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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Gambling games of the Northwest Coast Waterton, Eric 1969

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GAMBLING GAMES OF THE NORTHWEST COAST b7 ERIC WATERTON B . A . , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the requir/ed standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1969 In presenting th is thesis in p a r t i a l f u l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make i t f r e e l y ava i l ab le for reference and Study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for s cho la r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t i on of th is thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permission." Department of Anthropology and Sociology The Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date April, 1969 - i i -ABSTRACT Northwest Coast gambling p a r a p h e r n a l i a are found i n many museums and are u s u a l l y accompanied by very meagre ca ta logue e n t r i e s . The Accumula t ion of a number of sources p e r t a i n i n g to t h i s category of m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e was the re fo re seen as a wor thwhi le t a sk . Even a s u p e r f i c i a l examinat ion of these gambling implements suggests tha t they were associated, w i t h a ve ry popular and. p o s s i b l y important a c t i -v i t y , a t l e a s t p r i o r to European con t ac t . T h i s paper i s an attempt to cons t ruc t a p r o f i l e of gambling on the Northwest Coast and to assess i t s importance i n the c u l t u r e . Three main sources of da ta were drawn upon f o r t h i s purpose: (1) the m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e i t s e l f and the a s s o c i a t e d records loca ted i n museums; (2) the published, e thnographic l i t e r a t u r e ; and. (3) the pub-l i s h e d myths. From these sources the a n a l y s i s y i e l d e d a number of c o n c l u -s i o n s . The f i r s t i s tha t gambling was a very popular a c t i v i t y . Se-co n d ly , a l a r g e degree of homogeneity can be seen to have e x i s t e d i n the areas cons ide red . W i t h a few excep t ions , b a s i c a l l y s i m i l a r games of chance were p l ayed throughout the e n t i r e a r ea , a r e a l d i f f e r e n c e s be ing q u a n t i t a t i v e r a the r than q u a l i t a t i v e . A s i m i l a r p a t t e r n i s seen i n the themes of gambling s ta ted i n the myths: there are a few main themes, but d e t a i l s d i f f e r from p l a c e to p l a c e . A t h i r d c o n c l u s i o n i s tha t gambling u s u a l l y i n v o l v e d very h igh s t akes ; and a f o u r t h i s tha t l o s i n g much was cons idered shameful, e s p e c i a l l y when a gambler l o s t other p e o p l e ' s p r o p e r t y . A f i f t h c o n c l u s i o n , supported by the da t a , i s that s e r ious gambling fo r h igh stakes was cons idered s t r i c t l y a man's a c t i v i t y . A s i x t h c o n c l u s i o n i s tha t chea t ing was common, ex-pec ted , and accepted as p a r t of the p l a y as long as i t was not d i s c o v e r -ed. The seventh c o n c l u s i o n i s tha t the da ta s t r e s s the l i n k between the superna tu ra l and games of chance. iv -TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i LIST OF FIGURES v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i i PART I — INTRODUCTION 1 PART II --ETHNOGRAPHIC SOURCES 4 PART III -- MYTHOLOGY 59 PART IV — CONCLUSION 83 PART V -- BIBLIOGRAPHY 85 PART VI -- APPENDIXES 88 Appendix A (illustrations) 88 Appendix B (gambling stick names) 115 - V -LIST OF FIGURES F i g u r e F r o n t i s p i e c e . Edenshaw's Gambling S t i c k Bag 1. Chai r -shaped d i c e 88 2 . Beaver t ee th d i c e 89 3. Bone counters for d i c e game 90 4 . Mat used i n d i c e game 90 5 . Gambling mat 91 6. Hand game bones 91 7. Hand game bones 92 8. Hand game at H a r r i s o n Hot Spr ings 93 9. Hand game at F o r t Rupert 94 10. K w a k i u t l hand game . 95 11. Shredded cedar bark 96 12. Gambling s t i c k s 97 13. Gambling s t i c k s 98 14. Gambling s t i c k bag 99 15. Gambling s t i c k bag 100 16. Gambling s t i c k bag 101 17. Gambling s t i c k s 102 18. D i s k s fo r the southern s t i c k game 103 19. Hand game bones 103 20. Gauge fo r gambling s t i c k s 104 - V I -21. Gambling s t i c k bag 105 22. Shredded cedar bark r o l l e d i n l e a t h e r 106 23. Equipment fo r p a i n t i n g gambling s t i c k s 107 24. Hand game bones 108 25. I v o r y copies of beaver t ee th d i c e 109 26. Beaver t e e th d i c e 110 27. D i c e set 110 28. Beaver t ee th d i c e 111 29. Hand, game bones 111 30. Knuck l e cover f o r hand game p l a y e r 112 31. D i s k s f o r southern s t i c k game 113 32. D i s k s fo r southern s t i c k game 113 33. Gambling s t i c k set 114 34. Gambler ' s face p a i n t i n g 114 - v i i -ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would l i k e to acknowledge the a s s i s t a n c e of a number of persons who have c o n t r i b u t e d much t ime, s k i l l , and s p e c i a l knowledge to t h i s p r o j e c t . I am p a r t i c u l a r l y indebted to M r s . Audrey Hawthorn, my a d v i s o r , f o r her i n t e r e s t and support as w e l l as h e l p f u l d i r e c t i o n . I would a l s o l i k e to thank D r . Harry Hawthorn and W i l s o n Duff f o r c l a r -i f y i n g many of the e thnographic d e t a i l s which were encountered. D r . F r e d e r i c a de Laguna p rov ided h e l p f u l advice concerning Emmons1 manu-s c r i p t . Pe te r McNair and A l a n Hoover of the B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n -c i a l Museum prov ided v a l u a b l e a s s i s t a n c e i n making the museum's c o l l e c -t i o n s and records a v a i l a b l e to me. Susan Davidson c o n t r i b u t e d s i g n i -f i c a n t da ta and Andrea L a f o r e t a s s i s t e d i n many ways. T r i s h a G l a t t h a a r k i n d l y drew the i l l u s t r a t i o n f o r F i g u r e 1 and r econs t ruc ted t h e ' d e s i g n on the Edenshaw gambling bag i n F i g u r e 21. PART I - INTRODUCTION - 1 -One of the tasks of a museum of anthropology i s to undertake research p r o j e c t s r e l e v a n t to i t s c o l l e c t i o n s and to use the r e s u l t s of these p r o j e c t s i n e x h i b i t s i n order to present a s p e c i f i c c u l t u r e or c u l t u r a l theme. T h i s i n v o l v e s p l a c i n g a r t i f a c t s w i t h i n t h e i r c u l -t u r a l contexts and, i n t h i s sense, what i s s a i d about an ob jec t be-comes as s i g n i f i c a n t as the ob jec t i t s e l f . T h i s paper i s e s s e n t i a l l y a museum re sea rch p r o j e c t , the main purpose of which i s to l o c a t e , i n t e r p r e t , and communicate da ta r e l e v a n t to a category of m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e , a c o l l e c t i o n of a r t i f a c t s , housed i n a.museum. I n the o p i n i o n of the w r i t e r , other t h e o r e t i c a l i n t e r e s t s cou ld p o s s i b l y a l s o be served by a p p l y i n g the methodology suggested here to other t o p i c s , but i t i s the museum, w i t h i t s s p e c i a l func t ions and problems, which has determined the i n s t i g a t i o n and exe-c u t i o n of t h i s p r o j e c t . I n most museums which c o n t a i n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e Northwest Coast c o l l e c t i o n s there are ob jec t s des ignated i n the cata logues as gambling implements, gambling s t i c k s , gambling bones, e t c . Such a r t i -f a c t s are p l e n t i f u l i n Northwest Coast c o l l e c t i o n s , and are i n t e r e s t i n g i n appearance, be ing of f i n e l y p o l i s h e d wood, bone, or i v o r y , and of ten decora ted . From even a s u p e r f i c i a l examinat ion of these gambling imple -ments, both t h e i r quan t i t y and t h e i r q u a l i t y suggest tha t they must have been a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a very popular and p o s s i b l y important a c t i -v i t y . - 2 -This paper is an attempt to construct a profile of gambling on the Northwest Coast and to assess i t s importance in the culture. The profile w i l l reach further than the descriptive level i n order to examine some possible relationships between gambling activity and other aspects of Northwest Coast culture. Three main sources of data were drawn upon for this purpose: (1) the material culture i t s e l f and the associated records located in museums; (2) the published ethnogra-phic literature; and, (3) the published myths. A l l of these sources contain information about gambling on the Northwest Coast. In the paper sources (1) and (2) w i l l be considered together under the category of ethnographic sources. The use of mythology as a source of data might be questioned. However, data from the myths do provide another dimension to the pro-f i l e . There are certain levels of detail for which one can use myth-ology (or, rather, portions of i t ) to supplement and verify ethnogra-phic statements. If this methodology proves successful i t should be possible to examine other Northwest Coast topics in a similar way. Such a procedure would be useful as there are frequently insufficient data in the ethnographies to reach beyond the descriptive level. Cau-tion and qualification are necessary, as w i l l be demonstrated, but i t is nonetheless hoped that the project may prove to have a wider anth-ropological significance. Its main u t i l i t y and relevance, however, is in the consoli-dation of source material relevant to gambling on the Northwest Coast - 3 -and i n the subsequent pa t t e rns which tend to l i n k t h i s a c t i v i t y w i t h other aspects of Northwest Coast c u l t u r e . P A R T I I - E T H N O G R A P H I C S O U R C E S - 4 -The l o g i c a l p o i n t from which to s t a r t c o n s t r u c t i o n of a p r o f i l e of gambling i s a search of the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e fo r references p e r t a i n i n g to the t o p i c . As gambling seems not to have h e l d the a t t e n t i o n of most ethnographers of the Northwest Coast fo r ve ry l o n g , i t i s necessary to draw upon many d i v e r s e references - -from m i s s i o n a r i e s ' accounts to g e o l o g i s t s ' r epo r t s - - and thereby to compile a composite p i c t u r e of gambling f o r the area and time p e r i o d under c o n s i d e r a t i o n . T h i s i s , of course , f raught w i t h many dangers, the g rea te s t of which probably i s the d i f f e r i n g a b i l i t i e s of the v a r -ious observers to r eco rd a c c u r a t e l y what they saw. T h i s problem, however, i s not new to the d i s c i p l i n e of anthropology and should not prove too se r ious as l ong as due q u a l i f i c a t i o n precedes the appropr i a t e s ta tements . Therefore every attempt has been made to eva lua te the de-t a i l s which comprise t h i s s e c t i o n of the paper . T h i s s e c t i o n draws h e a v i l y upon C u l i n ' s (1907) monumental survey of N o r t h American I n d i a n games. Because h i s work i s very w e l l documented, the re fore f a c i l i t a -t i n g a u t h e n t i c a t i o n by r e f e r r i n g to the pr imary sources , and s ince there has been l i t t l e recent r e sea rch i n t o games, t h i s re ference r e -mains the major source of e thnographic da ta concerning the d e s c r i p t i v e aspects of gambling on the Northwest Coas t . One of the most i n t e r e s t i n g fea tures of the d e s c r i p t i v e data cons idered as a whole i s the degree of homogeneity which e x i s t s - 5 -throughout the whole Northwest Coas t . As the da ta are cons idered t h i s w i l l be seen as a major theme r e c u r r i n g many t imes . Many s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s on the Northwest Coast were of ten accompanied by the p l a c i n g of b e t s ; however, there were a number of s p e c i f i c a c t i v i t i e s des ignated s o l e l y as gambling games. Such games of chance were known i n every p a r t of the Northwest Coast and were w i d e l y d i s t r i b u t e d over most of the N o r t h American c o n t i n e n t . The terms f o r these games were suggested by C u l i n (1907) and have s ince been adopted i n t o genera l usage, and f o r the sake of c o n t i n u i t y the same terms w i l l be used i n t h i s paper. Before p r o g r e s s i n g , a word should be s a i d about d e f i n i t i o n s . R o b e r t s , A r t h , and Bush make the p o i n t tha t over the years a wide range of a c t i v i t i e s has been des igna ted "games" and they the re fo re l i m i t the d e f i n i t i o n by s t a t i n g tha t "a game i s de f ined as a r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y c h a r a c t e r i z e d by: (1) organized p l a y , (2) compe t i t i on , (3) two or more s i d e s , (4) c r i t e r i a f o r de te rmin ing the w inne r , and (5) agreed-upon r u l e s . " (Rober t s , A r t h , and Bush, 1959: 597.) Such a d e f i n i t i o n has the advantage of be ing narrow enough to exclude a c t i v i t i e s such as t o p - s p i n n i n g or s t r i n g - f i g u r e making, r e l e g a t i n g such a c t i v i t i e s to the category "amusements." T h i s i s u s e f u l i n the present paper because games were the major medium f o r gambl ing. There a r e , of course , many types of games. I n the paper r e f e r r e d to above a t h r e e - f o l d c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s developed. The genera l - 6 -category "games" i s d i v i d e d i n t o : (1) games of p h y s i c a l s k i l l , (2) games of s t r a t e g y , and (3) games of chance. Games of p h y s i c a l s k i l l . . . must i n v o l v e the use of phy-s i c a l s k i l l , but may or may not i n v o l v e s t r a t egy or chance; examples are marathon r ace s , p r i z e f i g h t s , hockey, and the hoop and po le games. I n games of s t r a t e g y , p h y s i c a l s k i l l must be absent and a s t r a t egy must be used; chance may or may not be i n v o l v e d . Chess, go, poker , and the A s h a n t i game of w a r i are examples. F i n a l l y , games of chance are so de f ined tha t chance must be present and both p h y s i c a l s k i l l and s t r a t egy must be absent ; examples are h i g h card w i n s , d i c e games, and the moccasin games. (Rober t s , A r t h , and Bush, 1959: 597-598.) Most of the gambling games on the Northwest Coast f a l l w i t h i n the t h i r d ca tegory , games of chance. G e n e r a l l y , three games of chance were p layed p r i o r to con t ac t . These were (1) d i c e games, (2) hand games, and (3) s t i c k games. A b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of each f o l l o w s . The e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of d i c e games i s tha t a w i n or a l o s s was determined by the f a l l of an ob jec t or o b j e c t s . Th i s procedure c o - i n c i d e n t a l l y resembles European d i c e games. C u l i n (1907: 45) r e p o r t s tha t the d i c e game, or some v a r i e t y of i t , was present i n a l l of the 130 t r i b e s from which data were r ecovered . Hi s use of the term t r i b e i s not de f ined but seems to c o i n c i d e w i t h l i n g u i s t i c group-i n g s . However, what i s s i g n i f i c a n t i s that the inc idence of d i c e games was very widespread i n N o r t h A m e r i c a . On the Northwest Coast two types of d i e were common. One type , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the no r the rn groups ( T l i n g i t , Ts imsh ian , and - 7 -H a i d a ) , i s cha i r - shaped , and only one i s used a t a t ime. (See Appendix A , F i g u r e 1.) These were carved out of wood, i v o r y , or bone, and the p l a y was determined by what face of the d i e showed when i t f e l l . The second type of d i e , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the southern groups, and much more p r e v a l e n t i n museum c o l l e c t i o n s than the f i r s t type , i s c r e scen t -shaped, and two or four are used a t a t ime . (See Appendix A , F i g u r e 2.) The most common of these are beaver t ee th marked on one s ide w i t h l i n e s and/or nuc lea ted c i r c l e s ( u s u a l l y , h a l f of the d i c e i n a set would be marked w i t h c i r c l e s , the other h a l f w i t h l i n e s ) . A l l of the other forms of the crescent-shaped d i e appear to be copies of beaver t e e t h , and so w i l l be des ignated "beaver t ee th d i c e " r ega rd l e s s of the m a t e r i a l used. These were u s u a l l y made from wood, bone, or i v o r y , and the p l a y was dec ided by the pre-determined combinat ions which showed when the d i c e were thrown. T h i s second type was sometimes a s soc i a t ed w i t h bone counte r s . (See Appendix A , F i g u r e 3.) Smal l l e a the r mats were used i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the cha i r - shaped d i c e game, f u n c t i o n i n g as p la t fo rms upon which the d i c e were thrown. (See Appendix A , F i g -ures 4 and 5.) I n terms of d i s t r i b u t i o n , the i n t e r e s t i n g f a c t about these two forms i s tha t the cha i r - shaped d i e has been found e x c l u s i v e l y i n the no r the rn area and the beaver t ee th v a r i e t y has been found only i n the sou th . As w i l l be shown below, d i c e games seemed to be cons idered a minor a c t i v i t y on the Northwest Coas t , and were g e n e r a l l y r e f e r r e d to as women's games. - 8 -The e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of hand games, the second ca te -gory of games of chance on the Northwest Coas t , i s t ha t ) the l o t s were h e l d i n the hand (or hands) d u r i n g p l a y . C u l i n (1907: 267) found that hand games were present i n e igh ty-one t r i b e s from twenty-e igh t l i n g u i s -t i c groups. A g a i n he does not s p e c i f y j u s t whJat i s meant by a t r i b e or a l i n g u i s t i c group. However, the g e n e r a l i z a t i o n can be made tha t hand games were ve ry w i d e l y d i s t r i b u t e d . I n e x p l a n a t i o n of t h i s , C u l i n suggests tha t the f a c t tha t hand games could be p layed e n t i r e l y by gesture meant tha t they cou ld be h i g h l y p o r t a b l e . Th i s p o i n t w i l l be d i s cus sed below. On the Northwest Coast the form of t h i s type of game i s h i g h l y homogeneous. The most common l o t s c o n s i s t of p a i r s of bone c y l i n d e r s , two to three inches i n l e n g t h . (See Appendix A , F i g u r e s 6 and 7.) One p i e c e i n each p a i r was d i s t i n g u i s h e d by some form of marking , u s u a l l y a thong or cord t i e d around the m i d d l e . Whi l e wood was sometimes used f o r the c y l i n d e r s , bone was the most common m a t e r i a l , and, t h e r e f o r e , these implements of the hand game are d e s i g -nated "bones". G e n e r a l l y , the ob jec t of the hand game was to guess the l o -c a t i o n of one of the bones. Counters were used to keep score . These u s u a l l y c o n s i s t e d of sharpened s t i c k s s tuck i n the ground between the p l a y e r s . (See Appendix A , F i g u r e 8.) A p p a r e n t l y a grea t dea l of v a r i a t i o n e x i s t e d i n the number of counters used, but twelve seems to have been the most common number. The hand game was p layed by both - 9 -men and women, but s e p a r a t e l y . The p l a y e r s sa t on the ground i n two rows f a c i n g one another , w i t h the stakes between them. (See Appendix A , F i g u r e 9.) The number of p l a y e r s a l s o v a r i e d g r e a t l y ; anywhere from two to many cou ld p l a y . A l th ough each s ide had only one key person , who h e l d the bones or guessed t h e i r l o c a t i o n , the other p l a y e r s sang, shouted adv ice and bet on the outcome of the game. The p l a y e r s hand l ing the bones sang and beat rhythm on drums and p lanks i n f r o n t of them. (See Appendix A , F i g u r e s 8 and 10.) The guesser i n d i c a t e d h i s cho ice by mot ion ing w i t h h i s hand or arm; i f he c o r r e c t l y guessed the l o c a -t i o n of the bones they were passed to the other s i d e . Today the hand game i s the most common t r a d i t i o n a l game p layed on the Northwest Coast and i s found throughout the whole a r ea , r e p l a c i n g most of the other games of chance. S t i c k games, the t h i r d category of games of chance on the Northwest Coas t , were a l s o w i d e l y d i s t r i b u t e d . Examples can be found from a l l groups on the coas t . The e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of s t i c k games was the d i v i d i n g of the l o t s i n t o p i l e s , one of which conta ined a "trump" s t i c k . On the Northwest Coast these p i l e s were u s u a l l y con-cea led under shredded cedar bark . (See Appendix A, . F i g u r e 11.) The objec t of the game, i n i t s most common v e r s i o n , was f o r a p l a y e r to guess i n which p i l e the trump s t i c k was l o c a t e d . There were two b a s i c types of l o t s . The f i r s t c o n s i s t e d of a number (anywhere from twenty to over 100) of dowels u s u a l l y from four to s i x inches i n l eng th and about a quar ter of an i n c h i n d iameter . (See Appendix A , F i g u r e s 12 - 10 -and 13.) These were t y p i c a l l y made from some v a r i e t y of wood; hence, the d e s i g n a t i o n " s t i c k " game. Bone and i v o r y were a l s o used. A l -most u n i v e r s a l l y on the Northwest Coast these se ts of s t i c k s were con-t a ined i n l e a t h e r pouches w i t h long f l a p s and thongs w i t h toggles a t t ached . (See Appendix A , F i g u r e s 14, 15, and 16.) The s t i c k s e x h i b i t markings of v a r i o u s types , the most com-mon be ing s e r i e s of red or b l a c k l i n e s . a r o u n d the center of each. There i s , however, much v a r i a t i o n i n embel l ishment , as w i l l be shown. I n some cases each s t i c k i n a set i s named (see Appendix B ) , a number of se ts e x h i b i t i n c i s e d or burnt m o t i f s (see Appendix A , F i g u r e s 12 and 17 ) , and many se ts c o n t a i n s t i c k s i n l a i d w i t h abalone s h e l l (see Appendix A , F i g u r e 13) . There are u s u a l l y about four s t i c k s i n each set which f u n c t i o n as trumps and which are c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d from a l l the other s t i c k s i n the s e t . Regardless of the q u a l i t y of e m b e l l i s h -ment, each set of s t i c k s i s h i g h l y p o l i s h e d , uni form i n l e n g t h and d i a -meter , and demonstrates a h i g h l e v e l of t e c h n i c a l s k i l l i n wood c r a f t . A l l forms of the s t i c k game were p layed between two persons , a l though many spec ta to r s were u s u a l l y p r e sen t . U n l i k e the hand game, there was no s i n g i n g a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the s t i c k game as i t was p layed on the coas t . Many v a r i a t i o n s of the s t i c k game e x i s t e d and w i l l be more f u l l y d i s cus sed below. The s t i c k games were a l s o p l ayed w i t h sma l l wooden d i s k s marked on the edges (see Appendix A , F i g u r e 18) , the sec-ond type of l o t . The e s s e n t i a l elements of t h i s v e r s i o n of the game - 11 -were the same. Sets of d i s k s (each set c o n s i s t i n g of from ten to about 100 d i s k s ) have been c o l l e c t e d only from the southern groups, be ing comple te ly absent from the no r the rn a rea . Sets of s t i c k s , how-ever , were found i n every area of the Northwest Coas t . The s t i c k game was one of the games which was r ep l aced by the hand game; some p o s s i b l e reasons fo r t h i s w i l l be d i s cus sed below. A l though b e t t i n g was c a r r i e d on i n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h many a c t i v i t i e s , these three games of chance were the only a c t i v i t i e s which c o n s i s t e n t l y e x h i b i t e d the p l a c i n g of wagers as an i n t e g r a l c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c . The e s s e n t i a l fea tures o u t l i n e d above remained the same over most of the Northwest Coast a l though d e t a i l s d i f f e r e d from p l a c e to p l a c e . An examinat ion of these f i n e r p o i n t s of the games w i l l accompl i sh two t h i n g s : (1) expand the p r o f i l e of gambling by the a d d i t i o n of a r e a l d e t a i l s ; and (2) p rov ide d e t a i l s which are comparable between areas on the Northwest Coas t . T h i s c l o s e r examinat ion of d e t a i l s c o n s t i t u t e s the second phase i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the p r o f i l e of gambling. For t h i s purpose the v a r i o u s groups wh ich comprise the Northwest Coast c u l t u r e area w i l l be cons idered i n t u r n from the n o r t h to the south . Data from some of the adjacent P l a t e a u and Mackenzie /Yukon groups w i l l a l s o be presented f o r comparat ive purposes. Among the T l i n g i t , d i c e were of the cha i r - shaped v a r i e t y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the no r the rn coas t . Only one d i e was used and was c a l l e d k i t c h u or ke tchu meaning "bu t tocks - shape , " r e f e r r i n g to the - 12 -curved s ide of the d i e (Swanton, 1908: 445) . (See Appendix A , F i g -ure 1.) Among the T l i n g i t these d i c e were about one i n c h h i g h w i t h a base of approximate ly th ree -qua r t e r s by one-ha l f an i n c h . The upper f r o n t h a l f was cut out i n a concave curve l e a v i n g a narrow f lange w i t h which the d i e was h e l d between the thumb and f o r e f i n g e r and f l i p p e d i n t o the a i r w i t h a t w i s t of the f i n g e r s (Emmons, n . d . : c h . X I I : 8 ) . The T l i n g i t d i c e were made of wood, bone, or i v o r y and were sometimes ornamented w i t h i n c i s e d p a r a l l e l or c ross -ha tched l i n e s . Some a l s o have been bored w i t h a number of ho les which have then been f i l l e d w i t h l ead (as i n the lower d i e i l l u s t r a t e d i n Appendix A , F i g u r e 1 ) . The ex i s t ence of these " loaded" d i c e may suggest tha t cheat-i n g was present a t l e a s t i n p o s t - c o n t a c t p l a y , as such lead p lugs would c e r t a i n l y have a f f ec t ed the manner i n which the d i e f e l l . As chea t ing p layed an important p a r t i n other games of chance on the Northwest Coast i t i s a l s o not unreasonable to assume that i t was present i n the e a r l y T l i n g i t d i c e games, a l though there i s no other e thnographic re ference to support the assumption. The game was p l ayed by two persons seated oppos i te one another w i t h a f l a t , smooth surface between. The d i c e were u s u a l l y thrown upon a t h i c k t a b l e t of l e a the r about e igh t inches square which was sometimes i n c i s e d w i t h a m o t i f (as i n Appendix A , F i g u r e s 4 and 5 ) . Appa ren t l y ten or more counters were used to keep score (Emmons, n . d . : ch . X I I : 8 ) . These were p l aced i n a p i l e between the two p l a y e r s . - 13 -A c c o r d i n g to the r epo r t s of a number of observers the means of s c o r i n g appears not to have been very c o n s i s t e n t ; i n f a c t Emmons s ta tes t h i s as a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the game (Emmons, n . d . : ch . X I I : 8 ) . Emmons recorded the f o l l o w i n g system of s c o r i n g a t S i t k a : the d i e s i t t i n g up scores two; back down scores two; f r o n t down scores one; concave face down scores one; and e i t h e r s i d e scores n o t h i n g . I f the d i e f e l l on e i t h e r s ide i t was passed to the opponent w i thou t g a i n . The game ended when one p l a y e r had won a l l of the counters (Emmons, n . d . : ch . X I I : 8 ) . C u l i n (1907: 131) r epo r t s t ha t Boas had informed him tha t the counts were: e i t h e r s ide scores n o t h i n g ; vback or f r o n t down scores one; concave face down scores two. F i n a l l y , Drucker (1950: 201) has recorded ye t another s e r i e s : s i t t i n g up scores two; on back scores one. He fu r the r s ta tes tha t among the T l i n g i t the game was p layed f o r ten or twenty-four p o i n t s . T h i s tends to support Emmons1 statement about a r b i t r a r y s c o r i n g techniques . The i m p l i c a t i o n of t h i s i s tha t the method of s c o r i n g which was to be used had to be decided and agreed upon p r i o r to p l a y . I t i s p o s s i b l e tha t such a system would g r e a t l y i nc rease the o p p o r t u n i t i e s for c h e a t i n g . Both Emmons ( n . d . : ch . X I I : 7) and C u l i n (1907: 130) r e f e r to the T l i n g i t d i c e game as main ly a women's game, p layed more f o r amusement than f o r g a i n . T h i s would lead one to the assumption tha t the s takes would not be ve ry h igh i n d i c e games. - 14 -Swanton (1908: 445) and C u l i n (1907: 131) each s t a t e that the type of d i c e used among the T l i n g i t was a l s o used among the Haida. C u l i n a l s o suggests that the K w a k i u t l shared the same form of the d i c e game. I t w i l l be shown below that such, indeed, was the case. Drucker (1950: 269) i n h i s l i s t i n g of c u l t u r e element d i s -t r i b u t i o n s f o r the Northwest Coast s t a t e s that the chair-shaped d i e was made from a small bone, p o s s i b l y the a s t r a g a l u s , of the deer or c a r i b o u . Emmons (n.d.: ch. X I I : 8) supports t h i s and adds a f u r t h e r dimension, s t a t i n g that "the p r i m i t i v e d i c e was the a s t r a g a l u s of the deer, which was a l s o used to f o r e t e l l success i n hunting." Here i s a l i n k between T l i n g i t gambling par a p h e r n a l i a and the supernatural, a theme which reappears manyiimes on the Northwest Coast i n both d e s c r i p -t i v e data and mythology. The hand game as played among the T l i n g i t was very s i m i l a r to the game throughout other areas of the Northwest Coast. Emmons (n.d.: ch. X I I : 6-7) describes the T l i n g i t v e r s i o n of the hand game i n a f a i r amount of d e t a i l . The guessing game of odd or even, known g e n e r a l l y throughout the coast as l e h a i but a l s o to the T l i n g i t as ne han came from the south i n the f i r s t h a l f of the l a s t century and superceded the e a r l i e r s t i c k game, as i t was simpler i n mat-e r i a l and p l a y , a number could take p a r t , and i t was more s u i t e d to the e x c i t a b l e temperament of the people w i t h the accompanying noise of song, s t i c k and drum beat. The whole o u t f i t c o n s i s t e d of two i v o r y or bone toggles l e s s than three inches- long that could be e a s i l y concealed i n the hand, c y l i n d r i c a l or s l i g h t l y l a r g e r i n the middle and t a p e r i n g to the rounded ends, one p l a i n (na han) t h a t gave i t s name to - 15 -the game, the other (na gan) grooved and blackened around the middle or t i e d w i t h h i d e . The game was p layed by l i k e number on two s i d e s , each hav ing a leader who handled the toggles and made the guess, a l though at any time another might be s u b s t i t u t e d . They sat i n two l i n e s oppos i te to each o the r , about three f ee t apa r t , the leader i n the m i d -d l e . The stakes were p laced between the s i d e s , a l s o the coun te r s , ten or twenty i n number, c o n s i s t i n g of s m a l l s p l i t s t i c k s about ten inches l o n g . The leader commencing the p l a y , took a togg le i n each hand extended to the opponent, then c l o s i n g the hands' and s h i f t i n g the togg les from hand to hand i n the open, behind h i s back or under a b l anke t across h i s knees , sometimes t o s s i n g them i n the a i r and c a t c h i n g them, d u r i n g a l l of which the two leaders looked d i r e c t l y i n t o each o t h e r ' s eyes as the s ide p l a y i n g sang to the ac-companiment of b e a t i n g s t i c k s and drum. A t a word from the oppos i t e , the p l a y e r brought h i s c l o s e d hands s t r e t ched out i n f r o n t where the guesser l o o k i n g the p l a y e r d i r e c t l y i n the eye for the s l i g h t e s t movement might say ' I can see i t i n t h i s or tha t h a n d , ' then s t r a i g h t e n i n g h i s arm w i t h extended f o r e f i n g e r he would p o i n t to one hand, say ing ' t h a t o n e , ' when the hand would be opened and i f the p l a i n or s e l e c t e d toggle was shown the p l a y passed to the oppos i te s i d e , but i f mis taken the w inn ing s ide took one counter from the c e n t r a l p i l e and the p l a y cont inued u n t i l one s ide had won the whole number of coun te r s . Others than the p l a y e r s made bets w i t h each o the r , p u t t i n g up e q u i v a l e n t s takes which were sub jec t to the same c o n d i t i o n s as those of the p l a y e r s . The songs were of a few words long drawn out and repeated and more of ten i n Chinook or another language. I n June 1892 when a number of Canadian s e a l i n g schooners manned by Vancouver I s l a n d n a t i v e s were s e i z e d i n B e r i n g Sea and brought i n t o S i t k a , the crews and the S i t k a n s inaugurated a season of gambling f o r s e v e r a l weeks, p l a y i n g d a i l y from morning u n t i l evening , a l though they d i d not speak each o t h e r ' s language and cou ld communicate w i t h each other on ly i n a few words of E n g l i s h or Chinook. But they p layed the game wi thou t d i f f i c u l t y . The S i t k a n s sang i n Chinook: 'We have a good hea r t , You cannot ca tch us . We w i l l no t cheat y o u . ' (Emmons, n . d . : ch . X I I : 6-7. ) - 16 -Emmons i d e n t i f i e s the hand game p layed among the T l i n g i t as l e h a l ( i t s S a l i s h name) or nehan ( i t s T l i n g i t name). The term nehan a l s o r e f e r s to the unmarked bone, nagan to the marked bone. From Emmons i t i s not c l e a r wh ich one of the bones i s be ing sought. H i s phrase , "the p l a i n or s e l e c t e d t ogg l e s " would lead one to conclude tha t p o s s i b l y there was no d e f i n i t e r u l e r ega rd ing t h i s , but that which bone was to be guessed fo r would be determined before the p l a y began. However, bo th Swanton (1908: 444) and Schwatha (1885: 70) s t a t e d e f i n i t e l y tha t i t was the marked bone which was sought. Drucker (1950: 200) , on the other hand, r epo r t s tha t both of h i s T l i n g i t informants s t a ted tha t i t was the unmarked bone and tha t two p a i r s of bones were used. What can be concluded from these v a r i o u s accounts i s tha t the r u l e s must have been f l e x i b l e and were probably agreed upon p r i o r to p l a y . Such a procedure , as w i t h the d i c e games, would p r o v i d e many oppor-t u n i t i e s fo r chea t i ng . Most d i s c r e p a n c i e s i n the d e s c r i p t i v e l i t e r a t u r e concern the system of s c o r i n g the game. Emmons s t a t e s tha t a c o r r e c t guess r e s u l -ted i n the bones changing s i d e s . That i s to say tha t i f s ide ' A ' had possess ion of the bones, and s ide ' B ' was guess ing and guessed c o r r e c t -l y , the bones were passed over to s i d e ' B ' and s ide ' A ' would become the guesser on the next round. I f , however, s ide ' B ' d i d not c o r r e c t l y guess the l o c a t i o n of the trump bone, s ide ' A ' took one counter from the c e n t r a l p i l e and remained i n possess ion of the bones fo r another - 17 -round. P l a y cont inued u n t i l one s ide had a l l of the counte r s . The assumption which must be made here , as i t i s no t mentioned by Emmons, i s that a t some p o i n t the c e n t r a l p i l e of counters w i l l be dep l e t ed . A n d , assuming tha t each s ide w i l l have a t l e a s t a few coun te r s , at some stage of the p l a y the winn ing s ide must s t a r t t a k i n g the counters from the other s i d e . Swanton's d e s c r i p t i o n d i f f e r s from Emmons' i n tha t he makes no p r o v i s i o n fo r the bones changing s i d e s . He s t a t e s , i n e f f e c t , tha t i f s ide ' B ' guesses c o r r e c t l y i t ob ta ins one of the counters and i f i t guesses i n c o r r e c t l y , i t l o se s a counter . The s ide o b t a i n i n g a l l of the counters w i n s . I t should be emphasized, however, that one of the e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the hand game on the Northwest Coast as o u t l i n e d above was the a l t e r n a t i n g of s ides i n posses s ion of the bones - - the bones changed hands ( i . e . , s ides ) on the event of a c o r -r e c t guess. T h i s i s such a u n i v e r s a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the hand game on the coas t , as s w i l l become apparent when other groups are cons ide red , tha t a charge of incomplete d e s c r i p t i o n must be l e v e l l e d a t Swanton f o r o v e r - l o o k i n g t h i s v i t a l p o i n t i n the p l a y . Schwatha (1885: 70) r epo r t s tha t a game would l a s t from h a l f an hour to three hours and tha t the s takes were u s u a l l y h i g h : "they wager the caps o f f t h e i r heads, t h e i r s h i r t s o f f t h e i r backs , and w i t h many of them, no doubt, t h e i r p r o s p e c t i v e pay f o r the t r i p was a l l gone before i t was h a l f ea rned . " A procedure fo r doubl ing-up the wagers was a l s o de sc r i bed by Schwatha: - 18 -Whenever the game i s n e a r l y concluded and one pa r ty has gained almost a l l the w i l l o w s t i c k s , or a t any other e x c i -t i n g p o i n t of the game, they have methods of ' d o u b l i n g - u p ' on the wagers by not exchanging the bobbins , but h o l d i n g both i n one hand or l e a v i n g one or both on the ground under a hat or apron, and the guesses are about both and count double , t r e b l e , or quadruple , fo r l o s s or g a i n . (Schwatha, 1885: 70. ) Concerning wagers, Swanton says : "sometimes a man would wager a $50 canoe, v a l u e the game a t $10 each and make h i s opponent w in f i v e times before g e t t i n g i t . " (Swanton, 1908: 445.) High s t akes , then, were another fea tu re of the hand game p layed among the T l i n g i t . As demonstrated for -the T l i n g i t d i c e game, c e r t a i n aspects of the hand game are l i n k e d w i t h the s u p e r n a t u r a l . C u l i n (1907: 288-289) desc r ibes a set of bones which formed p a r t of the p a r a p h e r n a l i a of a shaman. (Th i s set i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n Appendix A , F i g u r e 19. ) T h i s i s s i g n i f i c a n t because i t adds support to the theory tha t games of chance are e x e r c i s e s i n superna tu ra l c o n t r o l . (See R o b e r t s , A r t h , and Bush, 1959, f o r a statement of t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l i s s u e . ) T h i s gaming renders them se r ious and melancholy . - - de l a Perouse ( i n C u l i n , 1907: 246.) They l o s e a t t h i s game a l l t h e i r pos se s s ions , and even t h e i r wives and c h i l d r e n . - - von Kotzebue ( i n C u l i n , 1907: 246.) The game which was p layed fo r such h i g h stakes and had such a profound a f f e c t upon the psyche was the T l i n g i t s t i c k game, c a l l e d a lhka r or c i s . Emmons ( n . d . ) g ives the f o l l o w i n g account of the T l i n g i t s t i c k game. - 19 -The s t i c k game ah1-kar was p layed w i t h ah inde te rmina te num-ber of sma l l c y l i n d r i c a l s t i c k s from 25 to 80 odd, b e a u t i -f u l l y fashioned of the f i n e r g r a i n e d , harder of the l o c a l woods, as yew, maple, c r ab -app l e , a l d e r and b i r c h . They were a l l of one wood i n a s e t , averaging f i v e inches i n l e n g t h by 5/16 i n c h i n diameter and a b s o l u t e l y t rue i n c i r -cumference, as i n t h e i r making each one was t e s t ed to b a r e l y pass through one ho le i n a bone gauge. /_See Appendix A , F i g -ure 20^_/ They were smoothed_with the_nat ive sand paper - -dog f i s h or equisetum stem /_hor se t a i l / — and hand p o l i s h e d . The ends were rounded, d u l l p o i n t e d , n i p p l e shaped, f l a t -tened and sometimes hol lowed out and i n l a i d w i t h h a l i o t i s s h e l l . A l l or most a l l were pa in t ed i n red or b l a c k e n c i r -c l i n g l i n e s , bands or s p i r a l s which were g iven names of an ima l s , a r t ic le_s of wear or use, n a t u r a l o b j e c t s , e t c . , /See Appendix B ^ / and i n a set there might be s e v e r a l a l i k e . The names of l i k e marks which were l a r g e l y of b i r d s and f i s h were commonly recogn ized i n d i f f e r e n t s e t s , but o thers seemed to be a t the w i l l of the owner. The marks and corresponding names s imply i d e n t i f i e d the s t i c k but gave i t no va lue i n p l a y . The marked s t i c k s were c a l l e d scheest ( p a i n t e d ) , the p l a i n ones wu-de-shutch y a r - k a (washed c l e a n ) . One or more s t i c k s i n every set i s known as naq ( d e v i l f i s h ) a l t hough , as used here , i t means b a i t , f o r as the d e v i l f i s h i s used as b a i t i n h a l i b u t f i s h i n g so t h i s , the trump s t i c k , i s the b a i t on the game. The e x c e p t i o n a l l y f i n e s t i c k s p a r t i c u l a r l y those carved and burn t i n animal des igns and those most e l a b o r a t e l y i n l a i d w i t h h a l i o t i s s h e l l are of Haida workmanship. A l l bone s t i c k s and the e q u a l l y s lender ones of maple are from the I n t e r i o r , p a r t i c u l a r l y from the Camer people of the upper Skeena and Bab ine . A complete gambling o u t f i t conta ined and c a r r i e d i n a h ide bag, " a l - k a r takar q u e l t h " , c o n s i s t e d of s e v e r a l sets of s t i c k s i n s k i n pouches w i t h ex tens ion f l a p s of ten pa in t ed on the inner s i d e , which wrapped around conf ined the s t i c k s and was secured by a s t r i n g w i t h a togg le i n the end. /_See A p -pendix A , F i g u r e s 14, 15, and 21^ / A bundle of f i n e l y d i v i -ded inne r cedar bark i n a r o l l of the l e g s k i n of deer or c a r i b o u w i t h the h a i r i n t a c t on the i n s i d e /Appendix A , F i g -ure 2 2 / . A square of s t i f f _ f l a t l e a the r g e n e r a l l y cut_on the face i n animal des ign /Appendix A , F i g u r e s .4 and 5_/. T h i s i n l a t e r years was procured i n trade from Europeans, but o r i g i n a l l y was of the heav ie r h ide of the neck of the moose t raded from the I n t e r i o r . The p a i n t s t i c k w i t h which the - 20 -s t i c k s were c o l o r e d i n b l a c k and red was of ten i n the pouch. T h i s was sometimes carved but o r d i n a r i l y was a t h r e e - i n c h p e n c i l - l i k e s t i c k po in t ed a t e i t h e r end. The two c o l o r s were from an oxide of i r o n which burnt gave o f f both red and b l a c k by_ be ing rubbed on a stone w i t h crushed salmon egg and s a l i v a . JSee Appendix A , F i g u r e 23 f o r an i l l u s t r a t i o n of t h i s p a i n t -i n g equipment^/ A bone gauge w i t h s e v e r a l graduated c i r c u l a r ho les through one of which a c e r t a i n .set of s t i c k s was r e -qu i r ed to pass /Appendix A , F i g u r e 2 0 / . A se t -o f coun te r s , " a l - k a r kah-khar t see" or "ku-nee na" ( t i e d together) were s imply sma l l u n f i n i s h e d s p l i t s t i c k s l e s s than a foo t i n l e n g t h p o i n t e d or f l a t a t the ends. The game was p l ayed by two men, seated oppos i te to each o ther , three f ee t apa r t , w i t h a mat between and the implements of p l a y c l o s e a t hand. Each one has h i s own se ts of s t i c k s and he p l a y s w i t h one or changes to another as he t h inks h i s l u c k r e q u i r e s . The stake of b l a n k e t s , f u r s , e t c . , are p l aced i n the to one s i d e , and f r i e n d s and o the r s , s t and ing back of the p l a y e r s make i n d i v i d u a l be ts and p l a c e t h e i r s takes oppos i te to each o the r , wh ich are governed by the same r e g u l a t i o n s as those of the p l a y e r s . The counters are bunched to one s ide of the middle i n easy r each . Each p l a y e r arranges h i s s t i c k s w i t h one or more trump s t i c k s , "naq", on h i s l e f t and a c o r -responding number i n se ts of three pa in t ed s t i c k s , " schees t" , on h i s r i g h t when the game commences. The p l a y e r takes one "naq" and three "schees t" and wraps each one i n cedar bark and makes four p i l e s i n f r o n t of him which he may c o n s t a n t l y change the p o s i t i o n of . The oppos i te p l a y e r watches every move and when f i n a l l y p l aced he p o i n t s w i t h h i s r i g h t f o r e -f i n g e r w i t h arm extended to one p i l e , s ay ing "There i s naq" . The d e a l e r then takes f i f t e e n to twenty s t i c k s from the main p i l e , h o l d i n g them end up i n h i s l e f t hand, and takes the covered s t i c k s e l e c t e d and i n s e r t s i t through the bark wrap-p i n g i n the middle of the other s t i c k s and r o l l s the s t i c k s around w i t h the r i g h t hand. The opponent then s i g n i f i e s ano-ther p i l e and t h i s i s l i k e w i s e fo rced i n t o the bundle . The p l a y e r then draws out of the bundle one s t i c k a t a time and throws i t down on the square of l e a t h e r i n f ron t of him and should one of the scheest occur i t i s put a s ide and the other s t i c k s a l ready thrown down are gathered up and manipula ted as before and cas t down and should the other s e l e c t e d s t i c k be a scheest i t i s p l aced by the other one and the p l a y e r wins one counter , wh ich he p l aces on h i s l e f t s ide and h o l d -i n g the bundle of s t i c k s w a i t s f o r h i s opponent to s e l e c t - 21 -one of the remaining two p i l e s i n f r o n t of him, when the same ope ra t ion i s gone through w i t h , and should the t h i r d schees t . be produced, the p l a y e r wins another counter and takes up the f o u r t h bundle wh ich con ta ins the "naq" cas t s i t down on the l e a t h e r , but i n t h i s second s e l e c t i o n should the naq be f i r s t d i s p l a c e d the d e a l passes . When one p l a y e r has accumulated a l l the counters but one, three p i l e s are made, c o n t a i n i n g two scheest and one naq and the s t i c k s are manipula ted as before but the opponent guesses two p i l e s a t once which g ives him an advantage of two out of th ree . I f he lo ses the game i s f i n i s h e d but i f he wins he takes the p l a y . The game i s d i f f e r e n t l y p l ayed w i t h some when i n the odd and even guess-i n g only one scheest and one naq are used i n two p i l e s i n -stead of four and aga in towards the end of the game the l o s e r i s g i v e n a three to one chance i n guess ing . Fo r success i n t h i s game a gambler would d r i n k a swallow or two of s a l t water and eat the bark of the d e v i l ' s c lub every morning f o r a month and w o u l d . f a s t four days before p l a y i n g . (Emmons, n . d . : ch . X I I : 1-5.) C u l i n (1907: 245-246) quotes Emmons as s t a t i n g tha t gambling s t i c k s were common to a l l the T l i n g i t peop les , but were more g e n e r a l l y found among the more southern T l i n g i t groups. Sets of s t i c k s have been found among the Haida and Ts imshian as w e l l as the T l i n g i t and C u l i n suggests tha t they e x i s t e d down the coas t to the southern p o i n t of Van-couver I s l a n d . The T l i n g i t were, appa ren t ly , the most n o r t h e r l y people to use them. These statements are a l l v e r i f i e d by an examinat ion of the occurrence of se ts of gambling s t i c k s from both the p u b l i s h e d sources and from the c o l l e c t i o n s of the P r o v i n c i a l Museum i n V i c t o r i a and of the Museum of Anthropology a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia . Moreover , i t appears tha t Emmons underest imated the d i s t r i b u t i o n of gambling s t i c k s g e n e r a l l y , because the s t i c k game i s repor ted from P l a t e a u and Mackenzie /Yukon groups as w e l l as from the c o a s t a l a reas . - 22 -A c c o r d i n g to Swanton (1908: 443-444) the name of the s t i c k game among the T l i n g i t was c i s , and the game was s i m i l a r to those of the Haida and Ts imsh ian . Swanton a l s o s t a t e s tha t the number of s t i c k s v a r i e d w i d e l y because a number of s t i c k s were h e l d i n r e s e r v e , to be used when the p l a y e r wished to change h i s l u c k . T h i s i s a s i m i l a r i dea to the western concept of d e a l i n g out a d i f f e r e n t pack of cards i f one f e e l s tha t the pack i n p l a y a t the time i s un lucky . The T l i n g i t gambler had c e r t a i n f a v o r i t e s t i c k s and sets of s t i c k s which seemed to him to have more power than o t h e r s , and w i t h wh ich he would be more l u c k y . Swanton g ives the maximum number of s t i c k s as about 180, a l though none of the se ts examined c o n s i s t e d of t h i s many. As does Emmons, Swanton g ive s the name of the trump s t i c k as naq, but t r a n s l a t e s i t on ly as " d e v i l f i s h , " w i t h no reference to the secondary meaning " b a i t . " As Emmons s t a t e s , Swanton a l s o says tha t only one trump was used at a t ime , a l though a set of s t i c k s may c o n t a i n any number ( u s u a l l y about f o u r ) . The naq was c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d from a l l t t h e other s t i c k s . Drucker (1950) g ives the f o l l o w i n g account of the T l i n g i t s t i c k game. The . s t i c k game was known as : . . . k a l k i t c a q a ./among the Sanya-kwan/ (and) k a d o q i t c a /among the C h i l k a t : / . A "se t" of s t i c k s ran to 40 or 50, i n which there were u s u a l l y 4 " aces , " and the r e s t "b lanks" i n s u i t s of threes (each s u i t be ing marked or decorated i n a d i s t i n c t i v e manner). The p l a y e r s e l e c t e d one "ace" and one "b lank" (o r 1 ace and 3 b l a n k s , or 2 p a i r s ) , d i s p l a y e d them, r o l l e d them up i n bark underneath h i s mat ( i f 1 ace and 3 b lanks were used, 2 s t i c k s were i n each bundle ; - 23 -w i t h 2 p a i r s , each was r o l l e d up s e p a r a t e l y ) . Then he l a i d the bundles out . The guesser sometimes had the p r i v i l e g e of say ing whether he was guess ing fo r the ace or the b l a n k . The dea le r u n r o l l e d the bundle , throwing the s t i c k s e l ec t ed out on the mat before h im. A miss scored f o r the " d e a l e r , " a h i t won the p r i v i l e g e of " d e a l i n g " (as i n L a h a l ) . Wi th 2 p a i r s , the guesser made one guess fo r 1 s t i c k , not bo th . (Drucker , 1950: 268-269.) A l though both Emmons and Drucker r e f e r to s u i t s of threes i n a set of s t i c k s , an examinat ion of approximate ly 100 se ts from the nor the rn area l o c a t e d i n the P r o v i n c i a l Museum a t V i c t o r i a and a t the Museum of Anthropology a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia , has f a i l e d to g ive m a t e r i a l evidence to t h i s o b s e r v a t i o n . There i s the p o s s i b i l i t y tha t many se ts are now incomple te . Emmons and Swanton do not agree on the form of the p l a y a l -though the genera l fea tures are s i m i l a r l y d e s c r i b e d . Both w r i t e r s s t a t e tha t only two persons p l ayed a t a t ime , seated oppos i te one another and h a n d l i n g the s t i c k s a l t e r n a t e l y . They a l s o agree tha t three o r d i -nary s t i c k s (which Emmons c a l l s scheest) p lu s one trump (naq) were cho-sen and wrapped i n shredded cedar bark . From here , however, t h e i r ob-s e r v a t i o n s are d i f f e r e n t . Whereas Emmons r epo r t s tha t four p i l e s were made, Swanton desc r ibes on ly two. A c c o r d i n g to Swanton, the guesser chose one of these two p i l e s and i f the trump was i n tha t p i l e , i t was h i s t u r n to s h u f f l e . I f he missed , the guesser t r i e d aga in (apparen t ly a f t e r the d e a l e r r e - s h u f f l e d ) . And i f the guesser kept choosing the p i l e that d i d not c o n t a i n the trump, he cont inued u n t i l , e i t h e r the t en th or e igh teen th t ime , depending on the v e r s i o n of the game being - 24 -p l a y e d . Swanton r epor t s tha t the game i n which ten was the c r u c i a l number was c a l l e d K u n e ' , the o ther , D a x k ' u ' t s . A t e i t h e r the ten or the e igh teen count the dea l e r made three p i l e s , of which the guesser chose two ( i f he w i s h e d ) . The o b j e c t i v e of t h i s p l a y was f o r the guesser to .chose the p i l e which conta ined the trump. I f he mis sed , he l o s t the hand. I t i s not c l e a r from Swanton j u s t what a l o s s or a w i n a t t h i s stage meant. H i s only statement concern ing s c o r i n g i s tha t the T l i n g i t p robab ly counted l i k e the H a i d a , i . e . , each success-f u l guess counted one, and the opponent had to score i t o f f by a c o r r e s -ponding s u c c e s s f u l guess and then count ten or e igh teen wins more. T h i s be ing the case , i t i s understandable tha t such games would cont inue f o r hours . A l l w r i t e r s agree tha t names were a t t r i b u t e d to the s t i c k s i n a se t . There i s genera l agreement that among the T l i n g i t the trump s t i c k was c a l l e d naq, t r a n s l a t e d " d e v i l f i s h . " However, as shown above, Emmons r e f e r s to a secondary meaning of naq. He s t a t e s tha t as the term i s used i n the T l i n g i t s t i c k game i t s meaning i s " b a i t . " Swanton, on the other hand, does not a t t r i b u t e t h i s meaning to the trump s t i c k . He does make the p o i n t , however, tha t among the Haida the trump s t i c k i s c a l l e d d j i l and means " b a i t . " Both w r i t e r s p o i n t out tha t d e v i l f i s h formed the p r i n c i p a l b a i t f o r h a l i b u t . I t i s d i f f i c u l t to exp lo re the s i g n i f i c a n c e of these terms w i t h o u t under tak ing a l i n g u i s t i c a n a l y s i s , a p r o j e c t not w i t h i n the scope of t h i s paper. W i t h reference to these - 25 -terms and t h e i r meanings i t can only be s t a t ed tha t a l i n k e x i s t s be-tween the s t i c k game as p layed among the Haida and the T l i n g i t . Both w r i t e r s agree tha t there i s a category of ' o r d i n a r y ' s t i c k s which Emmons c a l l s scheest and t r a n s l a t e s " p a i n t e d . " A c c o r d i n g to Emmons, t h i s term r e f e r s to a l l of the marked s t i c k s other than the trumps. Emmons a l s o i s o l a t e s a t h i r d type of s t i c k which i s p l a i n and he c a l l s wu-de-shutch y a r - k a , t r a n s l a t e d "washed c l e a n . " Most w r i t e r s agree tha t i n most of the sets of s t i c k s , each s t i c k has a name. These ap-pear to be q u i t e i n c o n s i s t e n t from set to s e t , and i t i s not known j u s t what s i g n i f i c a n c e these names had, i f any. I t appears tha t i n those se ts of s t i c k s which e x h i b i t c r e s t m o t i f s the names repor ted f o r the s t i c k s r e l a t e to these de s igns . (Appendix B conta ins l i s t s of names recorded from d i f f e r e n t s e t s . ) Among the T l i n g i t , then , d i c e games, hand games, and s t i c k games were a l l p l ayed a t some t ime. From the p u b l i s h e d m a t e r i a l , and from an examinat ion of a r t i f a c t s a s soc i a t ed w i t h gambling found i n the P r o v i n c i a l Museum at V i c t o r i a and i n the Museum of Anthropology a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia , most a t t e n t i o n seemed to have been de-voted to the s t i c k game among the T l i n g i t . T h i s g e n e r a l i z a t i o n i s sup-por ted by the d i s c u s s i o n of mythology which f o l l o w s i n P a r t I I I of t h i s paper . I t i s a l s o supported h i s t o r i c a l l y , as i t i s recorded tha t the hand game r ep l aced the s t i c k game i n l a t e r t imes . There i s some e v i -dence of a l i n k between gambling and the superna tu ra l among the T l i n g i t - 26 -based on three types of d a t a : (1) gambling p a r a p h e r n a l i a a s soc i a t ed w i t h a shaman's equipment (Appendix A , F i g u r e 19 ) ; (2) the use of gambling to p r e d i c t the outcome of an important under taking such as h u n t i n g ; and, (3) the r i t u a l p r epa ra t ions which have been mentioned as p reced ing a game. The games of chance repor ted from the Ts imshian i n c l u d e the hand game and the s t i c k game. The d i c e game appears to have been ab-sent ; a t l e a s t there i s no mention of i t i n the e thnographic references c o n s u l t e d . C u l i n does not g ive any examples of d i c e games from the Ts imsh ian , nor does Boas (1895) i n c l u d e i t i n h i s l i s t of Ts imshain games of chance. Boas ' l i s t i n c l u d e s the f o l l o w i n g games. L e h a ' l : the guess ing game, i n which a bone wrapped i n cedar-bark i s h idden i n one hand. The p l a y e r must guess i n which hand the bone i s h idden . Qsan: guess ing game p layed w i t h a number of maple s t i c k s marked w i t h red or b l a c k r i n g s , or to temic de s igns . Two of these s t i c k s are trumps. I t i s the ob jec t of the game to guess i n which of the two bundles of s t i c k s , which are wrapped i n cedar-bark, , the trump i s h idden . Each p l a y e r uses one trump o n l y . M a t s q a ' n : About t h i r t y sma l l maple s t i c k s are d i v i d e d i n -to four or f i v e l o t s of unequal numbers. A f t e r a f i r s t g lance one of the p l a y e r s i s b l i n d f o l d e d , the other changes the order of the l o t s , and the f i r s t p l aye r must guess how many s t i c k s are now i n each l o t . When he guesses r i g h t i n t h r ee , f o u r , or f i v e guesses out of ten - - accord ing to the agreement of the p l a y e r s - - he has won. (Boas, 1895: 582-583.) - 27 -The da ta concern ing games of chance from the Ts imshian are indeed sca rce , and appear to be a r e f l e c t i o n of e thnographic incomple te-ness r a the r than an index of s o c i a l r e a l i t y . D r u c k e r ' s (1950) Ts im-sh ian informants s t a t e tha t the hand game was of recent o r i g i n ; two p a i r s of bones were used; the unmarked bone was guessed f o r ; p l a y was e i t h e r ten or twenty p o i n t s ; ten t a l l y s t i c k s were won t w i c e ; and the t a l l y s t i c k s were p laced i n the cen te r . They a l s o s t a t e tha t i t was a man's game and tha t s i n g i n g and drumming were a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the p l a y . R e f e r r i n g to the Ts imsha in s t i c k game, the informants s a i d that i t was a man's game; p l a y was fo r ten p o i n t s and there was s p e c i a l p l a y j for w inn ing p o i n t s - - "when one p l a y e r had won a l l but two p o i n t s neces-sary fo r a game, he put i n an e x t r a b l ank , making three bundles , and p l a y was f o r two p o i n t s " - - (Drucker , 1950: 269) . Judg ing from the l a rge number of sets of gambling s t i c k s from the Ts imshian area found i n the P r o v i n c i a l Museum at V i c t o r i a and i n the Museum of Anthropology at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia , i t cou ld be concluded tha t games of chance were much more p r e v a l e n t than i s suggested by the e thnographic l i t e r a t u r e , a t l e a s t w i t h regard to the s t i c k game. A l s o , the f a c t tha t the d i c e game i s repor ted from every other area on the Northwest Coast as w e l l as from adjacent areas would suggest that the Ts imshian might w e l l have shared i n the p r a c t i c e , a l though a l l three of D r u c k e r ' s informants agreed tha t d i c e were absent . The f a c t that gambling p layed such a major p a r t i n the mythology of the - 28 -Ts imsh ian , as w i l l be shown, would a l s o p o i n t to a much more frequent use of gambling p a r a p h e r n a l i a than i s suggested i n the ethnographic l i t -e r a tu re . A p a r t i a l e x p l a n a t i o n of t h i s apparent l a c k of recorded gam-b l i n g a c t i v i t y among the Ts imshian may w e l l be that t h i s p a r t i c u l a r group came under some of the f i r s t s e r ious m i s s i o n a r y con tac t on the coas t . There i s evidence from the Ts imshian that the superna tu ra l was l i n k e d to forms of gambling, e s p e c i a l l y the s t i c k game. I n the P r o v i n c i a l Museum at V i c t o r i a there i s a shaman's neck lace w i t h the f o l l o w i n g ca ta logue d e s i g n a t i o n : P . M . c a t . No. 10656 ( C . F . N , c a t . No. 1656) Shaman's neck lace - - c i r c u l a r t w i g frame covered w i t h f r i n g e d s k i n to which are a t tached 35 bone pendants ( o l d gambling s t i c k s ) , 1 long sc ra t che r (13" l o n g ) , 1 c i r c u l a r nose p i e c e , 3 curved p i n s , 1 bone r i n g , and 1 carved whale , 3 o t t e r , 1 g u l l , 1 raven head. 11%" d iameter . A p p a r e n t l y C F . Newcombe obta ined t h i s i t em as p a r t of a c o l l e c t i o n he purchased from an i n d i v i d u a l named J e l l i m a n a t Masse t . The ca ta logue a t t r i b u t i o n i s Ha ida , but the P r o v i n c i a l Museum e t h n o l o g i s t s s t a t e tha t t h i s i s ques t i onab l e . The neck lace c l o s e l y resembles other sha-mans' p a r a p h e r n a l i a known to be of Ts imshian o r i g i n . Fur thermore , i t i s h i g h l y u n l i k e l y tha t the t h i r t y - f i v e bone pendants are o ld ,gambl ing s t i c k s as s t a ted i n the ca t a logue . F i r s t l y , they are t h i c k e r than any - 29 -of the s t i c k s examined or de sc r i bed i n the l i t e r a t u r e . Secondly , they are a l l p o i n t e d a t one end, a fea ture not found on any other of the s t i c k s examined. T h i r d l y , another c h a r a c t e r i s t i c which has not been seen on any of the s t i c k s examined i s the presence of sma l l holes bored near one end through which the pendants are s t rung . However, these bone objec ts are i n c i s e d w i t h s e r i e s of e n c i r c l i n g l i n e s , i d e n -t i c a l to those found on gambling s t i c k s . I t i s p o s s i b l e tha t these pendants were made s p e c i f i c a l l y as p a r t of a shaman's equipment and were embe l l i shed w i t h gambling s t i c k markings . Here aga in the a s s o c i a -t i o n of gambling w i t h a shaman's p a r a p h e r n a l i a c o n s t i t u t e s evidence f o r the l i n k i n g of games of chance w i t h the superna tu ra l w o r l d . A l l three games of chance are repor ted f o r the Ha ida , d i f f e r -i n g l i t t l e from the T l i n g i t and Ts imshain p a t t e r n s . As on the main-l a n d , the hand game i s s a i d to have been a more recent i n t r o d u c t i o n from the south . There are a l s o i n d i c a t i o n s tha t the s t i c k game was i n t r o -duced from the main land . I t i s among the Haida tha t one f i n d s the most e l abo ra t e se ts of gambling s t i c k s and the most p r o f u s e l y embel l i shed p a r a p h e r n a l i a . (See, f o r example, Appendix A , F i g u r e 17.) Th i s i s p robably due to a d i f f e r e n t l e v e l of craf tsmanship g e n e r a l l y r a the r than to a grea ter degree of importance p l aced on gambling, a l though a t t h i s stage i t i s no t p o s s i b l e to say w i t h c e r t a i n t y . Swanton (1905a: 59r60) g ives an account of a Haida d i c e game. As among the T l i n g i t , the Haida p l ayed the cha i r - shaped d i e - 30 -v e r s i o n and the game fo l lowed the same p a t t e r n as seen among the T l i n -g i t . Swanton g ives the name of the game as gu ' t g i q'. a ' atagan which he t r a n s l a t e s as " they throw the q!a 'a tagano ( ' t h i n g thrown up ' ) to each o ther" (Swanton, 1905a: 5 9 ) . C u l i n (1907: 189) s t a tes tha t C F . Newcombe repor ted tha t the name of t h i s game, as p layed among the Ha ida , was c a l l e d gadegan ( appa ren t ly a s i m p l i f i e d t r a n s c r i p t i o n of Swanton's term q.' a ' atagano ) , and that i t was p layed among the K w a k i u t l as w e l l as the T l i n g i t . (Aga in there i s no mention of i t s occurrence among the Ts imsh ian . ) The " t h i n g thrown up" was a cha i r - shaped d i e as de sc r i bed above fo r the T l i n g i t and i l l u s t r a t e d i n Appendix A , F i g u r e 1. A c c o r d i n g to Swanton the d i e was made from wood, bone, or i v o r y and was about three inches h i g h , a l a r g e r ob jec t than tha t used on the main-l a n d . The d i e was h e l d by the f l a n g e , w i t h the t h i c k e r pa r t up, and f l i p p e d . S c o r i n g was determined by how the d i e f e l l . Here aga in ob-servers are not c o n s i s t e n t i n t h e i r r e c o r d i n g of s c o r i n g systems. Swan-ton s t a tes tha t i f i t f e l l on e i t h e r s ide the opponent took the d i e ; i f i t f e l l on i t s back or on i t s concave s ide i t counted one; i f i t f e l l on i t s bottom, i t counted two; and i f i t f e l l on i t s f r o n t a score of four was awarded. However, C u l i n quotes Newcombe as g i v i n g the f o l l o w i n g w i n n i n g p o s i t i o n s : the d i e on i t s back scores one; on i t s bottom scores two; and on i t s f r o n t scores f o u r . I t i s not c l e a r i n C u l i n what score was obtained from a concave s ide p o s i t i o n , as the i l l u s t r a t i o n i s m i s s i n g from the source. Newcombe fu r the r s ta tes that - 31 -a p l a y e r cont inued u n t i l the d i e f e l l on e i t h e r s i d e . A t t h i s p o i n t the d i e changed hands. Counters were used to keep sco re , ten be ing p l aced i n a c e n t r a l p i l e . These were made of wood s p l i n t s or b i r d bones. The o b j e c t i v e of the game was fo r one p l a y e r to g a i n a l l of the counte r s . When the c e n t r a l p i l e of counters was exhausted, counters were then taken from the p i l e of the l o s i n g p l a y e r . A c c o r d i n g to New-combe, t h i s was e i t h e r a man's or a woman's game. Swanton s t a t e s that i t cou ld be p l ayed i n d i v i d u a l l y or i n groups. He a l s o r epo r t s an i n t e r e s t i n g v a r i a t i o n i n tha t the w inne r , i n some cases , had the p r i -v i l e g e of smearing the l o s e r ' s face w i t h soot . C u r t i s (1916: v . X I : 133) s t a t e s tha t t h i s was a woman's or b o y ' s game, and tha t a score of one was made f o r any p o s i t i o n of the d i e other than s ideways. Wi th each s u c c e s s f u l throw the p l a y e r put a spot of cha rcoa l on h i s f ace . When the d i e f e l l on e i t h e r s ide i t changed hands. The hand game i s a l s o repor ted fo r the H a i d a , a l though not i n much d e t a i l . C u r t i s s t a tes tha t i t was c a l l e d l e h a l , i t s S a l i s h name, and i n d i c a t e s tha t i t was learned by the Haida from " a l i e n sources" (1916: v . X I : 132) . A p p a r e n t l y two p a i r s of bones were used. C u l i n (1907) quotes George A . Dorsey who desc r ibes an i n t e r e s t i n g p a i r of bones. One of the bones was a ' f a l s e ' one which could be made to show as e i t h e r a marked or an unmarked bone. (Th i s set of bones i s i l l u s -t r a t e d i n Appendix A , F i g u r e 24. ) - 32 -The f a l s e bone i s made i n two p i e c e s , one of which s l i d e s on a .«shoulder over the o ther . When they are p a r t l y s l i p p e d apa r t , t h i s shoulder , wrapped w i t h dark thread i s r e v e a l e d , g i v i n g the appearance of the marked bone. (Dorsey i n C u l i n , 1907: 318) . The occurrence of such an a r t i f a c t would suggest tha t cheat ing.was an important aspect of the game. T h i s f a c t i s . g i v e n much a t t e n t i o n i n the mythology from a l l of the nor the rn groups, as w i l l be seen i n P a r t I I I of the paper. Swanton (1905a: 58-59) presents the most complete account of the Haida s t i c k game, d e s c r i b i n g i t as the p r i n c i p a l gambling game of the H a i d a . He s ta tes tha t each set of s t i c k s was d i v i d e d i n t o se ts of from two. to four by v a r i o u s markings . The method of p l a y was s i m i l a r to tha t of the mainland groups. A t the beg inn ing of the game a se t of s t i c k s would be l a i d out i n f r o n t of the p l a y e r who would be d e a l i n g f i r s t . Henry Moody, Swanton 1 s informant , s t a t e s tha t one s u i t of s t i c k s hav ing s i m i l a r markings was p i cked up and s h u f f l e d a long w i t h the trump. These s t i c k s were then made i n t o two p i l e s under shredded cedar bark . (Moody says tha t on ly a s k i l l f u l p l a y e r would d i v i d e h i s s t i c k s i n t o four p i l e s i n s t ead of two, the opponent the re fore be ing e n t i t l e d to choose two p i l e s . ) The opponent had to guess i n which p i l e the trump was l o c a t e d and, i f s u c c e s s f u l , i t was h i s t u rn to d e a l . I f he was u n s u c c e s s f u l , h i s opponent scored one p o i n t and p layed as be-f o r e , apparen t ly s e l e c t i n g another s u i t from the set of s t i c k s . A suc-c e s s f u l one r e s u l t e d i n the opponent g a i n i n g one p o i n t . A f t e r each - 33 -guess the s t i c k s were thrown out onto a p i e c e of h ide i n f r o n t of the p l a y e r s . Moody s t a tes tha t sometimes a p l a y e r might lo se c o n t i n u a l l y , and h i s opponent g a i n up to seven p o i n t s . These p o i n t s were g iven s p e c i a l names d i s t i n c t from the o rd ina ry numerals , f i r s t , second, t h i r d , e t c . The s i x t h p o i n t was c a l l e d ma'gan; and the seventh, qo 'ngu. A f t e r a p l a y e r had reached qo 'ngu, an e i g h t h count , c a l l e d s q a l , had to be scored . The p l a y f o r t h i s score d i f f e r e d from the genera l form of p l a y . Four p i l e s were made of one s t i c k each (one trump p l u s three o t h e r s ) . The guesser was a l lowed to choose three of these , and l o s t only i n case the f o u r t h p i l e conta ined the trump. Otherwise they began a l l over a g a i n ; and, as Moody s t a t e s , on t h i s l a s t count the chances were so g r e a t l y i n favor of the guesser tha t they are s a i d to have p layed a l l day wi thou t e i t h e r s ide w i n n i n g . Another f a c t o r which c o n t r i b u t e d to the l e n g t h of game was the f a c t tha t a p l a y e r had to equal h i s opponent 's score before he s t a r t e d to count fo r h i m s e l f . Fo r example, a f t e r one p l a y e r had made three p o i n t s , the other was o b l i g e d to make ten i n s t ead of seven - -three to score o f f h i s opponent 's p lus seven to w i n the game. A mainland o r i g i n f o r the s t i c k game i s i n d i c a t e d by i t s Haida name h s i n which has been t r a n s l a t e d " b i r c h " by C u r t i s (1916: v.. X I : 132) , a l though no b i r c h i s found on the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s (Swanton, 1905b: 56 ) . I t i s suggested tha t the Haida word h s i n i s - 34 -the same as the Ts imshian word f o r the s t i c k game, Xsan or Qsan. A p a r a l l e l case i n Haida ethnography i s the use of the f r o g as a c r e s t and a common des ign m o t i f a l though there are no frogs on the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s . C u r t i s (1916: v . X I : 132) s t a tes tha t a set of gambling s t i c k s c o n s i s t e d of f o r t y s t i c k s : four trumps ( d j i l ) ; and t h i r t y - s i x s t i c k s d i v i d e d i n t o twelve s u i t s of three each. As noted p r e v i o u s l y , however, an examinat ion of se ts of s t i c k s from the nor the rn area i n museum c o l l e c t i o n s has f a i l e d to e s t a b l i s h such c o n s i s t e n c y . A c c o r d i n g to Swanton, chea t ing was accepted as pa r t of the game. " I f one could concea l or get r i d of the d j i l t e m p o r a r i l y , so much the b e t t e r " (Swanton, 1905a: 58) . Stakes were h i g h : myths t e l l how e n t i r e f a m i l i e s and even v i l l a g e s were staked i n gambling games. There are a l s o s t o r i e s , a cco rd ing to Swanton, i n which i t i s s ta ted that whole v i l l a g e s would take p a r t i n gambling s e s s i o n s . A complete Haida gambling s t i c k o u t f i t was ve ry s i m i l a r to tha t of the T l i n g i t . Swanton says tha t the gambling k i t conta ined s e v e r a l se ts of s t i c k s each conta ined i n a l e a the r pouch (as i n Appen-d i x A , F i g u r e s 14, 15, and 16) ; a s k i n upon which the s t i c k s were l a i d out (a p o s s i b l e f u n c t i o n of the long f l a p a t tached to the l e a t h e r pouch) ; a mat upon which the gambling was done ( u s u a l l y made of woven cedar b a r k ) ; a t h i c k p i e c e of h ide about a foo t square upon which the s t i c k s s e l e c t e d by the guesser were thrown out so tha t a l l cou ld see - 35 -them (Appendix A , F i g u r e s 4 and 5 ) ; ' p e n c i l s ' used to mark l i n e s on the s t i c k s (Appendix A , F i g u r e 23 ) ; a stone which was used to g r i n d up red and b l a c k pigment (Appendix A , F i g u r e 23 ) ; and a l a r g e h ide bag to c o n t a i n a l l of the above. C u r t i s a l s o r epor t s tha t each p l a y e r had a box c o n t a i n i n g " s e v e r a l or many bundles of rods" (1916: v . X L : 132) , a f a c t supported by the l a r g e number of sets of s t i c k s now i n museums. A g a i n the s t i c k s had names, mos t ly those of an ima l s . The se ts which were carved w i t h c r e s t des igns (such as the set i l l u s t r a t e d i n Appendix A , F i g u r e 17) had r ep resen ta t ions of the beings whose names they bore (see Appendix B ) . As has been p o i n t e d out for the mainland groups, t h i s naming seems to have been a t the d i s c r e t i o n of the owner r a t h e r than p a r t of an o v e r - a l l p a t t e r n . Th i s i s e s p e c i a l l y t rue i n the named s t i c k s which do not e x h i b i t c r e s t m o t i f s , as shown i n Appen-d i x B . C u r t i s ' account of the Haida s t i c k game d i f f e r s s l i g h t l y from M o o d y ' s . C u r t i s r epo r t s tha t a f t e r e i g h t consecut ive f a i l u r e s the num-ber of s t i c k s was reduced from four to th ree , and i f the guesser s t i l l m i s sed , he l o s t h i s wager. A l s o , C u r t i s mentions the use of an i n -c l i n e d board upon which the chosen s t i c k s were r o l l e d . Other elements of the game remained the same. There i s no re fe rence to the use of counters i n the Haida s t i c k game. The only i n d i c a t i o n of how score was kept was mentioned by Swan: "The winner takes one or more s t i c k s from h i s opponent 's - 36 -p i l e , and the game i s dec ided when one wins a l l the s t i c k s of the o ther" ( i n C u l i n , 1907: 261) . I t i s no t known i f the s t i c k s r e f e r r e d to here are the gambling s t i c k s or some form of counter . I f , i n f a c t , the s t i c k s from the gambling set were won by another p l a y e r t h i s might e x p l a i n why e x i s t i n g sets i n museums do not appear to be i n s u i t s of t h rees , and would account fo r a grea t number of incomplete s e t s . There i s no p r e c i s e i n d i c a t i o n of the stakes i n v o l v e d i n the Haida s t i c k game. A l l that can be s a i d i s tha t the s takes were h i g h . "The gambler f r e q u e n t l y loses h i s e n t i r e p r o p e r t y , c o n t i n u i n g the p l a y t i l l he has no th ing whatever to s take" (Dawson, 1880: 129) . Dawson a l so w r i t e s tha t the Haida s t i c k game was f r e q u e n t l y p l a y e d . "Gambling i s as common w i t h the Haida as among most other t r i b e s , which means tha t i t i s the most popular and c o n s t a n t l y p r a c t i s e d of a l l t h e i r amusements"(Dawson, 1880: 129) . T h i s i s supported by another obser-v a t i o n : "Surgeon R o b l e t remarked tha t the n a t i v e s of Cloak Bay have a s o r t of p a s s i o n fo r gaming. They are seen c a r r y i n g everywhere w i t h them t h i r t y sma l l s t i c k s " (Marchand, i n C u l i n , 1907: 262) . And a g a i n : "the time and a t t e n t i o n which the n a t i v e s of Cloak Bay g ive to t h i s game prove tha t i t has f o r them a grea t a t t r a c t i o n , and tha t i t warmly e x c i t e s t h e i r i n t e r e s t " (Marchand, i n C u l i n , 1907: 262) . The degree of s k i l l i n v o l v e d i n p l a y i n g the s t i c k game among the Haida was con-s ide red f a i r l y h i g h . Swan ( i n C u l i n , 1907: 261) s t a tes that "the ceremony of m a n i p u l a t i o n and s o r t i n g the s t i c k s under the bark tow g ives - 37 -the game an appearance of as much r e a l importance as sone of the s k i l l -f u l combinat ions of w h i t e gamblers . " There i s evidence from the Haida tha t games of chance were a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the s u p e r n a t u r a l . C u r t i s (1916: V . X I ) observed tha t ba th ing and f a s t i n g preceded the s t i c k game (p . 132); that gambling equipment (as w e l l as hunt ing and f i s h i n g pa raphe rna l i a ) was kept away from any p o s s i b l e contamina t ion by too c l o s e p r o x i m i t y to a menstrua-t i n g woman (p . 126) ; that d e v i l ' s c lub bark was chewed by gamblers to give». them power to see through the shredded cedar bark i n wh ich the s t i c k s were hidden (p . 139) ; and tha t J u s t before a corpse was p l aced i n i t s c o f f i n , a l l the men i n tha t par t of the v i l l a g e not separated from the house of death by running water l a i d t h e i r gambling, f i s h i n g , and hun t ing implements ou t s ide t h e i r houses. When the cover was lashed down, they took them back i n s i d e . The thought apparen t ly was tha t i f these a r t i c l e s remained i n the house, as the corpse was i n i t s house, t h e i r superna tu ra l p a r t s , w i t h o u t which they were v a l u e l e s s , might be conf ined w i t h the corpse and be c a r r i e d away w i t h i t . (P.127) T h i s suggests tha t a man's gambling p a r a p h e r n a l i a was a s p e c i a l category of o b j e c t , r ank ing w i t h such b a s i c subs i s tence equipment as hunt ing and f i s h i n g gear . P o s s i b l y the key v a r i a b l e here i s tha t a l l of these ob-j e c t s were used p e r s o n a l l y and f r e q u e n t l y , there fore much care was de-voted to t h e i r p u r i t y . On another l e v e l i t cou ld be s ta ted tha t only important objec ts were g iven t h i s type of a t t e n t i o n and on ly important events were preceded by r i t u a l b a t h i n g , f a s t i n g , and chewing d e v i l ' s c lub bark . - 38 -Another p o s s i b l e l i n k w i t h the supernatural can be seen i n the use of fragments of aprons or other ceremonial garments as a mat-e r i a l f o r gambling s t i c k bags. Edensaw's gambling s t i c k bag i l l u s t r a -ted i n Appendix A, F i g u r e 21 was probably made from a ceremonial apron or . - s h i r t , as the p a r t i a l design tends to i n d i c a t e . Such a procedure might have in v o l v e d a concept of the t r a n s f e r of power o r i g i n a l l y found i n the complete garment to the gambling s t i c k bag, and to the s t i c k s themselves. This i s not u n l i k e l y as Susan Davidson (personal communi-ca t i o n ) d escribes a Tsimshian shaman's apron i n Hazelton which c o n s i s t s of s t r i p s of cotton c l o t h sewn a l t e r n a t e l y to fragments of an older shaman's apron. Davidson's Tsimshian informant t o l d her that the new garment had j u s t as much power as the older one because the act of sew-in g t r ansmitted the power of the o l d apron to the new m a t e r i a l . Haida games of chance were s i m i l a r to those of the mainland groups. The T l i n g i t , Tsimshian, and Haida form a homogeneous gambling area, sharing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are d i f f e r e n t from most other areas. A t t h i s p o i n t i t would be u s e f u l to summarize these northern character-i s t i c s before moving on to an examination of gambling i n some,adjacent areas. Dice games were reported from the T l i n g i t and Haida but not from the Tsimshian. One chair-shaped d i e was used, made of i v o r y , bone, or wood. The game was c a l l e d ketchu among the T l i n g i t and gadegan among the Haida. The d i c e from the Haida may have been g e n e r a l l y l a r g e r than - 39 -the T l i n g i t version, although there were not enough examples reported to state this as a rule. The dice reported from the Tl i n g i t were about one inch high and those from the Haida about three inches high. Scoring appears to have been arbitrary, no two writers seeming to agree on any one system. If this was true, i t would cor-respond to other Northwest Coast gambling games in that the specific rules should have been agreed upon prior to play. This might have pro-vided one opportunity for cheating -- an opportunity which, apparently, was seldom ignored. Counters may or may not have been used generally in the northern dice games, although i t is known that they were used in some cases. Leather tablets about eight inches square, frequently incised with crest motifs, were used as platforms upon which to throw the dice. In the northern area the dice game was known generally as a woman's or boy's game although men are also reported to have played i t . The dice game was considered a minor diversion rather than a major undertaking as was the stick game or the hand game. This fact is i l l u s -trated by the observation that men and women and boys could a l l play at one time, no sex or age barriers being imposed. This was not the case with the other two games. The relatively minor status of the dice game is also indicated by the fact that informants report that the dice game was played more for amusement than for gain, and when played for gain, the stakes do not seem to have been as high as in either the hand game or the stick game. Sometimes, in fact, stakes were not - 40 -i n v o l v e d a t a l l , but a l o s e r ' s face was smeared w i t h soo t , or the w i n -ner of each r o l l counted one p o i n t and put a spot of cha rcoa l on h i s own face . Hand games were r epo r t ed for a l l the nor the rn groups — T l i n g i t , Ts imsh ian , and Ha ida . E i t h e r one or two p a i r s of bones were employed. These were u s u a l l y made from bone but i v o r y and wood were a l s o used. . I f one p a i r of bones was used, one of the bones would be marked, u s u a l l y by a band around the midd le . I f two p a i r s were used, two bones would be so marked. The hand game was repor ted by a l l w r i t e r s to have been a r ecen t i n t r o d u c t i o n from the sou th , and the S a l i s h name l e h a l was used i n a l l a reas . I n other areas of the Northwest Coast the bones were d i s t i n g u i s h e d as e i t h e r male or female. A l though such a d i s t i n c t i o n i s not made s p e c i f i c a l l y for the no r the rn a rea , re ference i s made to the set of bones being c a l l e d " k i n g " and "queen" (Schwatha, 1885: 70) . I t i s no t r e a l l y c l e a r from the l i t e r a t u r e j u s t which bone was to be guessed f o r . There are r epo r t s which s t a t e that a p l a y e r guessed f o r the marked bone and other r epo r t s s t a t i n g tha t i t was the p l a i n bone. Once aga in i t cou ld be assumed tha t the s p e c i f i c form of p l a y and me-thod of s c o r i n g were decided p r i o r to p l a y , as w r i t e r s present c o n f l i c t -i n g data about these p o i n t s . Men and women both p layed the hand game i n the n o r t h , but the games were always separa te . S i n g i n g and drum-ming were a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the game, stakes were h i g h , games were u s u a l l y very l o n g , and chea t ing was accepted as pa r t of the game. - 41 -The s t i c k game was reported for a l l northern groups. I t was apparently a game of ancient o r i g i n on the mainland but was introduced into the Queen Charlotte Islands at a l a t e r time. The s t i c k game i n -volved the use of a k i t which contained a number of sets of s t i c k s and other associated paraphernalia. There i s l i t t l e doubt that the s t i c k game was the p r i n c i p a l gambling game among the T l i n g i t , Tsimshian, and Haida, at l e a s t i n e a r l i e r times. This i s supported i n the myth-ology which w i l l be discussed i n Part I I I . In order to present an areal perspective of gambling i n the northern area i t i s necessary to show how gambling among the T l i n g i t , Tsimshian, and Haida d i f f e r e d from other groups. For t h i s purpose, ethnographic accounts of gambling and games of chance from other North-west Coast groups and from some Plateau and Mackenzie/Yukon groups w i l l be presented. Among the Kwakiutl the northern form of the dice game, i . e . , the chair-shaped dice game c a l l e d e'bayu; and the beaver teeth dice game, the southern version, c a l l e d metale, have been reported.but there i s a c e r t a i n amount of confusion. On the one hand, Boas (1966: 396) states d e f i n i t e l y that the Kwakiutl did not play the beaver teeth dice game (metale) but describes the chair-shaped game as being played. On the other hand, C u l i n reports that C F . Newcombe informed him that "a f t e r very c a r e f u l inquiry he i s unable to f i n d t h i s game, the chair-- 42 -shaped d i c e game among the K w a k i u t l " ( C u l i n , 1907: 197) . The evidence suggests , however, that both d i c e games had been p layed at some t ime. The evidence i s ma in ly i n the form of both cha i r - shaped and beaver t ee th d i c e which have been recovered from the K w a k i u t l a rea . F u r t h e r -more, i n v iew of the f a c t tha t the K w a k i u t l have t r a d i t i o n a l l y blended no r the rn and southern t r a i t s , fo r example, a combinat ion of m a t r i l i n e a l and p a t r i l i n e a l k i n s h i p , and the presence of both southern and nor the rn des ign fea tures i n a r t , i t i s h i g h l y probable tha t both types of d i c e games were p l ayed . Data about the K w a k i u t l d i c e games are meagre. The only a d d i -t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n about the cha i r - shpaed d i c e game i s tha t the f i n g e r s were wet ted before the d i e was f l i p p e d . S c o r i n g was repor ted as : e i t h e r s i d e scored n o t h i n g ; f r o n t scored one; back scored one; and bottom scored f o u r . The beaver t ee th d i c e game was apparen t ly p layed w i t h four d i c e ; two marked w i t h c i r c l e s and two w i t h s t r a i g h t l i n e s . A c c o r d i n g to C F . Newcombe ( i n C u l i n , 1907: 196) t h i s d i c e game (metale) "came from the S t i c k Ind i ans (Tahlkan) / s i c / ; " and was obso le te when Newcombe i n v e s t i g a t e d . The on ly re ference to how t h i s d i c e game was scored among the K w a k i u t l i s repor ted by C u l i n who s ta tes tha t when a l l four beaver t ee th f a l l showing t h e i r marked s ides a score of two i s ob ta ined . The game was des igna ted as a woman's game. Among the Nootka the on ly d i c e game repor ted to have been p layed was tha t p layed w i t h marked beaver t ee th ( C u l i n , 1907: 196). - 43 -( A s e t o f N o o t k a d i c e i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n A p p e n d i x A , F i g u r e 2 6 . ) T h e game w a s c a l l e d e i s o r t o d j i k . A m o n g t h e N o o t k a f o u r d i c e w e r e u s e d , t w o m a r k e d w i t h c i r c l e s a n d t w o w i t h s t r a i g h t l i n e s , a s among t h e K w a k i -u t l . T h e c i r c l e d d i c e w e r e c a l l e d c u l k o t l i t h ( " d o t t e d t e e t h " ) ; t h e l i n e d o n e s b e i n g c a l l e d c h i h l i c h i c o t l . S o m e t i m e s o n e o f t h e c i r c l e d d i c e w a s f u r t h e r d i s t i n g u i s h e d b y m e a n s o f a b a n d o f b l a c k y a r n a r o u n d t h e c e n t e r . T h i s w a s k n o w n a s q u i s q u i s ( " s n o w " ) . T h e p a i r w i t h c i r c u -l a r d e s i g n s w a s s o m e t i m e s r e f e r r e d t o a s t h e women a n d t h e p a i r w i t h l i n e s a s m e n . T h e r e a r e a l s o r e f e r e n c e s t o o n e o f t h e f o u r d i c e f u n c -t i o n i n g a s a t r u m p . T h i s may h a v e b e e n t h e d i e w h i c h w a s w r a p p e d i n y a r n , a l t h o u g h t h e i n f o r m a t i o n i s n o t c l e a r o n t h i s . T h e s c o r i n g o f t h i s game a m o n g t h e N o o t k a w a s s o m e w h a t i n c o n -s i s t e n t . U s u a l l y , h o w e v e r , t h e f o l l o w i n g s e e m s t o h a v e b e e n t h e n o r m : a l l m a r k e d s i d e s s h o w i n g s c o r e d t w o ( d h a b a s " a l l d o w n " ) ; a l l p l a i n s i d e s s h o w i n g s c o r e d t w o ( t a s c o a s " w i t h o u t m a r k s " ) ; a n d o n e p a i r s h o w i n g ( e i t h e r l i n e s o r c i r c l e s ) s c o r e d o n e . A l l o t h e r c o m b i n a t i o n s u s u a l l y c o u n t e d n o t h i n g , a l t h o u g h t h e r e a r e some r e p o r t e d ^ e x c e p t i o n s . S c o r -i n g c o u l d b e a f f e c t e d i f a t r u m p d i e w a s u s e d . F o r e x a m p l e , i n o n e r e -p o r t e d c a s e i f a l l m a r k e d d i c e s h o w e d a c o u n t o f f o u r w a s m a d e , a n d i f o n l y t h e t r u m p d i e s h o w e d f a c e up a s c o r e o f f o u r w a s a g a i n m a d e . T h i s s e e m s o n l y t o h a v e b e e n t h e g e n e r a l p a t t e r n . A s w i t h t h e o t h e r g r o u p s c o n s i d e r e d , f l e x i b i l i t y s e e m s t o h a v e b e e n a r e c u r r i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . - 44 -A set of counters ( s m a l l bones, wood s p l i n t s , e t c . ) was u s u a l -l y used w i t h which to keep score . There does not seem to be any set number of these ; some sets of ten counters and others of t h i r t y have been recorded by C u l i n . The game was p layed i n such a way tha t the d i c e were shaken i n the hands and then thrown down upon a mat or b l a n -k e t . The winner was he who obta ined a l l of the counte r s . I t was com-monly known as a woman's game. C u l i n (1907: 198) d e s c r i b e s an i n t e r e s t i n g se t of d i c e from the Nootka ( i l l u s t r a t e d i n Appendix A , F i g u r e 27) which tends to sup-p o r t the genera l hypothes is l i n k i n g games of chance w i t h the super-n a t u r a l . A l o n g w i t h the d i c e a set of counters was conta ined i n a co t ton bag i n which was a l s o kept a charm or medic ine ( c a l l e d k o i ) apparen t ly used to secure success i n gambling. The medic ine c o n s i s t s of a d r i e d fungus which was rubbed on the hands, and the too th of a sma l l rodent . There are a l s o references to r i t u a l ba th ing and washing w i t h hemlock by Nootka gamblers (see C u r t i s , 1916: v . X I : 34) . Among the Coast S a l i s h groups ( i n c l u d i n g the S t r a i t s S a l i s h , Puget Sound S a l i s h , and B e l l a Coola) the only d i c e game p layed was the beaver t ee th d i c e v a r i e t y . I t was known throughout the area as smi t a l e and was recogn ized as a woman's game, a l though Boas (1891) s t a t e s tha t men a l s o p l a y e d . C h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y four d i c e were used, u s u a l l y bea-ver t e e t h , a l though some se ts c o n s i s t of wood and bone copies of beaver t ee th (see Appendix A , F i g u r e 25) , e s p e c i a l l y among the B e l l a C o o l a . - 45 -Two d i c e have nuc lea ted c i r c l e m o t i f s on one s ide w h i l e the other two have i n c i s e d s t r a i g h t l i n e s . The c i r c l e d d i c e were known as "women" ( s l a ' n a e s m e t a l e ' ) ; and the l i n e d d i c e as "men" (suwe'ka smetale ' ; ) . U s u a l l y one of the four has a p i ece of s t r i n g t i e d around the middle and was c a l l e d i h k r a k ' ' e ' sen. S c o r i n g the d i c e game i n t h i s area appears to have been more sys temat ized than i n any of the areas cons idered thus f a r . The counts were as f o l l o w s : a l l marked s ides showing scored two; one p a i r showing, and one p a i r b lank scored one; one trump showing face up and three b lanks scored f o u r ; trump face down and three marked s ides show-i n g scored f o u r ; and a l l other combinat ions scored n o t h i n g . T h i s may be m i s l e a d i n g , however, as i t i s based on a l i m i t e d number of repor ted cases . I n order to say d e f i n i t e l y tha t a system of s c o r i n g e x i s t e d throughout the a rea , many examples would have to be s t u d i e d . About t h i r t y or f o r t y counters were used to keep score . When a p l a y e r won a counter he cont inued p l a y i n g . I f he l o s t , the d i c e changed hands. When a p l a y e r won a l l of the counters the game ended, but three games were u s u a l l y p l ayed i n a s e r i e s . Boas (1891) r epor t s tha t when men were p l a y i n g women must not be present and tha t i t was on ly d u r i n g l a r g e i n t e r - t r i b a l games when t h e i r presence would be t o l -e r a t ed . S i n g i n g and waving the arms up and down were a s soc i a t ed w i t h the d i c e game. He a l s o r e f e r s to the men and women of the winn ing s ide p a i n t i n g t h e i r faces r e d . I t i s not known j u s t what s i g n i f i c a n c e - 46 -can be given' to t h i s face p a i n t i n g . T y p i c a l l y , chea t ing was present d u r i n g most games. The trump d i e , f o r example, was sometimes p l aced i n the hand i n such a way that when the d i c e were thrown down the trump cou ld be r e t a i n e d and a l lowed to f a l l i n a p r e d i c t e d f a sh ion ( C u l i n , 1907: 158). Among the P l a t e a u groups, which i n c l u d e the Thompson, Shu-swap, and L i l l o o e t , the common d i c e game was tha t p layed w i t h beaver t e e t h . Four were used. The game n a t u r a l l y had a c l o s e a f f i n i t y w i t h the S a l i s h game and d i f f e r e d l i t t l e from i t . The s c o r i n g may have been d i f f e r e n t , however. T e i t (1900: 272) records the f o l l o w i n g counts based on a f o u r - p i e c e set which inc luded one "man" ( s t r a i g h t l i n e s w i t h sinew wrapped around the m i d d l e ) , one "woman" ( c i r c l e s ) , and two others w i t h chevron m o t i f s ( t h i s set i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n Appen-d i x A , F i g u r e 28) : a l l marked s ides showing scored two; a l l p l a i n s ides showing scored two; one chevron and three b lank s ides scored f o u r t e e n ; a "woman" and three b lanks scored e i g h t ; a "man" and three b lanks scored f o u r ; and a l l e l s e scored no th ing (and the d i c e changed hands) . T h i s , however, i s only one case and many would need to be exam-ined before any r e l i a b l e statement about a s c o r i n g system could be made. As elsewhere t h i s was cons idered a woman's game. The only a d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n about d i c e games to be gleaned from the P l a t e a u area i s T e i t ' s (1900: 272) obse rva t ion that i s a d i e f e l l on i t s edge i t was taken up and l e t f a l l a g a i n . Appa ren t l y when T e i t recorded h i s - 47 -data (1900) some women s t i l l p l ayed t h i s game, a l though not to the extent that i t was p layed i n about 1890. I n the Mackenzie /Yukon area d i f f e r e n t v a r i e t i e s of the d i c e game were p l a y e d . A c c o r d i n g to M o r i c e (1895: 81) one type was p layed w i t h " b u t t o n l i k e p ieces of bone" but was no longer i n use. He g ives the name of t h i s game as a t i y e h . Another d i c e game was de sc r i bed by Alexander Mackenz ie . The ins t ruments of i t c o n s i s t of a p l a t t e r or d i s h made of wood or bark and s i x round or square but f l a t p i eces of me-t a l , wood, or s tone, whose s ides or surfaces are of d i f f e r e n t c o l o r s . These are put i n t o the d i s h , and a f t e r be ing f o r some time shaken together are thrown i n t o the a i r and r e c e i v e d aga in i n the d i s h w i t h cons ide rab l e d e x t e r i t y , when by the number that are turned up of the same mark or c o l o r the game i s r e g u l a t e d . I f there should be equal numbers the throw i s not reckoned; i f two or f o u r , the p l a t t e r changes hands. (Mackenzie , 1801: 142.) In fo rma t ion about d i c e games from t h i s area i s meagre, but i t i s c l e a r tha t i t i s an area e x h i b i t i n g d i f f e r e n t i n f l uences from the major areas which are the concern of t h i s paper . The above examinat ion of d i c e games from non-nor thern groups p o i n t s to s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s from the T l i n g i t , Ts imsh ian , and Haida games. The hand game ( l e h a l ) , r e p o r t e d l y concent ra ted among the southern groups of the Northwest Coas t , i s homogeneous throughout the a rea . I t s b a s i c fea tures appear s i m i l a r and the l i t e r a t u r e i s f a i r l y complete i n d e s c r i p t i v e m a t e r i a l . - 48 -Among the K w a k i u t l the hand game was c a l l e d alaxwa ( a l e mean-ing "seek"; xwa meaning "gamble"; and xak meaning "bone") . Two p a i r s of bones were used, r e f e r r e d to as a l axwax in . The counters were c a l l e d kwaxklawi . Two of the bones were marked w i t h a c e n t r a l band and were c a l l e d k i l g i u i a l a . The other two were unmarked and c a l l e d k e g i a . These unmarked bones were the ones guessed f o r i n the K w a k i u t l hand game. A c c o r d i n g to Newcombe ( i n C u l i n , 1907: 321) there was no sex d i s t i n c -t i o n a p p l i e d to the bones. Boas (1966: 391-392) has presented one of the most complete d e s c r i p t i o n s of l e h a l on record and the reader i s r e f e r r e d to t h i s account . Because the form of the hand game i s so s tan-da rd ized throughout the Northwest Coast i t w i l l not be d i scussed i n de-t a i l here . As the main area of emphasis of the present paper i s the e a r l i e r indegenous forms of gambling the hand game w i l l be mentioned only to e x p l a i n some of the p o s s i b l e reasons why i t d i s p l a c e d the o lder s t i c k game i n the no r the rn a rea . One fea ture of the hand game which could p o s s i b l y have con-t r i b u t e d to i t s h igh degree of p o r t a b i l i t y was i t s a b i l i t y to be played by means of ges tu re , wi thout the need f o r v e r b a l communication. I n f a c t , t h i s i s suggested by Emmons ( n . d . ) i n the passage quoted on page 15 of t h i s paper where he desc r ibes a hand game which was p layed f o r three weeks w i thou t e i t h e r s ide be ing ab le to understand the language of the o the r . - 49 -Another fea tu re which could have a ided t h i s process i s the l i v e l y singing and drumming a s soc i a t ed w i t h l e h a l which was not present i n the s t i c k game. There i s a fu r the r f a c t o r emphasized by Drucker (1965: 67) which could a l s o have in f luenced t h i s d i sp lacement , and that i s the d i f f e r e n c e i n odds between the s t i c k and hand games. As has been po in ted out fo r the no r the rn a rea , i n the s t i c k game the score might range back and f o r t h , for hours a t a t ime. P l a y was slowed down by the f a c t tha t on ly the ho lders of the s t i c k s cou ld win p o i n t s . A s u c c e s s f u l guess won no p o i n t s , but on ly the possess ion of the p i e c e s . L e h a l , on the other hand, w i t h i t s two-to-one odds aga ins t the guesser , made i t p o s s i b l e , i n theory a t l e a s t , fo r a l u c k y team to t a l l y the usua l twenty p o i n t s i n a r e l a t i v e l y shor t t ime. T h i s r e s u l t e d i n a f a s t e r game than the s t i c k game. Even so, a l e h a l game cou ld take the b e t t e r p o r t i o n of a n i g h t to complete , and there were u s u a l l y a number of games p layed i n a s e r i e s . Three f a c t o r s , then, - - the genera l por-t a b i l i t y of l e h a l through the use of ges tu re , l i v e l y s i n g i n g and drum-ming , and two-to-one odds - - can be cons idered major causes c o n t r i b u t i n g to the r i s e i n p o p u l a r i t y of the hand game on the Northwest Coas t . The Nootka v e r s i o n of the hand game was known as s o k t i s . Here the bones were d i s t i n g u i s h e d d e f i n i t e l y as e i t h e r male or female. The marked bones were c a l l e d chokope ("men") and the unmarked, hayop ( " female" ) . (See Appendix A , F i g u r e 29 fo r an i l l u s t r a t i o n of a set of Nootka hand game bones.) I t was the female or unmarked bones which were guessed f o r . The count was kept w i t h twenty counters ( c a l l e d k a t s a k ) . (Dorsey, i n C u l i n , 1907: 322.) - 50 -Among the S a l i s h the sexua l dichotomy was emphasized i n the l e h a l game. The p l a i n bone was r e f e r r e d to as female, and the marked bone as male, and aga in the p l a i n bone was the one guessed f o r . L e h a l i s repor ted to have had a very anc i en t o r i g i n i n t h i s r e g i o n (Densmore, 1943: 67) . One f a c t o r of the game which i s brought out s t r o n g l y i n Densmore's paper i s the important r o l e of song and rhythm i n connec-t i o n w i t h the p l a y . Only the s ide i n possess ion of the bones sang and beat time on p l a n k s , the purpose be ing apparen t ly " to b a f f l e and confuse the opponents, fo r which the rhythm i s admirably adapted" (Densmore, 1943: 72) . However, Gibbs suggests another purpose of the songs and drumming which cou ld l i n k l e h a l to the s u p e r n a t u r a l . The backers of the pa r ty man ipu l a t i ng keep up a constant drumming w i t h s t i c k s on t h e i r paddles , which l i e before them, s i n g i n g an i n c a n t a t i o n to a t t r a c t good f o r t u n e . . . . E a c h spe-c i e s of gambling has i t s a p p r o p r i a t e . . . p a t r o n s p i r i t , whose countenance i s invoked by the chant and n o i s e . . . . I t would seem tha t t h i s favor i s not merely s o l i c i t e d d u r i n g the game, but sometimes i n advance of i t , and perhaps fo r genera l or cont inued fo r t une . ( G i b b s , i n C u l i n , 1907: 299.) One must be c a u t i o u s , however, of assuming too much from these da t a . Gibbs has l i n k e d two observa t ions i n a r e l a t i o n s h i p which i s not neces-s a r i l y v a l i d . The obse rva t ion tha t s i n g i n g accompanied the hand game i s not n e c e s s a r i l y l i n k e d to the f a c t tha t each form of gambling had i t s own pa t ron s p i r i t which was invoked by the songs. A l though t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y e x i s t s , the s i n g i n g and drumming c e r t a i n l y was geared to confuse the guess ing s i d e . - 51 -L e h a l was p layed outdoors or indoors (Densmore, 1943: 65 ) . Among the P l a t e a u groups the hand game was p layed by both men and women, w i t h the women having d i f f e r e n t songs from the men. I n the P l a t e a u area many l e h a l p l a y e r s wore knuckle covers of l e a the r to conceal the bones more e a s i l y d u r i n g p l a y (Appendix A , F i g u r e 30) . I n the M a c k e n z i e / -Yukon area there does not seem to have been any d i f f e r e n c e i n the form of p l a y from the P l a t e a u groups. The hand game p layed on the no r the rn Northwest Coast can be seen to have d i f f e r e d l i t t l e from the southern groups. I n f a c t , of the three games of chance cons ide red , the hand game appears to have been the most homogeneous, r e g u l a t e d , and widespread . However, such was not the case w i t h the s t i c k game played ou t s ide of the nor the rn a rea . The K w a k i u t l s t i c k game was known as l e ' b a y u and i t s form was s i m i l a r to the no r the rn v e r s i o n . Boas (1966: 392) i n d i c a t e s tha t the game was a more recent i n t r o d u c t i o n to the K w a k i u t l area as i t was g e n e r a l l y agreed tha t i t was not p layed in former t imes . I t was appar-e n t l y learned from the no r the rn Northwest Coast groups about 1860. L i t t l e can be done a t t h i s time to v e r i f y t h i s statement a l though , as w i l l be seen, i n d i c a t i o n s from other sources tend to support i t . Boas ' (1966) account of the s t i c k game among the K w a k i u t l i s very complete and the reader i s r e f e r r e d to i t f o r d e t a i l s . The trump s t i c k s were c a l l e d ga'^ e of which there were apparen t ly f i v e to - 52 -a se t , w h i l e a l l of the other s t i c k s r e p o r t e d l y had animal names. Some K w a k i u t l se ts have burnt des igns a l though the most common have the b l a c k or red band d e c o r a t i o n s . The Nootka area e x h i b i t s an i n t e r e s t i n g v e r s i o n of the s t i c k game. Ins tead of st icks, d i s k s were used. (See Appendix A , F i g u r e s 18, 31 , and 32.) The name of the Nootka game was g iven as sac t s - sa -wha ik ( " r o l l s f a r " ) by Dorsey ( i n C u l i n 1907: 264) , and as h u l l i - a - k o - b u p t by Swan ( i n C u l i n , 1907: 264^265) fo r the Makah. Appa ren t l y t h i s was the most common game played by the Makah. I t was a man's game and d i f f e r e d from the no r the rn s t i c k game i n the s i n g i n g and drumming which accompanied the p l a y . E s s e n t i a l l y t h i s v e r s i o n of the s t i c k game was very s i m i l a r to i t s no r the rn coun te rpa r t . I t was p layed w i t h sets of ten d i s k s ( h u l i a k ) , the count be ing kept w i t h about twelve s t i c k s ( k a t s a k e ) . The d i s k s are about two inches i n diameter and about a quar ter of an i n c h t h i c k , made of wood ( u s u a l l y a l d e r , maple, or ha-z e l ) and h i g h l y p o l i s h e d . D i s t i n g u i s h i n g marks are found e i t h e r on the edges or on the surface near the edge. The most common embell ishment i s b l a c k and/or wh i t e p a i n t around the edge. U s u a l l y one d i s k has a comple te ly b l a c k edge and was known as chokope ("man"). Other d i s k s have comple te ly wh i t e edges and were c a l l e d hayop ( " female" ) . Appar-e n t l y the ob jec t of the game was to guess fo r the " female" . Swan ( i n C u l i n , 1907: 264-265) g ives the f o l l o w i n g account of the s t i c k game among the Nootka . Two persons played a t one t ime, each hav ing a mat before him w i t h the end next to h i s opponent s l i g h t l y - 53 -r a i s e d so tha t the d i s k s cou ld not r o l l out of r each . Each p l aye r had ten d i s k s which he covered w i t h shredded bark and then separated i n t o equal p a r t s , s h i f t i n g them r a p i d l y on the mat from hand to hand. The opposing p l a y e r guessed which p i l e conta ined the trump d i s k , and when he made h i s s e l e c t i o n the d i s k s were r o l l e d down the mat so tha t each p i ece was exposed. I t i s no t known what system of s c o r i n g was u t i l i z e d fo r t h i s game. Swan only s t a tes tha t a c o r r e c t guess was a w i n , and an i n c o r r e c t one a l o s s . However, i f the game resembled the no r the rn s t i c k game i t cou ld be suggested tha t a s i m i l a r form of s c o r i n g occur red . That i s , a c o r r e c t guess gave the guesser possess ion of the s t i c k s and an i n c o r r e c t guess counted one p o i n t fo r the d e a l e r . The S a l i s h and B e l l a Coola groups have been t r ea t ed together so f a r because both shared common c u l t u r a l elements. T h i s i s not t rue fo r the s t i c k game, however. Only the no r the rn v e r s i o n was known to the B e l l a C o o l a . I t was c a l l e d x s a n i and was, i n f a c t , the no r the rn game. Among the S a l i s h , however, both v e r s i o n s of the s t i c k game ( i . e . , s t i c k and d i s k ) were p l a y e d . As w i t h the Nootka , the S a l i s h d i s t i n g u i s h some of the d i s k s on the b a s i s of sex. The black-edged d i s k s were r e -f e r r e d to as "women" ( s l a n i ) and the white-edged d i s k s were c a l l e d "men" ( swa ika ) . A p p a r e n t l y the S a l i s h guessed for the b l a c k (female) d i s k . Among the Nootka the b l a c k d i s k s were c a l l e d "male" and the wh i t e ones "female" . - 54 -E v i d e n t l y the d i s k s were made from a shrub of the genus Viburnum c a l l e d s e t - t a - chas (Cherouse, i n C u l i n , 1907: 253) . The cut d i s k s were b o i l e d f o r three or four hours and when dry were scraped w i t h grass u n t i l shaped, p o l i s h e d , and n a t u r a l l y c o l o r e d . Other types of wood were a l s o used. S i n g i n g was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p l a y , as was face p a i n t i n g . P l a y e r s pa in t ed t h e i r faces w i t h d i f f e r e n t c o l o r s and des igns which apparen t ly represented the s p i r i t which they invoked f o r success ( C u l i n , 1907: 254) . Boas (1891: 571) a l s o r epo r t s the use of face p a i n t . Gibbs r e f e r s to an i n t e r e s t i n g aspect of the d i s k game i n the S a l i s h a rea : These d i s k s are made of yew, and must be cut i n t o shape w i t h beaver - too th c h i s e l s o n l y . The marking of them i s i n i t s e l f an a r t , c e r t a i n persons be ing ab le by t h e i r s p e l l s to imbue them w i t h l u c k , and t h e i r manufactures b r i n g very h i g h p r i c e s . (G ibbs , i n C u l i n , 1907: 250.) Another l i n k w i t h the supe rna tu ra l i s r epor ted by E e l l s ( i n C u l i n , 1907: 256-257) who s ta tes tha t another form of the d i s k game was p layed and was c a l l e d the tamanous ( " s p i r i t " ) game. Only those persons who possessed a tamanous took p a r t i n the game. W h i l e one person was p l a y i n g , the other members of h i s pa r ty were bea t ing a drum, c l a p p i n g t h e i r hands, and s i n g i n g . I n the P l a t e a u area the usual s t i c k game was p l a y e d , a l though a v a r i a t i o n was observed i n which the dea le r d i v i d e d the set of s t i c k s i n t o two l o t s , h o l d i n g them i n h i s hands. The opponent had to guess - 55 -which hand h e l d the most s t i c k s . I f he guessed wrong, the dea l e r won the s take . The form of the r egu l a r s t i c k game was s i m i l a r to the no r the rn game. I t d i f f e r e d , however, i n the s i n g i n g tha t accompanied p l a y and i n the use of a s p e c i a l l y carved p o i n t e r ( i l l u s t r a t e d i n Appendix A , F i g u r e 33) . T e i t (1900: 273) r epo r t s tha t as w e l l as a trump, a man chose a s t i c k which represented h i s guard ian s p i r i t w i t h which to p l a y . The s t i c k s were a l s o g i v e n names. A d d i t i o n a l da ta a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the P l a t e a u s t i c k game are p rov ided by T e i t (1909: 475) . I n r e f e r r i n g to the means of decora-t i n g the s t i c k s T e i t s t a tes tha t the roo t of Li thospernum a n g u s t i f o l i u m dipped i n hot grease was used p r i n c i p a l l y fo r p a i n t i n g . g a m b l i n g s t i c k s . T h i s was b l o o d - r e d when a p p l i e d , but w i t h age changed to a p u r p l i s h shade. Gamblers i n the P l a t e a u area are s a i d to have used the f o l l o w -i n g guard ian s p i r i t s : n a t u r a l phenomena ( i n c l u d i n g creek , s p r i n g , s tone, dawn of d a y ) ; animals ( i n c l u d i n g horse , muskrat , marmot, r a b b i t , sheep, goat , b u f f a l o , c a r i b o u , po rcup ine , v a r i o u s b i r d s , f r o g s , some i n s e c t s , and wood worms); f e a t h e r s ; p a r t s of p l a n t s ( i n c l u d i n g f i r branches, p ine cones, and f i r cones ) ; and such misce l l aneous objec ts as sweat houses, t o o l s , moccas ins , red and b l a c k p a i n t , and d e n t a l i a . ( T e i t , 1900: 355.) T e i t a l s o mentions t h a t : Some gamblers ' wives took an elongated s tone, or of tener a stone hammer, and suspended i t by a s t r i n g above t h e i r hus-bands' p i l l o w s . I f a woman knew her husband was having bad - 56 -l u c k i n h i s game, she turned i t r a p i d l y around, thereby r e -v e r s i n g h i s l u c k , Another would go to the water and bathe h e r s e l f , to b r i n g back her husband's l u c k . Some, to secure success to t h e i r husbands w h i l e gambling, drove a peg i n t o the ground near their p i l l o w s , or sa t on a f r e s h f i r - b r a n c h w h i l e they p l a y e d . ( T e i t , 1900: 371.) I n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of the Shuswap, T e i t r e f e r s to gambling as a " p r o f e s s i o n " which r e q u i r e d s p e c i a l t r a i n i n g and a guardian s p i r i t (1909: 588) . A p p a r e n t l y pa r t of t h i s t r a i n i n g i n c l u d e d c u t t i n g the tongue and swal lowing the b l o o d , the expressed purpose be ing to make the a s p i r i n g gambler l ucky ( T e i t , 1909: 590) . Such t r a i n i n g was usu-a l l y c a r r i e d out only i n those a c t i v i t i e s which were cons idered impor-tan t by the group; thus one might make the assumption tha t gambling was an important a c t i v i t y . The f o l l o w i n g adv ice was g iven to one who a s p i r e d to be a good gambler among the Shuswap. ' . . . I f you d e s i r e to be l u c k y a t gambling, always i n v i t e women to watch you p l a y i n g ; and i f you w i n much, g ive them some p resen t s . As long as they watch you p l a y i n g , you w i l l w i n ; but i f no women watch you when you p l a y , you w i l l l o s e . Do as I d i r e c t you , and you w i l l always be s u c c e s s f u l a t gambling and w i t h women.' Thus t h i s man obtained as h i s guar-d i a n s p i r i t the deer who had changed i n t o a woman, and he has g e n e r a l l y been very s u c c e s s f u l i n gambling, and has had sev-e r a l good w i v e s . ( T e i t , 1909: 606-607.) The game which t h i s adv ice r e f e r s to i s l e h a l and d i f f e r s from the c o a s t a l v e r s i o n i n concept by sugges t ing tha t women cou ld be spec t a to r s . T e i t a l s o r e f e r s to the s i g n i f i c a n c e of face p a i n t i n g w i t h regard to gambling. Appa ren t l y a gambler had two boys as his guard ians . - 57 -They appeared to h im, and t o l d h im, whenever he l o s t a t p l a y -i n g l e h a l y to ho ld h i s r i g h t hand a t his back fo r a w h i l e , and to p a i n t a red s t r i p e down from each corner of h i s mouth, and another red s t r i p e across the b r idge of h i s nose from ear to ear / s e e Appendix A , F i g u r e 34 / . I f he fo l l owed t h i s a d v i c e , he would always- be l u c k y . Whenever he had bad l u c k a t p l a y i n g l e h a l , he d i d as he had been d i r e c t e d , and i n v a r -i a b l y h i s l u c k changed so that he won. ( T e i t , 1909: 608.) The nor the rn form of the s t i c k game i s recorded by C u l i n (1907: 236-237) f o r the Mackenzie /Yukon area and was c a l l e d a t l i h ( a t l e meaning "gambling s t i c k s " ) . In fo rma t ion concern ing the game i n t h i s area i s meagre, but the i n d i c a t i o n s are tha t the gambling s t i c k s were of a more crude v a r i e t y than on the coas t ; a l s o , the markings appear to be only p l a i n bands around the s t i c k s . From the sources , t he r e fo r e , a l l tha t can be s a i d i s tha t the no r the rn Northwest Coast v e r s i o n of the s t i c k game was p l ayed i n the Mackenzie /Yukon a rea . From the e thnographic l i t e r a t u r e upon which t h i s s e c t i o n i s based i t can be seen tha t the no r the rn r e g i o n , represented by the T l i n -g i t , Ts imsh ian , and Ha ida , can be cons idered as a r e l a t i v e l y homogeneous s e c t i o n of the Northwest Coast as f a r as games of chance are concerned. I t has been shown tha t t h i s area i s unique i n a number of f e a tu r e s : (1) the cha i r - shaped d i c e game; (2) absence of beaver t ee th d i c e ; and, (3) an area of c o n c e n t r a t i o n fo r the s t i c k game, p o s s i b l y suggest ing tha t the game o r i g i n a t e d here , or a t l e a s t reached i t s c l i m a x i n t h i s r e g i o n . On a more genera l l e v e l , a l i n k has been suggested and some ethnographic evidence presented which tends to demonstrate a connec t ion between the superna tu ra l and games of chance. - 58 -However, there are l a r g e gaps i n the e thnographic l i t e r a t u r e . For example, there i s no information about gamblers themselves, whether gambling was d iscouraged or encouraged, what the stakes were, and so f o r t h . I n f a c t there i s not enough da ta to undertake any type of func-t i o n a l a n a l y s i s of gambling on the Northwest Coast . I t i s p o s s i b l e to pursue some of these ques t ions and to develop a f u l l e r p r o f i l e of gamb-l i n g by examining the theme.of gambling as i t i s recorded i n the myth-ology of the d i f f e r e n t groups under c o n s i d e r a t i o n . I t is t h i s task which c o n s t i t u t e s P a r t I I I of t h i s paper. PART III - MYTHOLOGY - 59 -As has been demonstrated i n P a r t I I i t i s p o s s i b l e to develop only a ve ry b a s i c p r o f i l e of gambling on the Northwest Coast us ing the e thnographic l i t e r a t u r e . Data are l a c k i n g f o r a f u n c t i o n a l examina-t i o n of 'gambling. T h i s i s a l a c k which i s common to many t o p i c s when d e a l i n g w i t h Northwest Coast ethnography. P a r t I I was b a s i c a l l y des-c r i p t i v e and no s u r p r i s i n g da ta were uncovered which could be r e l e v a n t to a study of more t h e o r e t i c a l ques t ions . Any attempt to suggest some of the i m p l i c a t i o n s of heavy gambling based on the data from P a r t I I i s de s t i ned to f a i l u r e , or a t l e a s t to a charge of i n v a l i d i t y . Some i n d i c a t o r s of the r o l e of gambling i n i t s Northwest Coast s e t t i n g , as w e l l as i n f o r m a t i o n about gamblers, s o c i a l r e s t r a i n t s , e t c . are found i n the mythology of the a rea . I t i s t rue tha t making g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s from myth cannot be a d i r e c t p roces s , but g i v e n proper q u a l i f i c a t i o n , s i g n i f i c a n t da ta may be uncovered, and to some degree the p r o f i l e can be rounded out . I t i s suggested tha t myths c o n t a i n references to s te reo typed behav io r , behavior which has been g e n e r a l i z e d over t ime and which i s accepted as normal w i t h i n the con tex t of the myth. Much has been s a i d about the na tu re , form, and content of myth. As mythology i s used here , however, i t would not be r e l e v a n t to pursue any type of s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s i s . Ra the r , what i s needed i s a genera l statement of the forms which the myths take on the Northwest Coas t , e s p e c i a l l y where they c o n t a i n themes of gambling. - 60 -Fo r the purposes of d e f i n i n g and t r a c i n g themes i t i s us 'eful to c o n c e p t u a l i z e a myth as an amoeba. L e v i - S t r a u s s d i scusses t h i s par-t i c u l a r model f o r myth. R e f e r r i n g to myth he s t a t e s : From whatever v i ewpo in t we look a t i t , i t i s seen to develop n e b u l o u s l y . L i k e a nebula i t never b r ings together i n a dur-ab le or sys temat ic way the sum t o t a l of the elements from which i t b l i n d l y d e r i v e s i t s substance. Y e t we are f i r m l y convinced tha t the r e a l serves as i t s guide . . . . As our nebula spreads out , i t s nuc leus condenses and becomes o rgan ized . Sparse f i l amen t s are s o l d e r e d ; lacunae are f i l l e d ; connect ions are e s t a b l i s h e d ; something resembl ing order i s v i s i b l e behind the chaos. As though c l u s t e r i n g around a ger-m i n a l moe l cu l e , the sequences which have been ranked i n t r ans -formation groups are i nco rpo ra t ed i n t o the i n i t i a l group and reproduce i t s s t r u c t u r e and de t e rmina t i ons . A m u l t i d i m e n s i o n -a l body i s born whose c e n t r a l pa r t s r e v e a l a p a t t e r n or o r -g a n i z a t i o n , though u n c e r t a i n t y and confus ion cont inue to r u l e on the p e r i p h e r y . . . . Here , as w i t h the o p t i c a l microscope which cannot r e v e a l m a t t e r ' s u l t i m a t e s t r u c t u r e to the observer , our on ly choice i s between c e r t a i n enlargements; each mani fes t s a l e v e l of o r g a n i z a t i o n whose t r u t h i s r e l a t i v e ; each, w h i l e i n use, ex-c ludes the p e r c e p t i o n of other l e v e l s . . . . The process i s ve ry much l i k e tha t of those p r i m i t i v e organ-isms w h i c h , a l though they are a l r eady enclosed i n a membrane, m a i n t a i n a c a p a c i t y to move t h e i r protoplasm w i t h i n t h i s en-ve lope and to d i s t e n d i t e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y i n order to emit pseudopodia. Such behavior i s a good b i t l e s s strange once we have v e r i f i e d tha t i t s ob jec t i s to capture or a s s i m i l a t e f o r e i g n bodies . . . . ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , i n Georges, 1968: 201-203.) Such a model i s u se fu l for t h i s paper because i t demonstrates the capa-c i t y of myth to absorb and r e j e c t c e r t a i n elements. I t a l s o shows the theoret ical p o s s i b i l i t y of i s o l a t i n g n u c l e i i . Fur thermore , i t emphasizes the f l u i d cha rac te r of myth, i . e . , something i n process and always - 61 -changing. I t i s ^ i m p o r t a n t , however, not to push t h i s organic analogy too f a r . Data about gambling conta ined i n the mythology tend to f a l l i n t o two main c a t e g o r i e s . F i r s t l y , there are da ta which are s i t u a -t i o n a l . That i s to say tha t p a s s i n g reference i s made to an aspect of gambling. For example a statement tha t a c e r t a i n myth charac te r l e f t h i s house to go to another f o r the purpose of gambling may not be v i t a l to the c e n t r a l theme of the myth. However, fo r t h i s paper such a statement may be r e l e v a n t i n tha t i t may add to the p r o f i l e of gambling. Secondly , there are those data which c o n s t i t u t e major themes i n the mythology. Rather than be ing a p a s s i n g , i n c i d e n t a l r e f e r ence , some aspect of gambling i s the v i t a l element of the myth. Here the for tunes or mis for tunes of a gambler may be recorded i n a f a i r amount of d e t a i l and may p rov ide u s e f u l i n f o r m a t i o n ( l a c k i n g i n the ethnographies) about such th ings as s o c i a l c o n t r o l s a p p l i e d to gambling, superna tu ra l i n t e r -v e n t i o n i n gambling games, e t c . I t must be s t r e s sed aga in tha t da ta from the mythology i n both ca t ego r i e s must be presented as such and not as recorded observed behav io r . R e f e r r i n g to the model o u t l i n e d above i t i s p o s s i b l e to c l a s s i f y the myths from d i f f e r e n t areas which c o n t a i n main themes of gambling by i s o l a t i n g and f o c u s s i n g on t h e i r n u c l e i i . Such a c l a s s i f y -i n g task i s not seen as a worthy p u r s u i t i n i t s e l f . L e a c h ' s b lue but -t e r f l i e s are brought to mind: " . . . you can arrange your b u t t e r f l i e s - 62 -acco rd ing to t h e i r c o l o u r , or t h e i r s i z e , or the shape of t h e i r wings acco rd ing to the whim of the moment (but) . . . the c r e a t i o n r o f a c l a s s of b lue b u t t e r f l i e s i s i r r e l e v a n t f o r the unders tanding of the anatomi-c a l s t r u c t u r e of l e p i d o p t e r a " (Leach , 1961: 3 -4 ) . L e v i - S t r a u s s a l s o cau t ions aga ins t c l a s s i f y i n g f o r i t s own sake: The study of myths poses a me thodo log ica l problem i f only because such study cannot f o l l o w the C a r t e s i a n p r i n c i p l e of b reak ing the d i f f i c u l t y down i n t o as many p a r t s as are r e -qu i r ed fo r i t s s o l u t i o n . No term proper to myth ic a n a l y s i s e x i s t s ; nor i s there any sec re t u n i t y which one can s e i z e h o l d of at the end of the a n a l y s i s . The themes can be sub-d i v i d e d e n d l e s s l y . When we t h i n k we have u n r a v e l l e d one from the other and can maintain them s e p a r a t e l y , we soon f i n d tha t they are blended together as though under the pressure of a f f i n i t i e s we had not fo reseen . Consequent ly , the myth 's u n i t y i s tendent ious and p r o j e c t i v e ; i t never r e a l l y r e f l e c t s a s t a t e or a f i x e d moment of the myth. I t i s no more than an imaginary phenomenon i m p l i c i t i n the e f f o r t of i n t e r p r e -t a t i o n . ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , i n Georges, 1968: 204-205.) Both L e v i - S t r a u s s ' and L e a c h ' s statements are w e l l - t a k e n ; however, the i s o l a t b n and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of themes need not be a w h o l l y f u t i l e t ask . I t i s on ly so i f such a procedure i s c a r r i e d out as an end i n i t s e l f . I f c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s u s e f u l fo r the expressed purpose of a t ask and i f i t c l a r i f i e s and i l l u s t r a t e s c e r t a i n concepts , or i f i t opens new areas of e x p l o r a t i o n , i t i s seen as a proper conceptual t o o l . As w i l l be shown below, t h i s task of c l a s s i f y i n g n u c l e i i or themes has p o i n t e d out some i n t e r e s t i n g t h e o r e t i c a l aspects of gambling on the Northwest Coas t . A t t h i s p o i n t , before beg inn ing the survey of myths, a typo-logy r e l e v a n t to the second category of da t a , p e r t a i n i n g to major themes, - 63 -w i l l be o u t l i n e d . T h i s w i l l f a c i l i t a t e d i s c u s s i o n about the themes when other areas are cons ide red . On a very genera l l e v e l the myths i n which gambling i s a major theme f a l l i n t o one of two c a t e g o r i e s . (Th i s appears to ho ld t rue f o r a l l of the areas cons ide red . ) These ca tegor-i e s of the n u c l e i i of myths may be summarized as f o l l o w s : (Type A) those myths i n which gambling games determine s i g n i f i c a n t events ; and (Type B) those myths i n which gamblers r e c e i v e superna tu ra l a i d . I t must be emphasized tha t these types of gambling themes are genera l and tha t t h e i r usefulness l i e s i n the f a c t t ha t they a l l o w one to l o o k a t s i m i l a r types of myths from d i f f e r e n t a reas . The sur -vey of the mythology, both fo r a d d i t i o n a l d e t a i l s of gambling and f o r more genera l themes of gambling, tends to support some of the c o n c l u -s ions presented i n P a r t I I and i l l u s t r a t e d by the e thnographic l i t e r a -t u r e . These genera l f e a t u r e s , based on data from the myths, i n c l u d e the f o l l o w i n g : (1) there i s a genera l homogeneity i n the mythology, both w i t h i n an area and between d i f f e r e n t a reas ; (2) gambling themes appear to be more common i n the n o r t h ; and (3) the mythology from a l l areas demonstrates the involvement of superna tu ra l fo rces and s p e c i a l powers i n gambling. Hence the l i n k between the superna tu ra l and games of chance i s i l l u s t r a t e d s t r o n g l y i n the myths. T h i s may, however, be a r e f l e c t i o n of the na ture of myth ra the r than the nature of gambling, but the assumption of the usefulness of myth i s -based on L e v i - S t r a u s s 1 statement quoted above that " . . . w e are f i r m l y convinced tha t the r e a l - 64 -serves as i t s / _ i . e . , the m y t h ' s / guide" ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , i n Georges, 1968: 201) . W i t h t h i s i n mind, mythology from the nor the rn area w i l l now be examined for da ta p e r t a i n i n g to gambling. As i n P a r t I I the nor the rn area w i l l be cons idered f i r s t w i t h a f a i r amount of d e t a i l from the T l i n g i t , Ts imsh ian , and Ha ida . The other areas w i l l be used main ly f o r comparative purposes . R e l a t i v e to other areas there i s a h igh c o n c e n t r a t i o n of gambling da ta to be found i n the mythology of the T l i n -g i t , Ts imsh ian , and Ha ida . Among the T l i n g i t the mythology makes r e f -erence to a number of gambling fea tures which w i l l be po in t ed out as the myths are surveyed. F i r s t there are a number of myths where gamb-l i n g i s mentioned j u s t i n p a s s i n g and i s not r e a l l y r e l e v a n t to the main p l o t . I n two of these (Swanton, 1909: 247 and 444) i t i s s t a ted tha t men l e f t the house e a r l y i n the morning f o r the purpose of,gamb-l i n g . These references a l s o suggest that i t was the s t i c k game which was p l ayed and tha t i t was a man's game. The obse rva t ion that men l e f t t h e i r houses e a r l y would suggest that much time was spent gambling. One myth a l s o s t a t e s tha t "when persons came to gamble w i t h him he shouted out as people do when they are gambl ing . " The s t i c k game was c e r t a i n l y an occas ion fo r exci tement - - a f a c t remarked upon by many e a r l i e r c h r o n i c l e r s of l i f e on the no r the rn Northwest Coas t . A l s o w i t h i n t h i s f i r s t ca tegory of da ta from the mythology i s a reference to ' f i x i n g ' the outcome of a game: "The two young men r e p l i e d : ' D o n ' t t e l l about us . I f you keep i t to y o u r s e l f we w i l l pay you ten s l a v e s . - 65 -We w i l l l e t you w i n ten s laves from us i n g a m b l i n g . ' And they d i d so" (Swanton, 1909: 135) . Two important i m p l i c a t i o n s are conta ined i n t h i s r e fe rence . One i s that game ' f i x i n g ' was an accepted p r a c t i c e ; and the other i s tha t s laves cou ld be i nc luded i n the s take . Another myth (Swanton, 1909: 165-169) i n i t i a l l y equates gambling w i t h a non -p roduc t ive , l a z y l i f e : " . . . s h e d i s l i k e d her son-i n - l a w very much because he was a l a z y f e l l o w , fond only of gambl ing . " However, i t i s soon made e x p l i c i t tha t he was not l a z y at a l l , but was a most p r o d u c t i v e i n d i v i d u a l who enjoyed gambling. The i m p l i c a t i o n of t h i s re ference i s tha t gambling cou ld be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h l a z i n e s s and there fore i n i t i a l l y h e l d up f o r p u b l i c c r i t i c i s m but i n a m a j o r i t y of cases t h i s was a temporary c o n d i t i o n . As shown i n t h i s myth, gamblers are u s u a l l y presented u l t i m a t e l y as b a s i c a l l y p roduc t i ve and v a l u a b l e members of s o c i e t y . I n f a c t , the gambler r e f e r r e d to here was t r ans -formed i n t o the monster Gonaqade' t who b r ings good l u c k to those who see h im. H i s w i f e i s a l s o an omen of good l u c k , as are t h e i r c h i l d r e n "the Daughters of the Creek" who l i v e a t the head of every stream. T h i s myth c e r t a i n l y does not have the form of a t o o l of s o c i a l c o n t r o l , such as would warn people of any dangers inhe ren t i n excess ive gambling. I t i s more c o r r e c t to say tha t , i n t h i s case , over - indu lgence i n gamb-l i n g appears as be ing a p o t e n t i a l l y nega t ive a c t i v i t y , but not as a d e f i n i t e l y nega t ive one. - 67 -c a u t i o n a g a i n s t gambling when i t i s taken to extreme. However, t h i s on ly seems to apply when the gambler i s l o s i n g , so i t may r e f l e c t on ly the nega t ive r e a c t i o n to l o s i n g r a the r than to gambling g e n e r a l l y . Swanton (1909: 135-139) has recorded a very i n t e r e s t i n g T l i n g i t myth which i s i n c l u d e d i n the 'Raven c y c l e . ' I t w i l l be quoted i n d e t a i l here because of the important references to gambling i t con-t a i n s . Raven ' s t r a v e l s took him to Tan-ffutu ( the southern end of P r i n c e of Wales I s l a n d ) where he saw a man named Q o n a l g i ' i . The myth con t inues : Raven s a i d to h im, "What are you doing here?" "I am a great gambler , " he s a i d . " I l o v e to gamble." S a i d Raven, "You are a gambler but you can not w i n a t h i n g . I f you eat f o r t y d e v i l ' s c lubs and f a s t many days you w i l l become a grea t gambler. You w i l l w i n e v e r y t h i n g you w i s h . But why do you want to l e a r n gambling?" The.man s a i d , " I have been gambling s t e a d i l y and I can not w i n any t h i n g . A person won from me my w i f e ' s c l o t h i n g and a l l of my food and p r o p e r t y . S ince I have so d i s g r a c e d myse l f , I have l e f t my town and have come here to d i e . " S a i d Raven, "Gambling i s not very good. There w i l l always be hard f e e l i n g s between gamblers, y e t I w i l l show you how. 0ne_of the s t i c k s has a red mark around i t . Ijt w i l l be named naq ( d e v i l f i s h ) . You w i l l see the smoke of naq. When you get the d e v i l f i s h , you are l u c k y . As long as i t keeps away from you , you are u n l u c k y . " Then he s a i d to the man, "Make a house f o r y o u r s e l f out of d e v i l ' s c lubs f i r s t and s tay i n s i d e w h i l e you are f a s j z ing ._ A f t e r you have f a s t ed four days , Grea t e s t Gambler (Af fqa ' - s . ' a ' tY) w i l l ap-pear to y o u . " When the man had f a s t ed fo r three days , l i v i n g on n o t h i n g but d e v i l ' s c l u b s , he s t a r t e d to l o o k f o r more. Then he found a d e v i l ' s c l u b , as b i g around as a l a r g e t r e e , covered w i t h s c a r s , and he took the bark o f f i n e i g h t d i f f e r e n t spo t s . Then he went to s leep and dreamed tha t a man came to h im. He s a i d , "Do you know tha t I am Grea tes t Gambler? You took the bark o f f from me i n e i g h t spo ts . I t was I s tand ing t h e r e . " Then Grea te s t Gambler s a i d to h im, "When you leave t h i s p l a c e , l ook around down on the beach and you w i l l f i n d something. When you reach your own v i l l a g e , do the same t h i n g a g a i n , and you w i l l f i n d something e l s e . " - 68 -Next morning a r e a l person came to him and s a i d , "I- yan t to see your gambling s t i c k s . " So he showed them to him, and he gave them t h e i r names. He gave a l l ;of them t h e i r names a t tha t t ime . Each s t i c k had a c e r t a i n mark. One was named d e v i l f i s h and the others were c a l l e d a f t e r other k inds of animals and f i s h . They are the same today among both Ts im-sh i an and T l i n g i t . /Swanton ' s no t e : I t appears from exam— p i e s tha t no such u n i f o r m i t y r e a l l y e x i s t s ^ / The two p r i n c i -p a l s t i c k s bes ides the d e v i l f i s h are tuq (a sma l l b r i g h t f i s h found i n the sand a long shore) and a n c a ' d j i (a sma l l gregar-ious b i r d which seems to feed on the tops of t r e e s ) . A f t e r Grea te s t Gambler had showed him how to gamble he p re -pared to r e t u r n to h i s people . . . . When a t l a s t he entered the v i l l a g e everybody made fun of h im, s a y i n g , " A y a 1 oQonaj!gic" ( s a i d to be Haida words meaning "Come and l e t us gamble, Qona^gic ) . . . . W h e n they f i r s t heard him speak of gambling they made fun of h im, t h i n k i n g to beat him as be fo re , and the same one who had before won a l l of h i s goods sat down oppos i t e . He was a f i n e gambler and the re fo re very r i c h . When they s t a r t e d to p l a y , the poor man began to go through a l l k inds of performances, jumping up, running about , and say ing funny th ings to h i s opponent, so tha t the l a t t e r became confused and cou ld not do any th ing . The poor man began winn ing h i s goods and, when he got tobacco, he would t r e a t the crowd about him w i t h i t . F i n a l l y the poor man s a i d , "That i s enough. I am th rough , " but the r i c h man answered, "Stay and l e t us gamble more ," t h i n k i n g tha t he would get a l l of h i s goods back. The poor man, however, s a i d he was through but would be w i l l i n g to gamble w i t h him the next day, and he l e f t h i s opponent s i t t i n g there f e e l i n g very b a d l y . The same day, however, h i s opponent went over to him aga in and aga in asked him to gamble. "Oh, l e t us w a i t u n t i l tomorrow," he s a i d , and he spoke k i n d l y to him. F i n a l l y they began a g a i n . Whatever words the poor man used aga ins t h i s opponent a t t h i s t ime , people use a t t h i s day. By and by he s a i d to the c h i e f , " l e t us gamble f o r food nex t . I want to feed my p e o p l e . " Then the r i c h man was angry, sat down, and began gambling w i t h him f o r food . A g a i n h i s opponent won e v e r y t h i n g and s a i d , "That i s enough. We have p l e n t y of time zc- to gamble. We w i l l gamble some other d a y . " So they stopped, a l though the c h i e f would have persevered , and the poor man i n v i t e d a l l of h i s f r i e n d s i n order to g ive them the food he had won. Next day the c h i e f aga in brought over h i s gambling s t i c k s , and they recommenced. Whenever the poor man saw tha t h i s - 69 -l u c k was t u r n i n g , he would jump up, run around the c i r c l e of peop le , who were watching him c l o s e l y , run to a l i t t l e creek near by , wash h i s hands very c l e a n and r e t u r n to gamble. He d i d that over and over aga in w h i l e he was gambling. Some-times he would run o f f and chew upon a p i ece of d r i e d salmon. Then he cou ld see the d e v i l f i s h smoke much b e t t e r . T h i s t ime they staked s l a v e s , and he won qu i t e a number, a f t e r which he jumped up, say ing that he had gambled enough. The c h i e f begged him to c o n t i n u e , but he s a i d , "No, we have gam-b led long enough. I w i l l gamble every day w i t h you i f you d e s i r e , but t h i s i s enough f o r t o - d a y . " Next morning they gambled a g a i n . A b i g crowd always fo l l owed him to the gambling p l a c e because the way he acted was new to them. He would jump up, c a l l c e r t a i n of h i s l u c k y s t i c k s by name and say, "Now you come o u t . " Before he began gambling he mixed h i s s t i c k s w e l l together and s a i d , "The a sq . ' anca 'd j i s t i c k s w i l l come o u t . " So they came out , f lew around and around h i s head'and s e t t l e d among the other s t i c k s a g a i n . He was the only one who could see them. By t h i s time the c h i e f opposing him had become f a i r l y c r azy . He had no th ing l e f t but h i s house, h i s s i s t e r s ' c h i l d r e n , h i s w i f e , and h i m s e l f . He wanted to s take h i s s i s t e r s ' c h i l d r e n , but h i s opponent s a id tha t he would not gamble for people . Then the c h i e f caught h o l d of him and begged him, and h i s own f r i e n d s came to him and s a i d , "Why d o n ' t you gamble and w i n those f r i e n d s of h i s ? You are very f o o l i s h not t o . " ."I do not want to gamble unless I can w i n something," he s a i d . "What good w i l l those peopfe be to me? I can not do any th ing w i t h them a f t e r I w i n them." "You w i l l have the name of- hay ing won them. Remember what he d i d to you . He d i d not have p i t y on you . When he won your w i f e ' s c l o t h e s d i d he g i v e them back?" Then the poor man moved a p i e c e of p a i n -ted moose h i d e , c a l l e d c k . ' u t i . ' e ' , around i n f r o n t of the c h i e f . I t made him very angry, but he dared not say any th ing . The c h i e f l o s t h i s nephews, h i s house, and h i s w i f e ' s c l o t h e s and o f fe red to stake h i s w i f e , but h i s opponent refused u n t i l h i s c o u s i n s a i d , "Go on and get eve ry th ing he has . I f you do not want them you can g ive them back . " So he won h i s w i f e a l s o . Then he put h i s gambling s t i c k s away, r e f u s i n g to gamble fo r the c h i e f h i m s e l f , because he knew tha t there i s always t r o u b l e a t the bottom of gambling. But h i s f r i e n d s s a i d , " I f he i s f o o l i s h enagh to stake h i m s e l f and h i s w i f e , go on and gamble. A f t e r a w h i l e he w i l l f e e l i t i n h i s face ( i . e . , be ashamed)." So he p layed once more and won h i s op-ponent a l s o . Then he s a i d , "S ince you have staked eve ry th ing and I have won, I suppose tha t t h i s i s a l l . Do you remember how you - 70 -won eve ry th ing from me? You were very hard on me. You even won my w i f e ' s c l o t h i n g , and you d i d not g ive me any th ing back. You l e f t me i n such a c o n d i t i o n that I cou ld not do-a t h i n g to he lp myse l f and my w i f e . You know tha t I have won you . You belong to me. You might be my s l a v e , but I w i l l not be tha t hard upon you . I have won you and your w i f e , but I d o n ' t want to c l a i m you . Take your w i f e a l s o . She i s yours and I d o n ' t want to c l a i m her e i t h e r . " . . . . I t i s from Q o n a l g i ' c . . . t h a t the gambling s t i c k s have d i f f e r -ent names and tha_t there are d i f f e r e n t k inds of naqs and d i f -f e ren t so r t s of c i c t s . These c i c t s are l ucky gambling s t i c k s , but the l u c k y medic ine tha t a gambler ob ta ins i s a l s o c a l l e d c i c t . I n order to get i t he has to f a s t , remain away from h i s w i f e , and keep what he i s do ing s e c r e t . A t tha t time he wishes f o r whatever he d e s i r e s . Th i s medic ine a l s o makes a person brave and i s_used when p repa r ing fo r some important a c t i o n . The name c i c t i s s a i d to have come from a w o l f which had something s tuck between i t s t e e t h . When a c e r t a i n man got t h i s out , the w o l f s a i d , " I w i l l show you my c i c t . I w i l l t e l l you what i t i s . " . . . . People who cheat have gambling s t i c k s l i k e b i r d s tha t are ab le to f l y away, and they keep the names of these s t i c k s to themselves. I t i s s i n c e the time of t h i s f i r s t gambler, too , tha t people have had the custom of say ing to a gambler, "Why d o n ' t you g ive a feas t w i t h the food you have won?" Gamblers c l a i m tha t when the s t i c k s move i n a c e r t a i n way w h i l e they are gambling, i t means death i n the f a m i l y . I f they keep the r u l e s of t h e i r c i c t i t w i l l t e l l them what a n i -mal they are going to k i l l when they are out h u n t i n g . (Swanton, 1909: 135-139.) T h i s myth was quoted a t l eng th because i t i s unusua l ly r i c h i n d e t a i l s p e r t a i n i n g to many aspects of T l i n g i t gambling. The ve ry f a c t tha t i t i s i n c l u d e d i n the Raven c y c l e means tha t the a c t i v i t y has more than r o u t i n e importance. Much a t t e n t i o n i s g i v e n to r i t u a l i s -t i c d e t a i l s such as f a s t i n g and e a t i n g d e v i l ' s c lub as w e l l as to the more mechanica l aspects of p l a y . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note here tha t - 71 -a s u c c e s s f u l gambler always heeded the p r e s c r i b e d r i t u a l s p r i o r to and d u r i n g p l a y ; an unsuccess fu l gambler d i d no t . But the major s i g n i f i -cance of t h i s myth l i e s i n the l i n k which i s emphasized between the super-n a t u r a l and the game i t s e l f . The a t t e n t i o n to the d e t a i l s of gambling i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the no r the rn area r e l a t i v e to the other areas cons ide red . Such a f a c t suggests a number of t h i n g s . On oner l e v e l , i t cou ld be s a i d tha t t h i s a t t e n t i o n to d e t a i l i n the mythology i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of no r the rn mythology g e n e r a l l y and does not r e f l e c t any th ing e l s e . I t may a l s o be a r e f l e c t i o n of the e thnographer ' s a t t e n t i o n to d e t a i l s and care i n r e c o r d i n g when cons idered aga ins t the myths recorded from other a reas . These f a c t o r s must, of course , be taken i n t o account . B u t , when seen a g a i n s t the da ta from P a r t I I , i t i s f e l t tha t more i s i n -v o l v e d here . As the mythology from the Ts imshian and Haida i s exam-i n e d , and l a t e r tha t from other a reas , i t w i l l be shown tha t there i s i n the mythology as there i s i n the e thnographic da ta a t r a d i t i o n a l c o n c e n t r a t i o n of the s t i c k game i n the no r the rn a r ea . Fur thermore, i t w i l l be seen tha t gambling w i t h the s t i c k game achieved i t s h ighes t l e v e l of c u l t u r a l importance among the no r the rn groups. The r e c o r d i n g of myths has been most complete f o r the Ts im-s h i a n . Boas ' monumental volume, Ts imshian Mythology (1916) c o n s t i t u t e s the s i n g l e most v a l u a b l e re ference source , a l though the notes of Mar iu s Barbeau, not a v a i l a b l e to the w r i t e r , may prove to be even f u l l e r . Barbeau 's Totem P o l e s of the G i t k s a n (1929) a l s o con ta ins some v a l u a b l e - 72 -i n f o r m a t i o n . I n Ts imshian Mythology not only are Ts imshian myths r e -corded by Henry Ta te , but they are a l s o compared by Boas w i t h s i m i l a r myths from other groups. Fur thermore , there i s a d e s c r i p t i o n of Ts im-sh ian s o c i e t y based s o l e l y on da ta taken from the myths. I n t h i s , Boas has approached c e r t a i n da ta as c o n s t i t u t i n g ethnographic s tatements . W h i l e Boas h i m s e l f i s aware of the dangers of the use of myths for t h i s purpose, h i s d e s c r i p t i o n appears consonent w i t h observed behavior from the Ts imshian and adjacent groups. As suggested above, mythology i s rooted i n , and guided by, the r e a l w o r l d . T h i s be ing the case , i t can be s t a t ed that myths p r o v i d e i n d i c a t o r s of and j u s t i f i c a t i o n fo r a c t u -a l behav io r . Boas g ives the f o l l o w i n g account of Ts imshian gambling based on data from the mythology. Many men pass t h e i r t ime gambling. G e n e r a l l y the game p layed w i t h a set of g a m b l i n g - s t i c k s / B o a s ' no t e : The s t i c k s , 50 or 60 i n number were made of bone or maple, and each was p a i n t e d w i t h i t s own mark. Each has a name^/ i s r e f e r r e d t o . The gamblers s i t on the beach or i n a house i n which they assemble day by day. They paint t h e i r faces to secure good l u c k . . Some men p l a y u n t i l they have l o s t a l l t h e i r p ro -p e r t y . They w i l l gamble away even t h e i r wives and pa ren t s , a l though i t i s no t c l e a r what t h i s means, s i nce the r e l a t i v e s c e r t a i n l y r e t a i n t h e i r l i b e r t y . V i s i t o r s are i n v i t e d to gambling games or the people v i s i t a ne ighbour ing v i l l a g e to gamble the re . (Boas, 1916: 409-410.) The genera l fea tures of gambling mentioned by Boas are supported by the ethnographic da ta . The p o p u l a r i t y of gambling, the s t i c k game as the main vehicle of gambling, face p a i n t i n g , h i g h s t akes , the s t i c k s themselves, t h e i r naming and d e c o r a t i o n , and spec ta to rs are a l l observed c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . - 73 -Boas ' d e s c r i p t i o n can be supplemented by i n f o r m a t i o n r e c o r -ded by Tate i n the myths. The p a i n t used was red ochre which was kept i n a sma l l l e a t h e r pouch which formed p a r t of the gambler ' s k i t (Boas, 1916: 217) . From the same myth there i s a l s o a re ference to the use of a gambling mat. Barbeau ' s The Downfa l l of Temlaham (1928) i s i n pa r t f i c t i o n -a l . However, the w r i t e r has accepted i t as worthy of use. I n i t B a r -beau r e f e r s to the f a c t tha t a l l "men on ea r th" must master the s t i c k game (p . 201) ; tha t the s t i c k game would be p layed w i t h enemies from another v i l l a g e (p . 201) ; and that over - indulgence i n gambling was con-s ide red "unru ly and r a sh" (p . 206) . There are a l s o suggest ions i n Bar -beau tha t c e r t a i n v i l l a g e s and i n d i v i d u a l s were c h a r a c t e r i z e d as pa th-o l o g i c a l gamblers. Gambling games used to determine the outcome of s i g n i f i c a n t events comprises the theme of a number of Ts imshian myths. Two of these are i n c i d e n t s i n the t r a v e l s of the c u l t u r e hero IxM'msem. As a q u a r r e l soon developed i n a game between the c u l t u r e hero and G u l l , TxH'msem threw g u l l on h i s back and stepped on h i s stomach, f o r c i n g G u l l to vomit o lachen . I n another myth t o l d as p a r t of the TxH'msem s e r i e s (Boas, 1916: 69-70) , the r e s u l t of a gambling game ( i n t h i s case , a shoot ing match) i s tha t "the olachen w i l l come to Nass R i v e r twice every summer... and the salmon of the Skeena R i v e r s h a l l always be f a t . " I n t h i s ins tance Tx^'msem meets the man named Lagobola and they decide to gamble on an archery match. Tx&'msem cheats by say ing - 74 -tha t h i s arrow h i t the t a rge t when a c t u a l l y i t was L a g o b o l a ' s . TxH'msem p e r s i s t s , however, u n t i l Lagobola f i n a l l y concedes the game. Each of these myths employs the concept of chea t ing as a means l e a d i n g to the outcome. The chea t ing "pays o f f , " and there i s no way i n which these two myths cou ld be cons idered as c o n t a i n i n g a nega t ive response to chea t ing i n gambling. A number of myths which c o n t a i n gambling da ta as pa r t of the content tend to l i n k gambling w i t h the s u p e r n a t u r a l . One of these (Boas , 1902: 32-33) t e l l s about TxH'msem a r r i v i n g a t a house i n which there were many people gambling. The name of the house was "Super-n a t u r a l P l a c e " or "Tabooed P l a c e . " Another myth (Boas, 1916: 157) t e l l s how a superna tu ra l agent ("the woman of the l a k e " ) gave her hus-band gambling t o o l s and a set of s t i c k s and sent him to the south . "He always shook h i s g a m b l i n g - s t i c k s , and he always won and became r i c h e r than a l l h i s f e l l o w men as the woman of the l ake had s a i d . " One i m p l i c a t i o n of t h i s myth may be the p o s s i b l e no r the rn o r i g i n of the s t i c k game. The re fe rence i n the myth to the gambler ' s be ing sent southwards may r e f e r to this h i s t o r i c a l event . Another superna tu ra l aspect of gambling i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n a myth (Boas, 1916: 78) i n which TxH'msem c o r r e l a t e s h i s l o s i n g a t gambling w i t h h i s w i f e ' s supposed i n f i d e l i t y . " I have been gambling every day, and a t one time I was always g a i n i n g ; but now I am l o s i n g e v e r y t h i n g I have. So I know tha t some man i s v i s i t i n g y o u . " The p re -d i c t i v e p o t e n t i a l of gambling games i s a common theme i n myths through-out the nor the rn a rea , and i s mentioned i n the ethnographic data from P a r t I I as w e l l . - 75 -I n The Downfa l l of Temlaham Barbeau i l l u s t r a t e s how gambling can be used to determine the outcome of s i g n i f i c a n t , events . I n one case the lands and f o r e s t s of a c e r t a i n area are staked and p layed f o r (pp. 73-74) . I n another , a gambling game leads to an argument and eventua l f u l l - s c a l e wa r f a r e , w i t h the u l t i m a t e e x t i n c t i o n of one of the opponents and of t h e i r e n t i r e v i l l a g e (pp. 212-215). The f o l l o w i n g pas-sages show the l i n k between gambling and the superna tu ra l i n t h e i r examples. "A Gambler am I , a Gambler, because Gurhsan i s my name. 'He who always gambles , ' the foremost h e r e d i t a r y t i t l e i n my l i n -eage. I tossed the gambling s t i c k s i n my hands, meanwhile ascending upwards l i k e the Sun a t dawn, c l e a r i n g w i t h my f ee t the c louds amassed i n my t r a i l , the c louds on both s i d e s , as I went on pac ing g l o r i o u s l y . T h i s happened i n a dream of the a i r on h i g h . " . . . . ( p . 73.) "A gambler am I , t o s s i n g the markers from s ide to s i d e , as-cending upwards i n a dream, and sweeping the clouds o f f my pa th , l i k e the sun; a Gambler, whose dream i s v i s i o n - l i k e , merging i n t o d a y - l i g h t r e a l i t y . " . . . ..(p. 74) The Sky-born b ro the rs produced t h e i r own r s a n se t of wal rus i v o r y and abalone p e a r l i n s e t s , a mys t i c t r easure from the hands of t h e i r grandfather above. They drew t h e i r c r e s t s on t h e i r faces i n p a i n t , r e d , y e l l o w and b l a c k . And for tunes changed s ides from tha t moment. The e a r t h - c h i l d r e n s w i f t l y l o s t a l l t h e i r s takes . . . . ( p . 213) Two f u r t h e r myths of another type are recorded from the Ts imshian i n which gamblers r e c e i v e superna tu ra l a i d . One, c a l l e d by Boas (1916: 207-214) "The Town of C h i e f Peace , " r e l a t e s to the s to ry of how the son of a c h i e f l o ses a l l h i s p rope r ty i n gambling and i s shamed i n t o l e a v i n g the v i l l a g e ; he i s then taken i n t o a s t r a n g e r ' s canoe and t ranspor ted to another v i l l a g e where he r e c e i v e s superna tu ra l a i d . Some of the de-t a i l s i n t h i s myth ampl i fy some of the f a c t o r s i n v o l v e d i n n o r t h e r n - 76 -gambling. F i r s t l y , the gambler i n t h i s case i s of h igh s t a t u s , a c h i e f ' s son. Secondly , he was an h a b i t u a l gambler: "Every daybhe would go to the gambling-house, and he would j o i n the gamblers" (Boas, 1916: 207) . T h i r d l y , h i s w i f e "was downcast because her husband was a great gambler" (p . 207) . F o u r t h l y , when the gambler e v e n t u a l l y l o s t too much he was shamed i n t o l e a v i n g the v i l l a g e : . . . and he gambled and l o s t a l l h i s p rope r ty , and he l o s t a l l h i s f a t h e r ' s p roper ty - h i s c o s t l y coppers , h i s l a rge canoes, and h i s s l a v e s , - and he l o s t a l s o h i s f a the r and h i s mother and h i s w i f e and h i s l i t t l e b o y . . . . T h e n the young man's hear t was f u l l of sorrow. He arose and went to bed arid l a y down the re . He thought tha t he would not be ab le to endure the shame of s t a y i n g a t home. Therefore he decided to leave the house w h i l e the people were a s l eep . (Boas, 1916: 207-208.) Here i t should be emphasized tha t i t i s the element of shame which i s important and which fo rces the gambler i n t o p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l i s o l a -t i o n . I n other words, gambling i s to be t o l e r a t e d only as long as one i s w i n n i n g . Another i n t e r e s t i n g f a c t o r i l l u s t r a t e d i n t h i s myth i s t ha t , r ega rd les s of how much the gambler had l o s t i n the pas t , r ega rd les s of how much he was shamed, he i s welcomed back i n t o the community on h i s r e t u r n i f h i s l u c k changes. A s i m i l a r s e r i e s of events from a d i f f e r e n t myth i s a l s o r e -corded by Ta te . . . .Two years a f t e r the canner ies had been e s t a b l i s h e d on Skeena R i v e r , not many years ago, a young man of the upper Skeena R i v e r was gambling w i t h another one. He l o s t a l l h i s goods, and a l s o those of h i s w i f e and h i s two c h i l d r e n . - 77 -Therefore he was very sad, fo r h i s wi fe had no th ing to wear, and they had no food f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n . Therefore the young man went away from h i s empty, l o n e l y house. He wandered about i n the mountains. (Boas, 1916: 101.) The gambler then r e c e i v e s superna tu ra l a i d , r e tu rns to h i s v i l l a g e and i s welcomed back. Here a g a i n , the gambler l o s e s , i s shamed i n t o i s o l a -t i o n , gets superna tu ra l a i d , becomes l u c k y , and re tu rns to h i s people where he i s welcomed. As one would suspect , the Haida and Ts imshian myths c o n t a i n many s i m i l a r re fe rences to gambling. However, there i s some a d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n to be gained about gambling i n the no r the rn area that i s not mentioned i n e i t h e r Ts imshian or T l i n g i t myths. For example, there i s re ference to Haida gambling p a r a p h e r n a l i a be ing carried on the back: . . . p e o p l e w i t h fea thers on t h e i r heads and g a m b l i n g - s t i c k bags on t h e i r b a c k s . . . (Swanton, 1905b: 113) The next morning, very_ e a r l y , a f t e r they had aga in eaten the three k inds of food _ / i . e . , salmon, c r a n b e r r i e s , and the " i n -s ide p a r t s " of a mountain goa_t/, they took t h e i r g a m b l i n g - s t i c k bags upon t h e i r backs and went o f f (p . 114) . T h i s second reference a l s o supports other da ta s t a t i n g tha t men rose e a r l y i n the day to gamble. I t i s not c l e a r from the myth whether or not there i s any l i n k between the menu of three foods and the f a c t tha t these people were gamblers. As among the Ts imsh ian , Haida myths show gambling games as a cause of wars and r a i d s . One such myth (Swanton, 1905b: 170) r e -l a t e s how a charge of chea t ing d u r i n g a s t i c k game between a Haida v i l l a g e people and people from M e t l a k a t l a l e d to armed c o n f l i c t which l a s t e d f o r two days . A second myth (Swanton, 1905b: 341-344) e x p l a i n s - 78 -tha t the beg inn ing of the T s i m s h i a n / T l i n g i t wars was pe rpe t ra ted by a s t i c k game. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note tha t t h i s i s a Haida myth r e f e r -r i n g to non-Haida events . The f a c t tha t the Ts imshian had the repu ta -t i o n of be ing ardent gamblers, i n Haida eyes, may p o i n t to t h i s area as be ing a center of gambling a c t i v i t y . A t h i r d Haida myth (Swanton, 1905b: 305-307) desc r ibes the massacre of the men and enslavement of the women and c h i l d r e n of an e n t i r e Haida v i l l a g e as the outcome of a gambling game. Haida myths a l s o d e s c r i b e gamblers who r e c e i v e superna tu ra l a i d . One such myth (Swanton, 1905b: 281) t e l l s of a gambler who l o s t a l l of h i s own proper ty as w e l l as tha t of h i s r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s . He was shamed and l e f t the v i l l a g e ; encountered a superna tura l agent; r e tu rned ; aga in he gambled, but now he won and e v e n t u a l l y p a i d back a l l h i s deb t s . T h i s theme i s used aga in i n a myth which desc r ibes how the Seaward Sqoa ' l adas obta ined the names of t h e i r gambling s t i c k s (Swanton, 1905b: 322-324). A c h i e f ' s son gambled and l o s t a l l of h i s and h i s f a t h e r ' s p r o p e r t y . Shamed, he put h i s gambling bag on h i s back and l e f t the v i l l a g e . E v e n t u a l l y he a r r i v e d a t a s trange house where he met an o l d man who named the s t i c k s which belonged to him. . . . /The o l d man s a i d / "Le t me see your gambling s t i c k s , " and he gave them to h i m . . . h e cut around the middle of one of them w i t h h i s f i n g e r n a i l . I t was r e d . And he s a i d to h im, " I t s name s h a l l be Coming-ou t - t en - t imes . " A n d . . . h e cu t around on another of them near the end. The end of i t was r e d . Then he s a i d : " I t s name s h a l l be S t r i k i n g - i n t o - t h e - c l o u d s . " As ;•: soon as he brought out h i s gambling s t i c k s to h im, he named - 79 -them. He cont inued to name them: " T K n g - a l w a y s - c a r r i e d - a l o n g , " "Shak ing -h i s -head -a s -he -goes -a long , " " A l w a y s - r u n n i n g - o f f , 1 1 " B l o o d y - n o s e , " "Common-one," " R a t t l i n g - b o n e s , " " E l d e r b e r r y -r o o t s , " and "Russe t -backed- th rush . " (pp. 322-333.) The gambler then re turned to h i s people where he p layed aga ins t the Ts imshian and won a l l t h e i r p r o p e r t y . He was then honored by h i s peo-p l e . A l though t h i s myth suggests tha t s p e c i f i c names f o r gambling s t i c k s were an i n h e r i t e d p r i v i l e g e be long ing to a s p e c i f i c f a m i l y , no such c o n c l u s i o n i s supported from other sources . Th i s myth a l s o r e f e r s to a number of other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which have been p r e v i o u s l y noted as r e l a t i n g to gambling i n t h i s a rea . These i n c l u d e e a t i n g of medicine (probably d e v i l ' s c lub ) and subsequent p u r i -f i c a t i o n by d e f e c a t i o n , r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n by b a t h i n g , and face p a i n t -i n g . Another Haida myth recorded by Swanton may be used to add fu r the r d e t a i l s to the p r o f i l e of gambling. Swanton (1905b: 52-53) e n t i t l e s t h i s myth " S o u n d i n g - G a m b l i n g - S t i c k s . " I t f o l l o w s the f a m i l i a r p a t t e r n . A c h i e f ' s son gambles, l o se s a l l of h i s p r o p e r t y , a l l of h i s f a t h e r ' s p r o p e r t y , h i s s l a v e s , h i s f a t h e r ' s town, h i s f a t h e r , h i s mother, and h i s s i s t e r s . A l l of the people of the v i l l a g e are e v e n t u a l l y l o s t to h i s opponent, and were the re fore c la imed and taken away. The gambler i s then l e f t a lone . E v e n t u a l l y he t r a v e l s u n t i l he f i n d s h i m s e l f i n the house of an o l d man who teaches him how to gamble. . . . T h e n / the man/ made i t _ / i . e . , "Raven ' s -be r ry" bushes/ i n t o gambling s t i c k s , and when he had f i n i s h e d them he touched two w i t h c o a l s . He put a f i g u r e of a sea o t t e r on one and he put - 80 -the f i g u r e of a young sea o t t e r on the o the r . Then he had des igns made on f i v e l a r g e clam s h e l l s . They had f i g u r e s of cumulous c l o u d s . . . . A n d he a l s o gave him tobacco seeds. "When you beg in to gamble, put the s t i c k tha t has the f i g u r e of a sea o t t e r upon your r i g h t shoulder . Put the one tha t has the f i g u r e of the young sea o t t e r upon the l e f t shoulder . D i v i d e the tobacco seeds e q u a l l y among those who come and s i t on both s ides of you to watch you. They might say that you d i d not p l a y f a i r , but the tobacco seeds are so sweet tha t they w i l l not say i t . " (Swanton, 1905b: 54 . ) F o l l o w i n g these i n s t r u c t i o n s the gambler re turned to h i s people and gambled aga in w i t h the opponent who had p r e v i o u s l y won. E v e n t u a l l y he won back a l l tha t he had l o s t . The Haida myths f o l l o w the same genera l p a t t e r n as those from the Ts imshian and T l i n g i t , w i t h p o s s i b l y more emphasis on warfare as a r e s u l t of gambling among the Haida than among the other groups. There are not enough myths from each of these nor the rn groups to undertake an a n a l y s i s of s p e c i f i c ' t r i b a l ' s t y l e s , but i t i s p o s s i b l e to group them and r e f e r to gambling i n no r the rn mythology as sha r ing c e r t a i n charac-t e r i s t i c s and d e t a i l s . The no r the rn myths i n which gambling forms a main theme f a l l i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s : (1) gambling games de te rmin ing s i g n i f i c a n t events ; and (2) gamblers who r e c e i v e superna tu ra l a i d . I n the nor the rn area on one l e v e l , each myth appears d i f f e r e n t ; on another , the b a s i c frame-work i s s i m i l a r to other myths found i n the a rea . A s i m i l a r p a t t e r n can a l s o be seen to e x i s t when one cons iders the data presented i n P a r t I I , i . e . , the b a s i c form of the s t i c k game i s s i m i l a r wherever i t i s p l a y e d , but s p e c i f i c r u l e s vary g r e a t l y and do not seem to f o l l o w an a r e a l p a t t e r n . - 81 -As one would expect , the same b a s i c framework o u t l i n e d for the no r the rn groups "is a l s o found i n the other areas under cons ide ra -t i o n . There a r e , of course , changes i n d e t a i l to accommodate the l o c a l s i t u a t i o n , but there i s a grea t degree of homogeneity w i t h re fe rence to gambling i n the mythology. A c c o r d i n g l y , r a the r than repeat the p l o t themes for more myths, only some of the i l l u s t r a t i v e common cha rac t e r -i s t i c s w i l l be presented . The b i b l i o g r a p h y con ta ins most of the r e f -erences needed to pursue an examinat ion of the non-nor thern mythology i n d e t a i l . Gambling i s not mentioned as f r e q u e n t l y among the southern and i n t e r i o r groups as i t i s i n the n o r t h . Many of the myths which c o n t a i n gambling themes i n the n o r t h do not c o n t a i n such themes i n the south . Such f ac t s i n d i c a t e a number of t h i n g s . They could be a r e f l e c -t i o n of gene ra l r i c h n e s s i n the mythology of the nor the rn groups r e l a -t i v e to other a reas . They could a l s o r e f l e c t a v a r i a b l e s i n t e r e s t on the p a r t of the recorders of the myths and/or on the p a r t of the i n f o r -mants. T h i r d l y , such f ac t s cou ld a l s o be used as a rude index of the r e l a t i v e t r a d i t i o n a l importance of gambling i n d i f f e r e n t a reas . Even i f the f i r s t two p o s s i b i l i t i e s apply to some degree (and i t i s assumed tha t they do) there s t i l l remains a wide gap. I t i s suggested tha t t h i s s t rong nor the rn emphasis r e f l e c t s an a c t u a l h i s t o r i c a l concent ra-t i o n of gambl ing, e s p e c i a l l y by means of the s t i c k game., i n the nor thern - 82 -a rea . I t may a l s o p o i n t to the p o s s i b i l i t y of the s t i c k game d i f f u s i n g from the nor the rn a rea . Both of these statements appear to be supported by the evidence from t h i s s e c t i o n of the paper . They are a l s o g i v e n support by data i n P a r t I I , such as the grea t number of gambling sets from the no r the rn groups. A t h i r d genera l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of gambling r e f l e c t e d i n the mythology of a l l areas i s the involvement of superna-t u r a l fo rces and s p e c i a l powers i n gambling. PART IV - CONCLUSION - 83 -The p r o f i l e of gambling on the Northwest Coast as cons t ruc -ted from da ta r e t r i e v e d from the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e and from the mythology suggests a number of conc lus ions p e r t a i n i n g to t h i s a c t i v i t y i n e a r l i e r t imes . The f i r s t c o n c l u s i o n i s tha t gambling was a ve ry popular a c t i v i t y . Secondly , a l a r g e degree of homogeneity can be seen to e x i s t i n the areas under c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Wi th few excep t i ons , b a s i -c a l l y s i m i l a r games of chance were p layed throughout the e n t i r e a rea , a r e a l d i f f e r e n c e be ing q u a n t i t a t i v e r a the r than q u a l i t a t i v e . A s i m i -l a r p a t t e r n i s seen i n the themes of gambling s ta ted i n the myths; there are a few main themes, but d e t a i l s d i f f e r from p l a c e to p l a c e . A t h i r d c o n c l u s i o n i s that gambling u s u a l l y i n v o l v e d ve ry h igh s takes . Connected w i t h t h i s i s a f o u r t h c o n c l u s i o n : l o s i n g much was cons idered shameful, e s p e c i a l l y when a gambler l o s t proper ty be long ing to other peop le . A l s o , s e r ious gambling f o r h igh stakes was cons idered s t r i c t l y a man's a c t i v i t y ; women and c h i l d r e n d i d gamble, but t h e i r games were thought of more as amusements. Th i s may suggest that women and c h i l d r e n d i d not have the p roper ty w i t h which to p l a y f o r h igh s t akes . Cheat ing was common and accepted as pa r t of the p l a y as long as i t was not d iscovered ' . The seventh c o n c l u s i o n i s tha t da ta from a l l sources s t r e s s the l i n k between the superna tu ra l and games of chance. The da t a , however, are not complete enough to s p e c i f y any more p r e c i s e r e l a t i o n s h i p s between t h i s a c t i v i t y and the c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of the superna tu ra l w o r l d . What can be p resen ted , though, i s a number of r i t u a l and other d e t a i l s such as b a t h i n g , f a s t i n g , chewing of d e v i l ' s c l u b bark , and face p a i n t i n g . - 84 -Separate from the mainstream of gambling a c t i v i t y i s a pos-s i b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p between gambling and shamanis t ic a c t i v i t y . Some of the m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e c e r t a i n l y would p o i n t to such a r e l a t i o n s h i p . Gambling implements are f r equen t ly found and des ignated as be longing to a shaman's r i t u a l p a r a p h e r n a l i a . I t was p o s s i b l e to go beyond the b a s i c d e s c r i p t i v e dimension i i n examining gambling, but on ly by us ing p a r t s of the mythology. The mythology pe rmi t t ed the p u r s u i t of v a r i o u s dimensions of a c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y not represented i n the ethnographic d a t a , an important a i d i n an area weak i n e thnographic data concerning c e r t a i n t o p i c s , but r i c h i n r eco rd ings of myths. T h i s p r o j e c t has i l l u s t r a t e d the f i r s t task of a museum ethnographer: the gathering and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of data r e l e v a n t to a s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y represented i n the museum's c o l l e c t i o n s . The second task would be the communication of c e r t a i n aspects of t h i s c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y to a p u b l i c by means of the m a t e r i a l s a s soc i a t ed w i t h i t . However, i t i s not w i t h i n the scope of the present paper to c o n s i -der the m a t e r i a l phase, beyond the use of the photographs which accom-pany the t e x t , as i t i n v o l v e s a set of problems not d i r e c t l y l i n k e d to the pr imary task . PART V - BIBLIOGRAPHY - 85 -Barbeau, M a r i u s 1928 The downfa l l of Temlaham. Toronto , M a c m i l l a n . 1929 Totem po les of the G i t k s a n , Upper Skeena R i v e r , B r i t i s h Columbia . N a t i o n a l Museum of Canada, B u l l e t i n No. 61. ( A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l S e r i e s , no. 12) , Ottawa. Boas, Franz 1891 Second genera l r e p o r t on the Ind ians of B r i t i s h Columbia . Repor t of the S i x t i e t h Mee t ing of the B r i t i s h A s s o c i a t i o n f o r the Advancement of Sc i ence . London. 1895 F i f t h r e p o r t on the Ind ians of B r i t i s h Columbia . 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Memoir of the American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y I I : 163-392. 1906 The L i l l o o e t I n d i a n s . Jesup N o r t h P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n I : v : 193-300. i 1909 The Shuswap. Jessup N o r t h P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n I I : v i i : 443-789. L e i d e n and New Y o r k . W i l l e t t , Frank 1961 A set of gambling pegs from the Nor th-wes t coast of Amer-i c a . Man L X I : 8-10. PART VI - APPENDIXES A P P E N D I X A - I L L U S T R A T I O N S Edenshaw's Gambling Stick Bag. Fig. 1. -- Chair-shaped dice. Haida. Ivory. Approx. 3 inches high. From Swanton, 1905a: 59. - 89 -F i g . 2 . - - Beaver t ee th d i c e . S a l i s h . I v o r y . Approx . a c t u a l s i z e . Museum of Anth ropo logy , U . B . C . Ca t . No. A 8176. - 90 -Fig. 3. -- Counters for beaver teeth dice game. Salish. Bone. Approx. 3 inches long. From Culin. 1907: 156. Fig. 4. -- Mat used in chair-shaped dice game. Tlingi t . Leather. Approx. 7 3/4 inches high. From Culin, 1907: 130. - 91 -Fig. 5. -- Gambling mat. Tlingit. Leather. Approx. 8 inches high (?). From Boas, 1955: 228. Fig. 6. -- Hand game bones. Kwakiutl (Fort Rupert). Bone. Approx. 2 3/4 inches long. From Culin, 1907: 319. - 92 -F i g . 7. -- Hand game bones. Northern Kwakiutl - H a i s l a (Kitamaat). Wood ( s i l v e r bands). Museum of Anthropology, U.B.C. Cat. No. A 1643. - 93 -- 94 -F i g . 9. -- Hand game at For t Rupert. From Culi n , 1907: 320. Fig. 10. -- Kwakiutl hand game. From Curtis, Vol. X: facing p. 48. - 96 -Fig. 11. - Shredded cedar bark. Museum of Anthropology. U.B.C. Cat. No. A 4480. - 97 -F i g . 12. — Gambling s t i c k s . ( P a r t of a s e t . ) Ts imshian ( S i t k a ) . Wood ( w i l d a p p l e ) . Approx . 5 inches l o n g . Museum of Anth ropo logy , U . B . C . , Ra ley C o l l . Ca t . No. 7. - 98 -F i g . 13. - - Gambling s t i c k s . H a i d a . Wood ( w i t h abalone i n l a y ) . Approx. 4% inches l o n g . Museum of An th ropo logy , U . B . C . Ca t . No. A 7104. Th i s i s p a r t of a se t conta ined i n the gambling s t i c k bag shown i n the F r o n t i s p i e c e and i n F i g u r e s 14 and 21. The cata logue notes tha t t h i s set "belonged to Edenshaw." - 99-F i g . 14. - - Gambling s t i c k bag. Ha ida . Lea ther ( w i t h i v o r y t o g g l e ) . Approx. 1\ x 4 3/4 inches ( c l o s e d ) : f l a p = 24 inches ; thong = 28 i n c h e s . Museum of An th ropo logy , U.B.C. Cat. No. A 7104. " . . . belonged to Edenshaw." - 100 -F i g . 15. - - Gambling s t i c k bag. Ts imshian ( P o r t E s s i n g t o n ) . Lea ther ( w i t h i v o r y t o g g l e ) . Approx. 6 x 6 inches ( c l o s e d ) ; 12 inches long (open); thong = 22 i n c h e s . Museum of An th ropo logy , U . B . C . Cat . No. A 149. Conta ins a set of bone s t i c k s . - 101 -F i g . 16. - - Gambling s t i c k bag. Ts imshian (Upper Skeena). L e a t h e r . Approx . 7 x 6 inches ( c l o s e d ) ; 16 inches long (open). Museum of An th ropo logy . U . B . C . Ca t . No. A 1640. - 102 -F i g . 17. - - Gambling s t i c k s ( P a r t of a set of 32) . Haida (Haida m i s s i o n , J a c k s o n , A l a s k a ) . Wood ( b i r c h ) . Approx . 4 3/4 inches l o n g . From C u l i n , 1907: p l a t e V : f a c i n g p . 260. " C o l l e c t e d i n 1884." - 103 -F i g . 18. - - D i s k s f o r the southern s t i c k game (from 4 d i f f e r e n t sets of 10 each) . Nootka (Makah, Neah B a y ) . Wood. Approx. 2 inches ( a ) : 1 3/4 inches ( b ) : 1 7/8 inches ( c ) : 2 1/4 inches ( d ) . From C u l i n , 1907: 264. F i g . 19. - - Hand game bones. T l i n g i t . Bone. Approx . 1 7/8 inches l o n g . From C u l i n , 1907: 289. " C o l l e c t e d by Emmons . . . who desc r ibes / t hem/ as pa r t of the p a r a p h e r n a l i a of a shaman." - 104 -20. — Gauge fo r gambling s t i c k s . Bone. B . C . P r o v i n c i a l Museum. B . C . Government Photograph. - 105 F i g . 21 . - - Gambling s t i c k bag w i t h pa in t ed des ign on inner f l a p ( s l a o show-i n g p a r t i a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of d e s i g n ) . T h i s i s the same bag i l l u s t r a t e d i n F i g u r e 13. Museum of Anth ropo logy , U . B . C . Ca t . No. A 7104. - 106 -F i g . 22. - - Shredded cedar bark r o l l e d i n leather and fastened with ivory-toggle. Tsimshian (Lakalzap, i . e . , Greenville, on Nass River). Approx. 8 inches long (closed). Museum of Anthropology, U.B.C. Cat. No. A 4480. - 107 -F i g . 23. - - Equipment fo r p a i n t i n g gambling s t i c k s ( i n c l u d i n g : doub le -po in ted p a i n t s t i c k , approx. 3 3/4 inches l o n g ; ochre ; and pe r fo ra t ed stone upon which ochre was rubbed) . Ts imshian ( L a k a l z a p , i . e . , Green-v i l l e , on Nass R i v e r ) . Museum of An th ropo logy , U . B . C . Ca t . No. A 4480. - 108 -F i g . 24. - - Hand game bones (one f a l s e ) . Haida ( c o l l e c t e d from a Haida a t R i v e r s I n l e t ) . Bone. Approx. 2 1/8 inches l o n g . From C u l i n , 1907: 318. - 109 -F i g . 24. - - I v o r y copies of beaver t ee th d i c e . Approx . 2 1/4 inches l o n g . Museum of An th ropo logy , U . B . C . Ca t . No. A 3592. Ra ley C o l l e c t i o n . - 110 -F i g . 26. Beaver t ee th d i c e . Nootka ( C l a y o q u o t ) . I v o r y . Approx . 2 - 2 1/2 inches l o n g . From C u l i n , 1907: 196. F i g . 27. — D i c e set ( i n c l u d i n g : 4 beaver t ee th d i c e , approx. 2 inches l o n g ; 30 bone counte r s , approx. 4 1/2 inches l o n g ; c o t t o n bag which conta ined the s e t ; charm, k o i , used to secure success -c o n s i s t s of d r i e d fungus, and the too th of a sma l l r o d e n t ) . Nootka (Makah, Neah B a y ) . From C u l i n , 1907: 197. - I l l -F i g . 28. — Beaver teeth dice. Thompson. Ivory. Approx. 1 1/2 inches long. From Culin, 1907: 157. F i g . 29. -- Hand game bones. Nootka (Makah, Neah Bay). Bone. Approx. 3 inches long. From Culin, 1907: 322. - 112 -F i g . 30. - - Knuck le cover fo r hand game p l a y e r . Thompson. L e a t h e r . Approx . 6 inches l o n g . From C u l i n , 1907: 303. - 113 -F i g . 31 . — D i s k s fo r southern s t i c k game. S a l i s h (Vancouver I s l a n d ) . Wood. Approx . 2 inches i n d iameter . P o r t l a n d A r t Museum. Rasmussen C o l l e c t i o n . ( W i l l i a m Reagh photo . ) F i g . 32. — D i s k s f o r southern s t i c k game. S a l i s h (Clemclemala t s , Kuper I s . ) . Wood. Approx . 1 3 / 4 inches i n d iameter . From C u l i n , 1907: 249. - 114 -F i g . 33. — Gambling s t i c k s et. ( I n c l u d i n g : 22 s t i c k s , approx. 5 5/16 inches long; gambling mat, approx. 31 inches lo n g ; and p o i n t e r represent-ing a crane, approx. 26 inches l o n g ) . Thompson. From C u l i n , 1907: 255. APPENDIX B - GAMBLING STICK NAMES - 115 -A set of gambling sticks obtained by Lieut. G. T. Emmons, and 1 now in the possession of the American Museum of Natural History in New York, contains, among others, the following-named sticks, as ascertained by him. The writer has added the phonetic equivalents and introduced one or two minor changes in translation that seemed to be required by the accompanying Tlingit word. A large fish called tan, i j eel (hit!), robin (cuq!), dead brush (tcac), flounder (dzA'nti), porpoise . (telte), sea-lion head (tan ca'yi), sea lion (tan)., salmon eye (xat wa'ge), ! dog (keL), mosquito (til'qia, literally " biter"), red paint (Jeq!), sea-lion, bladder (tan yii'wu), red devilfish (Icq! naq), silver salmon (gat), halibut (tcfiL), beaver (sUge'di), a sacred plant, probably blue helle- ' bore (s!ikc), red snapper (leq!), a deep dish (ldAkAne'), euiachon (sak), earring (guk kAdja'c), hide snare for catching bears (da'sU), osprey ' (caya'l), red-flicker feather (kun tla'wu), Bear people (xiits! qowu'), grizzly bear (xiits!), red flicker (kiin), star (qotxA'nAxa), spring (takul'ti), the king salmon after ascending into fresh water and turning-red (q!ak), blue jay (q!ecq!u), intestine of sea lion (tan na'si), male grouse (nukt), salmon trap (cal), deer (qowaka'n), hawk (kidju'k), ' spruce-gum sticks for kindling fire (tcJ), a large dog (sawa'k), moun-tain sheep (tawc'), squirrel berry (tinx), hemlock (yen), land otter (kii'cta), shark (tus!), a berry of blue color (kAiiAtia'), burnt trees after forest fires (kugA'nti), sun (gAga'n), rain (sl'wu), [chief that wears] , a dance hat (cAndaku'q! [sia'ti]), mallard (kindAfcune't), club (k!us!), grouse devilfish (kaq! naq), humpback salmon (teas!), [man] sitting in it (Atu'tAa,.perhaps the name of an arrow), elderberry (yeL!), moon (dis), l fire (q!an), deer devilfish (qowaka'n naq), devilfish (naq). ! A second set, obtained by Lieutenant Emmons at Kake, contains the I following names: A large dog (sawa'k), sea-pigeon's neck or a savage . I bear (sakl'J), black bear (s!lk), raven (yei), red snapper (-icq!), grizzly , | bear (xiits!), burnt stick (kAga'n-ta, or possibly a sea bird called ke'gAii), 1 ' stone ax (tayl's), robin (cuq!, a naq), raven (ye}), island (qhitl), crab (s!a-u), hawk (kidju'k), crow ( tslAxwe'l), a Tlingit (Jlngi't), the con-stellation of the Great Dipper (YAxte'), woman (cawA't), red-winged flicker (kun), salmon (xat), and petrel (gAnii'k). . , Swanton, 1908: 444. - 116 -HAIDA . Skidegate, Queen Charlotte islands,1 British Columbia. (Cat. no. 3780S, Free Museum of Science and Art, Uni-versity of Pennsylvania.) Set of forty-eight sticks, J:<! inches in length and three-eighths of an. inch in diameter, marked with bands of black and red paint. Collected in 1900 by Dr C. F . Newcombe, who describes them under the name of sin, or hsin: T h e f o l l o w i n g ' i s a l i s t of the names of the s t icks and the number of e a c h : Shadow. hike haut. 3 ; red fish, ske i tkadagun , 3 ; black bass, xfisfi, 3 ; m i r r o r ( o f slate, wet ted) , xaus gungs, 3 ; sea anemone, xfmgs kedans, 3 ; dance headdress, d j i l k i s s . 3 ; puffin, koxfma. 3 ; black bear, tan, 3 ; dev i l fish, nod k w u n , 3 ; gui l le-mot, skadoa. 3 : large housefly, d ldun , 3 ; ha l ibut , xagu, 3 ; humpback sa lmon, t s l tan . 3 : dog sa lmon, ska 'g i , 3 ; centipede, gotamega, 1 ; chiefs w h o kiss . i.e.. rub noses, skunagt is i la i , 1; superna tu ra l beings of h igh rank; d s i l or d j i l , 4. The last are t rumps. Newcombe, in Culin, 1907: 259. - 117 -'TAKU. Taku inlet, Alaska. (American Museum of Natural His-. • t o r .y - ) . . . ; . : ' ' Cat. no. Tj-g. Set of fifty-seven cylindrical polished maple• sticks, • •4-}§ inches in length, in leather pouch; all marked with red arid' black ribbons. • ] ' • These, were collected by Lieut. George T. Emmons, U . S..Navy, who gave the following designations of the sticks: E i g h t a r c designed as ki te , b l a c k f i s h ; one as t ieesh sakh ' , s tarf ish ; four as' kah , duck ; ten as l i i te-la-ta, sea g u l l ; four us nork. sunfish ; four a s s h u u k o , ' r o b i n ; four as heori,' f l y ; ' three as kar-shish-sbow; l i k e a d ragon fly; three as tsceke, •black bea r ; three as gowh, s u r f duck ; four- as l a r k a r ; three as yah-ah-un-a, . Sou th So'u'therlce [ s i c ] ; three as ihk-ok-kohm, cross pieces of canoe ; two as kea- thlu , dragon Hy ; one as t is , moon. C u l i n , 1907: 244. - 118 -C a t . no . -jinr. of s i x t y - s i x c y l i n d r i c a l p o l i s h e d w o o d s t i c k s , 4-||-inches i n l e n g t h , i n leather pouch . T w e n t y - s e v e n o f these s t icks a re m a r k e d w i t h red a n d b l a c k r i b b o n s ; t h i r t y - e i g h t are p l a i n , o f w h i c h some show o l d bands, ob l i te ra ted but not removed , w h i l e t w o arc i n l a i d w i t h a s m a l l r e c t a n g u l a r piece o f b l a c k ho rn , (p la te i v , k), a n d one w i t h a s m a l l r i n g o f copper w i r e . These also were col lected by L i e u t e n a n t E m m o n s , w h o gave the f o l l o w i n g d e s c r i p t i o n o f the twenty -seven m a r k e d s t i c k s : Three fire designated as tuk-kut-ke-yar , h u m m i n g b i r d (plate iv , a) ; three as k a r k , golden-eye duck (plate iv , 6) ; three as dultta, a b i r d l i k e a heron w i t h o u t topknot (plate iv , c) ; three as kau-kon , sun (plate i v , d) ; four as ki te , black-fish (pla te i v , e) ; three as sa r i sh , four-pronged starf ish (plate i v , f) ; three as kok-khatete , loon (plate iv , y) ; three as ars, s t ick, tree (plate iv , h) ; two as ta-thar-ta, sea g u l l (plate i v , j). Culin, 1907: 244-245. - 119 -J *• 3 F B CI T T •flH' ZZZT 3 [ 3 <— J G D £ 3X3 D g—I T T H I 3 : z ^ s z i ^ o z z > t; 3 H ) K Culin, 1907: PIATE IV. - 120 -A SET OF GAMBLING PEGS F R O M T H E NORTH-WEST CO A S T OF A M E R I C A * by F R A N K W I L L E T T , M . A . Department of Antiquities, Nigeria, formerly Keeper of Ethnology and General Arc/urology, the Manchester Museum 3 The set of gambling pegs here described and illustrated was presented to the Manchester Museum1 by Mrs. B. Richards at some time before 1941. It was described in the museum register as a 'skin bag of praying pegs,' but there can be no doubt that they arc in fact gambling pegs of the type described by Stewart Culin in his monograph 'Games of the North American : Indians';2 pages 227 to 266 deal with stick games, and he . ; describes the method of playing with this type ot peg as follows (p. 227): The implements for the stick game arc of two principal kinds. The first, directly referable to arrow shaftmcnts, con--siscs (a) of small wooden cylinders, painted with bands or ribbons of color, similar to those on arrow shaftmcnts . . . ; (/)) of fine splints, longer than the preceding, of which one or more in a set are distinguished by marks . . .; (c) of sticks and i rushes, entirely unmarked . . . The marks on the implements of ' the first sort arc understood as referring to various totcmic animals, etc., which arc actually carved or painted on some of the sets . . . .; The number, of sticks . . . varies from ten to more than a hundred, thcrcbeing no constant number. The first operation in the game, that of dividing the sticks . . . into two bundles, is invariably the same. The object is to guess the location of an odd or a particularly marked stick. On the Pacific coast the sticks . . . arc usually hidden in a mass of shredded cedar bark. . . . The count is commonly kept with the sticks . . . themselves, • the players continuing until one or the other has won all. I On the Northwest coast the sets of sticks arc almost uniformly I contained in a leather pouch, . . . with a broad flap to which a long thong is attached, passing several times around the pouch, and having a pointed strip of bone, horn or ivory at the end. The latter is slipped under the thong as a fastening^ He illustrates (on Plate V) eight sticks from a set of 32, ' which were collected in 1884 by J. Loomis Gould from the : Haida Mission, Jackson, Alaska, and arc now in the United • States National Museum, Cat. No. 73522. They arc 4% . 1 inches long and half an inch in diameter, and arc cora-i parable to the Manchester Muscii'm set, but they appear ; to be less well carved. As the Manchester Museum sec is ; in fact the most elaborately carved that I have been able to trace, it is here illustrated in cxtcnso.s i * With Plate D and two text figures As will be seen from Plate D, the pegs arc 28 in number, and are cylinders 5+ inches long and approximately three-quarters of an inch in diameter, with ends in the form of a truncated concave cone. The degree of elaboration varies ; • from piece to piece, several being almost sculptures in the round, whilst in a number the decoration is merely incised. In all the pieces, however, the carving is extremely skilful, and. demonstrates the mastery of line which is a charac- : tcristic feature even of late carvings from the North-West ' coast of America. Twenty-one pieces arc further decorated • with inlays of Haliotis sp. (Venus' ear or abalone) shell. An impression ot the objects is best conveyed by the photograph, but the line drawings of the unrolled patterns arc provided to amplify the descriptions. The style of the carving suggests that they were carved.by a Haida, prob-ably during the third quarter of the nineteenth century. The identification of the animals, which arc often in-completely represented, is always difficult, frequently am-biguous, and sometimes quite impossible. The following identifications, however, seem probable: (1) A dragonfly. The body is segmented, the wings ascend on each side; the tail is shown below the head. CJ. J. R. Swan-ton, 'Contributions to the Ethnologv of the Haida,' Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Whole Scries? Vol. VIII (New York), 1905, Place X X , 5. There is a broad band of red paint round the lower end. (2) A fisherman kneeling on the back of a frog. The eyes of the I ' ' fishes on his back arc inlaid with black rings. CJ. Swanton, ibid., Plate III, 3, though here the figure is of a woman. (3) A man with his legs flexed and a "copper' on his back. Haliotis inlays arc on his chest and abdomen. I (4) A sculpin with Haliotis inlays to nostrils, eyes, backbone | and spines. Cf. Swanton, ibid., Plate X X , 15. There is a broad i band of red paint round the lower end. ; (5) Footprints, probably of a bear. Cf. Swanton, ibid., Plate VII, 1, where the bear is represented as well as similar footprints. The other side has three triangular Haliotis inlays. Four fine ' bands of black and two narrow and one broad band of red paint have been drawn round this peg.. 1 (6) A kneeling man holds a cane which is inlaid with Haliotis. - Cf. Swanton, ibid., Plate III, 3. The head is frog-like. Swan-ton (ibid., Plate VIII, 2) shows a similar unidentified figure said to come from the Tsimshian. The upper end above the carving is painted black. - 121 -- 122 -14 ^_ j 19 FlG. 2. DETAILS OF NORTH-WEST COAST GAMBLING PEGS 25 (i) A sculpin with Haliotis inlays in the eyes and between the spines. The lower end of the peg has been painted red. (8) A beat with Haliotis inlays in the eyes, forcpaws and down the front of the body. (9) This probably represents a man with the hands on the abdomen. (10) A toothed sea animal, perhaps a scalion, with Haliotis inlays ill the eyes and on the back. (11) A killer whale with eyes inlaid with Haliotis. This peg bears two bands of black paint, one wide and one narrow. (12) A sea monster, probably a sea bear, with the body, dorsal fm and tail of a killer whale and the head and paws of a bear. The eye and gills arc inlaid with Haliotis. (13) A woman wearing a Haliotis labrct in the lower lip. The hands have five fingers, but the feet have only four toes. (14) This appears to be the head-on view of a dogfish or a clam. Cf. Swanton, ibid., fig. 19. The eyes arc inlaid with Haliotis, and the peg has three fine bands of red paint. (15) Parts of probably two animals. Paws, eyes and cars can be distinguished. One small disc of Haliotis has been inlaid. Cf. No. 24. It is marked with three fine bands of red paint. (16) A hawk with Haliotis inlays in wing, claw, eye, nostril and head plume. (17) A sea mammal, probably a killer whale. Cf. No. 23, and Swanton, ibid., Plate II, 3, 4. Traces of three fine bands of black paint remain, and of a broader diagonal stroke. (18) A raven and a bear. The bear's teeth are Haliotis inlays. The peg is painted with four fine red bands and one broad black. (19) The identification of this piece is uncertain. It may be a devil fish (cf. Swanton, ibid., fig. 28 (25)) or the moon conceived as a bird (ibid., fig. 12, a). There arc Haliotis inlays in the cycs,4 and two others at the ends. The peg is painted in red with one broad and two narrow bands, and two ovals resem-bling thumb prints. (20) Two animals, the upper one with wings; both have paws. There arc faint traces of three fine bands of red paint. (21) Resembles No. 20, but has a small triangular inlay of Haliotis and traces of three fine bands of red paint. (22) The head of a bird seen both from the front and in profile. Perhaps this is the moon represented as a bird. Cf. Swanton, ibid., fig. 12, a. There are four Haliotis inlays. (23) A sea mammal. Cf. No. 17, which it resembles also in its painting. (24) Cf. No. 15. It has a smaller Haliotis inlay, and its three fine bands of paint appear to have been black. (25) Probably represents a whale. The eyes arc inlaid with Haliotis. There arc three narrow bands of black paint behind the head and one red and two black broad diagonal strokes on the back. (26) Perhaps represents the sun. Cf. Swanton, 1611/., Plates XIX, S, and XXXI, 3. There are inlays in the eyes and at each end, and one fine and one broad band of black paint at each cud. (27) Parts of animals. Traces remain of three fine bands of black paint. (28) Parts of animals. In addition to the bands of paint mentioned in the descriptions, which resemble those on uncarved sets of pegs, many of the pegs have had the details of the sculp-ture picked out in red or black paint. The set is in its original leather case, 8-^ - inches wide, 6-V inches deep, 2-} inches thick, with an ample flap secured by a thong two feet long, furnished at the end with the claw of a large bird, perhaps an eagle. 5 Notes 1 Registration No. 0.5933. 1 In W. H. Holmes, Twenty-Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology . . . 1902-3, Washington, 1907, pp. I-Sll. 3 The Manchester Museum also possesses an example of the more common type, a completely undecoratcd set of <,<, pegs in a leather case (No. 0.85S0), given by the Wellcome Historical Medical Museum. Of these pegs 44 arc five inches long and 0-35 inches in diameter, whilst the remainder arc of the same length but only 0-2 inches in diameter. •t One, however, is lost. 51 should like to record my thanks to Mr. Adrian Digby and Dr. Marian W . Smith for their advice in the preparation of tliis account. W i l l e t t , 1961: 8-10. - 123 -"A few of the sets of gambling-sticks referred to before (see p. 58) were decorated with designs representing animals. It seems that in all the sets of gambling-sticks the individual sticks bore the names of animals. This custom also prevailed among the Kwakiutl Indians of Vancouver Island and among the Thompson Indians of the interior of British Columbia.1 Figs. 26-31 represent the designs on a set of gambling-sticks from the Queen Charlotte Islands collected by J. W. Powell. The illustrations represent the gambling-sticks developed on a plane surface, so that the designs can readily be seen. The identi-fications of the figures were obtained by me from Charles Edensaw in 1897. It will be noticed that while many of the designs were identified, the Indian artist hesitated to identify many others for which an explanation might seem obvious; while others the form of which seems to be very indefinite were identified without any hesitation. This fact indicates the great amount of individuality of each artist in combining the details of his designs. "Xos. 1 and 2 represent the trumps of the game, both characterized by three black lines and two figures, evidently representing parts of an animal, but not identifiable. j 8 I ! h I 8 6! "Xos. 3-9 were identified by Edensaw without hesitation as representations of the killer-whale. Xo. 3 is also a trump of the game, and bears three indistinct red lines in the middle, and two black lines near one end. The two designs were interpreted as parts of the tail of the killer-whale. Xo. 4 was said to be a complete representation of the killer-whale the two ornaments over the head representing the dorsal fin, and the large black curved line under the eyes representing the lower jaw. The identification, however, seems somewhat doubtful, since I do not know of any representation of the killer-whale which has paws with two toes, such as are found in the present specimen. Xos. 5-7 are other representations of the killer-whale tail. The decoration on the right-hand side of Xo. 8 was declared by Edensaw to represent the head of the killer-whale, the circle with attached point back of the'eye being interpreted as the blow-hole. The beak on the opposite end was considered by him as the tail of the killer-whale. In Xo. 9 we have again the head of the killer-whale on the right-hand side, its tail on the left-hand side. Fig 26. Designs from a Set of Gambling-Sticks. - 124 -— H — « —• 1 TP 42i "Nos. io and II were not definitely described as killer-whale designs, although Edensaw was inclined to interpret them in this manner. In Xo. io the design on the left-hand side was interpreted as the dorsal fin, that on the right-hand side as the tail. He believed that Xo. 11 represents the stomach of a killer-whale. "Xo. 12 was explained by him as the dog-fish. I am doubtful, however, whether the appearance of the mouth with depressed corners, and the ornament over the forehead, may not have misled him. It is difficult to reconcile the legs with three-toed feet and the hands with the five fingers with the inter-pretation given by him. The three designs in the middle of the body evidently represent vertebrae. "Xo. 13 was said to be a dead whale floating on the sea. The whale's head, with the tongue, the dorsal fin, the ribs, and the tail, will readily be recognized. "Both Xos. 14 and 15 were explained as ts'an sk'agit (sea beam of house ?). The identity of the two designs is quite evident, the animal being represented in Xo. 14 in profile, while in Xo. 15 fejs^ it is shown from the dorsal side, the head being ft*^ I laid all around the stick. The four paws, a fin in a peculiar position, and the vertebra;, will be recognized. I suspect that Xo. 4, which was ex-plained as a killer-whale, is really identical with the design shown here. "Xos. 16-23 a ' l represent the sea-bear, which is characterized by a bear's head and by a fin or flipper attached to the hip. In Xos. 16 and 17 the bear's head is distinctly shown. The peculiar lobe just above the nose was interpreted as the breath of the monster. Under the head is shown the arm with the hand, while the left-hand side of the stick is occupied by the leg with claws, and with the flipper attached to the hip. Xos. iS and 19 are quite similar in type. In Xo. 2c the monster is shown in a somewhat different form, resembling very much the representations of the killer-whale. In Xo. 21 the sea-monster is shown It evidently resembles the killer-whale. The hand-like .""Mo Fig. 27. Designs from a Set of Gamblin"-Sticks. in still another shape. - 125 -design in front of the head was interpreted as the nose, but at the same time as the hand, of the monster. Just back of the eye is the ear, while the design on the extreme left was interpreted by Edensaw as the tail. When I called attention to the position of the paw on the left part of the stick, which would indicate that this was meant as a head, Edensaw objected, saying that the tongue and lower jaw should not be missing if this were meant as the head. Nevertheless it seems to me doubtful if the explanation given by him would meet with the approval of the artist who painted the stick. Xo. 22 evidently represents the same animal as we found in No. 21. The hand in front of the head, and the peculiar tail, are shown in the same manner. The added design over the tail was interpreted as the dorsal fin. In No. 23 we have still another representation of the same sea-monster. The face in the centre of the stick represents the shoulder-joint. Attached to it is a tin running to the right. Below it extends the arm, with hand curved back and a fin attached to its upper part. On the left-hand side are the leg and the hip-joint. The design attached to the hip-joint was explained by Edensaw as the tail. If this explanation is correct, Nos. 16 and 17 might as well be explained as representing the bear, be-cause there is no other indication of the animal belonging to the sea. "In No. 24 we find a design quite similar to the series Nos. 16-19, hut explained as the bear. The form of the head is quite similar to that of the sea-monster, but no fin is indicated in this case. ' Xo . 25 represents the devil-fish, the large design to the right being the head, and the lines consisting of circles with dots in the middle, to the left. "251 26 27 representing tentacles. 28. Designs from a Set of Gambling-Sticks. "In No. 26 we have a typical representation of a halibut. No, 27 was explained as GitgA'lgia, the child of Property-Woman. This design is rather indistinct, but face, body, and feet may be recognized. No. 28 was explained as the crane, leg, wing, and crest being shown. The explanation of No. 29 is somewhat peculiar. The whole design was interpreted as the mountain-goat, the black design in - 126 -the centre being the nose, the eyes on the two sides representing the eyes of the animal, and the pointed designs at each end being the horns. Xo. 30 was explained as the crab. The head will readily be recognized on the rio/hf-hand side. The fore-feet are attached to the head. The hind-feet are on the left-hand side. The ornaments on the back, which look like a pair of wings, are not quite in favor of the explanation given. "The series Xos. 31-34 represent the raven. In Xo. 31 the wing is shown on the right-hand side, the foot on the left-hand side. The same combination, with the foot on the right and the wing on the left, is shown in Xo. The hachure Fig. 2 9 . D e s i g n s f r o m a Set o f Gamblincr-Sticlcs. Xo. 41 resembles Xo allied to the series of raven designs on the one hand, but also to the sea monster designs, which are characterized by the peculiar head-like design a; on the leg was said to be characteristic ^f the raven. In Xo. 33 we have the wing or. the right, and the tail on the left; while in Xo. 34 the foot is on the right, and the head on the left. Eclensaw was rather inclined to consider the design on the left as intended to represent the raven's wing, be-cause it has no tongue, and because it is no: the proper form of head belonging with the foot ou the right. "In Xo. 35 he recognized a series of three dorsal fins, without, however, being able to tell to what animal they belong. In the same way he explained Xo. 36 as a shoulder on the right and a tail on the left, without bein«- able to identify the particular animal. Xo. 37 may represent the mosquito, but the explanation did not seem to satisfy him. "Xo explanations were given by Edensaw of the remaining designs. A comparison with the preceding series suggests, however, a number of explanations. Thus X"o. 38 resembles almost in every detail Xo. 20, and may therefore also be assumed to represent either a sea-monster or the killer-whale. Xo. 39 and Xo. 12 are almost un-doubtedly the same. Xo. 40 is difficult to explain, and I do not venture to give a definite explanation. 13, which is explained as a whale. No, 44 is closely - 127 -- 128 -one end, with a number of dots accompanying the lower outline. It may therefore well be that we have here one of the raven sea-monsters. Xo. 45 is very much like the sea-monster series Xos. 16-18. It seems hardly possible to give explanations for the remaining numbers. Attention may, however, be called to the peculiar eyes with attached hands in Xos. 56, 59, and 67, which may perhaps be related to the sea-monster design of Xo. 22. There are similar forms in which claws appear attached to the eye designs; for in-stance, Xos. 58, 60, 64, 68, and 72. It seems fairly evident that in all these cases what is appar-ently an eye is simply an elaboration of the knee-joint or hip-joint. The symmetrical designs shown in Xos. 53 and 54 must be compared with the killer-whale tails Nos. 6 and 7, while in Xo. 52 we have apparently a full front view with strong distortion of some animate being." Fig. 31. Designs from a Set of Gambling-Sticks. Swanton, 1905a: 147-154. - 129 -The f o l l o w i n g t ab le s are reproduced from Emmons ( n . d . ) and r e f e r to sets of gambling s t i c k s which he had " o l d T l i n g i t men" i d e n t i f y . 7 7-: - 7 7 * < ^ 7 7 7 ' 7 ^ V "7. 7r .ji "7"i7 -7^ 7 v. C= C ; V -0 -' v V>. *w <5! ic r< ^ --. 3-c.a<7/i(li..„. , </ _ 7H<7AQ n if //_ fcuUL • do-urn / f) feu. //-/ // "'3/•<-'};>.. . \ //.... djst'j !,{ _ f // . /icu,r o~n<4:o7f. '/ IBroncpj / ! / Crro~»Lr , " rrf, ~ A o ?5 . . C 5 ?s^ . . _ N-<^Jj / A' • 1, • Sr. 1 /. f ^/ / j" .A... : if ! ".; 7 I ' / ' :'gr • - i • --1 ' • I • j I : I 1 j ~ : • i • • i i / ; ^ j i ' - . ' I """j / \ "<S" i / I / i 6 / 1 i i i ; i ; i i .. \l t i ! 1 * i - i i ; i | j i i i : ) • i ft I ! i' i W I T . • • i ; ... ! 3 .j - . i :-i 1 /. i \ ; i ! { r ~ 1 •• ! r' / / ;' / I' : ""! i : ; i ! ! .! i /.. 7 _ j • i ; ! f I * • : — • [ i j — ; i i ' : ! i j i 1 _Z i !./._ : / j CO O 7 i T 7 V / ' . : / 'j^tPJ.Iy. 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