THE DEVELOPMENT OF XENOPHON'S POLITICAL IDEAS by PETER JACOB RAHN B.A. , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1962 A THESIS SUBMITTED I N PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF WHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n t h e Department of CLASSICS We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to t h e r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA J u l y , 1969 In p r e s e n t i n g an this thesis advanced degree at the Library I further for shall the his of this agree that written of be for extensive g r a n t e d by the It i s understood for financial gain of The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada British available for permission. Department Date University permission representatives. thesis f u l f i l m e n t of make i t f r e e l y s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may by in p a r t i a l Columbia shall requirements Columbia, Head o f my be I agree r e f e r e n c e and copying of that not the that Study. this thesis Department c o p y i n g or for or publication allowed without my ABSTRACT T h i s t h e s i s t r a c e s the development of Xenophon*s p o l i t i c a l i d e a s from h i s y o u t h t o o l d age. S p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n i s given t o s t a t e m e n t s of e v a l u a t i o n i n the H e l l e n i c a c o n c e r n i n g e v e n t s that occurred in his lifetime. of h i s o t h e r works are a n a l y s e d g i c a l framework p r o v i d e d we The b a s i c a t t i t u d e s and and f i t t e d i n t o the t o meet the immediate needs of the Greek s t a t e s . upon w h i c h h i s i d e a s are founded are two constantly i n a tension. tocratic admiration as p h i l a n t h r o p i a . bases attitudes that These are, on,the one Then changed The hand, an of t h e h e r o i c w a r r i o r and, on t h e an a t t i t u d e d e s i g n a t e d chronolo- by the s t u d y of the H e l l e n i c a . conclude t h a t Xenophon's i d e a s were not s t a t i c but ideas are aris- other, ACKNOWLEGMENT I w i s h t o e x p r e s s my a p p r e c i a t i o n t o P r o f e s s o r s H. G. E d i n g e r and J . R u s s e l l f o r t h e i r encouragement and c r i t i c i s m a t t h e o u t s e t o f t h i s u n d e r t a k i n g , and t o Mr. P. Harding f o r s e v e r a l s t i m u l a t i n g d i s c u s s i o n s . F i n a l l y , I am e s p e c i a l l y i n d e b t e d t o P r o f e s s o r M. F. McGregor, t h e d i r e c t o r o f t h i s t h e s i s , f o r h i s a d v i c e and c r i t i c i s m . TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE ABBREVIATIONS iv INTRODUCTION vi CHAPTERS 1 Xenophon's E a r l y L i f e 2 Xenophon i n the Prime o f L i f e 21 3 Xenophon and t h e B a t t l e o f Coronea . . . 32 4 Xenophon and Tyranny 44 5 Xenophon's Defence 51 6 Greece and P e r s i a . 62 7 Xenophon and I s o c r a t e s $9 & Conclusion BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 101 106 ABBREVIATIONS I Ancient Authors Ath. P o l . A r i s t o t l e , Atheniensium Respublica. de i n v . C i c e r o , de_ i n v e n t i o n e . Diog. L a e r t . Diogenes L a e r t i u s , V i t a e Philosophorum. Pan. Isocrates, Thuc. Thucydides, H i s t o r i a . Anab. Xenophon, A n a b a s i s . Cyn. Xenophon, C y n e g e t i c u s . Cyr. Xenophon, C y r o p a e d i a . Hell. Xenophon, H e l l e n i c a . Mem. Xenophon, M e m o r a b i l i a . Resp. L a c . Xenophon, R e s p u b l i c a vect. Xenophon, de v e c t i g a l i b u s . Panegyricus. II Lacedaemoniorum. Journals AJP American J o u r n a l o f P h i l o l o g y . TAPA American P h i l o l o g i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n and Transactions Proceedings. APh L'Annee P h i l o i o g i q u e . JAW Bursian's Jahresbericht. C l a s s , e t Med, C l a s s i c a et M e d i a e v a l i a . Class. Journ. Classical Class. Classical' Philology. Phil. Journal. C l a s s . Rev. C l a s s i c a l Review. C l a s s . Wor. C l a s s i c a l World ( ^ C l a s s i c a l Weekly). V JHS Mus. Journal of Hellenic Studies. Hel. Museum Helveticum. REG Revue d e s E t u d e s greques. R h e i n . Mus. R h e i n i s c h e s Museum. Wien. Stud. Wiener S t u d i e n . INTRODUCTION Any attempt to understand and to evaluate the work of an author must consider the age i n which he l i v e d and the society that influenced him. Such i s the case with Xenophon. The lack of appeal that he has f o r our age''" exists, I believe, because he has been dealt with i n an u n c r i t i c a l manner. Xenophon has often been censured because he i s moralistic, shallow and p prejudiced. Most scholars of our times have a r b i t r a r i l y and unsympathetically compared him with t h e i r own l i k e s and d i s l i k e s and f a i l e d to notice the influence of the society in which he l i v e d and h i s experiences upon him. It i s i n t h i s vein that H. J. Rose writes? For great i s not.the word to use of Xenophon. In him, a mind which i t would be f l a t t e r y to c a l l second-rate and a character hide-bound with convention a t t a i n somehow to a very respectable One need only examine the indices of any c l a s s i c a l p u b l i cation during the past ten years to notice the dearth of a r t i c l e s on Xenophon i n comparison with the large number of his works. E.jjj., J . B. Bury, The Ancient Greek Historians, 153, and C. M. Bowra, Ancient Greek Literature, 147. graphical data see pages 106-117. For f u l l b i b l i o - l i t e r a r y e x p r e s s i o n and a r e p r e s e n t e d with at l e a s t two s u b j e c t s on w h i c h i t i s n e a r l y i m p o s s i ble dull.3 t o be w h o l l y Judgments o f such a k i n d presuppose t h a t t h e s c h o l a r ' s own system o f v a l u e s i s i n some way b e t t e r than Xenophon's. i s an assumption t h a t cannot be proved. seeks r a t h e r t o understand i n w h i c h he l i v e d . This Another approach Xenophon i n t h e l i g h t o f t h e s o c i e t y I n q u i r y must be made i n t o t h e events that took p l a c e d u r i n g h i s l i f e t i m e and c o n s i d e r a t i o n g i v e n t o i d e a s and a t t i t u d e s of h i s contemporaries i n o r d e r t o determine what the major i s s u e s o f h i s day were and what may have been t h e q u e s t i o n s w i t h w h i c h he was c o n f r o n t e d . to what q u e s t i o n s he addressed Only 'when i t i s c l e a r h i m s e l f can we b e g i n t o under- stand how Xenophon's i d e a s changed and developed. phon' s l i f e t i m e covered years, i t i s probable a span o f a p p r o x i m a t e l y Since Xeno- seventy-five t h a t t h e p o l i t i c a l l y important of h i s age w i l l have undergone some change. questions Xenophon's answers w i l l undoubtedly have v a r i e d w i t h t h e m o d i f i c a t i o n o r t h e r e c a s t i n g o f p o l i t i c a l v i e w s and t h e e v e n t f u l l i f e t h a t he l i v e d . T h i s work a t t e m p t s t o understand the contrasting p o l i t i c a l i d e a s o f Xenophon t h a t a r e found i n h i s work i n t h e l i g h t o f h i s g e n e r a t i o n and h i s e x p e r i e n c e s . were not haphazardly That t h e s e c o n t r a s t i n g i d e a s assumed b u t were p a r t of a p a r t i c u l a r view of l i f e and t h e r e f o r e d e l i b e r a t e l y espoused a t d i f f e r e n t will, I hope, a l s o be demonstrated. 3H. J . Rose, A Handbook o f Greek L i t e r a t u r e . 305- times viii The d e s i r a b i l i t y of such a study arises from the growing tendency among scholars^ to find i n the writings of Xenophon and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Hellenica subjective accounts of events. Much of h i s narrative assumes that the reader of his day had previous knowledge of Xenophon*s ideas as expressed i n other works. Some attempts have been made to set forth what i s known as "Xenophon's p o l i t i c a l idealism."5 An attempt of this kind i s , however, not s u f f i c i e n t since i t assumes that Xenophon's ideas remained s t a t i c and that they are f u l l y and comprehensively expressed i n the Cyropaedia. The following pages w i l l give a wider scope to Xenophon's p o l i t i c a l views. 4E.fr., H. R. Breitenbach, Xenophon von Athen, I656 - 1701, and Peter K f a f f t , "Vier Beispiele des Xenophontischen i n Xenophons Hellenika," Rhein. Mus., CX (I967), 103-150. % . Weathers, "Xenophon's P o l i t i c a l Idealism," Class. Journ•, XLIX (1953-54), 317-321. CHAPTER 1 XENOPHON'S EARLY LIFE Xenophon was born in.Attica in the deme of Erchia 430 B.C. about He grew up amidst the exaltation and the anguish that 2 Athens experienced during the Peloponnesian War. He saw the p o l i t i c a l confrontation between the democrats and the oligarchs. He noticed how the mob man could be swayed against the advice of a l i k e P e r i c l e s by the oratory of a demagogue l i k e Cleon or Alcibiades^ so that the Athenians refused peace i n 425, undertook the expedition against Syracuse i n 415 and eventually brought ruin upon the great c i t y of Athens. The continuing t r i a l s of Athens a f t e r 415 caused deep resentment among those who burden of taxation and who others. i s Athens losing the war?" the often given that i t was tem i n which the demos was ^Diog. Laert., 2, 2 saw decisions being made f o r them by To the question "Why answer was bore the the f a u l t of the p o l i t i c a l sys- easily swayed and turned to what was 48. Anab., I I I , 1, 25 and 2, 3 7 . Both passages indicate that Xenophon took part i n Cyrus'^march when he was either too young to be elected strategos or had just reached the minimum age of thirty. 0. Gigon, Kommentar zum Ersten Buch von Xenophons Memor- a b i l i e n , 106, places Xenophon's birthdate i n the year 441/0 following Apollodorus, B.C., although he questions the grounds upon which the date i s based (cf. F. Jacoby, Frag, gr. Hist., no. comm. to f r a g . 343). 3Thuc, IV 15-23; VI, 9 - 1 5 - 244, 2 r e a d i l y a t hand.'*' A l t h o u g h we do n o t know whether Xenophon took p a r t i n t h e r e s u l t i n g o l i g a r c h i c r e v o l u t i o n i n 411 we suspect t h a t he came from a home t h a t was o l i g a r c h i c i n sympathy because he belonged t o t h e c l a s s of k n i g h t s ( f o r t h e h i p p e i s supported t h e o l i g a r c h s both i n 411 and i n 404/3). L a t e r he c o n s i d e r e d him- s e l f a candidate f o r the p o s i t i o n of strategos.^ I n 409/& he p r o - b a b l y accompanied t h e A t h e n i a n e x p e d i t i o n t h a t undertook t h e s i e g e of Chalcedon and i n 406 he p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h e s e a b a t t l e a t A r g i n - usae.k In t h e o l i g a r c h i c r e v o l u t i o n i n 404/3 he served i n t h e cava l r y under t h e guidance o f t h e E l e v e n . 7 That he c o u l d support t h e bloodshed and e x i l e s o f t h a t y e a r i n d i c a t e s how t h o r o u g h l y he must have been d i s i l l u s i o n e d w i t h t h e demos. VThuc., I , 20, 1 and 3^Anab. I l l , 2, 37 ( c e r t a i n l y an e a s i e r p o s i t i o n t o o b t a i n i f one had been prominent t h r o u g h b i r t h o r p o l i t i c a l °Hell. I , 4, 25 and 35- activity). The c o n c l u s i o n i s based on t h e f u l l - ness o f the d e s c r i p t i o n g i v e n and on t h e t h e o r y t h a t much o f t h e n a r r a t i v e i s b a s i c a l l y Xenophon's eye-witness account. ?H_ell. I I , 3 , 12 i n d i c a t e s Xenophon's sympathy f o r t h e e a r l y work o f t h e T h i r t y . his H i s a b i l i t y as a cavalryman i s c l e a r from works de e q u i t a n d i r a t i o n e and de equitum m a g i s t r o . He men- t i o n s t h a t he rode d u r i n g t h e r e t u r n from t h e A n a b a s i s (Anab. I l l , 3, 19; V I I , 6 ) . F i n a l l y h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of the c a v a l r y ' s a c t i v i t y under t h e T h i r t y i s v e r y f u l l ; 24-26. Hell. I I 4, 2-10 and I n f a c t the d e s c r i p t i o n of the year of the T h i r t y occupies h a l f as much space as t h e account o f t h e p r e v i o u s s i x y e a r s t o g e ther. See W. P. Henry, Greek H i s t o r i c a l W r i t i n g , 73. 3 It was during these years of c r i s i s and p o l i t i c a l turmoil that Socrates became eminent. The association of C r i t i a s and Alcibiades with Socrates before they achieved p o l i t i c a l prominence (or notoriety) had created great animosities between the demos and those who had a reputation f o r wisdom. The hatred and fear of oligarchy i n any form that were r i f e in Athens after 403 extended to the s o c i a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l c i r c l e s from which the extremists had sprung. The relationship of the extreme oligarchs with the Sophists, and also with Socrates, was widely known among the people of Athens but greatly misunderstood. As a result, Socrates was associated indiscriminately with a l l the attributes of the Sophists. Hence, he appeared to some as a friend of the a r i s t o c r a t s , a despiser of the common people, a corrupter of morals and an atheist. Xenophon also experienced something of this h o s t i l i t y , for he had supported the oligarchs. Furthermore, a personal relationship existed between Xenophon and Socrates.9 It i s as a result of these factors that the Cynegeticus (the e a r l i e s t of his works*-*) contains his strong castigation of 1 %em. I, 2, 16. 9cicero,. de inv. I, 31, 5 quotes the Socratic Aeschines in a passage that l i n k s Xenophon and his wife with Socrates. Xenophon himself both in Mem. I,3, 3-13 and i n Anab. I l l , 1, 5-7 makes a point of his relationship with Socrates. !0The evidence f o r considering t h i s work early in origin i s given by H. Richards, "The Hellenics of Xenophon," Class. Rev., XV (1901) 197-203, and "The Minor Works of Xenophon," Class. Rev.. XII (1898) 285-292; J. Mewaldt, "Die Composition des Xenophontischen Kynegetikos," Hermes, XLVI (1911) 70-92. the S o p h i s t s . T h e m a j o r i t y c l a i m t o lead the young t o v i r t u e but they do the o p p o s i t e . They w r i t e books t h a t o f f e r empty p l e a s u r e s t o the young but c o n t a i n no apexii. Concerning t h e i r s t y l e Xenophon says that xoc u e v priuaxa avxoZq, i^f^sm^iqzyvCi\iai, 6e 6p&3c, exouaou ... oi>6au.o0 . Then he seeks t o a l i g n him- 1 2 s e l f w i t h the people of h i s own day when he says, iieyovoi nal ev a\\ot xoZq TioMol ovojiaat TOU? v u v aoqptoxag aocpiCovTCU, xat ev x o t s OUH ou [tous] 6c cpiAoaocpous , O T I vorinaou . ^ He i s e x p r e s s i n g an a t t i t u d e that i s the a n t i t h e s i s of h i s a t t i t u d e t o the Sophist Gorgias, as he enunciates i t i n the A n a b a s i s . p o r Proxenus as a p u p i l of Gorgias seems t o have d i s p l a y e d some r a t h e r lofty i d e a l s and q u a l i t i e s i n h i s quest f o r fame, power and wealth The e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the e x p r e s s i o n of Xenophon's a t t i t u d e toward the S o p h i s t s i n t h e Cynegeticus i s of a two-fold nature. First, I t h i n k t h a t he a c t u a l l y f e l t some antagonism appeared wise and, f o r a f e e , surrounded toward those who themselves w i t h p u p i l s , i n d i r e c t c o n t r a s t t o Socrates, who asked n o t h i n g of other men except a w i l l i n g n e s s t o engage i n d i s c u s s i o n . who e v TOCS o v o n a a u aocpiCovxau whom Xenophon c a l l e d S o p h i s t s ypacpouatv e n l T £ eauTuiv i:L Cyn. 13,1. 1 2 Cyn. 13,3. 1 3 I b i d . , 6. 1 ^Anab. 1 5 Cvn. ev xoi<; voriuaatv • Those knl xy elanaxav "kiyovai, na! nepdei,,... I I , 2, 6, 16-20. 13,8. xal O U H These a r e the men ou6e yap 00905 auxwv eyeveTO 0&6 5 Xenophon i d e n t i f i e d h i m s e l f w i t h ca n o U o i attention t o gain their and sympathy i n o r d e r t h a t he might r e v e a l t h e second reason f o r h i s c a s t i g a t i o n o f the S o p h i s t s . r e c t i f y the misunderstanding relationship He w i s h e d t o t h a t had a r i s e n c o n c e r n i n g t h e o f S o c r a t e s t o h i m s e l f and others o f oligarchic sympathy a g a i n s t whom t h e r e was o b v i o u s h o s t i l i t y , i n s p i t e o f t h e g e n e r a l amnesty t h a t had been d e c l a r e d a f t e r t h e r e s toration o f t h e democracy i n 403 , and d i r e c t t h i s h o s t i l i t y where he thought i t b e l o n g e d — a g a i n s t t h i s end he c o n c l u d e s follows: TOC uxv ouv <pu\dTTea$at,, x a 6e 00910-Twv TrapaYYeknaTa uapatvw cpi\oa6<pa>v kv§\)\xT\\ia.-zaL \xr\ a x u u d C e t v . 01 uev yap aocpiarai TtXouatous x a l - ' N To h i s harangue a g a i n s t . t h e S o p h i s t s as TWV TOJV t h e demagogues. » r cpiAoaocpot naau x o t v o l x a l <pt\oi . veou? ^npwvcat, o i 6e 17 He here a t t e m p t s t o make a simple d i s t i n c t i o n by means o f w h i c h the common p e o p l e of Athens may c l e a r l y i d e n t i f y who a r e t h e i r r e a l f o e s and who are not. F u r t h e r m o r e , s i n c e Xenophon was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h S o c r a t e s , who a c c o r d i n g t o Xenophon's d e f i n i t i o n c o u l d n o t be c o n s i d e r e d a S o p h i s t , t h e h o s t i l i t y t h a t had a r i s e n after 404/3 a g a i n s t t h e s o c i a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l c i r c l e i n w h i c h Xenophon moved might be d i v e r t e d elsewhere. T h i s was t h e e x t e n t o f h i s defence a g a i n s t t h e h o s t i l i t y r o f t h e g e n e r a l public. Never d i d he t r y t o hide h i s h i g h r e g a r d f o r t h e t r u e p h i l o s o p h e r o r deny h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p l 6 Hell. I I , 4, 17 Cyn. 13, 9. 43. w i t h him. 6 This brings us face to. face with the problem of what t h i s relationship was. If one considers the account of Socrates' behaviour as Xenophon gives i t i n the Memorabilia, two characteri s t i c s become evident. F i r s t , i t has an extraordinary emphasis on the r e l i g i o u s nature of Socrates' conduct. In these r e l i g i ^ ous references several s c h o l a r s ^ have found a thematic and 1 r h e t o r i c a l arrangement that serves as the framework within which we see Socrates a c t i v e l y engaged in improving the people with whom he comes in contact. Xenophon's account. words o u x w g ajcpe\euv t h i s statement This i s the second c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Socrates i s constantly described with the ECOHEL U.OL xouq o u v o v x a ? . When oneconsiders i n r e l a t i o n to the dialogue with A r i s t i p p u s 2 1 where the main point i s that whether something i s x a \ 6 v x e n a y a ^ o v i s r e l a t i v e to whether i t i s euxpticrxov i t quickly becomes apparent 22 that Socrates i s exemplary i n his behaviour. can best be taught by example. 1 ^Mem. Therefore Socrates engages i n I, 1, 1-9, 20; I 3,1-4; I, III, 9, 15; IV, 3, 2-18; What i s r e l a t i v e IV, 6, 1-5; 4, 2-19; I I I , 3, 10; IV, 7, 6, and 10; IV, 8, 1-11. 19ivo Bruns, Das L i t erarische Port rat der Griechen, 361- 378; H. Erbse, "Die Architektonik im Aufbau von Xenophons Memorab i l i e n , "Hermes, LXXXXIX (1961), 257-2 67; 0. Gigon, Kommentar sum Ersten Buch von Xenophons Memorabilien and Kommentar sum Zweiten Buch von Xenophons Memorabilien y passim. Mem. I, 3, 1; I, 4, 1; I I , 1, 1; H I , 1, 1; IV, 1, 1; Mem. I l l , 8, 1-7- Mem. I,:,2, 17; I, 2, 1; I, 5, 6; IV, 1, 1. 2Q 21 22 7 making good soldiers, good c i t i z e n s and good people by voiiiCwv xal In t h i s usefulness Socrates became \evu>v x a l npaxTwv. noble and good. From these two d i s t i n c t i v e features of the work I think i t necessary to conclude that i n the Memorabilia Xenophon considered the formal charges brought against Socrates at his t r i a l of grave importance. When one compares t h i s attitude toward his t r i a l with that of Plato i n the Apology the d i s s i m i l i t u d e i s at once obvious. In the l a t t e r account h o s t i l i t y against Socrates arose not from impiety or corrupting the youth (as the formal charge stated) but from his relationship to the leading p o l i t i c a l men of the c i t y . ^ 2 He had incurred t h e i r hatred (and along with t h i s the prejudice of the majority of the c i t i z e n s ) 5 2 D v revealing t h e i r lack of wisdom through; questioning and cross-examination. What Socrates' role had been i n the state and what i t would continue to be i f he remained a l i v e was'e depicted by the example of the f l y that arouses a b i g and well-bred but lethargic horse to action. In the midst of t h i s h o s t i l e setting, Socrates twice came to the c i t y ' s attention, once when he opposed the i l l e g a l t r i a l of the generals a f t e r the battle of Arginusae and l a t e r when contrary to 3Mem. 2 2 I I , 10, 6; I I , 9, 4- 4 p i a t o , Apology. 21B-22A; 29C-30B. 2 5 P l a t o , Apology, 2 6 I b i d . , 30E, 31A. 28B. s the orders of the Thirty he refused to bring Leon the Salaminian to be put to d e a t h . 27 Plato then makes Socrates' p o l i t i c a l a c t i - v i t y the main source of Athens* enmity toward him and, i n d i r e c t l y , of his death. This delineation of Socrates' behaviour seems to agree at least i n part with the quibbling character whom Aristophanes 28 lampoons i n the Clouds. Xenophon himself gives some credence to the Platonic portrayal in that he considers the opposition of Socrates to the t r i a l of generals worthy of mention i n his histo29 r i c a l narrative. 7 Even in the Memorabilia Xenophon repeats the account of Socrates' behaviour i n public o f f i c e - ^ but then passes on hurriedly to other things. It seems reasonable, then, to ass- ume that he was aware of another view of the t r i a l of Socrates and that he deliberately chose to give his portrayal the emphasis denoted above. The question why r e l i g i o n plays such an important part i n the Memorabilia becomes even more perplexing when one notes that some of Xenophon's early work ! i s written without reference to 3 2 7 28 2 Plato., 'Apology, 32A-E. Aristophanes, Clouds, 143-168. ^Hell. I, 7, 15- For-the l a t e s t discussion concerning the problems that arise from comparison of the various accounts of these events see Henry, Greek H i s t o r i c a l Writing, 100 - 107. 3 °Mem. IV, 4 , 1-4- ^Cynegeticus; de equitandi ratione; de equitum 1 magistro. t h e gods. Among these t h e H e l l e n i c a r e v e a l s t h e most s t a r t l i n g tendency because i n Books one and two he i g n o r e s r e l i g i o u s ritual (_e._g. s a c r i f i c e s b e f o r e a campaign) b u t from t h e b e g i n n i n g o f Book t h r e e such m a t t e r s a r e mentioned w i t h i n c r e a s i n g f r e q u e n c y . Thus he d i s p l a y s a growing awareness o f t h e r o l e o f r e l i g i o n i n Greek s o c i e t y . Furthermore A n a b a s i s , V I I , 3, 5, i n d i c a t e s t h a t Xenophon made some s o r t of r e t u r n t o the p a t e r n a l gods.-^ date of w r i t i n g o f the M e m o r a b i l i a The (see i n f r a 52) i s l o n g a f t e r t h e y e a r 399/3, when t h e change i n Xenophon's r e l i g i o u s a t t i t u d e s i s supposed t o have t a k e n p l a c e . hope t h a t i n t h e essence Hence i t seems r e a s o n a b l e t o o f h i s r e l i g i o n we s h a l l f i n d some reason f o r the emphasis i n t h e p o r t r a y a l of S o c r a t e s , The o p p o r t u n i t y t o express h i s r e l i g i o u s c o n c e p t i o n i n h i s own way was g i v e n t o him a t S c y l l u s . 3 3 an e s t a t e by t h e S p a r t a n s , he purchased Here, h a v i n g been g r a n t e d a sacred p r e c i n c t t h a t he made o f s p e c i a l importance t o t h e s u r r o u n d i n g Greek p e o p l e s by f i n a n c i n g a r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l w i t h t h e produce t a k e n from t h e land. P a r t of t h e r i t u a l was a hunt o r g a n i z e d by Xenophon's sons; and o t h e r s , ot pou\6|ievot avdpeg, joined in. ^" 3 The r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t y o f Xenophon t h e n p r o v i d e d t h e neighbourhood o r t u n i t y t o meet i n a s o c i a l and f e s t i v e atmosphere. people a t t e n d i n g t h e Olympic 3 it 2 w i t h an oppNo doubt games a l s o v i s i t e d Xenophon. 5 3 Thus i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t on t h i s o c c a s i o n he s a c r i - f i c e s t o Zeus # . M e c \ t x t o s "the s o o t h e r , " " t h e k i n d one." t 3 3 Anab. V, 3, 7-13- 3 4 Anab. V, 3, 10. 35Anab. V, 3, 7- 10 Xenophon could see near at hand how the pan-Hellenic r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l s fostered the sense of Greek community and i d e n t i t y . It was here that the Olympic s p i r i t worked f o r concord and fellow-feeling. As Gilbert Murray says with reference to the f i f t h century, " I t i s , a f t e r a l l , a good deal to say, that i n Greek history we find almost no warring of sects, no mutual tortures or even blasphemies."3° In the Olympian r e l i g i o n , without roots i n any p a r t i c u l a r s o i l , Xenophon found a most powerful a u x i l i a r y i n bringing about Greek harmony, f o r each state could f i n d some aspect of the individual god's worship with which i t could i d e n t i f y and on which i t could project i t s own conceptions and so f e e l that i t f i t t e d i n with things Greek. In the Memorabilia i t s e l f we find at least two passages that seem i n accord with the ideas expressed above. In the f i r s t , 3 7 Xenophon t e l l s the story of how the Priestess, i n answer to the question how i t was necessary to act concerning s a c r i f i c e s or ancestral cults or other such things, replied that one should act v6|ii*) Tt6\eu)s. While the story i t s e l f may well i l l u s t r a t e the p o l i - t i c a l astuteness of Delphi i n maintaining a non-sectarian nature, i t i s t o l d by the author to show that Socrates' r e l i g i o u s behaviour was i n accord with t h i s attitude. The second passage-^ has been exhaustively dealt with by . Murray, Five Stages of Greek Religion, 70. 37Mem. I, 3, 1. 38Mem. Ill, g, 10. 11 Gunnar Rudberg.^9 j n his discussion he points out how t h i s statement with i t s certainty of tone and i t s interest i n the physical universe stands i n contrast to the usual hesitancy and i d e o l o g i c a l concern of Socrates i n other Socratic works. He then goes on to suggest that t h i s passage i s an example of an author imposing on Socrates, the epitome of wisdom, a t y p i c a l l y Hellenic a t t i t u d e — i n t h i s instance, i n the sphere of r e l i g i o n . Thus Xeno- phon has given expression.to a common Greek notion through the mouth of Socrates. To sum up, then, we must say that the remarkable religious stress of Xenophon's Socratic writing i s found not because of Socrates's influence on our author but rather because the views of the author have i n some instances been placed i n the mouth of Socrates. In fact Xenophon's awareness of the importance and function of r e l i g i o n i n Greek society comes a f t e r the death of Socrates and i s intimately connected with the author's p o l i t i c a l ideas (see i n f r a 5 7 ) . The presentation of Socrates as an exemplary i n d i v i d u a l i s probably a similar mixture of idealism and historial reality. Therefore Xenophon took the formal charges against Socrates seriously because thus he could best express what he considered to be important attitudes and aspirations. Xenophon has consciously deployed his material to present to us an exemplary figure with particular emphasis on his r e l i g i o u s nature since this was i n harmony with Xenophon's p o l i t i c a l ideas. 39 . G Rudberg, "Temp©! und A l t a r bei Xenophon," Symbolae Osloenses, XVIII (1938), 1-8. On the other hand 0. Gigon, "Xenophent'©a," Eranos, (1946) 131-152 points out what he considers to be the core of h i s t o r i c a l Socratic dialogue. 12 Perhaps the most s i g n i f i c a n t p o l i t i c a l influence that affected Xenophon in his youth was the work of Thucydides. Thucydides was, as a r e s u l t of family-background, oligarchic and anti-democratic. He had experienced e x i l e because of what the demos considered f a i l u r e . M. F. McGregor^O has pointed out that, while Thucydides could admire a great man (Pericles) i n p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e i n a democratic state, he reserved and maintained ^M. F. McGregor, "The P o l i t i c s of the Historian Thucydides," Phoenix, X $1956), 93-102. G. E. M. de Ste. Croix, "The Character of the Athenian Empire, "Historia, III (1954), 1-41 (particularly 3 1 - 3 7 ) , anticipates much that McGregor says in his a r t i c l e . H. D. F. K i t t o , Poiesis, 313, writes that i t would be small-minded to say simply (because of Thuc. VIII, 97, 2 ) : "Thucydides was But then he goes on to postulate (339) antidemocratic." that a large group of Thucydidean generalisations i n the speeches revolve around the uncertainty of the future. On page 342 he writes that these generalisations (e.g.., IV, 65, 4) "resemble outcrops of rock which indicate the presence below the surface of a continuous stratum. They are part of what Thucydides himself i s thinking." Thus he uses a method much more tenuous than McGregor's in a s c r i bing to Thucydides what i s mo:_st c e r t a i n l y a conservative attitude. F i n a l l y , we should note that John H. Finley J r . , Thucydides, 2$-33, gives a synthesis of the two points of view outlined above by suggesting that Thucydides, a democrat i n his youth, gradually became a d i s i l l u s i o n e d conservative i n old age. ; 13 a distrust of the democratic system, which caused him to express certain b r i e f but pregnant remarks concerning to TtXn^o?. I t was t h i s same reasoned d i s t r u s t of democracy that l e d him to evaluate the f i r s t days of government under the moderate oligarchy of the Five Thousand as a time when oi ' A S n v a i o t tpatvovxat eu 41 uoXtxeuaavTe? . This was the man who was s t i l l l i v i n g during Xenophon's youth; whom Xenophon must have read c a r e f u l l y ; and whom he t r i e d to emulate by continuing the history of Athens and Sparta where Thucydides l e f t o f f . Some scholars even think that they worked together f o r some time before Thucydides d i e d . ^ 2 That both were of the same i n t e l l e c t u a l c i r c l e and attached to men of similar p o l i c i e s i s perceptible when one considers f o r a moment the comments that they makenr concerning a number of t h e i r contemporaries who are linked politically. writes of Antiphon as the man who devisedthe cracy by the council of the Five Thousand.^ (apioToc) defended himself i n his a l l i a n c e Thucydides overthrow of the demoLater he most ably with the Four Hundred. F i n a l l y Thucydides describes him as a man i n f e r i o r to no one of the Athenians of his own day i n apexr\. ^ T h u c . VIII, 97, 2. ^ F . E. Adcock, Thucydides and his History, 98-100. For 2 the l a t e s t discussion concerning t h i s theory see W. P. Henry, Greek H i s t o r i c a l Writing, 74-81. 43-rhuc. VIII, 68, 1-2. 14 I n t h e H e l l e n i c a t h e account o f t h e t r i a l and d e a t h o f Theramenes^ f o r opposing t h e more extreme p o l i c i e s o f C r i t . i a s evokes from Xenophon a statement of a d m i r a t i o n because Theramenes d i s p l a y e d t o cppoviuov even i n death.^5 Theramenes l i n k s h i s own condemnation w i t h t h a t -of t h r e e o t h e r s — L e o n t h e Salaminian;' N i c e r a t u s , t h e son of N i c i a s , and A n t i p h o n . ^ 6 A l i t t l e l a t e r he p l a c e s h i m s e l f i n the p o l i t i c a l p a r t y t h a t opposes T h r a s y b u l u s , Anytus and A l c i b i a d e s , ^ who r e l y on t h e p o l i t i c a l support of T O -rc\r|$os. Xenophon t h u s approves o f an a t t i t u d e towards t h e demos s i m i l a r t o t h a t e x p r e s s e d by Thucydides. approval t o people o f t h e same c i r c l e That b o t h g i v e i n d i c a t e s t h a t Thucydides and Xenophon, i n h i s e a r l y days, were of a s i m i l a r political orientation. T h i s b r i n g s us t o t h e q u e s t i o n r a i s e d above o f T h u c y d i d e s ' d i r e c t i n f l u e n c e on Xenophon. W. P..Henry has a t t a c k e d t h e i d e a t h a t Xenophon wrote a c o n t i n u a t i o n o f T h u c y d i d e s ^ because theory has h i n d e r e d s c h o l a r s from c o n s i d e r i n g h i s work as an ^Hell. 33-37. 1 1 , 3 , 15-56. C f . A r i s t o t l e , A t h . P o l . , 28, 5; L y s i a s , 12, 66, and p o s s i b l y Thucydides, V I I I , 89, 2 i n d i c a t e a d i f f e r e n t a t t i t u d e t o Theramenes. questions the whole concept o f l o y a l t y t o a p o l i t i c a l or group. ^Hell. 4 6 Hell. ^Hell. ^Greek Raphael S e a l e y , o f 411 B.C.," i n E s s a y s i n Greek P o l i t i c s , "The R e v o l u t i o n 133, this I I , 3,56. I I , 3 , 3 3-40. 1 1 , 3 , 42. H i s t o r i c a l W r i t i n g , 14-54. 111party 15 expression of i t s author it says. This attack extreme-assumption Hellenica. the therefore, i s necessary studying i t s i n c e i t does f o r what seem a somewhat to expect a carbon-copy of Thucydides i n N e v e r t h e l e s s one s h o u l d n o t be h e s i t a n t i n f l u e n c e o f T h u c y d i d e s i n some p a r t t h i s need not it and, detract may show h i s good about the seeing o f X e n o p h o n ' s work s i n c e from a p p r e c i a t i o n o f the author—inf.fact, sense. Thus I see n o t h i n g u n l i k e l y i n b e l i e v i n g t h a t X e n o p h o n d i d i n d e e d make u s e o f c e r t a i n c o n v e n t i o n s o f T h u c y d i d e s ( e _ . £ . » apxo- nevou xe^wvos • apxouivou T O U depou? ; add citations of the ephor at Sparta, and t o t h e s e we m i g h t a n d archon a t Xenophon uses t h e s e c o n v e n t i o n s i n c o n s i s t e n t l y t h i s proof his that he d e n i e s own and t h e Let about us, "at The i s i n no s e n s e e v e r y t u r n t h e r e i s any c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n however, r e v e r t t o Xenophon and see w h a t he The f i r s t cates some c r i t e r i a r e a d s a s nal TOUTO OUH aCt6\oya, TOU ulv OUH ayvou), EHEIVO says passage where Xenophon i n d i - follows: OTL anoq>$£y\ia.xa TauTa 6E npCvw TOU <xv6pos ayaaTOv, -&avaTOu TtapeaTTiHOTOs U ^ T E T O qppovinov urJTE T O •rcaiYVLw6es anoXmeiv w o r d s TauTa auo<p$£YU.aTa r e f e r c o n d e m n a t i o n and d e a t h E H TT}S 4>uxTk."^ t o t'he ehtsire...account o f Theramenes. of His apology r e s u l t s ^9 H. R . B r e i t e n b a c h , Xenophon v o n A t h e n , I656-I658, l i n e s the archons Thuc. chronological references. see H e l l . II, if history of Thucydides."-^ historical writing. TO Athens).^9 I, 3 , 1; I , 6, For mention of ephors 1; I I , 1,10; II, 1 and 2. 50w, P . H e n r y , G r e e k H i s t o r i c a l W r i t i n g , 54- 3 , 1. the from outand Cf. 16 an awareness t h a t they a r e not noteworthy (a^ioX-oya ). Thus he i m p l i e s t h a t t h e r e a r e some e s t a b l i s h e d c r i t e r i a f o r h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g t o w h i c h he s t i l l adheres i n p a r t . In using and 5£ he f u r t h e r i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e r e e x i s t s i n h i s mind a t e n s i o n between e s t a b l i s h e d c r i t e r i a t h a t he has l e a r n e d and a n a t u r a l inclination The within himself. next passage t h a t we s h a l l c o n s i d e r on what t h e s e c r i t i e r i a might be. YLvwcrxco ^e V shedsfurther light I t r e a d s i n p a r t as f o l l o w s : ouv oxt ev xouxots ouxe 6 a n d v T ) n a ouxe xtv6uvov ouxe unxdvnua a£t6\oYoybu6ev 6tr)YOUM.at.... xouxo yap r\6r) uoMwv n a l xpTl^ctxajv x a l xtv6uvu)v a£to\oYu>xaxov <xv6pbq epyov e a x u v . ^ Here i t becomes q u i t e p l a i n t h a t a c c o r d i n g 2 t o usual c r i t e r i a the noteworthy s u b j e c t s i n h i s t o r y a r e g r e a t e x p e n d i t u r e danger (xtv6uvo$) and s t r a t e g y (unxdvrpa ) . ( 6audvT)na)» Furthermore, Xeno- phon c a n d i d l y r e c o r d s h i s ;.growing:: o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e s e e s t a b l i s h e d c r i t e r i a t h r o u g h t h e use of t h e s u p e r l a t i v e a£to\oYu>xaxov. The l a s t passage addssone f u r t h e r d e t a i l . a\\a yap xwv \iev iizya\wv xa\bv enpa^av, anavxeq Xenophon w r i t e s : noXecav, et x t oi auyYpacpet? neuvnvxatj, enol 6e 6 o x e t , x a l et x t g Htxpa iioXt? ouaa no\\a x a l xa\a 6tarcercpaxxat,ext iiaXAov a£tov e t v a t anocpatvetv 5 1 Hell. I I , 3, 56. 5 2 Hell. V, 1, 4. 5 3 Hell. V I I , 2, 1. 'ipya ^ 1 This duction t o an account by "aitavxe? a still writing that o t avyypayeZs account a r e great investigation cities. writers. preted f o r himself the traditional making great new expenditures, for that h i s historical We c a n now c o n c l u d e f r o m o u r o f what was n o t e w o r t h y m a t e r i a l and t h a t he was g r a d u a l l y s e l e c t i o n of subject approved participants i na historical f o r Xenophon t h e c o n c e p t of h i s t o r i c a l concept t o these c r i t e r i a Here, a l s o , Xenophon d e c l a r e s governed h i s choice this a s an i n t r o - of t h e people of P h l i u s . ( ext. n a M o v a£iov) s u b j e c t of other that according the usual more w o r t h y than t h a t f o r i t serves of the a c t i v i t i e s Here i t becomes e v i d e n t is a f t e r 366, p a s s a g e was w r i t t e n 7 a s he i n t e r - forced t o oppose matter--namely, great enduring great cities dangers and i n v e n t i n g strategy. Where d i d t h i s concept first used as s u b j e c t great expenditures? o f n o t e w o r t h i n e s s come from? matter f o r h i s t o r y great cities We t u r n t o t h e o p e n i n g c h a p t e r ...' dp^duevo? e6$us n a ^ i a x a u e v o u n a ! e\Ttiaac; u-eyav xe e a e a ^ a t n a ! a£io\oYwxaxov xtuv Ttpoye- YEVTiuevoov, xeHu.atp6u.evos o x t dnnaCovxes xe rjaav kq auxbv du.<p6xepot uapaaHeuii xfi w£ai Htvnaus yap auxn neytaxr) 6t) x o t s e y e v e x o HOC! u e p e i 6e 5 4 "EAAnaiv x i v ! xwv pappdpwv a>s eiTtetv n a ! £711. rcXetaxov dv^pwixooy. Thuc. «••• I , 1, 1, 2. Who making of Thucydides: 18 Again we read: TOUTOU 6 s TOU ua^-nnaTa T E EXXaot The UO\EUOU £UVTIVEX$T) UT)X6C; T E uEya yevia&ai EV 7ipou|3n, auTti) TT) o t a oux ETEpa E V lay X P ° v w • i d e a s t h a t r e c u r a r e remarkably familar. The work i s t o be the h i s t o r i c a l n a r r a t i v e of a war t h a t i s t h e most noteworthy o f a l l t h a t have t a k e n p l a c e . recount what happened. T h i s i s why t h e a u t h o r undertook t o What makes t h e events noteworthy i n t h e eyes o f the a u t h o r i s t h a t both c i t i e s a t t h e h e i g h t o f t h e i r power ( dxu.aCovTEs) e n t e r e d a war t h a t was v e r y l o n g , brought g r e a t s u f f e r i n g s i n t o Greece and a f f e c t e d a g r e a t p a r t o f mankind ( i n d i r e c t l y , t h e n , g r e a t e x p e n d i t u r e s , g r e a t dangers and much s t r a t e g y ; c f . Thuc. I , 18, 3 « ) There seems l i t t l e doubt t h a t Thucydides i n f l u e n c e d Xenophon b o t h i m p l i c i t l y and e x p l i c i t l y i n what he w r i t e s i n h i s h i s t o r i c a l narrative. F i n a l l y an a m p l i f i c a t i o n of-Xenophon's p o l i t i c a l c l o s e l y l i n k e d t o h i s e a r l y e x p e r i e n c e , i s a l s o found Cynegeticus. views, i n the One o f t h e most obvious a t t i t u d e s t h a t Xenophon- d i s p l a y s i n t h i s work i s h i s commitment t o a s o c i e t y engaged i n a war-effort. Man may engage i n t h e s p o r t o f h u n t i n g f o r h i s enjoyment and e x e r c i s e but i t s c h i e f r e s u l t i s t o t r a i n f o r war: 5 5 Thuc. I, 2 3 , 1. people uKpeXTfaovTai b' Ipyou TOU 0 £ uo\\d! eui^uuriaavTe? uyteidv cruiu.ao*t n a p a a H e u d C e t uaWov, TOV YTlpacr^etv 6e u6\e|i.ov \xa\ioxa nal xe TOUTOU yap opav HOU r\xxov, xa nai6eu£i. TOL? axoueuv &z ,npo<; ^ Xenophon had e x p e r i e n c e d n o t h i n g but e x t e r n a l and strife d u r i n g the e a r l y y e a r s of h i s l i f e . internal Military force seemed t o be the most v i t a l concern f o r a s t a t e a t war. a man c o u l d not f i g h t he was Hunting was of l i t t l e use t o t h e the f i r s t p u r s u i t t h a t a young man state. should t a k e up57 s i n c e i t c o u l d b e s t i n c u l c a t e v a l o u r i n young men * If and 58 make them a p i o p o u s . T r a i n i n g i n h u n t i n g would make men s e r v i c e a b l e t o t h e i r f e l l o w - c i t i z e n s and p a r t i c u l a r l y f i t 59 for war. C l e a r l y , t h e n , by the time Xenophon made h i s f i r s t l i t e r - ary attempt certain p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s had begun t o c r y s t a l - l i z e as a r e s u l t of h i s f a m i l y background, i n t e l l e c t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n and e a r l y e x p e r i e n c e . There was a p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h war and an emphasis on d i r e c t p h y s i c a l involvement. Political a c t i v i t y a l s o r e q u i r e d t h a t a t t e n t i o n be g i v e n t o p h i l o s o p h y and t o the w i s e men of t h e s t a t e . Although r e l a t i n g politics w i t h p h i l o s o p h y engendered c e r t a i n h o s t i l e a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the minds o f the populace, t h i s u n i o n , he f e l t , must be expounded 5 Cyn. 6 5 7 5 8 5 9 Cyn. 12,1. 2,1. I b i d . , 12, 7-9. I b i d . , 13, 11. 20 and defended. The g r a d u a l d e p l e t i o n t h r o u g h e x e c u t i o n of the i n t e l l e c t u a l c i r c l e t o w h i c h Xenophon belonged r e v e a l e d t h e grim n e c e s s i t y f o r c r e a t i n g an atmosphere of harmony and s e l f - c o n t r o l i n o r d e r t o a c h i e v e a s t a b l e p o l i t i c a l system. His association w i t h p e o p l e l i k e Thucydides (whose views he must have known r a t h e r w e l l i n o r d e r t o be a b l e t o c o n s c i o u s l y f o r s a k e them when he grew o l d e r ) and S o c r a t e s i n f l u e n c e d him toward what must be regarded as a c o n s e r v a t i v e approach t o p o l i t i c a l problems. CHAPTER I I XENOPHON IN THE PRIME OF LIFE A f t e r the r e v o l u t i o n i n 404/3 the h a t r e d o f t h e demos f o r a l l t h e s u p p o r t e r s o f o l i g a r c h y and the s o c i a l and intellectual c i r c l e s from w h i c h t h e y arose b l a z e d f o r t h i n t o renewed f i g h t i n g when t h e T h i r t y and t h e i r s u p p o r t e r s i n E l e u s i s began t o h i r e mercenaries. I t was a t t h i s p o i n t t h a t a l l the f o r c e s of demo- c r a t i c Athens t o o k the f i e l d and when t h e y had c a l l e d the gene r a l s of t h e o l i g a r c h i c f a c t i o n t o a conference they killed them and persuaded the o t h e r s t h r o u g h r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s t o r e t u r n t o Athens and l i v e t o g e t h e r under a d e m o c r a t i c government."'" C l e a r l y the demos had, a t t h i s p o i n t , gained the upper hand i n Athens and i t must have been a v e r y uncomfortable t o l i v e f o r t h o s e who p l a c e i n which had f o r m e r l y been the a c t i v e s u p p o r t e r s of oligarchy. II) A r i s t o t l e i n d i c a t e s t h a t a f t e r the g e n e r a l amnesty: intended t o migrate ( na! uoXXwv nev f o i l e d i n the attempt t o r e g i s t e r ; eiuvoouvxwv 2) t h e r e was e£oLHetv) was but were a movement a g a i n s t t h e members of the o l i g a r c h i c p a r t y ; ( x i ? KaxeXr|Xu$6xu>v u.vT)aLHaHeCv)that many r)p£ctxo q u i e t l y suppressed. xwv Thus one can r i g h t l y assume t h a t t h e r e was a g e n e r a l d i s t r u s t of the amnesty or a r e f u s a l t o work w i t h democracy among t h o s e who o r t e d the o l i g a r c h s . had supp- That Xenophon can r i g h t l y be c o n s i d e r e d i n t h i s number i s shown by h i s a t t i t u d e s toward Sthens t h a t he p l a y s i n h i s e a r l y work (see i n f r a 2 9 )• 1 Hell. I I , 4, 43. Cf. dis- The movement a g a i n s t A r i s t o t l e , Ath. P o l . 4 0 . 22 t h e o l i g a r c h i c p a r t y a f t e r t h e amnestVj a l t h o u g h put down would ; o n l y have i n c r e a s e d the s u s p i c i o n w i t h which t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e s viewed t h e g e n e r a l amnesty. As a r e s u l t Xenophon was q u i c k t o l e a v e Athens and j o i n h i s f r i e n d Proxenus t o take p a r t i n t h e e v e n t s t h a t he desc r i b e s i n the Anabasis. The eagerness w i t h which Xenophon j o i n e d t h i s campaign i s demonstrated by t h e d i s c u s s i o n w i t h o Socrates. He suggested t h a t Xenophon i n q u i r e a t D e l p h i whe- t h e r he should go w i t h Proxenus. Xenophon, however, d i d not even q u e s t i o n whether he should go o r n o t , but o n l y t o what gods he should s a c r i f i c e i n o r d e r t o r e t u r n s u c c e s s f u l l y . That Xenophon showed such eagerness t o go on t h e e x p e d i t i o n , i n s p i t e o f t h e w a r n i n g of S o c r a t e s t h a t t h i s journey might g i v e the A t h e n i ans grounds t o accuse him of^ philo-Laconiaq., i n d i c a t e s how d e s i r o u s he was o f l e a v i n g Athens. Perhaps t h e passage t h a t most c l e a r l y s e t s f o r t h why Xeno3 phon l e f t Athens comes i n t h e A n a b a s i s . Proxenus extended t o Xenophon t h e i n v i t a t i o n t o j o i n t h e e x p e d i t i o n (and Proxenus was a v e r y u p r i g h t and o u t s t a n d i n g person).^" Then Jh'e-ohatUs bad added a promise t h a t c a r r i e d a d e f i n i t e a p p e a l f o r Xenophon. unuoxveCTO 6e auxip, ov EL e \ d o i , cptXov auxbv Kupcp TtoiTiaetv auxbg ecpn npetxxu) e a u x ^ v o j i t C e i v xfjs n a x p t 6 o g . ** There i s an i n d i c a t i o n here t h a t Xenophon was i n t e r e s t e d i n i n d i v i d u a l s who were prominent i n t h e a n c i e n t w o r l d . Thus t o 3 Anab. 4 Anab.. . I l l , 1, 4. Anab. 1, 10. 5 Ill, Ill, 1, 4-10. C f . Anab. I , 9, 17. 23 become a c q u a i n t e d w i t h Cyrus was one o f the m o t i v a t i n g i n t h e d e c i s i o n t o go t o S a r d i s . factors There Xenophon must a l s o have been a f f e c t e d by Cyrus t h e Younger, f o r he says t h a t when t h e y reached C i l i c i a i t seemed c l e a r t h a t t h e a t t a c k was d i r e c t e d against the King. cpopouu-evoi 6>* Then he adds: 6e aiaxuvnv XTIV xal o6bv xal axovxes ouu>s o i u o X X o l u aXX^Xuv x a l K u p o u auvrixoXou$ncrav. T h i s statement i m p l i e s t h a t t h e Greeks' d e c i s i o n t o continue the march was t o some e x t e n t f o r Cyrus. r e l a t e d t o t h e i r regard Then t h e a u t h o r o f t h e A n a b a s i s c o n t i n u e s : wv etc, n a ! Eevoqpwv Proxenus' judgment t h a t Cyrus was of more concern t o him than was h i s n a t i v e s t a t e seems t o i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e e n t i r e n a r r a t i v e may be viewed as an account of t h e a l t e r n a t i v e s open t o Xenophon. The f i n a l statement r e v e a l s t h a t Xenophon's concern w i t h t h e great i n d i v i d u a l a l r e a d y was an i n f l u e n c i n g f a c t o r i n p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n s t h a t he made as e a r l y as 4 0 0 B.C. Xenophon g i v e s f u r t h e r i n s i g h t i n t o what m o t i v a t e d t h e s o l d i e r s ( o f whom he has s a i d he was one) i n a l a t e r passage. TOJV Y^P oxpaxcoaxuiy ot TtXeCaxoi r)aav audvei. j3iou exTtETtXeuxoxec; xrjv uaaSocpopdv, a X X a axouovxes, ol 6e xal OL txev x a l XTJV £nl TtpoaavnXuwoxes xauxnv Kupou av6pag ou apexTiv ayovxes, xP^uaxa,... Thus a p o r t i o n o f t h e men who were m o b i l i z e d under Cyrus were not w i t h o u t means. I n f a c t some even spent money t o go on t h e 6 Anab. I l l , 1, 1 0 . 7 AHab• V I , 4, 6\ C f . Anab. I , 9, 1 7 . e x p e d i t i o n because they had heard of t h e m i l i t a r y ( apexii) of C y r u s . ^ excellence There seems t o have been a d e s i r e f o r an e x p e r i e n c e here t h a t was d i f f e r e n t from t h e o r d i n a r y since people a c t u a l l y spent money t o engage i n w a r f a r e on the s i d e t h a t they thought would be v i c t o r i o u s . The d e s i r e f o r adven- t u r e was a n o t h e r important m o t i v a t i n g f a c t o r among t h o s e join- ing the expedition. Monetary c o n s i d e r a t i o n s may a l s o have iLnfluene'edenced Xenophon t o l e a v e Athens. the c i t y of i t s w e a l t h . The P e l o p o n n e s i a n War had d r a i n e d I n a d d i t i o n the o l i g a r c h i c r e v o l u t i o n and i t s l a t e r overthrow had caused i t s s u p p o r t e r s mic hardship. f u r t h e r econo- On t h e o t h e r hand r e p o r t s i n d i c a t e d t h a t other 9 people had f a r e d w e l l i n t h e s e r v i c e o f Cyrus. Xenophon says, As a r e s u l t , some men had gone on t h i s e x p e d i t i o n xp^ax* That Xenophon belonged t o t h i s group 3is:.pos.sibley s i n c e he h i m s e l f had t o s e l l h i s horse upon auxoic x x n a d u e v o i r)£ovxes reaching the Hellespont ratXiv. because of l a c k of f i n a n c e s . In f a d t h e b e h a v i o u r of t h e e n t i r e mercenary army upon r e a c h i n g t h e Hellespont seems t o be d i c t a t e d by t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of o b t a i n i n g p l u n d e r and wealth. 11 ^ " M i l i t a r y e x c e l l e n c e , " because we a r e d e a l i n g w i t h t h e t h o u g h t s o f m e r c e n a r i e s who would be concerned w i t h war. 9 Anab. 1 Q V I , 4, Anab. ^Anab. 3. V I I , 3, 6. V I , 6, 37, 38. The Greek army's involvement w i t h Seuthes seems t o be m o t i v a t e d m a i n l y by monetary c o n s i d e r a t i o n s Anab. V I I , 2, 10-38. The opportunity of a journey to Asia Minor, then, provided Xenophon with an escape from the h o s t i l i t y of his fellow Athenians and with the p o s s i b i l i t y of making the acquaintance of a man of his time whom some considered great. As Xenophon returned through the f e r t i l e t e r r i t o r y of northern Mesopotamia he noted the richness of the land and the great quantity of food that had been harvested during the autumn 12 of 401. He recognized with what ease these possessions could be taken from the Persians and, remembering the Battle of Cunaxa, he became aware of the obvious superiority of the Greek armies. As he realized that the strength of most barbarian armies lay in Greek mercenaries, Xenophon must have been v i v i d l y aware of the tragedy of Greek dissension. He saw the betrayal of Greeks to the Persians by a Greek, Phalinus, bought by promises of wealth and power he saw the constant f a c t i o n a l s t r i f e based on regional l o y a l t i e s among the Greeks themselves^ and, gradually, 16 he comprehended the need f o r unity among a l l Greeks i f they were not to become the victims of t h e i r own concept of p o l i t i c a l freedom. Another r e s u l t of the excursion into Persia was a broadening of interest in mankind in general. 12 Anab. II, 3 , 14-16. 13 Anab. Ill, ^Anab. As he t r a v e l l e d he 2, 14-16. II, 1, 7-10. 15 &nab. V, 6, 25. l6 Anab. I l l , 1, 33. Cf. ]mi, 2, 29-32. perceived something of Herodotus' interest i n the he the customs of 17 various peoples peculiarities ans,^ the ' and as a r e s u l t of v a r i o u s t r i b e s — t h e dances of the noted distinctive p i e r c e d ears of the Paphlagonians,^ the sexual Lydi- attitudes of) of t h e M o s s y n o e c i a n s , t h e u n d e r g r o u n d houses of a b a r b a r i a n v i l l a g e , - ^ - and t h e c o n t r a s t between t h e P e r s i a n s p l e n d o u r and u 2 22 the Spartan beyond an simplicity. interest in their i n a deep r e v e r e n c e m i e s and saw This interest i n other people customs u n t i l for life i t found t h a t extended the h o r r o r of the grew expression even t o o n e ' s e n e - senseless d e s t r u c t i o n of humanity, 17 'H. R. Breitenbach, Schmid, G e s c h i c h t e 664-665, dotus. Xenophon v o n der g r i e c h i s c h e n L i t e r a t u r , say t h a t Xenophon w r i t e s u n d e r t h e G. A. t o see t h i s of r e s i d e n c e he h a s style (see 35-37 infra 13) and ) about I, V o l , I I , shown t h a t Although l g Anab. I l l , 1, 32. 1 9 Anab. IVY 5-14. 2 0 Anab. V, 2 1 Anab. IV, 2 2 Hell. IV, 1, IV, 7, 1, 4, 30-34- 5, 25-26. 29-31. 13, 14- i t may i t is h i s place be that t o e m p h a s i z e what Greek u n i t y ; he h i s usage i s t h e effort. 23 Anab. of many d i a l e c t s . chosen t o vary h i s s t y l e Wilhelm i n f l u e n c e of Hero- s e v e r a l times d u r i n g h i s l i f e t i m e , (see Cyn. and a s t h e j _ r e s u l t <of Xenophon's c h a n g i n g purposely thought Part Sauppe, L e x i c o l o g u s X e n o p h o n t e u s , has Xenophon's usage i s a m i x t u r e easy A t h e n , 1899, result i s aware of of conscious he 27 Xenophon c l e a r l y a n a l y s e d the. r e a s o n f o r enmity among men i n h i s account o f t h e Greek army's d e a l i n g s w i t h P a p h l a g o n i a n s . Here the s t o r y b e g i n s w i t h t h e Greeks p i l l a g i n g t h e P a p h l a g o n i a n s ' t e r r i t o r y and t h e P a p h l a g o n i a n s engaged i n k i d n a p p i n g and f u r t i v e attack. A f t e r ambassadors came from t%e" Paphla;gon i,ari'sy there" was a , :: n i g h t o f f e a s t i n g and d a n c i n g out o f which t h e r e a r o s e an admirat i o n f o r t h e c u l t u r e and s k i l l o f t h e o t h e r group. The end of the s t o r y came t h e next morning when t h e P a p h l a g o n i a n ambassadors were i n t r o d u c e d t o t h e army. TOL<J oTpcxTUUJTOC15 U.T*|T£ adixeiv The r e s u l t : x a l e6o££ nacpXayovaq [ir\xe a 6 i x e i a $ o u . Xenophon had l e a r n e d t h a t one o f t h e causes of t h e disharmony among t h e r a c e s was a l a c k o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g and a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the c u l t u r e of other peoples. ° As a r e s u l t his of t h i s i n s i g h t Xenophon undertook t o extend sympathy and p h i l a n t h r o p i a even t o those who were reputed t o be enemies. I n consequence o f t h i s view Xenophon broke what was f o r h i m a g u i d i n g p r i n c i p l e o f b e h a v i o u r , namely, obedience Wap_. V I , 1, 1.-14 2 2 5 2 Anab. V I , 1 , 14. ^ T h i s sympathy f o r t h e o t h e r r a c e s was l a t e r developed t o such an e x t e n t t h a t when Xenophon wrote t h e A n a b a s i s he r a r e l y showed open d i s a p p r o v a l o f a l i e n customs' "'. 7 Hence when he made a judgment c o n c e r n i n g a c u l t u r e (the Mossynoecians') the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on TOUS he removed f o r t h i s judgment from h i m s e l f and p l a c e d i t auoTpaTSUonevous (Anab. V, 4, 3 4 ) . 28 to those who r e p r e s e n t e d the l e a d e r s o f Greece (the g e n e r a l , C h e i r i s o p h o s ) , and d i s a g r e e d Spartan c o n c e r n i n g t h e treatment of t h e b a r b a r i a n c h i e f t a i n who served as t h e i r g u i d e . As Xeno- phon h i m s e l f s a y s , T o G x 6 u.6vov 6 u d - tpopov e v Tfl rcopeia u v e 6T) XEiptaocpt*} x a l SevocpujvTt, eyevexo, TJ T O U TJYJAOVOS x d x w a i s xal aueXeta.^ Thus Xenophon became a champion o f t h e d i g n i f i e d t r e a t m e n t that he f e l t a l l men, be they f r i e n d s o r enemies, d e s e r v e simply because they a r e human b e i n g s . T h i s a t t i t u d e r e s u l t e d , from t h e h o s t i l i t y t h a t he had e x p e r i e n c e d and t h e s u f f e r i n g and a n x i e t y he had endured d u r i n g t h e e x c u r s i o n i n t o P e r s i a . Hostility u s u a l l y breeds h o s t i l i t y , b u t , on t h e o t h e r hand, when men a r e c o n f r o n t e d w i t h enmity they can sometimes t u r n i t a s i d e d i g n i f i e d and sympathetic differ. treatment through o f those w i t h whom they Perhaps Xenophon d i s c o v e r e d t h a t i t was e a s i e r t o remove h o s t i l i t y by p h i l a n t h r o p i a than.by v i o l e n c e as he moved from youthful idealism to maturity. A f t e r the Ten Thousand r e t u r n e d from P e r s i a they remained under Xenophon's l e a d e r s h i p u n t i l t h e s p r i n g o f 3 9 9 , when he 23 handed t h e command over t o T h i b r o n . Xenophon h i m s e l f remained 2Q i n A s i a w i t h the t r o o p s " and d i d not r e t u r n t o Athens u n t i l t h e 30 s p r i n g o f 395 • Perhaps h i s d e c i s i o n t o remain i n A s i a was i n f l u e n c e d by t h e news o f the d e a t h o f S o c r a t e s i n 3 9 9 2 7Anab. IV, 6 , 3. 2 8 Anab. V I I , 8 , 21+. 2 9 HeIl. Ill, 3 0 Hell. I l l ,5, 1-25- 2 , 7- 'When 29 Xenophon heard that he had been found g u i l t y , ou? $eoug o i vouaCwv, exepa 6e perplexed. Socrates who IIEV T) 7toX.t,s H a i v a d a t j i o v i a etacpepuiv •.. he was In h i s y o u t h f u l i d e a l i s m , Xenophon had seen only the was, i n h i s eyes, i n search of t r u t h (both p o l i t i c a l 32 and moral) and who of stood f o r obedience t o the law. " The shock h i s t r i a l and death seems t o have brought t o Xenophon's a t t e n - t i o n the i n s t a b i l i t y of the Athenian c o n s t i t u t i o n and the refusal 33 of the Athenians t o r e c o g n i z e ap£-cf"i i n t h e i r midst. Disillu- sioned by the events at Athens'ihe began t o look elsewhere f o r a c o n s t i t u t i o n that would make men follow i t voluntarily. ^" 3 was p r a c t i s e a.ozir\ s i n c e no one would Thus Xenophon f e l t e s s e n t i a l since through i t men apexrj and H a X o x a y a S i a . that the r u l e of law could be compelled t o p r a c t i s e For the laws t o be e f f e c t i v e there must be r e s p e c t f o r the c o n s t i t u t i o n among the c i t i z e n s . To instill t h i s i n the c i t i z e n body the laws must be very o l d ^ and, i f 3 37 p o s s i b l e , have obtained d i v i n e s a n c t i o n . added the importance of example s i n c e , as we To t h i s must be saw i n Chapter I, v i r t u e and goodness cannot be taught i n any other manner 31 Mem. 3 2 Hell. 3 3 This Hell. I and 32) 3 5 I, 1 , 1. I, 7, 15. i s an important f e a t u r e of what he p o r t r a y s i n II. -Resp. Lac. Cf., H e l l . 10, 4- 10, 8. Ibid. 3 %esp. Lac. 3 ? R e s p . Lac. 8, 5- I, 7 , 33- 30 (see supra &). f o u n d what I n t h e R e s p u b l i c a Lacedaemoniorum he t h o u g h t at that time Xenophon t o be t h e most essential id requirements that f o r good g o v e r n m e n t . compelled t h a t was i t s citizens appreciation just before the B a t t l e note 56, Cadmea. argues W. Jaeger, Lacedaemoniorum and t h e C y r o p a e d i a similarity o f the endings, i n w h i c h Xenophon P e r s i a n s and S p a r t a n s f o r l a p s i n g He c o n c l u d e s t h a t and that betrayal find may this similarity t h e r e f o r e b o t h must years of h i s l i f e , proves published u n s a t i s f a c t o r y because on t h e b a s i s (see i n f r a 42,43), their own 8, (VIII, similarity Furthermore, 4) tical t h e r e was son i n 360. 4 i n no way that a change I of ending, w h i l e i t t h a t b o t h works as w i l l were be a r g u e d later contradicts for this i n Xenophon's poli- i d e a s t h a t would r e q u i r e a t i m e - l a p s e between t h e b u l k of h i s w r i t i n g and h i s f i n a l 8, and mentions the the c o n c l u s i o n of the Cyropaedia I believe ideals. authenticity much o f t h e rest-b o f t h e work and i n o r d e r t o a c c o u n t contradiction of the b l a m e s t h e contem- from t h e i r does not prove a t t h e same t i m e . cer- have been p u b l i s h e d i n t h e l a s t t e n f o r the Cyropaedia indicate authenticity, he I I I , 166, Paideia, o f t h e s a t r a p A r i o b a r z e n e s by h i s own this Coronea, d a t i n g of both the Respublica porary of Resp. L a c . 15 Cadmea. f o r the l a t e on This gives o f S p a r t a n k i n g s h i p , an a t t i t u d e d i d not h o l d a f t e r and 326 by a l l of t h e Resp. L a c . i s based when t h e S p a r t a n s had s e i z e d indicates I67, w i t h apexf\ , d e s c r i b e d i n c h a p t e r 14. d a t e between 395, a possible tainly constitution v e r y o l d , s a n c t i o n e d by t h e d i v i n e and p r a i s e d Sparta's l a c k of p o p u l a r i t y 383, a t o a c t i n accordance 3^The d a t e f o r t h e w r i t i n g and H e r e was time. proves that chapter just after t h e w h o l e work was 36O. Cyr. VIII, written at about men, and t h a t p r o v i d e d an example f o r the c i t i z e n body i n the persons of the K i n g s who, t h e embodiment of as Donald Kagan s u g g e s t s , became law.^ Thus the y e a r s j u s t b e f o r e the B a t t l e of Coronea r e v e a l Xenophon as a man d i s i l l u s i o n e d with his native state, c a r e f u l thought t o p o l i t i c s and p o l i t i c a l systems, preoccupied w i t h the laws and customs of mankind i n g e n e r a l , and by t h e b e h a v i o u r of i n d i v i d u a l s . thought he attempted moniorum. giving fascinated These v a r y i n g streams of t o a s s i m i l a t e i n t h e R e s p u b l i c a Lacedae- A f u l l e r e x p r e s s i o n of these and o t h e r i d e a s can be d i s c o v e r e d i n another work of Xenophon's, t h e C y r o p a e d i a . 39 40 R e S p . Lac. 10, 8. R esp. Lac. 152-154. 13 and 15. Donald Kagan, The Great D i a l o g u e , CHAPTER I I I XENOPHON AND THE' BATTLE OF CORONEA W h i l e Xenophon remained i n A s i a he became a c q u a i n t e d with A g e s i l a u s , who had been sent t o wage war on the Persians."'' Xenophon p r o b a b l y noted w i t h some d e l i g h t how A g e s i l a u s obtained the l o y a l t y of h i s s o l d i e r s and enjoyed g r e a t s u c c e s s i n h i s e a r l y campaigns. N e v e r t h e l e s s , Xenophon wished t o t e s t t h e p o l i - t i c a l atmosphere of h i s home-state a f t e r a prolonged absence. The performance of t h e r e l i g i o u s r i t e s t h a t he had vowed t o f u l f i l l when he l e f t w i t h Proxenus on the e x c u r s i o n i n t o P e r s i a p r o v i d e d an i d e a l o p p o r t u n i t y f o r the p r o j e c t . Therefore, r e t u r n e d t o Greece and made h i s d e d i c a t i o n a t t h e A t h e n i a n in Delphi. The d e m o c r a t i c c he shrine r u l e i n Athens must have been r a t h e r u n s a t i s f a c t o r y t o Xenophon, f o r i n t h e s p r i n g o f 394 he r e j o i n e d A g e s i l a u s i n A s i a t o pursue h i s quest f o r t h e s u b j u g a t i o n of Persia. The democratic f a c t i o n a t Athens had been unsympathetic 3 t o any p o l i c i e s t h a t Xenophon endorsed, h i s person. and, perhaps h o s t i l e t o At any r a t e , war a g a i n s t t h e r i c h e s o f P e r s i a seemed t h e most r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e t o l i f e i n A t t i c a , and Agesilaus^" t h e man most l i k e l y t o c a r r y out what Xenophon viewed as a most p r o f i t a b l e 4, 1 Hell. Ill, 2 Anab. V, 3 , venture. 1. 5. 3 See supra 13,14- ^"In f a c t A g e s i l a u s advocated t h i s p o l i c y a t S p a r t a he was sent t o A s i a ; H e l l . H I , 4, 1 and 2. before 33 Because o f t h e success of A g e s i l a u s , the P e r s i a n satrap adopted a p o l i c y o f b r i b i n g c e r t a i n s t a t e s i n Greece t o s t a r t a war, i n o r d e r t o b r i n g t h e S p a r t a n s i n t o c o n f l i c t w i t h their f e l l o w Greeks and t h u s cause t h e r e c a l l and removal o f A g e s i l a u s from A s i a , I n t h i s t h e P e r s i a n was most s u c c e s s f u l and as a r e s u l t we f i n d Xenophon present a t t h e B a t t l e of Coronea i n the camp o f t h e enemy o f Athens i n 3 9 4 . present That Xenophon was n o t a t t h i s b a t t l e a s a v i c t i m o f circumstance o r chance, but r a t h e r because o f a d e l i b e r a t e c h o i c e , seems c l e a r from a d i s c u s s i o n i n the Anabasis^ concerning the t i t h e from t h e s a l e of b o o t y . h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of Xenophon says t h a t b e f o r e he s e t out w i t h A g e s i l a u s a g a i n s t B o e o t i a he l e f t t h e share belong- i n g t o A r t e m i s w i t h h e r p r i e s t , Megabyzus, a t Ephesus, o x i auxbs levat,, x a l eneaxeiAev,fjv HLv6uveuacov eSonei &Tto6ouvai* r\v 6e T L TOX$TI, o l ' o i x o x a p i e u a S a i xfi \ikv auxbc; awftfi,aux<v a v a $ e i v a t Tiourjadnevov xf) ' A p x e u - i d i o T I From t h e f o r e g o i n g statement i t i s c l e a r t h a t Xenophon knew b e f o r e he s e t out w i t h A g e s i l a u s t h a t he would encounter danger t o h i s l i f e . p a r t from the A t h e n i a n s , That t h i s danger would come i n t h e f o e s o f A g e s i l a u s , was obvious. Y e t Xenophon c o n s c i o u s l y chose t o remain on t h e S p a r t a n s i d e . As a r e s u l t , he was e x i l e d from Athens, n o t as i s o f t e n suggest e d because of h i s campaign w i t h Cyrus, b u t because o f h i s a c t i o n s ^According t o Xenophon ( H e l l . Ill, 5 , 1) T i t h r a u s t e s o f S a r d i s ; a c c o r d i n g t o H e l l e n i c a Oxyrhynchia ( I I , 5 ) Pharnabazus of P h r y g i a , w h i c h i s supported by P o l y a e n u s , I , 4 8 . 6 Anab. V, 3 , 4 - 6 . 34 a t Coronea. He then s e t t l e d on an e s t a t e i n S c y l l u s n e a r Olym- p i a , w h i c h he r e c e i v e d from t h e S p a r t a n s . That Xenophon should suddenly t u r n h i s back on h i s home when o n l y a few y e a r s b e f o r e d u r i n g t h e a n a b a s i s was an A t h e n i a n requires explanation. l e n c e a g a i n s t h i s own s t a t e ? 9 he was proud t h a t he Why d i d he t u r n t o v i o - A p a r t i a l answer may l i e i n t h e h o s t i l i t y t h a t he had f a c e d a t Athens and i n h i s own d i s i l l u sionment w i t h t h e A t h e n i a n constitution. T h i s answer, however, 'I t h i n k Xenophon's e x i l e must be p l a c e d a f t e r t h e B a t t l e of Coronea, f o r i n Anab. V, 3 , 7 immediately after the discus- s i o n c o n c e r n i n g t h e d e p o s i t l e f t w i t h Megabyzus b e f o r e t h e b a t t l e Xenophon says, 'E-rcei,6ri 6* ecpeuyev 6 Sevocpwv, Megabyzus r e t u r n e d t o him t h e d e p o s i t . I f eueidii i s t e m p o r a l and means "When Xenophon was i n e x i l e , " then h i s e x i l e must have t a k e n p l a c e a f t e r Coronea. I f on t h e o t h e r hand ineibri i s causal, " S i n c e Xenophon was i n e x i l e , " i t i n d i c a t e s t h a t e x i l e causes Megabyzus t o b r i n g t h e d e p o s i t t o Xenophon i n S c y l l u s . of one o f t h e expected Instead a l t e r n a t i v e s , death o r a s a f e r e t u r n , e x i l e has r e s u l t e d from t h e B a t t l e of Coronea. I n e i t h e r case t h e b a t t l e , h i s e x i l e and the r e t u r n o f t h e d e p o s i t a r e a l l l i n k e d i n Xenophon's mind. another A l t h o u g h Anab. Ill, 1, 5-7 mentions p o s s i b l e reason f o r h i s e x i l e and i s used a s evidence of an e a r l i e r d a t e , I c o n s i d e r t h i s passage t o be c o n s i s t e n t w i t h one o f the b a s i c aims of h i s l a t e r work. ^Anab. 9 Anab. V, 3 , 7. Ill, 1, 45. See i n f r a 56. denies the insights that he received concerning the treatment of one's enemies during the. excursion with the Ten Thousand. I think that a better and more complete answer l i e s in an examination of the Cyropaedia, which he produced shortly a f t e r these events. Xenophon had seen the luxury, of Persia and compared i t with the poverty of the Greeks. f i g h t i n g men He r e a l i z e d that the Greeks as were f a r superior to the barbarians. He was also aware that the Greeks neutralized their superiority because of internal s t r i f e and disunity. Since he had fought and marched with the Greeks of other states he had lost his parochial viewpoint. He wanted a l l Greece to be united i n the quickest best way man who possible. and In Agesilaus he f e l t that he had found the could best bring about p o l i t i c a l unity and also conduct a successful campaign against Persia. In the victory of Age- silaus at Coronea, Xenophon must have had his hopes strengthened. It was a f t e r t h i s that he produced the C y r o p a e d i a , t o lay out what seemed to him the ideal form of government f o r the Hellenic world torn by parochialism, namely a beneficent::* monarchy. lu T h e exact date of the writing of the Cyropaedia i s unknown. That i s was written a f t e r Xenophon had opportunity to observe the Spartan system i s l i k e l y , since Book I seems to be a description of the Spartan t r a i n i n g f o r boys. That Xenophon wrote the work before he became d i s i l l u s i o n e d with tyranny (about 370, infra 48-50) i s obvious. Also see supra 30 note 38. see 36 I n t h i s work Xenophon s t a t e s t h a t h i s i n t e r e s t i n Cyrus i s based on the f a c t t h a t He a t t r i b u t e s TOOOUTOV dirjveyncv E L ? TO apxetv av$pu>7Kov Cyrus*> success t o f o u r t h i n g s — h i s c u l t i v a t i o n o f e s t a b l i s h e d r e l i g i o n , h i s m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g , h i s humane t r e a t m e n t of a l l men and h i s d e d i c a t i o n t o p h i l o s o p h y . I n accordance t h e n a t u r e of e s t a b l i s h e d r e l i g i o n , he c o n s t a n t l y prayed x a l A t l TtaTp^tf). TxaTpipa He was guided by omens. with 'EaTta He never under- t o o k an important campaign w i t h o u t s a c r i f i c i n g t o the gods. a l l y , when he had conquered, t h e o t h e r gods."^ TOUC; :6e he m a i n t a i n e d h i s w o r s h i p aya$a enatpetv,: eauTOus evouuae ap£TT|.^ $eou$ ndXtaT*av inX follows: TOC x a \ a x a l erceiuep apx<*>v ^jv auTwy, et'- auTog eauTOv 6etHvuetv netpwTO T O U ? ocpxouevoK TTI of Zeus and The m o t i v a t i o n of h i s r e l i g i o u s l i f e TiapexovTa? ...OUTU) 6r) YLYVWOHWV rcdvTwv iipu)TOv Fin- CTCL- udXicrra HeHoan'nu.evov uev TOC uicXXov EwxovouvTa ETiEdeinvuev eauTOv ev nepl T O U S fi TOUT(*J T U xpovtp, ETIEI Eu6atLioveaT£pos r j v . ^ Thus h i s r e l i g i o u s example was t o d i r e c t h i s s u b j e c t s t o be naXol n a y a ^ o t . C y r u s , as has a l r e a d y been p o i n t e d out, was t r a i n e d in r e g i m e n t a l f a s h i o n s i m i l a r t o t h a t of the S p a r t a n s . 1 2 7, 2. Cyr. I , 6 , 1 ; I I I , 3 , 58; V I I , 1 , 26; V I I , 5, 57; V I I I , Greek r e l i g i o n d i d not have an extreme sense o f i t s own uniqueness and t h u s a Greek would s i m p l y a p p l y the names t o f o r e i g n e q u i v a l e n t s ; c f . 1 3 Cyr. I , 6 , 1 ; I I , 4 , 19- l4 Cy_r. V I I I , 3 , 1 1 , 12. 15 Cyr. V I I I , 1, 2 1 . Cyr. V I I I , 1, 2 3 . l 6 Herodotus, customary Book I I . 37 He also practised f o r war i n the way that was considered the best, 1 7' by hunting.18 He developed his men f o r war by putting them through exercises designed to make them perspire and by 19 taking them on the hunt. 20 Cyrus then set up an elaborate m i l i t a r y system. The reason f o r t h i s i s clear from one of his speeches: ... 5 6* a v aauvxaxxa f), ava'yxTi xauxa a e l Tipdynaxa i t a p e x e i v The result of the pyramidal structure of command that i s used i n Cyrus* army is d i s c i p l i n e and a transmission of honourable m i l i t a r y skills through the example of the leaders. ~ e From these elaborate m i l i t a r y preparations come two posit i v e benefits. In addition to presenting the obvious military- superiority of Cyrus' troops, Xenophon emphasizes that Cyrus accumulated knowledge that enabled him to form a government, bureaucratic i n nature. As a result of t h i s bureaucracy Cyrus had centralized a l l the administrative functions, waxe x a l xtp Kupw e y e v e x o o X c y o i s d t a X e y o j i e v t p |it)6ev xwv caxeCwv axnLieX^xa)? exeiv. M i l i t a r y experience, then, produced a careful and com- plete r u l e r . 1 7 Cyr. I, 2, 10. l 8 Cyr. I, 4, 15- -cyr. II, 1, 20-22; VIII, 1 , 34. 19 2C V. V, 1, 20-28. 2 1 Cyr. IV, 5, 37. 2 2 Cyr. II, 1, 30, 31 and I I ,2, 28. 2 3Cyr. VIII, 1, 14, 15. See Neal Wood, "Xenophon's Theory of Leadership," Class, et Med., XXV (I964) 33-66. 38 Cyrus a l s o possessed t h e q u a l i t y o f p h i l a n t h r o p i a . the Through e x e r c i s e o f t h i s q u a l i t y he won t h e a l l e g i a n c e o f h i s f e l l o w c o u n t r y m e n ^ who l a t e r became the b a s i s o f h i s p o w e r f u l army. '' 2 2 Cyrus a l s o sought t o i n c u l c a t e t h i s q u a l i t y i n h i s s o l d i e r s . I n one o f h i s speeches c o n c e r n i n g t h e i r conduct he says o f t h e conf i s c a t i o n o f an enemy's p r o p e r t y , ouxouv & 6 i x i a yt e£exe o x i a v a X X a ^ X a v S p w u t q s v o u x ' &qpatpriaea^e, r\v x i e a x e exeuv abxovq • exnxe, C y r u s ' p h i l a n t h r o p i a i s based on e n l i g h t e n e d s e l f - i n t e r e s t . He e x h i b i t s t h i s t r a i t as t h e b e s t way t o remove e n m i t i e s and i l l w i l l , whether t h i s concerns the n a t i o n s t h a t h i s army conquers or h i s own p e r s o n a l s a f e t y . Tcpulxov ixkv yap 6toe & e l x o u x p o v o u cptXay^pountav &q e 6 u v a x o LiaXuaxa eve<pdv i C e v , r i y o u n e v o s , 4>UXT)S pd6uov e a x i cpLXetv xovq n i a e i v 6oHoCvxa$ ou6* x a x o v o i c ; , ouxw x a l xol>s y v w a ^ e v x a ? oux a v 6 u v a a $ a u u t a e u a ^ a u <piXoOai t m b xwv c p i X e i a & a i xfis toarcep ou euvoetv xoCs x a l euvoouaiv, r)Y° ^£ u V U ) V ^ As a r e s u l t , f i r s t Cyrus o b t a i n s t h e w i l l i n g obedience o f h i s subordinates. One o f t h e s e , C h r y s a n t e s , a d d r e s s e s h i s f e l l o w - commanders and urges them t o obey Cyrus and t o o f f e r themselves for whatever s e r v i c e Cyrus may need them. The m o t i v a t i o n f o r t h i s i s s t a t e d a t the b e g i n n i n g o f h i s speech: of x e yap n a x e p e s OTOJO? rcpovoouat Ltifaoxe a u x o u s x<rya$a ETILXEt4>ei • 2 4 Cyr. I , 4, 1. 2 5 Cyr. I I , 1, 19. 2 6 Cyr. V I I , 5, 73- 7Cyr. V I I I , 2, 1. 2 xwv Tiai6u)v 39 Kupoq te U.01 GOV uaXuax 6OHEL vuv OUUPOUXEUELV Tjutv icp' av euoaiuovouvTec; 6iaTEA.cap.ev. Second, Cyrus a c h i e v e s a l a s t i n g fame i n w h i c h t h e f a c t t h a t he was<piAav-&pum6TaTQS c e l e b r a t e d i n song uno i n s p i r i t i s t o l d i n s t o r y and s TUJV pappapwv C T U x a i v u v . Cyrus i s a l s o c e l e b r a t e d i n song because he i s cpi\ou.a$£o'TaToc,. T h i s q u a l i t y i s demonstrated when Cyrus engages i n a l o n g d i a - logue w i t h h i s f a t h e r c o n c e r n i n g t h e importance co-oservance, of r e l i g i o u s t h e p r a c t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n and v a l u e o f b e n e f i c e n c e , the b e s t k i n d s of m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g and t a c t i c s (when i t i s b e s t t o a t t a c k t h e enemy, and how t o take advantage o f t h e enemy*s weakness). S. I . P e a s e ^ l has, among o t h e r t h i n g s , a n a l y s e d the v a r i o u s types of b a t t l e s i n w h i c h Xenophon s e t s f o r t h t h e tactics involved. s i e g e (7, (7,^1), These i n c l u d e t h e open b a t t l e f i e l d 5 ) , b o r d e r - r a i d s ; (;1, 4 ) , m o u n t a i n - f i g h t i n g (3, and n i g h t - f i g h t i n g (3, 3-4, 2). 2), Many o f t h e s e a r e preceded or f o l l o w e d by d i s c u s s i o n between Cyrus and some o f h i s c l o s e s t a d v i s e r s and f r i e n d s i n w h i c h t h e a c t i o n s undertaken sedv, are d i s c u s - W h i l e these can h a r d l y be c o n s i d e r e d as examples of p h i l o - s o p h i c a l l i t e r a t u r e of t h e P l a t o n i c t y p e , t h e f a c t t h a t many o f these m a t t e r s a r e s e t f o r t h i n d i a l o g u e form impresses 2 g C y r . V I I I , 1, C y r . I , 2, 1. °Cyr.- I , 6, 2. 2 9 3 one w i t h 1. 31 J S. I . Pease, "Xenophon's C y r o p a e d i a C l a s s . J o u r n . . XXIX (1933) 436-40. f t h e Compleat G e n e r a l , " the idea that C y r u s was a r a t i o n a l , self-controlled cies careful man who r e f u s e d calculating, perceptive to a c t without giving h i s poli- consideration. While t h i s type o f d i s c u s s i o n i s of great makes C y r u s p e c u l i a r l y f i t t o r u l e i s t h a t importance, i n f o r e s i g h t and i n t e l l e c t u a l ability. logue b e t w e e n C y r u s and h i s f a t h e r assumes C y r u s ' rationality. Near t h e end t h e d i s c u s s i o n t u r n s tionship with h i s subjects. Xenophontean a d v i c e ) eu 6e XP*0 n a l His father what he s u r p a s s e s a l l h i s fellows 3 2 and The e n t i r e d i a superior t o Cyrus' rela- (who i s o b v i o u s l y giving says, TOUTO ei6evai, OTL onoaou? av a£cca<j aoi nzC&ea&ai, n a l e x e t v o i Ttavxe? a^uiaCTOuau ae upb eauxwv 0ou\euea$ac. A man who w i s h e s t o r u l e s u c c e s s f u l l y and o b t a i n o f h i s p e o p l e must h a v e g r e a t e r i s what h i s c o u n t r y m e n e x p e c t t h e obedience wisdom t h a n most men since o f him. N e v e r t h e l e s s t h i s d o e s n o t f r e e t h e monarch t o make rary decisions placed w i t h t h e law as h i s guide. h i s mother g i v e s of k i n g s h i p that distinguishes Persian 3 2 Cyr. I , 6, 3 3 Cyr. I , 6, 1-46. 42. This he makes i s the advice t h e young Cyrus c o n c e r n i n g tyranny. arbit- In a d d i t i o n t o the r e s t r a i n t s upon him by h i s d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h h i s a d v i s e r s , his decisions that a s he p l e a s e s . this the p r i n c i p l e monarchy f r o m Median 41 n a l 6 ab? naxT)p upanos x a x e x a Y u e v a uev no L E U xfl noXei, x a xexayu-eva 6e \au|3(xvei, uexpov 6e a u x £ oux h tyvxh aXX* 6 vou-o? e a x C v . The reason that v6u.o<g ^ i s to be Cyrus' (and the ideal king's) guide i s that it: adduces the cooperation; of the people of the nation. Again we return to the dialogue and t h i s time note What part of his father's advice Cyrus repeats. xouc; 6e a d e u t x a e u x o u x v o u ? ououoc; eqprja^a etxbc; e i v a t itapa $ewv a x u x e t v waraep n a l uapa av^pWiixwv/aTipaKxeLv x o u ? n a p d v o u a 6 e o u , e v o u s . Thus regard f o r vou-og i s essential i f one i s to achieve anything among men and becomes the key to the ideal ruler's success. The successful monarch, then, displays r e l i g i o u s reverence, philanthropia, m i l i t a r y excellence and i n t e l l e c t u a l superiority the framework of vouoc;. within As the embodiment of good government Cyrus i s an exemplary i n d i v i d u a l . This kind of p o l i t y was espoused by Xenophon because of i t s great s t a b i l i t y . ^ * 3 He had begun by r e f l e c t i n g on the many revo- lutions that take place and then noticed the i n a b i l i t y of masters even in private homes to maintain their authority. In contrast, onw man, Cyrus, ruled not only his own household but a vast empire. As a result Xenophon says, fivayHaCoueSa Liexavoeiv p.T) ouxe xoov aduvdxwv a p x e t v , r\v ouxe xwv x ^ a e T O 2v epvwv f) xb dv&poonwv xe? eutaxau-evu)? xouxo rcpdxxr) • 34cvr. I, 3, 18. 3 5 Cyr. I, 6 , 6 . 3 6 Cyr. I, 1, 1. 3 7 Cyr. I, 1,3. ^ 42 The adverb i%io%a\i£vu)<; i n d i c a t e s t h a t the a u t h o r i n t e n d s t o d e s c r i b e one who does know how to provide s t a b i l i t y i n h i s rule. As a r e s u l t of the f o r e g o i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n , I t h i n k t h a t can now "Why give a reasonable and unwavering answer t o t h e we question, d i d Xenophon f i g h t a g a i n s t h i s home-state a t Coronea?" Wearied of the c o n t i n u a l q u a r r e l i n g and p r o v i n c i a l i s m , Xenophon f e l t t h a t the o n l y hope f o r the Greek s t a t e s was t o s e t up the most s t a b l e form of government he c o u l d i m a g i n e — a beneficent':monarchy. A g e s i l a u s momentarily seemed t o f i t t h i s i d e a l and Xenophon r e j e c t e d h i s m o t h e r - s t a t e f o r the good o f a l l Greece. No d i s c u s s i o n of t h e Cyropaedia n a t i o n o f the l a s t c h a p t e r . so i s complete w i t h o u t exami- Xenophon s t a t e s t h a t the purpose o f h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s the c d i s cove r y and 'presentation.,of; a man excelled i n governing. ^ 3 iyui uev cpnLil yap Yet i n t h e l a s t p a r t of h i s work he 6*n o i u a i cntep uue&eunv aneipyda^ai n£paa<; n a l TOUS O-UV TOUS says: not. auToC? x a l aaeBeaTepous u e p l $ e o u $ n a l avooawTepouc; Ttepl avyyevei*; a6txu)Tepous Ttepl who aMous nal nal * avav6poTEpous TOC etc. T O V no\euov vuv ri upoa^ev a r c o d e S e i x ^ a i • ^ To prove t h a t the P e r s i a n s of h i s day a r e i n f e r i o r t o t h o s e of the past does not seem t o be the purpose of Books I - V I I I , 7, 28, w h i c h are c l e a r l y p r e s e n t i n g Cyrus and a l l the P e r s i a n s i n a most favourable l i g h t . Only t h e l a s t c h a p t e r i n d i c a t e s a n y t h i n g dero- g a t o r y about the P e r s i a n s and t h i s i n d i r e c t c o n t r a d i c t i o n t o ^°Cyr. 3 9 Cyr. I , 1, 6. V I I I , 8, 27. 4 3 statements of the preceding part of the duces h i s r e c o r d of the P e r s i a n s ' following In statement: contrast ous p a r t the book. degenerate Xenophon i n t r o tendencies with no\v 6e n a l -cd6e xe<^P°ves v u v i n s t i t u t i o n s and p r a c t i c e s of the work are frequently the etca.^ of Cyrus i n the s a i d t o endure previ- OUTW x a l vuv A1 ext. T h e s e c o n t r a d i c t o r y s t a t e m e n t s c a n be r e s o l v e d b y assumption that and the ((vuv); possible. cient. t h e r e i s a l o n g t i m e - l a p s e b e t w e e n one other. N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h i s does not T h e r e i s a n o b v i o u s change seem t o me t o be of purpose. t h i s change i s , why a n d when i t c a m e a b o u t , of our f u r t h e r is suffi- What t h e must be t h e nature subject consideration. 4 0 Cyr. VIII, 4 1 Cyr. I, 8, 4 . 3, 2 ; I, 3, 23; VIII, VIII, adverb That t e n o r t w e n t y y e a r s have p a s s e d of IV, the 4 , 5 ;VIII, 4 , 27; II, 1 ,6 ; VIII, 6 ,1 6 . a n y t h i n g d e r o g a t o r y about 1 , 37; 4 , 20; III, VIII, 3, 2 6 ; 2, 4 ; VIII, N o t one o f t h e s e p a s s a g e s "the present-day Persian." IV, 2, 2 , 7; indicates CHAPTER IV XENOPHON AND TYRANNY A f t e r the B a t t l e of Coronea, Xenophon continued his friend- ship w i t h A g e s i l a u s and encouraged him i n the p u r s u i t o f a u n i t e d Greece. U n t i l the King's Peace of 386 A g e s i l a u s was t h e dominant f i g u r e on the Greek p o l i t i c a l scene.It was a l s o d u r i n g this time t h a t Thebes t r i e d t o r e e s t a b l i s h t h e Boeotian League and thus i n c u r r e d the hatred o f A g e s i l a u s , whole of G r e e c e . 3 Xenophon and, probably, the Xenophon's d i s l i k e of Thebes was based on the f a c t t h a t she was one of the main causes o f t h e s t r i f e t h a t lowed both Coronea i n 394 and the King's Peace of 386. fol- As a r e s u l t , Xenophon could view only w i t h great d i s l i k e those who a u v e x u k 6e pouX.Eu6u.evoi, . . . omos av TTJV fiyenovCav X d p o i e v TTJS *EXXa6 s i n c e they d i s r u p t e d the plan t h a t was uppermost i n Xenophon's mind: t o b r i n g an end t o the i n t e r n a l s t r i f e among the Hellenes and t o t h e i r s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n . I t was because of t h i s d i s r u p t i v e work of the Thebans, the r e b u i l d i n g of Athenian s t r e n g t h and the a c t i v i t y o f Conon on b e h a l f o f the P e r s i a n s , t h a t Sparta and A g e s i l a u s no more than h e l d t h e i r own a g a i n s t t h e i r antagonists.^ But when A n t a l c i d a s managed t o n e g o t i a t e a peace w i t h •'-Hell. IV, 5, 1. 2 Hell. V, 1, 33. 3 Henry, Greek H i s t o r i c a l W r i t i n g , 4 Hell. V I I , 1, 33. Hell. V, 1, 36. 5 207,208. King 45 Artaxerxes i n w h i c h t h e Greek s t a t e s were t o be autonomous. and Athens was Imbros and p a c i f i e d i n t h a t she was a l l o w e d t o r e t a i n Lemnos, Scyros, Xenophon says t h a t the Spartans uoXu euiHudeorepoi f§.¥;£vO^T^HSitYtln becoming the champion of the K i n g ' s Peace Sparta obtained c o n t r o l of the i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l p o l i c y of the Greek states. Through making the o t h e r s t a t e s autonomous S p a r t a desd t r o y e d the B o e o t i a n League and much of the power of Athens. Thus S p a r t a was now i n a p o s i t i o n to give l e a d e r s h i p t o a l l Greece i n d e a l i n g w i t h P e r s i a and A g e s i l a u s i n p a r t i c u l a r c o u l d , as k i n g of S p a r t a , go about the b u s i n e s s Greeks f a v o u r a b l e t o him and of making a l l the of f u l f i l l i n g the e x p e c t a t i o n s Xenophon e x p r e s s e s i n the C y r o p a e d i a . that T h i s was Xenophon's hope as he viewed the K i n g ' s Peace. I t appears t h a t , a t f i r s t , A g e s i l a u s t r i e d t o f o l l o w t h e p o l i c y of t r e a t i n g t h o s e who 9 of 3&*6 w i t h kindness had been h o s t i l e b e f o r e the Peace i n accordance w i t h t h e i d e a l p o l i c y t h a t Xenophon s e t s f o r t h i n t h e C y r o p a e d i a . F o r when the S p a r t a n s 6 Hell. V, 1, .?Hell. 31. V, 1, 36. That Xenophon m i s c a l c u l a t e d the amount of antagonism t h a t the Peace evoked among the Greek s t a t e s i s obvious. Cf. I s o c r a t e s , Panegyricus g Hell. V, 1, 36. 9 Hell. V-j.,2, 1-3. "^The 115-122. s t o r y of Panthea i s one of Xenophon's most v i v i d i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the advantages of t r e a t i n g a captured d i g n i t y and r e s p e c t , V, 1, 2-17; V I , 1, 45. enemy w i t h 46 s e t out t o c h a s t i s e t h e Mantineans, Agesilaus excused himself 19 from l e a d i n g an e x p e d i t i o n of revenge. the S p a r t a n s continued t h e i r arrogant Gradually, and v e n g e f u l s i l a u s was a l s o drawn i n t o t h e turmoil"'" and, 3 ing the o t h e r Greek s t a t e s t o Sparta however, as p o l i c y , Age- instead of attach- through k i n d and d i g n i f i e d t r e a t m e n t , he a l i e n a t e d many H e l l e n e s by h e l p i n g t o set up p r o S p a r t a n o l i g a r c h i e s i n s e v e r a l o f the states."'" 4 I t seems t h a t i t was d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d of i n c r e a s e d harsh- ness on t h e p a r t o f t h e S p a r t a n s t h a t Xenophon g r a d u a l l y became aware o f some o f the d i f f i c u l t i e s t h a t a r e p r e s e n t i n a monarchy. A f t e r d e s c r i b i n g the d e f e a t suggeststhat o f t h e S p a r t a n s a t O l y n t h u s i n 3^1 he men s h o u l d never c h a s t i s e anyone, even s l a v e s , i n anger, n o M d x L S yap n a l deaito-cai OPYLCOLIEVOL LIELCW nana £7ta$ov f) e n o t n a a v . . . . TJ LIEV Y«P opyt) a n p o v o n t o v , TJ 6 E YVWLITJ a x o n s L LIT) T L na&j) r) otvjiq $\&(L>r\ T L TOUS TIO\EULOUS the p o l i c y a l r e a d y . ^ 1 ou6ev T h i s censure echoes enunciated i n the Cyropaedia that i n d e a l i n g w i t h one's enemies one must seek above a l l t o a v o i d shaste .•arid" thoughtlessness. Hell. v, 2, 1. 1 2 Hell. v, 2, 3. 1 3 Hell. v, 3, 13. ^Hell. v , 3, 25. n 1 5 Hell. v, 3, 7. TJTTOV 47 A f t e r t h e K i n g ' s Peace t h e S p a r t a n s a c h i e v e d a p o s i t i o n i n which the t h e T h e b a n s were c o m p l e t e l y i n t h e i r Theban a c r o p o l i s , Sparta, power s i n c e t h e C o r i n t h i a n s were f o r c e d t h e A r g i v e s were humbled, they held t o support t h e A t h e n i a n s were w i t h o u t 16 allies and t h e i r own u n f a i t h f u l Xenophon ends t h e a c c o u n t s t a t e m e n t , TtavTobiaatv the auxots this allies o f these had b e e n punished. Spartan achievements f^6rj xaXws x a l &a<pa\uk TJ apxTi with E6OXEI x a x e a x e u d a ^ a i . . T h a t Xenophon q u e s t i o n e d t h e v a l i d i t y o f superficial tranquillity that, i n t r o d u c e s t h e n e x t seems o b v i o u s f r o m t h e s t a t e m e n t section, i n which he l a y s t h e blame f o r S p a r t a ' s d e f e a t a t L e u c t r a i n 371 on t h e L a c e d a e m o n i a n s f o r f a i l ing t o a b i d e by t h e K i n g ' s Peace, which guaranteed that t h e Greek 17 states should remain noWa xal autonomous. (lev ouv a v xiq fJappaptxd, AaxEdatiiovtot xa<; noXeiq TTJV OUTE T E yap ot onoaavTes E V ©TiPatg dxpoitoXav guilt x a l 'EX.X.nvtxoc O U T E TWV u.T]v \ E £ W TOC itpoxeuu-eva. auTovouou? edaEtv xaTaaxovTEs u n * E x o X d a ^ n a a v . ifx *; •>¥ u s i n g words s u c h a s d v o a t a , ddtxrj'&evTUJv indicates that a kiyziv TCOV aaepouvxcov du.£\ouat* v u v ye auTtov u,6vu)v Twv d6 txTj^EVTcav By Xenophon w r i t e s , s x o t x a l aWa &eol d v o a t a notouvTwv ' t h e Thebans h a d b e e n t r e a t e d l a y w i t h t h e Spartans and t h a t a n d E x o \ d o $ T i a a v he unjustly, that the s e i z i n g t h e Theban acropolis 2 7 . l 6 HeIl. V, 3, 1 7 Hell. V, 4, 1. Cf. Hell. s e v e r e i n d i c t m e n t o f one-man V I I , 3, 6-12 where t h e r e i s rule. 7 48 was an a c t of i r r e v e r e n c e . That Xenophon's condemnation a p p l i e s not o n l y t o S p a r t a g e n e r a l l y but t o A g e s i l a u s i n p a r t i c u l a r becomes e v i d e n t — w h e n one r e a d s t h e account of S p a r t a ' s of Cadmea c a r e f u l l y . A g e s i l a u s supported invasion Here Xenophon mentions s p e c i f i c a l l y t h a t Phoebidas' i n v a s i o n of Cadmea i n f a e e f o f o t h e 18 anger of the Ephors and the m a j o r i t y of the c i t i z e n s . Thus t h e r e i s l i t t l e doubt t h a t Xenophon d i s a g r e e d w i t h A g e s i l a u s over the p o l i c y f o l l o w e d a f t e r 386. As he saw the' m i s t r e a t m e n t of the o t h e r Greek s t a t e s by S p a r t a and A g e s i l a u s under t h e pre- t e x t of e n f o r c i n g the K i n g ' s Peace, he became d i s i l l u s i o n e d with h i s former i d e a l government and r e a l i z e d t h a t b e n e f i c e n t bone-man r u l e was perhaps an i m p r a c t i c a l i d e a l . I t was t h a t he w r o t e the H i e r o . i n which he expresses f o r t h i s reason h i s growing doubt about k i n g s h i p ( s i g n i f i c a n t l y H i e r o i s a t y r a n t ) as the i d e a l 19 form of government i n a r a t h e r o b l i q u e way. T h i s work p r e s e n t s an imaginary c o n v e r s a t i o n between the t y r a n t H i e r o and the poet 7 20 Simonides. L. S t r a u s s has p o i n t e d out t h a t the use of conver- s a t i o n puts the work i n the realm of p h i l o s o p h i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , compels a c o n f r o n t a t i o n of t h e w i s e man and the p u p i l , and one t o c o n s i d e r the q u e s t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of t h e o r y practice. Hell. "^He V, 2, 25-32. i t would have been r a t h e r i n c o n g r u e n t the i n t e r e s t s of Xenophon t o speak c l e a r l y . L. first i s o b l i q u e because A g e s i l a u s and the S p a r t a n s b e f r i e n d e d him and 2 0 to I t a l s o f u r n i s h e s p r o o f of t h e u n j u s t t y r a n t ' s unhappi- ness s i n c e the t y r a n t h i m s e l f i n d i c t s . t y r a n n y i n t h e l 8 leads S t r a u s s , On Tyranny 33. had with 49 portion. 21 I t does not prove t h a t a b e n e f i c e n t t y r a n t i s happy. 22 I t o n l y promises. The work then p l a c e s an a c t u a l s i t u a t i o n o p p o s i t e an i d e a l one; we know t h a t the former e x i s t s . The b a s i s upon w h i c h an a p p e a l t o the i d e a l one-man r u l e i s made t o H i e r o i s t h a t i t w i l l - g i v e him g r e a t e r p l e a s u r e and more 23 honour and love. A p o l i t i c a l c o n v e r s a t i o n t h a t one would expect t o be d e a l i n g w i t h such i d e a s a s v i r t u e , j u s t i c e and government i n c o n t r a s t emphasizes the p l e a s u r e o r p a i n a r i s i n g from the a c t s o f the r u l e r . T h i s demonstrates t h a t on a p r a c - t i c a l l e v e l t h e one-man government i s m o t i v a t e d by an i n t r o spective k i n d of s e l f i s h n e s s — a l e v e l at which appeals t o a l o f t y i d e a l such a s v i r t u e o r j u s t i c e are u s e l e s s . Neverthe- l e s s , a w i s e man must t r y t o improve the government and thus Simonides a p p e a l s as b e s t he can t o H i e r o by f i r s t making him aware of h i s wretched l o t and t h e n s e t t i n g b e f o r e him a l t e r n a t i v e t h a t , s i n c e r u l e r s are a b l e TES icpeXEtv, ^ 2 i t i s l i k e l y t h a t they n a l TCOXU LIEV LICXWOV 6laTtpdxTOv- cptXeCa&ai 25 i c TCJV noXKanXdaia the LOUOJTUJV. The a d v i c e o f Simonides i s l i s t e n e d t o by H i e r o but he has heard i t he does not say a n y t h i n g . ^-'-Hiero 1-8, 13. 2 2 H i e r o 11, 2 3 H i e r o 11, 12. 2 4Hiero 2 5 Ibid. H. 3, 7- after The i m p l i c a t i o n i s 50 t h a t he b e l i e v e s Simonides* a d v i c e t o be f u l l of wisdom f o r he acknowledges t h a t Simonides i s a w i s e man. ^ But, as A. Kojeve 2 has p o i n t e d o u t , 2 7 he does not say t h a t he i s g o i n g t o f o l l o w Simonides's a d v i c e and hence we assume t h a t he i s not g o i n g t o do a n y t h i n g about i t . s i t e the bad one. Simonides has set t h e good t y r a n n y I t i s up t o H i e r o t o ask Simonides how c o u l d m a i n t a i n h i m s e l f i n power w i t h o u t lence while gaining x^pi-S H i e r o does not do t h i s . oppohe having recourse t o v i o - by means of a p p r o p r i a t e measures. By p o r t r a y i n g H i e r o as r e j e c t i n g good a d v i c e , Xenophon f u r t h e r i n d i c a t e s t h a t good t y r a n n y t h a t i s not l e g a l r u l e but n e v e r t h e l e s s r u l e over w i l l i n g s u b j e c t s (as i n the C y r o p a e d i a) and thus dependent on the c h a r a c t e r of the t y r a n t i s achieved w i t h great d i f f i c u l t y . 2 6 2 7 H i e r o 1, 1. A l e x a n d r e Kojeve, "Tyranny and Wisdom," i n L. On Tyranny, 144. Strauss, CHAPTER V XENOPHON'S DEFENCE I n 371 a f t e r the B a t t l e of L e u c t r a S c y l l u s f e l l i n t o the hands of the E l a e a n s and Xenophon went t o l i v e i n Corinth.''" a r e s u l t of t h i s b a t t l e Athens and S p a r t a moved c l o s e r As together p o l i t i c a l l y and a r e c o n c i l i a t i o n seems to have t a k e n p l a c e between him and Athens s i n c e h i s son d i e d w h i l e f i g h t i n g i n the A t h e n i a n c a v a l r y i n 362. Because he had observed t h a t had f a i l e d to check the r i s i n g power of Thebes, Xenophon d r i v e n t o seek a new As he c o n s i d e r e d Agesilaus was s o l u t i o n t o the problem of Greek d i s u n i t y . h i s own e x p e r i e n c e (perhaps i n a n a l y s i n g what had made i t p o s s i b l e f o r the Ten Thousand t o a c t i n harmony) he concluded t h a t u n i t y had been t h e r e s u l t of the combined l e a d e r s h i p of an A t h e n i a n , himself, he g e n e r a l i z e d from h i s own x 2 D i o g . L a e r t . , 2, 3 and a Spartan, experience, 53,and Cheirdisophos. he must have seen a r a y 54. lbid. ^ T h a t t h i s might be an exaggerated r o l e i s d o u b t f u l when one r e f l e c t s t h a t Xenophon r o s e t o a p o s i t i o n of prominence a f t e r the Greek s t r a t e g o i had been k i l l e d . c e n a r i e s of Cyrus" H i s t o r i a XVI [1967] 293) J . Roy ("The Mer- defends the p o s i - t i o n of Xenophon i n t h e A n a b a s i s by d r a w i n g a p a r a l l e l from Anab. I I , 2, 5, where C l e a r c h u s h e l d t h e p o s i t i o n of primus i n t e r pares not because he had been e l e c t e d but because h i s colleagues saw t h a t he was As a natural leader. 52 of hope f o r a l l Greece, Perhaps, under the combined leadership of Athens and Sparta, Greece could achieve p o l i t i c a l harmony. In order to convince the Athenians of what was f o r Xenophon a new p o l i t i c a l i d e a l , i t was essential that he make a defence acceptable t o them. of the Memorabilia. is clear. About 370 he undertook the writing That he began i t as an apology of Socrates 4 Part of t h i s apology seems to be that Socrates' tea- ching was protreptic i n that he always led h i s true students to arete, before he made them masters of d i a l e c t i c . mainly through his knowledge of r e l i g i o n . He did t h i s According t o the pre- sentation i n the Memorabilia, Socrates believed i n a kind of a l l pervasive d i v i n i t y , y v w a e t waS* aiia TKXVTCX opav ridvTwv £Hi|ie\eCa&ai.. •7 XOCTQC TO n a l udvTa T 6 n i s $eiov OTU TOOOUTOV x a l TOIOGTOV eaTtv acxoueiv x a l n a v x a x o G n a p e t v a t x a l a u a d i v i n i t y , when worshipped vout^ itoXewg... 6uvdf*uyi,: , w i l l counsel man i n matters that are unknown to him. By setting f o r t h these ideas as the basis of Socrates' r e l i g i o n , Xenophon makes him a supporter of t r a d i t i o n a l Greek r e l i g i o n i n order to answer the charge that he did not believe in the gods of the state. ^Mem. Ill, 5, 4 anticipates a Boeotian invasion. This was highly unlikely between 403 and approximately 3 71 because Thebes and Athens were nominally involved i n intrigue against Sparta (Hell. VI, 3, 1)« Hence one must assume that publication was a f t e r 371. %em. I, 1, 1. ^Mem. I, 4, 18. Socrates i s speaking to Aristodemus. ?Mem. IV, 3, 16. Cf. I, 3, 1 and 3 . 8Mem. I, 4, 18. 53 Xenophon makes a n o t h e r p o i n t i n S o c r a t e s * d e f e n c e . a l s o been accused o f b r i n g i n g new gods i n t o t h e s t a t e . He had The e x t e n t t o w h i c h t h i s charge was t r u e a c c o r d i n g t o t h e M e m o r a b i l i a was t h a t S o c r a t e s ' psyche had a g r e a t e r share i n t o -ftetov, because o f which he had s p e c i a l guidance a xe XP*1 S i n c e a l l men share t o some degree i n xb $ e C o v , ^ rcoteiv x a l a \ir\. Socrates' r e l i g i o n i s p r e s e n t e d as t h e normal r e l i g i o n o f a l l t h e Greeks. That S o c r a t e s e x p e r i e n c e d s p e c i a l guidance i n comparison w i t h o t h e r Greeks emphasizes t h e paradox o f S o c r a t e s ' r e l i g i o u s v i e w s . H i s r e l i g i o n i s a t t h e same time s i m i l a r t o t h e common r e l i g i o n of most Greeks and y e t s u p e r i o r . In c o n s i d e r i n g t h e purpose t o be served by t h e s e r e l i g i o u s v i e w s , we f i n d Xenophon's defence l i n k e d w i t h t h a t o f S o c r a t e s . I t seems t h a t a man o f a b i l i t y c o u l d be k e p t from i n j u s t i c e and evil-doing by t h e p r o p e r awareness of t h e gods. F o r Xenophon says o f S o c r a t e s : xb uxv ouv X e x x t x o b s x a l n p a x x t x o u s x a l unxavtxou? y t y v e a ^ a t xous oruvovxa? oux xouxwv coexo xP^vat xou? yap aveu ecrJteu6ev, aXXa upoxepov auxppoauvriv auxoCs xou awppoveCv xauxa 6uvau.evou? aStxtoxepouc; xe x a l duvaxwxepou? ?Mem. 10 Mem. Lyyzv£a&ai» IV, 3, 12. IV, 3, 14. xaxoupyeCv 54 EVOLUCEV elvoa. npaJxov nev enetpaTO 6r\ uepl ^eoug awcppovas u o t e u v tous auvovxas. C o n v e r s e l y , i f someone has been made auxppwv tiepl $eous (prudent c o n c e r n i n g t r a d i t i o n a l Greek r e l i g i o n ) by S o c r a t e s (and Xenophon t a k e s c a r e t o p o i n t out t h a t he h i m s e l f heard t h e c o n v e r s a t i o n c o n c e r n i n g t h e gods r e c o r d e d i n IV, 3, 2-18) such a person i s o b v i o u s l y 6txat6xepos xal duvawrepos aya^oupyetv. The e s t a b l i s h m e n t of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p between Xenophon and S o c r a t e s c o u l d h a r d l y be c o n s i d e r e d as a defence of S o c r a t e s ( u n l e s s t h e r e was a l s o a defence of Xenophon) s i n c e Xenophon had been i n d i s g r a c e a t Athens f o r a p p r o x i m a t e l y twenty y e a r s b e f o r e he wrote the M e m o r a b i l i a . Xenophon and But should t h e r e be a defence should h i s e x i l e be r e p e a l e d ( a l t h o u g h , i n f a c t , brought about by p o l i t i c a l p r e s s u r e ) S o c r a t e s would be j u s t i f i e d of i n the eyes o f t h e common p e o p l e . one was p a r t of t h e defence of t h e o t h e r . indirectly The defence of Then t h e q u e s t i o n whether t h e p u b l i c a t i o n of t h e M e m o r a b i l i a , t h e H e l l e n i c a , 11 and IV, 3, 1 - 2 . 0u>9pu)v uepl "deous means "of a sound Mem. mind, p r u d e n t , d i s c r e e t c o n c e r n i n g the gods." t r y i n g t o make men t h u s , Xenophon must mean Since Socrates i s awypuv i n the Soc- r a t i c r e l i g i o u s sense d i s c u s s e d above. 12 The date of t h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f the H e l l e n i c a depends on a statement of Xenophon t h a t , a f t e r the death of A l e x a n d e r Pherae i n 358, obe b \6yoq T i s i p h o n u s h e l d the p o s i t i o n of r u l e r eypctcpeTO (Hell. IV, 4, 38). axpt of ov 55 t h e Anabasis^- 3 i s unimportant. came b e f o r e o r a f t e r Xenophon's e x i l e was r e s c i n d e d Of i m p o r t a n c e i s the f a c t t h a t t h e common people of Athens r e a d them. -^The A n a b a s i s was w r i t t e n a f t e r 394 s i n c e Xenophon had not y e t been e x i l e d a t t h a t time and r e f e r e n c e i s made t o bis--"-exile i n V I I , 7, 57. A. L e s k y , A H i s t o r y o f Greek L i t e r a t u r e . 6 l £ , s u g g e s t s t h a t the p u b l i s h i n g o f the A n a b a s i s can be put a f t e r 379 as i t assumes t h e w i t h d r a w a l o f the S p a r t a n g a r r i s o n from Theban V I , 6, 9. Cadmea; Anab. C f . H e l l . V, L. Tendenz d e r X e n o p h o n t i s c h e n 23) I36-I46, Joseph Kesk, "Die A n a b a s i s , " Wien. S t u d . , X L I I I (1922- suggests t h a t the b e s t e v i d e n c e f o r the p u b l i c a t i o n - • d a t e , however, i s found i n the d e s c r i p t i o n of h i s e s t a t e a t S c y l l u s i n V, 3 , 7 - 1 3 . I n t h i s passage a l l t h e f e s t i v i t i e s c e l e b r a t e d t h e r e are d e s c r i b e d e i t h e r i n the i m p e r f e c t o r the a o r i s t t e n s e . I f t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s p e r s i s t e d when t h i s passage was w r i t t e n , t h e use o f t h e s e t e n s e s would be i n a p p r o p r i a t e . The i m p e r f e c t s c l e a r - l y indicate r e i t e r a t i v e a c t i v i t y previous to the w r i t i n g of t h i s passage, and t h e a o r i s t s a c t i v i t y i n t h e p a s t t h a t has There a r e a number o f forms o f ettai* (evetcru ,eo"Ttv[ 33) sent-tense. stopped. i n the pre- Most of t h e s e r e f e r t o t h e e s t a t e , w h i c h would n a t u r - a l l y c o n t i n u e t o e x i s t even though Xenophon d i d not occupy land. There i s a l s o one p e r f e c t , earnxe t the w h i c h r e f e r s t o the a l t a r t h a t was set up i n p a s t time and i s p r o b a b l y s t i l l i n e x i s t e n c e a t the time of w r i t i n g . From the f o r e g o i n g i t seems c l e a r t h a t Xenophon no l o n g e r o c c u p i e d S c y l l u s when t h i s passage was written. Hence, the A n a b a s i s L e u c t r a (371). must have been p u b l i s h e d a f t e r I n a d d i t i o n I hope t o show (see i n f r a 56-6O ) 56 In making h i s d e f e n c e i n t h e A n a b a s i s Xenophon pointedly i g n o r e s h i s e x i l e f o r h i s p a r t i n the B a t t l e o f Coronea and h i n t s t h a t i t was because o f h i s e x c u r s i o n w i t h Cyrus.14 Now t h e r e i s no doubt t h a t any i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h the P e r s i a n s would i r r i t a t e many o f the people o f Athens ( f o r they had supported S p a r t a i n t h e P e l o p o n n e s i a n War) but t h a t he had been i n t h e S p a r t a n camp a t Coronea would have been i n t o l e r a b l e . Therefore, he c a n d i d l y a d m i t s t h a t he went w i t h t h e P e r s i a n s ; n o t as a 15 mercenary, however, b u t as a f r i e n d o f Proxenus. t h a t t h e work c o n t a i n s a p o l o g e t i c elements. 7 H i s only C e r t a i n l y there would have been l i t t l e p o i n t i n p u b l i s h i n g such a document b e f o r e 371 s i n c e I I I , 1, 5-7 h i n t s t h a t Xenophon was p h i l o L a c o n i a n and p u b l i c a t i o n would o n l y have i n c r e a s e d hostility toward him. A f t e r t h i s d a t e , however, t h e t r e a t y between Athens and S p a r t a would have removed some o f t h e stigma o f b e i n g p r o Spartan. C f . G. B. Nussbaum, The Ten Thousand, 5. For f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n see A. Kappelmacher, "Xenophon und I s o k r a t e s , " Wien. Stud., X L I I I (1922) 212-213; J . Morr, "Zum Sprachgebrauche Xenophons," Wien. Stud., X L V I I I (1930) 11-24; and M. MacLaren, "Xenophon and Themistogenes," TAPA LXV (1934) 240-2471 4Anab. 1 5 Ibid. Ill, 1, 4-7- 17.7, .1, :..0?. 57 a c t i v i t y u n t i l the death of Cyrus i s to f u l f i l l the customary 16 religious r i t u a l . Furthermore, Xenophon and the other Greeks 17 had been deceived about the purpose of the expedition. ' Only after the Battle of Cunaxa does Xenophon undertake to f i g h t and then i t i s c l e a r l y f o r the Greeks against the Persians. One of the most s t r i k i n g things about his autobiography i n the Anabasis i s his constant attendance to customary ritual. religious F i r s t , we note that he set out on t h i s expedition after he had offered s a c r i f i c e s according to the prescription 18 of the Delphic Oracle. Again, we f i n d that Xenophon and the generals d u t i f u l l y set aside a tenth of the plunder for Apollo 19 of Delphi and Artemis of Ephesus. When the army has been con- taminated by an impious deed of a large body of men, i t i s at Xenophon's suggestion that i t i s cleansed by the customary purification-rites. w F i n a l l y , before his l a s t undertaking i n the work (which i s , of course, successful), we find him s a c r i * f i c i n g whole swine T<V TtocTpitp vou-tp. 21 In a l l t h i s he i s obviously acting i n accord with TOC rcepl $eous v6|n,u.a. Anab. I, 3 , 15, 16. 16 17 Anab. I l l , 1, 10. lg Anab. I l l , 1, 8. 1 9 Anab. V, 3, 4. 20 Anab. V, 7, 35. 21 Anab. VII, 8, 5. 58 There i s , however, much more t o Xenophon's r e l i g i o n t h a n that. He a l s o has a share o f t h a t p e c u l i a r d i v i n i t y a t t r i b u t e d to Socrates. D u r i n g t h e course of the army's r e t u r n he i s g u i - ded by t h e gods i n a dream t o p r e d i c t t h a t the d i f f i c u l t situa- 2 t i o n i n which t h e army f i n d s i t s e l f w i l l be f a v o u r a b l y r e s o l v e d . A g a i n , i n t h e m i d s t of a d i f f i c u l t b a t t l e , a god r e v e a l s b a t t l e 23 t a c t i c s t o Xenophon t h r o u g h a n a t u r a l phenomenon. J As a r e s u l t of t h i s g u i d i n g g e n i u s Xenophon and h i s companions, o i orrcV -uov ':-&€u>v apxoLievot, have not e r r e d i n p o l i c y , and a c h i e v e more honour t h a n those who t a l k e d b o a s t f u l l y , as though p o s s e s s i n g greater wisdom, made a t a c t i c a l e r r o r and s u f f e r e d as a r e s u l t . 2 4 C l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o t h e i d e a o f g u i d i n g genius i s Xenophon's a b i l i t y t o u n d e r s t a n d d i v i n a t i o n because of h i s c o n s t a n t a t t e n dance a t s a c r i f i c e s . Silanus, & I n f a c t , even an a u t h o r i t y i n d i v i n a t i o n , d i d n o t dare t o d i s t o r t the omens when Xeno- U-CXVTLS, 2> cr phon was l o o k i n g on. On t h e b a s i s of t h i s g r e a t knowledge o f omens, Xenophon r e f u s e d t o usurp the m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s h i p t h a t r i g h t l y belonged t o the Lacedaemonians;^ he was f o r c e d t o remain 0 w i t h the army when i t reached t h e H e l l e s p o n t , a l t h o u g h he d e s i r e d 2 2 Anab. IV, 3 , 8-13. 2 3 Anab. V, 2 2 4 . 2 4 Anab. V I , 3, 2 5 Anab. V, 6, 2 6 Anab. V I , 1, r 18. 29. 31. Cf. a l s o I I I , 1, 11-25. 59 to 27 go home; ' he r e f u s e d governor of Byzantium ^ 2 difficulty perhaps t o hand o v e r the armjr t o O l e a n d e r , ( w h i c h u n d o u b t e d l y would f o r some members o f t h e army, t h o s e m e r c e n a r i e s who the Athenians at that the Thracian, 2 9 time); b u t went b a c k ill-will in a t Athens into Ionia Some m i g h t or Sparta. d i v i n a t i o n he must be will and contradictory. gods and t h e y might toward appear Xenophon Throughout return i m p i o u s would t h e a c t u a l f i g h t i n g and V I , 2, 15. 2 8 Anab. V I , 6, 36. 2 9 Anab. V I I , 6, 3 0 G. V, 3 1 this Anab. V, skill the self-interest actually believe i n the are unconcerned that ill-will daily activity most v i v i d l y 8, eu o f the uoietv i n h i s account of a l l t h e generals. "' 3 - Ten T h o u s a n d, 140-146, a n a l y s e s t h e of t h e " h i g h e r frame" 28. of his 44. B. Nussbaum, The 6, of r e l i a n c e on d a r e t o h a r b o u r any s o l d i e r % ' i n q u I r y . i n t o the conduct importance acts openly. 7Anab. Anab. by a l l ' who O n l y t h o s e who Xenophon d e m o n s t r a t e s 2 f r e e from march i t seems t o be Xenophon's p u r p o s e aWovq, o f the the b a s i s 3 seem t o . handed have b e e n t h e c a u s e exonerated, *^ f o r t h i s unassailable t h o s e who Some o f t h e s e to Seuthes, (where he l a t e r However, on o f t h e gods makes h i s l e a d e r s h i p his actions states f r i e n d l y he d i d n o t r e m a i n w i t h o v e r t h e army t o t h e S p a r t a n , T h i b r o n ) . seem a l m o s t caused s u c h a s A g a s i a s and were f r o m t h e and have the 2-11. i n Xenophon's l e a d e r s h i p . Cf. 60 Here Xenophon, t o o , i s charged ( w i t h s t r i k i n g a s o l d i e r ) but i t i s c l e a r l y shown t h a t t h e m o t i v a t i o n f o r h i s a c t i o n i s h i s reverence f o r l i f e i n t h a t he f o r c e d one of h i s s o l d i e r s t o c a r r y a wounded and d y i n g man when he was about t o bury him i n t h e snow. The r e b u t t a l o f h i s a c c u s e r i s t h a t t h e man d i e d l a t e r and, hence, he i m p l i e s t h a t Xenophon s t r u c k him u n j u s t l y . To t h i s Xenophon g i v e s t h e f o l l o w i n g r e p l y : rjLieCs . . . wdcvxes aito^avouLieda" xouxou xal yap ouv e v e x a C w v x a ? T)u.as 6 e i xaxopux^vau; ^ zfy* 2 C l e a r l y i t was Xenophon's purpose t h a t l i f e , a l t h o u g h f l i c k e r , be p r e s e r v e d . My*?* only a T h i s was t h e b a s i s of h i s a c q u i t t a l . T h i s theme of h i s concern f o r o t h e r s i s c o n s t a n t l y r e i t e r a t e d throughout t h e work. F i n a l l y , i n the l a s t chapter, a f t e r the army has o b t a i n e d a g r e a t d e a l of booty, Xenophon i s rewarded by those he has l e d , waxe i x a v b v x a l a X X o v r\5r) e u Tiotetv . ^ T h u s h i s p h i l a n t h r o p i a , which i s t h e b a s i s b o t h o f h i s a c q u i t t a l and commendation by those he l e d , becomes an i n t e g r a l p a r t of h i s a p o l o g y . In t h e H e l l e n i c a t h e r e i s a f u r t h e r defence of Xenophon's i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h t h e Ten Thousand. On t h e i r r e t u r n t o t h e H e l l e s p o n t t h e army under T h i b r o n ' s l e a d e r s h i p had oppressed c e r t a i n Greek c i t i e s i n a manner i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h t h e i r t i o n s h i p as a l l i e s . for rela- T h i s had caused some c r i t i c i s m o f Xenophon h a n d i n g over the army t o T h i b r o n 3 2 Anab. V, 8, 3 3 Anab. V I I , g, 24. 3Z) -Anab. V I I , 8, 3 4 and had a l s o brought the . 11. 24. Cf. V, 6, 28. 61 army t h e c e n s u r e of t h e S p a r t a n s . Xenophon's defence on t h e f i r s t charge i s found i n t h e f a c t t h a t even t h e A t h e n i a n s had sent a detachment o f c a v a l r y t o T h i b r o n . 3 the 5 H i s defence a g a i n s t second charge i s based on t h e commendation sent by t h e ephors t o t h e army under i t s hew l e a d e r , t o w h i c h t h e r e p l y i s to a v 6 p e s made, a\k', Aaxe6aiu6vtot, xe KOCL u e p u a t v * apxwv 6e TOU VUV U.EV OC L T L O V aXXos O L O C U T O ! vuv u.£v vuv, aXXog 6e T O " na-pcX^ov.TO £^0CU.0CpT(ZV£ L V , T O T E [IT] U E V eauev TJIIELS 6 E , CtUTO L r\5r) L X O C V O L ouv £aT£ •zc YLYVWOHELV.Since we have suggested t h a t Xenophon's e x i l e i s t o be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e events of 394 i t i s a l s o o f i n t e r e s t t o n o t e how Xenophon p r e s e n t s t h e B a t t l e s o f Nernea and Coronea. F i r s t , t h e A t h e n i a n s a r e d e s c r i b e d as t h e b r a v e s t o f t h e a l l i e s , f o r w h i l e t h e B o e o t i a n s were o p p o s i t e t h e S p a r t a n s they were not eager t o f i g h t , b u t , when t h e A t h e n i a n s naTOc EYEVOVTO, YELXav t h e Boeotians £u$u$ 7iapaaH£udC£a^at tbs AOCH£6OCLUOVLOUC; LEpoc HOCXOC etpoccrocv E L V O C L n a l napiyy- TOTE M.aXT)S £o*ou.£vns • W i t h i n a few months A g e s i l a u s accompanied by Xenophon ^ came from A s i a w i t h h i s 3 troops. He was met by B o e o t i a n s , A t h e n i a n s , A r g i v e s , A e n i a n i a n s , Euboeans and b o t h groups o f L o c r i a n s . 3 9 Corinthians, Agesilaus o c c u p i e d t h e r i g h t wing w i t h t h e Orchomenians on h i s extreme 35_Hell. Ill, 1, 3 6 Hell. Ill, 2, 7. 3 7 Hell. I V , 2, 18 3 ^Anab . 3 9 Hell. 4. V, 3 , 6. IV, 3 , 15- 62 left. ^ A g a i n s t him were s t a t i o n e d t h e A r g i v e s , w h i l e t h e Thebans 4 (as u s u a l ) were f a c i n g t h e Orchomenians. When t h e f o r c e s met, A g e s i l a u s d e f e a t e d t h e A r g i v e s , t h e Thebans d e f e a t e d t h e Orchomenians, and t h e p h a l a n x commanded by H e r i p p i d a s and w i t h him the I o n i a n s , A e o l i a n s and H e l l e s p o n t i n e s rushed icpLHOLievot etpe^av TO na^' auTOug.^ f o r t h and e t ? 6opu Among t h e group d e s i g n a t e d by T O a r e t o be found a l s o the A t h e n i a n s b u t t h e r e i s no f u r t h e r mention o f t h e i r name i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e B a t t l e o f C o r o n e a . 4 2 O b v i o u s l y Xenophon seeks t o a v o i d i r r i t a t i n g t h e A t h e n i a n s i n what must be f o r h i m a v e r y d e l i c a t e situation. From our d i s c u s s i o n we can conclude then t h a t Xenophon's defence o f h i m s e l f c o n s i s t s of t h e f o l l o w i n g p o i n t s : 1) as a f r i e n d o f S o c r a t e s he had been s u b j e c t e d t o S o c r a t e s ' t e a c h i n g c o n c e r n i n g the gods and thus was a b l e t o behave j u s t l y and t o do good ({aYa&dupiy$Cv}); 2) h i s account of h i s b e h a v i o u r i n t h e Anabasis demonstrates h i s s e l f - s a c r i f i c e i n d o i n g good w i t h i n a r e l i g i o u s framework; 3) t h e a c t i v i t y o f Xenophon and t h e army of t h e Ten Thousand a f t e r i t s r e t u r n t o t h e a r e a o f t h e Aegean a l t h o u g h i r r i t a t i n g t o some Greek s t a t e s (Athens i n c l u d e d ) i s t h e f a u l t of a l e a d e r imposed on t h e army by S p a r t a ; 4) i n d i s c u s s i n g t h e B a t t l e o f Coronea Xenophon attempts t o p l a y down t h e involvement of Athens and t o emphasize t h a t i t was Spartan a g a i n s t Theban military policy. urge a p o l i t i c a l When he had made t h e s e p o i n t s he was a b l e t o alliance. Hell. I V , 3, 16. 41] Hell. IV, 3, 17. 42 I V , 3, 15-23 4 0 4 1 'Hell. T CHAPTER VI GREECE AND PERSIA In the previous chapter we noted that Xenophon's concept i o n of a new solution to the problem of Greek disunity had motivated him to make a defence of himself and Socrates whose pupil he was. I f he was already considering a new approach to the problem then i t should not be s u r p r i s i n g i f we should also find mention of h i s solution i n the works that contain his defence. This, i n fact, i s what we f i n d . Anabasis.and The Memorabilia, the the Hellenica, which, as has been demonstrated, contain apologetic elements, also express p o l i t i c a l ideas that d i f f e r markedly from h i s e a r l i e r views on the subject of Greek unity. Since these ideas are sometimes expressed i n oblique ways, before we undertake consideration of them, i t i s necessary to look at Xenophon's method of presentation. One of the most obvious ways i n which Xenophon presents ideas i s to take some figure from an e a r l i e r generation and to idealize him to such an extent that he becomes the perfect biographical expression of these ideas. We have already seen that he does t h i s in the Cyropaedia, where Cyrus the Great becomes the ideal monarch, although we know that not a l l his actions were of such an ideal nature."^" Xenophon uses Socrates in somewhat the Herodotus, I, 95-216. Cynic King, 82-86. See also R. Hoistad, Cynic Hero and 64 same manner but the account i s tempered because o t h e r people remembered t h e h i s t o r i c a l S o c r a t e s when the M e m o r a b i l i a still was written. C l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o t h i s b i o g r a p h i c a l method i s what might be called autobiographical expression. t h e A n a b a s i s a c t i n g out the the M e m o r a b i l i a . Xenophon p o r t r a y s h i m s e l f i n i d e a s t h a t aTe'rehuriciate'd •by:So~dra~tes': i n ; As has a l r e a d y been shown t h e r e i s a c l o s e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n between h i s r e l i g i o u s p i e t y and the t e a c h i n g s of 2 S o c r a t e s as Xenophon g i v e s them. Thus t h r o u g h his association w i t h S o c r a t e s he enhances h i s own r e p u t a t i o n . It i s t h i s method of e x p r e s s i o n t h a t a l s o enables t o speak out on the p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s o f the day. Xenophon I n the Memora- b i l i a S o c r a t e s engages i n p o l i t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h t h r e e men- Pericles, the Glaucon, and Charmides. l a t t e r two. noXeoj? who Glaucon was a Of immediate concern a r e f o o l i s h y o u t h erci&uuwv npoora-ceueiv had become KaxayeXaaxoq. q u e s t i o n i n g shows Glaucon how S o c r a t e s through u t t e r l y i g n o r a n t he i s and TTJC; skillful thus r e s t r a i n s him from making f u r t h e r f o o l i s h statements i n p u b l i c . The i m p l i c a t i o n i s t h a t i f one knows n o t h i n g about p o l i t i c s s h o u l d keep q u i e t . ^Not one Onsthe c o n t r a r y S o c r a t e s ' d i s c u s s i o n w i t h o n l y i n r e l i g i o n but a l s o i n t h e area of p h i l a n t h r o p i a i s Xenophon p o r t r a y e d as t h e embodiment of S o c r a t e s ' t e a c h i n g . Cf. Mem. 3 Mem. I l l , 9, 14, I l l , 6, 1$ and Anab. 1. V I I , 6, 4; £, 23. Charraides, who does understand p o l i t i c s , i s concluded by t h e following: xal el' u.Ti a u x X e t 6uvaxov TI TOUTODV aWot *,xal T W V TTJ? e a x t Y^P xaXtos noXtxat, auxbs TCOXEIOS, 6 t a at p e X x t o v E X O V T O J V o u M-6VOV o t A\\a x a l ot ah o d x iXaxiaxa a o l (ptXot wcpeXTjaru I t i s t h e duty o f t h e knowledgeable tical life himself. e x e t v * ^ man t o be a c t i v e i n p o l i - i n o r d e r t o b e n e f i t h i s f e l l o w c i t i z e n s and hence The m o t i v a t i o n i s once a g a i n t h e s o r t t h a t Xenophon s 1 age i n r e t r o s p e c t would c l e a r l y u n d e r s t a n d . Since the idea of Xenophon as t h e embodiment o f S o c r a t e s ' t e a c h i n g s seems w e l l developed i n the spheres o f r e l i g i o n and p h i l a n t h r o p i a , perhaps Xenophon here endows h i m s e l f w i t h S o c r a t i c a u t h o r i t y t o speak and act concerning the p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n Greece. F i n a l l y , Xenophon a l s o uses speeches, g i v e n i n a h i s t o r i c a l s e t t i n g , and d i r e c t statement t o express c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l ideas. The speech of Cyrus a t t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e i n l a n d march'' demons t r a t e s t h i s technique r a t h e r w e l l . Cyrus, hoping t o i n s p i r e h i s t r o o p s , s e t s b e f o r e them a p i c t u r e o f P e r s i a n r i c h e s . t h i s may have been t h e b a s i c d e s c r i p t i o n o f P e r s i a t h a t Although Cyrus a c t u a l l y gave t o h i s t r o o p s i n 401, t h e f a c t t h a t Greeks read ^Mem. I l l , 7, 9- Both Xenophon and P l a t o agree t h a t a l t h o u g h S o c r a t e s d i d not p a r t i c u l a r i l y enjoy p o l i t i c a l involvement he showed h i s p o l i t i c a l c o n c e r n by t r y i n g t o make p o l i t i c i a n s b e t t e r . Xenophon makes S o c r a t e s p r a c t i c a l r a t h e r t h a n i d e o l o g i c a l . 5Anab. I , 7, 6. 66 t h i s a f t e r 370 must suggest t o the minds o f Xenophon's r e a d e r s the d e s i r a b i l i t y o f an i n v a s i o n o f P e r s i a t o b o l s t e r t h e sagging f o r t u n e s of the Greek s t a t e s . To determine whether Xenophon i s c o n s c i o u s l y these i d e a s one r e q u i r e s some d i r e c t statement. presenting That such statements e x i s t i n t h e works of Xenophon t h a t are a t p r e s e n t under c o n s i d e r a t i o n w i l l be shown i n our f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n . With the preceding methods of e x p r e s s i o n i n mind l e t us t u r n t o an a n a l y s i s of Xenophon's a t t i t u d e s toward the t h r e e t h a t were most p r o m i n e n t l y during h i s l i f e t i m e . states i n v o l v e d i n t h e events t h a t t r a n s p i r e d I f Xenophon s t i l l f e l t t h e n e c e s s i t y of war a g a i n s t P e r s i a t h a t had l e d him t o show g r e a t a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the work o f A g e s i l a u s i n A s i a from 396 t o 394 and i f a t t h e same t i m e he had l o s t c o n f i d e n c e i n one-man r u l e , t h e n i t i s r e a s o n a b l e t h a t he would somehow i n v o l v e S p a r t a , Athens o r Thebes i n such an undertaking. The f a v o u r a b l e has been c o n s i d e r e d s h i p w i t h them. p o r t r a y a l of the Spartans i n the H e l l e n i c a an i n d i r e c t defence of Xenophon's r e l a t i o n - Most c e r t a i n l y Xenophon e x o n e r a t e s the Spartans f o r t h e i r a c t i o n s i n e n f o r c i n g t h e K i n g ' s Peace by p l a c i n g t h e blame f o r the b e g i n n i n g and of h o s t i l i t i e s upon the A r g i v e s , the Corinthians f o r accepting Persian gold. Boeotians Xenophon a l s o defends A g e s i l a u s f o r a c q u i t t i n g S p h o d r i a s ( f o r Xenophon admits Hell. IV, 4, 2. 67 nal TtoMous e 6 o £ e v CCUTTI 6T) . a d i H c i r a T a ev Aaxe6aLu.ovt^ri)6uHT) Hpidfjjvat.) because of the p h i l a n t h r o p i a of t h e i r two sons and of S p h o d r i a s ' honourable b e h a v i o u r a f t e r the a c q u i t t a l . Certainly this inva- s i o n of P i r a e u s by S p h o d r i a s (because of the monetary e x h o r t a t i o n of the Thebans) was c o n s i d e r e d i n a v e r y grave l i g h t by t h e Athenians. Xenophon's p o r t r a y a l o f t h e s e a f f a i r s might seem an r e c t apology f o r h i m s e l f . indi- I do not t h i n k t h a t t h i s i s h i s purpose. Xenophon c o u l d not undertake a defence of h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the S p a r t a n s because t h i s would have emphasized the p o l i t i c a l gap between Athens and S p a r t a and would t h e r e f o r e have been c o n t r a r y to h i s o t h e r purpose, namely, the u n i t i n g of a l l Greece under the hegemony of Athens and S p a r t a . the E. Schwartz has suggested t h a t H e l l e n i c a i s Xenophon's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of S p a r t a ' s i n v o l v e m e n t i n t h e events of the f i r s t h a l f o f the f o u r t h c e n t u r y . to He seeks c l a r i f y S p a r t a n a c t i o n t o the A t h e n i a n s (and t o o t h e r Greek >• 9 s t a t e s j i n order t o b r i n g them c l o s e r t o g e t h e r . I should modify t h i s and say t h a t t h i s i s one of h i s purposes i n t h e second p a r t of the H e l l e n i c a ( I I , 3 , 10 - V I I , 5 , 2 7 ) , S but the f i r s t 1 'Hell. V, 4 , 24. Hell. V, 4 , 33. 8 ^Schwartz, E. "Quellenuntersuchung zur G r i e c h i s c h e n G e s c h i c h t e , " R h e i n . Mus., -^In part XLIV (1839) l'6i:-193. a d d i t i o n t o p r e s e n t i n g the r i s e , d e c l i n e and f a l l of S p a r t a up t o the B a t t l e of M a n t i n e a , Xenophon d i s p l a ^ r s a f a s c i n a t i o n f o r i n s t r u c t i o n t h r o u g h b i o g r a p h i c a l paradigms. See P e t e r K r a f f t , " V i e r B e i s p i e l e des Xenophontischen i n Xenophons H e l l e n i k a , " R h e i n . Mus. CX (1967) 103-150. 6 8 i s much e a r l i e r and had been undertaken a s a c o m p l e t i o n o f Thucydides. J [ 1 9 0 1 ] i:L " H. R i c h a r d s ("The H e l l e n i c s o f Xenophon," C l a s s . Rev. XV L 1 9 7 - 2 0 3 ) has demonstrated that only H e l l e n i c a I-II, ( H e l l . A) shows any c l e a r resemblance Cynegeticus. 3 , t o h i s e a r l i e s t , work, t h e Hell. B i s distinctly different i n style. Mac- L a r e n ("On the C o m p o s i t i o n o f Xenophon's H e l l e n i c a , " AJP LV 1 2 3 - 1 3 9 J enumerates the f o l l o w i n g : 1) 1 0 [ 1 9 3 4 ] t h e a n n a l i s t i c method o f r e p o r t i n g e v e n t s i s used i n H e l l . A but abandoned i n H e l l . B. 2) S a c r i f i c e s b e f o r e a b a t t l e a r e mentioned 3) No e x p r e s s i o n s o f p r a i s e o r censure a r e found i n H e l l • A. 4 ) The words LtrW, are, wcrce, a5, H e l l . A but o f t e n i n H e l l . B. o n l y i n H e l l . B. LIEVTOL, o n l y i n H e l l . B. yc 6r] a r e r a r e l y found i n f 5 ) The f u t u r e o p t a t i v e i s employed 6 ) The m i l i t a r y usages i n H e l l . A a r e s i m i l a r t o those of Thucydides and a r e n o n - D o r i c ; t h e usages i n H e l l . B are o f t e n D o r i c and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e A n a b a s i s . 7 ) At t h e end o f t h e account i n H e l l . B t h e r e i s u s u a l l y a s h o r t sentence c o n t a i n i n g a d e m o n s t r a t i v e word such as outtos t h a t r e a l l y adds n o t h i n g t o the n a r r a t i v e ; t h i s phenomenon o c c u r s 4 9 t i m e s i n H e l l . B, once i n H e l l . A. 8 ) Xenophon never speaks i n t h e f i r s t person i n H e l l . A, but 1 9 t i m e s i n H e l l • B. H . MacLaren enumer- a t e s some o t h e r d i f f e r e n c e s b u t I have chosen o n l y those t h a t I f i n d most c o n v i n c i n g . Many of t h e o t h e r s can be d i s m i s s e d e i t h e r as s u b j e c t i v e statement or as p r o p o r t i o n a t e t o t h e amount o f m a t e r i a l i n each p a r t o f t h e work. T h i s d r a s t i c change, because i t o c c u r s i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r I I , 3 , 1 0 and i s based on many i n s t a n ces, i s i n t e r p r e t e d as proof that a d e f i n i t e i n t e r v a l passed between t h e c o m p o s i t i o n o f H e l l . A and B. of time 69 Xenophon's p r e s e n t a t i o n o f h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the Spartans i n t h e Anabasi s f u r t h e r emphasizes t h a t he has no i n t e n t i o n o f defending them. h i m s e l f a g a i n s t any charge o f b e i n g i n sympathy w i t h I n f a c t , Xenophon s t r e s s e s t h a t he worked i n complete harmony w i t h t h e Spartan Cheirisophos. A f t e r Cheirisophos r e c o g n i z e s the w o r t h o f Xenophon t o t h e army and a l s o i d e n t i f i e s 12 him as an A t h e n i a n ' t h e r e i s complete harmony between t h e two l e a d e r s , except f o r one i n c i d e n t when t h e r e i s disagreement over the treatment o f a c a p t i v e guide. Xenophon says t h a t TOUTO ye 6rj Xeipta6<pi}) x a l EevocpwvTi. u.6vov 6td<popov £v T P T i o p e t a eyeveTO...^ I n a d d i t i o n t o t h i s Xenophon c o n s t a n t l y shows t h e utmost d e f e r ence t o t h e Spartan Athenian, state. As a r e s u l t o f t h i s d e f e r e n c e he, an r e f u s e s t o be chosen t h e s i n g l e l e a d e r o f t h e army, 14 Aaxe6atp,ovtGU av6pbg n a p o v T O s • The S p a r t a n s d e s e r v e t h i s because t h e y a r e t h e s t r o n g e s t Greek s t a t e . 6pu) y^P oxi x a l TIOXEUIOUVTES TTI T c a T p t 6 i uou ou 7tp6a$ev n p l v Ercotrjaav rcaaav Aaxedatnovtou? That t h i s d e f e r e n c e TTJV EitavaavTO TIOXLV x a l auTwv T)YEu.6vac; E t v a t . respect OUOXOYELV ^ i s i n accord w i t h the w i l l of t h e gods s i m p l y r e i n f o r c e s t h e p o s i t i o n t h a t t h e S p a r t a n s had a t t a i n e d . Clearly, t h e n , Xenophon's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e Lacedae.monians i s n o t one t o be d e s p i s e d o r defended b u t r a t h e r e x a l t e d . 1, 4 5 - 1 2 Anab. Ill, 1 3 Anab. I V , 6, 3- *-Anab. lz V I , 1, 26. 15 Anab. V I , 1, 27. Xenophon i s s p e a k i n g . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e r e i s another a s p e c t t o t h e i n c i d e n t . 16 Xenophon was t h e f i r s t c h o i c e o f t h e s o l d i e r s . L a t e r when Xenophon i s on h i s way home b u t t h e army i s i n d i f f i c u l t y Xenophon s a i l s back and goes t o them, r \ >. V r|6eu)S x a l euftug aauevoi e6ec!avT0 At a n o t h e r time Xeno- . 18 r phon i s d e s c r i b e d a s aTpaTiwTcxt 17 tl eiuovTO ou 6 e C l e a r l y , he had a great fiXoaxpaTtuhrris. i n f l u e n c e on and a p p e a l t o t h e s o l d i e r s . Cheirisopho.s i n d i c a t e s t h i s i n t h e speech he makes t o t h e s o l d i e r s i n a c c e p t i n g t h e h i g h e s t command when he quotes someone as s a y i n g o f Xenophon, b e f o r e t h e e l e c t i o n o f one commanding o f f i c e r , t h a t Tiuaaiwvi uaXXov axpaxeunatos apxetv Aap6aveC auve$e\fjcjtxi ^ eauxqj ACXHUJVI ovxiThis ovxt auxbv T O U KXedpxou i n d i c a t e s t h a t , although a supreme commander had been e l e c t e d , Xenophon would always have an u n o f f i c i a l share o f t h e command. h i m s e l f as t h e e u e p y e x T j s In addition t o portraying of t h e army, Xenophon here d e f i n e s by example t h e r o l e of t h e A t h e n i a n s i n a u n i t e d Greece. In the c o n t r a s t between h i s own and t h e l e a d e r s h i p o f C l e a r c h u s , t h e S p a r t a n , t h e need f o r A t h e n i a n most e v i d e n t . The f i r s t i n f l u e n c e i n Greek p o l i t i c s i s two books o f t h e Anabasis g i v e us an i n s i g h t i n t o t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f C l e a r c h u s a s primus i n t e r pares. 20 Xenophon sums up C l e a r c h u s ' l e a d e r s h i p as f o l l o w s : a) he was fond 16 o f war; b) he was i n a c o n s t a n t s t a t e o f r e a d i n e s s f o r Anab. V I , 1, 19. Anab. VII, 2, 9. ^Anab. VII, 6, 4- 1 7 1 1 9 Anab. V I , 1, 3 2 . 2 0 Anab. I I , 6, 1 - 1 5 . The ouv p r o b a b l y goes w i t h apxeiv. battle; c) he was s e l f - c o n t r o l l e d i n frightening circumstances. The next point i s introduced with the statement, x a l apx^xbs 6* The word Eivai... ^ EXEYETO 2 kkiyexo indicates that there i s some doubt i n Xenophon's mind about the accuracy of t h i s statement. He then goes on to admit that Clearchus was competent i n providing f o r his army. It i s in the area of human relations that Xenophon disagreed with the Spartan f o r he r e l i e d s t r i c t l y on compulsion and punished the army on p r i n c i p l e because he said 6eoi u>S xbv xbv oTpaTlukrjv apxovxa rj cpuXaxas f) x o u s cpuXd^Etv aTtpoqpaaLaxios tevai cpoBeto"-&cu KOXELUOUS, f] cpt\wv upbs LiaWov EC L I E W O L <xcp££Eo"-&ai r\ TOUS UOXEULOUS. The result of t h i s kind of leadership was that i n danger his men followed him r e a d i l y but, when the danger was past, those who could would desert him f o r another commander. Xenophon ends the section concerning Clearchus' relationship to his soldiers thus: xal yap ouv c p i \ i a U E V 2lAnab. sive. x a l Euvoia EHOU.EVOUS II, 6, 8. The word txiyexo OU6EUOX£ tl\zv i s a t h i r d person pas- Whenever Xenophon wishes t o express praise or blame he does so in the f i r s t person as in the rest of t h i s passage. Impersonal or third-person construction usually indicates that Xenophon does not agree. V, 4, 15-34. Hell. 22 Anab. II, 6, 10. 23 Anab. II, 6 , 13. Consider the incident of Sphodrias; 72 The i m p l i c a t i o n i s t h a t , i n a d d i t i o n t o i n s t i l l i n g d i s c i p l i n e , l e a d e r s h i p must d e v e l o p f r i e n d s h i p and g o o d w i l l among t h e f o l l o w e r s — s o m e t h i n g the Spartan had f a i l e d t o do. C l e a r c h u s has a n o t h e r f a u l t as w e l l . A l t h o u g h he i s a good a d m i n i s t r a t o r , he l a c k s d i r e c t i v e a b i l i t y . G. B. Nussbaum 2Zf has t r a c e d e x t e n s i v e l y h i s a t t e m p t s t o d e c e i v e t h e army by f a i l i n g t o go t h r o u g h t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c h a n n e l s t h a t t h e Greek s o l d i e r s assumed t o be i n e x i s t e n c e . confidence arose. Thus C l e a r c h u s l o s t the of t h e army, and i n i t s p l a c e m i s t r u s t and s u s p i c i o n I t was, i n f a c t , h i s t o t a l l a c k o f i n v e n t i v e n e s s r e l u c t a n c e t o commit h i m s e l f t o a c o u r s e o f a c t i o n t h a t and precipi- t a t e d t h e c r i s i s i n which t h e army found i t s e l f when Xenophon was e l e c t e d g e n e r a l . 5 2 The c o n t r a s t i s o b v i o u s . C l e a r c h u s the S p a r t a n a l t h o u g h a good m i l i t a r y a d m i n i s t r a t o r , f a i l e d miserably i n t h e i m p o r t a n t a r e a s of human r e l a t i o n s and p o l i t i c a l fulness. resource- On the o t h e r hand, under the combined d i r e c t i o n o f the S p a r t a n , C h e i r i s o p h o s (who possessed m a i n l y a d m i n i s t r a t i v e ability) »-G. B. Nussbaum, The Ten Thousand, 118-120. 2Z 25 Anab. I I , 2, 1-5, 34- 2 6 S e e G. B. Nussbaum, The Ten Thousand, 117- P a r t of t h e s u c c e s s of t h i s l e a d e r s h i p a l s o l i e s i n i t s g r e a t e r dependence on t h e assembly. Xenophon d i s p l a y s an i n c r e a s e d awareness of the l i m i t a t i o n s of t h e i n d i v i d u a l and a more a c t i v e r e l i a n c e on c o l l e c t i v e i n g e n u i t y t h a n he does i n t h e C y r o p a e d i a . a more d e m o c r a t i c a t t i t u d e . This i s 73 and the A t h e n i a n Xenophon (who s p e c i a l i z e d i n p h i l a n t h r o p i a and i n v e n t i v e n e s s ) t h e army s u r v i v e d and escaped from i t s dangerous situation. Thus i t i s t h e h a r s h n e s s and l a c k of c r e a t i v e p o l i c y - making of the S p a r t a n s t h a t evoke A t h e n i a n i n f l u e n c e i n Greek politics. Nevertheless, throughout t h e speeches i n the A n a b a s i s Xeno- phon f r e q u e n t l y makes the p o i n t t h a t t o s u r v i v e a g a i n s t the P e r s i a n s good l e a d e r s h i p and d i s c i p l i n e a r e a b s o l u t e l y e s s e n t i a l , a v e u yap apxovxwv av oi>6ev ouxe dya'&bv y e v o i x o i i ? p,ev etrceCv oudauoG, ev itavxditaaiv. « * » t) uev t ouxe x a \ b v auveXovxt 6 e 6 T ) XOCC; u o X e u i x o C s e6xa£ia yap w \ T) 6 e a x a ^ u a nokkovq atpCeiv 6oxeC, ?7 / T)6T) c t n o \ u ) \ e H e v . Only under s k i l l f u l guidance, w i t h u n i t y among the ranks, will t h e Greeks be a b l e \<xu.Bdveiv xa xwv r)xxovu)v. But f a c t i o n and divi- 28 s i o n can l e a d o n l y t o d e s t r u c t i o n . In o r d e r t o a v o i d t h i s the l e a d e r must be s t r o n g and to exercise d i s c i p l i n e . people of c u l t u r e and The Spartans are the s t r o n g e s t . refinement, n i t y , are t h e A t h e n i a n s . willing But the w i t h an awareness o f human d i g - Because of t h e i r appeal t o t h e other Greeks they can be the u n i f y i n g f o r c e by means o f w h i c h a l l Greece may u n i t e under S p a r t a ' s l e a d e r s h i p but whom S p a r t a must acknowledge p a r t i c u l a r l y i n making p o l i c y . The H e l l e n i c a c l e a r l y r e i n f o r c e s t h i s suggestion. i s the s t r o n g e s t . She 2 7 Anab. I l l , 1, 2 g Anab. V, 6 , i s the d i s c i p l i n a r i a n . 38. 32. Cf. I l l , 2, 29-32. Sparta She e n f o r c e s the 74 K i n g ' s Peace o f 3^6. of The S p a r t a n s were d e f e a t e d i n t h e B a t t l e 29 Leuctra3 ~ by the Thebans (as a g e n t s of the gods) not because < > they were t h e weakest, s i n c e t h e y s t i l l had two r e g i m e n t s (one- t h i r d o f t h e army) a t home, b u t because they had misused t h e i r 31 power. A f t e r t h i s b a t t l e we f i n d the A t h e n i a n s t a k i n g t h e l e a d i n e s t a b l i s h i n g an a l l i a n c e based on t h e K i n g ' s Peace and t h u s i n essence u n i t i n g much o f Greece under S p a r t a n l e a d e r s h i p w h i l e s t i l l m a i n t a i n i n g auxovououg euvau ouiouux; x a l uaxpa? x a l * ' 32 \xEya\a.<z noXeus. Before the B a t t l e of Leuctra there i s a s e r i e s 33 of t h r e e speeches d e l i v e r e d by A t h e n i a n ambassadors t o S p a r t a . Among t h e s e t h e f i r s t J speaker, C a l l i a s , speaks i n d i p l o m a t i c f a s h i o n about t h e d e s i r a b i l i t y o f peace between Athens and S p a r t a from a h i s t o r i c a l and a r e l i g i o u s p e r s p e c t i v e . ker, The second spea- A u t o c l e s , i n p o i n t i n g out t h e causes of war, speaks out on b e h a l f o f t h e o t h e r c i t i e s o f Greece. F i n a l l y , t h e t h i r d speaker, C a l l i s t r a t u s , p o i n t s out t h e advantages of an a l l i a n c e among t h e c i t i e s o f Greece w i t h Athens and S p a r t a t a k i n g t h e l e a d f o r eucrl uiev 6T)71OU uaoaiv xiov no\eu>v a t uev xa uuiexepa, a t 6e x a rjuiexepa cppovouaau, x a l ev exaaxT) TioXeu ca uev XaxwvuCouauv, 2 9'Hell. v, 1, 35, 36. 3 0 Hell. vi, 3 1 Hell. v, 4, 1. 3 2 Hell. vi, 5, 1-3. 3 3 Hell. vi, 3, 3 4 Hell. vi, 3, 14- 4, 13-15- 1-20. ou axxuxuCouauv. 75 That Athens f u l f i l l s t h e r o l e o f u n i t i n g Greece i n a h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n does n o t n e c e s s a r i l y mean t h a t Xenophon had t h i s i n mind f o r her. That ambassadors make speeches t h a t suggest t h i s c o u r s e o f a c t i o n t o h i s r e a d e r s does emphasize t h e r o l e t h a t Xenophon had d e f i n e d f o r her by example i n t h e A n a b a s i s . The p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s from 374 t o 369 i n t h e H e l l e n i c a p r e v e a l s c l e a r l y what p o l i c i e s Xenophon endorsed by t h e a t t i t u d e s he e x p r e s s e s toward t h e men i n v o l v e d . Two o f the men who a r e l i n k e d i n t h e n a r r a t i v e a r e t h e A t h e n i a n s , I p h i c r a t e s and C a l l i s t r a t u s (mentioned e a r l i e r ) . When Xenophon has g i v e n the account o f I p h i c r a t e s ' hasty sea voyage t o C o r c y r a t o g i v e a i d t o t h e democratic f a c t i o n f i g h t i n g a g a i n s t t h e Spart a n s and commended him f o r h i s t r a i n i n g methods, he w r i t e s t h e following. 1 eyw uev or\ TauTTjv TTJV 'IcpLxpaxous oxpaxny Cav o6x T)HuoTct xb upoae\ea$au ETiaivu), xeXeCaat TWV eneixa xal eauTt»i K a W t a T p a T o v Te TOV 6T)|ITIY6POV, 06 ud\a eTtiTifaetov ovTa .... Two v e r y i m p o r t a n t p o i n t s emerge from t h i s passage. words oux r\M.\.axa F i r s t , the i n d i c a t e t h a t , a l t h o u g h t h e r e has been no men- t i o n o f i t t h u s f a r , I p h i c r a t e s ' attempt t o work t o g e t h e r with C a l l i s t r a t u s i s one of the foremost r e a s o n s f o r t h e p r a i s e t h a t he r e c e i v e s i n the H e l l e n i c a . way Second, we n o t i c e t h a t i n some t h e y were opposed t o one another (KaWCaTpaTOv ou u.d\a ZTIIXT)- 6 e i o v ovTa 3 ). ). ^Hell. 3 6 Hell. T h i s d i f f e r e n c e between them was p o l i t i c a l . V I , 2, 1, - V I I , 1, 14. V I , 2, 39. 76 C a l l i s t r a t u s was concerned w i t h b r i n g i n g about peace between Athens and S p a r t a . 3 7 I p h i c r a t e s ' antagonism t o t h e Lacedaemon- i a n s becomes apparent i n h i s d e l a y i n g t a c t i c s ^ as g e n e r a l of 3 the army t h a t was t o go t o t h e a i d o f S p a r t a n s when t h e Thebans invaded t h e i r l a n d l a t e i n 370. T h i s a c t i v i t y i s summed up as follows eu uev ouv a\\o TU XOC\<JJC; 4>EYU>* e n e u v a utevTOu a eitpa£e, ev eaTpcrrriYnaev, T £ xpovt^ exeuvto ndvTa<.eupuaKoj TCX u e v H a u l a a u ^ c p o p w s TicrcpaYiieva ou lidTnv, TCC 6e auT(j). At a n o t h e r p o i n t i n d e s c r i b i n g I p h i c r a t e s * b e h a v i o u r he a s k s , 3 9 the r h e t o r i c a l q u e s t i o n , Tta>c/-.6u rcoMr) d c p p o a u v n ; I n t h i s statement and by the use o f t h e words u d T n v andaauu-cpopws Xenophon i n d i - c a t e s h i s sense o f f r u s t r a t i o n because o f t h e f a i l u r e o f t h e A t h e n i a n army t o a i d S p a r t a e f f e c t i v e l y . I n Xenophon's mind I p h i c r a t e s must b e a r t h e blame f o r t h i s . Athens c o u l d have made the t i e s w i t h S p a r t a much s t r o n g e r t h r o u g h an e f f e c t u a l program of a i d . That t h i s d i d n o t o c c u r c o u l d o n l y be t h e r e s u l t o f I p h i c r a t e s * d e l i b e r a t e p o l i c y s i n c e he had d i s p l a y e d military ability The outstanding previously. s t r u c t u r e o f t h e n a r r a t i v e ^ o f t h e c o n f e r e n c e a t Athens 4 i n 370 t h a t r e s u l t e d i n the a u x i l i a r y e x p e d i t i o n of I p h i c r a t e s a l s o r e v e a l s what p o l i c i e s and w h i c h speakers were of importance t o Xenophon. A. Banderet has enumerated some o f t h e i m p o r t a n t ?Hell. V I , 3, 3 . 38 H e l l . V I , 5, 4 Q. 39 H e l l . V I , 5, 51 and 52. 3 4 0 Hell. V I , 5, 3 3 - 4 9 . 77 points.^ The two speeches t h a t h o l d our a t t e n t i o n and are c e n t r a l t o t h e account are t h o s e of C l e i t e l e s the C o r i n t h i a n and P r o c l e s the P h l i a s i a n . The i n t r o d u c t i o n t o these speeches i s a g e n e r a l i z e d statement of what the S p a r t a n ambassadors s a i d , then a h a s t y resume' of s p e c i f i c p o i n t s and the r e s u l t — a n u p r o a r i n t h e A t h e n i a n assembly. Then come the two speeches and i n the c o n c l u d i n g statement Xenophon h a s t i l y passes over t h e arguments of the E3OU\OVTO » ou ' o p p o s i t i o n w i t h t h e f o l l o w i n g words: uexa xauxa 'A-&T)VOUOL, xal xwv vibv avTuXeyovTuiv oux TIVELXOVTO 42 axouovTES... From t h e l i s t of names of the Spartan ambassadors i t i s o b v i o u s t h a t the a u t h o r d i d have more s p e c i f i c knowledge c o n c e r n i n g the arguments and c o u r s e s of a c t i o n suggested by the o t h e r p a r t i e s t h a n he mentions i n h i s a c c o u n t . He has suppressed t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i n o r d e r to g i v e prominence t o t h e two speeches he does n a r r a t e . 43 The f i r s t speech, by C l e i t e l e s , i s v e r y s h o r t and makes the C o r i n t h i a n s i n n o c e n t v i c t i m s , s u f f e r i n g a t t h e hands of t h e Thebans. T h e r e f o r e they d e s e r v e the a i d of Athens. assembly d e a l i n g w i t h S p a r t a n - A t h e n i a n r e l a t i o n s t h i s I n an speech t h a t j u s t i f i e s C o r i n t h seems almost s u p e r f l u o u s . What we do have here i s C o r i n t h a c t i n g as a m e d i a t o r between Athens and S p a r t a . One must remember t h a t a t t h i s time Xenophon h i m s e l f was ^A. Banderet, Untersuehungen commentary t o the passage 4 2 Hell. V I , 5, 49. 4 3 Hell. V I , 5, 37. living zu Xenophons H e l l e n i k a , specified. 78 at Corinth. The C o r i n t h i a n p o l i c y enunciated i n t h i s passage a t t r a c t e d him t o t h i s c i t y . and demonstrated Thus Xenophon's p e r s o n a l p o l i t i c s i n f l u e n c e d the n a r r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e . Procles' speech, 4 4 t u r a l l y more i m p o r t a n t , Lacedaemonians. by f a r the l o n g e r and t h e r e f o r e s t r u c urges t h a t the A t h e n i a n s g i v e a i d t o the 1) He g i v e s the f o l l o w i n g reasons: r e f u s e , the Thebans w i l l t u r n a g a i n s t A t t i c a a f t e r I f they devastating S p a r t a and Athens w i l l then have t o f i g h t them alone.45 Athenians' and past h i s t o r y (when they a i d e d a l l who f l e d t o them f o r r e f u g e ) Sparta.^" TtdXtv e\$oi 3) xfl 2) were wronged compels them t o undertake t o a s s i s t There i s the h i n t of a n o t h e r war; w i t h P e r s i a ( zi *E\\d6u xiv&uvos ). VTCO BapBdpwv t a n s whose countrymen f e l l at Thermopylae b e f o r e t h e BdpBocpos) could gain entry i n t o G r e e c e . and know a l l have p r o v i d e d TLVOS 4 7 t h i s opportunity xotipbc; TtapayEYevirtaOfor ULUV 4 assembly t o f o l l o w the a d v i c e 44 H e l l . V I , 5, 38-48. Hell. V I , 5, 33, 46 H e l l . V I , 5, 44-47. 4 5 47 I b i d . , 43. 48 I b i d . , 41. 39. Persian 6e vuv en see $eu)v A t h e n i a n s to a i d the S p a r t a n s and o b t a i n them as s t a u n c h ( d r c p o c p a o a a T O u g ) a l l i e s . ^ the A t h e n i a n cir- Spar- 4) The gods who ( noxe I n such a cumstance, whom would they r a t h e r t r u s t as a l l i e s t h a n t h e (6 The The d e c i s i o n of of P r o c l e s c o u l d be 79 seen a s p r o o f o f the h i s t o r i c a l importance o f t h i s speech and t h e r e f o r e one c o u l d argue t h a t t h e s t r u c t u r e i n no way i n d i c a t e s any p e r s o n a l p o l i t i c a l concerns o f Xenophon. However, i n t h e next y e a r a t a n o t h e r c o n f e r e n c e i n Athens t o d i s c u s s the terms of t h e a l l i a n c e P r o c l e s , the P h l i a s i a n ambassador t o Athens, emphasizes (again i n a speech)^ 9 t h a t the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two c i t i e s s h o u l d be one o f u n i t e d l e a d e r s h i p w i t h Athens r u l i n g by sea and S p a r t a by l a n d . euol 6e 6OHEL xocuxa O U H av&pumivT) u a M o v t) $ e i a cpuaet xe n a l xuxTl 6 t-wp Ca^ai That Athens and S p a r t a share the hegemony o f t h e Greek s t a t e s is divine w i l l . The speech from w h i c h t h i s sentence i s taken i s a g a i n the l o n g e s t , the most e x p l i c i t , and c e n t r a l t o the s t r u c t u r e , y e t t h i s time the assembly a c t s d i f f e r e n t l y from what Procles advises. Thus we have two speeches ( s i m i l a r i n theme) by the same man g i v e n e q u a l n a r r a t i v e importance but v a r y i n g i n the response they evoke. That Xenophon r e c o r d s t h e second speech, a l t h o u g h i t may be h i s t o r i c a l l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t and i s a m i n o r i t y o p i n i o n , whereas he v i r t u a l l y i g n o r e s the m i n o r i t y view, i n the p r e v i o u s a c c o u n t , i n d i c a t e s the a c c o r d t h a t he f e e l s f o r the i d e a s that Procles expresses. 49JHell. V I I , 1, l - H . ^Hell. VII,1, 2. T h i s i n no way c o n t r a d i c t s the humani^ t a r i a n r o l e emphasized e a r l i e r . Nowhere has Xenophon suggested t h a t Athens s h o u l d not be i n v o l v e d i n m a r t i a l l e a d e r s h i p as w e l l . 80 The p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e B o e o t i a n s i n Xenophon's works i s o f i n t e r e s t because he i s o f t e n accused o f p r e j u d i c e toward t h e Thebans and o f i g n o r i n g ' E p a m i n o n d a s . ^ nondas may be q u e s t i o n e d . That he i g n o r e s Epami- A l b e r t Banderet has noted t h a t , when Epaminondas was f i r s t e l e c t e d g e n e r a l , P e l o p i d a s still exercised CO a g r e a t d e a l o f i n f l u e n c e i n Thebes. t a t i o n i s probably Epaminondas* e a r l y r e p u - t h e r e s u l t o f an exaggerated account by h i s - t o r i a n s such as K a l l i s t h e n e s , c a l l e d a n t i - S p a r t a n and p r o by K. Miinscher. 53 To t h i s one might add t h e o b s e r v a t i o n Boeotian t h a t s i n c e t h e s e t t l e m e n t t h a t Epaminondas made w i t h t h e Achaeans was c r i t i c i z e d and revoked a t Thebes we might conclude t h a t i n 367 h i s i n f l u e n c e was n o t as g r e a t as i s sometimes suggested.-' When he does assume t h e u n d i s p u t e d l e a d e r s h i p o f t h e B o e o t i a n s he r e c e i v e s t h e a d m i r a t i o n o f Xenophon. euxuxT) uxv ouv OTPCXTT)YCOLV OUH aV'eywYE cp^aouni auTtp YEvea&ai* oaa n e v t c a TTJV upovoiac; 5-^For t h e l a t e s t d i s c u s s i o n see W. P. Henry, Greek H i s t o r i c a l W r i t i n g . 194• 52 . A B a n d e r e t , Untersuehungen z u Xenophons H e l l e n i k a , Commentary t o V I I , 1, 3 3 - 3 8 . 53K. Munscher, "Xenophon i n d e r G r i e c h i s c h e n - R o m i s c h e n L i t e r a t u r , " P h i l o l o g u s , Supp. X I I I , 30. 5 4 Hell. V I I , 1, 4 1 - 4 3 . 4 81 epya n a ! T O X U T I S eaxuv, ou6ev eXXtneuv. upwTOv nev yap U.OL 6 O H E L eyuye Eitatvw avrip ... ."^ Then Xenophon goes on t o p r a i s e s e v e r a l o f h i s t a c t i c a l manoeuvres and h i s leadership. Thus t h e a u t h o r e v i n c e s an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r Epaminondas s i m i l a r t o what he has f o r many o t h e r i n d i v i d u a l s . That he p r e s e n t s t h e B o e o t i a n s i n g e n e r a l and t h e Thebans i n p a r t i c u l a r i n a bad l i g h t i s t h e r e s u l t o f t h e i r w o r k i n g a t c r o s s - p u r p o s e s t o him. Almost as soon as Xenophon b e g i n s t o o f f e r a d v i c e t o h i s f e l l o w Greeks i n the A n a b a s i s a. man w i t h a B o e o t i a n d i a l e c t suggests t h a t t h e only means o f s a f e t y f o r t h e army l i e s 56 in negotiation with the Persian king. T h i s man's a t t i t u d e i s r e j e c t e d because e v e n t s have shown t h a t t h e P e r s i a n s cannot be trusted. TTJV A man w i t h such i d e a s nod 'EXXa6a, 8TI "EXXTJV 7iaxpt6a Haxataxuveu n a l naaav TTJV wvtTotouTOs e a x i v . unworthy o f t h e Greek race This a t t i t u d e i s (and i n a humorous moment t h e man t u r n s be. out t o a k i n d o f L y d i a n who wears e a r r i n g s ) . Later i n the A n a b a s i s Xenophon has f u r t h e r t r o u b l e w i t h Thorax, t h e B o e o t i a n , A „ — os rcspi , o-TpotTTiYLas 59 „ HEvocpwvTU i\ia\exo. i n t h e H e l l e n i c a t h e Thebans are c o n s t a n t l y n e g o t i a t i n g w i t h P e r s i a and s e e k i n g t h e hegemony of t h e Greek s t a t e s . I n t h i s t h e y do not have t h e support o f their fellow Boeotians.^ 5 5 Hell. Perhaps t h e most o b v i o u s statement o f V I I , 5, 8. 5 Anab. 6 Ill, 1, 26. 5 7 Anab. Ill, 1, 30. 58 Anab. Ill, 1, 3 1 . 5 9 Anab. V, 6, 2 5 . 6 0 Hell. V I , 3 , 19, 20. C f . V, 6, 19, 25. 82 Theban i n t e n t i o n s i s found a f t e r the d e s c r i p t i o n o f the B a t t l e of L e u c t r a . The Thebans now w i s h t o become e n f o r c e r s o f a new K i n g ' s Peace t h a t has been w r i t t e n out a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r request.^ They i n v i t e a l l t h e Greek c i t i e s t o come and hear i t p r o c l a i m e d . When the ambassadors are p r e s e n t , t h e y ask them t o swear but the ambassadors r e p l y t h a t they have come t o hear, not t o swear. Xenophon ends t h e account w i t h the f o l l o w i n g words: nal aurr) nev \oni6ou nal TUJV QnBaLwv/xfk apx^k rcepiBoXr) OUTOJ 6ie\u$r). : auirr) word seems t o i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e r e were o t h e r a t t e m p t s of a s i m i - l a r nature. Perhaps W. P. Henry i s c o r r e c t when he says t h a t Xenophon r e f l e c t e d an age t h a t hated the Thebans and so. The T) IleJ*- deservedly C e r t a i n l y i t would be u n s u i t a b l e f o r such a s t a t e t o t r y t o b r i n g about harmony among t h e Greek s t a t e s . The i d e a s t h a t Xenophon e x p r e s s e s about the t h r e e Greek s t a t e s i n d i c a t e t h a t : 1) leading S p a r t a i s b a s i c a l l y the strongest and t h e b e s t equipped t o f i g h t on l a n d and t o act as an executive body but she l a c k s humanity; 2) Athens i s more a p p e a l i n g t o Greeks because she has a g r e a t e r sense of the humane and n a t u r a l l y t h e l e a d e r by sea; 3) Thebes, a l t h o u g h good s o l d i e r s , i s hated by most Greeks and the she i s her people are t h e r e f o r e cannot undertake a l e a d i n g r o l e . Since we have e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t Xenophon supported a u n i t e d hegemony f o r Greece we must n e x t d e t e r m i n e whether the t i o n of t h e P e r s i a n s i s a l s o c o h e r e n t w i t h h i s purpose. 61 H e l l . V I I , 1, 36. 62 H e l l . V I I , 1, 40. 63 Henry, Greek H i s t o r i c a l W r i t i n g , 194. presentaThey 83 are the ancestral enemies of the Greeks. 6y The Greeks are i ; :^cJy superior to the Persians i n f i g h t i n g f o r did they not defeat a vast Persian army at Cunaxa almost by themselves?^^ j n fact the Greeks were such good f i g h t e r s during the Anabasis that l a t e r the Persian satrap, Tissaphernes, remembering how Cyrus' Greek forces fought and thinking a l l the Greeks similar, oux r £0OU\ETO 6A ndxec^at but would rather negotiate. ° In addition, Xenophon presents the luxury of the Persian. At the beginning of the Anabasis Cyrus makes a speech to the Greeks portraying the riches of P e r s i a . ^ Later the Greek soldiers enter v i l l a g e s 7 68 r i c h in a l l kinds of foods, which are described i n some d e t a i l . In the Hellenica Pharnabazus and his luxurious carpets are con69 trasted with the s i m p l i c i t y of the Greeks. Not only, however, i s Persia a land of riches. are also weak and e a s i l y conquered. In his account of events after 374 Xenophon shows a certain preoccupation often appears in his narrative. Its people with Persia that P. K r a f f t ^ has analysed 7 story of Jason -'- and concludes that the author makes many 7 ^Anab. III , 1, 12 , 13- 65 Anab. I I I , 2, 14-16. 6 6 Hell. III , 2, 18 67 Anab. I, 7, 6g Anab. I I , 3, 6 ^Hell. 70 P. 6. 14- 16. 29-32. K r a f f t , "Vier Beisp i Hellenika," Rhein. Mus. the 84 assumptions about h i s r e a d e r s ' Jason. u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e b e h a v i o u r of Hence he t e l l s us t h a t Jason went about b u i l d i n g morale among h i s s o l d i e r s . a n d r e w a r d i n g them. But Xenophon does n o t say why J a s o n undertook t h e s e p r o c e d u r e s . He assumes t h a t the r e a d e r knows t h a t t h e s e a r e the a c t i o n s o f a good described i n the Cyropaedia. leadersas These assumptions show t h a t Xeno- phon was so i n v o l v e d i n h i s own thoughts t h a t he f a i l e d t o n o t i c e t h a t he r e a l l y conveyed l i t t l e h i s t o r i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n . This e x p l a i n s why i n t h e m i d s t of J a s o n ' s p l a n s f o r expansion we suddenly f i n d a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e P e r s i a n s and how e a s i l y t h e y c o u l d be conquered. the words, 0 1 6 a Jason ends h i s d i s c u s s i o n of P e r s i a w i t h YapP^avxastxous exeC av^pujnou? TCXT)V evb? iiaXXov 6ou- 7? X e t a v f) aXxriv ueueXexnxoxas . K r a f f t suggests t h a t f o r someone who i s t a l k i n g about the m i l i t a r y and p o l i t i c a l weakness o f a people t o be concerned w i t h one e x c e p t i o n culous. (TCXTIV evoc; ) i s r i d i - The p o i n t i s t h a t Xenophon i s p r o j e c t i n g h i s own t h o u g h t s about P e r s i a i n t o t h e c o n v e r s a t i o n . In f a c t , t a l k of c o n q u e r i n g P e r s i a i s l u d i c r o u s f o r someone who has not y e t gained c o n t r o l of the t e r r i t o r y on e i t h e r s i d e of h i s own This d i s c u s s i o n o f P e r s i a i s a s u b j e c t i v e viewpoint coming t o t h e s u r f a c e q u i t e u n c o n s c i o u s l y expansion. o f Xenophon w i t h t h e t a l k of 7 3 T h i s same p r e o c c u p a t i o n evident state. i n the A n a b a s i s . 7 2 Hell. 7 3 Cf. Hell. w i t h expansion t o the E a s t i s The P e r s i a n empire i s d e s c r i b e d V I , 1, 12. V I I , 1, 38. thus 85 by X e n o p h o n : K.xal SaatXews apxfl aruvc6eiv 6* Tt\f)$ei Tot? 6e nfjxeca e" xiq rjv x$ ji^oqixpvxb- xov voGv xfi Liev x^pag nal av^pojncav Caxupa ouaa, xal o6wv xa§s6uvd|i£t.s aaftevris, T U bitandabai 5 i a xaxewv xbv noXeuov noioCxo. C l e a r l y , Xenophon has c o n s i d e r e d t h i s empire and noted i t s weakness, e" xig (Greek?) s h o u l d u n d e r t a k e a campaign. The most d i r e c t statement o f a Greek campaign a g a i n s t P e r s i a comes i n a speech Xenophon makes t o h i s army. One o f t h e m o t i v a t i n g f a c t o r s he s u g g e s t s f o r t r y i n g t o r e t u r n home i s t h e improvement o f t h e Greek l o t . 6oxeC ouv u o i etxbg xal 6 t x a i o v euvai npuJxov el<z xrjv *E\\a6a xal Ttpbc; xou? ouxeCoug n e i p a a & x i oxu exovxe? itevovxai, e£bv atp i xv e i a^a auxou? i xal ETu6ei£ai xoiq xou$ vuv ax\r)pa5c exeC "EWnaiv TtoTUxeu- 75 ovxac; ev&d6e x o u i a a u i v o u s n\ouaiou$ opav. H e s u ££ e s t s t h a t i f a Greek i s s u f f e r i n g from p o v e r t y (and many Greeks were a f t e r the P e l o p o n n e s i a n War and t h e q u a r r e l s o f t h e e a r l y fourth c e n t u r y ) i t i s h i s own f a u l t because t h e r i c h e s of P e r s i a a r e t h e r e t o be t a k e n . F i n a l l y , - l e t us c o n s i d e r S o c r a t e s ' d i s c u s s i o n w i t h P e r i c l e s i n t h e Memorabilia. ° 7 The f i r s t p o i n t S o c r a t e s makes i s t h a t h i s t o r i c a l l y and i n m a t t e r s o f u n i t y t h e A t h e n i a n s s u r p a s s t h e 77 Boeotians. 7 4 Anab. 7 ^Anab. 7 °Mem. 77 Mem. The S p a r t a n s a r e s u p e r i o r t o t h e A t h e n i a n s because I , 5, 9. Ill, 3 , 5. 2-4- 2, 26. 86 yd of t h e i r obedience, harmony and t h e i r t r a i n i n g . The A t h e n i a n s , however, h i s t o r i c a l l y shared the l a u r e l s f o r g r e a t deeds w i t h the Spartans. 7 9 Now f i n a l l y ( a l t h o u g h t h i s i s not the o b v i o u s pur- pose of the d i a l o g u e ) S o c r a t e s p o i n t s out t h a t the Mysians and the noucpiug umXuauevca duvavxau TtoXXot |iev T T | V BaaiXews Pisidians Xwpav na-caSeovces Hanonouetv, auxot oe CT)V e X e u & e p o i . T h i s men- t i o n o f the K i n g ' s t e r r i t o r y seems r e l a t i v e l y m e a n i n g l e s s o b v i o u s purpose. t o the Xenophon c o u l d have chosen o t h e r examples. T h i s c h o i c e i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e r e i s i n t h i s d i a l o g u e a second l e v e l o f i n t e n t t h a t emphasizes much t h a t has been suggested i n t h e A n a b a s i s and the H e l l e n i c a . The q u e s t i o n whether Xenophon c o n s c i o u s l y took up t h i s poli- 81 t i c a l theme i n h i s w r i t i n g s has been put by Mesk. I n order t o answer t h i s i t seems b e s t now t o r e t u r n t o the l a s t c h a p t e r o f t h e C y r o p a e d i a . I f one can f i n d i n t h i s s e c t i o n (so r a d i c a l l y different from the r e s t o f t h e work) some e v i d e n c e o f t h e i d e a s j u s t p r e s e n t e d I b e l i e v e i t f a i r t o assume t h a t i t was the cons c i o u s p o l i t i c a l purpose o f Xenophon t o urge the Greeks t o u n i t e a g a i n s t the P e r s i a n s . The f i r s t p o i n t t h a t Xenophon makes i s t h a t the P e r s i a n s have d e t e r i o r a t e d and a t the p r e s e n t t i m e a r e much worse t h a n i n 82 the p a s t . T h i s d e t e r i o r a t i o n was unknown t o t h e Greeks who 7g Mem. 15-17. 79 Mem. 10-11. g0 Mem. 3 , 5, 26. 81,Mesk, J . " D i e Tendenz d e r Xenophontischen Wien. Stud., X L I I I (1922-23) g 2 Cyr. VIII, 8, 2 , 4. I36-I46. Anabasis," 87 do j o i n e d t h e e x p e d i t i o n of Cyrus t h e Younger. ? P h y s i c a l l y , they have grown weak because o f l u x u r y ; t h e y have ceased t o h u n t . ^ F i n a l l y , any wars they undertake r e q u i r e t h e h e l p o f t h e Greek dc m e r c e n a r i e s even when f i g h t i n g a g a i n s t t h e Greeks. p From t h i s , i t appears f i r s t t h a t t h e Greeks who undertook t h e e x p e d i t i o n w i t h Cyrus a r e not t o be censured s i n c e t h e y were deluded by promises t h a t t h e P e r s i a n s f a i l e d t o keep--a statement a p o l o g e t i c i n nature. That t h e P e r s i a n s have become l a z y and degener- ate seems an i n s u f f i c i e n t motive, i n and o f i t s e l f , f o r w r i t i n g t h i s l a s t c h a p t e r u n l e s s i t c o n t r i b u t e s t o an o v e r a l l purpose, namely, a Greek e x p e d i t i o n d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t conscious these Persians. The q u e s t i o n , "When d i d Xenophon c o n c e i v e o f t h i s purpose?" i s r a i s e d by J . M o r r , ^ who suggests t h a t Xenophon became cons c i o u s of such an e x c u r s i o n d u r i n g t h e a n a b a s i s i n 401/0. i s undoubtedly t r u e . Under what s o r t of l e a d e r s h i p t h i s This mili- t a r y e x p e d i t i o n was t o t a k e p l a c e was not however s a t i s f a c t o r i l y r e s o l v e d i n Xenophon's mind u n t i l l a t e r i n h i s l i f e . t o me t h a t the. c o n s c i o u s I t seems purpose o f u n i t i n g the Greeks under t h e combined l e a d e r s h i p of Athens and Sparta must c o i n c i d e w i t h Xenophon's growing d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t w i t h one-man r u l e . c a l l y , t h i s occurred g Histori- about t h e time o f t h e B a t t l e o f L e u c t r a . 3 c y r . V I I I , 8, 2, 3. g 4 C y r . V I I I , 8, 2, 12. ^ C y r . V I I I , 8, 2, 26. 86 5 Morr, J . "Xenophon und d e r Gedanke e l n e s a l l - G r i e c h i s c h e n Eroberungszuges gegen P e r s i e n , " Wien. Stud. XLV (1926-27) 186-201. m C e r t a i n l y , t h i s agrees w i t h t h e date o f p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h e Memorabilia (see supra 54,55 and t h e A n a b a s i s ). Why d i d Xenophon undertake t o s e t t h e d e s i r a b i l i t y o f a campaign a g a i n s t t h e P e r s i a n s b e f o r e t h e eyes o f Greece? boyhood he had been i n f l u e n c e d by o r i n v o l v e d i n war. I t was a p a r t o f the h e r o i c and, perhaps, a r i s t o c r a t i c t r a d i t i o n . i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f war seemed t o Xenophon's g e n e r a t i o n established fact. an e x t e r n a l f o e . annihilation. From The t o be an I f Greece must be a t war, l e t i t be a g a i n s t I n t e r n a l s t r i f e could lead only t o s e l f - Xenophon's own words i n c o n c l u d i n g t h e H e l l e n i c a .and t h e d e s c r i p t i o n o f the B a t t l e o f Mantinea express t h i s idea most v i v i d l y . xouxiov 6 e 7ipax$evTu>v xouvavxCov itdvxec; av$pumot e a e a & a i . TT)S 'E\Ad6os VETO, 6t x a l avxixexayu-evuv, o u 6 e l s e i udxT] e a o i x o , xovq u>s vevtxrjxoxeq ouxe TiXeov exovxe? xfi * E \ \ d 6 t . ap£eiv, xovq $ebc; ouxws euoiTjaev exwXuov, vexpoug xovq 6 e ,au<poxepoi. uev uTtoarcov6ous aniboaav, au/poxepoi, St x^pqt ouxe Tco\ei v e v c x n x e v a i bt ouxe apxfi o u 6 e x e p o i cpdaxovxes ou6ev e^avrjaav T\ n p l v xnv udxT)v y e v e a ^ a i * ' a x p c a i a 6e x a l xapaxr) e x t nXetcov u.exoc XTJV u-dxnv ev oux tig v e v t x n x o x e ? eaxTjaavxo, T)xxn|ievoL uTioaTcovSou? aneKdupavov, exdxepoi r\v oaxiq (iev xpax^aavxas xpaxn^evxac; unnxoous e a e a ^ a t * o bt taxauevou? o u 6 e x e p o i ou evouaaav ovv£.\r)\v&vCa<z yap axe6bv andanq waxe aatpoxepoi, uiev xponaCov be Lyeyivrixo eyevexo fj 7ipoa-&ev CHAPTER V I I XENOPHON AND ISOCRATES B e f o r e we c o n s i d e r Xenophon's l a s t s t u d y , de v e c t i g a l i b u s , i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o d i s c u s s b r i e f l y t h e work o f a n o t h e r literary f i g u r e of t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y whom because o f t h e obvious similari- t i e s o f theme i n h i s w r i t i n g s we can no l o n g e r i g n o r e . Isocrates was born i n 436. 1 the f i r s t He s t u d i e d under G o r g i a s of L e o n t i n i , 2 one of ( a t t h e Olympic f e s t i v a l of 408) t o urge t h e Greeks t o u n i t e and make war a g a i n s t t h e b a r b a r i a n s . 3 He was a l s o a Sxacpoc; of S o c r a t e s f o r whom S o c r a t e s p r e d i c t e d a g r e a t f u t u r e . 4 Of p a r t i c u l a r concern t o us a r e f o u r o f h i s works p u b l i s h e d i n Xenophon's l'ifetime*,. t h e P a n e g y r i c u s i n 380,^ h i s l e t t e r s t o D i o n y s i u s 6 a f t e r 370 7 £ and t o Archidamus i n 3 5 6 , ' and d_e Pace i n 355. ^"In t h e a r c h o n s h i p of Lysimachos, 436/5, 0 1 . 8 6 . 1 : D i o g . Laert. 3.3. 2 3 C i c e r o , O r a t o r , 176. P h i l o s t r a t u s , Ep. 73 i n H. D i e l s , D i e Fragmente d e r Vorso- k r a t i k e r , e d i t e d by W a l t h e r Kranz; s i x t h e d i t i o n , I I , 279- F.W. B l a s s , D i e a t t i s c h e Beredsamkeit, 4 P l a t o , Phaedrus, I , 59 argues f o r 392. 273,279- -*This work was w r i t t e n when Athens was w i t h o u t any p o s i t i o n of l e a d e r s h i p and S p a r t a was a t t h e h e i g h t o f h e r power, hence, s h o r t l y b e f o r e t h e Second A t h e n i a n Confederacy o f 373/7. A f t e r 370 s i n c e t h e S p a r t a n s a r e no l o n g e r i n power; E p . , 1 , 8 . ^ I s o c r a t e s says he was e i g h t y y e a r s o f age when he wrote it; Ep. 9 , 1 6 . °The r e v o l t s o f C h i o s , Kos, Rhodes and Byzantium, w h i c h o c c u r red between 357 and 355, a r e s p e c i f i c a l l y r e f e r r e d t o i n de Pace 16. 90 I n t h e P a n e g y r i c u s I s o c a t e s addresses h i m s e l f t o a number of p o l i t i c a l problems. I n 3$0 S p a r t a as the e n f o r c e r of the K i n g ' s Peace h e l d a l m o s t a b s o l u t e sway over Greece. A l t h o u g h Athens had l i t t l e a u t h o r i t y o u t s i d e A t t i c a , I s o c r a t e s sensed the d i s i l l u sionment w i t h S p a r t a p r e s e n t i n some s t a t e s . xwv yap 'EMTJVWV ot LIEV ucp' rjuiv, OI 6' unb When he w r i t e s , AanedcuiiovCoi<; etoriv, 9 he i s o b l i q u e l y c a l l i n g upon Athens t o r e e s t a b l i s h her l e a d e r s h i p among t h e Greek s t a t e s . Tactfully (because S p a r t a h e l d the hegemony a t t h i s time) he says t h a t Athens and S p a r t a should share t h e hegemony of G r e e c e . H e t h e n goes on t o e x p l a i n Athens d e s e r v e s the l e a d e r s h i p . She has h e l d a t r a d i t i o n a l p l a c e of honour among the Greek s t a t e s and has bestowed the g r e a t e s t b e n e f i t s on her f e l l o w - G r e e k s . " ^ Nowhere does he mention r e a s o n why why S p a r t a should have a share i n the hegemony. any Instead he says t h a t the Spartans a r e hard t o persuade, napeiXrjcpaca yap ^eu6f] \6yov, cos eaxiv auxois TiyeCa^au Ttdxpiov* r)v 6* eiu6ei£ri xis auxous xauxnv XTJV XUU.T)V rifiexepav ouaav jaaWov r\ neuvtov . ...^ 2 In a n o t h e r passage, w h i l e d e f e n d i n g the a c t i o n s of Athens i n the punishment the h a r s h t r e a t m e n t of Athens' a l l i e s , a l t h o u g h a t t i m e s neces- s a r y , was 9 U (416 B.C.), I s o c r a t e s emphasizes that s t i l l more r e s t r a i n e d than the b e h a v i o u r of the Spart-ans, Pan. 1 0 of Melos, Pan. 16. 17. P a n . 21, 22. l 2 Pan. 18 l 3 P a n . 100-106. 91 Clearly, as he says l a t e r , the Greek states. was he was c a l l i n g on Athens to unite The motivation f o r establishing t h i s hegemony a lack of homonia i n Greece about 330. 1 — f i n a n c i a l trouble. Greek states were in As a result they became aggressive toward one another in the hope of easing t h e i r economic d i s t r e s s by seizing 15 land and wealth from neighbouring states. At the same time each state experienced internal quarrels because of s t r i f e betJ 1 6 ween r i c h and poor. To a l l e v i a t e the economic c r i s e s the Greeks needed a state to lead a campaign against Persia. In t h i s conquest of a large portion of Persia, plunder and wealth would be brought back to Greece and the poverty-stricken Greeks from 17 the various states could be settled in Persia. to be the nature This, then, i s of the hegemony-leadership i n a war against Persia, which w i l l be v o l u n t a r i l y accepted by other Greek l^Antidosis 57, 53. K. Bringman, Studien zu den politischen IdSen des Isokrates, 28-46, disputes this idea that Isocrates urged a r e v i v a l of the naval empire. I think that by praising the f i r s t Confederacy (Pan. 103-106) and using i t as an example of how to benefit the Greek states, he gave strong impetus to the reestablishment of the naval empire at Athens whether this his intention or not. 5p_an. 173, 16 Pan. 36. 17 Pan. 173- 1 174- was 92 states. 18 Isocrates must have been pleased to see the Second Athenian Confederacy begun i n 378/7, which promised to each of Athens' a l l i e s ... e£etvai a u [ x]w[. i ' e \ e u $ e p ] u H HO\LT[ £uou.ev]a)L T i o X a x e C a v TJV a v uieviui. \xr\xz a p x o v x a vno[ POUXTVXOU, U.T]XE ovxt x a ! auxov6u.wi, [<ppoup]ocv etodexo- 6 e x 3 ou.£vwi u.r)xe cpopov c p e p o v x i . ^ Xenophon i n the presentation of the ideas discussed i n the previous chapter was obviously i n agreement with Isocrates concerning the need f o r a campaign against Persia to relieve the f i n a n c i a l d i s t r e s s i n Greece. He also agreed that there was a need f o r someone to give leadership. That the Athenians should have a share in this leadership and that they were to f u l f i l l a humane and harmonizing role i n Greek p o l i t i c s were absolutely essential to the success of any united campaign. I think, however, that he d i f f e r e d strongly with Isocrates concerning Sparta. * * * * * t xTI XOJV While Isocrates considered that Sparta was euno6u)v 9 c * EMnvwv •* euoatp-ovuct, 20 Xenophon, as has been shown, Isocrates even suggests that they need not trouble the rest of Greece to contribute soldiers since a l l w i l l want to join voluntarily when they see the nature of the expedition; Pan. 135•*-The decrees r e l a t i n g to this a l l i a n c e are found in 9 M. N. Tod, Greek H i s t o r i c a l Inscriptions, v o l . 2, 113, 121, 122, 123. 20 Pan. For the passage see 123. 20. 15-23 (IG I I 2 43). 93 c o n s t a n t l y , d e f e r s t o t h e Spartans, t h a t xohq AaxedounovCouc. T)Yeu6vas s i n c e a l l Greece agrees eivai.^ In t h e de Pace I s o c r a t e s r e v e a l s g r e a t d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the p o l i c i e s t h a t Athens f o l l o w e d i n t h e Second A t h e n i a n A l l i a n c e . ^ Anab. V I , 1, 26, 2 7 . The q u e s t i o n whether Xenophon x i n f l u e n c e d I s o c r a t e s o r v i c e - v e r s a has been t h e s u b j e c t o f much controversy among German s c h o l a r s . C f . J o s e f Mesk, "Die Tendenz der Xenophontischen A n a b a s i s , " Wien. Stud., XLIII (1922) I36-I46 ; A l f r e d Kappelmacher, "Xenophon und I s o k r a t e s , " Wien. Stud., X L I I I (1922) 212-213; J o s e f Morr, "Xenophon und d e r Gedanke e i n e s a l l g r i e c h i s c h e n Eroberungszuges gegen P e r s i e n , " Wien• Stud., XLV (1927) 186-201; and K. Munscher, "Xenophon i n d e r g r i e c h i s c h rornischen L i t e r a t u r , " P h i l o l o g u s , Supp. X I I I , p a r t I I , 1-24. S i n c e t h e r e i s a demonstrable f r i e n d s h i p between Xenophon and rt Isocrates ( c f . Munscher, l o c . c i t . ) , i t seems f o o l i s h t o i n s i s t t h a t , because a passage i n one a u t h o r i s s i m i l a r t o a passage i n the o t h e r a u t h o r , one was t h e r e f o r e w r i t t e n b e f o r e t h e o t h e r , o r v i c e - v e r s a , or perhaps a t t h e same t i m e . (The assumption i s t h a t p r i o r i t y o f w r i t i n g proves t h e f i r s t a u t h o r t o be t h e dominant influence.) F r i e n d s tend to. e x e r c i s e an u n c o n s c i o u s i n f l u e n c e on one a n o t h e r and o f t e n i d e a s between them have been d i s c u s s e d b e f o r e they appear i n p r i n t . long Thus we s h a l l c o n f i n e o u r s e l v e s t o p o i n t i n g out some o f the s i m i l a r i t i e s and t h e d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e works o f Xenophon and I s o c r a t e s , a d m i t t i n g t h e dependence of.one on t h e o t h e r . 94 Instead way o f u n i t i n g Greece, Athens conducted h e r s e l f i n such a that Chios, i n 3 57. federacy suggest nal Kos, Rhodes and Byzantium r e v o l t e d from t h e con- xP^vcu BuCavxtous As a r e s u l t I s o c r a t e s wrote t h e de. Face t o TTJV xal c t \ \ a rcpbs a-rcavTa? avftptorcouc; K$ous euprjvriv u.T) u o v o v npoq 7ioieCa$ai Xioug nal ';PO6LOU? • To emphasize t h i s he expounds t h e t h e s i s t h a t i n j u s t i c e and 23 i m p e r i a l i s m a r e g r e a t f o l l y and madness t h a t b r i n g d i s a s t e r . Even w i t h a l l h e r r i c h e s Athens c o u l d n o t m a i n t a i n empire. ^ the f i r s t C e r t a i n l y i n her present f i n a n c i a l l y b e r e f t c o n d i t i o n 2 Athens w i l l not be a b l e t o c o n t r o l h e r second empire, a l t h o u g h t h i s seems t o be h e r i n t e n t i o n s i n c e she has f a l l e n back i n t o 2S her o l d i m p e r i a l i s t i c a t t i t u d e . Sparta had a l s o o b t a i n e d a l a r g e empire and because o f i t was almost d e s t r o y e d i n a v e r y J 26 short time. As a r e s u l t of i m p e r i a l i s t i c p o l i c y b o t h c i t i e s 27 obtained only t h e h a t r e d o f t h e i r f e l l o w Greeks. ' Therefore i t becomes obvious t h a t i n j u s t i c e , w h i c h i s equated w i t h imperi- alism, i s unprofitable. On t h e o t h e r hand, a p o l i c y based on and aaxpoauvT) 2 2 2 3 2 2 d e Pace 17. 2 Pace 75-90. 5de Pace 29. 2 6 6ixcuoauvT), (which a r e i d e n t i f i e d w i t h r e p u d i a t i o n o f n a v a l d e Pace,16. ^de euaepeta, d e Pace 95- 7de Pace 104, 105 imperialism) will b r i n g p r o s p e r i t y t o t h e s t a t e . 2B I f Athens 95 w i l l r e t u r n t o t h e o r i g i n a l p o l i c y o f t h e Second N a v a l League (to t r e a t h e r a l l i e s a s f r i e n d s , not s u b j e c t s , and t o defend 29 t h e i r autonomy) she w i l l w i n t h e f a v o u r o f t h e r e s t o f Greece. T h i s p o l i c y seems t o have t a k e n precedence over t h e i d e a o f a 30 march a g a i n s t P e r s i a . ^ N e v e r t h e l e s s Athens must s t i l l m a i n t a i n a s t r o n g m i l i t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n t o be used t o a i d o t h e r Greek 31 s t a t e s t h a t have been oppressed or a t t a c k e d unjustly. Athens will o b t a i n t h e f r i e n d s h i p of o t h e r s t a t e s and w i l l p r o s p e r i f she seeks a p o s i t i o n i n Greece analagous t o t h a t o f t h e S p a r t a n k i n g s , who c o u l d be put t o d e a t h f o r wrongdoing b u t whom every S p a r t a n was eager t o defend a t t h e c o s t , even o f h i s l i f e 32 because of t h e i r p o s i t i o n of honour. That I s o c r a t e s had n o t g i v e n up h i s i d e a of war a g a i n s t P e r s i a i s i n d i c a t e d by s e v e r a l of t h e l e t t e r s t h a t he sent t o v a r i o u s t y r a n t s of h i s time. The f i r s t o f t h e s e , t o D i o n y s i u s of S y r a c u s e , was w r i t t e n a f t e r 3 7 0 . 3 3 I n i t he a d v i s e s Dionysius t h a t Athens w i l l a l l y h e r s e l f t o him el' T t npaTTOts imep TT)S 2 8 2 9 d e Pace 63, 64. d e Pace 134, HT)6e 6eo"rtOTtHU)s, aWa 3 0 3 1 3 2 3 3 135. T h i s l e a d s I s o c r a t e s t o t h e statement autitiaxtHuk auxwv entaxaxcaLiev. d e Pace 16. de Pace 136-141. d e Pace 142, 143• S e e Supra 8 9 n. 6 . 96 'EMddos dya^ov.^^In 356, 35 s h o r t l y before he wrote de Pace, he sent a l e t t e r t o Archidamus i n w h i c h he d e c r i e d the l o t of Greeks and the suggested t h a t Archidamus would f i n d the r e s t of Greece ready t o choose him as l e a d e r i n a u n i t e d campaign a g a i n s t Persia.- 5 L a t e r he s i m i l a r l y urged P h i l i p t o undertake such a campaign, i n w h i c h he would f i n d Athens the most u s e f u l of a l l Greek c i t i e s i f she should become h i s a l l y . t h a t "the symmachy of I s o c r a t e s ' dream was autonomous c i t i e s under a g e n e r a l i s s i m o own country, but among h i s a l l i e s was seems c o r r e c t . who 3 7 The conclusion a m i l i t a r y entente of might be k i n g i n his. s i m p l y chosen as commander"^ However, when I s o c r a t e s wrote the de Pace he had become aware t h a t Athens, r a t h e r t h a n c o n t r i b u t i n g t o homonoia among Greek s t a t e s , was Greek p o l i t i c s . a g a i n a c t i n g as a d i s r u p t i v e f o r c e i n Hence, he changed h i s i d e a s about the campaign a g a i n s t P e r s i a as they had been e x p r e s s e d i n the P a n e g y r i c u s i n t h a t he no l o n g e r thought t h a t a P e r s i a n e x p e d i t i o n would b r i n g peace t o Greece b u t , r a t h e r , t h a t harmony among the Greek s t a t e s was a p r e r e q u i s i t e t o a s u c c e s s f u l war against Persia. he urged Athens t o f o r g e t about a g g r e s s i o n she against P e r s i a since seemed i n v a r i a b l y t o t r a n s f e r t h i s a g g r e s s i o n 3 ^Ep_. 1, 37 3 E£. 9, 17. Ep_. 2, 17. ^E. to h e r . f e l l o w - 3. 35see supra 90 3 6 Therefore Barker, n. 7- "Greek P o l i t i c a l Thought and F o u r t h C e n t u r y , " CAH VI 519- Theory i n the 97 Greeks. R a t h e r Athens s h o u l d l e a v e t h e l e a d e r s h i p a g a i n s t t h e P e r s i a n s t o one o f the monarchs o f t h e t i m e and c o n c e n t r a t e on c r e a t i n g harmony among t h e Greeks. It seems r e a s o n a b l y c l e a r t h a t i n t h e de Pace I s o c r a t e s has suggested a r o l e f o r Athens t h a t i s s i m i l a r t o what Xenophon has written of (see supra 69-73). He d i f f e r s from Xenophon i n t h e type l e a d e r s h i p he e n v i s a g e s f o r Greece. Where Xenophon had e a r - l i e r suggested a b e n e f i c i e n t t y r a n n y i n w h i c h t h e K i n g f i r s t con- quers t h e s t a t e and then w i n s t h e l o y a l t y o f the people t h r o u g h p h i l a n t h r o p i a , I s o c r a t e s thought t h a t the Greeks would choose a monarch, Archidamus, a s l e a d e r . voluntarily A t a l a t e r date Xenophon had g r a d u a l l y moved from t h e t h o u g h t o f a b e n e f i c e n t t y r a n n y t o t h e i d e a o f S p a r t a ( i n a l l i a n c e w i t h Athens) r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e a c t u a l command a g a i n s t t h e P e r s i a n s . Whether I s o c r a t e s e v e r hon- e s t l y d i s p l a y e d any p h i l o - L a c o n i a n a t t i t u d e s i s open t o q u e s t i o n . Xenophon's f i n a l work, de v e c t i g a l i b u s , w r i t t e n about 39Dat i n g the of 355, 3 9 i s based on t h e c o n d i t i o n o f Athens p r e s e n t e d i n work and on t h e statement t h a t the P h o c i a n s a r e i n c o n t r o l Delphi (Vect. 5, 10), w h i c h happened i n 356. He d i e d shortly TlOpOL afterwards. W. Schwahn, "Die X e n o p h o n t i s c h e n u n d A I n d u s t r i e i n v i e r t e n J a h r h u n d e r t , " R h e i n , Mus., 278, die athenische LXXX (1931) 2 53- i n d i c a t e s h i s doubt about the a u t h o r s h i p o f t h i s work. H i s view i s opposed ( c o r r e c t l y ) by A. W i l h e l m , "Untersuchungen z u Xenophons nop01,"-Wien. S t u d . , L I I (1934) 18-56. 93 shows some s i m i l a r i t y t o t h e d_e Pace i n t h a t Xenophon a l s o opposes t h e i d e a t h a t •noXenov n eug xP^M-axa H e p & a X e w T e p o v . e i v a i -ufl %6\zi eipnvriv. Xenophon had seen t h a t t h e f i n a n c i a l d i s t r e s s of Athens had motivated her t o f o l l o w a p o l i c y of i n j u s t i c e toward o t h e r cities and now he seeks a method of s u p p l y i n g Athens w i t h t h e f i n a n c i a l resources t h a t w i l l a l l o w her t o pursue a p e a c e f u l p o l i c y and remove e n m i t i e s from h e r . He s u g g e s t s i n c r e a s e d responsibility f o r the m e t i c ^ l g r e a t e r a t t e n t i o n t o the needs of commercial men, more l o d g i n g houses near t h e harbour t o a t t r a c t v i s i t o r s , 42 a p u b l i c l y owned m e r c h a n t - f l e e t , 4 4 r e - o p e n i n g the s i l v e r mines a t L a u r i u m ^ and o b t a i n i n g a p u b l i c body o f s l a v e s . 4 4 0 I f Athens i s t o enjoy t h i s f i n a n c i a l r e s t o r a t i o n she must have peace. c o e r c i o n but good s e r v i c e t o her f e l l o w Greeks f o r m e r l y Not gave I 7 Athens a p o s i t i o n of ascendancy. These suggested r e f o r m s appear t o be r a d i c a l l y l i b e r a l i n nature. They stand out as a t t e m p t s t o make l i f e more p l e a s i n g t o i m m i g r a n t s , f o r e i g n e r s , and people who 4 0 Vect. 5, 11. 4 1 Vect. 2, 1-5. 4 2 Vect. 3, Iv44- 4 3 Vect. 3, 12. 4 4 Vect. 3, 14. 4 5vect. 4, 1-12. 14-25- 4 o Vect. 4, 4 7 Vect. 5, 1 and 5 • l a c k e d the p r i v i l e g e s 4 3 99 of c i t i z e n s h i p . to They a l s o r e f l e c t Xenophon's own attitudes o t h e r Greeks as he r e v e a l e d them a t S c y l l u s . I n t h e next passage Xenophon once again-re-echoes the poli- t i c a l i d e a s and a t t i t u d e s t h a t have p r e v i o u s l y been d i s c u s s e d . His p h i l o - L a c o n i a n f e e l i n g i s s t i l l 8taa$£vx£s cxWot LIT)V n a l Aax£6atLiov tot rinwv d \ X * itdaxovxEc; e u e x p e ^ a v Tiept xr\q eu ou present: onux; nyELtovtac; $ E a $ a t ucp' 'ASnvatots BpuXotvxo. Once a g a i n he reminds the A t h e n i a n s of the S p a r t a n p o s i t i o n and then suggests t h a t Athens go about the b u s i n e s s of r e c o n c i l i n g Greece, aveu nal novuv nal xtv6vvoov aveu nal danavnc; Xenophon's p h i l a n t h r o p i a i s d i s p l a y e d i n h i s a d v i c e t o Athens i n defending h e r s e l f . For i f she should be wronged by any s t a t e s but f o l l o w e d a p o l i c y of j u s t i c e , he s u g g e s t s , s i n c e the enemy xtuu)pottie$a a u x o u g , ou6eva... uoXu av $axxov EXOtEv av auu.aaxov.^^ In o f f e r i n g a d v i c e t o Athens the f i n a l c h a p t e r r e v e a l s a n o t h e r Xenophon's p o l i t i c a l i d e a s . He s t i l l m a i n t a i n s some of h i s r e s p e c t f o r the o l d customs, i n s t i t u t i o n s and r e l i g i o n . suggests, cepeuat b\ nal nomic r e f o r m s , he says, Etc; Au)6wvr)v BouXfl xal I f i t seems b e s t dno6uaotiev Et? xal to cxpxatc; n a l Inncvai Athens t o undertake o-uuBouXeuaatu' AsXcpous of £7i£p£a$at av xouc; sywys F o r he xa ndxpta these 7t£|icJ;avxa<; ^EOUC;.^ eco- nal 2 Thus the de_ v e c t i g a l i b u s r e a f f i r m s t h a t Xenophon h e l d many of the a t t i t u d e s d i s c u s s e d i n the p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r s . ^Vect. 5, 7- Vect. 5, 8. 5°Vect. 5, 13. 5 Vect. 6, 1. 5 Vect. 6, 2. 4 9 1 2 These 100 always a f f e c t e d h i s i d e a s about Greek u n i t y . economic c r i s i s t h a t t h r e a t e n e d However, t h e Greece and caused much of t h e p o l i t i c a l t u r m o i l f o r c e d him, as i t d i d I s o c r a t e s , t o pursue new i d e a s i n t h e hope o f s o l v i n g t h e problem. A l t h o u g h he began by t r a c i n g a f e d e r a l s o l u t i o n t o t h e economic problem, the s t r i f e and d i s c o r d among l o c a l s t a t e s f o r c e d him t o l o o k for some means o f s e t t i n g b e f o r e t h e eyes o f Greece a s t a t e t h a t c o u l d s e r v e as a model i n r e p u d i a t i n g a p o l i c y o f a g g r e s s i o n a g a i n s t o t h e r Greeks and i n s e e k i n g a s o l u t i o n t o i t s p r o blems w i t h i n t h e c o n f i n e s o f i t s own t e r r i t o r y . T h e r e f o r e he c a l l e d upon Athens t o make a n o t h e r e f f o r t t o be a b e n e f a c t o r t o a l l Greece, as she had been f o r m e r l y , by p o o l i n g h e r i n t e r n a l resources and making c e r t a i n commercial i n n o v a t i o n s to alleviate economic d i s t r e s s and so remove one o f t h e causes o f Greek disunity. CHAPTER IX CONCLUSION In t h e p r e c e d i n g pages we have t r a c e d Xenophon's i d e a s as t h e y v a r i e d throughout h i s l i f e t i m e . political To t h i s end we have l o o k e d c a r e f u l l y a t h i s e x p r e s s i o n s of a p p r e c i a t i o n and censure c o n c e r n i n g t h e events t h a t he d e s c r i b e s i n t h e H e l l e n i c a T o z a m p l i f y these statements, a f f i n i t i v e i d e a s i n h i s o t h e r major works have been drawn i n t o t h e d i s c u s s i o n . There a r e two p a r a d o x i c a l a t t i t u d e s t h a t Xenophon h e l d . First, he m a i n t a i n e d a deep and e n d u r i n g r e s p e c t f o r t h e a r i s t o - c r a t i c conception of the h e r o i c w a r r i o r . The i n d i v i d u a l who surpassed a l l h i s f e l l o w s i n r e l i g i o u s p i e t y , a b i l i t y , knowledge and wisdom i s seen i n t h e H e l l e n i c a , t h e Cyropaedia and t h e M e m o r a b i l i a . T h i s same n o t i o n i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i s p h i l o Laconian a t t i t u d e . The Spartan w a r r i o r was t h e c l o s e s t contem- p o r a r y i n c o r p o r a t i o n of t h i s o l d i d e a l . Sparta's c o n s t i t u t i o n s t i l l attempted t o d e v e l o p c i t i z e n s o f such a k i n d . The second a t t i t u d e t h a t was d e e p l y i n g r a i n e d i n Xenophon's mind has been d e s i g n a t e d as p h i l a n t h r o p i a . I t was a r e s p e c t f o r the customs, b e h a v i o u r and persons o f a l l men. This considerati l e d Xenophon t o oppose t h e extreme o l i g a r c h y o f C r i t i a s and t o ^Even S o c r a t e s engages i n d i s c u s s i o n o f b a t t l e - t a c t i c s i n the M e m o r a b i l i a , I I I , 5* Xenophon r e v e a l s a s o l d i e r ' s f a s c i n a - t i o n f o r m i l i t a r y m a t t e r s i n almost a l l h i s works. 102 express a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r t h e work o f Theramenes. same c o n c e p t i o n gave r i s e the that a s s e m b l y t h a t we i t s most r a d i c a l find writing. life's the He This tension also cially Athenian saw the bereft approach the her other a and felt to that f o r Sparta the stand lutions o f 411 and His died son i n the Xenophon's e x i l e involvement. life. I think a rare singleness He later also Greek that this forces. i n the saw states He before and Sparta treatment of was Second, and Mantinea time therefore i n the B a t t l e of in Coronea. 362. political have a l a r g e e n t i r e spectrum of i n v a r i a b l y makes t h e phenomenon when a p e r s o n p u r s u e s entire lifetime. revo- t h o u g h t s were i n some T h i r d , we almost the finan- to involved at the state. only practically was his saw the events of h i s i n h i s work much more d i f f i c u l t o f mind f o r an He powerful humaneness. T h u s Xenophon's d e c i s i o n s external First, s o l u t i o n f o r Athens present skirmish o f h i s works c o v e r i n g "consistency" me cavalry was and from Athens a l s o i n d i c a t e s a c t i v e measure a f f e c t e d by lection a rich quickly, limited objectivity. He things. empire and greater sometimes w i t h 404. in i n Xenophon's inconsiderate involvement take a of enunciated r a p i d change. o f A t h e n s i n 355- sense of f o r c e d him three A t h e n s as c o n t r o l t h r o u g h h a r s h and Xenophon had by o f power among t h e T h u s he importance was tension of extremely e m p i r e and pinnacle this de v e c t i g a l i b u s . d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the more d i s c i p l i n e that A n a b a s i s and i s underlined condition Greeks. increased i n a constant span c o v e r e d a time first lose i n the form i n the These a t t i t u d e s a r e t o the I t was task since only one colhis of f i n d i n g a i t seems to interest with C e r t a i n l y Xenophon's 103 i d e a s under t h e s t r e s s o f t h e changing t i m e s and c o n s t a n t i n v o l v e ment c o u l d h a r d l y be expected t o remain r i g i d from y o u t h t o o l d age. Thus Xenophon's p o l i t i c a l i d e a s work themselves out i n a t e n s i o n between t h e concept of t h e h e r o i c i n d i v i d u a l and t h e i n t e r e s t i n mankind g e n e r a l l y . I t i s h i s concern w i t h t h e f o r - mer t h a t r e v e a l s i t s e l f i n h i s e s p o u s a l o f o l i g a r c h y w h i l e t h e l a t t e r m o t i v a t e d him t o support t h e moderates i n 404• The d e f e a t of Athens by S p a r t a and h i s f r i e n d s h i p w i t h A g e s i l a u s a g a i n r e i n f o r c e d h i s a d m i r a t i o n f o r t h e h e r o i c i n d i v i d u a l and l e d t o h i s w r i t i n g o f t h e R e s p u b l i c a Lacedaemoniorum and t h e C y r o p a e d i a . H i s p h i l a n t h r o p i a brought about h i s d i s a p p r o v a l of S p a r t a ' s and A g e s i l a u s ' a c t i v i t y a f t e r t h e K i n g ' s Peace o f 336. T h i s a t t i t u d e g a i n s even more emphasis i n t h e A n a b a s i s where t h e assembly i s of much g r e a t e r importance t o t h e l e a d e r s t h a n t h e common people o r t h e c i r c l e of a d v i s e r s a r e t o Cyrus i n t h e C y r o p a e d i a . Neverthe- l e s s he s t i l l m a i n t a i n e d h i s i n t e r e s t i n t h e i n d i v i d u a l , as i s demonstrated i n h i s a c c o u n t s of Jason o f Pherae, Epaminondas,^ and S o c r a t e s . Iphicrates, I n h i s l a s t work, h i s concern f o r common people l e d him t o suggest t h a t m e t i c s be g i v e n g r e a t e r p o l i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n Athens and o t h e r s i m i l a r l y ideas. radical Thus i t i s c l e a r t h a t p o l i t i c s f o r Xenophon meant 2 Hell. V I , 1, 4-19 and 4, 20-37- 3 Hell. V I , 2, 13-39. *-Hell. V I I , 5, 4 - 2 5 - 104 espousing t h e p o l i c y t h a t the immediate s i t u a t i o n demanded. Once a g a i n we a r e reminded of S o c r a t e s * d i s c u s s i o n w i t h A r i s t i p p u s where t h e main p o i n t of t h e c o n v e r s a t i o n i s t h a t t h e b e a u t i f u l and t h e good a r e r e l a t i v e itdvTCX yap aya^cx uev concepts. xal xaXd'eaTi npbq a av eu Xenophon l a y s g r e a t s t r e s s on xaXov x & y a & o v T h i s exT) i s what he w i s h e s t o see among t h e G r e e k - s p e a k i n g peoples and what he s t r e s s e s i n h i s own l i f e . to I t seems r e a s o n a b l e , t h e n , t o expect Xenophon make p r a c t i c a l d e c i s i o n s i n k e e p i n g w i t h the c i r c u m s t a n c e s . In a d d i t i o n t o t h e t e a c h i n g o f S o c r a t e s , t o whom Xenophon a s c r i b e s t h i s pragmatic philosophy of l i f e , Gorgias may have i n f l u e n c e d Xenophon t o f o l l o w the course he d i d i n t h e making o f decisions. Wilhelm N e s t l e 7 makes t h e f o l l o w i n g p o i n t s : phon knew t h e t e a c h i n g of G o r g i a s v e r y w e l l ( c f . Anab. 1 6 - 2 0 ) ; 2) 1) Xeno- I I , 6, one of G o r g i a s ' main t e a c h i n g s was t h a t d e c i s i o n s must be made on the b a s i s of p r e s e n t c i r c u m s t a n c e s , one's u l t i m a t e g o a l and whether one was d e a l i n g w i t h f r i e n d s or enemies; and 3) Xeno- phon r i g h t l y makes G o r g i a s t h e t e a c h e r of Proxenus, h i s f r i e n d , but i g n o r e s t h a t he was a l s o t h e t e a c h e r of Menon, h i s enemy. Thus Xenophon seems t o have had some a d m i r a t i o n f o r G o r g i a s . I l l , 8, 7. °Lac. P o l . 10, 4. Mem. 5 7 W i l h e l m N e s t l e , "Xenophon und d i e S o p h i s t i k , " P h i l o g u s , XCIV (1939) 3 1 - 5 0 . 105 Whether we a s c r i b e t h i s pragmatic p h i l o s o p h y Gorgias, cal t o Socrates or I t h i n k t h a t Xenophon d e l i b e r a t e l y espoused t h e p o l i t i - p o l i c y t h a t seemed b e s t f o r t h e s t a t e s of H e l l a s i n a given situation. Thus one must be very c a r e f u l i n s p e a k i n g o f a p o l i - t i c a l i d e a l i n Xenophon s i n c e h i s p o l i t i c s were s u b j e c t t o change according t o the circumstances. BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Apollodorus. ., A u t h o r s and T e x t s F r a g , d e r Gr. H i s t . I I B , No. 244. F. Jacoby. Aristotle. Ancient Leiden E d i t e d by 1962. (1) Atheniens^um R e s p u b l i c a . yon. Oxford 1920. (2) ham. Loeb C l a s s i c a l L i b r a r y . E d i t e d by F. G. Ken- E d i t e d and t r a n s l a t e d by H. RackLondon and Cambridge, Mass. 1935. 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The development of Xenophon's political ideas Rahn, Peter Jacob 1969
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