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The theory and practice of education in the People's Republic of China Hawkins, John Noel 1969

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THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF EDUCATION IN THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA by JOHN NOEL HAWKINS B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of Hawaii, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of A r t s i n the Department of Asian Studies We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the re q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1969 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I a g r e e t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and Study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s thes,is f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f A s i a n S t u d i e s The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date May 21 , 1969 i i ABSTRACT The purpose of t h i s t h e s i s i s to discus s the development of the theory and p r a c t i c e of education i n the People's Republic of China using as much as p o s s i b l e the framework out of which the Chinese communists themselves view i t . Part I deals w i t h education c o n t e x t u a l l y i n order to e s t a b l i s h i t as an important component of modernization i n t r a n s i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s such as China. Both Western and Chinese communist concepts of moderni-z a t i o n are considered. Chapter i of Part I i s a b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l survey of the development of education i n pre-communist China. Part I I c o n s t i t u t e s the bulk of- the t h e s i s and discusses the two main components of Chinese communist e d u c a t i o n — t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e . C h a p t e r i i i i s an a n a l y s i s of the e v o l u t i o n of the Chinese communist theory of education. The method used i s d i s c u s s i o n of the major documents d e a l i n g w i t h the Chinese communist theory of knowledge and education since 1934. Most of these were w r i t t e n by Mao and were based on h i s understanding of Marxism-Leninism which i s al s o discussed i n d e t a i l . A f t e r 1949, the two most important educational documents (1950 and 1958) are t r a n s l a t e d i n the Appendix and discussed i n the t e x t . This chapter on theory traces common themes i n the theory and bears out the p r o p o s i t i o n that i n i t s most e s s e n t i a l aspects the communist theory of education i n China since 1934 has remained constant. Chapter i v deals w i t h the q u a n t i t a t i v e aspects of education since 1949 and gives a general d i s c u s s i o n of f a c i l i t i e s , enrollment (supported i n the Appendix w i t h - t a b l e s ) and changes i n the p r a c t i c e of education. Chapter v attempts a synthesis of the sections on theory and p r a c t i c e by juxtaposing t h e o r e t i c a l campaigns against the responses of various educational i n s t i t u t i o n s . A l l of these campaigns were designed to b r i n g about a c l o s e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between the theory and p r a c t i c e of education. This d i s c u s s i o n supports the main a s s e r t i o n of the t h e s i s that since 1949 the Chinese communist theory of education has never been r e a l i z e d i n p r a c t i c e and i n f a c t has met s t i f f r e s i s t a n c e i n c e r t a i n areas. This has led to the C u l t u r a l R evolution i n the f i e l d of education and the kinds of educational reforms which are taki n g place today. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i LIST OF TABLES . v INTRODUCTION . . . . . 1 PART I CHAPTER i CONCEPTS OF MODERNIZATION 3 CHAPTER.ii HISTORICAL SURVEY OF EDUCATION IN PRE-COMMUNIST CHINA T r a d i t i o n a l ' 9 Republican 10 E a r l y Communist 1934-1949 11 e ' PART I I CHAPTER i i i .EDUCATION IN CHINA: THEORY M a t e r i a l i s t i c World View 15 Mar x i s t Theory of Knowledge 17 Mao Tse-tung: Educational Theory . . . 19 Ch'ien C h u n - j u i — L u T i n g - y i 27 CHAPTER i v EDUCATION: PRACTICE Primary and Secondary Education 37 Half-Work, Half-Study—Spare-Time Education 40 Higher Education 43 CHAPTER v ' IDEOLOGICAL CAMPAIGNS AND UNIVERSITY RESPONSE 48 Cheng Feng Movement —1950 49 Hundred Flowers Campaign 1957 56 Great Leap Forward 1958 69 S o c i a l i s t Education Movement—Cultural Re v o l u t i o n 1962-1969 75 CHAPTER v i CONCLUSION 94 BIBLIOGRAPHY 96 APPENDIX 100 Tables 101 T r a n s l a t i o n s 107 LIST OF TABLES TABLE I PRIMARY SCHOOLS, 1948-60 101 TABLE I I SECONDARY GENERAL SCHOOLS, 1948-1959 102 TABLE I I I SECONDARY SPECIALIZED SCHOOLS, 1948-59 103 TABLE IV . SPARE-TIME STUDENTS, 1949-58 104 TABLE V HIGHER EDUCATION, 1948-60 105 TABLE VI HIGHER EDUCATION: ENROLLMENT BY FIELD, 1928-58- . . . . . 106 INTRODUCTION My enthusiasm f o r t h i s subject was f i r s t generated i n Peking i n l a t e August of 1966 as I watched thousands of students go on s t r i k e against the schools. This was the beginning of the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n i n education. By the end of August n e a r l y every major u n i v e r s i t y i n China was closed and the students, now organized i n t o Red-Guard detachments, had received p u b l i c support from Mao Tse-tung to carry t h e i r struggle i n t o other areas of Chinese s o c i e t y . Thus began the greatest upheavel ever to a f f e c t s o c i e t y and education i n China. I t would be impossible to attempt to understand such a movement without some knowledge of China's educational h i s t o r y . In September of 1967 I began graduate work at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia.' Under the d i r e c t i o n of Professor W i l l i a m . L . Holland, I completed a seminar paper on education and modernization i n the People's Republic of China. This present paper, a l s o under the d i r e c t i o n of Professor Holland, was a n a t u r a l outgrowth of the seminar p r o j e c t . The f i n a l researching and r e v i s i o n of t h i s t h e s i s was completed at the U n i v e r s i t y of Hawaii with the able help of Professor Ronald S. Anderson, Department of Educational Foundations. The encouragement and guidance of these two men helped g r e a t l y i n the completion of t h i s paper. Many h e l p f u l comments were al s o made by Professor Heath Chamberlain and Professor Rene Goldman both of the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. 2 Research on modern (post-communist) Chinese education i s woefully lacking. Where i t does e x i s t there i s a tendency to neglect the funda-mental framework within which the Chinese communists themselves view the place of education i n a s o c i a l i s t society—Marxism-Leninism and the 2 thought of Mao Tse-tung. Events which at f i r s t glance appear chaotic or i r r a t i o n a l become more comprehensible once one interprets them within the context of Marxism-Leninism and the further interpretations of Mao. By combining the two main sections of t h i s paper—the theory and practice of education i n C h i n a — i t i s hoped that a more complete picture of education i n China may emerge; a picture which w i l l be the r e s u l t of an honest attempt to view the role of education as the Chinese communists see i t and at the same time to translate t h i s view into terms understandable to the Western reader. A singular example of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r kind of. neglect is. evident, in . . such recent books as Tsang Chiu-sam's, Society, Schools, & Progress i n China (London: Pergamon Press, 1968), p. 103, "Communism i s out-and-out materialism." 2 The "thought of Mao Tse-tung" as i t was used during the C u l t u r a l Revolution i s to be understood as h i s a b i l i t y to interpret and apply the tenets of Marxism-Leninism to Chinese conditions (from conversations with Party ideologues i n China i n late summer of 1966). PART I CHAPTER i CONCEPTS.OF MODERNIZATION Every c u l t u r e , even the most " p r i m i t i v e , " must provide f o r the f u n c t i o n of education i f i t i s to s u r v i v e . This has been noted by s o c i o l o g i s t s ; e s p e c i a l l y Marion J . Levy.''" His a n a l y s i s , however, i s more concerned w i t h those s o c i e t i e s which are i n a state of t r a n s i t i o n — t r a n s i t i o n from the stage of t r a d i t i o n a l ( i . e . , those nations commonly r e f e r r e d to as "emerging," "underdeveloped," or belonging to the " t h i r d world") to being f u l l y modernized. While education i n p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t i e s i s u s u a l l y expressed i n terms of informal l e a r n i n g ( i . e . , t r a n s m i t t i n g the c u l t u r e ) the education of t r a n s i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s i s more formal. The importance of r a i s i n g these d i s t i n c t i o n s , which seem obvious, i s to place China d i r e c t l y w i t h i n the group of those nations which are " r e l a t i v e l y modernized" or " p a r t i a l l y developed" and consequently to make c l e a r that the attempt being made by the leaders of China to modernize her education i s being c l o s e l y watched by the r e s t of the t h i r d world as being a p o s s i b l e model f o r development. W r i t e r s on the subject of modernization and leaders of modernizing nations a l i k e place a great deal of emphasis on the importance of education. This i s of course d i c t a t e d by the urgent needs of t r a n s i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s to t r a i n t h e i r populations to f i t i n w i t h the demands of a modern s o c i e t y . The manner i n which they go about t h i s task has a profound e f f e c t on the Marion J . Levy, Modernization and the Structure of S o c i e t i e s ( P r i n c e t o n , New Jersey: P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1966), pp. 624-634. 4 future course of the n a t i o n attempting to modernize. I t therefore becomes imperative to seek f o r and e x p l a i n a l t e r n a t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the concept of modernization. • Since t h i s paper deals with the theory and p r a c t i c e of education i n the People's Republic of China i t s p a r t i c u l a r approach to modernizing through education w i l l become apparent. I t i s important that the Chinese term f o r modernization wei h s i n (jjj'jj f^j")— l i t e r a l l y , "move toward the new"—has been used i n a context which c a l l s i n t o doubt the usefulness of such a concept (the current term i s h s i e n t a i hua Ej^^-flj) • The most important instance of i t s use i s i n the document w r i t t e n by Mao Tse-tung i n 1949 e n t i t l e d "On the People's Democratic D i c t a t o r s h i p . " H i s use of the word modernization appears i n a d i s c u s s i o n of the r i s e of modern Japan. In order to transform i t s e l f from a feudal to a modern n a t i o n Japan promptly "modernized" i n the Western sense of the word. That i s , Japan learned e x c l u s i v e l y from the f o r e i g n c a p i t a l i s t c o u n t r i e s , whereas China r e l i e d on the o r i e s of Marxism-Leninism adapted to a Chinese environ-ment. The n a t u r a l consequence of Japanese modernization, as Mao saw i t , was to force the n a t i o n to become i m p e r i a l i s t i c as evidenced by Japan's i n v a s i o n of Chinese t e r r i t o r y i n the 1930's. The only true path to modern-2 i z a t i o n according to Mao was the path of Marxism-Leninism. Any other kind of modernization was something the c a p i t a l i s t nations t r i e d to pass o f f as progress but i n f a c t was not. The p o p u l a r i z a t i o n of the term modernization has mainly come from the West, p a r t i c u l a r l y North America. Benjamin Schwartz has pointed out i n an a r t i c l e d i r e c t l y r e l a t i n g the concept of modernization with China that 2 People's D a i l y , J u l y 1, 1949. there are two d i s t i n c t v e r s i o n s of the concept of modernization. One v e r s i o n t r e a t s the "process of modernization" as a v a s t , a l l embracing, impersonal, h i s t o r i c force very much l i k e Marx's "mode of production." I t takes i n t o account r e v o l u t i o n s , i d e o l o g i e s , n a t i o n a l i s m , and the p o l i c i e s of governments a l l of which are simply surface eruptions of t h i s f o r c e . In another popular v e r s i o n , modernization becomes a conscious 3 movement or conscious act of large or small groups of men. While these two views have v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r s o c i e t y Schwartz notes that they are not mutually e x c l u s i v e . Even i f i t i s assumed that the f i r s t v e r s i o n of an impersonal force i s v a l i d then i t must also be assumed that v a r y i n g p r i o r i t i e s w i l l be served according to whatever group i s i n power. The w r i t i n g s on modernization are voluminous and f o r t h i s reason I t i s necessary to s e l e c t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e spokemen f o r each of the above v e r s i o n s . The view which represents modernization as a "process of develop-ment" leading to something more or l e s s d e f i n i t e has as one of i t s c h i e f spokesman Marion J . Levy who discusses i n minute d e t a i l how t h i s process a f f e c t s or should a f f e c t each aspect of the s o c i e t y of a p a r t i c u l a r n a t i o n . ^ He focuses on education as one of the b a s i c tasks that must be faced by a s o c i e t y attempting to modernize. Among some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and problems faced by what he terms " r e l a t i v e l y modernized" s o c i e t i e s Levy notes that i n a modernized s o c i e t y schools f a l l i n t o the category of b a s i c organi-z a t i o n s as w e l l as intermediate o r g a n i z a t i o n s (e.g., general education and 3 Benjamin Schwartz, "Modernization and the Maoist Vision—Some R e f l e c t i o n s on Chinese Communist Goals," China Quarterly (January-March, 1965), p. 3. ^ Levy, pp. 624-634'\ s p e c i a l i z e d education). In a d d i t i o n there e x i s t s a large number of s p e c i a l schools i n which only s p e c i a l members of s o c i e t y may be educated. Levy po i n t s out that there are s o c i e t i e s which are more " r e l a t i v e l y modernized" than others w i t h regard to education and t h i s i s u s u a l l y determined by the extent of sc h o o l i n g . In l e s s modernized s o c i e t i e s schooling i s r e s t r i c t e d to c e r t a i n members of s o c i e t y and t h i s element of d i s t i n c t i o n i s more important than other v a r i a b l e s (e.g., the subjects taken up, the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of schools, the source of t h e i r support, t h e i r governance, e t c . ) . One of the r e s t r i c t i o n s on popular education faced by r e l a t i v e l y modernized s o c i e t i e s i s cost. This r e f e r s to not only the immediate cost of p h y s i c a l plant and teacher-education but a l s o the cost of t a k i n g young people away from t h e i r f a m i l i e s and s o c i e t y as producers. Thus the problem i s immediately r a i s e d , the apparent dichotomy between labor and education. F i n a l l y , Levy notes that i t i s extremely important that the educated i n d i v i d u a l u t i l i z e h i s knowledge to f i t the e l i t e r o l e s that u s u a l l y go with 0 higher education. There must be a planned u t i l i z a t i o n of the educated product. As to types of schools found i n " r e l a t i v e l y modernized" s o c i e t i e s Levy l i s t s types of schools d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n four ways: (1) grading; e.g., elementary (focused on the simplest forms of l i t e r a c y ) ; middle schools; high schools, (2) v o c a t i o n a l vs. i n t e l l e c t u a l schools (Levy notes that i n the e a r l y period of modernization v o c a t i o n a l schools are probably more important), (3) p r o f e s s i o n a l vs. i n t e l l e c t u a l schools (e.g., medical school and law school are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from v o c a t i o n a l schools i n that p u p i l s u s u a l l y have some form of i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a i n i n g t o o ) , (4) p r i v a t e vs. p u b l i c i n source of funds.^ . 5 Levy, pp. 624-634. 7 These then are some of the more general aspects of what education means f o r a s o c i e t y undergoing "the process of modernization." .The. other view which t r e a t s modernization as a conscious p r o j e c t or goal has been s p e l l e d out by scholars of modernization i n a s p e c i a l conference h e l d i n Bermuda under the auspices of the Conference on Modern Japan of the A s s o c i a t i o n f o r A s i a n Studies, i n January, 1962. They concluded that the f o l l o w i n g c r i t e r i a are b a s i c to " i n t e l l e c t u a l modernization 1 1: (1) the systematic accumulation of i n t e l l e c t u a l l y v e r i f i a b l e knowledge and the weakening of r e l i g i o u s or c u l t u r a l dogmas, (2) acceptance of the concept of s o c i a l change i n human a f f a i r s , (3) an increase i n the value placed on the i n d i v i d u a l , (4) growing a t t e n t i o n to the v o c a t i o n a l , s o c i a l , and i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a i n i n g of the i n d i v i d u a l , (5) s e c u l a r i z a t i o n and emphasis on m a t e r i a l goods, (6) the c r e a t i o n through mass media of communications of new i n t e r e s t and b e l i e f groups w i t h n a t i o n a l , c l a s s , or occupational o r i e n t a t i o n s , (7) c o n s t a n t l y widening o r b i t of i n d i v i d u a l involvement i n i n t e l l e c t u a l communities beyond the f a m i l y , v i l l a g e , or province to the s t a t e and to supranational i d e a l s , (8) improvement of the means of d i s s e m i n a t i o n of i d e a l s to a l l members of the s o c i e t y . ^ These i n d i c a t i o n s of the i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n between education and modernization can, I b e l i e v e , be taken as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the current t h i n k i n g that i s being done i n non-Chinese c i r c l e s p a r t i c u l a r l y i n North America. While the leaders i n China seem to have no use f o r the concept of modernization i n the Western sense t h e i r p r a c t i c e often y i e l d s the same r e s u l t s . This o c c a s i o n a l overlapping, however, should not be g e n e r a l i z e d . ^ M. B. Jansen, ed. Changing Japanese A t t i t u d e s Toward Modernization ( P r i n c e t o n , New Jersey: P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1965), p. 23. 8 Their t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l approach to education i s quite d i s t i n c t and at times d i r e c t l y opposed to that mentioned above. 9 CHAPTER i i HISTORICAL SURVEY OF EDUCATION IN PRE-COMMUNIST CHINA T r a d i t i o n a l Education e x i s t e d i n some form i n China ( i n the sense that Levy speaks of i t : schooling) from as e a r l y as the Chou dynasty (1122-249 B.C.). But. a system of education beyond v i l l a g e schools and p r i v a t e academies d i d not r e a l l y come i n t o being u n t i l the r e i g n of the T'ung Chih Emperor i n 1862 and then only i n response to f o r e i g n aggression and not based on any o v e r a l l plan f o r development. I t was not, i n f a c t , u n t i l the m i s s i o n a r i e s ( J e s u i t s , ca. 1500) a r r i v e d that education ceased to be anything but Confucian l e a r n i n g based on the examination system. Attempts were made to reform the Empire e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the impact of the European powers. Kang Yu-wei's success i n persuading the Emperor Kuang Hsu to a b o l i s h the examination and set up a more open educational system was perhaps the most dramatic. The r e s u l t was not modernization, however, but a r e a c t i o n a r y coup d'etat.''' The defeat of the Boxers i n 1901 compelled the Chinese i m p e r i a l c o u r t to pay the European and American Powers r e p a r a t i o n s . But the Americans i n an act that was both.generous a n d . p r a c t i c a l led the way i n 2 r e s t i t u t i o n by r e t u r n i n g t h e i r $300 m i l l i o n f o r . e d u c a t i o n a l purposes. The reasons were two-fold: on the one hand there was a d e s i r e t o help the Chinese and on the other a d e s i r e to strengthen the already very ^ Joseph A. Lauwerys, "China," Communist Education ed. Edmund J . King (London: Methuen & Co. L t d . , 1960), p. 258. Stewart F r a s e r , Chinese Communist Education ( N a s h v i l l e : V a n d e r b i l t U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1965), p. 262. 10 l i v e l y i n t e r e s t s of the Americans i n China. U n t i l 1949 American educators had an immense i n f l u e n c e i n both the theory and p r a c t i c e of education i n China. Republican In the period from 1922, the "warlord p e r i o d , " to 1931, s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s i n China were c h a o t i c . There were l a r g e - s c a l e s t r i k e s , s m a l l -scale c i v i l wars, and both large and small scale famines. But i n the period of confusion American-trained educators were able to introduce modern schools i n many parts of the country unhindered by the warlords. A League of Nations r e p o r t on education i n China concluded i n 1930 that the state of a f f a i r s as regards education was quite good. The number of p u p i l s i n primary schools had almost doubled since 1915. The number of teachers and schools had a l s o increased. The report a l s o made many c r i t i c i s m s . One of the most i n t e r e s t i n g c r i t i c i s m s was that of the undue in f l u e n c e of the American model of e d u c a t i o n . 3 The report warned the Chinese that they should not adopt wholesale a l l the r a m i f i c a t i o n s of the American educational system since many parts of i t were not su i t e d to the p a r t i c u l a r c o n d i t i o n s of China.- This judgment was soon to be echoed by the communists. The d i r e c t i o n of education was s t i l l q u ite t r a d i t i o n a l . U n t i l 1929 the purpose of education followed T s a i Yuan-pei's d i r e c t i v e of 1912 that education should emphasize m o r a l i t y and be supplemented by u t i l i t a r i a n and a e s t h e t i c education. This i s only a s l i g h t a l t e r a t i o n of the previous educational p o l i c y of the Manchus. When, i n 1929, the J Lauwerys, p. 264. Kuomintang under the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek, p a r t i a l l y u n i f i e d the country the party.passed a r e s o l u t i o n i n d i c a t i n g that education should f o l l o w the Three People's P r i n c i p l e s of Sun Yat-sen. This was followed by the New L i f e Movement launched i n 1934 by Chiang Kai-shek which made i t c l e a r that despite h i s sometimes r e v o l u t i o n a r y r h e t o r i c h i s r e a l stance 4 was that of a Confucian. E a r l y Communist 1934-1949 The period 1934 to 1944 was f o r the communists a time of g u e r i l l a war against Japan and evasion t a c t i c s from the Kuomintang suppression campaigns. During t h i s time education i n the l i b e r a t e d areas was extremely d i s t r u b e d . The l i b e r a t e d areas were g e n e r a l l y made up of two d i s t i n c t r e gions. The f i r s t was the forward g u e r i l l a area which represented the main l i n e of r e s i s t a n c e to the Japanese and at times to the Kuomintang armies. I t was h i g h l y mobile, changing i t s p o s i t i o n i n accordance w i t h the circumstances. I t was al s o very s u s c e p t i b l e to attack and therefore no r e a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l network could be set up. For these reasons, education except f o r the most rudimentary k i n d , was impossible. The second area could be c a l l e d the stable base area for i t was here that the g u e r i l l a u n i t s were safest from a t t a c k . Because of the s t a b i l i t y of t h i s area i t was p o s s i b l e to have many days warning of an impending attack and therefore p l e n t y of time to organize a defense or a retr e a t . ' The nature of t h i s rear area allowed f o r a more or l e s s s t r u c t u r e d e d u c a t i o n a l system to develop and i t was here that the communists began to formulate the ideas that were to guide them i n the future implementation of educational p o l i c y . In the l i b e r a t e d ^ J . C. Cheng, Basic P r i n c i p l e s Underlying the Chinese Communist  Approach to Education, U.S. Dept. of Health, Education, and Welfare No. 51 (Washington: U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , January, 1961), p. 20. 12 areas the highest l e v e l of p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n was c a l l e d the r e g i o n . This consisted of two or more p r o v i n c i a l border areas. Each region had i t s own educational d i r e c t i v e s geared to the p a r t i c u l a r needs of the area. Thus, there was no c e n t r a l e d u c a t i o n a l p o l i c y . U n t i l 1944 the b a s i c model f o r c u r r i c u l u m and o r g a n i z a t i o n was Western, e s p e c i a l l y American. There was of course a p o l i t i c a l l i n e which g e n e r a l l y stressed r e s i s t a n c e to Japanese aggression and Kuomintang r e a c t i o n but other than that the p o l i c y was almost e n t i r e l y non-Chinese. In lower education the communists advocated compulsory education for a l l regi o n s , a step which they n a t u r a l l y thought of as p r o g r e s s i v e . But i n most region s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the Shensi-Kansu-Ningsia r e g i o n , t h i s l i n e was r e j e c t e d by the peasants. This confronted the communists w i t h t h e i r f i r s t r e a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n between what the people f e l t they needed ( i n response to p r a c t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s ) and what the theory said they needed (the theory i n t h i s case not being Marxism-Leninism but rather the implied theory of Western education).5 x h e r e s u l t of the problem was the f i r s t important instance of the communists' w i l l i n g n e s s to be f l e x i b l e w i t h regard to educational theory. They decided that i t would be best to have the people of the various regions enter i n t o the decision-making process w i t h regard to education. In t h i s way the Party f e l t they could get a more accurate idea of the needs of each area. In the f i e l d of higher education s i m i l a r problems had to be faced. The f i r s t u n i v e r s i t i e s ( i . e . , Resist-Japan U n i v e r s i t y — Y e n a n : Lu Hsun Academy) were o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l y based on a four year l i b e r a l a r t s model Michael Lindsay, Notes on Educational Problems i n Communist China (New York: I n s t i t u t e of P a c i f i c R e l a t i o n s , 1950), p. 37. 13 derived from Western c o u n t r i e s . ^ The concern of the Chinese communists wi t h the c o m p a t i b i l i t y of theory and p r a c t i c e was again revealed i n an a r t i c l e i n Chieh Fang Jih Pao ( L i b e r a t i o n D a i l y ) dated A p r i l 7, 1944. The a r t i c l e was e n t i t l e d , "The Question of the Reform of General Education i n the Base Areas' 1^ and d e a l t d i r e c t l y w i t h the question of the v a l i d i t y of what had been c a l l e d "new education." The term "new education" r e f e r r e d to the education based on Western models that was new only i n r e l a t i o n to. the " o l d education" of i m p e r i a l China. The w r i t e r of the a r t i c l e was c a r e f u l to note that the c o n d i t i o n s of the China about which he was w r i t i n g demanded new s o l u t i o n s . The s o - c a l l e d "new education" was.an education that had been developed by countries already i n a stage of advanced i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . China's economic base was s t i l l mainly a g r a r i a n . The "new education" was the product of peaceful c o n d i t i o n s and was not s u i t e d to the demands of a war of r e s i s t a n c e . Furthermore i t was the product of the large c i t i e s and not the r u r a l areas. Thus the way was c l e a r f o r the implementation of a more Chinese and from the point of view of the Party, a more M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t type of educational o r g a n i z a t i o n . In a d d i t i o n to r e g u l a r education, adult education was c a r r i e d on quite e x t e n s i v e l y . This was e s p e c i a l l y observable when one contrasted the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese peasant who was only i n t e r e s t e d i n h i s v i l l a g e existence w i t h the peasant of the l i b e r a t e d . a r e a s who was i n t e n s e l y and Q i n t e l l i g e n t l y i n t e r e s t e d i n l o c a l p o l i t i c s and i n the outside world. L i t e r a c y campaigns were al s o c a r r i e d out i n the l i b e r a t e d areas but many ^ Lindsay, p. 39. ^ Lindsay, p. 59. 8 Lindsay, p. 43. of these were experimental and d i d not stand up i n p r a c t i c e . I t can g e n e r a l l y be sa i d that the whole period up to 1949 when the People's Republic was proclaimed was a time of experimentation i n the f i e l d of education. But i t was t h i s very experimentation that allowed the communists to- avoid some of the problems which they would assuredly have met otherwise. 15 PART I I CHAPTER i i i EDUCATION IN CHINA: THEORY Every p o l i c y that i s formulated, every a c t i o n that i s c a r r i e d out i n the People's Republic of China has p o l i t i c a l overtones. I d e o l o g i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s pervade a l l forms of thought and a c t i o n . This i s p a r t i c u -l a r l y true of ed u c a t i o n a l p o l i c y . Inasmuch as Mao Tse-tung and other p o l i c y makers i n China maintain that they are f o l l o w i n g the theory and attempting to put i n t o p r a c t i c e the teachings of Marxism-Leninism i t i s e s s e n t i a l f o r an understanding of the development of education i n China to examine the theory of Marx and Lenin and then the p a r t i c u l a r manner i n which Mao adapted i t to Chinese r e a l i t y . M a t e r i a l i s t World View M a r x i s t s consider d i a l e c t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m to be the main foundations of the science of Marxism-Leninism.^ Since the e a r l y 1920's Mao has considered h i m s e l f a M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t and as such views r e a l i t y from a deci d e d l y m a t e r i a l i s t point of view. M a t e r i a l i s m i s based on r e c o g n i t i o n of the existence of nature separate from man's consciousness. However, at the same time man i s part of nature and acts to change i t , thus changing h i m s e l f . M a r x i s t s b e l i e v e the question of the 1 0. V. Kuusinen, Fundamentals of Marxism-Leninism (Moscow: Foreign Languages P u b l i s h i n g House, 1963), p. 21. Stuart Schram, Mao Tse-tung (Great B r i t a i n : Penguin Books, 1966), p. 57. 16 r e l a t i o n of the human mind to material being i s the fundamental question of a l l v a r i e t i e s of philosophy. In t h i s sense Marx said: . . . the idea' i s nothing else than the material world r e f l e c t e d by the human mind and translated into forms of thought. 3 Those who- consider the material b a s i s — n a t u r e — t o be primary and regard thought and s p i r i t as the property of matter, then must be said to belong 4 to the camp of materialism. In Marxism, materialism i s combined with d i a l e c t i c s to form an organic unity. Marx and Engles drew much from the d i a l e c t i c a l thought of Hegel but d i f f e r e d completely with him on h i s theory .of the r e l a t i o n of thought, to matter. Whereas Hegel sought to put thought before matter, Marx and Engles drew the opposite conclusion.: Materialism and idealism d i f f e r i n t h e i r answers to the question of the source of our knowledge and of the r e l a t i o n of knowledge to the physical world . . . the question i s decided i n favour, of materialism, for the concept matter, epistemologically implies nothing but objective r e a l i t y e x i s t i n g independently of the human mind and r e f l e c t e d by i t . ^ Lenin makes i t quite clear that: . . . the physical world e x i s t s independently of the mind of man and existed long p r i o r to man, p r i o r to any human experience; the psychical,- the mind, etc. i s the highest product of matter ( i . e . , p h y s i c a l ) , i t i s a function of that p a r t i c u l a r l y complex fragment of matter c a l l e d the human brain.^ Thus the Marxist theory of knowledge developed; a theory which makes Chinese educational p o l i c y much more understandable. 3 K a r l Marx, Cap i t a l (New York: International Publishers, 1967), I, 19. ^ Kuusinen, p. 23. ^ V. I. Lenin, Collected Works (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1962), XIV, 260-261. 6 Lenin, XIV, 227-228. 17 M a r x i s t Theory of Knowledge .The u n i t y of theory and p r a c t i c e i s a fundamental concept i n the M a r x i s t theory of knowledge. Marx be l i e v e d a l l knowledge ( a l l sciences i n c l u d i n g the most abs t r a c t ) came i n t o being i n response to the r e q u i r e -ments of man's p r a c t i c a l l i f e . Lenin s a i d : The standpoint of l i f e , of p r a c t i c e , should be f i r s t and fundamental i n the theory of knowledge.^ Thus, u n l i k e e a r l i e r m a t e r i a l i s t s , Marx included p r a c t i c e i n the theory of knowledge and viewed p r a c t i c e as the b a s i s and purpose of the c o g n i t i v e process. I t f o l l o w s that knowledge can only be t r u l y a t t a i n e d i n man's r e l a t i o n to h i s environment, e s p e c i a l l y h i s labor. With the emphasis on p r a c t i c e i t becomes p o s s i b l e f o r man not only to know the world but a l s o to change i t . The constant i n t e r a c t i o n of theory and p r a c t i c e (theory enriched by p r a c t i c e and p r a c t i c e guided by theory) therefore makes p o s s i b l e the c o n d i t i o n s f o r s o c i e t y ' s m a t e r i a l and t e c h n i c a l progress. The i n t e r n a l dynamics of c o g n i t i o n r e s t s on the theory of r e f l e c t i o n (which i n turn i s based on the concepts of m a t e r i a l i s m discussed above). Lenin s a i d : C o g n i t i o n i s the e t e r n a l , endless approximation of thought to the o b j e c t . The r e f l e c t i o n of nature i n man's thought must be understood not " l i f e l e s s l y , " not " a b s t r a c t l y , " not devoid of  movement, NOT WITHOUT CONTRADICTIONS, but i n the e t e r n a l PROCESS of movement, the a r i s i n g of c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and t h e i r s o l u t i o n . Since c o g n i t i o n i s the r e s u l t of the r e f l e c t i o n of o b j e c t i v e r e a l i t y i n man's mind i t i s reasonable to assume, as Marx does, that knowledge too i s 7 L e n i n , XIV, 142. 8 L e n i n , XXXVIII, 195. 18 a. r e f l e c t i o n of the objective world. I t i s not the things themselves or th e i r properties and r e l a t i o n s that e x i s t i n man's consciousness, but mental images or r e f l e c t i o n s of them, which convey more or less (depending on one's class background) the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the objects cognized:^ In the s o c i a l production that men carry on they enter into d e f i n i t e r e l a t i o n s that are indispensable and independent & of t h e i r w i l l ; these r e l a t i o n s of production correspond to a d e f i n i t e stage of development of. t h e i r material powers of production. The sum t o t a l of these r e l a t i o n s of production constitutes the economic structure of s o c i e t y — t h e r e a l foundation, on which r i s e l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l superstructures and to which correspond d e f i n i t e forms of s o c i a l consciousness. The mode of production i n material l i f e determines the general character of the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and s p i r i t u a l processes of l i f e . It i s not the consciousness of men that determines t h e i r existence, but, on the contrary, th e i r s o c i a l existence determines t h e i r consciousness.-^ Marx was c a r e f u l to point out, however, that the r e f l e c t i o n of the objective world i n man's consciousness (thought) i s not to be understood as a single act, but rather as comprised of many aspects and steps. The f i r s t stage of cognition consists of sensations. Lenin wrote: "Matter i s the objective r e a l i t y given to us i n sensation."''"''' I t can then be said that a l l knowledge proceeds from these sensations which provide us with an o b j e c t i v e l y correct presentation of the environment. This i s the point of departure. The next stage i s the l e v e l of abstract thought. Knowledge gained as a r e s u l t of perceiving sensations can s t i l l be considered Kuusinen, p. 96. K a r l Marx, Crit i q u e of P o l i t i c a l Economy (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Co., 1904), pp. 11-12. ^ Kuusinen, p. 29. thought. The leap from sensory perception to abstract thought i s a q u a l i -t a t i v e leap which completes the cycle of c o g n i t i o n and leads the way to a c t i o n : From l i v i n g perception to a b s t r a c t thought and from t h i s to p r a c t i c e — s u c h i s the d i a l e c t i c a l path of the c o g n i t i o n of t r u t h , of the c o g n i t i o n of o b j e c t i v e r e a l i t y . ^ Thus, Marx, Engles,and Lenin developed what was f o r them a coherent, s c i e n t i f i c world view which could serve as a guide f o r a l l s o c i a l a c t i v i t y . I t remained f o r Mao and the Chinese Communist Party to u t i l i z e t h e i r t h e o r i e s and make the appropriate changes to f i t them i n t o a Chinese environment. Mao Tse-tung: Educational Theory The most important t h e o r e t i c a l documents which could be a p p l i e d to educational p o l i c y were w r i t t e n , by Mao before 1949. W r i t e r s on education f o l l o w i n g the establishment of the People's Republic followed Mao's lead and probably were echoing him to a great extent (the two most important of these w i l l be examined below i n depth) but the period 1934 to 1949 saw the e v o l u t i o n of what has been a more or l e s s c o n s i s t e n t theory of the l e a r n i n g process and of the purpose which s o c i a l i s t education ought to serve. I t i s t h i s c o n s i s t e n t t h e o r e t i c a l stance even up to the current C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n that stands out i n such bold r e l i e f and adds new understanding to some of the causes behind'the t u r m o i l . To be sure, d i f f e r e n t f a c e t s of the theory have been emphasized according to o b j e c t i v e c o n d i t i o n s but from the e a r l i e s t p o l i c y statements of Mao to the most r a d i c a l charges of the Red Guards one can e a s i l y trace various common themes. The f i r s t major statement d e a l i n g w i t h education was made by Mao i n 1934 j u s t " as Kuomintang armies were t i g h t e n i n g t h e i r " c i r c l e of s t e e l and 1 2 L e n i n , XXXVIII, 171. 20 concrete" around J u i c h i n , c a p i t a l of the Chinese Soviet Republic. This was a period when stab l e base areas had not yet been b u i l t on a large scale, and the communists had g e n e r a l l y had l i t t l e experience i n s e t t i n g up a genuine educational o r g a n i z a t i o n . Thus, Mao was d e s c r i b i n g what education should be according to the t h e o r e t i c a l precepts to which he adhered r a t h e r than any knowledge he had gained through experience: Where l i e s the general p o l i c y of the (Chinese) s o v i e t c u l t u r a l education? I t aims at educating the broad t o i l i n g masses w i t h the s p i r i t of communism, at causing c u l t u r e and education to serve the r e v o l u t i o n a r y war, and the c l a s s s t r u g g l e , at combining  education and l a b o r , and at t u r n i n g the broad Chinese masses i n t o a people who enjoy c i v i l i z a t i o n and happiness. What i s then • the c e n t r a l task of s o v i e t c u l t u r a l construction? I t i s to carry out u n i v e r s a l free education, to develop widespread s o c i a l education, to attempt to e r a d i c a t e i l l i t e r a c y , and to create a multitude of senior cadres to lead the s t r u g g l e . ^ 3 This was a report to the Second N a t i o n a l Soviet Delegates Congress. In t h i s statement two themes emerge which w i l l recur again and again i n a l l f o l l o w i n g p o l i c y statements. F i r s t there i s the emphasis on r a i s i n g the c u l t u r a l and l i t e r a c y l e v e l of the broad masses of Chinese who have been outside the realm of education f o r c e n t u r i e s . Furtherm.o-re, t h i s type of education i s to serve the c l a s s s t r u g g l e . The second i s the s t r e s s on combining education w i t h productive l a b o r . Both themes are found i n the w r i t i n g s of Marx and Lenin e s p e c i a l l y the f i r s t . The second g r a d u a l l y assumed more importance f o r the Chinese i n a t h e o r e t i c a l context. In p r a c t i c e i t ran i n t o some d i f f i c u l t y . In October of 1935 Mao's forces had completed the Long March and were i n c o n t r o l of the Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia border area. Their stable base area was somewhat north of Yenan near Pao-an. F o l l o w i n g the Sian Cheng, Basic P r i n c i p l e s , p. 5—emphasis added. i n c i d e n t i n December of 1936 they proceeded to occupy Yenan which then became the main stab l e base area. This was a period of r e l a t i v e coopera-t i o n w i t h the Kuomintang government forces as the two sides l a i d aside t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s to f i g h t the common enemy Japan. Having now only to f i g h t the Japanese, the communists were able to extend t h e i r i n f l u e n c e i n t o ever l a r g e r areas. In each of the newly l i b e r a t e d areas, one of the f i r s t tasks was the establishment of a new educational o r g a n i z a t i o n mainly based on the t h e o r e t i c a l notions which the communists had advocated from e a r l i e r days. But one of the main r e s u l t s of the experiences they encoun-tered i n the r e c e n t l y l i b e r a t e d areas was the "bending" of theory i n order to b e t t e r s u i t the environment. I t was during t h i s period of calm that Mao began to study Marxism i n t e n s i v e l y and many of h i s t h e o r e t i c a l statements date from h i s years i n Yenan.^ I t was i n J u l y of 1937 that he wrote the w e l l known essay "On P r a c t i c e , " where he d e a l t w i t h the r e l a t i o n s h i p between knowledge and p r a c t i c e , between knowing and doing. In h i s incessant urge to e s t a b l i s h an i n d e s t r u c t i b l e bond between theory and p r a c t i c e (an urge c o n t i n u a l l y r e f l e c t e d i n a l l domestic and f o r e i g n p o l i c i e s ) Mao i n t h i s a r t i c l e r e v e a l s h i s debt to Marx and Lenin but even more so r e v e a l s h i s debt to the concrete experiences he has encountered i n the l i b e r a t e d base areas. His essay i s introduced by a general statement of d i a l e c t i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m as he understands i t , and e s p e c i a l l y as i t r e l a t e s to knowledge. Man's knowledge, says Mao, depends on s o c i a l p r a c t i c e , that i s , knowledge depends on production and the c l a s s s t r u g g l e . He stated that i n c l a s s s o c i e t y everyone l i v e s as a member of a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s and every k i n d of t h i n k i n g i s stamped with the brand of a c l a s s . Thus, d i a l e c t i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m has 1 4 Stuart Schram, The P o l i t i c a l Thought of Mao Tse-tung (New York: Praeger, 1963), p. 44. 22 two outstanding c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : one i s i t s c l a s s n a t u r e — i t i s i n the s e r v i c e of the p r o l e t a r i a t ; the other i s i t s p r a c t i c a l i t y — i t emphasizes the dependence of theory on p r a c t i c e . He then goes on to discuss the exact process of knowledge l i s t i n g f i v e stages of movement. The f i r s t stage i s the stage of perception where man only sees what h i s senses t e l l him but cannot formulate logica.l conclusions about the phenomena he perceives. At t h i s stage he cannot conceptualize. The second stage begins as s o c i a l p r a c t i c e continues and images p i l e up and are r e i n f o r c e d to the point where a " l e a p " takes place i n the b r a i n and f u l l c o g n i t i o n i s r e a l i z e d . Then and only then can man form concepts and grasp the essence of a p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n . Only then can he see the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the various sense perceptions. This represents the t h e o r e t i c a l stage of knowledge. There i s l i t t l e i n t h i s to d i s t i n g u i s h i t from the two l e v e l s of thought described by Marx and Lenin (sensory and a b s t r a c t , see p. 19). However, where Marx and Lenin assign s p e c i a l importance to these two l e v e l s , Mao, almost c e r t a i n l y as a r e s u l t of his- p r a c t i c a l -experience, goes on to elaborate on three f i n a l p r a c t i c a l stages of a t t a i n i n g r e a l knowledge. The t h i r d i s to apply the theory and knowledge thus a t t a i n e d i n order to a c t i v e l y change the world as i t i s perceived. In t h i s sense the f i r s t two stages are useless unless they are employed i n r e v o l u t i o n a r y p r a c t i c e . Fourth, the knowledge gained as a r e s u l t of perception (the f i r s t t h e o r e t i c a l stage), r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n (the second t h e o r e t i c a l stage), and r e v o l u t i o n a r y p r a c t i c e (the t h i r d or p r a c t i c a l stage) must be used i n a planned manner to succeed i n moving toward the goals of a r e v o l u t i o n a r y 23 s o c i e t y . I f the r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s are s u c c e s s f u l i n achieving t h e i r goals through a plan then the movement of knowledge may be considered complete w i t h regard to t h i s p a r t i c u l a r process. But Mao goes on to say (and most importantly too) that the movement of human knowledge i s not complete. Those who have succeeded i n changing t h e i r environment and moving from one stage to another must now be able to change themselves w i t h the new c o n d i t i o n s . They must be able to a l t e r p a r t i a l l y and sometimes wholly t h e i r ideas, t h e o r i e s , plans, or programmes because of unforeseen circumstances i n the course of p r a c t i c e . A true M a r x i s t , as Mao sees i t , must recognize that: i n the absolute and general process of development of the universe, the development of each p a r t i c u l a r process i s r e l a t i v e , and that hence, i n the endless flow of absolute t r u t h , man's knowledge of a p a r t i c u l a r process at any given stage of development i s only r e l a t i v e t r u t h . The sum t o t a l of innumerable r e l a t i v e t r u t h s c o n s t i t u t e s absolute truth.15 This, may not be the. conclusion that Marx would have reached but i t does account f o r the f l e x i b i l i t y that has c h a r a c t e r i z e d the Chinese leadership and i l l u s t r a t e s t h e i r d e s i r e to u t i l i z e Marxism-Leninism as a guide rather than as dogma: I t i s p r e c i s e l y the t h e o r e t i c a l groundwork for many of the changes that have taken place i n the p r a c t i c e of education i n China. The purpose of c o r r e c t knowledge i s to b u i l d a new c u l t u r e . What t h i s meant f o r Mao can be seen i n an a r t i c l e w r i t t e n three years f o l l o w i n g "On P r a c t i c e " e n t i t l e d , "On the New Democracy" (1940). Here he discussed the r e l a t i o n s h i p between c u l t u r e and p o l i t i c s and more s p e c i f i c a l l y what the content of the new democracy would be: Mao Tse-tung, "On P r a c t i c e , " Selected Works (Peking: Foreign Languages P u b l i s h i n g House, 1965), I , 307—hereafter c i t e d as SW. 24 Any given c u l t u r e (as an i d e o l o g i c a l form) i s a r e f l e c t i o n of the p o l i t i c s and economics of a given s o c i e t y , and the former i n t urn has a tremendous i n f l u e n c e and e f f e c t upon the l a t t e r ; economics i s the base, and p o l i t i c s and concentrated expression of economics. This i s our fundamental view of the r e l a t i o n of c u l t u r e to p o l i t i c s and economics and of the r e l a t i o n of p o l i t i c s to economics. 0 Culture i s thus seen i n a s t r i c t l y m a t e r i a l i s t sense as a r e f l e c t i o n of o b j e c t i v e r e a l i t y but i n constant i n t e r a c t i o n with that r e a l i t y . In d i s c u s s i n g the content of the "new democracy" Mao stated that i t would be n a t i o n a l i s t i c i n that i t would uphold the d i g n i t y and indepen-dence of the Chinese n a t i o n and bear the stamp of t h e i r own n a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Secondly, i t would be s c i e n t i f i c and stand f o r seeking the t r u t h from f a c t s and f o r the u n i t y of theory and p r a c t i c e . T h i r d l y , the new democratic.culture would belong to the broad masses, that i s , the workers and peasants.''"'' This document f u r t h e r c o n s o l i d a t e s Mao 1s adherence to the m a t e r i a l i s t conception of knowledge and begins to move more b o l d l y i n the d i r e c t i o n of making, the u n i t y of theory and p r a c t i c e a prime goal of Chinese ed u c a t i o n a l p o l i c y . By 1942 problems had begun to a r i s e w i t h regard to p u t t i n g i n t o p r a c t i c e some of the t h e o r e t i c a l notions which the communists had adopted from Marx and Le n i n . During the period 1940 to 1943 the t o t a l area held by the communists was expanding but the population under t h e i r c o n t r o l was f a l l i n g due to Japanese pressure on the stable base areas. Education i n these areas could not be h i g h l y organized e s p e c i a l l y on the primary l e v e l but i n s p i t e of these d i f f i c u l t i e s a considerable number of middle Mao Tse-tung, "On New Democracy," SW (Peking: F oreign Languages P u b l i s h i n g House, 1965), I I , 340. 1 7 Mao Tse-tung, "On New Democracy," pp. 380-381. 25 schools were set up. Problems were of two types: the f i r s t i nvolved a general ignorance of l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s and t h i s r e s u l t e d i n the u n c r i t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n of e d u c a t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e s thought to be progressive ( i . e . , year-round, formal compulsory education); the second was the problem of i n t e l l e c t u a l s who had learned t h e i r theory w e l l but had d i f f i c u l t y defending i t under the harsh r e a l i t i e s of g u e r i l l a l i f e . The l a t t e r problem was the most c r i t i c a l e s p e c i a l l y since during t h i s period three u n i v e r s i t i e s were e s t a b l i s h e d i n the few stable base areas not harassed by the Japanese (Yenan, South'East Shansi, Shansi-Chahar-Hopei border r e g i o n ) . The u n i v e r s i t i e s were the f i r s t o p p o r t u n i t i e s the communists had to gain experience i n the f i e l d of higher education. For t h i s reason they were unusually w a t c h f u l of the t e a c h e r - i n t e l l e c t u a l s (some, p r o f e s s i n g Marxism, some n o t ) , many of whom had f l e d the c i t i e s e i t h e r to escape the Japanese or the Kuomintang and were the p r i n c i p a l source of i n s t r u c t i o n f o r the new cadres. I t was at t h i s time that Mao wrote two important a r t i c l e s intended to impress on: the i n t e l l e c t u a l s h i s opinions about c u l t u r e , knowledge,and the u n i t y of theory and p r a c t i c e . The f i r s t a r t i c l e d e a l t d i r e c t l y w i t h the r o l e of the i n t e l l e c t u a l and h i s f a i l u r e at times to be r e l e v a n t : How can those who have only book-learning be turned i n t o i n t e l l e c t u a l s , i n the true sense? The only way i s to get them to take part i n p r a c t i c a l work and become p r a c t i c a l workers, to get those engaged i n the o^r e t i c a l work to study p r a c t i c a l problems. In t h i s way our aim can be attained.18 The second a r t i c l e a few months l a t e r f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d the primacy of p o l i t i c s w i t h regard to any s o c i a l a c t i v i t y i n c l u d i n g education: 1 8 Mao Tse-tung, " R e c t i f y the Party's S t y l e of Work," SW (Peking: Foreign Languages P u b l i s h i n g House, 1965), 111,40. 26 In the world today a l l c u l t u r e , a l l l i t e r a t u r e and a r t belong to d e f i n i t e c l a s s e s and are geared to d e f i n i t e p o l i t i c a l l i n e s . There i s i n f a c t no such th i n g as a r t f o r a r t ' s sake, a r t that stands above cla s s e s or a r t that i s detached from or independent of p o l i t i c s . 1 9 With the conclusion of the Yenan Forum on L i t e r a t u r e and A r t there could be no doubt i n anyone's mind as to the d i r e c t i o n which Chinese s o c i e t y would take once the communists achieved power. I t remained only f o r the f i n a l v i c t o r y . t o give the Communist Party of China the opportunity necessary to begin implementation of theo r i e s that had never r e a l l y been implemented i n any other s o c i e t y . The f i n a l v i c t o r y came on October 1, 1949, as Mao Tse-tung stood on the T'ien An Men i n Peking and fo r m a l l y proclaimed the establishment of the Chinese People's Republic. One of the f i r s t steps was to convene the Chinese People's P o l i t i c a l C o n s u l t a t i v e Conference (the f i r s t meeting had a c t u a l l y been held e a r l i e r , i n September of 1949) whose task i t would be to form a democratic c o a l i t i o n government. One of the r e s u l t s of the conference was the adoption by a l l p a r t i e s of the Common Program which was- to serve as an i n t e r i m c o n s t i t u t i o n , the basis f o r the united f r o n t , the c o a l i t i o n government and which incorporated a l l the e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s l a i d down by Mao i n h i s a r t i c l e "On the People's Democratic D i c t a t o r s h i p . " 2 0 Chapter v of the Common Program d e a l t w i t h the c u l t u r a l and educational p o l i c y to be followed i n the new China. Generally i t was a summary of the t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l ideas a r t i c u l a t e d e a r l i e r by Mao. Four of the a r t i c l e s s p e c i f i c a l l y d e a l t w i t h education: 19 Mao Tse-tung, "Yenan Forum on L i t e r a t u r e and A r t , " SW (Peking: F o r e i g n Languages P u b l i s h i n g House, 1965), I I I , 86. 20 Schram, Mao Tse-tung, p. 252. 27 A r t i c l e 4 1 : The c u l t u r e and e d u c a t i o n o f the P e o p l e ' s R e p u b l i c o f C h i n a are new d e m o c r a t i c , t h a t i s , n a t i o n a l , s c i e n t i f i c and p o p u l a r . . . . A r t i c l e 4 3 : E f f o r t s w i l l be made t o d e v e l o p the n a t u r a l s c i e n c e s to p l a c e them a t the s e r v i c e o f i n d u s t r i a l , a g r i c u l t u r a l and n a t i o n a l d e f e n s e c o n s t r u c t i o n . A r t i c l e 46 : The method o f e d u c a t i o n o f the P e o p l e ' s R e p u b l i c o f C h i n a i s the u n i t y o f t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e . The P e o p l e ' s government s h a l l r e f o r m the o l d e d u c a t i o n a l s y s t e m , s u b j e c t m a t t e r and t e a c h i n g method s y s t e m a t i c a l l y a c c o r d i n g t o p l a n . A r t i c l e 47 : I n o r d e r t o meet the w i d e s p r e a d needs o f r e v o l u t i o n a r y work and n a t i o n a l c o n s t r u c t i o n w o r k , u n i v e r s a l e d u c a t i o n s h a l l be c a r r i e d o u t , m i d d l e and h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n s h a l l be s t r e n g t h e n e d , t e c h n i c a l e d u c a t i o n s h a l l be s t r e s s e d , the e d u c a t i o n o f w o r k e r s d u r i n g t h e i r ' s p a r e t ime and e d u c a t i o n o f c a d r e s who are a t t h e i r p o s t s s h a l l be s t r e n g t h e n e d , and r e v o l u t i o n a r y p o l i t i c a l e d u c a t i o n s h a l l be a c c o r d e d t o young i n t e l l e c t u a l s and o l d s t y l e i n t e l l e c t u a l s I n a p l a n n e d and s y s t e m a t i c m a n n e r . 2 1 T h u s , w i t h the Common Program g u i d e l i n e s were c l e a r l y l a i d down w h i c h w o u l d i n f l u e n c e any f u t u r e p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s . The two most i m p o r t a n t themes i n terms o f t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e t o emerge d u r i n g the p e r i o d u n d e r d i s c u s s i o n (1934-1949) w e r e , f i r s t , the emphasis on c l a s s e d u c a t i o n ( to s e r v e w o r k e r s and p e a s a n t s — " O n P r a c t i c e ; " " O n New D e m o c r a c y ; " " Y e n a n Forum on L i t e r a t u r e and A r t " ) and s e c o n d , the emphasis on the u n i t y o f t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e . A l t h o u g h i n the e a r l y y e a r s o f the P e o p l e ' s R e p u b l i c o f C h i n a e d u c a t i o n was I n p r a c t i c e g e a r e d to " n a t i o n a l c o n s t r u c t i o n " i t i s n e v e r t h e l e s s t r u e t h a t t h e s e two themes were p r o m i n e n t i n a t h e o r e t i c a l sense and c o n t i n u e to be e x p r e s s e d up to the p r e s e n t . I n d e e d , i t was the f a i l u r e t o r e a l i z e f u l l y the t h e o r y i n p r a c t i c e t h a t c o n t r i b u t e d t o the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n i n the f i e l d o f e d u c a t i o n i n 1966. C h ' i e n C h u n - j u i — L u T i n g - y i S i n c e 1949 the C h i n e s e communist t h e o r y . o f e d u c a t i o n has d e v i a t e d l i t t l e f rom the l i n e s w h i c h had been d e v e l o p i n g s i n c e the e a r l y t h i r t i e s . L i n d s a y , N o t e s on E d u c a t i o n a l P r o b l e m s , p . 194. 28 Where i t has changed i t has been i n response to p r a c t i c a l demands. The many statements, d i r e c t i v e s , a n d r e p o rts issued over the past seventeen years a l l f o l l o w Mao's theory as developed since 1934 d i f f e r i n g only i n the emphasis put on the p a r t i c u l a r program or campaign then i n progress. But two re p o r t s stand out i n the period previous to the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n . One was given by the d i r e c t o r of higher education i n 1950, I I Ch'ien Chun-jui, and the other by Vice-Minister of Education Lu T i n g - y i i n 1958... The dates are s i g n i f i c a n t since the f i r s t represents the c r u c i a l period of r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of the higher educational system and the second i s during the Great Leap Forward when the next d r a s t i c r e o r g a n i z a t i o n took p l a c e . Both of these documents appear i n the Appendix i n the o r i g i n a l Chinese and i n t r a n s l a t i o n . A d i s c u s s i o n f o l l o w s below. The o v e r a l l s i g n i f i c a n c e , of both documents l i e s i n the f a c t that the theory o u t l i n e d i n each of them i s b a s i c a l l y the same. Ch'ien Chun-jui (^.^A^ J(fi} ) born i n 1903 i s a na t i v e of Kiangsu province and a graduate of Kiangsu Educational I n s t i t u t e . F o l l o w i n g graduation, Ch'ien went to Japan to study the new educational p r a c t i c e s of that country. When he returned he j o i n e d the Communist Party (1926) and was very a c t i v e i n e d u c a t i o n a l a f f a i r s up to 1949. His career ranged from a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to teaching and at d i f f e r e n t times he held the p o s i t i o n s of professor of Shensi U n i v e r s i t y , e d i t o r - i n - c h i e f of the New China News Agency, Dean of Education at North China U n i v e r s i t y , V i c e - M i n i s t e r of Education (1951), and D i r e c t o r of Higher Education from 1949 to 1953. He then became inv o l v e d i n the Sino-Soviet F r i e n d s h i p A s s o c i a t i o n spending much time i n Moscow. This apparently was h i s undoing as he has been.in 99 disgrace since 1961 when he was dismissed from that a s s o c i a t i o n . 99 Who's Who i n Communist China (Hong Kong: Union Research I n s t i t u t e , 1966) . •• . • • His report was presented i n May of 1950 at the conclusion of the F i r s t N a t i o n a l E d u cational Work Conference held i n Peking. I t was the f i r s t o f f i c i a l document on education to be presented f o l l o w i n g the establishment of the People's Republic. As such i t represents a formalized synthesis of the educational theory and ideas which had developed during the e a r l y periods of struggle, of the Chinese Communist Party. The funda-mental ideas contained i n t h i s document as w e l l as the other have changed i n emphasis over the years but not i n the e s s e n t i a l content. Let us look at t h i s document as one c h a r a c t e r i z i n g the b a s i c t h e o r e t i c a l underpinnings of Chinese e d u c a t i o n a l p o l i c y . The report i s i n two parts which r e v e a l the o v e r r i d i n g concerns of the Chinese communists toward education. The f i r s t s e c t i o n i s e n t i t l e d , "On the P o l i c y that Education Serves Workers and Peasants" and the second i s c a l l e d , "On the P o l i c y that Education Serves Productive C o n s t r u c t i o n . " The f i r s t s e c t i o n r e a f f i r m s the d e c i s i o n s reached at the Yenan Forum on L i t e r a t u r e and A r t i n 1942 which stated that the success of the 23 r e v o l u t i o n i n China depended on the broad masses of workers and peasants. I t f o l l o w s then that not only must l i t e r a t u r e and a r t serve the i n t e r e s t s of the workers and peasants but so a l s o must education. He notes that the workers and peasants comprise 80 to 90 per cent of the Chinese population. The a l l i a n c e of these two c l a s s e s i s the foundation of the people's democratic d i c t a t o r s h i p and without that a l l i a n c e the r e v o l u t i o n could never have been f u l l y won. A secondary reason f o r having a p o l i c y to serve workers and peasants i s that these are the two c l a s s e s which have been h i s t o r i c a l l y the most oppressed and e x p l o i t e d and thus have had l i t t l e ' Mao Tse-tung, "Yenan Forum," p. 77. 30 chance f o r education and c u l t u r e . He concludes, t h e r e f o r e , that the school system should and must answer the needs of the working c l a s s and peasantry before a l l e l s e . At t h i s point the author admits that p r e s e n t l y the "great m a j o r i t y " of students are s t i l l sons and daughters of middle peasants and urban petty b o u r g e o i s i e . Once i t has been e s t a b l i s h e d that education should serve workers and peasants i t then becomes necessary to decide on the content of the new education. Ch'ien sees the content i n terms of three concepts. F i r s t - , i t must be thoroughly n a t i o n a l . By t h i s he means a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t . I t f u r t h e r must e l i m i n a t e the remnants of i l l u s i o n s about American i m p e r i a l i s m i n p a r t i c u l a r . This would include what he c a l l s worship of Western c a p i t a l i s t c i v i l i z a t i o n by c e r t a i n members of the i n t e l l i g e n t s i a . The new n a t i o n a l education must advocate r e v o l u t i o n a r y . p a t r i o t i s m , love f o r the Part y , the army, and the leaders but must on the other hand oppose narrow-minded n a t i o n a l i s m which would negate the i n t e r n a t i o n a l character of a s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y . F i n a l l y , a n a t i o n a l education must support u n i t y w i t h the Soviet Union and oppose i s o l a t i o n i s m . The second aspect of the content of the new education i s that i t should be thoroughly s c i e n t i f i c . I t must advocate the study and explana-t i o n of h i s t o r y , economics, p o l i t i c s , c u l t u r e , and i n t e r n a t i o n a l a f f a i r s from a M a r x i s t s c i e n t i f i c and h i s t o r i c a l viewpoint. To be t r u l y s c i e n t i f i c the new education must propagate "the u n i v e r s a l t r u t h " of Marxism-Leninism, introduce the n a t u r a l sciences of the Soviet Union, and promote the l e v e l o f ^ ' s c i e n t i f i c knowledge of the masses. F i n a l l y , the new education must be popular. That i s , i t must pro-pagate the viewpoints of the workers and peasants, not of the bour g e o i s i e . ' 3 1 I t must p r o p a g a t e t r u t h s s u c h as M a r x i s m and n o t a n t i - s c i e n t i f i c t h o u g h t s s u c h as i d e a l i s m and v a r i o u s r e l i g i o u s d o c t r i n e s . The f i n a l s e c t i o n of P a r t I o f C h ' i e n ' s document d e a l s w i t h the s p e c i f i c m e a s u r e s to be t a k e n t o implement the p o l i c y o u t l i n e d a b o v e . These m e a s u r e s f a l l i n t o s i x c a t e g o r i e s : (1) e d u c a t i o n f o r c a d r e s o f w o r k e r and p e a s a n t o r i g i n and f o r the P e o p l e ' s L i b e r a t i o n Army must be s t r e n g t h e n e d ; (2) a program f o r s p a r e - t i m e s u p p l e m e n t a r y e d u c a t i o n f o r w o r k e r s must be s e t u p ; (3) a s i m i l a r o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r the s p a r e - t i m e e d u c a t i o n o f p e a s a n t s s h o u l d be e s t a b l i s h e d ; (4) p r e p a r a t i o n s s h o u l d be made f o r the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f l i t e r a c y e d u c a t i o n ; (5) p r o l e t a r i a n s h o r t -c o u r s e m i d d l e s c h o o l s s h o u l d be s e t up'; (6) s c h o o l s a t a l l l e v e l s s h o u l d ' be thrown open to w o r k e r s , p e a s a n t s , a n d t h e i r c h i l d r e n . T h i s ended the f i r s t s e c t i o n o f C h ' i e n ' s r e p o r t e m p h a s i z i n g t h r e e b r o a d a r e a s : e d u c a t i o n must be f o r w o r k e r s and p e a s a n t s ; i t must be g e a r e d toward them i n terms o f c o n t e n t ; f a c i l i t i e s must be p r i m a r i l y open t o t h e s e two c l a s s e s . P a r t I I d e a l s w i t h an e d u c a t i o n a l p o l i c y d e s i g n e d to s e r v e p r o d u c t i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o d u c t i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n was c o n s i d e r e d by C h ' i e n to be the r o o t o f n a t i o n a l c o n s t r u c t i o n . T h i s was p e r h a p s n e c e s s a r y s i n c e C h i n a was s t i l l an e c o n o m i c a l l y poor c o u n t r y and to have an e d u c a t i o n a l p o l i c y w h i c h p u l l e d the p r o d u c i n g c l a s s i n t o s c h o o l s w o u l d mean t h a t some s o r t o f a r rangement w o u l d have to be made to m a i n t a i n p r o d u c t i o n . The r e m a i n d e r o f P a r t I I o u t l i n e s the c o n t e n t and the measures to be t a k e n to implement a p o l i c y i n c o r p o r a t i n g p r o d u c t i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n i n t o e d u c a t i o n . R e g a r d i n g c o n t e n t , the document s t r e s s e d the need to e s t a b l i s h the v i e w p o i n t and the h a b i t o f e s t e e m and l o v e f o r l a b o r . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , 32 the educated members of Chinese s o c i e t y by d e f i n i t i o n d i d not engage i n any k i n d of manual la b o r . This a t t i t u d e p e r s i s t e d up to the end of the Republican period among many i n t e l l e c t u a l s and was one of the f i r s t b e h a v i o r i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which the communists sought to change. The second f a c t o r of content was to emphasize the development of s c i e n t i f i c and t e c h n i c a l education as a p r i o r i t y area. Ch'ien l i s t e d seven measures which would have to be taken to implement the above p o l i c y : e s t a b l i s h elementary education and t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g f o r cadres and the masses; strengthen labor education i n primary schools i n order to make c h i l d r e n understand the importance of labor and production; emphasize the develop-ment of intermediate and j u n i o r t e c h n i c a l education; improvise new teaching methods i n v o c a t i o n a l and t e c h n i c a l schools; reform higher education; s y s t e m a t i c a l l y e s t a b l i s h v a r i ous t e c h n i c a l c o l l e g e s ; e s t a b l i s h short-term s p e c i a l courses and t r a i n i n g c l a s s e s i n the u n i v e r s i t i e s . These seven measures ended Part I I and concluded the document. Where Part I considered the p o l i t i c a l nature of the new education, Part I I emphasized the more pragmatic aspects. This i s the area (admittedly shaded) where Chinese and Western ideas of educational modernization overlap. Three of the po i n t s considered by Levy to be e s s e n t i a l f o r the modernization of education i n t r a n s i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s are d i r e c t l y d e a l t w i t h by Ch'ien ( f o r Levy's d i s c u s s i o n see above pp. 6 and 7 ). They include the cost of education which Levy sees as being p r i m a r i l y the cost of t a k i n g laborers away from the f i e l d s and f a c t o r i e s , the planned u t i l i z a t i o n of the educated product, and the d i s t i n c t i o n between v o c a t i o n a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l schools w i t h the former as more important i n the e a r l y period of modernization. Ch'ien c l e a r l y sets f o r t h a p o l i c y of combining labor w i t h education, thus r e c o g n i z i n g the problem Levy foresaw and o f f e r i n g a p o t e n t i a l s o l u t i o n to i t . Ch'ien f u r t h e r stressed the need to concentrate on e s t a b l i s h i n g t e c h n i c a l and v o c a t i o n a l schools to meet the needs of a n a t i o n which was j u s t beginning to i n d u s t r i a l i z e i n any r e a l sense of the world. These areas of common ground continue to appear throughout the period under discussion, but the s o l u t i o n s proposed by the Chinese communists have d i s t i n c t i v e features which set them apart from those of Western s c h o l a r s . The b a s i c t h e o r e t i c a l threads running through Ch'ien's document are of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t here since they recur again and again i n o f f i c i a l p o l i c y statements up to the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n . I t i s true that statements i s s u i n g from the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n deal w i t h some of the same top i c s , b u t the context i n which they appear and the emphasis on.putting them i n t o p r a c t i c e i s q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t from those appearing before. For t h i s reason they are d e a l t w i t h i n a separate s e c t i o n . The next p r e - C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n p o l i c y statement of importance came w i t h the Great Leap Forward. On the b a s i s of d e c i s i o n s reached at a conference of educational work convened by the C e n t r a l Committee of the Chinese Communist Party i n 1958, Lu T i n g - y i , ( ?'£ ^ ) an a l t e r n a t e member of the P o l i t b u r o and V i c e -M i n i s t e r of Education wrote an a u t h o r i t a t i v e a r t i c l e i n the j o u r n a l Hongqi a t r a n s l a t i o n of which appears i n the appendix. Lu T i n g - y i , born i n 1904, i s a n a t i v e of Wuhsi, Kiangsu. He graduated from Sun Yat Sen U n i v e r s i t y i n Moscow and was q u i t e a c t i v e during the c i v i l war. He had very close t i e s w i t h the Sino-Soviet F r i e n d s h i p A s s o c i a t i o n and has r e c e n t l y been attacked by the Red Guards and p u b l i c l y paraded f o r committing e r r o r s almost e x a c t l y analogous w i t h the ones he opposed i n h i s 1-958 a r t i c l e . 2 ^ The b a s i c t h r u s t of Lu's a r t i c l e i s h i s combining education with productive labor and a t t a c k i n g the hold which the bourgeoisie have held 24 Who s Who i n Communist China. • 34 . over education since 1949. Lu points out i n the beginning of h i s a r t i c l e that the two most important achievements i n the f i e l d of education i n the past nine years since the r e v o l u t i o n have been the a p p l i c a t i o n i n a l l schools of the p r i n c i p l e of combining education w i t h productive l a b o r , and the establishment of a g r i c u l t u r a l middle schools. The f i r s t i s . a t h e o r e t i c a l achievement and the l a t t e r i s a p r a c t i c a l achievement. However, the key word i n the area of theory i s p r i n c i p l e . Lu elaborates on t h i s theme i n d e t a i l to show how i n p r a c t i c e the p r i n c i p l e of combining education . w i t h productive labor has never been r e a l i z e d . He begins by d i s c u s s i n g the purpose of s o c i a l i s t education. This area of h i s a r t i c l e c o i n c i d e s very c l o s e l y w i t h the various t h e o r e t i c a l s t a t e -ments d e a l t w i t h above i n d i c a t i n g the same, b a s i c threads are s t i l l running through o f f i c i a l p o l i c y . He r e i t e r a t e s the two main themes of educational p o l i c y which say that the purpose of education i s to help do away w i t h a l l e x p l o i t i n g c l a s s e s and a l l systems of e x p l o i t a t i o n and the goal of education has always been to have an educational system which serves the workers and peasants. In l i n e w i t h t h i s i s an education which w i l l r e a l i z e the concept of,, "from each according to h i s a b i l i t y and to each according to h i s needs," e l i m i n a t e the d i f f e r e n c e between town and country and e l i m i n a t e the d i f f e r e n c e between mental and manual labor. None of t h i s i s very d i f f e r e n t from Ch'ien's 1950 r e p o r t . Lu next discusses the meaning of knowledge and here he d i r e c t l y quotes from Mao's 1942 a r t i c l e , " R e c t i f y the Party's S t y l e of Work." He reemphasizes that there are two kinds of knowledge: the-knowledge of c l a s s . s t r u g g l e and the knowledge of the struggle f o r production. He does t h i s for reasons other than mere r e p e t i t i o n . He points out that f o r the past nine years bourgeois pedagogues have obstructed attempts to put i n t o p r a c t i c e i n the area of curriculum these two kinds of knowledge. Furthermore, they have c o n s i s t e n t l y maintained that the masses of people are not able to run education i n the sense that they would have a hand i n d e c i d i n g and formulating curriculum. The reason they have been s u c c e s s f u l i n b l o c k i n g attempts to have a mass education i s , according to Lu, because they have gained i n f l u e n c e w i t h i n the Communist Party. This may. have been the f i r s t h i n t of shortcomings that were l a t e r revealed i n the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n . Lu stressed that the debate which had gone on i n the past nine years between the bourgeois pedagogues and the genuine communists centered on the question of what c o n s t i t u t e s a l l - r o u n d development. The bourgeois view was e s s e n t i a l l y e l i t i s t m a i n t aining that experts were more able to guide the development of education than were the masses who were going to be educated. The view of others i n the Party held that students should be allowed to acquire broader knowledge so that they could be v e r s a t i l e enough to be able to t r a n s f e r from one form of productive a c t i v i t y to another depending on the p a r t i c u l a r needs of. the country. This could only be accomplished by combining education w i t h productive l a b o r . F i n a l l y Lu l i s t e d some of the s p e c i f i c measures which would have to be taken i n order to implement the mass l i n e . F i r s t , there would have to be a combination of u n i t y w i t h d i v e r s i t y . This meant that the purpose of the t r a i n i n g would be u n i f i e d , that i s , to t r a i n s o c i a l i s t - m i n d e d , educated workers. The schools, however, would be run by c e n t r a l or l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . Second, the spreading of education would have to be combined with the r a i s i n g of educational l e v e l s . T h i r d , o v e r - a l l planning would have to be combined w i t h d e - c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i n order to b r i n g i n t o play the i n i t i a t i v e . 36 of both the various c e n t r a l government departments and the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s and the masses. Fourth, the mass l i n e would have to be a p p l i e d i n the p o l i t i c a l , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , pedagogic, and research work i n the schools. From t h i s document i t becomes c l e a r that despite the campaign of the Great Leap Forward and a l l the changes i t brought to Chinese s o c i e t y the b a s i c t h e o r e t i c a l stance i n the f i e l d of education had not changed s i g n i -f i c a n t l y . What we l e a r n i n a d d i t i o n to t h i s i s that i f the bourgeois elements mentioned by Lu were not overcome then another campaign almost c e r t a i n l y would be necessary. This i s i n f a c t how i t turned but, but before d i s c u s s i n g the C u l t u r a l Revolution and i t s meaning f o r education i t i s necessary to have a more d e t a i l e d background of the p r a c t i c e of the. Chinese communist approach to education. 37 CHAPTER i v EDUCATION: PRACTICE This chapter i s a general d i s c u s s i o n of some of the q u a n t i t a t i v e features of education i n China i n c l u d i n g s t a t i s t i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n on such areas as enrollment, i n s t i t u t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s , a n d graduates. By examining some of the p r a c t i c a l achievements of the communists i n the f i e l d of education i t i s p o s s i b l e to reach a c l e a r e r understanding as to what degree theory has been u n i f i e d w i t h p r a c t i c e . Primary and Secondary Education Since the 1920's the pa t t e r n p r e v a i l i n g i n the f i e l d of primary and secondary education i n China has been that of a twelve year cycle d i v i d e d i n t o three b a s i c p a r t s : s i x year primary or elementary school followed by a three year j u n i o r middle and a three year senior middle school. The inf l u e n c e of the American system i s quite apparent. The s i x year elementary cycle was f u r t h e r sub-divided i n t o four years : 0 f j u n i o r grades followed by two years of senior grades. This p a t t e r n continued u n t i l 1960. The most notable changes i n the elementary educational s t r u c t u r e occurred i n 1958 when a s e r i e s of reforms were undertaken mainly to i n t r o -duce the p r a c t i c e of productive labor i n t o the curriculum. A l l students i n primary school from age nine and up worked four hours i n productive l a b o r . The next major reform came i n 1960. The new reforms, o u t l i n e d by Yang Hsiu-feng and Lu T i n g - y l , centered around the i n t e n t i o n to reduce the number of years i n the primary-secondary cycle i n the f u l l - t i m e schools. As u s u a l , t h i s reform had been experimented with i n advance at various 38 i n s t i t u t i o n s and i n various forms. The conclusion of the Communist Party-was that the d i f f e r e n t experiments proved the f e a s i b i l i t y of shortening the c y c l e . The f i n a l form decided upon was a u n i f i e d c ycle of ten years' d u r a t i o n as opposed to the previous twelve year d i v i d e d c y c l e . A q u a l i -t a t i v e d i f f e r e n c e of t h i s new cycle was that w i t h i n the ten year period the student was to reach the l e v e l of a c o l l e g e freshman. Furthermore, both Lu and Yang c a l l e d f o r s u i t a b l e increases i n p h y s i c a l ' l a b o r as part of the new reforms. The reasons given f o r the new changes by Lu were b a s i c a l l y economic. He stressed that by the time students are seventeen they have had t e n years of schooling and are considered f u l l man power u n i t s and therefore needed f o r production.^ The new reforms imply that from 1949 to 1960 serious weaknesses e x i s t e d . According to Lu, " c u l t u r a l standards" had been lowered i n the sense that such b a s i c courses as a n a l y t i c a l geometry had been dropped from the curriculum, and lower standards i n achievement i n f o r e i g n language study p r e v a i l e d . Most of the sciences were al s o being taught i n a backward manner. So i n t h i s sense the reforms d e a l t s o l e l y w i t h r a i s i n g the educa-t i o n a l l e v e l while at the same time shortening the period of education and i n c r e a s i n g productive l a b o r . More important, however, was that throughout the l i t e r a t u r e d e a l i n g w i t h the reforms there was no mention of the p o l i t i c a l d i r e c t i o n which the new education was to take. Indeed, Lu i n h i s speech d i d not even mention the existence of p o l i t i c a l courses i n the o new curriculum. H is approach was s t r i c t l y pragmatic. 1 Robert D. Barendsen, Planned Reforms i n the Primary and Secondary  School System i n Communist China, U.S. Dept. of Health, Education,and Welfare No. 45 (Washington: U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , August, 1960), p. 6. Barendsen, Planned Reforms, p. 9. The development.of primary school f a c i l i t i e s was r a p i d e s p e c i a l l y during the e a r l y years between 1950 and 1953 when enrollment increased 75 per cent. Although there i s u s u a l l y v a r i a t i o n i n proportions of school age c h i l d r e n i n school at any given time the trend cannot be disputed: 1953 — 50.7 per cent; 1956—61.3 per cent; 1958 — 85 per cent; 3 1960—87 per cent. In terms of b u i l d i n g f a c i l i t i e s i t i s true that floorspace has doubled since 1949 i n both primary and secondary schools but Chang H s i - j o , M i n i s t e r of Education, stated i n 1957 that t h i s i s s t i l l inadequate from the standpoint of the needs of the people. 4 An average school day f o r primary students i s spent i n l e a r n i n g language, mathematics and p o l i t i c a l s t u d i e s . In a d d i t i o n to the general secondary schools, mentioned above, secondary schools of the normal and v o c a t i o n a l type were a l s o e s t a b l i s h e d . In the normal-secondary schools the periods of study were d i v i d e d i n t o two and three year terms. In general, the q u a l i t y of these schools was low as.good teachers were drawn to the more p r e s t i g i o u s general-secondary schools. This r e s u l t e d i n the cycle of having poor teachers t r a i n teachers who were handicapped.from the s t a r t and probably had to teach i n another normal-secondary school and so on. Despite the c r u c i a l need f o r teachers, progress i n t h i s area has been r e l a t i v e l y slow (see Table 10). Then i n 1958, due to the establishment of part-time schools, enrollment almost doubled and teachers were i n even shorter supply."' 3 Leo Orleans, "An Over-View of China's Education," Chinese S o c i e t y  Under Communism: A Reader, ed. W i l l i a m T. L i u (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1967), p. 338. Leo Orleans, P r o f e s s i o n a l Manpower and Education i n Communist China (Washington: N a t i o n a l Science Foundation P u b l i c a t i o n NSF 61-3, 1960), p. 84. 5 Orleans, "An Over-View," p. 344. 40 The vocational-secondary schools are meant to t r a i n middle l e v e l t e c h n i c a l s p e c i a l i s t s . There i s great confusion as to the nature of these schools, but despite t h i s confusion i t i s c l e a r that the Chinese leaders have r e a l i z e d the shortage of intermediate t e c h n i c a l personnel and have t r i e d to emphasize vocational-secondary education. While progress has been good i t has not been impressive (see Table ILL). Over a ten year period only about one m i l l i o n have been graduated i n t h i s area. I t appears that w i t h the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n greater s t r e s s w i l l be a p p l i e d to the development of t h i s l e v e l of education. Half-Work, Half-Study—Spare^Time Education • I t i s c l e a r that one of the major ed u c a t i o n a l problems facing, t r a n s i -t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s i s to provide adequate manpower necessary to r a i s e production to a s a t i s f a c t o r y l e v e l . Because of the large number of workers and peasants needed i n f a c t o r i e s and farms i t i s d i f f i c u l t to free them: f o r a s u f f i c i e n t amount of education. N a t u r a l l y , some s o c i e t i e s solve t h i s problem by m a i n t a i n i n g that i t i s not important to educate masses of people at such an e a r l y stage and therefore schooling i s mainly f o r a t e c h n o l o g i c a l e l i t e . However, i n China serious attempts have been made to r a i s e the c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l l e v e l of workers and peasants along w i t h those of other c l a s s e s and indeed the e n t i r e e d u c a t i o n a l system i s s a i d to be mainly f o r the worker and peasant c l a s s e s . Various methods have been t r i e d to provide f o r both education and production p r i n c i p a l l y the half-work, h a l f - s t u d y schools i n the countryside and the spare-time schools i n the c i t i e s . 6 Orleans, "An Over-View," p. 344. 41 The half-work, h a l f - s t u d y schools increased the number of secondary schools i n the r u r a l areas at the j u n i o r middle l e v e l . One of the reasons why a s p e c i a l type of school was set up was again economic. I t was cheaper f o r the State to operate since i t required no s p e c i a l equipment, i t d i d not take students completely out of the production realm as d i d the r e g u l a r f u l l - t i m e secondary schools, and the students already had some knowledge of farming methods. The f i r s t schools were e s t a b l i s h e d i n Kiangsu province i n 1958. At that time students worked part of the day and studied the r e s t depending on the season. There were four b a s i c courses: Chinese, „ mathematics, p o l i t i c s , and general a g r i c u l t u r e . Standards were low due to the shortage of q u a l i f i e d teachers. In the communes Party leadership was strongest i n these schools. By the 1960's not much was heard about these schools and i t was thought that t h e i r i n f l u e n c e had d e c l i n e d . Then i n 1962 a modified system was announced w i t h major changes i n the a l l o c a t i o n of study and work. Before that time, students had worked at t h e i r r e g u l a r task part of the day and then studied the remainder. The 1962 reforms used a seasonal approach whereby the student worked during the growing season f u l l - t i m e and studied f u l l - t i m e during the slack season. This . s h i f t has been attacked by the Red Guards r e c e n t l y on the grounds that i t s p l i t s up the constant i n t e r - f l o w of theory and p r a c t i c e . 7 Spare-time education f o r workers i n the c i t i e s has been an o f f i c i a l l y declared p o l i c y since 1950 when the Government A d m i n i s t r a t i o n C o u n c i l issued the " D i r e c t i v e on Developing Spare-Time Education f o r Workers and 7 Robert D. Baredsen CsicJ , "The Innovation of Half-Work and Half-Study Schools," Chinese So c i e t y Under Communism: A Reader, ed. W i l l i a m T. L i u (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1967), pp. 345-362. 42 8 S t a f f Members." Leaders i n China have long recognized the need f o r r a i s i n g the t e c h n i c a l l e v e l of the working force as a necessary adjunct to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . This type of-education has been conducted i n spare-time schools w i t h i n the f a c t o r i e s , mines,and other i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e s i n China. Under the 1950 d i r e c t i v e the p r i o r i t y was c l e a r l y given to p o l i t i c a l education. The program was coordinated by the trade u n i o n s — t h e mass o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r the workers. They pushed p o l i t i c a l education forward under the press of p o l i t i c a l events of the time (Korean war, L i b e r a t e Taiwan movement, e t c . ) . Therefore, the development and expansion of c u l t u r a l and t e c h n i c a l education was comparatively slow. The reasons for the l a g i n development were o u t l i n e d by Yang Hsiu-feng, then M i n i s t e r of Higher Education (1950): inadequate speed i n e s t a b l i s h i n g a complete spare-time educational system from primary school through u n i v e r s i t y l e v e l s ; no guarantee of study time f o r workers; inadequate numbers of q u a l i f i e d teachers; low q u a l i f i c a t i o n s of the students; lack of funds. 9 The s i t u a t i o n changed somewhat i n 1958 when, as a r e s u l t of the Great Leap Forward, i n t e l l e c t u a l s were "sent down" ( b ) to the countryside and i n a d d i t i o n to working they set up many a d d i t i o n a l spare-time schools. But problems developed again i n 1959 and 1961 when a g r i c u l t u r a l d i s a s t e r s caused a cut i n personnel i n the processing plants and some workers e n r o l l e d during the Great Leap Forward were dropped thus causing d i s l o c a t i o n i n the planning. The development, then, was uneven. Pi ° Paul Harper, Spare Time Education f o r Workers i n Communist China, U.S. Dept. of Health, Education,and Welfare No. 30 (Washington: U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1964), p. 3. 9 »-Harper.yvSpare'-'Time Education, p.. 10. -- .-43 Organization and c o n t r o l came from two sources: the Party and the mass o r g a n i z a t i o n s , the trade unions. The unions r e t a i n e d the r e s p o n s i -b i l i t y f o r p o l i t i c a l education while the c u l t u r a l and t e c h n i c a l studies were turned over to management. The content of the c u l t u r a l and t e c h n i c a l s tudies was determined by the P a r t y . ^ The e f f e c t i v e n e s s of t h i s type of education was great. The average ed u c a t i o n a l l e v e l of the i n d u s t r i a l workers and therefore t h e i r p o t e n t i a l t e c h n o l o g i c a l ' l e v e l has r i s e n markedly. Before 1949 between 75 and 80 per cent of China's workers were i l l i t e r a t e . In the nine years f o l l o w i n g l i b e r a t i o n these f i g u r e s have a c t u a l l y been r e v e r s e d — 7 0 to 80 per cent 11 l i t e r a t e . On the other hand, only 1 to 2 per cent reached c o l l e g e l e v e l . Probably the greatest importance of t h i s type of schooling, from a p r a c t i c a l standpoint, i s that i t i s used to r e p l e n i s h and expand the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and t e c h n i c a l personnel of the f a c t o r i e s or to s t a f f newly e s t a b l i s h e d s u b s i d i a r y p l a n t s by drawing on the e n t e r p r i s e s ' own workers (for f i g u r e s on spare-time education see Table TV). Higher Education Perhaps the most numerous and s i g n i f i c a n t e d u cational changes made by the new leadership i n China have been i n the area of higher education. By f a r the bulk of the changes have been q u a n t i t a t i v e i n nature. While Harper, Spare Time Education, p. 20. H Harper, Spare Time Education, p. 22. L i t e r a t e i s taken to be primary school or above. This was reported i n 1960 by Lu T i n g - y i . Harper, Spare Time Education, p. 24, ' > . 44 these are important i t i s the q u a l i t a t i v e adjustments which have created the greatest controversy both abroad and w i t h i n China; There i s a paradox i n that on the one hand, those nations 'unsympathetic to the new s i t u a t i o n i n China f e e l that the q u a l i t a t i v e changes have been too f a r -reaching while, on the other hand recent Red Guard a c t i v i t i e s i n d i c a t e that f o r some the changes have not been f a r - r e a c h i n g enough. The Chinese communists have reorganized the c o l l e g e s and u n i v e r s i t i e s and readjusted c o l l e g e departments s i x times. The f i r s t four r e o r g a n i z a -t i o n s p r i m a r i l y i n v o l v e d q u a n t i t a t i v e changes. The other two (the Great Leap Forward and the C u l t u r a l Revolution) d e a l t w i t h p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l r e c t i f i c a t i o n . The f i r s t d e c i s i o n r e o r g a n i z i n g higher education was taken at the N a t i o n a l Conference on Higher Education h e l d i n 1950 i n Peking. I t simply, reorganized the various c o l l e g e s of engineering. One.year l a t e r a second ' and l a r g e r r e o r g a n i z a t i o n was c a r r i e d out i n North, East, and C e n t r a l China. The targets t h i s time were a l s o c o l l e g e s of science and engineering and the reason given was to i n t e n s i f y the education of advanced i n d u s t r i a l s p e c i a l i s t s arid technieans. U n i v e r s i t i e s were d i s s e c t e d and the parts reformed to comprise more s p e c i a l i z e d u n i v e r s i t y u n i t s . For example, the engineering c o l l e g e of Peking U n i v e r s i t y and a l l departments of Yenching U n i v e r s i t y ' s c o l l e g e s of science and engineering were incorporated i n t o Tsinghua U n i v e r s i t y to make the l a t t e r a multi-department t e c h n o l o g i c a l . school. At the same time, Tsinghua U n i v e r s i t y ' s c o l l e g e s of a r t s , science, and law together w i t h the three s i m i l a r c o l l e g e s of Yenching U n i v e r s i t y were incorporated i n t o Peking U n i v e r s i t y which was to be made a u n i v e r s i t y of a comprehensive nature. This a l s o happened i n many other u n i v e r s i t i e s 45 ( i . e . , the engineering c o l l e g e s of Nankai and T i e n t s i n T a i Koo U n i v e r s i -t i e s were incorporated i n t o T i e n t s i n U n i v e r s i t y and Nankai became a comprehensive a r t s s c h o o l ) . The:.third r e o r g a n i z a t i o n occurred i n conjunction w i t h the t h r e e - a n t i and f i v e - a n t i movements of 1952 ( t h r e e - a n t i : a n t i - c o r r u p t i o n , anti-waste, anti-bureaucratism; f i v e - a n t i : a n t i - b r i b e r y , a n t i - t a x evasion, a n t i - f r a u d , a n t i - t h e f t of state property, a n t i - t h e f t of state economic s e c r e t s ) . This r e o r g a n i z a t i o n d i d not a f f e c t the u n i v e r s i t i e s nationwide but was confined to the two a d m i n i s t r a t i v e zones of North and East China. This movement was a l s o aimed at f u r t h e r c o n s o l i d a t i n g the t e c h n i c a l and s c i e n t i f i c • departments of those u n i v e r s i t i e s i n v o l v e d . The f o u r t h r e o r g a n i z a t i o n came i n 1953 as a r e s u l t of the Korean war.' The f i r s t three r e o r g a n i z a t i o n s had expanded the educational i n s t i t u t i o n s to an unmanageable number. The demands of the war n e c e s s i t a t e d a cutback. Therefore, i n 1953 a number of u n i v e r s i t i e s were abolished: Shansi, Northeast N a v i g a t i o n a l School, Shanghai N a v i g a t i o n a l School and Fukien N a v i g a t i o n a l School a l l merged to become Dairen N a v i g a t i o n a l School; Hunan, Kuangsi, Kueichow and Nanchang U n i v e r s i t i e s were a l l abolished. However, i n the l a t t e r part of 1953 when the Korean war was brought to an end most of the u n i v e r s i t i e s formerly abolished were r e s t o r e d . During the e n t i r e period from 1950 to 1953 the dominant model followed e s p e c i a l l y i n c u r r i c u l a and course content was that of the Soviet Union. In the process of r e o r g a n i z a t i o n , foreign-run u n i v e r s i t i e s were expropriated and t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n and c u r r i c u l a a c c o r d i n g l y transformed. In a d d i t i o n to the manipulating of p r e v i o u s l y e s t a b l i s h e d u n i v e r s i t i e s 46 the.communists a l s o e s t a b l i s h e d a. number of p o l i t i c a l u n i v e r s i t i e s and u n i v e r s i t i e s f o r n a t i o n a l m i n o r i t i e s ( i . e . , China People's U n i v e r s i t y i n Peking and China N a t i o n a l M i n o r i t y School a l s o i n Peking). The f i f t h r e o r g a n i z a t i o n came i n 1958 and was part of a broader movement known as the Great Leap Forward. The Great Leap Forward a f f e c t e d many areas of Chinese l i f e (see Chapter v) e s p e c i a l l y education. During t h i s period emphasis was s e r i o u s l y put on the i d e o l o g i c a l and p o l i t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s , of education p a r t i c u l a r l y at the higher l e v e l s . In a d d i t i o n , more u n i v e r s i t i e s were e s t a b l i s h e d but u n l i k e the old ones these were organized on a p o l i t i c a l b a s i s . Worker and peasant education was e s p e c i a l 1 -3 s t r e s s e d . The r e o r g a n i z a t i o n s discussed above are i n the area of f a c i l i t y changes, departmental realignments, and to a l e s s e r degree i d e o l o g i c a l readjustments. Concurrent with the p h y s i c a l r e o r g a n i z a t i o n s was the c u r r i c u l a reform. Curriculum i n higher educational i n s t i t u t i o n s has under gone change almost continuously since 1949. Two p e r i o d s , however, stand out as periods of major change. The f i r s t was during the e a r l y days of c o n s o l i d a t i o n of power (1949-1952). The second has been during the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n . The e a r l y period w i l l be d e a l t w i t h here and changes o c c u r r i n g as a r e s u l t of the C u l t u r a l Revolution w i l l be discussed i n Chapter v. C u r r i c u l a r reform was one of the most important subjects discussed at the A l l - C h i n a Higher Education Conference held i n August of 1950. 13 I Wo-sheng, Communist China 1949-1959 (Hong Kong: Union Research I n s t i t u t e , 1961), I I I , 110. 47 A c t u a l l y , c u r r i c u l a r reform had begun p r i o r to that i n some areas of China. As soon as an area was l i b e r a t e d c u r r i c u l a r reform of the schools i n that area s t a r t e d almost immediately. So i n many areas c u r r i c u l a r reform had been going on f o r about a year before the o f f i c i a l d i r e c t i v e f o r i t was promulgated. From o f f i c i a l u n i v e r s i t y r e p o rts and other sources i t appears that such reform developed i n four s t a g e s : ^ (1) p r e l i m i n a r y reforms i n c l u d i n g the a b o l i t i o n of o l d Kuomintang ideology courses, the adoption of courses i n d i a l e c t i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m and p o l i t i c a l economy, (2) major c u r r i c u l a r reforms i n a l l d e p a r t m e n t s — i . e . , the adoption of new courses i n e l e c t r o k i n e t i c s , astronomy, e t c . , (3) i n s p e c t i o n and readjustment of the new c u r r i c u l u m by the M i n i s t r y of Education, (4) supplementary reforms based on the M i n i s t r y of Education's i n s p e c t i o n . ^ Between 1952 and 1966 minor changes i n c u r r i c u l a have taken place r e g u l a r l y but the p a t t e r n described above has g e n e r a l l y p r e v a i l e d . Other more q u a n t i t a t i v e aspects of higher education include expansion i n e n r o l l -ment and f a c i l i t i e s (see Table V) and the trend towards more p r a c t i c a l and s c i e n t i f i c work (see Table V I ) . One i n t e r e s t i n g and important s t a t i s t i c released from mainland sources concerns the s o c i a l background of u n i v e r s i t y students. From 1949 to 1958 worker and peasant enrollment increased from 20.46 per cent i n 1949 to 36.42 per cent i n 1958. Against the background of the Chinese communist theory of education discussed above i t would appear that t h e i r theory and p r a c t i c e of p r o l e t a r i a n education does not accord. Red Guard charges during the C u l t u r a l Revolution v a l i d a t e the above s t a t i s t i c and maintain that from 1958 to 1962 the s i t u a t i o n d i d not i m p r o v e . ^ 1^ Chung Shih, Higher Education i n Communist China (Hong Kong: Union Research I n s t i t u t e , 1953), p. 26. 1 5 Chung, p. 24. 16 Orleans, P r o f e s s i o n a l Manpower, p. 65. CHAPTER v IDEOLOGICAL CAMPAIGNS AND UNIVERSITY RESPONSE In Chapter i i i some of the various reforms i n the area of education were discussed. These included mainly q u a n t i t a t i v e reforms and to a l e s s e r degree q u a l i t a t i v e , i d e o l o g i c a l reforms. In t h i s chapter the emphasis w i l l be s t r i c t l y on the i d e o l o g i c a l campaigns which have occurred since the establishment of the People's Republic i n 1949. The Chinese themselves do not d i s t i n g u i s h between m a t e r i a l changes and t h e o r e t i c a l changes. Instead, they s t r e s s the interdependence of m a t e r i a l change and i d e o l o g i c a l change. One could not have occurred, they contend, without the other. While t h i s i s c e r t a i n l y true i t i s e q u a l l y true that the two developed at a d i f f e r e n t pace. Thus, they are de a l t w i t h separately i n t h i s work, but the r e l a t i o n s h i p between them should be kept, i n mind. Since 1949 there have been f i v e major i d e o l o g i c a l campaigns which have d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d the f i e l d of education. They were spread roughly over three year periods. In each of these campaigns p a r t i c u l a r aspects of the Chinese communist theory of education have been pursued. U s u a l l y , the campaign was d i r e c t e d from the top down using the medium of the mass or g a n i z a t i o n s . The purpose of t h i s chapter i s to discuss i n d e t a i l each of the campaigns and then to give concrete examples of the responses from the u n i v e r s i t i e s . In each case the i l l u s t r a t i o n chosen i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . My aim w i l l be to c l a r i f y what appears to be p e r i o d i c chaos on the Chinese mainland. 49 ' Cheng Feng Movement—1950 The term cheng-feng ( c o n t r a c t i o n of the phrase, cheng tun tso feng: c o r r e c t the s t y l e of work) f i r s t appeared i n a speech given on February 1, 1942, by Mao Tse-tung i n a Yenan l e c t u r e h a l l to more than a thousand Party members. In the speech Mao launched a broad attack on the e r r o r s of the Party's s t y l e of work and thought. His main tar g e t s were s u b j e c t i v i s m in. thought, s e c t a r i a n i s m (separation from the masses) i n Party r e l a t i o n s , and formalism i n l i t e r a t u r e and a r t . This was the inauguration of the f i r s t Cheng Feng Movement and covered only the period from 1942 to 1944. The movement developed i n three stages: f i r s t , a period of study and d i s c u s s i o n mainly of a s e r i e s of documents d e a l i n g with the reform of teaching methods fo r cadres; second, a period of i n v e s t i g a t i o n of Party work by the t r a i n i n g schools themselves; t h i r d , a concluding e v a l u a t i o n session where members of i n d i v i d u a l schools and organs rated the q u a l i t y of t h e i r comrade's work and submitted reports to higher l e v e l s . The f i r s t Cheng Feng Movement was a Chinese product and expressed the Chinese Communist Party's w i l l i n g n e s s and determination to organize and plan t h e i r own r e v o l u t i o n a r y a c t i v i t i e s . The f i r s t task of the reform movement was to er a d i c a t e dogmatism—mainly dogmatic i m i t a t i o n of Russian models. The movement was aimed away from empty t h e o r i z i n g and toward the s o l u t i o n of the many p r a c t i c a l problems that faced the Party a f t e r 1937. These included the war of r e s i s t a n c e against Japan, the struggle f o r s u r v i v a l i n the face of blockade by the Kuomintang armies, the expansion of Party membership to 800,000 and composed of diverse elements, the great distance between war bases and the consequent problem of c o o r d i n a t i o n , 50 and lack of a c e n t r a l government. Mao faced a staggering task i n welding t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n together f o r war and r e v o l u t i o n . The answer was the Cheng Feng Movement of 1942-1944. The method was a very thorough procedure which involved each member d i s c u s s i n g with others the problems and defects which e x i s t e d i n h i s own work, confessing h i s e r r o r s , and promising to reform. This was followed by another s e r i e s of c r i t i c i s m then s t r u g g l e , and f i n a l l y some form of u n i t y . 1 By 1950 the Communist Party had been t h r u s t i n t o a. p o s i t i o n of t r e -mendous r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Again, as i n the Yenan p e r i o d , the P a r t y faced new and extensive b a s i c problems. F i r s t among these was the r a p i d expansion of Pa r t y functions which i n turn created two more problems, that of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e e f f i c i e n c y and popular support. Another b a s i c problem was the v i r t u a l e x p l o s i o n of Party membership from 800,000 to 5,000,000, second only to the Soviet Union (6,300,000). This demanded a s p e c i a l i n d o c t r i -n a t i o n program f o r the many new members most of whom were e i t h e r uneducated peasants or i n t e l l e c t u a l s from the u n i v e r s i t i e s , each w i t h h i s own ideology or lack of i t . The f i r s t h i n t of a new Cheng Feng Movement came i n 1950, again from Mao Tse-tung, i n a short paragraph at the end of his. report to the Third Plenum of the C e n t r a l Committee held i n June. In t h i s paragraph h e . i n s t r u c t e d the whole Party to engage i n a l a r g e - s c a l e i d e o l o g i c a l remolding movement during the coming three seasons (summer, autumn, winter) and to overcome 1 Boyd Compton, Mao's China: Party Reform Documents, 1942-1944 ( S e a t t l e , Washington: U n i v e r s i t y of Washington Press, 1952), pp-. x v - l i i . 2 Compton, p. 46. t h e i r f e e l i n g s of arrogance and s e l f - s a t i s f a c t i o n . The movement began o f f i c i a l l y on J u l y 1, w i t h a C e n t r a l Committee d i r e c t i v e i n d i c a t i n g the method of reform: study of c e r t a i n documents, summarization of work accomplished, a n a l y s i s of conditions, and the development of c r i t i c i s m and s e l f - c r i t i c i s m . 4 There were two sets of major e r r o r s which were to be attacked. The f i r s t was bureaucratism i n the Party structure,, and the second was a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m - p r i d e - a r r o g a n c e . These e r r o r s seem to be restatements of those attacked i n the f i r s t Cheng Feng Movement i n 1942 w i t h the d i f f e r e n c e that t h i s time the Party was l o o k i n g at i t s e l f as leader of the s t a t e . This d i f f e r e n c e r e f l e c t e d the enlarged scope of the 1950 Cheng Feng Movement; i t was not j u s t aimed at the P a r t y but included many other areas of s o c i e t y p a r t i c u l a r l y the f i e l d of education. The Cheng Feng Movement f i r s t began to a f f e c t the educational s t r u c t u r e i n September, 1951, i n the form of "thought reform" (/^'• ) On September 29, 1951, Chou E n - l a i d e l i v e r e d a f i v e hour l e c t u r e i n Peking which o f f i c i a l l y opened the campaign. In h i s speech Chou suggested that a "study campaign for i d e o l o g i c a l reform" be i n i t i a t e d by the u n i v e r s i t i e s of North China mainly i n the P e k i n g - T i e n t s i n area.^ This speech was c l o s e l y followed by an a r t i c l e from Ch'ien Chun-jui on November 1, i n which he attacked u n i v e r s i t y professors and i n t e l l e c t u a l s and i n s t r u c t e d them to take part i n the reform movement introduced by Mao i n 1950. 3 Compton, p. 47. 4 Compton, p. 48. ~* Current Background, No. 169, A p r i l , 1952 (Hong Kong: U.S. Consulate G e n e r a l ) — h e r e a f t e r c i t e d as CB. The movement began to gain momentum i n l a t e 1951 when Kuo Mo-jo o u t l i n e d a general method f o r i n i t i a l implementation of the movement: (1) to launch an i d e o l o g i c a l remolding movement among teachers which would s t a r t i n Peking and T i e n t i s n and e v e n t u a l l y spread throughout China; (2) as f a r as p o s s i b l e to send teachers to take part i n ag r a r i a n reform; (3) to send the bourgeois teachers to p o l i t i c a l t r a i n i n g schools; (4) to take other measures to f u r t h e r the i d e o l o g i c a l remolding movement.^ He moreover l i s t e d some of the p r i n c i p a l t r a i t s which were to be el i m i n a t e d from the a t t i t u d e s of u n i v e r s i t y professors and teachers: (1) " f e u d a l " m e n t a l i t y r e f l e c t i n g i n c o r r e c t a t t i t u d e s of i n t e l l e c t u a l s toward l a b o r ; (2) absence of s o c i a l consciousness or cooperative s p i r i t ; (3) i n d i v i d u a l i s m which opposed group consciousness and s o c i a l i s m ; (4) heroism or the demand f o r personal g l o r y ; (5) hedonism; (6) i d e a l i s m , which opposed Mar x i s t m a t e r i a l i s m (7) c o r r u p t i o n and low morals.^ The a c t u a l implementation of the movement began i n Peking and T i e n t s i n ( i n keeping w i t h the tendency of the Chinese communists to experiment i n a l i m i t e d area i n the i n i t i a l stages). Over 3,000 professors from l e a d i n g u n i v e r s i t i e s i n North China p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the e a r l y stages of the movement which was to l a s t four months. A s p e c i a l nineteen man committee headed by Ma Hsu-lun, M i n i s t e r of Education, was set up to guide the movement. On November 18, P'eng Chen opened the second stage of the movement. Fo l l o w i n g t h i s came the many dramatic confessions from some of the leading educational f i g u r e s i n China. ^ Stewart F r a s e r , "Education and P o l i t i c s i n Red China," Colorado  Q u a r t e r l y , No. 1, IX (Summer, 1960), 26. ^ F r a s e r , "Education and P o l i t i c s , " p. 9. 53 The f o l l o w i n g a r e a s e r i e s o f d a i l y news r e l e a s e s f r o m the l e a d i n g o r g a n s on the m a i n l a n d c o n c e r n i n g the advance o f the Cheng F e n g Movement i n e d u c a t i o n . They range f rom l a t e 1951 to e a r l y 1952 and d e a l l a r g e l y w i t h the i n i t i a l r e f o r m c a r r i e d out i n the P e k i n g - T i e n t s i n a r e a and show i t s e x p a n s i o n to o t h e r a r e a s . They p r o v i d e a b e t t e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f how the i d e o l o g i c a l campaign was c a r r i e d out i n p r a c t i c e . The New C h i n a News A g e n c y ( h e r e a f t e r r e f e r r e d to as NCNA) r e p o r t e d on O c t o b e r 23, on the scope o f the N o r t h C h i n a movement: Over 3 ,000 t e a c h e r s o f i n s t i t u t e s o f h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n i n P e k i n g and T i e n t s i n l a u n c h e d i n September under the g u i d a n c e o f the M i n i s t r y o f E d u c a t i o n a s t u d y campaign aimed a t r e f o r m i n g t h e i r own t h o u g h t s . Twenty u n i v e r s i t i e s and c o l l e g e s p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h i s s t u d y campaign . . . . The s t u d y i s f o r the p u r p o s e o f l i s t e n i n g t o r e p o r t s , r e a d i n g d o c u m e n t s , and the d e v e l o p m e n t o f c r i t i c i s m and s e l f - c r i t i c i s m . ' The p e r i o d o f s t u d y i s t o l a s t f o u r m o n t h s . U n i v e r s i t y p r e s i d e n t s a l l o v e r N o r t h C h i n a have s e t up s i m i l a r s t u d y c o m m i t t e e s to t h o r o u g h l y l e a r n M a r x i s m -L e n i n i s m . O t h e r u n i v e r s i t i e s a r e : T s i n g h u a , N o r m a l , P e k i n g A g r i c u l t u r a l U n i v e r s i t y , F u j e n U n i v e r s i t y , N o r t h C h i n a Communi-c a t i o n s C o l l e g e , C o l l e g e o f E n g i n e e r i n g o f N o r t h C h i n a , C h i n a U n i o n M e d i c a l C o l l e g e , P e k i n g U n i v e r s i t y , T i e n t s i n U n i v e r s i t y , N a n k a i U n i v e r s i t y , C h i n a M i n i n g C o l l e g e , H o p e i M a r i n e P r o d u c t s C o l l e g e , F o r e i g n Languages S c h o o l , C e n t r a l F i n e A r t s C o l l e g e , C e n t r a l C o n s e r v a t o r y o f M u s i c . 8 On November 12, the NCNA r e p o r t e d on the e x p a n s i o n o f the movement and i n d i c a t e d the n a t u r e o f the m a t e r i a l to be s t u d i e d i n the s t u d y p r o g r a m : The o r g i n a l 3 ,000 group has grown to 6,188 and some employees o f the s c h o o l s have a l s o j o i n e d i n . . . . The s t u d y program w i l l be made up o f f i v e s t a g e s : 1 . s t u d y Chou E n - l a i ' s r e p o r t on the p r o b l e m o f i d e o l o g i c a l r e f o r m f o r i n t e l l e c t u a l s . 2 . s t u d y P ' e n g C h e n ' s r e p o r t on q u e s t i o n s r e l a t e d t o the t h r e e m a j o r movements ( a g r a r i a n r e f o r m , r e s i s t - A m e r i c a , a i d - K o r e a , s u p p r e s s i o n o f c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s ) . C B , N o . 169. 54 3. study of Hu Ch'iao-mu's T h i r t y Years of Mao Tse-tung's  Theory of the Chinese Revolution as the Combination of  Marxism-Leninism w i t h the Chinese R e v o l u t i o n . 4. study of L i Fu-ch'un's report on economic c o n s t r u c t i o n . 5. general summary of the four a r t i c l e s , examination of personal ideology, examination of work, e t c . ^ N Whereas the 1942 Cheng Feng Movement reform documents were e i t h e r Soviet i n o r i g i n or at l e a s t S o v i e t - i n s p i r e d , the documents l i s t e d i n the above a r t i c l e are e n t i r e l y Chinese. By l a t e November the movement i n the P e k i n g - T i e n t s i n area had consolidated to a point where i t began to give leadership to other study movements. On November 20, a d i s p a t c h from Peking reported i n Ta Kung Pao revealed that the study movement f o r s e l f -reform was being unfolded by the teachers of Yenching U n i v e r s i t y under the d i r e c t l e a d e r s h i p of the Study Committee f o r College Teachers of Peking and T i e n t s i n . The teachers at Yenching: . . . d i v i d e d i n t o nineteen groups and up' to the end of October three formal d i s c u s s i o n s have been held by each of the nineteen groups. At the forums held by the various groups the teachers have i n general, exposed f r a n k l y t h e i r past and present thoughts. At the second meeting an a n a l y s i s and c r i t i c i s m of thoughts and viewpoints was made during which professor of h i s t o r y Nieh Ch'ung-ch'i confessed h i s motive i n s i g n i n g before the l i b e r a t i o n an a n t i - s o v i e t and anti-communist d e c l a r a t i o n . . . . Professor Ch'i Ssu-ho r e l a t e d h i s p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s i n p r e - l i b e r a t i o n days. Although some of the teachers made too much empty t a l k without c o o r d i n a t i n g i t w i t h t h e i r thoughts the greater part of the p a r t i c i p a n t s employed the weapon of c r i t i c i s m and s e l f -c r i t i c i s m and bared t h e i r former mistaken concepts.10 This seemed to be the beginning of the numerous "confessions" which appear l a t e r i n the movement. The confessions emanated from well-known professors of a l l u n i v e r s i t i e s but predominantly from those-professors CB, No. 169. CB, No. 169. 55 who had been educated abroad, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n America. The confessions followed a p a t t e r n easy to d i s c e r n . The confessor would begin by g i v i n g a b r i e f biography of h i s l i f e , c a r e f u l not to leave out any i n c o r r e c t a t t i t u d e s he might have had. He would go on to l i s t h i s f a u l t s and admit that he s t i l l was i n need of reform. He would conclude h i s confession on a note of hope that w i t h proper guidance from the Party he might f i n a l l y cast away forever a l l v e s t i g e s Of bourgeois a n t i - s o c i a l thought and f i n a l l y become a true asset to the new China. Besides the f l u r r y of confessions i n l a t e November and e a r l y December, study groups a l s o engaged i n c r i t i c i s m of other well-known personages. Foremost among those c r i t i c i z e d was Dr. Hu Shih. A Ta Kung Pao report on November 30, stated: In the second committee meeting of the P e i Ta (Peking U n i v e r s i t y ) and Nankai groups, professors denounced Hu Shih and discussed Chang P o - l i n . Professors who knew both of them p e r s o n a l l y would form study groups w i t h professors who d i d not know them w e l l and the men would then be d i s c u s s e d . H Hu Shih was e v e n t u a l l y c r i t i c i z e d by h i s own son. Up to December the study groups i n the u n i v e r s i t i e s concentrated on professors i n the s o c i a l sciences since t h i s i s where the greatest bourgeois i n f l u e n c e e x i s t e d . Then i n l a t e December NCNA-reported that the movement had spread to the Academia S i n i c a and the Railway Research I n s t i t u t e : ' S c i e n t i f i c research workmen i n Peking s t a r t e d a study campaign fo r i d e o l o g i c a l remolding i n e a r l y December. Two hundred research and t e c h n i c a l personnel from the Academy of .Sciences i n Peking and one hundred from the Railway Research' I n s t i t u t e took p a r t . The study campaign was to enable the researchers to recognize the new e r a , to d i s t i n g u i s h between the enemy and. ourselves, to c r i t i c i z e bourgeois ideas, and to serve the people. The period of study i s f i x e d at four months. To lead 1 1 CB, No. 169. 56 the campaign the Academy of Science set up the "Study Committee of Research Workers of the China Academy of Science" on November 22 w i t h Kuo Mo-jo f o r Chairman. On December 18 a m o b i l i z a t i o n meeting was held presided over by Kuo Mo-jo. The importance of i d e o l o g i c a l remolding was stressed from the standpoint of s o c i e t y and state c o n s t r u c t i o n . I n t e l l e c t u a l s at the u n i v e r s i t i e s c a r r y w i t h them momentous tasks i n c o n s t r u c t i n g state i n d u s t r y , a g r i c u l t u r e , and n a t i o n a l defense. But i n t e l l e c t u a l s are e s p e c i a l l y s u s c e p t i b l e to erroneous thoughts i . e . , l i b e r a l i s m , i n d i v i d u a l i s m , above-class, and a b o v e - p o l i t i c s ideas'. This should be done away w i t h . C e r t a i n members s a i d that p o l i t i c s have been elevated enough and science not enough so leave us alone. This i s erroneous and these people have to be shown that they are s t i l l c l a s s animals.12 By January, 1952, v i r t u a l l y a l l c o l l e g e s and u n i v e r s i t i e s i n North China had been a f f e c t e d i n one way or another by the reform movement. 'The end of 1952 saw the movement spread throughout the whole of China. The reform movement and the response i t evoked formed a p a t t e r n f o r subsequent reform movements i n the educational i n s t i t u t i o n s of China. A l l of these movements aimed at e r a d i c a t i n g bourgeois i n f l u e n c e among the i n t e l l e c t u a l s and each time the t a c t i c s changed s l i g h t l y . The 1950 Cheng Feng Movement was c l o s e l y followed i n 1953 by a campaign designed to prepare students and i n t e l l e c t u a l s a l i k e f o r acceptance of the i n t e g r a t i o n of education w i t h productive l a b o r . Hundred Flowers Campaign 1957 The period immediately f o l l o w i n g the establishment of the People's Republic was a time of r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of the educational apparatus, and the period spanning the Cheng Feng Movement and the Hundred Flowers 13 Campaign has been viewed i n terms of gradual retrenchment. F o l l o w i n g 1 2 CB, No. 169. ' 13 Stewart F r a s e r , Chinese Communist Education ( N a s h v i l l e , Tennessee: V a n d e r b i l t U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1965), p. 32. 57 the end of the Korean War domestic a f f a i r s again received p r i o r i t y and the atmosphere was one of r e a p p r a i s a l . This s t o c k - t a k i n g period allowed f o r some degree of r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n i n higher education. During the summer of 1953 a s e r i e s of c r i t i c a l conferences on higher education was h e l d at which high-ranking Party o f f i c i a l s reversed the previous d i r e c t i o n 14 which stressed q u a n t i t y over q u a l i t y . Thus, i n December of 1953 encouragement was given to young people to forego t h e i r studies and take part i n " g l o r i o u s work i n the f i e l d s and f a c t o r i e s . " ^ There were at l e a s t two o b j e c t i v e reasons f o r trimming the rate of enrollment and c u t t i n g back on f a c i l i t i e s . One was the severe economic d i s l o c a t i o n caused by the Korean War and the other was the e q u a l l y severe need to cater to . q u a l i t y r a t h e r than q u a n t i t y to meet the needs of the f i r s t F i v e Year Plan scheduled to begin i n 1953. The students involved i n t h i s campaign were assured that suspension of studies was only temporary and only u n t i l they • could be p r o p e r l y accommodated i n c o l l e g e . Yet, i t i s c l e a r that a retrenchment had taken place and a r e s u l t of t h i s campaign was that many of the formerly suspect and t a i n t e d i n t e l l e c t u a l s were ignored and permitted to r e t a i n t h e i r p o s i t i o n s i n both teaching and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The c o n s o l i d a t i o n i n the. i n s t i t u t e s of higher l e a r n i n g from 1953 to 1956 was j u s t one aspect le a d i n g up to the events which culminated i n an a n t i - r i g h t i s t campaign d i r e c t e d against i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n 1957. The period p o p u l a r l y known as the Hundred Flowers Campaign which l e d to a r e c t i f i c a -t i o n campaign w i t h i n the Party s t r u c t u r e and the a n t i - r i g h t i s t campaign has been subjected to much a n a l y s i s over the i n t e r v e n i n g years. In order F r a s e r , Chinese Communist Education, p. 33. F r a s e r , Chinese Communist Education, p. 33. 58 to attempt a t r u l y c l e a r p i c t u r e of the events during these years i t i s necessary broadly to analyze both e x t e r n a l as w e l l as i n t e r n a l f a c t o r s . Coupling t h i s w i t h developments as they were r e l a t e d i n the Chinese press i t should be p o s s i b l e to reach an understanding of the motives of Mao and h i s supporters i n pursuing t h i s unusual campaign r e f e r r e d to by one f o r e i g n commentator as " . . . t h i s c o l o s s a l mistake. A report i n January, 1956, by Chou E n - l a i presented some rat h e r s t r i k i n g f i g u r e s on the status of i n t e l l e c t u a l s . His study i n d i c a t e d that of the 100,000 "higher i n t e l l e c t u a l s " only 40 per cent a c t i v e l y supported the P a r t y , another 40 per cent were n e u t r a l , and the remaining 20 per cent e i t h e r opposed s o c i a l i s m or were o u t r i g h t c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s . ^ Considering the t o t a l number .of i n t e l l e c t u a l s (3,840,000),^ t h i s would mean a. hard core o p p o s i t i o n group of 768,000 i n t e l l e c t u a l s ; a formidable o p p o s i t i o n . As has been mentioned above, the exigencies of the retrench-ment p o l i c y meant that the i n t e l l e c t u a l s at a l l l e v e l s were l e f t to themselves for a period of about three years. For a look at what they were doing during t h i s time i t i s i n s t r u c t i v e and r e v e a l i n g to note some of the news a r t i c l e s d e a l i n g w i t h developments i n the u n i v e r s i t i e s . Although these a r t i c l e s appeared a f t e r Chou's speech many of the changes mentioned had been i n the process of development f o r at l e a s t one year."^ In March, 1956, NCNA reported that Nankai U n i v e r s i t y of T i e n t s i n had f u r t h e r improved the working c o n d i t i o n s of the teaching f a c u l t i e s , Roderick MacFarquhar, The Hundred Flowers Campaign and the Chinese  I n t e l l e c t u a l s (New York: F r e d e r i c k Praeger, 1960), p. 12. ^ S. J . Noumoff, "China's C u l t u r a l R e volution as a R e c t i f i c a t i o n Move-ment," P a c i f i c A f f a i r s , Nos. 3 & 4, XL ( F a l l , 1967—Winter, 1968), 224. 1 8 Noumoff, "China's C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n , " p. 224. 19 Survey China Mainland Press, No. 1258, March, 1956 (Hong Kong: U.S. Consulate G e n e r a l ) — h e r e a f t e r c i t e d as SCMP. 59 engineers, and medical workers. This included decreasing the dur a t i o n and frequency of e x t r a - c u r r i c u l a r conferences and meetings such as those i n the mass o r g a n i z a t i o n s . I t was f u r t h e r reported that: In order not to waste too much time attending to the ordinary problems of l i v e l i h o o d Nankai U n i v e r s i t y has decided to set up se r v i c e s t a t i o n s and small mess h a l l s f or teaching f a c u l t i e s . 2 0 A n o t i c e posted at T i e n t s i n U n i v e r s i t y and reported i n Kuang Ming J i h Pao A p r i l , 1956, i n d i c a t e d the degree to which professors were ga i n i n g back some of t h e i r previous p r i v i l e g e s : For the purpose of securing the teachers of t h i s u n i v e r s i t y w i t h time f o r teaching and s c i e n t i f i c research i t i s hereby provided that: 1. the teachers of t h i s u n i v e r s i t y w i l l be- a v a i l a b l e f o r c o n s u l t a t i o n or business from 2:30 to 5:00 p.m. on Tuesday and F r i d a y only. 2. v i s i t o r s i n t e n d i n g to v i s i t t h i s u n i v e r s i t y were requested to contact t h i s u n i v e r s i t y i n advance f o r permission and appointments and to make t h e i r v i s i t s on the appointed times otherwise they w i l l not be received.21 A remarkable e d i t o r i a l i n People's D a i l y , March, 1956, f r a n k l y described some of the changes which had taken place i n Peking's Tsinghua U n i v e r s i t y i n the area of working c o n d i t i o n s f o r higher i n t e l l e c t u a l s : Many i n s t i t u t e s of higher l e a r n i n g have taken steps to introduce b e t t e r working and l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s f o r the .high i n t e l l e c t u a l s . The Peking Tsinghua U n i v e r s i t y r e c e n t l y set up a s p e c i a l reading room f o r professors only . . . . Peking U n i v e r s i t y has al s o a s p e c i a l reading room f o r professors from which they may borrow books at any time by telephone. Tsinghua U n i v e r s i t y adopts the method of i s s u i n g p r e f e r e n t i a l treatment cards to professors and a s s i s t a n t p r o f e s s o r s . These cards e n t i t l e t h e i r holders to p r e f e r e n t i a l treatment i n the school c l i n i c , the mess h a l l , and the consumers' cooperative . . . ; the China Medical U n i v e r s i t y provides the professors and' the ma j o r i t y of l e c t u r e r s w i t h more spacious quarters and a d d i t i o n a l f u r n i t u r e and bathrooms. In the Northeast I n s t i t u t e of Pharmacology s p e c i a l t a b l e s are set up f o r the professors and l e c t u r e r s i n i U SCMP, No. 1258. 2 1 SCMP, No. 1288, A p r i l , 1956. 60 the mess h a l l s where they can have t h e i r meals without queuing up and where they can order t h e i r dishes from the menu and have some served at t h e i r t a b l e s by the c o o k s . 2 2 While i t i s h a r d l y l i k e l y that the i n t e l l e c t u a l s were aware of the exact parameters of t h e i r freedom they s u r e l y must have known when they were approaching the l i m i t s . I t i s h i g h l y p o s s i b l e that Chou E n - l a i considered these-developments when he presented h i s 1956 report on the i n t e l l e c t u a l s . The Party's concern was not only l i m i t e d to i n t e l l e c t u a l s but a l s o involved i t s own s t r u c t u r e . In a s i t u a t i o n somewhat p a r a l l e l to that f o l l o w i n g the Communist Party's seizure of power Party membership had jumped d r a s t i c a l l y from 4,500,000 at the end of 1949 to 12,720,000 by 1957. Of t h i s number only 1,740,000 were categorized as i n d u s t r i a l p r o l e t a r i a n s r e p r e s e n t i n g 13.5 per cent of the t o t a l Party membership. These were b a s i c a l l y new r e c r u i t s whose l e v e l of p o l i t i c a l consciousness c l e a r l y was l e s s than d e s i r e d . Many of the older cadres were charged w i t h d i v o r c i n g themselves from the masses ( s e c t a r i a n i s m ) , e s t a b l i s h i n g i r r a t i o n a l p r i v i l e g 25 and e x h i b i t i n g arrogance. I t was against such a background that the slogan of "Let a Hundred Flowers Bloom" was f i r s t expressed i n connection with a theatre f e s t i v a l i n the f a l l of 1955. Then i n May,1956, Lu Ting-y d e l i v e r e d a speech e n t i t l e d : "Let a Hundred Flowers Bloom! Let a Hundred 27 Schools Contend!") This represented the f i r s t r e a l 1 "thaw" i n the Party's 2 2 SCMP, 1260, March, 1956—emphasis added. 2 3 Noumoff, "China's C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n , " p. 225. 2 4 Noumoff, p. 225. 25 Noumoff, p. 225. For a complete d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s movement see, Rene Goldman, " R e c t i f i c a t i o n Campaign at Peking U n i v e r s i t y , " China Quarterly ( O c t o b e r — December, 1962), p. 138. 2 7 CB, No. 406, May, 1956. r e l a t i o n s w i t h the i n t e l l e c t u a l s and students. However, i n the early-stages few dared to respond to the i n v i t a t i o n . The next major speech was given by Mao Tse-tung on February 27, 1957, at an enlarged session of the Supreme. State Conference and was e n t i t l e d : "On the Correct Handling of 9 0 C o n t r a d i c t i o n s Among the People." In t h i s speech (which was not released to the p u b l i c u n t i l June 10) Mao announced that a r e c t i f i c a t i o n campaign was about to be launched and i n d i c a t e d that although c r i t i c i s m of the Party by non-Party people should be earnest i t should nevertheless be l i k e a "mild breeze and a t h i n r a i n . " The f i r s t o f f i c i a l d i r e c t i v e was released by the Ce n t r a l Committee on A p r i l 30, 1957, and s t i p u l a t e d that the focus of the movement was to be on the c o r r e c t handling of c o n t r a d i c t i o n s among the people. The l i m i t a t i o n s placed on the movement by Mao i n h i s February 27 speech were not s p e l l e d out i n the A p r i l document (in f a c t there i s some question as to whether these l i m i t a t i o n s were a c t u a l l y included i n the February speech or only a f t e r the a n t i - r i g h t i s t campaign had s t a r t e d i n June when the speech was released to the p u b l i c ) . In any case, the d i r e c t i v e i n d e s c r i b i n g the movement as based on the c o r r e c t handling of c o n t r a d i c t i o n s among the people i n d i c a t e d that c r i t i c i s m must be co n s t r u c t i v e towards s o c i a l i s m and the Party and not d e s t r u c t i v e . . The campaign e n t i t l e d , '-movement f o r the r e c t i f i c a t i o n of s t y l e and work,"29 w a s designed to eradicate the "three e v i l s " which,plague any l a r g e , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l power-wielding s t r u c t u r e : bureaucratism, s u b j e c t i v i s m , 30 and s e c t a r i a n i s m . Bureaucratism i s analogous to "red tape." S u b j e c t i v i s m 28 Schram, The P o l i t i c a l Thought, p. 240. 2? MacFarquhar, Hundred Flowers, p. 35. 30 MacFarquhar, p. 35. 62 i s an area of d e v i a t i o n the Chinese communists have always been deeply concerned w i t h and which meant the b l i n d a p p l i c a t i o n of the t h e o r i e s of Marxism and Leninism without c o n s i d e r a t i o n of p r a c t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s . F i n a l l y , s e c t a r i a n i s m i s the arrogance and condescending a t t i t u d e of Party members towards o u t s i d e r s . This was a f a u l t mainly of the older cadres. I n short, c r i t i c i s m was to be s t r i c t l y p o s i t i v e and should be designed to strengthen the Party and not weaken or destroy i t . Another f a c t o r to be considered i n an e f f o r t to understand the back-ground of the Hundred Flowers Campaign and i t s r e l a t i o n to education i s the e x t e r n a l c o n d i t i o n s p r e v a i l i n g i n 1956 and 1957. I t must be remembered that since the A p r i l , 1954 Sino-Indian agreement on Tibet and the r e s u l t i n g "Five P r i n c i p l e s of Peaceful Coexistence" China had been moving s t e a d i l y i n the d i r e c t i o n of moderation i n her f o r e i g n p o l i c y and a p a r a l l e l trend i n her domestic- p o l i c y . , This was followed by the Geneva conference at which China, represented ably by Premier Chou E n - l a i , played a c r u c i a l r o l e i n mediating the dispute between the V i e t Minh and the French over Indo-China. L a t e r that same sp r i n g the Soviet Union began moving i n a more l i b e r a l d i r e c t i o n as evidenced by Khrushchov's A p r i l v i s i t and rapprochement w i t h T i t o . The year 1956 saw the meeting of the 20th Congress of the CPSU and Khrushchov's scathing attack on S t a l i n which was l a t e r c r i t i c i z e d by the Chinese as the beginning of r e v i s i o n i s m . Then i n October, 1956, a b l o o d l e s s r e v o l u t i o n i n Poland brought Wladyslaw Gomulka to power. Gomulka had the support of the P o l i s h people and was able to defy the Soviet Presidium which (with the exception of Molotov and Zhukov) had flown to Warsaw and r e p o r t e d l y threatened armed i n t e r v e n t i o n . o -i David Horowitz, From Y a l t a to Vietnam (Great B r i t a i n : Penguin, 1967), p. 287. 63 Gomulka, however, was able to preserve h i s r e v o l u t i o n because of h i s popular support and the Soviet leaders could count on P o l i s h fear of Germany to keep Poland l o y a l to the Russian a l l i a n c e . Hungary, however, d i d not fare as w e l l . Demonstrations occurred on October 21 and 23 motivated by the same n a t i o n a l i s t i c d e s i r e s that had rocked Poland (although from the very f i r s t , r e v o l u t i o n a r y fervor was more intense i n Hungary due to the greater s u f f e r i n g of the Hungarians under the v i c i o u s Rakosi regime."^ 2 The l e a d e r s h i p , i n the person of Erno Gero, ordered the crowds f i r e d upon, appointed Nagy premier, and without c o n s u l t i n g Moscow c a l l e d i n Soviet troops to put down the people. F i n a l l y , Suslov and Mikoyan (the l a t t e r f u r i o u s that Soviet troops had. been.called i n ) a r r i v e d , removed Gero and agreed to withdraw Soviet troops.when order had been restored.33 This was part of the background which i n f l u e n c e d Mao's speech on c o n t r a d i c t i o n s among the people. He was c l e a r l y profoundly a f f e c t e d by the experience of Eastern Europe and was anxious to take measures to prevent s i m i l a r d i s o r d e r s among the Chinese people. What at the time appeared to be a sudden s h i f t of domestic p o l i c y thus appears p r e d i c t a b l e (with the advantage of h i n d s i g h t ) . Turning now to some of the types of c r i t i c i s m l e v e l e d at the Party: both c o n s t r u c t i v e and d e s t r u c t i v e were present. Although the precise c r i t e r i a of c o n s t r u c t i v e and d e s t r u c t i v e were not expressed u n t i l Mao's speech appeared i n p r i n t i n June some scholars b l a t a n t l y overstepped what were s u r e l y i m p l i c i t boundaries of c r i t i c i s m , the Hundred Flowers Campaign Horowitz, p. 288. Horowitz, p. 288. 64 notwithstanding. Most of the e a r l y c r i t i c i s m s emanated from the Peking u n i v e r s i t i e s and were m i l d and h e s i t a n t . Most were f a c t u a l , and i t was t h i s type of c r i t i c i s m that was considered c o n s t r u c t i v e and b e n e f i c i a l to the Party and s o c i a l i s m . One of the f i r s t c r i t i c i s m s appearing i n Kuang Ming J i h Pao on May 4 was i n .the form of s e l f - c r i t i c i s m by an old-time Party member then teaching at Peking U n i v e r s i t y . This may have been designed to break the i c e . Professor Feng Ting d e c r i e d the over-emphasis on u n i t y and the s i n g u l a r lack of c r i t i c i s m among Party members. This he thought would lead to a k i n d of stagnation e s p e c i a l l y i n . academic c i r c l e s : Chairman Mao submitted that there should be u n i t y , c r i t i c i s m , u n i t y . This i s to say that we should f i r s t s t a r t w i t h the d e s i r e for u n i t y passing through c r i t i c i s m and a r r i v e a t . b e t t e r u n i t y on a new foundation. I f we only t a l k of u n i t y , and whenever we meet we only t a l k of pleasant things avoiding c r i t i c i s m s , that w i l l be a vulgar u n i t y ; and yet at present Peking U n i v e r s i t y i s faced w i t h a s i t u a t i o n i n which there i s u n i t y , u n i t y and again u n i t y , but too l i t t l e c r i t i c i s m . But . only t a l k i n g of u n i t y does not lead to any changes i n t h i n k i n g . This was a general opening f o r the more p a r t i c u l a r types of c r i t i c i s m which followed. Many of the a r t i c l e s appearing during.the e a r l y s p r i n g months centered on the f a u l t s of s u b j e c t i v i s m and s e c t a r i a n i s m . One that combined the two was w r i t t e n by the Deputy D i r e c t o r of the I n s t i t u t e of Mechanical Science ( L e i T'ien-chueh) on May 20 and reported i n Kuang Ming J i h Pao: There i s a tendency f o r p o l i t i c a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s to override c u l t u r a l and t e c h n i c a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . Many students sent to Soviet Russia f i n d d i f f i c u l t y keeping up w i t h t h e i r studies . . . . The stock of a student who has been to Russia r i s e s sky-high on h i s r e t u r n and he gets a cushy job and a p r i n c e l y s a l a r y and enjoys a l l s o r t s of p r i v i l e g e s i n c l u d i n g meals at s p e c i a l messes . . . .35 MacFarquhar, p. 79. MacFarquhar, p. 83. 65 On the questions of d o c t r i n a r i a n i s m and bureaucratism Kuang Ming J i h Pao presented two c r i t i c i s m s on May 1, one by a professor of education at East China Normal U n i v e r s i t y , Chu Yu-hsien, and another' by the head of the b i o l o g y department at Futan U n i v e r s i t y , T'an. Chia-cheng: Chu Y u - h s i e n — D u r i n g the past few years the fundamental feature has been the mechanical copying of Soviet experiences. There has been a strong tinge of doctrinairism. Up to the present, Chinese i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher education are s t i l l using Russian textbooks on education. No textbooks on education have been w r i t t e n and published by ourselves to s u i t the a c t u a l c o n d i t i o n s of China . . . .36 T'an C h i a - c h e n g — I t i s understood that i n the c e n t r a l government there are now about f o r t y or f i f t y m i n i s t r i e s . Every m i n i s t r y has e s t a b l i s h e d some schools, p u b l i s h i n g houses, and research centers. Each of them needs a number of high-grade i n t e l l e c t u a l s as leaders. Therefore, many top c l a s s i n t e l l e c t u a l s are t i e d down w i t h a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d u t i e s and very few of them are a c t u a l l y doing any research. This i s an enormous waste . . . . Here I t h i n k i t i s necessary to repeat: there i s a d i f f e r e n c e between science and p o l i t i c s . A s c i e n t i s t should not separate himself from p o l i t i c s ; but sciences t h e m s e l v e s — p a r t i c u l a r l y the n a t u r a l s c i e n c e s — a r e c l a s s l e s s . 3 7 Of course, f o l l o w i n g the r i f t w i t h , the Soviet Union i n 1958 and expecial'ly since the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n there has been l e s s mechanical copying of the experiences of the Soviet Union. T'an's c r i t i c i s m on the other hand, deals w i t h the nature of an expanding bureaucracy. Attempts were made s h o r t l y a f t e r the Hundred Flowers Campaign to streamline the s t r u c t u r e of the bureaucracy (although one can be assured that the author's l a s t sentence would c e r t a i n l y not pass M a r x i s t s c r u t i n y ) . A c l e a r d e s c r i p t i o n of s e c t a r i a n i s m was given by Professor Ma Tse-min, of the C e n t r a l South College of Finance and Economics and reported i n the May 8th issue of Kuang Ming J i h Pao: O Si MacFarquhar,.p. 91. 37 MacFarquhar, p. 91. 66 Some Party comrades are so self-righteous that they regard whatever they say and do as representative Of the Party as a whole and 100 per cent correct—indeed as truth i t s e l f , they being the personification of truth . . . . this is like a 'Christian believer saying "I represent God."38 The above examples of criticism against the "three evils 1 1-sectarianism,' subjectivism, bureaucratism—were of the beneficial type and seem to have been what the Party had in mind when the c a l l for criticism went out. But not a l l criticism f e l l within this category. As was revealed in the anti-rightist struggle that broke out in June Of 1957 there were those who went beyond the acceptable parameters laid out by the Party and focused their attacks on the very foundations of Party rule and socialism i t s e l f . One such example,- reported in People's Daily on May 31, originated from the 39 department of economics at China People's University. In this article Ko P'ei-ch'i, lecturer in industrial economics, directly attacked the foundations of the Party: When the Communist Party entered the city in 1949, the common people welcomed i t with food and drink and looked upon i t as a beneficial force. ' Today, the common people choose to estrange themselves from the Communist Party as i f i t s members were gods and devils . . . i f the Communist Party distrusted me the distrust would be mutual. China, belongs to 600,000,000 people including the counter-revolutionaries. It does not belong to the Communist Party alone . . . the masses may knock you down, k i l l the communists, overthrow you. This cannot be described as unpatriotic for the communists no longer serve the people. The downfall of the Communist Party does not mean the downfall of China . . . . 4 0 To say that the Communist Party does not serve the people casts doubt on their claim to represent the "People" (primarily workers.and peasants) and therefore undermines the raison d'etre of a vanguard ruling party. 3 8 MacFarquhar, pp. 93-94. 39 Many of the "anti-Party" articles were written by instructors in economics and related fields. See, MacFarquhar. MacFarquhar, p. 89. 67 This type of c r i t i c i s m was c e r t a i n l y not considered " b e n e f i c i a l to s o c i a l i s m and the Communist P a r t y . " The f o l l o w i n g month Ko P ' e i - c h ' i continued h i s c r i t i c i s m i n even harsher language: I want to r e i t e r a t e once again that the masses want to overthrow the Communist Party and k i l l the communists. I f you do not reform and make e f f o r t s and the degeneration i s allowed to continue, there w i l l come the day when you w i l l t r a v e l that road . . . While some t a l k e d of events that would come i f the Party d i d not change i t s ways other advocated o u t r i g h t d i s s o l u t i o n of Party r u l e : "Doing away w i t h the absolute leadership of the Party," s a i d Huang Chen-lu, " i s aimed at strengthening the Party leadership and making the P a r t y a vanguard . . . ." " The absolute leader-ship of the Party must be done away w i t h . The p r i v i l e g e s of Party members must be done away with'." 4 2 Huang Chen-lu and Chang Po-shen, both of Shenyang Normal Co l l e g e , were l a t e r l a b e l e d r i g h t i s t s i n the campaign which followed. There i s l i t t l e doubt that some of t h e i r more substantive c r i t i c i s m s were v a l i d and probably recognized as such by the P a r t y leadership which opened up the period of c r i t i c i s m but i t was the manner i n which they presented t h e i r c r i t i c i s m that caused the Party concern. To.suggest that the P a r t y r e l i n q u i s h t h e i r p o s i t i o n of power meant e i t h e r that one had remained ignorant of the P a r t y l i n e (which i s l i t e r a l l y impossible i n China) or that one was presenting a d i r e c t challenge to the Party. The l a t t e r i s most l i k e l y the case; even MacFarquhar admits that the two main f i g u r e s i n the a n t i -r i g h t i s t campaign (Chang Po-chun and Lo-Lung-chi) were obviously grasping , 44 f o r power. ^ MacFarquhar, p. 88. 4 2 MacFarquhar, p. 106. From author's conversations i n Peking w i t h Wu Shao-tse, member of the Communist Party and member of the Standing Committee of the A l l - C h i n a Youth F e d e r a t i o n , August, 1966. 4 4 MacFarquhar, p. 265. 68 The r e s u l t of a l l t h i s c r i t i c i s m (during a period roughly from May 1 to June 8) was that on June 8, 1957, an e d i t o r i a l i n People's  D a i l y announced the launching of a counter-attack on c e r t a i n " r i g h t i s t s " who wished to do away w i t h the Communist Party and s o c i a l i s m . ^ The question s t i l l remains as to e x a c t l y why Mao and others i n the leadership decided on a course which c e r t a i n l y contained w i t h i n i t many dangers. This w i l l never be a b s o l u t e l y resolved u n t i l i t i s p o s s i b l e to r e f e r to the i n t e r n a l f i l e s of the Communist Party but some reasonable conjectures can be made on the b a s i s of e x i s t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n . For instance i t i s known that the Party has always been concerned with, the l e v e l of p o l i t i c a l consciousness of the i n t e l l e c t u a l s . Attempts have been made to e x p l a i n the p r i n c i p l e s of s o c i a l i s m i n i n t e l l e c t u a l terms ( i . e . , Yenan Forum) and vigorous attempts have been made t o b r i n g about c e r t a i n p s y c h o l o g i c a l changes i n the minds of i n t e l l e c t u a l s ( i . e . , cheng-feng and "thought reform 1 but the Party has never been e n t i r e l y s u c c e s s f u l . Chou E n - l a i ' s report (see p. 58) a t t e s t s to t h i s . I t i s a l s o known that the Party was deeply i n f l u e n c e d by e x t e r n a l events (e.g., events i n Eastern Europe, the "thaw" i n the Soviet Union, the agreement w i t h India) and the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of peaceful c oe-xistence. On the other hand the Party was openly aware of i t s own l i m i t a t i o n s and f a i l u r e s and thought that the best way to r e v e a l them would be to encourage c r i t i c i s m from o u t s i d e r s . There was no reason f o r these two concerns w i t h the ideology of the i n t e l l e c t u a l s and w i t h the s t y l e and work of the Party to exclude each other. I t has been suggested by Wu Shao-tse that a d e s i r e to deal w i t h both of these concerns at the same time was at the root of the d e c i s i o n to la'unch the Hundred Flowers 45' MacFarquhar, p. 263. 69 Campaign. This i s e n t i r e l y r a t i o n a l and reasonable and i n no way i n d i c a t e s that the Party was caught unawares when i t launched i t s a n t i - r i g h t i s t s t r u g g l e . The o v e r - a l l e f f e c t of the Hundred Flowers Campaign and i t s aftermath i n the f i e l d of higher education was a general t i g h t e n i n g up of the curriculum i n terms of compulsory p o l i t i c a l courses.and i n d o c t r i n a t i o n . Apart from these general c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , the regime had other things i n mind f o r the f o l l o w i n g year. The Great Leap Forward was to usher i n a new era of expanding p h y s i c a l f a c i l i t i e s and more impo r t a n t l y , a more vigorous campaign to r e a l i z e s o c i a l i s t e d u c a t i o n a l goals. The Great Leap Forward 1958 The R e c t i f i c a t i o n Campaign, the "blooming and contending" of the i n t e l l e c t u a l s and the r e s u l t a n t a n t i - r i g h t i s t campaign a l l served to convince the Party that the time was r i p e f o r a s i g n i f i c a n t q u a l i t a t i v e and q u a n t i t a t i v e "leap forward." Thus i n May,- 1968, L i u Shao-chi gave the keynote speech of the Great Leap Forward e n t i t l e d , "The Present S i t u a t i o n , the Party's General Line f o r S o c i a l i s t C o n s t r u c t i o n and I t s Future T a s k s , i n which he o u t l i n e d the various p o s i t i v e c o n d i t i o n s which favored a leap forward i n a l l aspects of s o c i e t y . One of the most important areas included i n the campaign was education. L a t e r i n the s p r i n g the Party c a l l e d a n a t i o n a l conference on education to determine e x a c t l y how to make education a v i t a l part of the Great Leap Forward. The r e s u l t of the conference was an educational d i r e c t i v e issued j o i n t l y by the State C o u n c i l and the C e n t r a l Committee and released i n September, 4 6 Robert R. Bowie and John K i n g Fairbank, Communist China 1955-1959: P o l i c y Documents w i t h A n a l y s i s (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1962), p. 416. 70 1958. 4 7 In J u l y , Lu T i n g - y i had given h i s f a r - r e a c h i n g speech (discussed on p. 33 ) on education and the two documents together form the t h e o r e t i c a l b a s i s f o r some of the most ambitious goals ever proposed before the C u l t u r a l Revolution.. The September d i r e c t i v e r e i t e r a t e d the need to make higher education universal.and put a deadline of f i f t e e n years on i t . Another f i f t e e n years were to be a l l o t e d i n order to r a i s e standards. The d i r e c t i v e s p e c i f i c a l l y denounced as bourgeois such ideas as "education f o r i t s own sake" and " p r o f e s s i o n a l mangement of- education by educators" and instead suggested that i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher l e a r n i n g be administered by committees. Other major defects of education i n the past were i t s divorce from production and l a b o r , i t s aloofness from p r a c t i c a l a f f a i r s , i t s neglect of p o l i t i c s and i t s lack of leadership by the Party. In order to r e c t i f y the l a t t e r shortcoming the d i r e c t i v e suggested that the a d m i n i s t r a -t i v e committees of c o l l e g e s would f u n c t i o n under the guidance of P a r t y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s assigned to them. The r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the Party would designate appropriate P a r t y members to organize and lead the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of each c l a s s . Top p r i o r i t y would be given to i d e o l o g i c a l r e m o l d i n g of both teachers and students (a r e s u l t of the Hundred' Flowers Campaign) and promotion of teachers would-be based more on t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s than had p r e v i o u s l y been done i n the past.' In-the case of students, e v a l u a t i o n of t h e i r achievements would be more i n terms of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l consciousness and t h e i r a b i l i t y to solve p r a c t i c a l problems. People's D a i l y , September 20, 1958. 71 As was mentioned i n Lu's a r t i c l e , a c e n t r a l feature of the new program was to be the i n t e g r a t i o n of l e a r n i n g with productive l a b o r . The d i r e c t i v e ordered that schools of a l l l e v e l s should make p r o v i s i o n s i n the c u r r i c u l u m f o r r e g u l a r labor a c t i v i t i e s by every student. To bridge the gap between education and production, schools and u n i v e r s i t i e s were to e s t a b l i s h f a c t o r i e s and farms where students would be able to engage i n productive l a b o r . I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d , that i n the communes (also pushed ahead during the Great Leap Forward) small-scale f a c t o r i e s were set up to help merge the d i f f e r e n c e s between c i t y and countryside. The Great Leap Forward was a period of innovations and one of the most p r a c t i c a l was the idea of part-work, part-study. This idea of course was geared to s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n s : f a c t o r y workers would study i n t h e i r spare-time; i n u n i v e r s i t i e s , students would work i n t h e i r spare-time; on farms, farmers would study during the off-season. In a d d i t i o n to the spare-time u n i v e r s i t i e s there was a mushrooming of i n s t i t u t i o n s going 48 under the name of "Red and Expert U n i v e r s i t i e s . " . The term "red-expert" as a concept demands that i n t e l l e c t u a l s ' s t r i v e to be both i d e o l o g i c a l l y sound and t e c h n i c a l l y competent. W i t h i n the u n i v e r s i t y there i s a dual emphasis on p o l i t i c a l i n d o c t r i n a t i o n and t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g . The Party c o n t r o l s the p o l i t i c a l end and the experts the t e c h n i c a l end. The guiding slogan throughout i s to " l e t p o l i t i c s take•command." With the renewed emphasis on p o l i t i c s e d u c a t i o n a l t h e o r e t i c a l pronouncements again brought f o r t h Mao's d e f i n i t i o n of knowledge as being p r i m a r i l y of two types: the Theodore Hsi-en Chen, The P o p u l a r i z a t i o n of Higher Education i n  Communist China, U.S. Dept. of Health, Education and Welfare No. 24 (Washington: U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1959) p. 7. 72 knowledge of c l a s s struggle and the knowledge of the struggle f or production. 49 The competence of teachers and students a l i k e was to be judged i n terms of these two types of knowledge; anything e l s e was r e l a t i v e l y unimportant. In keeping w i t h the Chinese communists' i n c l i n a t i o n to experiment w i t h a p o l i c y before p u t t i n g i t i n t o wide-spread p r a c t i c e , one of the f i r s t school systems to i n s t i t u t e work-study programs was i n the North-Eastern province of L i a o n i n g . On February 5, 1958, People's D a i l y reported that the p r o v i n c i a l education department of Li a o n i n g was mapping out plans to enable students to work while studying. The schools were to be set up i n remote mountain areas. Students, p r i n c i p a l s , and teachers were to construct the p h y s i c a l p l a n t , engage i n farm work to grow t h e i r own food and thus- become an e n t i r e l y s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g community. The a r t i c l e went on to s t r e s s that a prime c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n t h i s type of school was to save money f o r the State. I f the school proved v i a b l e , then the system was to be spread to other areas of the province. More along i d e o l o g i c a l l i n e s was the case of a middle school i n K a i p i n g hsien—Shenyang Middle School—whose graduates were assigned to the T a i Yang Shen f r u i t growers cooperative. These students, boys and g i r l s , worked side by side w i t h farmers i n an e f f o r t to i n t e r g r a t e themselves w i t h the peasants. The a r t i c l e stated: By t a k i n g part i n labor the youths have al s o r e a l i z e d that the food they eat or the clo t h e s they wear do not come by e a s i l y , which i s a valuable experience f o r them.-*! 4.9 s. ee a r t i c l e by Lu T i n g - y i i n Appendix. 50 CB, No. 503, February, 1958. 51 CB, No. 503. At l e a s t one i n t e r e s t i n g i m p l i c a t i o n of the above statement concerns the s o c i a l background of the students i n t h i s middle school. I f they needed to go to the country to get experience i n l a b o r i n g i t would seem that they were not from l a b o r i n g f a m i l i e s thus i n d i c a t i n g the continued dominance of many schools by the bourgeoisie and the high p r o p o r t i o n of urban elements i n the school system as a whole. One outgrowth of the Great Leap Forward was the emergence of p r i v a t e l y operated schools, l i t e r a l l y owned and operated by parents and students. One such school was reported i n People's D a i l y , February 6, 1958. The a r t i c l e revealed that i n Kweichow province alone 6,000 p r i v a t e primary schools had been formed. These schools were to be operated on the p r i n c i p l e of " d i l i g e n c e and t h r i f t . " The example of Chanming primary school i n Sanhui h s i e n was c i t e d to describe the method of c o n s t r u c t i o n and operation. Parents and students i n the surrounding area a l l c o n t r i b u t e d t h e i r labor to the gathering of b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l s and the making of b r i c k s . The land was c l e a r e d by the parents and students, and s u i t a b l e s t r u c t u r e s were set up. The a r t i c l e emphasized that the part played by the parents, students, and teachers i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the school gave them a sense of pride and. accomplishment which was r e f l e c t e d i n b e t t e r attendance, school work, and care of the school. The f i n a n c i n g of these schools i s done i n a number of ways. I f the school was run by a cooperative, then t u i t i o n was c o l l e c t e d to supplement the labor of the students. In one school shock troops were formed to help out i n the mines by c a r r y i n g antimony 52 ore f o r short d i s t a n c e s . At another school students devoted h a l f a day to study and h a l f to production. In a l l the schools the idea was for 5 2 CB, No. 503. 74 parents and students to pay their, own way as much as p o s s i b l e , thus a l l e v i a t i n g the cost to the State. By doing the work themselves they would combine study w i t h l a b o r , theory w i t h p r a c t i c e , thus progressing at the same time on an i d e o l o g i c a l l e v e l . The i n t e r n a l Operational s t r u c t u r e of the Chanming school was described i n more d e t a i l : Productive a c t i v i t i e s are c a r r i e d out i n groups. The school set up a production a d m i n i s t r a t i o n committee. The school i s d i v i d e d i n t o four groups, each of which sets up four production teams. Each group i s assigned to a f i x e d farming area and task. The students get work points f o r t h e i r jobs and obtain payment according to t h e i r work.^ 3 Another important educational c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the Great Leap Forward was the c o l l e c t i v e education of the young. To remove the c h i l d r e n from the family s e t t i n g a l t o g e t h e r would again serve the dual purpose of being economical (by f r e e i n g the parents f o r more labor) and i d e o l o g i c a l l y progressive (by being able to devote more concentrated e f f o r t s a t s o c i a l i s t education). I t was i n c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t h i s that boarding schools began to appear throughout the c i t i e s of China. The combining of labor w i t h education was a l s o c a r r i e d out i n these schools as was reported on October 24, 1958, i n Kuang Ming J i h Pao:: Primary schools on the suburbs of Paoting, Hopei province are promoting the boarding system . . . i t f a c i l i t a t e s educating the c h i l d r e n i n c o l l e c t i v i s m and helps f o s t e r c o l l e c t i v e conceptions and communist s t y l e s . . . . The students have made outstanding achievements i n h e l p i n g people's communes plow land In the p r i n c i p l e of working while studying. The above examples serve to i l l u s t r a t e the kinds of responses received from the various schools i n China to the Great Leap Forward. This campaign, CB, No.'503. CB, No. 503. 75 u n l i k e the others preceding i t , t r u l y seemed to attempt the synthesis of theory and practice.. The Cheng Feng Movement of 1951, and the Hundred Flowers Campaign of 1956 both stressed .the importance of i d e o l o g i c a l correctness and sought .to i n c u l c a t e t h i s i n the school system and i n those d i r e c t l y connected w i t h i t ( i . e . , the i n t e l l e c t u a l s ) . Neither of the e a r l i e r campaigns s e r i o u s l y undertook the task of combining the the o r i e s they espoused w i t h the p r a c t i c a l s i t u a t i o n around them. But appearances are not always what.they seem and although the Great Leap Forward move'd more i n the d i r e c t i o n of combining theory w i t h p r a c t i c e than had the previous campaigns the C u l t u r a l R evolution i n d i c a t e d that the advances made at the height of the campaign were q u i c k l y l o s t as the o p p o s i t i o n reasserted i t s e l f . S o c i a l i s t Education Movement—Cultural Revolution 1962-1969 The S o c i a l i s t Education Movement which l a s t e d from 1962 to 1966 has been claimed by the Red Guards and other p u b l i c a t i o n s as being the d i r e c t antecedent to the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n i n e d u c a t i o n . F o r t h i s reason, the two movements have been included i n t h i s s e c t i o n under one heading i n order more c l e a r l y to i n d i c a t e t h e i r close r e l a t i o n s h i p . In the past, inform a t i o n on the S o c i a l i s t Education Movement has been very scant f o r the simple, reason that mainland documents a v i l a b l e to the West seldom analyzed the movement i n depth. This lack of informa t i o n has r e c e n t l y been . corrected'due to a 1964 Chinese N a t i o n a l i s t r a i d on the province of Fukien which y i e l d e d s e v e r a l important documents d e a l i n g s p e c i f i c a l l y w i t h Richard Baum and F r e d e r i c k Teiwes, Ssu Ch'ing: The S o c i a l i s t Education  Movement of 1962-1966 (Berkely: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1968), p. 9. Most of the f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n of the S o c i a l i s t Education Movement i s taken from the above source. 76 the S o c i a l i s t Education Movement i n the r u r a l areas. These i n t e r n a l Party communications provide the bulk of what i s known about t h i s movement and although they are r e s t r i c t e d to the problems of the r u r a l areas there are i n d i c a t i o n s that the urban movement c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l e d that of the . . j 56 countryside. The S o c i a l i s t Education Movement was to be an instrument to c o r r e c t some "unhealthy tendencies" which had a r i s e n among l o c a l Party personnel during the bad years of 1959 to 1961. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , these included c o r r u p t i o n among b a s i c l e v e l cadres, an o v e r a l l d e c l i n e i n morale and a general r e l a x a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l . ^ The S o c i a l s t Education Movement, then, was not d i r e c t e d at e i t h e r students or i n t e l l e c t u a l s but ra t h e r by the Party at l o c a l Party o f f i c i a l s . The campaign, of course, had i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the general educational s t r u c t u r e inasmuch as Party a f f a i r s and educational a f f a i r s tend to have a good deal of overlap but i n i t s i n i t i a l phase r e s t r i c t e d i t s e l f to those w i t h i n the P a r t y . The f i r s t i n d i c a t i o n of the movement came with the Tenth Plenum of the C e n t r a l Committee which took place i n September, 1962, but the s p e c i f i c s were not known u n t i l the capture of the Fukien documents. From the very beginning of the movement there appeared to be a c o n f l i c t inherent i n the method of r e c t i f i c a t i o n . The movement was f i r s t experimented with i n such areas as Lienchiang i n Fukien province. Work teams of outstanding Party members and cadres of the upper l e v e l s were sent down to a i d i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the r e c t i f i c a t i o n apparatus. By March, 1963, the movement ^ Baum, p. 10. 5 7 Baum, pp. 12-13. 77 had gained momentum and begun to take shape as a systematic campaign. The o r i g i n a l d i r e c t i v e of the Tenth Plenum had s t i p u l a t e d that poor and lower-middle peasants were to take a leading r o l e i n the making of d e c i s i o n s at the l o c a l l e v e l s . Yet the p r e s t i g i o u s work teams were a l s o on the scene and the a c t u a l power of both groups was never c l e a r l y defined. Thus, C O tensions arose between the two which were never f u l l y r e s o l v e d . F i n a l l y , i n September of 1962 the movement was o f f i c i a l l y launched against the background of stepped up e f f o r t s at systematizing c a d r e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n labor and i n t e n s i f i e d c l a s s - o r i e n t e d o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s . To accompany the o f f i c a l s a n c t i o n i n g of.the campaign the C e n t r a l Committee issued a new d i r e c t i v e c a l l e d the Later Ten Points (Hou Shih T'iao) 59 which attempted to provide more d e t a i l e d p o l i c y g u i d e l i n e s . In general the tone of the document was o p t i m i s t i c and stated that the movement would probably be completed i n three months.^ The d i r e c t i v e c a l l e d f o r outside personnel to be formed i n t o work teams to c a r r y out i n t e n s i v e educational work. At t h i s point the work teams were warned that they should not i n t e r f e r e w i t h the l o c a l power s t r u c t u r e . Every i n d i c a t i o n was that the movement was going to be a m i l d one i n that cadres (basic l e v e l ) were t o l d simply to r e c t i f y t h e i r ways and even former l a n d l o r d and r i c h peasant f a m i l i e s were to be trea t e d g e n t l y . The Late r Ten Po i n t s revealed that serious d e t e r i o r a -t i o n had taken place i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the cadres and the masses. Cadres were t o l d that only a small number of them were able to understand 61 the question of i d e o l o g i c a l r e v o l u t i o n and c l a s s s t r u g g l e . This i s a 5 8 Baum, p. 16. 5 9 Baum, p. 20. 6 0 Baum, p. 22. ^ Baum, p. 24. 78 serious admission because i t i n d i c a t e s that before the C u l t u r a l Revolution there was evidence that major d i f f i c u l t i e s e x i s t e d w i t h i n the Party s t r u c t u r e e s p e c i a l l y i n terms of the f a i l u r e of previous educational e f f o r t s , In the summer of 1964 the S o c i a l i s t Education Movement moved i n t o h i g h gear. The f i r s t e v a l u a t i o n of the campaign was made p e r s o n a l l y by Mao who 6 2 found that the movement was not progressing as w e l l as expected. The major problem continued to be that of the c o n f l i c t between the outside personnel who had come down to the countryside to supervise and the l o c a l l e a d e rship who o s t e n s i b l y were to manage t h e i r own a f f a i r s . In September of 1964 a Revised D r a f t of the Late r Ten Points was issued by the C e n t r a l 63 Committee. In many ways s i m i l a r to the o r g i n a l L a t e r Ten Points t h i s document was decidedly p e s s i m i s t i c concerning the outlook of the movement. The time f o r completion of the movement was now pushed ahead to s i x years, and new emphasis was placed on the work teams and the power they were to w i e l d . This was coupled w i t h an i n c r e a s i n g d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t w i t h l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The most important change i n t h i s document was i n regard to d e a l i n g w i t h l o c a l b a s i c l e v e l cadres. Whereas p r e v i o u s l y t h e i r short-comings had been described as minor, the tone of the Revised D r a f t was fundamentally d i f f e r e n t . The masses were exhorted s e r i o u s l y to c r i t i c i z e the b a s i c l e v e l cadres and during the f a l l of 1964 t h e i r power and p r e s t i g e were s e r i o u s l y undermined. By the end of 1964 there was u n c e r t a i n t y as to the b a s i c nature of the cadre problem and the proper focus of s o c i a l i s t education work.^ 4 6? Baum, p. 27. 6 3 Baum, p. 29. 6 4 Baum, p. 34. Beginning i n J u l y of 1965 the movement again experienced a s h i f t i n emphasis. Mao's works were now held to be the-key to success ,in the S o c i a l i s t Education Movement.^ The t h r u s t of the struggle among the cadres s h i f t e d from the basic, l e v e l cadres to those at the h s i e n l e v e l and above. The question i s then r a i s e d as to what happened between September of 1963 and September of 1964 to cause such a s h i f t of emphasis w i t h regard to b a s i c l e v e l cadres. The C u l t u r a l R evolution gives p a r t i a l answers. The S o c i a l i s t Education Movement had orginated i n response to what were c a l l e d "spontaneous tendencies toward c a p i t a l i s m " among c e r t a i n r i c h peasants and ex-landlords and the shortcomings of c e r t a i n Party personnel who allowed such a s i t u a t i o n to d e v e l o p . ^ Up to the September, 1964, Revised D r a f t • the struggle s h i f t e d almost t o t a l l y to the .basic l e v e l cadres. O f f i c i a l p u b l i c a t i o n s during and a f t e r the C u l t u r a l R evolution charge that the Revised D r a f t and i t s implementation were the work of L i u Shao-chi and h i s f o l l o w e r s . 6 7 A noted Ceylonese Communist Party member researched the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n while i n China i n 1966 and 1967 and describes a case h i s t o r y of one commune and i t s experiences during the S o c i a l i s t Education Movement. The S o c i a l i s t Education Movement had r e p o r t e d l y reached a commune i n Taoyuan and was progressing w e l l i n checking the r i s e of c a p i t a l i s t tendencies and r e c t i f y i n g c e r t a i n Party p e r s o n n e l . ^ 8 In 1964 work teams 6 5 Baum, p. 43. ^ Baum,.p. 45. ^ Theja Gunawardhana, China's C u l t u r a l R evolution (Ceylon: Gunawardhana P u b l i s h e r s , 1967), p. 70. ^ Gunawardhana, p. 70. 80 were sent down and began to d i r e c t t h e i r attacks s o l e l y against the cadres and o r d i n a r y commune members. The Communist Party branch i n Taoyuan was considered p a r t i c u l a r l y advanced and resented the attacks of the work teams. But'the work team attacked 85% of the cadres i n the brigade and many ordinary members were forced to make p u b l i c s e l f c r i t i c i s m . The s e c r e t a r y of the Party branch who had devoted h i s work to advance the road to s o c i a l i s m was the f i r s t t a r g e t . . . . [_He was] a r b i t r a r i l y e x p e l l e d from the P a r t y without any f u r t h e r discussion.69 The "Taoyuan experience" was r e p o r t e d l y the p a t t e r n i n many other areas of China. Red Guard w a l l posters charged that the S o c i a l i s t Education Movement was being usurped by L i u i n order to gain him and h i s f o l l o w e r s a foothold i n the r u r a l areas. While there i s l i t t l e concrete evidence to support the charges of the Red Guards i t i s known that by September of 1965 the attacks had once again s h i f t e d t h i s time away from the b a s i c l e v e l cadres toward Party o f f i c i a l s at the h s i e n l e v e l and above, and the struggle between L i u and Mao had begun openly- to develop.7'"' While the movement thus progressed the November 1965 attack on . playwright W.u Han began. By A p r i l , 1966, the e n t i r e Peking M u n i c i p a l Party committee was i m p l i c a t e d thus r e v e a l i n g a more serious power s t r u g g l e . With the d i s m i s s a l of P'eng Chen i n e a r l y June, p u b l i c n o t i c e was given of the "Great P r o l e t a r i a n C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n . " P r i o r to that time the term "Great S o c i a l i s t C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n " had been used.7''" When the C e n t r a l Committee met i n August of 1966 the question was r a i s e d as to whether or not the S o c i a l i s t Education Movement ought to be combined with the C u l t u r a l 69 Gunawardhana, p. 70. 7 0 Baum, Ssu Ch'ing, p. 44. 7 1 Baum, p. 45. 81 R e v o l u t i o n . At that time i t was decided to keep the two separate or at 72 l e a s t to allow them to develop on t h e i r own. Despite Chou E n - l a i ' s d i r e c t i v e that Red Guards should not enter the r u r a l areas or the i n d u s t r i a l areas the movement once under way could not be stopped, and i n December of 1966 the p o l i c y was changed to include a l l areas and the S o c i a l i s t Education Movement both i n the c i t y and the countryside was overtaken by the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n . A complete d i s c u s s i o n of the C u l t u r a l Revolution i s not p o s s i b l e i n t h i s paper p r i m a r i l y because of the length that such a study would requ i r e but a l s o because there continue to e x i s t many gaps i n our knowledge of t h i s l a t e s t upheaval. Some g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s as to some of the causal f a c t o r s involved i n the development of the movement both at the mass l e v e l and w i t h i n the power s t r u c t u r e are p o s s i b l e and necessary i n order to understand what the C u l t u r a l Revolution meant f o r the f i e l d of education. I t i s c l e a r that f o r a movement such as the C u l t u r a l Revolution to begin and develop as r a p i d l y as i t d i d a ba s i s f o r r e v o l t both i n the top leadership area and among the masses of people had to e x i s t . I t has been s u f f i c i e n t l y e s t a b l i s h e d that the basis among the leadership was what had been an i n c r e a s i n g l y growing c o n f l i c t between Mao's v i s i o n of China's future and L i u Shao-chi's. This was o f f i c i a l l y expressed as the struggle between "the two l i n e s . " I n simplest terms, L i u Shao-chi and h i s close associates represented the l i n e which would b r i n g about the r e s t o r a t i o n of c a p i t a l i s m (at l e a s t i n the eyes of the supporters of Mao), and Mao and L i n Piao represented the l i n e which was defending s o c i a l i s m . The b a s i s among the 72 D e c i s i o n of the C e n t r a l Committee of the Chinese Communist Party  Concerning the Great P r o l e t a r i a n C u l t u r a l Revolution (Peking: Foreign Languages P u b l i s h i n g House, 1967), p. 45. 82 masses has not been c l e a r l y e s t a b l i s h e d , but i t i s known that considerable discontent e x i s t e d among students, p a r t i c u l a r l y those of worker and peasant • • 73 o r i g i n . The background of the struggle of the C u l t u r a l Revolution among the top leadership can be b r i e f l y o u t l i n e d . The Communist Party of China. (hereafter c i t e d as CPC) has repeatedly stressed that the seizure of p o l i t i c a l power i s a p r e r e q u i s i t e to the launching of an economic, s o c i a l , and c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n . Among these three kinds of r e v o l u t i o n the c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n i s considered the most f a r - r e a c h i n g and d i f f i c u l t from the point of view of the CPC. I t i s the most fundamental since i t i n v o l v e s changing the minds and hearts of the people. Thus, the c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n reaches i n t o a l l aspects of China's c u l t u r a l l i f e : l i t e r a t u r e , a r t , education, and language. The f i r s t shot of the current Great P r o l e t a r i a n C u l t u r a l Revolution ( h e r e a f t e r simply C u l t u r a l Revolution) may have been f i r e d in' October of 1965 when Mao suggested that Wu Han's novel Hal J u i Dismissed From O f f i c e be c r i t i c i z e d . The task f e l l to Yao Wen-yan who wrote an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "On the New H i s t o r i c a l Novel 'Hai J u i Dismissed From O f f i c e ' . " However, p u b l i c a t i o n of Yao's a r t i c l e was r e p o r t e d l y prevented on orders from P'eng Chen, F i r s t Secretary of the Peking M u n i c i p a l Committee. 7 4 By December Mao had e x p l i c i t l y stated that Hai J u i r e f e r r e d to the a c t i o n taken at the 1959 CPC C e n t r a l Committee's Lushan Conference at which P'eng Te-huai led an attack on the outcome of Mao's Great Leap Forward and was subsequently dismissed. P'eng Te-huai was r e p o r t e d l y backed by P'eng Chen and " o t h e r s . " 7 5 73 Michael Oksenberg, The C u l t u r a l Revolution i n Review 1967, Michigan Papers on Chinese Studies No. 2 (Michigan: Michigan U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1968), p. 14. 7 4 Red F l a g , June 1, 1967. 7 5 Peter S. H. Tang and Joan M. Maloney, Communist China: The Domestic  Scene 1949-1967 (South Orange, New Jersey: Seton H a l l U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1967), p. 107. 83 By February, 1966, two d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposed l i n e s had begun to emerge w i t h i n the ranks of the CPC. The P'eng Chen f a c t i o n proposed ah "Outline Report" l a t e r c r i t i c i z e d as being a c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r y program aiming at a r e s t o r a t i o n of c a p i t a l i s m . Meanwhile, L i n Piao and other members of the People's L i b e r a t i o n Army (hereafter c a l l e d PLA) issued a counter report e n t i t l e d "Forum Summary." The appearance of these two reports drew the b a t t l e l i n e s and "heralded the coming of the great storm 7 f) of the P r o l e t a r i a n C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n . " From February to e a r l y June no d i r e c t reference was made to P'eng. Instead, other members of the Peking M u n i c i p a l Committee were a t t a c k e d . ( i . e . , Teng T'o, Wu Han, Vice-Mayor, of Peking) always w i t h a v e i l e d reference to "those who are s h e l t e r i n g the 77 c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s . " F i n a l l y i n June P'eng was openly attacked, replaced, and the e n t i r e Peking M u n i c i p a l Committee of the CPC was reorganized. Since the struggle was developing i n t o an i n t r a - P a r t y c o n f l i c t at the highest l e v e l s an enormous force outside the ranks of the P a r t y was needed 78 by Mao i n order to s u c c e s s f u l l y do b a t t l e . This force was the Red Guards. The formation of the Red Guards was not an event which occurred as a r e s u l t of any one person's d e c i s i o n . The Red Guards as a r e v o l u t i o n a r y mass o r g a n i z a t i o n d i r e c t l y a t t a c k i n g the P a r t y n a t u r a l l y had to have a b a s i s f o r r e v o l t which had developed over a period of time. The b a s i s f o r the Red Guards was the discontent which had b u i l t up among worker and peasant students who r e a l i z e d that the educational system which was o f f i c i a l l y supposed to be geared toward the p r o l e t a r i a t was i n a c t u a l i t y s t i l l i n the 7 6 Red F l a g , J u l y 1, 1967. 7 7 Red F l a g , May 16, 1967. 78 This suggestion was made to the author by j o u r n a l i s t Mark Gayne of the Toronto Star during a symposium at the U n i v e r s i t y of Hawaii i n 1967. 84 hands of "bourgeois" educators. The bulk of the evidence c i t e d f o r t h i s charge rested on the Red Guards' view that the old educational s t r u c t u r e stressed s e l f i n t e r e s t . This i s considered to be the center of the r e v i s i o n i s t concept of education. Examples of s e l f i n t e r e s t were the extreme emphasis placed upon academic achievement, entrance examinations, prestige'gained by being i n the u n i v e r s i t y , and competition f o r jobs. A l l of these t r a i t s of the u n i v e r s i t y were seen as a n t i s o c i a l and i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c . The Red Guards f i r s t appeared i n June, 1966, and consisted of a number 80 of students from Tsinghua U n i v e r s i t y . They were responding to and supporting the a c t i o n s of a group of g i r l students from Peking Number 1 G i r l s ' Middle School who on June 6 had w r i t t e n a l e t t e r to the C e n t r a l Committee and Chairman Mao proposing that the old system of e n r o l l i n g students i n higher educational i n s t i t u t i o n s be abolished because of the " f e u d a l i s t i c " nature of the entrance examinations. They f u r t h e r proposed that senior middle school graduates go among the workers, peasants, and s o l d i e r s to i n t e g r a t e themselves w i t h the masses and to get an i d e o l o g i c a l diploma from the p r o l e t a r i a t . These proposals a l l seem co n s i s t e n t w i t h the i d e o l o g i c a l l i n e which had p r e v a i l e d up to that p o i n t . I t was therefore s u r p r i s i n g when administrators- of the school e x p e l l e d a l l the g i r l s who had taken part i n the d r a f t i n g of the document. This brought about a s t r i k e w i t h i n the G i r l s ' Middle School which was supported by students of Peking U n i v e r s i t y , China 7 9 People's D a i l y , November 20, 1967. 80 K. H. Ea.n, ed. The Chinese C u l t u r a l Revolution: Selected Documents (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1968), p. 185. 8 1 Peking Review, June 24, 1966. 85 People's U n i v e r s i t y and Tsinghua U n i v e r s i t y , 8 ^ Y i e l d i n g under the combined pressure of student groups, the C e n t r a l 'Committee on June 13, 1966, and the State C o u n c i l issued a j o i n t statement announcing t h e i r d e c i s i o n to 83 change the e x i s t i n g examination system. This a c t i o n encouraged the students to speak out on other i s s u e s , and by l a t e June groups c a l l i n g themselves Red Guards had formed i n most of the i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher l e a r n i n g i n Peking. Serious proposals f o r educational reform encompassing a l l aspects of higher education came from Chinese People's U n i v e r s i t y and Tsinghua U n i v e r s i t y . Their suggested reforms included enrollment p r i o r i t i e s f o r worker and peasant youth, shortening of courses, more democracy i n the classroom, m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g i n the schools, increased study of Mao's works, 84 l e a r n i n g from workers, combining education w i t h productive l a b o r , e t c . By August 18 Mao had come out i n support of the Red Guards thus encouraging u n i t s * t o be formed throughout China's educational apparatus and consequently c l o s i n g down the e n t i r e school system. 8-* Although Red Guards began to move about i n a l l sectors of the s o c i e t y ( r u r a l , i n d u s t r i a l , etc.) the f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n w i l l only deal with t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s and the progress of the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n i n the educational s e c t o r . For f i v e months students a l l over China made demands concerning the reform of the e d u c a t i o n a l system. But i t was not u n t i l January, 1967, that 82 This i s from author's conversations w i t h A u s t r a l i a n j o u r n a l i s t and e d u c a t i o n a l i s t Myra Roper who was i n China at the time and witnessed the s t r i k e and i t s aftermath, March, 1967. Q O Wang Hsueh-wen, "An A n a l y t i c a l Study of the Chinese Communist Educational R e v o l u t i o n , " Issues and Studies, IV, No. 17 ( A p r i l , 1968), 24. 8 4 People's D a i l y , J u l y 12, 1966. 8 5 Wang, p. 25. 86 the C e n t r a l Committee prepared and released a concrete plan f o r reform. The plan c o n s i s t e d of twenty-two points most of which were answers to the proposals made by u n i v e r s i t y students. Some of the more important recommen-dations of the report included: (1) enrollment f o r most schools i n c l u d i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher l e a r n i n g s h a l l be determined by a twin system of recommendation (not n e c e s s a r i l y academic recommendation) and s e l e c t i o n ; (2) the d u r a t i o n of schooling s h a l l be l i m i t e d to a t o t a l of from ten to fourteen years depending on the students' a b i l i t y to cover the m a t e r i a l and the s i t u a t i o n w i t h i n the country; (3) entrance examinations s h a l l be abolished; (4) middle school and primary school s h a l l be combined i n t o a continuous e i g h t year course; (5) Mao's works s h a l l be used i n a l l schools; (6) p h y s i c a l education s h a l l be replaced by m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g ; (7) the Russian grading system s h a l l be replaced by a more democratic system of grading i n study groups; (8) a student's f i n a l performance s h a l l be deter-mined by a three-in-one combination of p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e r s , teachers, and students; (9) a student may skip grades i f he i s able and graduate ahead of time; (10) p o l i t i c a l departments s h a l l be set up i n every school to take charge of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s ; (11) summer and winter vacations s h a l l be used f o r productive labor; (12) academic t i t l e s ( i . e . , p r o f e s s o r , dean, etc.) s h a l l be a b o l i s h e d . 8 ^ These proposals are r e v e a l i n g i n a p o l i t i c a l sense because they i n d i c a t e that the i n f l u e n c e of p o l i t i c s i n the schools up to the time of the C u l t u r a l R evolution had f o r some been l e s s than s a t i s f a c t o r y . F i n a l l y i n February and March of 1967 the C e n t r a l Committee issued many n o t i c e s asking students to r e t u r n to t h e i r c l a s s e s to continue making 8 6 Wang, pp. 25-26. 87 r e v o l u t i o n i n the schools. The i n t e n t here was to get the Red Guards out of the r u r a l and i n d u s t r i a l sectors of the country i n order to allow the r e v o l u t i o n a r y committees i n the f a c t o r i e s and communes to take over 87 c o n t r o l . ' From March, 1967, to the present, students have been g r a d u a l l y d r i f t i n g back to c l a s s e s and i n d i c a t i o n s are that most c o l l e g e s and u n i v e r s i t i e s are now i n session but w i t h a constant presence of tension i n the a i r . During the two years from March, 1967, to March, 1969, students and teachers from the c o l l e g e s and u n i v e r s i t i e s of China experimented w i t h numerous reforms designed to update the u n i v e r s i t y s t r u c t u r e . At the same time, the P a r t y , now apparently under Mao's c o n t r o l , has issued o f f i c i a l p o l i c y statements o u t l i n i n g i t s concept of the new educational system. I t was not u n t i l 1969 that the student-teacher groups and the Party seemed to be c o o r d i n a t i n g t h e i r views. The f o l l o w i n g pages w i l l trace the develop-ment of some of the major p r a c t i c a l measures that have been experimented w i t h . This w i l l b r i n g i n t o sharper focus the s i t u a t i o n which p r e v a i l s today i n the f i e l d of education. The People's D a i l y e d i t o r i a l on October 25, 1967, c a l l e d f o r a l l students to resume c l a s s e s and continue the r e v o l u t i o n i n the schools. While i t i s known that the students d i d not immediately heed the c a l l of the- P a r t y , i t was at t h i s time that the f i r s t serious reforms began to be implemented i n p r a c t i c e i n the u n i v e r s i t i e s . One of the- f i r s t u n i v e r s i t i e s to respond w i t h a p r a c t i c a l program was Shanghai's Tungchi U n i v e r s i t y w i t h over 7,000 students of a r c h i t e c t u r e and engineering. The f a c t that the 8 7 People's D a i l y , October 25, 1967. students were c a l l i n g f o r a new program to r e v o l u t i o n i z e education r e v e a l s that they were not yet accepting the twenty-two point proposal handed them by the C e n t r a l Committee i n 1967. I t i s therefore s i g n i f i c a n t that the d i r e c t i o n f o r the C u l t u r a l R evolution i n education, at l e a s t i n p r a c t i c e , was s t i l l b a s i c a l l y i n the hands of the students. Tungchi U n i v e r s i t y , formerly a po l y t e c h n i c u n i v e r s i t y , was at the time of the C u l t u r a l R evolution a combined c i v i l engineering and a r c h i -tecture u n i v e r s i t y . On October 30, 1967, i t was reported that student Red Guard u n i t s had formed a three-in-one a l l i a n c e ( r e v o l u t i o n a r y cadres-mass o r g a n i z a t i o n l e a d e r s - m i l i t i a ) and were i n the process of changing the O Q name of the u n i v e r s i t y i n t o "May 7 Commune." The purpose of the commune was to car r y out f i n a l l y the long-promised merging of education and produc-t i v e l a b o r . The commune i t s e l f c o n s i s t s of a u n i v e r s i t y , design center, and c o n s t r u c t i o n s e c t i o n , thus,- having a t h r e e - f o l d f u n c t i o n — t e a c h i n g , designing, and c o n s t r u c t i o n . The period of study i s three years; t h e o r e t i c a l study has been increased and productive labor i s becoming a r e a l i t y . Students attempting to e n r o l l are chosen p r i m a r i l y on the ba s i s of t h e i r c l a s s back-ground, p r i o r i t y being given to workers, peasants, and sons and daughters of People's L i b e r a t i o n Army men. Many of the classes are a c t u a l l y h e l d on co n s t r u c t i o n s i t e s and the students employ workers f o r p r a c t i c a l demonstra-t i o n s of theory. A l l students take part i n productive labor and s p e c i a l i z e only i n the t h i r d and f i n a l year of study. The students and teachers t a k i n g part i n t h i s experiment l i s t e d four advantages of t h i s type of education: 8 8 SCMP, No. 4053, February, 1968. 89 • 1. . Leadership of the u n i v e r s i t y w i l l be f i r m l y i n the hands of the p r o l e t a r i a n r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s and the u n i v e r s i t y w i l l not be dominated, as i t was formerly, by bourgeois i n t e l l e c t u a l s . 2. Chairman Mao's p o l i c y of combining education w i t h productive labor w i l l be c a r r i e d out. This w i l l e n r i c h the content of teaching and study and promote the development of the struggle f o r productive and s c i e n t i f i c experimentation. 3. Since content w i l l be l i n k e d w i t h a c t u a l c o n s t r u c t i o n p r o j e c t s , teaching and study can be streamlined and concentrated and so end overlapping i n the curriculum, preserving i t from being overburdened w i t h superfluous m a t e r i a l . 4. They w i l l help the i d e o l o g i c a l remoulding of i n t e l l e c t u a l s and to e l i m i n a t e the d i f f e r e n c e s between town and country, between the worker and the peasant, and between mental and manual l a b o r . 8 9 The experience of Tungchi U n i v e r s i t y i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the kinds of a c t i v i t i e s of the i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher l e a r n i n g i n the c i t i e s during 1967 and 1968. However, i n the r u r a l areas e q u a l l y important experiments were t r i e d i n t h i s e a r l y stage which e v e n t u a l l y developed i n t o the s i t u a t i o n .which p r e v a i l s today. One of the f i r s t p u b l i c r e p o r t s of the reforms that were t a k i n g place i n the countryside came from the Wukou Part-time Middle School i n Wuyuan county, K i a n g s i Province i n November of 1968. In the preface to the report the editor*commented that the p r o l e t a r i a n r e v o l u t i o n i n education i s l i k e l y to be more sp e e d i l y r e a l i z e d i n the r u r a l areas than i n the c i t i e s . The report went on.to describe how teaching i s c a r r i e d on and what c h a r a c t e r i z e s the transformation of education i n t h i s type of school: . . . g e t t i n g out of the classroom, making workers and peasants i t s teachers, using production bases as classrooms, l i n k i n g theory w i t h p r a c t i c e , l e a r n i n g both tea processing i n the workshops of the p l a n t a t i o n and farming i n the f i e l d s . 9 1 8 9 SCMP, No. 4053. Peking Review, November 1, 1968, p. 4. Peking Review, November 1, 1968, p. 4 90 This close combination of teaching w i t h production i s to r e c t i f y the previous e r r o r of seasonal study and work. P o l i t i c a l education has a l s o been increased: . . . i n the case of p o l i t i c a l courses, Chairman Mao's works e s p e c i a l l y h i s l a t e s t s e r i e s of i n s t r u c t i o n s and those concerning the r e v o l u t i o n i n education, are the sole teaching material.92 Apart from courses d e a l i n g s p e c i f i c a l l y w i t h p o l i t i c s i t i s now the p o l i c y to use p o l i t i c a l examples as teaching m a t e r i a l s f o r a l l courses. Mathe-m a t i c a l problems are expressed i n term of c l a s s education (e.g., percentages of l a n d l o r d e x p l o i t a t i o n , etc.) as are such courses as f o r e i g n language g o and chemistry. One of the most s i g n i f i c a n t reforms put i n t o p r a c t i c e at the Wukou School i s the use of the most s k i l l e d workers and peasants as teachers and i n s t r u c t o r s and the emphasis on sending i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n t o the ranks of the workers and peasants. Although t h i s was only h i n t e d at i n the Wukou area i t l a t e r became the dominant model f o r the present ongoing r e v o l u t i o n i n education. I t a l s o led the way f o r a more coordinated educational p o l i c y between the P a r t y and the r e v o l u t i o n a r y committees formed from the Red Guard u n i t s and other r e v o l u t i o n a r y groups (e.g., army and worker groups). Against the background of the two r e p r e s e n t a t i v e models f o r educational reform discussed above the present s i t u a t i o n i n the c i t i e s and countryside i s more understandable. Reports of the r e v o l u t i o n i n education have been emanating almost d a i l y from the mainland since l a t e 1968 and e a r l y 1969. From these r e p o r t s a p a t t e r n i s beginning to develop which w i l l provide a b a s i s f o r s p e c u l a t i o n on future trends of the C u l t u r a l R evolution i n education. n o Peking Review, November,1, 1968, p. 5. n o Peking Review, November 1, 1968, pp. 5-6. 91 On January 17, 1969, Hsinhua reported on Chairman Mao's l a t e s t i n s t r u c t i o n regarding the management of schools and c o l l e g e s i n the countryside. According to t h i s i n s t r u c t i o n the most r e l i a b l e a l l i e s of the working c l a s s are the poor and lower-middle peasants. I t i s t h e i r duty to provide leadership i n teaching and management f o r the schools and c o l l e g e s of the r u r a l areas. Since the advent of the C u l t u r a l R e volution i n the countryside poor and lower-middle peasants have entered the schools i n large numbers f o r the f i r s t time and according to t h i s report now c o n t r o l the m a j o r i t y of the i n s t i t u t i o n s . On January 22, 1969, Hsinhua reported on the s i t u a t i o n i n the c i t i e s . Here, as i n the r u r a l areas, the most advanced social-economic group—the working c l a s s — a r e reported to be i n f i r m c o n t r o l of the.schools and c o l l e g e s . They have entered- the schools i n large numbers as the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n has advanced and are now p r o v i d i n g d i r e c t i o n f o r c u r r i c u l u m development, teaching, and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . As for the u n i v e r s i t y youth who have already had some education and are not from e i t h e r of the above two s o c i a l groups (workers or peasants) t h e i r task i s to go to the countryside to be re-educated by the poor and 94 lower-middle peasants. By February: . . . hundreds of m i l l i o n s of armymen and people throughout the country e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y went i n t o a c t i o n . They launched a wide-spread and l a r g e - s c a l e campaign to urge young people with education to go to the countryside.95 At t h i s time the purpose of sending educated youth i n t o the countryside was more c l e a r l y stated: 9 4 Hsinhua NewsAgency, January 18, 1969. 95 Hsinhua News Agency, February 8, 1969. 92 . . . f o r young people with education, going to the countryside to be re-educated by the poor and lower-middle peasants i s the fundamental way f o r r e v o l u t i o n i z i n g t h e i r t h i n k i n g and f o r becoming successors to the r e v o l u t i o n a r y cause of the p r o l e t a r i a t . 9 6 -I t i s c l e a r from the above that the dominant group i n the Party i s very concerned w i t h those who are going to succeed them i n leading the r e v o l u t i o n . J u s t as the Red Guards charged that the m a j o r i t y of students i n t h e ' c o l l e g e s and u n i v e r s i t i e s were bourgeois i n background and not -r e v o l u t i o n a r y , the, Part y has now taken steps to make the theory of education more c l o s e l y accord with the p r a c t i c e . The f a c t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the Red Guards has a l s o n e c e s s i t a t e d attempts by the Party and the army to remold. t h e i r t h i n k i n g and p o l i t i c a l l y n e u t r a l i z e some of the more d i s r u p t i v e f a c t i o n s . A l l the emphasis has not been on the students. I n t e l l e c t u a l s are s t i l l a major concern of the Party and of student groups. The instrument now being used to re-educate some i n t e l l e c t u a l s i s c a l l e d "Mao Tse-tung thought propaganda teams." A "Mao Tse-tung thought propaganda team" i s composed of workers and PLA s o l d i e r s . An example of how they are used i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the experience of Nankai U n i v e r s i t y . On February 9, 1969, a "Mao Tse-tung thought propaganda team" was sent to Nankai to a i d i n the re-education of some of the i n t e l l e c t u a l s : In re-educating i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n l i n e w i t h Chairman Mao's i n s t r u c t i o n , the workers and P.L.A. propaganda teams at Nankai U n i v e r s i t y emphasized c l a s s education. Asked to t a l k about t h e i r past s u f f e r i n g s , e l d e r l y workers condemned the v i c i o u s o ld s o c i e t y before the r e v o l u t i o n a r y teachers and students. At the same time, the teachers and students were organized to go see poor and lower-middle peasants . . . . A l l t h i s helped r a i s e . t h e teachers and students' c l a s s consciousness and t h e i r awareness of the struggle between the two l i n e s . 9 7 96 Hsinhua News Agency, February 8, 1969. 97 Hsinhua News Agency, February 9, 1969. 93 Thus, the response of the u n i v e r s i t i e s to the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n has been expressed i n various forms. But t h i s i s by f a r the most extensive i d e o l o g i c a l campaign yet and one that i s designed to make a l a s t i n g imprint on s o c i e t y i n China, e s p e c i a l l y i n the area of education. At the present stage of the movement both the r e v o l u t i o n a r y committees and the Party (now c o n t r o l l e d by Mao) seem to be i n agreement on the procedure and goals of the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n i n education. The r e v o l u t i o n i n the u n i v e r s i t i e s i s s t i l l c o n t i n u i n g , but the d i r e c t i o n i s c l e a r e r now than at any time i n the past. With the People's L i b e r a t i o n Army r e i n f o r c i n g both the r e v o l u t i o n a r y committees and Mao's f a c t i o n of the Party, i t does not appear l i k e l y that the present trend w i l l be reversed i n the near f u t u r e . 94 CHAPTER v i CONCLUSION In a study as broad as t h i s one many types of conclusions are p o s s i b l e . I w i l l only o u t l i n e the most s t r i k i n g and perhaps most s i g n i f i c a n t conclusions that can be drawn from the above m a t e r i a l . The m a t e r i a l has n a t u r a l l y f a l l e n i n t o the categories of theory and p r a c t i c e since t h i s i s the terminology most c o n s i s t e n t l y used by the Chinese. The theory of s o c i a l i s t education i n China can be said to have developed over a period of about t h i r t y - f i v e years. The bulk of t h i s development has been at the hands of Mao Tse-tung who began w i t h the b a s i c foundations of Marxism-Leninism and adapted them to the con d i t i o n s of China. Over t h i s period the b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s of s o c i a l i s t education have remained constant as revealed i n the documents discussed i n Chapter i i . F o l l o w i n g the establishment of the People's Republic adjustments were made i n the theory i n order to apply i t i n p r a c t i c e but the fundamentals d i d not change. In terms of p r a c t i c a l achievements the Chinese communists have taken great s t r i d e s i n r e o r g a n i z i n g the e n t i r e s o c i e t y and modernizing many aspects of i t , p a r t i c u l a r l y education. Educational f a c i l i t i e s have increased at a steady r a t e as have t e c h n o l o g i c a l advances. There i s no.doubt that i n t h i s sense the Chinese communists have been very s u c c e s s f u l . But i t has been the w i l l i n g n e s s on the part of some Party members to step around the theory when i t seemed expedient that has contributed to the current upheavel i n the f i e l d of education. I t appears that there have always been "two l i n e s " at l e a s t w i t h regard to the modernization of the educational system. 95 One " l i n e " contends that s o c i a l i s t education i s necessary but puts the emphasis on e x p e r t i s e . The other would rather s t r e s s the development of p o l i t i c a l awareness and correctness to the point of c l o s i n g down the schools to achieve t h i s k ind of r e v o l u t i o n . The l a t t e r " l i n e " now has the leverage of power a n d . s u f f i c i e n t strength .behind i t to maintain i t s e l f f o r the foreseeable f u t u r e . I t i s much too e a r l y to judge which " l i n e " or combination thereof w i l l best serve the i n t e r e s t s of education i n China. Even during periods of extreme p o l i t i c i z a t i o n the Chinese have managed to r e a l i z e s i g n i f i c a n t s c i e n t i f i c and t e c h n o l o g i c a l goals.^ Given the r e l a t i v e nature of such concepts as "academic standards" i t i s not yet p o s s i b l e to come to any hard conclusions as to the l e v e l of standards of education i n China today. " P r o l e t a r i a n education" i s thus being implemented perhaps for the f i r s t time i n h i s t o r y i n the People's Republic of China. The theory i s f i n a l l y beginning to accord w i t h the p r a c t i c e and the success or f a i l u r e of the current Chinese model of education w i l l have a profound i n f l u e n c e on the future development not only of China but of other t r a n s i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s i n search of educational models. These include the development of an atomic bomb i n 1964, the t o t a l a r t i f i c i a l synthesis of a complete p r o t e i n — i n s u l i n ( f o r the f i r s t time i n h i s t o r y ) , and the e x p l o s i o n of a hydrogen bomb during the upheavel of the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n . Other s c i e n t i f i c " f i r s t s " have a l s o been developed by formerly uneducated workers and peasants whose only q u a l i f i c a t i o n s were job experience and p o l i t i c a l development. Roland H a r a r i , "The Long March of Chinese Science," Science J o u r n a l , IV, No. 4 ( A p r i l , 1968), pp. 78-84. 96 LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED Advance Along the Road Opened Up by the October S o c i a l i s t R e v o l u t i o n . Peking, 1967. Barendsen, Robert D. Planned Reforms i n the Primary and Secondary School  System i n Communist China. Washington D.C., 1960. Baum, Richard and F r e d e r i c k C. Teiwes. Ssu-Ch'ing: S o c i a l i s t Education  Movement of 1962-1966. Berkely, 1968. Bowie, Robert R., and John King Fairbank. Communist China. 1955-1959, P o l i c y Documents w i t h A n a l y s i s . Mass., 1962. Chao Chung and Yang I - f a n . Students i n Mainland China. Hong Kong, 1956. Chen, Hsi-en Theodore. The P o p u l a r i z a t i o n of Higher Education i n Communist  China. No. 51. Washington D.C., 1959. Cheng, J . C. Basic P r i n c i p l e s Underlying the Chinese Communist Approach  to Education. No. 51. Washington D.C., 1961. . "The Educational System i n Modern and Contemporary China," Contemporary China. Hong Kong, 1958-1959. Chi Tung-wei. Education f o r the P r o l e t a r i a t e i n Communist China. Hong Kong, 1954. Ch'ien Chun-jui. "General P o l i c y of Present Educational C o n s t r u c t i o n , " People's Education Nos. 1-2 (May,, 1950), 10-16, 8-11. China Reconstructs. Peking. Chung Shih. Higher Education i n Communist China. Hong Kong, 1953. C i r c u l a r of the C e n t r a l Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. Peking, 1967. Compton, Boyd. Mao's China: Party Reform Documents 1942-1944. S e a t t l e , 1952. Current Background. Hong Kong. D e c i s i o n of the C e n t r a l Committee of the Chinese Communist Party Concerning  the Great P r o l e t a r i a n C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n . Peking, 1966. Engles, F r e d e r i c k . Anti-Durhing. Moscow, 1954. . D i a l e c t i c s of Nature. London, 1946. Fan, K. H. (ed.). The Chinese C u l t u r a l R evolution: Selected Documents. New York, 1968. 97 Forward Along the High Road of Mao Tse-tung's Thought. Peking, 1967. F r a s e r , Stewart. Chinese' Communist Education. N a s h v i l l e , 1965. . "Education and P o l i t i c s i n Red China," Colorado Q u a r t e r l y , IX, No. 1 (Summer 1960). Goldman, Rene. " R e c t i f i c a t i o n Campaign at Peking U n i v e r s i t y , " China  Q u a r t e r l y (October-December 1962), 138-153. The Great P r o l e t a r i a n C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n i n China. (8), Peking, 1967. The Great P r o l e t a r i a n C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n i n China. (9), Peking, 1967. The Great P r o l e t a r i a n C u l t u r a l R e volution i n China. (10), Peking, 1967. The Great S o c i a l i s t C u l t u r a l R e volution i n China. (1), Peking, 1966. The Great S o c i a l i s t C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n i n China. (2), Peking, 1966. The Great S o c i a l i s t C u l t u r a l R e volution i n China. (3), Peking, 1966. The Great S o c i a l i s t C u l t u r a l R e volution i n China. ( 6 ) , Peking, 1966. The Great S o c i a l i s t C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n i n China. (7), Peking, 1967. Gunawardhana, Theja. China's C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n . Ceylon, 1967. H a r a r i , Roland. "The Long March of Chinese Science," Science J o u r n a l , IV, No. 4 ( A p r i l 1968), 78-84. Hsinhua News Agency. Tokyo. Harper, P a u l . Spare Time Education f o r Workers i n Communist China. Washington D.C. , 1964. Hu C. T. "Communist Education: Theory and P r a c t i c e , " China Quarterly (April-June 1962), 84-97. I Wo-sheng. Communist China 1949-1959. Hong Kong, 1961. Jansen, M. B. (ed.). Changing Japanese A t t i t u d e s Toward Modernization. P r i n c e t o n , 1965. Johnson, Chalmers A. Communist P o l i c i e s Toward the I n t e l l e c t u a l C l a s s . Hong Kong, 1960. K i n g , Edmund J . Communist Education. London, 1963. Kuusinen, 0. V. (ed.). Fundamentals of Marxism-Leninism. Moscow, 1963. •98 Leni n , V. I . C o l l e c t e d Works. XIV. Moscow, .1962.. ' . C o l l e c t e d Works. XXXVIII. Moscow, 1962. Levy, Marion J . Modernization and the Structure of S o c i e t i e s . P r i n c e t o n , 1966. Lindsay, M i c h a e l . Notes on Educational Problems i n Communist China. New York, 1950. L i u , W i l l i a m T. (ed.). Chinese So c i e t y Under Communism: A Reader. New York, 1967. Lu T i n g - y i . "Education Must Be Combined With Productive Labor," Red F l a g , VI I (1958), 1-12. MacFarquhar, Roderick. The Hundred Flowers Campaign and the Chinese  I n t e l l e c t u a l s . New York, 1960. Mao Tse-tung. Selected Works. 4 v o l s . Peking, 1965. Marx, K a r l . C a p i t a l . 3 v o l s . New York, 1967. . C r i t i q u e of P o l i t i c a l Economy. Chicago, 1904. Noumoff, S. J . "China's C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n as a R e c t i f i c a t i o n Movement," • P a c i f i c A f f a i r s , XL, Nos. 3-4 ( F a l l 1967-Winter 1968) 221-234. Oksenberg, M i c h a e l . The C u l t u r a l R e volution i n Review. Michigan, 1968. Orleans, Leo A. P r o f e s s i o n a l Manpower and Education i n Communist China. Washington D.C., 1960. Pavlov, I . P. Selected Works. Moscow, 1955. Peking Review. Peking. People's D a i l y . Peking. Red F l a g . Peking. Schram, S t u a r t . Mao Tse-tung. London, 1966. . The P o l i t i c a l Thought of Mao Tse-tung. New York, 1963. Schwartz, Benjamin. "Modernization and the Maoist Vision—Some R e f l e c t i o n s on Chinese Communist Goals," China Quarterly (January-March 1965) 3-10. Survey China Mainland Press. Hong Kong. Tang, Peter S. H. Communist China as a Developmental Model f o r Underdeveloped  Countries. Washington D.C, 1960. 99 and Joan Maloney. Communist China: The Domestic Scene 1949-1967. New Jersey, 1967. Trumbull, Robert (ed.). This .is .Communist ,China. New York, 1968. Tsang Chiu-sam. Society, Schools & Progress ...in China. London, 1968. Wang.Hsueh-wen. "An Analytical Study of the Chinese Communist'Educational Revolution'," Issues & Studies, IV, No. 7 (April 1968) 24-30. Weiner, Myron. Modernization: .The Dynamics of Growth. New York, 1966. Who's Who in Communist China. Hong Kong, 1966. Wong, Jennings L. Specializations in Higher Technological Education.in Communist China. Washington D;C, 1959. Yao Wen-yuan. On the Counter-Revolutidnary Double-Dealer Chou Yang. Peking, 1967. 100 • APPENDIX 101 TABLE I PRIMARY SCHOOLS, 1948-60 a (In thousands) School Year Entrants Enrollment Graduates 1948-49 2,387 1949-50 24,391 2,829 1950-51 28,924 4,232 1951-52 43,154 5,942 1952-53 51,100 9,945 1953-54 51,664 10,136 1954-55 51,218 10,254 1955-56 17,500 53,126 12,287 1956-57 63,464 12,307 1957-58 16,169 • 64,279 16,225 1958-59 20,170 • 86,400 1959-60 90,000 Blanks i n d i c a t e f i g u r e s are not a v a i l a b l e . "^Leo A. . Orleans, P r o f e s s i o n a l Manpower and Education i n Communist China,(NSF 61-3; Washington D.C.: United States Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1960), p. 32, c i t i n g Ten Great Years (Peking: State S t a t i s t i c a l Bureau, I960). 102 TABLE I I SECONDARY GENERAL SCHOOLS, 1948-1959 a (In thousands) School Year T o t a l Enrollment Graduates 1948-49 . • • • 280 1949-50 1,305 296 1950-51 1,305 284 1951-52 1,568 221 1952-53' 2,490 454 1953-54 2,933- 644 1954-55 3,587 969 1955-56 3,900 939 1956-57 5,165 1,299 1957-58. 6,281 1,313 1958-59 8,520 • • . Blanks i n d i c a t e f i g u r e s are not a v a i l a b l e . a .' • ' ' Leo A. Orleans, P r o f e s s i o n a l Manpower and Education In Communist • China (NSF 61-3; Washington D.C.: United States Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1960), p. 35, c i t i n g Ten Great Years, (Peking: State -S t a t i s t i c a l Bureau, 1960) . 103 TABLE I I I SECONDARY SPECIALIZED SCHOOLS, 1948-59 a (In thousands) Enrollment T o t a l School Year Enrollment Graduates Normal V o c a t i o n a l 1948-49 . . • . . . 72.0 1949-50 151.7 77.1 229.0 75.0 1950-51 159.4 97.8 257 .0 57.0 1951-52 219.8 162.9 383.0 68.0 1952-53 345.2 290.4 636.0 118.0 1953-54 369.0 299.4 668.0 169.0 1954-55 308.0 300.0 608.0 235.0 1955-56 219.0 318.1 537 .0 174.0 1956-57 273.4 337.0 812.0 146.0 1957-58 320.0 458.0 778.0 191.0 1958-59 620.0 850.0 1,470.0 213.0 Blanks' i n d i c a t e f i g u r e s are not a v a i l a b l e . ^ e o A. Orleans, P r o f e s s i o n a l Manpower and Education i n Communist  China (NSF 61-3: Washington D.C: United States Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1960), p. 32, c i t i n g Ten Great Years (Peking: State S t a t i s t i c a l Bureau, 1960). TABLE IV SPARE-TIME STUDENTS, 1949-58 a (In thousands) Spare-time Schools Year Secondary Higher V o c a t i o n a l Secondary Primary 1949 0.1 0.1 1950 .4 .1 1951 1.6 .3 1952 4.1 .7 249.0 1,375.0 1953 9.7 1.1 404.0 1,523.0 1954 13.2 186.0 760.0 2,088.0 1955 15.9 195.0 1,167.0 4,538.0 1956 63.8 563.0 2,236.0 5,195.0 1957 75.9 588.0 2,714.0 6,267.0 1958 150.0 . . . . 5,000.0 26,000.0 Blanks i n d i c a t e f i g u r e s are not a v a i l a b l e . aLeo A. Orleans, P r o f e s s i o n a l Manpower and Education In Communist  China (NSF 61-3; Washington D.C: United States Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1960), p. 49, c i t i n g Ten Great Years (Peking: State S t a t i s t i c a l Bureau, 1960). 105 TABLE V HIGHER EDUCATION, 1948-60 a School Year Enrollment Graduates 1948- 49 . . . . . 21,000 1949- 50 117,000 18,000 1950- 51 137,000 19,000 1951- 52 153,000 32,000 1952- 53 191,000 48,000 1953- 54 212,000 47,000 1954- 55 253,000 55,000 1955- 56 288,000 63,000 1956- 57 -403,000 ' 56,000 1957- 58 414,000 72,000 1958- 59 660,000 62,000 1959- 60 810,000 . . . . Blanks i n d i c a t e f i g u r e s are not a v a i l a b l e . China (NSF 61-3; Washington D.C.: United States Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1960), p. 61, c i t i n g Ten Great Years (Peking: State S t a t i s t i c a l Bureau.,' I960) . 106 TABLE VI HIGHER EDUCATION: ENROLLMENT BY FIELD, 1928-58 b School Year Engineering Science 1928-40* 5,000 4,000 1940-49* 15,000 6,000 1950-55* .60,000 15,000 1955- 56 109,600 . 20,000 1956- 57 150,000 25,000 1957- 58 ' 177,600 : 27,100 * Indicates that the figure i s an average for.the years indicated. aThis breakdown does not include such important increases made .Ih the f i e l d s of health, forestry, and agriculture which increased at an equal rate. ^Leo A. Orleans, Professional Manpower and Education i n Communist  China (NSF 61-3; Washington D.C: United States Government Printing Office, I960), p. 69, c i t i n g 1928-48: Chung-kuo Chiao-yu Nien-chien (Shanghai: Ministry of Education, 1948), 1949-50 and 1952-56: Jen-min  Shou-ts'e (Peking: 1957), 1950-52: New China News Agency, December 2, 1954, 1956-57: Jen-min Jihrpao, March 18, 1957, 1957-58:Jen-min Chiao-yu, October 9, 1957. 107 GENERAL POLICY OE PRESENT EDUCATIONAL CONSTRUCTION By Ch'ien Chun-jui May, 1950 Part I : "On an Educational P o l i c y to Serve the Workers and Peasants" The education of the Chinese People's Republic i s the education of the new democracy. That i s , i t i s an education that i s n a t i o n a l , s c i e n t i f i c , and of the masses. T h i s h a s already been determined very d e f i n i t e l y - i n the w r i t t e n works of Chairman Mao and i n the "Common Program of the People's P o l i t i c a l C o n s u l t a t i v e C o u n c i l . " At the present stage, what p o l i c y Ought we to adopt f o r the promotion of the new democratic education? To serve the workers and peasants and to serve production and construc-t i o n i s at the heart of the present p o l i c y to c a r r y out the education of the new democracy. To leave t h i s p o l i c y i s f o r us to commit e r r o r s and mistakes 1. I s i t p o s s i b l e to have education which does not serve the workers, peasants, and s o l d i e r s ? I t i s . Not only i s i t p o s s i b l e but moreover.this has been the a c t u a l i t y of China's o ld education of a few thousand years ago and of China's o l d education of a few decades ago. The education c a r r i e d out by the Chiang Kai-shek r e a c t i o n a r i e s was not to serve the workers and peasants, but ra t h e r served the deadly enemies of the workers and p e a s a n t s -i m p e r i a l i s m , feudalism, and bu r e a u c r a t i c c a p i t a l i s m . I n the"past t h i s . k i n d of education i n j u r e d and poisoned thousands and tens of thousands of c h i l d r e and youth and caused them to become t o o l s and s a c r i f i c i a l v i c t i m s of the p u b l i c enemies of the Chinese people. But no matter how much i t was used, the r e a c t i o n a r y o l d education could not f i n a l l y save the l i v e s ' of the r e a c t i o n a r y group. Imperialism has now been d r i v e n out; feudalism and bureauc r a t i c c a p i t a l i s m have been b a s i c a l l y defeated, but that base t o o l ( r e a c t i o n a r y education) which does not serve the workers, peasants, and s o l d i e r s but instead serves the r e a c t i o n a r i e s must now a l s o f o l l o w the Kuomintang i n t o the grave. People who say, " I don't serve anyone, I don't p a r t i c i p a t e i n p o l i t i c s , I'm f o r education f or i t s own sake," are d e c e i v i n g themselves and others. In o ld China, i f you weren't an a l e r t e d u c a t i o n a l worker s e r v i n g the people l i k e the f i g h t e r Mr. T'ao Hsing-chih (1891-1942) then you would be a s o - c a l l e d "outside of p o l i t i c s , education f o r i t s own sake" type of person. I n that case, regardless of what your s u b j e c t i v e hopes were, o b j e c t i v e l y you would always be unable to avoid becoming an instrument of the r e a c t i o n a r i e s although you would c e r t a i n l y be d i f f e r e n t from those r e a c t i o n a r y elements wh ca r r y out r e a c t i o n a r y education on t h e i r own i n i t i a t i v e . Because, say as 108 much as you like that you are for "education for i ts own sake" objectively you would then docilely administer the reactionary's educational policy. Who doesn't know that this kind of policy is direct ly opposed to the interests of the Chinese people and supports the interests of imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism. In new China the common people have taken power. The four democratic classes under the leadership of the working class are now putting into effect the pol i t i cs of the people's democratic dictatorship to struggle to realize the interest of the whole people. However, at f i r s t glance i t seems to be very lofty for you to say without really noticing what you are saying that, "I won't participate in p o l i t i c s ; I won't serve anyone; I won't be used by anyone," while a l l the time behind your back there is a small group of people who secretly applaud you and say, "bravo." This small group is now s i t t ing ih Taiwan and Washington. They believe your loftiness can perform the function of spl i t t ing up the Chinese people's strength and weakening the Chinese people's dictatorship. That is to say, you begin hot to serve the Chinese people but rather the enemies of the, Chinese people. The world today has never been more clearly divided, " i f you do not participate on one side then you automatically are on the other s ide . " If "democratic individualism" is considered lofty then why is i t considered valuable by Dean Acheson? One can think deeply on this . "I want to serve a l l the people but I can't just serve the workers and peasants." If you want to serve the people then that is just f ine . But what is meant by the "people?" F i r s t , there is the working class; second, there is the peasant class; thi rd , there is the petty bourgeoisie; and fourth, there is the national bourgeoisie. These four classes together at the present stage in China comprise the "people." It is therefore very clear that the feudal class, the bureaucratic bourgeois class and their p o l i t i c a l representatives the Kuomintang reactionaries aire decidedly not the people of new China but on the contrary are. the enemies of the Chinese people. Everyone who truly wants to serve the people must f i r s t and foremost determinedly oppose the people's enemies because the Chinese .people's f i r s t and direct Interest is to defeat these enemies. Workers who indicate a desire to serve the people must f i r s t and foremost determinedly cast off the influence of the old education.of the Kuomintang.reactionaries. This being done they must then determinedly and vigorously oppose the Kuomintang's reactionary education and uproot the kind of influence reactionary education has made among the people—that is to say, struggle to purge the remaining remnants of feudal, comprador, and fascist thought among the people. He who does otherwise is. unworthy of being called one who serves the people. Our education is the people's education; i t Is an education to serve the people. At the present stage in China i t i s an education in the service of the four democratic classes. This kind of education ought to be sub-ordinate to the common interests of the four classes. It ought to oppose imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism; establish an independent^ democratic, unified, peaceful and prosperous new China, and serve the interests of the economy, government, and culture of the four classes. If the cultural education at the present stage in China results in not serving any one class within the four democratic classes (such as the national bourgeoisie or the working class) to the point of opposing their interests 109 (such as r a i s i n g the slogan of d e f e a t i n g c a p i t a l i s m while meaning i n f a c t to repress the working c l a s s ) then that without a doubt i s an e r r o r . Then why do we want " s e r v i n g the workers and peasants" to be the c e n t r a l d i r e c t i o n of the present day c o n s t r u c t i o n of the people's education and not l i m i t our c e n t r a l d i r e c t i o n to a general "serve the people" or perhaps "serve the n a t i o n a l bourgeoisie or the petty b o u r g e o i s i e ? " This c e r t a i n l y depends on the present day c o n d i t i o n s of the n a t i o n . F i r s t : "The foundation of the people's democratic d i c t a t o r s h i p i s the a l l i a n c e between the working c l a s s , peasant c l a s s , and urban petty b o u r g e o i s i e , and the main a l l i a n c e i s that between the working c l a s s and peasant c l a s s . This i s because these two c l a s s e s comprise 80 to 90 per cent of the population of China. The main forces i n overthrowing i m p e r i a l i s m and the Kuomintang r e a c t i o n a i r e s were these two c l a s s e s . To go from the new democracy to s o c i a l i s m w i l l mainly depend on the a l l i a n c e of these two c l a s s e s " (Mao Tse-turig, "On the People's Democratic D i c t a t o r s h i p " ) . "The Chinese p r o l e t a r i a t , peasantry, and i n t e l l e c t u a l s w i t h the p e t t y bourgeoisie w i l l c e r t a i n l y be the b a s i c strength of the nation's d e s t i n y " (Mao Tse-tung, "On the New Democracy"). Since they are the foundation, the b a s i c strength and those on whom we depend, then why ought not our education c l e a r l y and s u r e l y use i t s main and b a s i c strength to serve the workers and peasants? The people's democratic d i c t a t o r s h i p i s l i k e a b u i l d i n g . The worker-peasant a l l i a n c e i s the foundation of the b u i l d i n g . I f the foundation of the b u i l d i n g i s not sturdy and does not use r e i n f o r c e d concrete but rather common c l a y , then our b u i l d i n g w i l l not be s o l i d , and we cannot complete a t a l l , b i g b u i l d i n g . A l l our e d u c a t i o n a l workers ought to i n c r e a s i n g l y r a i s e h i g h the c u l t u r a l , s c i e n t i f i c , and p o l i t i c a l standpoint of the working c l a s s and the peasant c l a s s ; strengthen the leadership a u t h o r i t y of the working c l a s s ; strengthen the worker-peasant a l l i a n c e and a l s o t h e i r c o n s t r u c t i o n and c r e a t i v e strength so that they w i l l complete t h i s b i g b u i l d i n g w i t h a completely modernized, r e i n f o r c e d concrete foundation of the people's democratic d i c t a t o r s h i p . Second: "In these four c l a s s e s , again, the workers, peasants, and s o l d i e r s are the main f o r c e ; the number of petty bourgeoisie are comparatively few; the r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s are n a t u r a l l y comparatively small and a l s o compared w i t h the workers, peasants, and s o l d i e r s , the petty bourgeoisie have the support of c u l t u r a l education" (Mao Tse-tung, "Yenan Forum on L i t e r a t u r e and A r t " ) . As to the n a t i o n a l b o u r g e o i s i e , these people are even fewer and they have even more c u l t u r a l education. In old China the r e p r e s s i v e e x p l o i t a t i v e c l a s s f o r c i b l y occupied and shut the doors of education. This k i n d of i r r a t i o n a l t h i n g remained many thousands of years i n China and i n a l l the world. In f a c t , however, c u l t u r e i s the c r e a t i o n of the l a b o r e r s , moreover i t i s to serve productive l a b o r . Only when the h i s t o r y of mankind emerged i n t o c l a s s e s d i d the e x p l o i t a t i v e c l a s s f o r c i b l y take over the c r e a t i v e c u l t u r e of the l a b o r e r s as t h e i r own. Moreover they consolidated their c o n t r o l and strengthened the t o o l s of e x p l o i t a t i o n and r e p r e s s i o n over the l a b o r e r s . Only w i t h the v i c t o r y of the October Revolution i n the Soviet Union d i d c u l t u r e and education again u n i t e w i t h i t s o r i g i n a l m a s t e r s — t h e workers, peasants, and broad masses—and d i d the task of c u l t u r a l education become the task of s e r v i n g the workers and peasants. In t h i s way c u l t u r e and education then became a kind of powerful weapon to help s o c i a l i s t 110 c o n s t r u c t i o n f l o u r i s h i n g l y and t h r i v i n g l y develop i n the Soviet Union. A f t e r the Second World War various people's democratic nations were e s t a b l i s h , a l l w i t h the Soviet Union as a model, these nations developed a new educa-t i o n to serve the workers and peasants which was moreover used as a weapon to accelerate the c o n s t r u c t i o n of s o c i a l i s m and the va r i o u s people's democracies. Since October of l a s t year i n China the p r o l e t a r i a t , which forms the basis of the people's democratic d i c t a t o r s h i p , under the leader-ship of the worker-peasant a l l i a n c e have already on a nation-wide sc a l e replaced i m p e r i a l i s m , the command of the b i g l a n d l o r d s , the b i g b o u r g e o i s i e , compradore, and f a s c i s t d i c t a t o r s h i p . This change i n the b a s i c c o n d i t i o n s r e f l e c t s the f a c t that education should c e r t a i n l y be led by the thought of the p r o l e t a r i a t and mainly be a people's education which serves the workers and peasants by r e p l a c i n g the leadership of feudal ideas, compradore and f a s c i s t ideas, a l l of which are mainly r e a c t i o n a r y types of education which serve i m p e r i a l i s m , f e u d a l a u t h o r i t y , and b u r e a u c r a t i c c a p i t a l i s m . We have to say that the present c o n d i t i o n s of education i n China are not commensurate w i t h the present b a s i c c o n d i t i o n s of our n a t i o n . Our n a t i o n i s already a n a t i o n led by the p r o l e t a r i a t ' s worker-peasant a l l i a n c e forming the b a s i s of the people's democratic d i c t a t o r s h i p . But what about our education? The workers and peasants of the whole country w i t h the exception of the few numbers i n the l i t e r a c y c l a s s e s , spare-time schools, and o l d l i b e r a t i o n u n i t winter studies are s t i l l , extremely short of r e g u l a r and s u i t a b l e c u l t u r a l education. A l t o g e t h e r , u n i v e r s i t i e s and t e c h n i c a l schools i n the whole country are about 200; students are about 15,000. Middle schools are a l t o g e t h e r about 5,000; students are about- 150,000. Primary schools are about 30,000; students are about 2,000,000 or more. With the exception of ol d l i b e r a t i o n u n i t s , primary, and middle schools which already have a great many students who are sons and daughters of workers and peasants, most of the various c l a s s e s of students i n schools are decidedly s t i l l sons and daughters of the middle-peasants and urban p e t t y b o u r g e o i s i e . I n the whole n a t i o n 80 per cent of the population i s comprised of the workers, peasants, and broad masses and t h e i r sons and daughters are b a s i c a l l y s t i l l shut outside the doors of the schools. To r e s o l u t e l y change these c o n d i t i o n s , to cause education to t r u l y be a democratic education, to t r u l y serve the cause of r a i s i n g high the c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l l e v e l of the workers and peasants, and to cause the various c l a s s of schools to open the doors f o r the sons and daughters of the workers, peasants, and broad masses i s something that can no longer be postponed. In accordance w i t h the reasons stated above, we must decide that at the present stage i n China, education ought to f i r s t and mainly serve the workers and peasants. . I s having an education which "serves the workers and peasants" and an education which "serves the people" a c o n t r a d i c t i o n ? No, there i s no c o n t r a d i c t i o n . This i s simply because people's education must serve the people and the foundations of the people, t h e i r b a s i c power, and the people's l i v e l i h o o d mainly depend on the working c l a s s and the peasantry. For t h i s reason we must f i r s t and mainly serve the workers and peasants, and only then can we most c o r r e c t l y and most e f f e c t i v e l y serve the people. Otherwise, we w i l l simply lose s i g h t of the e s s e n t i a l and deal w i t h the l e s s e s s e n t i a l , put the car t before the horse, and our strength of ser v i n g the people w i l l then come to nothing. I l l Does education which i s to serve the workers and peasants mean that i t w i l l not serve other democratic classes? No, i t does not. I t i s simply because the workers and peasants are the nation's main part and at the present stage are a l s o those who most lack c u l t u r e . I t i s f o r t h i s reason that we ought to f i r s t use our main strength to give education to the workers and peasants. The roots must be put down, only then can the branches and leaves grow to be l u x u r i o u s . The base of the workers and peasants has been made w e l l , and the other democratic c l a s s e s who have followed them have a l s o received the o r i g i n a l and subsequent b e n e f i t s . This i s because the workers and peasants are the creators of s o c i a l wealth, and they represent the nation's productive and leadership s t r e n g t h . I n a l l aspects they r a i s e h i g h and strengthen the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of the people's democratic d i c t a t o r s h i p and comprehensively develop the a l l i a n c e of the four c l a s s e s so that the e n t i r e s o c i a l economy w i l l advance forward. This i s one p o i n t . Another i s that although we say that the strength of education f i r s t and mainly r e s t s on the person of the workers and peasants, we by no means say that our education w i l l then not consider the petty bourgeoisie or the n a t i o n a l bourgeoisie. At present, sons and daughters of the n a t i o n a l bourgeoisie and urban petty bourgeoisie are s t i l l very w e l l represented i n the various schools. They c e r t a i n l y can continue to go on studying i n these schools to the point to which they are s u f f i c i e n t l y prepared to leave the schools and undertake t h e i r part i n working f o r the people's n a t i o n . We are not even a l i t t l e opposed to t h i s , we even welcome i t . We don't mean only the n a t i o n a l bourgeoisie but even more so the p e t t y bourgeoisie (they are a l s o b a s i c elements i n the nation) even the feudal l a n d l o r d c l a s s s t i l l has very many sons arid daughters studying i n new China's schools. Does the state need to e n t i r e l y run these l a n d l o r d sons and daughters from the schools? There's c e r t a i n l y no need. As long as they are u n w i l l i n g to be w i t h the opponents of the people we w i l l a l l o w them to continue l e a r n i n g at the schools. Only i f they i n t h e i r own t h i n k i n g r e v o l t from t h e i r o r i g i n a l c l a s s — t h e feudal c l a s s (they are the Chinese people's enemies)—can they then g r a d u a l l y d e s i r e to serve the people. I t must be r e a l i z e d that t h i s depends on whether t h e i r own l a b o r i n g l i f e i s vigorous. Moreover, by studying arid g a i n i n g a b i l i t y they w i l l not go back to serving the feudal c l a s s but r a t h e r w i l l serve the people. The working c l a s s as leaders of the n a t i o n have the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of educating the whole people of China, reforming and heightening t h e i r thought and t r a i n i n g t h e i r new n a t i o n a l p u b l i c m o r a l i t y so they w i l l become good c i t i z e n s and good c o n s t r u c t i v e people f o r the People's Republic of China. "Is i t prejudiced to serve the workers and peasants?" I t depends on how you look at i t . Because the workers and peasants occupy a decidedly large number of the people and are the nation's b a s i c s t r e n g t h , they have received the l e a s t amount of c u l t u r a l education and f o r t h i s reason the emphasis of education i s on them. I f t h i s i s s o - c a l l e d " p r e j u d i c e " then, i s the heart j u s t prejudiced a l i t t l e or i s i t prejudiced a . l o t ? This i s a question of standpoint. I f you look at t h i s question from the standpoint of the petty bourgeoisie or the bourgeoisie then you can f e e l that t h i s p o l i c y i s p r e j udiced. But i f you can stand from the l a b o r i n g people's standpoint and look at t h i s question then you can agree that t h i s p o l i c y i s c o r r e c t , reasonable, and f o r t h i s reason, j u s t . Old China's education was simply an education to serve the l a n d l o r d c l a s s and b o u r g e o i s i e , or an education to serve the extremely few i n s o c i e t y ; i t was an education w i t h r u l e s to p r o t e c t the e x p l o i t e r s and oppressors and as such was most unreasonable and most I n c o r r e c t . 112 2. A f t e r having explained why our education ought to f i r s t and mainly serve the workers and peasants now we are going to discu s s the question of how, i n the l a s t a n a l y s i s , i t should operate. This i s mainly a d i s c u s s i o n of two questions: one i s the question of the content of education; the second i s the question of the p r o v i s i o n s f o r educational construction.. We w i l l f i r s t d i s c u s s the question of content. The Common Program has c l e a r l y determined: "The c u l t u r a l educat ion f o r the Chinese People's Republic i s a c u l t u r a l education f o r the new democracy; that i s , i t i s n a t i o n a l , s c i e n t i f i c , and of the masses." At the same time i t determined: "The main task of the c u l t u r a l e d ucational work of the people's government ought to be to r a i s e high the c u l t u r a l l e v e l of the people, support the nation's c o n s t r u c t i v e t a l e n t s , wipe out f e u d a l , compradore, and f a s c i s t thought and develop a thought to serve the people." This then determines the content of new China's education which i s the education of the new democracy. The content of t h i s new democratic education i s to be led by the•thought of the working c l a s s and f i r s t and foremost be s u i t a b l e w i t h what the workers and peasants i n s i s t on having. This i s because workers and peasants more than any other c l a s s c o n s i s t e n t l y request things which are n a t i o n a l , s c i e n t i f i c , and of the masses. For t h i s reason our new education must f i r s t and foremost serve the workers and peasants. I t must be thoroughly n a t i o n a l i s t , that i s , thoroughly opposed to i m p e r i a l i s t aggression. I t must advocate respect, independence, and l i b e r a t i o n f o r the Chinese n a t i o n . We must thoroughly wipe out compradore thought and the thought,of n a t i o n a l c a p i t u l a t i o n i s m . Today we must emphatically do away w i t h those current elements among the people who s t i l l r e s i d u a l l y have i l l u s i o n s about American i m p e r i a l i s m and expose those who dangerously express " i n d i v i d u a l i s m . " We must oppose those who speak of "western c u l t u r e " which i s to b l i n d l y and basely honor the psychology of c a p i t a l i s t c u l t u r e . We want to use our greatest strength to advocate r e v o l u t i o n a r y p a t r i o t i s m : to persuade and Impel the people to z e a l o u s l y love t h e i r own great f a t h e r l a n d ; to n o u r i s h and t r a i n the people's i r o n and s t e e l determination to protect the fatherland's t e r r i t o r y and sovereignty, and not a l l o w the I m p e r i a l i s t s and t h e i r running dogs to usurp one inch of ground. We must persuade the people to z e a l o u s l y love the fatherland's resources, c o n s c i o u s l y economize and l o v i n g l y protect the nation's property and make i t the s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of every p a t r i o t . We should z e a l o u s l y love the Chinese nation's long and honorable h i s t o r i c a l struggle and should exceedingly make known the Chinese nation's own h i s t o r i c a l , n a t i o n a l heroes and peasant leaders such as Ch'en Sheng, Wu Kuang, Yu F e i , Shih Ke-fa, L i Tz-chung, Hung Hsiu-chuan, e t c . We should z e a l o u s l y love our own brave, i n d u s t r i o u s , great people. We should z e a l o u s l y love the fatherland's l i b e r a t o r s — t h e t o i l i n g , l a b o r i n g People's L i b e r a t i o n Army. We should z e a l o u s l y love the leaders of the Chinese people's l i b e r a t i o n campaign the Chinese Communist Par t y . We should z e a l o u s l y love the Chinese people's great leader Mao Tse-tung and c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y study h i s thoughts and s t y l e of work and p e r s i s t e n t l y f o l l o w him. Another aspect Is that we should oppose narrow n a t i o n a l i s m and should make manifest and mutually combine the new p a t r i o t i s m w i t h i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m and u n i t e w i t h i n t e r n a t i o n a l f r i e n d s such as the Soviet Union and j o i n w i t h the various people's democracies. We should e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y sympathize w i t h and t r a i n the c o l o n i a l people's l i b e r a t i o n 113 a c t i v i t y and a c t i v e l y j o i n i n the worldwide o p p o s i t i o n to new war provocators and l a s t i n g l y p r o tect the ideas and struggle on a l l sides f o r peace and s e c u r i t y . We must p e r s i s t e n t l y oppose exchanging n a t i o n a l s e l f - r e s p e c t f o r n a t i o n a l pride and boastfulness and not be contemptuous df weak small nations who haven't yet become independent. We must oppose the thought of i s o l a t i o n i s m which attempts on a worldwide scale to " c u l t i v a t e oneself e x c l u s i v e l y . " Second, our new education which f i r s t and foremost serves the workers and peasants must be thoroughly s c i e n t i f i c . This k i n d of s c i e n t i f i c education " i s opposed to a l l feudal.and s u p e r s t i t i o u s thought, i t advocates seeking the t r u t h from a c t i o n , i t advocates o b j e c t i v e t r u t h , and advocates making theory and p r a c t i c e one" (Mao Tse-tung, "On the New Democracy"). For t h i s reason we must "advocate the use of the s c i e n t i f i c h i s t o r i c a l point of view, do research and e x p l a i n h i s t o r y , economics, p o l i t i c s , c u l t u r e , and a l s o i n t e r n a t i o n a l a f f a i r s " and " s t r i v e to develop the n a t u r a l sciences" and " u n i v e r s a l i z e s c i e n t i f i c knowledge." We must cause the "love of science" to become a common v i r t u e f o r the whole n a t i o n of the Chinese People's Republic, (44th, 43rd, 42nd a r t i c l e s of the Common Program ). Today we ought to emphatically propagate the u n i v e r s a l t r u t h of Marxism^Leninism and c r i t i c i z e i d e a l i s m and various kinds of s u p e r s t i t i o u s thought. We w i l l use our greatest strength to introduce the n a t u r a l sciences of the Soviet Union and moreover to combine w i t h the n a t u r a l s c i e n t i f i c thought of the progressive c a p i t a l i s t s to r a i s e up the c u l t u r a l s c i e n t i f i c l e v e l of the great worker-peasant masses and to overcome t h e i r backward, ignorant c o n d i t i o n s . We w i l l make the b a s i c knowledge of general science r e l e v a n t to the worker-peasant masses and t h e i r cadre's production. We w i l l b r i n g about general s c i e n t i f i c b a s i c education and cause the s p e c i a l i z e d s k i l l s of the worker-peasant professions to be c o r r e c t l y combined and not do one t h i n g to the neglect of the other. We w i l l p e r s i s t e n t l y oppose s c i e n t i f i c research and s c i e n t i f i c education which i s " r e s i s t a n t to change." That i s , an a t t i t u d e which r e j e c t s new d i s c o v e r i e s and in v e n t i o n s and a l s o the u n p r i n c i p l e d standpoint of secta r i a n i s m . This k i n d of standpoint and a t t i t u d e i s as mutually i n t o l e r a n t to the people's i n t e r e s t and to the workers' and peasants' i n t e r e s t s as i s water to f i r e . T h i r d , our new education which f i r s t and foremost serves the workers and peasants must be thoroughly of the masses. I t s content must be sub-ordinate to the worker-peasant mass a l l i a n c e , and must not v i o l a t e the worker-peasant mass a l l i a n c e . I f the current and future cadres (current u n i v e r s i t y , middle school students must a l l h e r e a f t e r serve the worker-peasant cadres) do not propagate from the point of view of the worker-peasant masses but r a t h e r only from the point of view of the l a n d l o r d c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s and do not propagate the t r u t h s of the n a t u r a l and s o c i a l sciences (such as Darwinian e v o l u t i o n and Marxism) but r a t h e r only propagate i d e a l i s m , f e u d a l s u p e r s t i t i o n , r e l i g i o u s d o c t r i n e s , and a n t i - s c i e n t i f i c thought, then that i s simply i n the realm of thought which i n j u r e s the workers and peasants and worker-peasant cadres and causes them to s t a l l and r e t r e a t to a p o s i t i o n of backwardness. I t would a l s o weaken and destroy the main part of t h e i r u s e f u l s e r v i c e to the n a t i o n ; i t would weaken and destroy the working c l a s s ' s usefulness to the nation's leadership and a l s o weaken and destroy our people's democratic d i c t a t o r s h i p . This then does not correspond w i t h the i n t e r e s t s of the Chinese people but r a t h e r w i t h those of the r e a c t i o n a r i e s 114 both w i t h i n and without the country. For t h i s reason, the content of the people's education must correspond to the needs of the workers and peasants and correspond w i t h t h e i r long-range i n t e r e s t s ; i t w i l l be c l o s e l y l i n k e d to t h e i r a c t u a l l i f e and struggle (such as the war w i t h the Kuomintang r e a c t i o n -a r i e s , struggle w i t h t y r a n t s , land reform s t r u g g l e s , record-breaking a c t i v i t i e s , people's congresses, production a c t i v i t i e s , etc.) and shouldn't break away from t h e i r a c t u a l l i f e and s t r u g g l e . We should use the s p i r i t of the worker-peasant masses to express the content of the new education. At the same time, our language reform and our words must s t r i v e to approach that of the worker and peasant masses. According to Chairman Mao's d i r e c t i v e and the people's government - p r o v i s i o n , i . e . , the above mentioned n a t i o n a l , s c i e n t i f i c and mass standards, every c l a s s of our school and a l l the educational organs ought to severely and e a r n e s t l y examine t h e i r own educational content and p e r s i s t e n t l y and s t e a d i l y reform the current content of teaching and create a new content of teaching and cause i t to be appropriate to the needs of the worker-peasant l a b o r i n g people and t h e i r cadres. This i s the serious task of a l l the educational workers i n today's new China. 3. I n order to apply the content of the people's education, what k i n d of preparations ought we make, and when should we set to work? What advantages are i n our hands now? F i r s t , we have Chairman Mao, a harmonious people's government, and the c e n t r a l Chinese government a l l of which provide us w i t h c o r r e c t d i r e c t i o n w i t h respect to the people's education. Second, w i t h respect to t r a i n i n g and r a i s i n g , up a large group of cadres to serve the workers and peasants, w i t h respect to r a i s i n g the e d u c a t i o n a l experience of the workers, peasants, and masses, and a l s o w i t h respect to experience i n educating r u r a l , v i l l a g e boys, and youth, the Chinese Communist Party w i t h over twenty years of l e a d i n g the Chinese people's r e v o l u t i o n a r y struggle has accumulated r i c h worker-peasant e d u c a t i o n a l experience (the f i r s t of which was peasant e d u c a t i o n ) . Because the period and c o n d i t i o n s of these experiences are d i f f e r e n t , there are some aspects which ought to be reviewed, discarded, or supplemented—but b a s i c a l l y they are c o r r e c t . Henceforth, l a r g e - s c a l e p r a c t i c e to c a r r y out the people's education w i l l be very u s e f u l . T h i r d , workers and peasants should now u r g e n t l y seek c u l t u r e and I f they seek c u l t u r e they w i l l "transform t h e i r i d e n t i t y . " Workers and peasants w i t h t h i s k i n d of high degree of consciousness and f i e r y support are our greatest advantageous c o n d i t i o n f o r c a r r y i n g out people's education. Fourth, we should s t a r t departing from the experience of Soviet e d u c a t i o n a l c o n s t r u c t i o n . The d i r e c t i o n of Soviet c o n s t r u c t i o n and our d i r e c t i o n i s s i m i l a r but though the state of a f f a i r s of the two c o u n t r i e s have very great d i f f e r e n c e s the Soviet experience i s s t i l l b a s i c a l l y very u s e f u l to us. Do- we have d i f f i c u l t i e s now? For the general promotion of people's education f o r workers and peasants we s t i l l lack necessary funds, teachers (both i n q u a n t i t y and q u a l i t y ), and experience. But f o l l o w i n g the improve-ment i n f i n a n c i a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s , f o l l o w i n g the c o n s t r u c t i o n movement of the whole n a t i o n , these d i f f i c u l t i e s can.gradually be overcome. 115 Under the above mentioned favorable and d i f f i c u l t c o n d i t i o n s , what ki n d of things can and should we do. F i r s t , we must r e i n f o r c e the education of worker-peasant cadres and People's L i b e r a t i o n Armymen. Our worker-peasant cadres who are working i n the armed f o r c e s , government agencies, and organized groups are the back-bone of today's new China and are the most treasured property of our country. They who are c o n s t a n t l y under sharply s t r u g g l i n g c o n d i t i o n s , s y s t e m a t i c a l l y l a c k i n g l e a r n i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s , now ought to g r e a t l y strengthen t h e i r c u l t u r a l and s c i e n t i f i c education. For more than twenty years our courageous r e v o l u t i o n a r y army under the d i r e c t leadership of Chairman Mao has very s e r i o u s l y and v i g o r o u s l y promoted r e v o l u t i o n a r y , p o l i t i c a l , c u l t u r a l , and m i l i t a r y education and achieved g l o r i o u s r e s u l t s and accumulated r i c h experience. Now our People's L i b e r a t i o n Army should construct a more modern n a t i o n a l defense army, and t h i s would req u i r e a l l our m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s to acquire an even higher c u l t u r a l , s c i e n t i f i c , and p o l i t i c a l l e v e l . For t h i s reason we must continue to r e i n f o r c e the educational work of our m i l i t a r y . I n terms of content i t must be more enriched and systematic; the system and method has to be changed to be more reg u l a t e d . Second, we must promote spare-time supplementary education f o r workers. What p o s i t i o n should worker education have i n the whole education? We say worker education ought to occupy an extremely important p o s i t i o n i n people's education. This i s not only because the working c l a s s i s our country's l e a d i n g c l a s s , because i t and the peasant c l a s s i s the nation's d e c i s i v e part but r a t h e r because the working c l a s s i s desperately i n need of supplementary education. F o l l o w i n g the f a i l u r e of the 1927 r e v o l u t i o n , the Chinese Communist P a r t y as the vanguard of the Chinese working c l a s s then c o r r e c t l y s h i f t e d t h e i r p o s i t i o n to the r u r a l areas. From t h i s up to 1949, when every- large c i t y was l i b e r a t e d , t h i s vanguard of the working c l a s s has i n the past twenty-two long, long, years b a s i c a l l y and g e o g r a p h i c a l l y l e f t t h e i r o r i g i n a l c l a s s . During t h i s p e r i o d , China's working c l a s s has only been c a r r i e d on by having the vanguard lead the peasants and the democratic p a r t i e s i n e s t a b l i s h i n g and developing r e v o l u t i o n a r y armies, r e v o l u t i o n a r y bases, and a r e v o l u t i o n a r y government. Although the main body of t h i s c l a s s during every r e v o l u t i o n a r y period has c o n t r i b u t e d great cooperative e f f o r t s , they s t i l l s u f f e r e d under i m p e r i a l i s m and the Kuomintang's r e a c t i o n a r y t e r r o r and couldn't re c e i v e s u f f i c i e n t experience or r e c e i v e the education of t h e i r own vanguard. For t h i s reason, the workers of every large c i t y who have j u s t been l i b e r a t e d f i n d that t h e i r p o l i t i c a l thought l e v e l i s g e n e r a l l y lower than the People's L i b e r a t i o n Army f i e l d commanders (they are mostly peasants) but a l s o g e n e r a l l y lower than the peasants of the o l d l i b e r a t e d areas who have been through r e v o l u -t i o n a r y war and land reform a c t i v i t y . The leadership c l a s s of new China and those being l e d (of course only a f r a c t i o n ) w i t h respect to t h e i r thought and p o l i t i c a l aspects are temporarily under these kinds of abnormal conditions which are a t y p i c a l r e s u l t of the development of the Chinese r e v o l u t i o n , but these kinds of c o n d i t i o n s ought to be q u i c k l y changed. The method of changing i s assuredly not to lower the l e v e l of the peasants but rather ought to be that the working c l a s s would pursue catching up w i t h a l l p o s s i b l e speed. This then i s the great r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the working c l a s s and t h e i r vanguard i n today's China. I t i s a l s o the great r e s p o n s i b i l i t y 116 of a l l the people's educational workers. For t h i s reason, under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Pa r t y , our s t a f f , workers, a s s o c i a t i o n s , and educational workers ought to coordinate together, d i v i d e l a b o r , and work together to take the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to e s t a b l i s h and r e i n f o r c e supplementary education. The number of workers i n a l l areas who have p a r t i c i p a t e d i n supplementary education i s already 500,000; and we are going to make even greater advances. This k i n d of worker supplementary education can g e n e r a l l y set up a c l a s s order equivalent to that of primary and high-elementary s c h o o l s -primary schools are f o r l e a r n i n g characters and the four kinds of mathe-m a t i c a l c a l c u l a t i o n s ; middle schools are. mainly f o r l i t e r a t u r e , mathematics, current community a f f a i r s , and promotion of education f o r M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t government. In a p o r t i o n of the f a c t o r i e s , i f c o n d i t i o n s permit, we a l s o can e s t a b l i s h the equivalent of middle schools, supple-mentary education c l a s s e s In which the course of study would mainly be l i t e r a t u r e and mathematics, and general knowledge courses of h i s t o r y and n a t u r a l sciences. A p o r t i o n of the e d u c a t i o n a l workers ought to engage i n supplementary education f o r workers and regard teaching workers as t h e i r highest personal honor. For these educational workers, i t i s not only a question of teaching but a l s o a question of l e a r n i n g . Chairman Mao says: "Only by representing the masses can one teach the masses; only by becoming a student of the masses can one become a teacher of the masses" ("Yenan Forum on L i t e r a t u r e and Art?*). Comrades who want to become teachers of the workers ought to s t r i v e to represent the i n t e r e s t s of the working c l a s s and ought to s t r i v e at the same time to become students of the workers. We should work toward s o l v i n g the question of teacher resources for worker education. T h i r d , i s supplementary education f o r peasants. This i s one of the biggest p r o j e c t s of new China's people's education. Chairman Mao says: "A serious question Is that of educating the peasants" (?0n People's • Democratic Dictatorship^) . From t h i s we can see that educating the peasants i s a serious problem. I t must be s a i d that the Chinese working c l a s s by. means of i t s vanguard has c a r r i e d through i t s long struggle: of e d u c a t i o n a l work among the peasants. I t s purpose has been to heighten the conscious-ness of the peasants, t i g h t l y and r i g o r o u s l y u n i t e the peasants and e s t a b l i s h and maintain the worker-peasant a l l i a n c e . Using t h i s as a foundation I t has a l s o sought to e s t a b l i s h and defend the r e v o l u t i o n a r y base areas and the r e v o l u t i o n a r y government and to struggle against f o r e i g n invaders and i n t e r n a l r e a c t i o n a r i e s . This struggle has been won.. I n that case, why do we say that now the education of the peasants i s s t i l l a serious struggle? This i s because China's peasants s t i l l have to complete land reform w i t h i n the boundaries of the e n t i r e country; a f t e r t h a t , w i t h i n a long period of time they can c o l l e c t i v i z e and modernize t h e i r own s c a t t e r e d and backward economy. Chairman Mao t e l l s us: "Peasant a g r i c u l t u r e i s d i v e r s i f i e d and according to the experience of the Soviet Union, a long p e r i o d and conscientious work i s needed before a g r i c u l t u r e can be s o c i a l i z e d . Without s o c i a l i z e d a g r i c u l t u r e there can be no complete and s o l i d s o c i a l i s m " ("On People's Democratic D i c t a t o r s h i p " ) . The evidence i s here that from now on the task of the Chinese working c l a s s toward educating the peasants i s e s p e c i a l l y great and e s p e c i a l l y important. A l l of our educational workers ought to have s u f f i c i e n t understanding of t h i s . 117 In the old l i b e r a t e d areas i t i s a f a c t that the Communist Party achieved f a n t a s t i c r e s u l t s i n the promotion of education among the peasants. They d i d t h i s by means of r e v o l u t i o n a r y war and v a r i o u s kinds of r e v o l u t i o n a r y struggle ( i . e . , rent r e d u c t i o n , i n t e r e s t r e d u c t i o n , land reform, j o i n i n g the army, etc.) and by using large and small group meetings, making r e p o r t s , performing p l a y s , s i n g i n g f o l k songs, e t c . These methods and forms i n the future w i l l s t i l l be very important i n peasant education. We must c e r t a i n l y develop and modify these experiences to make them s t i l l more s u c c e s s f u l f o r the peaceful c o n s t r u c t i o n of the environment. In the o l d l i b e r a t e d areas another k i n d of Important educational form was winter-study. This form u t i l i z e s the peasants s l a c k , winter season i n order to c o r r e l a t e among a l l areas and v i l l a g e s the present-day, concrete stru g g l e s and to promote the study of e s s e n t i a l characters and p o l i t i c a l education. At the outset of the establishment of the c e n t r a l people's govern-ment, g u i d e l i n e s were issued to popularize the promotion of winter-study. Henceforth, we w i l l be more prepared to c a r r y i t out. During the f a l l of t h i s year we are going to hold an a l l - c o u n t r y , worker-peasant e d u c a t i o n a l conference at which we w i l l prepare a study of the important experiences of t h i s year's winter-study program and h o l d d i s c u s s i o n s conerning the problems of teachers and course m a t e r i a l i n the winter-study program. Fourth, i s the p r e p a r a t i o n and promotion of education f o r character r e c o g n i t i o n . The plan Is to g r a d u a l l y , w i t h i n the boundaries of the e n t i r e country, sweep away i l l i t e r a c y . Chairman Mao says: "The necessary c o n d i t i o n f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g a new China i s to sweep away i l l i t e r a c y among the 80 per cent p o r t i o n of China's p o p u l a t i o n " ("On United Government"). These are not' o r d i n a r y c o n d i t i o n s nor are they c o n d i t i o n s you can or cannot have but r a t h e r they are a b s o l u t e l y necessary. The establishment of a new China i s work that has already begun. But we have s t i l l not made ready the one necessary c o n d i t i o n : about 80 per cent of the e n t i r e country's population are s t i l l i l l i t e r a t e , and t h i s p o r t i o n are b a s i c a l l y the workers and peasants who are new China's leadership c l a s s and b a s i c strength. The serious nature of the problem i s r i g h t here. What must the working c l a s s r e l y on In order to lead? They must r e l y on t r u t h , the t r u t h of the s o c i a l sciences and the n a t u r a l sciences In order to lead. What must the workers and peasants r e l y on to become the b a s i c force of the new democracy? They must mainly r e l y on the f a c t that they represent the s o c i e t y ' s producing power and are the producers of a l l the wealth. From t h i s we know that i n order to make the foundation and leadership of our country even stronger i t won't do to have complete i l l i t e r a c y or the m a j o r i t y i l l i t e r a t e . Workers and peasants must study the r e c o g n i t i o n of characters very q u i c k l y and they must have grasped the b a s i c c u l t u r a l t o o l s i n order to have a grasp of science and technology. Only then can they strengthen l e a d e r s h i p , promote production, and acquire the necessary c o n d i t i o n s for new China's hea l t h y c o n s t r u c t i o n . Taking a look at the Soviet Union we f i n d that two years a f t e r the success of the October R e v o l u t i o n , that i s , December 26, 1919, Lenin h i m s e l f issued a d i r e c t i v e p u t t i n g a deadline on the e l i m i n a t i o n of i l l i t e r a c y . L e nin s a i d : " I n a country of i l l i t e r a c y i t i s not p o s s i b l e to e s t a b l i s h communism." Furthermore, he s a i d : " I n order to make a l l the i n h a b i t a n t s of the Republic consciously p a r t i c i p a t e i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e the people's committee r e q u i r e d : ( l ) a l l the i n h a b i t a n t s of the Republic 118 between the ages of f i v e and f i f t y who.cannot read and w r i t e must according to t h e i r w i l l use e i t h e r t h e i r own e t h n i c language or Russian i n order to l e a r n reading and w r i t i n g . " The d i r e c t i v e a l s o required t h a t : "The People's Education M i n i s t r y and i t s l o c a l o f f i c e s have the r i g h t to absorb i l l i t e r a c y s t u d i e s , use labor duty methods, and c a l l , those who have not entered the army but have had education to be teachers. Their labor w i l l be paid according to an educational worker's s a l a r y . The People's Education M i n i s t r y and I t s l o c a l o f f i c e s must absorb a l l kinds of o r g a n i z a t i o n s working f o r the e l i m i n a t i o n of i l l i t e r a c y such as p r o f e s s i o n a l worker's o r g a n i z a t i o n s , l o c a l P a r t y branches, communist youth leagues, women's worker's o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and any other o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The People's Education M i n i s t r y must use c i t i z e n ' s residences, churches, clubs, f a c t o r i e s , and other appropriate f a c i l i t i e s to a i d i n the e l i m i n a t i o n of i l l i t e r a c y . A l l those who avoid the requirements of t h i s d i r e c t i v e and obstruct those studying i n the program must be held c r i m i n a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e . " The People's Education M i n i s t r y of the Soviet Union on the b a s i s of t h i s d i r e c t i v e organized the " A l l Russian E x t r a o r d i n a r y Committee f o r the E l i m i n a t i o n of I l l i t e r a c y . " Sole r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the e l i m i n a t i o n of i l l i t e r a c y and the promotion of a mass movement to read rested w i t h t h i s committee. Their slogan was: "Each person who can read must teach one who cannot." Reading schools, primary schools and worker's schools were to be e s t a b l i s h e d throughout the e n t i r e country. In 1920 the magazine "Wipe Out I l l i t e r a c y " appeared. In 1923, the head of the magazine organized an a s s o c i a t i o n to wipe out i l l i t e r a c y . He organized a c u l t u r a l army of over 10,0.00 ( l a t e r to expand to 100,000) which became the b a s i c cadre f o r the e l i m i n a t i o n of i l l i t e r a c y . At the end of 1927 the f i r s t stage of the i l l i t e r a c y e l i m i n a t i o n concluded and the second stage began w i t h the c e n t r a l task being to e l i m i n a t e urban i l l i t e r a c y and r a i s e the b l i n d e r s of the s e m i - l i t e r a t e urbanites and m i l i t a r y u n i t s . Furthermore, they e s t a b l i s h e d reading schools and s e m i - l i t e r a t e schools. In 1930 the govern-ment of the Soviet Union resolv e d to set up tens of thousands of adult schools throughout the e n t i r e country. By 1939 the Soviet Union had 89.0 per cent of t h e i r i n h a b i t a n t s from age nine to f o r t y - n i n e l i t e r a t e . At the present the Soviet Union has b a s i c a l l y wiped out i l l i t e r a c y . A f t e r the twenty years of hard struggle the Soviet Union from 1919 to 1939 had b a s i c a l l y , completely wiped out i l l i t e r a c y among t h e i r p o p u l a t i o n of almost 200 m i l l i o n . In China, the population i s 475 m i l l i o n and the r a t i o of i l l i t e r a c y i s even greater than that i n Russia at the time of the October Revolution. Furthermore reading i s more d i f f i c u l t because of the need to recognize c h a r a c t e r s . For t h i s reason we ought to recognize that t h i s i s going to be a long and d i f f i c u l t task. This i s a task that we ought to immediately prepare f o r . P r e s e n t l y i n worker spare-time education, winter-study, and m i l i t a r y u n i t education the f i r s t aspect to c a r r y out i s r e c o g n i t i o n of c h a r a c t e r s . I n the areas where co n d i t i o n s are already-prepared, ( i . e . , land reform already c a r r i e d out, f a c t o r y production already on the track) we can experiment with character r e c o g n i z i n g education. The character r e c o g n i z i n g movement i n the Northeast at Lu Hsun and Dairen f u r n i s h e s us w i t h precious experience and s u f f i c i e n t confidence. Planning, research, and experimentation should immediately begin i n the area of 119 character reform. The worker-peasant educational conference held this f a l l should provide a workable plan toward these great tasks. It should set the pace so that beginning next year In quite a few areas l i teracy education can be promoted with the purpose of wiping i l l i t e r a c y . F i f t h , we must undertake the rapid completion of worker-peasant middle schools. Chairman Mao has said: "From now on the government ought to plan to cultivate various kinds of intel lectual cadres from among the broad masses of the people" ("On United Government"). In China there are very few intel lectual cadres who have come from a background of the working class or peasantry. In terms of constructing a new China this kind of situation is very unfavorable. It is even more unfavorable in terms of having new China reach new democracy and socialism. For this reason, our greatest responsibility i s to use Marxism-Leninism and the social and natural sciences to cultivate a new type of intel lectual from among the workers and peasants. This responsibili ty is related to the fate of our country, and i t is therefore necessary that we especially shoulder.and seriously take up this responsibil i ty . In order to cultivate intellectuals from among workers and peasants the sole use of worker-peasant vocational school is insuff ic ient . We must mainly have workers and peasants rapidly completing middle school and then attract the best of them and encourage them to f inish a middle-level of cultural and sc ient i f i c knowledge in three to four years and then go on to high school where they can continue their studies. This kind of student w i l l have left his original work post to devote spare-time to study and and not f u l l - t i m e . The courses in the short-course middle schools for the workers and peasants w i l l be mainly literature and mathematics. 'Outside of this there w i l l be physics, history, geography, biology, and the common sense of hygiene. The Central Chinese Ministry of Education has already experimented with worker-peasant short-course middle schools and have found that among those in the mili tary and worker-peasant youth who participated there are many who learn very vigorously and extremely fast . In a small amount of time the misconception has already been broken which says: workers and peasants learn mathematics slowly. In fact, i t is precisely the opposite. Their consciousness is comparatively higher than that of other youth and they learn mathematics faster. We have already prepared to set up these short-course middle schools in a l l areas, and we w i l l strive to gradually and popularly establish short-course middle schools by next year among People's Liberation Army units and other groups. Sixth, a l l classes of schools in the entire country must open up their doors to the workers and peasants and their sons and daughters. The doors of the universities ought to be opened for the general worker and peasant youth and cadres. This kind of policy w i l l not be liked or be easy to accept among most intellectuals and a portion of university professors. They think that workers and peasants are stupid, d i r ty , and not f i t for university. In fact, in the universities of new China who is i t that is mOst f i t? It is the workers and peasants because the workers and peasants are the main group In the nation and are the cornerstone of construction. Furthermore, the most important thing is to cultivate 120 i n t e l l e c t u a l s who were once workers and peasants and make them the strong backbone of the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the new China. The workers and peasants are the cleanest i n both body and s p i r i t compared w i t h a l l other c l a s s e s . From t h e i r s o c i a l struggle and struggle f o r production I t can h a r d l y be s a i d that they are not i n t e l l i g e n t . I t i s only because they were o r i g i n a l l y poor and had no r i g h t or money to attend school that they are uncultured and not c l e a n . Therefore, who i s the c r i m i n a l ? The c r i m i n a l s have already been defeated and whoever t r i e s again to suppress the workers and peasants i n t o being uncultured and d i r t y w i l l c e r t a i n l y be opposed. The workers and peasants who entered the schools i n the Soviet Union and went to the u n i v e r s i t i e s or s c i e n t i f i c schools, graduated and became t e c h n i c i a n s , p r o f e s s o r s , members of s c i e n t i f i c i n s t i t u t e s , r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s to the highest S o v i e t s , received masters degrees, doctor's degrees, and one received the S t a l i n P r i z e . From a l l that has been s a i d are the workers and peasants any l e s s clean than the p e t t y bourgeoisie or the bourgeoisie? The answer i s negative. . Recently, the c e n t r a l people's government has e s t a b l i s h e d the China People's U n i v e r s i t y ; i t w i l l serve as a good example. This u n i v e r s i t y ' s r e g u l a r course c o n s i s t s of seven departments—economics, economic planning, f i n a n c e , t r u s t and loan, cooperative trade, f a c t o r y management, f o r e i g n a f f a i r s , and law. The course of study i s from two to four years. In the f i r s t year, 1,400 were admitted, the m a j o r i t y of these were those who had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n r e v o l u t i o n a r y work f o r at l e a s t seven years or had worked f o r three years as worker-peasant cadres as w e l l as outstanding workers w i t h three years working experience. A f t e r they entered school they v i g o r o u s l y studied p o l i t i c s , Russian, and various kinds of t e c h n i c a l knowledge. Thus f a r t h e i r progress has been very f a s t and Chinese professors and Russian professors a l i k e are quite s a t i s f i e d w i t h the students' l e a r n i n g . A l l of our u n i v e r s i t i e s and c o l l e g e s should f o l l o w the example of China People's U n i v e r s i t y and g r a d u a l l y but f i r m l y absorb those worker and peasant youth w i t h the appropriate standing i n t o the schools and give them s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n . We should plan to p o s i t i v e l y set up a d d i t i o n a l worker-peasant short-course middle schools, or worker-peasant supplementary education. The u n i v e r s i t i e s and c o l l e g e s ought to get prepared i n a l l respects so that i n three or four years they w i l l be able to absorb most of the graduates from the worker-peasant short-course middle schools and consider the c u l t i v a t i o n of worker-peasant i n t e l l e c t u a l s as t h e i r greatest r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The middle-schools of our r e c e n t l y l i b e r a t e d areas must a l s o open t h e i r doors to the worker-peasant youth. Needless to say, r e g u l a r schools, normal schools, and t e c h n i c a l schools a i l - must plan to admit the sons and daughters of workers and peasants. W i t h i n the number of students they admit a f i x e d r a t i o , according to the d i f f e r e n c e s of l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s , must be worker and peasant youth and the sons and daughters of workers and peasants. These schools must a p p r o p r i a t e l y increase the number of worker and peasant supplementary courses. As f o r promoting t h e i r c u l t u r a l and s c i e n t i f i c education t h i s i s up to the o r i g i n a l teachers. 121 Our elementary schools and kindergartens should also admit the sons and daughters of workers and peasants. Elementary school teachers should consider i t their highest honor to teach sons and daughters of workers and peasants. Our great fatherland and people give these kind of teachers ' our highest regard and respect because they have contributed their greatest ef f o r t s toward the future of the fatherland and the people. 122 Part II : "On an Educational Policy to Serve Productive Construction" 4. Another main policy and goal of people's education in new China is simply for the recovery and development of the people's economy, or In other words, to serve productive construction. It is very clear that this policy and the policy that education serves the workers and peasants are inseparable. Those who understand the laws of social development a l l know that material conditions form the foundation for society. "The mode of pro-duction in material l i f e determines society, pol i t i cs arid spir i tual l i f e " (Marxi "Critique of P o l i t i c a l Economy"). The Chinese people's revolution has already achieved basic victory. Its main purpose now is to liberate the material productive forces in China from the bondage of neo-colonialism and neo-feudalism and be able to seek a smoother development from among the new productive relations. The government and culture of new China and the entirety of new China's construction is a l l based on this kind of development of the material productive forces; only then can i t develop and consolidate. If we do not have the development of the material productive forces in new China, that is to say, i f In the beginning we do not have the people's economic recovery and development then the construc-tion and cultural construction of the new people's democratic government w i l l not be dependable and w i l l not have a foundation. Everyone knows that a l l things must have dependability and foundation or they w i l l collapse. It is precisely because of this that following the Chinese people's achievement of basic victory in the revolutionary war Chairman Mao told us that "the serious task facing us i s productive construction" ("On the People's Democratic Dictatorship") . He moreover pointed out "following the attainment of the high tide of economic construction, we cannot avoid trying to attain a high tide i n cultural construction" ("Opening Speech for People's P o l i t i c a l Association"). From this one must distinguish which is to come f i r s t . Without the slightest doubt, economic construction is the Chinese nation's f i r s t and fundamental task. This is one aspect. S t i l l another aspect is that "any given culture is a reflection of the pol i t i cs and economy of the given society and the culture in turn has a great influence on the p o l i t i c s and economy of the given society" (Mao Tse-tung, "On the New Democracy"). These sentences present us with a kirid of task. We cannot f a l l asleep or wait but rather we have, to vigorously and powerfully use the new culture to correctly reflect the new economy and new pol i t i cs and also influence greatly the present new pol i t i cs and new economy. This is also to say that theory must not be divorced from practice and by uniting theory with practice a l l our policies are given direction and Impetus. According to this principle in old China we used revolutionary cultural education to "raise the masses." That Is to say, . we raised up the working people's consciousness to help them to unite, get arms,and defeat the productive relations of colonialism, neo-colonialism, neo-feudalism and thereby establish the productive relations of the new democracy; In accordance with this same principle in new China we must 123 cons c i o u s l y (not b l i n d l y ) and po w e r f u l l y (not p a s s i v e l y or by force) r a i s e the workers consciousness one more step and unite t h e i r f o r c e s , arm them w i t h science and technology so as to develop the m a t e r i a l productive forces of s o c i e t y and develop, the people's economy i n order to consolidate the foundation of the nation's c o n s t r u c t i o n . The new economy i s the foundation of the new c u l t u r e and the new economic c o n s t r u c t i o n w i l l be the p r e r e q u i s i t e c o n d i t i o n f o r the construc-t i o n of a new c u l t u r e . This i s one aspect. Another i s that the new c u l t u r e gives the new economy great d i r e c t i o n and impetus. A l l of the b u i l d e r s of new China must securely grasp t h i s p r i n c i p l e and only a f t e r -wards can they c o n s c i o u s l y and c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h l i g h t from heavy, slow from f a s t and by planning, g r a d u a l l y promote our work. The concept that education alone can "save the country" i s mistaken. Education must be r e v o l u t i o n a r y education and only then can i t produce i t s e f f e c t towards saving the country; t h i s i s one. On the other hand, r e v o l u t i o n a r y e d u c a t i o n a l work toward saving the country has been having a c e r t a i n great e f f e c t , but t h i s k i n d of e f f e c t cannot be said to be the most important or even the only one because the task of saving the country i n v o l v e s p o l i t i c a l . , m i l i t a r y , economic, c u l t u r a l , and other various aspects of r e v o l u t i o n a r y work. In the process of c o n s t r u c t i n g new China the new c u l t u r e and the new education must be the greatest task. This i s without doubt. But t h i s k i nd Of e f f e c t can only be achieved i f our c u l t u r e and education can, under r e a l c o n d i t i o n s , serve the working people and pro-ductive c o n s t r u c t i o n . I f t h i s i s not done then we won't be able to achieve t h i s k i n d of e f f e c t and i n f a c t may produce the opposite e f f e c t . Speaking of an education which serves productive c o n s t r u c t i o n China has maintained an ed u c a t i o n a l idea f o r over t h i r t y years and t h i s i s : "Now i n China the most important and d i f f i c u l t problem i s that of the people's l i v e l i h o o d ; seeking the fundamental s o l u t i o n to t h i s problem of l i v e l i h o o d i s education" ("Declaration of the Establishment of the 1917 Chinese Educational A s s o c i a t i o n " ) . In h i s t o r y i t i s very c l e a r : the most important and d i f f i c u l t problem i s that of l i v e l i h o o d ; t h i s Is correct,' but the method of s o l v i n g t h i s problem from the roots i n o l d China could not be by "education" but had to be by " r e v o l u t i o n " or "the People's r e v o l u t i o n c a r r i e d out under the leadership of the p r o l e t a r i a t . " C e r t a i n l y one of the great p r o j e c t s of the people's r e v o l u t i o n Includes the task of s e t t i n g up r e v o l u t i o n a r y education. And what about i n new China? The most important and d i f f i c u l t problem i s s t i l l that of l i v e l i h o o d ; t h i s i s a l s o c o r r e c t , but i n order to solve t h i s problem from the roots you must use the concept that " p r i v a t e and p u b l i c must be s a t i s f i e d , worker and peasant must b e n e f i t , c i t y and country must help each other, I n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l must trade; the goal i s to develop production and have a f l o u r i s h i n g economy" ("Common Program"). "Only education" w i l l not achieve t h i s purpose. Our people's education to serve productive construc-t i o n should c e r t a i n l y r a i s e h i g h the worker's productive c a p a c i t y and s p i r i t and r a i s e high the l e v e l of the worker's c u l t u r e , science, and technology. I t should a l s o c u l t i v a t e the cadre's productive c o n s t r u c t i o n w i t h the aim of improving t h e i r productive s k i l l s i n a l l aspects. I t should be p o s s i b l e f o r our people's education to achieve t h i s Important e f f e c t . This k i n d of people's education must r e b u i l d and develop the people's - 124 economy; t h i s i s necessary and cannot be avoided. Those who"'cannot see the n e c e s s i t y and importance of t h i s and oppose people's--'education are c e r t a i n l y mistaken. yy "Does education that serves productive c o n s t r u c t i o n not serve other c o n s t r u c t i o n ? " NOJ our people's education a l s o serves the people's p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t i o n . What we have j u s t stated i s the important point and goal of our present educational work which i s to serve productive c o n s t r u c t i o n . The reason f o r t h i s i s because productive c o n s t r u c t i o n i s the fundamental b a s i s of the o v e r - a l l c o n s t r u c t i o n of the country. We must a l l s t r i v e to center our e f f o r t s around t h i s fundamental b a s i s . To leave t h i s i s f o r us to commit e r r o r s . 5. I n our present s i t u a t i o n what should the content of our education emphasize i n educating the c i t i z e n s who work f o r productive c o n s t r u c t i o n . F i r s t of a l l , i n every d i f f e r e n t k i n d and d i f f e r e n t l e v e l of educa-t i o n a l occupation we should e r e c t c o r r e c t concepts and h a b i t s f o r the respect and love of l a b o r . We should e l i m i n a t e our i n c o r r e c t concepts and h a b i t s of d e s p i s i n g work and the workers. "This i s because man's world and man himse l f were created through l a b o r . Labor forms the b a s i s f o r s o c i e t y ' s s u r v i v a l and development. Laborers are the cr e a t o r s of c i v i l i z a t i o n . Therefore, work should become the world's most respectable occupation and laborers should become the world's most respectable people." "We must give to the l a b o r e r s , e s p e c i a l l y those heroes and d i s c o v e r e r s who through t h e i r work make important d i s c o v e r i e s and c r e a t i o n s , t h e i r deserved p r a i s e . We should give those j o b l e s s , p a r a s i t i c i n s e c t s of s o c i e t y t h e i r deserved scorn. This i s one of the i d e a l s - o f our new m o r a l i t y ^ " (The above quotations are taken from L i u Shao-chi's speech c e l e b r a t i n g Labor Day i n Peking). Therefore, no matter what the s i t u a t i o n , our education should be i n accordance w i t h s o c i e t y ' s s c i e n t i f i c develop-ment (and not i n accordance w i t h those who put themselves above c l a s s e s ) . I t should stimulate people to develop extreme enthusiasm and optimism f o r l a b o r , to r e v e a l the-base and shameful nature of e x p l o i t i n g c l a s s e s , joblessness, e t c . and widely p r o c l a i m a l l d i s c o v e r i e s and c r e a t i o n s no matter how minute. I t should employ a l l methods and procedures which are s u i t a b l e to that p a r t i c u l a r circumstance and requirement, organize a l l those who were o r i g i n a l l y non-laborers to g r a d u a l l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n pro-ductive l a b o r , f u r t h e r develop production, and a l s o o b t a i n the o p p o r t u n i t i e s to b e t t e r t h e i r l i v e s . W i t h i n our working f o r c e , we have to make profound and widespread progress i n our d i s c i p l i n e s of labor education. W i t h i n our a g r i c u l t u r a l sector we should f o r c e f u l l y "organize," p r a c t i c e mutual assistance, and assemble knowledge of production and•oppose a g r i c u l t u r a l i d e a l i s t i c education. I n our progress i n pursuing the content f o r educating the people we must s e r i o u s l y oppose the vulg a r b e l i e f s of the s o - c a l i e d c a p i t a l i s t labor-education. These s o - c a l l e d i d e a l s of c a p i t a l i s t labor-education only make the l a b o r e r s of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y aware of t h e i r c o n d i t i o n s and helps them to unit e to f i g h t f o r a common cause, to f i n d a way to emancipate themselves. That i s to say "because of economic oppression and r e a l i z a t i o n 125 of the d e f i c i e n c y of knowledge, workers can't o b t a i n a b e t t e r job or a b e t t e r wage. That i s why the aim of labor-education i s to increase the laborers s k i l l s and knowledge, to elevate them from commonplace workers to s e m i - s k i l l e d l a b o r e r s , from s e m i - s k i l l e d laborers to f u l l y t r a i n e d . workers and therefore a l l o w them to have a b e t t e r j o b , p o s i t i o n and l i f e " (Chen Piao, "The Viewpoint/of Every Country's Labor Education" p. 3). Because of t h i s , s o - c a l l e d labor education i s merely a t o o l f o r the c a p i t a l i s t s to e x p l o i t t h e i r more tame l a b o r e r s . The purpose of our education for productive c o n s t r u c t i o n i s i n o p p o s i t i o n to t h i s . Through our education, we want our working force to c o n t r i b u t e t h e i r strengths to securing and strengthening t h e i r own s e l f - i n t e r e s t , the p o s i t i o n of t h e i r own country and to b e t t e r plan the development of t h e i r own homeland. Second, our people's education should emphasize s c i e n t i f i c develop-ments and the t r a i n i n g of s k i l l s . We a l s o want to c l o s e l y combine t h i s education w i t h our economic n e c e s s i t i e s ( i n c l u d i n g the short-run and long-run requirements). W i t h i n the broad masses, e s p e c i a l l y the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r , we should voice our o p p o s i t i o n to s u p e r s t i t i o n and ol d conservative t h i n k i n g . We should broadcast everywhere the s k i l l s and knowledge of the n a t u r a l sciences, i n d u s t r y , a g r i c u l t u r e , e t c . We should use the world's newest s c i e n t i f i c inventions to a i d a l l our v a r i o u s s p e c i a l i s t s . Here we should e s p e c i a l l y take Into c o n s i d e r a t i o n Russia's s c i e n t i f i c knowledge, s k i l l s and accomplishments and i n p r a c t i c e combine t h i s w i t h China's productive c o n s t r u c t i o n and g r a d u a l l y make production s u i t a b l e to the needs of a l l . N a t u r a l l y , we w i l l a l s o have to study the accomplishments of the s c i e n t i f i c s k i l l s of the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s which would i n turn f u r t h e r our planning. Chairman Mao has already informed us " I m p e r i a l i s t s have estimated that our economic system w i l l be a f a i l u r e . They have stood aside w a i t i n g to see our f a i l u r e . We must conquer a l l d i f f i c u l t i e s . We must l e a r n economy from the experts (no matter who they a r e ) . We should t r e a t them as teachers and l e a r n from them r e s p e c t f u l l y and h o n e s t l y . I f we don't know then we must admit our ignorance. We must not pretend otherwise. We must not put on any f a l s e f r o n t s and act s u p e r i o r . In a few months, a year or two, or three or f i v e years, we w i l l e v e n t u a l l y l e a r n i t . In R u s s i a , some of the communists d i d not f u l l y understand the operation of the economy at the beginning, and the I m p e r i a l i s t s were await i n g t h e i r f a i l u r e . But the Russians succeeded. Under the leadership of Lenin and S t a l i n they not only knew about r e v o l u t i o n but they a l s o knew about c o n s t r u c t i o n . They have already b u i l t a notable, g l o r i o u s s o c i a l i s t country. The Soviet Union i s our best model. We must l e a r n from the Soviet Union" (On the People's Democratic D i c t a t o r s h i p ) . Because of t h i s we must l e a r n from Russia. We must l e a r n from the experts of productive s c i e n t i f i c s k i l l s . Our educators must summon, lead, and help the new breed i n China to p r a c t i c e science. S t a l i n once s a i d : "In order to construct we must have knowledge. We must know how to deal w i t h science. I n f r o n t of you stands a. rampart which symbolizes science and a l l other branches of knowledge. No matter what we do we must b a t t e r down t h i s rampart." New China's educators must summon, lead, and help our youths to a t t a c h and occupy t h i s rampart: the symbol of science and s k i l l s . This would m o b i l i z e our 1 2 6 younger generation to become the new s o c i e t y ' s most o p t i m i s t i c and f o r c e f u l c o n s t r u c t o r s . The f i r s t requirement of our educators i s of course to c o n s t a n t l y increase t h e i r own knowledge. How on e a r t h can one teach i f he h i m s e l f does not know the p r i n c i p l e s involved? What we have to l e a r n i n s c i e n t i f i c s k i l l s and knowledge must be c l o s e l y t i e d i n w i t h the p r a c t i c e of productive c o n s t r u c t i o n . We must take i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n new China's immediate needs and long-term require-; ments. Here we must proceed on two f r o n t s : on the one hand, we must s t r o n g l y oppose the p r a c t i c e of dogmatism. On the other hand, we must oppose those who emphasize s k i l l s and underestimate s c i e n t i f i c reasoning and oppose those narrow-minded i n d i v i d u a l s who only care f o r today and not f o r the f u t u r e . The b a s i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the o l d education was the separation of theory and p r a c t i c e and i n t e r r u p t i o n s i n the l e a r n i n g process. Up to the present day t h i s remains a very serious problem which e x i s t s i n the d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s i n our schools, e s p e c i a l l y i n schools located i n the newly l i b e r a t e d areas. We must f o r c e f u l l y conquer these problems. The educators of the d i f f e r e n t grade l e v e l s i n our e d u c a t i o n a l sector must have a profound understanding of the b a s i c d i r e c t i o n of new China: to go from a backward a g r i c u l t u r a l country to develop i n t o a modern i n d u s t r i a l one. The educators must a l s o be f a m i l i a r w i t h China's democratic govern-ment, the communist approach toward the nation's various p o l i c i e s , and the rate of progress. Then the educators should e x p l o i t t h e i r s k i l l s to b e n e f i t the people, e l i m i n a t e the dregs, and combine these d i r e c t i o n s , p o l i c i e s and sequences i n an exact manner i n order to educate our youths. Moreover, they should analyze and t e s t t h e i r knowledge and s k i l l s to expand what they e x c e l l i n , to overcome t h e i r d e f i c i e n c i e s , and then to l e a r n new knowledge and s k i l l s from others. In t h i s way, we can t r u t h f u l l y combine our theory, knowledge, and p r a c t i c e . Our educators should profoundly recognize: among us the m a j o r i t y came from an older s o c i e t y . What we learned In the past was b a s i c a l l y c a p i t a l i s t s c i e n t i f i c knowledge. A segment of t h i s education even today i s very b e n e f i c i a l and u s e f u l to the Chinese and to the r e s t of the world. But the other segments are already ancient and may even be harmful. We must d e f i n i t e l y cast away that which i s ancient and harmful. We must r e c e i v e the newest s c i e n t i f i c d i s c o v e r i e s and inventions (these are e s p e c i a l l y p l e n t i f u l i n Russia because of t h e i r s o c i a l i s t system which guarantees the p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n labor's d i s c o v e r i e s of a l l workers, farmers, and i n t e l l e c t u a l s ) . The use of these new s c i e n t i f i c d i s c o v e r i e s and i n v e n t i o n s w i l l be b e n e f i c i a l f o r new China's c o n s t r u c t i o n . To the s c i e n t i s t s and educators, "conserving the ancient r e g u l a t i o n s " and "to be fond of a n t i q u i t y " Is c l e a r l y not g l o r i o u s but s i n f u l . S t i l l another-possible d e v i a t i o n i s that of pragmatism. This d e v i a t i o n , which has o r i g i n a t e d i n many schools i s becoming a very dangerous phenomenon. We must be able to prevent and combat i t at any time. New China's s c i e n t i f i c education must not only be concerned w i t h the needs of a l l the various i n d i v i d u a l departments but must concern i t s e l f w i t h the e n t i r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of new China and i t s future needs. This k i n d of education must have i t s foundation i n s c i e n t i f i c knowledge. Then from t h i s p e r f e c t foundation we w i l l go i n accordance w i t h the d i v i s i o n of labor 127 and practice s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . The aim of t h i s education i s not to develop youths into short-sighted, narrow-minded " a r t i s a n s " or "fragments." The aim i s to develop them into broad-minded, creative planners whose develop-ment i s for the en t i r e society. Because of t h i s , merely t a l k i n g about the practice of s k i l l s but e i t h e r underestimating or r e j e c t i n g the basic reasons for s c i e n t i f i c study i s both wrong and dangerous. We must point out that more than a few of these dangerous deviations have been created. F i r s t of a l l , a portion of the educators are remnants of the i m p e r i a l i s t s . They underestimate the study of theory. They tend.to wipe out the usefulness of theory and p r a c t i c e . Secondly, a portion of the educators have been exposed to America's experimentalism and pragmatism. These isms i n d i r e c t l y s t i r up the educator's in t e r e s t s and lower i h prestige the. s c i e n t i f i c guide to human living—Marxism-Leninism. The combined e f f e c t of these two deviations together with the nation's need for s k i l l e d personnel i s a possible cause of the above mentioned deviations. We must be e s p e c i a l l y c a r e f u l about t h i s . Another manifestation of pragmatism Is i t s universal overemphasis on s p e c i a l i z a t i o n or more commonly, early s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . To adapt to the needs of a l l branches of our economy, s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of s k i l l s i s a necessity. In the old days, the u n i v e r s i t y ' s emphasis was on supporting the "well-rounded i n d i v i d u a l . " However, i n r e a l i t y t h i s was often only support of those who "know everything but don't know anything." This i s u t t e r l y undesirable. Having to adapt our productive construction to the urgent needs of the d i f f e r e n t branches of the economy we must emphatically, i n the short-run, put into operation s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and t r a i n i n g classes to t r a i n the majority of the middle and lower s k i l l e d personnel. A few of the older schools stubbornly maintain t h e i r old philosophies and refuse to operate or plan for the short-term s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and t r a i n i n g classes, and they decline to solve t h e i r fundamental d e f i c i e n c i e s . This i s wrong and must be corrected. But we cannot reach a conclusion from t h i s and say that a l l schools should subdivide t h e i r subjects and departments, and s p e c i a l i z e from the very beginning. This way of thinking does not reconcile with the distant benefits of the country's construction. Marx, Engles, Lenin, and S t a l i n have repeatedly emphasized that revolutionary education ought to support those who believe In o v e r - a l l development. Marx, i n C a p i t a l advocated the s u b s t i t u t i o n of those handicapped laborers by those i n favor "of all-round development" and also the replacement of those who are responsible for only a portion of a productive process. In h i s P r i n c i p l e s of Communism, Engles suggested that education must l i b e r a t e the youth of the nation. I t must r i d them of " a l i e n a t i o n which i s an i n f e c t i o n of the modern d i v i s i o n of labor." According to Lenin we should support those "who have the s k i l l s to recognize the importance of knowledge." In speaking about s k i l l - t r a i n i n g , Marx advocates that i t should Introduce to ch i l d r e n and youths a l l of the basic p r i n c i p l e s and fundamentals of production and also permit them to use a l l of the simple tools for production. Lenin also emphasized the handling of basic s c i e n t i f i c knowledge as the major duty of s k i l l - t r a i n i n g . He demanded the "broadening of general knowledge within the: s p e c i a l i z e d occupational and s k i l l - t r a i n i n g schools." He also warned against and sought to prevent too-early s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . S t a l i n has also repeatedly pointed out that youths must learn the basic s c i e n t i f i c knowledge to grasp and' control s k i l l s and also to maintain the economic construction 128 of socialism (See Mei Ting Ssu Chi, History of World.Education, translated by Yeh Wen-hsiung, pp. 390-413). New China's people's education must be based upon these exact principles and seek to reconcile fundamental scientific knowledge with specialization. Taking into consideration the over-all and long-term benefits of the nation, we want to support the construction a b i l i t i e s of our nation and prevent unsuitable deviations in specialization. 6. HOw should we proceed in establishing the content of the above mentioned education for productive construction? First of a l l , we should strengthen our cultural education among the worker-peasant cadres and worker-peasant masses. This is the primary require-ment in order to raise the productive s k i l l s of the worker-peasant cadres and masses. We have already mentioned this type of work and i t Is needless to repeat i t again here. At the present time the worker-peasant cadres and masses should study mathematics and reading. But at the same time we must not de-emphasize the practice of learning s k i l l s . For example., schools for workers should emphasize cultural education In general but at the same time they should also take time out to apply the methods of apprenticeship and teacher-pupil relationships in order to proceed in the learning of s k i l l s . In those areas where land reform has already taken place, peasant education naturally should be based on the a b i l i t y to read, but at the same time i t should also employ a l l opportunities (for example: production contests, selecting models of labor, exhibiting excellent agricultural products, putting, on performances, etc.) to broadcast the improvements and advances of agricul-tural s k i l l s . In the nation's agricultural area we should especially use advanced agricultural s k i l l s to influence and guide the peasants and to gradually approach the use of modern scientific s k i l l s . Within the different divisions of the various occupations, one of the most important duties of the worker-peasant cadres is to study the advanced scientific s k i l l s of their occupations. Our elementary schools should be based on the above mentioned principles so as to improve and strengthen the present labor education. They should also improve the entire content of current elementary education thereby permitting children to become aware of the importance of productive labor and help to maintain their love for labor and their ardent affection for the working people's thoughts and habits. In order to support the a b i l i t y for productive construction in the intermediate and middle schools, new China's middle school education within a few years should emphasize the development, of skill-training for the middle schools. According to our present incomplete information, the number of skill-training schools or occupational schools at the middle level are very limited. For example, in the Northeast the current enrollment df a l l eligible secondary students in the middle schools is 81.3 per cent. However, skill-training secondary students totaled only 7.2 per cent. In north China the current enrollment of secondary school students Is 73.2 per cent whereas 129 the students i n the s k i l l - t r a i n i n g schools amount to only 5.6 per cent. Our country i s i n urgent need of middle, l e v e l s k i l l e d personnel, and the demand of secondary school students f o r the l e a r n i n g of productive s k i l l s i s e q u a l l y high. For example, t h i s year's increase of the labor force i n the Northeast amounted to 170,000. This w i l l r e q u i r e an a d d i t i o n a l 17,000 s k i l l e d middle l e v e l personnel. C u r r e n t l y there i s a v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g school i n the province of Shangtung which i s . a d v e r t i s i n g f o r students and thus f a r many have a p p l i e d . In f a c t the e n t i r e c l a s s of Shangtung's F i r s t Intermediate school a p p l i e d . To develop s k i l l - t r a i n i n g education f o r the middle l e v e l personnel does not mean we have to convert a l l the intermediate schools i n t o v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g schools. In our e n t i r e n a t i o n the current number of intermediate schools i s so few that i t i s p i t i f u l . Even the common schools at the secondary l e v e l should be g r e a t l y increased i n the f u t u r e . The major method f o r developing s p e c i a l s k i l l - t r a i n i n g education f o r middle l e v e l personnel must be through the cooperation of the Department of Education and various other departments and businesses. This must be done i n order to put i n t o operation a large q u a n t i t y of t r a i n i n g schools and d i f f e r e n t kinds of d r i l l c l a s s e s f o r productive s k i l l s . These s k i l l - t r a i n i n g schools or v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g schools must be d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the older v o c a t i o n a l type education. They must proceed w i t h necessary and s u i t a b l e p o l i t i c a l education i n order to develop our youth's ideas to serve the people. Secondly, new China's v o c a t i o n a l schools or s k i l l - t r a i n i n g schools must on the one hand become more s u i t a b l e to meet the p r a c t i c a l needs of the new economic c o n s t r u c t i o n , must improve the content of the d i f f e r e n t f i e l d s of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n , and must combine l e a r n i n g w i t h p r a c t i c a l construc-t i o n . On the other hand, we must make a s p e c i a l e f f o r t to combat the d e v i a t i o n of underestimating the value of b a s i c s c i e n t i f i c knowledge and l e a r n i n g . In every v o c a t i o n a l or s k i l l - t r a i n i n g school, even i f they are short-term, there should be the p r a c t i c e of such b a s i c s c i e n t i f i c knowledge as mathematics, ph y s i c s , chemistry, e t c . Higher education i n new China should support and c o n t r o l the newest accomplishments and achievements of modern s c i e n t i f i c s k i l l s i n order to s u f f i c i e n t l y combine theory w i t h p r a c t i c e , to r e c o n c i l e physics w i t h p r a c t i c a l i t y , the experiences of science w i t h production and to p a r t i c i p a t e o p t i m i s t i c a l l y i n the new democratic c o n s t r u c t i o n to e s t a b l i s h s k i l l e d personnel. Because of t h i s , the o r i g i n a l higher education i n o l d China must be constructed thoroughly and f i r m l y . The c e n t r a l focus of t h i s type of r e c o n s t r u c t i o n i s through the r e s h a p i n g of the methods of teaching and e s p e c i a l l y through the r e s h a p i n g of course content. The b a s i c p r i n c i p l e f o r a l t e r i n g the curr i c u l u m f o r higher education i s the combination of theory and p r a c t i c e . For higher educational i n s t i t u -t i o n s to c o r r e c t l y serve productive c o n s t r u c t i o n the various c u r r i c u l a of the i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher education (such as science, i n d u s t r y , a g r i c u l t u r e , f i n ance, economies, etc.) a l l must be based on the p r a c t i c a l needs of economic c o n s t r u c t i o n . Basic knowledge must be combined w i t h s p e c i a l i z e d knowledge, the p r i n c i p l e s of t h e o r e t i c a l l e a r n i n g must be combined with p r a c t i c e of production a l l of which w i l l lead to a gradual improvement i h c o n d i t i o n s . This i s a great and onerous task. In May of t h i s year an 130 I n d u s t r i a l educational conference was held i n the Northeast. Various t o p i c s were discussed i n c l u d i n g the need to regulate the d i v i s i o n of v arious systems and o r g a n i z a t i o n s of the d i f f e r e n t i n d u s t r i a l schools i n ' the Northeast, re-evaluate parts of the course content a l l of which was designed to enable the schools to more a c c u r a t e l y evaluate the a b i l i t y of t h e i r s p e c i a l i s t s . The Department of Education of the c e n t r a l govern-ment has already a f f i l i a t e d i t s e l f w i t h the various departments of economic c o n s t r u c t i o n and w i l l i n v i t e and gather together numerous s p e c i a l i s t s to work on t h i s task. The c e n t r a l government has hopes that a l l these preparations w i l l prepare the way f o r the f i r s t n a t i o n a l conference on higher education. They hope that they w i l l be able to prepare a temporary d r a f t of the major cur r i c u l u m which w i l l serve as the goal of the nation's i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher l e a r n i n g to be reached w i t h i n a set period of time. In order to adapt to the present and future needs of productive c o n s t r u c t i o n we must not only a l t e r the content of teaching w i t h i n the i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher l e a r n i n g , but the Department of Education must be prepared to combine w i t h the d i f f e r e n t branches of economic c o n s t r u c t i o n i n order to a c c u r a t e l y decide upon the a d d i t i o n of v o c a t i o n a l and s p e c i a l i z e d schools. According to i t s own needs and p o s s i b i l i t i e s , every u n i v e r s i t y should add short-term preparation courses and short-term t r a i n i n g c l a s s e s . For example: the C e n t r a l Education Department has r e c e n t l y cooperated w i t h the C e n t r a l A g r i c u l t u r a l Department to e s t a b l i s h a preparation course i n Tsinghua U n i v e r s i t y i n "the advantages of farm-land waters." I t a l s o cooperated w i t h the Department of Industry to operate an i n d u s t r i a l p r e p a r a t i o n course i n Tsinghua University. The students of t h i s c l a s s graduated i n three or four years. The Department of Education a l s o cooperated w i t h the Weather Bureau of the People's Revolutionary Committee and e s t a b l i s h e d a c l a s s i n the t r a i n i n g of weather f o r e c a s t e r s a l s o i n Tsinghua U n i v e r s i t y . The members of t h i s c l a s s w i l l graduate w i t h i n f i v e months. These types of a d d i t i o n s are to be enforced throughout a l l the nation's u n i v e r s i t i e s . To plan to j o i n i n w i t h productive c o n s t r u c t i o n a l l the i n s t i t u t e s Of higher l e a r n i n g must be geared to the plan f o r n a t i o n a l c o n s t r u c t i o n and proceed i n a well-planned and w e l l - o r g a n i z e d .-manner. In t h i s area the Northeast has already made a very good s t a r t . To p r a c t i c e t h i s k i nd of work we must f i r m l y remove the remaining isms such as r e l i g i o n and Shan Tou which e x i s t i n a p o r t i o n of the c o l l e g e s and u n i v e r s i t i e s . Teachers of the whole n a t i o n must submit to the needs of the e n t i r e population and the e n t i r e country. In t h i s manner, our i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher l e a r n i n g w i l l be b e t t e r equipped to render t h e i r s e r v i c e s to more f u l l y and s u f f i c i e n t l y serve b a s i c productive c o n s t r u c t i o n . SOURCE: Jen Min Chiao Yu (People's Education) (Peking, Nos. .1 & 2, May & June, 1950) . ^ A 131 JS •'• V ^ .(•-•I' IW w AI A. iVii Jvi »i n'-j m m k •.'i'f }<K -1: )Jt :& Wi -> 3* fi-lls iESc SK ;X • •iV A iff * * ' ft Kc ?|J SK & i l W UK • m 'i'l: fi-j if!) M SE rr fl'-J * t i l w ' 13 S ft; ^ fui Sti •1? 3fc 7 il- K 3* W •cr x iM A .rr ^ as * " 1 « ft 14 rr-j '« rr iji - i -> • * •iii ifii is 11. in „fi •Jli flli ;i* * as Hi r*t ii- > •-:nr nil - « -1 (I'M ^ fi'J ft l-'I -;>- -i-X 111 i-IJl J0C 1 •ffi ift 1 A ' ivi •\ sic -a W. It w r r JiC 6 E!) a* fr TSi x rr ffe • »'u •fr «-in m iE (iI™ tft fi-3 SS A PIS a 7 % *n 3K * & 35 • k ft i,% •it i& 13 •tr a '!• T 1st m ^ <3r n'-j "Tl: >pl I i VA K ivi XL: 13 : i : firt -1-5 ffi mi 13 K. It If •as 7 ffii A in K i t W Hi » 5S K HI Si Wi ~m Tff ft-j x {«i?> JV K ta I * - f f I Jjt >F nu it ft ' ri'-j n )i i l Iii!] >fs Sfc i3 rr :r. • K rr ffi fr 13 U :i: W fi'J • T.*li t ?n 'aa 1- 2? fl? w n-j v'c ri rr ti 13 111 X "I" JJIi > I'M W. •vj m 7 =fc AS 56 -T * r£ :M" 'In ft 'ii ' * -BE rr nj-54 fi'J K • •«• / F -{P. S 3 B TM ia IL J'tf =8f> iffit A & Sir ft % •=i fill o II ta & m °=i A tr SI jit » si ts- A pq* 7 12. «ii o y jm K K-Wi 7 i l A ?-7 A it rM m rc ft A SB! ft 0 K t l "(W 1 4 — S "f flR <a i i i ill! 1-5 i i fit 4? & •?n 9 A w A ft ifii m f« Id. eg BS & till if- St A -?e T t& !53 Si A "rid Si IC-fi'J iii ? rr* A A ft "ii j * > & a nit r:l -•!•; i X is *u fiK EI A A X nf :^ 13 itiU Ek JA W • f t 4' 0 & "« W —* •;f? 9 r w i£ rr A , In. .w. x- « it 0 IS JH w Ck 7 Jt'i w M w Kill e ^  •jj;-W 13 3S JJL fi'J m i t 13 A W ifcc fu A id JS fife « K- flll ? 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The C e n t r a l Committee means t h i s to be a d i r e c t i v e to a l l l e v e l s of Party committees. We hope that a l l l e v e l s of Party committees when d i s c u s s i n g t h i s d i r e c t i v e w i l l do so i n l i g h t of Lu T i n g - y i ' s a r t i c l e . When Party committees i n the schools discuss these matters they may include i n t h e i r d i s c u s s i o n s non-Party professors and teachers. Since e a r l y l a s t year, education i n our country has developed very q u i c k l y . Up to the end of June, Incomplete f i g u r e s compiled by the State S t a t i s t i c a l Bureau report i n the e n t i r e country there are already 1,240 counties w i t h u n i v e r s a l primary school education; 68,000 middle schools run by the people themselves; more than 400 i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher l e a r n i n g newly e s t a b l i s h e d by the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s ; approximately 90 m i l l i o n people throughout the country attending l i t e r a c y courses, and. 444 counties through-out the country i n which i l l i t e r a c y has been wiped out i n the main. The v i c t o r y i n the r e c t i f i c a t i o n campaign and the struggle against the bourgeois r i g h t i s t s has given r i s e to our country's great leap forward In a g r i c u l t u r e and production. The a g r i c u l t u r a l and productive great leap forward has then given r i s e to an upsurge i n the t e c h n i c a l and c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n s . The great advance i n education i s one s i g n of the high t i d e of the c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n . At the end of l a s t year and,beginning of t h i s year, there were two measures which pushed forward the advance of education. One was the a p p l i c a t i o n i h a l l the schools i n the country of combining work w i t h study. The other was the establishment of a g r i c u l t u r a l middle schools. The p r a c t i c e of working while studying begins to combine the ord i n a r y schooling w i t h productive l a b o r . This breaks the age-old t r a d i t i o n i n the schools of look i n g down on p h y s i c a l l a b o r , changes the school's atmosphere, and a l s o has a very good i n f l u e n c e on the s o c i a l atmosphere. The a g r i c u l t u r a l middle schools v o c a t i o n a l ( t e c h n i c a l ) schools are set up by the people themselves, and operate on a part-work and part-study basis;" these kinds of 143 schools meet the students' desire to continue their studies, prepares agricultural technicians, are comparatively easy to establish and meet the needs of today. Without state financing they s t i l l lighten the economic burden of the students' families, therefore from the moment they were encouraged they have been springing up like "bamboo shoots after a spring rain" numbering tens of thousands in a few months. With primary school graduates not having to worry about the lack of opportunity for further study, primary schools run by the people themselves have also increased greatly, and primary education has also become universal in many provinces, autonomous regions, and c i t i e s . To meet the growing needs of production, adult education has also developed; the high tide of the literacy campaign has emerged, and a l l sorts.of spare-time, general, and technical schools have emerged in great numbers. This high tide of the cultural revolution has spread from the countryside to the c i t ies where another stream is evident—the establishment of factories by schools and schools by factories. This combination of schooling and productive labor has resulted in the campaign to reform school curriculum, efforts to change school systems, and the change in the composition of the teaching staffs , etc. Our educational work is exactly like a hundred flowers in bloom, l ike ten thousand galloping horses. Education is now breaking the bounds of exclusive control by experts and of doctrinairism to become the work of the whole Party and the whole people, to become social is t education suited to the situation in our country. This kind of transformation has taken place under the leadership of the Party. So called absurdities as, "more, faster, better, and more economical results cannot obtain in education," "laymen- cannot lead experts," "Party committees do not understand education," "the masses do not understand education" are being smashed to smithereens. Our country is a nation of the proletariat dictatorship; i t i s a social ist state. Our education is not an education of the bourgeoisie but rather a social ist education. Without the leadership of the Communist Party social is t education would be inconceivable. Social ist education is one of the powerful weapons for transforming the old and building the new society. The purpose of the social is t revolution and social is t construction is to do away with a l l exploiting classes and a l l systems of exploitation including their remnants and to bring into being a communist society in which the principle from each according to his a b i l i t y and to each according to his needs is carried out and the difference between town and country and between mental and manual labor eliminated. This is precisely the purpose of social is t education. This kind of education can only be led by a p o l i t i c a l party of the working class (the Communist Party); the bourgeoisie is not qualified to lead education of this type. Only under the leadership of the Communist. Party can educational work assume the hew appearance in which we see i t today. During the past few years, prolonged debates have taken place on educational policy . At the conference on educational work convened by the Central Committee df the Chinese Communist Party in A p r i l and June of this year, many theoretical and practical problems were settled.. 144 The Chinese Communist Party's educational p o l i c y has always been that education should serve the p o l i t i c s of the working c l a s s and should be combined with productive labor. To apply t h i s p o l i c y , education must be l e d by the Communist P a r t y . This p o l i c y i s d i r e c t l y opposed to that of the bourgeoisie. Bourgeois education i s l e d by bourgeois p o l i t i c i a n s ; i t serves the p o l i t i c s of the b o u r g e o i s i e t h a t i s , i t serves the d i c t a t o r s h i p of the bourgeoisie; i t i s Incompatible w i t h p r o l e t a r i a t d i c t a t o r s h i p . Under the s o c i a l i s t system, the bourgeoisie do not dare openly advocate that education should be led by bourgeois p o l i t i c i a n s and be a weapon against the p r o l e t a r i a n d i c t a t o r s h i p ; i t only can put forward h y p o c r i t i c a l and deceptive proposals such as "education should be l e d by e x p e r t s " and "education f o r education's sake" w i t h the purpose of preventing education from serving, the p r o l e t a r i a n d i c t a t o r s h i p . Therefore, i n our s o c i a l i s t country, the educational p o l i c y advocated by the bourgeoisie i s manifested i n the p r o p o s i t i o n s : education f o r the sake of education, mental and manual work are separate, education should be l e d by experts. Education f i r s t and foremost i s the a c q u i s i t i o n and transmission of knowledge. But what i s knowledge? What i s the purpose of t r a n s m i t t i n g and a c q u i r i n g knowledge? As regards these questions, our i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s d i f f e r e n t from that of the b o u r g e o i s i e . Most bourgeois pedagogues hold that only book knowledge i s knowledge and that p r a c t i c a l experience cannot be regarded as knowledge. Therefore, t h e i r view i s that education i s reading books; the more a person reads the more knowledge he has, and those who have book knowledge are of a higher order. As f o r productive l a b o r , p a r t i c u l a r l y manual labor and manual work, t h i s i s h u m i l i a t i n g , t h i s "leads nowhere." There are other bourgeois pedagogues who maintain that education i s l i f e , and l i f e i s education, they do not understand l i f e as the p r a c t i c e of c l a s s struggle and the struggle f o r production, and they do not s t r e s s the importance of theory so i n the end they i n e f f e c t w r i t e o f f education. These two sets of bourgeois views may appear to be opposed to each other but s p r i n g from the same r o o t . They say, humans have no c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , pedagogy i s a branch of l e a r n i n g which stands above c l a s s e s . The view of we communists i s d i f f e r e n t . We b e l i e v e that pedagogy i s a branch of s o c i a l science. A l l the s o c i a l sciences must be guided by p o l i t i c s , education being no exception. People need education In order to wage the c l a s s struggle and the struggle f o r production. We b e l i e v e i n a l l the world there are only two kinds of knowledge. One i s knowledge of the c l a s s s t r u g g l e . Class struggle i s the struggle between groups of men of d i f f e r e n t economic s t a t u s , and t h i s has already e x i s t e d f o r s e v e r a l thousand years. At present, i n the period of t r a n s i t i o n i n our country there i s s t i l l c l a s s s t r u g g l e . I n the f u t u r e , when c l a s s e s no longer e x i s t even though there w i l l be no c l a s s struggle there w i l l s t i l l be c o n t r a d i c t i o n s among the people, t h e r e f o r e , f o r ten thousand years there w i l l s t i l l be poisonous weeds, that i s , there w i l l s t i l l be a struggle between t r u t h and falsehood, between the advanced and the backward, and between those who promote and those who r e t a r d the development of the productive f o r c e s . The other type of knowledge i s that of the struggle f o r production, that i s , knowledge men gain i n t h e i r struggle against nature. Philosophy Is the summation and g e n e r a l i z a t i o n of these two kinds of knowledge. Philosophy i s 145 important because the philosophy of d ia lec t i ca l materialism provides men with a correct method of thought. The essential dist inction between men l ies not in differences of "disposition" or personality but f i r s t of a l l in their different class standpoints, and i n addition, in their different methods of thinking. Class standpoints and methods of thinking are interrelated and at the same time distinct from each other. Errors often emanate from two sources, one is class origin and the other is origin of methods of thinking. If people want to avoid making great errors or to commit fewer errors then they must study pol i t i cs and study philosophy. We communists also maintain that there are two kinds of one-sided, incomplete knowledge. Book knowledge completely divorced from practical act ivi ty is one kind. Comrade Mao Tse-tung says: "What kind of knowledge is that which students get from books? Granted that their knowledge is entirely true knowledge; i t is also the theories written down by their forefathers to sum up the experiences of the struggle for production and of the struggle between classes, but i t is s t i l l not knowledge they acquired through their own personal experience. It is entirely necessary that they should inherit this kind of knowledge, but i t must be realized that this kind of knowledge is s t i l l something one-sided, something which has been verif ied by others but not by themselves. It is more important that they should be well versed in applying such knowledge in l i f e and practice. Therefore, I would advise those who have only book knowledge but l i t t l e or no practical experience to be aware of their own shortcomings and be modest." Experience without theory, which is usually perceptual or part ial Is also a kind of one-sided, incomplete knowledge. Comrade Mao Tse-tung says: "Our comrades who are engaged in practical work, i f they misuse their experience w i l l also come to faul t . It is true that these people are often r ich in experience and this is certainly valuable; but i f they then rest content with such experience that is also very dangerous. They ought to know that their knowledge is often perceptual and p a r t i a l , they lack rational knowledge and comprehensive knowledge, that is to say, they lack theory and their knowledge is comparatively incomplete. In order to do revolutionary work well i t is not satisfactory to have comparatively incomplete knowledge." What then is comparatively complete knowledge? Comrade Mao Tse-tung says: "In the world there is only one kind of true theory, and that is theory which is drawn from objective rea l i ty and then in turn ver i f ied by i t ; nothing else can be called theory in our sense." " A l l comparatively complete knowledge is acquired from two stages: the f i r s t stage is that of perceptual knowledge, and the second is the stage of rational knowledge, rational knowledge being the development of perceptual knowledge to a higher plane." "There are two kinds of incomplete knowledge: one is knowledge already contained in books, and the other is knowledge which is usually perceptual and p a r t i a l , and both are one-sided. Only by combining the two can'excellent and comparatively complete knowledge emerge" ("Rectify the Party's Style of Work," Selected  Works of Mao Tse-tung, V o l . III ) . The purpose of education is to enable students to acquire comparatively complete knowledge and not one-sided, incomplete knowledge. It follows then that teachers must have comparatively complete knowledge. • Our educational workers always say, "Education is, the people's business." This is good, because in our country this is true. But from the experience in the past nine years we can see that this phrase has two different 146 i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . Bourgeois pedagogues maintain the masses of people are e n t i t l e d to receive education, but as f o r running education, that i s not f o r the masses of people but only f o r the experts. Their slogans are "professors must run schools," "laymen cannot lead experts," "the P a r t y does not understand education," "the masses do not understand education," "students .must not c r i t i c i z e teachers," e t c . These myths put forward by the bourgeois pedagogues were even accepted as true by some of our comrades who forgot that our P a r t y on hundreds and thousands of occasions had been c a l l e d "laymen " but as i t u l t i m a t e l y turned out proved i n f a c t more expert than any experts. Some of our comrades advocated t h i s k i n d of p r o p o s i t i o n : (1) only the state may run schools, (2) only one k i n d of school may be set u p — g e n e r a l , f u l l - t i m e schools. Past experience shows: bourgeois pedagogues are extremely i n t e r e s t e d i n t h i s p r o p o s i t i o n because i t t i e s the hands of the masses and does not permit them to set up schools. Bourgeois pedagogues know: i f education were run along these l i n e s , i t would be very d i f f i c u l t f o r our country to i n s t i t u t e u n i v e r s a l primary and secondary education and there would be no hope of i n s t i t u t i n g u n i v e r s a l higher education because the state has no way of c a r r y i n g the great burden of expenditures involved without heavy damage to production. We communists do not agree w i t h bourgeois pedagogues. We t h i n k that the masses of people need education f o r the s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n and s o c i a l i s t c o n s t r u c t i o n . As the masses of people are able to conduct r e v o l u t i o n and c o n s t r u c t i o n they are of course capable not only of r e c e i v i n g education but a l s o of running education. I n running education you need to r e l y on a corps of s p e c i a l i s t s f o r without a powerful s p e c i a l i z e d corps things w i l l hot go w e l l , and at present, t h i s corps of s p e c i a l i s t s s t i l l needs to be g r e a t l y strengthened by t r a n s f e r r i n g cadres and e s t a b l i s h i n g teacher's t r a i n i n g schools. But the corps of s p e c i a l i s t s i n education must i n t e g r a t e w i t h the masses, and r e l i a n c e on the masses i n running education i s the more important. Only by l i n k i n g the s p e c i a l i z e d educational workers with the masses, adhering to the mass l i n e of from the masses and back to the masses and c a r r y i n g out the p o l i c y of s e t t i n g up schools by the whole people under the leadership of the P a r t y , i s i t p o s s i b l e , i n f a c t c e r t a i n , f o r our country's educational work to achieve g r e a t e r , f a s t e r , b e t t e r , and more economical r e s u l t s . And only under the leadership of the Party and the s e t t i n g up of schools by the whole people i s i t p o s s i b l e to do a l l - r o u n d planning, duly c o n s i d e r i n g and c o o r d i n a t i n g a l l aspects, so that not only does the e d u c a t i o n a l work grow but grows i n a way that helps and does not impede the development of production. Our educational workers a l s o always say, "Educational work must r e c e i v e leadership from the P a r t y . " This i s undoubtedly c o r r e c t because s o c i a l i s t education must be l e d by the Communist Party and e d u c a t i o n a l work i n the s o c i a l i s t People's Republic of China must be l e d by the Communist Party of China. But as to what leadership i s , and what k i n d of l e a d e r s h i p i s necessary, there are d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . What the bourgeois pedagogues c a l l "Party l e a d e r s h i p " i s simply "Party l e a d e r s h i p i n p o l i t i c a l matters and our leadership i n v o c a t i o n a l matters." On questions not r e l a t e d to education they may l i s t e n to the Party, but i f the P a r t y has something to say. about ed u c a t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e s , p o l i c i e s , systems, methods, and so on, they regard that as unacceptable. They want Party l e a d e r s h i p i n words, but not i n p r a c t i c e , and they may l i s t e n to the Party's words on minor questions, 147 but on .major questions they want to have their own way in defiance of the Party. Some of our comrades in the Party who work in the educational f i e l d in relation to Party committees put themselves up as experts and f a i l to respect committee leadership; this is art expression of bourgeois influence i n our Party. In educational c i rc les in our country the "theory" that the principal laws governing educational work are drawn from the study of history of education was spread widely in the past few years. Therefore, you only need to study the history of education, while recognizing Party leadership in the abstract, in order to be able to run education, and i t is not necessary to have specific Party leadership. In studying the history of education i f you proceed from the standpoint of Marxist h is tor i ca l materialism, i t is indeed useful and helps towards an understanding of the laws which governed education for thousands of years in the era of class society. But i t must be understood, these kinds of laws governing education in the era of class society are not the same as the laws governing socia l is t education, much less the laws governing social is t education in China. For the past thousands of years, education was In the hands of the slave-owners, the landlord class, and the bourgeoisie. The principle laws to be derived from this kind of educational history are those governing exploiting-class education. The laws of this kind of education are certainly a great deal different from the laws of social is t education. If these laws were copied, mistakes would be inevitable, the facts already show that the so-called "principle laws governing educational work are to be drawn from the study of the history of education" is in real i ty a pretence by which the study of history of education Is used to retain bourgeois educational ideas, pol ic ies , systems, methods, and so on intact under the social ist system and pass these off as s o c i a l i s t . China's educational history has some aspects which are of the people: the Confucian idea that "no dist inct ion should be made between men of a l l sorts and conditions in matters of instruct ion;" Mencius' idea that "people are more important than l o r d s ; " Hsun Tzu's idea that "man w i l l overcome nature;" Chu Yuan's cr i t ic ism of royalty 's vices ; Su-ma Chien's eulogy of resistance to e v i l ; the ancient materialism of Wang Chung, Fan Chen, L iu Tsung-yuan, Chang T s i , and Wang Fu-chih; the democratic literature of Kuan Han-ching, Shih Nai-an, Wu Cheng-en, and Tsao Hsueh-chin and the democratic revolution of Sun Yat-sen. The conditions under which these people lived was different , and many of them did not write specif ical ly on education, but what has been said above could not but have i t s impact on the education of the people, and when talking about the history of the Chinese education a l l this must be mentioned. But speaking of the major aspects of education for over the past thousand years education was certainly an instrument in the hands of the exploiting classes, while social is t education is an instrument i n the hands of the working class. From an Instrument in the hands of the exploiting to an instrument in the hands of the working class is a qualitative leap in education and a great revolution in education I tself . To study the history of education and not see this qualitative leap is to depart from dia lec t i cs—it is metaphysical. We advocate the study of the history of education, but we oppose the kind of view which states that the principal laws of social is t education can be found through such study because that view would lead us to right deviationist mistakes. Moreover, the laws of social is t education, even though they are of the same character in different countries, in different countries there are different specific features. If you do not study the different specific features of dnefe own country then doctrinaire 148 mistakes would be made. What are our specific features? F i r s t , our country is a social is t country; second, the population is large, and covers a large area; third , the economy is backward and the culture is backward; fourth, i t is led by the Communist Party and i t s industry and agriculture is rapidly leaping forward; f i f t h , and most important, our country has carried out a serious rec t i f i ca t ion campaign and ant i - r ight is t struggle. The people are encouraged to air their views, contend, debate to the ful les t extent, and publicize their views in tatsepao. We must define our educational principles , pol ic ies , systems, methods, and so on in accordance with these characteristics of our own, combining the universal truths of Marxism with the specific conditions of pur country. From this one can see that the so-called theory that "the most important laws of education come from the study of educational history" is an extremely dangerous "theory" which divorces education from real i ty and leads i t to right deviationist and doctrinaire mistakes. Not proceeding from the objective rea l i t ies of one's own country is subjective, anti-Marxist thinking. If we make mistakes i n our way of thinking, we cannot find out the principle laws governing the development of things. If we do not proceed from real i ty and instead go against the universal truths of Marxism we w i l l surely make mistakes, either right deviationist mistakes or doctrinaire mistakes or both, and this is the important lesson we should draw from the educational work of our country. We are Marxists so we maintain that i t is necessary to proceed from objective rea l i ty , therefore, we must f i r s t study our own conditions, and we must study this with enthusiasm. We must also study the experiences of our fraternal countries seriously, and we must study history seriously, but our purpose is not to copy or transplant but rather to understand history, understand his tor i ca l materialism in the f i e l d of education, in order in accordance with our own conditions to have aid in doing our work sat isfac tor i ly . Whatever work we do, i t a l l must rely closely on the leadership of the Party because i t is only the Communist Party that knows our conditions best and knows Marxism best. The Communist Party is the highest form of organization of the working class, i t must and can give leadership to everything. From the Central Committee down to the basic organizations, the Communist Party is the organized, disciplined vanguard of the working class. We relied on this vanguard for the victory in the revolutionary war and for the success of the social is t revolution on the economic, p o l i t i c a l , and ideological fronts, and we must rely on i t for victory in the technical and cultural revolutions. Our educational workers should not only accept Party leadership in p o l i t i c s but also in educational ideas, pol ic ies , and work, and only in this way is i t possible to keep up with the times, and only in this way can one; avoid mistakes or make fewer mistakes. The debate on educational work that has been going on i n recent years, in the f i n a l analysis, boils down to the question, "What is all-round development?" "Producing f u l l y developed human beings" Is what Marxists believe in and plan to achieve this goal through education. It is just fine that our educational workers often talk about all-round development. However, in the interpretation of "all-round development" there are different principles . Looking at the experiences of our country's education in the past nine years, although the bourgeois pedagogues do not direct ly 149 and openly oppose all-round development and even appear to "actively support the p r i n c i p l e , " s t i l l they interpret i t one-sidely as meaning education through extensive book knowledge, and they do not advocate students studying pol i t i cs or participating i n productive labor. This is to vulgarize the idea of all-round development and equate i t with the bourgeois educational policy which raises "know-alls." We communists interpret all-round development as compared with the bourgeoisie in a completely different way. The basic content of all-round development is that students should acquire comparatively broader knowledge and become versatile people able to, "depending on the requirements of society or their own inclinations go over in sequence from one branch of production to another" (Engles, "Principles of Communism"). We advocate that workers should be versatile in industrial production, and peasants should be versatile In agricultural production, moreover, we advocate that workers should become peasants and peasants should become workers; we advocate that c iv i l ians should take up mil i tary service, and mili tary men become producers; cadres should participate in physical labor and productive workers in administration. A l l these propositions are already gradually being put into practice. These kinds of measures involve division of labor and also change of work so that i t conforms to the needs of society and compared with division of labor under the capital ist system ours is more reasonable. It moreover enables the state, in social ly necessary times, to increase production and carry out reasonable readjustment of the productive forces, without causing social upheaval. Our industrial leap forward and our agricultural leap forward is already giving rise to this problem: when producer's goods grow in output to par t ia l ly transfer them to other branches of production to the point where i t meets the current maximum demands of the people and there is a surplus, otherwise there w i l l be failure to meet the demands of the people, to develop the productive forces of society continuously and to raise the people's standard of l i v i n g continuously. Our educational work and other relevant national work must prepare the ground for such a transfer. Education should cause students to acquire broader knowledge, but how broad depends on concrete objective and subjective conditions. In the future, when communist society is f u l l y consolidated, developed, and matured men w i l l be trained in many kinds of work and be able to undertake many kinds of professions while specializing in selected f i e l d s . This is our aim, we must go in this direction. In our country's present conditions, we can train people to do many kinds of work, but we s t i l l cannot train "people capable of doing any and a l l kinds of work." The basic content of all-round development is that the knowledge which the student gains should not be one-sided nor incomplete knowledge but rather be comparatively complete knowledge. This then means that education must serve pol i t i cs and be combined with productive labor. Marx in speaking of his ideal of education for the future said: "This kind . of education w i l l enable every child over a given age to combine productive labor with instruction and gymnastics, not only as one method of adding' efficiency to production but as the only method of producing f u l l y developed human beings" (Capital, V o l . I ) . That is to say, students should acquire comparatively complete knowledge and not only engage in mental labor but manual labor as wel l . Book knowledge alone, no matter how broad, is s t i l l part ial and incomplete. People without any experience of practical work 150 and only with extensive book knowledge are only what the bourgeoisie cal ls "know-alls" and not what we c a l l people with all-round development. In childhood physical development is necessary, and this kind of development must be sound. During childhood i t i s necessary to inculcate a communist spirit. , style, and collective heroism which is the moral education of our day.. These two are both linked to intel lectual education. They are both related to manual work, and therefore the principle of combining education with labor is unshakable. In br ief , the all-round development we advocate is that students should acquire comparatively complete and comparatively broader knowledge, grow up physically f i t and acquire communist morals. In "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People," comrade Mao Tse-tung said; "Our educational policy must enable a l l those who receive an education to develop morally, in te l lec tual ly , physically, and become cultured, socialist-minded workers." This then is our educational policy of all-round development. "A social is t minded, cultured worker" is one who is p o l i t i c a l l y conscious, cultured, and able to undertake both mental and manual work. This is a person who is developed in an all-round way, both p o l i t i c a l l y and professionally and is a worker-intellectual and an intellectual-worker. We advocate the educational policy of all-round development and consider that the only method of training human beings to be all-round developed is to educate them to serve working-class p o l i t i c s and combine education with productive labor. We say, "the only method" because there is no other method to achieve this aim. Bourgeois pedagogues do not agree; they consider that to t rain someone in what they c a l l "all-round development" there is only one method, and that i s to have them read books and learn by memorization. They are absolutely opposed to students learning p o l i t i c s and in particular, to students becoming laborers. According to our educational policy of all-round development we can and must rely on the masses to run education. According to the bourgeoisie's so-called educational policy of "all-round development," they can only rely on the experts to run education, not the masses. According to our educational policy of all-round development, education must be under the leadership of the Communist Party. According to the bourgeoisie's so-called educational policy of "all-round development" education can only be under the leadership of the experts, hot of the Party because the Party is "a layman." From this we can see that different interpretations of all-round development lead to different and even opposite conclusions. Therefore, we say, that the debate in recent years on educational work f i n a l l y comes down to the question of "what is all-round development." This is a struggle between proletarian and bourgeois educational ideas. If we followed our bourgeois pedagogues' attitude toward knowledge, toward education as the people's business, towards Party leadership, and towards all-round development, our education would then return back to the old bourgeois road. Precisely because o f . t h i s , we-must give a clear explanation of our Communist Party's interpretation of these questions. In the past nine years since the founding of the People's Republic of China, our educational work under the leadership of the Communist Party has made great achievements. These are^-the recovery of the right to 151 run education, a r i g h t formerly usurped by the i m p e r i a l i s t s ; the s a t i s f a c t o r y t a k i n g over of the schools a l l over the country; the a b o l i t i o n of the Kuomintang's r e a c t i o n a r y f a s c i s t system of school management and the a b o l i t i o n of i t s f a c i s t education and domination of students by i t s s p e c i a l agents; the establishment of a s o c i a l i s t education system; the b a s i c w i p i n g out of c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s and other bad elements hidden i n educational c i r c l e s ; the opening of courses i n Marxism-Leninism i n the schools. I d e o l o g i c a l remoulding has a l s o been conducted among the teachers and students; u n i v e r s i t i e s and departments have been reorganized and teaching systems reformed; str u g g l e s have been c a r r i e d out among bourgeois r i g h t i s t s ; the number of students i n i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher l e a r n i n g , middle schools and primary schools has increased s e v e r a l times. Many b i g advances have a l s o been made i n the a n t i - i l l i t e r a c y campaign and i n spare-time and c u l t u r a l education; the p o l i c y of working while studying has been a p p l i e d i n a l l schools; among the ed u c a t i o n a l workers, o r g a n i z a t i o n s of the P a r t y have been e s t a b l i s h e d ; large numbers of people have been t r a i n e d as cadres fo r s o c i a l i s t education. However, on the ed u c a t i o n a l f r o n t , the struggle between working-class ideas and bourgeois ideas has been proceeding continuously. This s t r u g g l e i s i n the nature of a struggle between the s o c i a l i s t and c a p i t a l i s t roads. Bourgeois t h i n k i n g has obstructed the development of education. At the time when the bourgeois r i g h t i s t s made t h e i r a t t a c k , they even t r i e d to use the students as a stepping stone f o r the r e s t o r a t i o n of c a p i t a l i s m . Chang Po-shun, Lo Lung-chi, Tseng Chao-lun, ' and Chien Wei-chang and others a l l had t h i s as t h e i r aim. The v i c t o r y i n the a n t i - r i g h t i s t struggle arid the great leap forward i n i n d u s t r y and a g r i c u l t u r e have caused bad things to t u r n i n t o good things and have enabled people to b e t t e r understand the danger and disadvantages of bourgeois e d u c a t i o n a l t h i n k i n g . The work i n the past nine years has given us experience and allowed us to e x p l a i n more c l e a r l y and s y s t e m a t i c a l l y our Party's p o l i c y of ed u c a t i o n a l work. The c h i e f mistake or defect i n our ed u c a t i o n a l work has been the divorce of education from productive l a b o r . The combination of productive labor w i t h education was a p o l i c y f i r s t put out by our Party i n 1934. Comrade Mao Tse-tung had already s a i d : "What i s the general p o l i c y f o r the Soviet c u l t u r e and education? I t i s to educate the broad masses of laborers i h the s p i r i t of communism, to make c u l t u r e and education serve the r e v o l u t i o n a r y war and the c l a s s struggle., to combine education w i t h labor and to enable the Chinese people to enjoy c i v i l i z a t i o n and happiness." In 1954 when the period of economic r e h a b i l i t a t i o n was completed and the f i r s t F i v e Year Plan was already In operation, the C e n t r a l Committee r a i s e d the question of adding productive labor to the schools' c u r r i c u l a . But the proposal encountered some ob s t r u c t i o n s and could not be i n s t i t u t e d . At the March 1967 n a t i o n a l conference on propaganda work', In an A p r i l 8, "People's D a i l y " e d i t o r i a l of the same year, and at the January 1958 meeting i n Nanning, the C e n t r a l Committee of the P a r t y . c o n t i n u a l l y s t r e s s e d i t s p o l i c y that education must be combined w i t h productive l a b o r . I t i s only now that the Party's p o l i c y has been c a r r i e d out on a nation-wide s c a l e . . Education must serve p o l i t i c s , must be combined w i t h productive l a b o r , and must be under the leadership of the Party; these three things 152 are i n t e r r e l a t e d . Education separated from productive labor must l e a d , to a degree, to the neglect of p o l i t i c s , and P a r t y leadership i n educational work. I n t h i s way, education w i l l be divorced from the r e a l i t i e s of our country and e v e n t u a l l y cause r i g h t d e v i a t i o n i s t and d o c t r i n a i r e mistakes. The combination of education w i t h productive labor i s a requirement of the s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n , of s o c i a l i s t c o n s t r u c t i o n , of the great goal of c o n s t r u c t i n g a communist s o c i e t y , and of the heed to develop our education w i t h greater, f a s t e r , b e t t e r , and more economical r e s u l t s . The s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n has as i t s aim the wiping out of a l l e x p l o i t -ing c l a s s e s , a l l systems of e x p l o i t a t i o n , i n c l u d i n g t h e i r remnants. At present, i n the s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n and on the economic f r o n t b a s i c v i c t o r y has been won, and on the p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l f r o n t s the s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n has a l s o achieved d e c i s i v e v i c t o r y . According to the Second Session of the E i g h t h N a t i o n a l Congress of the Chinese Communist Party our task i s "to continue to c a r r y out the s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n on the economic, p o l i t i c a l , and i d e o l o g i c a l f r o n t s while a c t i v e l y c a r r y i n g out the t e c h n i c a l and c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n s . " The c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n i s to enable a l l 600 m i l l i o n Chinese people to do productive work and study, w i t h the exception of those who cannot do t h i s . This means to make the masses of workers and peasants i n t e l l e c t u a l s and make i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n t o l a b o r e r s . Only when both masses of workers and peasants and I n t e l l e c t u a l s develop along the l i n e of making up what they lack w i l l i t be p o s s i b l e to thoroughly change the i r r a t i o n a l legacy of the o l d s o c i e t y and eradicate the backwardness of each. That i s to say, we must e l i m i n a t e the c u l t u r a l d e f i c i e n c y of the masses of workers and peasants and e l i m i n a t e the bourgeois t h i n k i n g of the I n t e l l e c t u a l s . Therefore, t h i s i s a very f a r - r e a c h i n g r e v o l u t i o n , one which r e q u i r e s that education serve working-class p o l i t i c s and the combina-t i o n of education w i t h productive l a b o r . Marx has s a i d : "The e a r l y combination of education w i t h productive labor i s one of the most powerful ways of transforming present-day s o c i e t y " ("Critique of the Gotha Program"). I t i s impossible to c a r r y through the c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n without combining education w i t h productive l a b o r . The c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n i s b e n e f i c i a l to the country, to masses of workers and peasants, and to the I n t e l l e c t u a l s . Only those who s t i c k to the standpoint of the bourgeoisie do not want such a r e v o l u t i o n . The bourgeois p o l i c y of education f o r i t s own sake and the p o l i c y of d i v o r c i n g mental from p h y s i c a l labor i s incompatible w i t h the s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n . S o c i a l i s t c o n s t r u c t i o n demands extreme e f f o r t , s t r u g g l i n g ahead w i t h s t r e n g t h , and a l s o i t demands i n d u s t r i o u s and t h r i f t b u i l d i n g of the country. S o c i a l i s t c o n s t r u c t i o n a l s o demands technique and c u l t u r e and the t r a i n i n g of large numbers of s o c i a l i s t minded and p r o f e s s i o n a l l y p r o f i c i e n t t e c h n i c i a n s i n conformity w i t h the p r i n c i p l e of a c h i e v i n g g r e a t e r , f a s t e r , b e t t e r , and more economical r e s u l t s . I n order to s a t i s f y these needs of s o c i a l i s t c o n s t r u c t i o n we must al s o combine education w i t h productive l a b o r . Lenin s a i d : " I f we do not combine the t r a i n i n g of the younger generation w i t h productive labor then i t w i l l be impossible to v i s u a l i z e the i d e a l of future s o c i e t y ; n e i t h e r t r a i n i n g and education without productive l a b o r , nor productive labor without p a r a l l e l t r a i n i n g and education could have been r a i s e d to the height demanded by present-day technique and the state of s c i e n t i f i c knowledge" ("Pearls of Narodniks' Hare-Brained Schemes" i n 153 "Educational I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , " 1956, V o l . V I ) . The p o l i c y of combining education w i t h productive labor w i l l c e r t a i n l y r a i s e high the q u a l i t y o f education, and t h i s i s so not only f o r i n t e l l e c t u a l education but f o r moral and p h y s i c a l as w e l l . The p o l i c y of d i v o r c i n g educational p o l i c y from productive labor cannot meet the needs of s o c i a l i s t c o n s t r u c t i o n . The future communist s o c i e t y w i l l be one of from each according to h i s a b i l i t y and to each according to h i s needs and a s o c i e t y i n which the d i f f e r e n c e s between town and country and between mental and manual labor . are e l i m i n a t e d . Our b i g leap forward i n i n d u s t r y and a g r i c u l t u r e has made the attainment of communism no longer a f a r d i s t a n t prospect. Marx and Engles, one hundred and ten years agOj i n the Communist Manifesto formulated ten measures to e s t a b l i s h a communist s o c i e t y which " i n the most advanced countries w i l l be g e n e r a l l y a p p l i c a b l e . " Of these ten measures the f i r s t e ight have already been c a r r i e d through i n our country through the adoption of methods s u i t a b l e to the a c t u a l c o n d i t i o n s , and the l a s t two which are beginning to be c a r r i e d out are: "the combination of a g r i c u l t u r e w i t h manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s , the gradual a b o l i t i o n of the d i s t i n c t i o n between town and country, and the combination of education w i t h productive c o n s t r u c t i o n . " Everyone can see that because of the a p p l i c a t i o n i n i n d u s t r i a l development of the p o l i c y of "developing i n d u s t r y and a g r i c u l t u r e simultaneously while g i v i n g p r i o r i t y to heavy i n d u s t r y ; c e n t r a l -i z i n g the l e a d e r s h i p , o v e r - a l l planning, proper d i v i s i o n of l a b o r , and c o o r d i n a t i o n to develop n a t i o n a l and l o c a l i n d u s t r i e s and l a r g e , s m a l l , and medium-sized e n t e r p r i s e s simultaneously" i n d u s t r y has a l s o appeared i n the r u r a l areas and a l s o the phenomenon of workers who are peasants and peasants who are workers has emerged. This phenomenon i s the bud of communist s o c i e t y . Because the p r i n c i p l e of combining education w i t h productive labor i s beginning to proceed, w i t h schools s e t t i n g up f a c t o r i e s and farms, and f a c t o r i e s and a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operatives s e t t i n g up schools on a large s c a l e , the phenomenon of students who are workers and peasants and workers and peasants who are students i s emerging. This k i n d of phenomenon al s o i s a bud of communist s o c i e t y . I t can be imagined, when our country enters i n t o communism our s o c i e t y ' s b a s i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s w i l l be many communes. With few exceptions, each b a s i c u n i t w i l l have workers, peasants, t r a d e r s , students, and m i l i t i a . Speaking of education, each b a s i c u n i t w i l l have i t s own primary schools and secondary schools and i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher l e a r n i n g ; at the same time, each person w i l l have the time to acquire education as both a labor e r and i n t e l l e c t u a l . Engles, i n the "Housing Question," a n t i c i p a t e d t h i s k i nd of s i t u a t i o n when he s a i d : " I t i s p r e c i s e l y because of t h i s k i n d of i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n that human labor and i t s productive power has been r a i s e d to such a high l e v e l that f o r the f i r s t time i n the h i s t o r y of humanity i t i s p o s s i b l e that w i t h a r a t i o n a l d i v i s i o n of labor among a l l , we can not only produce enough f o r the p l e n t i f u l consumption of a l l members of s o c i e t y and f o r a great reserve fund but can a l s o leave each person s u f f i c i e n t l e i s u r e so that what i s r e a l l y worth preserving i n h i s t o r i c a l l y i n h e r i t e d c u l t u r e — science, a r t , forms of i n t e r c o u r s e — m a y not only be preserved but be changed from a monopoly of the r u l i n g c l a s s i n t o the common property of the whole s o c i e t y and may be f u r t h e r developed." I n order to a t t a i n t h i s k i n d of prospect, our e d u c a t i o n a l work must not go i n the d i r e c t i o n of d i v o r c i n g mental and manual labor but. r a t h e r i n the d i r e c t i o n of combining mental w i t h manual labor and education w i t h productive l a b o r . 154 To get faster, better, and more economical results in education seems impossible to the bourgeois educationalist's. Since the beginning of last year the tremendous growth of educational work has proved that by applying the mass line in education it. is possible that education can develop greater, faster, and more economically. The combination of education with labor can cause education to become a warmly welcomed act ivi ty among the workers and peasants, and i t is an important method of arousing mass i n i -t iative In the setting up of schools. Under Party leadership.the principles of running schools by applying the mass line are: f i r s t , . t o combine unity with diversi ty . The purpose of training is unified, that is to train social ist minded, cultured workers; but central authorities, local authori-t ies , factories, mines, enterprises, and agricultural co-operatives can a l l run the schools, and the schools can take on varied forms. The schools can be full-time part-work part-study, or spare-time and they may collect fees or be free. The present spare-time schools, as production grows further and working hours can be shortened, w i l l be the same as the part-work part-study schools. As production greatly developes and public accumulation greatly r ises , the schools presently charging fees can similarly become free. Second, the universalization of education must be combined with the raising of educational levels , and the level of education must be raised on the basis of popularization, and popularization must be guided in order to raise the level of education. Some of the ful l - t ime, part-work part-study, and the spare-time schools take on the task of raising educational courses to popularize education. Because those schools which are popularizing are the part-work part-study schools, they are able to meet the whole or greater part of the expenditures themselves, find local teachers in accordance with the principle that "every capable person can teach" and can develop gradually with aid from the government in perfecting their curricula, equipment, and teaching staff . In schools where courses in labor are lacking, we should stress introducing courses in labor, and i n schools where basic courses are deficient the stress should be on introducing the basic courses so that both kinds of schools can develop those aspects that are lacking and more effectively apply the principle of combining theory with practice. Third, we must combine over-al l planning with decentralization, bring into play the i n i t i a t i v e of the various central government departments, the local authorities, and the masses in order to cause education to develop with greater, faster, and better economical results . Because of the guidance of the Party committees, the central and local authorities, in their planning of educational work, can develop education as fast as possible and enable this development to benefit, not hinder, the growth of production. Fourth, we must apply the mass line in the p o l i t i c a l , administrative, pedagogic, and research work of the schools. In these kinds of work i t is necessary to adopt the methods of open and free airing of views, tatsepao, and under the guidance of Party committees, the method of the "three combinations" (For example, the method can be adopted of combining, under the leadership of the Party committees, the efforts of the teachers and students in the working out of teaching plans and programs, and i n teaching, the method can be adopted of invit ing people with practical experience to give lectures, in accordance with the teachers in special f ields a l l under the. leadership of the Party and so on) and between leaders and rank and f i l e , between teachers and students to establish democratic relations of equality thereby changing the old, i r ra t ional relations. Experience has already indicated that where these methods have been adopted great achievements have been made. 155 Before education can be combined w i t h l a b o r , a struggle must be waged and i t must be a p r o t r a c t e d one. Why? Because t h i s i s a r e v o l u t i o n i n o p p o s i t i o n to the o l d t r a d i t i o n s i n educational work which have been around f o r thousands of years. The p r i n c i p l e of separating mental labor from manual labor i n the f i e l d of educational work has already dominated f o r thousands of years. A l l the c l a s s e s i n h i s t o r y have adhered to t h i s p r i n c i p l e . Over two thousand years ago, Confucius opposed the combining of education w i t h productive labor and condemned as a "small man" Fan Chih who "requested to be taught husbandry" and "requested to be taught gardening Mencius opposed Hsu Hsing and s a i d , "Those who labor w i t h t h e i r minds govern others; those who labor w i t h t h e i r strength are governed by others; those who are governed by others support them; those who govern others are supported by them. This i s a p r i n c i p l e u n i v e r s a l l y recognized." On t h i s point bourgeois pedagogues are i n complete agreement w i t h Confucius and Mencius. Education was o r i g i n a l l y combined w i t h productive labor but was separated i n c l a s s s o c i e t y . Now they must be again combined. The eighteenth century Utopian s o c i a l i s t s F o u r i e r and Owen were the f i r s t to put forward the idea of combining education w i t h productive l a b o r . Marx, Engles, and Lenin a l l supported t h i s i d e a . Marx, i n V o l . I of C a p i t a l expressed the view that a part-work part-study school was p r e f e r a b l e to f u l l - t i m e schooling f o r c h i l d r e n . In "The D i r e c t i v e s to the Delegates of the P r o v i s i o n a l C e n t r a l C o u n c i l on Some Questions" Marx suggested "In a r a t i o n a l s o c i a l order every c h i l d from the age of nine must become a pro-ductive worker;" he maintained that c h i l d r e n from age nine to age twelve should, e i t h e r at home or i n a workshop do two hours work every day, c h i l d r e from t h i r t e e n years to f i f t e e n years of age should do four hours, and c h i l d r e n from s i x t e e n to seventeen years of age should do s i x hours of work. He b e l i e v e d that "the combination of remunerative productive l a b o r , mental education, p h y s i c a l e x e r c i s e , and p o l y t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g can r a i s e the working c l a s s a good deal above the middle and higher c l a s s e s . " Marx once pr e d i c t e d that "there i s no doubt, that the working c l a s s must come i n t o power, and when i t does t e c h n i c a l i n s t r u c t i o n , both t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l , w i l l take i t s proper place w i t h i n the working c l a s s schools" ( C a p i t a l V o l . I ) . Only i n a s o c i a l i s t country led by the working c l a s s and the Communist Party, can the p r i n c i p l e of combining education w i t h productive labor be put i n t o e f f e c t and be of great use to r e v o l u t i o n and c o n s t r u c t i o n . Marx's prophecy w i l l be r e a l i z e d i n our country. We must r e a l i z e that to put i n t o e f f e c t the combination of education w i t h productive labor means we must f i g h t w i t h the o l d t r a d i t i o n s that have e x i s t e d f o r thousands of years. I f we do not have the communist s t y l e of knocking down o l d i d o l s , burying doctr.inairism, d aring to t h i n k , speak, and do, and i f we do not have the c r e a t i v e s p i r i t of combining the u n i v e r s a l t r u t h s of Marxism w i t h the concrete r e a l i t i e s of our country then we cannot succeed C u r r e n t l y , i n our educational work, vigorous e f f o r t s are being made to p u l l down the o l d and set up the new. Bourgeois ideas and d o c t r i n a i r e ideas are being broken down, and new M a r x i s t e d u c a t i o n a l t h e o r i e s , systems, methods, c u r r i c u l a , and school systems s u i t e d to our country are being created. The foundations of t h i s e d u cational r e v o l u t i o n are sound and s o l i d The M a r x i s t d o c t r i n e of h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m teaches us that the super-s t r u c t u r e must conform to the economic base. The p o l i t i c a l system i s the superstructure, the concentrated expression of economics. Education comes 156 Into the category of ideology and i s a l s o a superstructure; i t serves p o l i t i c s . Class s o c i e t y has e x i s t e d f o r over a thousand years and has had slave-owner ownership, l a n d l o r d ownership, and c a p i t a l i s t ownership as I t s economic base. Conforming to these types of ownership are p o l i t i c a l systems such as slave-owner, l a n d l o r d , and bourgeois d i c t a t o r s h i p s . The types of education that serve these d i c t a t o r s h i p s of the slave-owners, the la n d l o r d s , and the bourgeoisie d i f f e r from each other but a l l have t h i s i n common that education i s divorced from productive labor and mental and manual labor are separated. Furthermore, manual labo r e r s are despised. The separation of mental from manual labor i s a need of a l l e x p l o i t i n g c l a s s e s i n c l u d i n g the bo u r g e o i s i e . I n our s o c i e t y s o c i a l i s t ownership i s the economic base. The p o l i t i c a l system s u i t e d to s o c i a l i s t ownership i s p r o l e t a r i a n d i c t a t o r s h i p . Our education serves p r o l e t a r i a n d i c t a t o r s h i p and t h e r e f o r e , our education contrary t o the o l d t r a d i t i o n s which have p e r s i s t e d f o r thousands of years must put i n t o p r a c t i c e the p r i n c i p l e of combining education w i t h productive labor i n order to e l i m i n a t e the d i f f e r e n c e between mental and manual labor and t h i s a l s o means wiping out a l l of the s u r v i v i n g systems of e x p l o i t a t i o n that have e x i s t e d i n h i s t o r y so that a l l mankind may enter into- communist s o c i e t y . The p o l i c y of combining education w i t h productive labor i s needed by the working c l a s s and a l l other working people. This p o l i c y conforms to the people's d e s i r e s and w i l l c e r t a i n l y p r e v a i l . On the other hand, the p o l i c y of d i v o r c i n g mental from manual labor inasmuch as i t does not conform to the s o c i a l i s t economic base, and the needs of the people w i l l e v e n t u a l l y be discarded by the people even though i t may have e x i s t e d as t r a d i t i o n f o r thousands of years. With p o l i t i c s i n command and under the leadership of the Par t y and by r a l l y i n g the e n t i r e P a r t y and a l l e ducational workers to oppose the educational p o l i c i e s of the bourgeoisie and at the same time apply the Party's educational p o l i c y we can c a r r y through our c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n so that a l l of our 600 m i l l i o n people w i l l be able to do productive work and w i l l be able to study thereby changing them i n t o new men who are both laborers and i n t e l l e c t u a l s . SOURCE: Hong'qi (Red Flag) (No. 7, September 1, 1958). 157 L A 'ipsa d&i}}>*&&*j<i%:®m&> >bmrif&*'j?%. i f f . B 3 & E m i f c » R T . S < a * s m s i T . »3ft:CT^WfS8, x^#»33J**7fr, M T j r m f f i M T ^ S ^ x fits?!;, fflSTBfcSg^fllKlSK, ffist&WftMBfc&W. M f a l f c W M , £*n s^siE#8re#^rBih&^&jR&EiBft. j g i f a ^ f i i f t & a ^ ^ c a ^ * , a r e n a ft»W*«f-»?a3&: 3 & & » t i & W f t 1 r S £ ® ^ -. 2 • 1958^ 159 &mt*ij&&m, m&Twtm, ^&aim\ %r®&m'&%3mr--mA, JHS* m&t*5kA!8%Si, ^ibfrwi. sarcasm, 'm?&&nt<kft&a -^nt^n^ * " W * f i » t o ^ i n m ^ & E f r s t s i s ^ r a , w a a £ & f f i # a * k . BHsaw&jgja • e *ftSft_a2a^S5j5fi3feSK6SA, &#£BSS®ffi^fl&A, BBfl(ii5fcj£, jf«fga ©sash *mwmmzcc{n'Mi&, « B W T « ^ S , a i ^ a a . /PIS, & # » A t f e t f e f f i & g ^ , a & f & n r s M j i a ^ * i ^ f o s f c « a a « i 160 . •. a f i f t & f f x f l s * , « s ' t ^ w t f ] « ' , &&#6& ; ' H # a & n to s & ' « i . j T S i a i s - a i s a j & n , s s T ^ r i s ^ s ^ ^ — ^ 3 ^ ^ m s j s e & ' ^ % m & : t $ £ 3 b c—> smm&frm, ( - ) — a H M « I mtm 1 ' sur«. &ntt&itifM%±-r, nm&Rfr&> •xmm&m, mx&tt, tun**. 7-mt&jmw, mtt&M-ma^ tetrxmrnM. pFhtmcug® . 4 . y 1958^ s m & i & s t s , ^ tbAzmx, mmwrnm, ^ mmm^mi,^. mm. ®%7t^&&* tt±m-&Kmmsa, sum* warn* -5kfc®. ^mwR^. 2fc#, »*WflSJfc35gfo ffiAWBfcFK, B ^ A ^ & i r ^ , ^ M J b W S , ^ i f i ^ A R t t g t f f . K + B & W a^^iSPJfl& f f S , te^SW£#J^M5ff3fc5& JL WIE»W&» te^£*MT4'!&^^7«&&-TO tst mAtim&fta^^fir^fijj-?!'^w^fi^Bia". ^ w m i V d & ^ r i m ^ • a . : * ^ £ « f s i k IM*/ |. . © M i l ' , tt»ft&. JEL2®MJ:fl«llfc^^»^85EfiI, 4 ^ « ^ 4 ^ f l £ * f l W ?m&w&myiAm*, &mt£8&x%m33£®, m-^^x^^B.mm^ mm%-"&&*w>i"io' (mm-. "-Kmxj&w) ^ t e s k x A ^ s x i k ^ ? * * ^ . . 6 . ' l 9 5 8 ^ 163 £&&mte$ri3:xy&£, ftwMmiimm?<£<m, ffi^ff'syrofibs^ffs &#M#PIS*J&!&> 3C&Jfi:&£&fl&&3&, H * & # 1 B M ; P ^ -frft*," 5 & F f t & » & * i S f c ^ r s S - ^ * S , # J ^ i £ ^ W & M A 3 S M - : & ' & . ' wacKiss&iiWA. s t M S ' S t i t f , ^#^M3?ffia^s^ 0 %m}mmw£ jj&MA. aSfifcS^MSJaWA, M x a x t d U , SfcSXATOftilSfca-^, • a s * P l g ^ 7 - « X A . &wMm*mv£mm-ifjj£u mt&mmttm%, m*mrvt&mmrn^ns& « £ # S a ? F E T I I M W ± X 6 & 8 i @ j «&JfiIf«i#&+a«TS?B3fcltiV s £ « 7 s ^ ^ r f t M , x & i B ^ r e & i w g f f l , A « J t . W J & ^ a M ^ a ^ u i ^ , ^ w i g f c t f - t S f i & K ^ f e * , . s ^ * w a . 8 • ' 1958^ 165 ifcW^ifei^-Sfr^, i « h ^ X ¥ ^ J 0 K 8 S » , dfeiit^ X«fig2Fr13!J35fl«J, ^ "k^rs^ferBrStsiiBfiaAffa, ^ ® » s # t o ^ ^ a s r K - s i w f e 166 gffifBSTi • & & W f i 3 t o a & r * 8 £ ; e * \ ft^5J4HS2cSXik6txfrr!l} *£Ei7 a ££XiIkf t£&Mtf j&#T, xikfngc.vi!iMB-t#^5 M « x r ^ J ^ c ^ f r i f c ^ T ^ ^ , #Sff iS7#£f l lXA8U&, XA&JUP^f t f a ##3£S87J&#BIK£, m&Af£K8U£.mO£&~&?lrT^g£*f£&SI#xfi<j# ^ j K f e B h a W S l * f n ^ ^ S f c ^ f f i ! ^ ^ , "3&7£Sl3&f I' • 10. , . 19583s 167 *HtittfcWtt9ttt H#JM*x^KWJfoik&#j, s B f a g s , TO .tmWM&, X ^ W ^ f a f n t ^ f a f ^ f e &M£m?@i&£M&.'tfo S E W S ttftf&xfe, ^ffixfjs* 's&^xflsBiwgBxff**, «a®xfi5*S5ifcfc«&,*iS:,*^ nitons, aim%#®#Tft&BHit>s."fifj*s wpk%&mfrkftW^nm®?s mmAwiirik&m&m&mtt&mm , ^tm^-^m^±mt ~&m?m E » S 7 J L F ^ f££±fa-iMtM, «E#&>M&CIW. —^#Jpjxffj-, Jl=m b, ft-#.fr#f&A, ^ ^ f & ^ A , in¥A%'££A, J8A3&¥A, 5^T^MS-tlL0o S5 7 S3 .11. 168 ' fcXABfrfeffiiSfSlJfc ^ , - b » M # ^ f a 7 K ^ 0 " I S S f ^ t S : XAEfr £®J& & 0 " ( "S f*sr"ss -S ) K 5 i r « x A ^ ^ * r % ® ^ w t t ^ ^ f r t s s s s s , a t / '•ftjftjffiifj&it-, SkTSSBfeSBfi, MW%t&3iX, JR^iSasSfifcfiS^r^XRIft , a f f K,"fe3Er^Sl^®: . ^ f a i f c W & ^ ^ B r M - ^ M ^ f a , Bffi«ff3fa&W, £ e g£W-¥f t / *<£«S&fa#£h AXAEfr«afn-§J^3frARJ9fS35fi?i. ^ X f a ^ - ^ a S S J l i , *flteAf«&ffi3?, S ^ J L i ^ « r f H & , A S $ »i&a!«r, #5£fa®^T, mmmt, m&-'WzimmwfiiJiftm, u.nf&* ^ f c A P A A f i S f e / * , A A i £ # 3 , &%&&&$m-3Ukto'$&'=f'tfy®A. • .13. • •' . • \1958# 

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