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UBC Theses and Dissertations

The development of Xenophon's political ideas Rahn, Peter Jacob 1969

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THE DEVELOPMENT OF XENOPHON'S POLITICAL IDEAS  by  PETER JACOB RAHN B.A. , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1962  A THESIS SUBMITTED I N PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF WHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n t h e Department of CLASSICS  We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to t h e r e q u i r e d  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA J u l y , 1969  In p r e s e n t i n g an  this  thesis  advanced degree at  the  Library  I further for  shall  the  his  of  this  agree that  written  of  be  for extensive  g r a n t e d by  the  It i s understood  for financial  gain  of  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada  British  available for  permission.  Department  Date  University  permission  representatives. thesis  f u l f i l m e n t of  make i t f r e e l y  s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may  by  in p a r t i a l  Columbia  shall  requirements  Columbia,  Head o f my  be  I agree  r e f e r e n c e and copying of  that  not  the  that  Study.  this  thesis  Department  c o p y i n g or  for  or  publication  allowed without  my  ABSTRACT  T h i s t h e s i s t r a c e s the development of Xenophon*s p o l i t i c a l i d e a s from h i s y o u t h t o o l d age.  S p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n i s given  t o s t a t e m e n t s of e v a l u a t i o n i n the H e l l e n i c a c o n c e r n i n g e v e n t s that occurred  in his lifetime.  of h i s o t h e r works are a n a l y s e d g i c a l framework p r o v i d e d we  The b a s i c a t t i t u d e s and and f i t t e d i n t o the  t o meet the immediate needs of the Greek s t a t e s . upon w h i c h h i s i d e a s are founded are two constantly i n a tension. tocratic  admiration  as p h i l a n t h r o p i a .  bases  attitudes that  These are, on,the one  Then  changed  The  hand, an  of t h e h e r o i c w a r r i o r and, on t h e  an a t t i t u d e d e s i g n a t e d  chronolo-  by the s t u d y of the H e l l e n i c a .  conclude t h a t Xenophon's i d e a s were not s t a t i c but  ideas  are aris-  other,  ACKNOWLEGMENT  I w i s h t o e x p r e s s my a p p r e c i a t i o n t o P r o f e s s o r s H. G. E d i n g e r and J . R u s s e l l f o r t h e i r encouragement and c r i t i c i s m a t t h e o u t s e t o f t h i s u n d e r t a k i n g , and t o Mr. P. Harding f o r s e v e r a l s t i m u l a t i n g d i s c u s s i o n s . F i n a l l y , I am e s p e c i a l l y i n d e b t e d t o P r o f e s s o r M. F. McGregor, t h e d i r e c t o r o f t h i s t h e s i s , f o r h i s a d v i c e and c r i t i c i s m .  TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE ABBREVIATIONS  iv  INTRODUCTION  vi  CHAPTERS 1  Xenophon's E a r l y L i f e  2  Xenophon i n the Prime o f L i f e  21  3  Xenophon and t h e B a t t l e o f Coronea . . .  32  4  Xenophon and Tyranny  44  5  Xenophon's Defence  51  6  Greece and P e r s i a .  62  7  Xenophon and I s o c r a t e s  $9  &  Conclusion  BIBLIOGRAPHY  1  101 106  ABBREVIATIONS I Ancient Authors Ath. P o l .  A r i s t o t l e , Atheniensium  Respublica.  de i n v .  C i c e r o , de_ i n v e n t i o n e .  Diog. L a e r t .  Diogenes L a e r t i u s , V i t a e Philosophorum.  Pan.  Isocrates,  Thuc.  Thucydides, H i s t o r i a .  Anab.  Xenophon, A n a b a s i s .  Cyn.  Xenophon, C y n e g e t i c u s .  Cyr.  Xenophon, C y r o p a e d i a .  Hell.  Xenophon, H e l l e n i c a .  Mem.  Xenophon, M e m o r a b i l i a .  Resp. L a c .  Xenophon, R e s p u b l i c a  vect.  Xenophon, de v e c t i g a l i b u s .  Panegyricus.  II  Lacedaemoniorum.  Journals  AJP  American J o u r n a l o f P h i l o l o g y .  TAPA  American P h i l o l o g i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n and  Transactions  Proceedings.  APh  L'Annee P h i l o i o g i q u e .  JAW  Bursian's  Jahresbericht.  C l a s s , e t Med, C l a s s i c a et M e d i a e v a l i a . Class. Journ.  Classical  Class.  Classical' Philology.  Phil.  Journal.  C l a s s . Rev.  C l a s s i c a l Review.  C l a s s . Wor.  C l a s s i c a l World ( ^ C l a s s i c a l Weekly).  V  JHS Mus.  Journal of Hellenic Studies. Hel.  Museum  Helveticum.  REG  Revue d e s E t u d e s  greques.  R h e i n . Mus.  R h e i n i s c h e s Museum.  Wien. Stud.  Wiener S t u d i e n .  INTRODUCTION Any attempt to understand and to evaluate the work of an author must consider the age i n which he l i v e d and the society that influenced him.  Such i s the case with Xenophon.  The lack  of appeal that he has f o r our age''" exists, I believe, because he has been dealt with i n an u n c r i t i c a l manner.  Xenophon has  often been censured because he i s moralistic, shallow and p prejudiced.  Most scholars of our times have a r b i t r a r i l y and  unsympathetically compared him with t h e i r own l i k e s and d i s l i k e s and f a i l e d to notice the influence of the society in which he l i v e d and h i s experiences upon him.  It i s i n t h i s vein that  H. J. Rose writes? For great i s not.the word to use of Xenophon.  In  him, a mind which i t would be f l a t t e r y to c a l l second-rate and a character hide-bound with convention a t t a i n somehow to a very respectable One need only examine the indices of any c l a s s i c a l p u b l i cation during the past ten years to notice the dearth of a r t i c l e s on Xenophon i n comparison with the large number of his works. E.jjj., J . B. Bury, The Ancient Greek Historians, 153, and C. M. Bowra, Ancient Greek Literature, 147. graphical data see pages  106-117.  For f u l l b i b l i o -  l i t e r a r y e x p r e s s i o n and a r e p r e s e n t e d  with at  l e a s t two s u b j e c t s on w h i c h i t i s n e a r l y i m p o s s i ble  dull.3  t o be w h o l l y  Judgments o f such a k i n d presuppose t h a t t h e s c h o l a r ' s own system o f v a l u e s i s i n some way b e t t e r than Xenophon's. i s an assumption t h a t cannot be proved. seeks r a t h e r t o understand i n w h i c h he l i v e d .  This  Another approach  Xenophon i n t h e l i g h t o f t h e s o c i e t y  I n q u i r y must be made i n t o t h e events  that  took p l a c e d u r i n g h i s l i f e t i m e and c o n s i d e r a t i o n g i v e n t o i d e a s and a t t i t u d e s of h i s contemporaries  i n o r d e r t o determine what  the major i s s u e s o f h i s day were and what may have been t h e q u e s t i o n s w i t h w h i c h he was c o n f r o n t e d . to what q u e s t i o n s he addressed  Only 'when i t i s c l e a r  h i m s e l f can we b e g i n t o under-  stand how Xenophon's i d e a s changed and developed. phon' s l i f e t i m e covered years, i t i s probable  a span o f a p p r o x i m a t e l y  Since Xeno-  seventy-five  t h a t t h e p o l i t i c a l l y important  of h i s age w i l l have undergone some change.  questions  Xenophon's answers  w i l l undoubtedly have v a r i e d w i t h t h e m o d i f i c a t i o n o r t h e r e c a s t i n g o f p o l i t i c a l v i e w s and t h e e v e n t f u l l i f e t h a t he l i v e d . T h i s work a t t e m p t s t o understand  the contrasting p o l i t i c a l  i d e a s o f Xenophon t h a t a r e found i n h i s work i n t h e l i g h t o f h i s g e n e r a t i o n and h i s e x p e r i e n c e s . were not haphazardly  That t h e s e c o n t r a s t i n g i d e a s  assumed b u t were p a r t of a p a r t i c u l a r view  of l i f e and t h e r e f o r e d e l i b e r a t e l y espoused a t d i f f e r e n t will,  I hope, a l s o be demonstrated.  3H. J . Rose, A Handbook o f Greek L i t e r a t u r e . 305-  times  viii The d e s i r a b i l i t y of such a study arises from the growing tendency among scholars^ to find i n the writings of Xenophon and p a r t i c u l a r l y  i n the Hellenica subjective accounts of events.  Much of h i s narrative assumes that the reader of his day had previous knowledge of Xenophon*s ideas as expressed i n other works.  Some attempts have been made to set forth what i s known  as "Xenophon's p o l i t i c a l idealism."5 An attempt of this kind i s , however, not s u f f i c i e n t since i t assumes that Xenophon's ideas remained s t a t i c and that they are f u l l y and comprehensively expressed i n the Cyropaedia.  The following pages w i l l give a  wider scope to Xenophon's p o l i t i c a l views.  4E.fr.,  H. R. Breitenbach, Xenophon von Athen, I656 - 1701,  and Peter K f a f f t , "Vier Beispiele des Xenophontischen i n Xenophons Hellenika," Rhein.  Mus., CX (I967), 103-150.  % . Weathers, "Xenophon's P o l i t i c a l Idealism," Class. Journ•, XLIX (1953-54),  317-321.  CHAPTER 1 XENOPHON'S EARLY LIFE  Xenophon was born in.Attica in the deme of Erchia 430 B.C.  about  He grew up amidst the exaltation and the anguish that  2  Athens experienced  during the Peloponnesian War.  He saw  the  p o l i t i c a l confrontation between the democrats and the oligarchs. He noticed how the mob man  could be swayed against the advice of a  l i k e P e r i c l e s by the oratory of a demagogue l i k e Cleon or  Alcibiades^ so that the Athenians refused peace i n 425,  undertook  the expedition against Syracuse i n 415 and eventually brought ruin upon the great c i t y of Athens.  The continuing t r i a l s of  Athens a f t e r 415 caused deep resentment among those who burden of taxation and who others.  i s Athens losing the war?" the  often given that i t was  tem i n which the demos was  ^Diog. Laert., 2, 2  saw decisions being made f o r them by  To the question "Why  answer was  bore the  the f a u l t of the p o l i t i c a l sys-  easily swayed and turned to what was  48.  Anab., I I I , 1, 25 and 2, 3 7 .  Both passages indicate that  Xenophon took part i n Cyrus'^march when he was  either too young  to be elected strategos or had just reached the minimum age of thirty.  0. Gigon, Kommentar zum Ersten Buch von Xenophons Memor-  a b i l i e n , 106,  places Xenophon's birthdate i n the year 441/0  following Apollodorus,  B.C.,  although he questions the grounds upon  which the date i s based (cf. F. Jacoby, Frag, gr. Hist., no. comm. to f r a g . 343). 3Thuc, IV 15-23; VI, 9 - 1 5 -  244,  2  r e a d i l y a t hand.'*'  A l t h o u g h we do n o t know whether Xenophon took  p a r t i n t h e r e s u l t i n g o l i g a r c h i c r e v o l u t i o n i n 411 we suspect t h a t he came from a home t h a t was o l i g a r c h i c i n sympathy because he belonged t o t h e c l a s s of k n i g h t s ( f o r t h e h i p p e i s supported t h e o l i g a r c h s both i n 411 and i n 404/3).  L a t e r he c o n s i d e r e d him-  s e l f a candidate f o r the p o s i t i o n of strategos.^  I n 409/& he p r o -  b a b l y accompanied t h e A t h e n i a n e x p e d i t i o n t h a t undertook t h e s i e g e of  Chalcedon and i n 406 he p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h e s e a b a t t l e a t A r g i n -  usae.k In t h e o l i g a r c h i c r e v o l u t i o n i n 404/3 he served i n t h e cava l r y under t h e guidance o f t h e E l e v e n . 7  That he c o u l d support t h e  bloodshed and e x i l e s o f t h a t y e a r i n d i c a t e s how t h o r o u g h l y he must have been d i s i l l u s i o n e d w i t h t h e demos.  VThuc., I , 20, 1 and 3^Anab. I l l , 2, 37 ( c e r t a i n l y an e a s i e r p o s i t i o n t o o b t a i n i f one had been prominent t h r o u g h b i r t h o r p o l i t i c a l °Hell. I , 4, 25 and 35-  activity).  The c o n c l u s i o n i s based on t h e f u l l -  ness o f the d e s c r i p t i o n g i v e n and on t h e t h e o r y t h a t much o f t h e n a r r a t i v e i s b a s i c a l l y Xenophon's eye-witness account. ?H_ell. I I , 3 , 12 i n d i c a t e s Xenophon's sympathy f o r t h e e a r l y work o f t h e T h i r t y . his  H i s a b i l i t y as a cavalryman i s c l e a r from  works de e q u i t a n d i r a t i o n e and de equitum m a g i s t r o .  He men-  t i o n s t h a t he rode d u r i n g t h e r e t u r n from t h e A n a b a s i s (Anab. I l l , 3,  19; V I I ,  6 ) . F i n a l l y h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of the c a v a l r y ' s  a c t i v i t y under t h e T h i r t y i s v e r y f u l l ; 24-26.  Hell.  I I 4, 2-10 and  I n f a c t the d e s c r i p t i o n of the year of the T h i r t y occupies  h a l f as much space as t h e account o f t h e p r e v i o u s s i x y e a r s t o g e ther.  See W. P. Henry, Greek H i s t o r i c a l W r i t i n g , 73.  3 It was during these years of c r i s i s and p o l i t i c a l turmoil that Socrates became eminent.  The association of C r i t i a s and  Alcibiades with Socrates before they achieved p o l i t i c a l prominence (or notoriety) had created great animosities between the demos and those who had a reputation f o r wisdom.  The hatred and  fear of oligarchy i n any form that were r i f e in Athens after 403 extended to the s o c i a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l c i r c l e s from which the extremists had sprung.  The relationship of the extreme oligarchs  with the Sophists, and also with Socrates, was widely known among the people of Athens but greatly misunderstood.  As a result,  Socrates was associated indiscriminately with a l l the attributes of the Sophists.  Hence, he appeared to some as a friend of the  a r i s t o c r a t s , a despiser of the common people, a corrupter of morals and an atheist.  Xenophon also experienced something of  this h o s t i l i t y , for he had supported the oligarchs.  Furthermore,  a personal relationship existed between Xenophon and Socrates.9 It i s as a result of these factors that the Cynegeticus (the  e a r l i e s t of his works*-*) contains his strong castigation of 1  %em.  I, 2, 16.  9cicero,. de inv.  I, 31, 5 quotes the Socratic Aeschines  in a passage that l i n k s Xenophon and his wife with Socrates. Xenophon himself both in Mem.  I,3, 3-13 and i n Anab.  I l l , 1,  5-7 makes a point of his relationship with Socrates. !0The evidence f o r considering t h i s work early in origin i s given by H. Richards, "The Hellenics of Xenophon," Class. Rev.,  XV (1901) 197-203, and "The Minor Works of Xenophon,"  Class. Rev.. XII (1898) 285-292; J. Mewaldt, "Die Composition des Xenophontischen  Kynegetikos," Hermes, XLVI (1911) 70-92.  the S o p h i s t s . T h e  m a j o r i t y c l a i m t o lead the young t o v i r t u e  but they do the o p p o s i t e .  They w r i t e books t h a t o f f e r empty  p l e a s u r e s t o the young but c o n t a i n no  apexii.  Concerning t h e i r  s t y l e Xenophon says that xoc u e v priuaxa avxoZq, i^f^sm^iqzyvCi\iai, 6e  6p&3c,  exouaou  ...  oi>6au.o0  .  Then he seeks t o a l i g n him-  1 2  s e l f w i t h the people of h i s own day when he says, iieyovoi nal ev  a\\ot  xoZq  TioMol  ovojiaat  TOU?  v u v aoqptoxag  aocpiCovTCU,  xat  ev x o t s  OUH  ou  [tous]  6c  cpiAoaocpous , O T I  vorinaou . ^  He i s  e x p r e s s i n g an a t t i t u d e that i s the a n t i t h e s i s of h i s a t t i t u d e t o the Sophist Gorgias, as he enunciates i t i n the A n a b a s i s . p  o  r  Proxenus as a p u p i l of Gorgias seems t o have d i s p l a y e d some r a t h e r lofty  i d e a l s and q u a l i t i e s i n h i s quest f o r fame, power and wealth  The e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the e x p r e s s i o n of Xenophon's a t t i t u d e  toward  the S o p h i s t s i n t h e Cynegeticus i s of a two-fold nature.  First,  I t h i n k t h a t he a c t u a l l y f e l t  some antagonism  appeared wise and, f o r a f e e , surrounded  toward  those who  themselves w i t h p u p i l s ,  i n d i r e c t c o n t r a s t t o Socrates, who asked n o t h i n g of other men except a w i l l i n g n e s s t o engage i n d i s c u s s i o n . who e v TOCS o v o n a a u  aocpiCovxau  whom Xenophon c a l l e d S o p h i s t s ypacpouatv  e n l T £ eauTuiv  i:L  Cyn.  13,1.  1 2  Cyn.  13,3.  1 3  I b i d . , 6.  1  ^Anab.  1 5  Cvn.  ev  xoi<;  voriuaatv  •  Those  knl xy elanaxav "kiyovai, na!  nepdei,,...  I I , 2, 6, 16-20. 13,8.  xal O U H  These a r e the men  ou6e yap  00905  auxwv  eyeveTO  0&6  5  Xenophon i d e n t i f i e d h i m s e l f w i t h ca n o U o i attention  t o gain  their  and sympathy i n o r d e r t h a t he might r e v e a l t h e second  reason f o r h i s c a s t i g a t i o n  o f the S o p h i s t s .  r e c t i f y the misunderstanding relationship  He w i s h e d t o  t h a t had a r i s e n c o n c e r n i n g t h e  o f S o c r a t e s t o h i m s e l f and others o f  oligarchic  sympathy a g a i n s t whom t h e r e was o b v i o u s h o s t i l i t y , i n s p i t e o f t h e g e n e r a l amnesty t h a t had been d e c l a r e d a f t e r t h e r e s toration  o f t h e democracy i n 403  , and d i r e c t t h i s h o s t i l i t y  where he thought i t b e l o n g e d — a g a i n s t t h i s end he c o n c l u d e s follows:  TOC  uxv ouv  <pu\dTTea$at,, x a  6e  00910-Twv TrapaYYeknaTa uapatvw  cpi\oa6<pa>v kv§\)\xT\\ia.-zaL \xr\ a x u u d C e t v .  01 uev yap aocpiarai TtXouatous x a l -  ' N  To  h i s harangue a g a i n s t . t h e S o p h i s t s as  TWV  TOJV  t h e demagogues.  »  r  cpiAoaocpot naau x o t v o l x a l <pt\oi .  veou? ^npwvcat, o i  6e  17  He here a t t e m p t s t o  make a simple d i s t i n c t i o n by means o f w h i c h the common p e o p l e of Athens may c l e a r l y i d e n t i f y who a r e t h e i r r e a l f o e s and who  are not.  F u r t h e r m o r e , s i n c e Xenophon was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h  S o c r a t e s , who a c c o r d i n g t o Xenophon's d e f i n i t i o n c o u l d n o t be c o n s i d e r e d a S o p h i s t , t h e h o s t i l i t y t h a t had a r i s e n  after  404/3 a g a i n s t t h e s o c i a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l c i r c l e i n w h i c h Xenophon moved might be d i v e r t e d elsewhere.  T h i s was t h e  e x t e n t o f h i s defence a g a i n s t t h e h o s t i l i t y r o f t h e g e n e r a l public.  Never d i d he t r y t o hide h i s h i g h r e g a r d f o r t h e  t r u e p h i l o s o p h e r o r deny h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p l 6  Hell.  I I , 4,  17 Cyn.  13, 9.  43.  w i t h him.  6 This brings us face to. face with the problem of what t h i s relationship was.  If one considers the account of Socrates'  behaviour as Xenophon gives i t i n the Memorabilia, two characteri s t i c s become evident.  F i r s t , i t has an extraordinary emphasis  on the r e l i g i o u s nature of Socrates' conduct.  In these r e l i g i ^  ous references several s c h o l a r s ^ have found a thematic and 1  r h e t o r i c a l arrangement that serves as the framework within which we see Socrates a c t i v e l y engaged in improving the people with whom he comes in contact. Xenophon's account. words o u x w g ajcpe\euv t h i s statement  This i s the second c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of  Socrates i s constantly described with the ECOHEL  U.OL  xouq o u v o v x a ? .  When oneconsiders  i n r e l a t i o n to the dialogue with A r i s t i p p u s  2 1  where  the main point i s that whether something i s x a \ 6 v x e n a y a ^ o v i s r e l a t i v e to whether i t i s euxpticrxov  i t quickly becomes apparent 22  that Socrates i s exemplary i n his behaviour. can best be taught by example. 1  ^Mem.  Therefore Socrates engages i n  I, 1, 1-9, 20; I 3,1-4; I,  III, 9, 15; IV, 3, 2-18;  What i s r e l a t i v e  IV, 6, 1-5;  4, 2-19;  I I I , 3, 10;  IV, 7, 6, and 10; IV, 8, 1-11.  19ivo Bruns, Das L i t erarische Port rat  der Griechen, 361-  378; H. Erbse, "Die Architektonik im Aufbau von Xenophons Memorab i l i e n , "Hermes, LXXXXIX (1961), 257-2 67; 0. Gigon, Kommentar sum Ersten Buch von Xenophons Memorabilien and Kommentar sum Zweiten Buch von Xenophons Memorabilien  y  passim.  Mem.  I, 3, 1; I, 4, 1; I I , 1, 1; H I , 1, 1; IV, 1, 1;  Mem.  I l l , 8, 1-7-  Mem.  I,:,2, 17; I, 2, 1; I, 5, 6; IV, 1, 1.  2Q  21  22  7 making good soldiers, good c i t i z e n s and good people by voiiiCwv xal  In t h i s usefulness Socrates became  \evu>v x a l npaxTwv.  noble and good.  From these two d i s t i n c t i v e features of the work  I think i t necessary to conclude that i n the Memorabilia Xenophon considered the formal charges brought against Socrates at his t r i a l of grave  importance.  When one compares t h i s attitude toward his t r i a l with that of Plato i n the Apology the d i s s i m i l i t u d e i s at once obvious. In the l a t t e r account h o s t i l i t y against Socrates arose not from impiety or corrupting the youth (as the formal charge stated) but from his relationship to the leading p o l i t i c a l men  of the c i t y . ^ 2  He had incurred t h e i r hatred (and along with t h i s the prejudice of the majority of the c i t i z e n s ) 5 2  D v  revealing t h e i r lack of  wisdom through; questioning and cross-examination.  What Socrates'  role had been i n the state and what i t would continue to be i f he remained a l i v e was'e depicted by the example of the f l y that arouses a b i g and well-bred but lethargic horse to action. In the midst of t h i s h o s t i l e setting, Socrates twice came to the c i t y ' s attention, once when he opposed the i l l e g a l t r i a l of the generals a f t e r the battle of Arginusae and l a t e r when contrary to  3Mem.  2  2  I I , 10, 6; I I , 9, 4-  4 p i a t o , Apology. 21B-22A; 29C-30B.  2 5  P l a t o , Apology,  2 6  I b i d . , 30E, 31A.  28B.  s the orders of the Thirty he refused to bring Leon the Salaminian to be put to d e a t h .  27  Plato then makes Socrates' p o l i t i c a l a c t i -  v i t y the main source of Athens* enmity toward him and, i n d i r e c t l y , of his death. This delineation of Socrates' behaviour seems to agree at least i n part with the quibbling character whom Aristophanes 28 lampoons i n the Clouds.  Xenophon himself gives some credence  to the Platonic portrayal in that he considers the opposition of Socrates to the t r i a l of generals worthy of mention i n his histo29 r i c a l narrative.  7  Even in the Memorabilia Xenophon repeats the  account of Socrates' behaviour i n public o f f i c e - ^ but then passes on hurriedly to other things.  It seems reasonable, then, to ass-  ume that he was aware of another view of the t r i a l of Socrates and that he deliberately chose to give his portrayal the emphasis denoted above. The question why r e l i g i o n plays such an important part i n the Memorabilia becomes even more perplexing when one notes that some of Xenophon's early work ! i s written without reference to 3  2 7  28  2  Plato., 'Apology, 32A-E.  Aristophanes, Clouds, 143-168.  ^Hell.  I, 7, 15-  For-the l a t e s t discussion concerning  the problems that arise from comparison of the various accounts of these events see Henry, Greek H i s t o r i c a l Writing, 100 - 107. 3  °Mem.  IV, 4 ,  1-4-  ^Cynegeticus; de equitandi ratione; de equitum  1  magistro.  t h e gods.  Among these t h e H e l l e n i c a r e v e a l s t h e most s t a r t l i n g  tendency because i n Books one and two he i g n o r e s r e l i g i o u s  ritual  (_e._g. s a c r i f i c e s b e f o r e a campaign) b u t from t h e b e g i n n i n g o f Book t h r e e such m a t t e r s a r e mentioned w i t h i n c r e a s i n g f r e q u e n c y . Thus he d i s p l a y s a growing awareness o f t h e r o l e o f r e l i g i o n i n Greek s o c i e t y .  Furthermore  A n a b a s i s , V I I , 3, 5, i n d i c a t e s t h a t  Xenophon made some s o r t of r e t u r n t o the p a t e r n a l gods.-^ date of w r i t i n g o f the M e m o r a b i l i a  The  (see i n f r a 52) i s l o n g a f t e r  t h e y e a r 399/3, when t h e change i n Xenophon's r e l i g i o u s a t t i t u d e s i s supposed t o have t a k e n p l a c e . hope t h a t i n t h e essence  Hence i t seems r e a s o n a b l e t o  o f h i s r e l i g i o n we s h a l l f i n d some reason  f o r the emphasis i n t h e p o r t r a y a l of S o c r a t e s , The o p p o r t u n i t y t o express h i s r e l i g i o u s c o n c e p t i o n i n h i s own way was g i v e n t o him a t S c y l l u s .  3 3  an e s t a t e by t h e S p a r t a n s , he purchased  Here, h a v i n g been g r a n t e d a sacred p r e c i n c t t h a t  he made o f s p e c i a l importance t o t h e s u r r o u n d i n g Greek p e o p l e s by f i n a n c i n g a r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l w i t h t h e produce t a k e n from t h e land.  P a r t of t h e r i t u a l was a hunt o r g a n i z e d by Xenophon's sons;  and o t h e r s , ot pou\6|ievot avdpeg,  joined in. ^" 3  The r e l i g i o u s  a c t i v i t y o f Xenophon t h e n p r o v i d e d t h e neighbourhood o r t u n i t y t o meet i n a s o c i a l and f e s t i v e atmosphere. people a t t e n d i n g t h e Olympic  3 it 2  w i t h an oppNo doubt  games a l s o v i s i t e d Xenophon. 5 3  Thus  i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t on t h i s o c c a s i o n he s a c r i -  f i c e s t o Zeus # . M e c \ t x t o s "the s o o t h e r , " " t h e k i n d one." t  3 3  Anab.  V, 3, 7-13-  3 4  Anab.  V, 3, 10.  35Anab.  V,  3,  7-  10 Xenophon could see near at hand how the pan-Hellenic r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l s fostered the sense of Greek community and i d e n t i t y . It was here that the Olympic s p i r i t worked f o r concord and fellow-feeling.  As Gilbert Murray says with reference to the  f i f t h century, " I t i s , a f t e r a l l , a good deal to say, that i n Greek history we find almost no warring of sects, no mutual tortures or even blasphemies."3°  In the Olympian r e l i g i o n , without  roots i n any p a r t i c u l a r s o i l , Xenophon found a most powerful a u x i l i a r y i n bringing about Greek harmony, f o r each state could f i n d some aspect of the individual god's worship with which i t could i d e n t i f y and on which i t could project i t s own conceptions and so f e e l that i t f i t t e d i n with things Greek. In the Memorabilia i t s e l f we find at least two passages that seem i n accord with the ideas expressed above.  In the f i r s t , 3 7  Xenophon t e l l s the story of how the Priestess, i n answer to the question how i t was necessary to act concerning s a c r i f i c e s or ancestral cults or other such things, replied that one should act v6|ii*) Tt6\eu)s.  While the story i t s e l f may well i l l u s t r a t e the p o l i -  t i c a l astuteness of Delphi i n maintaining a non-sectarian nature, i t i s t o l d by the author to show that Socrates' r e l i g i o u s behaviour was i n accord with t h i s attitude. The second passage-^ has been exhaustively dealt with by  . Murray, Five Stages of Greek Religion, 70. 37Mem.  I, 3, 1.  38Mem.  Ill,  g, 10.  11 Gunnar Rudberg.^9  j  n  his discussion he points out how t h i s  statement with i t s certainty of tone and i t s interest i n the physical universe stands i n contrast to the usual hesitancy and i d e o l o g i c a l concern of Socrates i n other Socratic works.  He then  goes on to suggest that t h i s passage i s an example of an author imposing on Socrates, the epitome of wisdom, a t y p i c a l l y Hellenic a t t i t u d e — i n t h i s instance, i n the sphere of r e l i g i o n .  Thus Xeno-  phon has given expression.to a common Greek notion through the mouth of Socrates. To sum up, then, we must say that the remarkable  religious  stress of Xenophon's Socratic writing i s found not because of Socrates's influence on our author but rather because the views of the author have i n some instances been placed i n the mouth of Socrates.  In fact Xenophon's awareness of the importance and  function of r e l i g i o n i n Greek society comes a f t e r the death of Socrates and i s intimately connected with the author's p o l i t i c a l ideas (see i n f r a 5 7 ) . The presentation of Socrates as an exemplary i n d i v i d u a l i s probably a similar mixture of idealism and historial reality.  Therefore Xenophon took the formal charges  against Socrates seriously because thus he could best express what he considered to be important attitudes and aspirations.  Xenophon  has consciously deployed his material to present to us an exemplary figure with particular emphasis on his r e l i g i o u s nature since this was i n harmony with Xenophon's p o l i t i c a l ideas.  39 . G  Rudberg, "Temp©! und A l t a r bei Xenophon," Symbolae  Osloenses, XVIII (1938), 1-8.  On the other hand 0. Gigon,  "Xenophent'©a," Eranos, (1946) 131-152 points out what he considers to be the core of h i s t o r i c a l Socratic dialogue.  12 Perhaps the most s i g n i f i c a n t p o l i t i c a l influence that affected Xenophon in his youth was the work of Thucydides. Thucydides was, as a r e s u l t of family-background, oligarchic and anti-democratic.  He had experienced e x i l e because of what  the demos considered f a i l u r e .  M. F. McGregor^O has pointed out  that, while Thucydides could admire a great man  (Pericles) i n  p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e i n a democratic state, he reserved and maintained  ^M.  F. McGregor, "The P o l i t i c s of the Historian Thucydides,"  Phoenix, X $1956), 93-102.  G. E. M. de Ste. Croix, "The Character  of the Athenian Empire, "Historia, III (1954), 1-41  (particularly  3 1 - 3 7 ) , anticipates much that McGregor says in his a r t i c l e . H. D. F. K i t t o , Poiesis, 313, writes that i t would be small-minded to say simply (because of Thuc. VIII, 97, 2 ) :  "Thucydides was  But then he goes on to postulate (339)  antidemocratic."  that a  large group of Thucydidean generalisations i n the speeches revolve around the uncertainty of the future.  On page 342 he writes that  these generalisations (e.g.., IV, 65, 4) "resemble outcrops of rock which indicate the presence below the surface of a continuous stratum.  They are part of what Thucydides himself i s thinking."  Thus he uses a method much more tenuous than McGregor's in a s c r i bing to Thucydides what i s mo:_st c e r t a i n l y a conservative attitude. F i n a l l y , we should note that John H. Finley J r . , Thucydides, 2$-33,  gives a synthesis of the two points of view outlined  above by suggesting that Thucydides, a democrat  i n his youth,  gradually became a d i s i l l u s i o n e d conservative i n old age. ;  13 a distrust  of the democratic system, which caused him to express  certain b r i e f but pregnant remarks concerning to TtXn^o?.  I t was  t h i s same reasoned d i s t r u s t of democracy that l e d him to evaluate the f i r s t days of government under the moderate oligarchy of the Five Thousand as a time when oi ' A S n v a i o t tpatvovxat eu 41  uoXtxeuaavTe?  .  This was the man who was s t i l l l i v i n g during  Xenophon's youth; whom Xenophon must have read c a r e f u l l y ; and whom he t r i e d to emulate by continuing the history of Athens and Sparta where Thucydides l e f t o f f .  Some scholars even think that  they worked together f o r some time before Thucydides d i e d . ^  2  That both were of the same i n t e l l e c t u a l c i r c l e and attached to men of similar p o l i c i e s i s perceptible when one considers f o r a moment the comments that they makenr concerning a number of t h e i r contemporaries who are linked  politically.  writes of Antiphon as the man who devisedthe cracy by the council of the Five Thousand.^ (apioToc) defended himself i n his a l l i a n c e  Thucydides  overthrow of the demoLater he most ably  with the Four Hundred.  F i n a l l y Thucydides describes him as a man i n f e r i o r to no one of the Athenians of his own day i n apexr\. ^ T h u c . VIII, 97, 2. ^ F . E. Adcock, Thucydides and his History, 98-100. For 2  the l a t e s t discussion concerning t h i s theory see W. P. Henry, Greek H i s t o r i c a l Writing, 74-81. 43-rhuc. VIII, 68, 1-2.  14 I n t h e H e l l e n i c a t h e account o f t h e t r i a l and d e a t h o f Theramenes^ f  o  r  opposing t h e more extreme p o l i c i e s o f C r i t . i a s  evokes from Xenophon a statement of a d m i r a t i o n because Theramenes d i s p l a y e d t o cppoviuov  even i n death.^5  Theramenes l i n k s h i s own  condemnation w i t h t h a t -of t h r e e o t h e r s — L e o n t h e Salaminian;' N i c e r a t u s , t h e son of N i c i a s , and A n t i p h o n . ^ 6  A l i t t l e l a t e r he  p l a c e s h i m s e l f i n the p o l i t i c a l p a r t y t h a t opposes T h r a s y b u l u s , Anytus and A l c i b i a d e s , ^ who r e l y on t h e p o l i t i c a l support of T O -rc\r|$os.  Xenophon t h u s approves o f an a t t i t u d e towards t h e  demos s i m i l a r t o t h a t e x p r e s s e d by Thucydides. approval  t o people o f t h e same c i r c l e  That b o t h g i v e  i n d i c a t e s t h a t Thucydides  and Xenophon, i n h i s e a r l y days, were of a s i m i l a r  political  orientation. T h i s b r i n g s us t o t h e q u e s t i o n r a i s e d above o f T h u c y d i d e s ' d i r e c t i n f l u e n c e on Xenophon.  W. P..Henry has a t t a c k e d t h e i d e a  t h a t Xenophon wrote a c o n t i n u a t i o n o f T h u c y d i d e s ^ because theory  has h i n d e r e d s c h o l a r s from c o n s i d e r i n g h i s work as an  ^Hell. 33-37.  1 1  ,  3 , 15-56.  C f . A r i s t o t l e , A t h . P o l . , 28, 5;  L y s i a s , 12, 66, and p o s s i b l y Thucydides, V I I I , 89, 2  i n d i c a t e a d i f f e r e n t a t t i t u d e t o Theramenes.  questions  the whole concept o f l o y a l t y t o a p o l i t i c a l  or group. ^Hell. 4 6  Hell.  ^Hell. ^Greek  Raphael S e a l e y ,  o f 411 B.C.," i n E s s a y s i n Greek P o l i t i c s ,  "The R e v o l u t i o n 133,  this  I I , 3,56. I I , 3 , 3 3-40. 1 1  ,  3 , 42.  H i s t o r i c a l W r i t i n g , 14-54.  111party  15 expression of i t s author it  says.  This attack  extreme-assumption Hellenica. the  therefore,  i s necessary  studying i t  s i n c e i t does  f o r what  seem a  somewhat  to expect a carbon-copy of Thucydides i n  N e v e r t h e l e s s one s h o u l d n o t be h e s i t a n t  i n f l u e n c e o f T h u c y d i d e s i n some p a r t  t h i s need not it  and,  detract  may show h i s good  about  the  seeing  o f X e n o p h o n ' s work s i n c e  from a p p r e c i a t i o n o f the  author—inf.fact,  sense.  Thus I see n o t h i n g u n l i k e l y i n b e l i e v i n g t h a t X e n o p h o n d i d i n d e e d make u s e  o f c e r t a i n c o n v e n t i o n s o f T h u c y d i d e s ( e _ . £ . » apxo-  nevou xe^wvos • apxouivou T O U depou? ; add  citations  of the  ephor at  Sparta,  and t o t h e s e we m i g h t a n d archon a t  Xenophon uses t h e s e c o n v e n t i o n s i n c o n s i s t e n t l y t h i s proof his  that  he d e n i e s  own and t h e Let  about  us,  "at  The  i s i n no s e n s e  e v e r y t u r n t h e r e i s any c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n  however, r e v e r t  t o Xenophon and see w h a t he  The f i r s t  cates some c r i t e r i a r e a d s a s nal  TOUTO  OUH  aCt6\oya, TOU  ulv  OUH  ayvou),  EHEIVO  says  passage where Xenophon i n d i -  follows: OTL  anoq>$£y\ia.xa  TauTa  6E npCvw  TOU  <xv6pos ayaaTOv,  -&avaTOu TtapeaTTiHOTOs U ^ T E T O qppovinov  urJTE T O •rcaiYVLw6es anoXmeiv w o r d s TauTa auo<p$£YU.aTa r e f e r  c o n d e m n a t i o n and d e a t h  E H TT}S 4>uxTk."^ t o t'he ehtsire...account  o f Theramenes.  of  His apology r e s u l t s  ^9 H. R . B r e i t e n b a c h , Xenophon v o n A t h e n , I656-I658, l i n e s the archons Thuc.  chronological references.  see H e l l .  II,  if  history of Thucydides."-^  historical writing.  TO  Athens).^9  I,  3 , 1; I ,  6,  For mention of ephors 1; I I ,  1,10;  II,  1 and 2.  50w, P . H e n r y , G r e e k H i s t o r i c a l W r i t i n g ,  54-  3 , 1.  the from  outand Cf.  16 an awareness t h a t they a r e not noteworthy (a^ioX-oya ).  Thus he  i m p l i e s t h a t t h e r e a r e some e s t a b l i s h e d c r i t e r i a f o r h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g t o w h i c h he s t i l l adheres i n p a r t .  In using  and 5£  he f u r t h e r i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e r e e x i s t s i n h i s mind a t e n s i o n between e s t a b l i s h e d c r i t e r i a t h a t he has l e a r n e d and a n a t u r a l inclination The  within himself.  next passage t h a t we s h a l l c o n s i d e r  on what t h e s e c r i t i e r i a might be. YLvwcrxco  ^e  V  shedsfurther  light  I t r e a d s i n p a r t as f o l l o w s :  ouv oxt ev xouxots ouxe  6 a n d v T ) n a ouxe xtv6uvov  ouxe unxdvnua  a£t6\oYoybu6ev 6tr)YOUM.at.... xouxo yap r\6r) uoMwv n a l xpTl^ctxajv x a l xtv6uvu)v a£to\oYu>xaxov <xv6pbq epyov e a x u v . ^ Here i t becomes q u i t e p l a i n t h a t a c c o r d i n g 2  t o usual c r i t e r i a the  noteworthy s u b j e c t s i n h i s t o r y a r e g r e a t e x p e n d i t u r e danger (xtv6uvo$) and s t r a t e g y (unxdvrpa ) .  ( 6audvT)na)»  Furthermore, Xeno-  phon c a n d i d l y r e c o r d s h i s ;.growing:: o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e s e e s t a b l i s h e d c r i t e r i a t h r o u g h t h e use of t h e s u p e r l a t i v e a£to\oYu>xaxov. The  l a s t passage addssone f u r t h e r d e t a i l .  a\\a yap xwv \iev iizya\wv xa\bv enpa^av, anavxeq  Xenophon w r i t e s :  noXecav, et x t  oi auyYpacpet?  neuvnvxatj, enol 6e 6 o x e t , x a l et x t g Htxpa iioXt? ouaa no\\a x a l xa\a 6tarcercpaxxat,ext  iiaXAov a£tov e t v a t anocpatvetv  5 1  Hell.  I I , 3, 56.  5 2  Hell.  V, 1, 4.  5 3  Hell.  V I I , 2, 1.  'ipya ^  1  This  duction  t o an account  by "aitavxe?  a still  writing  that  o t avyypayeZs  account a r e great  investigation  cities.  writers.  preted  f o r himself  the  traditional  making great new  expenditures,  for  that h i s  historical  We c a n now c o n c l u d e f r o m o u r o f what was n o t e w o r t h y  m a t e r i a l and t h a t  he was g r a d u a l l y  s e l e c t i o n of subject  approved  participants i na historical  f o r Xenophon t h e c o n c e p t of h i s t o r i c a l  concept  t o these c r i t e r i a  Here, a l s o , Xenophon d e c l a r e s  governed h i s choice this  a s an i n t r o -  of t h e people of P h l i u s .  ( ext. n a M o v a£iov) s u b j e c t  of other  that  according  the usual  more w o r t h y  than t h a t  f o r i t serves  of the a c t i v i t i e s  Here i t becomes e v i d e n t  is  a f t e r 366,  p a s s a g e was w r i t t e n  7  a s he i n t e r -  forced  t o oppose  matter--namely, great  enduring great  cities  dangers and i n v e n t i n g  strategy. Where d i d t h i s  concept  first  used as s u b j e c t  great  expenditures?  o f n o t e w o r t h i n e s s come from?  matter f o r h i s t o r y great  cities  We t u r n t o t h e o p e n i n g c h a p t e r  ...' dp^duevo? e6$us n a ^ i a x a u e v o u n a !  e\Ttiaac;  u-eyav xe e a e a ^ a t n a ! a£io\oYwxaxov xtuv  Ttpoye-  YEVTiuevoov, xeHu.atp6u.evos o x t dnnaCovxes xe rjaav kq  auxbv du.<p6xepot uapaaHeuii xfi w£ai  Htvnaus yap auxn neytaxr) 6t) x o t s e y e v e x o HOC! u e p e i 6e  5 4  "EAAnaiv  x i v ! xwv pappdpwv a>s  eiTtetv n a ! £711. rcXetaxov dv^pwixooy.  Thuc.  «•••  I , 1, 1, 2.  Who  making  of Thucydides:  18  Again we read: TOUTOU  6 s  TOU  ua^-nnaTa T E EXXaot  The  UO\EUOU  £UVTIVEX$T)  UT)X6C; T E  uEya  yevia&ai  EV  7ipou|3n,  auTti) TT)  o t a oux ETEpa E V lay X P ° v w •  i d e a s t h a t r e c u r a r e remarkably  familar.  The work i s t o be  the h i s t o r i c a l n a r r a t i v e of a war t h a t i s t h e most noteworthy o f a l l t h a t have t a k e n p l a c e . recount what happened.  T h i s i s why t h e a u t h o r undertook t o  What makes t h e events noteworthy i n t h e  eyes o f the a u t h o r i s t h a t both c i t i e s a t t h e h e i g h t o f t h e i r power ( dxu.aCovTEs) e n t e r e d a war t h a t was v e r y l o n g , brought g r e a t s u f f e r i n g s i n t o Greece and a f f e c t e d a g r e a t p a r t o f mankind ( i n d i r e c t l y , t h e n , g r e a t e x p e n d i t u r e s , g r e a t dangers and much s t r a t e g y ; c f . Thuc. I , 18, 3 « )  There seems l i t t l e doubt t h a t  Thucydides i n f l u e n c e d Xenophon b o t h i m p l i c i t l y and e x p l i c i t l y i n what he w r i t e s i n h i s h i s t o r i c a l  narrative.  F i n a l l y an a m p l i f i c a t i o n of-Xenophon's p o l i t i c a l c l o s e l y l i n k e d t o h i s e a r l y e x p e r i e n c e , i s a l s o found Cynegeticus.  views, i n the  One o f t h e most obvious a t t i t u d e s t h a t Xenophon-  d i s p l a y s i n t h i s work i s h i s commitment t o a s o c i e t y engaged i n a war-effort.  Man may engage i n t h e s p o r t o f h u n t i n g f o r h i s  enjoyment and e x e r c i s e but i t s c h i e f r e s u l t i s t o t r a i n f o r war:  5 5  Thuc.  I, 2 3 ,  1.  people  uKpeXTfaovTai b'  Ipyou  TOU  0  £  uo\\d!  eui^uuriaavTe? uyteidv  cruiu.ao*t n a p a a H e u d C e t uaWov,  TOV  YTlpacr^etv  6e  u6\e|i.ov \xa\ioxa  nal  xe  TOUTOU  yap  opav  HOU  r\xxov, xa nai6eu£i.  TOL?  axoueuv  &z ,npo<; ^  Xenophon had e x p e r i e n c e d n o t h i n g but e x t e r n a l and strife  d u r i n g the e a r l y y e a r s of h i s l i f e .  internal  Military force  seemed t o be the most v i t a l concern f o r a s t a t e a t war. a man  c o u l d not f i g h t he was  Hunting was  of l i t t l e use t o t h e  the f i r s t p u r s u i t t h a t a young man  state.  should t a k e  up57 s i n c e i t c o u l d b e s t i n c u l c a t e v a l o u r i n young men *  If  and  58  make them a p i o p o u s . T r a i n i n g i n h u n t i n g would make men s e r v i c e a b l e t o t h e i r f e l l o w - c i t i z e n s and p a r t i c u l a r l y f i t 59  for  war. C l e a r l y , t h e n , by the time Xenophon made h i s f i r s t l i t e r -  ary  attempt  certain p o l i t i c a l  a t t i t u d e s had begun t o c r y s t a l -  l i z e as a r e s u l t of h i s f a m i l y background, i n t e l l e c t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n and e a r l y e x p e r i e n c e .  There was a p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h  war and an emphasis on d i r e c t p h y s i c a l involvement.  Political  a c t i v i t y a l s o r e q u i r e d t h a t a t t e n t i o n be g i v e n t o p h i l o s o p h y and t o the w i s e men  of t h e s t a t e .  Although r e l a t i n g  politics  w i t h p h i l o s o p h y engendered c e r t a i n h o s t i l e a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the minds o f the populace, t h i s u n i o n , he f e l t , must be expounded 5 Cyn. 6  5 7  5 8  5 9  Cyn.  12,1. 2,1.  I b i d . , 12,  7-9.  I b i d . , 13,  11.  20  and defended.  The g r a d u a l d e p l e t i o n t h r o u g h e x e c u t i o n of the  i n t e l l e c t u a l c i r c l e t o w h i c h Xenophon belonged r e v e a l e d t h e grim n e c e s s i t y f o r c r e a t i n g an atmosphere of harmony and s e l f - c o n t r o l i n o r d e r t o a c h i e v e a s t a b l e p o l i t i c a l system.  His association  w i t h p e o p l e l i k e Thucydides (whose views he must have known r a t h e r w e l l i n o r d e r t o be a b l e t o c o n s c i o u s l y f o r s a k e them when he grew o l d e r ) and S o c r a t e s i n f l u e n c e d him toward what must be regarded as a c o n s e r v a t i v e approach t o p o l i t i c a l  problems.  CHAPTER I I XENOPHON IN THE  PRIME OF  LIFE  A f t e r the r e v o l u t i o n i n 404/3 the h a t r e d o f t h e demos f o r a l l t h e s u p p o r t e r s o f o l i g a r c h y and the s o c i a l and  intellectual  c i r c l e s from w h i c h t h e y arose b l a z e d f o r t h i n t o renewed f i g h t i n g when t h e T h i r t y and t h e i r s u p p o r t e r s i n E l e u s i s began t o h i r e mercenaries.  I t was  a t t h i s p o i n t t h a t a l l the f o r c e s of demo-  c r a t i c Athens t o o k the f i e l d and when t h e y had c a l l e d the gene r a l s of t h e o l i g a r c h i c f a c t i o n t o a conference  they  killed  them and persuaded the o t h e r s t h r o u g h r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s t o r e t u r n t o Athens and l i v e t o g e t h e r under a d e m o c r a t i c government."'" C l e a r l y the demos had, a t t h i s p o i n t , gained the upper hand i n Athens and  i t must have been a v e r y uncomfortable  t o l i v e f o r t h o s e who  p l a c e i n which  had f o r m e r l y been the a c t i v e s u p p o r t e r s of  oligarchy. II)  A r i s t o t l e i n d i c a t e s t h a t a f t e r the g e n e r a l amnesty: intended t o migrate  (  na!  uoXXwv  nev  f o i l e d i n the attempt t o r e g i s t e r ;  eiuvoouvxwv  2) t h e r e was  e£oLHetv)  was  but were  a movement  a g a i n s t t h e members of the o l i g a r c h i c p a r t y ; ( x i ? KaxeXr|Xu$6xu>v u.vT)aLHaHeCv)that  many  r)p£ctxo  q u i e t l y suppressed.  xwv  Thus one  can r i g h t l y assume t h a t t h e r e was a g e n e r a l d i s t r u s t of the amnesty or a r e f u s a l t o work w i t h democracy among t h o s e who o r t e d the o l i g a r c h s .  had  supp-  That Xenophon can r i g h t l y be c o n s i d e r e d i n  t h i s number i s shown by h i s a t t i t u d e s toward Sthens t h a t he p l a y s i n h i s e a r l y work (see i n f r a 2 9 )•  1  Hell.  I I , 4, 43.  Cf.  dis-  The movement a g a i n s t  A r i s t o t l e , Ath. P o l . 4 0 .  22 t h e o l i g a r c h i c p a r t y a f t e r t h e amnestVj a l t h o u g h put down would ;  o n l y have i n c r e a s e d the s u s p i c i o n w i t h which t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e s viewed t h e g e n e r a l amnesty. As a r e s u l t Xenophon was q u i c k t o l e a v e Athens and j o i n h i s f r i e n d Proxenus t o take p a r t i n t h e e v e n t s t h a t he desc r i b e s i n the Anabasis.  The eagerness w i t h which Xenophon  j o i n e d t h i s campaign i s demonstrated by t h e d i s c u s s i o n w i t h o  Socrates.  He suggested t h a t Xenophon i n q u i r e a t D e l p h i whe-  t h e r he should go w i t h Proxenus.  Xenophon, however, d i d not  even q u e s t i o n whether he should go o r n o t , but o n l y t o what gods he should s a c r i f i c e i n o r d e r t o r e t u r n s u c c e s s f u l l y . That Xenophon showed such eagerness t o go on t h e e x p e d i t i o n , i n s p i t e o f t h e w a r n i n g of S o c r a t e s t h a t t h i s journey might g i v e the A t h e n i ans grounds t o accuse him of^ philo-Laconiaq., i n d i c a t e s how d e s i r o u s he was o f l e a v i n g Athens. Perhaps t h e passage t h a t most c l e a r l y s e t s f o r t h why Xeno3  phon l e f t Athens comes i n t h e A n a b a s i s .  Proxenus extended t o  Xenophon t h e i n v i t a t i o n t o j o i n t h e e x p e d i t i o n (and Proxenus was a v e r y u p r i g h t and o u t s t a n d i n g person).^"  Then Jh'e-ohatUs bad  added a promise t h a t c a r r i e d a d e f i n i t e a p p e a l f o r Xenophon. unuoxveCTO 6e auxip, ov  EL  e \ d o i , cptXov auxbv Kupcp TtoiTiaetv  auxbg ecpn npetxxu) e a u x ^ v o j i t C e i v  xfjs n a x p t 6 o g . **  There i s an i n d i c a t i o n here t h a t Xenophon was i n t e r e s t e d i n i n d i v i d u a l s who were prominent i n t h e a n c i e n t w o r l d . Thus t o  3  Anab.  4  Anab.. . I l l ,  1, 4.  Anab.  1, 10.  5  Ill,  Ill,  1, 4-10.  C f . Anab.  I , 9, 17.  23  become a c q u a i n t e d  w i t h Cyrus was one o f the m o t i v a t i n g  i n t h e d e c i s i o n t o go t o S a r d i s .  factors  There Xenophon must a l s o have  been a f f e c t e d by Cyrus t h e Younger, f o r he says t h a t when t h e y reached C i l i c i a i t seemed c l e a r t h a t t h e a t t a c k was d i r e c t e d against the King. cpopouu-evoi 6>*  Then he adds:  6e  aiaxuvnv  XTIV  xal  o6bv  xal  axovxes  ouu>s o i u o X X o l u  aXX^Xuv x a l K u p o u auvrixoXou$ncrav.  T h i s statement i m p l i e s t h a t t h e Greeks' d e c i s i o n t o  continue  the march was t o some e x t e n t  f o r Cyrus.  r e l a t e d t o t h e i r regard  Then t h e a u t h o r o f t h e A n a b a s i s c o n t i n u e s : wv etc, n a ! Eevoqpwv Proxenus' judgment t h a t Cyrus was of more concern t o him than was h i s n a t i v e s t a t e seems t o i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e e n t i r e n a r r a t i v e may be viewed as an account of t h e a l t e r n a t i v e s open t o Xenophon. The f i n a l statement r e v e a l s t h a t Xenophon's concern w i t h t h e great  i n d i v i d u a l a l r e a d y was an i n f l u e n c i n g f a c t o r i n p o l i t i c a l  d e c i s i o n s t h a t he made as e a r l y as 4 0 0 B.C. Xenophon g i v e s f u r t h e r i n s i g h t i n t o what m o t i v a t e d t h e s o l d i e r s ( o f whom he has s a i d he was one) i n a l a t e r passage. TOJV  Y^P  oxpaxcoaxuiy ot  TtXeCaxoi r)aav  audvei. j3iou exTtETtXeuxoxec; xrjv uaaSocpopdv, a X X a axouovxes, ol  6e  xal  OL  txev x a l  XTJV  £nl  TtpoaavnXuwoxes  xauxnv  Kupou  av6pag  ou  apexTiv  ayovxes,  xP^uaxa,...  Thus a p o r t i o n o f t h e men who were m o b i l i z e d under Cyrus were not w i t h o u t means.  I n f a c t some even spent money t o go on t h e  6  Anab.  I l l , 1, 1 0 .  7  AHab•  V I , 4, 6\  C f . Anab.  I , 9, 1 7 .  e x p e d i t i o n because they had heard of t h e m i l i t a r y ( apexii)  of C y r u s . ^  excellence  There seems t o have been a d e s i r e f o r an  e x p e r i e n c e here t h a t was d i f f e r e n t from t h e o r d i n a r y  since  people a c t u a l l y spent money t o engage i n w a r f a r e on the s i d e t h a t they thought would be v i c t o r i o u s .  The d e s i r e f o r adven-  t u r e was a n o t h e r important m o t i v a t i n g f a c t o r among t h o s e  join-  ing the expedition. Monetary c o n s i d e r a t i o n s may a l s o have iLnfluene'edenced Xenophon t o l e a v e Athens. the c i t y of i t s w e a l t h .  The P e l o p o n n e s i a n War had d r a i n e d I n a d d i t i o n the o l i g a r c h i c r e v o l u t i o n  and  i t s l a t e r overthrow had caused i t s s u p p o r t e r s  mic  hardship.  f u r t h e r econo-  On t h e o t h e r hand r e p o r t s i n d i c a t e d t h a t  other  9  people had f a r e d w e l l i n t h e s e r v i c e o f Cyrus. Xenophon says,  As a r e s u l t ,  some men had gone on t h i s e x p e d i t i o n  xp^ax*  That Xenophon belonged t o t h i s group 3is:.pos.sibley s i n c e he h i m s e l f had t o s e l l h i s horse upon  auxoic  x x n a d u e v o i r)£ovxes  reaching the Hellespont  ratXiv.  because of l a c k of f i n a n c e s .  In f a d  t h e b e h a v i o u r of t h e e n t i r e mercenary army upon r e a c h i n g t h e Hellespont  seems t o be d i c t a t e d by t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of o b t a i n i n g  p l u n d e r and  wealth.  11  ^ " M i l i t a r y e x c e l l e n c e , " because we a r e d e a l i n g w i t h t h e t h o u g h t s o f m e r c e n a r i e s who would be concerned w i t h war. 9  Anab.  1 Q  V I , 4,  Anab.  ^Anab.  3.  V I I , 3,  6.  V I , 6, 37, 38.  The Greek army's involvement w i t h  Seuthes seems t o be m o t i v a t e d m a i n l y by monetary c o n s i d e r a t i o n s Anab.  V I I , 2,  10-38.  The opportunity of a journey to Asia Minor, then, provided Xenophon with an escape from the h o s t i l i t y of his fellow Athenians and with the p o s s i b i l i t y of making the acquaintance  of a  man  of his time whom some considered great. As Xenophon returned through the f e r t i l e t e r r i t o r y of northern Mesopotamia he noted the richness of the land and the great quantity of food that had been harvested during the autumn  12 of 401.  He recognized with what ease these possessions could  be taken from the Persians and, remembering the Battle of Cunaxa, he became aware of the obvious superiority of the Greek armies. As he realized that the strength of most barbarian armies lay in Greek mercenaries,  Xenophon must have been v i v i d l y aware of  the tragedy of Greek dissension.  He saw the betrayal of Greeks  to the Persians by a Greek, Phalinus, bought by promises of wealth and power  he saw the constant f a c t i o n a l s t r i f e based  on regional l o y a l t i e s among the Greeks themselves^ and, gradually, 16 he comprehended the need f o r unity among a l l Greeks  i f they  were not to become the victims of t h e i r own concept of p o l i t i c a l freedom. Another r e s u l t of the excursion into Persia was a broadening of interest in mankind in general. 12  Anab.  II, 3 , 14-16.  13  Anab.  Ill,  ^Anab.  As he t r a v e l l e d he  2, 14-16.  II, 1,  7-10.  15  &nab.  V, 6, 25.  l6  Anab.  I l l , 1, 33.  Cf.  ]mi,  2,  29-32.  perceived  something of Herodotus'  interest  i n the  he  the  customs  of  17 various  peoples  peculiarities ans,^  the  ' and  as a r e s u l t  of v a r i o u s t r i b e s — t h e  dances of the  noted  distinctive  p i e r c e d ears of the  Paphlagonians,^  the  sexual  Lydi-  attitudes  of)  of t h e M o s s y n o e c i a n s , t h e u n d e r g r o u n d houses of a b a r b a r i a n v i l l a g e , - ^ - and t h e c o n t r a s t between t h e P e r s i a n s p l e n d o u r and u  2  22 the  Spartan  beyond an  simplicity.  interest  in their  i n a deep r e v e r e n c e m i e s and  saw  This interest  i n other people  customs u n t i l  for life  i t found  t h a t extended  the h o r r o r of the  grew  expression  even t o o n e ' s e n e -  senseless d e s t r u c t i o n of  humanity,  17 'H.  R.  Breitenbach,  Schmid, G e s c h i c h t e  664-665, dotus.  Xenophon v o n  der g r i e c h i s c h e n L i t e r a t u r ,  say t h a t Xenophon w r i t e s u n d e r t h e G.  A.  t o see t h i s  of r e s i d e n c e he h a s  style  (see  35-37  infra 13)  and  ) about  I, V o l , I I ,  shown t h a t  Although  l g  Anab.  I l l , 1,  32.  1 9  Anab.  IVY  5-14.  2 0  Anab.  V,  2 1  Anab.  IV,  2 2  Hell.  IV, 1, IV, 7,  1, 4,  30-34-  5, 25-26. 29-31. 13, 14-  i t may  i t is  h i s place be  that  t o e m p h a s i z e what  Greek u n i t y ; he  h i s usage i s t h e  effort.  23 Anab.  of many d i a l e c t s .  chosen t o vary h i s s t y l e  Wilhelm  i n f l u e n c e of Hero-  s e v e r a l times d u r i n g h i s l i f e t i m e ,  (see Cyn.  and  a s t h e j _ r e s u l t <of Xenophon's c h a n g i n g  purposely  thought  Part  Sauppe, L e x i c o l o g u s X e n o p h o n t e u s , has  Xenophon's usage i s a m i x t u r e easy  A t h e n , 1899,  result  i s aware of  of  conscious  he  27 Xenophon c l e a r l y a n a l y s e d the. r e a s o n f o r enmity among men i n h i s account o f t h e Greek army's d e a l i n g s w i t h P a p h l a g o n i a n s .  Here  the s t o r y b e g i n s w i t h t h e Greeks p i l l a g i n g t h e P a p h l a g o n i a n s ' t e r r i t o r y and t h e P a p h l a g o n i a n s engaged i n k i d n a p p i n g and f u r t i v e attack.  A f t e r ambassadors came from t%e" Paphla;gon i,ari'sy there" was a ,  ::  n i g h t o f f e a s t i n g and d a n c i n g out o f which t h e r e a r o s e an admirat i o n f o r t h e c u l t u r e and s k i l l o f t h e o t h e r group.  The end of  the s t o r y came t h e next morning when t h e P a p h l a g o n i a n ambassadors were i n t r o d u c e d t o t h e army. TOL<J  oTpcxTUUJTOC15  U.T*|T£  adixeiv  The r e s u l t : x a l e6o££  nacpXayovaq [ir\xe a 6 i x e i a $ o u  .  Xenophon had l e a r n e d t h a t one o f t h e causes of t h e disharmony among t h e r a c e s was a l a c k o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g and a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the c u l t u r e of other peoples. ° As a r e s u l t his  of t h i s i n s i g h t  Xenophon undertook t o extend  sympathy and p h i l a n t h r o p i a even t o those who were reputed  t o be enemies.  I n consequence o f t h i s view Xenophon broke what  was f o r h i m a g u i d i n g p r i n c i p l e  o f b e h a v i o u r , namely, obedience  Wap_. V I , 1, 1.-14  2  2 5  2  Anab.  V I , 1 , 14.  ^ T h i s sympathy f o r t h e o t h e r r a c e s was l a t e r developed t o  such an e x t e n t t h a t when Xenophon wrote t h e A n a b a s i s he r a r e l y showed open d i s a p p r o v a l o f a l i e n customs' "'. 7  Hence when he made a  judgment c o n c e r n i n g a c u l t u r e (the Mossynoecians') the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on  TOUS  he removed  f o r t h i s judgment from h i m s e l f and p l a c e d i t  auoTpaTSUonevous (Anab.  V, 4, 3 4 ) .  28  to  those who r e p r e s e n t e d the l e a d e r s o f Greece (the  g e n e r a l , C h e i r i s o p h o s ) , and d i s a g r e e d  Spartan  c o n c e r n i n g t h e treatment  of t h e b a r b a r i a n c h i e f t a i n who served as t h e i r g u i d e .  As Xeno-  phon h i m s e l f s a y s , T o G x 6  u.6vov 6 u d -  tpopov  e v Tfl  rcopeia  u v e 6T) XEiptaocpt*} x a l SevocpujvTt,  eyevexo,  TJ T O U TJYJAOVOS x d x w a i s  xal  aueXeta.^  Thus Xenophon became a champion o f t h e d i g n i f i e d t r e a t m e n t  that  he f e l t a l l men, be they f r i e n d s o r enemies, d e s e r v e simply because they a r e human b e i n g s .  T h i s a t t i t u d e r e s u l t e d , from t h e  h o s t i l i t y t h a t he had e x p e r i e n c e d  and t h e s u f f e r i n g and a n x i e t y  he had endured d u r i n g t h e e x c u r s i o n i n t o P e r s i a .  Hostility  u s u a l l y breeds h o s t i l i t y , b u t , on t h e o t h e r hand, when men a r e c o n f r o n t e d w i t h enmity they can sometimes t u r n i t a s i d e d i g n i f i e d and sympathetic differ.  treatment  through  o f those w i t h whom they  Perhaps Xenophon d i s c o v e r e d t h a t i t was e a s i e r t o remove  h o s t i l i t y by p h i l a n t h r o p i a than.by v i o l e n c e as he moved from youthful idealism to maturity. A f t e r the Ten Thousand r e t u r n e d from P e r s i a they  remained  under Xenophon's l e a d e r s h i p u n t i l t h e s p r i n g o f 3 9 9 , when he 23  handed t h e command over t o T h i b r o n .  Xenophon h i m s e l f remained  2Q  i n A s i a w i t h the t r o o p s " and d i d not r e t u r n t o Athens u n t i l t h e 30 s p r i n g o f 395 •  Perhaps h i s d e c i s i o n t o remain i n A s i a was  i n f l u e n c e d by t h e news o f the d e a t h o f S o c r a t e s i n 3 9 9 2  7Anab.  IV, 6 ,  3.  2 8  Anab.  V I I , 8 , 21+.  2 9  HeIl.  Ill,  3 0  Hell.  I l l ,5, 1-25-  2 , 7-  'When  29 Xenophon heard that he had been found g u i l t y , ou? $eoug o i vouaCwv, exepa 6e  perplexed. Socrates who  IIEV  T) 7toX.t,s  H a i v a d a t j i o v i a etacpepuiv •..  he  was  In h i s y o u t h f u l i d e a l i s m , Xenophon had seen only the was,  i n h i s eyes, i n search of t r u t h  (both p o l i t i c a l 32  and moral) and who of  stood f o r obedience t o the law.  "  The  shock  h i s t r i a l and death seems t o have brought t o Xenophon's a t t e n -  t i o n the i n s t a b i l i t y of the Athenian c o n s t i t u t i o n and the  refusal  33  of  the Athenians t o r e c o g n i z e ap£-cf"i i n t h e i r midst.  Disillu-  sioned by the events at Athens'ihe began t o look elsewhere f o r a c o n s t i t u t i o n that would make men follow i t voluntarily. ^" 3  was  p r a c t i s e a.ozir\ s i n c e no one would  Thus Xenophon f e l t  e s s e n t i a l since through i t men  apexrj and H a X o x a y a S i a .  that the r u l e of law  could be compelled t o p r a c t i s e  For the laws t o be e f f e c t i v e there must  be r e s p e c t f o r the c o n s t i t u t i o n among the c i t i z e n s .  To  instill  t h i s i n the c i t i z e n body the laws must be very o l d ^ and, i f 3  37  p o s s i b l e , have obtained d i v i n e s a n c t i o n . added the importance  of example s i n c e , as we  To t h i s must be saw i n Chapter I,  v i r t u e and goodness cannot be taught i n any other manner 31  Mem.  3 2  Hell.  3 3  This  Hell.  I and 32)  3 5  I, 1 ,  1.  I, 7,  15.  i s an important f e a t u r e of what he p o r t r a y s i n II.  -Resp. Lac.  Cf., H e l l . 10,  4-  10,  8.  Ibid.  3  %esp.  Lac.  3  ? R e s p . Lac.  8,  5-  I, 7 ,  33-  30 (see  supra &).  f o u n d what  I n t h e R e s p u b l i c a Lacedaemoniorum  he t h o u g h t  at that  time  Xenophon  t o be t h e most  essential  id requirements that  f o r good g o v e r n m e n t .  compelled  t h a t was  i t s citizens  appreciation  just  before the B a t t l e  note  56,  Cadmea.  argues  W.  Jaeger,  Lacedaemoniorum  and t h e C y r o p a e d i a  similarity  o f the endings,  i n w h i c h Xenophon  P e r s i a n s and S p a r t a n s f o r l a p s i n g  He c o n c l u d e s t h a t and  that  betrayal find may  this  similarity  t h e r e f o r e b o t h must  years of h i s l i f e ,  proves  published  u n s a t i s f a c t o r y because  on t h e b a s i s  (see i n f r a  42,43),  their  own  8,  (VIII,  similarity  Furthermore,  4)  tical  t h e r e was  son i n 360.  4 i n no way  that  a change  I  of ending, w h i l e i t  t h a t b o t h works as w i l l  were  be a r g u e d  later  contradicts for this  i n Xenophon's  poli-  i d e a s t h a t would r e q u i r e a t i m e - l a p s e between t h e b u l k  of h i s w r i t i n g and h i s f i n a l 8,  and  mentions the  the c o n c l u s i o n of the Cyropaedia  I believe  ideals.  authenticity  much o f t h e rest-b o f t h e work and i n o r d e r t o a c c o u n t contradiction  of the  b l a m e s t h e contem-  from t h e i r  does not prove  a t t h e same t i m e .  cer-  have been p u b l i s h e d i n t h e l a s t t e n  f o r the Cyropaedia  indicate authenticity,  he  I I I , 166,  Paideia,  o f t h e s a t r a p A r i o b a r z e n e s by h i s own  this  Coronea,  d a t i n g of both the  Respublica  porary  of  Resp. L a c . 15  Cadmea.  f o r the l a t e  on  This gives  o f S p a r t a n k i n g s h i p , an a t t i t u d e  d i d not h o l d a f t e r  and 326  by a l l  of t h e Resp. L a c . i s based  when t h e S p a r t a n s had s e i z e d  indicates  I67,  w i t h apexf\ ,  d e s c r i b e d i n c h a p t e r 14.  d a t e between 395,  a possible  tainly  constitution  v e r y o l d , s a n c t i o n e d by t h e d i v i n e and p r a i s e d  Sparta's l a c k of p o p u l a r i t y  383,  a  t o a c t i n accordance  3^The d a t e f o r t h e w r i t i n g  and  H e r e was  time.  proves  that  chapter just  after  t h e w h o l e work was  36O.  Cyr. VIII,  written at  about  men,  and t h a t p r o v i d e d an example f o r the c i t i z e n body i n  the persons of the K i n g s who, t h e embodiment of  as Donald Kagan s u g g e s t s , became  law.^  Thus the y e a r s j u s t b e f o r e the B a t t l e of Coronea r e v e a l Xenophon as a man  d i s i l l u s i o n e d with his native state,  c a r e f u l thought t o p o l i t i c s and p o l i t i c a l systems,  preoccupied  w i t h the laws and customs of mankind i n g e n e r a l , and by t h e b e h a v i o u r of i n d i v i d u a l s . thought he attempted moniorum.  giving  fascinated  These v a r y i n g streams  of  t o a s s i m i l a t e i n t h e R e s p u b l i c a Lacedae-  A f u l l e r e x p r e s s i o n of these and o t h e r i d e a s can be  d i s c o v e r e d i n another work of Xenophon's, t h e C y r o p a e d i a .  39  40  R e S  p . Lac.  10,  8.  R  esp. Lac.  152-154.  13 and 15.  Donald Kagan, The Great D i a l o g u e ,  CHAPTER I I I XENOPHON AND THE' BATTLE OF CORONEA  W h i l e Xenophon remained i n A s i a he became a c q u a i n t e d  with  A g e s i l a u s , who had been sent t o wage war on the Persians."'' Xenophon p r o b a b l y  noted w i t h some d e l i g h t how A g e s i l a u s  obtained  the l o y a l t y of h i s s o l d i e r s and enjoyed g r e a t s u c c e s s i n h i s e a r l y campaigns.  N e v e r t h e l e s s , Xenophon wished t o t e s t t h e p o l i -  t i c a l atmosphere of h i s home-state a f t e r a prolonged  absence.  The performance of t h e r e l i g i o u s r i t e s t h a t he had vowed t o f u l f i l l when he l e f t w i t h Proxenus on the e x c u r s i o n i n t o P e r s i a p r o v i d e d an i d e a l o p p o r t u n i t y f o r the p r o j e c t .  Therefore,  r e t u r n e d t o Greece and made h i s d e d i c a t i o n a t t h e A t h e n i a n in Delphi.  The d e m o c r a t i c c  he shrine  r u l e i n Athens must have been r a t h e r  u n s a t i s f a c t o r y t o Xenophon, f o r i n t h e s p r i n g o f 394 he r e j o i n e d A g e s i l a u s i n A s i a t o pursue h i s quest f o r t h e s u b j u g a t i o n of Persia.  The democratic  f a c t i o n a t Athens had been unsympathetic 3  t o any p o l i c i e s t h a t Xenophon endorsed, h i s person.  and, perhaps h o s t i l e t o  At any r a t e , war a g a i n s t t h e r i c h e s o f P e r s i a  seemed t h e most r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e t o l i f e i n A t t i c a , and Agesilaus^" t h e man most l i k e l y t o c a r r y out what Xenophon viewed as a most p r o f i t a b l e 4,  1  Hell.  Ill,  2  Anab.  V, 3 ,  venture.  1.  5.  3 See supra  13,14-  ^"In f a c t A g e s i l a u s advocated t h i s p o l i c y a t S p a r t a he was sent t o A s i a ; H e l l .  H I , 4, 1 and 2.  before  33  Because o f t h e success of A g e s i l a u s , the P e r s i a n  satrap  adopted a p o l i c y o f b r i b i n g c e r t a i n s t a t e s i n Greece t o s t a r t a war, i n o r d e r t o b r i n g t h e S p a r t a n s i n t o c o n f l i c t w i t h  their  f e l l o w Greeks and t h u s cause t h e r e c a l l and removal o f A g e s i l a u s from A s i a ,  I n t h i s t h e P e r s i a n was most s u c c e s s f u l and as  a r e s u l t we f i n d Xenophon present  a t t h e B a t t l e of Coronea i n  the camp o f t h e enemy o f Athens i n 3 9 4 . present  That Xenophon was n o t  a t t h i s b a t t l e a s a v i c t i m o f circumstance  o r chance,  but r a t h e r because o f a d e l i b e r a t e c h o i c e , seems c l e a r from a d i s c u s s i o n i n the Anabasis^  concerning  the t i t h e from t h e s a l e of b o o t y .  h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of  Xenophon says t h a t b e f o r e he  s e t out w i t h A g e s i l a u s a g a i n s t B o e o t i a he l e f t t h e share  belong-  i n g t o A r t e m i s w i t h h e r p r i e s t , Megabyzus, a t Ephesus, o x i auxbs levat,, x a l eneaxeiAev,fjv  HLv6uveuacov eSonei &Tto6ouvai*  r\v 6e  T L  TOX$TI,  o l ' o i x o x a p i e u a S a i xfi  \ikv auxbc;  awftfi,aux<v  a v a $ e i v a t Tiourjadnevov xf) ' A p x e u - i d i o  T I  From t h e f o r e g o i n g statement i t i s c l e a r  t h a t Xenophon knew b e f o r e he s e t out w i t h A g e s i l a u s t h a t he would encounter danger t o h i s l i f e . p a r t from the A t h e n i a n s ,  That t h i s danger would come i n  t h e f o e s o f A g e s i l a u s , was obvious.  Y e t Xenophon c o n s c i o u s l y chose t o remain on t h e S p a r t a n s i d e . As a r e s u l t , he was e x i l e d from Athens, n o t as i s o f t e n suggest e d because of h i s campaign w i t h Cyrus, b u t because o f h i s a c t i o n s  ^According  t o Xenophon ( H e l l .  Ill,  5 , 1) T i t h r a u s t e s o f  S a r d i s ; a c c o r d i n g t o H e l l e n i c a Oxyrhynchia ( I I , 5 ) Pharnabazus of P h r y g i a , w h i c h i s supported by P o l y a e n u s , I , 4 8 . 6  Anab.  V, 3 , 4 - 6 .  34 a t Coronea.  He then s e t t l e d on an e s t a t e i n S c y l l u s n e a r Olym-  p i a , w h i c h he r e c e i v e d from t h e S p a r t a n s . That Xenophon should suddenly  t u r n h i s back on h i s home when  o n l y a few y e a r s b e f o r e d u r i n g t h e a n a b a s i s was an A t h e n i a n  requires explanation.  l e n c e a g a i n s t h i s own s t a t e ?  9  he was proud t h a t he  Why d i d he t u r n t o v i o -  A p a r t i a l answer may l i e i n t h e  h o s t i l i t y t h a t he had f a c e d a t Athens and i n h i s own d i s i l l u sionment w i t h t h e A t h e n i a n  constitution.  T h i s answer, however,  'I t h i n k Xenophon's e x i l e must be p l a c e d a f t e r t h e B a t t l e of Coronea, f o r i n Anab. V, 3 , 7 immediately  after the discus-  s i o n c o n c e r n i n g t h e d e p o s i t l e f t w i t h Megabyzus b e f o r e t h e b a t t l e Xenophon says, 'E-rcei,6ri 6* ecpeuyev 6 Sevocpwv, Megabyzus r e t u r n e d t o him t h e d e p o s i t .  I f eueidii i s t e m p o r a l  and means  "When Xenophon was i n e x i l e , " then h i s e x i l e must have t a k e n p l a c e a f t e r Coronea.  I f on t h e o t h e r hand ineibri  i s causal,  " S i n c e Xenophon was i n e x i l e , " i t i n d i c a t e s t h a t e x i l e causes Megabyzus t o b r i n g t h e d e p o s i t t o Xenophon i n S c y l l u s . of one o f t h e expected  Instead  a l t e r n a t i v e s , death o r a s a f e r e t u r n ,  e x i l e has r e s u l t e d from t h e B a t t l e of Coronea.  I n e i t h e r case  t h e b a t t l e , h i s e x i l e and the r e t u r n o f t h e d e p o s i t a r e a l l l i n k e d i n Xenophon's mind. another  A l t h o u g h Anab.  Ill,  1, 5-7 mentions  p o s s i b l e reason f o r h i s e x i l e and i s used a s evidence  of an e a r l i e r d a t e , I c o n s i d e r t h i s passage t o be c o n s i s t e n t w i t h one o f the b a s i c aims of h i s l a t e r work. ^Anab. 9  Anab.  V, 3 , 7. Ill,  1, 45.  See i n f r a 56.  denies the insights that he received concerning  the treatment  of one's enemies during the. excursion with the Ten Thousand. I think that a better and more complete answer l i e s in an examination of the Cyropaedia, which he produced shortly a f t e r these events. Xenophon had seen the luxury, of Persia and compared i t with the poverty of the Greeks. f i g h t i n g men  He r e a l i z e d that the Greeks as  were f a r superior to the barbarians.  He was  also  aware that the Greeks neutralized their superiority because of internal s t r i f e and disunity.  Since he had fought and marched  with the Greeks of other states he had lost his parochial viewpoint.  He wanted a l l Greece to be united i n the quickest  best way man who  possible.  and  In Agesilaus he f e l t that he had found the  could best bring about p o l i t i c a l unity and also conduct  a successful campaign against Persia.  In the victory of Age-  silaus at Coronea, Xenophon must have had his hopes strengthened. It was a f t e r t h i s that he produced the C y r o p a e d i a , t o lay out what seemed to him the ideal form of government f o r the Hellenic world torn by parochialism, namely a beneficent::* monarchy.  lu  T h e exact date of the writing of the Cyropaedia i s unknown.  That i s was written a f t e r Xenophon had opportunity  to observe the  Spartan system i s l i k e l y , since Book I seems to be a description of the Spartan t r a i n i n g f o r boys.  That Xenophon wrote the work  before he became d i s i l l u s i o n e d with tyranny (about 370, infra  48-50) i s obvious.  Also see supra 30 note 38.  see  36 I n t h i s work Xenophon s t a t e s t h a t h i s i n t e r e s t i n Cyrus i s based  on the f a c t t h a t  He a t t r i b u t e s  TOOOUTOV  dirjveyncv  E L ? TO  apxetv av$pu>7Kov  Cyrus*> success t o f o u r t h i n g s — h i s c u l t i v a t i o n o f  e s t a b l i s h e d r e l i g i o n , h i s m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g , h i s humane t r e a t m e n t of a l l men and h i s d e d i c a t i o n t o p h i l o s o p h y .  I n accordance  t h e n a t u r e of e s t a b l i s h e d r e l i g i o n , he c o n s t a n t l y prayed x a l A t l TtaTp^tf).  TxaTpipa  He was guided by omens.  with  'EaTta  He never  under-  t o o k an important campaign w i t h o u t s a c r i f i c i n g t o the gods. a l l y , when he had conquered, t h e o t h e r gods."^ TOUC; :6e  he m a i n t a i n e d h i s w o r s h i p  aya$a enatpetv,:  eauTOus  evouuae  ap£TT|.^  $eou$  ndXtaT*av  inX  follows:  TOC x a \ a x a l  erceiuep apx<*>v ^jv auTwy, et'- auTog eauTOv  6etHvuetv netpwTO T O U ? ocpxouevoK TTI  of Zeus and  The m o t i v a t i o n of h i s r e l i g i o u s l i f e  TiapexovTa?  ...OUTU)  6r)  YLYVWOHWV  rcdvTwv  iipu)TOv  Fin-  CTCL-  udXicrra HeHoan'nu.evov  uev  TOC  uicXXov EwxovouvTa ETiEdeinvuev eauTOv ev  nepl  T O U S fi  TOUT(*J T U  xpovtp, ETIEI Eu6atLioveaT£pos r j v . ^ Thus h i s r e l i g i o u s example was t o d i r e c t h i s s u b j e c t s t o be naXol n a y a ^ o t . C y r u s , as has a l r e a d y been p o i n t e d out, was t r a i n e d  in  r e g i m e n t a l f a s h i o n s i m i l a r t o t h a t of the S p a r t a n s . 1 2  7,  2.  Cyr.  I , 6 , 1 ; I I I , 3 , 58; V I I , 1 , 26; V I I , 5, 57; V I I I ,  Greek r e l i g i o n d i d not have an extreme sense o f i t s own  uniqueness  and t h u s a Greek would s i m p l y a p p l y the  names t o f o r e i g n e q u i v a l e n t s ; c f . 1 3  Cyr.  I , 6 , 1 ; I I , 4 , 19-  l4  Cy_r.  V I I I , 3 , 1 1 , 12.  15 Cyr.  V I I I , 1, 2 1 .  Cyr.  V I I I , 1, 2 3 .  l 6  Herodotus,  customary  Book I I .  37 He also practised f o r war i n the way that was considered the best, 1 7' by hunting.18  He developed his men f o r war by putting  them through exercises designed to make them perspire and by 19 taking them on the hunt. 20 Cyrus then set up an elaborate m i l i t a r y system.  The  reason f o r t h i s i s clear from one of his speeches: ... 5 6* a v aauvxaxxa f), ava'yxTi xauxa a e l Tipdynaxa i t a p e x e i v  The result of  the pyramidal structure of command that i s used i n Cyrus* army is d i s c i p l i n e and a transmission of honourable m i l i t a r y  skills  through the example of the leaders. ~ e  From these elaborate m i l i t a r y preparations come two posit i v e benefits.  In addition to presenting the obvious military-  superiority of Cyrus' troops, Xenophon emphasizes that Cyrus accumulated  knowledge that enabled him to form a government,  bureaucratic i n nature.  As a result of t h i s bureaucracy Cyrus  had centralized a l l the administrative functions, waxe x a l xtp Kupw e y e v e x o o X c y o i s d t a X e y o j i e v t p |it)6ev xwv caxeCwv axnLieX^xa)? exeiv.  M i l i t a r y experience, then, produced a careful and com-  plete r u l e r . 1 7  Cyr.  I, 2, 10.  l 8  Cyr.  I, 4, 15-  -cyr.  II, 1, 20-22; VIII, 1 , 34.  19  2C  V.  V, 1, 20-28.  2 1  Cyr.  IV, 5, 37.  2 2  Cyr.  II, 1, 30, 31 and I I ,2, 28.  2  3Cyr.  VIII, 1, 14, 15. See Neal Wood, "Xenophon's Theory  of Leadership," Class, et Med., XXV (I964) 33-66.  38  Cyrus a l s o possessed t h e q u a l i t y o f p h i l a n t h r o p i a . the  Through  e x e r c i s e o f t h i s q u a l i t y he won t h e a l l e g i a n c e o f h i s f e l l o w  c o u n t r y m e n ^ who l a t e r became the b a s i s o f h i s p o w e r f u l army. '' 2  2  Cyrus a l s o sought t o i n c u l c a t e t h i s q u a l i t y i n h i s s o l d i e r s . I n one o f h i s speeches c o n c e r n i n g t h e i r conduct he says o f t h e conf i s c a t i o n o f an enemy's p r o p e r t y , ouxouv & 6 i x i a yt e£exe o x i a v a X X a ^ X a v S p w u t q s v o u x ' &qpatpriaea^e, r\v x i e a x e exeuv abxovq •  exnxe,  C y r u s ' p h i l a n t h r o p i a i s based on e n l i g h t e n e d s e l f - i n t e r e s t .  He  e x h i b i t s t h i s t r a i t as t h e b e s t way t o remove e n m i t i e s and i l l w i l l , whether t h i s concerns the n a t i o n s t h a t h i s army conquers or  h i s own p e r s o n a l s a f e t y . Tcpulxov ixkv yap 6toe  & e l x o u x p o v o u cptXay^pountav  &q e 6 u v a x o LiaXuaxa eve<pdv i C e v , r i y o u n e v o s ,  4>UXT)S  pd6uov  e a x i cpLXetv xovq n i a e i v  6oHoCvxa$ ou6*  x a x o v o i c ; , ouxw x a l xol>s y v w a ^ e v x a ? oux a v 6 u v a a $ a u u t a e u a ^ a u  <piXoOai  t m b xwv c p i X e i a & a i  xfis toarcep ou  euvoetv  xoCs  x a l euvoouaiv, r)Y° ^£ u  V U ) V  ^  As a r e s u l t , f i r s t Cyrus o b t a i n s t h e w i l l i n g obedience o f h i s subordinates.  One o f t h e s e , C h r y s a n t e s , a d d r e s s e s h i s f e l l o w -  commanders and urges them t o obey Cyrus and t o o f f e r themselves for  whatever s e r v i c e Cyrus may need them.  The m o t i v a t i o n f o r  t h i s i s s t a t e d a t the b e g i n n i n g o f h i s speech: of  x e yap n a x e p e s  OTOJO?  rcpovoouat  Ltifaoxe a u x o u s x<rya$a ETILXEt4>ei •  2 4  Cyr.  I , 4, 1.  2 5  Cyr.  I I , 1, 19.  2 6  Cyr.  V I I , 5, 73-  7Cyr.  V I I I , 2, 1.  2  xwv Tiai6u)v  39 Kupoq  te  U.01  GOV uaXuax  6OHEL  vuv  OUUPOUXEUELV Tjutv  icp'  av euoaiuovouvTec; 6iaTEA.cap.ev.  Second, Cyrus a c h i e v e s a l a s t i n g fame i n w h i c h t h e f a c t t h a t he was<piAav-&pum6TaTQS c e l e b r a t e d i n song uno  i n s p i r i t i s t o l d i n s t o r y and s TUJV  pappapwv C T U x a i v u v .  Cyrus i s a l s o c e l e b r a t e d i n song because he i s cpi\ou.a$£o'TaToc,. T h i s q u a l i t y i s demonstrated  when Cyrus engages i n a l o n g d i a -  logue w i t h h i s f a t h e r c o n c e r n i n g t h e importance co-oservance,  of r e l i g i o u s  t h e p r a c t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n and v a l u e o f b e n e f i c e n c e ,  the b e s t k i n d s of m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g and t a c t i c s (when i t i s b e s t t o a t t a c k t h e enemy, and how t o take advantage o f t h e enemy*s weakness).  S. I . P e a s e ^ l has, among o t h e r t h i n g s , a n a l y s e d  the v a r i o u s types of b a t t l e s i n w h i c h Xenophon s e t s f o r t h t h e tactics involved. s i e g e (7,  (7,^1),  These i n c l u d e t h e open b a t t l e f i e l d  5 ) , b o r d e r - r a i d s ; (;1, 4 ) , m o u n t a i n - f i g h t i n g (3,  and n i g h t - f i g h t i n g (3,  3-4,  2).  2),  Many o f t h e s e a r e preceded  or f o l l o w e d by d i s c u s s i o n between Cyrus and some o f h i s c l o s e s t a d v i s e r s and f r i e n d s i n w h i c h t h e a c t i o n s undertaken sedv,  are d i s c u s -  W h i l e these can h a r d l y be c o n s i d e r e d as examples of p h i l o -  s o p h i c a l l i t e r a t u r e of t h e P l a t o n i c t y p e , t h e f a c t t h a t many o f these m a t t e r s a r e s e t f o r t h i n d i a l o g u e form impresses  2 g  C y r . V I I I , 1, C y r . I , 2,  1.  °Cyr.- I , 6,  2.  2 9  3  one w i t h  1.  31 J  S. I . Pease, "Xenophon's C y r o p a e d i a  C l a s s . J o u r n . . XXIX (1933) 436-40.  f  t h e Compleat G e n e r a l , "  the  idea that  C y r u s was a r a t i o n a l ,  self-controlled cies  careful  man who r e f u s e d  calculating, perceptive  to a c t without  giving h i s poli-  consideration.  While t h i s  type o f d i s c u s s i o n  i s of great  makes C y r u s p e c u l i a r l y f i t t o r u l e i s t h a t  importance,  i n f o r e s i g h t and i n t e l l e c t u a l  ability.  logue  b e t w e e n C y r u s and h i s f a t h e r assumes C y r u s '  rationality.  Near t h e end t h e d i s c u s s i o n t u r n s  tionship with  h i s subjects.  Xenophontean a d v i c e )  eu 6e XP*0 n a l  His father  what  he s u r p a s s e s a l l h i s  fellows 3 2  and  The e n t i r e d i a superior  t o Cyrus'  rela-  (who i s o b v i o u s l y  giving  says,  TOUTO  ei6evai,  OTL  onoaou?  av a£cca<j aoi nzC&ea&ai, n a l e x e t v o i Ttavxe? a^uiaCTOuau ae upb eauxwv  0ou\euea$ac.  A man who w i s h e s t o r u l e s u c c e s s f u l l y and o b t a i n o f h i s p e o p l e must h a v e g r e a t e r i s what h i s c o u n t r y m e n e x p e c t  t h e obedience  wisdom t h a n most men  since  o f him.  N e v e r t h e l e s s t h i s d o e s n o t f r e e t h e monarch t o make rary decisions placed  w i t h t h e law as h i s guide.  h i s mother g i v e s  of k i n g s h i p  that  distinguishes Persian  3 2  Cyr.  I , 6,  3 3  Cyr.  I , 6,  1-46. 42.  This  he makes  i s the advice  t h e young Cyrus c o n c e r n i n g  tyranny.  arbit-  In a d d i t i o n t o the r e s t r a i n t s  upon him by h i s d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h h i s a d v i s e r s ,  his decisions that  a s he p l e a s e s .  this  the p r i n c i p l e  monarchy f r o m  Median  41 n a l 6 ab? naxT)p upanos x a x e x a Y u e v a uev no L E U xfl noXei,  x a xexayu-eva 6e \au|3(xvei, uexpov 6e  a u x £ oux h tyvxh aXX* 6 vou-o? e a x C v .  The reason that v6u.o<g  ^  i s to be Cyrus' (and the ideal king's)  guide i s that it: adduces the cooperation; of the people of the nation.  Again we return to the dialogue and t h i s time note  What part of his father's advice Cyrus repeats. xouc; 6e a d e u t x a e u x o u x v o u ? ououoc; eqprja^a etxbc; e i v a t  itapa $ewv a x u x e t v waraep n a l  uapa av^pWiixwv/aTipaKxeLv x o u ? n a p d v o u a 6 e o u , e v o u s .  Thus regard f o r vou-og i s essential i f one i s to achieve anything among men and becomes the key to the ideal ruler's success.  The  successful monarch, then, displays r e l i g i o u s reverence, philanthropia, m i l i t a r y excellence and i n t e l l e c t u a l superiority the framework of vouoc;.  within  As the embodiment of good government  Cyrus i s an exemplary i n d i v i d u a l . This kind of p o l i t y was espoused by Xenophon because of i t s great s t a b i l i t y . ^ * 3  He had begun by r e f l e c t i n g on the many revo-  lutions that take place and then noticed the i n a b i l i t y of masters even in private homes to maintain their authority.  In contrast,  onw man, Cyrus, ruled not only his own household but a vast empire. As a result Xenophon says, fivayHaCoueSa Liexavoeiv p.T) ouxe xoov aduvdxwv a p x e t v , r\v  ouxe xwv  x ^ a  e T O  2v  epvwv f) xb dv&poonwv  xe? eutaxau-evu)? xouxo rcpdxxr) •  34cvr.  I, 3, 18.  3 5  Cyr.  I, 6 , 6 .  3 6  Cyr.  I, 1, 1.  3 7  Cyr.  I, 1,3.  ^  42 The  adverb  i%io%a\i£vu)<; i n d i c a t e s t h a t the a u t h o r i n t e n d s t o  d e s c r i b e one who  does know how  to provide s t a b i l i t y i n h i s rule.  As a r e s u l t of the f o r e g o i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n , I t h i n k t h a t can now "Why  give a reasonable  and unwavering answer t o t h e  we  question,  d i d Xenophon f i g h t a g a i n s t h i s home-state a t Coronea?"  Wearied of the c o n t i n u a l q u a r r e l i n g and p r o v i n c i a l i s m , Xenophon f e l t t h a t the o n l y hope f o r the Greek s t a t e s was  t o s e t up  the  most s t a b l e form of government he c o u l d i m a g i n e — a beneficent':monarchy.  A g e s i l a u s momentarily seemed t o f i t t h i s i d e a l and  Xenophon r e j e c t e d h i s m o t h e r - s t a t e  f o r the good o f a l l Greece.  No d i s c u s s i o n of t h e Cyropaedia n a t i o n o f the l a s t c h a p t e r .  so  i s complete w i t h o u t  exami-  Xenophon s t a t e s t h a t the purpose o f  h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s the c d i s cove r y and 'presentation.,of; a man excelled i n governing. ^ 3  iyui uev cpnLil yap  Yet i n t h e l a s t p a r t of h i s work he  6*n o i u a i cntep uue&eunv aneipyda^ai n£paa<; n a l  TOUS  O-UV  TOUS  says:  not.  auToC? x a l aaeBeaTepous  u e p l $ e o u $ n a l avooawTepouc; Ttepl avyyevei*;  a6txu)Tepous Ttepl  who  aMous nal  nal *  avav6poTEpous  TOC etc. T O V no\euov vuv ri upoa^ev a r c o d e S e i x ^ a i •  ^  To prove t h a t the P e r s i a n s of h i s day a r e i n f e r i o r t o t h o s e  of  the past does not seem t o be the purpose of Books I - V I I I , 7,  28,  w h i c h are c l e a r l y p r e s e n t i n g Cyrus and a l l the P e r s i a n s i n a most favourable l i g h t .  Only t h e l a s t c h a p t e r i n d i c a t e s a n y t h i n g  dero-  g a t o r y about the P e r s i a n s and t h i s i n d i r e c t c o n t r a d i c t i o n t o ^°Cyr. 3 9  Cyr.  I , 1,  6.  V I I I , 8,  27.  4 3  statements of the  preceding part  of the  duces h i s r e c o r d of the P e r s i a n s ' following In  statement:  contrast  ous p a r t  the  book.  degenerate  Xenophon i n t r o tendencies with  no\v 6e n a l -cd6e xe<^P°ves v u v  i n s t i t u t i o n s and p r a c t i c e s  of the work are  frequently  the  etca.^  of Cyrus i n the  s a i d t o endure  previ-  OUTW x a l vuv  A1  ext.  T h e s e c o n t r a d i c t o r y s t a t e m e n t s c a n be r e s o l v e d b y  assumption that and the  ((vuv);  possible. cient.  t h e r e i s a l o n g t i m e - l a p s e b e t w e e n one  other.  N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h i s does not  T h e r e i s a n o b v i o u s change  seem t o me t o be  of purpose.  t h i s change i s , why a n d when i t c a m e a b o u t ,  of  our f u r t h e r  is  suffi-  What t h e must be t h e  nature subject  consideration.  4 0  Cyr.  VIII,  4 1  Cyr.  I,  8, 4 .  3, 2 ; I,  3, 23; VIII,  VIII,  adverb  That t e n o r t w e n t y y e a r s have p a s s e d  of  IV,  the  4 , 5 ;VIII,  4 , 27; II,  1 ,6 ; VIII, 6 ,1 6 .  a n y t h i n g d e r o g a t o r y about  1 , 37;  4 , 20; III, VIII,  3, 2 6 ;  2, 4 ; VIII,  N o t one o f t h e s e p a s s a g e s "the  present-day  Persian."  IV, 2, 2 , 7;  indicates  CHAPTER IV XENOPHON AND  TYRANNY  A f t e r the B a t t l e of Coronea, Xenophon continued  his friend-  ship w i t h A g e s i l a u s and encouraged him i n the p u r s u i t o f a u n i t e d Greece.  U n t i l the King's Peace of 386 A g e s i l a u s was t h e dominant  f i g u r e on the Greek p o l i t i c a l  scene.It  was a l s o d u r i n g  this  time t h a t Thebes t r i e d t o r e e s t a b l i s h t h e Boeotian League and thus i n c u r r e d the hatred o f A g e s i l a u s , whole of G r e e c e .  3  Xenophon and, probably, the  Xenophon's d i s l i k e of Thebes was based on the  f a c t t h a t she was one of the main causes o f t h e s t r i f e t h a t lowed both Coronea i n 394 and the King's Peace of 386.  fol-  As a  r e s u l t , Xenophon could view only w i t h great d i s l i k e those who a u v e x u k 6e pouX.Eu6u.evoi, . . . omos av TTJV fiyenovCav  X d p o i e v TTJS *EXXa6  s i n c e they d i s r u p t e d the plan t h a t was uppermost i n Xenophon's mind:  t o b r i n g an end t o the i n t e r n a l s t r i f e among the Hellenes  and t o t h e i r s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n .  I t was because of t h i s d i s r u p t i v e  work of the Thebans, the r e b u i l d i n g of Athenian  s t r e n g t h and the  a c t i v i t y o f Conon on b e h a l f o f the P e r s i a n s , t h a t Sparta and A g e s i l a u s no more than h e l d t h e i r own a g a i n s t t h e i r  antagonists.^  But when A n t a l c i d a s managed t o n e g o t i a t e a peace w i t h  •'-Hell.  IV, 5, 1.  2  Hell.  V, 1, 33.  3  Henry, Greek H i s t o r i c a l W r i t i n g ,  4  Hell.  V I I , 1, 33.  Hell.  V, 1, 36.  5  207,208.  King  45 Artaxerxes  i n w h i c h t h e Greek s t a t e s were t o be autonomous.  and Athens was Imbros and  p a c i f i e d i n t h a t she was  a l l o w e d t o r e t a i n Lemnos,  Scyros, Xenophon says t h a t the Spartans  uoXu  euiHudeorepoi  f§.¥;£vO^T^HSitYtln becoming the champion of the K i n g ' s Peace  Sparta  obtained  c o n t r o l of the i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l p o l i c y of the Greek  states.  Through making the o t h e r s t a t e s autonomous S p a r t a  desd  t r o y e d the B o e o t i a n League and much of the power of Athens. Thus S p a r t a was  now  i n a p o s i t i o n to give l e a d e r s h i p t o a l l  Greece i n d e a l i n g w i t h P e r s i a and A g e s i l a u s i n p a r t i c u l a r c o u l d , as k i n g of S p a r t a , go about the b u s i n e s s Greeks f a v o u r a b l e  t o him and  of making a l l the  of f u l f i l l i n g the e x p e c t a t i o n s  Xenophon e x p r e s s e s i n the C y r o p a e d i a .  that  T h i s was Xenophon's hope  as he viewed the K i n g ' s Peace. I t appears t h a t , a t f i r s t , A g e s i l a u s t r i e d t o f o l l o w t h e p o l i c y of t r e a t i n g t h o s e who 9 of 3&*6 w i t h kindness  had been h o s t i l e b e f o r e the Peace  i n accordance w i t h t h e i d e a l p o l i c y t h a t  Xenophon s e t s f o r t h i n t h e C y r o p a e d i a . F o r when the S p a r t a n s 6  Hell.  V, 1,  .?Hell.  31.  V, 1, 36.  That Xenophon m i s c a l c u l a t e d the amount  of antagonism t h a t the Peace evoked among the Greek s t a t e s i s obvious.  Cf.  I s o c r a t e s , Panegyricus  g  Hell.  V, 1,  36.  9  Hell.  V-j.,2,  1-3.  "^The  115-122.  s t o r y of Panthea i s one of Xenophon's most v i v i d  i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the advantages of t r e a t i n g a captured d i g n i t y and r e s p e c t , V, 1, 2-17;  V I , 1,  45.  enemy w i t h  46  s e t out t o c h a s t i s e t h e Mantineans,  Agesilaus  excused  himself  19  from l e a d i n g an e x p e d i t i o n of revenge. the S p a r t a n s continued  t h e i r arrogant  Gradually, and v e n g e f u l  s i l a u s was a l s o drawn i n t o t h e turmoil"'" and, 3  ing  the o t h e r Greek s t a t e s t o Sparta  however, as  p o l i c y , Age-  instead of attach-  through k i n d and d i g n i f i e d  t r e a t m e n t , he a l i e n a t e d many H e l l e n e s by h e l p i n g t o set up p r o S p a r t a n o l i g a r c h i e s i n s e v e r a l o f the states."'"  4  I t seems t h a t i t was d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d of i n c r e a s e d  harsh-  ness on t h e p a r t o f t h e S p a r t a n s t h a t Xenophon g r a d u a l l y became aware o f some o f the d i f f i c u l t i e s t h a t a r e p r e s e n t i n a monarchy. A f t e r d e s c r i b i n g the d e f e a t suggeststhat  o f t h e S p a r t a n s a t O l y n t h u s i n 3^1 he  men s h o u l d never c h a s t i s e anyone, even s l a v e s , i n  anger, n o M d x L S yap n a l deaito-cai OPYLCOLIEVOL LIELCW nana £7ta$ov f) e n o t n a a v . . . .  TJ LIEV Y«P opyt) a n p o v o n t o v , TJ 6 E YVWLITJ a x o n s L  LIT) T L na&j) r) otvjiq $\&(L>r\ T L TOUS TIO\EULOUS  the p o l i c y a l r e a d y  . ^ 1  ou6ev  T h i s censure echoes  enunciated i n the Cyropaedia that i n d e a l i n g  w i t h one's enemies one must seek above a l l t o a v o i d shaste .•arid" thoughtlessness. Hell.  v, 2, 1.  1 2  Hell.  v, 2, 3.  1 3  Hell.  v, 3, 13.  ^Hell.  v , 3, 25.  n  1 5  Hell.  v, 3,  7.  TJTTOV  47 A f t e r t h e K i n g ' s Peace t h e S p a r t a n s a c h i e v e d a p o s i t i o n i n which the  t h e T h e b a n s were c o m p l e t e l y i n t h e i r  Theban a c r o p o l i s ,  Sparta,  power s i n c e  t h e C o r i n t h i a n s were f o r c e d  t h e A r g i v e s were humbled,  they  held  t o support  t h e A t h e n i a n s were w i t h o u t 16  allies  and t h e i r  own u n f a i t h f u l  Xenophon ends t h e a c c o u n t s t a t e m e n t , TtavTobiaatv  the  auxots this  allies  o f these  had b e e n  punished.  Spartan achievements  f^6rj xaXws  x a l &a<pa\uk  TJ apxTi  with  E6OXEI  x a x e a x e u d a ^ a i . . T h a t Xenophon q u e s t i o n e d t h e v a l i d i t y o f  superficial  tranquillity  that, i n t r o d u c e s t h e n e x t  seems o b v i o u s f r o m t h e s t a t e m e n t  section,  i n which  he l a y s t h e blame f o r  S p a r t a ' s d e f e a t a t L e u c t r a i n 371 on t h e L a c e d a e m o n i a n s f o r f a i l ing  t o a b i d e by t h e K i n g ' s Peace,  which  guaranteed  that  t h e Greek  17 states  should remain noWa xal  autonomous.  (lev ouv a v xiq  fJappaptxd,  AaxEdatiiovtot  xa<; noXeiq  TTJV  OUTE  T E yap  ot onoaavTes  E V ©TiPatg  dxpoitoXav  guilt  x a l 'EX.X.nvtxoc O U T E TWV  u.T]v \ E £ W TOC itpoxeuu-eva. auTovouou?  edaEtv  xaTaaxovTEs u n *  E x o X d a ^ n a a v . ifx *; •>¥  u s i n g words s u c h a s d v o a t a , ddtxrj'&evTUJv  indicates that  a  kiyziv  TCOV aaepouvxcov  du.£\ouat* v u v ye  auTtov u,6vu)v Twv d6 txTj^EVTcav By  Xenophon w r i t e s ,  s x o t x a l aWa  &eol  d v o a t a notouvTwv  '  t h e Thebans h a d b e e n t r e a t e d  l a y w i t h t h e Spartans and t h a t  a n d E x o \ d o $ T i a a v he unjustly,  that the  s e i z i n g t h e Theban  acropolis  2 7 .  l 6  HeIl.  V, 3,  1 7  Hell.  V, 4, 1.  Cf. Hell.  s e v e r e i n d i c t m e n t o f one-man  V I I , 3, 6-12 where t h e r e i s  rule.  7  48 was  an a c t of i r r e v e r e n c e .  That Xenophon's condemnation a p p l i e s  not o n l y t o S p a r t a g e n e r a l l y but t o A g e s i l a u s i n p a r t i c u l a r becomes e v i d e n t — w h e n one r e a d s t h e account of S p a r t a ' s of Cadmea c a r e f u l l y . A g e s i l a u s supported  invasion  Here Xenophon mentions s p e c i f i c a l l y t h a t Phoebidas' i n v a s i o n of Cadmea i n f a e e f o f o t h e 18  anger of the Ephors and the m a j o r i t y of the c i t i z e n s .  Thus  t h e r e i s l i t t l e doubt t h a t Xenophon d i s a g r e e d w i t h A g e s i l a u s over the p o l i c y f o l l o w e d a f t e r 386.  As he saw the' m i s t r e a t m e n t  of the o t h e r Greek s t a t e s by S p a r t a and A g e s i l a u s under t h e  pre-  t e x t of e n f o r c i n g the K i n g ' s Peace, he became d i s i l l u s i o n e d  with  h i s former i d e a l government and r e a l i z e d t h a t b e n e f i c e n t bone-man r u l e was  perhaps an i m p r a c t i c a l i d e a l .  I t was  t h a t he w r o t e the H i e r o . i n which he expresses  f o r t h i s reason h i s growing doubt  about k i n g s h i p ( s i g n i f i c a n t l y H i e r o i s a t y r a n t ) as the i d e a l 19 form of government i n a r a t h e r o b l i q u e way. T h i s work p r e s e n t s an imaginary c o n v e r s a t i o n between the t y r a n t H i e r o and the poet 7  20  Simonides.  L. S t r a u s s  has p o i n t e d out t h a t the use  of conver-  s a t i o n puts the work i n the realm of p h i l o s o p h i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , compels a c o n f r o n t a t i o n of t h e w i s e man  and the p u p i l , and  one t o c o n s i d e r the q u e s t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of t h e o r y practice.  Hell.  "^He  V,  2,  25-32.  i t would have been r a t h e r i n c o n g r u e n t  the i n t e r e s t s of Xenophon t o speak c l e a r l y . L.  first  i s o b l i q u e because A g e s i l a u s and the S p a r t a n s  b e f r i e n d e d him and  2 0  to  I t a l s o f u r n i s h e s p r o o f of t h e u n j u s t t y r a n t ' s unhappi-  ness s i n c e the t y r a n t h i m s e l f i n d i c t s . t y r a n n y i n t h e l 8  leads  S t r a u s s , On Tyranny  33.  had with  49 portion.  21  I t does not prove t h a t a b e n e f i c e n t t y r a n t i s happy. 22  I t o n l y promises.  The work then p l a c e s an a c t u a l s i t u a t i o n  o p p o s i t e an i d e a l one; we know t h a t the former e x i s t s .  The  b a s i s upon w h i c h an a p p e a l t o the i d e a l one-man r u l e i s made t o H i e r o i s t h a t i t w i l l - g i v e him g r e a t e r p l e a s u r e and more 23  honour and  love.  A p o l i t i c a l c o n v e r s a t i o n t h a t one would  expect t o be d e a l i n g w i t h such i d e a s a s v i r t u e , j u s t i c e and government i n c o n t r a s t emphasizes the p l e a s u r e o r p a i n a r i s i n g from the a c t s o f the r u l e r .  T h i s demonstrates t h a t on a p r a c -  t i c a l l e v e l t h e one-man government i s m o t i v a t e d by an i n t r o spective k i n d of s e l f i s h n e s s — a l e v e l at which appeals t o a l o f t y i d e a l such a s v i r t u e o r j u s t i c e are u s e l e s s .  Neverthe-  l e s s , a w i s e man must t r y t o improve the government and thus Simonides a p p e a l s as b e s t he can t o H i e r o by f i r s t making him aware of h i s wretched  l o t and t h e n s e t t i n g b e f o r e him  a l t e r n a t i v e t h a t , s i n c e r u l e r s are a b l e TES  icpeXEtv, ^ 2  i t i s l i k e l y t h a t they n a l  TCOXU  LIEV  LICXWOV  6laTtpdxTOv-  cptXeCa&ai  25  i c TCJV  noXKanXdaia  the  LOUOJTUJV.  The a d v i c e o f Simonides i s l i s t e n e d t o by H i e r o but he has heard i t he does not say a n y t h i n g . ^-'-Hiero 1-8, 13. 2 2  H i e r o 11,  2 3  H i e r o 11, 12.  2  4Hiero  2 5  Ibid.  H.  3, 7-  after  The i m p l i c a t i o n i s  50 t h a t he b e l i e v e s Simonides* a d v i c e t o be f u l l  of wisdom f o r he  acknowledges t h a t Simonides i s a w i s e man. ^  But, as A. Kojeve  2  has p o i n t e d o u t ,  2 7  he does not say t h a t he i s g o i n g t o f o l l o w  Simonides's a d v i c e and hence we assume t h a t he i s not g o i n g t o do a n y t h i n g about i t . s i t e the bad  one.  Simonides has  set t h e good t y r a n n y  I t i s up t o H i e r o t o ask Simonides how  c o u l d m a i n t a i n h i m s e l f i n power w i t h o u t lence while gaining  x^pi-S  H i e r o does not do t h i s .  oppohe  having recourse t o v i o -  by means of a p p r o p r i a t e measures. By p o r t r a y i n g H i e r o as r e j e c t i n g good  a d v i c e , Xenophon f u r t h e r i n d i c a t e s t h a t good t y r a n n y t h a t i s not l e g a l r u l e but n e v e r t h e l e s s r u l e over w i l l i n g s u b j e c t s (as i n the C y r o p a e d i a) and thus dependent on the c h a r a c t e r of the t y r a n t i s achieved w i t h great d i f f i c u l t y .  2 6  2 7  H i e r o 1,  1.  A l e x a n d r e Kojeve, "Tyranny and Wisdom," i n L.  On Tyranny,  144.  Strauss,  CHAPTER V XENOPHON'S DEFENCE  I n 371  a f t e r the B a t t l e of L e u c t r a S c y l l u s f e l l i n t o the  hands of the E l a e a n s and Xenophon went t o l i v e i n Corinth.''" a r e s u l t of t h i s b a t t l e Athens and  S p a r t a moved c l o s e r  As  together  p o l i t i c a l l y and a r e c o n c i l i a t i o n seems to have t a k e n p l a c e between him and Athens s i n c e h i s son d i e d w h i l e f i g h t i n g i n the A t h e n i a n c a v a l r y i n 362.  Because he had observed t h a t  had f a i l e d to check the r i s i n g power of Thebes, Xenophon d r i v e n t o seek a new As he c o n s i d e r e d  Agesilaus was  s o l u t i o n t o the problem of Greek d i s u n i t y .  h i s own  e x p e r i e n c e (perhaps i n a n a l y s i n g what  had made i t p o s s i b l e f o r the Ten  Thousand t o a c t i n harmony) he  concluded t h a t u n i t y had been t h e r e s u l t of the combined l e a d e r s h i p of an A t h e n i a n ,  himself,  he g e n e r a l i z e d from h i s own  x  2  D i o g . L a e r t . , 2,  3  and  a Spartan,  experience,  53,and  Cheirdisophos.  he must have seen a r a y  54.  lbid.  ^ T h a t t h i s might be an exaggerated r o l e i s d o u b t f u l when one  r e f l e c t s t h a t Xenophon r o s e t o a p o s i t i o n of prominence  a f t e r the Greek s t r a t e g o i had been k i l l e d . c e n a r i e s of Cyrus" H i s t o r i a XVI  [1967] 293)  J . Roy  ("The  Mer-  defends the p o s i -  t i o n of Xenophon i n t h e A n a b a s i s by d r a w i n g a p a r a l l e l from Anab.  I I , 2,  5,  where C l e a r c h u s h e l d t h e p o s i t i o n of primus  i n t e r pares not because he had been e l e c t e d but because h i s colleagues  saw t h a t he was  As  a natural leader.  52 of hope f o r a l l Greece,  Perhaps, under the combined leadership  of Athens and Sparta, Greece could achieve p o l i t i c a l harmony. In order to convince the Athenians of what was f o r Xenophon a new p o l i t i c a l i d e a l , i t was essential that he make a defence acceptable t o them. of the Memorabilia. is clear.  About 370 he undertook  the writing  That he began i t as an apology of Socrates  4  Part of t h i s apology seems to be that Socrates' tea-  ching was protreptic i n that he always led h i s true students to arete, before he made them masters of d i a l e c t i c . mainly through his knowledge of r e l i g i o n .  He did t h i s  According t o the pre-  sentation i n the Memorabilia, Socrates believed i n a kind of a l l pervasive d i v i n i t y , y v w a e t waS* aiia TKXVTCX opav ridvTwv £Hi|ie\eCa&ai.. •7 XOCTQC  TO  n a l udvTa T  6  n  i  s  $eiov  OTU TOOOUTOV  x a l TOIOGTOV  eaTtv  acxoueiv x a l n a v x a x o G n a p e t v a t x a l a u a  d i v i n i t y , when worshipped  vout^ itoXewg...  6uvdf*uyi,: , w i l l counsel man i n matters that are unknown to  him.  By setting f o r t h these ideas as the basis of Socrates'  r e l i g i o n , Xenophon makes him a supporter of t r a d i t i o n a l Greek r e l i g i o n i n order to answer the charge that he did not believe in the gods of the state. ^Mem.  Ill,  5, 4 anticipates a Boeotian invasion.  This was  highly unlikely between 403 and approximately 3 71 because Thebes and Athens were nominally involved i n intrigue against Sparta (Hell.  VI, 3, 1)«  Hence one must assume that publication was  a f t e r 371. %em.  I, 1, 1.  ^Mem.  I, 4, 18. Socrates i s speaking to Aristodemus.  ?Mem.  IV, 3, 16. Cf. I, 3, 1 and 3 .  8Mem.  I, 4, 18.  53  Xenophon makes a n o t h e r p o i n t i n S o c r a t e s * d e f e n c e . a l s o been accused o f b r i n g i n g new gods i n t o t h e s t a t e .  He had The  e x t e n t t o w h i c h t h i s charge was t r u e a c c o r d i n g t o t h e M e m o r a b i l i a was t h a t S o c r a t e s ' psyche had a g r e a t e r share i n t o -ftetov, because o f which he had s p e c i a l  guidance  a xe  XP*1  S i n c e a l l men share t o some degree i n xb $ e C o v , ^  rcoteiv  x a l a \ir\.  Socrates'  r e l i g i o n i s p r e s e n t e d as t h e normal r e l i g i o n o f a l l t h e Greeks. That S o c r a t e s e x p e r i e n c e d s p e c i a l  guidance i n comparison w i t h  o t h e r Greeks emphasizes t h e paradox o f S o c r a t e s ' r e l i g i o u s v i e w s . H i s r e l i g i o n i s a t t h e same time s i m i l a r t o t h e common r e l i g i o n of most Greeks and y e t s u p e r i o r . In c o n s i d e r i n g t h e purpose t o be served by t h e s e r e l i g i o u s v i e w s , we f i n d Xenophon's defence l i n k e d w i t h t h a t o f S o c r a t e s . I t seems t h a t a man o f a b i l i t y c o u l d be k e p t from i n j u s t i c e and evil-doing  by t h e p r o p e r awareness  of t h e gods.  F o r Xenophon  says o f S o c r a t e s : xb  uxv ouv X e x x t x o b s x a l n p a x x t x o u s x a l unxavtxou?  y t y v e a ^ a t xous oruvovxa? oux xouxwv coexo xP^vat xou?  yap aveu  ecrJteu6ev, aXXa upoxepov  auxppoauvriv auxoCs  xou awppoveCv xauxa 6uvau.evou?  aStxtoxepouc; xe x a l duvaxwxepou?  ?Mem. 10  Mem.  Lyyzv£a&ai»  IV, 3, 12.  IV, 3, 14.  xaxoupyeCv  54 EVOLUCEV elvoa. npaJxov nev enetpaTO  6r\ uepl ^eoug  awcppovas u o t e u v tous auvovxas.  C o n v e r s e l y , i f someone has been made auxppwv tiepl $eous  (prudent  c o n c e r n i n g t r a d i t i o n a l Greek r e l i g i o n ) by S o c r a t e s (and Xenophon t a k e s c a r e t o p o i n t out t h a t he h i m s e l f heard t h e c o n v e r s a t i o n c o n c e r n i n g t h e gods r e c o r d e d i n IV, 3, 2-18)  such a person i s  o b v i o u s l y 6txat6xepos xal duvawrepos aya^oupyetv. The  e s t a b l i s h m e n t of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p between Xenophon and  S o c r a t e s c o u l d h a r d l y be c o n s i d e r e d as a defence  of S o c r a t e s  ( u n l e s s t h e r e was a l s o a defence of Xenophon) s i n c e Xenophon had been i n d i s g r a c e a t Athens f o r a p p r o x i m a t e l y twenty y e a r s b e f o r e he wrote the M e m o r a b i l i a . Xenophon and  But should t h e r e be a defence  should h i s e x i l e be r e p e a l e d ( a l t h o u g h , i n f a c t ,  brought about by p o l i t i c a l p r e s s u r e ) S o c r a t e s would be j u s t i f i e d  of  i n the eyes o f t h e common p e o p l e .  one was p a r t of t h e defence  of t h e o t h e r .  indirectly  The defence  of  Then t h e q u e s t i o n  whether t h e p u b l i c a t i o n of t h e M e m o r a b i l i a , t h e H e l l e n i c a ,  11  and  IV, 3, 1 - 2 . 0u>9pu)v uepl "deous means "of a sound  Mem.  mind, p r u d e n t , d i s c r e e t c o n c e r n i n g the gods." t r y i n g t o make men  t h u s , Xenophon must mean  Since Socrates i s  awypuv  i n the  Soc-  r a t i c r e l i g i o u s sense d i s c u s s e d above. 12 The date of t h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f the H e l l e n i c a depends on a statement  of Xenophon t h a t , a f t e r the death of A l e x a n d e r  Pherae i n 358, obe  b \6yoq  T i s i p h o n u s h e l d the p o s i t i o n of r u l e r  eypctcpeTO  (Hell.  IV,  4,  38).  axpt  of ov  55 t h e Anabasis^-  3  i s unimportant.  came b e f o r e o r a f t e r Xenophon's e x i l e was r e s c i n d e d Of i m p o r t a n c e i s the f a c t t h a t t h e common people  of Athens r e a d them.  -^The A n a b a s i s was w r i t t e n a f t e r 394 s i n c e Xenophon had not y e t been e x i l e d a t t h a t time and r e f e r e n c e i s made t o bis--"-exile i n V I I , 7, 57.  A. L e s k y , A H i s t o r y o f Greek L i t e r a t u r e . 6 l £ ,  s u g g e s t s t h a t the p u b l i s h i n g o f the A n a b a s i s can be put a f t e r 379 as i t assumes t h e w i t h d r a w a l o f the S p a r t a n g a r r i s o n from Theban V I , 6, 9.  Cadmea; Anab.  C f . H e l l . V, L.  Tendenz d e r X e n o p h o n t i s c h e n 23)  I36-I46,  Joseph Kesk, "Die  A n a b a s i s , " Wien. S t u d . , X L I I I  (1922-  suggests t h a t the b e s t e v i d e n c e f o r the p u b l i c a t i o n - •  d a t e , however, i s found i n the d e s c r i p t i o n of h i s e s t a t e a t S c y l l u s i n V, 3 , 7 - 1 3 .  I n t h i s passage a l l t h e f e s t i v i t i e s c e l e b r a t e d  t h e r e are d e s c r i b e d e i t h e r i n the i m p e r f e c t o r the a o r i s t t e n s e . I f t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s p e r s i s t e d when t h i s passage was w r i t t e n , t h e use o f t h e s e t e n s e s would be i n a p p r o p r i a t e .  The i m p e r f e c t s c l e a r -  l y indicate r e i t e r a t i v e a c t i v i t y previous to the w r i t i n g of t h i s passage, and t h e a o r i s t s a c t i v i t y i n t h e p a s t t h a t has There a r e a number o f forms o f ettai* (evetcru ,eo"Ttv[ 33) sent-tense.  stopped.  i n the pre-  Most of t h e s e r e f e r t o t h e e s t a t e , w h i c h would n a t u r -  a l l y c o n t i n u e t o e x i s t even though Xenophon d i d not occupy land.  There i s a l s o one p e r f e c t , earnxe  t  the  w h i c h r e f e r s t o the  a l t a r t h a t was set up i n p a s t time and i s p r o b a b l y s t i l l i n e x i s t e n c e a t the time of w r i t i n g .  From the f o r e g o i n g i t seems c l e a r  t h a t Xenophon no l o n g e r o c c u p i e d S c y l l u s when t h i s passage was written.  Hence, the A n a b a s i s  L e u c t r a (371).  must have been p u b l i s h e d a f t e r  I n a d d i t i o n I hope t o show (see i n f r a 56-6O )  56 In making h i s d e f e n c e i n t h e A n a b a s i s Xenophon  pointedly  i g n o r e s h i s e x i l e f o r h i s p a r t i n the B a t t l e o f Coronea and h i n t s t h a t i t was because o f h i s e x c u r s i o n w i t h Cyrus.14  Now  t h e r e i s no doubt t h a t any i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h the P e r s i a n s would i r r i t a t e many o f the people o f Athens ( f o r they had supported S p a r t a i n t h e P e l o p o n n e s i a n War) but t h a t he had been i n t h e S p a r t a n camp a t Coronea would have been i n t o l e r a b l e .  Therefore,  he c a n d i d l y a d m i t s t h a t he went w i t h t h e P e r s i a n s ; n o t as a 15  mercenary, however, b u t as a f r i e n d o f Proxenus. t h a t t h e work c o n t a i n s a p o l o g e t i c elements.  7  H i s only  C e r t a i n l y there  would have been l i t t l e p o i n t i n p u b l i s h i n g such a document b e f o r e 371 s i n c e I I I , 1, 5-7 h i n t s t h a t Xenophon was p h i l o L a c o n i a n and p u b l i c a t i o n would o n l y have i n c r e a s e d  hostility  toward him. A f t e r t h i s d a t e , however, t h e t r e a t y between Athens and S p a r t a would have removed some o f t h e stigma o f b e i n g p r o Spartan.  C f . G. B. Nussbaum, The Ten Thousand, 5.  For f u r t h e r  d i s c u s s i o n see A. Kappelmacher, "Xenophon und I s o k r a t e s , " Wien. Stud., X L I I I (1922) 212-213; J . Morr, "Zum Sprachgebrauche Xenophons," Wien. Stud., X L V I I I (1930) 11-24; and M. MacLaren, "Xenophon and Themistogenes," TAPA LXV (1934) 240-2471  4Anab.  1 5  Ibid.  Ill,  1, 4-7-  17.7, .1, :..0?.  57 a c t i v i t y u n t i l the death of Cyrus i s to f u l f i l l the customary 16 religious r i t u a l . Furthermore, Xenophon and the other Greeks 17  had been deceived about the purpose of the expedition. '  Only  after the Battle of Cunaxa does Xenophon undertake to f i g h t and then i t i s c l e a r l y f o r the Greeks against the Persians. One of the most s t r i k i n g things about his autobiography i n the Anabasis i s his constant attendance to customary ritual.  religious  F i r s t , we note that he set out on t h i s expedition  after he had offered s a c r i f i c e s according to the prescription 18 of the Delphic Oracle. Again, we f i n d that Xenophon and the generals d u t i f u l l y set aside a tenth of the plunder for Apollo 19 of Delphi and Artemis of Ephesus.  When the army has been con-  taminated by an impious deed of a large body of men,  i t i s at  Xenophon's suggestion that i t i s cleansed by the customary purification-rites.  w  F i n a l l y , before his l a s t undertaking i n  the work (which i s , of course, successful), we find him s a c r i *  f i c i n g whole swine  T<V  TtocTpitp  vou-tp.  21  In a l l t h i s he i s obviously  acting i n accord with TOC rcepl $eous v6|n,u.a. Anab. I, 3 , 15, 16. 16  17  Anab.  I l l , 1, 10.  lg  Anab.  I l l , 1, 8.  1 9  Anab.  V, 3, 4.  20  Anab.  V, 7, 35.  21  Anab.  VII,  8, 5.  58 There i s , however, much more t o Xenophon's r e l i g i o n t h a n that.  He a l s o has a share o f t h a t p e c u l i a r d i v i n i t y a t t r i b u t e d  to Socrates.  D u r i n g t h e course of the army's r e t u r n he i s g u i -  ded by t h e gods i n a dream t o p r e d i c t t h a t the d i f f i c u l t  situa-  2 t i o n i n which t h e army f i n d s i t s e l f w i l l be f a v o u r a b l y r e s o l v e d . A g a i n , i n t h e m i d s t of a d i f f i c u l t b a t t l e , a god r e v e a l s b a t t l e 23  t a c t i c s t o Xenophon t h r o u g h a n a t u r a l phenomenon.  J  As a r e s u l t  of t h i s g u i d i n g g e n i u s Xenophon and h i s companions, o i orrcV -uov ':-&€u>v apxoLievot, have not e r r e d i n p o l i c y , and a c h i e v e more honour t h a n those who t a l k e d b o a s t f u l l y , as though p o s s e s s i n g  greater  wisdom, made a t a c t i c a l e r r o r and s u f f e r e d as a r e s u l t .  2 4  C l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o t h e i d e a o f g u i d i n g genius i s Xenophon's a b i l i t y t o u n d e r s t a n d d i v i n a t i o n because of h i s c o n s t a n t a t t e n dance a t s a c r i f i c e s . Silanus, &  I n f a c t , even an a u t h o r i t y i n d i v i n a t i o n ,  d i d n o t dare t o d i s t o r t the omens when Xeno-  U-CXVTLS,  2> cr  phon was l o o k i n g on.  On t h e b a s i s of t h i s g r e a t knowledge o f  omens, Xenophon r e f u s e d t o usurp the m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s h i p t h a t r i g h t l y belonged t o the Lacedaemonians;^ he was f o r c e d t o remain 0  w i t h the army when i t reached t h e H e l l e s p o n t , a l t h o u g h he d e s i r e d 2 2  Anab.  IV, 3 , 8-13.  2 3  Anab.  V, 2 2 4 .  2 4  Anab.  V I , 3,  2 5  Anab.  V, 6,  2 6  Anab.  V I , 1,  r  18. 29. 31.  Cf.  a l s o I I I , 1,  11-25.  59 to  27  go  home; ' he r e f u s e d  governor of Byzantium ^ 2  difficulty perhaps  t o hand  o v e r the armjr t o O l e a n d e r ,  ( w h i c h u n d o u b t e d l y would  f o r some members o f t h e army,  t h o s e m e r c e n a r i e s who  the  Athenians at that  the  Thracian,  2 9  time);  b u t went b a c k  ill-will in  a t Athens  into Ionia  Some m i g h t  or Sparta.  d i v i n a t i o n he must be  will and  contradictory.  gods and  t h e y might toward  appear  Xenophon  Throughout return  i m p i o u s would  t h e a c t u a l f i g h t i n g and  V I , 2,  15.  2 8  Anab.  V I , 6,  36.  2 9  Anab.  V I I , 6,  3 0  G.  V, 3 1  this  Anab.  V,  skill the  self-interest  actually believe  i n the  are unconcerned  that  ill-will  daily  activity  most v i v i d l y  8,  eu  o f the  uoietv  i n h i s account  of a l l t h e  generals. "' 3  -  Ten T h o u s a n d, 140-146, a n a l y s e s t h e  of t h e " h i g h e r frame" 28.  of his  44.  B. Nussbaum, The  6,  of  r e l i a n c e on  d a r e t o h a r b o u r any  s o l d i e r % ' i n q u I r y . i n t o the conduct  importance  acts  openly.  7Anab.  Anab.  by a l l ' who  O n l y t h o s e who  Xenophon d e m o n s t r a t e s  2  f r e e from  march i t seems t o be Xenophon's p u r p o s e  aWovq, o f the  the b a s i s  3  seem t o .  handed  have b e e n t h e c a u s e  exonerated, *^ f o r t h i s  unassailable  t h o s e who  Some o f t h e s e  to  Seuthes,  (where he l a t e r  However, on  o f t h e gods makes h i s l e a d e r s h i p his actions  states f r i e n d l y  he d i d n o t r e m a i n w i t h  o v e r t h e army t o t h e S p a r t a n , T h i b r o n ) . seem a l m o s t  caused  s u c h a s A g a s i a s and  were f r o m t h e and  have  the  2-11.  i n Xenophon's l e a d e r s h i p .  Cf.  60 Here Xenophon, t o o , i s charged ( w i t h s t r i k i n g a s o l d i e r ) but i t i s c l e a r l y shown t h a t t h e m o t i v a t i o n f o r h i s a c t i o n i s h i s reverence  f o r l i f e i n t h a t he f o r c e d one of h i s s o l d i e r s t o  c a r r y a wounded and d y i n g man when he was about t o bury him i n t h e snow.  The r e b u t t a l o f h i s a c c u s e r  i s t h a t t h e man d i e d  l a t e r and, hence, he i m p l i e s t h a t Xenophon s t r u c k him u n j u s t l y . To t h i s Xenophon g i v e s t h e f o l l o w i n g r e p l y : rjLieCs . . . wdcvxes aito^avouLieda" xouxou  xal  yap  ouv  e v e x a C w v x a ? T)u.as 6 e i  xaxopux^vau;  ^  zfy*  2  C l e a r l y i t was Xenophon's purpose t h a t l i f e , a l t h o u g h f l i c k e r , be p r e s e r v e d .  My*?*  only a  T h i s was t h e b a s i s of h i s a c q u i t t a l .  T h i s theme of h i s concern f o r o t h e r s i s c o n s t a n t l y r e i t e r a t e d throughout t h e work.  F i n a l l y , i n the l a s t chapter, a f t e r the  army has o b t a i n e d a g r e a t d e a l of booty, Xenophon i s rewarded by those he has l e d , waxe i x a v b v x a l a X X o v r\5r) e u Tiotetv . ^ T h u s h i s p h i l a n t h r o p i a , which i s t h e b a s i s b o t h o f h i s a c q u i t t a l and commendation by those he l e d , becomes an i n t e g r a l p a r t of h i s a p o l o g y . In t h e H e l l e n i c a t h e r e i s a f u r t h e r defence of Xenophon's i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h t h e Ten Thousand.  On t h e i r r e t u r n t o t h e  H e l l e s p o n t t h e army under T h i b r o n ' s  l e a d e r s h i p had oppressed  c e r t a i n Greek c i t i e s i n a manner i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h t h e i r t i o n s h i p as a l l i e s . for  rela-  T h i s had caused some c r i t i c i s m o f Xenophon  h a n d i n g over the army t o T h i b r o n  3 2  Anab.  V, 8,  3 3  Anab.  V I I , g, 24.  3Z)  -Anab.  V I I , 8,  3 4  and had a l s o brought the .  11.  24.  Cf.  V, 6,  28.  61 army t h e c e n s u r e of t h e S p a r t a n s .  Xenophon's defence on t h e  f i r s t charge i s found i n t h e f a c t t h a t even t h e A t h e n i a n s had sent a detachment o f c a v a l r y t o T h i b r o n . 3  the  5  H i s defence a g a i n s t  second charge i s based on t h e commendation sent by t h e  ephors t o t h e army under i t s hew l e a d e r , t o w h i c h t h e r e p l y i s to a v 6 p e s  made, a\k',  Aaxe6aiu6vtot,  xe KOCL u e p u a t v * apxwv 6e TOU VUV U.EV  OC L T L O V  aXXos  O L O C U T O ! vuv  u.£v vuv, aXXog 6e T O " na-pcX^ov.TO  £^0CU.0CpT(ZV£ L V , T O T E  [IT]  U E V eauev  TJIIELS  6 E , CtUTO L r\5r) L X O C V O L  ouv  £aT£  •zc  YLYVWOHELV.Since  we have suggested t h a t Xenophon's e x i l e i s  t o be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e events of 394 i t i s a l s o o f i n t e r e s t t o n o t e how Xenophon p r e s e n t s t h e B a t t l e s o f Nernea and Coronea. F i r s t , t h e A t h e n i a n s a r e d e s c r i b e d as t h e b r a v e s t o f t h e a l l i e s , f o r w h i l e t h e B o e o t i a n s were o p p o s i t e t h e S p a r t a n s they were not eager t o f i g h t , b u t , when t h e A t h e n i a n s naTOc EYEVOVTO,  YELXav  t h e Boeotians £u$u$  7iapaaH£udC£a^at  tbs  AOCH£6OCLUOVLOUC;  LEpoc HOCXOC etpoccrocv E L V O C L n a l napiyy-  TOTE  M.aXT)S £o*ou.£vns •  W i t h i n a few months  A g e s i l a u s accompanied by Xenophon ^ came from A s i a w i t h h i s 3  troops.  He was met by B o e o t i a n s , A t h e n i a n s , A r g i v e s ,  A e n i a n i a n s , Euboeans and b o t h groups o f L o c r i a n s .  3 9  Corinthians, Agesilaus  o c c u p i e d t h e r i g h t wing w i t h t h e Orchomenians on h i s extreme 35_Hell.  Ill,  1,  3 6  Hell.  Ill,  2, 7.  3 7  Hell.  I V , 2, 18  3  ^Anab .  3 9  Hell.  4.  V, 3 , 6. IV, 3 , 15-  62  left. ^  A g a i n s t him were s t a t i o n e d t h e A r g i v e s , w h i l e t h e Thebans  4  (as u s u a l ) were f a c i n g t h e Orchomenians. When t h e f o r c e s met, A g e s i l a u s d e f e a t e d t h e A r g i v e s , t h e Thebans d e f e a t e d t h e Orchomenians, and t h e p h a l a n x commanded by H e r i p p i d a s and w i t h him the I o n i a n s , A e o l i a n s and H e l l e s p o n t i n e s rushed icpLHOLievot  etpe^av  TO  na^' auTOug.^  f o r t h and e t ? 6opu  Among t h e group d e s i g n a t e d  by T O a r e t o be found a l s o the A t h e n i a n s b u t t h e r e i s no f u r t h e r mention o f t h e i r name i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e B a t t l e o f C o r o n e a .  4 2  O b v i o u s l y Xenophon seeks t o a v o i d i r r i t a t i n g t h e A t h e n i a n s i n what must be f o r h i m a v e r y d e l i c a t e  situation.  From our d i s c u s s i o n we can conclude  then t h a t Xenophon's  defence o f h i m s e l f c o n s i s t s of t h e f o l l o w i n g p o i n t s :  1) as a  f r i e n d o f S o c r a t e s he had been s u b j e c t e d t o S o c r a t e s ' t e a c h i n g c o n c e r n i n g the gods and thus was a b l e t o behave j u s t l y and t o do good ({aYa&dupiy$Cv}); 2) h i s account of h i s b e h a v i o u r  i n t h e Anabasis  demonstrates h i s s e l f - s a c r i f i c e i n d o i n g good w i t h i n a r e l i g i o u s framework; 3) t h e a c t i v i t y o f Xenophon and t h e army of t h e Ten Thousand a f t e r i t s r e t u r n t o t h e a r e a o f t h e Aegean a l t h o u g h i r r i t a t i n g t o some Greek s t a t e s (Athens i n c l u d e d ) i s t h e f a u l t of a l e a d e r imposed on t h e army by S p a r t a ; 4) i n d i s c u s s i n g t h e B a t t l e o f Coronea Xenophon attempts  t o p l a y down t h e involvement  of Athens and t o emphasize t h a t i t was Spartan a g a i n s t Theban military policy. urge a p o l i t i c a l  When he had made t h e s e p o i n t s he was a b l e t o alliance.  Hell.  I V , 3, 16.  41] Hell.  IV, 3, 17.  42  I V , 3, 15-23  4 0  4 1  'Hell. T  CHAPTER VI GREECE AND PERSIA  In the previous chapter we noted that Xenophon's concept i o n of a new  solution to the problem of Greek disunity had  motivated him to make a defence of himself and Socrates whose pupil he was.  I f he was already considering a new approach to  the problem then i t should not be s u r p r i s i n g i f we should also find mention of h i s solution i n the works that contain his defence.  This, i n fact, i s what we f i n d .  Anabasis.and  The Memorabilia,  the  the Hellenica, which, as has been demonstrated,  contain apologetic elements, also express p o l i t i c a l ideas that d i f f e r markedly from h i s e a r l i e r views on the subject of Greek unity.  Since these ideas are sometimes expressed i n oblique  ways, before we undertake consideration of them, i t i s necessary to look at Xenophon's method of presentation. One of the most obvious ways i n which Xenophon presents ideas i s to take some figure from an e a r l i e r generation and to idealize him to such an extent that he becomes the perfect biographical expression of these ideas.  We have already seen that  he does t h i s in the Cyropaedia, where Cyrus the Great becomes the ideal monarch, although we know that not a l l his actions were of such an ideal nature."^"  Xenophon uses Socrates in somewhat the  Herodotus, I, 95-216. Cynic King, 82-86.  See also R. Hoistad, Cynic Hero and  64 same manner but the account i s tempered because o t h e r people remembered t h e h i s t o r i c a l S o c r a t e s when the M e m o r a b i l i a  still  was  written. C l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o t h i s b i o g r a p h i c a l method i s what might be called autobiographical expression. t h e A n a b a s i s a c t i n g out the the M e m o r a b i l i a .  Xenophon p o r t r a y s h i m s e l f i n  i d e a s t h a t aTe'rehuriciate'd •by:So~dra~tes': i n ;  As has a l r e a d y been shown t h e r e i s a c l o s e  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n between h i s r e l i g i o u s  p i e t y and the t e a c h i n g s  of  2 S o c r a t e s as Xenophon g i v e s them.  Thus t h r o u g h  his association  w i t h S o c r a t e s he enhances h i s own r e p u t a t i o n . It  i s t h i s method of e x p r e s s i o n t h a t a l s o enables  t o speak out on the p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s o f the day.  Xenophon  I n the Memora-  b i l i a S o c r a t e s engages i n p o l i t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h t h r e e  men-  Pericles,  the  Glaucon, and Charmides.  l a t t e r two. noXeoj?  who  Glaucon was  a  Of immediate concern a r e  f o o l i s h y o u t h erci&uuwv npoora-ceueiv  had become KaxayeXaaxoq.  q u e s t i o n i n g shows Glaucon how  S o c r a t e s through  u t t e r l y i g n o r a n t he i s and  TTJC;  skillful thus  r e s t r a i n s him from making f u r t h e r f o o l i s h statements i n p u b l i c . The  i m p l i c a t i o n i s t h a t i f one knows n o t h i n g about p o l i t i c s  s h o u l d keep q u i e t . ^Not  one  Onsthe c o n t r a r y S o c r a t e s ' d i s c u s s i o n w i t h  o n l y i n r e l i g i o n but a l s o i n t h e area of p h i l a n t h r o p i a  i s Xenophon p o r t r a y e d as t h e embodiment of S o c r a t e s ' t e a c h i n g . Cf. Mem. 3  Mem.  I l l , 9,  14,  I l l , 6,  1$ and Anab. 1.  V I I , 6,  4;  £,  23.  Charraides, who does understand p o l i t i c s ,  i s concluded by t h e  following: xal  el'  u.Ti a u x X e t  6uvaxov  TI  TOUTODV aWot *,xal  T W V TTJ? e a x t  Y^P xaXtos noXtxat,  auxbs  TCOXEIOS,  6 t a at  p e X x t o v  E X O V T O J V o u M-6VOV o t  A\\a  x a l ot  ah o d x iXaxiaxa  a o l (ptXot wcpeXTjaru  I t i s t h e duty o f t h e knowledgeable tical life himself.  e x e t v *  ^  man t o be a c t i v e i n p o l i -  i n o r d e r t o b e n e f i t h i s f e l l o w c i t i z e n s and hence The m o t i v a t i o n i s once a g a i n t h e s o r t t h a t Xenophon s 1  age i n r e t r o s p e c t would c l e a r l y u n d e r s t a n d .  Since the idea of  Xenophon as t h e embodiment o f S o c r a t e s ' t e a c h i n g s seems w e l l developed i n the spheres o f r e l i g i o n and p h i l a n t h r o p i a ,  perhaps  Xenophon here endows h i m s e l f w i t h S o c r a t i c a u t h o r i t y t o speak and act  concerning the p o l i t i c a l  s i t u a t i o n i n Greece.  F i n a l l y , Xenophon a l s o uses speeches, g i v e n i n a h i s t o r i c a l s e t t i n g , and d i r e c t statement t o express c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l  ideas.  The speech of Cyrus a t t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e i n l a n d march'' demons t r a t e s t h i s technique r a t h e r w e l l .  Cyrus, hoping t o i n s p i r e h i s  t r o o p s , s e t s b e f o r e them a p i c t u r e o f P e r s i a n r i c h e s . t h i s may have been t h e b a s i c d e s c r i p t i o n o f P e r s i a t h a t  Although Cyrus  a c t u a l l y gave t o h i s t r o o p s i n 401, t h e f a c t t h a t Greeks read  ^Mem.  I l l , 7, 9-  Both Xenophon and P l a t o agree t h a t a l t h o u g h  S o c r a t e s d i d not p a r t i c u l a r i l y enjoy p o l i t i c a l  involvement he  showed h i s p o l i t i c a l c o n c e r n by t r y i n g t o make p o l i t i c i a n s b e t t e r . Xenophon makes S o c r a t e s p r a c t i c a l r a t h e r t h a n i d e o l o g i c a l . 5Anab.  I , 7, 6.  66 t h i s a f t e r 370 must suggest t o the minds o f Xenophon's r e a d e r s the d e s i r a b i l i t y o f an i n v a s i o n o f P e r s i a t o b o l s t e r t h e sagging f o r t u n e s of the Greek s t a t e s . To determine whether Xenophon i s c o n s c i o u s l y these i d e a s one r e q u i r e s some d i r e c t statement.  presenting That such  statements e x i s t i n t h e works of Xenophon t h a t are a t p r e s e n t under c o n s i d e r a t i o n w i l l be shown i n our f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n . With the preceding  methods of e x p r e s s i o n  i n mind l e t us t u r n  t o an a n a l y s i s of Xenophon's a t t i t u d e s toward the t h r e e t h a t were most p r o m i n e n t l y during h i s l i f e t i m e .  states  i n v o l v e d i n t h e events t h a t t r a n s p i r e d  I f Xenophon s t i l l f e l t t h e n e c e s s i t y of war  a g a i n s t P e r s i a t h a t had l e d him t o show g r e a t a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the work o f A g e s i l a u s  i n A s i a from 396 t o 394 and i f a t t h e same  t i m e he had l o s t c o n f i d e n c e  i n one-man r u l e , t h e n i t i s r e a s o n a b l e  t h a t he would somehow i n v o l v e S p a r t a , Athens o r Thebes i n such an undertaking. The f a v o u r a b l e has been c o n s i d e r e d s h i p w i t h them.  p o r t r a y a l of the Spartans i n the H e l l e n i c a an i n d i r e c t defence of Xenophon's r e l a t i o n -  Most c e r t a i n l y Xenophon e x o n e r a t e s the Spartans  f o r t h e i r a c t i o n s i n e n f o r c i n g t h e K i n g ' s Peace by p l a c i n g t h e blame f o r the b e g i n n i n g and  of h o s t i l i t i e s upon the A r g i v e s ,  the Corinthians f o r accepting  Persian gold.  Boeotians  Xenophon a l s o  defends A g e s i l a u s f o r a c q u i t t i n g S p h o d r i a s ( f o r Xenophon admits  Hell.  IV, 4,  2.  67 nal  TtoMous e 6 o £ e v  CCUTTI  6T)  . a d i H c i r a T a ev  Aaxe6aLu.ovt^ri)6uHT) Hpidfjjvat.)  because of the p h i l a n t h r o p i a of t h e i r two sons and of S p h o d r i a s ' honourable b e h a v i o u r a f t e r the a c q u i t t a l .  Certainly this  inva-  s i o n of P i r a e u s by S p h o d r i a s (because of the monetary e x h o r t a t i o n of the Thebans) was c o n s i d e r e d i n a v e r y grave l i g h t by t h e Athenians.  Xenophon's p o r t r a y a l o f t h e s e a f f a i r s might seem an  r e c t apology f o r h i m s e l f .  indi-  I do not t h i n k t h a t t h i s i s h i s purpose.  Xenophon c o u l d not undertake a defence of h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the  S p a r t a n s because t h i s would have emphasized  the p o l i t i c a l  gap  between Athens and S p a r t a and would t h e r e f o r e have been c o n t r a r y to  h i s o t h e r purpose, namely, the u n i t i n g of a l l Greece under the  hegemony of Athens and S p a r t a . the  E. Schwartz has suggested t h a t  H e l l e n i c a i s Xenophon's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of S p a r t a ' s i n v o l v e m e n t  i n t h e events of the f i r s t h a l f o f the f o u r t h c e n t u r y . to  He  seeks  c l a r i f y S p a r t a n a c t i o n t o the A t h e n i a n s (and t o o t h e r Greek >•  9  s t a t e s j i n order t o b r i n g them c l o s e r t o g e t h e r .  I should modify  t h i s and say t h a t t h i s i s one of h i s purposes i n t h e second p a r t of  the H e l l e n i c a  ( I I , 3 , 10 - V I I , 5 , 2 7 ) , S but the f i r s t 1  'Hell.  V, 4 ,  24.  Hell.  V, 4 ,  33.  8  ^Schwartz, E.  "Quellenuntersuchung zur G r i e c h i s c h e n  G e s c h i c h t e , " R h e i n . Mus.,  -^In  part  XLIV  (1839) l'6i:-193.  a d d i t i o n t o p r e s e n t i n g the r i s e , d e c l i n e and f a l l  of  S p a r t a up t o the B a t t l e of M a n t i n e a , Xenophon d i s p l a ^ r s a f a s c i n a t i o n f o r i n s t r u c t i o n t h r o u g h b i o g r a p h i c a l paradigms.  See P e t e r  K r a f f t , " V i e r B e i s p i e l e des Xenophontischen i n Xenophons H e l l e n i k a , " R h e i n . Mus.  CX  (1967)  103-150.  6 8  i s much e a r l i e r and had been undertaken a s a c o m p l e t i o n o f Thucydides.  J  [ 1 9 0 1 ]  i:L  " H. R i c h a r d s ("The H e l l e n i c s o f Xenophon," C l a s s . Rev. XV L  1 9 7 - 2 0 3 )  has demonstrated  that only H e l l e n i c a I-II,  ( H e l l . A) shows any c l e a r resemblance Cynegeticus.  3 ,  t o h i s e a r l i e s t , work, t h e  Hell. B i s distinctly different i n style.  Mac-  L a r e n ("On the C o m p o s i t i o n o f Xenophon's H e l l e n i c a , " AJP LV 1 2 3 - 1 3 9 J  enumerates the f o l l o w i n g :  1)  1 0  [ 1 9 3 4 ]  t h e a n n a l i s t i c method o f  r e p o r t i n g e v e n t s i s used i n H e l l . A but abandoned i n H e l l . B. 2)  S a c r i f i c e s b e f o r e a b a t t l e a r e mentioned  3)  No e x p r e s s i o n s o f p r a i s e o r censure a r e found i n H e l l • A.  4 )  The words LtrW, are, wcrce, a5,  H e l l . A but o f t e n i n H e l l . B. o n l y i n H e l l . B.  LIEVTOL,  o n l y i n H e l l . B.  yc 6r] a r e r a r e l y found i n f  5 ) The f u t u r e o p t a t i v e i s employed  6 ) The m i l i t a r y  usages i n H e l l . A a r e s i m i l a r  t o those of Thucydides and a r e n o n - D o r i c ; t h e usages i n H e l l . B are  o f t e n D o r i c and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e A n a b a s i s .  7 ) At t h e  end o f t h e account i n H e l l . B t h e r e i s u s u a l l y a s h o r t sentence c o n t a i n i n g a d e m o n s t r a t i v e word such as outtos t h a t r e a l l y adds n o t h i n g t o the n a r r a t i v e ; t h i s phenomenon o c c u r s 4 9 t i m e s i n H e l l . B, once i n H e l l . A.  8 ) Xenophon never speaks i n t h e f i r s t  person i n H e l l . A, but 1 9 t i m e s i n H e l l • B.  H . MacLaren enumer-  a t e s some o t h e r d i f f e r e n c e s b u t I have chosen o n l y those t h a t I f i n d most c o n v i n c i n g . Many of t h e o t h e r s can be d i s m i s s e d e i t h e r as s u b j e c t i v e statement or as p r o p o r t i o n a t e t o t h e amount o f m a t e r i a l i n each p a r t o f t h e work.  T h i s d r a s t i c change, because  i t o c c u r s i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r I I , 3 , 1 0 and i s based on many i n s t a n ces,  i s i n t e r p r e t e d as proof that a d e f i n i t e i n t e r v a l  passed between t h e c o m p o s i t i o n o f H e l l . A and B.  of time  69 Xenophon's p r e s e n t a t i o n o f h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the Spartans i n t h e Anabasi s f u r t h e r emphasizes t h a t he has no i n t e n t i o n o f defending them.  h i m s e l f a g a i n s t any charge o f b e i n g i n sympathy w i t h  I n f a c t , Xenophon s t r e s s e s t h a t he worked i n complete  harmony w i t h t h e Spartan  Cheirisophos.  A f t e r Cheirisophos  r e c o g n i z e s the w o r t h o f Xenophon t o t h e army and a l s o i d e n t i f i e s  12 him as an A t h e n i a n  ' t h e r e i s complete harmony between t h e two  l e a d e r s , except f o r one i n c i d e n t when t h e r e i s disagreement over the treatment  o f a c a p t i v e guide.  Xenophon says t h a t  TOUTO  ye  6rj Xeipta6<pi}) x a l EevocpwvTi. u.6vov 6td<popov £v T P T i o p e t a eyeveTO...^  I n a d d i t i o n t o t h i s Xenophon c o n s t a n t l y shows t h e utmost d e f e r ence t o t h e Spartan Athenian,  state.  As a r e s u l t o f t h i s d e f e r e n c e  he, an  r e f u s e s t o be chosen t h e s i n g l e l e a d e r o f t h e army, 14  Aaxe6atp,ovtGU av6pbg n a p o v T O s • The S p a r t a n s d e s e r v e t h i s because t h e y a r e t h e s t r o n g e s t Greek s t a t e .  6pu) y^P oxi x a l TIOXEUIOUVTES  TTI T c a T p t 6 i  uou ou 7tp6a$ev  n p l v Ercotrjaav rcaaav  Aaxedatnovtou?  That t h i s d e f e r e n c e  TTJV  EitavaavTO  TIOXLV  x a l auTwv T)YEu.6vac; E t v a t .  respect  OUOXOYELV  ^  i s i n accord w i t h the w i l l  of t h e gods s i m p l y  r e i n f o r c e s t h e p o s i t i o n t h a t t h e S p a r t a n s had a t t a i n e d .  Clearly,  t h e n , Xenophon's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e Lacedae.monians i s n o t one t o be d e s p i s e d  o r defended b u t r a t h e r e x a l t e d . 1, 4 5 -  1 2  Anab.  Ill,  1 3  Anab.  I V , 6, 3-  *-Anab.  lz  V I , 1, 26.  15  Anab.  V I , 1, 27.  Xenophon i s s p e a k i n g .  N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e r e i s another a s p e c t t o t h e i n c i d e n t . 16 Xenophon was t h e f i r s t c h o i c e o f t h e s o l d i e r s .  L a t e r when  Xenophon i s on h i s way home b u t t h e army i s i n d i f f i c u l t y Xenophon s a i l s back and goes t o them, r  \  >.  V  r|6eu)S x a l euftug  aauevoi  e6ec!avT0  At a n o t h e r time Xeno-  .  18  r  phon i s d e s c r i b e d a s  aTpaTiwTcxt  17  tl  eiuovTO  ou 6 e  C l e a r l y , he had a great  fiXoaxpaTtuhrris.  i n f l u e n c e on and a p p e a l t o t h e s o l d i e r s .  Cheirisopho.s i n d i c a t e s  t h i s i n t h e speech he makes t o t h e s o l d i e r s i n a c c e p t i n g t h e h i g h e s t command when he quotes someone as s a y i n g o f Xenophon, b e f o r e t h e e l e c t i o n o f one commanding o f f i c e r , t h a t Tiuaaiwvi  uaXXov  axpaxeunatos  apxetv  Aap6aveC  auve$e\fjcjtxi  ^ eauxqj ACXHUJVI  ovxiThis  ovxt  auxbv  T O U KXedpxou  i n d i c a t e s t h a t , although a  supreme commander had been e l e c t e d , Xenophon would always have an u n o f f i c i a l share o f t h e command. h i m s e l f as t h e e u e p y e x T j s  In addition t o portraying  of t h e army, Xenophon here d e f i n e s by  example t h e r o l e of t h e A t h e n i a n s  i n a u n i t e d Greece.  In the  c o n t r a s t between h i s own and t h e l e a d e r s h i p o f C l e a r c h u s , t h e S p a r t a n , t h e need f o r A t h e n i a n most e v i d e n t .  The f i r s t  i n f l u e n c e i n Greek p o l i t i c s i s  two books o f t h e Anabasis  g i v e us an  i n s i g h t i n t o t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f C l e a r c h u s a s primus i n t e r  pares.  20 Xenophon sums up C l e a r c h u s ' l e a d e r s h i p  as f o l l o w s :  a) he was  fond 16 o f war; b) he was i n a c o n s t a n t s t a t e o f r e a d i n e s s f o r Anab. V I , 1, 19. Anab.  VII,  2, 9.  ^Anab.  VII,  6, 4-  1 7  1  1 9  Anab.  V I , 1, 3 2 .  2 0  Anab.  I I , 6, 1 - 1 5 .  The ouv p r o b a b l y goes w i t h  apxeiv.  battle; c) he was s e l f - c o n t r o l l e d i n frightening circumstances. The next point i s introduced with the statement, x a l apx^xbs 6* The word  Eivai... ^  EXEYETO  2  kkiyexo  indicates that there i s some  doubt i n Xenophon's mind about the accuracy of t h i s statement. He then goes on to admit that Clearchus was competent i n providing f o r his army.  It i s in the area of human relations that  Xenophon disagreed with the Spartan f o r he r e l i e d s t r i c t l y on compulsion and punished the army on p r i n c i p l e because he said 6eoi  u>S  xbv  xbv oTpaTlukrjv  apxovxa  rj cpuXaxas  f) x o u s  cpuXd^Etv  aTtpoqpaaLaxios  tevai  cpoBeto"-&cu  KOXELUOUS, f] cpt\wv upbs  LiaWov  EC L I E W O L  <xcp££Eo"-&ai r\  TOUS  UOXEULOUS.  The result of t h i s kind of leadership was that i n danger his men followed him r e a d i l y but, when the danger was past, those who could would desert him f o r another commander.  Xenophon ends the  section concerning Clearchus' relationship to his soldiers thus: xal  yap  ouv c p i \ i a U E V  2lAnab. sive.  x a l Euvoia  EHOU.EVOUS  II, 6, 8. The word txiyexo  OU6EUOX£  tl\zv  i s a t h i r d person pas-  Whenever Xenophon wishes t o express praise or blame he  does so in the f i r s t person as in the rest of t h i s passage. Impersonal or third-person construction usually indicates that Xenophon does not agree. V, 4, 15-34.  Hell. 22  Anab.  II, 6, 10.  23  Anab.  II, 6 , 13.  Consider the incident of Sphodrias;  72 The i m p l i c a t i o n i s t h a t , i n a d d i t i o n t o i n s t i l l i n g d i s c i p l i n e , l e a d e r s h i p must d e v e l o p f r i e n d s h i p and g o o d w i l l among t h e f o l l o w e r s — s o m e t h i n g the Spartan had f a i l e d t o do. C l e a r c h u s has a n o t h e r f a u l t as w e l l .  A l t h o u g h he i s a  good a d m i n i s t r a t o r , he l a c k s d i r e c t i v e a b i l i t y .  G. B.  Nussbaum  2Zf  has t r a c e d e x t e n s i v e l y h i s a t t e m p t s t o d e c e i v e t h e army by f a i l i n g t o go t h r o u g h t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c h a n n e l s t h a t t h e Greek s o l d i e r s assumed t o be i n e x i s t e n c e . confidence arose.  Thus C l e a r c h u s l o s t the  of t h e army, and i n i t s p l a c e m i s t r u s t and s u s p i c i o n  I t was, i n f a c t , h i s t o t a l l a c k o f i n v e n t i v e n e s s  r e l u c t a n c e t o commit h i m s e l f t o a c o u r s e o f a c t i o n t h a t  and precipi-  t a t e d t h e c r i s i s i n which t h e army found i t s e l f when Xenophon was e l e c t e d g e n e r a l . 5 2  The c o n t r a s t i s o b v i o u s .  C l e a r c h u s the  S p a r t a n a l t h o u g h a good m i l i t a r y a d m i n i s t r a t o r , f a i l e d  miserably  i n t h e i m p o r t a n t a r e a s of human r e l a t i o n s and p o l i t i c a l fulness.  resource-  On the o t h e r hand, under the combined d i r e c t i o n o f the  S p a r t a n , C h e i r i s o p h o s (who possessed m a i n l y a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  ability)  »-G. B. Nussbaum, The Ten Thousand, 118-120.  2Z  25  Anab.  I I , 2, 1-5, 34-  2 6  S e e G. B. Nussbaum, The Ten Thousand, 117-  P a r t of t h e  s u c c e s s of t h i s l e a d e r s h i p a l s o l i e s i n i t s g r e a t e r dependence on t h e assembly.  Xenophon d i s p l a y s an i n c r e a s e d awareness of  the l i m i t a t i o n s of t h e i n d i v i d u a l and a more a c t i v e r e l i a n c e on c o l l e c t i v e i n g e n u i t y t h a n he does i n t h e C y r o p a e d i a . a more d e m o c r a t i c a t t i t u d e .  This i s  73  and  the A t h e n i a n Xenophon (who  s p e c i a l i z e d i n p h i l a n t h r o p i a and  i n v e n t i v e n e s s ) t h e army s u r v i v e d and escaped from i t s dangerous situation.  Thus i t i s t h e h a r s h n e s s and  l a c k of c r e a t i v e p o l i c y -  making of the S p a r t a n s t h a t evoke A t h e n i a n  i n f l u e n c e i n Greek  politics. Nevertheless,  throughout t h e speeches i n the A n a b a s i s Xeno-  phon f r e q u e n t l y makes the p o i n t t h a t t o s u r v i v e a g a i n s t  the  P e r s i a n s good l e a d e r s h i p and d i s c i p l i n e a r e a b s o l u t e l y e s s e n t i a l , a v e u yap  apxovxwv  av  oi>6ev  ouxe dya'&bv y e v o i x o i i ? p,ev etrceCv  oudauoG, ev  itavxditaaiv. «  *  »  t)  uev  t  ouxe x a \ b v auveXovxt  6 e 6 T ) XOCC; u o X e u i x o C s  e6xa£ia  yap  w  \  T) 6 e a x a ^ u a nokkovq  atpCeiv  6oxeC,  ?7  /  T)6T) c t n o \ u ) \ e H e v .  Only under s k i l l f u l guidance, w i t h u n i t y among the ranks,  will  t h e Greeks be a b l e \<xu.Bdveiv xa xwv r)xxovu)v. But f a c t i o n and  divi-  28  s i o n can l e a d o n l y t o d e s t r u c t i o n . In o r d e r t o a v o i d t h i s the l e a d e r must be s t r o n g and to  exercise d i s c i p l i n e .  people of c u l t u r e and  The  Spartans are the s t r o n g e s t .  refinement,  n i t y , are t h e A t h e n i a n s .  willing But  the  w i t h an awareness o f human d i g -  Because of t h e i r appeal t o t h e  other  Greeks they can be the u n i f y i n g f o r c e by means o f w h i c h a l l Greece may  u n i t e under S p a r t a ' s  l e a d e r s h i p but whom S p a r t a must  acknowledge p a r t i c u l a r l y i n making p o l i c y . The  H e l l e n i c a c l e a r l y r e i n f o r c e s t h i s suggestion.  i s the s t r o n g e s t .  She  2 7  Anab.  I l l , 1,  2 g  Anab.  V, 6 ,  i s the d i s c i p l i n a r i a n .  38.  32.  Cf.  I l l , 2,  29-32.  Sparta  She e n f o r c e s  the  74  K i n g ' s Peace o f 3^6. of  The S p a r t a n s were d e f e a t e d i n t h e B a t t l e  29  Leuctra3 ~ by the Thebans (as a g e n t s of the gods) not because <  >  they were t h e weakest, s i n c e t h e y s t i l l  had two r e g i m e n t s (one-  t h i r d o f t h e army) a t home, b u t because they had misused t h e i r 31 power.  A f t e r t h i s b a t t l e we f i n d the A t h e n i a n s t a k i n g t h e  l e a d i n e s t a b l i s h i n g an a l l i a n c e based on t h e K i n g ' s Peace and t h u s i n essence u n i t i n g much o f Greece under S p a r t a n l e a d e r s h i p w h i l e s t i l l m a i n t a i n i n g auxovououg euvau ouiouux; x a l uaxpa? x a l *  '  32  \xEya\a.<z noXeus.  Before the B a t t l e of Leuctra there i s a s e r i e s 33  of  t h r e e speeches d e l i v e r e d by A t h e n i a n ambassadors t o S p a r t a .  Among t h e s e t h e f i r s t  J  speaker, C a l l i a s , speaks i n d i p l o m a t i c  f a s h i o n about t h e d e s i r a b i l i t y o f peace between Athens and S p a r t a from a h i s t o r i c a l and a r e l i g i o u s p e r s p e c t i v e . ker,  The second spea-  A u t o c l e s , i n p o i n t i n g out t h e causes of war, speaks out on  b e h a l f o f t h e o t h e r c i t i e s o f Greece.  F i n a l l y , t h e t h i r d speaker,  C a l l i s t r a t u s , p o i n t s out t h e advantages of an a l l i a n c e among t h e c i t i e s o f Greece w i t h Athens and S p a r t a t a k i n g t h e l e a d f o r eucrl uiev 6T)71OU uaoaiv xiov no\eu>v a t uev xa uuiexepa, a t 6e x a rjuiexepa cppovouaau, x a l ev exaaxT) TioXeu ca uev XaxwvuCouauv,  2  9'Hell.  v, 1, 35, 36.  3 0  Hell.  vi,  3 1  Hell.  v, 4, 1.  3 2  Hell.  vi,  5, 1-3.  3 3  Hell.  vi,  3,  3 4  Hell.  vi,  3, 14-  4, 13-15-  1-20.  ou  axxuxuCouauv.  75 That Athens f u l f i l l s t h e r o l e o f u n i t i n g Greece i n a h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n does n o t n e c e s s a r i l y mean t h a t Xenophon had t h i s i n mind f o r her.  That ambassadors make speeches t h a t suggest t h i s  c o u r s e o f a c t i o n t o h i s r e a d e r s does emphasize t h e r o l e t h a t Xenophon had d e f i n e d f o r her by example i n t h e A n a b a s i s . The  p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s from 374 t o  369 i n t h e H e l l e n i c a  p  r e v e a l s c l e a r l y what p o l i c i e s Xenophon  endorsed by t h e a t t i t u d e s he e x p r e s s e s toward t h e men i n v o l v e d . Two o f the men who a r e l i n k e d i n t h e n a r r a t i v e a r e t h e A t h e n i a n s , I p h i c r a t e s and C a l l i s t r a t u s (mentioned e a r l i e r ) .  When Xenophon  has g i v e n the account o f I p h i c r a t e s ' hasty sea voyage t o C o r c y r a t o g i v e a i d t o t h e democratic f a c t i o n f i g h t i n g a g a i n s t t h e Spart a n s and commended him f o r h i s t r a i n i n g methods, he w r i t e s t h e following.  1  eyw uev  or\  TauTTjv TTJV  'IcpLxpaxous  oxpaxny Cav  o6x T)HuoTct  xb upoae\ea$au  ETiaivu),  xeXeCaat  TWV  eneixa  xal  eauTt»i K a W t a T p a T o v  Te TOV 6T)|ITIY6POV, 06 ud\a eTtiTifaetov  ovTa ....  Two v e r y i m p o r t a n t p o i n t s emerge from t h i s passage. words oux r\M.\.axa  F i r s t , the  i n d i c a t e t h a t , a l t h o u g h t h e r e has been no men-  t i o n o f i t t h u s f a r , I p h i c r a t e s ' attempt t o work t o g e t h e r  with  C a l l i s t r a t u s i s one of the foremost r e a s o n s f o r t h e p r a i s e t h a t he r e c e i v e s i n the H e l l e n i c a . way  Second, we n o t i c e t h a t i n some  t h e y were opposed t o one another (KaWCaTpaTOv ou u.d\a ZTIIXT)-  6 e i o v ovTa 3  ). ).  ^Hell.  3 6  Hell.  T h i s d i f f e r e n c e between them was p o l i t i c a l .  V I , 2, 1, - V I I , 1, 14. V I , 2, 39.  76 C a l l i s t r a t u s was concerned w i t h b r i n g i n g about peace between Athens and S p a r t a .  3 7  I p h i c r a t e s ' antagonism t o t h e Lacedaemon-  i a n s becomes apparent i n h i s d e l a y i n g t a c t i c s ^ as g e n e r a l of 3  the army t h a t was t o go t o t h e a i d o f S p a r t a n s when t h e Thebans invaded t h e i r l a n d l a t e i n 370.  T h i s a c t i v i t y i s summed up as  follows eu  uev  ouv  a\\o  TU  XOC\<JJC;  4>EYU>* e n e u v a utevTOu a eitpa£e,  ev  eaTpcrrriYnaev,  T £ xpovt^ exeuvto  ndvTa<.eupuaKoj TCX u e v  H a u l a a u ^ c p o p w s TicrcpaYiieva  ou  lidTnv,  TCC 6e  auT(j).  At a n o t h e r p o i n t i n d e s c r i b i n g I p h i c r a t e s * b e h a v i o u r he a s k s ,  3  9  the r h e t o r i c a l q u e s t i o n , Tta>c/-.6u rcoMr) d c p p o a u v n ; I n t h i s statement and by the use o f t h e words u d T n v andaauu-cpopws  Xenophon i n d i -  c a t e s h i s sense o f f r u s t r a t i o n because o f t h e f a i l u r e o f t h e A t h e n i a n army t o a i d S p a r t a e f f e c t i v e l y .  I n Xenophon's mind  I p h i c r a t e s must b e a r t h e blame f o r t h i s .  Athens c o u l d have made  the t i e s w i t h S p a r t a much s t r o n g e r t h r o u g h an e f f e c t u a l program of a i d .  That t h i s d i d n o t o c c u r c o u l d  o n l y be t h e r e s u l t o f  I p h i c r a t e s * d e l i b e r a t e p o l i c y s i n c e he had d i s p l a y e d military ability The  outstanding  previously.  s t r u c t u r e o f t h e n a r r a t i v e ^ o f t h e c o n f e r e n c e a t Athens 4  i n 370 t h a t r e s u l t e d i n the a u x i l i a r y e x p e d i t i o n  of I p h i c r a t e s  a l s o r e v e a l s what p o l i c i e s and w h i c h speakers were of importance t o Xenophon.  A. Banderet has enumerated some o f t h e i m p o r t a n t  ?Hell.  V I , 3, 3 .  38 H e l l .  V I , 5, 4 Q.  39 H e l l .  V I , 5, 51 and 52.  3  4 0  Hell.  V I , 5, 3 3 - 4 9 .  77 points.^  The two speeches t h a t h o l d our a t t e n t i o n and are  c e n t r a l t o t h e account are t h o s e of C l e i t e l e s the C o r i n t h i a n and P r o c l e s the P h l i a s i a n .  The  i n t r o d u c t i o n t o these  speeches  i s a g e n e r a l i z e d statement of what the S p a r t a n ambassadors s a i d , then a h a s t y resume' of s p e c i f i c p o i n t s and the r e s u l t — a n u p r o a r i n t h e A t h e n i a n assembly.  Then come the two speeches  and  i n the c o n c l u d i n g statement Xenophon h a s t i l y passes over t h e arguments of the E3OU\OVTO »  ou  '  o p p o s i t i o n w i t h t h e f o l l o w i n g words: uexa xauxa  'A-&T)VOUOL,  xal  xwv  vibv avTuXeyovTuiv oux  TIVELXOVTO  42  axouovTES...  From t h e l i s t  of names of the Spartan ambassadors  i t i s o b v i o u s t h a t the a u t h o r d i d have more s p e c i f i c knowledge c o n c e r n i n g the arguments and c o u r s e s of a c t i o n suggested by the o t h e r p a r t i e s t h a n he mentions i n h i s a c c o u n t .  He has  suppressed  t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i n o r d e r to g i v e prominence t o t h e two  speeches  he does n a r r a t e . 43 The f i r s t  speech,  by C l e i t e l e s , i s v e r y s h o r t and makes  the C o r i n t h i a n s i n n o c e n t v i c t i m s , s u f f e r i n g a t t h e hands of t h e Thebans.  T h e r e f o r e they d e s e r v e the a i d of Athens.  assembly d e a l i n g w i t h S p a r t a n - A t h e n i a n r e l a t i o n s t h i s  I n an speech  t h a t j u s t i f i e s C o r i n t h seems almost s u p e r f l u o u s . What we do have here i s C o r i n t h a c t i n g as a m e d i a t o r between Athens and S p a r t a . One must remember t h a t a t t h i s time Xenophon h i m s e l f was ^A.  Banderet, Untersuehungen  commentary t o the passage 4 2  Hell.  V I , 5,  49.  4 3  Hell.  V I , 5,  37.  living  zu Xenophons H e l l e n i k a ,  specified.  78 at Corinth.  The  C o r i n t h i a n p o l i c y enunciated  i n t h i s passage a t t r a c t e d him t o t h i s c i t y .  and  demonstrated  Thus Xenophon's  p e r s o n a l p o l i t i c s i n f l u e n c e d the n a r r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e . Procles' speech,  4 4  t u r a l l y more i m p o r t a n t , Lacedaemonians.  by f a r the l o n g e r and t h e r e f o r e s t r u c urges t h a t the A t h e n i a n s g i v e a i d t o the 1)  He g i v e s the f o l l o w i n g reasons:  r e f u s e , the Thebans w i l l t u r n a g a i n s t A t t i c a a f t e r  I f they  devastating  S p a r t a and Athens w i l l then have t o f i g h t them alone.45 Athenians' and  past h i s t o r y (when they a i d e d a l l who  f l e d t o them f o r r e f u g e )  Sparta.^" TtdXtv  e\$oi  3) xfl  2)  were wronged  compels them t o undertake t o a s s i s t  There i s the h i n t of a n o t h e r war; w i t h P e r s i a ( zi *E\\d6u  xiv&uvos  ).  VTCO BapBdpwv  t a n s whose countrymen f e l l at Thermopylae b e f o r e t h e BdpBocpos)  could gain entry i n t o G r e e c e .  and know a l l have p r o v i d e d TLVOS  4 7  t h i s opportunity  xotipbc; TtapayEYevirtaOfor  ULUV  4  assembly t o f o l l o w the a d v i c e  44 H e l l .  V I , 5,  38-48.  Hell.  V I , 5,  33,  46 H e l l .  V I , 5,  44-47.  4 5  47 I b i d . ,  43.  48 I b i d . ,  41.  39.  Persian  6e vuv  en  see $eu)v  A t h e n i a n s to a i d the S p a r t a n s and  o b t a i n them as s t a u n c h ( d r c p o c p a o a a T O u g ) a l l i e s . ^ the A t h e n i a n  cir-  Spar-  4) The gods who (  noxe  I n such a  cumstance, whom would they r a t h e r t r u s t as a l l i e s t h a n t h e  (6  The  The  d e c i s i o n of  of P r o c l e s c o u l d  be  79 seen a s p r o o f o f the h i s t o r i c a l importance o f t h i s speech and t h e r e f o r e one c o u l d argue t h a t t h e s t r u c t u r e i n no way i n d i c a t e s any p e r s o n a l p o l i t i c a l concerns o f Xenophon.  However, i n t h e  next y e a r a t a n o t h e r c o n f e r e n c e i n Athens t o d i s c u s s the terms of t h e a l l i a n c e P r o c l e s , the P h l i a s i a n ambassador t o Athens, emphasizes  (again i n a speech)^  9  t h a t the r e l a t i o n s h i p between  the two c i t i e s s h o u l d be one o f u n i t e d l e a d e r s h i p w i t h Athens r u l i n g by sea and S p a r t a by l a n d . euol 6e  6OHEL  xocuxa  O U H  av&pumivT)  u a M o v t) $ e i a cpuaet xe n a l xuxTl 6 t-wp Ca^ai  That Athens and S p a r t a share the hegemony o f t h e Greek s t a t e s is divine w i l l .  The speech from w h i c h t h i s sentence i s taken i s  a g a i n the l o n g e s t , the most e x p l i c i t , and c e n t r a l t o the s t r u c t u r e , y e t t h i s time the assembly a c t s d i f f e r e n t l y from what Procles advises.  Thus we have two speeches ( s i m i l a r i n theme)  by the same man g i v e n e q u a l n a r r a t i v e importance but v a r y i n g i n the response they evoke.  That Xenophon r e c o r d s t h e second speech,  a l t h o u g h i t may be h i s t o r i c a l l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t and i s a m i n o r i t y o p i n i o n , whereas he v i r t u a l l y i g n o r e s the m i n o r i t y view, i n the p r e v i o u s a c c o u n t , i n d i c a t e s the a c c o r d t h a t he f e e l s f o r the i d e a s that Procles expresses.  49JHell.  V I I , 1, l - H .  ^Hell.  VII,1, 2.  T h i s i n no way c o n t r a d i c t s the humani^  t a r i a n r o l e emphasized e a r l i e r .  Nowhere has Xenophon suggested  t h a t Athens s h o u l d not be i n v o l v e d i n m a r t i a l l e a d e r s h i p as w e l l .  80 The p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e B o e o t i a n s i n Xenophon's works i s o f i n t e r e s t because he i s o f t e n accused o f p r e j u d i c e toward t h e Thebans and o f i g n o r i n g ' E p a m i n o n d a s . ^ nondas may be q u e s t i o n e d .  That he i g n o r e s Epami-  A l b e r t Banderet has noted t h a t , when  Epaminondas was f i r s t e l e c t e d g e n e r a l , P e l o p i d a s  still  exercised  CO a g r e a t d e a l o f i n f l u e n c e i n Thebes. t a t i o n i s probably  Epaminondas* e a r l y r e p u -  t h e r e s u l t o f an exaggerated account by h i s -  t o r i a n s such as K a l l i s t h e n e s , c a l l e d a n t i - S p a r t a n and p r o by K. Miinscher. 53 To t h i s one might add t h e o b s e r v a t i o n  Boeotian  t h a t s i n c e t h e s e t t l e m e n t t h a t Epaminondas made w i t h t h e Achaeans was c r i t i c i z e d and revoked a t Thebes we might conclude t h a t i n 367 h i s i n f l u e n c e was n o t as g r e a t as i s sometimes suggested.-' When he does assume t h e u n d i s p u t e d l e a d e r s h i p o f t h e B o e o t i a n s he r e c e i v e s t h e a d m i r a t i o n o f Xenophon. euxuxT) uxv ouv OTPCXTT)YCOLV  OUH  aV'eywYE cp^aouni  auTtp YEvea&ai* oaa n e v t c a  TTJV  upovoiac;  5-^For t h e l a t e s t d i s c u s s i o n see W. P. Henry, Greek H i s t o r i c a l W r i t i n g . 194• 52 . A  B a n d e r e t , Untersuehungen z u Xenophons H e l l e n i k a ,  Commentary t o V I I , 1, 3 3 - 3 8 . 53K. Munscher, "Xenophon i n d e r G r i e c h i s c h e n - R o m i s c h e n L i t e r a t u r , " P h i l o l o g u s , Supp. X I I I , 30. 5 4  Hell.  V I I , 1, 4 1 - 4 3 .  4  81 epya n a ! T O X U T I S eaxuv, ou6ev eXXtneuv. upwTOv nev yap  U.OL 6 O H E L  eyuye  Eitatvw  avrip  ... ."^  Then Xenophon goes on t o p r a i s e s e v e r a l o f h i s t a c t i c a l manoeuvres and  h i s leadership.  Thus t h e a u t h o r e v i n c e s an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r  Epaminondas s i m i l a r t o what he has f o r many o t h e r i n d i v i d u a l s . That he p r e s e n t s  t h e B o e o t i a n s i n g e n e r a l and t h e Thebans i n  p a r t i c u l a r i n a bad l i g h t i s t h e r e s u l t o f t h e i r w o r k i n g a t c r o s s - p u r p o s e s t o him. Almost as soon as Xenophon b e g i n s t o o f f e r a d v i c e t o h i s f e l l o w Greeks i n the A n a b a s i s a. man w i t h a B o e o t i a n d i a l e c t suggests t h a t t h e only means o f s a f e t y f o r t h e army l i e s  56 in negotiation with the Persian king.  T h i s man's a t t i t u d e i s  r e j e c t e d because e v e n t s have shown t h a t t h e P e r s i a n s cannot be trusted. TTJV  A man w i t h such i d e a s nod  'EXXa6a,  8TI  "EXXTJV  7iaxpt6a Haxataxuveu n a l naaav  TTJV  wvtTotouTOs e a x i v .  unworthy o f t h e Greek race  This a t t i t u d e i s  (and i n a humorous moment t h e man t u r n s  be.  out t o a k i n d o f L y d i a n who wears e a r r i n g s ) . Later i n the A n a b a s i s Xenophon has f u r t h e r t r o u b l e w i t h Thorax, t h e B o e o t i a n , A  „  —  os rcspi  ,  o-TpotTTiYLas  59  „  HEvocpwvTU i\ia\exo.  i  n  t h e H e l l e n i c a t h e Thebans  are c o n s t a n t l y n e g o t i a t i n g w i t h P e r s i a and s e e k i n g t h e hegemony of t h e Greek s t a t e s .  I n t h i s t h e y do not have t h e support o f  their fellow Boeotians.^ 5 5  Hell.  Perhaps t h e most o b v i o u s statement o f  V I I , 5, 8.  5 Anab. 6  Ill,  1, 26.  5 7  Anab.  Ill,  1, 30.  58  Anab.  Ill,  1, 3 1 .  5 9  Anab.  V, 6, 2 5 .  6 0  Hell.  V I , 3 , 19, 20.  C f . V, 6, 19, 25.  82 Theban i n t e n t i o n s i s found a f t e r the d e s c r i p t i o n o f the B a t t l e of L e u c t r a .  The  Thebans now  w i s h t o become e n f o r c e r s o f a  new  K i n g ' s Peace t h a t has been w r i t t e n out a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r  request.^  They i n v i t e a l l t h e Greek c i t i e s t o come and hear i t p r o c l a i m e d . When the ambassadors are p r e s e n t , t h e y ask them t o swear but  the  ambassadors r e p l y t h a t they have come t o hear, not t o swear. Xenophon ends t h e account w i t h the f o l l o w i n g words: nal aurr) nev \oni6ou nal TUJV QnBaLwv/xfk apx^k rcepiBoXr) OUTOJ 6ie\u$r). :  auirr)  word  seems t o i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e r e were o t h e r a t t e m p t s of a s i m i -  l a r nature.  Perhaps W.  P. Henry i s c o r r e c t when he says t h a t  Xenophon r e f l e c t e d an age t h a t hated the Thebans and so.  The  T) IleJ*-  deservedly  C e r t a i n l y i t would be u n s u i t a b l e f o r such a s t a t e t o t r y  t o b r i n g about harmony among t h e Greek s t a t e s . The  i d e a s t h a t Xenophon e x p r e s s e s about the t h r e e  Greek s t a t e s i n d i c a t e t h a t :  1)  leading  S p a r t a i s b a s i c a l l y the  strongest  and t h e b e s t equipped t o f i g h t on l a n d and t o act as an  executive  body but  she l a c k s humanity; 2)  Athens i s more a p p e a l i n g t o  Greeks because she has a g r e a t e r sense of the humane and n a t u r a l l y t h e l e a d e r by sea; 3)  Thebes, a l t h o u g h  good s o l d i e r s , i s hated by most Greeks and  the  she i s  her people are  t h e r e f o r e cannot  undertake a l e a d i n g r o l e . Since we have e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t Xenophon supported a u n i t e d hegemony f o r Greece we must n e x t d e t e r m i n e whether the t i o n of t h e P e r s i a n s i s a l s o c o h e r e n t w i t h h i s purpose.  61 H e l l .  V I I , 1,  36.  62 H e l l .  V I I , 1,  40.  63 Henry, Greek H i s t o r i c a l W r i t i n g ,  194.  presentaThey  83 are the ancestral enemies of the Greeks.  6y  The Greeks are i ; :^cJy  superior to the Persians i n f i g h t i n g f o r did they not defeat a vast Persian army at Cunaxa almost by themselves?^^  j  n  fact the  Greeks were such good f i g h t e r s during the Anabasis that l a t e r the Persian satrap, Tissaphernes,  remembering how  Cyrus' Greek  forces fought and thinking a l l the Greeks similar, oux r  £0OU\ETO  6A  ndxec^at  but would rather negotiate. °  In addition, Xenophon  presents the luxury of the Persian. At the beginning of the Anabasis Cyrus makes a speech to the Greeks portraying the riches of P e r s i a . ^  Later the Greek soldiers enter v i l l a g e s  7  68 r i c h in a l l kinds of foods, which are described i n some d e t a i l . In the Hellenica Pharnabazus and his luxurious carpets are con69  trasted with the s i m p l i c i t y of the Greeks. Not  only, however, i s Persia a land of riches.  are also weak and e a s i l y conquered.  In his account of events  after 374 Xenophon shows a certain preoccupation often appears in his narrative.  Its people  with Persia that  P. K r a f f t ^ has analysed 7  story of Jason -'- and concludes that the author makes many 7  ^Anab.  III , 1,  12 , 13-  65  Anab.  I I I , 2,  14-16.  6 6  Hell.  III , 2,  18  67  Anab.  I, 7,  6g  Anab.  I I , 3,  6  ^Hell. 70  P.  6. 14- 16.  29-32.  K r a f f t , "Vier Beisp  i Hellenika," Rhein. Mus.  the  84 assumptions about h i s r e a d e r s ' Jason.  u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e b e h a v i o u r of  Hence he t e l l s us t h a t Jason went about b u i l d i n g morale  among h i s s o l d i e r s . a n d r e w a r d i n g them.  But Xenophon does n o t  say why J a s o n undertook t h e s e p r o c e d u r e s .  He assumes t h a t the  r e a d e r knows t h a t t h e s e a r e the a c t i o n s o f a good described  i n the Cyropaedia.  leadersas  These assumptions show t h a t Xeno-  phon was so i n v o l v e d i n h i s own thoughts t h a t he f a i l e d t o n o t i c e t h a t he r e a l l y conveyed l i t t l e h i s t o r i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n .  This  e x p l a i n s why i n t h e m i d s t of J a s o n ' s p l a n s f o r expansion we suddenly f i n d a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e P e r s i a n s and how e a s i l y t h e y c o u l d be conquered. the words, 0 1 6 a  Jason ends h i s d i s c u s s i o n of P e r s i a w i t h  YapP^avxastxous  exeC av^pujnou?  TCXT)V  evb? iiaXXov  6ou-  7?  X e t a v f) aXxriv ueueXexnxoxas .  K r a f f t suggests t h a t f o r someone  who i s t a l k i n g about the m i l i t a r y and p o l i t i c a l weakness o f a people t o be concerned w i t h one e x c e p t i o n culous.  (TCXTIV  evoc; ) i s r i d i -  The p o i n t i s t h a t Xenophon i s p r o j e c t i n g h i s own  t h o u g h t s about P e r s i a i n t o t h e c o n v e r s a t i o n .  In f a c t , t a l k of  c o n q u e r i n g P e r s i a i s l u d i c r o u s f o r someone who has not y e t gained c o n t r o l of the t e r r i t o r y on e i t h e r s i d e of h i s own This d i s c u s s i o n o f P e r s i a i s a s u b j e c t i v e viewpoint coming t o t h e s u r f a c e q u i t e u n c o n s c i o u s l y expansion.  o f Xenophon  w i t h t h e t a l k of  7 3  T h i s same p r e o c c u p a t i o n evident  state.  i n the A n a b a s i s .  7 2  Hell.  7 3  Cf. Hell.  w i t h expansion t o the E a s t i s  The P e r s i a n empire i s d e s c r i b e d  V I , 1, 12. V I I , 1, 38.  thus  85 by  X e n o p h o n : K.xal  SaatXews apxfl  aruvc6eiv 6*  Tt\f)$ei  Tot? 6e nfjxeca e" xiq  rjv  x$ ji^oqixpvxb-  xov voGv xfi  Liev x^pag nal av^pojncav Caxupa ouaa, xal  o6wv  xa§s6uvd|i£t.s aaftevris,  T U bitandabai  5 i a xaxewv xbv noXeuov noioCxo.  C l e a r l y , Xenophon has  c o n s i d e r e d t h i s empire and noted i t s weakness, e" xig (Greek?) s h o u l d u n d e r t a k e a campaign.  The most d i r e c t statement o f a  Greek campaign a g a i n s t P e r s i a comes i n a speech Xenophon makes t o h i s army.  One o f t h e m o t i v a t i n g f a c t o r s he s u g g e s t s f o r  t r y i n g t o r e t u r n home i s t h e improvement o f t h e Greek l o t . 6oxeC ouv u o i etxbg xal 6 t x a i o v euvai npuJxov el<z xrjv *E\\a6a xal Ttpbc;  xou? ouxeCoug n e i p a a & x i  oxu exovxe? itevovxai, e£bv  atp i xv e i a^a  auxou?  i xal ETu6ei£ai xoiq  xou$ vuv ax\r)pa5c exeC  "EWnaiv  TtoTUxeu-  75  ovxac; ev&d6e x o u i a a u i v o u s n\ouaiou$ opav.  H  e  s u  ££  e s t s  t h a t i f a Greek i s s u f f e r i n g from p o v e r t y (and many Greeks were a f t e r the P e l o p o n n e s i a n War and t h e q u a r r e l s o f t h e e a r l y  fourth  c e n t u r y ) i t i s h i s own f a u l t because t h e r i c h e s of P e r s i a a r e t h e r e t o be t a k e n . F i n a l l y , - l e t us c o n s i d e r S o c r a t e s ' d i s c u s s i o n w i t h P e r i c l e s i n t h e Memorabilia. ° 7  The f i r s t p o i n t S o c r a t e s makes i s t h a t  h i s t o r i c a l l y and i n m a t t e r s o f u n i t y t h e A t h e n i a n s s u r p a s s t h e 77  Boeotians. 7 4  Anab.  7  ^Anab.  7  °Mem.  77  Mem.  The S p a r t a n s a r e s u p e r i o r t o t h e A t h e n i a n s because I , 5, 9. Ill, 3 , 5. 2-4-  2, 26.  86 yd  of t h e i r obedience, harmony and t h e i r t r a i n i n g .  The A t h e n i a n s ,  however, h i s t o r i c a l l y shared the l a u r e l s f o r g r e a t deeds w i t h the Spartans.  7 9  Now f i n a l l y  ( a l t h o u g h t h i s i s not the o b v i o u s pur-  pose of the d i a l o g u e ) S o c r a t e s p o i n t s out t h a t the Mysians and the  noucpiug umXuauevca duvavxau TtoXXot |iev T T | V BaaiXews  Pisidians  Xwpav na-caSeovces Hanonouetv, auxot oe CT)V e X e u & e p o i .  T h i s men-  t i o n o f the K i n g ' s t e r r i t o r y seems r e l a t i v e l y m e a n i n g l e s s o b v i o u s purpose.  t o the  Xenophon c o u l d have chosen o t h e r examples.  T h i s c h o i c e i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e r e i s i n t h i s d i a l o g u e a second l e v e l o f i n t e n t t h a t emphasizes much t h a t has been suggested i n t h e A n a b a s i s and the H e l l e n i c a . The q u e s t i o n whether Xenophon c o n s c i o u s l y took up t h i s  poli-  81 t i c a l theme i n h i s w r i t i n g s has been put by Mesk.  I n order t o  answer t h i s i t seems b e s t now t o r e t u r n t o the l a s t c h a p t e r o f t h e C y r o p a e d i a . I f one can f i n d i n t h i s s e c t i o n (so r a d i c a l l y different  from the r e s t o f t h e work) some e v i d e n c e o f t h e i d e a s  j u s t p r e s e n t e d I b e l i e v e i t f a i r t o assume t h a t i t was the cons c i o u s p o l i t i c a l purpose o f Xenophon t o urge the Greeks t o u n i t e a g a i n s t the P e r s i a n s . The f i r s t  p o i n t t h a t Xenophon makes i s t h a t the P e r s i a n s  have d e t e r i o r a t e d and a t the p r e s e n t t i m e a r e much worse t h a n i n  82 the p a s t .  T h i s d e t e r i o r a t i o n was unknown t o t h e Greeks who  7g  Mem.  15-17.  79  Mem.  10-11.  g0  Mem.  3 , 5, 26.  81,Mesk, J . " D i e Tendenz d e r Xenophontischen Wien. Stud., X L I I I (1922-23) g 2  Cyr.  VIII,  8, 2 , 4.  I36-I46.  Anabasis,"  87 do  j o i n e d t h e e x p e d i t i o n of Cyrus t h e Younger.  ?  P h y s i c a l l y , they  have grown weak because o f l u x u r y ; t h e y have ceased t o h u n t . ^ F i n a l l y , any wars they undertake r e q u i r e t h e h e l p o f t h e Greek dc  m e r c e n a r i e s even when f i g h t i n g a g a i n s t t h e Greeks.  p  From t h i s ,  i t appears f i r s t t h a t t h e Greeks who undertook t h e e x p e d i t i o n w i t h Cyrus a r e not t o be censured s i n c e t h e y were deluded by promises t h a t t h e P e r s i a n s f a i l e d t o keep--a statement a p o l o g e t i c i n nature.  That t h e P e r s i a n s have become l a z y and degener-  ate seems an i n s u f f i c i e n t motive, i n and o f i t s e l f , f o r w r i t i n g t h i s l a s t c h a p t e r u n l e s s i t c o n t r i b u t e s t o an o v e r a l l purpose, namely, a Greek e x p e d i t i o n d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t  conscious these  Persians. The  q u e s t i o n , "When d i d Xenophon c o n c e i v e o f t h i s purpose?"  i s r a i s e d by J . M o r r , ^ who suggests t h a t Xenophon became cons c i o u s of such an e x c u r s i o n d u r i n g t h e a n a b a s i s i n 401/0. i s undoubtedly t r u e .  Under what s o r t of l e a d e r s h i p t h i s  This mili-  t a r y e x p e d i t i o n was t o t a k e p l a c e was not however s a t i s f a c t o r i l y r e s o l v e d i n Xenophon's mind u n t i l l a t e r i n h i s l i f e . t o me t h a t the. c o n s c i o u s  I t seems  purpose o f u n i t i n g the Greeks under t h e  combined l e a d e r s h i p of Athens and Sparta must c o i n c i d e w i t h Xenophon's growing d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t w i t h one-man r u l e . c a l l y , t h i s occurred g  Histori-  about t h e time o f t h e B a t t l e o f L e u c t r a .  3 c y r . V I I I , 8, 2, 3.  g 4  C y r . V I I I , 8, 2, 12.  ^ C y r . V I I I , 8, 2, 26. 86 5  Morr, J . "Xenophon und d e r Gedanke e l n e s a l l - G r i e c h i s c h e n Eroberungszuges gegen P e r s i e n , " Wien. Stud. XLV (1926-27) 186-201.  m  C e r t a i n l y , t h i s agrees w i t h t h e date o f p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h e Memorabilia  (see supra 54,55  and t h e A n a b a s i s  ).  Why d i d Xenophon undertake t o s e t t h e d e s i r a b i l i t y o f a campaign a g a i n s t t h e P e r s i a n s b e f o r e t h e eyes o f Greece? boyhood he had been i n f l u e n c e d by o r i n v o l v e d i n war.  I t was a  p a r t o f the h e r o i c and, perhaps, a r i s t o c r a t i c t r a d i t i o n . i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f war seemed t o Xenophon's g e n e r a t i o n established fact. an e x t e r n a l f o e . annihilation.  From  The  t o be an  I f Greece must be a t war, l e t i t be a g a i n s t I n t e r n a l s t r i f e could lead only t o s e l f -  Xenophon's own words i n c o n c l u d i n g t h e H e l l e n i c a  .and t h e d e s c r i p t i o n o f the B a t t l e o f Mantinea express t h i s  idea  most v i v i d l y . xouxiov 6 e 7ipax$evTu>v xouvavxCov itdvxec; av$pumot e a e a & a i . TT)S  'E\Ad6os  VETO,  6t  x a l avxixexayu-evuv, o u 6 e l s  e i udxT] e a o i x o ,  xovq  u>s vevtxrjxoxeq  ouxe  TiXeov exovxe?  xfi * E \ \ d 6 t .  ap£eiv,  xovq  $ebc; ouxws euoiTjaev  exwXuov, vexpoug  xovq  6 e ,au<poxepoi. uev  uTtoarcov6ous aniboaav, au/poxepoi, St  x^pqt ouxe Tco\ei  v e v c x n x e v a i bt  ouxe apxfi o u 6 e x e p o i  cpdaxovxes ou6ev  e^avrjaav T\ n p l v xnv udxT)v y e v e a ^ a i * ' a x p c a i a  6e x a l xapaxr) e x t nXetcov u.exoc XTJV u-dxnv ev  oux  tig v e v t x n x o x e ? eaxTjaavxo,  T)xxn|ievoL uTioaTcovSou? aneKdupavov, exdxepoi  r\v oaxiq  (iev xpax^aavxas  xpaxn^evxac; unnxoous e a e a ^ a t * o bt  taxauevou? o u 6 e x e p o i  ou evouaaav  ovv£.\r)\v&vCa<z yap axe6bv andanq  waxe aatpoxepoi, uiev xponaCov be  Lyeyivrixo  eyevexo fj 7ipoa-&ev  CHAPTER V I I XENOPHON AND ISOCRATES  B e f o r e we c o n s i d e r Xenophon's l a s t s t u d y , de v e c t i g a l i b u s , i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o d i s c u s s b r i e f l y t h e work o f a n o t h e r  literary  f i g u r e of t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y whom because o f t h e obvious  similari-  t i e s o f theme i n h i s w r i t i n g s we can no l o n g e r i g n o r e .  Isocrates  was born i n 436. 1 the f i r s t  He s t u d i e d under G o r g i a s of L e o n t i n i , 2 one of  ( a t t h e Olympic  f e s t i v a l of 408) t o urge t h e Greeks t o  u n i t e and make war a g a i n s t t h e b a r b a r i a n s .  3  He was a l s o a Sxacpoc;  of S o c r a t e s f o r whom S o c r a t e s p r e d i c t e d a g r e a t f u t u r e .  4  Of  p a r t i c u l a r concern t o us a r e f o u r o f h i s works p u b l i s h e d i n Xenophon's l'ifetime*,. t h e P a n e g y r i c u s i n 380,^ h i s l e t t e r s t o D i o n y s i u s  6  a f t e r 370  7  £  and t o Archidamus i n 3 5 6 , ' and d_e Pace i n 355.  ^"In t h e a r c h o n s h i p of Lysimachos,  436/5, 0 1 . 8 6 . 1 : D i o g .  Laert. 3.3. 2  3  C i c e r o , O r a t o r , 176. P h i l o s t r a t u s , Ep. 73 i n H. D i e l s , D i e Fragmente d e r Vorso-  k r a t i k e r , e d i t e d by W a l t h e r Kranz; s i x t h e d i t i o n , I I , 279- F.W. B l a s s , D i e a t t i s c h e Beredsamkeit, 4  P l a t o , Phaedrus,  I , 59 argues f o r 392.  273,279-  -*This work was w r i t t e n when Athens was w i t h o u t any p o s i t i o n of l e a d e r s h i p and S p a r t a was a t t h e h e i g h t o f h e r power, hence, s h o r t l y b e f o r e t h e Second A t h e n i a n Confederacy  o f 373/7.  A f t e r 370 s i n c e t h e S p a r t a n s a r e no l o n g e r i n power; E p . , 1 , 8 . ^ I s o c r a t e s says he was e i g h t y y e a r s o f age when he wrote  it;  Ep. 9 , 1 6 . °The r e v o l t s o f C h i o s , Kos, Rhodes and Byzantium, w h i c h o c c u r red between 357 and 355, a r e s p e c i f i c a l l y r e f e r r e d t o i n de Pace 16.  90 I n t h e P a n e g y r i c u s I s o c a t e s addresses h i m s e l f t o a number of p o l i t i c a l problems.  I n 3$0 S p a r t a as the e n f o r c e r of the K i n g ' s  Peace h e l d a l m o s t a b s o l u t e sway over Greece.  A l t h o u g h Athens  had  l i t t l e a u t h o r i t y o u t s i d e A t t i c a , I s o c r a t e s sensed the d i s i l l u sionment w i t h S p a r t a p r e s e n t i n some s t a t e s . xwv  yap  'EMTJVWV ot LIEV ucp'  rjuiv,  OI 6' unb  When he w r i t e s , AanedcuiiovCoi<; etoriv,  9  he i s o b l i q u e l y c a l l i n g upon Athens t o r e e s t a b l i s h her l e a d e r s h i p among t h e Greek s t a t e s .  Tactfully  (because S p a r t a h e l d the  hegemony a t t h i s time) he says t h a t Athens and S p a r t a should share t h e hegemony of G r e e c e . H e t h e n goes on t o e x p l a i n Athens d e s e r v e s the l e a d e r s h i p .  She has h e l d a t r a d i t i o n a l p l a c e  of honour among the Greek s t a t e s and has bestowed  the g r e a t e s t  b e n e f i t s on her f e l l o w - G r e e k s . " ^ Nowhere does he mention r e a s o n why  why  S p a r t a should have a share i n the hegemony.  any  Instead  he says t h a t the Spartans a r e hard t o persuade, napeiXrjcpaca yap ^eu6f] \6yov, cos eaxiv auxois TiyeCa^au Ttdxpiov* r)v 6* eiu6ei£ri xis auxous xauxnv XTJV XUU.T)V rifiexepav ouaav jaaWov r\ neuvtov . ...^  2  In a n o t h e r passage, w h i l e d e f e n d i n g the a c t i o n s of Athens i n the  punishment  the  h a r s h t r e a t m e n t of Athens' a l l i e s , a l t h o u g h a t t i m e s neces-  s a r y , was  9  U  (416 B.C.), I s o c r a t e s emphasizes  that  s t i l l more r e s t r a i n e d than the b e h a v i o u r of the Spart-ans,  Pan.  1 0  of Melos,  Pan.  16. 17.  P a n . 21, 22.  l 2  Pan.  18  l 3  P a n . 100-106.  91 Clearly, as he says l a t e r , the Greek states. was  he was  c a l l i n g on Athens to unite  The motivation f o r establishing t h i s hegemony  a lack of homonia i n Greece about 330. 1 —  f i n a n c i a l trouble.  Greek states were in  As a result they became aggressive toward one  another in the hope of easing t h e i r economic d i s t r e s s by seizing 15  land and wealth from neighbouring states. At the same time each state experienced internal quarrels because of s t r i f e betJ  1 6  ween r i c h and poor.  To a l l e v i a t e the economic c r i s e s the  Greeks needed a state to lead a campaign against Persia.  In t h i s  conquest of a large portion of Persia, plunder and wealth would be brought back to Greece and the poverty-stricken Greeks from 17  the various states could be settled in Persia. to be the nature  This, then, i s  of the hegemony-leadership i n a war  against  Persia, which w i l l be v o l u n t a r i l y accepted by other Greek l^Antidosis 57,  53.  K. Bringman, Studien zu den politischen  IdSen des Isokrates, 28-46, disputes this idea that Isocrates urged a r e v i v a l of the naval empire.  I think that by praising  the f i r s t Confederacy (Pan. 103-106) and using i t as an example of how to benefit the Greek states, he gave strong impetus to the reestablishment  of the naval empire at Athens whether this  his intention or not. 5p_an.  173,  16  Pan.  36.  17  Pan.  173-  1  174-  was  92 states.  18  Isocrates must have been pleased to see the Second  Athenian Confederacy begun i n 378/7, which promised to each of Athens' a l l i e s  ... e£etvai a u [ x]w[. i ' e \ e u $ e p ] u H  HO\LT[  £uou.ev]a)L T i o X a x e C a v TJV a v  uieviui.  \xr\xz a p x o v x a vno[  POUXTVXOU,  U.T]XE  ovxt  x a ! auxov6u.wi,  [<ppoup]ocv  etodexo-  6 e x 3 ou.£vwi u.r)xe cpopov c p e p o v x i . ^  Xenophon i n the presentation of the ideas discussed i n the previous chapter was obviously i n agreement with Isocrates concerning the need f o r a campaign against Persia to relieve the f i n a n c i a l d i s t r e s s i n Greece.  He also agreed that there  was a need f o r someone to give leadership.  That the Athenians  should have a share in this leadership and that they were to f u l f i l l a humane and harmonizing role i n Greek p o l i t i c s were absolutely essential to the success of any united campaign.  I  think, however, that he d i f f e r e d strongly with Isocrates concerning Sparta. * * * * *  t  xTI XOJV  While Isocrates considered that Sparta was euno6u)v 9 c  *  EMnvwv  •*  euoatp-ovuct,  20  Xenophon, as has been shown,  Isocrates even suggests that they need not trouble the rest of Greece to contribute soldiers since a l l w i l l want to join voluntarily when they see the nature of the expedition; Pan. 135•*-The decrees r e l a t i n g to this a l l i a n c e are found in 9  M. N. Tod, Greek H i s t o r i c a l Inscriptions, v o l . 2, 113, 121, 122, 123. 20  Pan.  For the passage see 123. 20.  15-23 (IG I I  2  43).  93 c o n s t a n t l y , d e f e r s t o t h e Spartans, t h a t xohq AaxedounovCouc. T)Yeu6vas  s i n c e a l l Greece agrees  eivai.^  In t h e de Pace I s o c r a t e s r e v e a l s g r e a t d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the p o l i c i e s t h a t Athens f o l l o w e d i n t h e Second A t h e n i a n A l l i a n c e .  ^ Anab.  V I , 1, 26, 2 7 . The q u e s t i o n whether Xenophon  x  i n f l u e n c e d I s o c r a t e s o r v i c e - v e r s a has been t h e s u b j e c t o f much controversy  among German s c h o l a r s .  C f . J o s e f Mesk, "Die Tendenz  der Xenophontischen A n a b a s i s , " Wien. Stud., XLIII (1922) I36-I46 ; A l f r e d Kappelmacher, "Xenophon und I s o k r a t e s , " Wien. Stud., X L I I I (1922) 212-213; J o s e f Morr, "Xenophon und d e r Gedanke e i n e s a l l g r i e c h i s c h e n Eroberungszuges gegen P e r s i e n , " Wien• Stud., XLV (1927) 186-201; and K. Munscher, "Xenophon i n d e r g r i e c h i s c h rornischen L i t e r a t u r , " P h i l o l o g u s , Supp. X I I I , p a r t I I , 1-24. S i n c e t h e r e i s a demonstrable f r i e n d s h i p between Xenophon and rt  Isocrates  ( c f . Munscher, l o c . c i t . ) ,  i t seems f o o l i s h t o i n s i s t  t h a t , because a passage i n one a u t h o r i s s i m i l a r t o a passage i n the o t h e r a u t h o r ,  one was t h e r e f o r e w r i t t e n b e f o r e t h e o t h e r , o r  v i c e - v e r s a , or perhaps a t t h e same t i m e .  (The assumption i s t h a t  p r i o r i t y o f w r i t i n g proves t h e f i r s t a u t h o r t o be t h e dominant influence.)  F r i e n d s tend to. e x e r c i s e an u n c o n s c i o u s i n f l u e n c e on  one a n o t h e r and o f t e n i d e a s between them have been d i s c u s s e d b e f o r e they appear i n p r i n t .  long  Thus we s h a l l c o n f i n e o u r s e l v e s t o  p o i n t i n g out some o f the s i m i l a r i t i e s and t h e d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e works o f Xenophon and I s o c r a t e s , a d m i t t i n g t h e dependence of.one on t h e o t h e r .  94 Instead way  o f u n i t i n g Greece, Athens conducted h e r s e l f i n such a  that Chios, i n 3 57.  federacy suggest nal  Kos, Rhodes and Byzantium r e v o l t e d from t h e con-  xP^vcu  BuCavxtous  As a r e s u l t I s o c r a t e s wrote t h e de. Face t o TTJV  xal  c t \ \ a rcpbs a-rcavTa? avftptorcouc;  K$ous  euprjvriv  u.T) u o v o v  npoq  7ioieCa$ai  Xioug  nal  ';PO6LOU?  •  To emphasize t h i s he expounds t h e t h e s i s t h a t i n j u s t i c e and 23  i m p e r i a l i s m a r e g r e a t f o l l y and madness t h a t b r i n g d i s a s t e r . Even w i t h a l l h e r r i c h e s Athens c o u l d n o t m a i n t a i n empire. ^  the f i r s t  C e r t a i n l y i n her present f i n a n c i a l l y b e r e f t c o n d i t i o n  2  Athens w i l l not be a b l e t o c o n t r o l h e r second empire, a l t h o u g h t h i s seems t o be h e r i n t e n t i o n s i n c e she has f a l l e n back i n t o 2S  her o l d i m p e r i a l i s t i c a t t i t u d e . Sparta had a l s o o b t a i n e d a l a r g e empire and because o f i t was almost d e s t r o y e d i n a v e r y J  26 short time.  As a r e s u l t of i m p e r i a l i s t i c p o l i c y b o t h c i t i e s 27  obtained  only t h e h a t r e d  o f t h e i r f e l l o w Greeks. '  Therefore  i t becomes obvious t h a t i n j u s t i c e , w h i c h i s equated w i t h  imperi-  alism, i s unprofitable. On t h e o t h e r hand, a p o l i c y based on and  aaxpoauvT) 2 2  2 3  2  2  d e Pace 17.  2  Pace 75-90.  5de Pace 29.  2 6  6ixcuoauvT),  (which a r e i d e n t i f i e d w i t h r e p u d i a t i o n o f n a v a l  d e Pace,16.  ^de  euaepeta,  d e Pace 95-  7de Pace 104, 105  imperialism)  will  b r i n g p r o s p e r i t y t o t h e s t a t e . 2B  I f Athens  95  w i l l r e t u r n t o t h e o r i g i n a l p o l i c y o f t h e Second N a v a l League (to  t r e a t h e r a l l i e s a s f r i e n d s , not s u b j e c t s , and t o defend 29  t h e i r autonomy) she w i l l w i n t h e f a v o u r o f t h e r e s t o f Greece. T h i s p o l i c y seems t o have t a k e n precedence over t h e i d e a o f a 30  march a g a i n s t P e r s i a . ^ N e v e r t h e l e s s Athens must s t i l l m a i n t a i n a s t r o n g m i l i t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n t o be used t o a i d o t h e r Greek 31  s t a t e s t h a t have been oppressed or a t t a c k e d  unjustly.  Athens  will  o b t a i n t h e f r i e n d s h i p of o t h e r s t a t e s and w i l l p r o s p e r i f  she  seeks a p o s i t i o n i n Greece analagous t o t h a t o f t h e S p a r t a n  k i n g s , who c o u l d be put t o d e a t h f o r wrongdoing b u t whom every S p a r t a n was eager t o defend a t t h e c o s t , even o f h i s l i f e 32  because of t h e i r p o s i t i o n of honour. That I s o c r a t e s had n o t g i v e n up h i s i d e a of war a g a i n s t P e r s i a i s i n d i c a t e d by s e v e r a l of t h e l e t t e r s t h a t he sent t o v a r i o u s t y r a n t s of h i s time.  The f i r s t o f t h e s e , t o D i o n y s i u s  of S y r a c u s e , was w r i t t e n a f t e r 3 7 0 .  3 3  I n i t he a d v i s e s  Dionysius  t h a t Athens w i l l a l l y h e r s e l f t o him el' T t npaTTOts imep TT)S 2 8  2 9  d e Pace 63, 64. d e Pace 134,  HT)6e 6eo"rtOTtHU)s, aWa 3 0  3 1  3 2  3 3  135. T h i s l e a d s I s o c r a t e s t o t h e statement autitiaxtHuk auxwv entaxaxcaLiev.  d e Pace 16. de  Pace 136-141.  d e Pace 142, 143• S e e Supra 8 9 n. 6 .  96 'EMddos dya^ov.^^In 356,  35  s h o r t l y before  he wrote de Pace, he  sent a l e t t e r t o Archidamus i n w h i c h he d e c r i e d the l o t of Greeks and  the  suggested t h a t Archidamus would f i n d the r e s t of  Greece ready t o choose him as l e a d e r i n a u n i t e d campaign a g a i n s t Persia.-  5  L a t e r he s i m i l a r l y urged P h i l i p t o undertake such a  campaign, i n w h i c h he would f i n d Athens the most u s e f u l of a l l Greek c i t i e s i f she  should become h i s a l l y .  t h a t "the symmachy of I s o c r a t e s ' dream was autonomous c i t i e s under a g e n e r a l i s s i m o own  country,  but among h i s a l l i e s was  seems c o r r e c t .  who  3 7  The  conclusion  a m i l i t a r y entente of might be k i n g i n his.  s i m p l y chosen as commander"^  However, when I s o c r a t e s wrote the de Pace he  had  become aware t h a t Athens, r a t h e r t h a n c o n t r i b u t i n g t o homonoia among Greek s t a t e s , was Greek p o l i t i c s .  a g a i n a c t i n g as a d i s r u p t i v e f o r c e i n  Hence, he changed h i s i d e a s about the campaign  a g a i n s t P e r s i a as they had been e x p r e s s e d i n the P a n e g y r i c u s i n t h a t he no l o n g e r thought t h a t a P e r s i a n e x p e d i t i o n would b r i n g peace t o Greece b u t , r a t h e r , t h a t harmony among the Greek s t a t e s was  a p r e r e q u i s i t e t o a s u c c e s s f u l war  against Persia.  he urged Athens t o f o r g e t about a g g r e s s i o n she  against P e r s i a since  seemed i n v a r i a b l y t o t r a n s f e r t h i s a g g r e s s i o n  3  ^Ep_.  1,  37  3  E£.  9,  17.  Ep_.  2,  17.  ^E.  to h e r . f e l l o w -  3.  35see supra 90 3 6  Therefore  Barker,  n.  7-  "Greek P o l i t i c a l Thought and  F o u r t h C e n t u r y , " CAH  VI  519-  Theory i n the  97  Greeks.  R a t h e r Athens s h o u l d l e a v e t h e l e a d e r s h i p a g a i n s t t h e  P e r s i a n s t o one o f the monarchs o f t h e t i m e and c o n c e n t r a t e on c r e a t i n g harmony among t h e Greeks. It  seems r e a s o n a b l y c l e a r t h a t i n t h e de Pace I s o c r a t e s has  suggested a r o l e f o r Athens t h a t i s s i m i l a r t o what Xenophon has written of  (see supra 69-73). He d i f f e r s from Xenophon i n t h e type  l e a d e r s h i p he e n v i s a g e s f o r Greece.  Where Xenophon had e a r -  l i e r suggested a b e n e f i c i e n t t y r a n n y i n w h i c h t h e K i n g f i r s t  con-  quers t h e s t a t e and then w i n s t h e l o y a l t y o f the people t h r o u g h p h i l a n t h r o p i a , I s o c r a t e s thought t h a t the Greeks would choose a monarch, Archidamus, a s l e a d e r .  voluntarily  A t a l a t e r date Xenophon  had g r a d u a l l y moved from t h e t h o u g h t o f a b e n e f i c e n t t y r a n n y t o t h e i d e a o f S p a r t a ( i n a l l i a n c e w i t h Athens) r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e a c t u a l command a g a i n s t t h e P e r s i a n s .  Whether I s o c r a t e s e v e r hon-  e s t l y d i s p l a y e d any p h i l o - L a c o n i a n a t t i t u d e s i s open t o q u e s t i o n . Xenophon's f i n a l work, de v e c t i g a l i b u s , w r i t t e n about  39Dat i n g the of  355,  3 9  i s based on t h e c o n d i t i o n o f Athens p r e s e n t e d i n  work and on t h e statement t h a t the P h o c i a n s a r e i n c o n t r o l Delphi  (Vect.  5, 10), w h i c h happened i n 356.  He d i e d  shortly  TlOpOL  afterwards.  W. Schwahn, "Die X e n o p h o n t i s c h e n u n d A  I n d u s t r i e i n v i e r t e n J a h r h u n d e r t , " R h e i n , Mus., 278,  die athenische  LXXX (1931) 2 53-  i n d i c a t e s h i s doubt about the a u t h o r s h i p o f t h i s work. H i s  view i s opposed  ( c o r r e c t l y ) by A. W i l h e l m , "Untersuchungen z u  Xenophons nop01,"-Wien. S t u d . , L I I (1934)  18-56.  93 shows some s i m i l a r i t y t o t h e d_e Pace i n t h a t Xenophon a l s o opposes t h e i d e a t h a t •noXenov  n  eug  xP^M-axa H e p & a X e w T e p o v  . e i v a i  -ufl  %6\zi  eipnvriv.  Xenophon had seen t h a t t h e f i n a n c i a l d i s t r e s s of Athens had motivated  her t o f o l l o w a p o l i c y of i n j u s t i c e toward o t h e r  cities  and now he seeks a method of s u p p l y i n g Athens w i t h t h e f i n a n c i a l resources  t h a t w i l l a l l o w her t o pursue a p e a c e f u l p o l i c y and  remove e n m i t i e s from h e r .  He s u g g e s t s i n c r e a s e d  responsibility  f o r the m e t i c ^ l g r e a t e r a t t e n t i o n t o the needs of commercial men,  more l o d g i n g houses near t h e harbour t o a t t r a c t v i s i t o r s ,  42  a p u b l i c l y owned m e r c h a n t - f l e e t ,  4 4  r e - o p e n i n g the s i l v e r mines  a t L a u r i u m ^ and o b t a i n i n g a p u b l i c body o f s l a v e s . 4  4 0  I f Athens  i s t o enjoy t h i s f i n a n c i a l r e s t o r a t i o n she must have peace. c o e r c i o n but good s e r v i c e t o her f e l l o w Greeks f o r m e r l y  Not  gave  I 7  Athens a p o s i t i o n of ascendancy. These suggested r e f o r m s appear t o be r a d i c a l l y l i b e r a l i n nature.  They stand out as a t t e m p t s t o make l i f e more p l e a s i n g  t o i m m i g r a n t s , f o r e i g n e r s , and people who 4 0  Vect.  5, 11.  4 1  Vect.  2, 1-5.  4 2  Vect.  3, Iv44-  4 3  Vect.  3, 12.  4 4  Vect.  3, 14.  4  5vect.  4, 1-12. 14-25-  4 o  Vect.  4,  4 7  Vect.  5, 1 and 5 •  l a c k e d the p r i v i l e g e s  4 3  99 of c i t i z e n s h i p . to  They a l s o r e f l e c t Xenophon's own  attitudes  o t h e r Greeks as he r e v e a l e d them a t S c y l l u s . I n t h e next passage Xenophon once again-re-echoes  the  poli-  t i c a l i d e a s and a t t i t u d e s t h a t have p r e v i o u s l y been d i s c u s s e d . His p h i l o - L a c o n i a n f e e l i n g i s s t i l l  8taa$£vx£s  cxWot LIT)V n a l  Aax£6atLiov tot  rinwv d \ X *  itdaxovxEc; e u e x p e ^ a v  Tiept  xr\q  eu  ou  present:  onux;  nyELtovtac; $ E a $ a t  ucp'  'ASnvatots BpuXotvxo.  Once a g a i n he reminds the A t h e n i a n s of the S p a r t a n p o s i t i o n  and  then suggests t h a t Athens go about the b u s i n e s s of r e c o n c i l i n g Greece,  aveu  nal  novuv  nal  xtv6vvoov  aveu  nal  danavnc;  Xenophon's p h i l a n t h r o p i a i s d i s p l a y e d i n h i s a d v i c e t o Athens i n defending h e r s e l f .  For i f she should be wronged by any s t a t e s  but f o l l o w e d a p o l i c y of j u s t i c e , he s u g g e s t s , s i n c e the enemy  xtuu)pottie$a a u x o u g ,  ou6eva...  uoXu  av  $axxov  EXOtEv  av  auu.aaxov.^^  In o f f e r i n g a d v i c e t o Athens the f i n a l c h a p t e r r e v e a l s a n o t h e r Xenophon's p o l i t i c a l i d e a s .  He s t i l l m a i n t a i n s some of h i s  r e s p e c t f o r the o l d customs, i n s t i t u t i o n s and r e l i g i o n . suggests,  cepeuat  b\  nal  nomic r e f o r m s , he says, Etc;  Au)6wvr)v  BouXfl  xal  I f i t seems b e s t  dno6uaotiev  Et?  xal  to  cxpxatc; n a l  Inncvai  Athens t o undertake  o-uuBouXeuaatu'  AsXcpous  of  £7i£p£a$at  av xouc;  sywys  F o r he  xa  ndxpta  these  7t£|icJ;avxa<;  ^EOUC;.^  eco-  nal  2  Thus the de_ v e c t i g a l i b u s r e a f f i r m s t h a t Xenophon h e l d many of the a t t i t u d e s d i s c u s s e d i n the p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r s . ^Vect.  5,  7-  Vect.  5,  8.  5°Vect.  5,  13.  5 Vect.  6,  1.  5 Vect.  6,  2.  4 9  1  2  These  100  always a f f e c t e d h i s i d e a s about Greek u n i t y . economic c r i s i s t h a t t h r e a t e n e d  However, t h e  Greece and caused much of t h e  p o l i t i c a l t u r m o i l f o r c e d him, as i t d i d I s o c r a t e s , t o pursue new i d e a s i n t h e hope o f s o l v i n g t h e problem.  A l t h o u g h he  began by t r a c i n g a f e d e r a l s o l u t i o n t o t h e economic problem, the s t r i f e and d i s c o r d among l o c a l s t a t e s f o r c e d him t o l o o k for  some means o f s e t t i n g b e f o r e t h e eyes o f Greece a s t a t e  t h a t c o u l d s e r v e as a model i n r e p u d i a t i n g a p o l i c y o f a g g r e s s i o n a g a i n s t o t h e r Greeks and i n s e e k i n g a s o l u t i o n t o i t s p r o blems w i t h i n t h e c o n f i n e s o f i t s own t e r r i t o r y .  T h e r e f o r e he  c a l l e d upon Athens t o make a n o t h e r e f f o r t t o be a b e n e f a c t o r t o a l l Greece, as she had been f o r m e r l y , by p o o l i n g h e r i n t e r n a l resources  and making c e r t a i n commercial i n n o v a t i o n s  to alleviate  economic d i s t r e s s and so remove one o f t h e causes o f Greek disunity.  CHAPTER IX CONCLUSION  In t h e p r e c e d i n g pages we have t r a c e d Xenophon's i d e a s as t h e y v a r i e d throughout h i s l i f e t i m e .  political  To t h i s end we  have l o o k e d c a r e f u l l y a t h i s e x p r e s s i o n s of a p p r e c i a t i o n and censure c o n c e r n i n g t h e events t h a t he d e s c r i b e s i n t h e H e l l e n i c a T o z a m p l i f y these statements, a f f i n i t i v e  i d e a s i n h i s o t h e r major  works have been drawn i n t o t h e d i s c u s s i o n . There a r e two p a r a d o x i c a l a t t i t u d e s t h a t Xenophon h e l d . First,  he m a i n t a i n e d a deep and e n d u r i n g r e s p e c t f o r t h e a r i s t o -  c r a t i c conception of the h e r o i c w a r r i o r .  The i n d i v i d u a l who  surpassed a l l h i s f e l l o w s i n r e l i g i o u s p i e t y , a b i l i t y , knowledge and wisdom i s seen i n t h e H e l l e n i c a , t h e Cyropaedia and t h e M e m o r a b i l i a . T h i s same n o t i o n i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i s p h i l o Laconian a t t i t u d e .  The Spartan w a r r i o r was t h e c l o s e s t contem-  p o r a r y i n c o r p o r a t i o n of t h i s o l d i d e a l .  Sparta's c o n s t i t u t i o n  s t i l l attempted t o d e v e l o p c i t i z e n s o f such a k i n d . The second a t t i t u d e t h a t was d e e p l y i n g r a i n e d i n Xenophon's mind has been d e s i g n a t e d as p h i l a n t h r o p i a .  I t was a r e s p e c t f o r  the customs, b e h a v i o u r and persons o f a l l men.  This considerati  l e d Xenophon t o oppose t h e extreme o l i g a r c h y o f C r i t i a s and t o  ^Even S o c r a t e s engages i n d i s c u s s i o n o f b a t t l e - t a c t i c s i n the M e m o r a b i l i a , I I I , 5*  Xenophon r e v e a l s a s o l d i e r ' s f a s c i n a -  t i o n f o r m i l i t a r y m a t t e r s i n almost a l l h i s works.  102 express a p p r e c i a t i o n  f o r t h e work o f Theramenes.  same c o n c e p t i o n  gave r i s e  the  that  a s s e m b l y t h a t we  i t s most r a d i c a l  find  writing. life's the He  This tension  also  cially  Athenian  saw  the  bereft  approach the her  other  a  and  felt  to  that  f o r Sparta  the  stand  lutions  o f 411  and  His  died  son  i n the  Xenophon's e x i l e involvement.  life.  I think  a rare  singleness  He  later  also  Greek  that  this  forces.  i n the  saw  states  He  before  and  Sparta  treatment  of was  Second,  and  Mantinea  time therefore  i n the  B a t t l e of in  Coronea. 362.  political  have a l a r g e  e n t i r e spectrum of  i n v a r i a b l y makes t h e  phenomenon when a p e r s o n p u r s u e s entire lifetime.  revo-  t h o u g h t s were i n some  T h i r d , we  almost the  finan-  to  involved  at the  state.  only  practically was  his  saw  the  events of h i s  i n h i s work much more d i f f i c u l t  o f mind f o r an  He  powerful  humaneness.  T h u s Xenophon's d e c i s i o n s external  First,  s o l u t i o n f o r Athens  present  skirmish  o f h i s works c o v e r i n g  "consistency" me  cavalry  was  and  from Athens a l s o i n d i c a t e s a c t i v e  measure a f f e c t e d by lection  a rich  quickly,  limited objectivity. He  things.  empire and  greater  sometimes w i t h  404.  in  i n Xenophon's  inconsiderate  involvement  take a  of  enunciated  r a p i d change.  o f A t h e n s i n 355-  sense of  f o r c e d him  three  A t h e n s as  c o n t r o l t h r o u g h h a r s h and  Xenophon had  by  o f power among t h e  T h u s he  importance  was  tension  of extremely  e m p i r e and  pinnacle  this  de v e c t i g a l i b u s .  d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the  more d i s c i p l i n e  that  A n a b a s i s and  i s underlined  condition  Greeks.  increased  i n a constant  span c o v e r e d a time  first  lose  i n the  form i n the  These a t t i t u d e s a r e  t o the  I t was  task since  only  one  colhis  of f i n d i n g a i t seems  to  interest with  C e r t a i n l y Xenophon's  103 i d e a s under t h e s t r e s s o f t h e changing t i m e s and c o n s t a n t i n v o l v e ment c o u l d h a r d l y be expected t o remain r i g i d from y o u t h t o o l d age. Thus Xenophon's p o l i t i c a l i d e a s work themselves out i n a t e n s i o n between t h e concept of t h e h e r o i c i n d i v i d u a l and t h e i n t e r e s t i n mankind g e n e r a l l y .  I t i s h i s concern w i t h t h e f o r -  mer t h a t r e v e a l s i t s e l f i n h i s e s p o u s a l o f o l i g a r c h y w h i l e t h e l a t t e r m o t i v a t e d him t o support t h e moderates i n 404•  The d e f e a t  of Athens by S p a r t a and h i s f r i e n d s h i p w i t h A g e s i l a u s a g a i n r e i n f o r c e d h i s a d m i r a t i o n f o r t h e h e r o i c i n d i v i d u a l and l e d t o h i s w r i t i n g o f t h e R e s p u b l i c a Lacedaemoniorum and t h e C y r o p a e d i a . H i s p h i l a n t h r o p i a brought about h i s d i s a p p r o v a l of S p a r t a ' s and A g e s i l a u s ' a c t i v i t y a f t e r t h e K i n g ' s Peace o f 336. T h i s a t t i t u d e g a i n s even more emphasis i n t h e A n a b a s i s where t h e assembly  i s of  much g r e a t e r importance t o t h e l e a d e r s t h a n t h e common people o r t h e c i r c l e of a d v i s e r s a r e t o Cyrus i n t h e C y r o p a e d i a .  Neverthe-  l e s s he s t i l l m a i n t a i n e d h i s i n t e r e s t i n t h e i n d i v i d u a l , as i s demonstrated  i n h i s a c c o u n t s of Jason o f Pherae,  Epaminondas,^ and S o c r a t e s .  Iphicrates,  I n h i s l a s t work, h i s concern f o r  common people l e d him t o suggest t h a t m e t i c s be g i v e n g r e a t e r p o l i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n Athens and o t h e r s i m i l a r l y ideas.  radical  Thus i t i s c l e a r t h a t p o l i t i c s f o r Xenophon meant  2  Hell.  V I , 1, 4-19 and 4, 20-37-  3  Hell.  V I , 2, 13-39.  *-Hell.  V I I , 5, 4 - 2 5 -  104 espousing  t h e p o l i c y t h a t the immediate s i t u a t i o n demanded.  Once  a g a i n we a r e reminded of S o c r a t e s * d i s c u s s i o n w i t h A r i s t i p p u s where t h e main p o i n t of t h e c o n v e r s a t i o n i s t h a t t h e b e a u t i f u l and t h e good a r e r e l a t i v e itdvTCX yap  aya^cx uev  concepts. xal  xaXd'eaTi npbq  a av  eu  Xenophon l a y s g r e a t s t r e s s on xaXov x & y a & o v T h i s  exT)  i s what he  w i s h e s t o see among t h e G r e e k - s p e a k i n g peoples and what he s t r e s s e s i n h i s own l i f e . to  I t seems r e a s o n a b l e ,  t h e n , t o expect  Xenophon  make p r a c t i c a l d e c i s i o n s i n k e e p i n g w i t h the c i r c u m s t a n c e s . In  a d d i t i o n t o t h e t e a c h i n g o f S o c r a t e s , t o whom Xenophon  a s c r i b e s t h i s pragmatic  philosophy  of l i f e ,  Gorgias may have  i n f l u e n c e d Xenophon t o f o l l o w the course he d i d i n t h e making o f decisions.  Wilhelm N e s t l e  7  makes t h e f o l l o w i n g p o i n t s :  phon knew t h e t e a c h i n g of G o r g i a s v e r y w e l l ( c f . Anab. 1 6 - 2 0 ) ; 2)  1)  Xeno-  I I , 6,  one of G o r g i a s ' main t e a c h i n g s was t h a t d e c i s i o n s must  be made on the b a s i s of p r e s e n t c i r c u m s t a n c e s ,  one's u l t i m a t e g o a l  and whether one was d e a l i n g w i t h f r i e n d s or enemies; and 3)  Xeno-  phon r i g h t l y makes G o r g i a s t h e t e a c h e r of Proxenus, h i s f r i e n d , but i g n o r e s t h a t he was a l s o t h e t e a c h e r of Menon, h i s enemy. Thus Xenophon seems t o have had some a d m i r a t i o n f o r G o r g i a s .  I l l , 8,  7.  °Lac. P o l . 10,  4.  Mem.  5  7  W i l h e l m N e s t l e , "Xenophon und d i e S o p h i s t i k , " P h i l o g u s ,  XCIV (1939) 3 1 - 5 0 .  105 Whether we a s c r i b e t h i s pragmatic p h i l o s o p h y Gorgias, cal  t o Socrates  or  I t h i n k t h a t Xenophon d e l i b e r a t e l y espoused t h e p o l i t i -  p o l i c y t h a t seemed b e s t f o r t h e s t a t e s of H e l l a s i n a given  situation.  Thus one must be very c a r e f u l i n s p e a k i n g o f a p o l i -  t i c a l i d e a l i n Xenophon s i n c e h i s p o l i t i c s were s u b j e c t t o change according  t o the  circumstances.  BIBLIOGRAPHY I.  Apollodorus.  .,  A u t h o r s and T e x t s  F r a g , d e r Gr. H i s t . I I B , No. 244.  F. Jacoby. Aristotle.  Ancient  Leiden  E d i t e d by  1962. (1)  Atheniens^um R e s p u b l i c a .  yon.  Oxford 1920.  (2)  ham.  Loeb C l a s s i c a l L i b r a r y .  E d i t e d by F. G. Ken-  E d i t e d and t r a n s l a t e d by H. 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