise the figure of the saint and the tension between h i m and the source of light. The landscape is basically composed of three clearly defined parts; The rocky foreground, which, curves around the saint and is separated f r o m the middle ground by a strong diagonal. In the middle ground is the field in which the donkey stands. The background is that zone on the other side of the r iver , where a walled town is to be seen at the foot of a h i l l topped by a castle. A l l these areas are c learly defined yet with great ski l l l inked to each other. P ic tor ia l space is achieved by a combination of linear perspective provided p r i m a r i l y by the trel l is and lectern behind St. F ranc is and by a gradual deepening of tones f r o m the light cool green of the foreground rocks over the darker field of grass to the deep brown h i l l s . Smaller areas of bright sunlight or high tone are strung out along the main diagonal as a sort of counterpoint to the main system of tonal gradation and there is far more artifice on Bel l in i ' s part than this description suggests. F o r instance there is an extraordinary interplay between the angular planes of the distant buildings with those at the other end of the main diagonal formed by the lectern and seat. The sky is markedly different f r o m any previous landscape sky of Bel l ini -it is an intense m i d cobalt blue with bri l l iant white cumulus clouds. This painting of St. F r a n c i s in the wilderness glows, both because of the oi l medium and because of the religious spirit which underlies it. How much is due to the subject,and how much comes f r o m the painter is impossible to determine. Certainly Giovanni Bel l in i was not i n i m i c a l to St. F r a n c i s ' s love of God, His creatures and His (creation. Many years later the young Tit ian wil l include the shepherd with his flock, the stream and the distant towers in his landscapes, but the effect wil l be utterly different f r o m the profound religiosity of his master 's works. 29 In the C o r r e r Museum in Venice there is a very early 30 Bel l ini painting of The Transfiguration which shows Christ and the prophets standing on a bare truncated cone of a mountain while the disciples recline on the ground below. Between the figures and the viewer is an i r regular step of hard Mantegnesque rocks. In the Capodimonte Museum in Naples is a painting of the 31 same subject by Bel l in i , done about twenty-five years later . The differences are remarkable, but while the formal arrangement and the technique have changed, there is no decrease in spirituality. This spiritual moment is now depicted as taking place within a landscape in which man dwells, farms and herds. That is to say, the sacred event has been brought down f r o m the mountain and given revalence to man's daily l i fe . In this significant development the landscape plays the major role . The Naples Transfiguration, like the earlier one is strongly planar. F i r s t there is the plane of the rustic fence, then the geological strata so often found in Giovanni's foregrounds, then the strong plane of the turning disciples behind,which is the dominating wall of Chris t and the prophets. A l l these figures are placed on a mound in the foreground, a variation on the plateau motif which is 32 found in earl ier F l e m i s h paintings such as Van E y c k ' s St. Barbara . This foreground area in Bel l ini ' s picture, on which the figures stand is difficult to make out as the spatial definitions is rather unclear. The figures are further back in the landscape than the figure of St. F r a n c i s was in the F r i c k painting but they are st i l l on Van Eyck 's plateau no matter how much it has been modified. These main figures are attuned to the setting, harmonizing with the major shapes and part of the overall colour and tonal schemes, but they are not within the actual space of the landscape. There is little feeling of the landscape until the eye passes the figures. In the F r i c k St. F ranc is .Bel l ini had clearly marked the divisions between foreground, middle distance and background. In The Transfiguration there is an attempt to create a greater and more subtle unity by the complex intersecting planes of the hil locks . These interlocking and overlapping mounds actually f o r m the basis of the composition. 33 Chris t is not on the "high mountain apart" but on the undulating and broken topography of the Veneto. The swelling of the grassy hillocks and the bright, dominating figure of Chris t looks almost as if He were at the Sea of Galilee. It is a lush countryside and the rocks which were before such a prominent feature of Bel l ini ' s landscape, have been covered with a thick mat of grass. The pastoral theme is s t i l l very much in evidence - the shepherd and his flock in The Resurrection and the F r i c k St. Francis having been replaced by a herdsman and his cattle. Be l l in i is not a painter of wild mountainous topography or deep forests. There is always much evidence of man's activity in his landscapes. Many of these activities have little connection with the main subject of the painting. There are many elements in the Naples Transfiguration which are not mentioned in the Scripture and at f irst sight seem to be a distraction, but they give a warmth and famil iar i ty to the event which earlier had been depicted in a very austere manner. They not only give a human quality to the landscape and to the central event, but also provide them with a sense of scale. But more than al l these considerations, the landscape breaks down the hieratic conception of religion. By placing religious events within a contemporary r u r a l context Giovanni Bel l in i makes them directly meaningful to the everyday life of those people who would see the paintings. 34 Roger F r y was the first to note that in the background, at Chris t ' s left are representations of the Tomb of Theodoric and the tower of the church of San Apoll inare in Classe, reminiscences of his journey to Pesaro . Memories of other buildings of Ravenna 35 appear in the St. Jerome in the Contini-Bonacossi Collection in Florence . The Naples Transfiguration is unified by its tones and colour The sonorous harmonies of green range f r o m the yellow-greens of the foreground right through to the mid-blues of the sky. The warm reds of -the prophets' robes and that of the disciple below Christ frame the luminous s i lvery white of Chris t ' s garment. The tones are s i m i l a r l y arranged. There is a gradual darkening as the eye approaches the radiant figure of Chr is t . The sky is the dullest of Giovanni's that we have so far encountered. It was necessary to lower the tone of the sky to bring out the glistening whiteness of Chris t ' s garments. The darkening of areas near the figure of Chris t meant that mountains near H i m could not be painted in aerial perspective. Be l l in i therefore painted most of the background hillsides in shadow and only those mountains away f r o m h i m on the right hand side in aerial perspective. This compromise leads to an ambiguous lighting scheme. In the earl ier C o r r e r version of the Transfiguration the spirituality had been achieved by contorted forms and a dominant verticality. In the later Naples version the spirituality is achieved largely through the use of light, radiating f r o m behind the head of Chris t and the cloud above H i m . There is a curious mixture of 3 6 traditional representation and representation based on observation of natural phenomena. He had not yet reached the point where he could completely and consistently express the supernatural in terms of natural phenomena. 37 F o r many years the Sacred Al legory in the Uff iz i was attributed to Giorgione. This is very understandable as the w a r m summer atmosphere, the beautiful harmony of colours and the psychological isolation of the figures which are key elements in the idylls of Giorgione, appear here for the f irst time in this painting by his teacher, Giovanni B e l l i n i . L i k e many of Giorgione's works this painting has long 38 been the subject of r iva l interpretations. It is probable that, also like Giorgione's paintings, this picture was painted for a private patron so that it would be seen by a l imi ted audience familiar with its obscure theme. B e l l i n i did not often use the perspective pattern of a marble pavement as a means of creating pictor ial space. He had used 39 it in his early Blood of The Redeemer in London but in his mature work he generally used it only in large altarpieces such 40 as the San Zaccar ia Altarpiece . Atmospheric perspective and the subtle modulation of tones and colours were for h i m far more appealing methods of creating pictorial space. In the Sacred Allegory , the foreground (in which the T r e e of L i f e , the V i r g i n and individual saints can be recognized), is c learly closed off f r o m the rest of the painting by a marble parapet. The middle distance is occupied by the placid, pale green waters of a lake which subtely links the foreground (by harmony of tone), and the rocky crags, cliffs and buildings in the distance (by the use of b l u r r e d reflections). To paint a representation of an allegory is a very difficult task, especially where there is no narrative but a large number of symbols. The greatest problem of al l is that of unity. Bel l ini uses colour, light and atmosphere to unify his painting. Browns, creamy yellows and blues are repeated throughout the work and the w a r m atmosphere of a summer afternoon pervades. The forms are very hard and rocky-marble paving, rocky cliffs and stone buildings yet they are remarkably softened by the light and atmos-phere so that the viewer is reminded more of Giorgione than Mantegna. But for a l l Giovanni's efforts, the painting remains a sum of individual motifs. The figures seem to have little relation-ship to each other, or to the picture as a whole. The broad f o r e -ground terrace remains cut off f r o m the rest of the painting. The landscape is typical of Bel l ini in that individual details c learly derive f r o m observation of natural forms - the marvellous rocky promotory, the houses, the man in the distance with his donkey, and the cloud-streaked sky - but these details have been welded together by Giovanni Bel l in i ' s imagination on the theme of a deep and restful harmony between God, man and nature. This is the essential difference between the landscapes of Bel l in i and those of Giorgione. . There is a pause of about fifteen years in Giovanni Bel l ini ' s development as a landscape painter after he painted the Sacred A l l e g o r y . The painting of The Madonna Supporting the Child , With 41 Saints Catherine and M a r y Madgalen which was painted about 42 1490 shows a strong influence of Antonello da Messina and a total exclusion of any hint of landscape. His forms are more monumental than those of Antonello and modelled by the fall of a soft diffused light. This marks a great change f r o m his earl ier work. During the last decade of the fifteenth century Bel l in i spent a great deal of his time working on large scale his tor ical paintings in the Palazzo Ducale which were unfortunately destroyed in 1577. Paintings f r o m his studio were also in heavy demand as at this time he was indisputably the greatest painter working in Venice. More 36 43 and more pupils flocked to his studio, bringing new ideas and sensibilities which the aging master did not ignore. A l l these factors contributed to change the style of his work. After this gap in Giovanni Bel l in i ' s development come two major works which are his last two major contributions to the development of landscape painting in Renaissance Venice: the 44 JBaptism of C h r i s t in the Church of Santa Corona in Vicenza and 45 The Madonna of the Meadow in the National Gal lery in London. Giovanni Bel l in i must have been in his seventies when he painted The Baptism at the beginning of the sixteenth century. In the quiet atmosphere of the end of day, in a secluded valley cut off f r o m the outside world by a dense chain of mountains, the Baptist 46 performs the ceremony in the presence of three angels and the Holy Ghost as God the Father looks down f r o m above. There are no other witnesses. On a nearby hil ls ide is depicted a favourite B e l l i n i motif - the hermit at his cave - but he is not aware of the sacred ceremony taking place in the foreground. The landscape fil ls up a considerable area of the painting. Yet as in earl ier Bel l in i pictures, the landscape is largely a back- , drop, largely responsible for the mood of the work and related to the figures in design, but st i l l a backdrop. The figures once again t f o r m a strong plane across the foreground and real ly remain apart f r o m the landscape. Consequently there is the typical Bel l ini awkwardness in spatial transition f r o m the foreground back into the landscape which occurs here especially behind the figure of St. John the Baptist. Only in the rock formations in the foreground, on which the Baptist and the angels stand, are reminiscences of Bel l in i ' s earliest works to be seen. The foreground details are r i ch in colour. The b i r d in the tree is a bri l l iant red, the flowing robes of the angels are yellow, mid-blue and wine red while the tradition snow-white loin cloth of Chris t has been modelled with pink folds. In the background softly modelled hil ls pass f r o m deep brown in the lower part of the valley through delicate modulations of brown and green to the blue-grey of the distant mountains. The pictor ial space of the work is largely determined by this control of the intensity of colours - placing the most intense ones in the fore-ground and gradually moving through to a pale grey in the distance. The sky changes f r o m a light blue above to a yellowish pink at the horizon. The w a r m and diffuse light spreads over al l the forms, smoothing a l l edges and creating an atmospheric whole. This landscape is the most mountainous of al l Giovanni 4't Bel l in i ' s but it is definitely not alpine. Because the original panel 38 was thirteen feet high it is l ikeiy that Bel l ini went to Vicenza and painted the work there. There is hi l ly country l ike that of the Baptism near Vicenza . There are two major problems in connection with this altarpiece. One is the problem of studio assistance. I think that assistants were employed in painting the landscape background. It is a wonderful conception, masterfully organized to br ing attention to Chris t ' s head and the Baptist 's bowl, but the bareness of the mountain sides, the absence of detailed natural forms and human activities., as well as the awkwardness of the trees on the right and buildings on the left, are uncharacteristic of Bel l in i ' s work so far discussed, and not in accord with any of his undisputed later works. Secondly, the composition very closely follows C i m a da Conegliano's rendition of the same subject in the Church of San 48 Giovanni in Bragora in Venice which is dated 1494 - about eight years before the Bel l in i version was finished. Outright plagiarization 49 is not unknown in Bel l in i ' s art - his Presentation in The Temple in the Querini Stampalia Foundation closely follows Mantegna's version in B e r l i n . But it could be that C i m a based his composition f r o m an earl ier Bapt ism of Bel l ini mentioned by Ridolfi in 1648 as 39 being in the church of L a Cari ta in Venice, and now lost. At present the problems remain unsolved. Painted about the same time as the Vicenza Baptism is 51 the Madonna of the Meadow in the National Gal lery in London. The Madonna of Humil i ty sits on the ground with the naked Chris t Chi ld in her lap. Both mother and Chi ld have their eyes closed; the Chi ld in sleep, the mother in prayer . These two figures are not real ly united with the landscape. The creamy whites of the Child 's body and the V i r g i n ' s hands and face are echoed in the castle dominating the landscape, and the blue pyramid of the V i r g i n ' s robe is echoed by the distant hi l ls , but the landscape is s t i l l a backdrop to the figures. Chris t is naked and an autumn chil l has come over the land. Most trees have lost their leaves while those which st i l l have some, bend in the cold wind. A farmer, muffled against the cold stands watching his animals. The sunshine is pale. There is no golden glow in the sky but c r i sply illuminated cumulus clouds. The aged Bel l in i was not only a painter of w a r m summer afternoons. Edgar Wind has put forward an extremely interesting point linking this painting with the Georgics of V i r g i l , " V i r g i l explains that the best season for planting vines is either a cold day of early spring 'when the white bi rd , the foe of long snakes is come, ' or a day 'close on autumn's first cold, before the f iery sun touches winter, and summer is waning. ' There are also flocks mentioned in this passage, and an altar prepared for a goat, and this occasions a remark about the origins of tragedy (II, 381). . . these details support the sacramental theme^^ defined by the figure of the sleeping infant. " The argument is very persuasive and reveals the aged painter as a man very much in tune with the new humanist learning which was at that time becoming popular in Venice . But Bel l in i accepted f r o m humanism only what he could use in a religious context. Others of his late paintings are more obvious in their 53 humanist influence but The Madonna of the Meadow is his most bri l l iant synthesis of new learning and old religious values. The Madonna and Child Paintings of Giovanni Bel l ini Be l l in i ' s Madonna and Child paintings were in great demand throughout his life both for public and private devotion, 54 and provided a steady source of income for the studio. Assistants were used in producing a fa i r ly standardized product, the amount of the master 's participation depending as much on the wealth and importance of the client as on the amount of activity in the studio at the time. 55 Even in his early Madonnas such as the Davis Madonna in the Metropolitan Museum in New York, dating f r o m before 1460, we find small portions of landscape, on either side of the Madonna's shoulders. In the 1470's Giovanni often omitted the landscape and substituted a cloudy sky such as in the London Madonna Adoring 56 The Child . The Madonnas of this period are usually solemn 57 and hieratic and strongly reminiscent of the Byzantine icon. About 1480; that is , the time of the F r i c k St. F ranc is and the Naples Transfiguration, the landscape makes a reappearance in the background of Madonna and Chi ld paintings such as the one in 58 the Accademia which shows the serious Chris t child in the act of blessing. The landscape is far more spacious than before and whereas in the early Davis Madonna the landscape looked to be there more or less as decorative filler, the landscape now fits very carefully into the overall design. In the 1480's with such works as the Madonna degli 59 6i A l b e r e l l i in the Accademia and the Madonna and Chi ld in Bergamo Giovanni Bel l in i evolved that type of Madonna and Chi ld composition for which he became famous - the youthful Madonna tenderly holding the standing or sitting Chris t Chi ld in front of a cloth hanging, 42 either side of which is a view to a distant landscape. The most common variation of this is to have the cloth pushed to one side to reveal one larger view of a landscape such as the one in the 61 Metropolitan M u s e u m . It is probable that some of these l a n d -scapes were painted to a large degree by assistants. The Bergamo picture contains a wonderfully painted Madonna and Chi ld but the 62 landscapes seem to be little related to those of the master . In his later Madonna and Child compositions he dispenses with the ledge which he had for so long used to place the Chr is t C h i l d on (and which ultimately goes back to F l e m i s h painting). The figures acquire a greater amplitude and the landscape occupies a greater portion of the painting than previously, almost r ivaling the figures in interest. 63 The Madonna and Child in Detroit has the cloth hanging pushed to the left to reveal a large portion of a landscape treated with great freedom and a breadth of brushstroke not seen in Giovanni's work before. The character of this landscape is also different f r o m any of his previous works - the rabbits playing, the flock of sheep very different f r o m those in his earl ier paintings, the manner in which the shepherd leans against the tree - all these show a technique and attitude to nature different f r o m his earlier work. This is the Giorgionesque. The work was painted about a year before Giorgione's death and suggests that B e l l i n i , now about eighty years of age was either painting landscapes in the new fashion of the young painters or at least allowing his assistants to do so. In either case he signed the work in a very prominent . position. 65 The superb late Madonna and Chi ld in the B r e r a Gal lery in Milan , signed and dated 1510 has no suggestion of the work of an assistant. The gentle, serious Madonna and Child are seated in front of the familiar cloth hanging, in front of, and above a closely-settled landscape which is a perfect complement to the youthful Madonna and her standing Chi ld . The viewer's gaze is controlled with great resourcefulness, all the major shapes of the landscape fit in perfectly with the figures of the Madonna and Child, leading the eye around in a continuous c ircular motion - yet to the last, B e l l i n i ' s figures are in the foreground and the l a n d -scape is in the background. It is always a Madonna and Child with a landscape, never in a landscape. In the paintings of Giovanni Bel l in i the figures and landscape are always integral parts of deeply religious conceptions. His l a n d -scapes are peaceful ones, where man has long l ived in fruitful 44 harmony with what God has created. Within this everyday r u r a l context the religious experience attains a relevance and humanity unprecendented in Venetian painting. The spirituality of his paintings is expressed in terms of natural phenomena. He discarded angels, seraphs and medieval devices at the very beginning of his career, and sought, throughout his long lifetime to express the supernatural in terms of the natural . The serenity and tenderness of Bel l ini ' s paintings provided the emotional context for early sixteenth century Venetian painting, while his synthesis of light and colour, expressed through his mastery of the o i l technique, provided the technical means for Giorgione and his followers. C H A P T E R T H R E E T H E L A N D S C A P E S O F GIORGIONE Z o r z i da Castelfranco, called Giorgione, has always been regarded as having been a pupil of Giovanni B e l l i n i . George 2 Mart in Richter, in his monograph on Giorgione stated that he thought Giorgione was not a pupil in the normal sense - that is , an apprentice learning a trade - but believed that the relationship was a rather loose one, allowing the young painter a considerable 3 amount of freedom. F r o m what V a s a r i tells us, it is apparent that Giorgione did not lead the life of an art ist -craftsman, but painted smal l cabinet pictures for private patrons and occasionally decorated the facades of buildings with frescoes. The main artistic activity in Venice in the Renaissance was car r ied out in the large artistic workshops of the Bel l in i , the V i v a r i n i and Titian, but Giorgione 1 s artistic activity was rather different. 46 Many of the characteristics of Giorgione's art can be seen in a nascent or less developed f o r m in the work of his master . Enigmatic subject matter can be seen in the Uff iz i Al legory ; quiet, self-absorbed figures can be seen in almost al l of B e l l i n i ' s paintings; the older painter's unity of man and nature can be seen as paving the way for Giorgione's idyl ls . Giovanni Bel l ini ' s synthesis of light and colour, dependent upon mastery of the oi l medium was the necessary premise for Giorgione's landscape paintings. N e v e r -theless, there is one major difference between these two artists . B e l l i n i was first and foremost a painter of religious subjects. F o r Giorgione, the new humanist culture which blossomed in Venice in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century was the basic motivation of his landscapes. Giorgione's art is in harmony with the world of c lass ical literature - with Ovid, V i r g i l and Theocritus,and those contemporaries of his who strove to emulate these authors. In examining Giorgione's artistic development we must always 4 keep in mind the fact that he died young. This means that his works are those of a young painter who never reached a maturity of expression comparable to that of Bel l in i or Ti t ian . Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s artistic activity covers five decades, Giorgione's barely 5 covers one. There are only seven works which nearly all art -historians assign to Giorgione, yet none would dispute Giorgione's 47 importance in the development of Venetian painting, part icularly in regard to landscape. Giorgione's method of working was fundamentally different 6 f r o m the Florentine method. The Florentines worked f r o m pensieri (the first rapid sketches), through studi (detailed sketches) and the di segno (final detailed drawings which normally acted as a cartoon), before they actually began to paint. In the Florentine process, colour was not regarded as of great importance to the basic conception - it was something which was added at the end of the artistic process . 7 V a s a r i says in his L i fe of Ti t ian that about the year 1507 Giorgione began to work directly f r o m nature, without making any previous drawings, a method which he strongly cri t ic ized, as he believed that it was necessary for the artist to work his ideas out on paper before commencing to paint. It is most probable that Giorgione conceived his paintings f r o m the start in terms of colour. He sought a direct and sensuous portrayal of man and nature - not a highly polished work which was the product of continuous refinement by making dozens of pre l iminary drawings. The germ of Giorgione's method could l ie in the work of Giovanni Bel l ini as we possess extremely few drawings by this artist . This revolutionary method of working was most probably closely connected with Giorgione's sense of deep unity and harmony between man and nature. In Giorgione's paintings the human figure is totally integrated with the ambient natural setting. Contours are frequently vague and indeterminate. The figures do not dominate nature in his works - they are usually small so that the relat ion-ship between the figures and their environment becomes of great importance to the mood and meaning of the painting. 9 L u i g i Coletti has advanced the very interesting theory that Giorgione kept his figures small in order to reduce the sense of their plasticity produced by binocular vision; figures further away f r o m the viewer appearing less as tact i le forms and more as patches of colour. 10 The .Allendale Nativity was probably painted by Giorgione in the first years of the sixteenth century when he was about twenty-five. There are many features which are reminiscent of the art of Giovanni Bel l in i - so much so that the T i e t z e s ^ believed it to be a product of Bel l in i ' s workshop. Certainly in general arrangement it resembles the Nativity of the predella of the Pesaro 12 Altarpiece . It is clear in this early work that Giorgione's use of the landscape is s imilar to that of Giovanni B e l l i n i . It occupies most of the area of the picture, laying the scene of the action: a quiet country retreat where only a few gentle souls share in the adoration of the Chris t C h i l d . It is also largely instrumental in creating the mood of the painting. The overal l mood is nne of great tenderness and quiet joy The shepherds and the Holy F a m i l y are perfectly at peace in a landscape which shows nature just as ca lm and gentle as its inhabitants. The figures are shown in the right foreground in front of a cave, on a smal l plateau area. Behind them, and at a lower level is an area which contains a stream flowing down over smooth rocks, part of a country dwelling, and three tiny human figures. Trees with leaves painted in round bushy clumps frame the view into the distance: a lake, along the shores of which are scattered houses and towers, and f r o m behind which rise pale blue mountains. Above is an afternoon sky, dappled and streaked with even paler bdue clouds. The V i r g i n and St. Joseph kneel in adoration of the Chris t C h i l d lying on a white cloth on the ground. The dark cave in B e l l i n i ' 13 St. F ranc is in the F r i c k Collection was there as a symbol of St. F r a n c i s ' s asceticism; here the cave is a w a r m and homely place. One shepherd kneels with clasped hands as his standing companion leans closer, hat in one hand, staff in the other. Both are dressed in tattered but colourful garments. The red of the standing shepherd's sleeve, the green of that of his companion's, the deep reds and blues of the V i r g i n ' s clothing and the bri l l iant yellow-orange of St. Joseph's mantle provide a glowing frame for the pale and delicate colour of the Chris t Chi ld in the centre. This is a pastoral painting. The Holy F a m i l y is l iving in a cave - not the usual stable or construction used by Jacopo and Giovanni B e l l i n i . St. Luke's Gospel is the only one which describes the visit of the shepherds and states that the Chi ld was "wrapped 14 in swaddling clothes, lying in a manger. " Giorgione has p r e f e r r e d to use an early Italian iconographic feature (ultimately Byzantine) by using a cave instead of a stable. It is also s i g n i -ficant that Giorgione chose to represent the Chris t Chi ld as being adored by the shepherds - not the Magi . The presence of the two shepherds gives the work a feeling of quiet bucolic communion whereas the Magi , with their elaborate train, sumptuous garments and costly presents would have created a mood of pageantry and festivity. In the Allendale Nativity there are two main spatial areas: foreground and distance. The middle distance is a curiously ambiguous area, unclear in its definition and unconvincing in its relationship either to the foreground or to the distance. This lack of spatial coherence is characteristic of much of Giorgione's work and is to be accounted for both by his youth and his rejection of elementary though obvious devices for achieving pictorial space, such as l inear perspective. Giorgione favours planes para l le l to the picture surface in the manner of stage scenery to achieve a sense of pic tor ial space. F i r s t there is the plane of the bush and stump in the bottom left-hand foreground, then the plane of the cliff-face on the right, then the plane of the middle ground trees and bushes, and finally the plane of the mountains, which closes off the space and forces the eye back down a strong diagonal to the Chris t Chi ld . Underneath this main diagonal is an important set of subsidiary diagonals, linking the planes which establish the pic tor ial space. F r o m the foreground plane of the stump and bush, a diagonal passes behind the standing shepherd to the cliff face. F r o m here a counter diagonal leads back to the house of the left-hand side of the middle distance, f rom where the diagonal of the lake shore joins the distant buildings. In conjunction with this use paral le l planes and systems of diagonals, Giorgione very subtly controls the light in the picture. While the sky is a pale blue, it is cloudy and does not compete with the brighter sunlight which bathes the foreground figures. The eye travels up along the diagonal to the light sky, thus giving a feeling of space, but comes back to the brighter foreground. There is much in the Allendale Nativity that is reminiscent of Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s paintings but Giorgione's technique is different. 15 The forms are much softer than those of B e l l i n i . There is no sense of hardness about the earth, and the rocks, unlike the hard stratifications of Giovanni Bel l in i , seem to be sandstone, worn smooth by running water. In the Allendale Nativity there are few contours and the modelling is i m p r e c i s e . The light is diffuse and the forms appear to b lurr into the surrounding ones. However, this b lurr ing of contours does not take place uniformly throughout the whole painting. In the cliff face the forms merge into one another but the draperies of the figures nearby are often clearly separated f r o m the surrounding forms, their f i r m outlines being reminiscent of those of Giovanni B e l l i n i . 16 Giorgione's Castelfranco Altarpiece can be seen as a modification and simplication of Giovanni Bel l in i ' s sacra con«» 17 versazione altarpieces. The Madonna sits on a very high throne which has no visible means for her to get up or down. The 53 congregation of saints usually depicted in Bel l ini ' s altarpieces has been reduced to two, the music making angels have been omitted, and most importantly, the apse and vault which sheltered the holy congregation have been replaced by the open air , and views on either side of the throne, of a broad landscape. The figures are so placed in relationship to the throne as to f o r m a f i r m pyramid with M a r y and the Chris t C h i l d at the apex. These holy figures are shy, their gestures reserved. They seem lost in silent reverie,. But Giorgione's attitude should be described as quiet reverence rather than reticence. 18 St. F r a n c i s , St. George, and the Madonna and Child are cut off f r o m the landscape by a high parapet which appears to be covered with deep red velvet. The high throne is the main device by which the foreground sanctuary is l inked to the distance. In the Allendale Nativity the middle ground was rather ambiguous in definition. Here the high red parapet excludes most of that area which is barely suggested by the tops of trees in the left-hand landscape. The landscape of the Castelfranco Altarpiece is in keeping with the simplici ty of the forms in the foreground. Only in the tower on the left and the buildings clustered around it, is there any attempt at precise definition of form. The r,est of the landscape is suggested rather than defined. By Giovanni Bel l ini ' s standards the handling is summary. So simple is the landscape and so indefinite are its forms.that an eighteenth century restorer 20 added a temple on the right hand side . Trees and grass are only defined in general terms while the pale blue mountains are barely suggested. Only on the left, behind St. George's banner are there any clouds in the sky. Below the mountains in the right-hand landscape there appears to be a wide bay, but it is too indefinite for the viewer to be really sure. B y including only part of the buildings on the left behind St. George's banner, and a part of a tree in the far right above St. F r a n c i s , Giorgione has given his landscape background a sense of great spaciousness and it appears to extend beyond the actual picture frame. The landscape not only provides relief f r o m the more severe geometric forms of the foreground but reinforces the mood established by the quiet and gentle holy figures. Giorgione's rendition is too indefinite for the viewer to be sure what time of day has been depicted. In Bel l in i ' s landscapes the viewer is seldom in doubt. It is difficult to judge the colours and their relationships in a painting which has been cleaned and restored at least six 21 times but then most of Giorgione's works have suffered in this way. The picture is dominated by the red-green contrast, especially near the Madonna and Child and by the use of greys, in the costumes of the saints and the perspective pattern of the floor. This last i tem is not something we usually associate with the art of Giorgione. Lionello Venturi once very wisely remarked that Venetian art does not really contradict science - it just 22 ignores it. But even in this case the patterned squares are not r igorously scientific. The floor pattern is used for its normal function - to create pictorial space. The very important thing about this space is that it is not a void, but f i l led with a i r . Creighton Gilbert believed that the figures were kept apart and the perspective pattern used because Giorgione was l i tera l ly trying to paint a i r : "the air alone occupies the middle of the picture, pushing the figures aside or back or up. This remarkable anti-quattrocento invention means that no one figure dominates; instead, the whole environment is the protagonist or central factor, an environment that forms the unity of the figures which are yet very separate. . . it c learly was i m -portant to Giorgione that this central protagonist is not s imply space, but more positively air , . . . " While I cannot agree that the air is the "central protagonist, I believe that Creighton Gilbert has made a valuable, and at the same time, provocative statement. There is a feeling of atmosphere in this work, a much greater sense of it than in any-previous Venetian Renaissance painting. Giorgione did attempt to paint air rather than a void. 24 The Three Philosophers in Vienna is regarded by al l historians of Venetian art to be the painting which Marcantonio M i c h i e l recorded as seeing in the house of Taddeo Contarino in Venice in 1 5 2 5 . ^ In a very general way the composition is s imi lar to the earl ier Allendale Nativity, in that several figures are shown in the right-hand side of a landscape which has a rocky foreground, and a sudden transition to a peaceful scene in the distance. But what is immediately striking is the increase in the size of the figures in Three Philosophers, relative to the landscape. In the right hand corner, closest to the viewer is an old bearded and hooded man who seems to be regarding the other two men in the painting with scorn and defiance. In his left hand he holds a pair of dividers while he displays - to the viewer rather than the others in the painting - a s c r o l l on which various things have been drawn, the most prominent being a crescent moon and the word "celsts . " Next to h i m stands a melancholy turbaned f igure ,c lear ly intended to represent an arab. He is absorbed in his own thoughts. Neither of these two figures seems to be aware of the young, rather romantic figure,who sits on the ground behind them, looking up at a source of light in the top left-hand corner, taking measurements. While there is some sort of bond between the two older figures, the young man is set apart f r o m them. There is no common agreement about the meaning of the 26 picture. Johannes Wilde, who was in charge of the x - r a y 27 examination of the painting in 1932 believed that it represented the Three M a g i . This is only one of the many interpretations. Most are based on c lassical sources. The very involved question of the iconography unfortunately cannot be discussed here. I can only state that I believe that Giorgione did at first intend that the figures were the three Magi , but later repainted the work (as revealed by the x-rays) to represent three different philosophical systems. The painting does not have a religious or mythological meaning, but is a sort of allegory of an intellectual controversy with which Giorgione's friends and patrons were vitally concerned. Michie l , who saw the painting no more than twenty years after it had been painted referred to it as "The Three Philosophers. " 58 Arnaldo Ferriguto was the f irst to give what I believe to be the 28 correct interpretation. The painting is an allegory of the disputes between the r i v a l systems of Aristotel ian philosophy which dominated the University of Padua during Giorgione's l ifet ime. The old hooded man represents the medieval Scholastic tradition of Ar is to te l ianism. 29 .The turbaned figure represents A v e r r o i s m , while the seated young man with his instruments, gazing intently at the new source of light, of which he alone is conscious, represents what Giorgione's young patrons would regard as the new, purer A r i s t o l e l i a n i s m . 30 A s in the A l l e g o r y of Giovanni Bel l in i these figures do not act out their roles as much as symbolize concepts. There is no dispute between the figures, they merely stand or sit in a sort of natural grotto, close to nature which has inspired their philosophies. Spiritually and physically there is an equil ibrium between these men and nature, and aesthetically neither real ly dominates. The orange and reddish-browns of the old man, the b r i c k - r e d and blue of the arab, and the moss-green and white of the young man are all balanced by the colours in nature's rocks, foliage, and sky. The figures occupy a larger area of space than before so that there is a more even balance between them although this appears to be more so now than before the picture was cut 31 down on the left-hand side. As in the Allendale Nativity^ nature and man exist in easy harmony. The rocks have been sculptured by Giorgione to f o r m three tiers for the philosophers. L i k e those of the earl ier painting these rocks seem well worn and smooth, but the smal l pebbles are 32 reminiscent of Giovanni Bel l ini ' s works, such as his St. Jerome in the Contini-Bonacossi Collection in Florence . The dark crag on the left has been softened by the ivy and creepers which grow upon it, the fig tree that grows in its shadow. The shadow here is so deep that it is only with some difficulty that the viewer can make out a favourite motif of Giorgione - the spring of clear water. Nature always provides for its inhabitants. The dark mass of the crag on the left,and the equally dark bushes on the right behind the old philosopher, act l ike the wings of stage scenery, having little of the assertive plasticity of the foreground rocks, but closing off this area f r o m the distance. In the Allendale Nativity it was seen that the planes in the manner of stage wings were used as well as a strong diagonal running through the composition f r o m the upper left to the lower right, passing through the forearm of the standing shepherd, in con-junction with a subsidiary set of diagonals. A s imilar system is 60 used i n the Three Philosophers. Again a diagonal is shown passing through the f o r e a r m of the young man. The subsidiary set of diagonals is to be seen starting in the main ledge of rock in the mid-foreground. It leads back obliquely and then turns to run behind the figure of the seated youth. F r o m here it travels along the lower edge of the dark crag and doubles back along the top of the green h i l l in the distance. A s in the earlier painting the eye travels back along a main diagonal and rather abruptly jumps over the middle distance to an enchanting view in the distance. 33 T h i s distant view occupies a very smal l area of the picture space, but what is there, is delightful. Nestling on the other side of the valley, in between cool green, leafy trees is a tiny group of houses, next to a stream. These houses are unlike those of Giovanni Bel l in i ' s paintings - their roofs are more steeply pitched, with one side longer than the other. These are houses more like those of the foothills of the Alps than those of the Veneto proper . In fact the background landscape seems to be more moist, and the vegetation more pale and delicate, than Giovanni Bel l in i painted. B e l l i n i often included trees which were devoid of leaves. In Giorgione's paintings this almost never happens. One side of the top parts of these distant r u r a l dwellings is bathed in diffused sunlight. Now this light cannot be coming f r o m the setting sun because it is directly above them. The source of this light must be the same as that which the young philosopher gages It seems possible that Giorgione deliberately intended to show both a sunrise and a sunset at the same time. This would be a way of expressing the demise of one source of intellectual illumination and the r ise of another, of which only the young man is conscious. Above the little cluster of rustic dwellings the painting becomes less enchanting. The cobalt blue h i l l under the orange sunset appears to lack that delicacy which we normally associate with Giorgione, while the mid-blue sky at the top of the painting seems almost crude in comparison with the lower half of the sky. 34 We know f r o m the 1932 x - rays that Giorgione repainted 35 this work, and we know f r o m Marcantonio M i c h i e l that Giorgione did not finish it, but left it for Sebastiano del Piombo to do so. These factors could explain what seems to be an 36 extraordinary lack of sensitivity. Sebastiano's participation could also explain for the apparent contradiction in the lighting of the picture. He :could have added the sunset as a picturesque feature, as it is not related to the lighting of the nearby landscape nor to the clouds above. 62 Of al l the'paintings so far discussed in Venetian Renaissance painting, this one has the greatest union of man and nature. Here the contours of the figures merge into the surrounding atmosphere. One cannot be sure where man finishes and nature begins. They are both united. But it i s not just a question of dissolved contours. The figures do not hover oh the edge of the foreground. They exist within the foreground and tread f i r m l y upon the earth. The uniform diffusion of light is more clearly controlled than before. The same light that bathes the foreground rocks also falls upon the figures fusing them into a unity. This fusion of man and his natural surroun-dings did not occur in the works of Giovanni Bel l ini , and did so only hesitantly in Giorgione's early paintings. In 1530 Marcantonio M i c h i e l wrote of a painting which he had seen in the house of Gabriele Vendramin in Venice, " E l paesetto in tela cun la tempesta, cun l a cingana et soldato, fo de man de Z o r z i da Castelfranco. " 37 (The little landscape on canvas with the tempest, the gipsy woman and soldier, was by the hand of Giorgio da Castelfranco) In the left foreground a man dressed in red and white leans on a staffj and gazes to the right foreground where a young woman, naked excepted for a cloth thrown over her shoulders, is 63 nursing a child. Behind and above each of these two figures are bushes and trees. Behind the man are some curious architectural ruins. The middle distance is occupied by a r iver or canal which is crossed by a wooden bridge. There are houses on the right side of the body of water which curves around to the left, into the distance. Above this peaceful scene a streak of lightning flashes between rolling thunder clouds. Almost a hundred years ago Crowe and Cavacaselle admirably stated the central problem of this painting: "The landscape, which recalls earl ier ones, and very c lear ly reminds us of the neighbourhood of Castelfranco, seems at one moment a pretext for the figures, whilst these at other moments look like a f i l l ing for the landscape. " 38 In general f o r m the composition does reca l l the background 39 of the Allendale Nativity and many art-historians have commented 40 on the resemblance to certain features of the town of Castelfranco, but it is the relationship of the figures to each other and in particular their relationship to nature which is the central problem. The landscape of Giorgione's early Castelfranco Madonna had been seen to have a sense of extension beyond the picture frame. The landscape of L a Tempesta is very different as a l l the elements fit neatly into the enclosed space and the path travelled by the viewer's eye is strictly controlled by a c learly defined oval. The eye is led f r o m the red and white of the man and the architectural ruin behind him, across to the woman nursing the child, up the tree trunk and buildings behind her, across the clouds and down the trees and ruins to the man. Horizontal elements, such as the ruins and the wooden bridge,both emphasize this c i rcular movement and help to establish a sense of recession into depth. In Jacopo Bel l in i ' s landscapes the canal and its buildings would most probably have been uti l ized to establish a linear p e r s -pective scheme. Giorgione makes no attempt to do this, prefer r ing to create his pictorial space by planes paral le l to the picture surface linked by a zigzag of diagonals, as was the case in the Allendale Nativity and the Three Philosophers . A s in these earl ier works the figures are placed in the foreground, in front of the stage wings. The bushes and trees behind the woman f o r m a strong plane while several planes behind the man, formed mainly by the ruins lead the eye back further. The progressive dimunition of the buildings along the canal continue the movement back into the d i s -tance. In the earl ier two paintings Giorgione supplemented this method of planes l ike stage scenery by using a strong diagonal. In L a Tempesta he uses a development of this - an inclined " V " shape. The system of interlocking diagonals used in Giorgione's earlier landscapes is s t i l l used but is more -artfully concealed. F r o m the bush in front of the woman the eye is led across the bank to the standing soldier . F r o m h i m the eye travels back in depth to the water behind the bushes on the woman's side to the reflection of the lightning, then, led by the bridge, travels back in the opposite direction. The figures p e r f o r m no action; the man gazes in the direction of the woman and she gazes at the viewer. The only action which takes place does so in the sky. A sulphurous yellow flash of lightning rips through boiling s torm clouds at the same time that the setting sun touches one side of the buildings along the canal. The effect of this lightning is to give an eeriness to the scene. Giovanni Bel l in i had painted dawn skies but this is the f irst time in Venetian and probably Fhiropean painting as a whole, that such a rare and momentary natural phenomenon as a streak of lightning had been given such prominence in a painting. It is not real ly until Monet in the nineteenth century, that momentary effects of light occupy the serious attention of painters. . This interest in natural phenomena would have had little chance to assume such importance in Venetian painting had not Giovanni B e l l i n i taken up the o i l technique and explored its possibil i t ies , part icular ly in regard to painting landscapes in which light plays such a dominant role. The colours are remarkably intense for a painting of its age. The familiar Giorgione red/green colour scheme is used again but the range of variations of green shows a far greater competence and subtlety in the use of colour as a unifying agent. The water near the bridge is a slightly faded bottle-green while the leaves of the slender trees silhouetted against the equally intense green sky are st i l l , to this day, bright lemon yellow. In the Allendale Nativity it was seen that the crystalline rock formations and hard forms of Giovanni Bel l ini ' s landscapes had been worn smooth and softened. In the Three Philosophers geological forms occupied a much smaller area of the picture. Jji-JLa Tempesta there are no rocks of any description; only the soft, moist earth of the canal banks. When compared to a Bel l ini landscape this one looks like a swamp. The architectural motifs, both in the foreground and along the canal, have been painted quickly in thin coats of paint. The infinite care which Giovanni Bel l ini lavished upon his works has been forsaken for a general visual impression. The motif of the broken column on a high base ultimately goes back to the sketch-books of Jacopo Bel l ini . The reason for their use seems to have been the same in both cases - that is , as pictorial objects to be used in the creation of space, although there is quite possibly another, as yet unexplained meaning in Giorgione's case. They certainly do not seem to have formed part of any actual building. There is something curious about another architectural feature of the painting: the strange domed building in the distance directly above the broken column. Surely this is a creation of Giorgione's imagination V In the drawings of Jacopo Bel l in i there were forms and spaces. In the landscapes of Giovanni Bel l in i the air was usually clear, bright and very different f r o m L a Tempesta in which the atmosphere is heavy with!humidity. Solid forms have been pushed to the edges of the picture and the centre is occupied by the atmosphere. It was one of Giorgione's great accomplishments to be able to f i l l his pictures with atmosphere, and to give it a definite character - in this case just before a late afternoon storm. Creighton Gilbert saw this painting as a development of Giorgione's early interest in atmosphere, as shown in the Castelfranco A l t a r -piece, "here the air becomes s t i l l more dominant, appearing in the most 'positive' f o r m which air can attain, i . e. , as the storm. " 42 In a sense Creighton Gilbert 's interpretation - l ike that of the Castelfranco Altarpiece is thought provoking - but not a completely satisfactory explanation. There is more to the painting than the storm. In 1913 Lionello Venturi concluded his discussion of the painting by stating, "IL soggetto e la natura : uomo, donna e bambino sono soltanto elementi - non i pr incipal i - della natura. " 43 (The subject is 'mature : man, woman and child are only elements - not the principals - of nature) It is quite possible that the theme is nature, or even more specifically as Creighton Gilbert sees it, a natural phenomenon. 44 The 1939 x - rays revealed that under the standing figure of the man had originally been painted a nude woman, sitting on the bank with her legs in the water. Now it can be argued that if a painter can make such drastic changes in the human context, (which could be justified on purely aesthetic grounds because the red and white of the standing man are more satisfactory in terms of the overal l design), then the human figures are not as important to the picture as the natural phenomena. In the case of the Three Philosophers I believe that Giorgione altered the figures and their attributes because he wished to change the whole meaning of the painting, and it is only recently 69 that this meaning has been correctly interpreted. It is most probable that the same thing happened in the case of L a Tempesta. That is , Giorgione altered this painting for a specific purpose and the new meaning which the work acquired was understood within the small c i rc le of Giorgione's friends and patrons. That is to say, the s torm only appears to us to be the central motif because we are not i n full possession of al l the facts about this painting. A s yet we do not know the specific meaning of L a Tempesta I believe that we wil l one day find it in the same way in which the meaning of the Three Philosophers was found - by detailed study of Giorgione's cultural environment. In one sense the theme of the picture is nature; but I do not believe this to be the main meaning of the work. There is a definite philosophy of man and nature underlying the main meaning, neither of which is entirely clear . At present I tentatively suggest that the philosophical basis of the work is Aris totel ian. Arnaldo 45 Ferrignto saw the work as an Aristotel ian allegory of natural forces, a synthesis of al l human and earthly occurrances: "una rappresentazione sintetica della realta umana e terrestre, osservata dal punto di vista coevo del movimento e dello svolgimento generale degli e s s e r i " 46 (a synthetic representation of human and terrest ial reality, observed f r o m the contemporary point of view of the movement and general development of beings. ) M i c h i e l who himself owned one of Giorgione's paintings described the work as "e l paesetto" - the little landscape,. and by his descriptions did not appear to recognize a particular theme or meaning. This might be of some smal l consolidation to those who, during the past four hundred years since Miichiel wrote, have pondered over this work. If we leave aside all considerations concerning the meaning of the picture and just concentrate on what we see, a very important fact in regard to the development of Venetian landscape painting emerges. Giovanni Bel l in i had combined figures and landscapes in specific religious paintings. The deep religiosity of his convictions determined the character of his landscapes. In L a  Tempesta Giorgione united man and nature in a specific non-religious painting which has no religious basis but instead appears to have its basis in Ancient Greek philosophy. L a Tempesta is indeed one of the key works in the development of landscape in Venetian art. In the Three Philosophers Giorgione achieved a greater unity of man and nature than Giovanni Bel l in i had ever done. In L a Tempesta this is ca r r ied further and with greater ease. One small example wil l illustrate this: between the woman in the f o r e -ground and the viewer a plant grows. Before, nothing had ever come between the figures in the foreground and the viewer. The shift away f r o m the landscape which had its basis in religious belief, to that which was attuned to the new humanist culture of early sixteenth century Venice can be seen in Giorgione's Sleeping  Venus m Dresden. The reclining female nude appears here for the f irst 48 time in Renaissance painting. She is Giorgione's own creation. She sleeps, partly covering herself (yet at the same time unashamed of her nakedness, in a calm, spacious landscape devoid of a l l human activity,and <lit by the light of a late afternoon sun. She reclines in front of the landscape rather than within it, on a r i c h cr imson cushion and smooth, white silken drapery. The recumbent female nude in a landscape is dependent upon the ideal of the senses, but refined and recreated by the imagination; appealing to that taste which seeks quiet enjoyment through the imagination and the senses. But it would be an error to equate sensuous perception with sensual indulgence. When we compare this painting with later depictions 49 of Venus, and that of Tit ian in particular , we realize that Giorgione's Venus is a creature of gentle innocence. She is a creature of art; her anatomy has been distorted to present a pleasing abstract pattern which gives a feeling of rest. Giorgione's approach to the creation of the human figure is very different f r o m that of the Florentines. The anatomical structure 72 of the body real ly holds very little interest for h i m . It is the surface quality - the texture of the skin and the delicate modulations and transitions of planes as revealed by light which interest h i m . Herbert Cook's description has never been surpassed: "He has deliberately forgone anatomical prec is ion in order to accentuate artistic effect. The splendour of curve, the beauty of unbroken contour, the rhythm and balance of composition is attained at a cost of academic correctness; but the long-drawn horizontal lines heighten the sense of repose, and the eye is soothed by the sinuous undulations of landscape and figure. " 5 0 O f course her whole existence is completely ar t i f ic ial . Nude figures do not recline in the open country. It is now late afternoon and she is in danger of catching cold. But Giorgione can safely ignore such facts; his appeal to the imagination is so strong that few viewers think of such things. In her nudity she is at one with nature; the softly rounded forms and flowing lines of the landscape echo those of Venus. She is an inhabitant of that rustic paradise - the land of the eternal late summer afternoon - A r c a d i a . It was wonderful to be an inhabitant of that imaginary rustic paradise called A r c a d i a . Shepherds sat on hil lsides and sang to each other, or to shepherdesses or the nymphs which inhabited the woods and streams. While nature was tamed and ordered, it was not cultivated. The farmer was not considered to 73 be an inhabitant of A r c a d i a . Consequently the landscape of the y Sleeping Venus has no cultivated areas. M i c h i e l described the picture as, " L a tela della Venere nuda, che dorme in uno paese cun Cupidine, fo de mano de Zorzo da Castelfranco, ma lo paese et Cupidine forono finiti T i t iano" ^1 (The canvas of Venus, nude; who sleeps in a landscape with Cupid, is by the hand of Giorgio da Castelfranco; but the landscape and Cupid were finished by Titian) The area above Venus' feet on the right hand side of the painting where the cupid was depicted.was badly damaged by fire and consequently painted out, probably in the early nineteenth 52 century. The main result has been to remove the principal link by which the figure of Venus was connected to the landscape. The main problem in regard to the landscape is to determine whether M i c h i e l ' s statement was correct and if so to determine what part of the landscape was painted by Ti t ian . I believe that we have no reason to doubt Michie l ' s statement because there are two different treatments of the representation of the landscape. I agree 53 54 with Richter and Lionello Venturi when they state that the buildings and bushes in the right-hand landscape were either finished by Tit ian or wholly conceived and painted by h i m . The exact amount of participation cannot be determined because we have no way of knowing how much Giorgione indicated in the under painting. In the figure and in the landscape on the left the transitions are care -fully graded the modulations of colour and tone carefully handled. But the abruptly r is ing mass on the right, which is not in harmony with the rest of the painting, appears to have been painted by Tit ian. Richter 's detailed conclusions in this matter appear to be correct,but I strongly suspect that the whole upper right hand quarte including the billowing clouds, are by the young Ti t ian . The lef t -hand landscape is Giorgione's . The eye travels back over horizontal in a finely controlled recession - the deepest and most satisfying in Giorgione's art to this point. This section is in direct contrast to Tit ian's rather dramatic mass on the right (made even more abrupt by the removal of the cupi'd). Giorgione's paint is thinly applied in these distant areas while Tit ian's is thickly applied, 55 bolder and more emphatic. The trees in the middle distance do not appear to be like those in other Giorgione paintings although it is difficult to be sure about the one in the middle of the canvas. Its f o r m and delicacy are l ike those of Giorgione, but in function it is like 56 those of the young Ti t ian . Certainly the rather flat bushy one on the hi l l - s lope near the houses is very s imilar to those 57 painted by Ti t ian in his early works. 75 It is clear that the moss-covered, rocky crag above Venus' head, with its single plant silhouetted against the sky, is by Giorgione. In f o r m and function it is s imilar to the equivalent area in the Three Philosophers. The line of Venus' right a r m is continued in a curve, through this dark mass and the single sprig . It is reasonable to suppose that Giorgione's commonly employed oval was to be completed by the cupid and subsiduary forms on the right of the painting. This was Giorgione's most ambitious painting up to this t ime. He attempted to create a synthesis of figure and landscape, using a large female nude dominating the foreground of a landscape fi l led with light. This was a great undertaking for a young painter and one in which he largely succeeded. The figure is fully modelled with great subtlety and despite the participation of another painter and subsequent damage to the conception, Giorgione was largely successful in creating an imaginative and unified whole. Few art-historians would challenge Kenneth C l a r k ' s 58 statement that the Concert Champetre in the Louvre is the 59 culmination of the Giorgionesque yet many doubt if Giorgione actually painted it. The most commonly held view is that the work was begun by Giorgione in the last year of his life (1509-10), 60 and finished by Ti t ian . 76 The problem has arisen not only because Giorgione left some of his work unfinished, 1 but because of the immense influence of his art which, more than any other at this time, seemed the purest expression of the Zeitgeist. "The School of Giorgione numbers far more adherents than even the school of Leonardo, or the School of Raphael, not because of any direct teaching of the master, but because the 'Giorgionesque' spirit was abroad, and the taste of the day required paintings l ike Giorgione's to satisfy it. " 6 1 The young Tit ian and Sebastiano del Piombo fell under the influence of the Giorgionesque as did scores of minor artists . Even the aged Giovanni B e l l i n i , who procla imed himself to be solely a religious artist painted a Giorgionesque nude when he was in his eighties. The Concert Champe'tre has been cut down on the left-hand side and at the bottom. It has been damaged and restored on countless 63 \ occasions, has large areas of astonishingly insensitive repaint, (such as the area of flat green on the left behind the figures), and yet this s o r r y wreck is one of the most magical canvases in Renaissance painting. In an idyll ic landscape next to a well sits a r i chly dressed young man with a lute, who has either just struck a note or paused to gaze intently at his more plainly dressed companion, who sits beside h i m and has turned to face the musician. In the valley below them a shepherd with his sheep and goats wanders by. A s in the Sleeping  Venus the landscape is bucolic - not cultivated. Between the two young men and the viewer are two ample nudes. The seated one holds a flute while gazing at the musicians; the other turns away f r o m the group, but seems to be listening to them as she pours water f r o m her pitcher into the well . Who are these women? Why are they nude? And why is it that the young men, so conscious of each other, do not seem to notice them? This is A r c a d i a , and they are either allegorical figures or nymphs. In Renaissance iconography the pitcher and the flute 64 were associated with personifications of poetry, and we know that at this time poetry was often sung to the accompaniment of a lute. But as the figures are nude, they are more l ikely to be nymphs. 65 The interpretation put forward by Edgar Wind seems to be the most reasonable. He has proposed that the nymphs, in their nudity are divine presences f r o m whose fountain the mortal musicians are nourished)and with whom they communicate through the power of music,but not through ordinary conversation. Philipp Fehl proposed that the nudes are wood nymphs, "The two women are not human. They are nymphs of the wood who, having been attracted by the music and the charm of the young men, have joined their concert. They are as invisible to the young men as they are, in the full beauty of the landscape which they bodily represent, visible to us. " 66 Whichever way we regard these opulent yet innotent creatures, they are clearly divine. Behind these figures on their pleasant hi l ls ide .a plain extends into the distance, further than in any previous work of Giorgione's , with the possible exception of the Castelfranco  Altarpiece . The condition of the picture is too poor for the viewer to be sure what actually is depicted in the distance. A l l we can be sure of is that it is an inhabited area which contains a water-fall , a few scattered buildings (villas most likely), some distant mountain peaks and a distant horizon. Again Giorgione's landscape is f i l led with the w a r m light of a summer afternoon, but the sky is darker than before, as the perfect enjoyment of the figures must soon end with the passing of the day. In its general arrangement the painting is s imi lar to earlier Giorgione creations. The main figures are enclosed within the foreground space. Even allowing for the fact that the painting 79 was cut down, it is clear that the figures occupy a greater proportion of the picture surface than before. It is also noticeable that the figures are much heavier and possess a greater sense of corporeality than those which we have seen before in Giorgione's work. While this could be due to Tit ian's participation in the work we must not neglect the internal evolution of Giorgione's art. In 1508 Giorgione was engaged in painting frescoes on the Fondaco dei Tedeschi in 67 Venice . The one fragment of these frescoes of nudes which 68 remains, shows a considerable change in Giorgione's rendition of the female nude. She is a much more fully developed and heavier creature than he had ever painted before, not very different than those in the Concert Champetre. A s in the Three Philosophers the view of the distance is restr ic ted to a small area between two large forms. But here there is a development. One of the forms - the large ilex tree on the right - has been placed further back f r o m the figures, helping to establish a larger middle ground area than before. Consequently the feeling of recession in this work is more convincing. The underlying systems of diagonals seen in Giorgione's earl ier work have also been treated with greater complexity. There are several main lines running through the landscape, tying the figures and landscape f i r m l y together. The line of the large tree trunk on the far left is continued through the f o r m of the nude and the well . The diagonal which comes down behind her shoulders and which has been emphasized by repainting is carr ied through the composition, through the l istener 's extended leg, to the picture frame. That is to say, the diagonals which help determine the pic tor ia l space are now found in the figures as much as the l a n d -scape. Although this strong structure represents a distinct development in Giorgione's art the main appeal of this painting is not to be found in it. The soft and ample figures of the nudes, the r i ch textures of foliage, fur, glass and silk; the w a r m reds and golden browns, the appeal of the imaginary music ; in fact the sensuousness of al l its elements is its overwhelming appeal. Here the dream of A r c a d y has come to l i fe . Crowe and Cavacaselle described this painting as, "a paradise in which the air is balmy and the landscape ever green; where life is a pastime and music the only labour. " 9^ The painting does not depict any particular action as Giorgione did not set out to tell a story but to create a mood. This is another of Giorgione's great inventions - the Stimmungsbild. Many great landscapes in Venetian painting before this time create an impress ion of a definite mood but the Concert Champetre was the f irst painting to have as its pr incipal motivation,the creation of a mood. One of the most popular l i te rary works read by Giorgione' 70 patrons was Jacopo Sannazaro's L ' A r c a d i a . So great was its appeal that before its f irst publication in Venice in 1504, the work circulated in manuscript copies and pirate editions. The poem is set in the idealized A r c a d i a of c lassical antiquity. It was not the slender story of unrequited love which appealed to his readers, but the mood of the work. Sincero, the principal character joins the Arcadian shepherds, l iving among them, herding and hunting and witnessing their contests of song. He finds release by telling nature of his sorrow and his passionate love for his unresponsive lady. The story is not as important as the frame of mind which it creates. In most parts of L 'Arcadia . the mood is as dreamy and sensuous as Giorgione's Concert Champ'etre.Section Five of L ' A r c a d i a begins, "It was already the hour when sunset spread al l the west with a thousand varieties of clouds; some violet, some blue, and some deep red; others between yellow and black and a few shining with the rays thrown back by other clouds, as though of the finest polished gold. "71 82 Sannazaro goes on to describe how two shepherdesses with their lovers sit next to a clear fountain and sing beautiful songs. The incident lasts only a short time and is one of the many passages which set out, quite simply to create a mood; a temporary emotional state in which man and nature, both idealized, come together in a sensuous, idealized whole. I do not suggest that Giorgione attempted to illustrate a passage f r o m IV Arcadia , but I believe that his a i m in painting the Concert Champetre was s imilar to Sannazaro's. Both set out to create a mood of idealized humanity at perfect peace with nature in its most felicious aspect. The love of an Arcadian existence was not real ly nostalgia for a bygone golden age. There are no c lassical ruins in Giorgione's painting and the dress is contemporary. A r c a d i a existed in the imagination of the readers of Sannazaro's poem,and the collectors of Giorgione's paintings. The link was a very real one. 72 If we read Sannazaro's letters we see that two of his correspondents were Pietro Bembo and Marcantonio M i c h i e l . Bembo owned a copy 73 74 of a Giorgione painting and M i c h i e l an original . The Concert Champetre is in complete harmony with the Arcadian movement in humanist literature. Nymphs, fountains, elegantly dressed musicians,and music -making shepherds in idyll ic landscapes bathed in the golden glow of the late afternoon sun,are the essential ingredients of the Venetian Renaissance idyl l - written or painted. C H A P T E R F O U R T H E L A N D S C A P E S O F T I T I A N One of the great controversies of Venetian art history has been that concerning the date of Tit ian's bir th . He was born somewhere between 1477 and 1490. * The most commonly mentioned 2 date in recent literature is 1488. Giorgione had come f r o m Castelfranco, where the plain of the Veneto just starts to give way to the foothills of the A l p s . Ti t ian was born in Pieve di Cadore, a mountain village deep in the Dolomites, and spent the early part of his life in this mountainous region before going to Venice. The difference is important as it determined to some degree the types of landscapes which these artists painted. While individual mountains are sometimes included in Giorgione's paintings, he never painted mountainous landscapes as did Ti t ian . 85 Not only did Titian spend his early years in mountainous surroundings totally different f r o m the physical environment of Venice, but he travelled through Italy much more frequently than any Venetian painter so far discussed. He also travelled through the Alps to Augsburg to the court of Charles V, and paid frequent 3 visits throughout his l ife to his birthplace. This means that Tit ian had far more intensive and extensive experiences of the variety of natural landscape than the Bel l in i or Giorgione. Li t t le is known of Tit ian's early years in Venice . He probably went there about the turn of the century and studied under several artists including Gentile and Giovanni Bel l in i before becoming 4 loosely associated with Giorgione. 5 Antonio Moras si thought that the influence of Giovanni B e l l i n i on the young Titian was only of minor importance, but in the early sixteenth century Giovanni Bel l in i ' s workshop was producing altarpieces, portraits , devotional works and even the occasional mythological piece, and must have given Tit ian an opportunity to experience first hand the methods and ideas of the great founder of Venetian Renaissance painting. In the Bel l ini workshop he would also have come into contact with many of the leading younger painters 6 of his own generation. Georg Gronau thought that Tit ian might have come into contact with P a l m a Vecchio and Sebastiano del Piombo in this manner. It must have been in Giovanni Bel l ini ' s studio that Tit ian began that long process of assimilating the diverse currents of Venetian painting, bringing them together in his own art, borrowing adapting, absorbing ideas, styles and techniques. It was Tit ian who brought the regional art of Venice to a distinctive style which was both a logical development of what had gone before,and a r iva l in its comprehensiveness and profundity,to the previously unchallen-ged artistic supremacy of Florence and Rome. Tit ian found in o i l painting a perfect means for the expression of his Weltanschauung. His technique is immensely more complicated than that of Bel l in i or Giorgione but directly depends upon their achievements. We have no clear evidence 7 concerning Tit ian's working methods before his old age. However, it appears certain that he did not paint alia p r i m a but usually started on a mid-tone or dark ground, as opposed to the light grounds of nearly all Renaissance painters before h i m including Giovanni B e l l i n i and Giorgione in most of his works, and gradually built up a painting in l a y e r s . It appears certain f r o m an examination of his paintings that he used a complicated system of glazes, scumbles and impastoes so that forms were built up in layers of different thicknesses (depending on the f o r m being depicted), and fused into an overal l harmony. The variety of surface quality on a painting by Titian is very different f r o m the smoother paintings of Giovanni Bel l in i and Giorgione. Over a period of years Tit ian became the supreme master of the oi l technique, without a peer in the sixteenth century. B y his full control of this medium Tit ian was able to paint the subtle dif-ferences in the textures of flesh, materials , foliage and the m u l t i -plici ty of objects which the human mind can apprehend through sight and touch. His facility in the oi l technique also enabled h i m to con-t rol the play of light on these objects, so that in a painting like g Bacchus and Ariadne he could paint men, women, animals, mat-erials , metallic objects, in fact an enormous variety of things, each with its own individual texture and illumination, and combine them all in a uniform whole under differing conditions of light and shadow. Ti t ian was never content to solve pictorial problems with set devices or formulae. Throughout the great length of his p r o -ductive life he continually explored new paths of pic tor ial expression so that the paintings of his old age are as forceful and vital as those which he created in his p r i m e . His vitality was inexhaustible. The key to this is his immense concern for human values. There is a tremendous range of comment and interpretation of human experience 88 in Titian's art. The playful and the spiritual, the lascivious and the deeply serious all have a place in Titian's works. Throughout all his paintings there is a great and sincere affirmation of l i fe . Giorgione's oeuvre is one of the smallest in the history 9 of art; Tit ian's is most probably the largest. Giorgione painted for a smal l group of the young intellectual elite of Venice . Tit ian painted works for small par ish churches, cathedrals, Venetian merchants, dukes and cardinals, Pope Paul III, The Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, and Philip II, King of Spain. His output was vast, his range prodigious, and it was possible for virtually the whole range of society to come into contact with his work. B y the time Titian started out in Venice as an independent master (ca. 1506) Giogione's idyll ic conception of man and nature was being taken up by the young painters of Venice. During the next decade this idealistic view of man and nature in perfect harmony was shared by all leading young painters of Venice. Pa lma Vecchio, Sebastiano del Piombo, Vicenzo Catena, Savoldo and Giulio Campag-nola, all produced paintings under the spell of Giorgione. ^ 11 We know f r o m the notes of Marcantonio Michie l , that the young Tit ian finished the landscape in Giorgione's Sleeping Venus. It must have seemed to the collectors of Venetian paintings that Tit ian, who had worked on the frescoes of the Fondaco de' 12 Tedeschi after Giorgione, was that painter's logical heir , p a r -t icularly after Sebastiano del Piombo left Venice for Rome within a year of Giorgione's death. The Concert Champetre in the Louvre , the climax of the Giorgionesque, is believed by many art historians to have been begun by Giorgione and finished by Ti t ian . It is quite possible that Ti t ian was commissioned to paint the copy of Giorgione' Allendale Nativity in Vienna which B e r n a r d Berenson and Ludwig 13 Baldass understandably believe to be the work of Ti t ian . In 14 his L i fe of Giorgione, V a s a r i gave the Chris t of San Rocco to Giorgione, but in his L i fe of Ti t ian he gave it to that painter say-15 ing that "many have believed it to be by the hand of Giorgione. " Despite the fact that Ti t ian came f r o m a mountainous region his early landscapes are not mountainous, but Giorgionesque. He painted hi l ls overlooking plains with distant mountains on the horizon. The young Tit ian so shared the Giorgionesque idyll ic view of man and nature that there is no common agreement as to which paintings were painted by Giorgione and which were painted 16 by Tit ian. The Giorgionesque conception of landscape painting stayed with Tit ian for the first twenty years of his artistic develop-ment and it was only long after Giorgione's death that Titian evolved a different conception of the figure and its relationship to nature. But Ti t ian never really completely abandoned the Giorgionesque, .. 17 as can be seen in the very late Shepherd and Nymph in Vienna. 18 Tit ian 's early Gipsy Madonna, painted about 1510 or a little later, shows how quickly Tit ian grasped the essence of the aged Bel l ini ' s Madonna and Child paintings and at the same time created something individual and more attuned to the new age. The Chris t Child , naked except for a light piece of cloth around his chest, is supported by the Madonna as he stands on a short parapet jutting out f r o m the bottom right-hand corner. The Madonna, close behind him. is portrayed as a very young woman, dressed in copious garments of expensive fabrics, with her eyes modestly downcast. Behind these figures on the right is a beautiful hanging of striped silk and green satin. On the left-hand side of the p i c -ture behind the Madonna there is a low wall . Above this, occupy-ing approximately one fifth of the picture space is a depiction of a landscape. In the middle distance is a tall , slender tree, at the foot of which sits a lone man. In the distance a cluster of large buildings is shown at the foot of a low, truncated mountain. Above is an afternoon sky. Even f r o m the written description the debt to Giovanni Bel l ini ' s Madonna and Child compositions is obvious and in many 20 ways it resembles the B e l l i n i Madonna and Child in Detroit, painted only a year or two earl ier than Titian's picture. The asy-mmetr ica l division of the area behind the Madonna and Child, into hanging and landscape, unquestionably derives f r o m the Bel l ini work. There are also a number of important differences b e -tween the two paintings. Ti t ian 's forms are less compact than those of Bel l in i , the forms possess a greater amplitude and ap-pear to possess a greater potential energy than those of B e l l i n i . In B e l l i n i ' s painting there were s t i l l l ingering traces of the sever -ity and seriousness of a Byzantine icon,but in Titian's art there is something of the physical beauty and elegance of profane art. The figures share the dreamy self-absorption of Giorgione's creations, but they are larger in f o r m and in their relationship to the landscape. Close examination of the landscape reveals that it de-rives f r o m the left-hand side of the landscape in Giorgione's 21 Sleeping Venus. Tit ian repeated mOsti of the details which G i o r -gione painted in the group of buildings at the bottom of the d i s -tant mountain,but the overall effect is different. Giorgione's motif is predominantly horizontal and is painted in thin layers of paint with great delicacy. Tit ian's landscape forms are more dramatic. The paint is applied more thickly and there are fewer subtleties, more contrasts of tone. In Giorgione's landscape the eye is led back into depth by almost impercepible gradations of tone and colour. Tit ian used another Giorgione method - interlocking diagonals. There is not a great deal of subtlety in Titian's use of this method, but its use in conjunction with a system of aerial perspective gives a reason-ably convincing pictor ial space. B y Giorgione's standards the tree in the left foreground has been painted with very little care. It seems to have been very rapidly painted in, using very l iquid paint. Ti t ian was far more interested in the human content of the picture than the landscape, or in achieving a Giorgionesque fusion of the two. The viewer carries away f r o m this picture a vivid memory of the foreground colours. The cloth hanging is apple-green satin alternating with grey s i l k on which there are red and white stripes. The Madonna's dress is wine-red and her cloak is sky-blue edged with brown over green. There is nothing in the landscape to r i v a l this gorgeous array. V a s a r i states that Tit ian's frescoes on the Fondaco dei Tedeschi in Venice, brought h i m much fame - at the expense of Giorgione's reputation. While this is probably an exaggeration of the amount of success which Tit ian achieved, it is l ikely that it did help h i m to secure the commission to paint three frescoes in the Scuola del Santo in Padua, depicting miracles in the life of St. Anthony of that city. Unlike the Fondaco frescoes, there were straight-forward narratives. Tit ian painted The M i r a c l e of the Newborn Child, The Jealous Husband,and The M i r a c l e of the 23 Youth's L e g . These frescoes show a new development in Venetian painting because they are concerned with strong, and even violent action. Giovanni Bel l ini ' s figures usually stand silently while Giorgione's seem forever lost in quiet self-absorption; not so those of Tit ian in the Padua frescoes. These large figures moving boldly and dressed in heavy draperies seem to be almost super-human. In the M i r a c l e of the Newborn Chi ld the strongly c h a r a -cterized, robust figures dominate the painting. Tit ian concentrated upon the grouping of the figures and only included a smal l section of the landscape in the upper right-hand quarter of the fresco. This landscape consists only of a grassy bank and a few small trees. It forms a sort of backdrop to the action and helps to direct the viewer's attention to the central actors in the drama. The landscape is not related to what is happening in the foreground - spatially or thematically. 25 In The Jealous Husband the action is violent. A man with a long dagger stands over the violently twisted body of his wife, about to stab her again. The representation of the miracle , in which St. Anthony restores the wife to life and forgives the jealous hus-band,is relegated to the background as Titian appears to have been far more interested in depicting the passionate fury of the husband and the agony and suffering of the wife, than in St. Anthony's m i r a c l e . The awkward shape made by the two foreground figures is echoed by the large bank of earth behind them.and the forms of the trees growing on it f o r m a very powerful " V " shape which amplifies and intensifies the violent conflict. The landscape in Venetian paint-ing had long been used to echo both the mood and the action of the foreground figures, but it had always been a calm and restrained action and the mood had nearly always been quiet and peaceful. Here for the f irst time in Venetian painting we have a landscape which has been used by the painter to convey a feeling of dramatic brutality. In one of the few Tit ian drawings which have come down to 95 us, Tit ian, in what is obviously a pre l iminary sketch for the Jealous 26 Husband, drew the figures of the husband and the wife in poses which are different to those in the fresco. What is most s ignif i -cant is that in this pre l iminary work Tit ian included the large " V " shape of a tree above that part of the wife's body where the husband stabs. It shows that Tit ian's use of the bank of earth to intensify and c lar i fy the action was not fortuitous. Even in the early stages of the design of the fresco, natural forms were included for ex-pressive purposes. It also shows the germ of the idea which Ti t ian used nearly twenty years later in his great St. Peter Martyr A l t a r - piece in which he showed the saint being assasinated at the foot of a grove of trees. 27 In The Miracle:? of the Youth's L e g the episode in the saint's life is i l lustrated in the foreground with the figures arranged across the lower half of the fresco. Direct ly behind them, the trunk of a tree swoops down to force the viewer's attention to the relationship between the saint and the youth. Behind the tree, stretching across the whole upper half of the painting is a l a n d -scape - but this time it is i l l - jo ined to the foreground action. In a general way the background with its houses and towers echoes the general f o r m of the youth in the foreground but its relationship is unclear as there is a great deal of detail without any f i r m overal l organization. There is a walled city with a large round tower, some thick undergrowth outside the walls, a shepherd with his flock and a stretch of open sea with an island - perhaps the Venetian lagoon. The pinnacles on the roofs of the buildings give them a character which seems more Germanic than Italian. B e -hind this walled city is a b l u r r e d shape which Crowe and C a v a l -28 caselle recognised as a dolomitic crag. If this is so, then it is the f irst appearance of the Dolomites in the paintings of Titian,but unfortunately the fresco is in such bad condition that it is impossibl to be sure what was originally intended. Two of the Padua frescoes - The M i r a c l e of the Newborn Child and The M i r a c l e of the Youth's L e g show a conception of art unlike that of previous Venetian painting. It seems certain that Titian, while in Padua, took the opportunity of studying Giotto's frescoes in the Scrovegni Chapel. If we compare The M i r a c l e of 29 the Youth's L e g with The Lamentation then the s imilar i ty in the general arrangement of the compositions becomes obvious - e s -pecially the poses of Chris t and the youth. It could be that Tit ian was influenced by another of Giotto 30 frescoes in the Scrovegni Chapel - the Noli Me Tangere - when he came to paint his own version within a few years of leaving Padua. The relationship between the Magdalen with her outstretched hands 97 and the newly-r isen Christ is one of the most poignant in all art. The theme of Nol i Me Tangere is not a common one in Venetian art, and it is quite conceivable that Ti t ian was moved to paint one only after seeing Giotto's wonderful fresco. 31 In Titian's Nol i Me Tangere the newly-r isen Chris t is shown appearing to the Magdalen on a low hillside, overlooking an undulating landscape. Behind Chris t there is a young oak tree, behind the Magdalen a low bush. Above this bush on the other side of a valley is a s teeply-r is ing hillside on which is a group of houses which have been built at the base of a ruined castle. The left-hand side of the picture shows a view down f r o m the h i l l , over undulating meadows set between trees. In this peaceful landscape sheep safely graze. The wooded meadows gradually lead off into a landscape which becomes increasingly blue as it nears the horizon where the sky is lit by the slanting rays of the sun. The relationship between the figures is very tender, r e m -32 iniscent of such Giorgione works as the Allendale Nativity. But it is the relationship of the figures to the landscape which shows more clearly the influence of Giorginione. The major lines of the figures are linked up with the major lines of the landscape, to create a strong unity of man and nature s imi lar to Giorgione's Concert ^ 33 Champetre Chris t leans away f r o m the Magdalen so that the curve of his body fits that of the h i l l on the right. M a r y Magdalen's kneeling posture and outstretched hand are echoed in the low bush above her . The graceful movement of Chr is t is repeated in the branches above h i m . The large young tree behind the figures swoops down and its curve is continued through the Magdalen's pose. On this major line formed by the tree trunk are the heads of Chris t and the Magdalen. If we trace all the major lines through the composition we shall see that they intersect somewhere between the two main figures. Here where al l nature's curves intersect is the straight line of the handle of the hoe. The handle of the hoe gathers together those diagonals which contrast to the dominant one of the tree so that a tremendous feeling of tension is created in the area between the two figures. It is obvious that the group of houses on the right derives f r o m that in the Sleeping Venus in Dresden. How much of the group 34 of houses in Giorgione's is Tit ian's creation is not known. However, it is clear that the houses in Nol i Me Tangere have been painted with greater force of definition and that the elements are fewer. The barn and trees on the far left of the group have been omitted because of the vert ical format of this composition (as opposed to the horizontal format of the Dresden Venus) and because Tit ian 99 was aiming at a greater simplification of the forms in his pictures. There are two sources of light in the picture. There is that of the sun near the horizon and that mysterious one which lights the figures f r o m the front. This ambiguous lighting scheme has been present in Venetian landscape painting since Giovanni Bel l ini - 35 painted his Agony in the Garden. The landscape of Noli Me Tangere is not related to those of the Padua frescoes, nor is it in any way reminiscent of the moun-tainous country of Cadore. Even though the work is bolder than anything Giorgione created in landscape painting,the painting is basical ly Giorgionesque in conception and owes its general charac-ter to Tit ian's close famil iar i ty with Giorgione's art. It is a r e -ligious painting, but it makes no attempt to create a setting based on the bibl ica l narrative. The event takes place in an idyl l ic landscape. The figures occupy less than a quarter of the total picture space, yet as in Giorgione's paintings, to remove either figures or l a n d -scape would be to destory the whole meaning of the work. There is a unity between man and nature; man, God and nature. Individual motifs which Titian might have borrowed f r o m Giorgione are not in any way as important as the overal l concept of the harmonious r e -lationship between idealized humanity and idealized nature. How much of this came f r o m Tit ian and how much came 100 f r o m the patron is not known. While Tit ian was at work on the Padua frescoes Giorgione died in Venice . The works of Giorgione were greatly sought after as we know f r o m the correspondence of Isabella d'Este^who, on hearing news of the painter's death,immediately wrote to her agent Taddeo Albano, asking h i m to obtain one of the painter's works if he could. He replied that people would not part 3 6 with his paintings, even for large sums. Nol i Me Tangere could have been a cabinet picture painted for a patron who wanted a Giorgionesque painting. Even if we allow this, then it is s t i l l very significant that he asked Tit ian to paint it as he must have regarded Tit ian as the heir to Giorgione. In the Borghese Gal lery in Rome hangs one of Tit ian's best preserved and universally admired works - Sacred and Profane 37 Love. It is also one of his most intriguing, p r i m a r i l y because of the iconography. In the middle foreground is a sculptured antique s a r -cophagus, which is also a well f r o m which water pours forth. At the left-hand end of this fountain - sarcophagus sits a splendidly dressed, beautiful young woman, who with her right hand holds roses in her lap. She rests her left hand on an urn which has been placed on the top of the sarcophagus. At the other end of this fountain - sarcophagus sits another 101 young woman, so s imilar in her features that she could be the twin-sister of the former one. But she is nude, except for a light piece of cloth across her lap, and some red drapery which billows out on her left-hand side. She holds a smal l smoking urn aloft in her left hand as she turns to gaze at her clothed sister. Between these two figures Cupid leans over f r o m behind the fountain to stir its waters. In front of h i m a si lver dish rests on the edge of the foun-tain. The painting was probably commissioned by Niccolo 38 Aurel io , Grand Chancellor of Venice, somewhere about 1515. It is Neoplatonic in inspiration and thus is associated with a dif -ferent type of humanism than that with which Giorgione's art was associated, which had an Aris to le l ian basis . It is quite possible that the work was connected with Venice 's most famous Neoplatonist, Pietro Bembo. While there is no definite evidence of h i m having been involved in drawing up the programme, the painting is in c o m -39 plete harmony with Bembo 1 s G l i Asolani , a sort of sophisticated and enjoyable b r e v i a r y for the fashionable rather than a serious Neoplatonic treatize. A t the time Tit ian was painting Sacred and  Profane Love, Bembo's G l i Asolani was enjoying great popularity in Venice . Besides the general theme of the nature of love, the painting and the poem have distinct s imilar i t ies . One of the young 102 men in Bembo's work, while putting forth his philosophy of love talks of his "gentle lady" with her golden hair untied,, with a si lver foun-tain bubbling by her side as she sits under lush foliage, "Down to her feet her garment flowed more pure Than snow; the hem's encircling whiteness round"40 A study of the complex iconography of this painting is beyond the 41 scope of this discussion. F o r its significance in the development of the landscape in Venetian painting, it is sufficient to state that Sacred and Profane Love is a Neoplatonic allegory in which the clothed figure is generally interpreted as Venus Vulgaris , physical beauty: the generative force behind all created things. The nude figure is generally interpreted as Venus Caelestis, divine love: purely intelligible beauty. It does not seem that Tit ian is favour-ing one over the other, " H i s figures do not express a contrast between good and evil , but symbolize one principle in two modes of existence and two grades of perfection. The landscape stretches across the full width of the paint-ing. On first encounter the landscape seems to be a single one, but it soon takes on a divided aspect. Dense foliage has been painted behind the fountain so that the viewer's attention is f irst focused 103 upon the figures. Only at the ends of the canvas does the landscape become real ly important - so important that it occupies almost the whole of each end. Behind Venus "Vulgaris or Profane Love, is a view up a hil lside to a group of houses and a castle. - A rider is shown galloping up a path to the houses and castle, around the gateway of which some figures stand. There is again a close resemblance between the group of houses and those in Nol i Me Tangere and Giorgione's Sleep- ing Venus. Here they have simply been reversed in a sort of m i r r o r image of the previous ones. Above, the houses, caught in the last rays of the sun is a round tower. This landscape is dominated by a symbol of earthy power - the fortress . The forms of the landscape -the h i l l , the buildings and the trees - almost blot out the sky. Behind Venus Caelestis or Sacred Love is a view downward, to a far more spacious landscape. At the edge of a lagoon a number of cottages are grouped around the spire of a church. On the other side of this little group of buildings is a larger lagoon or the open sea, and above is a very striking blue and gold streaked sky. Here , the church steeple set against the sky represents the power of the spiritual world. In the middle ground of the landscape behind Profane Love are two rabbits, traditional symbols of profane love. In the middle ground of the landscape behind Sacred Love a shepherd tends his flock, two lovers embrace, and two riders with their hounds are seen chasing a hare, an animal traditionally associated with Aphrodite. The moving figures in the landscape show a more active relationship between man and nature than in Giorgione's paintings. The figures in a Giorgione painting are usually shown at rest. Here in Sacred and Profane Love, despite the fact that the work is an allegory, and so has little action, there is a great deal of movement. Men gallop on horses, hounds chase a hare and in the sarcophagns reliefs strong action is depicted. Spatially both landscapes have an abrupt transition f r o m foreground to middle distance, but the passage f r o m here to the distance is smoother. In the landscape behind Profane Love, tall young trees set at intervals work in conjunction with a zigzag of diagonals (as seen in the Gipsy Madonna), to provide a harmonious recession. Behind Sacred Love the eye pauses in the middle distance to take in the animals and figures then glides very smoothly over one body of water, then the buildings, then the open sea and the sky. In the paintings of Giorgione, the sky was used mainly as a means of creating mood. His clouds are usually rather vague in 105 definition and usually have little to do with the structure of the painting. Tit ian's use of the sky is more resourceful and his treat-ment is explicit . It helps to establish an idyll ic mood and at the same time it is used prominently in the structure of the painting. Tit ian used strong horizontal bands across the sky to give the landscape a feeling of great spaciousness and also to repeat the dominant horizontals of the sheets of water and the sarcophagus. In character the work is not Giorgionesque but in mood it i s . The landscapes are idyl l ic and the beautiful young women are perfectly at ease in it. This painting is real ly the climax of the idyll ic allegory in Venetian Renaissance painting. This development, which started 44 with Giorvanni Bel l in i ' s Sacred A l l e g o r y has been here brought to a masterful conclusion. It depends upon the paintings of Giorgione for its general feeling for a harmony between man and nature, but this work goes far beyond anything Giorgione created. The fullness and weightiness of the forms and their potentiality for action together with the boldness and confidence in the handling surpasses the art of Giorgione. The assertive plasticity of the sarcophagus and the figures, combined with a sense of great spaciousness in the landscape, inaugurates the grand, style of sixteenth century painting in Venice. 45 V a s a r i tells us in his L i f e of Tit ian that Alfonso d'Este, Duke of F e r r a r a , had in his castle a small studio decorated with 106 mythological paintings by Dosso, and that in 1514 he wished to have a painting by Giovanni Bel l in i to hang there as well . Bel l ini , 46 then near the end of his l ife , painted for h i m the Feast of the Gods now in the National Gal lery in Washington. The subject was taken f r o m 47 a specific c lassical source: Ovid's F a s t i . The gods are shown feasting while Pr isprus ' attempt to pull the covering f r o m sleeping Lotis is foiled by the untimely braying of his ass. 48 The x - rays taken of this painting show that the landscape was twice overpainted. It is not clear who did the first repainting, 49 but it is certain that Tit ian did the second. The x-rays show that B e l l i n i had painted at the back of his figures a screen of trees which went across the entire breadth, closing off any view into the distance. Tit ian's revision wrought a dramatic change. He left the group of figures relatively intact (except to make certain gestures more obvious), but he overpainted some of the foliage on the right, and the row of trees on the left, substituting a dolomitic peak which stands out strikingly against the sky. This steep, rugged mass of rock is crowned by the remains of an ancient castle. In 1830 Sir 50 Charles Eastlake identified this as the castle of Pieve di Cadore. Nearly al l art historians have accepted this even though Tit ian's creation rises more steeply and dramatically than in nature. However, no conclusive evidence has been published to prove that Eastlake was correct . It is an important point because if this actually is 107 the castle of Pieve di Cadore then we have possibly the f irst actual view of a particular landscape in Venetian painting. Whatever the source of Tit ian's peak actually was, it is clear that it is closely related to the Dolomites. In this it is an important development in Titian's art because it marks the end of the idyll ic Giorgionesque landscape and the beginning of the more powerful and rugged type which Tit ian brought into Venetian landscape painting. Alfonso's court at F e r r a r a was a bri l l iant one in which c lass ica l literature and the writings of the Italian humanists were highly regarded. Alfonso probably saw in Ti t ian a painter far more able to satisfy his taste for the voluptuous and the bri l l iant than Dos so or B e l l i n i had been. He commissioned Ti t ian to paint three works for 51 52 his studio: Venus Worship, Bacchanal (The Andirans) , (both in 53 the Prado), and Bacchus and Ariadne in the National Gallery in London. Fbr Venus Worship and the Andirans the Duke chose themes 54 f r o m Philostratus' Images. F o r Bacchus and Ariadne a number of 55 different sources were drawn upon. Not only was Ti t ian given precise passages f r o m class ical authors to illustrate, but he was given detailed instructions as well . Jacopo Tebaldi , the Duke's agent in Venice, wrote to his master in 1518. 108 "Most Illustrious and Excellent L o r d , I had no sooner read your Excel lency's order of the 20th instant as regards the subject bespoken of M . Tit ian, than I gave h i m detailed instructions, handing to h i m the paper containing the sketch of a figure and complementary notes for his guidance ." Detailed descriptions of poses were given by both the sources and the Duke,but the sources contain very little in the way of descriptions of the settings of these events and the Duke appears to have been more concerned with the figures than the landscape settings. Yet Titian created three masterpieces in which figures and nature come together in joyous, sun-f i l led landscapes which are exhilarating to experience. In each of the paintings Tit ian did for the Duke there is a dark mass of trees on one side and an open sky on the other. A n underlying diagonal takes the eye back f r o m this dark mass of trees in the foreground and into the light and space in the distance. There is very little in the way of open landscape in these works as each lower half is f i l led with figures. There is a joy and excitement in these works which is not to be found in earl ier Venetian painting. The joyful and exuberant young figures seem to f i l l the paintings with delight. While the figures and their actions are undoubtedly the most important elements in the pictures, a large part of the mood is established by the landscapes. 109 In each scene a bright summer 's day is depicted, with fair weather cumulus piling up in the sky. This is not the land of the eternal late summer afternoon as was so often depicted in Giorgione's landscapes. Here the revellers dance and feast, sing and play in the bright, full light of day. They have nothing to fear f r o m nature which is portrayed in its most felicitious aspect. Skies and trees are used by Titian to create an easy harmony between man and his environment. The thick, lush foliage of these paintings contrasts strongly with the often bare trees of Giovanni Bel l ini ,and the compact foliage of Giorgione's paintings. These natural forms, clouds and trees are used exte:n.sively by Tit ian as compositional aids. In each of these paintings done for Alfonso, the viewer's eye passes across the top of the composition by way of strategically placed clouds and bunches of leaves. There is nothing in previous Venetian painting to r ival these spectacularly bri l l iant skies. Nor is there anything to compare with Titian's use of the sky as a compositional device. In the use of the sky as a basic instrument in the creation of mood and at the same time as a strong compositional factor Tit ian has inaugurated a new development in Venetian landscape painting. In Sacred and Profane  Love it was seen that the cloud-streaked sky was used both for purposes of design and to give the painting a feeling of great spaciousness. This 110 has been more fully exploited in Bacchus and Ariadne . The great horizontal bands of sky and cloud contrast in tone, colour and shape to the foreground forms, so that the sky is set back and apart f r o m the foreground. At the same time the banded sky provides a f i r m structural basis for the composition, uniting the two main figures in the painting - Bacchus and Ariadne. H e r turning movement is echoed in the clouds immediately above her and is amplified by the towering mass higher up in the sky. In Bacchus and Ariadne the recession through space is achieved with more lucidity than in the Sacred and Profane Love, especially in the transition f r o m foreground to middle-distance. The leopards, intentionally cast in shadow, and set at an angle to the picture plane effect the transition into depth started by the chariot and the turning figure of Ariadne. The tonality of leopards is s imilar to that of the middle distance and so the eye passes back along the shoreline to the distant city, hills and open sky. In this painting Titian's use of trees as compositional aids is taken further than was done in the Noli Me Tangere. In Bacchus  and Ariadne Tit ian has more complex factors operating, especially in the group of figures. This noisy, romping crew is tied together by masterful use of the trees above them, the major lines of the trunks being c a r r i e d on through the figures. Leafy branches (like clouds), I l l are favourite devices of Tit ian which he uses to echo the movements of the figures. Bacchus' cloak finds an echo (and in a complementary colour), in the leaves above h i m . Tit ian also uses masses of foliage to control the lighting of his paintings. Ih Bacchus and Ariadne the young god is real ly the only figure to be bathed in the full light of day. This light catches the bright pink drapery which streams out above his body as he leaps f r o m the shadows in a burst of colour and light. The colour and curve of the fluttering cloth is picked up and intensified in the red of Ariadne 's clothing. These two main figures, joined above by the clouds and below by the leopards, the dog and the cloth with the urn, are spotlighted in a patch of sunlight. The subsiduary figures of Bacchus' t rain are in the chequered shadows of the trees. There is a sparkling freshness and exultation in this combination of natural and ideal forms . The elements have been taken f r o m nature but refined and elevated in accordance with a sensibility which is the product of an optimistic affirmation of l i fe . Trees , clouds, and figures, man and nature are al l depicted in the pr ime of their existence. The gods in Giovanni Bel l in i ' s Feast of  the Gods which hung in the same room as Titian's mythologies were hardly heroic creatures and the setting was not real ly evocative of the r e a l m of mythology. Tit ian's paintings for Alfonso show an 112 energetic idealization of man and nature closer in spirit to the r e a l m of c lass ical mythology than was ever achieved before in Venetian Renaissance painting. The use of trees, and especially tree trunks, in conjunction with figures, found its fullest and most dramatic development in 57 Ti t ian 's most famous altarpiece: The Murder of St. Peter M a r t y r . Painted between 1528 and 1530 for the Church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo in Venice, this painting was tragically destroyed by fire in 1867, and we can only get a general idea of its greatness f r o m previous writers , copies and engravings. V a s a r i described the painting as, "the most finished, the most celebrated, the greatest, and the best conceived and executed 58 that Tiziano has yet ever done in all his l i fe . " In a mountain landscape, on the edge of a forest remote f r o m human habitation, St. Peter M a r t y r falls on the ground, a v ic t im of his assassin's dagger. In the last moment of his earthy life he looks up to see two angels rushing down through the treetops, bringing his martyr ' s p a l m . The violent and brutal action of the powerful figure of the assassin is balanced by the twisting figure of the monk, who turns to f lee downhill. The saint seems to be almost tumbling down out of the dark forest on the right-hand side and out onto the bare mountain side. 113 A s was mentioned above in connection with the Jealous Husband in the Padua frescoes, Tit ian's portrayal of violence has no paral le l i n Venetian Renaissance painting. In that fresco there was considerable awkwardness both in the figures and their relationship to the forms of nature. It is the drawing for the Jealous Husband rather than the fresco which is the direct source of the central idea for the St. Peter M a r t y r . In the drawing Titian used the trunks of trees to emphasize the brutal action of the murderer and the violent struggle of the v ic t im. The force and drama of the St. Peter Martyr goes far beyond the Jealous Husband drawing. B y his simplification of the main action of the murderer and the v ic t im,Ti t ian changed a rather confused early idea into a great and dramatic motif in which the brutality of the attack is conveyed with greater clarity, energy, and power. In the St. Peter Martyr there is a far smaller proportion of the painting devoted to landforms, and a much greater proportion devoted to trees and sky than ever before. In the Bacchanals painted for Alfonso,there was only a small area of each picture given to l a n d -forms so that the human figure dominated. In the St. Peter Martyr the forms of the trees dominate everything else in the picture. They are not s imply included in the background but play a major role, compositionally and expressively. 114 The trunks are s c a r r e d and twisted, the foliage does not have that lush uniformity which was characteristic of the Bacchanals' but is so differentiated that no one species dominates. These are wild forest trees, which together with their bending forms in the strange light give a feeling of great agitation in the top part of the painting. It is remarkable that the upper two-thirds of the altarpiece is given over to the wild trees and sky. These are extremely important in establishing the mood of the work as it is through them that Tit ian helps to convey the feeling of savage cruelty. The twisted forms of the trunks and branches re-states the violent action below, spreading it throughout the whole work. As they near the ground the forms of the trees become concentrated behind the figures of the martyr and the assassin. This means a tremendous concentration of forces within a l imited area. Crowe and Cavalcaselle , who knew the original , described 59 it and as masterpiece of colouring, with the Dominican's habits the traditional black and white, the trees brown and green, and part of 60 the assassin's clothing red. Gronau stated that the sky was a deep, heavy blue. The main lighting seems to have been supernatural with intense light pouring through the clouds in the upper centre of the painting, and falling on the powerful shoulders of the murderer and 115 the upturned face of the saint. This is a unity of man and the forms of nature, but unlike the unities of B e l l i n i and Giorgione, this is a terrible one, with a violent t ragedy wholly foreign to the quiet religosity of Bel l in i and the sensuous idylls of Giorgione. This use of nature's forms for expres-sive purposes is a major development in Venetian landscape painting. One of the remarkable things about Tit ian's artistic development, is his ability to explore new directions and at the same time re-work and re- interpret older ideas. In the same year that he completed the St. Peter Martyr Altarpiece (1530) he produced one of his most delight-ful peaceful and enjoyable paintings by reworking a Giorgionesque 6l theme. This was the Madonna With a Rabbit in the Louvre . In the left foreground, very close to the viewer, St. Catherine leans over to give the Chris t Chi ld to the Madonna who is seated on the ground, holding a rabbit in her left hand. There is clearly a relationship intended between the rabbit, the Madonna and the Chi ld Jesus, probably a statement concerning the superiority of divine or spiritual love over human or profane love. F o r some unexplained reason this work has not been given any thorough iconographic interpretation. The Chris t Chi ld is naked but the two female saints are elaborately dressed, part icular ly St. Catherine who has a string of pearls threaded through her hair . The richness of dress and court-liness in the actions and deportment of these figures, could be explained by the fact that this painting is generally identified as the Madonna "With  St. Catherine which Tit ian painted for Federico Gonzaga. On the right of the picture, but placed back a little way i s a bearded shepherd, seated on the ground and patting a black sheep. Above h i m is a thick clump of bushes which close off most of the background. Nestling in these bushes is a rustic dwelling with a thatched roof. 62 Crowe and Cavalcaselle thought that the shepherd was St. Joseph. If we accept this interpretation then the painting is an extraordinary interpretation of the Holy F a m i l y as a bucolic family, l iving close to nature and in harmony with animals. The landscape is pastoral, not cultivated. Above the Madonna and St. Catherine is a landscape of great enchantment. On the plain below the h i l l on which the figures sit, are meadows and wooded areas which lead off to distant purple mountains. In the landscape area behind the figures the colours are lower in tonality and intensity and the forms are only suggested in a general manner. In the distance, above the Madonna, a church steeple is set against the sky. Here the colours grow more intense. The lower part of the sky near the horizon is streaked with orange and yellow. Above is mid-blue . The sky has again been painted 117 with those horizontal bands which were used for the first time in Sacred and Profane Love . Here they are used for s imilar purposes. In their opacity they close off the background and in their horizontality they give breadth to the composition. The paint is thicker than in Titian's early works, especially in the foreground, in the figures, their clothing and the basket of fruit . Colour is used as the chief means of creating depth in the landscape. The intense coloursof the foreground, which are very decorative, stand out against the dull contrasts of the landscape and only find themselves echoed, but not r ivalled, in the distant sky. The painting is tender in sentiment, pastoral in character, and highly decorative. Such items as the carefully rendered basket of fruit and the flowering plant in the foreground add to the impression that this was probably a court painting, executed to satisfy a r i ch taste which wished to see exhibited the artist 's s k i l l in an agreeable bucolic setting. 63 The painting of St. Jerome which hangs in the same room in the Louvre as the Madonna With a Rabbit has been identified by most 64 art historians as being also painted for Federico Gonzaga and only a year after the Madonna With A Rabbit: - 1531. 118 Here are two paintings, roughly s imilar in size and executed most probably within a year of each other. Yet they show two different approaches to the landscape. The aged St. Jerome, his only covering being a blue-grey cloth which he holds around his loins, kneels in a secluded forest grove deep in mountainous country,completely removed f r o m contact with mankind. He is shown chastizing himself while gazing pass ion-ately at a crucifix attached to a tree near the left-hand edge of the painting. In the gloom behind h i m stands his traditional companion: the l i o n . . In front of him, on a large piece of fallen rock rests his cardinal's hat and beside the rock rests a book, presumably the Vulgate. The right-hand third of the painting in front of the penitent saint is occupied by a rocky hi l ls ide , deep in shadow. Above and behind the saint, two thick trees come down to f o r m a " V ' c , blotting out the direct light of the moon which radiates through the branches and is diffused in the dense, moist atmosphere. This type of landscape is Ti t ian 's own. It depends very little on the previous art of Venice and a great deal upon observation of the landforms of his native mountain region. It is a bold, rugged landscape untamed by man. There is an impressive grandeur about this landscape and also about the saint. The brushstrokes are bold and thick, especially in the sunburnt body of the old saint and the foreground rock. Because it is night and the forms a r e l i t by the weak and diffused light of the moon, there is a unity between St. Jerome and his rugged surroundings. Where his body finishes and where nature begins is not clear . St. Jerome is not a casual visitor to this landscape, but part of it . Nature is wild and untamed, yet the old saint, by his indomitable spirit and clearly expressed faith in a greater power (as is shown by the crucifix), is not overwhelmed by the wilderness. The idea of depicting St. Jerome in the moonlight was not Tit ian 's own original idea; Giorgione had done it before h i m in a 65 painting now lost, but it is difficult to imagine Giorgione s painting as being s i m i l a r in character to T i t i a n ' s . Certainly his spatial organization would have been different. There is an important development in this regard in the St. Jerome. The human figure is not in the f i rs t plane of the picture. Between the saint and the viewer Tit ian has placed a piece of rock at an oblique angle. This helps to give the impress ion that the figure is within the landscape but it is not entirely successful. In its colours this painting is very different f r o m the highly decorative Madonna With a Rabbit. There are no real ly bright colours in it. Dark browns predominate in the gloom, greys in the foreground rock. The golden brown of the saints body finds 120 an echo in the moon's glow, and the dull green of the sky acts as a contrast to the cr imson of the cardinal's hat. After Ti t ian refused Pietro Bembo's invitation to come to Rome in 1513, he petitioned the Council of Ten for senseria, the lucrative broker ' s patent traditionally awarded to the leading Venetian painter, stating that in return he would paint a battlepiece , 66 in the Palazzo Ducale. Twenty-four years later, when the Senate threatened to with-draw Tit ian 's broker 's patent he started work on the painting. Unfortun-ately this work is known to us only through a copy of the Uff iz i and an 67 engraving by Giulio Fontana as it too, like the St. Peter Mar tyr , perished in flames. V a s a r i says that Titian's painting represented the Rout of 68 Chiarodadda and Sansovino in 1581 called it the Battle of Spoleto. 69 Ridolf i ' s interpretation has generally been accepted as the correct one: "He had depicted the natural features of his country with the castle, placed high upon a high mountain, which had caught fire f r o m lightning, and f r o m which issued dark masses of smoke, l ike clouds, mixed with the horrors of the suddent tempest. "70 Tit ian chose to depict the Battle of Cadore, the greatest event in Pieve di Cadore's history, which took place when Tit ian was 121 a young man in Venice . In this battle the forces of the Holy Roman E m p e r o r were defeated by those of Venice . It is most important to the development of Venetian l a n d -scape painting that Tit ian chose to use the landscape as an important element of the design, combining men, animals, architecture, landscape and natural phenomena in a dynamic whole. A s the basis of the composition Tit ian placed a narrow stream in between high banks in the centre foreground. He depicted the Venetian forces advancing f r o m the right bank and charging over a small stone bridge to the Imperial forces of the other side. The E m p e r o r ' s forces were shown tumbling down the bank towards the viewer, thus making a c ircular movement in the foreground. This movement of men and animals was given coherence and amplication by the forms of the landscape. On the right a mountain loomed above the advancing Venetians giving them a feeling of forward thrust as they raced across the bridge. Above the tumbling Imperial forces, high on a mountain, the town and castle of Cadore were shown in flames, with clouds billowing into the sky. Above the bridge, between the opposing forces, Tit ian painted a high mountain valley in which lightning flashed and rain poured down. 122 There were not a great number of figures. Only about forty men and a dozen horses can be clearly made out in the copy and the engraving. What space in the painting is not taken up by these figures is taken up by the mountain landscape. A l m o s t no room was left for sky. There was nowhere for the eye to rest in the strong diagonals of the mountains which bring the viewer's eye continually back to the furious battle in the foreground. Landscapes are seldom to be found in battle paintings in the sixteenth century, but in the Battle of Cadore the landscape creates the setting and plays a major role in the composition and in establishing the mood of the work. Giorgione was the first painter to paint lightning, but his purpose has never been fully explained. Titian took all the means at his disposal, including a violent ra instorm with lightning to create a battlepiece in the grand style of sixteenth century Italian art. 71 The Venus del Pardo, a large canvas nearly thirteen feet long hangs high up on a wall in the L o u v r e . It is difficult to see and few good reproductions have been made available. This is probably because the work has suffered fire damage and f r o m 72 travelling and restoration. 123 Despite a l l these faults the Venus del Par do is one of Tit ian's great works, and certainly one of his greatest landscapes. It is in some ways a reworking of Giorgionesque motifs and others taken f r o m the Bacchanals done for Alfonso. It is also in many ways a prefiguration of the great series of poesies which Ti t ian was to create in the last twenty-five years of his life for Phil l ip II of Spain. The large canvas seems to have occupied Titian at different times in his l i fe . It is most probable that it was begun in the late thirties and reworked over a number of years before being dispatched to Phil l ip II in 1567. 7 3 A verdant landscape is divided into two unequal parts by the trunk of a young tree. The smaller left section shows a view into a wood of evenly spaced trees. In the larger right section the trees rapidly thin out to reveal a view of open country. In the middle distance on the edge of the painting is a rustic dwelling near which a steam rushes over a long low wier. Beyond this, the ground gradually rises to hills and eventually to a distant low mountain. Above fair weather cumulus billows up in the sky. In the left foreground a youth rushes in blowing a hunting horn. Next to h i m another young man with two beautiful hunting dogs on leash turns anxiously to his companion with the horn, pointing to the open meadow land in the right middle distance where a stag has been brought to bay. 124 Mingled with these human elements are creatures of c lass ical mythology. A satyr sits next to the hunting dogs, with his back turned to the viewer, gazing over the shoulder of the r ichly dressed young g i r l who sits next to h i m with a basket of fruit in her lap. In the open landscape in the right foreground, Antiope, nude except for a light cloth around the lower part of her body, reclines on animal skins, sleeping peacefully despite the commotion of the hunters. But she has less to fear f r o m them than Jupiter, who, in the f o r m of a satyr, kneels at her feet and stealthily begins to remove her covering. He looks up to see Cupid aiming his arrow directly at h i m . In the middle distance, above Antiope 1 s head, two nymphs play on the bank of the stream. Compositionally, thematically, and emotionally it is a complex work which seems to suffer f r o m lack of unity. It contains the same mixture of real and imaginary, c lassical and contemporary that was present in the Concert Champetre. It is reasonable to assume that the hunters are unaware that the divine and semi-divine inhabitants of nature are present. There are motifs in the painting which c lear ly derive f r o m Giorgione's art and this work was painted at least twenty-five years after Giorgione's death. The sleeping figure of Antiope was taken f r o m the Sleeping Venus in Dresden. The light drapery around the 125 lower part of her body is to be seen in a s imilar manner on the standing nymph in the Concert Champetre. There is also a reminiscence of Giovanni Bel l ini ' s Feast of the Gods in the figure of Jupiter pulling away the cloth which is reminiscent of Priapus ' action in removing Lot is ' covering. The light is w a r m and it falls softly on the figures, modelling the forms illuminated by the late afternoon sun. The mood of the landscape is not quite in harmony with that of Giorgione's idyl l ic landscapes, but it closer to the whole-hearted acceptance of the joy of youth in an idealized environment which Titian painted for Alfonso's studio. Tit ian has a more Pandean view of life and nature and the attempt to combine this view with the more passive idyll ic conception of Giorgione is not completely successful . Giorgione's forms are not as strongly formed or tactile as those of Ti t ian and his spaces are not as deep or as extensive as those of Ti t ian . In the Venus del Par do Tit ian t r ied to combine f i rmly modelled forms with a feeling of great spacious. The synthesis is not altogether successful . The strongly modelled forms of the foreground figures do not fit with complete harmony into the spacious landscape. The dense forest on the left of the painting does not lead with complete ease into the deep space on the right. 126 The reason why it remained for so long in his studio is probably because Tit ian himself real ized that the synthesis was not as satisfying as he would l ike, and so worked on it at various times over many years . In his later paintings (such.as those done for Phi l l ip II), he concentrated more on the human content and on specific and dramatic action in mythological works, and organized his paintings around a central dramatic moment. The Venus del Par do lacks this unity as it does not appear to illustrate a specific episode of mythology , but is rather a collection of different motifs taken f r o m the previous development of Venetian landscape painting, brought together for the creation of a mood s imilar to that created in c lass ical mythology, in combination with the idyll ic mood of Giorgione's Concert Champetre. In this, the Venus del Pardo is the last in a great series of Venetian Renaissance landscape paintings and the apotheosis of the Stimmungsbild. 127 C H A P T E R F I V E C O N C L U S I O N -Underneath Day's azure eyes Ocean's nursling, Venice l ies , A peopled labyrinth of walls. ^  -Shelley's lines vividly and concisely express the basic fact about Venice . It is a crowded is land-ci ty set in a lagoon, belonging more to the ocean than the land. Many people in Venice in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries must have spent long periods of their l ives without seeing the Italian landscape. Even today the enjoyment of nature must be a rather rare experience for many Venetians, l iving in the "labyrinth of walls. " This is one reason for interest in landscape painting during the Renaissance. The Venetians owed their l ivelihood to their sea-power. They were first and foremost marit ime traders who traded 128 throughout the whole of the eastern Mediterranean. The sons of the nobility were educated f r o m an early age to be mari t ime traders and often went on trading voyages while s t i l l quite young. It was only after 1530, with the loss of Venice 's once extensive mari t ime e m -pire , that the Venetian families began to look upon the land as a place in which to invest their capital. Before the dismemberment of Venice 's commerc ia l empire many Venetians with little contact with the mainland, and so could take an idealistic view of it. Thei r attitude was different f r o m the peasants on the mainland who spent their l ives in unrewarding toil , using crude methods for meagre returns. Before the fifteenth century when travel was rather h a z a r d -ous, the idea of the experience of nature would have car r ied with it fear for one's l i f e . " C i t y people have a natural love of the country, but when it was a matter of doubt whether a man would return if he ventured out of the town gates, as was the case in the Middle Ages, this love had no chance of expressing itself. "2 The Venetians of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were not interested in natural effects, in the changing conditions of light and atmosphere as in themselves. If they were, then they would have painted those marvellous skies and that wonderful light which is to be experienced at different times of the year in Venice . It was the landscape which attracted the collectors and patrons of art. 129 Two of the great Venetian Renaissance landscape painters, Giorgione and Tit ian were not born in Venice but came f r o m the mainland. Giorgione came f r o m Castelfranco on the plain of the Veneto and Ti t ian f r o m Cadore in the Dolomites. Both found a ready acceptance for the rememberances of their native districts which they included in their works. The landscape is a predominant feature in Venetian Renaissance painting, and is to be found in two main types of painting - the religious work and the mythological. Landscape seems to have been inimical to the Venetian concept of portraiture, as it r a r e l y makes an appearance in their portrai ts . In the paintings of Giovanni Bel l in i the landscape is often used as the structural basis of the work. Three of his greatest works, 3 4 5 the Resurrection, the Transfiguration and the F r i c k St. F r a n c i s all have a landscape as the structural basis . But in each case, the landscape depends on the figures to complete the composition and to make it meaningful. In the paintings of Giorgione, such as the Allendale Nativity 7 and L a Tempesta the landscape is also used as the structural basis of the painting. In the works of Giorgione however, the figures gradually come into a very positive relationship with the landscape 130 so that there is a greater balance between man and nature than in the paintings of Giovanni B e l l i n i . In Tit ian's paintings the figures gradually increase in importance relative to the landscape and he seizes upon two aspects of nature in particular , as compositional aids: trees and clouds. 8 In such paintings as Bacchus and Ariadne those elements have a key role in the structure of the work. The landscape as seen under different conditions of light and atmosphere is used by the Venetian Renaissance painters to amplify and clar ify the human action. In Giovanni Bel l in i ' s Resurrection, the dawn sky is used to convey man's new promise of eternal l i fe . In Giorgione's paintings quiet and gentle figures are pictured in ca lm landscapes, most often when the sun is setting, as in the Allendale  Nativity. In Titian's Bacchanals, the exuberance of the figures is enlarged by the glorious fullness of the landscape, and the sky. There is no evidence before Tit ian of Venetian painters making actual studies f r o m nature. No one would dispute the fact that Jacopo Bel l in i ' s landscapes were done without attempting to represent an actual place. His landscapes are ar t i f ic ial creations. There is no drawing which can be unquestionably given to Giovanni B e l l i n i which shows the representation of landscape -131 9 either ar t i f ic ial or f r o m nature. There is one drawing in Rotterdam which could possibly be by Giorgione but there is no certainty in the matter. In any case no modern art -historian has claimed that it is an actual view. Mart in Conway ^ attempted to prove that Giorgione painted actual views or accurate memories of actual places in his works. Despite the fact that he included many works by Giorgione's imitators he failed to convincingly demonstrate that such views were painted. The situation is different with Tit ian. The superb drawing of a group of trees which Tietze called Forest L a n d s c a p e ^ is generally accepted as being a study of trees done f r o m nature by Ti t ian . The left-hand part of the group of trees appears in the woodcut 12 Abraham's Sacrifice which was cut f r o m a Titian design. It is most interesting that while Tit ian drew f r o m nature for graphic works .': no surviving study f r o m nature can be connected with a painting by h i m . When working out his ideas for his paintings, Tit ian does not seem to have included landscape or natural forms. In the drawings 13 done for the St. Peter Martyr Altarpiece Tit ian shows his process of working out the actions of the assassin, the saint, the fleeing brother, and even the angels. Yet in a painting which was dominated by its trees, there is no evidence of them as part of the original conception. 132 When Tit ian was painting the Bacchus and Ariadne , Alfonso's agent, Giacomo Tebaldi went to the studio to see how the work was 14 progressing. In his letter to the Duke, Tebaldi stated that Tit ian had painted the car drawn by leopards and two of the figures, but the rest, including the landscape, had not even been commenced. V a s a r i believed that Titian's early interest in landscape came f r o m northern art. In discussing an early painting he says, "In that picture is painted Our Lady going into Egypt, in the midst of a great forest and certain landscapes that are very well done, because Tiziano had given his attention for many months to such things, and had kept in his house for that purpose some Germans who were excellent painters of landscape and verdue. " 1 5 There is very little information available on this crucial 16 aspect of Venetian landscape painting. Ernst Gombrich states that Titian kept F l e m i s h painters in his studio to paint landscape backgrounds, but gives no source for his opinion. We know that Albrecht Dttrer visited Venice (1505-1507) and that he was well received by Giovanni Bel l in i , but there is no mention of landscape painting in any of the literature on Dtirer. 17 Tietze thought that Tit ian's feeling for nature was stimulated by Diirer 's woodcuts, but he did not propose a direct link between the two painters. 133 The Venetian landscape painters in the early sixteenth century did have access to Northern painting. Cardinal Grimani , 18 a friend of Giorgione,was recorded by Marcantonio M i c h i e l as having in his collections many landscapes by Outwater and Pat inir . 19 E r n s t Gombrich has pointed out that the Italians in the sixteenth century admired the works of Northern artists, pr incipal ly their landscapes, as they believed that Northern landscapes looked better in paintings than Italian ones. The greatest Northern contribution to Venetian painting was in the field of technique. The F l e m i s h invention of oi l painting, traditionally brought to Venice by Antonello da Messina and adopted by Giovanni B e l l i n i , was the main vehicle of expression used by Venetian painters. By the use of the oil technique incredibly smooth gradations of colour and tone could be achieved and quantities of surfaces under different atmospheric conditions could be captured with astonishing fidelity. Even if a painter i s a master of oil painting, it does not follow automatically that he is going to be interested in landscape painting. The painter must feel that it is meaningful to paint part of the natural landscape. Giovanni Bel l in i ' s attitude to nature was a deeply religious one, based on a conviction that there was a deep and permanent harmony between God, nature and man. The most important influence on man's relationship to nature in the sixteenth century was that of humanism. The two leading humanists of Venice were Andrea Navagero (1483-1529), and Pietro Bembo (1470-1540), both of whom wrote literature in the Arcadian vein. Navagero's Misus pastorales (pastoral entertainments) are very s i m i l a r in mood to Giorgione's quiet i d y l l s : No gold I seek, nor wealth's deluding charms: I seek to hold my love within m y arms To spend my life amid such scenes as these -The plain, the stream, the hi l ls , the gentle breeze. Here lies my grotto, neath the lofty h i l l . Here grows the crocus by the i cy r i l l , Here grows the olive by the caven door, Here vines and ivy shade the space before; Nearby, the spring, that rises f r o m below, Delights the eye with never failing flow. If this quiet, gentle mood reminds us of the paintings of Giorgione then Pietro Biembo's attitude to nature, as expressed in G l i Asolani parallels that of Ti t ian : "the laurels , which here grew lawlessly in greater quantity than elsewhere formed two groves of equal size, black with shade and reverent in their solitude; and deep within them harboured a delightful fountain carved with consumate art out of the l iving rocks with 21 which the mountain closed the garden on this side. 135 22 Kenneth Clark has pointed out that before landscape painting could become an end in itself, it had to be fitted into an ideal concept. It had to aspire to what were regarded as the great types of painting - the religious and the mythological. Imitation was not enough. Paintings which t r ied to give a visual impression of the topography of an actual place, under actual atmospheric conditions, were not considered worthy of the great artist. The features of natur/e had to be idealized and enobled so that a definite mood was created by the painting. It was the achievement of the Venetian painters to play the major role in the establishment of the pure landscape. A s far as we know, not one of the painters mentioned in this discussion painted 23 a landscape as an end in itself, but they were instrumental in the process which led to its acceptance as a legitimate means of expression. It was the art of Ti t ian more than anything else which convinced the artistic public that the landscape could become as important as the human content, and in this he was seen to equal the ancients. In 1590 G . P . Lomazzo wrote, . "But among them all - not only Italian painters but painters all over the world - Ti t ian shines l ike a sun among little stars, as much on account of his human figures as of his landscapes, making himself the equal of Apelles who was the first 136 inventor of thunder-claps, rains, winds, the sun, lightning and storms. And, particularly, this Tit ian has coloured in the most delightful way mountains, plains, trees, woods shadows, light, inundations of the sea and r ivers , earthquakes, stones, animals, and everything else which pertains to landscape painting. " 2 4 Lomazzo was not a Venetian artist but a Milanese, so his extravagant praise was not a matter of local pr ide . His opinion has 25 been shared by those many writers since the sixteenth century who have real ized what a tremendous achievement the Venetians had made in the development of landscape painting. 137 F O O T N O T E S - Chapter I 1. Jacopo Bel l ini was unquestionably the most important painter working in Venice in the m i d fifteenth century. Unfortunately all his major paintings have been lost. What we do possess are his Sketch-books, one volume being preserved in the B r i t i s h Museum and the other in the Louvre . The B r i t i s h Museum Sketch-book consists mainly of drawings in lead point on the prepared paper. The Louvre sketches are more finished and elaborate, being done in pen on vel lum. In both Sketch-books there is a great variety in the subjects depicted, including figure compositions and architectural fantasies but most subjects are religious. F o r the latest research on the Sketchbooks see M a r c e l RfcJthlisberger "Notes on the Drawing Books of Jacopo B e l l i n i " Burlington Magazine XCVIII (Otcfober, 1956), 358-364. He dates the both Sketchbooks ca. 1455. o 2. "In fact they do not contain rapid sketches or studies f r o m life , as do the true sketch-books, but rather plans of compositions for religious pictures . " Charles de Tolnay, His tory and Technique  of O l d Master Drawings (New Y o r k : H . Bittner, 1943) p. 31. M y own opinion is that a few of the drawings, and especially those of lions and lionesses, are copies of sketches done f r o m l i fe . 3. Lionello Venturi , L e O r i g i n i della Pittura Veneziana 1300-1500 (Venice: S. Rosen, Istituto Veneto di A r t i Grapi che, 1907), p. 136. 4. Corrado R i c c i , Jacopo Bel l in i e i S u o i . L i b r i di Disegni 2 v o l s . , (Florence: F r a t e l l i A l i n a r i , 1908), p i . 22. 5. op. cit. 6. R i c c i II, p i . Ib. and 2a. 7. Ibid.. II, p i . 18b. and 19a. 8. Rdthlisberger p. 363. 9. John White, The Bir th and Rebirth of P i c t o r i a l Space (London: Faber, 1967), p i . 33b. 10. R i c c i I, p i . 28. 11. Ibid., p i . 38. 12. Ibid., p i . 6. 138 13. Ibid., p i . 17, 37. 14. Ibid., p i . 8. 15. Ibid., p i . 38-16. Ibid., p i . 37. 17. Ibid., p i . 17. 18. Ibid., p i . 22. 19. Ibid., p i . 6. 20. Ibid., p i . 35. 21. Ibid., p i . 76, 77. 22. Ibid., p i . 14. 23. Phil ip Hendy and Ludwig Goldscheider, Giovanni Bel l in i (London: Phaidon Press 1945), p. 17. 24. R i c c i I, p i . 18. 25. Rodolfo Pallucchini , L a Pittura Veneziana del  Trecento (Venice-Rome: Istituto per la Collaborazione Culturale, 1964), fig. 254. 26. Ibid. , fig. 451. 27. Enzo C a r l i , Sienese Painting (Greenwich Connecticut: New York Graphic Society, 1956), p i . 58. 28. Ibid. , p i . 27. 29. White, p i . 33b. 30. See Bernard Berenson, Italian Pictures of The  Renaissance: Venetian School, 2 vols . ( London Phaidon Press 1957,) I 37-8. 31. This is not to say that the conditions of patronage alone determined whether landscapes were included in paintings or not. 139 32. Berenson, L f i g . 60-62. 33. Raimond van Marie , The Development of the Italian Schools of Painting 19 vols . , (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1923-38), XVII, fig. 71. 34. Berenson I, 37-38. 35. c. f. , The Stigmatization of St. Francis R i c c i I p i . 76-7. 36. F o r Jacopo's early life see Van Marie , XVII, 56-61. 37. H . W. Janson A His tory of A r t (Englewood Cl i f fs , N . J . : Prentice H a l l , 1962), p i . 26. 38. R i c c i I, p i . 35. 39. E . Z i m m e r m a n , Die Landschaft in der Venezianischen  M a l e r e i (Leipzig : E . A . Seeman Ver lag , 1893), p. 26. 40. Kenneth Clark, Landscape Tnto A r t (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1956), p. 30. 140 F O O T N O T E S - Chapter II 1. Phil ip Hendy and Ludwig Goldscheider Giovanni Bel l ini (London: Phaidon P r e s s , 1945), p. 17. This painting is usually dated 1465-70. q. v. , Mart in Davies The E a r l i e r  Italian Schools National Gal lery Catalogues (London Trustees of the National Gallery , 1951), p. 46. 2. Corrado R i c c i , Jacopo Bel l in i e i Suoi L i b r i di Disegni 2 vols . (Florence: F r a t e l l i A l i n a r i , 1908), vol . II p i . 43b-44a. 3. Giuseppi Fiocco , - Paintings by Mantegna (London: Oldbourne Press (n. d. ), p i . X X 4. R i c c i , I, p i . 14. 5. Actual ly there is a great deal of confusion about the time of day portrayed. Giuseppi Fiocco , Giovanni Bel l ini (New Y o r k : M c G r a w - H i l l Book Co. Inc. I960), p. 12 describes it as a sunset. Rodolfo Pallucchini , Giovanni  B e l l i n i (Milan: Aldo Martello, 1962) states that it is dawn. A . Richard Turner The V i s i o n of Landscape in Renaissance  Italy. (Princeton N . J . : Princeton Universi ty P r e s s , 1966), p. 69, states that Bel l in i ' s rendition is bibl ica l ly correct . 6. John 18:3. No. Gospel gives the reader to understand that the event took place in the dawn. 7. Mart in Davies, p . 46 , notes this as an iconographic peculiarity. 8. • Pallucchini , Giovanni Bel l in i , p i . XI. 9. One group of crit ics including Giles Robertson and B e r n a r d Berenson date the work 1475 or later. Roberto Longhi dates the work 147 3 and M i l l a r d Meiss says that the work is generally dated 1473-1475. Rodolfo Pallucchini dates the work as early as 1470-1471. The dating is important because Antonello da Messina who traditionally brought the oi l technique to Venice, a r r ived there in 147 5. The Pesaro Altarpiece was painted using the oil medium and so if it was painted before 147 5 Giovanni Bel l in i learnt the oil technique before Antonello's a r r i v a l . The actual nature of the oi l technique used is also the subject of r i v a l c la ims. Hendy, Giovanni Bel l ini p. 22, believed that glazes were not used while Robertson "The E a r l i e r Work of Giovanni B e l l i n i , " - The  Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXIH(1960), p. 58 states that he did. 141 F o r a report on the cleaning of the Pesaro Altarpiece see C . Brandi , "The Cleaning of Pictures in Relation to Patina, Varnish and Glazes, " Burlington Magazine X C I (July, 1949), 183-188 and the reply by N e i l Maclaren and Anthony Werner "Some Factual Observations About Varnishes and Glazes, " Burlington Magazine XCII (July,1950), 189-192. 10. The main panel is 103 x 94 1/2 inches Pallucchini op. cit. p . 140. 11. Roberto Longhi "Piero della Francesca e lo Sviluppo della Pittura Veneziana, " L ' A r t e (1914). Unfortunately this basic article was not available at the time of writing and the question of Francesca 's influence on the art of Giovanni B e l l i n i could not be answered. 12. Rodolfo Pallucchini, L a Pittura Veneziana Del Trecento Latituto Per L a Collaborazione Culturale(Venezia-Roma;:1964.), p i . I. 13. According to Everett Fahy in "New Evidence F o r Dating Giovanni Bel l ini ' s Coronation of the V i r g i n " A r t Bulletin X L V I (June, 1964), 216-17, this was done by Giulio Vaccaj . 14. Pallucchini .Giovanni B e l l i n i fig. 74. 15. Pal lucchini .pl . XIII 16. Roberto Weiss, "Jan Van Eyck and the Italians" Italian  Studies XI (1956) p. 12 states that Alfonso I of Naples was presented with a Jan van Eyck St. George and the Dragon in 1444 or 1445. 17. M i l l a r d Meiss, Giovanni Bel l ini ' s St. F r a n c i s in the F r i c k Collection (Princeton N . J . : Princeton University P r e s s , 1964), p. 14. Unfortunately Meiss does not cite any specific examples of F l e m i s h paintings which Bel l ini might have seen. 18. Giorgio V a s a r i , L ives of the Most Eminent Painters  Sculptors and Architects 10 vols . ; trans, by Gaston DeVere (London: Phil ip Lee Warner, Publisher to the Medic i Society, 1912-14), HI. 63. 19. Robertson, The E a r l i e r Work of Giovanni B e l l i n i , p. 58. 142 20. Besides the possibil i ty of the Pesaro Altarpiece being executed before 1475 there is the matter of the Fugger portrait . In 1926 Mayer published the portrait of Joerg Fugger (Burlington Magazine, X L VIII (May, 1926) which a l l major authorities on Venetian Renaissance painting have accepted as by Giovanni B e l l i n i . The portrait bears the date 20 June 1474, and is so strongly reminiscent of Antonello's work that some art-historians, especially Georg Gronau, have concluded that B e l l i n i must have had knowledge of Antonello's portaits before that painter actually ar r ived in Venice . See Georg Gronau, Giovanni Bel l in i (Stuttgart-Berlin: Deutsche Verlags - Anstalt, 1930), p. 205. 21. Pallucchini ,Giovanni Bel l in i p i . XVIII. 22. Ibid., p. 144. 23. Ibid . ,p . 68. 24. M e i s s , fronticepiece. 25. Pallucchini, p. 145. 26. M e i s s , p . 27. 27. Paul Sabatier, L i fe of St. F r a n c i s of A s s i s i trans, by Louise Seymour Houghton (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1894), p. 295. 28. Pallucchini p. 68 believes that St. F ranc is is receiving the Stigmata while Turner pp. 62-5 elaborates Kenneth Clarke 's idea that St. F ranc is could be singing his Cantico. M i l l a r d Meiss pp28-31 discusses this aspect at some length and concludes that St. F ranc is is probably receiving the Stigmata. 29. M e i s s , p . 15. 30. Pallucchini , fig. 18. 31. Ibid., p i . X X . 32. See M i l l a r d Meiss "Highlands in the Lowlands; Jan Van TSyck, The Master of F lemal le and the Franco-Italian T r a d i t i o n " Gazette Des Beaux A r t s LVII (May, 1961), 273-314. 143 33. Matthew 17:1 34. Roger Fry .Giovanni Bel l in i (London; At The Sign of The Unicorn,1899),p. 27. 35. Pallucchini, p i . XIX. The St. Jerome also includes a representation of the Bridge of August at R i m i n i . 36. c. f. David Talbot Rice The A r t of Byzantium (London: Thames and Hudson, 1959), p i . X X X I X . 37. Hendy and Golds cheider, p . 15. 38. Ludwig's 1902 theory has been discredited (See Pallucchini p . 84) whereas Philipp V e r d i e r ' s theory, which is the latest one has not yet won general acceptance. See Philipp Verdier " L ' A l l e g o r i a della M i s e r i c o r d i a e della Giustizia di Giambellino agli Uff iz i Atti dell ' Institute di  Scienze, Lettere ed A r t i . Venice CXI (1953) 97-116. Unfortunately this article was not available at the time of writing and so no conclusion could be reached as to the validity of V e r d i e r ' s argument. 39. Pal lucchini ' f ig . 20. 40. Ib id . , f ig . 195. 41. Ibid. , f ig . 152 and p i . X X V I . 42. Ibid.> p. 151. 43. "Giovanni had many disciples, for he was ever most willing to teach anyone. " Vasar i , 111,183. 44. Pallucchini , f ig. 19 1. 45. Ibid. , f ig. 184. 46. Pal lucchini ,p . 101 states that this motif of the three angels watching the B"aptism is ultimately Byzantine in its origins. There i s also much of the icon about the figure of C h r i s t . 47. Pallucchini, p. 157 lists the work as being on canvas but earl ier authors such as Hendy and Goldscheider,p. 33 l is t the work as being on panel. It could have been transferred to canvas in recent years . 144 48. Raimond van M a r i e , The Development of the Italian Schools of Painting, 19 vols . (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, ;i923-38). ,. XVII, f ig . 241. 49. Pal lucchini , f ig. 67. 50. Ibid. , p. 101. 51. Ibid . , f ig. 184. 52. Edgar Wind, "The Eloquence of Symbols" Burlington  Magazine XCTI (December, 1950), 350. 53. The Feast of the Gods, Pallucchini p i . X X X I V and Nude Combing H e r Hair i b i d . , p i . X X X V . 54. E r i c a Tietze-Conrat , " A n Unpublished Madonna by Giovanni Bel l in i and the P r o b l e m of Replicas in His Shop" Gazette Des Beaux A r t s , XXXIII (June, 1948), 379-382. 55. Pallucchini , fig. 14. 56. Ibid . , fig. 97. 57. Ibid. , f ig. 100. 58. Ibid. , f ig. 104. 59. Ibid. , f ig. 129. 60. Ibid. , fig. 132. 61. Ibid. , f ig. 134. 62. Pallucchini , p. 148 states that a collaborator may have intervened in the landscape on the left. I would go further than this and say that both landscapes are largely the work 1 of assistants. 63. Ibid . , fig. 209. 64. My own opinion is that the landscape is largely the work of an assistant under the influence of Giorgione. 65. Pallucchini , fig. 214. 145 F O O T N O T E S - Chapter LU 1. Giorgio V a s a r i , L i v e s of the Most Eminent Painters , Sculptors and Architects trans. Gaston De Vere (10 v o l s . ; London: Phil ip Lee Warner, Publisher to the Medic i Society, 1912-14), HI, 184. 2. George Mart in Richter, Giorgio da Castelfranco -Cal led Giorgione,(Chicago: Universi ty of Chicago P r e s s , 1937), p. 185. 3. op:.cit. , IV 107-114. 4. His dates are ca; 1477-1510. See Richter p. 44. 5. l .The Leningrad Judith. 2. The B e r l i n Giustiniani Portrai t 3. L a u r a (Vienna). 4. The Castelfranco Altarpiece . 5. The Three Philosophers . 6. The Sleeping Venus. 7. L a Tempesta A l l other works attributed to Giorgione are disputed. However the early Allendale Nativity has won general acceptance in recent times, being accepted by such major cri t ics as G. M . Richter and Lionello Venturi . See Richter 1 s Oeuvre Catalogue pp. 207-258. 6. See Charles de Tolnay, The History and Technique of  O l d Master Drawings (New Y o r k : H . Bitner, 1943), pp. 19-22. 7. Vasari , IX, 159. 8. q. v. Detlev F r e i h e r r von Hadeln Venezianische  Zeichnungen Des Quattrocento (Ber l in : Paul C a s s i r e r , 1925), pp. 46-52. 9- L u i g i Coletti, A l l The Paintings of Giorgione, trans, by Paul Colacicchi , (New Y o r k : Hawthorn Books, 1961) pp. 8-9. 10. Ludwig Baldass, Giorgione, with notes by Gunther Heinz, trans, by J . M . Brownjohn, (New Y o r k : H . N . Abrams , 1968), p i . 28. 11. Hans Tietze and E r i c a Tietze-Conrat , "The Allendale Nativity in the National Gallery, " A r t Bulletin, X X X I (March, 1949), pp. 11-20. 146 12. Rodolfo Pallucchini , Giovanni B e l l i n i , trans, by R . H . Bobthroyd (Milan: Aldo Martello, 1962), p i . XELl. 13. M i l l a r d Meiss, Giovanni Bel l ini ' s St. F ranc is in The  F r i c k Collection (Princeton N . J . : Princeton Universi ty P r e s s , 1964), fronticepiece. 14. Luke 2:12. 15. c. f. , The F r i c k St. F r a n c i s . 16. Baldass, p i . 32. The circumstances surrounding this work are not clear . It is generally believed that the altar - -piece was commissioned by the Costanzi family for the Chapel of St. George in Castelfranco Cathedral,to commemorate the death of Matteo Costanzi who died in the War of Casentino at Ravenna in 1504,and was buried in the chapel of St. George. F o r the fullest account see Giampaolo F a v e r o , L a Cappella  Costanzo di Giorgione ( T r e v i s o : A r s it Religio Vedelago, 1955). 17. e .g . The San Giobbe Altarpiece, Pallucchini , fig. 118. Giorgione's figure of St. F r a n c i s was obviously borrowed f r o m Bel l in i ' s altarpiece. 18. See Richter, p.212. 19. Baldass, p i . 35. 20. This can be seen in photographs taken before 1933, e .g . Herbert Cook, Giorgione London: George B e l l , 1900, fronticepiece. 21. Richter, p. 212. 22. Lionello Venturi , Four Steps Toward Modern A r t (New Y o r k : Columbia Universi ty P r e s s , 1956) p. 7. 23. Creighton Gilbert, "On Subject and Non-Subject in Italian Renaissance Pictures , " A r t Bulletin X X X I V (September, 1952), 214. 24. Baldass, p i . 42. 25. Marcantonio M i c h i e l recorded, " L a tela a oglio delli 3 phylosophi nel paese, dui ritti it uno sentado che contempla gli raggi solari cun quel saxo finto cusi mirabilmente, fu cominciata da Zorzo da Castelfranco, et finita da Sebastiano Venitiano. " q. v. Richter p. 304. 147 26. F o r the most up-to-date summary of the major interpretations see Baldass, pp. 149-152. 27. See Johannes Wilde "RBntgenaufnahmen der D r e i Philosophen Giorgiones und der Zigeunermadonna T i z i a n s , r  jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien, N . F . , B d . VI, 1932. 28. Arnaldo Ferriguto, Attraverso i ' M i s t e r i ' di Giorgione (Castelfranco Veneto : A Cura della Citta, 1933), pp. 61-102. 29. While I do not wish to go too deeply into this discussion I would like to bring forward something which seems to have been neglected. Turbaned figures had been used in Italian art previous to the painting of the Three Philosophers to represent A v e r r o i s m . e. g. , in the Apotheosis of St. Thomas Aquinas in the Spanish Chapel, S . M a r i a Novella, F lorence . See M i l l a r d M e i s s , Painting in Florence and Siena After the Black Death, Harper Torchbooks (New York : Harper and Row, 1964), f ig. 95. 30. Pallucchini , figi 144. 31. Approximately seven inches was t r immed f r o m the left -hand side of the painting. See Baldass, p. 135. 32. Pallucchini , p i . XIX. 33. Baldass, p i . 46. 34. Wilde, op. cit. 35. Richter, p. 304. 36. It is difficult to account for the lack of discussion among art historians on this point. According to Gunther Heinz's notes in Baldass (p. 149), only two art historians, Theodor Hetzer and G. M . Richter, have claimed to see Sebastiano's hand in the landscape. 37. Richter, p. 304. 38. J . A . Crowe and G . B . Cavalcaselle, A His tory of Painting  in North Italy edited by Tancred Borenius (3 vols . ; London: John Murray , 1912) i n , 18. 148 39. This was pointed out by Freder icke Klauner, "Venezianische Landschaftsdarstellung von Jacopo Bel l ini bis T i z i a n " ^ Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien, L I V N . F . , XVIII (1958), 136 40. Lionello Venturi , Giorgione e i l Giorgionismo (Milan: U l r i c o Hoepli , 1913), p. 83. Richter, p. 58. 41. See Corrado R i c c i , Jacopo Bel l ini e i Suoi L i b r i di  Disegni, (2 vols. ; F lorence : F r a t e l l i A l i n a r i , 1908), I, p i . 14. 42. Gilbert , p. 214. 43. Venturi , p. 214. 44. See Coletti, p i . 57. 45. According to Richter (p. 2 4 1 ) , this was first made in 1922. 46. Ferriguto, p. 124. 47. Baldass, p i . 49. 48. The most frequently cited source for this pose is a wood-block print in Hypnerotomachia Poliphili , as first put forward by Louis Hourticq, L e Probleme de Giorgione (Paris : L i b r a i r e Hachette, 1930), p. 193. However the source could just as well have been l i terary . 49. c. f. Tit ian's Venus of Urbino, q. v. Hans Tietze, Tit ian (London: Phaidon P r e s s , 1950), fig. 107. 50. Cook, pp.36-37. 51. Richter, p. 304. 52. See Richter, pp. 214-216. 53. George Mart in Richter "Landscape Motifs in Giorgione's V e n u s " , T h e Burlington Magazine, LXIII (November, 1933), 211-223. 54. Venturi , p. 100. 149 55. Ti t ian also appears to have repainted the foreground silk draperies which are not in keeping with the delicacy and subtlety of Giorgione's art. 56. Those in the Padua frescoes. See Antonio M o r a s s i , G l i A f f r e s c h i della Scuola del Santo a Padova (Milan: A m i l c a r e P i z z i , 1956), p is . 1, 8, 17, 22 and 23. 57. e. g. , The Baptism of Chris t . See Tietze, f ig. 24. 58. Antonio M o r a s s i , Ti t ian (Greenwich Conn. : New York Graphic Society, 1965), p i . 1. This plate is far less misleading than the one in Baldass. 59. '."1 Kenneth Clark , The Nude Pelican Book, (Harmondsworth Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1956), p. 112. 60. See Baldass, pp. 174-175. 61. Cook, p. 115. 62. Pallucchini p i . X X X V . 63. See Richter, p. 232. 64. Pat r i c ia Egan, "Poesia and the Fete Champetre'^ A r t Bulletin (December, 1959), 303-313. There are also illustrations of Tarocchi cards to be found here. 65. Edgar Wind, Pagan Mysteries of the Renaissance (London: Faber and Faber , 1948), p. 123 n. 1. 66. Philipp Fehl , . "The Hidden Genre: A Study of the Concert Champetre in the L o u v r e " The Journal of Aesthetics  and A r t C r i t i c i s m s X V I (December, 1957), 157. 67. F o r engravings of these see Baldass, p i . 80-82. 68. Ibid. , p i . 17. 69. Crowe and Cavalcaselle III, 28. 70. Jacopo Sannazaro, a Neopolitan (1455/6-1530),was the most widely read of the Arcadian poets. 150. 71. Jacopo Sannazaro, "L'Arcadia' } Opera Volgar i edited by Alfredo Mauro ( B a r i : L a t e r z a e F i g l i , 1961), p. 32. 72. Sannazaro, Opera V o l g a r i . 73. Richter, p. 51. 74. Ibid . , p. 304. 9 151 F O O T N O T E S - Chapter IV 1. F o r a summary of the l i terary sources and the major points of view see C e c i l Gould, National Gal lery Catalogues: The Sixteenth Century Venetian School (London: Trustees of the National Gallery, 1959), pp. 94-95. 2. Tietze, M o r a s s i , Valcanover and D e l l ' Acqua al l place the date of Titian's birth in, or close to, 1488. 3. J . A . Crowe and G . B . Cavalcaselle, The L i f e and T i m e s of Tit ian, 2 vols . , 2d ed. , (London: John Murray , 1881), I, 32-33. 4. F o r the major sources see Gould, pp. 9 5-96. 5. Antonio M o r a s s i , Tit ian (Greenwich, C o n n . : New York Graphic Society, 1965), p. 11. 6. Georg Gronau, Tit ian trans, by A l i c e Todd, (London: Duckworth, 1904 ) pp. 10-11. 7. Pa lma Giovane's often quoted description of the working methods which Tit ian employed near the end of his life is most readily accessible i n : Richard Friedenthal Letters of the Great  Art is ts (2 v o l s . ; London Thames and Hudson, 1963), I, 105-107. 8. Hans Tietze, Ti t ian - The Paintings and Drawings (London: Phaidon P r e s s , 1950) p i . 66. 9. Antonio M o r a s s i , . " T i t i a n , " Encyclopedia of World A r t ; 1967, XIV, 154. ^ ~ 10. See Lionello Venturi , Giorgione e i l Giorgionismo (Milan: Ulr i co Heopli , 1913). 11. George Mart in Richter, Giorgio da Castelfranco called  Giorgione (Chicago: Universi ty of Chicago P r e s s , 1937), p. 304. 12. Giorgio V a s a r i , L ives of the Most Eminent Painters,  Sculptors and Architects trans, by Gaston DeVere (10 v o l s . ; London Phil ip Lee Warner, Publisher to the Medici Society, 1912-14) LX, 161. 152 13. Ludwig Baldass, Giorgione with notes by Gunther Heinz, trans, by J . M . Brownjohn (New York : H . N . A b r a m s , 1965), p. 175. 14. V a s a r i , IV, 112. 15. Ibid. , IX, 165. 16. Some idea of this extremely complex and hotly-debated problem can be gathered from, Francesco Valcanover, A l l the Paintings of Tit ian trans, by Sylvia J . Tomalin , (4 vols . ; New Y o r k : Hawthorn Books, 1964) I, 47-64. 17. M o r a s s i p i . 37 (plate references to Moras si refer to the book in note 5.) 18. Tietze, p i . 9. 19. It is difficult to be sure about the sky as it has been re repainted. See Crowe and Cavalcaselle I, 55, and George Mart in Richter, "Landscape Motifs in Giorgione's Venus, " The Burlington Magazine L X L U (November, 1933), p. 212. 20. Rodolfo Pallucchini , Giovanni Bel l in i trans, by R. H . Boothroyd, (Milan: Aldo Martello, 1962) f ig . 209. Also see Chapter II of this discussion. 21. Richter, op. cit. 22. V a s a r i , IX, 161-162. 23. See Antonio M o r a s s i , T i z i a n o - G l i Aff reschi della Scuola  del Santo a Padova (Milan; Edizione d'Arte A m i l c a r e P i z z i , 1956). This book has excellent large-scale plates. These frescoes themselves are not in a good state of preservation,but they are important in any consideration of Tit ian's development as a painter because they are his earliest paintings which are not subject to problems of attribution. They are universally accepted as by Tit ian. 24. M o r a s s i , p i . 2. 25. Tietze, p i . 11. 26. M o r a s s i , f ig. 28. 27. Tietze, p i . 12. 153 28. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, I, 137. 29. Cesare Gnudi, Giotto trans, by R . H . Boothroyd (Milan: Aldo Martello, 1959), f ig. 116. 30. Ibid. , figs. 117 and 118. 31. Tietze, p i . 292. 32. Baldass, p i . 28. 33. M o r a s s i , p i . 1. 34. See Chapter III. 35. Phil ip Hendy and Ludwig .Goldscheider.Giovanni Bel l in i (London: Phaidon P r e s s , 1945), p. 17. 36. The correspondence is reprinted in Richter, pp. 303-304. 37. M o r a s s i , p i . 5-6. 38. N i c c o l o - A u r e l i o ' s coat of arms appears on the sarcophagus. See Valcanover, I, 60. 39. Pietro Bembo,. G l i Asolani trans, by Rudolf B . Gottfried (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana Universi ty P r e s s , 1954). The work was first published by the Aldine Press in 1505. 40. Ibid. , p. 162. 41. F o r a full l is t of al l the major literature on this painting see: Eugene B . Cantelupe, "Ti t ian 's Sacred and Profane Love R e - E x a m i n e d " , A r t Bulletin, X L V I (June, 1964), 218-227. 42. E r w i n Panofsky, Studies in Iconology Harper Torchbooks (New Y o r k : Harper and Row, 1962) pp. 151-152. 43. " F o r you know, I imagine, what is said of the hare, that it possesses the gift of Aphrodite t'o an unusual degree. " Philostratus, Images, trans, by A . Fairbanks, Loeb C l a s s i c a l L i b r a r y , (London: W i l l i a m Heinemann, 1931), p. 27. 44. Hendy and Goldscheider, p. 15. 45. V a s a r i , IX, 163. 154 46. Pallucchini , p i . X X X I V . 47. Ovid, Fast i , trans, by Sir James F r a z e r , Loeb C l a s s i c a l L i b r a r y (London: W i l l i a m Heinemann, 1951), lines 391-440. 48. Pallucchini , f ig. 221. 49. Ibid . , pp. 112-114. 50. Edi tor ial , The Burlington Magazine X C I (October, 1949) 273. 51. M o r a s s i , p i . 10. 52. Ibid. , p i . 11. 53. Tietze, p i . 66. 54. Philostratus, Images, No. 6 Cupids and No. 25 Andrians . 55. See Gould, pp. 102-107. 56. Translated and quoted in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, I, 182-183. 57. Tietze, p i . 300. Better reproductions are to be found in Gronau, facing p. 78 and Oaskar F ischel , T i z i a n . K l a s s i k e r der Kunst (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlago-Anstalt , .1924), p i . 60. 58. V a s a r i , IX, 166. 59. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, I, 333. 60. Gronau, p. 78. 61. M o r a s s i , p i . 15. 62. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, I, 339. 63. Tietze, p i . 89. 64. See Valcanover II, 8 5. 155 65. See Richter, p. 304. 66. See Gronau, pp. 38-39. 67. F ischel , p i . 82-83. 68. Vasari , IX, 166. 69. F o r the fullest discussion of this work and an account of the various interpretations see: Josiah Gilbert , Cadore or  Tit ian's Country (London: Longmans, Green and Co. 1869), pp.154-191. 70. Ibid. , p. 163. 71. Tietze, p i . 116. 72. See M o r a s s i , p i . 28. (notes). 73. See Tietze, p. 389. 156 F O O T N O T E S - Chapter V 1. P . B . Shelley,Lines Written Among Euganean H i l l s . 2. Bernard Berenson, Italian Painters of the Renaissance (London: Phaidon P r e s s , 1952); p. 30. 3. Rodolfo Pallucchini , Giovanni Bel l ini trans, by R. H . Boothroyd (Milan: Aldo Martello, 1962), p i . XVIII. 4. Ibid. , p i . X X . 5. Ibid . , fig. 108. 6. Ludwig Baldass, Giorgione with notes by Gunther Heinz, trans, by J . M . Brownjohn (New York: H . N . A b r a m s , 1965), p i . 28. 7. Ibid . , p i . 38. 8. Hans Tietze, Tit ian (London; Phaidon P r e s s , 1950), p i . 66. 9. Baldass, p i . 75. 10. Mart in Conway, Giorgione: A New Study of His A r t as a  Landscape Painter (London: Ernest Benn, 1929). 11. Tietze, p i . 47. 12. Ibid. , p i . 320. 13. I b id . , p i . 2.9T - 299. 14. See C e c i l Gould, National Gal lery Catalogues: The  Sixteenth Century Venetian School (London: Trustees of the National Gallery, 1959), p. 103. 15. Giorgio V a s a r i , L i v e s of the Most Eminent Painters, Sculptors and Architects trans, by Gaston deVere (10 vols ; London: Phil ip Lee Warner, Publisher to the Medici Society, 1912-14), IX, 161. 16. Ernst Gombrich, "Renaissance A r t i s t i c Theory and the Development of Landscape Painting" in N o r m and F o r m , (London: Phaidon P r e s s , 1966), p. 115. 157 17. Tietze, p . 15. 18. George Will iamson ed. The Anonimo trans, by Paolo M u s s i (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1903), pp. 117-120. 19. Gombrich, p. 116. 20. . Translated and quoted in, W. Leonard Grant, N e o - L a t i n Literature and the Pastoral (Chapel H i l l N . C . University of North Carolina P r e s s , 1965), p .71 . 21. Pietro Bembo, G l i Asolani trans, by Rudolf B . Gottfried (Bloomington Indiana: Indiana University P r e s s , 1954), p. 14. 22. Kenneth Clark, Landscape into A r t (Harmondsworth Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1956), p. 67. 23. The Landscape With a Flock of Sheep (Tietze, p i . 80), is either dismissed by art-historians or regarded as a f r a g -ment of a larger composition which contained figures. See Tietze, p.376. 24. G . P . Lomazzo, "Idea del Tempio della pittura, " quoted in , Francesco Valcanover, A l l The Paintings of Ti t ian trans, by Sylvia J . Tomal in (4 vols . ; New Y o r k : Hawthorn Books), IV, 102. 25. " D i e organishe Verbindung von Figur und Landschaft is Tizians - Tat . 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