UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Common misperceptions of the events relating to the rise of the protest movements on the prairies Sanguinetti, Sonja Patricia 1969

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COMMON MISPERCEPTIONS OF THE EVENTS RELATING TO THE RISE OF THE PROTEST MOVEMENTS ON THE PRAIRIES by SONJA PATRICIA SANGUINETTI B.A. University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964 A.THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of P o l i t i c a l Science We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1969. In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and Study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thes,is for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of P o l i t i c a l Science The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date A p r i l 30th, 1969. ABSTRACT This paper presents a model based on a synthesis of the four major themes i n the standard l i t e r a t u r e on the r i s e of the protest movements on the p r a i r i e s . The themes are a homogeneous population, a quasi-colonial economy, a non-partisan p o l i t i c a l system and the depression. They are given as explanations for the coming to power of the Progressive, Social Credit, and C C F . parties by the authors of t h i s l i t e r a t u r e such as Morton, Sharp, Lipset, and Macpherson. An examination of the data r e l a t i n g to voter behaviour and population composition shows this model to be over-simplified. The imperfections of i t are further highlighted by the h i s t o r i c a l data which indicate the d i f f e r e n t patterns of development of the western provinces. The p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n which arose i n Canada afte r the 1917 e l e c t i o n seems to give a much better i n d i c a t i o n of how the protest parties were able to achieve success on the p r a i r i e s . In other words, both the t o t a l Canadian context and the i n d i v i d u a l p r o v i n c i a l h i s t o r i e s must be considered i f one desires to understand the protest movement on the p r a i r i e s . I i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Abstract i i Table of Contents i i i L i s t of Tables i v Acknowledgments v i A. The model of the standard l i t e r a t u r e on the protest movements 1 B. H i s t o r i c a l events of the period covered by the model 12 C. Discussions of the discrepancies between the model and the data 41 D. Bibliography 49 i v LIST OP TABLES TABLE PAGE I Percentage of the Population i n Rural Areas... 6 II Per Capita Income on the P r a i r i e s 10 III Gains i n Population According to Racial Origin 12 IV Federal E l e c t i o n Results i n the T e r r i t o r i e s . . . 13 V Federal El e c t i o n Results i n B r i t i s h Columbia 14 VI P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n Results i n Saskatchewan... 16 VII Percentage of the Popular Vote i n Pr o v i n c i a l Elections i n Saskatchewan 17 VIII P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n Results i n Alberta 18 IX Percentage of Popular Vote i n Pro v i n c i a l Elections i n Alberta 20 X Percentage of Popular Vote i n Federal Elections i n Saskatchewan..... 21 XI Percentage of Popular Vote i n Federal Elections i n Alberta 22 XII Federal El e c t i o n Results: 1908 and 1911 23 XIII 1917 Elec t i o n Results 26 XIV Federal E l e c t i o n Results i n 1921 28 XV Results of the 1921 Elect i o n , Progressive Support 3 0 XVI Results i n Three Federal Elections 34 XVII Percentage of Votes i n the 1926 and 1930 Elections 34 XVIII Percentage of Votes i n the 193 5 E l e c t i o n 3 5 V . .LIST OF TABLES (cont'd) TABLE PAGE XIX Canadian Export Prices, 1929-33 3 5 XX Y i e l d and Price of Wheat i n Saskatchewan for Two Eive Year Periods 39 XXI Percent Votes for Old-line and Third Parties i n the West 44 XXII Comparison of Votes and Seats of Conservatives and Third Parties of the P r a i r i e s 45 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to acknowledge the valuable assistance of Dr. H.A.C. Cairns i n supervising t h i s thesis. K. Ralston read the manuscript and gave important c r i t i c i s m s . M.H. Sanguinetti gave invaluable assistance and support. There a r e few C a n a d i a n p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s who w o u l d d i s -a g r e e w i t h Dawson when he s a y s : The p a r t y s y s t e m , and p a r t i c u l a r l y the p a r t y sy s t em under c a b i n e t government , w i l l f i n d the b e s t c o n d i t i o n s f o r i t s o p e r a t i o n where t h e r e a r e o n l y two p a r t i e s , o r a t l e a s t , two p a r t i e s s u f f i c i e n t l y l a r g e t o p r o v i d e as a r u l e a c l e a r m a j o r i t y i n the l e g i s l a t u r e . 1 The a c c e p t a n c e o f the t w o - p a r t y .system as the norm f o r the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g d e m o c r a c i e s has l e d t o a c o n c e r n w i t h the a l m o s t p a t h o l o g i c a l s t a t e o f the C a n a d i a n p a r t y s y s t e m : e i t h e r we s u f f e r f rom " o n e - p a r t y dominance" o r we have a s a d l y v i g o r o u s t h i r d p a r t y d i s t u r b i n g the body p o l i t i c . The c o n c e r n o f t h i s pape r i s w i t h the l a t t e r p r o b l e m : t h e t h i r d p a r t i e s i n Canada . I t i s an i m p o r t a n t a r e a and one w h i c h i s d i f f i c u l t t o t r e a t b e -cause i t i s i n t h a t s t a t e o f l i m b o w h i c h makes i t t oo r e c e n t f o r t he h i s t o r i a n t o f e e l he can d e a l w i t h i t o b j e c t i v e l y and too f a r i n the p a s t f o r t h e p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t n o t t o f e e l v a g u e l y t h a t he i s t r e a d i n g on the h i s t o r i a n ' s t e r r i t o r y i n t o u c h i n g i t a t a l l . I t i s even more d i f f i c u l t t o d e a l w i t h i n the C a n a d i a n academic c o n t e x t because the S o c i a l C r e d i t p a r t y has been d e a l t w i t h b y a g roup o f eminen t s c h o l a r s i n most o f i t s a s p e c t s : b a c k g r o u n d , i d e o l o g y , s o c i a l p s y c h o l o g y , e t c . The C C F . has been • Dawson, R . M . , The Government o f Canada , T o r o n t o , U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1959, p . 4 9 2 . 2 examined b y one o f the deans o f A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g y ; how c a n i t be n e c e s s a r y t o c o v e r the m a t e r i a l a g a i n ? 9 Even L i p s e t w o u l d be p r e p a r e d t o a d m i t t h a t a l l s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , no m a t t e r how e m i n e n t , a r e the c a p t i v e s o f t h e i r b i a s e s . As one r e a d s the s t a n d a r d l i t e r a t u r e on the t h i r d p a r t i e s on the p r a i r i e s , i t becomes e v i d e n t t h a t t h e s y m p a t h i e s o f the w r i t e r s were v e r y i m p o r t a n t , p r o b a b l y more so t h a n u s u a l , i n a r r i v i n g a t e x p l a n a t i o n s o f the e v e n t s i n the p r a i r i e p r o v i n c e s d u r i n g the 1 9 2 0 ' s and 3 0 ' s . . . . t he s u b o r d i n a t i o n o f the Wes t , when added t o i t s s h a r p s e c t i o n a l i s m , g i v e s i t an i n c i s i v e and c o g e n t c h a r a c t e r o f i t s own. T h i s i t i s w h i c h makes i t the t h i r d o f the " d e c i s i v e a r e a s " o f C a n a d i a n h i s t o r i c a l , s t u d y . I t has no a c c e p t a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e t o w o r k i n g o u t i t s own i d e n t i t y i n te rms o f i t s own h i s t o r i c a l e x p e r i e n c e . I t must r e a l i z e i t s l a t e n t n a t i o n a l i s m ; a n a t i o n a l i s m n e i t h e r r a c i a l l i k e t he F r e n c h nor dominant . . . l i k e t h a t o f O n t a r i o , b u t e n v i r o n m e n t a l a n d , because o f the d i v e r s i t y o f i t s p e o p l e , c o m p o s i t e . I t may, o f c o u r s e , f a i l . . . , and b y the j o i n t p r o c e s s o f e x p l o i t a t i o n and l o s s o f i t s l e a d e r s t o the E a s t and t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , be r e d u c e d t o a s u b j e c t p e o p l e , w i t h o u t c h a r a c t e r o r s p i r i t . ^ W . L . M o r t o n , the a u t h o r o f t h e s e s e n t i m e n t s i s a w e l l -known s c h o l a r o f w e s t e r n C a n a d i a n h i s t o r y . He has a c c e p t e d the ' m e t r o p o l i t a n ' t h e s i s o f C a n a d i a n i n t e r p r e t i v e h i s t o r y p r i m a r i l y because i t emphas izes the i m p o r t a n c e o f t he e a s t e r n C a n a d i a n 2 . "My r e a s o n s f o r s e l e c t i n g the t o p i c a t the t ime were a t l e a s t as much p o l i t i c a l as s c h o l a r l y . " L i p s e t , S . N . A g r a r i a n  S o c i a l i s m , New Y o r k , Anchor B o o k s , 1968, p . X I . 3 . M o r t o n , W . L . ' C l i o i n Canada : The I n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f C a n a d i a n H i s t o r y ' , i n B e r g e r , e d . Approaches t o C a n a d i a n H i s t o r y , T o r o n t o , U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1967, p . 4 8 . 3 c e n t r e s and s t r e s s e s the ' h i n t e r l a n d ' a s p e c t o f t h e p r a i r i e s . H i s work, s t r e s s e s the i n a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s o f t he ' N a t i o n a l P o l i c y 1 f o r w e s t e r n deve lopment and t h e a l i e n a t i o n o f t he a g r a r i a n s e t t l e m e n t s on t h e p r a i r i e s f rom the v a l u e s o f a s o c i e t y d o m i n a t e d b y i n d u s t r i a l c o n c e r n s . As a w e s t e r n e r h i m -s e l f , M o r t o n i s p r o b a b l y more s y m p a t h e t i c t o the i d e a o f a u n i q u e w e s t e r n c u l t u r e and , t h e r e f o r e , more s e n s i t i v e to the e f f o r t s o f e a s t e r n C a n a d i a n s t o impose e i t h e r t h e i r economic o r t h e i r p o l i t i c a l i d e a s on i t . H i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t y g i v e s some r e a s o n f o r t h i s e m p h a s i s . The t h r e e p r a i r i e p r o v i n c e s were a c q u i r e d by the C a n a d i a n g o v e r n -ment f o r the e x p l i c i t l y m e r c a n t i l i s t pu rpose o f p r o v i d i n g s o u r c e s o f raw m a t e r i a l s and a marke t f o r the i n f a n t m a n u f a c t u r i n g i n d u s t r i e s o f c e n t r a l C a n a d a . 4 F o r t w e n t y y e a r s , t h i s pu rpose was t h w a r t e d b y an economic d e p r e s s i o n . As a r e s u l t cf t h i s , i m m i g r a t i o n f rom b o t h Europe and the U n i t e d S t a t e s d w i n d l e d t o i n s i g n i f i c a n c e . When c o n d i t i o n s i m p r o v e d d r a m a t i c a l l y i n the 1 8 9 0 ' s , t he ' N a t i o n a l P o l i c y ' o f p r o t e c t i v e t a r i f f s and r a i l w a y m o n o p o l i e s was s o m e t h i n g o f a s a c r e d cow i n C a n a d i a n p o l i t i c s . A l t h o u g h d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n l e d the f a rmer s t o o r g a n i z e , t h e y had o n l y a l i m i t e d s u c c e s s i n g e t t i n g f r e i g h t r a t e s r e d u c e d and the 4 . M o r t o n , W . L . The P r o g r e s s i v e P a r t y i n Canada , T o r o n t o , U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1950, p . 3 - 4 . 4 g r a i n t r a d e r e g u l a t e d . The d i s t i n c t i o n be tween e l emen t s o f p o l i c y w h i c h were c h a n g e a b l e under w e s t e r n p r e s s u r e and t h o s e w h i c h were n o t goes b a c k t o the d i s t i n c t i o n be tween the two b a s i c e l emen t s o f t he n a t i o n a l p o l i c y i n so f a r as i t c o n c e r n e d the Wes t . These e l emen t s w e r e , f i r s t , t o encourage the maximum deve lopment o f the w e s t e r n t e r r i t o r i e s and s e c o n d , t o a s s u r e i n t e g r a t i o n o f t he deve lopment i n t o the n a t i o n a l economy. W e s t e r n a d v i c e , w h i c h a p p e a r e d t o c o n c e r n w e s t e r n deve lopment . . . was o f t e n q u i t e a c c e p t a b l e t o e a s t e r n p o l i c y - m a k e r s . W e s t e r n a d v i c e w h i c h r e l a t e d t o the q u e s t i o n o f n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n however , was se ldom found a c c e p t a b l e as i t was most l i k e l y t o be opposed t o i n t e g r a t i o n on e a s t e r n t e r m s . ^ An example o f the l a t t e r c a s e was the c o n s i s t e n t a t t e m p t b y p r a i r i e o r g a n i z a t i o n s t o have the t a r i f f b a r r i e r s l o w e r e d , p a r t i c u l a r l y on s u c h i t e m s as f a rm m a c h i n e r y and f e r t i l i z e r . A l t h o u g h the p r o t e c t i v e t a r i f f was the fundamen ta l f e d e r a l i m -p o s i t i o n by w h i c h , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e s t a n d a r d l i t e r a t u r e , t he f a r m e r s f e l t t h e m s e l v e s v i c t i m i z e d , t h e y were n e v e r a b l e t o a l t e r i t . M a c p h e r s o n sees t h i s as i n d i c a t i v e o f "how c o n t i n u o u s l y c l o s e t o a c o l o n i a l economic s t a t u s the C a n a d i a n wes t has been k e p t . " A c c o r d i n g t o M o r t o n the r i s e o f the P r o g r e s s i v e and o t h e r f a rmer p a r t i e s must be seen a g a i n s t t h i s b a c k g r o u n d o f e x p l o i t a t i o n . 5 . Fowke, V . C . The N a t i o n a l P o l i c y and t h e Wheat Economy, T o r o n t o , U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1957 , p . 9 3 . 6. M a c p h e r s o n , C . B . Democracy i n A l b e r t a : S o c i a l C r e d i t and the  P a r t y Sys t em, T o r o n t o , U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1962 , p . 10 . 5 B e h i n d t h e s e c t i o n a l p r o t e s t l a y n o t o n l y r e s e n t m e n t o f t he N a t i o n a l P o l i c y and i t s agen t s the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . B e h i n d i t l a y a l s o the r e s e n t m e n t o f the i n e q u a l i t y o f the p r o v i n c e s o f t h e c o n t i n e n t a l West i n C o n f e d e r a t i o n . They had been c r e a t e d w i t h l i m i t a t i o n s imposed f o r t he p u r p o s e s o f t he D o m i n i o n . They e n t e r e d C o n f e d e r a t i o n , n o t as f u l l p a r t n e r s , as s i s t e r p r o v i n c e s , b u t as s u b o r d i n a t e commun i t i e s s u b j e c t t o t h e l a n d , f i s c a l , and r a i l w a y p o l i c i e s o f the m e t r o p o l i t a n p r o v i n c e s . . . The P r o g r e s s i v e P a r t y was a f u l l - b l o w n e x p r e s s i o n o f t he W e s t ' s r e s e n t m e n t o f i t s c o l o n i a l s t a t u s . 7 I m p l i c i t i n t h e sense o f g r i e v a n c e a t b e i n g s u b o r d i n a t e was an a l m o s t p h y s i o c r a t i c b e l i e f i n the e s s e n t i a l v a l u e t o s o c i e t y o f the yeoman fa rmer as opposed t o the u rban d w e l l e r . ^ The l e a d e r s o f t he v a r i o u s fa rm movements on many o c c a s i o n s made speeches t o the e f f e c t t h a t t he fa rmer p r o v i d e d the o n l y r e a l mone ta ry v a l u e i n s o c i e t y and t h a t t h e f i n a n c i e r s and merchan t s were s i m p l y l i v i n g o f f t he p r o d u c t o f h i s l a b o u r . S i n c e t h e p o p u l a c e on the p r a i r i e s was a l m o s t e n t i r e l y r u r a l , t h e r e were few t o d i s p u t e t h i s v i e w . T a b l e I shows the make-up o f t he p o p u l a t i o n d u r i n g the p e r i o d f rom 1900 t o 1940 . 7. M o r t o n , P r o g r e s s i v e s , p . 2 9 3 - 4 . 8. I b i d , p . 292 . 6 TABLE I P e r c e n t a g e o f t he P o p u l a t i o n i n R u r a l A r e a s 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 M a n i t o b a 7 2 . 4 5 6 . 5 5 8 . 8 5 4 . 9 5 5 . 9 Saska tchewan 84 .3 73 .3 7 1 . 1 6 8 . 4 6 7 . 0 A l b e r t a 74 .6 63 .3 6 2 . 1 6 1 . 9 6 1 . 4 As a c o m p a r i s o n , i n 1941 , f a rmer s made up 32 p e r c e n t o f a l l g a i n f u l l y employed p e o p l e i n A l b e r t a (36% i n 1921 , 32% i n 1931) whereas t h e y formed o n l y 11 p e r c e n t o f t he p o p u l a t i o n i n O n t a r i o (13% i n 1 9 3 1 ) . Fa rmers and t h e i r u n p a i d w o r k i n g sons on the f a rm i n 1941 made up 41 p e r c e n t o f a l l t he g a i n f u l l y employed i n A l b e r t a (43% i n 1921 , 42% i n 1 9 3 1 ) , compared w i t h 15 p e r c e n t i n O n t a r i o . The o u t s t a n d i n g f e a t u r e s o f t h e c l a s s c o m p o s i t i o n o f A l b e r t a , as compared w i t h t h e more i n d u s t r i a l p r o v i n c e s , a r e (1) t h a t i n d e p e n d e n t commodity p r o d u c e r s ( f a rmers and f a r m e r s ' sons w o r k i n g the f a m i l y fa rm . . . . ) have been from 1921 u n t i l 1941 abou t 48% o f the who le g a i n f u l l y o c c u p i e d p o p u l a t i o n w h i l e i n O n t a r i o t h e y have been f rom 2 0 t o 25 p e r c e n t , and i n Canada abou t 3 0 p e r c e n t ; (2) i n A l b e r t a t h e i n d u s t r i a l and wage e a r n e r s ( t h a t i s , o t h e r t h a n on farms) have been 41 p e r c e n t o f t he w h o l e , i n O n t a r i o abou t 70 p e r c e n t , i n Canada abou t 60 p e r c e n t . 9 The s i t u a t i o n i n Saska tchewan was s i m i l a r , a c c o r d i n g t o Lipset ."*"^ I n 1936, 62 . 7 p e r c e n t o f t he r e s i d e n t s were employed , 9 . M a c p h e r s o n , o p . c i t . , p . 1 5 - 1 6 . 1 0 . L i p s e t , S . M . , A g r a r i a n S o c i a l i s m , New Y o r k , A n c h o r B o o k s , 1968. 7 i n a g r i c u l t u r e , i n 1941 , the f i g u r e was 58 .3 p e r c e n t . The a g r i c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y p r o v i d e d 85 p e r c e n t o f t he v a l u e o f a l l n e t p r o d u c t i o n i n the p r o v i n c e . U n l i k e M a n i t o b a , where W i n n i p e g d o m i n a t e d t h e commerce o f t he p r o v i n c e , Saska tchewan had no l a r g e u r b a n a r e a . The l a c k o f p o w e r f u l u r b a n c e n t r e s means t h a t t he b a s i c a l l y r u r a l c h a r a c t e r o f t h e p r o v i n c e domina tes i t s s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e . The p r o v i n c i a l government , the newspape r s , and the u n i v e r s i t y must a l l be o r i e n t e d t o w a r d the f a r m e r . T h i s has made i t d i f f i c u l t f o r p r o f e s s i o n a l p o l i t i c i a n s and u r b a n newspapers t o e l i m i n a t e the g roup c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f t he f a r m e r . i i T h i s ' g r o u p c o n s c i o u s n e s s 1 , o r c l a s s i n t e r e s t , d e p e n d i n g on w h i c h a u t h o r you c h o o s e , p l u s the c o l o n i a l economy, a r e g i v e n as t h e r e a s o n s i n the s t a n d a r d l i t e r a t u r e f o r t he d e v i a t i o n f rom t h e t w o - p a r t y sy s t em on the p r a i r i e s . The absence o f any s e r i o u s o p p o s i t i o n o f c l a s s i n t e r e s t s w i t h i n the p r o v i n c e meant t h a t a l t e r n a t e p a r t i e s were n o t needed e i t h e r t o e x p r e s s o r t o modera te a p e r e n n i a l c o n f l i c t o f i n t e r e s t s . There was a p p a r e n t l y , t h e r e f o r e , no p o s i t i v e b a s i s f o r an a l t e r n a t e p a r t y s y s t e m . The q u a s i - c o l o n i a l p o s i t i o n o f t h e w e s t e r n p r o v i n c e s made i t a p r i m a r y r e q u i r e -ment o f t h e i r p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c a l sys tems t h a t t h e y s h o u l d be a b l e t o s t a n d up t o the n a t i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t . . . . A p r o v i n c i a l p a r t y sys t em i n w h i c h each o f the a l t e r n a t e p a r t i e s was a s u b o r d i n a t e s e c t i o n o f a f e d e r a l p a r t y had n o t h i n g t o commend i t as a weapon a g a i n s t t h e c e n t r a l government ; f rom t h i s f a c t , a s t r o n g a n t i p a t h y t o t h e p a r t y sy s t em a p p e a r e d i n the wes t soon a f t e r t he f e d e r a l p a r t i e s had managed t o e s t a b l i s h t h e m s e l v e s i n p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s . 1 2 1 1 . I b i d , p . 50 . 12 . M a c p h e r s o n , o p . c i t . , p . 2 1 . 8 F o r many, t he a n t i p a t h y towards the p a r t y s y s t e m was s t r e n g t h e n e d by a b e l i e f t h a t i t was a l s o a c o r r u p t s y s t e m . Because b o t h o f t he major p a r t i e s i n Canada were p r a c t i c i n g a t y p e o f b r o k e r a g e p o l i t i c s , i n w h i c h t h e i n t e r e s t s o f v a r i o u s g roups and s e c t i o n s o f t he p o p u l a t i o n were b a l a n c e d o f f a g a i n s t each o t h e r , t he p r a i r i e f a rmer f e l t t h a t men o f p r i n c i p l e had no p l a c e i n them. T h i s , a c c o r d i n g t o S h a r p , was p a r t o f t he r e a s o n f o r t h e s u c c e s s o f t he N o n p a r t i s a n League i n Saska tchewan and A l b e r t a . By 1917 many who condemned the p a r t y sy s t em were s e e k i n g p o l i t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n i n a " n a t u r a l " o r " n o n p a r t i s a n " movement. The l e a g u e was q u i c k t o p o i n t o u t i t was s u c h an o r g a n i z a t i o n . N o n p a r t i s a n s m a i n t a i n e d t h a t t h e i r p rogram was " the c r y s t a l l i z a t i o n i n t o p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n o f an i d e a l o f c i t i z e n s h i p w h i c h has l o n g been i n the p r o c e s s o f f o r m a t i o n " and d e s e r v e d the s u p p o r t o f a l l who b e l i e v e d t h a t p a r t y i s m was d o o m e d . ^ The d e f e a t o f t h e L i b e r a l s i n A l b e r t a and t h e i r r e p l a c e m e n t b y a U n i t e d Farmers government i s seen b y many a u t h o r s as f u r t h e r e v i d e n c e o f a l a c k o f p a r t i s a n t r a d i t i o n on the p r a i r i e s . I t must be e m p h a s i z e d t h a t t h r o u g h o u t b o t h the l i t e r a t u r e and t h i s p a p e r , p a r t i s a n has r e f e r e n c e t o the p r e s e n c e o r absence o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s who had a b l o c o f s u p p o r t among the e l e c t o r a t e . There has been no a t t e m p t made t o gauge the v i g o u r w i t h wh ich the p r o p o n e n t s o f t h e s e p a r t i e s e n t e r e d i n t o any 1 3 . S h a r p , P . F . A g r a r i a n R e v o l t i n W e s t e r n Canada , M i n n e a p o l i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f M i n n e s o t a P r e s s , 1948 , p . 80 . 9 e l e c t o r a l c a m p a i g n . The o n l y e v i d e n c e o f " p a r t i s a n s h i p " o r l a c k o f i t w h i c h i s o f f e r e d i s the d i v i s i o n o f the p o p u l a r v o t e . T h i s measure has been l a r g e l y i g n o r e d by the a u t h o r s o f the s t a n d a r d l i t e r a t u r e i n favour o f the s e a t s u p p o r t w h i c h t h e p a r t i e s o b t a i n e d . The o b v i o u s o n e - s i d e d n a t u r e o f t h e s e r e s u l t s l e d I r v i n g t o b e l i e v e t h a t t he e l e c t i o n o f the S o c i a l C r e d i t i n 1935 was a n a t u r a l e v e n t g i v e n A l b e r t a ' s p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y . The i n t e r v i e w s i n d i c a t e t h a t i n a s i g n i f i c a n t sense the S o c i a l C r e d i t movement was a l s o the h e i r o f the p o l -i t i c a l t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e o f t he U . F . A . P r i o r t o 1935 the p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y o f A l b e r t a f a l l s i n t o t h r e e p h a s e s : f i r s t , t he p e r i o d o f t e r r i t o r i a l government i n w h i c h a n o n - p a r t i s a n sy s t em p r e v a i l e d ; s e c o n d , the p e r i o d o f L i b e r a l r u l e f rom 1905 to 1921 , i n w h i c h the two p a r t y sy s t em f u n c t i o n e d f u l l y o n l y a f t e r 1910; t h i r d , the p e r i o d o f t he U . F . A . r e v o l t a g a i n s t the p a r t y sy s t em w h i c h began i n 1921 . The o p e r a t i o n o f democracy i n A l b e r t a i n t e rms o f t h e t w o - p a r t y sys t em had t h e r e f o r e been tenuous and u n c e r t a i n . The t r a d i t i o n a l n a t i o n a l p a r t i e s had been under c r i t i c i s m even b e f o r e the p r o v i n c e e n t e r e d C o n f e d e r a t i o n ; and a f t e r 1905 t h e r e i s a c o n t i n u o u s t r a d -i t i o n o f g r e a t d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h t h e c o n v e n t i o n a l p a r t y s y s t e m . The p e r s i s t e n t u n r e s t was i n s p i r e d b y the g r o w i n g b e l i e f t h a t e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , domina t ed b y E a s t e r n f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t s o r the money power were o b l i v i o u s t o the c l a s s i n t e r e s t s o f f a r m e r s . Because o f t he dependence o f the p r a i r i e economy on a s i n g l e c r o p , wheat and the p r i c e w h i c h t h a t c r o p f e t c h e d on the w o r l d m a r k e t , the economic s i t u a t i o n i s e m p h a s i z e d i n a l l the l i t e r a t u r e . T h e ' d e p r e s s i o n o f the 1 9 3 0 ' s , i n p a r t i c u l a r , i s s t r e s s e d as b e i n g o f u tmos t i m p o r t a n c e i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g .the r i s e 14. I r v i n g , " J . . , The S o c i a l C r e d i t i n A l b e r t a , T o r o n t o , U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1959, p . 230 . 10 of both the Social Credit and C.C.F. parties. During those years, a combination of drought, which produced disastrous crop f a i l u r e s , and f a l l i n g prices, which meant that even good crops paid l i t t l e , resulted i n hardship such as few had ever experienced. Table II shows the decline i n per capita income which i s a good i n d i c a t i o n of just how severely the p r a i r i e s were affected. TABLE II Per Capita..Income on the P r a i r i e s 1928-29 1933 % decrease $ $ Saskatchewan 478 135 72 Alberta 548 212 61 Manitoba 466 240 49 Only by keeping i n mind the background of the " t e r r i b l e t h i r t i e s " can one understand the rapid growth of the C.C.F. i n Saskatchewan and the continued existence of protest movements i n the West. Saskatchewan, a community that had enjoyed year after year of prosperity, was struck with-out warning by a misfortune that lasted for nine years and wiped out the source of income of well to do and poor a l i k e 15 • • * • The major factor i n the psychological appeal of the philosophy of Social Credit was unquestionably the promise i t held out for the s a t i s f a c t i o n of the primary needs of food, clothing and shelter. In a depressed and debt-ridden province where thousands of people were unemployed and l i v i n g on r e l i e f , and where farmers were forced to s e l l t heir produce at such i n c r e d i b l y low lev e l s that they were often on the verge of starvation, the prospect of a basic dividend and a just price had an almost i r r e s i s t i b l e attraction.1^ 15. Lipset, op. c i t . , p. 118. 16. Irving, op. c i t . , p. 336. 11 The foregoing synthesis has given an ind i c a t i o n of the general tone and the major themes of the standard l i t e r a t u r e on the protest movements. Certain of these themes aris e i n the explanations of every author and i t i s not unfair to generalize to a model based on the four major ideas which seem to dominate a l l the w r i t i n g on the period. A schematic diagram w i l l help to show how the four themes interlock. COLONIAL POPULATION Whether the author i s looking at the r i s e of the Progressive party, i n which case the depression was a short term, post war event, or the coming to power of Social Credit, i n which the world-wide f i n a n c i a l c r i s i s was a factor, this model has applications to a l l the standard l i t e r a t u r e on the period. The important question that remains i s : does i t have application to the p o l i t i c a l events which the authors under discussion purport to explain, or does i t merely r e f l e c t the biases of those authors and their attempt to see r e a l i t y i n terms of a pa r t i c u l a r theory? An examination of the complex set of p o l i t i c a l and so c i a l factors which led to the r i s e of protest parties on the p r a i r i e s set i n their h i s t o r i c a l context may help to answer that HOMOGENEOUS ECONOMY AGRARIAN + DEPRESSION = PROTEST PARTIES 12 q u e s t i o n . B . As has been i n d i c a t e d , the f i r s t t w e n t y y e a r s a f t e r i t s p u r c h a s e b y t h e f e d e r a l government the p r a i r i e s l a y dormant as t h e r e s u l t o f a f i n a n c i a l s lump . The r e t u r n t o p r o s p e r i t y c o i n c i d e d w i t h the coming t o power o f the L a u r i e r L i b e r a l a d -m i n i s t r a t i o n . The p o p u l a t i o n grew r a p i d l y . I n the t e n y e a r p e r i o d from 1901 t o 1911 the p o p u l a t i o n i n Saska tchewan grew from 91 ,279 t o 4 9 2 , 4 3 2 . T h i s i n c r e a s e i n c l u d e d a l a r g e number o f Eu ropean i m m i g r a n t s as T a b l e I I I i n d i c a t e s . TABLE I I I . 17 G a i n s i n P o p u l a t i o n A c c o r d i n g t o R a c i a l O r i g i n 1901 1911 M a n i t o b a E n g l i s h S p e a k i n g 164 ,239 266 ,415 Eu ropean 70 ,103 130 ,399 Saska tchewan E n g l i s h S p e a k i n g 40 ,094 2 5 1 , 0 1 0 Eu ropean 32 ,413 187 ,472 A l b e r t a E n g l i s h S p e a k i n g 34 ,903 192 ,698 Eu ropean 2 3 , 4 7 1 121 ,861 N a t u r a l l y , t h i s s e c o n d g roup o f p e o p l e had t o be a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o t h e C a n a d i a n p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l m i l i e u . N a t u r a l l y , a l s o , 17 . M o r t o n , A . S . , H i s t o r y o f P r a i r i e S e t t l e m e n t , T o r o n t o M a c m i l l a n , 1938 , p . 127 . 13 g i v e n t h e p a t r o n a g e r i d d e n n a t u r e o f the c i v i l s e r v i c e , L i b e r a l i m m i g r a t i o n o f f i c e r s g u i d e d t h e s e European i m m i g r a n t s i n t o t h e L i b e r a l p a r t y . These "Tammany H a l l " t a c t i c s d i d g i v e t h e L i b e r a l s an edge a t e l e c t i o n t i m e , b u t t he C o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t y had a g o o d - s i z e d e l e c t o r a t e : p r o b a b l y C a n a d i a n i m m i g r a n t s who r e -t a i n e d t h e i r o l d p a r t y l o y a l t i e s . T a b l e I V i n d i c a t e s the e l e c t o r a l r e s u l t s d u r i n g the T e r r i t o r i a l p e r i o d . TABLE I V 1 o F e d e r a l E l e c t i o n R e s u l t s i n t h e T e r r i t o r i e s L i b e r a l s C o n s e r v a t i v e s Y e a r Sea t s V o t e s Sea t s V o t e s 1896 3 46.0% 1 43.9% 1900 4 55.1% 0 44.9% 1904 7 58.2% 3 41.9% These e l e c t i o n s were f o u g h t on the i s s u e s o f the s t a t u s o f t he t e r r i t o r i e s , t he r a i l w a y monopoly and r e s p o n s i b l e government . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o n o t e ( T a b l e V) by way o f c o m p a r i s o n , t h a t B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a h a d a much l e s s p a r t i s a n r e s p o n s e t o s i m i l a r i s s u e s . A l t h o u g h B . C . had a l o n g a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h B r i t i s h t r a d i t i o n s , u n t i l t he r a i l w a y was c o m p l e t e d , a marked l a c k o f p a r t i s a n s h i p seemed t o c h a r a c t e r i z e the r e t u r n s . 18. A l l e l e c t i o n s r e s u l t s f rom S c a r r o w , H . , Canada V o t e s , New O r l e a n s , H a u s e r , 1962, u n l e s s o t h e r w i s e s t a t e d . 14 TABLE V-F e d e r a l E l e c t i o n R e s u l t s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a L i b e r a l s C o n s e r v a t i v e s Y e a r Sea t s V o t e s Sea t s V o t e s 1878 0 0 6 88.8% 1882 0 10.6% 6 82.8% 1887 0 13 .1% 6 86.9% 1891 0 28.4% 6 71.6% The T e r r i t o r i a l government was a d i f f e r e n t m a t t e r . A l t h o u g h the members campaigned and were e l e c t e d under d i f f e r e n t p a r t y b a n n e r s , t he a c t u a l a f f a i r s o f t he a s s e m b l y were c o n d u c t e d i n a n o n - p a r t i s a n f a s h i o n . T h i s was f a i r l y r e a s o n a b l e s i n c e the f e d e r a l government c o n t r o l l e d t h e f i n a n c e s o f t he T e r r i t o r i e s l e a v i n g l i t t l e d i s c r e t i o n t o the a s semb ly i n m a t t e r s o f p o l i c y . The o n l y r e a l i s s u e was t h a t o f autonomy. I t i s an h i s t o r i c a l f a c t t h a t i n the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g c o u n t r i e s , i n p a r t i c u l a r , the r e a c t i o n o f t he l e g i s l a t i v e chamber has been t o a c t i n a n o n -p a r t i s a n f a s h i o n when a t t e m p t i n g t o g a i n s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t f rom a n o t h e r a u t h o r i t y . The c o a l i t i o n o f Brown and M a c d o n a l d d u r i n g the d i s c u s s i o n s on C o n f e d e r a t i o n i s a c a s e i n p o i n t as i s t he a l l i a n c e o f t he Democrats and R e p u b l i c a n s i n the Dakotas w h i l e 19 c a m p a i g n i n g f o r s t a t e h o o d . I t was t h e n , n o t a u n i q u e s i t u a t i o n 19 . see Lamar , H . R . , Dako ta T e r r i t o r y , 1 8 6 1 - 1 8 8 9 : A S tudy i n  F r o n t i e r P o l i t i c s , New Haven , Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1956. 15 t o f i n d F r e d e r i c k H a u l t a i n , a n o m i n a l . C o n s e r v a t i v e , s e r v i n g as p r e m i e r o f an a s s e m b l y t o w h i c h the 1902 e l e c t i o n s had r e t u r n e d t w e l v e L i b e r a l s , e l e v e n C o n s e r v a t i v e s , and f o u r i n d e p e n d e n t s who were e q u a l l y d i v i d e d i n t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e t o the F e d e r a l p a r t i e s . The o n l y r e a l o p p o s i t i o n i n the House came from a two-man g roup o f C o n s e r v a t i v e s l e d b y R . B . B e n n e t t o f C a l g a r y who were opposed t o the n o n - p a r t i s a n s y s t e m . The T e r r i t o r i a l C o n s e r v a t i v e A s s o c i a t i o n , a g r e e d i n 1903, t o f i g h t t he n e x t e l e c t i o n on p a r t y l i n e s as a r e s u l t o f B e n n e t t ' s c ampa ign . The e l e c t i o n t o o k p l a c e i n 1905 , a f t e r t h e two new p r o v i n c e s had been c r e a t e d . A l t h o u g h H a u l t a i n had l e d a n o n - p a r t i s a n ' P r o v i n c i a l R i g h t s ' p a r t y i n Saska tchewan t h r o u g h two e l e c t i o n s , he was d e f e a t e d b y the L i b e r a l s under W a l t e r S c o t t . T h i s was the b e g i n n i n g o f a t w e n t y - f o u r y e a r l o n g p e r i o d i n o f f i c e f o r t he Saska tchewan L i b e r a l s . T h i s e l e c t o r a l l o n g e v i t y c o u l d be a t t r i b u t e d t o t h r e e f a c t o r s . F i r s t , t he L i b e r a l p a r t y had a r e m a r k a b l y e f f e c t i v e machine f o r e n s u r i n g 21 v o t e r s u p p o r t . By u t i l i z i n g the p a t r o n a g e p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f the c i v i l s e r v i c e , and i n p a r t i c u l a r t he h ighways depa r tmen t , the p a r t y was a b l e t o m a i n t a i n "a m a j o r i t y o f the v o t e r s i n a m a j o r i t y o f t h e c o n s t i t u e n c i e s " . 2 2 S e c o n d l y , t he L i b e r a l s were 20 . C a n a d i a n P a r l i a m e n t a r y G u i d e , 1903 . 2 1 . R e i d , E . M . , 'The Saska tchewan L i b e r a l M a c h i n e B e f o r e 1929 ' i n Ward & S p a f f o r d e d s . P o l i t i c s i n Sa ska t chewan , Don M i l l s , Longmans, 1968 . 22 . I b i d , p . 100 . 16 a l w a y s w i l l i n g t o keep a b r e a s t o f the demands o f t he o r g a n i z e d f a r m e r s . V a r i o u s men who were p r o m i n e n t i n the r a n k s o f the G r a i n Growers A s s o c i a t i o n became c a b i n e t members i n c l u d i n g M o t h e r w e l l and the p r e m i e r , C h a r l e s D u n n i n g . So s t r o n g l y d i d t h e y i d e n t i f y w i t h t h e f a r m e r s , t h a t when a member r o s e i n the l e g i s l a t u r e s p e c i f i c a l l y as a Farmers r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , D u n n i n g was moved t o r e p l y : When d i d I c ea se to be a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f the Farmers 1 movement i n the l e g i s l a t u r e ? When d i d f o r t y o t h e r men s i t t i n g a r o u n d h e r e cease t o be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f the F a r m e r s ' movement i n t h i s l e g i s l a t u r e ? The F a r m e r s ' movement s i n c e the e a r l i e s t days o f t he Saska tchewan l e g i s l a t u r e has been r e p r e s e n t e d i n t h e s e s e a t s . . . . I f I had n o t been a l e a d e r i n the F a r m e r s ' movement . . I do n o t b e l i e v e i t i s l i k e l y I w o u l d have been i n v i t e d t o become a member o f t h i s government .23 C e r t a i n l y , t h e r e was a good number o f f a r m e r s who a c c e p t e d t h i s s t a t e m e n t as a l o o k a t T a b l e V I w i l l show. TABLE V I P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n R e s u l t s i n Saska tchewan 1905 1908 1912 1917 1921 1925 1929 L i b e r a l s 16 27 46 51 45 50 28 C o n s e r v a t i v e s 9 14 8 7 2 3 24 P r o g r e s s i v e s 6 6 5 2 3 . q u o t e d i n E a g e r , E . , 'The C o n s e r v a t i s m o f the Saska tchewan E l e c t o r a t e 1 , i n Ward & S p a f f o r d op . c i t . , p . 8. 24 . Ward & S p a f f o r d , op . c i t . , p . 3 04 . 17 The re were a l s o a g o o d l y number o f r e s i d e n t s who were n o t p r e p a r e d t o a c c e p t a L i b e r a l government as T a b l e V I I , w h i c h g i v e s t h e p o p u l a r v o t e , i n d i c a t e s . TABLE V I I P e r c e n t a g e o f t he P o p u l a r V o t e i n P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n s i n Saska tchewan 1921 1925 1929 1934 1938 1944 C o n s e r v a t i v e s 3 7 . 4 1 9 . 0 3 6 . 5 26 . 7 1 2 . 1 10 . 7 L i b e r a l s 52 .2 5 3 . 4 46 . 7 4 8 . 0 4 5 . 5 3 5 . 4 P r o g r e s s i v e s 7 .5 2 3 . 0 6 .9 C . C . F . 2 4 . 0 1 8 . 8 5 3 . 1 S o c i a l C r e d i t 15 . 8 O t h e r s 2 5 . 8 3 . 5 9 .1 7 .8 A t h i r d i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r i n the L i b e r a l ' s b a l l o t box s u c c e s s was t h e i r a b i l i t y t o a t t r a c t s u p p o r t f rom a l l segments o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n . E v i d e n c e o f t h i s i s i n d i c a t e d i n t h e v a r i e t y o f ages , o c c u p a t i o n s , r e l i g i o n s and e t h n i c g roups t o be found among L i b e r a l Members o f t he L e g i s l a t u r e s i n c e 1905 . The C . C . F . appea r s t o have d e v e l o p e d t h i s c a p a c i t y w h i l e i n power , and t o d a y i t s membership i s more h e t e r o g e n e o u s t h a n e v e r b e f o r e . The r e s u l t i s t h a t Saska tchewan has two i n t e g r a t i v e p a r t i e s , where p r e v i o u s l y i t o n l y had one . No b e t t e r p r o o f e x i s t s t h a t Saska tchewan p o s s e s s e s a p o l i t i c a l sys t em d i s -t i n c t f rom h e r n e i g h b o u r A l b e r t a t h a n t h i s two p a r t y s y s t e m . 2 5 . S m i t h , D a v i d E . , 'The Membersh ip o f t he Saska tchewan L e g i s l a t i v e A s s e m b l y : 1 9 0 5 - 1 9 6 6 ' , i n Ward & S p a f f o r d , p . 204 . 18 Why s h o u l d i t be p o s s i b l e t o draw s u c h a c l e a r c o m p a r i s o n be tween A l b e r t a and Saska tchewan? T h e i r economies and e a r l y h i s t o r y were a l m o s t i d e n t i c a l . I f a n y t h i n g , the L i b e r a l s i n A l b e r t a seemed i n 1905 t o have s t r o n g e r s u p p o r t t h a n t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s i n Sa ska t chewan . The p o l i c i e s o f t h e two g o v e r n -ments w i t h r e g a r d t o t h e o r g a n i z e d f a r m e r s were s i m i l a r . A b i l l t o implement d i r e c t l e g i s l a t i o n , a d r i v e a g a i n s t t h e ' b e e f t r u s t " and a v i g o r o u s r a i l r o a d p o l i c y a l l comb ined , as T a b l e V I I I shows, t o i n s u r e e l e c t o r a l s u p p o r t . P r o v i n c i a l TABLE E l e c t i o n V I I I R e s u l t s • . i u 4. 26 i n A l b e r t a 1905 1909 1913 1917 L i b e r a l s 22 37 38 34 C o n s e r v a t i v e s 2 3 18 19 O t h e r s 1 1 5 The v i g o r o u s r a i l r o a d p o l i c y was p u r s u e d a t t i m e s w i t h o u t 27 r e g a r d f o r the n i c e t i e s o f p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . I n 1910 , P r e m i e r R u t h e r f o r d was f o r c e d t o r e s i g n as a r e s u l t o f a s c a n d a l o v e r the c o n t r a c t s f o r t he A l b e r t a and G r e a t Waterways R a i l r o a d . The c r i s i s s p l i t the p a r t y i n t o two f a c t i o n s w h i c h were b a r e l y 26 . C a n a d i a n P a r l i a m e n t a r y G u i d e , c h e c k e d a g a i n s t The C a n a d i a n A n n u a l R e v i e w f o r the a p p r o p r i a t e y e a r s . 2 7. see Thomas, L . G . The L i b e r a l P a r t y i n A l b e r t a , T o r o n t o , U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1959. 19 r e c o n c i l e d b y the a p p o i n t m e n t o f A . L . S i f t o n as p r e m i e r . An i n d i c a t i o n o f the t e n s i o n r e m a i n i n g was the a c t i o n o f F r a n k O l i v e r i n f o r b i d d i n g h i s f e d e r a l r i d i n g a s s o c i a t i o n f rom a s s i s t i n g i n the 1913 p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . The r e m a r k a b l e t h i n g d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d o f L i b e r a l d i s s e n s i o n was t h a t the C o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t y d i d n o t make b e t t e r use o f i t . I n t h e p e r i o d o f g r e a t e s t d i s u n i t y , d u r i n g the r a i l w a y s c a n d a l , t h e y c o u l d have combined w i t h d i s s i d e n t L i b e r a l s t o f o r c e an e l e c t i o n w h i c h m i g h t have r e s u l t e d i n a L i b e r a l d e f e a t . However , B e n n e t t chose n o t t o u n d e r t a k e s u c h a s t r a t e g y . 2 8 T h i s must have a f f e c t e d t h e c r e d i b i l i t y o f the C o n s e r v a t i v e s as a s e r i o u s c o n t e n d e r f o r o f f i c e . D u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , f o r a number o f r e a s o n s w h i c h w i l l be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r , t he F a r m e r s ' movement g r a d u a l l y d e v e l o p e d a p o l i t i c a l a rm. I n 1921 , a v i g o r o u s and e n t h u s i a s t i c g roup o f f a rmer c a n d i d a t e s o f f e r e d t h e m s e l v e s as a l t e r n a t i v e s t o t h e s c a n d a l - r i d d e n , s t r i f e - t o r n L i b e r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The r e s u l t was as much a s u r p r i s e t o the U n i t e d Farmers as i t was t o anyone e l s e . A l t h o u g h the U . F . A . r e m a i n e d i n power f o r f o u r t e e n y e a r s , t h e y a t no t i m e h e l d an o v e r w h e l m i n g m a j o r i t y o f t he p o p u l a r s u p p o r t . T h i s , r a t h e r t h a n the s e a t s u p p o r t , must be c o n s i d e r e d most i m p o r t a n t when d i s c u s s i n g the n a t u r e o f the p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m . 28 . Thomas, L i b e r a l P a r t y i n A l b e r t a and W a t k i n s , R . B . B e n n e t t , d i f f e r i n the r e a s o n s f o r B e n n e t t ' s a c t i o n : Thomas a t t r i b u t i n g i t t o a d e s i r e f o r g r e a t e r g l o r y and W a t k i n s t o i n d e c i s i o n abou t h i s p o l i t i c a l c a r e e r . 20 (see Table IX) . TABLE IX Percentage of Popular Vote i n Pr o v i n c i a l Elections i n Alberta^S 1921 1926 1930 1935 1940 1944 Conservatives 11.6 22.9 13.5 6.5 Liberals 33. 8 26.2 24.6 23.1 1.9 U.F.A. 28. 8 40. 5 39.4 11.0 C C F . 11.1 24.9 Social Credit 54.2 42.9 51.9 Others 14.4 45.1 23.2 It i s r e a d i l y apparent that although their early h i s t o r y was identical., Alberta and Saskatchewan developed into d i s t i n c t i v e provinces. Their p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r i e s soon diverged. In the one, a well-organized, p o l i t i c a l l y astute party maintained power through a period of considerable upheval. In the other, personality clashes and scandal were prominent almost from the beginning and plagued not only the Liberals but the United Farmers as well, near the end of their term of o f f i c e . On the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l , then, i t i s not too easy to make generalizations about the 'western p o l i t i c a l experience'. The emphasis so far has been on p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s as i t 29. Alberta's e l e c t o r a l system with multi-member ridings means that these figures, p a r t i c u l a r l y for the 1921 elec t i o n , cannot be regarded as a completely accurate representation of voter support but only of votes cast. i s i n the s t a n d a r d l i t e r a t u r e . I t has been shown t h a t g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s abou t the p r a i r i e p r o v i n c e s i n t h i s sphe re a r e very-d u b i o u s . An e x a m i n a t i o n o f d a t a i n t h e f e d e r a l sphe re w i l l be even more s u g g e s t i v e as r e g a r d s t h e u n r e l i a b i l i t y o f v i e w i n g t h e "wes t" as a m o n o l i t h . A f u l l c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f t he f e d e r a l p o l i t i c a l scene i s a l s o r e l e v a n t because t h e g r i e v a n c e s w h i c h were most i m p o r t a n t t o t h e f a rm o r g a n i z a t i o n s were t h o s e o n l y the f e d e r a l government c o u l d d e a l w i t h : t a r i f f s , e x p o r t p r i c e s , f r e i g h t r a t e s , e t c . As was d e m o n s t r a t e d i n the p r o v i n c i a l s p h e r e , t he number o f s e a t s a p a r t y g a i n s i s n o t a t r u e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f the s u p p o r t w h i c h i t has among the p o p u l a c e . T h i s i s as t r u e i n f e d e r a l p o l i t i c s as T a b l e s X and X I w i l l show. TABLE X P e r c e n t a g e o f P o p u l a r V o t e i n F e d e r a l E l e c t i o n s i n Saska tchewan  1908 1911 1917 1921 1925 1926 1930 1935 1940 L i b e r a l s 5 6 . 6 5 9 . 4 2 5 . 9 2 0 . 7 4 1 . 9 5 6 . 8 4 6 . 5 4 0 . 8 4 3 . 0 C o n s e r -v a t i v e s 3 6 . 8 3 9 . 0 7 4 . 1 1 6 . 7 2 5 . 4 2 7 . 5 3 7 . 6 1 8 . 8 1 4 . 1 P r o g r e s s -i v e s 6 1 . 0 3 1 . 8 1 5 . 6 1 2 . 4 C . C . F . 2 1 . 3 2 8 . 6 S o c i a l C r e d i t 17 .3 3 .3 22 TABLE XI Percentage of Popular Vote i n Federal Elections i n Alberta  1908 1911 1917 1921 1925 1926 1930 1935 1940 Conser-vatives 44.4 42.5 61.0 20.3 31.8 31.5 25.0 19.9 13.0 Liberals 50.2 53.3 35.5 15.8 25.9 24.5 30.0 21.2 37.9 Progress-ives 56.8 31.5 38.7 30.4 Social Credit 48.2 34.5 Other 5.3 4.1 3.5 10.7 5.7 13.0 13.0 The question remains: why did the t h i r d parties gain as much support as they did on the p r a i r i e s ? What were the p o l i t i c a l facts which caused some westerners to r e j e c t the o l d - l i n e parties? As has been mentioned, the farmers' movement while busy tryin g to influence t h e i r various p r o v i n c i a l governments i n matters of s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n , had come to r e a l i z e that i n econ-omic a f f a i r s the federal government was their only source of remedial l e g i s l a t i o n . In 1910, when both federal party leaders toured the p r a i r i e provinces, they were bombarded by requests for lower t a r i f f s on a g r i c u l t u r a l implements by the various groups of organized farmers. As a r e s u l t of thi s a g i t a t i o n as well the overtures by the Taft Administration, the Laurier government 23 n e g o t i a t e d t h e R e c i p r o c i t y T r e a t y w i t h the U n i t e d S t a t e s . I t was t h o u g h t b y most o b s e r v e r s t h a t t h i s w o u l d ensu re a L i b e r a l r e t u r n t o o f f i c e i n the e l e c t i o n o f 1911 . The p r o p h e t s d i d n o t c o u n t on the s t r e n g t h o f t he l o y a l t y i s s u e w h i c h t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e s r a i s e d a l m o s t i n d e s p e r a t i o n a t what t h e y , t o o , t h o u g h t was a s u r e v o t e g e t t e r . The foe s o f R e c i p r o c i t y t a l k e d so much abou t ' c o n t i n e n t a l i s m 1 and ' a n n e x a t i o n ' t h a t t he L i b e r a l s were n o t a b l e t o g e t t h e i r p l a t f o r m a c r o s s . There i s no doubt t h a t f r e e t r a d e was a p o p u l a r i s s u e on the p r a i r i e s b u t t h e r e was b y no means a major s w i n g t o the L i b e r a l s i n s u p p o r t o f i t . G i v e n t h a t e a r l i e r e l e c t i o n s had shown a s o l i d b l o c o f L i b e r a l s u p p o r t , t h e r e s u l t s o f t he 1911 e l e c t i o n do n o t v a r y s u b s t a n t i a l l y f rom p r e v i o u s y e a r s as T a b l e X I I shows. TABLE X I I F e d e r a l E l e c t i o n R e s u l t s : 1908 and 1911 1908 C o n s e r v a t i v e s L i b e r a l s M a n i t o b a 51.5% 45.5% Saska tchewan 36.8% 56.6% A l b e r t a 44.4% 50,2% 1911 M a n i t o b a 51.9% 44.8% Saska tchewan 39.0% 59.4% A l b e r t a 42.5% 53.3% 24 o n Only eleven constituencies gave what could be considered 31 s i g n i f i c a n t l y (ie. over 5%) greater support to their L i b e r a l incumbents or returned Liberals where Conservatives had been s i t t i n g . Prince Albert and Brandon both returned Conservatives where Liberals had been incumbent. Although Conservative support increased i n the urban areas, such d e f i n i t e l y r u r a l ridings (over 88%) as Marquette and Lisgar returned Conservatives with substantial majorities. There were a considerable number of p r a i r i e voters who regarded l o c a l issues, p e r s o n a l i t i e s , or the Conservative platform as more important i n making their decision to vote than the supposedly all-important issue of free trade. Although the 1911 e l e c t i o n i s generally regarded as being the beginning of voter disenchantment with the o l d - l i n e parties, the 1917 e l e c t i o n had a much more profound e f f e c t on the p r a i r i e p o l i t i c a l system. As part of the trend toward growing Canadian autonomy, the government was determined to p a r t i c i p a t e i n World War I as an independent nation. The contributions to the war e f f o r t i n both men and material which this r o l e entailed were enormous. The voluntary enlistments were far below the number 30. Report of the Chief E l e c t o r a l O f f i c e r , Sessional Papers: v o l . 43 no. 8 and v o l . 46 no. 11., Ottawa, Queen's Printer, 1909, 1911. 31. Readers f a m i l i a r with todays r e s u l t s should remember that a l -most a l l the contests were two-way f i g h t s . 32. Winnipeg i n 1908 gave 50.1% to the Conservatives and i n 1911 gave 55.2%; i n Calgary i n 1908 the Conservative got 49.7%, while i n 1911, the figure was 58.1%; i n Edmonton, the incumbent, Oliver had 64.4% i n 1908 but only 56.7% i n 1911. needed to maintain the Canadian forces up to strength i n the face of numerous casualties. I t became evident that conscription would be necessary. Borden was aware of the emotional reaction that could be expected i f conscription were enforced and was reluctant to tackle the issue on a partisan p o l i t i c a l basis. His b e l i e f that a national government was necessary to administer the country during the war-time c r i s i s was shared by such prom-inent Liberals as John W. Dafoe and C l i f f o r d Sifton. A majority of western Liberals were convinced of the value of the Union movement when the Conservatives introduced the war-time franchise act. This removed a large number of their constituents from the e l e c t o r a l l i s t s as 'enemy al i e n s ' . I t made Conservative gains highly probable but also made the L i b e r a l party much less vulnerable i f i t did decide to support conscription. The act was introduced i n mid-September and by October 12, a new cabinet divided between Liberals and Conservatives was announced. The Union government went to the people for a mandate on December 17, 1917. The campaign on the p r a i r i e s had many discordant under-tones. The Liberals did not nominate as many candidates as the Conservatives but their party organization, because i t was so much more e f f i c i e n t , was used. The government forces swept the seats i n Saskatchewan where the L i b e r a l party's chief organizer, J.A. Calder, delivered the whole machine to the Unionist cause. The campaign was of less success i n Alberta where the L i b e r a l party was s p l i t between the forces of A.L. Sifton who was now i n the Unionist cabinet and those of Gross and Oliver who were united to try and hold the West for Laurier. Table XIII shows the r e s u l t s of the election. TABLE XIII 1917 E l e c t i o n Results Government Opposition Seats % Votes Seats % Votes Manitoba 14 79.7 1 20.3 Saskatchewan 16 74.1 0 25.9 Alberta 11 61.0 1 35.5 The 1921 e l e c t i o n must be considered i n l i g h t of the conditions which the war-time e l e c t i o n had produced. There had probably never been a p o l i t i c a l and economic s i t u a t i o n which was better suited to the r i s e of a t h i r d party. F i r s t , the Conservatives were the party which had governed the country through the war and into the depression which followed. Long absences and i n d i f f e r e n t health removed Borden from any position of e f f e c t i v e leadership within the party.„ Although p o l i c y suffered, many were a f r a i d that his resignation would f a t a l l y loosen the t i e s that bound the c o a l i t i o n cabinet. This tenuous rela t i o n s h i p was already disintegrating. Crerar had l e f t the government on the t a r i f f question and had gathered a small opposition group around himself, and F i e l d i n g was s i t t i n g on the cross-benches, unwilling as yet to r e j o i n the L i b e r a l s . When Borden f i n a l l y resigned and 27 M e i g h e n assumed the l e a d e r s h i p , he t o o k o v e r a c r u m b l i n g c o a l -i t i o n w h i c h had l i t t l e s u p p o r t among the p a r t y r a n k and f i l e . D u r i n g t h e weeks o f t he e l e c t i o n c a m p a i g n , he was c o n t i n u a l l y a c c o s t e d b y C o n s e r v a t i v e s who were s u r e t h a t L i b e r a l U n i o n i s t s 33 had r e c e i v e d the m a j o r i t y o f the p a t r o n a g e p o s t s . The w h o l e p a r t y was i n b a d shape . They knew t h a t the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the C o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t y had c o l l a p s e d w i t h t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f the U n i o n Government , w h i c h , q u i t e r i g h t , t h e y b l a m e d f o r t h a t c o l l a p s e . The o r g a n i z a t i o n , a f t e r a l l , had been g e a r e d t o the p r o p o s i t i o n t h a t L i b e r a l s were m o r t a l enemies who must be b e a t e n and i t was n o t a d a p t a b l e t o t h e s t r a n g e s i t u a t i o n when some L i b e r a l s , f o r o n c e , were on the r i g h t s i d e . 3 4 The L i b e r a l p a r t y was , i f a n y t h i n g , i n worse shape . The c o n s c r i p t i o n c r i s i s had s p l i t t h e p a r t y on a l l l e v e l s . A l t h o u g h the new l e a d e r , M a c k e n z i e K i n g , had l i t t l e r e a l c o n n e c t i o n w i t h e i t h e r f a c t i o n s i n c e he had been i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s t h r o u g h most o f t he w a r , he had s t i l l t o u n i t e men who had been b i t t e r enemies o n l y f o u r y e a r s p r e v i o u s . I t i s i m p o r t a n t t o remember t h a t the 1917 r u p t u r e was n o t r e s t r i c t e d t o t h e p a r t y s t r e n g t h as r e v e a l e d i n p a r -l i a m e n t and i n the p o p u l a r v o t e . The c o n t i n u i n g L i b e r a l s l o s t an i n f l u e n t i a l s e c t i o n o f t h e i r newspaper s u p p o r t and t h e i r p a r t y o r g a n i z a t i o n i n most E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g p r o v i n c e s was s p l i t a t b o t h the l o c a l and the h i g h e r l e v e l s . S e v e r a l L i b e r a l - U n i o n i s t e d i t o r s , s u c h as J . W . D a f o e , had shown l i t t l e r e s t r a i n t i n t h e i r a t t i t u d e t o L a u r i e r L i b e r a l s i n 1917, and 3 3 . Graham, R . , A r t h u r M e i g h e n , T o r o n t o , C l a r k e I r w i n , 1963 , v o l . I I , p . 117 . 34 . I b i d , p . 2 9 . 28 both sides might well f e e l some embarrassment at the thought of once again becoming friends and partners i n a common enterprise . . . . C i v i l wars are as destructive for p o l i t i c a l parties as for nations, and i n 1917 the Liberals had gone through a b i t t e r c i v i l war, the cripp-l i n g e f f e c ts of which would take many years to overcome.^ With the l o y a l t i e s of the rank and f i l e workers of both parties strained, i t i s not surprising that the voters also found themselves i n a quandary. When some of the fam i l i a r faces from the other parties appeared as candidates for the new farmers' movement, the electors could hardly be faulted for supporting them. The decision of the farmers' groups to move into the p o l i t i c a l f i e l d was c e r t a i n l y not unwise as Table XIV shows. T7ABLE XIV Federal E l e c t i o n Results i n 1921 Conservatives 0/ Liberals 0/ Progressives* Seats Votes Seats Votes Seats Votes Man. 0 24.4 1 10.9 12 43. 7 Sask. 0 16. 7 1 20. 7 15 61.0 A l t a . 0 20.3 0 15.8 11 56. 8 Labour % 20.9 7.0 There were several factors aside from the organizational state of the o l d - l i n e parties which made p o l i t i c a l action by the 3 5. Dawson, R. MacGregor, William Lyon Mackenzie King - 1874-23, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1958, p. 275. 29 farmers at th i s time successful. The already mentioned physiocratic feelings of farmers had been i n t e n s i f i e d after the war as more and more men l e f t the farm and went to work i n the c i t y . Many blamed the t a r i f f structure for the r i s i n g r u r a l depopulation claiming i t encouraged industry and enabled i t to off e r the shorter work week and higher wages which were so a t t r a c t i v e to farm youth. As the post war depression deepened and the price of wheat f e l l from $ 2.32 i n 1919 to $.76 i n 1921 the conviction grew that unless the farmers themselves were i n government no action favourable to the i r interests could be ex-pected. This c y n i c a l attitude toward the o l d - l i n e parties was exacerbated by the memory of the decision to conscript farm labour although the Unionists had promised the farmers they would be exempt. The f i r s t major chance to test t h e i r strength came i n the Ontario p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n of 1919. The United Farmers of Ontario contested 56 seats and were elected i n 43 giving them, while not a majority, the largest representation i n the l e g i s -lature. With the support of the twelve labour members, E.C. Drury became the new premier. Agrarian discontent seemed to be sweeping the country and although the centres remained i n Ontario and the p r a i r i e provinces, the Maritimes and B r i t i s h Columbia were also open to the appeal of the Progressive platform. The federal election of 30 1921 resulted i n 65 Progressives being returned, thus forming the second largest group i n the House. (Table XV) TABLE XV Results of the 1921 Elec t i o n Progressive Support  P.E.I. N.S. N.B. QUE. ONT. MAN. SASK. ALTA. B.C. Seats 0 0 1 0 24 12 15 11 2 % of Votes 12.3 12.3 10.4 3.7 27.7 43.7 61.0 56.8 9.0 However, the Progressives elected not to take the po s i t i o n as o f f i c i a l opposition which their numbers e n t i t l e d them to. They chose instead, to s i t as a t h i r d party occupying the balance of power. This decision was the r e s u l t of several factors. F i r s t was the d i s l i k e of many farmer candidates for the t r a d i t i o n a l party with caucus d i s c i p l i n e which did not allow for the expression of constituency opinion. Since some of the Progressives were subject to r e c a l l t h i s was an important consideration. The second factor was the underlying support among many members for the L i b e r a l party. Many of them shared the feelings which Dafoe att r i b u t e d to their leader, Thomas Crerar, before the L i b e r a l leadership convention. I i n f e r from Crerar's statement that his hopes are that F i e l d i n g w i l l be chosen and that a platform w i l l be drafted so r a d i c a l that i t w i l l drive out of the party a l l those eastern l i b e r a l s whom he regards as reaction-aries and at the"same time pick up bodily the farmers' movement i n western Canada and i n Ontario.^6 36. Cook, R., The Dafoe-Sifton Correspondence 1919-27, Altona, Friesen, 1966, p. 5. 31 Although these factors were not mutually exclusive, they did indicate a basic cleavage within the party which was to plague the Progressives throughout t h e i r parliamentary l i f e . The 'crypto-Liberals' were unwilling to defeat the L i b e r a l party and enable the Conservatives, whom they regarded as the r e a l enemy, to gain power. The more r a d i c a l agrarians from both Alberta and Ontario maintained a skeptical attitude toward both partie s . Since King and the L i b e r a l s were aware of the s p l i t , i t was d i f f i c u l t i f not impossible to do any e f f e c t i v e bargaining i n order to achieve any or a l l of the Progressive p o l i c y . F i s c a l matters were the major concern of the two wings of the Progressives and were to be the major contentious issue between them. The "Manitoba* Progressives or ' l i b e r a l s i n a hurry', n a t u r a l l y considered the L i b e r a l party to have sounder views on t a r i f f s than the p r o t e c t i o n i s t Conservatives and were bound to support them i n return for any small concessions. The more r a d i c a l 'Albertan' wing regarded t h i s as a betrayal of the basic reforms on which the party had stood for e l e c t i o n . The vote on the 1922 budget revealed the dilemma i n which the party found i t s e l f . Although the t a r i f f provisions were far from adequate, and the caucus had decided to vote against the measure, two members bolted to vote with the government. 32 In a minority government s i t u a t i o n such as the 1921 e l e c t i o n had produced, i t was essential for the Progressives to have tig h t d i s c i p l i n e i f they wished to r e a l l y maintain a balance of power. The latent L i b e r a l l o y a l t i e s of some members and the rugged independence of others made this impossible. The s i t u a t i o n continued to. deteriorate u n t i l , i n 1924, a group of six members dissociated themselves from the Progressive caucus. They stated i n an open l e t t e r to Robert Forke, who was then parliamentary leader, that "the present parliamentary organization of the Progressive group tends to perpetuate the type of partyism already described, which we were elected to oppose, and to hamper us i n the advocacy of those p r i n c i p l e s to which we adhere". While i n t e r n a l dissension was d i s s o l v i n g Progressive unity, a second factor hastened the process. From the time the 1921 e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s were known, Mackenzie King had been attempting to get the Progressives back i n the L i b e r a l f o l d where he f e l t they belonged. Although his o f f i c i a l manouvers f a i l e d , the effects of the parliamentary give-and-take were more t e l l i n g . After the 1922 s i t t i n g , Dafoe could write to his publisher: 37. Morton, Progressives, p. 196. 33 It appears that during the l a s t session, there was an uncommon amount of f r a t e r n i z i n g between the Progressive members and those members of the L i b e r a l party who found themselves more or less i n sympathy with the views held by the Progressives. These L i b e r a l s , I am to l d , are more numerous than had been expected:. . . .^® The f i r s t members to return to the L i b e r a l f o l d were two Ontario members who did so during 1922. They were followed during the years by a number of Manitobans including J.F. Johnson who had served as the Progressive whip. The 192 5 e l e c t i o n saw the Progressives' support cut to 24 members. These were i n an even more delicate position. The c o n s t i t u t i o n a l c r i s i s exacerbated the r i f t s within the Progressive group and gave King the most e f f e c t i v e issue with which to dcaw the remaining crypto-Liberals back to the f o l d . Nineteen-twenty-six was thus the c r u c i a l year i n the debates over Nationalism and Progressivism. In that year, Dafoe and Sifton, l i k e most Westerners, were s k i l l f u l l y forced by Mackenzie King to choose between Progressivism and nationalism. They unhesitatingly chose the l a t t e r . As so often, nationalism proved the A c h i l l e s heel of reform.^9 The twenty Progressives who were returned i n 1926 were but a rump of the party. The farmers' protest seemed to have died a natural death as the r e s u l t of improving conditions and the d i f f i c u l t y of being a t h i r d party i n a parliamentary system. The 1930 e l e c t i o n brought what could almost be c a l l e d a return 38. Cook, op. c i t . , p. 118. 39. Ibid, p. x x i i . 34 to normalcy. (see Table XVI) TABLE XVI  Results in Three Federal Elections 1926 1930 1935 Cons Lib Other Cons Lib Other Cons Lib Other Man. - 11 6 11 4 2 1 14 2 Sask. - 18 3 8 11 2 1 16 4 Altai 1 3 11 4 3 9 1 1 15 Figures of the percentage of support each party received are even more indicative of the decline of support for the third parties by 1926. TABLE XVII Percentage of Votes in the 1926 and 1930 ' Elections 1926 1930 Lib. Cons. Others Lib. Cons. Others Manitoba 37.9 42.2 19.9 37.2 47.7 15.2 Saskatchewan 56.8 27.5 15.6 46.5 37.6 15.9 Alberta 24.5 31.5 38.7 30.0 33.9 36.1 Five years later, however, as Table XVIII shows, third parties were again receiving a large proportion of the votes cast on the prairies. 35 TABLE XVIII Percentage of Votes i n the 1935 Election Conservatives Liberals Others Manitoba . 26.9 40.5 32.6 Saskatchewan 18.8 40.8 40.4 Alberta 16.9 21.2 61.9 The p r i n c i p a l reason for th i s return of t h i r d party strength was the depression. This was of p a r t i c u l a r importance on the p r a i r i e s because of the severity of conditions. These were the r e s u l t of two factors: the drop i n the price of the crops and the drought conditions which meant that even when the p r i c e was f a i r l y high, the y i e l d was so low that the farmers * income did not r i s e appreciably. Since the p r a i r i e provinces were almost t o t a l l y dependent on export income, Table XIX shows graphically the p l i g h t of the inhabitants. TABLE XIX Canadian Export Prices, 1929-33 (1929 prices = 1 0 0 ) 4 0  Wheat Cattle 1929 100 100 1930 70 87 1931 44 59 1932 41 46 1933 45 37 40. Report of the Royal Commission of Dominion-Provincial Relations, Ottawa, Queens Printer, 1954, Book I p. 169. 36 As a province, Saskatchewan was probably the hardest h i t area i n Canada during the depression. Because i t was almost t o t a l l y dependent on wheat, the crop f a i l u r e s and low prices were p a r t i c u l a r l y disastrous. In the other provinces i t was mainly a matter of providing food, f u e l , clothing and shelter for unemployed wage-earners. In the case of the Saskatchewan wheat farmer the f a i l u r e of a crop involved not merely the loss of the means of l i v e l i h o o d but also working c a p i t a l invested i n that crop. This working c a p i t a l had to be made available before there was another chance for the farmer becoming self-supporting. The provision year after year of seed, fodder and supplies to thousands of large-scale farmers entailed a high f i n a n c i a l burden.^ As a r e s u l t , r e l i e f expenditures amounted to 60 percent (compared with 21 percent for the r e s t of the country) of the t o t a l receipts of the province and i t s municipalities combined. Alberta's r e l i e f expenditures were approximately equal to that of the average for a l l provinces. On a per capita basis the outlay was the lowest i n Canada with the exception of the Maritimes and Quebec. Alberta's problem was of a d i f f e r e n t nature. Owing to the more recent development of Alberta fi x e d debt charges were r e l a t i v e l y higher than i n any other province. In addition, farmers had not had a chance to become as well established. Under these circumstances, the d r a s t i c f a l l i n prices of a g r i c u l t u r a l products produced a r e l a t i v e l y greater s t r a i n on the farming industry and on governments. Alberta's depression problem was more 41. op. c i t . , p. 170... one of debt and high overhead costs than one of widespread d e s t i t u t i o n . 4 ^ The f i r s t world war and the 1917 e l e c t i o n had resulted i n one c r i s i s i n legitimacy for the o l d - l i n e p a r t i e s . The depression resulted i n another. The f i n a n c i a l c r i s i s which resulted i n sudden and c r i p p l i n g poverty for many farmers was seriously disturbing i n a society which had always stressed i n d i v i d u a l e f f o r t . As a r e s u l t , the seeds of d i s t r u s t of the old parties which ha'd been sown i n the '20's bloomed again. A r e j e c t i o n of e x i s t i n g authority as wholly legitimate w i l l r e s u l t i n individuals banding together to change the rules of the system so that they can gain a share i n the control of the state apparatus.43 Although the r i s e of the C C F . and Social Credit would seem to o f f e r a perfect opportunity to apply the standard model, the s i m i l a r i t i e s are only on the surface. Again, one must remember the d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n s : the U.F.A. i n Alberta was i n the midst of;a scandal; and the d i f f e r e n t economic situations which were outlined above. Albertans, whether farmers or small-town merchants, whether dependent on wheat or c a t t l e , were looking for r e l i e f from the oppressive burden of debt which they wer.e carrying. 42. Ibid, p. 171^ 43,- LaPalombara, J. and Weiner, M., 'Origin and Development of P o l i t i c a l Parties', i n LaPalombara & Weiner, eds., P o l i t i c a l  Parties and P o l i t i c a l Development, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1966, p. 18. 38 Habituated by t h i r t y years of propaganda by farmers' papers to think of the financier as the v i l l a i n , a number of people i n Alberta were quite w i l l i n g to aceept Aberhart's analysis of the economic s i t u a t i o n which claimed that the banks were cur-t a i l i n g c r e d i t and creating poverty i n the midst of plenty. Even to those who had scorned the farmers' party, this was an appealing doctrine as i t gave an easy explanation of why the value of t h e i r crops was so low as to make i t worthless to ship to market although the mortgage payments on th e i r farm continued to f a l l due at the same exorbitant rates of int e r e s t . As Hadley C a n t r i l suggests, a person i s susceptible to suggestion when he has no adequate mental context for the inte r p r e t a t i o n of a given stimulus or event.44 However, aside from o f f e r i n g the basic dividend and 'pumping more c r e d i t into the system 1, Aberhart did not propose any major changes i n either s o c i a l or p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . The clever leader w i l l sense the causes of d i s -s a t i s f a c t i o n , w i l l r e a l i z e which old l o y a l t i e s remain unshaken and which are being seriously challenged. He w i l l spread among the confused and eager souls a r a t i o n a l -i z a t i o n that, from t h e i r points of view combines the best of the o l d and the best of the new . . . . ^ Once i n o f f i c e , even the economic reforms were forgotten and the Social Credit government became a very conservative 44. C a n t r i l , Hadley, The Psychology of Social Movements, New York, Wiley and Sons, 1963, p. 64. 45. Ibid, p. 66. administration. In Saskatchewan, voters were longer i n responding to the res u l t s of the depression, lar g e l y because of the desperate s i t u a t i o n they were i n . Poverty generates, i t can be suggested, a high degree of worry about one's future, which detracts from any consideration of long term solutions to one's problems.^ For many years, the farmers were able to concentrate only on survival as yet another drought set i n and destroyed not only the crop for export but also any subsistence farming which might have been taking place. A comparison of crop y i e l d s for two f i v e years periods i n Table XX shows just how d i f f i c u l t the si t u a t i o n was. TABLE XX Y i e l d and Price of Wheat i n Saskatchewan for Two Five Year Periods 4^ Y i e l d Price Y i e l d Price Bu. $ Bu $ 1922 20.3 .85 1932 13.6 .35 1923 21.3 .65 1933 8.7 .47 1924 10.2 1.21 1934 8.6 .61 1925 18.8 1.25 1935 10.8 .60 1926 16.2 1.08 1936 7. 5 .92 1927 19. 5 .97 1937 2.7 1.05 The farmer had no chance during the f i v e year period from 1932 to 193 7 to recover from the losses of the previous year or 46. Pinard, Maurice, 'Poverty and P o l i t i c a l Movements', i n Canadian Society, eds. Blishen et. a l . , Toronto, Macmillan, 1968, 3rd ed., p. 471. 47. Lipset, op. c i t . , p. 46. 40 to make new investments i n worn out machinery and implements. He was, during that period, p a r t l y or wholly dependent on govern-ment help for s u r v i v a l . As "a r e s u l t , i t might be hypothesized that the Saskatchewan resident became more conditioned to pro-grams of governmental control and assistance than elsewhere on the p r a i r i e s . He was, therefore, more receptive to the programme of the C.C.F. than the average independent producer might have been. The e l e c t o r a l success of the C.C.F., however, was much less spectacular than that of the Social Credit. . . . the poor, although they may come to form an important element i n new p o l i t i c a l movements and even may come to be disproportionately represented i n them, are not t h e i r f i r s t r e c r u i t s . If understandably, p o l i t i c a l movements are often not successful among the r i c h because they are economically s a t i s f i e d , i t seems, on the other hand, that at f i r s t they are not successful either among the poor, because, paradoxically, they are too d i s -s a t i s f i e d . 48 I n i t i a l l y rebuffed by the voters i n the 1934 p r o v i n c i a l el e c t i o n , some members of the party decided that union with a l l opposition parties was the only way to beat the L i b e r a l party. This t a c t i c was no more successful and afte r the 1940 federal election, when Saskatchewan returned f i v e C.C.F., candidates, i t was dropped i n favour of straight C.C.F. action. However, the period of c o a l i t i o n had rather softened the edges of the 48. Ibid, p. 462~. 41 s o c i a l i s t platform and by 1944 when they came into o f f i c e , i t was on more of a programme of p r o v i n c i a l sectionalism. As Lipset suggests: The agrarian reform tendencies i n the Saskatchewan farmers' movement had overwhelmed the o r i g i n a l hopes of the small s o c i a l i s t promotion group. The farm leaders wanted immediate economic action and p o l i t i c a l power and did not care whether or not the goal was s o c i a l i s m . 4 9 Like the Social Credit government i n Alberta, the Saskat-chewan C C F . ers remained well within the Canadian p o l i t i c a l norm. C. The paper so far has presented a model based on the main themes of various authors i n the standard l i t e r a t u r e on the p r a i r i e protest parties as well as a discussion of the h i s t o r i c a l events which this model purports to explain. I t must have be-come clear, however, that the model i s d e f i c i e n t i n a number of aspects. Of the four main segments of the model, three, a quasi-c o l o n i a l economy, a homogeneous population, and a non-partisan t r a d i t i o n are emphasized as being uniquely western experiences. These experiences would seem to preclude a growth of agrarian protest i n Ontario, the centre of imperialism and partisan t r a d i t i o n . 49. Lipset, op. c i t . , p. 142. 42 Although the break-down of the o l d - l i n e party organizations at the time, could be used as a v a l i d explanation of the growth of the Ontario Farmers party, i t i s inadequate to explain the growth of the group government, non-partisan section of t h i s party i f the aforementioned experiences are the necessary or even s u f f i c i e n t conditions for such an occurrence. Certainly, the e l e c t i o n of 1919 was fought under the leadership of that doctrinaire agrarian, J .J. Morrison. Although he declined the premiership i n favour of E.C. Drury, a man who favoured a broader based party, Morrison's influence was apparent among the federal members who were active xn formxng the Gxnger Group. The success of the farmers' party was of shorter duration i n Ontario, but there i s no denying the fact that, of the two expressly farmer governments elected i n Canada, one was not i n the "West". 5 1 I t i s also d i f f i c u l t , using the model, to explain the difference i n experience between Saskatchewan and Alberta. In Saskatchewan, whose population has been more homogeneous i f anything than Alberta's, an active two-party system encompassing the two o l d - l i n e parties was i n force u n t i l 1934. After that, 50. Preston E l l i o t t , W.C. Good, and Agnes Macphail. as mentioned i n McNaught, K., A Prophet i n P o l i t i c s , Toronto, University Toronto Press, 1967, p. 212. 51. Although Saskatchewan and Manitoba both had governments which were expressly devoted to the farmers' i n t e r e s t s , they were not l a b e l l e d as farmer parties. i 43 i t continued with the C C F . providing the alternative to the L i b e r a l s . To claim, as Lipset does, 52 that the L i b e r a l a b i l i t y .to s a t i s f y farmer demands was due to a betrayal by 'opportunist' leadership i s to deny the 'agrarian class-conscious-ness ' and grass roots p o l i t i c a l acumen of the farmer which i s so much a part of the model. On the other hand, to claim that the Albertan prototype i s the product of the aforementioned uniquely western experience i s to deny the "western-ness' of the other two p r a i r i e provinces. In other words, although the population i n the p r a i r i e provinces was lar g e l y r u r a l , and although a s i g n i f i c a n t number of t h i s was wheat farmers, i t cannot be regarded as a t o t a l i t y with a r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e world view. One i s made p a r t i c u l a r l y aware of t h i s fact when consider-ing the voting patterns on the p r a i r i e s . Much i s made of the a r t i f i c i a l i t y of the party system i n western Canada. An emphasis i s placed on the overwhelming seat strength which one or another party received. Since the r i s e of these parties i s discussed i n terms of the popular support which they engendered, i t seems not unfair to consider the strength of the o l d - l i n e parties i n 52. Lipset, op. c i t . , p. 78-9. 44 the same terms. I f one considers the number of people who cast votes for a party rather than i t s e l e c t o r a l successes, the picture changes to reveal a much less one-sided s i t u a t i o n . TABLE XXI Percent Votes for Old-line and Third Parties i n the West old 3rd parties old 3rd parties old 3rd parties old 3rd parties 1925 1926 1930 1935 Man. 61.6 38.4 80.1 19.9 84.9 15.2 67.4 34.6 Sask. 67.3 32.8 84.3 15.6 84.1 15.9 59.6 40.4 A l t a . 57.7 42.2 56.0 44.0 63.9 36.1 38.1 61.9 A major factor i n the apparent demise of the o l d - l i n e parties, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Conservatives, was the e l e c t o r a l system. Although i t has been generally thought that proportional representation would have been more b e n e f i c i a l to the t h i r d parties than the ' f i r s t past the post' system, on the p r a i r i e s the Conservatives would have been the benefactors. The Con-servatives suffered from being a party with a broad base of support as opposed to the t i g h t l y k n i t electorate of the Progressives and others. Table XXII shows this quite c l e a r l y . 45 TABLE XXII Man. Cons. Third Sask. Cons. Third A l t a . Cons. Third Comparison of Votes and Seats of Conservatives and Third Parties on the P r a i r i e s  1921 Seats % Votes 12 15 11 24.4 43. 7 16. 7 61.0 20.3 56.8 1925 Seats % Votes 7 7 0 6 3 9 41.3 27.1 25.4 31.8 18. 8 31.5 1926 Seats % Votes 0 3 0 11 11 42.2 15.6 27.5 38. 7 31.5 38. 7 In 1926 for example, 60,740 votes elected 11 Progressives i n Alberta while 49,514 votes elected only 1 conservative. In Manitoba, i n the same year, 22,092 votes "elected 4 Progressives while 83,100 votes f a i l e d to e l e c t even a single Conservative. These figures give further evidence to challenge the myth of the non-partisan t r a d i t i o n which was supposed to have been so important i n the p r a i r i e p o l i t i c a l system. This myth seems to have arisen l a r g e l y as a r e s u l t of the a c t i v i t i e s of the T e r r i t o r i a l government under Frederick Haultain. The f a c t that this governing body chose to operate on a non-partisan basis has already been j u s t i f i e d e a r l i e r i n the paper on the basis of 46 h i s t o r i c a l precedent and the amount of decision-making power which i t s c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p o s i t i o n allowed. I t has also been shown that even during the T e r r i t o r i a l period, (Table IV), p r a i r i e voters maintained a difference of opinion on party l o y a l t i e s . This was true even though some issues c r u c i a l to T e r r i t o r i a l development were under consideration. Also, the T e r r i t o r i e s voted l a t e r than the rest of the country which should have allowed for a 'band wagon' e f f e c t . An even more decisive act on the part of the Saskatchewan voters i n demon-s t r a t i n g that they wanted no part of non-partisan government was the defeat of Haultain's Provincial Rights Party i n both the 1905 and 1908 elections. No matter how e f f i c i e n t the Saskatchewan L i b e r a l machine i n l a t e r years, i t could hardly have subverted a whole province f u l l of non-partisan voters i n the time available between the granting of autonomy and the electionj So f a r , i t has been shown that the non-partisan t r a d i t i o n , the idea of a unique western p o l i t i c a l experience and the demise of the o l d - l i n e parties have been either mythical or exaggerated. It remains to emphasize those factors which did help the t h i r d parties on the p r a i r i e s gain t h e i r success. F i r s t was the creation of the Union government which d i s -rupted the o l d - l i n e party organizations and confused party l o y a l t i e s among the voters. The farmer parties were able to 47 achieve more success on the p r a i r i e s because the candidates who ran on t h e i r platform were often the same men who had been 53 active i n the o l d - l i n e p a r t i e s . When the old organizations seemed to be foundering, the farmers were able to o f f e r a viable alt e r n a t i v e that was f a m i l i a r i n personnel at least, to the p r a i r i e voter. As the o l d parties regained t h e i r vigour, the majority of the leaders of the Progressives went back to their party of o r i g i n . Had the depression not intervened, the process might have been a more complete success. Every society has a s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n system. The dominant motive of s o c i a l behavior i s assumed (whether r i g h t l y or wrongly) to be the increased mobility toward the higher ends of the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n hierarchy. Members of the public j o i n i n p o l i t i c a l groups i n order to expand mobility opportunitiinities and, i n t h i s respect,make representations to government or to influence or control government i n some manner.^4 However, the p o l i t i c a l c r i s i s of the 1920's had barely been healed when the depression forced both leaders and voters into new directions as the old channels of mobilization were closed by poverty. That there was so l i t t l e disruption of the system t e s t i f i e d to i t s inherent strength and to the normality of the reactions of the p r a i r i e voters. 53. eg. Thomas Crerar, Michael Clarke, J.F. Johnstone, etc. 54. Apter, David E., "A Comparative Method for the Study of P o l i t i c s " , American Journal of Sociology, v o l . 64, 1958, p. 221. 48 The "western experience then, was not as unique as we have been l e d to believe. The major factors which affected the p o l i t i c a l system, the depression, the disruption of the party organizations i n 1917, and the di s t o r t i o n s of the e l e c t o r a l system were a l l country-wide phenomena. The reactions to these phenomena were conditioned by the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l h i s t o r y of each of the three provinces and cannot i n any meaningful way be generalized. Although, at times economic factors have caused the three p r a i r i e provinces to act i n concert, t h i s must not be extended into assumptions of j o i n t p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l experience. The protest movement on the p r a i r i e s cannot be understood s o l e l y as a regional protest. It must be studied i n terms of the t o t a l Canadian p o l i t i c a l context and the reaction to t h i s of the i n d i v i d u a l provinces. BIBLIOGRAPHY 49 BIBLIOGRAPHY Berger, C. ed. Approaches to Canadian History. Toronto University of Toronto Press. 1967. Blishen, et a l . eds. Canadian Society. Toronto. Macmillan. 3rd e d i t i o n . 1968. Bruce, Andrew. Non-Partisan League. New York. Macmillan. 1921. C a n t r i l , Hadley. The Psychology of Social Movements. New York. Wiley and Sons. 1963. Chief E l e c t o r a l O f f i c e r . "Reports". Sessional Papers, v o l . 43 no. 8 and v o l . 46 no. 11. Ottawa. Queen's Printer. 1909, 1911. Cook, Ramsay. The Dafoe - Sifton Correspondence 1919-27. vo l . II, Manitoba Record Society Publications. Altona. Friesen. 1966. Cook, Ramsay. The P o l i t i c s of John W. Dafoe and the Free Press. Toronto. University of Toronto Press. 1063. Dafoe, John W. C l i f f o r d S i f t o n i n Relation to His Times. Toronto. Macmillan. 1931. Dawson, R. MacGregor. The Government of Canada. Toronto. University of Toronto Press. 1959. ( Dawson, R. MacGregor. William Lyon Mackenzie King - 1874 -23. Toronto. University of Toronto Press. 1958. Fowke, Vernon. Canadian A g r i c u l t u r a l Policy. Toronto. University of Toronto Press, 1947. Fowke, Vernon. The National Policy and the Wheat Economy. Toronto. University of Toronto Press. 1957. Graham, Roger. Arthur Meighen. Toronto. Clarke Irwin. 1963. Hesseltine, William B. Third Party Movements i n the United States. New York. A n v i l . Hicks, John. The Populist Revolt. University of Nebraska Press, 1961. 50 Irving, John A. The Social Credit Movement i n Alberta. Toronto. University of Toronto Press. 1959. Lamar, H.R. Dakota Te r r i t o r y , 1861-1889: A study i n Frontier  P o l i t i c s . New Haven. Yale University Press. 1956. La Palombara, J. and M. Weiner, eds. P o l i t i c a l Parties and P o l i t i c a l Development. Princeton. Princeton University Press. 1966. Leiserson, Avery. Parties and P o l i t i c s . New York. Knopf. 1958. Lingard, C. T e r r i t o r i a l Government i n Canada. Toronto. University of Toronto Press. 1946. Lipset, Seymour. Agrarian Socialism. New York. Anchor Books. 1968. Lipset, Seymour and Stein Rokkan. Party Systems and Voter  Alignments. New York. Free Press. 1967. Mackintosh, W.A. Economic Problems of the P r a i r i e Provinces. Toronto. Macmillan. 1935. McNaught, Kenneth. A Prophet i n P o l i t i c s . Toronto. University of Toronto Press. 1967. Macpherson, C.B. Democracy i n Alberta: Social Credit and the  Party System. Toronto. University of Toronto Press. 1962. Moorhouse, Hopkins. Deep Furrows. Toronto. Mcleod. 1918. Morton, A.S. History of P r a i r i e Settlement. Toronto. Macmillan. 1938. Morton, W.L. The Canadian Identity. Toronto. University of Toronto Press. 1961. Morton, W.L. The Progressive Party i n Canada. Toronto. University of Toronto Press. 1950. Neatby, H. B l a i r . William Lyon Mackenzie King 1924-1932. Toronto. University of Toronto Press. 1963. 51 Patton, Harold. Grain Growers Cooperation i n Western Canada. Cambridge. Harvard University Press. 1928. Report of the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations. Ottawa. Queen's Printer. 1954. Scarrow, H. Canada Votes. New Orleans. Hauser. 1962. Sharp, Paul. Agrarian Revolt i n Western Canada. Minneapolis. University of Minnesota Press. 1948. Stewart, Margaret and Doris French. Ask No Quarter. Toronto. Longmans Green. 1959. Thomas, L.G. The L i b e r a l Party i n Alberta. Toronto. University of Toronto Press. 1959. Ward, N. and Duff Spafford. P o l i t i c s i n Saskatchewan. Don M i l l s . Longmans. 1968. Watkins, Ernest. R.B. Bennett. Toronto. Kingswood. 1963. Wood, Louis Aubrey. A History of Farmer's Movements i n Canada. Toronto. Ryerson. 1924. 52 ARTICLES Apter, David E. "A Comparative Method for the Study of P o l i t i c s " , American Journal of Sociology, v o l . 64. 1958. Dean, Edgar Packard. "How Canada Has Voted". Canadian H i s t o r i c a l  Review, v o l . 30. 1949. Mac Quarrie, Heath. "Robert Borden and the Ele c t i o n of 1911". Canadian Journal of Economics and P o l i t i c a l Science. v o l . 25. 1959. 

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